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LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF
:majoe-geneeal
SIPi JOHX MALCOLM, G.C.B,
LATK ENVOY TO PEESIA, AXD GOVERNOR OF BOMBAY ;
FliOJI
UNPUBLISHED LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
JOHN WILLIAM KAYE,
AUTHOR OP THE LIEE OE LOUD METCAXEE," " THE HISTORY OF THE WAR IN
AFGHANISTAN," &C.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. IL
LONDON :
SMITH, ELDER, AND CO., 65, CO EN HILL.
BOMBAY: SMITH, TAYLOE, AND CO.
MDCCCLVI.
\_The right of Translotion is reserved. '\
CONTENTS OF TOL 11.
CHAPTER I.
SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
[1810.]
PAGE
Voyage to Busliire— Malcolm's Literary Pm-suits— Lindsay Bethime^
Advance to Shii-az — Reception there — Murder of Captain Grant —
Malcolm's Sorrow— March to the Royal Camp— Sir Harford Jones—
Malcobi's Reception by the King— Drilling the Persian Army — De-
partiu-e of the Mission — Incidents at Baghdad — Return to Bombay . 1
CHAPTER II.
AN INTEKVAL OF KEST.
[1811-1816.]
Residence at Bombay— Adjustment of Accounts — Literaiy Labors —
Mackintosh, Elphinstoue, and Martyn — The Madras Controversy —
Return to England — Visit to the North — Burnfoot and Abbotsford —
Parliamentary Examination — Personal Objects — Correspondence with
Wellington 54
CHAPTER III.
AETER WATERLOO.
[1815.]
Arrival at Ostend— Journey to Paris— Reception by the Duke of "Wel-
lington—Conversations with the Duke— Sight-seeing and Savans —
The Prussian Army — Destruction of Works of Art — Humboldt—
Walter Scott — Journey to Chalons — Review of the Russian Army —
Its Character and Constitution— Return to Paris— To England — Last
Year at Home — Preparations for Departure to India ... 97
• »»£*{ a daJ
iv CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
THE CIKCriT or THE KESIDENCIES.
[1S17.]
PAGE
Voyage to Madi-as — Rcccptiou there — CoiTespoudeuce ■with Lord Hast-
ings — Visit to Calcutta — Political and Militarj- Employment — Visits
to Mysore, Hyderabad, Poonah, and Nagpoor — Malcohn joins the
Army of the Dcccau 114
CHAPTER V.
MEHIDPOOK.
[1S17.]
Olijccts of the War — Extent of our Operations — Uneasiness at the ?*lah-
ratta Courts — Conduct of the Peishwali and the Bhoonsla — Proceed-
ings in Holkar's Camp — Advance of Sir John Malcolm's Division —
Negotiations with Holkar's Wakeels — The Battle of Mehidpoor —
Defeat and Pursuit of Holkar 1S6
CHAPTER VI.
THE SURKENDER OE THE PEISHWAH.
[1S18.]
The Treaty with Holkar — Settlement of the Country — Approach of Badjee
Rao — Overtures— Negotiations with the Pcishwah — Terms Offered—
Vacillation of Badjee Rao — His Surrender — Discussions with the Su-
preme Government— The Terms considered 225
CHAPTER A'll.
ASSEERGHUR.
[1818.]
Dispersion of the Peishwah's Followers — Mutiny of the Arabs— Sup-
pressed by Malcolm— Departure of Badjee Rao for Hindostan— Im-
provement of the Country— The Assye Festival— Malcolm's Character
as an Administrator— Appa-Sahib and Cheetoo — The Siege of Asscer-
ghur — Its Surrender 2C)7
CONTENTS. V
CHAPTER VIII.
CENTEAL INDIA.
[1819—1821.]
PAQE
The Bombay Government — Malcolm's Disappointment — Correspondence
on the Subject— Solicited to Remain in Central India— His System of
Administration — The Madras Government — The Malwah Report —
Contemplated Return to England 299
CHAPTER IX.
COBRESPONDENCE.
[1817—1821.]
9
Correspondence on Various Subjects — Treatment of Native Princes —
Progress of Russia in the East — Christianity in India — Management
of the Natives — Maintenance of the Native States — The Sovereignty
of Oude — Uses of the Court of Directors— Et csetera . . . 353
CHAPTER X. ■
OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
[1821—1822.]
Departure from Bombay — Voyage to Egypt — Journey to Cairo— Inter-
view with Mehemet AH — Incidents in the Mediterranean— Naples and
Rome — Switzerland and France — Post-haste to England . . .397
CHAPTER XI.
HTDE HALL.
[1822—1827.]
Reasons for Settling in the Country — Hyde Hall — Malcolm's Hospita-
lities — Hare, "WheweU, and Sedgwick — Thoughts of fresh Service-
Literary Pursuits — Visits to Ireland, France, and Scotland — Persia
and Russia — Personal Anecdotes 415
CHAPTER XII.
PREFERMENT.
[1824—1827.]
Promptings of Ambition— Resignation of Sir T. Munro— Contest for the
Madras Government — Appointment of Mr. Lushington — Malcolm's
Pension— Thoughts of the Direction — Appointment to the Bombay
Government — The Farewell Dinner 458
VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER Xlll.
THE BOMBAY GOVERNMENT.
[1827—1830.]
PAGi;
The Voyage Out — lleccptiou at Bombay — Duties of the Govcrnmcut —
Economical Reform — Eucroachmeuts of the Supreme Court— Collision,
with the Judges— Provincial Tours — Administrative Measures— Kuz-
2uraua— Rcsigualiou of the Government 19. j
CHAPTER XIV.
TUE END.
[1831—1833.] '
Departure i'roiu India — Journey through Egypt— Meeting with Lord
Clare — Mehemet All — England — Parliament — The Reform BiU — Can-
vass for Dumfries-sliire — Meeting with Cobbett— The India Charter —
The Last Days of Sir Jolm Malcolm— Death oj]
Appendix ()2o
THE
LIFE OF SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
CHAPTER I.
SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
[ISIO.]
VOYAGE TO BTJSniUE — MALCOLM's LITERAKY PTJUSUITS — LINDSAY BETIIUNE —
advance to suikaz — ueception theke — murder of captain grant —
Malcolm's sorrow — march to tue royal camp — sir harford jones —
Malcolm's reception by the king — drilling the Persian army — de-
parture OF THE MISSION — INCIDENTS AT BAGHDAD — RETURN TO BOMBAY.
On the 1 Otli of January, the JPsyche, accompanied by
the James Sibhald and other vessels, put out to sea ;
and Malcohn was again thrown back upon his pubHc
spirit for relief under the depressing circumstances of do-
mestic separation.* The first day on board ship was a
sad one ; but he soon recovered the healthy tone of his
mind ; shook off all vain regrets and repinings ; and
plunged deeply into literary work. He had set himself a
* He always said lliat he had he- ordinary, hut not on great occasions ;
come a better puhhc servant since for they must he strangers to tlie purest
his marriage. " I will not allow-," he and noblest motive tluit can iill the
wrote in his first day's journal, "that breast of a man — that of leavino- a
bachelors are better public servants good and great name to his children,
than married men. Tlicy may be on as a rich and proud inheritance."
VOL. II. B
Z SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
task, and lie now applied himself to it with all his might.
His Political History of India was to be the growth of
this voyage to the Gulf. " I am resolved," he wrote,
" to allow no circumstances to prevent my finishing a
work which ma}^, at a moment like the present, prove
of much public utihty."
But although at certain hours of the day he threw
himself earnestly and vigorously into his appointed work,
he by no means buried himself in his cabin, or shunned
the society of the ship. There were few merrier men
than Captain Edgecumbc ; and many were the hearty
laughs which he and Malcolm enjoyed together. The
wind was for some time very languid ; so the passengers
of the Sibhald were enabled often to go on board the
JPsyche ; and there were many pleasant social gatherings,
at which songs were sung, and stories were told, and
jokes passed about; and every one did his best to con-
tribute something to the general stock of amusement.
Malcolm lived very temperately at this time, took regular
exercise, and enjoyed excellent health. Every morning
saw hiui at work before breakfast at the club-exercise,
walking the deck, and playing at single-stick; and he
Avrote with exultation that his figure had decreased in
girth, and the muscles of his arms expanded. The ship
made little progress ; but he said that his History made
more ;* so he did not complain of the delay.
Chi the 26th, the little fleet was off Muscat, where
Malcolm received letters which it did him good to read.
A packet from Bussorah brought " accounts of a glorious
victory gained by Sir Arthur Wellesley by land, and
* "Writing at this time in Lis jour- kuow of Indian Cottages and Courts."
nal w-ith reference to his literary pur- It is greatly to be regretted that this,
suits, jMalcolm says : " I contemiilate book was never written. It would have
in my leisure hours in England a book been even more interesting than the
of Memoirs, which will be full of cha- Slcefches of Fersia.
ractcristic anecdotes, and give all I
AEEIVAL AT BUSHIRE. 3
another by Lord Collingwoocl at sea." Letters were
also received from Cajotain Pasley, conveying intelli-
gence that the account of Malcolm's approach was " re-
ceived as he could wish at Teheran." " I have no doubt
of my reception at Com-t," he wrote in his journal, " but
I expect, while on the road to Teheran, to hear of Sir
Harford's confirmation, and of Mr. Morier's return with
a letter from King George to his Majesty of Persia, and
then my embarrassment will be complete."
Leaving Mr. Hanky Smith to transact some necessary
business with the Imaum of Muscat, Malcolm, taking
advantage of a favorable breeze, sailed into the Gulf.
But baffling winds soon set in, and the progress of the
FsycJie was very tedious. Meanwhile, however, the
Political History was hastening towards a conclusion.
"We have still a contrary wind," he wrote on the 10th
of February to his wife. " Nothing can be more vexa-
tious. I have one more consolation beside that of this
wind blowing my packet to you, Avhicli is, that my poli-
tical sketch gets on apace. Five chapters are finished
and corrected; and the sixth and last is commenced
this mornino;. I beo-in now to look forward with o-reat
delight to that enchanting word Finis. The moment I
write it, I will have a jubilee. I mean to dance, hunt,
shoot, and play myself, and let who will write histories,
memoirs, and sketches."*
At last, on the 13th of February, the Fsyche entered
the roadstead of Bushire. On the following clay, at-
tended by all the chief people of the place, Malcolm
landed. After paying a visit to the Governor, he pro-
ceeded to the house of Mr. Bruce, some three miles off
* He sent his MS. from Bushire to expressed my hope that he will not be
Sii- James Mackintosh, " whose mas- sparing — that he will antici])ate appro-
terly pen," he wrote, " will correct the bation to everything that he does, and
faults with which they abound. I have that he will make no references."
B 2
4 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
in tlie country. " Our cavalcade was very numerous,"
he wrote in his journal, "and the uncommon attention
paid to me appeared as if that joy at my return which
was written on all their faces was heartfelt and sincere.
When we were at the Governor's, old Hadjee Ismael, a
respectable merchant of eighty-two years of age, took
the lead in the conversation. He expressed, in the name
of all, their joy at my revisiting Persia. The King, he
said, had given a proof of true greatness in anxiously
requiring the presence of a man who had told him the
honest truth with a bluntness which kings were not in
the habit of hearincf."
All through the months of February and March, and
up to the middle of April, Malcolm and his suite re-^
mained encamped at Bushire. He had despatched the
letter to the King of which he was the bearer, and Avas
waiting his Majesty's order to advance. He appears to
have spent his time between literature and the chase.
He was working hard at the completion of his Political
History; but he was delighted to find himself on horse-
back again, and he knew 'that, in Persia, the equestrian
exercises, in which he excelled, w^ere not matters only of
private delight.* On the Gth of March, he was able to
Avrite in his journal, "I have written the w^ord Finis to
my Sketch, and am as joyful as I can be in absence. I
will write no more to-day, but go and make up parties
to hunt, and shoot, and ride, and revel in all the delights
* The Persians hold good liorseman- uncomforta])l_y in tlie saddle. The bad
shipinsuchestiniatiou, that tliey would horsemanship of the sailor provoked
have thouglit little of an ambassador some merriment on shore ; but on the
v/ho was not at home in the saddle, following day a Persian trader, who
A curious illustration of this occurred knew a little English, happening to go
when ^Malcolm was at Bushire. The on board the ship, said to Mr. W ,
purser of one of the ships, Mr. W , wlien the sul)ject was referred to, " You
went on shore to see Mr. Smith, and need not be under any uneasiness. I
was put on the back of a capering told the people that you ride very well,
Arab, only to be thrown about very but that you were very drunk."
LINDSAY BETHUNE.
of idleness." There were a number of active, high-
spirited youths with him, who rejoiced to serve under a
master as fond of sport as themselves. It was his plea-
sure, as he felt it was his duty, to train them for Oriental
travel; and when any of them made an excursion into
the interior for purposes either of business or pleasure,
he sent them forth slenderly equipped, and especially
exhorted them against the use of knives and forks. All
such emblems of Western civilisation were to be denied
to men who were in trainins; for Eastern heroes. There
were some noble specimens of manhood among them.
Among others was an artillery officer, little more than
eighteen years of age, whose gigantic stature was the
Avondor and the admiration of the Persians.* The fame
of young Lindsay's proportions reached far into the inte-
rior. When the bearer of Malcolm's letters to the King and
the Prince-Regent reached Shiraz, the latter was eager
in his inquiries about the " tall man." The messenger,
after satisfying the Prince's inquiries, told his Koyal
Highness, that the greatest wonder of all was, that al-
though seven feet high, he was only a lad of eighteen,
and might grow another cubit. One morning, as ]\Ial-
colm was sitting in his tent^ he was delighted by hearing
a Persian call out to one of Lindsay's servants, " Is your
date-tree asleep or awake ?" We may be sure that
there was no want of laughter in camp at this ligure of
speech, and need not question that the Envoy laughed
the loudest of the party.
On the 15th of March, Malcolm received intelligence to
the effect that his Mehmendar, or entertainer, had been ap-
pointed in the person of a nobleman of rank, who was then
* Lindsay — aftenvards Sir Henry He distinguished himself by many acts
Lindsay Bethunc — with better fortune of heroic gallantry, Avliich caused him
than some of liis comrades, lived to a to be regarded by the Persians as a
ripe old age. The greater part of his veritable Koostum — not in stature
life -was spent with the Persian army, alone.
6 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA,
on his way do^vn to Busliire. Two clays afterwards he
made his appearance, and was received in a distinguished
manner by the Engiii^h Envoy. But Malcohii would not
commence his march to Teheran until he had received
an answer to the letters which he had forwarded to the
King. EEe was greatly pleased with his new friend — a
young man of prepossessing appearance and polished
manners ; and there was every chance of continued
harmony between them. He was assured, too, that the
King was dehghted at his approach, and would welcome
his old friend with demonstrations of the sincerest affec-
tion and respect. The Prince-Regent, too, who ten
years before, by asserting unjustifiable pretensions, had
compelled Malcolm to contend manfully for the support
of his ambassadorial dignity, now mindful of the past,
addressed him a letter in the style of an equal.* The
preparations for the march, therefore, were commenced
with good heart f in spite of the embarrassing intelligence
of Jones's movements, which came in from time to time
to perplex and annoy Malcolm ; and when at last, on the
8th of April, the firman of the King of Kings was received,
with becoming pomp — the " tall man" firing a royal
salute, the escort drawn up as a guard of honor, and
Malcolm pressing the letter to his forehead and his lips
— much did not remain to be done to complete the
equipment of the Mission. A week afterwards they
commenced then- march for the Persian capital.
* That is a Moorasaleli, uot a Tir- is made a peer. He deserves a diike-
tnan. Sec ante, vol. i., page 113. dom. I also see with joy that your
t Whilst Malcolm was busying him- father is to be rewarded by being made
self with these preparations, intelli- a baronet for the eminent gallantry
gencc of the victory of Talavera was and good conduct he displayed on the
received at Busliire. On many ac- glorious field of Talavera. " How for-
counts it was extremely gratifying to tunate your father has been in having
him. " I liavc just read/' he wrote such an opportunity of distinguishing
m -the journal kept for his wife, " that himself. How different is my lot."
my noble friend, Sir Ai-thur Wellcsley,
RECEPTION AT SHIRAZ. 7
Travelling often more than twenty miles in the day,
tliey approached Shiraz on the 27th of Ax^ril. The
Chief Minister of the province went out to greet the
English Envoy, and to conduct him to the presence of
the Prince-Regent. Malcolm entered the city in great
state. The cavalcade was an imposing one. Lindsay,
witli his galloper-guns, and the escort of European
draojoons, excited the boundless admkation of the Per-
sians, and contrasted not unfavorably with the more
Oriental components of the show. All the principal civil
and military officers of the Government, with a large
body of troops and an immense concourse of people,
met the British Mission as it advanced. About a mile
from the city, Malcolm's camp had been pitched on an
eminence near the gardens of the vice-regal palace. There
he and his suite dismounted, embraced the Persian officers,
led them to a tent, and regaled them after the usual
fashion with pipes and coifee. All seemed rejoiced to
see him, and many welcomed him as an old friend.
On the following day the Prince-Regent received him
with graceful courtesy and kindness. When ten yeai's
before they had met at Shiraz, the Prince was a mere
boy, and therefore only an instrument in the hands of the
chief officers of his Court. He had now grown into a
man of a lovely person and engaging manners, polished,
and yet frank ; and ahogether of a bearing and de-
meanour such as inspire confidence and affection. He
deplored what he called the necessities of state, which
had compelled him two years before to discourage Mal-
colm's advance into the Persian territory ; declared that
both he and his father had been pained by the sudden
retirement of their old friend, and were now as much
rejoiced at his presence as they were before grieved at
his departure. And these good words he supported by
continual acts of courtesy and kindness. The Mission
8 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
was received with all honor. The Prince and his Mi-
nister* invited Malcolm and his associates to imposing
reviews by day and sumptuous entertainments by night ;
and for some little time there was nothing but gaiety and
meniment and common joy.
But a shadow, and a dark one, soon passed over Mal-
colm's happiness. On the 6th of May he received in-
telligence that two of the officers of his suite had been
barbarously murdered on the Turkish frontier. Soon
after the arrival of the Mission at Bushire, Malcolm had
despatched two officers in advance to Baghdad and two
to Bussorah, with instructions to join him on the road to
Teheran. To the former place, Captain Grant and Lieu-
tenant Fotheringham had been sent; to the latter, Cap-
tain Macdonald and Lieutenant Monteith. They went
in search of information relative to the countries through
which they travelled. Our want of geographical in-
formation relative to the frontier-lands of Persia and
Turkey had been seriously felt in all our considerations
of the means of defence against the advance of an Euro-
pean enemy ; and Malcolm determined, that if he accom-
plished nothing else, he would add something to our avail-
able stores of knowledge. He was accompanied by men
eager to venture upon imtrodden fields of enterprise and
inquiry ; and he boasted that he was turning his young
friends into expert travellers. When, therefore, intelli-
gence reached hun that Captain Grant and Lieutenant
Fotheringham had been murdered on their way from
Baghdad, the crievous tidino;s smote him to the heart.
From the account which Malcolm received, it appeared
that the ill-fated gentlemen, on leavmg Baghdad about
* Tlic minister was Maliomed IS'cb- (which he used as a pretext for ad-
bee Khan, brother-in-law of Hadjec vaneing eertain pecuniary claims of his
Khalil Khan, who was killed at Bom- own), but had been coldly received by
bay. Ncbbce Khan had afterwards Sir George Barlow. He was little
been sent to India on a friendly mission better than a sordid adventui-cr.
MURDER OF CAPTAIN GRANT. 9
the end of March, determined to proceed by a different
route from that which Malcohii had indicated. In vain
did Mr. Rich* represent that the road lay through a
defile infested by a robber-gang, under the command of
a notorious chief. Captain Grant laughed to scorn all
idea of danger ; he sought no advice, and he would take
none. He had accompanied Malcolm ten years before
on his first mission to Persia, and had penetrated into
unexplored parts of the country. This had given him
confidence in himself; and he said that one who had
travelled through Mekran had nothing to fear in the
countries which he was then about to explore. He had
taken with him, too, contrary to the system which Mal-
colm took so much pains to enforce upon his assistants,
a large amount of baggage, including " a showy tent,"
and a numerous retmuc of people. Against this also
Mr. Rich remonstrated in vain. Grant and his party
started; and so little pains did he take to secure the
safety of himself and his followers, that he left the Resi-
dent in a state of uncertainty respecting the route which
he intended to take.f The consequences of this im-
prudence might be foreseen. On reaching the defile, he
was met by the robber-chief and a party of horsemen.
They professed friendly intentions, and persuaded Grant
and his friends to alight and refresh themselves. Then
they fell upon the travellers. Grant was shot dead as
he attempted to regain his horse. The rest were seized
and carried about prisoners for four days, at the end of
which Kelb Ah, the robber-chief, separated the Christians
from the Mussulmans, and suffered the latter to depart.
Then the Christians were brouoht forth to the sacrifice.
* Mr. Rich (a sou-iu-law of Sir t ^^^'- ^idi 'i^i^^ procured from the
James Mackintosh), a youug gentle- Pacha all the necessary orders to securp
man of extraordiuary attaimneuts, was Captain Grant a safe passage by a dif-
theu Resident at Baghdad. fereut route.
10 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
Mr. Fotlierino-liam and three Armenian servants were
placed in a row, and asked whether they would become
Mussulmans or die? They preferred death to apostacy;
and one after another they were shot dead upon the spot.
How deeply Malcolm felt this misadventure may he
gathered from the following entries in his private journal.
He asked himself again and again if it had been caused
by any imprudence of his own. His understandmg told
him that it had not ; but his heart reproached him all
the same. In the fulness of his sorrow he even lamented
the faculty, which he so eminently possessed, of inspiring
others with enterprise and zeal :
" jMat/ 6. — I have this moment (he wrote) been shocked be-
yond expression. Poor Grant and Fotheringham are, I fear, mur-
dered on the frontiers of Turkey by a body of thieves. I cannot
enter into any account of this horrid event— my feelings are too
acute. Though I liave only obeyed my orders, I am quite mise-
rable ; and however conscious of only having done my duty, and
that I could neither foresee nor guard against what has happened,
I cannot but think at times that I am to blame in having de-
tached them ; and yet God knows I had every ground to believe
that there was hardly any risk in their journey, and I hoped n"iuch
valuable information w^ould be obtained. Grant is a real public
loss. He was a man of zeal, courage, enterprise, and kno^^ ledge ;
and Fotheringham gave promise of being a most excellent ofEcer.
There could not be a finer or better young man in the world.
Poor fellows, I must yet cherish a faint hope that the report of
their death is unfounded.
" 31ai/ 7. — I passed a wretched night, thinking of my poor
friends. The safe arrival, this morning, of INIacdonald and Mon-
teith (whose journey I had always accounted much m.ore danger-
ous than the other), gave me some consolation; but still I am low
and afflicted, I mean to despatch Frederick and Malaomed
Ilussan Khan to-raorrow to go to Baghdad by the road of
Kcrmanshali. They will collect information on the way, and
give it to Mr. Itich, to whom I shall give them letters. The
murder was perpetrated within three or fqur stages of Baghdad,
Malcolm's sorrow for ins friend. 11
and of course in the Persian territories. The King of Persia pre-
tends the most violent rage, and has sent to demand the mur-
derers, threatening to attack Baghdad if they are not given up.
He will use this occurrence, as he has some of a similar nature, to
extort money from the Pacha. I am indifferent to their efforts.
They cannot restore my friends.
" May 8. — On referring to ray instructions to Captain Grant,
I find that I not only instructed him to delay, but to abandon his
journey, if attended with any serious risk. But it is evident that
he thought there was none, and his confidence has been his de-
struction ; for there is sufficient evidence in the account I have
received to prove that his plans were betrayed by some native
whom he incautiously trusted; and the baggage which he carried
must have been considerable, and was no doubt the object of
plunder. Frederick and Mahomed Hussan Khan go off to-morrow
for Kermanshah, to learn all the particulars they can of this horrid
transaction. It is honorable to the gentlemen of my family to
state that, since the occurrence of this event, all those who could
be so employed have shown the most anxious desire to proceed
direct to Kermanshah, or in any other direction. While I cannot
but admire the spirit w^hich animates them, I almost shudder at
the thought of inspiring men with a zeal and attachment that leads
them to the cheerful encounter of any danger. In short, I am
not, I fear, composed of those materials which are necessary for a
public character. Warm feelings should, I suspect, form no part
of the compound."
Beside a real lieart-troiible like this, all other vexa-
tions were insignificant, else the Envoy might have
been annoyed by the old difficulty of the present-
giving, which now intruded itself upon him even more
distressingly than during the time of liis first mission.
Sir Harford Jones had done much to increase the fever
of cupidity which Malcolm himself had excited ten years
before by the prodigality of his gifts. There was this
difference between the two: Malcolm had distributed
costly presents, but they were commodities which he
had taken with him from India, and were, for the most
12 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
part, specimens of the arts and manufactures of the coun-
tries under British rule. They were symbols, as it were,
of the greatness of our nation, and did more than gratify
the avarice of the recipient. But Sir Harford Jones had
openly given money. On one occasion he had served up a
bill for 50,000 piastres on a tray. No wonder, therefore,
that Malcolm found the coiurtiers of Persia hungering and
howling after British gold.* " These people," wrote Mal-
colm, " are like ferocious animals, who have once tasted
blood. Nothing else will satisfy them. They cry out for
money as shamelessly as if it were their natural food. I
have been obliged to come to very high words, and no
doubt have excited much disgust. I mean to give a present
of varieties of nearly half the amount Sir Harford Jones
did; and I have written to the Minister, that unless I am
assured it will be well and graciously received, I will not
send his Royal Highness the value of a single farthing."
The hint was taken, and the present graciously accepted.
But if Malcolm was less free in giving than Sir Har-
ford Jones, he was also less free in receiving. Whilst at
Shiraz, it was secretly intimated to him by the Minister
that a valuable present of jewels, suited to a lady of rank,
would be given to Mrs. Malcolm. The Ambassador
started, and was about to make an indignant answer ;
but checking himself, he merely said it vv^as not his custom
to receive such presents either for himself or his wife.
" Tell your master," he added, to the astonished mes-
senger, "that when I was at Mysore, the Minister there
* 111 fin official letter to Mr. Edmoii- yet informed of the amoimt of similar
stone, MaleolaiVrotc :" His Lordship disbursements at Teheran; but I al-
(Miuto) will judge of the extent to ready know that a considerable sum
which their avarice has been excited, was given to the King, that a very
when I state that, independently of ar- large sum was promised to the Ameeu-
ticlcs, tlic amount of cash given by oo-dowlah, and that Meerza Shefiec has
Sir Harford Jones to tlie Prince and had a pension of three tliousaud piastres
the officers of tliis petty Court was a month settled upon hun."
about two lakhs of piastres. I am not
STORY-TELLING. 13
would gladly have heaped costly presents upon us ; but
instead of this, on my persuasion, he made a fine new
road, that was much wanted, and dedicated it to Mrs.
Malcolm. Such are the presents I like." No man ever
had larger opportunities of enriching himself in this way ;
but he went through life with hands clean as a babe's.
On the 16th of May, Malcolm and his suite departed
from Shiraz with all honor, and commenced their march
towards the Persian capital, well pleased with the enter-
tainment they had received. The journey onwards is
remembered with the liveliest feelmgs of pleasure by the
few survivors of the party. Not far fi^om Shiraz, they
were joined by the King's story-teller, who amused them
with the recital of Oriental romances not inferior in in-
terest to those of the Arabian Nights. Many of these
stories foimd their way into Malcolm's journal, and were
treasured up tenaciously by a memory that never failed.*
Some he had heard before during his first sojourn in
Persia, and had narrated during the intervening ten
3'ears at various times and places, and under circum-
stances of infinite variety. Great soldiers, little children,
and gentle maidens, had been equally delighted by them.
They had made Arthur Wellesley laugh in the Mahratta
camp; they had made Johnny Wainwright happy during
the tedium of a voyage down the Bay of Bengal ; and
they had won a smile from the lips of Charlotte Camp-
bell, as he sat behind her on an elephant, in the course
of that memorable journey to Mysore out of which had
arisen the great happiness of his life.
On the 5th of June the Mission quitted Ispahan, and
marched onwards by stages of twenty-five or thirty miles
a day.f Everywhere, as they advanced, they were re-
* Some of them will be found in f Sometimes tliey made as mucli as
his Skeic/ws of Persia, the most 'po])vlsLr forty miles a day, or ratlier night.
of all Malcolm's works. " "VVe marched last night," wrote Mai-
14 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
ceived with honor, and sumptuously entertained by the
chief people of the country. As they approached the
capital, Malcolm began anxiously to consider the embar-
rassments which lay before him. Sir Harford Jones, the
Crown Ambassador, was there. What was to be done
to prevent an unseemly collision between the two autho-
rities ? Jones was chafing under the treatment he had
received from the Indian Government, which had written
him stinging letters, dishonored his bills, and endea-
voured by every means to cast discredit upon his pro-
ceedinQ;s. His time seemed now to have come. He was
the representative of the King of Great Britain at the
Court of the Persian monarch ; and Malcolm was only
the representative of a Viceroy — of a servant, in fact,
of the Crown. It was not to be doubted that from
this eminence of official position he had the means of
grievously annoying and embarrassing the representative
of the Governor-General ; and there was too much reason
to predicate, from the general character and particular
temper at that time of Sir Harford Jones, that he would
employ these means to the utmost possible extent, and
endeavour to humiliate IMalcolm and his Mission. Nor
was such retaliation only to be considered, as a proof of
the weakness of human nature. It was, doubtless, the duty
of the Ambassador from the Court of St. James to up-
hold the dignity of that Court, and to assert, on every
occasion, the supremacy of his ambassadorial character.
The Indian Government had certainly exerted itself to
blacken the face of Sir Harford Jones in the eyes of the
Persian Court; and Jones may now have thought it
incumbent upon him to prove that he was vested with
colm oil tlie lOtli of June, " at eight peaces arc ratlacr pleasauter than a
o'clock, and reached our ground this horse's, and at night the mule is gene-
morning about seven — the distance rally preferred, as being more sure-
being full forty miles. I rode a mule footed." They generally commenced
almost the ■whole night, and tlduk its their march at eight o'clock at night.
POSITION OF SIR HARFORD JONES. 15^
authority liigher than any that could be conferred by the
Governor-General of India. There were two ways of
doing this, and Malcolm had good reason to think that
the Crown Ambassador would choose the more unseemly
and vexatious of the two.
It is probable tliat after the lapse of years, when the
heats and animosities of the actual contest had subsided,
Malcolm, who was a man of a generous temper and for-
giving natiure, admitted that there were allowances to be
made for Sir Harford Jones on the score of the position
he held. But the strife was, at this time, very keen;
and not only did Malcolm and his suite, but Lord Minto
and the members of his Government, attribute all the
embarrassments which beset them in the course of the
contest to the littleness of Jones's personal character.
But whatever may have been his private sentiments,
IMalcolm now felt that the time had come for their practical
suppression. He was not a man to sufifer any personal
irritation to interfere with the paramount claims of the
public service. He knew that any open collision would
have the effect of lowering both the King's and the
Company's Government in the eyes of the Persians, and
he determined, therefore, if possible, to meet Sir Harford
Jones with a semblance at least of harmony. To this
end he despatched one of the gentlemen of his Missilon*
in advance, to communicate personally with Sir Harford
Jones respecting the forms to be observed on the meet-
ing of the two Envoys at the Persian Court, and desired
him to tell the Crown Ambassador that General Malcolm
" hoped he would see the propriety of their meeting as
countrymen, and saving at least outward appearances."
"The bad impressions," he added, "which must be pro-
duced by public officers of the same nation acting to-
* Dr. Jukes. He had beeu for some time at Telierau, aud had joined Mal-
colm's camp ou the march.
16 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
■wards each other as enemies, are too obvious to be in-
sisted upon. I bade Jukes, therefore, to mform him that
I was so conscious of this being the Hne which every con-
sideration of pubhc duty dictated, tliat I had banished
all private feeling from my mind. I did not think of
what had passed, and would pay Sir Harford Jones a
visit on the day I reached Camp, provided I was assm-ed
of his meeting and returning this advance in a manner
which both my public situation and private character
gave me a right to expect. He might, I desired Jukes
to say, apprehend no collision of political opinion, for I
should not open my lips on the subject, nor assume with
the Persian Court any duty beyond that of being the
officer empowered by the Indian Government to execute
such parts of the preliminary treaty as related to the
employment of its resources. That power I must exer-
cise until I hear further from England or India ; but even
in its exercise I should accommodate myself as much to
Sir Harford Jones's wishes and opinions as I possibly
could."
Jukes departed charged with this message of concilia-
tion ; and a day or two afterwards, Malcolm, earnestly
desiring that nothing might occur to cast a doubt upon
the assurances of his messenger, wrote to him the fol-
lowing; letter, which miQ;lit be shown to Sir Harford
Jones or the gentlemen of his suite :
]\tY DEAR Jukes, — I have learnt, since coming to my ground,
from a traveller, that Sir Harford Jones was to reach the royal
camp to-day. I have instructed you how to act on the occurrence
of this event. I need hardly repeat my sentiments upon this sub-
ject, as you are fully acquainted with them. It is one upon which
I have not a private feeling, for at such a moment I can think of
nothing but the public interests, which must be injured by the
spectacle of two public officers of the same nation quarrelling in
this country. I am ready and desirous to j^ay Sir Harford Jones
COLLISION ^YITII SIR HARFORD JONES. 17
every attention tliat is due to him as Envoy from his Britannic
Majesty at the Court of Persia; but I must assuredly be recognised,
till further orders are received from England or India, as a public
officer whom the Indian Government has deputed to perform the
stipulations of the preliminary treaty on all points that relate to
the disposal of its resources; but even on this point I am ready
to attend to the suggestions and opinions of Sir Harford Jones as
far as I can in consistency with the instructions of the authority
under which I act.
It appears certain that orders from England written subsequent
to the knowledge of my IMission must reach us within a month,
and it is probable I shall have specific orders from India earlier
than these orders. It would therefore seem, on every account,
desirable that this short intermediate period should be allowed to
pass without our adding to that embarrassment into which both
Missions have from tlie occurrence of a number of untoward cir-
cumstances been placed ; and on this ground I am willing to
meet Sir Harford as a countryman, without entering at all into
the discussion of any of those points of difference and controversy
which it is the duty of our common superiors to decide.
I can place implicit reliance on your agency in this delicate
communication. You are completely acquainted with the motives
by which I am governed, and will, I am assured, in every explana-
tion you make, take care these arc not mistaken.
Yours ever, &c., &c.,
John Malcolm.
The royal camp was at this time at Sultaneah. The
Kiiifr and the Crown-Prince were enrj-rossed with thou2;hts
of the war of resistance which tliey were carrying on
against the Russian usm^per; and it was a matter of no
small moment to discover tlie extent of assistance whicli
tliey might hope to derive from their connexion with
the English. Sir Harford Jones had been requested to
attend the royal camp, and there Jukes found him on
his arrival. It was no easy thing to conciliate the Welsh
baronet and bring him to a reasonable state of mind.
To uphold the dignity of his position as Crown Ambas-
voL. n. c
18 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
sador was one thing — to humiliate the Governor-Gene-
ral's Envoy was another. Jones could not rest satisfied
with the former, without also accomplishing the latter.
He advanced ridiculous pretensions and made impossible
stipulations.* He would meet the new Envoy in a
friendly manner, but as a very small person towards
whom he would condescend to extend his patronage, if
Malcolm would consent wholly to sink his OAvn personal
and official consequence. It was very certain that no
such conditions as these could be accepted. The Persian
Ministers, who desired Malcolm's approach, were now
greatly perplexed and bewildered. Before taking any
decided part in the contest, they required for the Persian
Government some indemnity against the evils that might
arise from the sudden departure of Sir Harford Jones.
If General Malcolm would undertake to accomplish in
that event all that Jones by stapng might accomplish,
and represent the British Government at the Persian
Court, Jones might depart as soon as he liked.
, But this clearly was an impossibility. The state of affairs
* The conditions proposed by Jones everything else connected with the
are worth giving in a note. The Per- preliminary articles of the treaty shall
siau jMinisters declared that they woidd be transferred to the Ambassador
have nothing to say to such proposals : (Jones), in order that he might make
" 1st. That no one sliall proceed on them over to the Persian Govermuent.
the part of his Persian Majesty to " Gth. That neitlier the Persian Mi-
form General Malcolm's Istakbal, but uisters themselves, nor any person
that some person may be sent on tlie upon their behalf, shall enter into any
part of the Ministers. discussion on affairs connected with
" 2ud. That the General shall sound the British Government with any otlier
no trumjiets on his entrance into the person except the Ambassador, and
King's camp, nor carry any flags. that the King also shall allow of no
" 3rd. That he shall lioist no Hag in other person's interference in such dis-
tlie royal camp, or pitch any km-nauts cussions but the Ambassador himself,
or tujcers (outer teut-waUs) round his " 7th. That none of General Mal-
teut. colm's suite shall ever wait upon the
" 4tli. Tliat he shall not at any time Ministers without the Amliassador
have an audience of tlic King without (Jones) being advised of it.
the Ambassador being present. " Sth. That none of the General's
" 5lh. Tliat independent of the pre- suiteshallbcadmittedto the King's pre-
sents General J^Iafcobn has brought sence without the consultation and ap-
on the part of the Governor-General, probation of the Ambassador (Jones),"
Malcolm's resolutions. 19
was communicated to Malcolm, avIio despatclied his se-
cretary, Lieutenant Stuart, to the Persian camp, charged
with instructions to represent his views, and set forth
the circumstances under which alone he could consent
to advance. '' Inform the Ministers," he wrote, " that if
any degradation to my Mission is contemplated, the
sooner I have leave to return to India the better, for I
will not remain one day in any place subject to what I
consider an insult, merely because Sir Harford Jones
chooses to be unreasonable. With regard to the subsidy
and the points connected with the execution of the treaty,
as far as relates to the Indian Government, I am and
must remain till further orders the exclusive agent ^ and
no other will be recognised by the Indian Government,
the right of v/hich to appoint its own officer to perform
all duties connected with the employment of its military
means and pecuniary resources is established by the con-
stitution of the Government of England, and cannot be
altered but by an alteration of its laws. Desire them
not to mistake the moderation with which I have acted
for any symptom of a change m my sentiments. I shall
continue to act exactly as I have told them I shall, what-
ever they or Sir Harford Jones may do; and though I
may regret that my eiForts to conciliate that officer to a
just sense of the benefits which would arise from mutual
good understanding have failed, his continuing to act
under the influence of private feelings and passions can-
not justify me in a deviation from my duty. In short,
I beg you Avill toll them that they will, unless they treat
me m every mstance as I ought to be treated, compel
me to insist upon my being permitted immediately to
depart. I wish you to be guarded, but very plain and
decided in the delivery of these sentiments, as under the
extraordinary line of conduct Sir Harford Jones has
taken, my being admitted to Court is a secondary con-
c 2
20 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
sideration to that of escaping those insults which that
Envoy appears desirous of heaping upon the Indian Go-
vernment, as he seems to think that the King of Eng-
land's rank will be best supported, not by the main
tenor of his own precedence and dignity, but by the com-
plete degradation of that imperial branch of his power —
the Government of India."
Whilst such were the general instructions conveyed to
Mr. Stuart, Malcolm laid down in precise terms the condi-
tions upon which he would consent to enter the royal
camp f and addressed a note to the Persian Ministers, in
which he declared that the terms were "in no degree Avhat-
ever derogatory to the dignity of the King of England, or
to the rank and precedence of his Majesty's representa-
tive." " If Brigadier-General Malcolm had thought so,"
continues the note, "he never could have proposed them,
as it is his duty, like that of every British subject under
all situations that he may be placed in, to promote and
advance by every means in his poAver tlie dignity of his
Sovereign." At the same time, he addressed a letter
to Meerza Sheffee, the Chief Minister, wherein, after al-
* I give these in a note, that they shall be allowed to remain at thePer-
maj be contrasted with those proposed sian Court, unless his own wishes
by Sir Harford Jones : should induce him to retire.
" 1st. His Istakbal shall be similar " 5th. That General Malcolm shall
to the one which met him on his first take the whole or any part of his fa-
mission. i«il.y ■"'ith him when he has his audience
" 2nd. That the General, on his en- with the King.
trance into the royal camp and diuiug " 6th. General Malcolm_ agrees to
his continuance there, shall be allowed yield the ])recedence to Sir Harford
to sound his trumpets, beat his drums, Jones whenever it should so happen
agreeably to the former customs and that they either visit the King or his
usages of ambassadors at the Persian Ministers together, inasmuch as Sir
Qourt. Harford Jones is the ambassador of his
" ord. That the General's creden- Britannic Majesty, and the General is
tials shall be read in his first interview dis])osed to pay hini every respect and
with the King. attention as such. General Malcolm
" -ith. That until new orders are has no objection to Sir Harford Jones
received from England or India re- being present at his audiences with the
specting the recall or confirmation of King."
either Sir Harford Jones or himself, he
CONDUCT OF THE KING. 21
luding to liis paper of conditions and the declaratory note,
he said, " I cannot, without disobedience of my orders
and submitting to a degradation of my situation, depart
from these terms ; to which I hope this letter and the
declaration by which it is accompanied, will lead you
instantly to assent. If any reasons should prevent your
doing so, I beg you will obtain his Majesty's gracious
permission for me to return to India ; and that you will
express on such occurrence my gratitude for all his past
great favors, and my unchangeable attachment in all
situations to his royal person." Malcolm was not a man
to attempt to degrade the character of the British Crown
in the eyes of a foreign Court, any more than to suffer the
Government which he represented to be degraded.
But if the Ministers were UTesolute. the Kino; hunself
was not. He desired to see Malcolm, and was deter-
mined that he should be received with all honor. He
spoke his mind freely to Sir Harford Jones ; and Jones,
Y'/ho seems to have had little respect for prerogative and
little regard for courtesy, was fully as plain-spoken as
the Shah. It was idle, however, to contend against the
decrees of the Sovereign. He had a right to order, and
he was determined to order the ceremonials of his own
Com't. So the royal command went forth for Malcolm's
reception with the same honors as had been accorded to
him ten years before; and the Ministers, who were hun-
gering after more presents, and hoped that the two
Ambassadors would strive to outbribe one another, were
glad to welcome Malcolm back again to the Persian
Court.
Sir Harford was now fairly beaten. It was useless to
continue the contest ; so, as Malcolm neared the royal
camp, on the 21st of June, Mr. Sheridan, Jones's secre-
tary, met him with a letter of peace, written on the
preceding day. " I prefer thus privately," wrote the
22 SECOJ^D SIISSION TO PERSIA.
Crown Ambassador, "to acknowledge the receipt of
your public letter by Mr. Ellis, firstly, because I hope
you will consider this method, as I mean it to be, a
manifestation of the cordiality with which I mean to act ;
and, next, because I am of opinion that those points in
your letter which may require discussion will be better
and more fully discussed by us when I have the plea-
sure of meeting you. I perfectly agree with you it is
high time to put an end to the intrigues and tortuosities
of the Ministers here. As we shall so soon have the
pleasure to meet, I reserve to that period everything
more that I have to say." And so the contest between
the two Ambassadors was at an end, and Malcolm wrote
in his jomiial, " We shall have no more public dis-
cussions, but communicate fully and amicably; and I
shall be as anxious to establisli, by my great respect
towards the person of his Envoy, my respect for my
Sovereign, as I have been to establish the rights and pri-
vileges of the Indian Government."
On the 21st of June, Malcolm and his suite entered the
royal camp. The same high officer of the Court who,
ten years before, had been deputed by the King to
receive him, now met him acain as he advanced. The
royal message which greeted him was a flattering one.
" Tell him," said the King, " that all the trouble he has
had about ceremony this time is not the fault of Persians
but of Englishmen, and that throughout he may be satis-
fied that he has always enjoyed my favor." Onward
now went the Mission from the Indian Government,
receiving and bestowing courtesies. All past animosi-
ties were buried. Before proceeding to his own tent,
Malcolm waited on Sir Harford Jones, who received him
in "a gracious and affable manner," and in the course of
the evening returned the visit. Malcolm welcomed him
with a guard of honor, and went out of his tent to greet
Malcolm's reception by the king. 23
him. He was eager not only to show the Baronet every
respect as the representative of the CroAvn, but to render
him every assistance in his power, freely oflfering him
money and supplies, and desiring him, whenever it was
needed, to use the escort as his own.* At subsequent
interviews there was the same outward cordiality be-
tween them, ]3ut Malcolm felt painfully that it was all a
despicable sham.
On the 23rd of June, Malcolm paid his first ceremonial
visit to Futteh Ali Shah, in his summer camp on the
high table-lands of Sultaneah. It had been arranged that
Sir Harford Jones should be present at this introductory
visit, but at the appointed hour he was absent on a
pleasure party.f The King, however, declared that he
needed no one to introduce his old friend Malcolm ; so
the jNlission from India made its way to the royal pre-
sence, whilst the Crown Ambassador was amusing liimself
* The Ambassador's establislinieut ford's memory. Malcoki, in the pri-
was theu at Tabreez. vate journal which he kept at this
f Sll- Harford Jones, in. his account time, says, under date June 23rd, "Sir
of His Majesffs Mission to Persia, Harford yesterday told me he was
published after Sir John Malcolm's going with me to the King. ' You sit,_I
death, thus accounts for his own ab- hope, Sir Harford,' said I. 'Idonot, ia
sence on this occasion. " Shortly after general,' said he ; ' but I shall of coui'se,
this," he writes, " General Malcolm as you have very properly insisted on
arrived in the royal camp, and the it.' When I found the time
Shah intimated to me his wish that I of the visit changed, I went to Sir Har-
should Ije present at the audience he ford's tent. They told me he had gone
designed to give him. I answered that out to breakfast, and to see a cele-
I would most wiUmgly comply with brated fountain fom- miles off." _ One
his Majesty's wishes, provided General of the survivors of Malcolm's suite, in
Malcolm permitted me to present him a memorandum with which he has fur-
to the Shah. This being objected to nished me, says : " It was desired by
on the part of the General, I consi- the General that his party should be
dered it Diy duty to interfere no fur- accompanied by Sir Harford _ Jones,
ther iu the matter; and on the day on and be iatroduced by him. Objections
which the autlience took place, I made were at first made by the General's
a little party of pleasure -nath some Persian friends, but Malcolm ceded the
Persian friends to visit and pass tlie point, and consented, on his first inter-
day at some beautiful sprmgs, issuing view, to be introduced by Jones. But
from a rock at the foot of a mountain, his Majesty settled the point by de-
a little distance from the camp." I clariiig that his friend Malcolm needed
think, however, that there is some rea- no introduction at all."
sou to question the fidelity of Sir Har-
24 SECOND MISSION TO PEESIA.
at a distance. The ceremony of reception was an im-
posing one. Attended by eleven gentlemen of his suite,
all in full-dress uniform, Malcolm entered the hall of
audience. " Welcome again, Malcolm," cried the King,
with much cordiality, " and welcome all you young gen-
tlemen. Mashallah! you have brought a fine set of
young men — all fine young men — to pay their respects
to the Shah. Sit down, Malcolm." Now Malcolm, on
his former mission, always had sate down. He had con-
tended for and established the custom. But Sir Harford
Jones had consented to stand in the royal presence.
How then could the representative of the Governor-
General accept a concession which had not been accorded
to the delegate of the Crown? Malcolm felt the embar-
rassment of his position, and asked permission to stand.
Again the King desired him to be seated. But still the
Envoy hesitated to comply with the request. " Why,
Malcolm," said the King, half in jest and half in earnest,
" what new thing is this — what has come over you ? You
used not to hesitate in conforming to the Kino-'s com-
mand." On this Malcolm sate down. The embarrass-
ment passed over, and Futteh Ali Shah and Malcolm
were soon in earnest discourse.*
Malcolm had prepared a set speech; but when the
time came for its delivery, he made no great progress
with the oration. " Come," said the King, smiling, " you
are an old friend ; I do not put you on a footing with
other men. Compose yourself ; I know what you would
say" — and he commenced a speech of fulsome panegyric.
Then, breaking into laughter, he said, " Now your speech
is made, let me know about yourself. How have you
been these many years ?" " Except for the wish to re-
visit your Majesty, I have been well and happy," said
* " It was the only time," says the to lose his sclf-posscssiou for a mo-
narrator of this incident, from whom I ineiit."
tlcrivcd it, " that I ever knew Malcolm
INTERVIEW WITH THE KING. 25
Malcolm. " But what," asked tlie King, " made you go
back in dudgeon last year, without seeing my son at
Shiraz ?" " How could he," said Malcohn, " who had
been warmed by the sunshine of his Majesty's favor, be
satisfied with the mere reflexion of that refulgence
through the person of his Majesty's son ?" " Mashal-
lah! Mashallah!" cried the King, "Malcolm is hunself
again!"
Gracious beyond example was Futteh Ali. He was
really glad to see Malcolm. He told him that he always
was and always must be his prime favorite beyond all
Europeans. Then he spoke of the state of India — of
Europe — of his own country ; and then returned to talk
of Malcolm himself. " I heard," said he, " that you were
going to England; but I have caught you, and you must
not expect to escape for at least fom* years. Your fame
in India for settling countries has reached me ; and your
labor is wanted here." He then asked a multitude of
questions concerning the organisation of the Indian army.
Malcolm spoke not only of its discipline, but of its ad-
mirable invalid and pension establishments. " Discipline,"
said the King, "will always defeat valor; but discipline
alone is nothino;. It is the whole constitution of the
military branch of government which makes superior
armies." To this Malcolm assented ; and then the King
began to speak of Buonaparte, whom he styled the first
of heroes, and said, "What does he want?" "The
world," said Malcolm. " Right," said the King, " you
are right, Malcolm — but in truth, he is a great soldier."
Then he asked many questions about the state of Spain ;
and thence, turning again to personal matters, inquired
about the officers of Malcolm's suite, and asked particu-
larly about the engineers. " Mr. Jins (Sir H. Jones) is
a good young man. I have a regard for him ; and those
with him have labored hard in my service — but you
must do everything for me now." Malcolm assured him
26 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
that he and his Majesty's other servants would do all
that lay in their power; and the King was well pleased
with the assurance. Altogether, the reception was a
most gracious one, and Malcolm quitted the presence-
chamber satisfied that he had not fallen in the estimation
of his old friend. " I was shocked to hear after I came
out," he wrote in his journal, "that I had talked more
and louder than his Majesty ; but I could not have given
offence, as I went away loaded with praises."
On the 1st of July, Malcolm, with all due ceremony
and becoming state, exhibited his presents before the
audience-tent of the Shah. Chief of these were the
guns which he had brought with him from India, and
which now, with all their equipments, were displayed
before the delighted eyes of the King. It was hard to
say whether the ordnance or the young artilleryman
Lindsay, with his bright rosy face and his gigantic pro-
portions, gave his Majesty the greater pleasure. In the
latter he saw a young Roostum, who was destined to
play no insignificant part in the war then waging with
the Muscovite. The two galloper-guns which Malcolm
had brought with his escort were now exercised, as well
as the confined space would allow, to the surprise and
delight of the Persian monarch. But Malcolm said that
they would appear to greater advantage on the plains of
Oujein, whither his Majesty was about to remove his
camp, and that, as one of his officers, he would be glad to
exercise them there. "Very proper, Malcolm," said the
King; " you shall take charge of my guns at Oujem. They
cannot be under an officer I more esteem. And at
Oujein, I will mount my horse, and see both the guns
and your troopers exercised. And then," he added,
laughing, "if it is necessary, you may go and amuse
yomrself with breaking the heads of my enemies the
Russians."
APPOINTMENT OF SIR GORE OUSELEY. 27
On the following day, Futteli All broke up the royal
encampment at Sultaneah, and marched to the great
plain in the vicinity of Tabreez. Thither Malcolm and
his suite presently follo-vved, by the express desire of
his Majesty, by Avhom the words spoken about his
Russian enemies had not been uttered in jest. A
few miles from the ground at Oujein he was met by Sir
Harford Jones, who placed in his hands some public
despatches received from England, by the contents of
which it appeared that the Home Government had de-
termined still to regulate our diplomatic relations with
Persia, and had, in prosecution of this intention to re-
pudiate the power and authority of the Governor-General
in that direction, appointed Sir Gore Ouseley Ambas-
sador to the Court of Teheran. These letters were
written after the receipt of Lord Minto's reference to the
Foreign Office, on the subject of the future control of
our Persian diplomacy, so Malcolm saw at once that it
had become his duty to bring his mission to a close.
His occupation was gone. He could no longer remain
at the Persian Court in a recognised official position. So
he determined to withdi^aw from the scene with the least
possible delay.
But the King and Abbas Meerza, the heir-apparent,
desired Malcolm to remain in Persia, to aid with his
advice, if not "with his personal assistance, the operations
of the coming campaign against their Russian enemies.
Sir Harford Jones pressed this matter warmly upon hun,
and the two Envoys went together on the following day
into the royal camp, and had a long conference on the
subject with the Persian Ministers. Malcolm's opinions
regarding the best means of prosecuting the campaign
were eagerly sought. His advice was eminently judi-
cious. " I strongly recommended them," he wrote to
Lord Minto, " not to attack the Russians in line, or in
28 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
their strong posts; but to keep their newly -raised in-
fantry and ill-equipped artillery in reserve, and limit
their employment to the defence of forts and difficult
passes, whilst they pushed forward every horseman the
country could furnish to distress and harass the enemy,
whose numbers I understood to be about ten thousand,
of which a very small portion were cavalry."
Next day, Malcolm waited on Abbas Meerza,* who
was full of martial enthusiasm, eager above all things to
introduce an improved state of discipline into his army,
and impatient of the slow, steady process of organisation
and instruction, by which alone, Malcolm told him, such
an end could be possibly attained. The advanced posi-
tion at this time of the Russians, who had seized upon
Mackerry, a strong fort on the north bank of the Arras
river, little more than fifty miles from Tabreez, had
greatly disturbed him, and he was eager by any means
to dislodge the invaders; but Malcolm counselled him
not to push forward his infantry, or to hazard an engage-
ment which would probably end in disaster and disgrace.
Great expectations of personal aid fromlMalcolm and his
followers had been entertained by the Prince, who was
surprised and disappointed to learn that the English
Envoy had only thirty efficient troopers, and details of
artillery sufficient to work a single gun. But Malcolm told
him that he would visit his camp at Tabreez, and offer
him the best advice in his power, besides placing at
his disposal some English officers and some expert arti-
ficers, through whose agency both the personnel and
materiel of his force might be greatly improved. He
promised the Prince, also, that two of these officers —
* Abbas Meerza \yas tlic second sou wrote after this first interview with
of Futtch Ali, but he was his favorite him, that he appeared " a very supc-
aud Iiis fighting sou, and liad been de- rior youug niau."
clarcd heir to the throne. Malcolm
PRIVATE INTER\^EW WITH THE KING. 29
Macdonald and Monteitli — should reconnoitre Mackerry,
and bring back exact intelligence of the strength of the
Russian position, in order that a just opinion might be
formed of the expediency or inexpediency of attacking it.
It had now become necessary that Malcolm should
determine positively upon his line of conduct. He saw
that both the King and Abbas Meerza were bent upon
detaining him in Persia. So he thought the matter over
with himself, and he talked it over with Sir Harford
Jones, and he came to the following conclusions, which
I give, as he reported them to Lord Minto :
" First, that I should insist upon the King granting me my
audience of leave immediately, which it appeared, from what he
had stated to Sir Harford, he was not disposed to do. Secondly,
that after I had my audience of" leave, I should consider myself
as divested of any public character in this country. Thirdly,
that in the actual state of the Persian army, there was no hope
that any good could arise from protracting my stay which could
balance the evils which might arise from exciting hopes that must
be disappointed, from hazarding our miHtary reputation by taking
a share in operations which we could not expect either to aid or
to direct, and that my departure was the more advisable, as it was
evident that I could not remain a day in Persia without being-
asked for opinions and advice on subjects which involved political
considerations, and such, in the situation in which I was placed, I
could not give without some risk of differing I'l-om his Majesty's
Envoy, and consequently of reviving a colUsion which had been
so happily terminated."
Two days afterwards Malcolm was summoned to the
presence of the King. Futteh Ali was seated in a small
tent, to which no one was admitted but the Prime Mi-
nister and the English Envoy. In conformity with the
custom introduced by Sir Harford Jones, Malcolm stood
in the audience-chamber, but the King resolutely de-
clared that his old friend should never stand iu his pre-
30 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
sence, and a further order obtained compliance. Futteh
Ali then commenced the conference by saying how
greatly he had been disappointed by the out-turn of
events at home, and the consequent determination of
Malcolm to return to India ; and then begged that he
would stay and accompany Abbas Meerza and his army
into Georgia. " You will then," he added, "return and
receive your leave as you ought, and be conducted
through my country with the attention and distinction
due to so favorite a servant." To this Malcolm could
only reply that, whatever his inchnations might be, his
duty, after the decision of the Crown Government, which
had deprived him of all authority in Persia, compelled
him to withdraw from all further interference in his
Majesty's afiairs. "I am constrained," he said, " to obey
orders. That discipline which your Majesty is intro-
ducing into your army mth us pervades all ranks. "When
the word Ilarcli is given, we move forward, and at the
word Halt we stand fast." At this illustration the King
laughed, and several times repeated in English the words
" ITalt — March r — " Halt— March r as though greatly
pleased with the idea. " Would to God," he said, " I
could bring my Wuzeers and great public servants into
such order." " I know what are the rules of your ser-
vice," continued the King; "I know, however greatly
I may regret it, that an officer is bound, in all cases, to
obey the Government under which lie serves ; but you
will, I hope," continued the King, " stay as many days
as you can at Tabreez. And at all events" (he added,
turning to the Prime Minister), " as General Malcolm must
go, take good care that every arrangement for his depar-
ture is made in a manner which mil Q-ive him satisfac-
o
tion. He always has been, and always shall be my first
favorite among Europeans, and he shall receive his leave
with every honor it is possible to confer upon him.
THE OKDER OF THE LION AND SUN. 31
Everything must be done that can give him gratifica-
tion." With, the sounds of this gracious speech still
ringing in his ears, Malcolm quitted the presence of the
King.*
Nor were these protestations of royal kindness mere
empty words. The King was determined to heap honors
on Malcolm. So next day he sent the Minister to tell
him that his Majesty desired to bestow upon him some
public and enduring mark of royal favor, and to this
end he proposed to make his friend a Khan, and to
bestow upon him a star of honor. It was proposed that
a decoration, similar to that which liad been granted
to General Gardanne should be bestowed upon Mal-
colm. The Frenchman had been made a Knig;ht of the
Sun ; but the Englishman now declared that it would
be unloyal and unbecoming on his part to accept a title
which had been instituted for the benefit of an enemy.
This decision created some disappointment, and led to
considerable controversy. The King proposed also to
make Malcolm a Sepahdar, or General in the Persian
service. This honor was cheerfully accepted, and the
General said that the Kins; mig;lit send him a horse and
sword to support his new dignity. But Futteh Ali said
that he gave swords to people of all kinds, and that he
desired to mark his especial sense of his afiection for
Malcolm. It was suggested, therefore, that a new order
should be instituted, and a new star fabricated for the
purpose, by the court jeweller. There was to be a Lion
couchant, and a Sun risinfr on his back ; and the order
* He could not, liowcver, imme- The King observed it, and smiliug, de-
diately depart. !Malcolm thus de- sired me to staud where I was till my
scribes in his journal how the inter- leg was quite recovered, which required
view had a ludicrous termiiiatiou : a minute or two, that were passed in
" When I rose, I found one of my legs joking upon our want of practice in the
quite benumbed from the constrauied eastern fashion of sitting."
posture in which I had been sitting.
32 SECOND MISSION TO TEKSIA.
was to be the order of the Lion and the Sun. The
distmction was pressed so earnestly upon Malcohn, that
he could no longer refuse it. And many brave men
since that day have therefore written K.L.S. after their
names.
The determination which Malcolm had formed to leave
Persia, disappointed Abbas Meerza even more than it
disappointed the King. Eager above all things was the
Prince to retain the General in his camp, that he might
assist him in the work of disciplining his troops, which
then lay so very near to his heart. The picture in Mal-
colm's journal of the heir-apparent, with his military
zeal and his soldierly instincts, combined "with a sort of
boyish simplicity and impulsiveness of character, is far
from an unattractive one. The army was then to him a
new plaything; but his after life showed that he had
something of the real hero about him, and did not shrink
from the stern realities of war :
" I went out yesterday evening," wrote Malcolm on the 14th of
July, " to attend the Prince Abbas Meerza, who intimated a wish
to see my escort. I found him riding alone in front of a line of
five thousand new-raised Persian infantry. He received me with
great affability, and was delighted with the party of dragoons and
gallopers, who exercised and manoeuvred as well as the bad
ground we had could admit. He examined the clothing and
accoutrements of the Europeans in the most minute manner, and
appeared delighted with their equipment. After my review was
over, the Prince put his own line of infantry through their firing
and some manoeuvring. They had only been raised four months,
knew a little of everything, but were evidently grounded in
nothing. Abbas Meerza did everything himself, and went every-
where vmattended. He was dressed like a soldier, in a plain
scarlet coat made in the Persian style, and buttoned tight. After
the review was over the curricle I had brought for the Kins:
drove np. He was delighted with it, and in an instant sprang
into it. I did the same, and took the reins, and drove off at full
BEHAVIOQK OF ABBAS MEERZA. 33
trot. His astonishment and deliglit were equal. Some of his
attendants followed. ' You will be tired,' said he, ' for I am going
to Teheran with Malcolm.' After a short drive I turned round
and drove to the front of the troops, where he remounted, and
exercised them till dark ; he then marched home. I could not but
remark that, at a narrow place on the road, he stopped half an
hour to let every file pass, rather than break the line — an excel-
lent sio-n of the ideas he has had instilled into him. All the
object of his conversation during three hours I was with him was
to persuade me to remain. He urged everything it was possible;
but I was oblio-ed to sfive him most cautious answers. Nothino-
can be more embarrassing than my situation; but if I remain after
my functions have ceased, I become, of course, subject to the
orders of Sir Harford, who can, by word or letter, direct me to
quit whenever he chooses; and I certainly have not yet confidence
sufficient in his character to place myself in such a situation."
So earnest was the desire of the young Prince that
Malcolm should accompany him on his approaching
campaign, that a conditional assent to the request was
at last reluctantly yielded. Malcolm said that he
would accompany Abbas Meerza to the field, if Sii'
Harford Jones, then the chief British authority in the
country, would request him in writing to do so. But
Sir Harford shrunk from the responsibility ; so the mea-
sure was subsequently abandoned. It was arranged,
however, that two officers of Malcolm's suite, Captain
Christie and Lieutenant Lindsay, ardent and adven-
turous spirits, who longed for a stirring life amidst the
strange scenes which surrounded them, should remain
with the Persian army.
The time for Malcolm's departure now drew near.
The 15th of July was fixed for his audience of leave.
The King sent him a horse and a sword, and he was met
at the entrance of the audience-tent with a firman, or
royal mandate appointing him a Khan and Sepahdar
(a nobleman and general) of the Persian Empire. With
VOL. ir. D
34 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
these new titles lie was introduced to the Kmg, who
welcomed him with becoming cordiality. The gen-
tlemen of the Mission were also introduced in their
dresses of honor ; and then the King, desiring Malcolm
to approach the throne, invested him with a diamond
star, in the centre of which were the Lion and the Sun,
the insignia of the new order of knighthood. " You are
now," said his Majesty, whilst Malcolm still stood by the
throne, " confirmed in my service, in which I know you
have been faithful for ten years. I can do no higher
honor to any one than at this moment I have done to
you. You will wear this star on your breast as a proof
to all the world of the royal favor of the King of Persia."
Malcolm bowed, poured out his thanks, and soon after-
wards withdrew amidst renewed expressions of royal
kindness. As he made his last salaam to the King, at
the appointed distance from the throne, Futteh Ali cried
out again, with irrepressible sincerity, "Farewell, Mal-
colm, my friend !" — a little thing as we read it here, but
in the stately, ceremonial Court of Persia, where every
word and gesture is prescribed, where nothing is to be
said but at the appointed time, and even a king enjoys
no freedom of speech, a matter of no slight significance.
Malcolm had now been received and dismissed with
every possible mark of honor. So far, indeed, the object
of his mission had been accomplished. " I cannot but
conceive," he wrote to Lord Minto, " that the conduct of
the King towards me upon this occasion must have, in
its general impression, the best effects towards the full
accomplishment of those objects which your Lordship
had in view when you deputed me to this Court, as it
marked in a manner not to be mistaken his great respect
and consideration for the Government I represented."
It may be surmised, however, that it was but a reflected
DEPARTURE EROJI TABREEZ. 35
honor that fell upon the Government of India. The
King was personally attached to Malcolm, and he honored
the officer because he loved the man.
On the morning of the 23rd of July, Malcolm quitted
" the once celebrated city of Tauris, now the ruined
Tabreez ;" and turned his face towards home with an
emotion of gratitude and joy. " What a happy man I
am to-day," he wrote in his journal. "It is impossible
to look back without congratulating myself on my good
fortune at every stage of my late vexatious and unpro-
mising mission. I have now turned my back, and I
hope for ever, on deceit, falsehood, and intrigue; and I
am bending my willing steps and still more willing heart
towards rectitude, truth, and sincerity. I leave all I
hate, and am proceeding towards all I love. May God
make my journey prosperous." He was to march by
the route of Sennah to Baghdad and Bussorah; and
thence to Bush ire and Bombay.
The early part of the homeward journey presented
few noticeable incidents. A week after they quitted
Tabreez they were joined by some old friends. One
morning there appeared among them a stranger rudely
dressed, apparently in the costume of a Beloochee, with
a handsome countenance and an imposing presence,
who sought admittance to the tent of the Envoy.*
* I have written this story from the Christie aud Pottinger have gone
memoranda of one of the surviving through most arduous duties, and have
members of Malcolm's suite. The fol- suffered great fatigue and hardship,
lowing is his own journal entry : Their labors will be of benefit to the
"Jnli/il. — Stewart came across the public service, and, I trust, to them-
country to join us with Christie and selves. Men who voluntarily encoun-
Pottinger, Prederick and Cormick, and ter such dangers shoidd be well re-
we sate down, fourteen, to breakfast, warded."
All the party, except Stewart, were in Then follows this account of the next
Persian clothes, and had beards as day's diversions : " August 1. — We
well as whiskers. I should hardly spent a veiy idle day, eating trout,
have known any of them, unless T and talking over wonderful travels."
had been prepai'ed for their arrival. Christie had some capital stories to tell.
D 2
36 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
It proved to be Ensign Henry Pottinger, who had
much to tell of Avhat he had seen hi Sindh and Beloo-
chistan ; and in whose courage, and enterprise, and
intelligence, as then manifested, Malcolm clearly saw
the indications of those fine qualities which afterwards
raised him to high estate. About the same time an-
other stranger appeared in the Mission camp. He was a
fierce-looking, rugged Afghan, with a magnificent beard
and truculent aspect — a man seemingly capable of any
amount of daring. It was great joy to Malcolm and his
friends to find under this disguise the goodly person of
Captain Christie,* who had been Pottinger's companion
in his wanderings beyond the Indus. They had started
before Malcolm from Bombay, and taking with them
letters of credit and recommendation from native bankers
at that place, and assuming the costume of the countries
through which they travelled, had made their way a?
native horse-dealers through Sindh and Beloochistan to
Herat, and thence into the Persian country. The party
had been a gallant one before ; it vv'as improved by these
additions. Seldom or never has such an assemblage of
high-spirited, intelligent youths been gathered together
under such a leader. It is no small proof of Malcolm's
discernment that tliere Avas not one of them who did not
abundantly fulfil the promise of his early days.
Lieutenants Stewart and Frederick and Dr. Cormick
joined Malcolm at the same time; but a few days after-
* Christie aud Pottinger Lad met tliat he would possibly like to join
unexpectedly at Ispahan. The latter their party ; he accordingly came to
gives ill his published travels the fol- tlic palace and sent up a man to say he
lowing account of their meeting : wished to speak with one of us. I
" Captain Christie arrived in the city went down, and as it \vas then quite
about dusk, unknowing and unknown, dark, I could not recognise liis fea-
and went to the Governor's palace to tures ; and lie fancying me a Persian
request a lodging, which was ordered, from my dress, we conversed for sevc-
■\^■hen by accident one of the atten- ral minutes ere we discovered each
dants observed that there were two other. The moment we did so was
Periiighees in the Chibul Setoon, aud cue of the happiest of my life."
ARRIVAL AT KERMANSIIAII.
37
wards the party dispersed.* At Sennali, which he
reached on the 21st of August, he received letters from
home, which greatly increased his happiness. t He con-
tinued his journey, as he said, " with a light heart," but
with a diminished suite,! and reached Kermanshah by
the 1st of September. There he commenced the pre-
paration of a laborious despatch on Persian affairs,§ the
longest he had ever written, and probably, he said, the
last that he should ever write on the subject.
When Malcolm quitted Tabreez, he hoped that he had
turned his back forever on "falsehood, deceit, and in-
trio'ae," but he had vet one more exhibition of these
qualities, combined with the never-absent national cupi-
dity, to ruffle him before he shook the dust of Persia
from his feet. He had not been unburdened of all his
* "August 5. — Stewart, Frederick,
and Jukes start this evening for Ilama-
dan. ilacdonald, Ciiristie, and Cor-
niick, go to-morrow to Tahrecz ; and
the remainder of the party go at the
same time to Semiah." — [^MalcoLiCs
MS. Journal.'\
f '■'August 21, Sennali. — I went this
morning to the Hummums, and after-
wards to breakfast with tlie "Wallee,
who gave me a sumptuous entertain-
ment in one of the finest rooms I have
seen in Persia. I however sate with
impatience, as a packet had just ar-
rived with letters to the 15th of May
from India. I had opened one letter
and discovered that all were well, and
that enabled me to command my feel-
ings ; but the moment I could with
decency, I left the Wallee to enjoy the
luxury of reading the volumes I re-
ceived from you, and I am now happy.
I shall continue my journey with a
liglit and happy lieart." — \_M(tIcoIin's
3IS. Journat.j
X "August 25. — Ellis and Jlacdonald
left us two days ago for Hamadan,
where all hands are collected. Stewart
and Frederick proceed to Bushire. Tlie
rest, with the addition of Williams,
Johnny and Litchfield — six in number
— join me at Kermanshah." — [_JIat-
colm's 3IS. Journal.']
§ He thus describes it iu his jour-
nal : " September 1, Camp Kermanshah.
— I have commenced my last, and pro-
bably my longest letter on Persia, in
which I shall bring forward all the
geographical labors of the Mission,
give a short view of the constitution
and condition of their Government, of
its domestic and foreign policy, and
finish by a grand review of our policy,
retrospective and prospective. The
task must be well done ; and, if it is,
I think it must be difiicult of digestion
to some of my friends in England, ^vho,
if they are not invincibly bigoted to their
errors, must blush for their acts. It
is not, however, my intention to throw
the least virulence into this comjiosi-
tion. I mean to perform a duty, not
to revive a controversial discussion,
and my object shall be to convince, not
to irritate. Events will soon give men
an opportunity of correcting a bad
system, if they are so disposed, and
though they may never regain the past,
much mav be made of the future."
04J; 4
. 8 «J
38 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
presents, and therefore was not beyond the reach of
vexation and annoyance. Of the sordid httleness of
Persian Courts he had seen much, but the Court of
Kermanshah seemed to be sunk in a still lower deep
of degradation. What was tLe trickery of these people,
and how Malcolm encountered it, may best be told in
his own words :
" September 9. — I have been more out of humor to-day with
the Persian character than I have yet been since I arrived in
Persia. I am still in such a rage that I cannot enter into the
disgusting details. I made the Prince a present of about 14,000
rupees, of which a diamond valued between 10,000 and 11,000
made part. The royal jeweller, angry at not being consulted, under-
valued the stone, swearing, I understand, it was not worth more
than two or three thousand. God knows I am no judge, and may
have been taken in ; but still this jewel must be of 7000 or 8000
rupees' value. This was the ground of a most tremendous fight
with the Minister. He said the Prince had ordered the diamond
to be put in the clasp of a sword that was to be given to me. I told
him if such an insult were offered to me, I would refuse his High-
ness's sword and marcli away. It is needless to recapitulate what
passed. I at last told him they were all merchants, and I would
settle with them as such. A servant of mine would, I said, pur-
chase the diamond at the price it cost me, on condition that if the
presents given to me and my suite by the Prince did not amount
in ray estimation to 15,000 piastres, the INIinister would purchase
them from me, and so settle the disgraceful account. To this a
Prince of the blood royal and his Minister have agreed ! It is
an arrangement which reflects only disgrace upon their own
meanness, and will not be attended with disgrace to the Company;
probably the reverse, as I shall certainly send back the Prince's
presents if they are not of value.
" September 10. — I have finished the disgraceful bargain with
the Minister, and have obtained an obligation, with the security
of the first merchant here, that the presents made to me and the
hhclats will be received back and an amount of 15,000 kroosh
paid to me in lieu of them, if I choose to return them ; and I
have agreed to take my presents back and pay 20,000 kroosh for
THE PAINS OF PEESENT-GIVING. 39
them. I have treated this latterly as a mercantile concern, and
if there is the slightest feeling of pride in the Minister's mind, he
must be ashamed. I am not yet decided whether I shall return
the presents, but beheve I shall not (unless their behaviour mends)
spare them this last degradation. I am told the Prince is not
fully informed of this transaction ; but he must know something
of it, and if he had one royal sentiment in his breast, he never
would permit a proceeding of such a character. But he is as
rapacious as his brethren, and as insensible to shame."
On the 11th of September, Malcolm quitted Kerman-
sliah ; and at the end of his first march tliis unseemly
contest was brought to a close :
" The customary presents," he wrote in his journal, " of a horse
and a sword for me, and a dress for each of my family, was sent
yesterday to my tent. I received the royal present with the
usual ceremony, and we went in the evening to visit the Prince,
who was very gracious, and talked a good deal. He, however,
on this occasion, displayed more obstinacy than knowledge in his
observations, and on our differing regarding the geography of
ancient and modern Europe, he was kind enough to give me a
great deal of information upon those points, which I received with
a smile. After I returned to the camp, I sent for the merchant
whom I had claimed as security for the payment of the 15,000
kroosh for the khelats, &c., which were, as I expected, not worth
50p0. The pride of the Minister was, I found, prepared for the
loss, and the man came to Camp with the cash. I tore his bond,
and wrote a letter to my mehmendar respecting my sense of
the conduct which had been pursued towards me, but stating
that, as I considered the honor of the King and his son to be the
same, I should look over what was past, and keep the articles sent
me, which he must know were of no value either to me or the
gentlemen of my suite, rather than involve the Prince's name
further in such a transaction by the public return of his presents.
On the 20th of September, after a march enlivened
and rendered hazardous by the disturbed state of the
country, Malcolm found himself on the banks of the
40 SECOND MISSION TO PEESIA.
Tigris. There lie was met by Mr. Eicli, and " most hos-
pitably welcomed by him and his lady." " I felt now,"
he wrote in his jomiial, " as if all my troubles were over.
1 shall here part with all my incumbrances, and sail
peacefully down the stream of this fine river." " Mr.
Rich's hospitality," he wrote on the following day, " is
not to be appeased by anything short of our living with
him while at Baghdad. Twelve hungiy men must be a
terrible infliction. I told Mrs. Rich,* who appears a de-
lightful young woman, that I could believe she had (like
the Indian peasant) prayed for a small stream, and did
not expect the Ganges."
At Baghdad, Malcolm and his companions were de-
tained for some days by a revolt in the city, which ren-
dered it impossible for him to obtain boats for the prose-
cution of his journey down the river. The interval of his
detention he occupied in the preparation of his elaborate
despatch to Lord Minto, detailing the results of his Mis-
sion.f On the 29th the letter was finished, and then
Malcolm, as ready always for play as for work, began to
amuse himself. "We pass our time very pleasantly,"
he wrote ; " we have races almost every morning, games
of chess after breakfast, and in the evening swim in the
Tigris and play bowls." The races were not all sport.
One day Mr. Rich burst into Malcolm's tent with tidings
to the effect that a party of Arabs had seized one of the
chief people of the Residency, stripped him, and plun-
dered five hundred piastres of public money. Malcolm
instantly ordered his escort in pursuit of the robbers,
who were mounted; and soon his troopers were in hot
* Eldest daughter of Sir James pleasant young -n'oman, has knowledge
Mackintosh. In another passage of without affectation, and is well read
Ids journal, Malcolm says : " Mr. Rich and well informed without being in tlie
is very kind and liospitable, and the least pedantic or mascuhne."
more I see of his lady the more I am f The despatch is dated Baghdad,
pleased with her. She is a sensible, October 1, It contains 82 paragraphs.
CIVIL WAR AT BAGHDAD. 41
chase after tlie Arabs. Seeing, however, that the pur-
suit was hkely to lead his men far from Camp, and ap-
prehending that some accident might happen, he took
horse himself, called on the gentlemen of his family to
follow him, and joined eagerly in the chase. After a
hard gallop of some ten miles, they captured four or five
of the robbers (including one of their leaders), as many
horses and ponies, some fire-arms, and some plundered
property. The object was gained. The plunderers were
panic-struck; and a report of the gallant pursuit soon ran
through the camp and the city. " I feel satisfied now,"
wrote Malcolm in his journal, " that the Arabs will
hereafter keep clear of our camp. A promptitude to
avenge insult or attack is the only security against either
among these barbarians."*
But this was a trifling incident in comparison with
the great political events vv-hich were passing in the
neighbourhood of Malcolm's camp. Baghdad and its
vicinity had become the scene of a bloody struggle for
empire, and every day seemed likely to evolve the tragic
catastrophe of the drama. The Sultan had sent orders
from Constantinople for the removal of the Pacha from
authority, and the Pacha was bent on resisting to the
death the commands of the Porte. The result v/as a
civil war between the de facto ruler of Baghdad and the
authorities sent to supplant him. The issue of the con-
test was doubtful. One day brought tidings of the success
* The good effects of this raid -were head of the viUage) ; ' since tlic hour
soon apparent. A day or two after- you pursued these fellows not a phm-
wards Malcolm wrote in his journal : derer has been seen on this side of
"I rode out this niorning towards Baghdad. We are all praying for you;
Baghdad. On passing a village on the as there is no doubt that if your camp
shore of the Tigris the hihabitants had not been near, we should have lost
came out, and with loud acclamations all our property.' I was ])lcased with
expressed their gratitude to me for this testimony to the good effect pro-
having chased the Arabs from their duced by the sally we had made, and
vicinity. ' God prolong your shade/ had no doubt of its truth."
said an old man (who seemed to be the
42 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
of one party; the next saw the triumpli of the other. The
Pacha was now confident, now desponding. The tide of
fortune, as the war progressed, appeared to have tiuiied
against him. At last, his only hope seemed to be in
the assistance of Malcolm and liis friends. So mere a
handful of men could have done little in such a contest;
but the moral effect of the co-operation might have been
great, and English generalship and English energy might
have consolidated the scattered elements of the Pacha's
army, and reinvigorated his declining cause. He con-
jured the Resident, therefore, by all the professions of
friendship he had put forth, to solicit Malcolm to aid him.
But Mr. Rich could only answer, that whatever his
private feelings might be, his public character and the
relations in which his Government stood towards the
Porte prevented all possibility of his interference.
But although it was impossible that Malcolm should
take any active part in the struggle, he rejoiced in his
appearance upon the scene in the crisis that had arisen;
for although he could not lead the Pacha's troops to the
battle, he could protect the British Residency, the safety
of which, in such a conjuncture, might have been jeopar-
dised by the surrounding tumult. He determined, there-
fore, under all circumstances, not to continue his journey
until the struggle was at an end, " I cannot bring
myself," he said, " to leave this place till matters are
more settled. With such bodies of unlicensed plun-
derers all round, the Residency is not secure. But the
situation of Mrs, Rich is what has most influence upon
my mind. I cannot think of leaving a lady in such a
situation when I have the power, without any serious
deviation from duty, of protecting her. If anytliing
unpleasant were to occur, I never should forgive myself,
A few days can make no great difference. I shall, there-
fore, stay till the battle is over."
FLIGHT OF THE EFFENDI. 43
On the Gtli of October tlie issue of the contest no
longer remained doubtful. On that day, Malcolm,
warned by intelligence of the state of affairs that had
reached him, threw out mounted pickets in advance of
his camp, and dreiv a cordon of sentries around it.
" We heard no more," he wrote in his journal, " till
ten o'clock at night, when, in the midst of a rubber at
whist with Mrs. Rich and others, we heard a cry, as
if the camp were attacked, followed by trumpets and
drums sounding and beating to arms. I immediately ran
to the lines of the escort, and there found that the alarm
was caused by the advance of a body of between fifty
and sixty horse, who, on our sending a person to speak
to them, proved to be a party with the Dewan Effendi,
or Secretary to Government, who had fled, and desired
most anxiously to see Mr. Rich and me. We walked
out a short way to meet him, and found he was come to
solicit protection. He gave a very confused account of
the action, but said he was satisfied that everything was
lost, and so he had come to the only friend he had,
Mr. Rich, in hopes of bemg protected for the moment,
until he could make his peace with the conqueror. As
this man had rendered very serious services to Mr. Rich
in his former disputes with the Pacha, and was attached
to the English Government, it was resolved to allow him
to remain in camp ; but all his followers, except one or
two, were sent away, and strict orders were given to the
Hne of sentries to admit no further commmiication with
any fugitives. Tlie Dewan Eifendi, who is a very
peaceable little man, had evidently taken no share in the
action ; but it was obvious, from his account, that the
Pacha's troops were not likely to make any stand, and
that all his principal officers were deserting him. The
little Eifendi (he is not, without his tall cap, five feet
high) seemed quite happy wlien he came into camp.
44 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
' Have any of you a nightcap?' was the first question ho
asked, when he came into the tent Mr. Rich had allotted
to him. ' I shall sleep sound to-night, which is what I
have not done for this week.' "
But there was no such safety for his master. Whilst
the little Effendi was sleeping securely in one of the
Residency tents, the unfortunate Pacha was being hunted
down by his remorseless enemies. On the following
morning he was seized by a party of Arabs, who plun-
dered, slew him, cut off his head, stuck it on a pole, and
carried it in triumph to his rival, to be afterwards " care-
fully packed up, sealed, and sent as a trophy to Constan-
tinople." A young man of eighteen, named Assud Beg,
soil of Soliman Pacha, whom Malcolm had known in
1801, was elected Pacha by the voice of the people.
He accepted the honor thus voluntarily offered ; but
vv'hen he heard of the miserable fate of his predecessor,
he burst into tears, retired to his private residence, and
declared that nothing should tempt him to take upon
himself so dangerous an office. " It is impossible," said
Malcolm, commenting on these events, " to witness a
scene of this nature without feelings of pity, and all
recollection of the late Pacha having provoked his fate
is lost ill sentiments of regret ; but I most sincerely
rejoice that the scene has come to a close, and that the
distracted country Avill have quiet again. I can now
reconcile myself to going away, which I could not before.
Mrs. Rich appears to have much more than common for-
titude, and is in some degree familiar to scenes of trouble ;
but ladies are out of their place in such scenes, and had
not accident brought me here at this period, I am not
;it all confident that she would have been safe from the
attempts of those daring plunderers, Avhom our numbers
and powers of rapid action (from being cavalry) kept at
a respectable distance."
DOWN THE TIGRIS. 45
Malcolm was now prepared to prosecute liis voyage
down the river to Bussorali. Eager as he was to pro-
ceed with his journey, he did not depart without some
sentiments of regret. " I shall leave Baghdad," he
wrote, " mth very warm feelings towards the Residency.
Mr. Rich is a young man of extraordinary attamments,
and his fair lady is a most decided favorite of mine.
We came here at a most fortunate period, and the im-
pression made by the manner in which we treated the
^^agabonds of all parties who ventured near our camp
will not be lost. We have, to use one of my Mstorical
j)lirases^ ' kept danger at a distance, by our alacrity to
meet it.' " When he found himself on board Mr. Rich's
yacht, dropping down the Tigris, these feelings of regret
forced themselves still more strongly upon him, and again
he wrote to his wife : " The loneliness of this vessel
makes me think more of the pleasant society of my
friend Mrs. Rich, in whose company I have certainl)'
passed as happy hours as I have ever known absent
from home. She is one of the very few ladies I have
ever met who seemed really anxious to converse with me
upon that subject which engrosses all my thoughts in
absence, and the attention with which she listened and
the warmth with which she spoke on this subject showed
that her heart Avas fully equal to her head, and that is
placing it in no common rank." Only one who, like
Malcolm, has left his home to live for months among
Arabs, Persians, Turks, and Kurds, can appreciate the
luxury of being thrown suddenly into the society of a
well-bred and well-educated woman, and finding some
one to sympathise with him when he talks about his
wife and children.
On the 2oth of October, Malcolm reached Bussorali,
where he was hospitably entertained by Mr. Manesty,
who had been many years Resident at that place, but
46 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
who had recently been very undeservedly removed from
office.* On the 29th, everything was ready for the
departure of the Mission on the Ternate cruiser and
another vessel which Malcolm hired for the accom-
modation of his family an,d the conveyance of the baggage.
On that day the whole party dined with Mr. Manesty,
who accompanied them to the place of embarkation, and
received from them three hearty cheers as they put off
from the shore.
After a day or two spent at Bushire, in the course of
which Malcolm inspected with much satisfaction the stud
of fine Arab horses which he had collected there, he
sailed for Bombay. f The animals were to be sent after
him, and it Avas with no little pleasure that he looked
forward to the time when he would be able to convey
them to England, with a view of improving the breed of
horses. This occupation, he said, would help him " to
enjoy the life of a farmer," which he had chalked out for
himself on his return home. Nor were these the only
farming operations to which he gave a thought at
Bushu"e. He had been very anxious to encourage the
cultivation of potatoes throughout Persia, and tidings of
the success of his endeavours were now brouQ;ht to him.
I give the entry relating to this subject which he made
* " He appears," said ]\Ialcolm, " to by the following remarks : " I have,
peculiar advantage in his own house, ever since I came to the Gulf, eudea-
whci'e he exhibits a complete model of voured to get some fine liorses, deter-
an old EugHsh country gentleman. He mined to collect five or six very supe-
is kind, attentive, and hospitable — rior animals from which I might select
anxious to promote good humor and two or three for England, where, when-
merriment, and full of every loyal and ever I go, I must ride my hobby, cost
patriotic sentiment, and desii-ous that what it will. This is the only point
his feelings shoidd pervade all his on which I am in the least inclined to
guests." He was married to an Arme- extravagance, and it has become, from
niau lady, and had a family of beauti- habit, one iu which I must indulge
ful cliildren. _ myself (within limits of course) ; but
t There is a descriptive catalogue of rather than give it up altogether, I
Malcolm's stud in tlie private journal would make any sacrifices."
which he kept at this time, prefaced
POTATOES IN TERSIA.
47
in his journal at the time. Sir James Mackintosh said
afterwards that Malcohn's introduction of potatoes into
Persia would be remembered long after the ridiculous
Persian Missions were forgotten. But Sir Harford Jones,
eager to dispute the claims of his rival, a quarter of a
centiury afterwards took the trouble to deny the fact : *
* Sh- Harford Jones wi-ites thus in
a note at the end of his Account of the
Tmnsacfioiis of //is Majesffs Missioi, ;
but to what it refers in the text I
have been unable to discover :
" In 1783, 1 ate potatoes at Bushire,
at the table of Mr. Galley, ou.r then
Resident there, Avho had planted them
in the old Dutch garden, — who had
strongly recommended them to the
merchants, aU. of whom had expressed
the same opinion about them, as the
reader will see, if he reads what
Meerza Bozurg said to me at Taui-is,
in 1810.
" I find a note of my own stands
thus. Much has been said on a certain
publication of the advantage that the
introduction of the potato root into
Persia would confer on the inhabitants.
It is impossible to deny that the intro-
duction of any new edible vegetable
into a country, if it comes into general
use, is an advantage. Long before Sir
John Malcolm visited Persia, I gave
roots of this plant to several Persians,
but I incline to believe the Persians
will never hold it in high esteem, or
make great use of it, except their
whole style and system of cookery is
completely changed ; a plain boiled
potato, which we consider as excellent,
every Persian I have ever offered it to
considered as an abomhiation ; and the
way they treated it, always brought to
my mind, what a Turkisli gentleman
once said to me at Baghdad. He had
requested to taste a glass of English
porter ; he drank a part of it, and then
gravely said to me : ' Do you drink this
as physic, or for pleasure ?'
" A potato is so stubborn a sub-
stance in a Persian ragout, that I kuow
from experience, no Persian artiste,
when I was in the country, could or
would undertake to produce it at table.
It so happened, that after a long eulo-
gium on this vegetable, which I had
one day made to Meerza Bozurg, he
desired me to give him a few of them,
accompanied by directions how to dress
them. I told him first to order his
cook to boil them plain ; if he dislilced
them that way, the cook might be di-
rected to prepare them oi raff out ; and
if that did not suit his taste, to order
them to be served up roasted.
" Some time afterwards I asked him
if he had made trial of the potatoes,
and how he liked them. He answered
he had tried them : boiled, they were
eatable, but only as something to keep
body and soul together ; in ragout they
were detestable; and roasted, not half
so good as a chesnut, adding, ' O
what a taste you must have to put this
coarse vegetable in comparison with.
God's most precious gift, rice ! or with
the delicate bringal, the bohmiau, the
cauliflower, the carrot, the bean, the
haricot;' and when I told him pota-
toes were to us what rice was to the
Persians, he playfully tapped me on the
back, and said : 'You see God Almighty
provides the greatest of all delicacies,
and the wliolesomest of all food, for
the faithful, and leaves you what is
only fit for badgers, porcupines, and
squirrels.' "
It is very probable that the passage
from Malcolm's journal, given in the
text, supplies the answer to this. The
food " fit for badgers and squirrels"
was not the genuine potato, but the
root known as tlie alou-i-zumeen.
48 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
" I was much gratified," wrote Malcolm, " by receiving from
Stewart a dish of excellent potatoes, which he had brought from
Shiraz. These were produced from some I planted there six
months ago ; and from this sample it is evident tliat nothing but
great carelessness and neglect can lose this valuable vegetable to a
country which must, from its soil and climate, produce it in the
greatest perfection. I was resolved to spare no pains in intro-
ducing the potatoes, and gave away as seeds, in different parts of
Persia, more than thirty small bags of them. A memorandum
was also circulating, describing the best means of cultivating
them. In the midst of my labors I was alarmed by a report that
they had a vegetable at Ispalian called the alou-i-zumecn^ which
exactly resembles the potato. Alou-i-zumeen was immediately
translated pomme-de-terre, and the merit of introducin^r this plant
was as readily given to tlie French, who liad bestowed tliis benefit
on the Persians a hundred years ago; but that ignorant and pre-
judiced race had since neglected the j^omme-de-terre, and treated
it as a common weed. These fine conjectures continued in full
strength till we reached Ispahan. There, when breakfasting with
Hadjee Ibrahim, we sent for the alou-i-zumecn, and foimd it not
unlike the potato in form, but no resemblance in taste, being a
bitter, useless root. I was much relieved, as I desire the good
fame of introducing potatoes into Persia, and look to immor-
tality in the name they have received in that country — ahu-
Malcohneah."
Tlie voyage to Bombay was distinguished by nothing
more remarkable than the deatli of one of the officers of
the Ternate^ after an attack of small-pox, an incident
which prompted Malcolm to enter in his jomiial some
remarks on the immense debt of gratitude under which
Dr. Jenner bad placed mankind by the discovery of vac-
cination. Always fearless for himself, he ^dsited the sick
man in his cabin when not a feature of Iiis face was to be
recognised amidst the mass of pustules that covered it.
He was more afraid on reachino; home of frighteninn; his
children by the amplitude of his beard and whiskers —
appendages which he thouixht bettor suited to the meri-
RETURN TO BOMBAY. 49
clian of a Persian Court than of a Bombay nursery. So,
not without a sigh, he apphed the inexorable razor to his
foce, lest his Httle daughter on his return should refuse
to kiss him, and say, " Fapa naliin I hattee ! hattee /"
("Not Papa! an elephant! an elephant!")
On the 18th of November, Malcolm wrote in his jour-
nal : " Our progress during the last forty-eight hours has
been good, and we are within less than a degree of
Bombay, which we shall, I trust, reach either to-night
or early to-morrow morning. If I find all there well, I
shall be completely happy. I shall now close this
journal Avith some lines in which I have attempted to
give a sketch of my journey.* This is by far the longest
of my muse's flights. I know not whether it is the
happiest. I am certain of one point. This production
is either a great deal worse or a great deal better than I
at present think ; and I am still more certain of another,
that whether it is better or worse, it Avill please her whom
it is intended to please."
So this second mission to Persia was at an end. And
what Avere its results? It would appear from this narra-
tive that Malcolm, with a brilliant staff of Company'^
officers, had gone to Tabreez and back again, that the
KinfT of Persia midit call him a favorite servant and
give him a bauble to hang upon his breast. I have
always thought that this mission was unnecessary. What
were its objects I have shown in Lord Minto's own
words. f It was, doubtless, desirable that the Company's
Government should not be lowered in the eyes of the
Persian Court ; but as the Crown had taken under its
immediate care the management of our relations with
Persia, it may be questioned Avhether the re-elevation of
* The poem, then called The Persian, Traveller, afterwards printed as Persia.
t Ante, vol. i. pp. 50S-509.
VOL. 11. E
50 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
the fallen majesty of the Indian Government was wortli
the expenditm.'e bestowed upon it. It is, however, to be
remembered that Lord Minto despatched Malcolm to
Persia under the hope, if not the expectation, that his
references to England would have the effect of placing
these relations again under the charge of the Governor-
General, out of Avhose hands they ought never to have
been taken, and of leaving his envoy as Eesident Minister
at the Persian Court, charged with the duty of giving
effect to the provisions of the preliminary treaty which
had been negotiated by Sir Harford Jones.
The decision of the Crown Government proved that
these hopes were delusive ; and, wise after the event,
people now say that the expectation of a different issue
was not a reasonable one. That Lord Minto gave the
Home Government credit for more Avisdom than they
really possessed is now sufficiently plain. In depriving
the Governor-General of India of the power of con-
trolling our diplomatic relations with Persia they com-
mitted a great and fatal error, from which have already
sprimg disasters and disgraces, to be succeeded, it is
feared, by other evils of a no less melancholy kind.
But whatever may have been the expediency of de-
spatching Malcolm, in that conjuncture, to the Persian
Court, it is not to be questioned that he performed his
appointed work with vigor and address. By the Go-
vernment which he represented he was greeted on his
return with the warmest expressions of approbation.
"You have had a stormy cruise," wrote Lord Minto,
" but in my judgment a successful one, and unquestion-
ably highly honorable to yom^self. .... I send you my
congratulations on the meritorious and, as I think, satis-
factory termination of your last Indian labor, since you
will have it so." It was considered a necessity at that
time to restore the prestige of the Indian Government in
Persia, and, as far as Malcolm's personal conduct could
LITER AKY RESULTS OF THE MISSION. 51
accomplish this end, it was fully accomplished. But he
did much more than this. The political results of the
Mission, it has been acknowledged, were not great. But
its literary and scientific fruits it is not easy to overvalue.
From the first he determined that it should not be a
barren Mission. And the information which it brought
back regarding countries then little known in Europe
was copious, accurate, and important. We knew little
or nothing in those days regarding the countries lying
beyond India on the North -West. From the surveys
and investigations of the ofiicers of this, and the Mission
to Caubul conducted by Mr. Elphinstone, was derived
all the knowledge of the countries, the people, the in-
stitutions, and the history of Sindh, Beloochistan, Af-
ghanistan, and Persia, which the Indian and English
Governments possessed for the quarter of a century fol-
lowing. And the published writings of Malcolm, El-
phinstone, and Pottinger are still the standard autho-
rities on all that relates to them. Nor was all the
benefit conferred on the literature of the country repre-
sented by the publication of these works. A literary
tone and character was imparted to the Indian services
generally by these eminent examples. Many were after-
wards encouraged by the success of such performances
to endeavour to imitate them. Literary research was no
longer regarded as incompatible with active life; and
men who before thought only of serving the Govern-
ment, began to think whether, like Malcolm and Elphin-
stone, they might not at the same time promote the in-
terests of literature, science, and the world.
I cannot close this chapter without a few more words
regardmg Malcolm's associates in the second Mission to
Persia. He attached to his suite, either actually or nomi-
nally, several ofiicers in the Company's service, who ap-
peared to him at the time to be young men of uncommon
E 2
52 SECOND MISSION TO PERSIA.
promise; and I have already anticipated the statement
that all who were spared to distinguish themselves fulfilled
the promise of their youth, and some in an eminent de-
cree. Lieutenant Christie and EnsiG;n Pottinn;er sailed
from Bombay before him, but they received their in-
structions from him, and were members of the Mission.
Christie, it has been said, remained in Persia to disci-
pline the army of Al)bas Mcerza. He was a man of the
highest enterprise and courage, and no ordinary intelU-
iience. A distinfruished career seemed to lie before him ;
but it was prematurely cut short, to the bitter sorrow of
all who knew him. He fell, with his sword in Ins hand,
on the field of battle — killed in a night attack made
by the Kussian army on the Persian cam}).* Ensign
Pottinger became successively Kesident in Sindh, British
Plenipotentiary in China, Governor of the Cape of
Good Hope, and Governor of Madrns — a Baronet and a
G.C.B. Mr. Henry Elhs, then a young man in the
•Company's Civil Service, came in time to be Joint-Com-
missioner with Lord Amherst in the Embassy to China,
and Ambassador Extraordinary to Persia — the Eight
Honorable Henry Ellis, a Privy Councillor and a G.C.B.
!Malcolm early recognised his uncommon abilities, and
prophesied that he would live to distinguish himself f
Lieutenant Macdonald developed into Sir John Mac-
donald, who was also for some time British Minister at
the Persian Court. J Ensign Monteith, a man of con-
-siderable scientific attainments, became Chief Engineer
* I give ill the Appendix a letter matured hy an experience wliieli, com-
from Dr. Cormick, who also joined bined -nitb his knowledge and talents,
tiie Persian camp, in which he details must, I am assured, lead to honorable
to Malcolm the circumstances attend- aud early distinction in that line of the
ijig poor Christie's death. service in which he has been placed,
f Several illustrations of this might and for which he possesses such supe-
be cited from Malcolm's public and rior qualifications. — \_Lef(cr to Lord
private correspondence. Take the fol- Minto, June IS, ISll.] Sir Heruy
lowing: " I have also to state mygra- EUis died in 1S55.
.4itude for the aid I invariably received % Sir Jolm Macdonald married one
from Mr. Henry Ellis, of the Bengal of Malcolm's sisters-iu-law. He died
Civil Service, whose youth has been in 1S30,
Malcolm's associates.
53
of the Madras Army. Lieutenant Frederick, after a dis-
tinguished professional career, Avas appointed Commissary-
General of the Bombay Army — Lieutenant John Briggs
attained a high reputation as a political officer in Western
and Southern India.* He was successively political agent
in Candeish, Resident at Sattarah, Senior Commissioner
for the settlement of the Government of Mysore, and
Resident at Nagpoor. Lieutenant Stewart was equally
distinguished in the diplomatic department as Resident
at Gwalior and Hyderabad; and Lieutenant Lindsay
(afterwards Sir Henry Lindsay Bethune) commanded
the Persian Army in many a hard-fought action with
the Russians, and had to the last a military reputation:
second to none in the countries of the Shali.f No man,
indeed, had ever more reason to be proud of his " Family"
than Malcolm of that which he carried with him on his
second Mission to Persia.J
* General Monteith, General Fre-
derick, and General Briggs -were all
living in the early part of 1856. It
may be mentioned, in illustration of
what we Jiavc written about the lite-
rary tone imparted to the Indian ser-
vices by this and Elphinstoue's mis-
sion, that General Briggs has made
large and important contributions to
our Indian literature— his translation
of Ferislita and his work on the Indian
Land Tax at the head of them— and
that General Monteith has recently
been giving, by the i)ub!ication of some
interesting works on the localities of
the Russo-Turkish war, fresh proofs of
that aptitude for Oriental topography
which he first evinced, as one of Mal-
colm's attache's, nearly half a centurv
ago.
t Bethune died in Persia in 1851.
i Since this chapter has been in type,
I have read a passage in Sir R." K.
Porter's Travels, which illustrates so
forcibly the good impression which
Malcolm's conduct made upon the
minds of the Persian people, that I
know nothing with which this chapter-
could be more fitiv concluded : " In
short, I soon found l)y so many peculiar
attentions that I was not the only Eu-
ropean guest who had long lived
under their master's roof, and that this-
Peringhec home they so highly honored
was tliat of General Malcolm. It was
delightful to mc to begin a journey so
tracked; for everywhere that I went
in the empire where his mission had
led him, still I found his remembrance
in the hearts of the inhabitants. In
many of the villages tlie people date
tlieir marriages or the births of their
cliildren from the epoch of his visit"
amongst them; for wherever he ap-
peared his goodness left some trace of
himself, and the peasants often said to
me, that if the rocks and trees had
suddenly tlie power of speech, their
first word would be 'Malcolm.' All
this, from the highest to the lowest
wherever I followed his steps, could
not be more grateful to his ^country-
man than even the blandest breezes,
under the most sultry skies."
54 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
CHAPTER II.
AN INTERVAL OF REST.
[isn— isic]
RESIDENCE AT B0>n5AY — ADJUSTMENT OF ACCOUNTS — LITEEABY LABOE.S —
MACKINTOSH, ELPniNSTONE, AND ilAKTYN — THE MADRAS CONTROVERSY —
RETURN TO ENGLAND — VISIT TO THE NORTH — BURNFOOT AND ^VBBOTSFORD —
PARLIAMENTARY EXA:iriNATION — PERSONAL OBJECTS — CORRESPONDENCE
WITH WELLINGTON.
Quietly located in a comfortable house with his wife
and children* at Bombay, Malcolm now settled down
to the paper-work before him. His first care was to
acknowledge the obligations under which he hiy to the
zealous and enterprising young officers who had accom-
panied him to Persia. With this object he addressed
letters, for official record, to the Governments of the dif-
ferent Presidencies to which they severally belonged,
bearing the strongest testimony to their admirable spirit,
intelligence, and good conduct ; whilst, in his more
private communications to Lord Minto, he acknowledged
with equal warmth the services they had rendered him
in the course of his Mission, f This paramount duty —
* Dming his absence a son had been in Persia, there is no service, however
born to him — now Colonel George Mai- difficult, that so forward a zeal, so
colm, C.B. animated a resolution as I observed in
t After speaking in detail of the every person attached to the Mission,
high promise of some of his assistants, would not have led me to encounter
Malcolm says in one of these letters : with a sanguine hope of success."
" I can only add that had I remamed
AUDITING ACCOUNTS. 55
for sucli in Malcolm's eyes it ever was — ^having been
heartily performed, he sate himself down to render his
financial accounts to Government. This was always a
very necessary duty, but it was never a pleasant one.
A Mission such as Malcolm led to Persia cannot very
easily be conducted upon economical principles. Nor is
it easy, amidst the hurry of travel and the distractions
of diplomacy, to keep minutely accurate accounts of the
public expenditure. But a gentleman officially known
as the Auditor-General, with a staff of keen-eyed clerks
and accountants, takes his place at the same desk every
day of the year, and in a cold-blooded, unsympathising
manner criticises, item by item, the luckless envoy's
accounts. It is very right. It is his business. It is not
his duty to take large views of anything, or to handle
matters in the mass. He is emphatically a man of de-
tail ; and the more minutely he anatomises an account,
the more efficiently he performs his functions as an
auditor. Now Malcolm's accounts being, like his mission,
of an extraordinary and exceptional character, natm\ally
afforded to the Auditor-General many salient points of
attack. Here a voucher was called for where vouchers
were impossible ; and explanations required where ex-
planatory details could hardly be appreciated by any
one unacquainted with the particular circumstances of
the case, and inexperienced in the general business of
diplomacy. Matters of this kind are so far out of the
general line of routine, that many things must be taken
on trust, and the only voucher required, the good cha-
racter of the officer who renders the account.
It is unnecessary to refer much in detail to the corre-
spondence which arose out of tlie adjustment of these ac-
counts. It was natural that Malcolm should have chafed
under the continual criticism of the Auditor-General;
but it was not less the dutv of the Auditor-General to
5Q AN INTERVAL OF REST.
act the part of a remorseless critic. Between the two
^Ir. Edmonstone sate in judgment, as the friend both of
Malcohn and Sherer, and it appears to me that he lield
the scale very fairly when he wrote thus to the former :
" It is very certain, as you liave observed, that the civil auditor,
whatever his talents, cannot be a judge of tlie necessity and pro-
priety of a large proportion of the expenditure of a mission such
as yours to Persia ; neither has he taken upon himself to judge of
those branches of expenditure -which politic*! considerations neces-
sarily unknown to him may have rendered unavoidable. I allude
principally to presents which form so large a part of the expenses
of the Mission. It is not possible to furnish him with rules of
audit applicable to such missions, because it is not possible to
convey to him the extent of political and local information re-
quisite for that purpose. But are the accounts, therefore, to go
without audit ? are they not to be subject in their details to that
species of check and investigation which is applicable to public
expenditure of every description, and which is usual under every
Government ? It is his duty to point out to Government what
charges appear to him, according to the general principles which
he is enabled to apply to them, to be high or unnecessary. He is
not bound nor authorised to consider the degree of confidence to
be reposed in the integrity and discretion of the officer whose
accounts he investigates. Nor is his judgment at all to be con-
sidered as conclusive. Government is the real auditor. He only
performs the drudgery of investigating details, and presenting to
Government questions in a form to facilitate decision. In England,
I understand, the checks and investigations of accounts are far more
rigid. "While a single item of pubHc expenditure remains unad-
justed, no part of the officer's accounts are passed; and what do
you think of Lord Minto himself, on his return from Corsica,
being obliged to swear to his accounts before he was relieved from
the responsibility of his public expenditure ! The Court of Di-
rectors would be little satisfied if informed that this Government
had passed the whole of your accounts without audit or inquiry,
merely on the ground of its reliance on your integrity and dis-
cretion. In fact, such audit and inquiry imply no reflection upon
your integrity or discretion. On the other hand, the confidence
EXPENSES OF THE PERSIAN MISSION. 57
SO justly reposed in you cannot exempt Government from the
duty of forming its opinion of the necessity and moderation of
charges incurred even under all the latitude of discretion so pro-
perly allowed you, as far as it has the means of forming one."
In this same letter ^Ir. Edmonstone frankly stated
that, ill the opinion of Government, the general expendi-
tnre of the Mission was excessive, and that it was in-
tended to record an opinion to that effect :
" That the general scale of your expenditure," he wrote, " might
have been materially reduced without injury to the public service,
I am allowed candidly to tell you, is the opinion of Government.
It has been the duty of Government to record that opinion ; but
this only involves a difference of sentiment regarding the correct-
ness and policy of the principles which governed this expenditure.
It does not impute to you an inconsiderate and careless expenditure
of the public money. Government will not refuse to admit that,
with reference to the principles themselves, you have not neglected
the obligations of attention, prudence, and discretion. But it
cannot reasonably be expected that Government should deny
itself the liberty of judging, according to the lights which it pos-
sesses, on a point so fundamental as the principles which have
regulated the conduct of its representative in the expenditure of
the public money; nor can it be supposed that Government di-
vested itself of this privilege, or rather duty, by declaring, and
actually feeling, an implicit confidence in your discretion, expe-
rience, and honor."
That the expenses of the Mission were very heavy is
not to be denied. Bnt Malcolm maintained that this,
however greatly to be deplored, was inherent in the very
nature of the service entrusted to him, and that with-
out such expenditure he could not have carried out
the objects of his mission. It is right that in this place
his explanation should be suffered to speak for itself:
" The number of officers attached to my Mission was one and
no inconsiderable cause of additional expense ; but it will be re-
58 AN INTERVAL OF EEST.
collected that when I was ordered to Persia it was expected that
I should have full employment for their services in disciplining
the infantry of that Government. Though this was not the case,
none of the officers were idle, and during the ten months that my
Mission was in Persia all those of my family who were not actually
necessary to aid me in the immediate duties of my Mission were
detached to different parts of the country, and the maps and
memoirs I have transmitted will satisfy Government of the great
value of the object that has been attained by their labors, which
have not only afforded the most correct and ample information of
the countries between India and Persia, but added, in a very great
degree, to the knowledge we formerly had of the latter country.
The officers I employed travelled generally as natives, and com-
paratively at a very trifling expense. The whole of the charges
(including presents) incurred by Lieutenants Christie and Pot-
tinger during a journey which commenced at Sonmeany, and
traversed by two different routes all the countries between Sindh
and Persia, hardly exceeds ten thousand rupees. The period these
officers were employed was near eight months, and they were
almost all that period separated, which had the effect of nearly
doubling their expenses.
" The chief causes of public expenditure on my late Mission
were the style in which I travelled, and the presents I gave. With
regard to both these points, I can only observe that, situated as I
was, I had no option. Every sentiment of ray mind relating to
the principles of our connexion with Persia was, as is well known
to Government, adverse to the gratification of the avarice of the
court of that country, and I had repeatedly proposed other and
more efficient means than the appearance of State and expensive
presents for establishing an impression of our power and dignity
among its inhabitants ; but circumstances which I could not con-
trol had thrown affairs into a different course, and I had no al-
ternative but that of not carrying the instructions of the Right
Honorable the Governor-General in Council, as conveyed in his
letter under date the 26th of October, into execution, or of as-
suming the style and appearance, and acting with the liberality I
did. By adopting the latter means, I was not only able to attain
the Court of Persia at an early period (a point to which the
Governor-General attached the highest importance), but to restore
to its proper estimation the depreciated rank and character of the
LITERAKY LABORS. 59
Hight Honorable tlie Governor- General of India ; and tliis I was
directed to consider as one of the chief objects for 'which I was
deputed to Persia. Had I pursued any other course than what I
did, I should have experienced obstacles that would probably have
altogether prevented the progress of my Mission ; and if it had
advanced, it would have been under circumstances that would
have confirmed all those injurious and unfavorable impressions
that had been received of the high authority by which I was
employed.
" If the Honorable the Vice-President in Council will do me
the justice to consider the expenses incurred on this Mission under
this view, and recollect the importance that was attached at the
moment I was deputed to the early and complete execution of my
orders, I feel confident that I shall not be denied the merit (which
I have ever labored above all others to attain) of a scrupulous
attention to every item of public expenditure under my direction
and control ; and I trust it will be found, after an examination
into the manner in which I have discharged tliis last public trust,
that I have upon this, as upon all former occasions, been as strict
an economist of the public money as it was possible to be, without
hazarding a delay or failure of the political objects I was directed
to accomplish."
Whilst this correspondence was in progress, another
of a pleasanter kind was passing between Bombay and
Calcutta. Malcolm had collected a vast mass of mate-
rials for an historical and descriptive account of Persia,
and he desired to obtain the permission of the Govern-
ment for him to remain at Bombay whilst he was ar-
ranging these materials, with the view to the composition
of an elaborate work. In order to accomplish this, it
was necessary to keep a considerable staff of clerks and
copyists, and Malcolm thought that he Avas entitled, as
indeed he was, to such allowances as would enable him
to continue his labors without any personal sacrifice. It
may be doubted whether in these days, under similar
cii^cumstances, the question would be viewed, either by
the local or home Government, in so liberal and en-
GO AN INTERVAL OF REST.
lightened a spirit as that with which Lord ]\Iinto re-
garded it. Mr. Elphinstone liad been for some time at
Calcutta arranging the materials of his account of the
Kingdom of Caubul ; and he had received every in-
dulgence and encouragement from Government wliilst
prosecuting this important work.* The same indulgence
and encouragement were now to be extended to Malcolm.
" The work on which you are engaged," wrote Lord
Minto, " must be carried on with more facility and ad-
vantage at Bombay, where you have no other occupation,
and whcrc^ you will probabh' still be surrounded l)y
gentlemen Avho have had a share in collecting your ma-
terials, and are conversant with the subject, than at
Mysore, Avhere you would be charged with distinct
duties, and be deprived of the comfort and benefit of
consultation and conference with associates in the pur-
suits which are the subject of your present labors. The
value of these labors must be estimated by a very dif-
ferent measure from mine, if the temporary flicilities
which we have resolved to afford them are not cheer-
fully assented to. But limited as the indulgence is, both
in time and amount, I feel strong in what I feel to be
the real strength of yoiu" case — that is to say, in con-
sulting at a moderate charge the real convenience, the
real comfort, and the justifiable taste and wishes of one
wdio has so long filled a part so conspicuous in a period
so eventful of our national history, and in affording you
so cheap a testimony of respect and gratitude at the close
of laborious, able, and successful services so distinguished
as yours have been from first to last."f This apj^ears to
* Mr. Elphinstone was allowed his f Mr. Edmonstone wrote with equal
salary as Envoy, with house-reut and warmth of the value of Malcolm's lite-
table-allowaucc, whilst his moonshees rary labors : " You cannot but have
and writers were paid by Government, been satisfied that Goveiniment would
Lord Minto allowed this case to govern appreciate in a high degree your own
Malcolm's. labors and exertions in the acquisition
DEPARTURE OF LORD MINTO. 61
me to be a statesmanlike view of the question. At all
events, it is the way to stimulate men to great exertions.
An opposite decision might have been more in accordance
with formality and routine, and might have saved some
money to the State. But such economy begets only cold
service, and stunts what every wise ruler seeks to foster.
Lord Minto was at this time about to proceed on the
expedition to Java, whither Malcolm would cheerfully
have followed him if his services had been required. But
the Governor-General wrote that there was no call for
"services of his size." "I embark," he wrote, "early
to-morrow on board the 3fodeste, and cannot expect an
earlier return to India than September. If you are gone
to a better place before that period, may all good things
attend you ; and the first of these, health to you and
those you love. I shall hope to have and enjoy your
friendly and neighbourly society in my retreat, for there
are centred all my schemes of happiness. You are young,
and have years of energy before you to begin a new life,
and climb and scramble through a new w^orld. In these,
and whatever else may be your pursuits, I shall follow
you, as long as I have eyes, with kind and friendl}'
wishes. In the mean wdiile, you may reflect with com-
fort, and I ought to say with pride, on the old life which
you are now turning your back on, and let tliese re-
flections be auspicious for your new career."
of local knoMledgc, and tliose wliicli peculiarly interesting by tLc great
your zeal and judgment have excited events of modern times. Witliout
and directed in others. The mass of reference to political considerations,
materials whieli you have collected for your missions and Elphinstone's have
the History of Persia and the neigh- certainly been productive of very im-
bouring states, is a proof of an extra- port ant benefits in a literary point
ordinary spirit of diligence, ability, and of vie\r, and independently of your
research, and when digested and ar- diplomatic services, you will both have
ranged in the manner you propose, the credit of acquiring and diffusing
must form a most valuable addition to knowledge which, but for your labors,
the existing stock of information re- had probably remained for ever con-
gardiug a quarter of Asia rendered cealed."
62
AN INTERVAL OF EEST.
Throughout the year 1811, in accordance with the
permission thus granted to him by the Supreme Govern-
ment, Malcolm continued to reside at Bombay, and to
apply himself earnestly to his literary labors. It was no
small privilege, under these circmnstances, dm'ing the
earlier part of the year, to enjoy the society of Sir James
Mackintosh, whose wonderful intellect and many fme
qualities he greatly appreciated. " Mackintosh is a very
extraordinary man," he wi'ote to his brother Gilbert,
" and a sincere friend of mine." The Recorder criticised
and corrected his friend's works, and, I believe, admired
his character more than his compositions. lie said truly,
that ''men "svith great talents for active life are inferior
to themselves in their writings."* It would have been a
"•=^ There arc several passages relating
to Malcolm iu Mackintosh's Bombay
journal, published in the interesting
Life by his son, which I think ought
to find a place in this chapter. I sub-
join the most illustrative of them :
" March 28, 1811.— Read over, with
minute ci'iticism, Malcolm's poem. The
Persian Travrlkr. It has more thought
and nerve than correct and smooth
verse : it would have been highly com-
mended before the art of writing verse
became so general an attainment. But
everybody is now a judge of offences
against harmony and mechanism, which
it requires so little genius to avoid.
" Malcolm has been with me two
hours, and I have told him all my cri-
ticism, which he has taken well.
" Jidi/ 15. — Abcrcromby, Malcolm,
and a very small party dined here in
the evening — the first general rather
desponding about Portugal — the se-
cond trusting too much in a "Wellesley
to allow such a sentiment.
" Jiili/ 28. — In correcting a manu-
script of Malcohn's, I observed that
a man of vigorous mind conceived
original ideas, which, if he be an un-
practised or negligent writer, he often
expresses in such a manner that they
appear to be common-place. The new
thought may be so near an old one,
that it requires the exact impression
to distinguish them. This is one of
the reasons why men of great talents
for active life arc inferior to themselves
in their writings.
"August 23. — Malcolm has intro-
duced potatoes into Persia. That be-
nefit may be remembered long after all
that is now spoken of in our ridiculous
Persian missions has fallen into de-
served oblivion. If Lord Wellesley
had accomplished the abolition of in-
fanticide, which poor Jonathan Dun-
can is so panegyrised for having vainly
endeavoured, his name would have been
held in everlasting remembrance. All
the negotiations and wars which appear
so splendid at present, will, iu a his-
tory of twenty years hence, not occupy
ten pages.
" August 30. — Malcolm has written
not a bad thing at the end of Hume's
Elizabeth. ' The head cannot join the
heart respecting Mary; nor can the
heart follow the head about Eliza-
beth.' "
I am rather surprised that a mau of
so much sagacity and penetration as
Sir James Mackintosh should have
MALCOLM AS AN AUTHOR. 63
miracle, indeed, if Malcolm, who since tlie age of thirteen
had seldom had any other home than a canvas tent, and
whose library was a rusty bullock-trunk, should — I will
not say thought as deeply and written as correctly as
Mackintosh, but been eminently distinguished for these
qualities at all. It is almost a miracle that, considering
in how large a sense he was a man of action, how the
necessities of the public service kept him continually in
motion, and how his mind was diverted and distracted by
a constant succession of new objects, he wrote as much
and as well as he did. The w^orld has furnished few ex-
amples of men so largely mixed up with the affairs of active
life taking so high a place among the authors of the age.
Malcolm, as I have said before, did everything m a
large Avay. He was a man of much discourse — discur-
sive. But imlike many examples of voluble utterance, he
was emphatically a full man. lie talked much and he
Avrote much, because he had much to say. Ilis writings
abound in information which, when it was first laid
before the public, was novel and striking. He has sup-
plied materials of immense value to every subsequent
writer on Indian affairs. He dealt with facts on a large
scale, and he was conscientious in his statement of them.
He thoroughly understood what he was writing about,
and he made himself understood by others. But he was
not an artist. His works are rather elaborate reports
than finished compositions. The statesman rather than
the author is apparent in them. There are no tricks of
the trade discernible ; but a genuineness w^hicli speaks
out everywhere in a strong, natural voice. He could not
beeu so greatly at fault iu his estimate what the Eecorder auticipated. Aud
of the comparative importance which -wheu we consider what are the tempta-
History would attach, aud the space tions of writers aud the tastes of
it would assign, to the triumphs of war readers, we could hardly expect it to
and the victories of peace. The re- be otherwise,
suit has beeu precisely the reverse of
l/i^-^-r^-^- ''Qui'' 1/ .
64 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
compress. He could not polish or refine. He had been
accustomed all his life to write, ciirrente calamo^ very
long public and private letters, and still longer official
reports; and he did not much modify his style when he
wrote for the Press. He was himself, indeed, so sensible
of his want of art, and had so little of the dignity and
tenaciousness of the craft, that he generally authorised
others to correct his style, while he exhorted them not
to meddle with his facts.
His intercourse with Mackintosh was as improving as
it was delightful; and early in the year there was an
accession to the literary circle of Bombay very appre-
ciable both by the lawyer and the soldier. At the latter
end of February a vessel arrived from Calcutta, bringing
Mountstuart Elphinstone and Henry Martyn. Malcolm
was delighted to welcome the former — to talk over old
times and present pursuits — proud to introduce so ac-
complished a man to his friend the Recorder.* Elphin-
stone in turn introduced Henry Martyn to Mackintosh f
and Malcolm. The former recognised in the young
* The following is Mackiutosli's barked for ranwcU. He lias a vciy
account of the meeting : fine understanding, with the greatest
" Feb. 26, ISll. — Malcolm brought modesty and simplicity of character."
Elphiustouc to breakfast. We had an f Sec Mackintosh's journal in the
animated discussion about the import- Life by his son : " Elphinstone intro-
ance of India to England. I eon- duced mc to a young clergyman
tended that it was not of any great named IMartyn, come round from
value. I observed that of possessions Bengal on liis way to Bussorah, partly
beyond sea, the first rank belonged to for health and partly to improve his
those which, like North America, con- Arabic, as he is translating the Scrip-
tributed both to strength and wealth ; turcs into that language. He seems
the second is to those which, like the to be a mild and benevolent enthusiast
"West Indies, contributed to wealth, — a sort of character with which I am
and created maritime strength, thougli always half in love. We had tlie uo-
they did not supply a military popula- vclty of grace before and after diimcr,
tion. India certainly ranks below all the company standing."
them. Nobody thinks of employing Again : " Mr. Martyn, the saint
Sepoys out of India. Great as it looks from Calcutta, called here. He is a
and sounds, it does not add so much man of acuteness and learning. His
to the empire as New England did. meekness is excessive, and gives a dis-
After breakfast I carried Elphinstone agreeable impression of effort to con-
to Mazagong-bunder, where he em- ceal the passions of human nature."
HENRY MARITN. 65
devotee a man of aciiteness and learning — spoke of liini
as a benevolent enthusiast, but said that his excessive
meekness left a disagreeable feeling upon the mind. On
Malcolm, however, the young Christian hero appears to
have made a more favorable impression. Perhaps, the
habitual cheerfulness of his manner communicated itself
to the "saint from Calcutta," for he wrote to Sir Gore
Ouseley, that Henry Martyn, who was then on his way
to Persia, was likely to add to the hilarity of his party.
" The Rev. Mr. Martyn," he said, " one of the clergymen
of Bengal, is here on his way to the Gulf He requested
me to give him a line to the Governor of Bushire, which
I did, as well as one to Mahomed Nebbee Khan. But I
warned him not to move from Bushire without your
previous sanction. His intention, I believe, is to go by
Shiraz, Ispahan, and Kermanshah to Baghdad, and to
endeavour on that route to discover some ancient copies
of the Gospel, which he and many other saints are per-
suaded lie hid in the mountains of Persia. Mr. Martyn
also expects to improve himself as an Oriental scholar.
He is already an excellent one. His knowledge of Arabic
is superior to that of any Englishman in India. He is
altogether a very learned and cheerful man, but a great
enthusiast in his holy calling. He has, however, assured
me, and begged I would mention it to you, that he has
no thought of preaching to the Persians, or of entering
into any theological controversies; but means to confine
himself to two objects — a research after old Gospels, and
the endeavour to qualify himself for giving a correct
version of the Scriptures into Arabic and Persian, on the
plan proposed by the Bible Society. I have not hesi-
tated to tell him that I thought you would require that
he should act with great caution, and not allow liis
zeal to run away with him. He declares he will not,
VOL. II. F
66 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
and he is a man of that character that I must believe. I
am satisfied tliat if you ever see him, you will be pleased
with him. He will give you grace before and afetr
dinner, and admonish such of your party as take the
Lord's name in vain : but his "ood sense and sreat learn-
ing will delight you, whilst his constant cheerfulness will
add to the hilarity of your party."
Elphinstone was at this time on his way to Poonah,
where he persuaded Malcolm to visit him. Early in
May the latter started in excellent health and spirits,
riding some part of the distance on his favorite horse
" Wahabee." Elphinstone, and two other officers, came
out to meet him, and they all rode together into Poonah,
" pretty smartly," as Malcolm wrote to his wife, adding,
that " he felt about as much fatigued as if he had played
two rubbers of billiards." In Mountstuart Elphinstone
he found a friend as fond of sport as himself; and the ci-
devant Envoys to the Com-ts of Persia and Caubul, with
the gentlemen of the Poonah Residency, and one or two
friends, were soon to be seen, spears in rest, in hot pur-
suit of wild hogs. " The sun is rather hot," he wrote,
"but there is a refreshing breeze, and the hopes of a
boar makes a man forget climate." " Not much luck,"
he said, on another day, " Ijut hard riding, and no less
than seven falls. I did not come off, though very near
it." He had been poring for some months over his
papers, and recreation was as delightful to him as to any
boy broken loose from school.
But in spite of the hospitable entreaties of the Resi-
dent, who hoped that ]Mrs. Malcolm and the children
might be brought up to Poonah, Malcolm returned to
Bombay and his work. He could not afford to be long
idle. It does not seem that dm'ing his visit to the
ISIahratta capital he and Elphinstone had talked much
about their literary prospects, or settled between them
LITERARY CONSULTATIONS. 67
the contents of their respective works, for I find the
latter writing in October :
" I am very sorry for Sir James's going so soon. To have such
a man in one's neirrhbourhood is an advantao:e which cannot be
expected soon to return. I am beginning again to think about
pubHshing my Afghan affairs ;* and I shall write in a day or two
to Lord Minto, acquainting him with my intention. Before I do
so, I should like to know your plan as precisely as your own
present knowledge of it admits of your telling. If you allot
separate parts of your book to the Afghans, the Bcloochecs, and the
Uzbeks, I think it likely that, between yours and mine, the world
will get as much information about those nations as it cares to
possess ; but if you find Persia so extensive a subject as to leave
you no room for anything but a mere summary statement of its
neighbours — with no more particulars about them than arc neces-
sary to distinguish them from each other, and from the Persians —
I must put my shoulder to the wheel, and fill up the blank between
Persia and India. When I consider the extent, antiquity, and
importance of Persia; its ancient religion, laws, and history; its
present revenue, army, statistics, customs, and character as a
nation ; its language and literature ; its different sects of reHgion
and philosophy ; and the various and interesting tribes by which
it is inhabited, I am apt to think you will have both your hands
and your volumes too full to be able to take in anything more.
At all events, it is necessary that I should know with some pre-
cision what you intend to do, or I shall spoil your work and waste
my trouble (and no small trouble it is writing quires of paper, let
alone writing for the pubHc), while I might be hunting, hawking,
reading, and doing the kusnut with much more profit both to
myself and the public, even if I did not take in hand the account
of India, which you so fully convinced me was required."
Tlie result of these literary consultations, it need hardly
be stated, Avas that Malcolm confined liimself to an ac-
* Elpliiustonc, although he had been ment, had not determined to lay it
for some time employed at Calcutta in before the public until exhorted to
digesting and arranging information do so by Sir James Mackintosli at
collected by his Mission, and putting Bombay,
it in a fit state for tlie use of Govern-
f2
68 AN INTKRVAL OF REST.
count, historical and descriptive, of Persia; tliat Pottinger
undertook to illustrate tlie countries known as Sindh,
Beloochistan, and Seistan ; and that the kingdom of
Caubul, or what is now more generally known as Af-
ghanistan, fell, in this literary division, to the share of
Mountstuart Elphinstone.
But there were other literary pursuits than these, of a
less delightful and less tranquillising kind, to occupy
Malcolm's thoughts during this residence at Bombay.
The disturbances in the ^Madras anny had evoked much
discussion at home. Papers had been called for, and
published ; and Malcolm, conceiving himself to be, as he
undoubtedly was, wronged by the recorded observations
of the Madras Government, drew up, as has been men-
tioned in a previous chapter, a full statement of his case.*
It was written towards the close of this year. IMalcolm
had originally intended to embark for England in No-
vember or December; but some circumstances of a
domestic nature disconcerted this arrangement, and his
departure was fixed for the 20th of January. In the
mean while Sir James Mackintosh started on his home-
ward voyage, and Malcolm consigned to his charge the
manuscript of his pamphlet. *' I send you my work on
Madras affairs by Sir James IVIackintosh," he wrote to
his brother Gilbert. "I do not wish its publication to
be delayed. You and Sir James Avill exercise your
judgment with respect to any corrections or alterations,
in the full assurance of my complete approbation and
warm thanks." "I have many and cogent reasons," he
added, " for desiring the w^ork should be published before
I reach England. I wish to escape the advice of good
and well-meaning friends, which I could not follow. I
have taken my line, and shall pursue it wnth a firmness
* Ante, vol. i. chap. xvi.
THE ^lUTINY PAMPHLET. 69
worthy of my object — truth. I do not pretend to
despise worldly consideration ; but I must attain any
advancement I ever reach by fair and open means ; and if
I do not, I despise that fortune which is the reward of art,
falsehood, flattery, and deceit, or even purchased by the
suppression of honest sentiments or useful information."
The pamphlet was sent home; and, as Malcolm had
predicted, some of his best friends, including General
Campbell (his father-in-law), Barry Close, and Mark
Wilks, were anxious to suppress it. Reference, however,
was made to Sir James Mackintosh, who said that the
remonstrances of friends were " precisely what Malcolm
had foreseen, and what made him solicitous that the book
should be published before his arrival." " Besides," added
Mackintosh, " if Malcolm were in England, notwith-
standing all that has been said about the injury he may
do himself, I would still recommend him to publish ; for
the good opinion of the pubHc is of more importance to
him than the favor of the Court of Directors."
Malcolm followed his pamphlet very speedily to
England. At the end of January he embarked with
his flimily on board the Dromedary store-ship, full of
great schemes for his future advancement. He had al-
ready begun to think of returning to India as Governor
of Bombay. He had often talked of retiring altogether
from public life, and settling in England as a farmer and
a breeder of horses. There were times, perhaps, when
the charms of retirement were very attractive in his eyes ;
but I suspect that it was but a momentary attraction.
At the age of forty-two, few men who are worth anything
will patiently submit to be shelved. He was still fifteen
years off from the Bombay Government ; but the interval
was destined to evolve a career of distinguished military
and administrative service, which even more than any-
thing he had yet done entitled him to the reward.
70 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
The voyage home was not distinguished by any notice-
able incidents with which I am acquainted, save one of a
very painful character. At St. Helena, Malcolm was met
by intelligence of the death of his venerable mother.
She sank to rest at Bumfoot on the 9tli of November,
1811. It was not an event out of the ordinary course ;
but Malcolm did not, on that account, feel the blow less
keenly. A man who has been many years absent from
home can anticipate no greater pleasure than that of in-
troducing his ^vife and children to a beloved parent, who
is loncrino: to welcome them with the outstretched arms
of eager affection. Three years before, jMalcolm had
written to his wife, ■" What a woman is my dear mother!
The nearest wish to my heart is that she should live to
eml)race you, and to clasp her grandchild, little Margaret,
to her heart. John would look on satisfied mtli being
third on the list for a maternal embrace. With what
joy do I look forward to that happy day. But when
Avill it come ?"* It was never to come. All these fond
hopes were shattered m a moment by the sad tidings
which reached him at St. Helena. It was a bitter dis-
appointment. Such hopes and sucli disappointments
are but the common lot of the Indian exile. It is the
penalty he pays for turning his back on his native
land.
He reached home in the course of July; and soon
afterwards took a country-house (Claramont) near Ches-
hunt, in Hertfordshire. There he located his family, and
then began to think of visiting his friends. He had
every reason to be satisfied with liis reception by men in
authority. In the summer of this year, the murder of
Mr. Percival had been followed by extensive changes in
the Ministry. Lord Wellesley, who had been Foreign
* Vol. i. page 430.
JOURNEY TO THE NORTH. 71
Secretary, narrowly escaped being Prime Minister ; but
the Cabinet wliicli lie was commissioned to construct
never became a factj and in the Ministry formed by
Lord Liverpool he *had no place. In Mr. Percival's
Administration, Lord Melville had been President of the
Board of Control ; but in the new Government, Malcolm's
old friend. Lord Hobart, now the Earl of Buckingham-
shire, held that office. As respected Indian affairs, it
was a very important juncture, for the existing Charter
of the East India Company was then in the last year of
its existence. Extensive changes were contemplated,
and the opinions of all experienced men who had served
in India were eagerly sought and recorded. Both on
public and on private grounds, therefore, Lord Bucking-
hamshire was anxious to see and converse with Malcolm.
Parliament was up ; a dissolution was impending. ISIi-
nisters were, for the most part, at theh country-seats.
So the President of the India Board invited Malcolm to
visit him at Nocton, in Lincolnshire. It was little out
of the road to Scotland — to Burnfoot — whither he was
eager to proceed ; so he accepted the invitation, and on
the 15th of September started on his journey.
He was received with great kindness and cordiality
by Lord and Lady Buckinghamshire ; and Lady Sarah
Hobart, whom Malcolm had played with, when an intc-
restuig child, fifteen years before, now " a charming
young woman," greeted him delightedly as an old friend.
Mr. Henry Ellis had been invited to meet him, and there
was much talk, we may be sure, about India and Persia,
and old times. In such animated conversation — in shoot-
ing, riding, attending the Lincoln races, dancing at the
race-ball, and lionising the cathedral and Old Tom — a
week was pleasantly spent; and then Malcolm pushed
on for the North. He reached Doncaster in the midst
of the bustle and excitement of the race-week, and drew
72 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
a lively picture of the scene in his letters to his wife.
He wrote that he had " made acquaintances of all kinds,
from his Grace the Duke of Leeds to Buckle the jockey;"
and we may be sure that he had something to tell them
all, about the breed of Arab horses and the possibility
of improving our own equine stock.
On the 26th, he reached Langholm, a quiet country
town, three miles from Burnfoot ; and here I shall do
well to let him speak for himself:
September 26th. — Arrived at Langholm at four, and got out of
the chaise at July Murray's, the person by -wliom I was brought up.
The excellent woman was in raptures. Our meeting was disturbed
by Mrs. Beattie, the keeper of the inn (an old acquaintance), who
luid taken her glass, and came to drag me away from July, who,
she said, kept the dri/cst house in Lanoholm. This old woman,
who earnestly recommended me some whisky, talked a great deal.
Slie was particularly lluent about my family. She heard, she
said, I had married a fop hizzie I which, according to her phrase-
ology, was no small compliment to my wife. I proceeded to
Burnfoot. I had been greatly struck with the beauty of the
country from the moment I came on the banks of the Esk, oppo-
site Nethcrby, all the way to Langholm; but the first burst of
Burnfoot surprised me still more (it is greatly improved by the
growth of the woods), and appeared fully to justify the feelings I
have indulged through life regarding the charms of the spot of
my nativity. I received that Avelcome from Its inhabitants that I
expected ; and I only regretted that my joy was not shared by
you. The old domestics soon came round me. I saw the fourth
generation of the Eastons, and four men-servants upwards of
seventy years of age. All was happiness and delight ; shaded a
little by the reflection (which all our conversation brought to our
minds) that those to whose care and protection we owed all our
success were no more.
27/A.— A rainy day, and did not go to church; but talked
away the morning. Saw MIna's cottage, which is beautiful;
fitted up with great taste, and contains a number of very valuable
curiosities.
BURNFOOT. 73
2^th. — Went to Klnmond, twenty miles off, and saw ^Irs.
Scott, the mother of INIrs. Johnstone, Mrs. Richardson, and several
other friends.
30^A._Went to visit all, high and low, that had known me
as a child ; visited the graves of my parents, and heard the noblest
praise of them from the aged, the infirm, and the poor, that they
had aided and supported, and to whom the aid and support of
the family is still given. I could not have believed, had I not
witnessed it, what small means well directed could effect ; but in
a range of seven or eight miles I have heard blessings implored
by almost hundreds upon the name I bear, not for accidental
charity or temporary relief, but for families borne through distress,
for the bhnd and the lame supported; children educated and
raised, some to comfort and others to affluence. This good work
was begun nearly a century ago by my grandfather and grand-
mother; it was continued, to the full extent of their power, by my
parents; and my brothers and sisters are all blessed with the same
disposition; but my eldest sister, Agnes, who in cheerful goodness,
superior sense, and active benevolence, yields to none of her an-
cestors, is the guide to us all in this path. She knows the wants
and the characters of all, and suppHes accordingly. She never
gives more than is actually necessary, that none may want that
can be aided, and her attention and advice are often of more use
than money. I was this day visiting an old lady of ninety-tliree,
who has outlived her fortune and all her friends but those at
Burnfoot. Her inquiries about you were most earnest. " I love
her," said she, " for her name, which was that of your grandmother.
Is her Christian name Agnes ? " " No," said I, " it is Charlotte."
" I wish to God it had been Agnes," said old Mrs. Scott ; " but
she is a Camphell, and that icill do!' I need hardly add my
grandmother was called Agnes.*
From Burnfoot, Malcolm proceeded to Edinburgh and
other places, visiting old and new friends, and some of
* In a subsequent letter, Malcolm On observing to liim that there had
gives the following? little anecdote, been many changes, but that i hoped
wliich is too good to be omitted : " I he still found it a good house to live m,
forgot to mention to you the speech of ' Faith,' said he, ' it's man; than tliat—
an old servant at Burnfoot (Andrew it's the best house to die m ot a bcot-
Kicoll), which I thought admirable, laud.' "
74 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
his wife's relatives. In the grounds of Dalkeith Castle
he met Walter Scott.* " I agreed," he wrote on the
10th of October, " to drive him home ; and we have
been together till now (twelve o'clock on the 11th). A
volume would not contain what has passed between us.
I am delighted with him, and he says that his feelings
are not opposed to mine." His face was now turned
towards the South — towards home. After exploring
Melrose and visiting Minto, where lie was delighted
with all he saw of the good old lady, the wife of his
friend the Governor-General, of whom he had heard so
much, Malcolm spent a da}' or two at Bm^nfoot, and
then prosecuted his homeward journey. Taking the
western route, he paid a short visit to his brother Gil-
bert, who had obtained, through the instrumentality of
Lord Wellesley, the living of Todenham, near Moreton-
on-the-^Jarsh, and reached home in the course of October.
On his return to the neighbourhood of the metropolis,
after his pleasant country tour, the first subject which
engaged his attention was the controversy respecting the
mutiny of the Madras army. The pamphlet which he
had sent home from Bombay had, according to his in-
"*" Scott has given the following ac- manner of episodes about Iskendiar,
count of this nicctin"- iu a letter to lloostum, and Johnnie Armstrong. Do
Mr. Morritt, jniblished in Loekharl's you know, that poem of Ferdusi's must
Life of the poet : " I am delighted be beautiful. He read me some very
with your Cumberland admirer, and splendid extracts, which he had liim-
give him credit for his visit to the vin- self translated. Should you meet him
dicator of Homer ; but you missed one in London, I have given him m charge
of another description, who passed to be acquainted with you, for I am
Rokcby with great regret — I mean Ge- sure you will like each other. To be
neral John Malcolm, the Persian En- sure, I know him little— but I like
voy, the Delhi Resident, the poet, the liis frankness and his sound ideas of
wanderer, tlie polite man, and the morality and policy." ;Mr. Lockhart
Borderer, He is reaUy a line fellow, adds a note respecting Bui-nfoot, in
I met him at Dalkeith, and we re- which he says that Malcolm's grand-
turned together. He has just left me, father " found refuge there after for-
after drinking coffee. A fine time we feiting a good estate and a baronetcy,"
had of it, talking of Troy town, and — a fact of which I need hardly say
Babel, and Persepolis, and. Delhi, and the Malcolm family arc profoundly
Langholm, and Burnfoot; with all ignorant!
ME. buchan's pamphlet. 75
stmctions, been published just before his arrival m Eng-
land. To this pamphlet the friends of Sir George Barlow
had thought it expedient to reply ; and the reply had
appeared whilst Malcolm was travelling in the North.
He opened it with some anxiety ; but read it with little
uneasiness, and no anger. He was not a man to cherish
any animosities. He had long ago forgiven all whom
he conceived to have injured him throughout these pain-
ful discussions on the Coast. And how generous an
opponent he was may be gathered from the follomng
letter, which he addressed to Mr. John Murray, on the
subject of Mr. Buchan's pamphlet :*
COLONEL MALCOLINI TO MR. JOHN MURRAY.
Nov. [ ], 1812.
Dear Sir, — I have bought and read the reply to my pamphlet,
and am happy to say it can rcquh'e no answer. It is written by a
gentleman ; and if a relation of Sir George is the author, I respect
the feelings that have produced this work. He is throughout as
civil to me as he could be consistent with his cause. There is
only one part that I felt angry at — an invidious and unfair com-
parison is made between my conduct at Masulipatam and that of
General Close at Hyderabad ; and in this case it is probable the
unfairness proceeds from the writer being uninformed of the
radical difference of our situations. I was sent to concihatc ;
General Close to command obedience. To me no orders whatever
were given ; to General Close the most positive. I had to act
agreeably to my discretion ; he had no latitude given him at all.
But this subject does not require an answer; and as to all the rest,
it is mere difference of opinion, and argument has been exhausted
on the subject.
The impression this work desires to make of Sir G. Barlow's
pubhc services will, I sincerely hope, have an effect in producing
liberal sentiments in the minds of the Directors whenever the
* The pamphlet Wcas published ano- it was \vritteu by Mr. Buchan, who
uymously. Malcolm attributed it to had beeu Chief Secretary at Madras,
some relative of Sir G. Barlow — but
76 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
question of his reward is agitated. No man has ever served them
with purer principles of honor, nor of more active industry; and
however opinions may differ of his proceedings at Madras, of his
former life there can be but one sentiment.
Yours faithfully,
John Malcolm.
It was at the close of this year that INralcolm first bore
the -titular name by which he is known in the history
and literature of his country. He had applied to the
Crown for permission to wear the insignia of the order
of the Lion and the Sun ; and the Prince-Regent, in
awarding this permission, signified his intention to confer
tlie honor of knightliood upon the wearer in the name of
the Sovereign of England.* In these days the honors of
the Bath would have been granted to liim. But in 1812
neither miUtary nor diplomatic services, whatever their
merit or their value, could obtain this distinction for a
Company's officer. The time had not then arrived for
his admission into the pale of English chivalry. He was
still a reprobate and an outcast.
It was something to be called " Sir John;" but he was
a mere civil knight. lie had not been decorated as a
soldier. Ever since he had begun to think at all about
the service to which he belonged, he had lamented and
* The following is tlic aiinounce- insignia of the Royal Persian Order
mcut ill tlie Gazette : of the Lion and Sun, conferred upon
" Whitehall, Lee. 15, 1S12.— His him by tliat Sovereign as a distin-
Eoyal Highness the Prinee-Regent guished testimony of his royal regard
hath been pleased, in tlie name aud on and esteem. And also to 'command,
the behalf of his Majesty, to give and that the said royal concession aud de-
grant unto John Malcolm, Esq., a Lieu- claration be registered, together with
tenant-Colonel in the service of the the relative documents, in the College
East India Company, and late Envoy of Arms. And, as a further mark of
and Plenipotentiary from the Supreme his Majesty's royal favor, his Royal
Government in ludia to the Court of Highness tlie Prince-Regent was this
Persia, his ]\Iajesty's royal license and day pleased, in the name and on the
permission, that, in compliance with behalf of his i\Iajesty, to confer the
tlie desire of his Majesty the King of honor of Kuighthoocl upon the said
Persia, he may accept and wear the Lieuteuaut-Colouel Jolm Malcohn.''
MEMORANDUM ON THE COMPANY'S ARMY. 77
condemned the unjust system of exclusiveness wliicli
had debarred the officers of the Indian army from parti-
cipation in the honors and rewards bestowed upon their
more fortunate brethren of the King's service. The
opinions which he had entertained and expressed nearly
twenty years before had been little mitigated by the
progress of time and the mutation of circumstance ; for in
many of the most essential features of the service there
had been little real change for the better. Great hopes
had been entertained, but they had been disappointed ;
and now, in 1813, Malcolm found himself sitting at his
desk, discoursing, as in 1794, for the information of the
President of the Board of Control, on the grievances of
the Company's army. A long and elaborate paper of
" Notes," ^mtten at Claramont in the summer of this
year for his friend Lord Buckinghamshire, contains a
free statement of his opinions, with the following brief
summary of which he concludes his memorandum :
" I shall conclude this paper, which is longer than I intended,
by a brief notice of the principles of those changes I liave recom-
mended. First, — That of directing the view of the officers of the
Indian army yet more than we have done to England, and of
elevating the Company's service, by obtaining for such of that
service as may merit it a fair participation in the favor of the
Crown, and a full admission of their pretensions to the highest
offices (particularly in India), on the ground that granting to them
such consideration Is not more necessary to benefit It, by givlnfj
it the advantage of all the talent that is reared and matured in its
service, than it Is to Infuse ambition and high principles of military
feehng Into an army which Is now upon a scale that demands the
action of such motives to preserve it In a state of discipline and
attachment.
" Secondly, — That a reform should be made In the system, which
would, by an increase of the number of the senior ranks and a
diminution of the lower, render (without additional charge to the
State) promotion more active, and by that operation preserve the
78 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
minds of the Large mass of the Indian army from a total despair
of ever returning to England with the means of livin": in that
country.
" Thirdly, — That an improvement should be made in the situa-
tion of the officers in the actual command of Native corps, and tliat
employment on the Stall in India should be so settled as to secure
the appointment of efficient officers, and prevent, as much as pos-
sible, the operation of favor in the distribution of such patronage.
" And lastly, — As it is most desirable that the King's and Com-
pany's service should be more approximated, in order that those
irritating feelings of jealousy which have hitherto subsisted should
be done away; and, as it is an essential principle that even the
Native army of India should (as far as relates to the European
officers) be as little local as is possible consistent with the pre-
servation of its efficiency, it is recommended, not only that
officers of the Company's service should, after attaining a certain
rank (that of Colonel or Major-Gcneral), be eligible to be cm-
ployed anywhere his Mnjesty chooses, but that a plan of limited
exchange between the two services should be adopted. These
reforms of the system would establish points of union that would
harmonise the whole without disturbing those distinct regulations
which local circumstances require for the dilferent branches of our
army in India. Some may object to the latter suggestion of
limited exchange, from conceiving that if it was adopted it would
soon lead to the subversion of all the principles upon which the
constitution of our Native army now rests. But before this argu-
ment is admitted we must suppose the administration of the country
resolved, for the object of patronage, to hazard the loss of India;
and, if such was their intention, is it not evident that we should
have the same guards (settled rules and public opinions) to defend
these new regulations as we have to preserve the other parts of
the system ?"
These opinions Malcolm took care to enforce, publicly
and privately, on every occasion when his advocacy was
likely to be attended mth any benefit to the cause.
Parliamentary Comniittees were then sitting for the ex-
amination of witnesses relative to the affairs of the East
India Company, and there were few upon whose opi-
nions, concerning the military and political relations of
SETTLEMENT OF EUROPEANS IN INDIA. 79
that great body, so much stress was laid as upon Mal-
colm's. Nor were these the only subjects upon which
the Committees thought fit to examine him. He was
called up on the 5th of April, 1813, before the Commons,
and questioned on a great variety of topics.* With respect
to the free admission of Europeans into India, he said :
" I think of all the powers which are vested in the Local Go-
vernment, there is none more essential to its existence in full
vigor and force, than that which enables them to restrain the local
residence of every individual European to particular parts of the
empire. If British subjects were allowed to go in the manner
described to India, the effects would be various, agreeably to the
places to Avhich they went. If to the Presidencies where British
courts of law are establislicd, there would be no other danger, I
conceive, resulting from them, but what might arise from their
great numbers, and the changes in the condition of the society,
and eventually and gradually of the Government, from that circum-
stance; but if they went to any ports where there was no esta-
blished authority to control them, and if they proceeded into the
interior of the country, there would no doubt be much mischief
arising from those quarrels which must inevitably ensue with the
natives, which mischief would vary from a hundred local causes
connected ^vith the character of the natives of the places to which
they resorted."
Many questions bearing on this subject were put to
him by Mr. Adam, the Company's counsel, and he sup-
ported by a succession of arguments the opinion he had
originally expressed. The next subject on which Sir
John Malcolm was examined was the probability of the
natives of India becoming large consumers of Em'opean
* I find the followiug entry relative the silk being clouded. He is to give
to Malcolm's examination in Sir James strong testimony in favor of the Corn-
Mackintosh's diary : " ^lalcolm is the pany's favorite argument, that a free
next witness to be examined. I met trade will lead to an influx of Euro-
him yesterday at the Eegent's Levee, peans, which will produce insult and
where he made a conspicuous figure in oppression to the natives, and at last
the insignia of the Order of the Lion drive them into rebellion, which must
and Sim, with a green riband, distin- terminate in oui" expulsion,"
guished from that of the Thistle by
80 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
goods. " If by the general population of India," lie said,
" is meant (which I suppose it is) the great mass, there
is no doubt they are not likely to become customers for
European articles, because they do not possess the means
to purchase them, even if, from their present simple habits
of life and attire, they required them." Having gone con-
siderably into detail on this point of inquiry, he was asked
whether the Company had endeavoured to push the sale
of European commodities in Persia. The following are
the questions, and the answers which Malcolm returned :
Have you any access to know, from tlic situations you liavc
been in in Persia, whether the Company have taken every means
in their power to push the sale of European commodities in that
quarter of the East; and if you have, state Avhat the effect of those
efforts has been? — When I went on my first mission to Persia,
in 1800, I was directed by the Supreme Government of India to
attend to any instructions I miglit receive from the Government
of Bombay, and that Government furnished me with every Infor-
mation upon the former trade with Persia, and earnestly desired
my attention to the object of findini^ a mart for any European
goods, but particularly woollens; and I had an opportunity of
knowing, that so eager was their desire at that period to promote
the sale of woollens in tliat quarter, that their agent at Bushire had
been allowed to sell them at a rate, and upon a credit, the result
of which was a very considerable loss to Government. I made
every inquiry that was possible; and in concluding the commer-
cial treaty, obtained some diminution of the duties, but do not
believe there was any Increased sale. The north-western part of
Persia, In which the Court resides, is partly supplied with woollens
and other European articles from Astracan, by the Caspian Sea,
and even British woollens are Imported by that quarter.
Was every means taken by you, agreeably to your Instructions,
to promote the sale of British commodities, In Persia, of every
description? — I took every means within my power to promote a
general Intercourse between the two countries, and to give every
facility to the sale of every article both European and Indian; and
I had the satisfaction of believing, that by my endeavours the
EXAMINATION BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 81
trade of indigo, which had before chiefly gone through Caubul to
Persia, was turned to the port of Calcutta.
Have you found it practicable to promote the sale of English
and European commodities there? — I had no means of promoting
the sale further than by establishing that intercourse which ren-
dered the communication more amicable and easy; the trade was
perfectly open to Bushire, and being carried on chiefly by Persian
merchants themselves, who had resort to every port in India, I
can have no doubt they carried every article to their own country
that would produce them profit; but the consumption of Euro-
pean articles in Persia, witli the single exception of woollens, is,
I believe, very trifling, chiefly on account of the general poverty
of the mass of the community, and also from their own country
furnishino; all such articles as arc necessarv for their habits of life.
The tendency of these questions, put by the Com-
pany's counsel, was to establish that it was neither neces-
sary nor expedient to open the trade to India and the
Gulf. The committee, in taking up the examination,
which was resumed on the 7th of April, ranged over a
much wider expanse : the feelings of the natives gene-
rally, the discord between the Hindoos and Mahom-
medans, the population of the large towns, the state of
the Indian army, the effects of reducing or increasing the
number of the Company's European troops, and the in-
vidious distinctions between the King-'s and the Com-
pany's service. On this last subject he gave his evidence
as on one which for years had been pondered by him
with much anxious thought, and perhaps some bitterness
of spirit :
Did not Lord Cornwallis in 1794 recommend to his INIajesty's
ministers a plan for new modelling the army in India? — He did,
in a letter to the President of the Board of Control.
Was not one of the principal objects of the plan to prevent the
continuance or revival of those discontents and jealousies which
had so often manifested themselves between the King's and Com-
VOL. II. G
82 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
panj's troops, as -well as between tlie servants belonf^ng to the
different Presidencies? — It was; I believe his Lordship, as far as
my memory serves, stated as much in the rery words of the
question.
Did not Lord Cornwallis deem it essential that the new re^ula-
tions should be calculated to inspire hopes of promotion and
public distinction, which his Lordship conceived would operate
beyond all other incitements in calling forth the exertions of mili-
tary men? — His Lordship stated those to be his sentiments, in his
despatch, at least as far as my memory serves.
Did the regulations which were framed in 1796 extend their
benefits equally to the three Presidencies? — They did not, I recol-
lect particularly, because I was military secretary to Sir Alured
Clarke, who at the period of their introduction was Commander-
in-Chief at Fort St. Gcorirc; and I remember that officer writinfr
a minute, in Avhich he pointed out this distinction in the strongest
manner, and predicted that the most evil consequences would
result from it with respect to the feelings of the army of that
settlement.
Has not a preference been shown to the officers of his i\Ia-
jesty's service in India, in the distribution of military commands?
— I have often heard such a preference complained, of, but cannot
charge my memory, with any precise flicts that would enable mc
to give an opinion at this moment upon its justice; but I know it
was considered at various periods as a grievance among the officers
of the Company's array.
Is not the rank of the Company's officers confined to that of
major-general? — It is.
Has any Company's cfficer, since the regulations of 1796, been
specially appointed Commander-in-Chief at any of the Presidencies
in India? — I believe not one.
Has any mark of honor or public distinction been bestowed by
the CroAvn on any ofiicer of the Company's army, for military
services? — I have no recollection of any such mark or distinction
within thirty years, except one : the dignity of baronet was
granted to Sir John Brathw^aite, when he was superseded by a
junior officer of his Majesty's service in India from the command
of the army of Fort St. George, to which he had been provision-
ally appointed.
EXAMINATION BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 83
"W hat, in your opinion, has been tlie general effect produced
upon the minds of the Company's officers by their exchision from
the higher stations in India, and from those marks of honor and
pubhc distinction, which are usually the rewards of eminent mili-
tary services? — I believe such exclusion has, beyond all other
causes, tended to damp that ardor and high miUtary feeling, which
are always essential to the character of an officer, but, above all
others, of officers so situated as those in the Company's service are
in India; I believe that it has diminished the ambition, and almost
extinguished the hope, with regard to military fame and rank, in
all classes of that service; that they have in consequence sunk in
their own estimation, as well as in that of the troops under their com-
mand, and of the inhabitants of the country in which they serve.
I am also satisfied that this cause alone is competent to defeat all
the benefits that were intended by the regulations of 1796, Avhicli
proposed a fair equality between the two services.
Do you think that the character and credit of his Majesty's
forces in India stand in the estimation of the native powers in as
high a degree of respect as those of any part of the Company's
troops? — I do certainly think that it does; and my answer to the
last question was meant to convey, that the operation of the
system established was calculated to raise it still higher, not upon
its own merits (which, God knows, are as high as possible), but
upon the depression of the other service. I neglected to answer
one part of the question connected with the European troops,
which was, that I was convinced the feelings cherished by the Com-
pany's officers were for a system that would produce emulation
with his Majesty's troops, not jealousy; and that if they felt the loss
of Europeans, it was because they had lost, among other things, the
power and opportunity of competing for honest fame, in the front
of the battle and in the breach, with his Majesty's officers serving in
India, from which they are in some degree excluded, as European
troops are in general employed upon services of the greatest glory
and danger. It seems impossible but that officers with that ad-
vantage which the circumstance of their commanding Europeans
gives them, must feel a superiority, and the other service must
feel a consequent depression. I wish to say in expkination, that
all the officers in his jMajesty's service, who have since 1796 held
stations of principal command in India, are persons for whom I
g2
84 AN INTERVAL OF EEST.
have the highest respect, and with all of whom I am personally
acquainted. I feel bound to many of those officers by ties of gra-
titude and friendship; and I believe there never was a series of
officers selected which did more honor to those by whom they
were nominated; but it is a much easier task to show their hi'j-h
merits than to calculate the evil effects upon a whole service, by
an exclusion which banishes all hope from their breasts of ever
attaining the highest ranks in the service of their country.
When Sir John Malcolm, being asked "whether since
179G any Company's officer had been appointed Com-
mander-in-Chief of any of the Presidencies, answered, " I
believe not one," ho might have said, " Certainly not
one." It was reserved for the year 185G to see such an
appointment.*
But although INIalcolm, at this time, took as mucli
interest in public ail'airs as at any other, and took part in
them as much as an officer on furlough could ; altliougli
he visited his friends, saw all he could, both of men and
things, and laid up good store of information to be of
use to him in after days, he found much time for quiet
study. He devoted himself at intervals with great assiduity
to the preparation of his History of Persia for the press,
often taking counsel with his brother Gilbert, from whose
scholarly taste his work derived considerable benefit.
His "Political History of India" had been favorably re-
ceived ; but he felt assured that his History of Persia
Avould establish for him a much higher reputation as an
author.
He was often called upon, during his residence in Eng-
land, to give letters of introduction, and some times of
* At page 32, vol. i., there is a note poiuted a Commauder-iii-Chief. The
oil tliis subject vnth refereiice to Mai- appointment of General Patrick Grant
colm's declared ojnuions in 170i. It to the chief counnand of the Madras
is there stated, but with particular re- army took place six months later. It
fcrence to the time at -which the sheet took just sixty years to give practical
was printed, the summer of 1S55, that expression to Malcolm's opinions as
no Company's officer had been ap- conveyed in that note.
ADVICE TO YOUNG SOLDIERS. 85
advice to young men proceeding to India for the first
time. Tliese last were always distinguished by as much
o-ood feelinoj as o-ood sense. From one addressed to a
relative, I take the following admirable passages, every
word of which may be studied with advantage by the
young soldier for whatever part of the world he may be
bound :
" You are now fairly started, and the sooner you learn ' that to
he independent is to he respectable^ the better. You must lean on
no one; and as you have no money except your pay, you have a
reason for not spending more, that must not only satisfy but please
every sensible and honest man, and as to the fools and the unprin-
cipled, you will lose all my esteem if you have not courage enough
to despise their opinions. Many have an erroneous idea that an
officer may be an idle fellow, and some conceive superior know-
ledge is thrown away in the army; while the universal cant is
that interest and money effect everything ; and Indolence ex-
claims, ' Why should not I indulge, since neither merit nor exer-
tion will ever forward my advancement ?' I trust, my dear Gilbert,
you will never entertain such sentiments. An officer wlio desires
distinction (and he must have a mean, wretched soul who does
not) must be alike active in body and mind. He must devote
every moment he can spare from duty to the improvement of his
education, in the conviction that increased knowledge, if it should
not even promote his advancement, must promote his happiness.
He should join his companions in every manly exercise and
every moderate enjoyment, but shun vicious indulgence and in-
temperance of every kind, as the bane of all his hopes and the ruin
of all those expectations which his friends had formed. To enable
him to do this, I know of nothln;:' more essential than that his
heart should always have a home. Cherish your love for your sur-
viving parent, for those who brought you up, for them who will
exult in your future good reputation, and whose hearts will bleed
for your errors or misconduct. Habituate yourself to have such
feelings always in your mind — they wdl enable you to withstand
temptation, they will impart a fortitude that will overcome diffi-
culties, and they will animate you in the hour of danger. Com
mence your career with a resolution to be a soldier, and give your
86 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
mind (if tlie impression is not already made) the conviclion that
there is no profession more virtuous, more elevated, or more
glorious than that into which you have entered. As a defender
of your country you should feel an importance that will raise you
above the motives of those who deem the army a livelihood, and
continue in it merely because they can discover no better means
of supporting themselves. Such men never can be enthusiasts,
and without real enthusiasm a person in your situation never can
rise. If I could conceive that you ever would sink into one of
those jog-trot animals, I should regret that I had not tried to place
you behind a counter as a man-milliner. Do not mistake me about
enthusiasm — I mean no light vaporing quality, such as unsteady
characters often possess, whose efforts are born one moment and
die the next ; but that noble resolution of the mind which no
labor or danger daunts in the pursuit of its object, which fixes
the subaltern for years to studies that are to enable him to excel
when he is a field-ofUcer, which leads him to inure himself to
privations in the time of plenty that he may not heed them where
they are unavoidable, and makes him court every kind of service
that can increase his chance of notice and distinction."
But whilst Malcolm was thus doin^ his best to contri-
Lute to the benefit of the profession to which he be-
longed, by elevating the character both of the service
itself and its individual members ; whilst he was writing
books for the larger outside public, mixing freely with
men and yet enjoying to the full the privileges of
domestic life, time wore on, his family increased, his
fortune diminished, and he became increasingly anxious
about the future. He was not an extravagant, but he
was a generous man ; and it takes many years to teach
one who has lived all his adult life in India how to turn
a moderate income to good account. Less than half a
century before the period which this narrative has now
reached, a man who had enjoyed a tithe of Malcolm's
opportunities of growing rich would have returned to
England with a prodigious fortune, and swaggered about
CLAIMS TO COMPENSATION. 8T
as a yellow nabob. But Malcolm's opportunities had in
reality been less than no opportunities to him. His
frequent visits to different Native Courts, any one of
which, some years before, would have made a man in his
position wealthy for life, had inflicted upon him a positive
pecuniary loss. He would have returned to England a
richer man if, instead of serving the State with unceasing
activity, now in one part of the country, now iu another,
sacrificing ease, comfort, health, everything but reputa-
tion, he had abandoned himself, as he might have done,
to the luxurious quietude of the Mysore Eesidency.
That Malcolm's unfailing zeal in the public service had
entailed upon him a heavy pecuniary loss was a fact
Avhich had been recognised by the Governments both
of Sir George Barlow and Lord Minto. They had
brought his claims upon this score to the notice of the
East India Company, but nothing, before his return to
England, had been done to compensate him for the
sacrifice he had made. His friends, therefore, recom-
mended him to memoriahse the Court of Directors;
and he did so under the assurance, at least of some of
its members, that they would support his claims. But
the Committee of Correspondence, to which, in those
days, all such questions were referred, demurred to the
amount named in the memorial. There was a division
of opinion among the Directors as to the sum that should
be granted; the question, therefore, advanced slowly
towards an adjustment, and at last the Company granted
to him, in compensation of losses, a sum (5000/.) much
below the amount recommended by the Indian Govern-
ments.
It was under an assured conviction of their justice
that Malcolm advanced these claims; but there never
Avas a man of a less sordid nature — ^never one who cared
less for money for its o^vn sake, or on his own account.
00 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
He used to say that it was so necessary to the comfort
and happiness of the older members of his family that he
should possess a good income, and so essential in respect
of his means of advancing the younger, that he should
live in a certain style, and associate with certain classes of
society, that he behoved it to be his duty to neglect no
worthy means of enriching himself. His actions are the
best proof of the sincerity with which this was said. It
may be mentioned, as an illustration of the generous
nature of the man, that, at the tune of which I am now
writing, when he had begun to lind the expenses of
English living telling heavily upon his resources, one
of his brothers, in the mercantile line, to whom he
had made considerable advances, found his affairs in a
state of hopeless embarrassment ; but Malcolm, with the
prospect of a lieavy loss before him, only said that his
brother was a noble-hearted fellow, and that he rejoiced
in nothing so much as in the thought of having assisted
him. And when, some little time afterwards, this brother,
partly by means of Malcolm's influence, and partly by his
own good conduct, succeeded in obtaining a good posi-
tion in a Bombay mercantile house, and talked of shortly
repaying his friends, John, although at the time somewhat
depressed by the thought of the diminution of his own
resources, declared that he would on no account cripple
his brother by taking from him capital which he knew
must be of so great importance to him at a time when
he was embarking in a new business. It may be said
that this is no more than the common duty of a brother.
It may be no more than the common duty — ^but I am
afraid that it is much more than the conmion practice.
Malcolm was not a man in any place, or under any
circumstances, to lack the means of occupation and enjoy-
ment. If politics were out of his reach, he betook him-
self to liteiature ; if he could not prosecute his studies,
THE CAUEER OF AVELLINGTON. 89
he could derive botli pleasure and profit from social
intercourse ; and there was ever happiness for him in his
home. He was always busy, and he was always cheerful.
But he could not help feehng at this time that he was
leading a desultory kind of life ; that time was wearing
away, perhaps his energies diminishing, whilst he was
not adding, in the way he desired, either to his present
reputation or his claims upon the gratitude of posterity.
He did not underrate the usefulness of the task he had
set himself in preparing the History of Persia for the
press ; but that employment was but of a temporary
nature, and it was now fast drawing to a close. Besides,
his talents were, as Sir James Mackintosh had said em-
phatically, "for active life." Literature could not be in
the story of such a man more than an episode — a di-
gression. It was hardly in the nature of things that he
should spend two or three years in England without
longing again for the bustle of the camp and the excite-
ment of the saddle. It w^as much more in his way to act
history than to write it.
It was the hemra, too, of great events — of memorable
actions. All Europe was astir with the great deeds
which General AVellesley — now Lord Wellington — was
doing in the Spanish peninsula. In whose heart were
the triumphs of the " Sepoy General " likely to excite
such emotions of pride and pleasure as in that of his old
friend and companion who had taken sweet counsel with
him in the Mahratta Camp ? And who so likely as a
man of Malcolm's eager temperament to be warmed by
these great events, in Avhich his old familiar friend was
the chief actor, into a strong and unappeasable desire to
emerge from the quiet common-place life of an Indian
officer on furlough? What great tidings had met him
on his first arrival in England — Ciudad Rodrigo, Ba-
dajoz, Salamanca ! And how had these been followed up
90 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
by other great exploits — Vittoria, St. Sebastian, Orthez !
stirring tbe very depths of Malcohii's heart, and almost
making him wring liis hands in despair — as he had done
at the thought of being absent from Assaye — when he
reflected that such great achievements were being done
by his friend, and that he, although a British soldier,
who had spent long years in camp, and had been Wel-
lington's comrade, coidd not now be the humblest of his
lieutenants.
Military employment in Europe, Malcolm knew was,
according to the constitution of the two services, an im-
possibility.* He turned to the East as to his legitimate
field of action ; and as his rank at that time precluded
him from high military command, sought again diplo-
matic employment. He had at one time thought of ob-
taining the government of Bombay in succession to Mr.
Duncan, but that appointment had been conferred on
Sii' Evan Nepeau. From this he turned his thoughts. to
the possibility of being appointed, under the Crown, am-
bassador to Constantinople. All his schemes he com-
municated to Lord Welliuo;ton, and sousht his advice
regarding them. The common answer was tu the effect,
that if a man wishes to advance himself in England he
must get into Parliament and fight his way. Wellmgton
dwelt, too, upon the general tendency that there was in
England to underrate the abihties of Indian statesmen.
The letters, of wdiich I subjoin some, w^ere not very en-
couraoino; ;
* The Duke of Welliugtoii had at arraugcmeut to allow officers iu the
this time a very strong opiuiou that service of the Compauy to exchange
the officers of the Company's army into tlie service of the' Kin^, and for
ought to be available for service in Eu- the Company's service as well as the
rope, and he would fain have had Mai- public, that his Majesty might be eu-
colm and Munro with him iii the Pe- abled to avail himself of the service iu
ninsula. In a letter to Lord Melville, Europe of officers who had served the
iiirder date March 12, 1S12, he says : East India Compauy iu India."
" I thuik it would be a verv beuelicial
LETTERS OF WELLINGTON. 91
LOUD WELLINGTON TO COLONEL MALCOLM.
Near Pampelima, June 2G, 1S13.
Mr DEAR TvIalcolm, — I am very much obliged to you for
your letter of the 22nd of INTay, which I received by the last post,
and for the sword which you have given me I have not
much leisure to attend now to Indian concerns, although I always
feel an interest about them. I have been frequently astonished at
the indifference with which public men in England considered
the talents of those who had served in India, possibly because I
was partial to those endowed with them, and entertained a higher
opinion of those talents than the Ministers. But the fact is so.
We must observe, however, that to hold office in England is a
flavor conferred upon the individual, and is not a right, as it is in
India; and he Avho has the disposal of the patronage of the Crown
must be induced to bestow office by motives of friendship for the
individual, by a sense that he can serve his interests, or is more
eminently qualified than another to serve the public. Although
I had long been in habits of friendship with the public men of
the day, and had some professional claims to public notice when I
returned to England, I believe I should have been but little
known, and should not be what I am, if I had not gone into Par-
liament. I would, therefore, advise you to go into Parliament if
you can afford it, if you look to high public employment. I
likewise recommend to you not to fix yourself upon Lord Wel-
lesley, or any other great man. You are big enough, unless much
altered, to walk alone ; and you will accomplish your object
soonest in that way. Don't, however, be in a hurry.
You will hear of events here. I have taken more guns from
these fellows in the last action than I took at Assaye, without
much more loss, upon about seventy thousand men engaged.
The two armies were nearly equal in numbers, but they cannot
stand us now at all.
Ever, my dear Malcolm, yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
loed wellington to colonel malcolm.
August, IS, 1813.
My deae Malcolm, — I have received your letter of the 25th
of July. I don't think I can be of much use to you in any way,
92 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
and I slioulcl imagine of none in forwarding your views upon
Constantinople. That Court is sometimes the seat of important
diplomatic negotiations, and at others a seat of splendid retioat for
ambassadors. You would be considered an interloper byj^either
the active or the declining diplomat. You had better adhere to
your objects in India. Get into Parliament if you can afford it ;
be nobody's man but your own, and you will soon be known, and
will get on.
Ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
I am afraid your biothcr-in-law will lose his leg, but he is in
good health, and will get a pension in return. I have recom-
mended him for promotion.*
In the summer of the following year Wellington re-
turned for a little space to England, and was received as
no man, perhaps, ever was received before, by a grateful
and admiring nation. But in the midst of the popular
enthusiasm that surrounded him he was not forgetful of
his old "Deccanee" friend. He had not been many
hours in London before he made his way to Malcolm's
liouse in Manchester-street, eager to shake him by the
hand, and excited tlie incredulity of an old Scotch ser-
vant by announcing himself as the Duke of Wellington.
After a fortnight's ovation in England he sailed as ani-
l^assador to France, leaving Malcolm more than ever
bound to him by ties of the strongest personal respect
and affection.
The latter part of 1814 and the earlier months of 1815
"saw Malcolm principally in London. In the April of the
latter year he was created a Knight Commander of the
Bath, with the first batch of Company's officers upon
whom the order had ever been conferred. Tavo months
* Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell. He in the last edition of Gurwood's col-
afterwards died from the effects of lection,
his wounds. This letter is published
RECEPTION OF THE HISTORY OF PERSIA. 93
before, his brothers James and Pulteny had been deco-
rated in the same manner. Thus from an obscm^e farm-
house in Eskdale had gone forth three sturdy boys to
carve their way to distinction, and travelHng by different
roads, they had reached, ahnost at the same time, the
same goal, and had won their spurs by good hard ser
vice, of which Scotland may well be proud.
In the summer of this year appeared the History of
Persia in two quarto volumes, and was received with
great favor by the critics and by the larger outside circle
of the public. It was a very storehouse of information
relating to a country of which in those days very little
was known. There was a growing taste, too, for Orienta-
lism at that time. Our poets were singing melodiously
about the glowing East; and although India Proper had
in men's minds rather a dull commercial atmosphere
about it, Persia, Caubul, Cashmere, Bokhara, and other
little-trodden Eastern countries were regarded as the
very cradles of poetry and romance. A history of
Persia fi-om the pen of a man with a great Oriental
reputation, who had twice visited in an ambassadorial
character the Court of the King of Kings, was likely to
be read with avidity both by people of an imaginative
cast of mind and by those who, regarding the country
rather from a political than from a poetical point of view,
consulted a work of such large scope and elaborate
research for the sake of the substantial facts that it con-
tained.
From many of the most eminent literary men of the
day Malcolm received letters of warm congratulation
upon the appearance of his History.* Sir James Mac-
* It is much to be regretted that late Lady CampbeU. Among others
many of these are irrecoverably lost, was a very warm and most interesting
They were in the possession of Sir letter of thanks from Lord Byron.
John Malcolm's eldest daughter, the
94 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
kintosh, writing to him on the subject, added, " Perhaps
you have heard that Lord Grciiville is one of the warmest
panegyrists of your History of Persia. When he liad got
through the first volume, he spoke of it with a warmth
which is often, I verily believe, in his feehngs, but very
seldom in his Language. I ought to add, that I had not
written to him on the subject, and from the tendency of
your evidence before both Houses, he had, perhaps,
some prejudices, which you have now conquered.*
What is said of my Indian friends in the article on
Elphinstone is an act of mere justice, performed after
much deliberation, and as a tribute to the merit of those
who have risen in my estimation since my retiu-n to
Europe. I hope you think that Elphinstone's claims
are reconciled with those of Kinnier in a fair spirit. "f
From Walter Scott, Malcolm received a hearty letter,
saying : " I cannot refuse myself the opportunity of
thanking you for the infoiTnation and amusement I have
derived and om deriving from your very interesting
account of Persia; a history so much w^anted in our
literature, and which may be said to form the connecting
* In another letter, Sir James Mac- Some of these accomplished genilemeu
kintosh says : " At Dropmore, where I have since distingiiislicd themselves in
spent the"^ last few days, you were not European diplomacy. Others have by
only on the table, but frequently on valuable works enabled the j)ul)lic to
the tapis. Lord Grenville, who is veiy estimate their talents ; some have dis-
exact and severe in his judgment o^f played the minds and tlie knoM'ledge of
JEnglish style, paid you the compliment lawgivers and statesmen in their exa-
of frequent verbid '^criticism, which I mination before both Houses of Par-
shall communicate to you at meeting liament. Mr. Elphinstone and Sir
for the second editiou."^ John Malcolm were chosen by Lord
f The allusion is to a review of Mmto for the embassies to Persia and
Elphinstone's Cai'.bul in the Ediii- Caubul. Both were, indeed, pointed
bicrgh, in which Mackintosh says: out to him by the general voice of
" Eew governments had servants better India." In the §w//Y^/-/y there were
quaMed for diplomatic missions, by some remarks on Elphmstoue's book,
general understanding and local expe- intended to neutralise or qualify the
rience, by perfect knowledge of the high praises of the Edinhuryh, and
interest of their own and the neigh- which greatly roused Malcolm's auger,
bouring states, and by familiaiity with He wi-ote a strong letter on the sub-
the manners, languages, and character ject to Gifford, but I regret my in-
of the country to which they were sent, ability to find a copy of it.
LITERARY PRIVILEGES. 95
link between that of Greece and that of Asia. I cannot
enough admire the pains which it must have cost yon,
among many pressing avocations and duties, to collect
and compose the materials of so large and important a
work. I wish also to mention to you, that if you should
have any thought of settling on Tweedside, Mr. Sibbald's
very handsome villa at Gledswood is now in the market,
and in all probability, owing to the circmnstances of the
time,, may be had very reasonably. I have a very selfish
view in giving you this hint^ for Gledswood is Dnly five
or six miles from my cottage. I long for some opportu-
nity of talking over Persia and Border anecdotes with
you.
The publication of a work of distinguished merit al-
ways enlarges the circle of a man's friends. It is one of
the great and unspeakable privileges of literature that it
breaks down many barriers of reserve and exclusiveness,
and to him who labors worthily in the great calling,
opens hearts and homes which otherwise would be
closed against him. To Malcolm, literary success was of
less importance than to most men, and had less effect
upon his social status. But the exception, in his case,
was one only of degree. He had mixed largely with
mankind since his return to England ; he had made
many acquaintances and secured some friends among dis-
tinguished men of all nations.* The success he had
achieved in active life would have obtained for him con-
sideration, and his fine social qualities were sure to
* Amoug others with whom he es- teuaut-General, aud one of the first
tablished a lasting friendsliip was officers in the Russian service. _ I
Count Worouzoir, the Russian General, never met with a man of more in-
" The young Count Woronzoff," he formation, plain sense, a,nd talent,
wrote in one of his private letters, He and I are quite at home in Georgia,
" who has been so distinguished in all &c., where he served." This was in
the late campaigns, breakfasts and the winter of 1814— before the ap-
passes the mornmg with me to-morrow, pearance of his History, the first issue
He is only tweuty-one, aud is a Lieu- of which was in July, 1815.
96 AN INTERVAL OF REST.
render him Avelcomc, wherever he went. But there were
some, nevertheless, who would have known little of him,
and cared nothing for him, but for his books ; and they
were not those of whose friendship, in after life, he was
least proud.
But literature, as I have already said, was never more
than a sort of digression in IMalcolm's life ; and now,
whilst on the eve of bringing his History before the
world, great events were passing which made him again
wring his liands with despair at the thought of the inac-
tivity to which he was condemned. Napoleon escaped
from Elba. The Congress of Vienna was broken up.
The Duke of Wellington was appointed to the command
of the army on the Continent ; the battle of Waterloo
was fought ; the allied armies entered Paris ; and people,
half mad with excitement, rushed to the French capital,
eager to witness the grand scenes presented by the miU-
tary occupation of such a city at such a time. Among
others who went to Paris in July, 1815, was Sir John
Malcolm. Tlie Duke of WelHngton sent him a message
expressing a wish to see him tlierc ; so, accompanied by
Colonel Allan, he started for Ostend, wliere his brother,
Sir Pulteny Malcohn, was in command of the English
fleet.
AFTER WATERLOO. ^'t
CHAPTER III.
AFTER WATERLOO.
[1815.]
ARMVAL AT OSTEND — JOUKNEY TO PARIS — RECEPTION^ BY THE DUKE OF VTEL-
LINGTON — CONVERSATIONS WITH THE DUKE— SIGHT-SEEING AND SAVANS —
THE PRUSSIAN ARMY — DESTRUCTION OF WORKS OF ART — HUMBOLDT — WALTER
SCOTT— JOURNEY TO CHALONS — REVIEW OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY — ITS CHA-
RACTER AND CONSTITUTION — RETURN TO PARIS— TO ENGLAND — LAST YEAR
AT HOME — PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE TO INDIA.
On the 15tli of July, 1815, Malcolm, accompanied by
Colonel Allan, went down to Dover and crossed tlie
Channel to Ostend in a yacht. After a land-and-sea
jonrney of twenty-fom- hours he entered that unsavory
seaport. There he found his brother Pulteny, who com-
manded the fleet, comfortably housed in a spacious man-
sion ;* and there, together with his compagnon de voyage^
he was hospitably entertained. On the 18tb, they em-
barked on one of those commodious passage-boats, or
treclcshuyts^ towed by horses along the great canal,
which then, and many years afterwards, monopolised
nearly all the traflic between Ostend and Bruges — and
again on from Bruges to Ghent. It was a lazy, somnolent
* In cue of Malcolm's letters to his " This place itself," he added, " if it
wife, he says that both Ostcud and had cocoa-uut trees, would be India all
Piilteny's house reminded him of India, over. Pultenj has a maguilicent house,
" The appearance of this coast," he wliich by the size of its rooms and its
wrote, " is in every respect like Madras paucity of furniture you might suppose
— no low sand-hills — all a dead level." a mansion on Choultry plain."
VOL. II. H
98 AFTER WATERLOO.
mode of travelling provocative of" little incident. And if
Malcolm liad not passed, on the canal, two British regi-
ments — the 21st and 62nd — and seen the banks crowded
with men, women, and children, dancing and w^altzing
whilst one of the regimental bands was playing a lively
tmie, he would have had nothing to record hi his journal.
Pushing on with all speed to Brussels, he found many
most interesting traces of the great struggle of which its
neighbourhood had been the scene. The city, indeed,
was now little more than a great hospital. There he
" met General Frederick Adam* and James Elphinstone,
both recovering." " Dined at Adam's," he chronicles in
his journal — "a very pleasant party. Adam heard the
Duke of Wellington say, at six o'clock on the IHth, 'J
ndnh now ice shall icin.' " Malcolm then speaks of the
feelings of the people towards our troops:
" Yesterday," contimies the journal, " a Fleming told us tliat
the men of Flanders -were delighted to have a Scotch soldier quar-
tered on them — had no violent objection to English — but hated
Prussians. The reason stated was, that the Scotchmen were
quiet and honest. The men of the English regiments, though
sometimes a little riotous, always respected the master of the house.
The Prussians did not, but made servants of them. I thought
there was some flattery in this statement, but Doctors Thompson
and Somcrvillc (high names) stated to-day, that since they had
been in Brussels, visiting the hospitals, many men had been
brought in whom the inhabitants had taken wounded from the
field of battle, and had concealed in their houses, that they might
enjoy the luxury of aiding them in their distress. Many of these
were Scotch; and the people, when they brought them in, called
them their ' dear Scotch! "
On the following day the journalist "WTites — and the
entry should be held in remembrance —
* Afterwards Sir Frederick Adam, Chief Commissioner of the Ionian Islands,
and Governor of Madi'as.
THE FIELD OF BATTLE. 99
" Went tliis morning through the hospitals with Doctors Thomp-
son and Somerville. We were met by the surgeons in charge ;
and saw nearly 2000 English and French wounded ; and no sight
could be more gratifying than the care and skill of the surgeons,
the cleanliness, comfort, and good arrangement of the hospitals."
On the morning of the 20th of July, Malcolm rode
out to Waterloo. It was with no ordinary emotion that
he contemplated a scene, which had suddenly risen out
of the obscurity of an expanse of farm-land into one of
the most celebrated battle-fields ever named in the his-
iory of the world. His feelings were those of mingled
exultation and regret. A glorious victory had been
achieved, and he had not been there even to witness it.
" As I approached this field of fame," he wrote in his
journal, " my feelings of exultation as an Englishman
were checked by a recollection that I had personally no
share of the glory of that wonderful day. To have been
even a spectator in such an action must give fame for
life." General Adam sent his aide-de-camp to explain
to Malcolm " the particulars of the position of the two
armies." The latter spent three hours on the field, and
jotted down in his note-book many particulars of the
great battle. I do not know that they much differ from
those which have been abeady given to the world.
Having thus visited Waterloo, Malcolm proceeded on-
ward to Paris. He and Colonel Allan had been joined
by Lord John Campbell, who was glad to form one of
their party. Everywhere on the road through Belgium
the people were loud in praise of the discipline and good,
conduct of the English. On the 24th of July they
reached Paris. The Allied Armies were there. Wel-
lington was there. The Emperors of Russia and Austria
and the King of Prussia were there. Many of the most
celebrated statesmen of Europe were there. Englishmen of
all kinds — from eminent authors, as Mackintosh and Scott,
h2
100 AFTER WATERLOO.
to idle tourists liungering after a sensation — had flocked
to Paris to see the show. The great French capital,
indeed, was in a chronic state of spectacle. Malcolm
went thither under the happiest auspices. His old friend
Arthur Wellesley was now, in Paris the gi^eat focus of at-
traction — in the world, the foremost man of his age.
Malcolm never doubted for a moment the reception he
would receive from the conqueror of Napoleon and the
deliverer of Europe ; and he was not disappointed. The
Duke of Wellington received him cordially, as an old
friend; and talked to him unreseiTcdly, as to one by
whom he desired to be thoroughly understood. They
had many interesting conversations, the substance of
which, and often the words, INIalcolm chronicled at the
time in his journal. I fee], therefore, that I cannot do
better now than leave the journalist to speak for himself :
Paris, July, 1815.
July 24. — Arrived at two p.m., as the army of the Duke of Wel-
lington were passing in review before the Emperors of Austria,
Russia, Kings of Prussia and the Netherlands, and all the principal
Generals and Staff, &c., who stood in front of the Tuileries to
see the heroes of Waterloo. They were not, I was told imme-
diately afterwards, less surprised at their fine appearance than
their numbers. They amounted to 65,000, which is more than
they vrere at the battle of tlie 18th.
I went to the Duke's hotel. He had not returned from the
I'evicw, so Allan and myself left our names, and the moment he
came in (five o'clock), Colonel Campbell brouglit lis a message re-
questing we would dine with him, and that we would bring Lord
John Campbell, Avho was our fellow-traveller. We found the
Duke with a large party seated at dinner. He called out, in his
usual manner, the moment I entered, "Ah! ]\Ialcolm, I am de-
lighted to see you." I went and shook hands, introduced Lord
John Campbell, and then sat down. I mention this trifie because
it showed me at once that his astonishing elevation had not pro-
duced the slightest change. The tone — the manner — everything
was the same.
THE duke's account OF THE BATTLE. 101
After dinner, he left a party he was with when I entered, and,
shaking me by the hand, retired to one end of the room, where
he shortly stated what had occurred within the eventful month.
" People ask me for an account of the action," he said. " I tell
them it w'as hard pounding on both sides, and we pounded the
hardest. There was no manoeuvring,'^ he said; "Buonaparte
kept his attacks, and I was glad to let it be decided by the troops.
There are no men in Europe that can fight like my Spanish
infantry ; none have been so tried. Besides," he added with
c-nthusiasm, " my army and I know one another exactly. We
liave a mutual confidence, and are never disappointed." — " You
liad, however," I observed, " more than one-half of your troops, of
other nations." — " That did not signify," he said, " for I had dis-
covered the secret of mixing them up together. Had I employed
them in separate corps I should have lost the battle. The Hano-
verians," he added, "are good troops, but the new Dutch levies
are bad. They, however, served to fill gaps, and I knew where
to place them." After some more conversation on this subject
he went up to Allan, and began the conversation again.
Allan and myself expressed our gratification at seeing the state
of the hospitals at Brussels, and told him how delighted we were
to find that through the discipline he had established, and the
good conduct of the troops, the English character stood so high
that the name was a passport to the houses of those they had con-
quered. He said that he had done everything he could to effect
this object. " The Prussians," he observed, "behaved horridly,
and had not only lost character, but their object, for more was
destroyed than taken; and in such scenes of indiscriminate pil-
lage and harshness, those who deserved to suffer often escaped,
and the benefit, when there was any, generally fell to them who
deserved it least. My doctrine has always been the same," said
he; "to go to work systematically — to play light v/ith indivi-
duals, but grind the state." I remarked that he had taken
advantage of an event which staggered credulity — that of an
English army occupying the capital of France — to act in a
manner that was calculated to soften the asperity and lessen the
hatred of two great rival nations. "That very observation," he
replied, " was made to me some days ago by Talleyrand." — "I
trust, however," I added, " that France will be deprived of the
means of attacking other nations, particularly tlie newly-created
102 AFTER WATERLOO.
kingdom of the Netherlands, for they may be termed, as a nation,
the most elastic in the world." He said that was true, and care
should be taken; but I thought that he seemed to think dis-
mantling the frontier places was better than giving them up.
When I stated that I could not discover any great sti'cngth in
the position at the battle of Waterloo, but that it seemed the
description of ground that might have been impartially chosen to
decide a day between two great nations, he replied that there was
no advantage; that the French artillery had rather the highest
ridge. I asked him if he knew the foundation of the assertion
made by Lord Bathurst, with respect to his (Wellington's) having
surveyed the ground and declared he would fight a battle there
if he could. He said that he had directed the ground to be
looked at, and in the impression that it might be a good site for a
few troops, as it was clear of the forest, and commanded two great
roads ; but he never had, he said, thought of fighting a battle there.
" The fact is," he observed, *' I should have fought them on the
17th at Quatre Bras, if the Prussians had stood their ground.
My retiring to Waterloo was an act of necessity, not choice." I
asked him if Blucher had co-operated well. " Nothing could be
better," he said. "I sent him word that I knew 1 should be
attacked at Waterloo. He said he would be ready on the 19th.
' That would not answer,' I replied, ' as I was assured I should be
attacked on the 18th, and that I would be satisfied with Bulow's
corps.' Blucher then wrote or sent word that he would send
Bulow's corps and another; and came liimself with his whole
army to my support." The Duke said he saw Bulow at three.
" The Prussians had told him," he said, " about their Horse."
The Prince Pozzo di Borgo, who dined with us, told me that
he was with the Duke through the whole day of the 18th. "It
was one of those actions," he said, "that depended upon the com-
mander being continually in the hottest place, for nothing could
be neglected. We were a great part of the time," he said, " between
the two armies, but the coolness of the Duke," he added, " is not
to be described. Considerable troops of Belgians stationed at
Hougoumont gave way. The Duke, turning to me, said, smiling,
' Voila des coquins avec qui il faut gagner une bataille.' " I was
£0 struck with this characteristic anecdote, that I went to the
Duke, find I asked him if it was true. He said Pozzo di Borgo
Lad repeated his exact words. I was much pleased with the con-
VISIT TO THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 103
veisation of Pozzo di Borgo. He said, speaking of Metternich,
tliat ho did not merit the abuse that was given him. " Some
men," said he, " direct circumstances, others go along with them.
He is not of the first class." This observation was made in reply to
some remarks Sir S. Smith had made upon Metternich's character.
Pozzo di Borgo told me, that he had maintained throughout the
whole country that England was lost if her Ministers ever ad-
mitted any negotiation that proceeded on the possibility of either
Great Britain or her possessions in India being invaded.
Jiihf 25. — Dined with the aides-de-camp at the
Duke of Wellington's.* After dinner went to the Opera. The
ballet and scenery beautiful. The stage is more admirably filled
than in England, and all appear so much more at their ease. All
that belong to it are in place, all upon it are at home. The ballet,
which was a new one, was called " L'Heureux Retour," and was
written for the occasion. Pretty French girls kissed some National
Guards till they put on the white ribbon. Two sulky fellows of
the Horse Guards who had been wounded at Waterloo came on
with Napoleon's badges, and it was some time before their surly
valor could be subdued. It was at last; and all ranks danced
together, Avhile white banners, covered with fleurs-de-lis, and upon
which were painted " L'Esperance" and "La Paix," floated over
them. The only foreigners introduced in the ballet were an
English officer that had saved a young man of the National
Guard, and a party of Highlanders, who danced reels in high
style. This was meant as a high compliment. The piece was
applauded.
I went with Colonel Allan this morning to pay our respects to
Lord Castlereagh, Lord Stewart, and Sir Charles Stewart. The
latter, who was dressing, sent us a message that he was going to
see the Emperor of Austria, and would be glad to see us there.
We. went home and put on our uniform. The Emperor occupies
the Hotel du Marechal Berthier, on the Boulevards. We found
no state, except a guard of grenadiers, very fine-looking fellows,
but of rather a heavy make. There were two or three aides-
de-camp in attendance, and fourteen or fifteen English to be
introduced. When we were ushered into another room, we found
the Emperor standing alone. He had on a plain grey uniform,
* The Duke dined at Lord Castlereai^li's.
104 APTER WATERLOO.
the collar and cape of ■which were trimmed with silver. He is
very thin, not tall, and his high shoulders, narrow chest, and
awkwardly-hanging arms, make him look unlike his high station.
We were each in our turn introduced by Lord Stewart, and the
Emperor was civil to all, and spoke a good deal to several of the
party, particularly to Sir Charles Stewart. When this ceremony
was over, he addressed his conversation generally to the party, and
showed, in the remarks he made, plain sense and good feeling.
" We had been instructed by the past," he observed, " and should
now have real peace." The word })eacc seemed to come from his
heart.
I met General Archibald Campbell this morning, who repeated
an excellent anecdote told by an Hanoverian officer, who was
taken prisoner on the 18th, and carried before Buonaparte at six
o'clock on the evening of that day. He describes him as in a
great rage, which was increased by his declaring his total inability
to answer the inquiries he made respecting the strength of the
army, and the plans of the Duke of Wellington. He affirms that
Buonaparte, after abusing him, turned in a fury of passion to one
of his generals, and exclaimed, " I have beat these English twice
to-day, but they are such beasts (si betes) that they do not know
when they are beaten." He afterwards bade the Hanoverian
officer be carried away. " Treat him," he said, " with the respect
you would show an English officer." The consequence of this
order was a heatimj tcith the, hacks of the swords of those who
guarded him.
July 21. — Walked this morning through the gardens of the
Tuileries. The scene is gay and pleasing. The gardens have
much more resemblance to those I have seen in front of Oriental
palaces than any I have seen in Europe. When we were near the
palace, the Duchess of Angouleme arrived from England. We
joined a crowd under a window where she was expected to show
herself. After we had waited a considerable time, she appeared,
and the shouts of "Vive le Roi!" "Vive iMadame!" "Vive la
Duchesse !" were general. She seemed in excellent spirits, and
more than I could have expected. The joy which the people of
this capital display on such occasions makes me melancholy. I
continue to think of what has past. They seem satisfied with the
present, and are wiser
July 28. — Went to the Pantheon, a fine but unfinished build-
FEELING OF THE BUONAPAKTISTS. 105
ing Went next to view the Musee Royal dcs Monu-
vients Franqais When we came into the last room an
event occurred which was most striking. Workmen had just
placed some boards to remove a full-length statue of Joseph Buona-
parte, and as we were entering, this figure of the ex- King of
Spain was in the rough hands of those who had been sent to per-
form the work. Our guide, who was a fine-looking fellow, and
very intelligent, had before shown the spirit which he tried to
conceal on hearing a young gentleman who had joined our party
remark on the present state of affairs. " A country," he observed,
" though its army has been twice beaten, is not conquered."
When he saw what the workmen were doing, his color mounted
to his face. It was evidently a struggle to repress his feelings.
He retired with Colonel Allan and me to a little distance, and
then said: " See what they are doing. They are wrong. The
people can't bear this. Buonaparte," he added, " has twenty voices
for every one that is given to a Bourbon. Could you but have
marked," he said, " the different manner in which the king and
he were received, you would have seen the difference between a
heart and a tongue. You English," he concluded, with great
emphasis, " possess the greatest man that ever existed in the world,
and there is nothing you may not attain if you play your game
well." He seemed, though very polite, unwiUing to listen to the
moderate observation we made upon the character of his hero, but
at last he applied to him a sentence which, I believe, was origi-
nally written on Cardinal Mazarin : " He has done too much good
for any man to speak ill of him, and too much evil for any one to
speak well of him."
July 29. — I met with General Macaulay, and went to see De
Sacy, Humboldt, and Dcnon. We found only the latter at home.
This celebrated traveller and artist appears in his old age to have
arrived at all that one could desire. He possesses wealth and
reputation, and in his excellent mansion he has a splendid and
well-arranged private museum, that contains all the curiosities he
has collected in his own travels, and many others tliat he has col-
lected during a Hfe devoted to the object. Among the most
remarkable of his antiquities are two or three scrolls of writing in
an unknown language, which he found in the hands of mummies,
the age of which is proved by history to be above 4000 years.
The lady's foot which he found in Egypt, and which he so well
106 AFTER WATEELOO.
describes in his Travels, is very perfect, and still beautiful, from
its exquisite shape, which, it is evident, pains Avere taken to pre-
serve. In speaking with Denon, I was surprised to find him
vmacquainted with the name of Kubruquis, the most ancient and,
in my opinion, tlic most sincere of French Asiatic travellers. I
conclude the name of Monk has prevented the modern philoso-
phers of France i'rom attending to this writer, for they are, I
believe, all of the creed of Voltaire. Irreligion is, indeed, the
system. General INIacaulay told mc that having heard a school
was commenced in Paris on the plan of Lancaster, he went to see
it: there were ten or twelve pupils, and they seemed to go on
well under the instruction of a young man who appears to have
both learning and religion. He told Macaulay that as he thought
nothing could be more proper to teach youth than the Bible, he
translated some passages, but Carnot had desired him by no means
to continue that practice. " II via dit,' said the schoolmaster,
^' que la Bible etait un livre dangereux ; and ever since," he
added, " we have ceased to teach from it." Macaulay told this
anecdote to De Sacy, Avho expressed regret, but said there was
nothing in the occurrence that surprised him.
We went to I'Hotel des Monnaies, and saw some very fine
medals. After that I visited I'llopital des Invalides, which is a
fine building, but not equal to Greenwich, except the dome of
the church, which is magnificent. We saw here the models of
all the fortified towns in France, made of wood and with colored
sand, so as to give the most beautiful and accurate representations
of the towns and their environs. Those of Besan^on and Brest are
particularly fine; not a building, or a field, or a mountain, or a
hillock were omitted. The first of these models had been made
nearly two centuries ago, and Louis the Fourteenth had directed
a number of them to be added, in order to teach his children
the science of fortification. The vanity of Buonaparte had
been gratified by a very fine representation of the battle of
Lodi. He would have suftcred no slight humihation if he had
witnessed the scene we did. The Prussians had packed up ten,
and were breaking up the models of Lille and Valenciennes for the
same purpose, when we were there. The French oflicer in
charge presented a picture of extreme misery. He had asked
them, he said, for an order. They had pointed to the bayonet
of a guard. "I could forgive their violence," he said, "if they
TflE PRUSSIAN ARMY. ■ 107
had not been so barbarous as to refuse aid in the mode of packing;
but they scorned all advices, and these fine models," he added,
" which have been made at such labor and expense, will be all
destroyed."
Juhj 30. — Went early this morning to the Champ de Mars,
where we found six Prussian corps, the elite of the army, paraded.
We introduced ourselves to some officers, and were permitted to
examine each corps separately. Nothing could be finer than their
appearance. The men were young, tall, and their dress and
equipment complete — a coat, the body of which fitted like a
shell, with a small skirt, a leather cap of round shape, in-
creasing to the top, a very long round black feather, or rather
tuft. Some corps had black, and others white leather cross-belts,
and one of the same leather crossed the chest to bind on a neat
and hght knapsack, made of goatskin with the hair out, on the
top of which was a small canteen; across the left shoulder, the
cloak, which defended him from rain, and in which he bivouacked,
was slung in a very convenient manner. It was rolled up so
neatly and tightly, that it could not be more than six or seven
inches round. It seemed made of a texture that resembled the
Indian cumly more than cloth. Their firelocks appeared good,
but the barrel was fastened on to the stock with brass clamps, that
must make it, I should think, troublesome to clean. The infantry
guards were dressed in blue, with white pantaloons (loose to the
ankles) and shoes. The Gardes du Corps in white and grey pan-
taloons. The riflemen in green, and they had each a small sword,
which was made to fasten on their carbine-rifle.
After we had looked at tliis fine body of men, who amounted
to 4500, for some time, they were ordered to form a square, which
they did, and the King and all his stafl" entered. A staft'-officer
of rank came to Lord J. Campbell, Allan, and myself, and told us
to enter the square. Religious service was performed by a single
clergyman. His pulpit was two drums. When he prayed, every
one took ofi* liis Irnt. He gave out, as is the usage in Scotland,
every verse of the psalms, and it was played after hira by a de-
lightful band, who were accompanied by about thirty grenadiers,
who acted as choristers, and sang admirably. The sermon (which
was not read) was apparently (for I did not understand a word of
it) a very eloquent discourse, and preached with great animation;
notliinsr could exceed the attention with which it was heard. The
108 AFTER WATERLOO.
King stood alone, in a plain blue uniform with grey pantaloons.
His aide-de-camp, the Prince Charles of Mecklenburg, was near
him ; the rest of the staff, among whom was the Prince Royal,
stood apart.
After divine service was finished, the regiments formed line.
The King passed down tlie line, and they afterwards marched
past him in divisions. I never can forget the emotions excited by
this scene. The plain but impressive piety of the clei-gyman, the
attention of his audience, their appearance and discipline, and
the spot where they returned thanks to God for the victory they
had gained, were all calculated to fill the mind with reflections.
Went to the top of Montmartre, from whence there is by far the
finest view I have yet seen of Paris. We afterwards visited le
Jardin des Plantes, and the fine menagerie and museum attached
to it. In the evening I dined with the Duke of Wellington, and
as I sate next to him, I had a great deal of very interesting con-
versation. He has a very low opinion of the French as a nation,
and says at present they have not a man, cither as a general or a
statesman, that can be called great. I discover from his con-
versation it is meant to levy a heavy contribution upon them
(2,000,000/.). He said that he had been much abused in Eng-
land because he prevented blowing up the Bridge of Jena. I
told liim they had abused him more for giving Fouche a dinner.
" They do not know what they want in England ; but if they
think an administration of honest and honorable men can be found
in France, they are fools — tlicre are no materials; and where all
are rascals, you must take those who are most useful. If I had
not settled with Fouche when I did," he said, " the Duke of Or-
leans would have been proclaimed King next day, and that would
have been a new trouble."
I spoke to him about the models at the Hopital des Invalides,
which the Prussians were plundering, and said I thought it a
great sliame. He said he thought so too; but that if they were to
lae taken, England had a right to a share. I said I hoped such
plunder would be stopped. We then discoursed about the pic-
tures at the Louvre ; and I expressed my opinion that the period
had arrived when a great lesson might be taught to France and
to Europe, by the Allies disdaining to imitate the injustice ot
Buonaparte, and abstaining from depriving France of any native
work of art; but that justice should be satisfied by the restoration
THE BRIDGE OF JENA. 109
of every painting and statue to the country whence it was brought
away; and that the weaker the state was, the more consequence it
was to make restitution, that the principle of the measure might
be apparent to alL The Duke said this sentiment exactly corre-
sponded with what he had expressed, and that he opposed himself
to all acts of violence and pillage that more effect might be given
to the deliberate chastisement which it was proper to inflict upon
the French nation. He added, " When I protested against the
destruction of the Bridge of Jena, I proposed that a tablet of brass
should be placed upon it, with an inscription importing ' that the
Prussians had twice entered Paris as conquerors, and marched over
the Bridge of Jena, which had been erected by Napoleon to cele-
brate a victory that had been gained over them in an unjust war.' "
The Duke, in expressing his detestation of the French character,
observed he had never heard but one excuse for the most inftimous
conduct. They shrugged up their shoulders, and said, " We were
obliged to do so, by the circumstances in which we found our-
selves."
July 31. — I Avent this morning early to pay my respects to
Sylvcstre de Sacy, and was gratilied by the reception which that
respectable scholar gave me. He expressed great anxiety to see
my works, and next Thursday was appointed to meet me. I was
surprised, on returning to my lodging, to find that Pulteny had
arrived from Ostend. Went this evening to a great ball given
by the Duke of Wellington, at which all the principal officers of
the British staff were present, and the ministers and generals of
four courts. The Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia were
also of the party.
August 1. — W^ent with Pulteny to several places. We dined
in the evening with the Duke, and went with him to the
Opera. He told me that Fouche, however great a rogue m
public life, had the reputation of being a good domestic character.
He is a widower, and on the point of being married again to a
young lady of noble birth. His family had objected so strongly
to this match, that Fouche had been obliged to obtain an order
from the King. The Duke said circumstances had obliged him
to be civil to Fouche, but he had refused to see all the others
who had behaved ill. Macdonald and Oudinot he spoke of as
decided exceptions. Oudinot was at his ball last night. He said
he had explained his reasons, and could not forgive men who had
110 AFTER WATERLOO.
behaved so infamously; " and besides," said he, " I have all the
resentment of a man who has been duped, for there was no one
more deceived by the higher class of rascals than myself I
always knew the army was against the King, but I thought
these felloAvs would have been truer to self-interest than to cast
away so lightly and so shamelessly all the reputation they had
acquired." He told me he had used Fayette like a dog as he
merited. " The old rascal," said he, " had made a false report
of his mission to the Emperor of Russia, and I possessed the cora-
pletest evidence of his having done so. I told him, the moment
he entered, of this fact. I did not even state it in a delicate man-
ner. I told him he must be sensible that he had made a false
report. He made no answer. I asked him whether lie wished
to do so as a public character or as an individual. He said he
desired, as an individual, to communicate with me regarding
my intentions towards the city of Paris. I expressed/' the Duke
added, "my utter astonishment at his presuming to come to speak
to the General at the head of the army upon such a subject.
* What would Buonaparte have said, or rather what would he have
done,' I asked, ' to an individual that had come to him on a similar
errand the day he entered Berlin? Bon jour, monsieur.' "
After we had retired from dinner, the Duke was expressing his
admiration of the models of fortified places, which he had been
for the first time to sec this morning. " I think," said he, smiling,
" I shall take the representation of the battle of Lodi." "For
God's sake," 1 observed, " do no such thing. It would be very
bad to see you turn Loottee (plunderer)." " What, Malcolm," he
returned, quickly, " you do not think it would quite suit me to be-
come Loottee in my old age ?" " Not at all," I answered. " Inde-
pendent of these models being of more beauty than utility, they
belong, from almost all of them having been made by their an-
cestors, to the present family, and taking them away is degrading
them in the eyes of their subjects. But the obvious principle of
conduct is to set a good example, not to imitate a bad one." We
went after the opera and supped with Lady Castlereagh, where
there are very pleasant parties. Plenty of men, foreigners, but no
ladies, and few English ladies. Lord Castlereagh spoke a good
deal to Pulteny and myself about St. Helena, where it is now
resolved, it seems, to send Buonaparte. I do not know but that
this place is the best. In England, he would at first have been
L ANGLES AND DE SACY. Ill
an object of curiosity, and next of pity. Lord Bathurst said
" that in a few months he loould he as popular as Mrs. Clarke ^
August 2. — In the evening I went to the Salon at Robert's,
and saw gambling on a very great scale. I lost eight Napoleons
at rouge-et-noir, which I considered as a very dear price for the
sight. I was much interested at seeing Prince Blucher play. He
was in a plain blue frock, and seemed quite intent on the game.
He hardly ever looked up, or spoke a word, but put in money,
or took it out, as he won or lost.
August 4. — I began my study of the French language to-
day with a man who appears to have an admirable method of
instruction. I went to la Bibliotheque du Roi, and introduced
myself to Monsieur Langles, who was civil in the extreme. He
is as opposite, in his appearance and manner, to De Sacy, as
he is in character. The latter is as plain and unaffected as he is
learned and profound. The former has all the volatile flow of
a Frenchman, an eager desire for the display of his knowledge,
and is exactly what I expected the editor of Chardin to be,
light and pleasant, and, though a man of literature, too diffuse
and general to be very deep in any one branch of it. This
little man received me with more than politeness. He was full
of warmth; at least he told me so. We talked upon every subject
connected with the progress of knowledge in the East, from a
Chinese dictionary to a Bombay newspaper. He then spoke of
my History, and I gave him an account of it. I told him what is
true, that I had received aid from his Notes on Chardin, and the
Notice Chronologique, which he has added to that work. (Langles
spoke of the History of Persia.) I told him I had been com-
pelled to notice with some severity an error he had been led into
by others, in the account he gave of my mission. He first said
he had merely followed another person, and then excused himself
on the ground of le sgsteme de Buonaparte, " whose censors," he
said, " not only struck out some passages, but added others that
they thought woidd be useful for promoting his projects; and
what could a man do," he added, " who had lived under his
tyrannic sway?" He said he had held the same situation he now
filled twenty-five years. " I never received a favor from Buona-
parte, but though he hated me because I was not disposed to go
to Egypt with him, he never, I must do hira the justice to say,
did me any injury." I was amused to see, in Monsieur Langles'
112 AFTER WATERLOO.
collection, volumes of bulletins of" Napoleon's campaignings trans-
lated into Arabic and Turkish. These, he informed me, had been
disseminated in great numbers.
I dined with Sir Manly Power, and went in the evening to the
Salon des Etrangcrs at Robert's, but did not lose my money. This
establishment, which belongs to Government, is kept in a very
splendid manner, and though there is an evident and admitted
advantage, there is no cheating. The fund is extremely rich. I
was told it had, on one occasion, lent Napoleon forty millions of
francs ; but this appears impossible ; perhaps it was four milhons.
Macaulay assured me he had, from an authority he could not
doubt, the following account of a short conversation that passed,
two days ago, between the two rascals Carnot and Fouche. The
former, who is on a proscribed list, who are directed to reside
under the surveillance o^ t\\c police, went to the office of the latter,
and said to him, " Well, traitor, where do you desire that I
should dwell?" — " Wherever you please, imbecile," replied Fouche,
in the coolest manner, turning his head lialf round, as he answered
his old colleague. Macaulay says he is as certain of the truth of
this anecdote as if he had been present, as the person who told
it him liad received the same account from both the parties on the
day that it occurred.
I went last night to the Theatre Fran^ais. Neither Talma, the
famous tragedian, nor Mademoiselle Mars, the comedian, have
acted since Buonaparte's resignation. I asked a young Frenchman
the occasion of this. *' Why, sir," he replied, " the public expect
that great and favorite actors should have character, and that
they should display decided feeling and attachment. Now, both
these personages you mention were devoted to Buonaparte, and
it would be indecent in them to act immediately after his mis-
fortunes." Talma's period of displaying character had, it seems,
terminated to-day, and we went to see him in La Fosse's tragedy
of Maiilms Cajntolinus, the story of Avhich has a near affinity to
that of Venice Preserved. I Avas much struck with parts of his
acting, but I was never for a moment deluded. Perhaps the
style of French tragedies, which are in verse, is not calculated to
produce that effect. One of the female actresses, Mille Fleury I
believe, recited well, and in a very pleasing manner.
I heard to-day an extraordinary anecdote, and from a quarter
that appears authentic — that it was proposed, as the army was
PROSPECTS OP THE FRENCH NATION. 113
advancing, to offer tlie crown of" France to tlie Duke of Welling-
ton. This extraordinary proposition was not only made, but dis-
cussed for some time. Though it was rejected, its being enter-
tained for a moment was a remarkable fact.
At one o'clock Ave went to see the Emperor of Russia. We
were introduced by Lord Cathcart. The Emperor was uncom-
monly civil. He said when I was introduced, " What a remark-
able coincidence ! A general officer of my service, who has been
fifteen years constantly employed on the Persian frontier, has this
moment left the room, having been introduced to me for the first
time." He then asked me some questions about the country, &c.
When speaking generally, the Emperor spoke as if his sentiments
were a little changed. Of the French, " Cest une nation terrible !"
he exclaimed, and put his finger to his head with an action that
showed he deemed them as wild and extravagant as they are
avowedly faithless and wicked.
August 9. — Dined at the Duke of Wellington's, and went
Avith him in a gig to Feydeau's. He drives so fast through the
streets that I am astonished he has not been upset. We saw an
excellent opera, founded on the celebrated story of "Joconde."
The music and acting equally good.
August 10. — I went to-day to visit La Bibliotheque du Roi,
and looked at the MSS. Avith Monsieur Langles ; some of the
ancient missals are very beautiful, and the collection is very
great. I saw the coins also, and examined those of Persia.
I find it impossible to make up my mind Avith regard to the
probable fate of this country. It depends in a great degree on
those who have conquered it to determine Avhat poAver it is in
future to possess of injuring other nations, but its internal state
must be decided by the character of its internal administration.
The French, as far as I can judge, are not lessoned by Avhat has
passed, nor do they appear to me capable of receiving a lesson.
The effect of the revolution, they say themselves, has been to
emancipate them from all prejudices, but Avith these all tlie other
ties by Avhich they are bound have vanislied. In place of a super-
stitious worship, a powerful king, a nobility Avhich, Avith all its
vices, was still ardent, and contained much that Avas respectable,
and a devoted and obedient army, tliey have infidelity, a royal
cypher, a set of upstart nobles Avith hardly any title to superior
regard but Avhat is founded on successful villany, and a turbulent
VOL. II. I
114 AFTER WATERLOO.
anny. But this is nothing to other evils; all min^s arc unsettled.
Many of them have Icnowledge, but it is knowledge which rests
upon no principle, and is guided by no rules. It wanders abroad,
and is more powerful to unhinge than to repair. It is unaccom-
panied either by faith or attachment. It believes in nothing, it
loves nothing. It is anxious to come at great results witliout
that exertion of patience and of labor by which they arc to be
attained. In short, the waters are out, and the dykes swept away,
and no one seems willing they should be rebuilt.
Buonaparte has estabhshed a military despotism, and I mistake
whether any other will suit France at this moment. If tlicre is
an army it will command, and no king can keep his throne who
has not one on which he can depend. Louis, it is said, has dis-
missed his present army, but he will probably take many of them
back. It appears a dreadful sentence to proscribe a brave array ;
but the safety of this monarch and the tranquillity of this country
are gone, if he adopts any half-measures, any compromising policy.
He should quit Paris, and reside at Fontaineblcau, or some other
place, where, surrounded by loyal guards and by an army made
up of Vendeans and Bordelais, and other attached classes of his
people, he Avould be in safety. This army should be fed with the
spoil of the turbulent. The King should set no bounds to his
kindness to those attached to him, and he should be at once
fearless and unforgiving in his conduct towards all who are his
enemies. He cannot conciliate with eifcct; and that popularity
is not only uncertain, but unuseful, which is courted. This line
of conduct would outrage what is called public opinion by some
who believe themselves wise, and who think they find in the
mouth of a public dcclaimer or the page of a pamphlet the
sentiments of a nation ; but that is of no consequence, and all
other objects are comparatively trifling compared to that of tran-
quillising a disturbed state, for it is not till the waters have
returned to the channel, till the storm is over, that any benefit
can be derived from the experience of what is passed. I have no
fear of the people of France at this moment; they will not rise
upon abstract questions of government, and demagogues may talk
their lungs out before they can excite them into action. It is
the army which will, for a long time to come, give power to the
realm of France; and, if the King cannot form one on wliich he
HUMBOLDT. 115
can depend, all his institutions and constitutions will only furnish
means for his overthrow.
Auf/ust 14. — I dined with Mr. Mackenzie, who has long bean
a public character in this country; our party was delightful. It
was a mixture of English and French. Among others, we had
Baron Humboldt, the celebrated traveller in America; Monsieur
Langles, the orientalist; Monsieur Viscomptc, the antiquarian;
and Gerrard, the painter. The party was extremely pleasant. I
sat between Humboldt and Gerrard; and after a glass or two of
■wine, found French enough to recount as many anecdotes as any
of them. On some of my English friends expressing surprise at
my facility, Humboldt explained the cause in a way not a little
flattering. "A language may be spoken," he said, "in a per-
fectly intelligible manner by one man who has half the words of
another who cannot make himself understood; but the former
must have his head filled with ideas. It is these," he added,
" which enable him to proceed. If he cannot explain it in one
way, he does it in another, and gets on ; while a better scholar
in the language is stopped because he has not words to state what
he has to say in the only way that his more limited imagination
presents the subject."
August 15. — I went this morning to pay my respects to Baron
Humboldt, and saw a splendid copy of his work upon South
America. I never was more surprised than at this interview.
The Baron displayed attamments and knoAvledgc that quite as-
tonished me. He has no doubt received great aid in composing
his extraordinary work, and that credit has been exclusively given
to him which belongs to many; but still, admitting all that, suffi-
cient remains to establish his reputation as one of the first men in
Europe. Went in the evening to a concert at the Duke of Wel-
lington's, Avhere we saw the Emperor of Russia, and several others.
Grassini sang delightfully.
August 16. — I had a long visit from Baron Plumboldt, whose
conversation is always instructive. He spoke with great know-
ledge upon the effect of aerial fires in vitrifying masses of stone,
and observed, with great justice, on the objections which had been
raised against the improbability of such a phenomenon, that
twenty years ago the man would have been treated as an im-
postor who had spoken of stones falling from the skies — a fact now
i2
116 AFTER WATERLOO.
as well ascertained as the fall of hail. Is it not possible that cities
have been destroyed in this manner; and was it easy to resist the
conclusion that terror and belief would combine to work upon the
human minds that it was the immediate hand of God punishing
sinners ?
August 17. — Went in the morning to see Baron Humboldt,
with whom I am every day more astonished. He appears to have
done more to discover the secrets of nature than any former tra-
veller, and his power of communicating the knowledge is as won-
derful as the knowledge itself. Dined at the Cadran Bleu, and
went to a fete at Vaugirard — the fireworks very fine.
August 18. — Went to a magnificent ball given by tlie Duke
of Wellington in honor of the Knights of the Bath (Blucher,
&c., &c. — ibreigners) who luid been invested. The rooms were
crowded by the grandees and distinguished princes, generally
ambassadors, of all Europe.
August 20. — Went this morning, at eleven o'clock, to break-
fist with INlonsieur Langles, at La Bibliotheque, where I met
with very pleasant company. The first person I was introduced
to was the celebrated Volney. He is, what I should b.ave sup-
posed from his writings, an enthusiastic theorist, or ratlier visionary,
with considerable genius, but, like the caste to which he belongs,
preaching general philanthropy, but wrapped up in self The old
gentleman spoke at great length upon several subject?, but all
with reference to his own travels, his opinions, and his systems.
He is not very old, but the revolution, and the great events by
Avhich it has been succeeded, have given age to all who are
concerned with it. He told us he had just invented a general
alphabet, containing the sounds of the alphabet of all languages,
and that he proposed it should be used by the learned when
-wviiing foreign letters. It had only, he observed, fifty-four letters,
and its use would, he was convinced, remove the difficulties that
were now experienced in writing oriental names, and many others.
He appealed to me on several names, of which we inade an expe-
riment. Monsieur Walckenacr (a very sensible, pleasant man,
who, among other accomplishments, speaks English perfectly),
the celebrated geographer, who happened to be of the party, ex-
pressed some doubts, which put Volney into a great rage. He
spoke a good deal of Buonaparte, from whom he described himself
as inseparable while the former was First Consul. He said that
VOLNEY WALTER SCOTT — FOUCHE. 117
he one day found Buonaparte, wlio then lived in the Luxembourg,
destroying a beautiful inlaid table with a knife. He asked him
one day why he did so. " I abhor these fine things," was the
reply, Volney called tlie ex-Emperor a man-kater, but that wa*
probably because he hated Monsieur le Comte Volney, whom he
had no doubt found a bore. At Malmaison, several of the chairs
are cut by Buonaparte's knife, but that was evidently from impa-
tience and a bad habit.
Dined witli the Duke of Wellington: a large party; and we
had charming music in the evening, with Grassini in great force.
August 21. — Allan left me this morning to return to England.
Pie is an excellent and a dehghtful companion: his head is very
good, and his heart one of the warmest and best in the world. This
phrase is not extravagant applied to him ; at least I can affirm I
never met a man with a better. I went this morning, with Mac-
kenzie and Walter Scott, to Gerrard, the famous painter. He
was unwell; but Madame, who is a short, embonpoint, pleasant-
looking, moon-faced damsel, showed us his painting-room, which
contains pictures of all the great men of the day. The likenesses
are good, and the coloring not bad, but there is a good deal of
wood in them. The shades do not blend with that softness that
belongs to the ancient masters. Dined with the Duke at a feast
given to celebrate the Battle of Vimeira.
August 22. — Pulteny went this morning, and I am alone. I
have now no fixed compagnoii de voyage, but do as I like as to
dinner, &c.
August 23. — I was surprised to hear this morning from some
French friends that a violent memorial, drawn out by Fouche,
Avas circulating through Paris. I could not obtain a sight of
it, but it is, as represented to me, an inflammatory appeal to.
Frenchmen against the oppression, delays, and injustice of the-
Allies. It is addressed to the King, and consequently, if not fol-
lowed by Fouche's resignation (which is improbable), we may
conclude it is a paper of which the King approves. The person
who repeated the substance of it to me is violent, and may have
exaggerated its contents. lie added to it some comments he
made upon this paper, that if Louis were to escape from Paris,
join the army of La Vendee, and summon all France to his
standard, they might treat for peace, or make war in a less dis-
graceful manner; he would be adored, and have a better chance
118 AFTER WATERLOO.
of tlic throne of liis ancestors than any other measures could give
liim. The fact is, it is difficult to say exactly what this subdued
and divided country can do ; but delays in political settlements at
■Jthis moment are to be deprecated. They should know their sen-
tence, which God knows I have no desire should be a mild one.
We are also going on doing great acts of justice a la mode that
appears like pillage, and is as insulting to the King of Trance as
it is gratifying to his enemies, whom it furnishes with the power
of misleading and irritating the people. All this might have been
avoided by the promulgation of a declaration, or, regarding the
principles on which we acted, in restoring to every nation those
works of art which Napoleon plundered. And Louis, no doubt,
would have issued an ordinance to the same effect. If he
objected, it was of no consequence; the circulation of the other
would have answered the object.
August 24. — I this morning paid a long visit to Monsieur
Walckenaer, the celebrated geographer, and was delighted to find
our labors in Persia had furnished him with such ample materials.
Monsieur AY. is laboring on ancient geography, and I can have no
doubt, from what he showed me, that his work, when it appears,
Avill far exceed D'Anville, &c., &c. He asserts, and there appears
no doubt to me of the fact, that he has discovered the true mea-
surements of the ancients ; and from the comparisons drawn
between the distances laid down in their best itineraries and the
results of our best surveys, both in Europe and Asia, it appears
they were much more correct than has been hitherto thought.
Monsieur W. has fixed the site of almost all the ancient cities by
measurements, and it is a great point in his favor that these
results are all taken from maps with the construction of which
Monsieur W. has no concern. Dined at the Cadran Bleu with
Lord Powis and Mr. Clive. We had an elegant dinner, good
wine, &c., for 15 fr. a head.
August 25. — This was what Frenchmen call la fete du Eoi.
All were dressed in their best attire, and they had a holiday.
The theatres were opened gratis, and filled with the canaille. I
traversed the gardens of the Tuileries in the evening. There
appeared in the well-dressed mob I met there no symptoms of dis-
alFection or turbulence, but their moderated joy appeared to pro-
ceed from the candles being lighted, rather than from any feelings
of loyalty. Soldiers paraded up and down diflerent parts of the
CONVERSATIONS WITH THE DUKE OE WELLINGTON. 119
garden, who were evidently meant to suppress the shghtest
tumult. I met Walter Scott, with whom I afterwards went to
see a woman of thirty-fom-, seven feet high, and a girl of ten, nine
feet round.
August 31.— Went this evening to see Monsieur Chunzy,
and found him among his oriental MSS. He was translating a
Sanscrit MS., and told me it was his intention to publish an
abstract of the contents of the Ramayan. He appears an mdus-
trious man.
I dined with the Duke of Wellington, and had a long and
interesting conversation on the state of France. He thinks, and
I am of this opinion, that the King has a good chance of main-
taining his throne. But I was glad to find him satisfied with the
policy, and, indeed, the necessity, of quitting Paris, where he
is exposed to have his actions hourly pronounced upon by a licen-
tious and unsettled rabble, and where he is in danger of being the
sacrifice of a sudden impulse of treason. Envy of his government
might involve tliis city in the crime of his murder, without
having five thousand of its inhabitants in favor of such an act.
The Duke, I was glad to find, had no dreams about the causes of
the late revolution. It began with riots in Paris, brought about
by the money of Orleans and the dreams of Philosophers, and
aided by the weakness of an embarrassed Government. The
mania spread. The people everywhere rose to get rid of the
powers by which they were governed. The authorities every-
where took alarm, and a great part of the degenerate and dissi-
pated nobility Hed in all directions from the country. A few of
the boldest villains seized the Roi, and by introducing a national
uniform and cockade (1791) gave a substance and form (the first
it had) to the great change. After that, Force in its most terrible
shape was the engine. A subordinate assembly existed in every
city, which acted under the orders of the parent at Paris. Its
means were confiscations, resignations, and conscriptions. Its
servant was the guillotine. When tliis assembly was suspected,
a Commission from the capital was sent to apply the, instrument to
it by which it managed others. Since this period to the present,
Force alone has managed France. There has been no movement
whatever of the people; and the pubUc voice, as it is called, has
perhaps, for the last twenty years, had less influence in France
than any country in the world.
120 AFTER WATERLOO.
I heard to-day that Fouche was tottering in his seat. A
member of the Chamber of Deputies must, as a qualification,
have at least a clear rent of 15,000 fr. from land and houses, and
he must be above forty years. An elector must have about 5000 fr.,
and be twenty-five years of ago. The King names the presi-
dent of the election, who regulates the mode, and who, through the
power he possesses, in a great degree can influence the elections.
He addresses them, treats them, conciliates some and frightens
others. The princes of the blood and the most distinguished
of the King's friends are the presidents. The great difficulty in
organising the army is in repaying the officers. The King gave
half-pay to 40,000 last year. This year, the numbers are still
greater. I heard to-day a good anecdote of the famous actor Le
Kain. He was, when shooting, stopped by the gamekeeper, and
asked, " De quel droit chassez-vous ici ?" He answered out of
a tragedy,
" Dii droit qu'un esprit vastc et fcrnic en scs desseins
A sur I'csprit grossicr dcs vulgaircs hunuiius."
September 1. — I sat this morning three hours with iMonsieur
Langles, and was introduced to Monsieur Henri, who he proposes
should translate my history. We are to have another consultation
on jMonday. I saw a gentleman at IMonsieur Langles' who was
carrying two small pieces of sculpture upon crystal to show the
Emperor of Russia. They were about five inches long, and four
broad. The sculpture was a crowd of figures, and tlie scene repre-
sented was from Holy Writ. I never saw anything so exquisitely
done. He told me they had been finished in the beginning of the
fifteenth century, and were, he believed, unique. Dined with
Walter Scott, and supped with a pleasant party at a restaurateur's.
September 2. — Saw this morning a review of nineteen squa-
drons (1700 sabres) of the Life Guards and Blues, and was de-
lighted to see that both John Bull and his horse had more sub-
stance than any of the foreign cavalry. There are at present
reviews every day, and the Emperor of Russia and the King of
Prussia hardly permit a guard to mount without their presence.
The day before yesterday some Russians and Prussians were out
together. They fought a sham battle, in which the Prussians were
commanded by Alexander, and the Russians by the King of
Prussia. After some manoeuvres, and complimenting each other,
the affair finished, and they shook hands, talked, laughed, and
THE FRENCH MARSHALS — DEATH OF COLONEL GORDON. 121
seemed delighted with the exhibition. There was more of
laughter than of admiration at this royal game of soldiers. Kings
who live with their armies, and have a disciplined public, may
render themselves more flimiHar to the gaze than others can ; but
they should ever have strong personal character to carry them
through, otherwise the practice is pregnant with mischief. A
king should be great that ventures to appear small.
In speaking with an intelligent Frenchman respecting the new
Assembly, he said that the majority are decidedly firm — the
electors having been completely influenced by the presidents; but
then, it is decidedly a party election. That, however, cannot be
helped. Marshal Money has declined sitting as President of the
Military Council appointed to try Ney. He has been in conse-
quence destituc, and imprisoned for three months; but he should
be deprived of his fortune as well as his station. He, however,
acted a more manly part than Massena, who, to excuse himself
from the same olTice, pleaded ill health, which is permitted by
law. Another (whose name I forget) has done the same. This
is, in fact, a mutiny among the iNIarshals, and should be treated
as such. Every man who refuses to do his duty should be dis-
missed, banished, and have his estates confiscated. It is the
abundance of their ill-gotten wealth that makes them despise the
slight punishment of losing their station.
Septcinber 3.— Dined with the Duke of Wellington, who spoke
with great affection of Colonel Gordon, his late aide-de-camp.
He said he had been long with him, and his manly qualities had
attached him very much. He said that Gordon had during the
action, two or three times (when he was using his glass), led his
horse out of the severe lire to which he was exposed, and showed
throughout the day a great solicitude to preserve his (the Duke s)
life. " When I was at supper at the village of Waterloo," said the
Duke, " he was brought in, and I thought, as he had only lost his
leg, we should save him. I went to see him, and said I was sorry
he was so severely wounded, at the same time taking hold of his
hand. ' Thank God you are safe,' was his reply. I then said, 'I
have no doubt, Gordon, you will do well' He raised himself, and
then fell back in the manner that indicated his being com-
pletely exhausted. Poor fellow," the Duke added, " he probably
felt there was no chance. He died next morning at eight." We
had a concert, with Grassini in great force. She is a sweet
122 AFTEK WATERLOO.
sino-er, and a perfect actress. Her temper uud manners arc of
accord, and I cannot conceive a more pleasant person; and, for
forty-five, she looks wonderful.
September 4. — Went early this morning to the plain beyond
the Champ de Mars, to a review of ten or twelve thousand Prus-
sians. They arc very line troops, and went through a number of
manoeuvres. The Lancers made a beantil'ul appearance, with the
small Hags on the lances. In manocuvnng, the infantry almost
always advanced in column. I asked the Duke what he thought
of that flxvoritc formation of the French. He said, " It was a
child of the Revolution, and excellent when there were a few
good troops and a number of bad; but, for himself, he always
fought in line, whicli he conceived a great advantage."
We were speaking of the Emperor of Russia, and he agreed
Avith me that his situation was most extraordinary, having a
military condition distinct from that of emperor, which he con-
siders chiefly as a compliment to his army, gives him the influence
of a military monarch. The Duke, speaking of Alexander's cha-
racter, said he had been imbued with all virtues; but he had
learnt artifice also, and his mind, which was weak, preferred the
latter. " All questions wxre decided by him with reference to
ray means; he had an insatiable desire of interfering everywhere,
even in Spanish afTairs."
This day I dined with jMackenzie. Among others, I met at his
house General Ilarinof, an Hungarian, a pleasant man with the
air of an Austrian soldier, and the grimace of a Frenchman, He
hates the French and the Russians, but seems to like the Prussians.
He told us some good anecdotes of the youth of Blucher, who, he
said, was a man of enormous strength. He said he once knew
him, when borrowing from a Jew to supply his passion for
gaming, take hold of the little Israelite by the collar, and hold
him at arm's leno'th out of a hio-h window. The Hungarian
general, whom I met at Mackenzie's, told me his countrymen
were chiefly Calvinists, and that they continued very rehgious.
He said every soldier in his corps was familiar with the name of
Wellington, and spoke constantly of his victories; but their pride
in him originated in his being a Protestant, and to that, more than
all his talents, they ascribed his success.
I had a long visit this morning from Monsieur Henri, who
wishes to translate my work; and Monsieur Bertrand, a bookseller,
SIR JAMES WYLIE. 123
^vllO wishes to print it. I was sorry to hear from them that in
the centre of France some unhappy scenes had taken place, and
more were likely to occur between the Roman Catholics and
Protestants. This is not. Monsieur H. informed me, from reli-
gious feeling, but from the jealousy which exists between the two
classes, and a belief, real or pretended, that the Protestants are all
Buonapartists.
September 5. — This day was passed in preparation for my trip
to the Plaine des Vertus, to see the review of the Russians. I have
sent an old French soldier with my cabriolet to Meaux, and pro-
ceed at seven to-morrow in the diligence to join him. I expect
on the 7th to join my friend Count Woronzofl, at his head-quar-
ters at Bierges. I took leave of my friend AValter Scott to-day,
Priugle, &c., as they are returning towards their home. My mi-
niature is finished; it is a fine painting, and though I am a little
too thoughtful, I hope it will please the person for whom it is in-
tended. If it does, the object is fulfilled.
September 6. — I left Paris at seven o'clock in the morning. . . .
September 9.— Slept sound last night on some dry straw. Went
this morning to Chalons To-day I was surprised to
meet Sir James Wylie, a Scotchman, who has risen by regular
degrees to be at the head of the medical department of Russia, as
well as chief physician to the Emperor. He gave me his history
in a few words. He was an eleve of CuUam and Gregory, and
went to Russia, where he commenced his career by being surgeon
to a battaUon, from which he became surgeon to a regiment, a
division, a corps, an army; then the favorite physician of Paul,
whom he embalmed. He succeeded to equal favor with the pre-
sent Emperor, who has nominated him President of the Academy,
and given him the sole direction of all his military medical
establishment. Count Woronzoff gave testimony to its excel-
lence, and ascribed, as did several Russian generals who were
present, the great progress that had been made in its improvement
to Sir James. He told me the plan he had got the Emperor to
adopt. No students were admitted into the medical class under
eighteen or over twenty-four. Certain attainments, including a
knowledge of Latin, were required; and before they were sent to
the army they were completely educated as physicians as well as
surgeons. Sir J. W. is an Enghsh baronet, and is covered with
foreign orders, having two of Russia and one from every con-
124 AFTER WATERLOO.
tincntul court. He lias the rank of general, is at the head of the
Academy, is inspector-general, physican-general to the forces,
and first physicun to the Emperor. He cut off Moreau's legs,
and said he would have lived if he had not been moved. He
seemed quite delighted to meet a Scotchman, and complained bit-
terly, as all the Russians do, of allowing our officers to fight
against them. I can never think of poor Christie's fate with
patience.
I have had a good deal of conversation with Prince Lubanoff,
who has the second or third fortune in Russia, having 33,000
peasants, almost 40,000/. per annum. He says the Emperor
must give them a constitution ; and I find Count WoronzofF
thinks something must be done to ameliorate the internal govern-
ment. Russia has now a million of men ; two-thirds of these at
peace take leave and go to their homes, from whence they only
return on war. They have hardly any pay. They speak a good
deal of Persia, and the facility of an Indian invasion. This the
Count treats as nonsense; but he seems persuaded no continental
power could stand against Russia a moment. Never was an army,
he says, in which there was so much brotherhood and so little
jealousy. It is formed of corps, divisions, and regiments, cavalry
and infantry. A corps is two divisions ; a division six regiments,
two battalions each, and one battalion in Russia. The regiment is
850 strong, and 50 supernumeraries each company. This makes
an infantry division about 12,000, a cavalry 5000. I was astonished
at the health of the Russian army in France. Sir J. Wylie
assured me that he had i-eturns to prove that out of 200,000
there were hardly more than 1000 sick. He appealed to Woron-
zofF, who affirmed that in his division, which was full 10,000,
he had only 33 men on the sick list, and had only lost one man
by death; and only 38 men died in August of the whole Russian
army in France in the last month.
September 10. — I saw the grand review this morning. Never
was sight more splendid. There were 152,000 men under arms,
of which 25,000 were cavalry, and 538 pieces of field artillery.
The infantry divisions, amounting to about 10,000 each, were
drawn up in three lines, with their artillery. Three companies of
36 guns on their flanks, the cavalry in the rear and on the flanks,
and the fine park of horse-artillery was on the right. The whole
army was drawn up on the plain to the east of Montmorency, on
REVIEW OF RUSSIAN TROOPS. 125
which the Emperors of Russia and Austria, the Dulce of Wel-
lington, and all the great chiefs and generals stood. The whole of
this part of the hill had been railed, and a little below it a con-
siderable spot had been cleared and covered with benches for the
accommodation of lady-spectators. At a little before nine a signal
cannon was fired from the spot where the Emperor stood to give
his orders. I should mention that Alexander had his sword
drawn, and commenced by saluting his Brother of Austria, to
whom I heard him explain, with great clearness and vivacity, the
name and position of every corps of his vast army. The first
signal was to call the attention; at the second, every cannon in the
army opened a fire, and the effect Avas very fine. Wlien this was
over, a third gun from the mountain was the signal for the
whole to form close columns of regiments and battalions. The
eye took in the whole, and the manccuvre was beautiful. The
moment it was executed another signal-gun was fired, and the
whole of the infantry (130,000) formed one immense square of
columns of corps. The horse-artillery formed in two lines on
their right, and tlie cavalry in columns of regiments formed a line,
or rather one face of a square, in the rear. When they were in
this position, the Emperor, with his stafi' and an immense train of
visitors, rode round the whole at a hand-gallop. The distance
was probably ten miles. After this hurried review another signal
Y.-as fired. Several of the corps took new positions. The Emperor
and his train occupied a place near the centre of the square, and
the whole army passed in review in columns of companies
and squadrons.
It was here we saw the whole Russian army in France, and it
must be confessed that the material is excellent, and practice and
care together have brought it to a perfection of discipline. There
was nothing hid, and the elite of the army, the Imperial Guard,
vs'as not present. But there cannot be a better description of men,
as far as bodily frame is in question, than those that form this
army. After the whole had passed, a signal was fired to re-form
the original lines, which they did with admirable precision. The
distances were taken up with as much exactitude as you would
expect from a brigade of the best-disciplined troops. I could not
but remark, as they were performing this manoeuvre, the fine
style in which their solid columns advanced, with a firm, but free
and rapid step. I hardly think our own troops step out better,
126 AFTER WATERLOO.
and certainly neither the Prussians nor Austrians have anything
like this step.
After they were in their original positions, a signal-gun was fired,
and a fire of cannon and musketry opened from the whole army.
This tremendous fire continued nearly a quarter of an hour. Nothing
could be grander, and to those who were not military amateurs, it
was by far the finest part of the review. After it was over, a signal
was fired, and the whole broke into divisions and returned to their
lines. Woronzofi' told me we had seen, as nearly as could be, the
third of the disposable force of the Russian line, excepting the
Guards, 35,000, and the Cossacks, from 60,000 to 100,000.
Woronzofi' dined with tlic Emperor; I dined Avith a large party
in his barn. Among others, were the three generals of Jiis divi-
sion. We actually got tipsy over the feats of the day by toasting
the Army, the Emperor, Wellington, and Woronzofi*, in tumbler-
fuls of fine champagne.
The Russian army has been revolutionised, like everything else,
within the last ten years, and to that it owes much of its condition.
The Emperor promotes at pleasure, and every brilliant action is
rewarded with a step. There are many lieutenant-generals little
more than thirty, and they are evidently of a very different
school to the old hands with Avhom they are mixed. They have
in the Russian army some enlarged and sensible men, but I suspect
in general their knowledge is very limited. General Lissanwitch,
who has been much in Persia, and who has been stationed on the
frontier for more than twenty years, had a confused idea that
India was governed by a Company ; he explained to the company
and to me their greatness, and finished by proposing the health of
The Compcnvj of Ostcnd. The knowledge he displayed was ad-
mired, and the toast drunk. I was the first to join, for I had just
been kissed all round as a worthy member of the 2nd division of
the 5tli corps (Farmee, and I would not for a million have sinned
against discipline by exposing the ignorance of one of our generals.
General Gourieff, who belongs to the division, told me he was
made a major-general in the line at once for having led 4000
militia against the French when on their retreat, and having
fought several skirmishes with success. I was pressed over the
bottle, when I gave the health of the Russian army, to say what I
thought of it. I said it was as good in point of discipline as an
army could be; that it was, now the French Empire was broken,
STATE OF RUSSIA. 127
the greatest in tlie Avorld, and that when we considered the
causes that had led to its arrival at its present state, nothing- could
he more formed ; hut I added, " When I consider the principles upon
wliich it is formed, tlie nature of the wars in Avhich it lias been
employed, and the character of the Russian nation, I am satisfied
it is only great and powerful for good and noble objects, and that
if any delirium ever led to that fever which had been the defence
of Europe being employed for opposite forces, it would soon lose
its present character." My speech, which was given in French,
Avith all the fluency that a bottle and a half of champagne could
inspire, was received with enthusiasm, and every one present de-
clared his full coincidence in my sentiments.
The state of Russia at this moment is very curious. The Em-
peror, who has been absent nearly four years from his country, is
considered by all ranks as pledged to ameliorate the internal
administration of the Government. In short, they expect that
law will confirm mucli of that liberty and security which they
liave long practically enjoyed, but which is not secured by the
sUghtest law, for the Emperor, according to the theory of the Go-
vernment, is as complete a despot as the King of Persia. In the
army their appears as much liberty of speech, and as free a spirit,
as in the English. The soldiers appear to be treated both with
kindness and familiarity. It is deemed essential to attach them
to the commander; but I am told the task is not easy, for though
as sulky as possible if harshly treated, they are prone to presume
upon extreme indulgence. The last eight years of constant service
has made this army what it is. They are complete soldiers. I
was delighted to see their bivouac the day after they came. Every
man had some shelter, but their temporary cover Avas in exact
line, and what pleased me most was the post with a well-thatched
cap in front of each company for the arms.
The army, as I have said before, consists of regiments of three
battalions of eight hundred and fifty, six companies in a regiment.
There are two battalions of the regiment on service and one in
Russia. When the regiment proceeds on service there are gene-
rally fifty men in each company unarmed to fill vacancies. These
have been armed this last year.
There are in a division of infantry six regiments, i. e. twelve
battalions, which are divided into three brigades of four batta-
lions each, with thirty- six pieces of cannon and three companies
128 AFTER WATERLOO.
of artillery. There are generally two divisions of infantry and
one of cavalry (six regiments), about five thousand men, in a
corj^s d'armce. The llussian soldier has not more than nine shil-
lings per annum. He has rations of bread that enable him to live.
The Russian soldier makes his own clothes, shoes, &c. ; the
colonel mcrelv receives cloth and leather. A junior commissioned
officer in the llussian army has about twelve pounds per annum,
and must provide his dress. They are of course a constant charge
upon their parents, and this is one mode in which they contribute
to Government.
The horses of the Russian artillery are small, that is, short, but
of great strength and spirit. The colonel of the corps is only
allowed fifty francs, about two pounds ten shillings, for a servant.
Five pounds is the purchase-money allowed for a horse for the
heavy cavalry. The Russian artillery is very pretty, and Count
W. assures me it is excellent. He speaks with rapture of
their small tumbrils on two wheels, drawn by three horses
abreast. Their largest guns are a species of cohorn, that throw
shell as well as shot; they carry twenty-four pounders. Tliey ap-
pear to me the worst part of their ec^uipment, as they are neither
one thing nor another.
General Waynof, an ofiicer of high reputation, who commanded
one of the corps on the Berezina, and is now living with us at
Woronzoff's, gave me some extraordinary anecdotes of Suwarow.
I remarked that that extraordinary man was always playing the
monkey. " It is very true," he said, " but it was neither from weak-
ness nor from habit. Every trick had a meaning, and such was his
talent that he never failed of effect." As to the Russian soldiers,
he said he knew every feeling, and could distinguisli to a nicety
at any moment the manner in which they were to be addressed.
" I remember," said the General, " on one occasion, Avhen the ad-
vance were put to the rout by a sudden and violent attack of the
Turks, and the confusion seemed insuperable, Suwarow threw
himself upon the ground in the direction the soldiers were
coming. They endeavoured to raise him, and entreated he would
save himself; but he was deaf to their entreaties. ^ Run,' said he
to them, ' my children, and save your lives. These fellows want
to cut off old Suwarow's head. Let them ; your general is quite
content, so that you are safe.' Shame, affection, and indignation
took possession of their minds. They entreated liim to rise and
EUSSIAN ARMY AT PRAYERS. 129
lead them against the enemy that they miglit recover their repu-
tation. He was on his feet in a moment, hurrahed on his Rus-
sians, the Turks were driven back with terrible slaughter, and
Suwarow skipped about with joy, kissing and hugging the run-
aways that he had rallied and led to victory."
The Austrian system has been to render soldiers machines, and
I believe the army of that state, though one of the finest in appear-
ance, is in fact one of the worst in Europe.
September 11. — Went this morning to a mountain near Vertus
and saw the whole Russian army drawn up on the west side of it
to attend divine service, and to celebrate the day of St. Alex-
ander, which, from his bearing the same name, is termed the day
of their Emperor. The infantry were without arms, and the
cavalry dismounted. There were no cannon. The absence of these
equipments made them occupy much less space, and nothing could
be more beautiful than to see them form seven solid masses
of 24,000 men each, and march to squares, marked out by seven
tents that were fitted up as churches for the occasion. Round
these they formed the three sides of a square in columns of double
battalions, and the service commenced.
I was at the church of the Emperor, where, as in the others,
service was performed as in the Greek Church, The tent, or
rather fly, was open in every direction, where a kind of stage
was formed, part of which was enclosed with a painted wooden
scene that had a folding-door in the centre and a small door on
the right. The papas, or priests, who were five or six in number,
were habited in the richest robes of satin and gold. Their hair
was loose and flowing ; some of them had their heads bare, while
others were in general covered with a small round cap. The ser-
vice was performed by all. Sometimes they chanted, and the re-
sponses were always sung by tw'o bands of choristers that stood on
each side of the tent, Avho appeared to be composed of all classes —
ciioristers, soldiers, musicians, and drummers. The papas were at
one moment behind the scene, at another the folding-door opened
and three or four came out. Sometimes the papa on the outside
chanted a prayer, and a hollow voice from within answered.
Once or twice one of the priests scattered incense, at another time
he proceeded with a cross to the end of the tent, and once to some
VOL. II. K
130 AFTER WATERLOO.
distance on the platform. Ouc or two antliems -were sung by the
choristers. In short, I never saw more mummery, but I never
saw a scene more imposing ; the occasion, the congregation,
everything conspired to give it effect, and I left the scene to pro-
ceed on my route to Paris, satisfied of one fact, that, however
mistaken the mode might be, man was always exalted when he
was addressing his Creator.
On the following day Malcolm set out on liis return to
Paris. At an hotel on the road he mot two Polish
officers, with whom he fell into conversation :
I stopped at the inn to take breakfast, but at the earnest re-
quest of two strangers, one of whom was Prince Sulkawski, and
the other Count [ ], I stayed to partake of an early dinner.
They were, I found, two Polish noblemen, who had come with
five others, on the part of the Polish army, to congratulate the
Emperor of Russia (their present sovereign) on his success. The
Prince told me he was an aidc-de-camp-gcncral of the Emperor,
as he had been of Napoleon as long as the latter was protector
of Poland. The Count was a very sensible man. He had travelled
much, and had visited every part of England. He said that part of
Poland which had fallen to Russia was satisfied, because the people
reposed the greatest confidence in Alexander's character. " We
have," says he, "a national army; we have a separate language;
w^e are to preserve our laws and usages, and we arc promised no
Russian shall ever hold public employ in Poland. Certainly," he
added, " we have only personal security for all this, but we are
satisfied that it is the best iKrsonal security in the world ; and in
our situation nothing could be better, for all ranks are now satis-
fied that Napoleon never would have kept his promises, and that
we should have had the usual progress of being, first, his dupes;
secondly, his instruments ; and lastly, his slaves."
The Poles are fine soldiers, and showed great activity and valor
in the campaign in Russia. They are a very different people from
the Russians. The latter are a remarkable race. Buonaparte
showed little knowledge when he wanted them to rise, because
they were slaves to their lords. He should have known that they
THE BUSSIAN PEASANTEY. 131
■were in tliat state of ignorance that they could not understand
him. Besides, they are attached to their superiors, who, even
•when they are soldiers, are obliged to court them. I went through
his division with WoronzofF. He said to every company as he
passed, " How do you do, my children ?" " Very well I" was the
kind of hurrah reply. The Emperor paid each of his columns the
same attentions after the ceremony of the 11th.
The Russian peasants, though belonging to the soil and in a
state of vassalage, are not slaves in a degraded state. They are
vassals ; and though a few inhabitants of great cities may sigh
over their situation, the great majority, ignorant of any other
condition than that vassalage in which they were born, glory in
their dependence on families to whom they have an hereditary
attachment. They must be half instructed before they can be
revolutionised, but their condition makes it a great danger to
the sovereign and nobles to attempt any very radical reform of the
government of Russia. Count Woronzoff tells me that though
the Russians are religious, they are not bigots. The peasantry in-
variably folloAved their lords; and as one great fact in proof of this,
I may mention my friend General [ ], a very fme young man in
WoronzofF's division, who, at the head of a hastily-formed militia
of four thousand, gained considerable advantages over the French
forces. The Emperor made him a major-general at once, and
sent him an order to recommend forty-five of the most distinguished
persons of his corps, to whom commissions were given in the
regular army.
September 13. — Passed in paying visits. Met Ellis, who had
come express for the review, but was too late ; and dined at the
Duke's.
September 14. — Went to see Barons Denon and Humboldt, and
Mr. Langles; stayed with the latter several hours, examining MSS.
Among others, I saw some original letters from Henry VIII. to
Anne Boleyn.
Se^itember 16. — I went yesterday from a very warm box at
Catalani's theatre to Tivoli, and caught a most severe cold, which
confined me all day to the house. Flogging scholars is forbid in
France since the Revolution,
September 17. — I went yesterday to the workshop of M. Gais
k2
132 AFTER WATEKLOO.
to see his statues. The " Iloratii Starting for the Combat" is, in
my opinion (but I ara no judge), one of the finest pieces of modern
sculpture that I have seen : the stern resohition of the elder
brother — his matured nerve — his eagerness for the combat ; the
fine, manly, and open countenance of the second — the animation
which is kindled in his features at the speech of the elder, whose
head is turned to address him ; and the soft but noble beauty of
the third, who is represented quite a youth, and as half dragged
by the elder, but whose reluctance, from the tender sentiment
that is given to his countenance, appears evidently to be only
excited by love. He appears all martial in his form and look,
but unwilling to slay the brother of his beloved, even in the cause
of his country. The patriot has not overcome the lover.
The figures are large life. This piece of sculpture is in
plaster of Paris. It gained the first prize, 4000 francs, and had
Napoleon continued, it was to have been finished in marble, which
M. Gais told me would take him five years' constant labor, and
cost between 50,000 and G0,000 francs. " If I had money," he
ivdded, "I would do it myself; but I have none." He asked
my opinion about exhibiting his Iloratii in England. I said I
thought it would answer. He took me into his workshop, where
he is employed on an immense work — "The Descent from the
Cross." The cross will be about twelve or fourteen feet high, and
there are five figures in large life ; the two lower ones, who arc
supporting the lacerated body of Jesus, are almost finished. The
work, which is in plaster of Paris, will be complete, M. Gais
informs me, in a twelvemonth. It is a subject which, though
exhausted by the finest painters, has never been attempted by
the chisel, — at least so M. Gais told me.
September 18. — I was yesterday confined with a severe cold,
for which I was obliged to be bled for the first time in my life.
It made me sick even to being faint, and I could not help laugh-
ing, unwell as I felt, at the spectacle of a military surgeon
sprinkling w^ater over my face, as if I had been a delicate young
lady. I almost entirely finished the perusal of Lc Franc Parleur,
a continuation of L^Hermite de la Chaussee d'Antin. This work,
which is in imitation of the Spectator, Tatler, &c., is very amusing
and instructive. It gives an excellent picture of Paris in 1814,
and the author appears fully equal to the arduous and delicate
EEVIEW OF AUSTRIAN TROOPS. 133
task he has undertaken of censuring without offending, of teaching
men to smile at their own follies. It is quite a chaste work, and
may, from the excellence of its style and the mixed wit and
judgment that are displayed, be recommended to every class of
readers. Nor will the most fastidious be disgusted by one
improper sentiment. On the contrary, his great object appears to
be to ridicule the follies and improve the morals of his coun-
trymen.
The people in the time of the Republic came often into the
Bibliotheque do Roi, but Langles says they never meant to
destroy it. They were angry at the royal arms on the books,
and many desired these aristocratic marks should be taken off.
I dined at the Duke of Wellington's, where we had a large and
very pleasant party.
September 21. — Rode out six miles on the road to Fontainebleau
to a review of four regiments of Austrian cavalry, two regiments
of cuirassiers, one of Hungarian hussars, and one of Polish lancers.
This small force manoeuvred a good deal, and appeared in good,
order. I had a good deal of conversation with the Duke. He
said (and with truth), " Nothing is so difficult to manage as-
cavalry. They slip through your hands," he added, " whether
you advance or retreat rapidly. Charges should be made," he
concluded, " with reserves, or misfortune is always certain."
Speaking of Fouchc's reputation, he said " he was satisfied we
had in England both overrated the talent and the roguery of the
leading men of France." I agree perfectly as to the first. I told
him the quiet manner in which Fouche had been turned out, and
the diminution of character that had been the consequence of his
accepting ofiicc was the best proof of the wisdom of the policy
that had allowed him to have employment rather than hazard the
evil that he mi<?ht have done if he had deemed his fortunes
desperate. " Wlicn the armies advanced to Paris," the Duke told
me, " the French Government were in a rage about the Louvre. Wc
had, by insisting on the restoration of the pictures which Buo-
naparte had taken, broken the article of the Convention of Pari?
which stipulated that no property was to be touched; but these
gentlemen," he added, " forget they brought forward an article to
save the museums, which Avas rejected by the Prussians. They
brought forward another, excepting the property of the Prussians^
134 AFTER WATERLOO.
which was rejected by me on account of the other allied powers.
I told them they had better await the decision of the sovereigns.
These have decided against them."
Septembe}' 22, — Went to the English review, and never was
more delighted. There were fifty-one thousand men under arms,
more than forty thousand of whom were British infantry; and,
after all, there is more stuff and life in them than all the rest put
tof^ethcr. The battle of Salamanca was fought over again. No-
thing could be more beautiful than the formation of the line and
reserves, and the manner in which the army advanced extorted
the loudest admiration of all the foreigners. The Emperor of
Russia called to his generals to look from the right to the left of
the line and see the style in which it marched. Woronzoff said
to me, " This is an operation in which you beat us all." I forgot
to mention among my Russian friends the Prince JNIcntzikoff, one
of the Emperor's aides-de-camp. He is the grandson and repre-
sentative of the famous Minister, and consequently the nephew of
Marie.
September 23, — Saw the Duke for an hour and a half. He
complains, and with reason, of some in England; but the treat-
ment he receives, and will continue to receive, is the consequence
of his greatness.
Here the Paris journal closes. The family letters
written at this time were many; but they diiFer little
from the diary. A few passages, however, may be
gleaned from them :
August 12. — The Duke lent me a line charger for a review t^Y0
days ago. I put him in the stables near my rooms and forgot
him. Twenty-four hours afterwards, he was missed at the Duke's,
who swore that my bad French had lost him the best horse he
ever had. Colin Campbell was despatched to mo, and lo ! the
charger was in the stable. The Duke puts on a plain coat
every night, and goes to the theatre, &c., inco(j. To give you an
idea of the mode, he kept me the other night talking till every
one had gone away. He then proposed that I should go in his
buggy to the Theatre Feydeau. I went. The buggy was old but
stout. He had an English horse, which trotted at such a rate that
GREATNESS OF WELLINGTON'S CHARACTER. 135
we were nearly running against a dozen carriages and horses. We
got there safe, to my great surprise.
August 19. — Walter Scott is here. I took him to the Duke,
who has been very attentive to him. He wrote me to bring him
to dinner to-day, and that he would make a party to meet him.*
The poet is happy.
August 27. — I have just received your letters of the 14th and
18th, from Burnfoot. Every line you have written me from that
place has delighted me. I know you incapable of concealing a
feeling, much less of pretending one, and I am delighted with the
acquaintance you have made with scenes that ever have been and
ever will be dear to me ; and tell my darling Minny and George
that I love them better because they love Burnfoot.
September 1 . — I dined yesterday with the Duke, and had him
in great feather for two or three hours by myself. He is now dis-
playing his character in what I deem the finest point of view. He
was at the summit of fame ; and as they chose, instead of employ-
ing him to settle affairs, to send Lord Castlereagh, he might well
have stepped aside, and said, " I would rather confine myself to
my military duties ;" for it must be as evident to himself as to
others that by lending his name to the negotiations he may, as far
as he values popularity in England, do himself a world of injury,
and can derive no additional reputation ; for the utmost that can
be said is that he assisted Lord Castlereagh. When the negotia-
tions are attacked, the Ministers will defend themselves with his
name as with a shield. Of all this there can be no doubt he is
aware, and he knows that many of his real friends groan over the
part he is acting. But he thinks of nothing but serving his
country. He is confident that his opinions may do good, and
cannot do harm ; and he is ready to encounter all the abuse that
can be poured upon him rather than show that prudence which
fights more about personal character than public interests.
On the lotli of September, after the excursion to
Chalons, Malcolm found himself again in Paris. He re-
mained there till the 2oth, and then turned his face
towards home, weary of excitement, and glad to escape
* There is no account of this party iu the journcal, except that Grassini was
in great force.
136 AFTER WATERLOO.
irom a city in tlic very attractions of which there was in
liis eyes something painful — almost revolting. Tliougli
he spoke Avith gratitude of the kindnesses he had re-
ceived from individuals, he could not bring hunself at
that time to admire the French as a nation. But he
said that his visit had not been without its uses. He
had seen some grand historical sights. He had neglected
no opportunity of adding to his stock of information re-
^•ardino- the institutions of the countrv, and he had sedu-
lously cultivated an acquaintance with its language.
Every morning he had a master for some time in his
rooms, before he commenced tlic strenuous idleness of
the day, and he talked freely with the natives of all
classes without the least mauvaise hontc. Their advice
regarding the best means of improving his colloquial
knowledge of the language was simply, Varlez fovjours ;
and " you know," he said, " that is quite in my way."
Early in November, Malcolm paid another visit to
Lord Buckinghamshire, at Nocton, to the vicinity of
which place he travelled inside a stagc-coacli with some
felloAv-passengers, of whom he gave a lively account in a
letter to his wife. The ^'' parlez foujours' maxim was
as worthy of acceptation in England as in France, and
Malcolm was never a sulky traveller. His companions
were an obese dame, the proprietress of the coach, an
elderly clergyman, and his daughter. The parson was
named Partridge, " a descendant," wrote Malcolm, " I
believe, of the original Partridge in Toin Jones.'" With
the young lady he conversed freely on the poetry and
romances of the day ; brought Scott's " Waterloo,"
which had just been published, out of his pocket; quoted
" Marmion" and the " Lady of the Lake ;" but was
beaten at his own weapons by the damsel, who fairly
quoted him down. After a long conversation, she asked
him if he had ever seen a " Symbolical History of Eng-
NEW THOUGHTS OF INDIA. 137
land," by which, through the agency of pictures, or
diagrams, facts were impressed, upon the mind much
more easily than by means of writing? On Malcolm
suggesting that something more might be required, to
impart a thorough knowledge of history to the student,
the young lady said, that it might be so, but that it was
a " terrible undertaking to read through large volumes
of history." " I sighed inwardly," wrote ^lalcolm, " witli
tlie feelings of an unfortunate man who had just pub-
lished two tremendous quartos. I could not deny the
justice of her observations as applied to nineteen in the
twenty, and I already saw my useless labors piled up on
the shelves of oblivion."
On his retmii home, after a pleasant fortniglit enli-
vened by some good shooting, Malcolm gave himself up
for a little time to the pleasant task of corresponding
with his friends on the subject of the " tremendous
quartos," sending out presentation copies,* and answer-
ing congratulatory letters. But he had soon to turn his
thoughts to graver matters. The great question which
agitated his mind was whether he should or should not
return to India in any subordinate situation. At one
time he seems to have well-nigh determined to return
only as Governor of one of the Presidencies of India ;
but the attainment of this object was difficult, and he
could not reconcile himself to tlie thought of a life of
political obscurity and official idleness in England. In
the effort to secure what everybody acknowledged to be
* Among others to whom he sent She answered Malcolm's letter in not
copies were the Emperor of llussia and very idiomatic En^disli, signing licrself
Ills sister Catherine, Grand Duchess of " Your obliged and airectionatc Cuthc-
Oldcnburg. This lady— a widow — rine." The Histori/ ofFersia has been
was in England inlSli; and it was translated into tiic Russian language,
said, at one time, that if the Triucc of There was no country in which the iu-
"VValcs obtained a divorce, she would formation it contained was more likely
probably be married to his Royal to be valued at its proper worth, or to
Higluiess. To the Princess Cliarlottc be turned to more practical account,
she seems to have been much attached.
138 AFTER WATERLOO.
a legitimate object of ambition he received ample encou-
ragement ; but, as Wellington had told him, the high
qualities and great acquirements of men Avho had gradu-
ated only in the school of Indian politics were seldom
adequately appreciated by English statesmen. Sir Evan
Nepean and Mr. Hugh Elliot had been appointed to the
chief seats in the Bombay and Madras Governments,
and their warmest friends could hardly point out either
the claims or the qualifications they possessed. In the
course of 1816, Mr. Canning succeeded Lord Bucking-
hamshire as President of the Board of Control, and
although lie expressed himself favorably regarding Sir
John Malcolm's claims, he could hardly be expected to
support them so warmly as one under whom the claimant
had served, and with whom he had corresponded for
years. The most powerful of Malcolm's friends — or he
who ought to have been in such a case the most power-
ful — had not on similar occasions received sufficient en-
couragement from Ministers to make him very willing
to solicit favors for his friends; but he never failed,
when opportunity offered, to speak of his character and
his services, and to assert Malcolm's claims to prefer-
ment. Time, however, passed away ; no distinctive
promises could be ehcited, and many of Malcolm's best
fidends were of opinion that he would be more likely to
obtain the object of his ambition by placing his foot
again in the stirrup in India, than by haunting the pas-
sages of Leadenh all-street or the lobbies of Whitehall.
Moreover, by the very act of returning to India there
was something to be gained, independent of all such pre-
ferment as Ministers could bestow. Sir John ^lalcolm
was, at this time, what was technically called " high up
on the list of lieutenant-colonels." By returning to
India he might obtain "his regiment," be a "full
colonel," reside in England on full pay, get a share of
CONTEMPLATED RETURN TO INDIA. 139
the " ofF-reckoning fund," and go again to India or not,
at some future time, as suited his purpose. It was little
likely, however, that a man of his high character would
be very long in India without obtainmg one of those
great diplomatic offices in which he had made his reputa-
tion. He might, indeed, add greatly to the clamis Avhich
he had already estabhshed. He was m the full vigor of
his years. He was younger than are most men at forty-
six. He believed that he might yet render essential
service to his country. So, after much thought with
himself and much consultation with others, he deter-
mined, for a thkd time, to repair to India.
It cost him much to make the resolution. He was
tenderly attached to his wife and children ; but it was
necessary that he should go alone. It is one of the dire
penalties of the Indian services that separation, from all
that he most dearly loves, is to the married member of
either of them almost a condition of liis existence. To
have taken those young children to the enervating and
destroying climate of the East Avould have been cruel;
to separate them from their mother little less cruel.
Malcolm felt as hundreds have felt in a like situation ;
he determined to make the sacrifice, and go to India
alone.
He received many kind letters, when his determination
was made known — none lander than the following,
which Sir James Mackintosh wrote to him. It is
curious in itself, for it shows that the writer would not
have been sorry to return to a country, in which people
seem to think that he was miserably out of place :
SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
Weedon Lodge, Monday.
My DEAR Sir John, — I learned very lately, with surprise as
well as concern, the singular event at the India House, which has
140 AFTER WATERLOO.
induced you to visit IMadras, tliough I hope that one circumstance
attends it Avhich deprives it of its worst effect. Canning is so deeply
pledged to you, that I sliould consider him as likely to be as useful
an agent, if a vacancy happens in your absence, as if you were in
Europe. Your stay cannot be long, and you will refresh all your
Indian politics. That there should not be now one man in the
Board of Control, chosen for his knowledge of India, is a circum-
stance which characterises our Government. I own I thought that
you would have been there. is not worth excepting.
The antiquated practical knowledge, that could find a place in a
mind so contracted, is ratlier mischievous than useful.
When I say that I feci concern at your going, it is principally
because you wished to stay, and partly because I shall feel more
solitary when you cease to inhabit the same island. But it is not
at all from dislike of India, to which, on the contrary, I am
entirely reconciled by my residence in England. I wish that I
had not left India, or that I were now well enough to return,
especially with you. But I am better than I have been for these
five years. Long walks, and, immediately after, long-continued
friction of the whole skin, seem to have done me more good than
anything I have hitherto tried. I now very much regret that I
never tried the Ilindostance exercise, which there arc, of course,
no means of acquiring in England.
In the volume of " Bombay Transactions" about to go to press,
there is one paper of your " Translations from the Persian, illus-
trative of the Opinions of the Sunni and Sheea IMahomctans." Do
you wish to see it ? I am very busily employed on my History,
and hope to get to press in the spring.
Wherever you go, my wishes for your happiness attend you.
I have never known a more sincere and active friend. Lady M.
heartily concurs with me in every good and kind wish. We both
beg our best remembrances to Lady Malcolm.
I am, my dear Sir John,
Your faithful and affectionate friend,
J. Mackintosh.
AYaltcr Scott -wi'ote with no less warmth, savinsf, " I
do most sincerely wish you all good things — health, hap-
piness, and above all, a speedy return to Scothmd, not
ACADEMICAL HONOES. 141
to leave us again. I sincerely hope that this Avill come
to pass before we grow much older, and that you will
get a snug corner on the Scotch Border to rest you in,
after having labored so hard in the public service."
There were other compliments and congratulations,
too, in store for him. The History of Persia had greatly
extended his reputation, not only in England, but on the
Continent. From Humboldt, and other distinguished
men of European reputation, he received congratulatory
letters j and the University of Oxford conferred a Doc-
tor's degree upon him. On the 3rd of June, 1816,
Dr. Ilodson, Principal of Brazenose, proposed that the
deoTce of L.L.D. should be conferred on Sir John Mai-
colra, honoris caiisd, in the Convocation to be hold en in
the Theatre on the 20th of June. The motion was car-
ried unanimously, and Dr. Ilodson, communicating the
substance of the resolution to Malcolm, said, " I really
congratulate myself upon its having fallen to my lot
to make a motion the effect of which will bo to enrol
in our catalo£!;ue of worthies a name hioh in litera-
ture as well as in diplomacy and war; and hope that it
may be as acceptable to you to receive the honor as it
has been to me to propose it."
Some little time before this, Malcolm had paid a visit
to the University, and had made a most favorable im-
pression alike on the old and the young. " I have heard
much," wrote Mackintosh to him, " of the popularity
which you have acquired during your late visit to Ox-
ford."* On the appointed 2Ctli of June, he repaired
to the University to receive his academical honors. He
was much pleased with the reception lie met. "The
commemoration was very grand," he wrote to his wife.
'■'- The letter from whicli this is of the Ilhtory of Temla, which d'd not
taken is dated January 2, 1815 ; but, appear till the Julj^of that year, it was
as it speaks of the opinions entertained obviously written m 1S16.
142 AFTER WATERLOO.
" , a great judge, says, I was the most magnificent
of tlie new doctors. A very fine speech was made upon
my merits." From Oxford he went to his brother Gil-
bert's parsonage at Todenham. Thence he proceeded
to Cheltenham, to meet tlie Duke of AVcllington and his
family. " I was with the Duke all day," he wrote from
that place at the beginning of July; "that is, six hours
in the morning, and four, including dinner, in the evening.
He is completely recovered, and actually looldng better
than I ever saw him. I go with him to-morrow to
Gloucester to the Corporation dinner. I proceed from
that to Lord Powis's, at AValcot, near Ludlow, in Shroj)-
shire. I am not resolved whether I shall not return to
London and start thence for Scotland, instead of going
by Liverpool. If so, I shall have the last dinner vnih
the Duke at Lord Westmoreland's, on Saturday."
This last scheme was carried out. Lie returned to
London, and started thence, early in August, for Scot-
land. He was now paying his farewell visits. Reach-
ing Burnfoot in time for the commencement of grouse-
shooting, he spent no small part of his time on the old
hill-sides, deep in the flxmiliar heather. I know hardly
any place or any occupation more likely to make a man
indifferent to critics and reviewers. Malcolm was well
braced up to encounter any adverse sentence that might
have been passed upon his book. But there was no-
thing, indeed, to try his powers of endurance. It was
on this last excursion to the North that ho read the
reviews of his History of Persia in the Quarterly and
the Edinburgh. " The Quarterly^'' he WTOte, " has
more of an essay than a review ; but it is very well.
The Edinhiirgh is better. On the whole, you may be
thankful that I am so well through the fire."
The 14tli of August saw him on his way southward.
Paying visits, on the road, to Lord Buckinghamshh'e and
DEPAKTUKE FROM ENGLAND. 143
to Mr. Hankey Smith, Malcolm retm^ned to London, and
sorrowfully prepared for liis departm-e from England.
But he had determined upon the step he was about to
take, after much consideration ; he did not doubt that it
was his duty ; and he was a man, under such circum-
stances, to take always the most hopeful view of the life
before him. He did the best he could, and left the rest
to Providence. So ha\'ing done all that could be done,
both at the India House and the Board of Control, to
secure for himself the reversion of the Bombay appoint-
ment, and having obtained many strong assurances of
support, he bade adieu to his wife and childi-en, and
agam cast his lot upon the waters.
The years which he had spent in England had not
been lost to him. He set his face again towards India
with increased knowledge and enlarged experience. He
always said that there was fear in India of men becom-
ing too local in their information, and too professional in
their views. He had now enjoyed opportunities of
studying the constitutions of European states, and the
organisation of European armies, and of conversing with
many of the most eminent statesmen and soldiers of the
Western world, and others no less eminent, but in the
more tranquil paths of literature and science. And he
had turned these opportunities to the best account. He
went back to the scene of his past labors a wiser man,
■with reinvio;orated health and renewed energies : and if
I were asked at what period of his career he was in the
very zenith of his intellectual strength and efficiency, I
should answer, at the point which this narrative has now
reached.
144 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
CHAPTEH IV.
THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
[1S17.]
VOYAGE TO MADKAS — RECEPTION TIIEEE — COREESrONDEXCE 'WITir LOUD
HASTINGS — VISIT TO CALCUTTA — POLITICAL AND MILITAKY EMPLOYMENT —
VISITS TO MYSORE, IIYDEll.'UB.VD, POONAII, AND NAGPOOR — MALCOLM JOINS
THE ARMY OF THE DECCAN.
He started in October with a heavy heart; l^ut lie
felt that the sacrifice he was making Avas for the benefit
of those whom he left behind, and that the season of
separation would be but brief. " Write me comfort
about yourself," he wrote to his wife from the Channel.
" The ship sails well. We shall soon be in India, and
soon back again, never, I trust, to part again in this
world Think more of what we have of enjo}--
ment than what we want. I am only sensible to miser}-
when I think you unhappy." Strong contrary winds,
however, presently set in ; and Malcolm, landing at
Portsmouth, paid a visit to Lord Keith at Purbrook, and
spent some days there during the detention of the ship.
He spoke with gratitude of the kindness of his reception,
and I have no doubt that he made himself w^elcome to
every inmate of the house, even to the little children.
" The little girl, Georgina," he wrote, it need not be said
LIFE ON SHIP-BOARD. 145
liow cliaracteristicallj, "is quite a delightful clnld. She
comes every instant to me for stories ; and she has had
that of the Tigers in the Tree, tlie Elephant and the Gun,
the Bear and the Looking-glass, and half a hundred others
that are so approved by my own darlings. She has in
return played me some nice tunes on the piano, and
' Roily -polly, gammon and spinage,' charmingly."
But contrary winds do not last for ever, and Malcolm
was soon afloat again. There w^as more bad weather,
however, in the Channel, and strong winds and heavy
sea off the Bay of Biscay; but, after passing Madeira, the
vessel Avent steadily on with fair breezes, a quiet sea
below and a bright sky above, and everything on board
as pleasant and prosperous as the weather. As Malcolm
always looked on the bright side of things, and seldom
had a hard word to say of any one, it would have been
strange if he had not written in high terms of the society
on board ship ; and as to the life there, I have no doubt
he contributed greatly to its cheerfulness. How tlie time
was spent may be gathered from the following passage
in a letter to his wife. After describing his fellow-pas-
sengers one by one, he says :
" Such is our party ; now for our occupation. I rise at half-
past five, and everyday, except Sundays, go through my exercises
(gymnastics). I liave from four to six scholars, some of whom
iiave made great proficiency. I go to my cabin at seven, read in
my flannel dress tifl eight, dress, breakfast at lialf-past eight, walk
the deck till ten, return to my cabin, write. (Young Neave and
young Becher are both excellent Jems* and have each copied
* Jem was an Eurasian clerk, or the matter to which it refers puzzled
writer, who had been a long time in the Duke. It stands thus in Gurwood:
Malcolm's service, and had been very " There is one of your family whom I
useful as a copyist. In a postscript to read as Jem, besides wife, child, and
one of the Duke of Wellington's let- Arab horse." It should have been
ters to Malcolm, published in Gur- printed, as the Duke wrote, Jem. The
wood's collection, is a passage which allusion is to the copyist referred to
seems to have puzzled the editor, as above.
VOL. II. L
146 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
many hundreds of pages since we left Deal.) At twelve I break
off for half an hour, when I commence work again, and leave off
at half-past two ; good dinner at three, break up at half-past four,
walk the deck, read light books, or talk nonsense till six o'clock ;
drink tea ; at seven go to cards — two whist-tables for steady
ladies and gentlemen and one for the boys ; leave off at ten, and
all in bed by eleven. Next day the same course, except Sundays,
when there are no gymnastics, no cards. If we have prayers
upon deck. Captain C reads the service ; I read lessons and
sermon. If not on deck, my cabin is made a chapel that holds
about twenty. Captain Dwyer reads the service ; I, as usual,
sermon, &c Now to my studious occupations. I have
finished the review on the llistonj of the Bengal Sepoys* in a
manner that Avill, I trust, be approved. I have done it to my
own satisfaction ; and it was a subject on which it was difficult to
please myself. I have finished five of the Indian Letters — Lady
Powis's — and really they promise, when their number is doubled,
to make an amusing volume, and one as full of information as
entertainment. t I shall nearly complete them before I reach
India."
At the end of the year the Charles Mills reached the
Cape of Good Hope, and there Malcolm was received
with much cordiality by the Governor, Lord Charles
Somerset, who was not sorry to find in his guest a man
who knew almost as much about horses as himself.
The brief period of Sir John's sojourn in the colony was
spent very much as it commonly is spent by the Indian
voyager, outward or homeward bound. " A picture of
my hfe," he wrote to his wife, " smce I came to the
Cape, would be an account of rides to Newlands, the
Governors country seat, where I live, to Wyndbm^g,
Simon's Town, Constantia, &c. I have been treated and
"* This was a review of Williams's published or completed — a circum-
Histon/ of the Bentjal Ar/ii>/, written stance regarding ^vhich I have already
for and published in the Quartcrttj Re- expressed my regret. Some of the let-
t'mc, vol. xviii., January, ISIS. ters which were written for it have
f This contemplated work was never been quoted in vol. i., chap. viii.
DEPARTURE FROM THE CAPE. 147
feasted by every one, and all declare that they will take
most special care of you if you ever visit this colony;
and I am quite satisfied they will." He was naturally
very anxious, whilst at the Cape, to learn what was the
state of India, for his future prospects and arrangements
depended much upon the events which were developing
themselves in that country. "There is little news from
India," he wrote ; "all is apparently quiet ; but I do not
think it will long remain so." And again, in an-
other letter : " I do not know what to make of the Indian
news ; but I think it probable that I shall be soon home
again. T shall not remain unless there is active service,
or I have a good situation, or Sir Evan Napean leaves
Bombay. In the latter case I will take my chance of the
succession. I discover that nothing but the completest
occupation in the field, or at all events in a way that
promised reputation to myself and benefit to my family,
could reconcile me to live without you."
Pleasantly as Malcolm was situated at the Cape, and
abundant as were the somxes of recreation and amuse-
ment, his detention there was extremely irksome to him.
Horse-dealing was then much the fashion in the colony,
and the captain of the Charles Mills having some busi-
ness of that description to transact, was not prepared to
sail out of Table Bay as expeditiously as Malcolm de-
sired. The truth is, that Sir John was in a fair w^ay to
overstay his leave. The early part of January was
slipping away, and it was necessary that he should touch
Indian ground by the 1st of March, for on that day five
years would have elapsed since his departure from
Bombay, and that was the full period allowed by act of
Parliament for the absence of officers from the Com-
pany's dominions. Regarding, therefore, the delay with
much anxiety, he determined upon taldng a passage in
another ship to India — the Minden, which was to sail a
l2
148 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
week before the Charles Ifills. This he did ; but his
object was not gained. He was off the coast within the
prescribed time, but he could not land. So there Avere
still doubts and anxieties in his mind. On the 5tli of
March he wrote, off Trincomalee, to his wife :
"I am not only in liigli licahh, but in high order — thanks to
the exercises which I have clone almost every day since 1 left
England. Though wc arrived on this coast on the 1st of March,
we are not yet at anclior; and I am in no slight alarm about the
expiration of my leave, which was out on the 1st. I anticipated
this on leaving Portsmouth, and wrote a strong letter to the Court
of Directors on the subject. They must, I think, have noticed it.*
If not, and any literal construction of the act should keep me out
of employ a twelvemonth, I shall positively go mad. But happen
what will, I must rejoice at having made a voyage which, taking
things at the worst, secures my regiment. This is a fine ship.
I am well accommodated, and Captain Paterson is a gentlemanlike,
warm-hearted, generous fellow as ever lived. Our friends, John
Elliot and Amelia, are very well; and they have three nice
children on board with whom I play, and often think I am at
home again. Would to God I were, for I can know no happi-
ness away from you. Depend upon it, that unless my prospects
are very high, nothing shall keep me away long. The sacrifice
is too great. I do very well in the daytime. I have strong
animal spirits and keep up well, but I am never alone, and par-
ticularly at night, but that I am constantly at Frant or in Man-
chester-street. In short, I have a longing to see you and yours
again that I cannot describe."
The voyage of the Minden was not distinguished by
any remarkable event, except a fire in the bread-room,
which caused some temporary consternation in the ship.
A trifling incident, however, of a more pleasurable kuid,
is worthy of mention. Off Trincomalee they sighted
an Arab vessel. A boat was lowered, and the captain
of the Minden, Mr. Elliot, and Malcolm, were rowed
* The Court seut out a letter wliicli removed the diiEcuJty.
ARRIVAL AT MADRAS. 149
towards the strange craft. Malcolm was the first to go
up the side of the vessel; and "though dressed," as he
said, "in an old blue coat and older hat," the captain
and the supercargo of the vessel both recognised him
before he was on deck, and cried out, with the liveliest
demonstration of joy, "General Malcolm! General Mal-
colm !" The ship belonged to the Imaum, and the Arab
officers had known Malcolm years before in the Gulf.
They had now a thousand questions to ask, all of which
Malcolm freely answered. But when he said that he
was not returning to India to occupy any high station,
they declared that they would not believe him. " I know
better," said the captain; "we shall soon see something
that no one is dreaming; about." And he was not far
wrong.
On the 17th of March, Malcolm again crossed the
Madras surf, and was soon in the midst of friends at
the Presidency. His sister-in-law, Mrs. Macdonald, was
there with her liusband — one of Malcolm's old Persian
comrades,* and in their liouse he found a home second
only to the one he had quitted. Nothing could have
been more gratifying than his reception by the gene-
ral society of Madras. " I am half killed," he wrote,
" with returning visits. All seem delighted to see me;
and I believe the great proportion are sincere." But all
this kindness did not make him less anxious about his
future prospects. His first care on landing had been to
despatch a letter to Lord Moira, who had succeeded Lord
Minto as Governor-General of India, forwarding strong
recommendations from Mr. Canning and others, which,
indeed, were not required ; and asking whether his
Lordship had any instructions. "I am in orders as re-
turned to my duty," he wrote on the 29th of March,
* Afterwards Sir John Macdonald.
150 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
" waiting to hear from Bengal in answer to letters to
Lord Moira; and if not called round (to Calcutta), I shall
proceed forthwith to the Deccan, to command a brigade
in Doveton's force, where I shall at least be in fortune's
way. Depend upon it, if there is work, I shall have my
hands full. Nothing but complete emplo3^ment, and a
feeling that I am making progress in advancing both the
public interests and those of my own family, can recon-
cile me to this terrible separation."
Malcolm said that everything would depend upon the
tenor of the first letter from the Governor-General. It
was with no common anxiety, therefore, tliat one day in
the middle of April he opened the packet containing
the following important communication:
LORD MOIKA TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
Calcutta, Marcli 30, 1S17.
My dear, Sir, — Your very obliging letter, with jNIr. Canning's
despatch, and the other letters which you announce, have reached
mc safely. Mr. Canning refers me to a despatcli from the Secret
Committee, which has not yet reached me. I surmise, from wliat
he says, it was only to assure mc of support, should I have been
obliged to take such steps against the Pindarrces as might entail
hostilities with Scludlah. The forecast was not Inapposite, for
the measures which I did pursue might well have produced rup-
ture, though they have not been apparent to the public eye.
That hazard I believe to be entlrel}'' past, and satisfactory results
are only postponed by the season. This hint Is given to you con-
fidentially, and will prove the terms of correspondence on which
I wish to stand with you. Let me assure you that I justly appre-
ciate your talents and energy, and I shall rejoice if I find a fit
field for their employment. I fear that for five months to come
we must be restricted to cabinet activity. Perhaps in that in-
terval you may be tempted to pay a visit to Bengal, when the
opportunity of giving you such an Insight into matters as cannot
be aflorded to you by letter, may lead to your striking out a mode
in which you may exert yourself with satisfaction. At any period
LETTER FEOM LOED MOIRA. 151
that may suit your own objects and convenience I shall be rejoiced
to sec you.
You gratified me highly by your account of William Elphin-
stone's health. I have a truly affectionate regard for him; and I
am confident that he has a corresponding sentiment towards me.
His two nephews, John Adam and Mountstuart Elphinstone, are
very superior men; I know not that I have ever met persons of
more sound practical ability.
It grieved me that Lord Wellesley's health was not equally
firm, though his indisposition appears to have been of that transi-
tory kind which may be expected to have soon passed away
without leaving any dregs. He seems much wanted in England.
Circumstances had given me considerable political intercourse with
liim latterly, and the result was a confirmation of all the opinions
which I had previously entertained of his scope of mind and ho-
norable character. You may judge how the impression must have
been strengthened when I came to retrace on the spot the mea-
sures of his Indian administration.
Your sagacity well anticipated the effort I should make to plant
our power in Nagpoor. I have the pleasure to tell you that our
connexion is not the mere stipulations of the treaty, but that
INIadajee Bhoonsla, the new Rajah, gives himself to me with
imbounded devotion. Knowing as you do how all in this country
depends upon the individual at the head of a native state, you
will feel all the value of that superaddition.
I have the honor, my dear sir, to remain, with great esteem,
Your very obedient and humble servant,
MOIRA.
Malcolm saw plainly now that his hopes were likely soon
to be fulfilled — that important and honorable employ-
ment was not very far from him. He prepared at once to
take ship for Calcutta, earnestly pondering the state of
affairs in Upper India, and the probable development of
future events. The more he thought of these things,
the more certain it appeared to him that he had arrived
in India at a time propitious to his own, and advan-
152 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
tageous to tlie public interests. There were events then
evolvino- themselves which it was almost certain would
take shape ere long in another Mahratta war. Durmg
the five years which he had spent in Europe or on the
seas, great and significant changes had been unfolded in
Hindostan. The Mahratta princes and chiefs had been
fast becoming oblivious of the victories of Lake and
Wellesley, and if they had not encouraged any Avild
hopes of bettering their condition by another appeal to
anus, they had ceased to observe a line of conduct cal-
culated to avert such an event.
But although it appeared to Malcolm, as he contem-
plated the aspect of the political horizon, that a war
with the substantive Mahratta States was not very
remote, there was another more immediate source of
danger and inquietude out of which it was certain that
hostilities must speedily arise. The lawlessness of the
Pindarrees* had reached a point at which it was impos-
sible any longer for the paramount power to look on
without interfering for the protection of its own subjects,
and the maintenance of the existing order of things which
these predatory cohorts threatened to subvert. The
Indian Government, under stringent instructions from
the Home authorities, had suffered events to take their
course, until it was difficult to divert them into a safe
channel. But now at last Lord Moira had obtained a
reluctant and conditional assent to the prosecution of a
vigorous course of policy, and had determined upon the
destruction of these predatory bands, and the establish-
ment on a sure basis of the tranquillity of Upper India.
* The Piudarrecs were bauds of state too -sveak to resist them. They
predatory troops — half soldiers aud s» had gradually increased in number and
half robbers — who took service in time power, until they threatened to sub-
of war with tlie Mahratta chiefs, or vert aU the minor principalities, aud
carried on a desolating warfare, on were continually making inroads into
their own account, against every petty the Company's dominions.
PROSPECTS OF WAR. 153
That tliis great and necessary measure would embroil
us in a war with the Llahratta States — with Holkar's
Government ahnost certainly ; with Scindiah's very
probably; Avith the Governments of the Peishwah and
the Rajah of Berar scarcely less probably ; suggested
itself more and more palpably to Sir John Mal-
colm, the more he considered the state and temper of
these Courts, and the degree in which they would be
affected by our hostilities agahist the Pindarrees. He
had been many years absent from India, but during
that interval of rest he had corresponded with Mount-
stuart Elphinstone and other eminent men, and had
never ceased to take a lively interest in all that was
going on upon the scene of his former labors. The
troubles which had arisen were not wholly unforeseen
or unpredicted by him and the other politicians of the
same school. The imperfect settlement — the summary
winding-up of affairs in 1805-1806 under the Govern-
ments of Lord CornwalUs and Sir George Barlow — had
sown broadcast the seeds of future difficulty and danger,
which were noAV bristling up everywhere — a crop ready
for the sickle. Durino- all this interval Malcolm had
clearly seen that, sooner or later, the time must come
for another armed interference in the troublous affairs
of Upper and Central India; and now that the long-
deferred crisis seemed really to be at hand, it was not
without a justifiable emotion of pride that lie felt there
was not another man in the country who, in such a con-
juncture, could render to the State the essential service
which Lord Moira was now about to extract from Sir
John Malcolm.
Full of these thoughts, Malcolm took ship for Calcutta,
where he arrived on the last day of April. "I am well,"
he wrote a few days afterwards, " and have been received
in the most warm and cordial way by Lord Moira, with
154 TUE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
whom I am living; and I am on the point, I trust, of
being employed. We are on the eve of trouble with
the Peishwah, Avho has gone all •\vrong by supporting an
unworthy favorite. If we go to loggerheads in that
quarter, I shall, I trust, have 5000 men, with political
powers, to keep in check the southern Jagheerdars —
that is, the chiefs between Poonah and Mysore. If the
Poonah troubles are well settled, which I hope they will
be, great arrangement^ will be made to settle the Pm-
darrees this season. In that event, I think I shall go to
the Deccan with Sh^ Thomas Hisloj), who is likely to be
sent. If this plan takes place, I shall be with him as I
was with Lord Lake, with a chance of being also em-
ployed in a military capacity Assure Mr. W.
Elpliinstone and Allan that all my counsels are for as
much moderation as possible consistently with safety.
This they shall be satisfied of by my papers, which I
will send. But Lord Moira appears, as ifar as I have yet
seen, as moderate as could l^e desired." On the 10th of
May he wrote again in high spirits, saying that the
Governor-General had that day mentioned in council his
intention of naming him as Governor-General's agent in
the Deccan, with the rank of Briijadier, and eliiribilitv
for military command. " This is the very summit of my
wishes," he added, " the most active and prominent
situation I could fill in all India, and on the best footing
in every way Lord Moira has been kind in the
extreme. Though high and firm, he is moderate in his
views, and will go no further than he is compelled."
These moderate views were declared, plainly and em-
phatically, in conversation and m correspondence with
Malcolm, who concurred in opinion with the Governor-
General. Both desired to root out the Pindarrees, but
not, unless compelled by the force of events, to subvert
any of the substantive states, or to extend our frontier
POLICY OF THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 155
by a mile. Malcolm had prepared some papers on this
important subject, which he had submitted on his arrival
to Lord Moira, who, on returning them, wrote the fol-
lowing letter, which contains, in a few sentences, a sum-
mary of the policy he intended to adopt :
LOED MOniA TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
May G, 1817.
My dear Sir John, — Your papers have been read by me
with great satisfaction, because they justify all my own opinions.
It is gratifying to me to find that my notions on a subject so
delicate and complicated as the mode of settling Central India
should be thus sustained by your judgment, founded as it is on
local observation and experience.
The augmenting our territory, unless where some particular
defect in our frontier recommends the advancing to a natural
boundary more easily defensible, or where some special danger is
to be barred by the acquisition, must be an erroneous object. It
is extension of influence, not of possessions, that is the solid policy
for us ; and even that influence would be delusive did it not bear
directly on the point of precluding predatory associations. In
this conception I have been solicitous to avoid all differences
which should lead to the subversion of any of the existing native
states, wishing rather to pursue a course which shoidd promote
the stability of even Scindiah's and Holkar's Governments. Were
those chiefs, however, to make common cause with the Pindarrees,
either openly or by covert assistance, they would discard their
character as rulers of states, and must be dealt with as predatory
aggressors. I make tliis remark to show that, in stating my prin-
ciples, I am aware the more or tlie less of exactness with which it
can be adhered to, in the stir now fast approaching, depends on
events and exigencies not to be foreseen, or to be altogether con-
trolled when they arrive.
I have the honor to remain, with great esteem, my dear Sir
John, your faithful and obedient servant,
MOIRA.
On the 14tli of May, Malcolm wrote again to his
wife, saying that his nomination to the high office he had
156 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
before mentioned had now been definitively fixed, and
tliat he was about speedily to embark for Madras. It
had been resolved that Malcolm should visit the prin-
cipal Native Courts, and ascertain their temper, and take
counsel Avith the Residents, dm'ing the period which
must necessarily elapse before an enemy could take the
field. It was now the very height of the hot season ;
but he did not shrink from the long journeys which lay
before him. The very thought of what he was about to
do filled him with cheerfulness and courage to encounter
anything. He was, indeed, as he said, in his clement :
" My appointment is all settled — Governor-General's agent in
the Dcccan, and Brigadier in the Force serving in that quarter.
It will be given me in a few days ; and within two months of my
coming to India I shall be in good employ and on the best
allowances I embark in five or six days, and make a trial
to reach Madras beating against the monsoon. If the weather is
too severe I shall land at Sangum, Vizagapatam, or INIasulipatam,
and go on by dawk. I shall not be more than a week or two at
]\Lidras. You will exclaim, ' Now he is happy — now he is in his
element, flying about in the thick of work.' I will confess that,
absent from you, I am delighted to be employed, and above all in
a way that is useful to myself, and may, I trust, be also useful to
my country."
Malcolm spent three weeks in Calcutta — or rather
between the Government houses of Calcutta and Barrack-
pore — now writing elaborate papers on the Pindarrees,
now in earnest counsel with the Governor-General, and
now hot in billiards with his aides-de-camp. Of Lord
Moira, who had a few weaknesses, but many fine qua-
lities of head and heart, he wrote in terms of gratitude,
affection, and respect :
" I find this place" (Calcutta), he said, In one of his letters to his
wife, " much changed — great increase of buildings, many altera-
ANECDOTES OF LOED MOIRA. 157
tlous in society. With Lord Moira we dine at four o'clock, and
go to bed at half-past nine. Up at half-past four. He works
very hard, lives moderately, and looks strong and well in conse-
quence. He is very popular, and deserves to be so; for no man
can be more considerate, more kind, or more attentive than he
seems to be to every one. I wrote you that I made my first ap-
pearance without epaulets.* He came out of his room yesterday
in full dress, as he always is; and caught me, without coat or
neckcloth, playing billiards with an aide-de-camp in similar cos-
tume. He smiled and made a bow. As he was passing on to
Mr. Seton's (the councillor's) rooms, I said, 'You will find Mr.
Seton, who belongs to the Supreme Board, and ought to know
better, mucli worse than us?' He did. Seton had thrown off
his waistcoat, and was not a little distressed. The lord laughed
heartily, but made him remain as he was. I mention these trifles
to show that there is none of the little nonsense remaining of
which we heard so much in England, and which no doubt existed
at first."
At the end of the third week of May, Malcolm cm-
barked on board a small country vessel of two hundred
tons burden, and commenced his laborious voyage to
Madi'as in the face of a strong monsoon. The pas-
sage occupied a month, and by no means a pleasant
" I have not been able to- find tlic preseuted to your Lordship, that I
letter in which Malcolm tells the story forgot an important part of my accou-
of the epaulets. It probably mis- trements."
carried. He often alluded to the in- In another letter Malcolm says :
cident in after days. On his first in- "Lord. Hastings is really a fine fellow,
troduction to Lord Moira, before din- He came to India with some magnifi-
ner, I believe, on the day of his arrival, cent ideas, and more nonsense was put
having dressed himself in a hurry, and into his head ; but he has been cured
it may be presumed without the as- of all failtasies, and seems to me
sistance of a servant, he appeared in a much what he ought to be. The pas-
full-dress coat without any epaulets, sion for representation does no harm
The omission was pointed out to him in his present station, and he has no
by an aide-de-camp just as he was forms. At least I can say that I never
about to address the Governor-General, got on better with any man ; and God
Having heard much of the stateliness knows I did not study forms. He is
of Lord Moira's vice-regal court, the remarkable for his kindness to every
negligence at first seemed to be a se- one. To me his kindness and confi-
rious matter, but recovering from his deuce w'ere unbounded. Lord Wel-
momentary embarrassment, he said, lesley never evinced more decided par-
" You see I was in such a hurry to be tiality."
158 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
one. The time, however, he did his best to turn to ac-
count. He wrote a long letter to Lord Moira (now Lord
Hastings) relative to the contemplated operations against
the Pindarrees, covering two hundred sides of paper.
But he was all eagerness to commence his active work.
"I do not expect," he wrote, " to be more than seven or
eight days at Madras. I proceed before Sir Thomas
Hislop to Hyderabad, then to Poonah, then to Nag-
poor. It is an object to communicate personally with
the Residents and commandants of forces as soon as pos-
sible, and then to join Sir Thomas Hislop, who I hope
will soon be on the Xerbudda. We cannot cross the
river or commence active operations for four months
yet. I cannot tell you how I long to attack these mur-
derous freebooters the Pindarrees, and how o-ratefid I
am for being placed in a situation where I have an equal
chance of distinguishing myself as a political and mili-
tary officer."
He was detained, however, at Madras a few days be-
yond the time he had anticipated, for he was especially
anxious to see and to take counsel with his old friend
Thomas IMunro, whose active participation in the great
events which were developing themselves he deemed of
the highest importance. On the Gth of July he wrote to
John Adam, then Political Secretary at Calcutta :
" Colonel ^lunro will be here on the 9tli or 10th, and I am de-
tained for two or three days until he arrives. Sir Thomas Hislop,
who is what I expected^ a plain, sincere man, without any little-
ness or jealousy, thinks it quite essential that I should stay till this
point is settled If the arrangement is committed to such a
maistry (workman) as Tom IMunro I shall sleep all the way to
Poonah, and the Commander-in-Chief can proceed as he ought,
without another question, to Hyderabad. The Mahrattas will
neither cheat nor beat Munro, and, besides, he will be the best man
in the imiversc to look after the Jagheerdars Munro has
WAITING FOR MUNRO. 159
applied for military command, and will have no patience at being
excluded on small pretexts. These countries may probably be
given over quietly; but the reverse is possible, and under any
circumstance it is important a master hand should be the first to
touch them. Any check or loss of impression at starting would
be very hurtful ; and the difference between Munro solus and the
combined labors of Colonel (a respectable military officer)
and Mr. Anybody (a respectable civil servant), is not to be esti-
mated."
On the 9tli he wrote to another friend in the same
strain :
" Here I am at the old place ; but how altered ! Where is
Close ? Where is AVebbe ? Where is every one ? However,
Ave must not complain. Tom Munro, one of the school, will be
here to-morrow. I have urged, and I trust with success, his
appointment to the military as well as the civil power in the
districts south of the Kishna, including Darwar and Khaursigul,
which the Peishwah has ceded to enable us to pay the irregular
horse of his own country and some infantry. I am only wait-
ing to see Munro, and then start daAvk for Bangalore, Hydera-
bad, Poonah, and Nagpoor; and having visited all these Resi-
dencies, seen the two forces under Smith and Doveton, I shall
join Sir Thomas Hislop's somewhere near the Nerbudda, and
have obtained all the information and all the opinions he can re-
quire My situation is most flattering. As Governor-
General's agent, all political work connected with our operations
is in my hands ; as Brigadier-General, I am destined for the most
advanced force; and, what is really delightful, from the Governor-
General down to the lowest black or white, red or brown, clothed
or naked, all appear happy at my advancement. This general
feeling, my dear friend, operates to check my presumption. I
almost fear that I may not be able to fulfil the expectations which
have been formed."
After a fortnight spent at Madras, in the comfortable
residence of the Macdonalds, Malcolm started on his
diplomatic circuit. Having ridden the first sixteen miles,
160 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
accompanied by liis sister-in-law and her husband, he
commenced his dawk-journey at Connatore. The com-
panion of his travels was " little George Wareham," a
boy whom he had picked up on his outward voyage, to
act as amanuensis, clerk, servant, or, as Malcolm Avrote,
"factotum," in the place of " Jem," whose curt cognomen
had so puzzled the Duke.* " Of the important occur-
rences," he wrote to his wife, " wliich happened between
Connatore and Cowepauk, having slept all the way,
I can say nothing. At the latter place, which is only
ten miles from Arcot, I got out of my palanqum, and dis-
pelled all the fatigues of it by a gallop to Captain Out-
law's, who lives in the house once occupied by our friend
Dallas, on the bank of the river. As I came to this last
stage it brought a thousand associations to my mind.
There was pride in the recollection of having come past
and galloped over the same ground with the Duke of
Wellington thirteen years ago ; and there was something
better and more delightful than any emotion which pride
can give in having travelled it with you ten years ago."
On the following day, Malcolm entered the Mysore
country, and there he was among people who gi^eeted
him as an old friend, and were eager to do him honor.
" I was welcomed," he wrote, "with horns and taum-
taums, dancing-girls, amildars, peons, bazaar-men ; in
short, by high and low of every description. My vanity
was not a little tickled to hear Ilalcolm- Sahib on every
tongue." At Bangalore he spent a day or two in com-
* Tlie boy's simplicity somewhat he knew not one M"orcl, "whispered,
amused his master. An instance of ' Sir, you have forgotten sometliiug.'
this, at tlie very first start, is given in ' What is it ?' I asked, with impatience,
one of Malcolm's letters : "Just as we 'You have forgotten,' he added, in a
were starting, the little fellow came lower tone, ' to load your pistols.' _ I
up to inc, and casting a look at the could not help smiling; but thanking
crowd of palanquin-boys, mussaulchees, him, said we were yet a thousand miles
police-peons, and villagers, who were from any place where it would be ne-
all talking loud in a language of which cessary to load a pistol."
MYSOllE. 161
munication with Mr. Cole, who was then acting as
Resident at Mysore, relative to the contingent of My-
sorean Horse to be supplied in aid of the approaching
operations in the Deccan. On the 19th he resumed his
journey, and entered again the Company's territories.
Asking a native by the side of his palanquin tlu^ough
what province he was passing, he was delighted to
receive for answer, ''' Mimro-ha-moolW (or Munro's pro-
vince). He was in the ceded districts rendered me-
morable in the history of the Company's administration
by the admirable management of his " friend Tom
Munro," whose " name was in the mouth of all as a
father and protector." The more Malcolm pushed his
inquiries into the state of the country, the more satisfied
he was with the mformation he received. " You know
my talent for general communication," he wrote. "I
have heard but one language on this point from rich
Brahmin Tehsildars, police peons, palanquin-boys, and
village coolies." With all he conversed freely as he
went. Whether moving on in his palanquin, or halting by
the way-side, he always found some one from whom in-
formation could be extracted, and with whom, therefore,
he was eager to converse.
On the 24th of July, Malcolm found himself again
approaching Hyderabad. In the capital of the Deccan,
where he had commenced his diplomatic career, many
old friends were still living — many old associations were
to be revived. I give the record of the week he spent at
the Residency in his own words :
" About three miles from the city I was met by Mr. Russell
and the gentlemen of his family, and having mounted a horse,
rode with them to the Residency. I had left the representative
of the British Government at this Court fifteen years ago lodged
in the house of a native nobleman, which was pleasant from being
surrounded with small gardens and fountains, and had been
VOL. II. M
162 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
sudiciently modified by improvements to be rendered a tolerably
convenient European residence. You may conceive my surprise
to approach a palace, for such the present mansion of the British
Resident of Hyderabad may be well termed. It is only surpassed
in splendor and magnitude by the Government House at Cal-
cutta. That at Madras cannot be compared to it. You enter
through a lofty and fmc arched gate, and approach through a
garden laid out more in tlie Oriental than European style. Tlic
body of the house has much the appearance of the Government
House at Calcutta, but on a smaller scale. It contains the public
rooms, and you may judge of tlieir size and splendor when I
state that the dining-room is sixty feet long and forty broad, and
that the dining-room up-stairs is sixty feet long, forty broad,
and upwards of twenty feet high. Tliis room, with two ad-
joining ones that arc connected with it by arched doors, form a
most splendid suite of apartments. Y'^ou may judge of the style
in which it is furnislied when I tell you that the chairs and
couches arc all covered with crimson velvet with massive gilt arms
and backs; that it is lighted by twenty-four girandoles and five
lustres; and that the central one, which was made by Blade, and is
considered the finest ever seen, cost 950Z. in England. Such is
the centre part of this fine building. The Avings, which are
removed by a terrace of about forty yards, consist each of an
ante-room, a sitting-room, a bedroom, and closet. They are
upon the same elevation as the dining-room, and are connected
by separate stairs Avith ofilccs below. These wings (one of wliich
I occupy) are excellent houses. The sitting-room is thirty-six
feet by twenty-four, and the others are in proportion. They arc
furnished in a plain way, and arc quite to my taste. The palace
I have described was built and i'urnished by the Nizam, and is
kept up by him, as is much of the other parts of the state of the
Resident.
" On the 25th, I paid a visit to the Nizam. On the 26th, I
visited the English cantonment, which is five miles from the
Residency. On the 27th, I dined with Mooneer-ool-lMoolk.* The
entertainment was very splendid. I was gratified at meeting my
old friend Chandah (iMaleekha), the celebrated dancing-girl. I
had received several trays of fruit from this lady ; she had also sent
* Mooneer-ool-Moolk -was nonunally the Prime Minister.
HYDERABAD. 163
me her picture, with expressions of regard that were meant, she
said, to revive pleasing recollections. The Court of Hyderabad
is altered, and the dance and the song no longer prevail. A
moody, melancholy sovereign, degraded and dejected nobles, and
the impoverished retainers of a fallen Court, offer no field for the
genius of Chandah ; but even yet, changed as she is by eighteen
years, she maintains considerable influence, and has the lion's
share of all that is spent in dissipation. She has high titles, which
give her rank among the first nobles, and she has the distinction
of a noubut, or kettle-drum, rides on an elephant, and keeps up a
good deal of state. She commands the principal sets of dancing-
girls, and, now that her own bloom is past (she is above sixty),
is the first monopolist in the market of beauty at the capital.
She danced and she sang for upwards of an hour, but — / knoic
not hoio it is — the Jine tones, the fi7ie acting, the faint, the
recovery, the melancholy, the intoxication which she exhibited in
turns, as she chanted her Hindostanee and Persian odes, did not
charm me as they were wont. After all, eighteen years do make
some difference in the appearance and feelings botli of man and
woman.
" We had walked through the extensive palaces and gardens
of Moonecr-ool-Moolk, who lives in great luxury and splendor,
and were saluted at one part by a guard of female Sepoys. I
inquired if the Nizam still had any of this class of troops? Only
five hundred was the answer ; and these, said Mooneer-ool-Moolk,
have lost that reputation they formerly enjoyed.
"On the 28th, I paid a visit to Fyze Begum, the celebrated
lady of the late General Palmer, and was received with Oriental
magnificence. She is living; with her son, who is a merchant of
much celebrity at this city. After this visit I went to attend an
auction of the effects of Mr. Charles Russell. As an immense
crowd were standing in one room, bidding for a double-barrelled
gun, the floor gave way with a great crash. I was in the centre
of the place that first broke, and was precipitated down with men,
beer, china, tables on my head. The full was not great, being
only about ten or twelve feet; but I thought I should never have
disentangled myself. I at last succeeded in doing so, and escaped
with some slight cuts and bruises, and drenched with beer.
Others were not so fortunate. Two natives are dead; and several
M 2
164 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
others, with one or two English officers, continue to suffer
severely from wounds cliicily made by broken bottles.
" On the 29th, I reviewed IMajor Hayes's brigade of Nizam's
battalions. There cannot be a finer corps. They arc chieily
Hindostance men, and are raised, paid, and officered by us. We
are reimbursed by a stopi)age of the tribute for the Circars which
the Company pay the Nizam.
" On the 30th, in the morning, I reviewed the Company's
European regiment, and was pleased to find it in such excellent
^rder. I hope, for the honor of the service, it will be employed
and distinguish itself. As I was walking near the Residency, a
good-looking man, about forty- five years of age, made me a
salaam. I recognised his face, but could not recollect his name.
He said, observing this, ' Have you forgot Syud Ibrahim, whom
you enlisted when in command of a company of Sepoys, and who
was promoted by you to the rank of havildar?' ' I remember
you well,' I replied ; ' you deserted after I left the corps, with
many others, to Monsieur Raymond.' * Very true,' he said,
•smiling; ' but I neither forgot my old officer nor the salt I had eaten
of the Company.' Nothing could be more true. In 1798, the
day before the French battalions at Hyderabad were disbanded, I
was sent by Captain Kirkpatrick to Monsieur Perron, their
commander. As it w'as very hot, I went in a palanquin, and m}'
horse was led after me. Just after I entered the lines a violent
mutiny broke out. Several battalions came round my palanquin,
which they took from the bearers, hoisted me on their shoulders,
and endeavoured with it to force the gate of Perron's garden,
which was defended by the first, or Pondichcrry, battalion. I
-expostulated in vain against the violence with which I was
treated. Though they did not mean to kill me, I was in immi-
nent danger, as several balls fired in the confusion of the mutiny
struck the palanquin. In this situation Ibrahim Khan, who was
a leading mutineer, came to my aid. He, -with several of his
companions, extricated me from the crowd, and brought my
horse, on which I rode away.* I have never since seen him, and
was not a little delighted to find he was a commandant of five
hundred men in the service of Shems-ool-Omrah, one of the first
Jiobles of this country. I sent for him to my room, and gave him
* Tliis incideut is related, but less iii detail, vol. i., chap. 5.
PREPAEATIONS FOR THE WAR. 165
a pair of shawls. I also, at his earnest request, gave him a certi-
Hcate of his conduct, upon which he appeared to set a great value.
On the evening of the 30th, I went to a feast at Chundoo-Lall's,*
which was very magnificent. Chandah was there. She had sent
me in the morning her history of the Nizam and his ancestors, to
which she has added u general essay on universal history. Though
I knew this compilation had been made for her, I could not
refuse her vanity, which increases with her age, the tribute of a-
compliment. ' You are certainly,' I said to her, ' one of the cleverest
women of the age.' ' That observation,' the old lady replied,
quite gravely, ' is one of the truest you ever made.' Her dress this
evening was very splendid, but she looked haggard and old. Her
eyes were painted overmuch, and their blackness, joined to a look
of intoxication, which I fear was not feigned, made this celebrated
woman an object of disgust more than of admiration.
"To-day, the 31st, I have been very busy. It is now eleven
o'clock, P.M., and I start to-morrow at half-past three. I ride
eighty miles, and go the rest in palanquin. I expect to travel
ninety miles a day, and to arrive within four days."
But althoiidi Malcolm could find time to write these
amusing journal-letters to his wife, and to take part in '
the social incidents they relate, he had much public
business to perform, and he devoted himself assiduously to
it. With ^Ir. Henry Russell, the Resident, he was in con-
stant intercourse, devising the best means of turning the
resources of the Hyderabad State to good account in the
coming struggle. The disposition of the irregular troops
of the Nizam was arranged ; the important question of
supplies was discussed; the points at which depots
were to be established were fixed ; the means of collect-
ing sufficient carriage-cattle determined; and the officers
best qualified by their local information and experience
to carry out these details, were summoned to Hyderabad.
Sir Thomas Hislop was then on his way to the Nizam's
* Clmndoo-Lall was the Dcwan, or Fiuauce Miuister— really the Prime
Minister of the country.
166 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
capital, whicli was the great central rallying-point of the
army of the Deccan ; and Malcolm drew up for his informa-
tion a secret memorandum, setting forth the information
which he had collected on all these subjects, and sug-
gesting the arrangements wliich it would be expedient
to adopt. On the 26th of July, he wrote to Mr. John
Adam that all this important business was favorably pro-
gressing :
" All was setdcd properly at Mysore. All here diat relates to
the public service will be settled as it should be. I shall proceed
to Poonah on the 1st, and return on the 13th or 14th. This hard
travelling agrees well with me What Avith visits to
tlie Nizam, and memorandums for Sir Thomas Hislop, and ar-
rangements of different kinds, I am much hurried All
I have yet seen or heard in this quarter confirms me in what I
before stated, that we must speak plainly and act decidedly. This
is not more justice to ourselves than to Scindiah and the other
chiefs, with whom we may have to negotiate. Our power to
dictate is complete. It will be weakened by any show of re-
-luctance to use it. I am certain to be always with the most
advanced corps. My duties require it, and it is the only reward
I ask for any labor I may undergo."
On the 1st of August, Malcolm started on liorseback
from Hyderabad ; rode the first forty-two miles of the road,
and then continued his journey in his palanquin. Posting
onward with all possible speed — stopping only for a
little Avhile twice a day, to eat a piece of bread and to
drink a cup of milk — he reached the Beemah river on
the morning of the 4th, and there found some Mahratta
troopers posted to escort him into Poonah. Mounting
one of their horses at each stage, he rode into the Camp
of the British Residency, where Mountstuart Elphinstone
came out to meet him with the cordial greeting of an old
friend. Malcolm had galloped sixty-four miles in eight
hours, and had accomplished the entire distance — three
POONAH. 167
liundred and sixty-four miles — in three days. " I may
add," he wrote, " that I was not at all fatigued; a proof
of the health I am in, and which, by the blessing of God,
I will by diet and exercise preserve, that I may prove
equal to the great duties that are opening upon me."
His reception at Poonah by men of all classes and all
characters was most gratifying. The natives of the place
were scarcely less delighted to see him than were his own
countrymen. In this he rejoiced on public grounds, for
he believed that it would greatly increase his influence,
and therefore his utility. But that which most glad-
dened his heart, was the opportunity of being again in
familiar intercourse and under the same roof with Mount -
stuai't Elphinstone. Their last meeting had been merely
the meeting of two friends, with common social and lite-
rary tastes. They were busy then as brother authors ;
bnt now they met as fellow- craftsmen in the great poli-
tical workshop, with labor of no common magnitude
before them. There were then two men in India likely to
compete with Malcolm for the great prizes of the service
— perhaps to stand in the way of the advancement he so
much coveted. They were Mountstuart Elphinstone and
Thomas Munro. But ambitious as was Malcolm and
eager for promotion, he never lost an opportunity of
bringing forward the services and discoursing upon the
merits of his two distmguished friends. How anxious
he was that Munro should take part in the great opera-
tions then in progress has been already shown. AYhilst
at Poonah on the 6th of August, he wrote a long letter
to ]Mi'. William Elphinstone, an influential member of
the Court of Directors, setting forth in strong language
the great claims of his nephew Mountstuart to public
reward:
" The Peishwah, who is seventy miles from this, has just inti-
168 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
mated liis earnest desire to see me. It is some distance for a
morning visit ; but I proceed with pleasure to pay it, as Elphin-
stone thinks it may do good. I am one of his earliest friends —
used to laugh with him as well as talk politics, and gave him a
beautiful Arabian mare, of which he was very fond. All these
associations liave kept me in his memory, and Elphinstone thinks
he means to unbosom his griefs. There never was such an in-
stance of infatuation as his; but he gave himself up for the
moment to evil counsellors, and fell as many a prince has done,
the dupe of his own passions and a wicked favorite. He has
suffered his punishment, and appears from his conduct to be sen-
sible of his error, and desirous of retrieving it. I shall give him
what consolation and what good advice I can; and most anxiously
do I hope, if he perseveres, the Governor-General will have an
opportunity of proving he is as forward to reward and to elevate
as to chastise and depress. It is, I conceive, as essential a principle
to seize any opportunity of raising our allies as of destroying our
enemies.
" I wrote you before about Elphinstone. Lord Hastings has,
I understand, made a strong appeal to the Secret Committee for
some proportionate reward for his eminent services. If this is not
attended to, who can expect notice ? I know not in what shape
his recompense will come. But if his Prince grants honors, you
should grant something to support them. He is the oldest as well
as the most distinguished of your Political Residents, and he has
not, I regret to say, more than 10,000Z.; and this, believe me, is
owing more to the disinterested generosity of his character than
to any extravagance. The Duke of Wellington will tell you of
the early promise he gave, and the records will inform you how
amply that has been fulfilled. I state this from warm feelings of
private regard — but also from a strong feeling of the necessity of
such notice and liberality on every consideration of the public
good. High motives must be cherished and examples given of
your attention to such men and such services, or the tone of this
branch of the public service will be lowered, and nothing could
be worse for your interests."
On the day following that on which this letter was
written, Malcolm set out from Poonali on his visit to
VISIT TO THE PEISHWAH. 169
Badjee Rao, the Peishwah. Of his journey and his re-
ception he wrote fully to his wife :
" On the night of the 7th I commenced a journey in my palan-
quin, to visit the Peishwah. I started at ten o'clock at night, and
was rather astonished to awake at three in the morning and find
myself only twelve miles from Poonah, half-way up a rugged hill,
and seven out of twelve bearers with which I had started run away.
I was compelled to walk, and found, on getting to the top of the
hill. Major Ford, who had started with me, had been waiting on
the road two hours. What with tramping over the rocks and the
aid of his people, we got on to one stage, and finding there fresh
bearers, proceeded to a place called Jerouh, about thirty-five miles
from Poonah, which we reached at half-past twelve o'clock. We
had still upwards of fifty miles to go in less than seven hours, as
I had promised to be with the Peishwah by seven o'clock on the
evening of the 8th. His Highness's anxiety to see me was evident
by his personal riding-horses being laid at every stage. I mounted
one of them and galloped away fourteen miles to the foot of a very
high and abrupt pass (called the Cumbant Ghaut), over a range of
mountains. Over this it was impossible to ride, and we had to
lead our horses. The heat was extreme, and I felt, before I was
at the top, very much fatigued, but the fine fresh breeze w^e found
when there, and the beautiful elevated valleys of Whye and
Sittarah, which lay before us, relieved our spirits. We found
capital horses at every stage, and galloped along at a merry rate.
A few minutes before seven we reached the residence of the
Maharajah at INIahanlee, a village situated at the confluence of
the rivers Yena and Kistnah, three miles from the far-famed hill-
foot of Sittarah, which has for more than a century been the
prison of the ancient sovereigns of the ]\Iahratta Empire, the lineal
descendants of their founder, Sevajee.
" The attentions of the Prince whom I was visiting increased as
I approached near. I found an immense tent prepared for me,
and a feast of grain, vegetables, and fruits, ready spread. The
former I occupied, and the latter w^as divided among some ser-
vants who had been three days in performing the journey, and
were that instant arrived.
" I had a visit from Moro-Dikshut, the Prime Minister, who
170 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
earnestly entreated that I would remain till next morning; and as
I found it was a fast-day with Brahmins, and the Pcishwah con-
sequently too exhausted for a long conference, I consented, but
stipulated for a very early interview next day. The Llinister
kept me talking till twelve at night, and I was awakened at five
o'clock on the morning of the 9th with a message that the
Peishwah expected me at six. I was kept by the ceremonies of
previous visits from Goklah and other of the Mahratta military
chiefs with whom I was acquainted till seven, when I went to the
Maharajah. Six years, which is tlie period since I saw him last,
had not changed him much, but he looked careworn. He
received lAe with apparent joy, said I was associated with Generals
Wellcslcy and Close in placing him on the Musnud, that I had
proved I had still a warm heart towards liim by coming so far to
see him, and that he was delighted to have an opportunity of
unburdening his heart to one in whom he had such confidence.
I had an interview of three hours and a half — what passed is
secret and political, but the result was satisfactory."
Of Malcolm, Badjee Rao had always thought as of an
old friend — one to whom he might turn as a present help
in trouble, and who would surely sympathise with Mm
in all his sorrows and afflictions. Many years had passed
since they had first met — years which had painfully de-
veloped the weakness and unworthiness of the Peish-
wah's character. If he had only availed himself of the
advantages of his position, he might have rendered it one
of respectability and independence. The British Govern-
ment had acted towards him with scrupulous good faith ;
and there had been for many years at his Court an
English gentleman, as much distinguished for his wisdom
as his integrity, ever ready to give him advice as sound
as it was disinterested. But he had listened to men
whose counsel ^vas neither sound nor disinterested ; and
believing that the British Government would continue to
support the prince whom they had restored, he had
taxed their forbearance to the utmost.
CONDUCT OF THE PEISHWAH. 171
Much of time and much of space would it take to tell
all the several acts by which Badjee Rao had incurred
the just and reasonable displeasure of the Government to
which he owed so much. It is very probable that he
had no settled design to provoke the hostility of the
British ; but the nature of the alliance was distasteful to
him ; he felt the irksomeness of the restraint it imposed ;
and we do not commonly most love those to whom we
are most indebted. He Avas a weak rather than a vicious
prince; but his dissimulation was profound. He was
always ready with professions of friendship, and yet he
always secretly rejoiced in anything which tended to our
disadvantage. His common declaration was that the
enemies of the English were his enemies ; and yet he was
continually favoring and supporting them. At last, in
the spring of 1817, the measure of his folly seemed to be
full. If he had not secretly fomented, he had connived
at insurrectionary movements intended to embarrass and
annoy us ; and had aided and sheltered that most bitter
and most crimmal of our enemies — Trimbuckjee Danglia
— with whose enormities every reader of Indian history
is familiar. The forbearance of our Government had
been thus tried to the utmost. Decided measures be-
came necessary. So, early in May, the terms of a new
treaty Avere submitted to him, prefaced by an undertaking
to surrender Trimbuckjee Danglia within a month ; and,
as a security for the fulfilment of this preliminary, three
of the Peishwah's forts were demanded to be given up
within two days. Badjee Rao hesitated — asked for longer
time for consideration — and not until his capital had been
surrounded by British troops did he consent to surrender
the forts.
He was stung to the quick by this humiliation. But
the decided conduct of the British Resident proved that
there was nothing for him but submission or destruction.
1 72 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
The treaty which was offered to him was duly signed in
the course of June ; and he was still brooding over the
indignity which he had brought down upon himself by
his own misconduct, when Malcolm was invited to visit
him. He was full of complaints and of professions. He
declared that he had always been the friend of the British
— that he had never forgotten the time when Wellesle}',
Close, and Malcolm had proved themselves to be his true
friends in the midst of adversity ; and when Malcolm
s^Doke of the operations which had been undertaken for
the suppression of the Pindarrees, he made large promises
of assistance. He spoke freely of the difficulties of his
position — of the many surrounding circumstances which
rendered him so likely to be misunderstood — of the sus-
picious conduct of others which brought him into disre-
pute. But he repeated that he was faithfid to the British
alliance, and that he had been harshly treated by his
friends. He was obviously both vexed and dispirited.
Malcolm exerted himself to soothe and encouraG;e the un-
happy Prince, whose faults were mainly those of feeble-
ness of cliaracter; and, knowing that his fears were his
greatest enemies, said all he could to allay them. There
were those who thought that the opportunity would be a
good one for asking or demanding new concessions ; but
Malcolm had made up his mind to abstain from everything
calculated to excite the alarm or increase the discontent
of the Peishwah ; and he believed that he left his High-
ness comforted, if not assured. At all events, it was only
in accordance w^ith Malcolm's disposition to look upon the
bright side of things, hopefully and confidently, and he
yet believed that the Peishwah w^ould be true to his
word.
Badjee Rao may have been sincere at the time. He
may have recognised, in Malcolm's presence, the sound-
INTERVIEW WITH THE PEISHWAH. 173
ness of his friend's advice ; and believed tliat the Enghsh
alHance was the one whicli would tend most to the sup-
port of his power. But he was utterly without stead-
fastness of character. There was really no reliance to be
placed in his professions. And when Malcolm returned
to the Residency to narrate what had passed at this con-
fidential interview, Elphinstone, who had been for some
years closely watching the crooked ways of the Peish-
wah, could not be persuaded to see anything in his promises
and professions but the boundless dissimulation whicli
was so large an ingredient in his character. The two
friends Avere long engaged in amicable discourse on the
character and designs of Badjee Raoj and each confi-
dently trusted to Time to prove the soundness of his
opinions.
From Poonah, Malcolm returned to Hyderabad, where
he arrived on the 16 th of August, and commenced at
once the work of completing his an-angements for the
supply and movement of the army of the Deccan. Sir
Thomas Hislop had fallen dangerously ill — a circum-
stance which had increased the burden both of INIalcolm's
labors and responsibilities. " The eighteen days that have
intervened since my arrival," he wrote to his Avife, on
the 3rd of September, "have been an unvaried round of
hard work, during whicli I can assert that I have been
every day employed incessantly from five o'clock in the
morning till eight at night, in making arrangements and
preparations to put the forces in this quarter in motion.
The confidence of Sir Thomas Hislop gave me the labor-
ing oar before he was taken ill, and since that I have had
it still more. He is now, I think, out of all danger, but too
weak to make it probable he will be able for some time
to come to attend to business ; but our arrangements are
complete — my tents and baggage are thirty miles on the
174 THE CIRCUIT OF THE KESIDENCIES.
road to Nagpoor. I follow to-night. I expect to be at
Nagpoor on the 20th, and to take command of two divi-
sions of the army — the Connnander-in-Chief's and my
own — and to conduct them to a position on the banks of
the Nerbudda, between Hindiah and Hussmigabad."
It was with much elation of spirit that he turned liis
back upon Hyderabad. The encampment of his escort*
and his political suite was some thirty miles distant from
the city, and Malcolm proceeded to join it, " delighted,"
as he said, to get a^vay from the bustle and distraction of
Hyderabad to his own home; "for such," he added, in
a letter to his wife, " I must term my camp for a long
time to come ; and if I cannot be with you and the dar-
ling little ones, I prefer my tent to a palace."
He was not without pleasant companions. His poli-
tical assistants — Captains Josiah Stewart and John
Briggs, of whom I have spoken already in connexion
with the last mission to Persia — were with him in camp.
The immediate members of his family were Lieutenant
John Low, his aide-de-camp; Cornet Max Elliot (a
son of Hugh Elliot, the Governor of Madras) ; and Lieu-
tenant Bell, "a gentlemanlike young man," who had
accompanied him from Bengal — subaltern officers at-
tached to his escorts — and Lieutenant Laurie, an Esk-
dale man, who was surveying the route. He had,
moreover, at this time, some guests in his camp — ama-
teurs, anxious to see something of the country and a
little of stirring life under such good auspices. There
* Malcolm's escort was composed thirty from Nagpoor. Each of these
of motley materials. In one of his parties is commanded by an intelligent
family letters he says : " I forgot to and dist inguished officer ; and besides
tell you that, besides eighteen select furnishing collectively a good escort,
troopers, I have thirty picked horse- they are means through which I corn-
men of the Nizam, thirty Mysoreans, municate with the countries and armies
thirty from Poonah, and I shall have to -wluch they belong."
JOINING THE AKMY. 175
was Colonel Leicester Stanliope, son of Lord Har-
rington ; Captain Henry Elliot, another son of the
Madras Governor ; Dr. Gordon, of the Nagpoor Kesi-
dency ; and Mr. Williams, of the civil service, who had
been one of his assistants m Persia, but was then
attached to the Residency at Baroda. " I am takmg
him," wrote Malcolm, with reference to the last of these
gentlemen, " the round of the Indian Courts, and going
to show him a camp, and I hope a campaign. He is a
manly and sensible fellow, and well qualified to fill any
situation to which he may be appointed."*
Their march lay through " the heart of the ancient
province of Telingana," part of the Nizam's dominions.f
Malcolm rode principally on an elephant, a mode of tra-
velling best suited to the state of the country, which was
intersected by water-courses greatly swollen by the heavy
rains. The streams, indeed, were continually interrupt-
ing their progress, and many diverting and some vexa-
tious incidents of travel were the result. At all personal
inconveniences Malcolm laughed, and he had a good-
natured enjoyment in the temporary discomfiture of
some of his friends, knowing that such rough treatment
might do them good. " ," he ^vrote, " who under-
stands comfort, has one of these petty rivers between him
and half his cot, half his servants, and all his keys. As
to poor , neither his clothes nor horses have yet
* Mr. "Williams afterwards became Government, and pays tlic price of
Resident at Baroda. subservience to our Resident for con-
t " The people," said Malcolm, " are tinuance in office? Wlierc power is
a broken and oppressed race. I am, without pride there can be no motive
indeed, disposed to believe that no for good government. I am told it is
country was ever more miserably go- impossible to maintain our connexion
veraed. What, indeed, can be expected on a better footing. I can only reply,
when the prince (the Nizam) is a me- it is impossible there can be a worse ;
lancholy madman, and the minister but after all it is right that we should
(Chundoo-Lall) a low Hindoo, who form our judgment on this point by a
owes his power to the support of our view of comparative evils."
176 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
come in; we conclude that they are following some
twenty miles in the rear." But, eager as he was to push
on, the detention was a serious annoyance to him. " I
should go mad," he said, " with such work before me to
be stopped at a petty village for even two days." Such
stoppage, however, he could turn to profitable account,
and when he was unable to move forward, he busied him-
self with inquhies into the old Hindoo village communi-
ties, the maintenance of which he believed, in common
with many great Indian statesmen, to be essential to the
happiness and prosperity of the people.*
Wading, as he said, through a beautiful country, in
high health and spirits, livuig abstemiously, taking much
exercise, shooting quails wherever he could find them,
laughing at the petty misfortunes of his friends, and being
laughed at in turn, INIalcolm splashed on to the banks of
Godavery, which lie reached on the 12th of September.
On the following day, after a scene of tumultuous noise
and confusion, in the midst of which he seated himself
close to the river's edge and wrote a dozen public and
private letters, he crossed the swollen waters and con-
tinued his march. But on the IGth he was stopped by a
torrent, which it seemed almost impossible to pass. De-
tention at such a time was vexatious in tlie extreme. He
wrote to the Chief Secretary, saying :
" Here I am stopped by a vile nullah that is swelled into a
*" Oue passage at least on this sub- this couutiy. It remained for us, in
jeet may be given from Malcolm's the pride of reform, to sweep away this
private correspondence. "I have just useful and ancient institution, which I
had," he wrote on the 7th of Sep- will venture to say, protected by our
tember, " a long inquiry into the vil- justice, was more calculated to make
lage government of this country ; and our territories in India flourish than
find precisely the same establishment any plan our wisdom will ever suggest,
as is mentioned by Wilks in his It is a great secret to allow men to be
Southern India The system happy in their owii way ; and what we
is not destroyed. It has continued temi blessings become punishments
whole and well understood through when they are inflicted."
all the revolutions which have afflicted
CROSSING A NULLAH. 177
river, but expect to pass it to-morrow morning. You will judge
of my vexation, when you read the enclosed and see how we arc
expediting our troops to the Nerbuddah, that there may be no
possibility of our enemy being too early for us. I don't know
exactly in what direction I shall move from Nagpoor. It will be
determined by circumstances; but I shall be on the river with the
first of our troops, and ready to carry into effect any instructions I
may receive I trust they will be early and particular.
I conclude that we shall be told to be as orderly as possible — to
conciliate the inhabitants, but to suffer no insult to pass un-
punished. I state this, because it is the manner in which I shall
act, and direct those under me to act, in the absence of instructions.
In loose Governments, like those of the Mahrattas, there is no
other mode of proceeding. I have seen the Duke of "Wellington
(who conciliated as much as any man) more than once order a
storming party to parade for the attack of a fortified village of our
good ally the Peishwah, and it has been on its march to the attack,
before the gates were opened or supplies granted I am
more vexed than I can express at the delay I have encountered;
but I am now proceeding with one tent, and will be stopped by
nothing that an elephant can pass."
He had made up his mind to cross, and he carried out
]iis resolution. After exploring the stream for some dis-
tance, lie found a place where it seemed possible for an
elephant to pass. " For seven or eight hours," he wrote,
" three of these animals kept going backwards and for-
wards through the stream, loaded with baggage, men,
women, and children. Besides what were on their backs,
half a dozen held on by ropes from them, and other
ropes fastened to these animal-bridges hauled over horses
and camels. The whole was a scene for the pencil of
Hogarth." It was something better too — it was a great
obstacle bravely overcome. Malcolm was all eagerness
now to push on ; so, taking with him only his aide-de-
camp Low, and Williams the amateur, with one small
tent for the accommodation of the three, he left his camp
VOL. II. N
178 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
behind him, and rode on as rapidly as the state of the
roads would allow him to advance. He was " nobly
mounted on a grey Persian horse called Sultan, of great
beauty, strength, and spirit." On those wearisome
marches, he said, he could not bear to find himself on
the back of any other horse, though he had several noble
animals with him.
On the 20th of September, Malcolm and his compa-
nions entered the province of Berar,* and on the 24th he
arrived at Nagpoor. "After the wettest and one of the
most fatigumg journeys," he wrote, " which I have yet
had — during which I was forty hours in going ninety
miles, on horseback, in a palanquin, and on an elephant
— I reached (on the 23rd) the tents of my old friend
Jenkins, the Kesident of Nagpoor, who had come out
twelve miles to meet me. Next morning we moved to-
wards the city. The Kajah, Appa-Sahib (a young man
of twentyf ), came out to welcome me. We alighted at
one of his gardens, where he gave us a very excellent
dinner, and made me the usual presents."
At Nagpoor, IMalcolm spent eight or nine days — days
of incessant and laborious activity. His work differed
little from that which had occupied him at Hyderabad.
He had to make, or rather to complete, the arrangements
Avhicli were being made for the supply of the army with
money and provisions. In the performance of this duty
he encountered no small amount of intrigue and cupidity.
There were some eager, from political motives, to thwart
* Concerning the state of this conn- f In another letter, !Malcolm de-
try, Malcolm tells the foUowing anec- scribes Appa-Sahib as " a good-looking
dote : " I asked a Jemadar of Horse, young man of about twenty-two years
who is a native of the province, in what of age— of pleasant countenance and
state it was. ' Much impoverished,' manners — very inquisitive and intelli-
was the reply. ' True,' said an old gent. He is, however, young and in-
Mysore horseman, who was riding experienced, and from desiring to rule
near ; ' it is impoverished. But the himself he becomes a shuttlecock of
poverty of Berar resembles the wealth different parties."
of other countries.' "
NAGPOOE. 179
our endeavours ; and others who held back in the hope
of obtaining higher prices. But Malcohn had long expe-
rience in the art of collecting supplies for an army ; he
knew how to treat with the dealers ; and he was not one,
in sucli a conjuncture, to allow any considerations of eco-
nomy to obstruct the completion of arrangements of vital
importance to the State. In Mr. Jenkins he found an
old friend and an able associate. And the Rajah* —
nephew of that Ragojee Bhoonsla whom Wellesley had
beaten at Assye — professed friendship and promised
assistance. Every one, indeed, seemed rejoiced to see
him ; and the kind attentions of his friends did much to
lio;hten his toil.
On the 4th of October, Malcolm prepared to depart
from Nagpoor. He had completed his circuit of the
three great Courts of the Nizam, the Peishwah, and the
Bhoonsla ; and was eager now to join the army which
was assembling on the banks of the Ncrbudda. Though
the rain had ceased to fall, the country was still flooded;
rapid progress was impossible — progress of any kind diffi-
cult and laborious. But he pushed on — never in better
health, never more capable of exertion — his heart now
* The following account, in one of our men. We admitted female suc-
Malcolra's letters, of a conversation cession to the throne. It was probable
with Appa-Sahil), is amusing and cha- that ere long a female would wear the
racteristic : " The Rajah was uncom- British crown — as several had done
nionly kind to me, and at the last before.' 'Strange!' (With smiles.)
visit, though his wife was very ill, 'Why was not my wife with me?'
and he really looked sorry, I succeeded ' It was fortunate, at present, she was
in making "him lau^h aloud iii public not.' ' How ?' ' Her absence made
durbar. He inquired about my family, me more able to execute the orders of
• A wife and five children.' ' Sons or my own State and of the Rajah. Tor
daughters ?' ' One son and four instance, I meant to march to Aumeer
daughters.' ' How old is the son ?' on the followmg day — fifty-six miles,
' Eight years of age — a fine boy — very and horrid roads. If I had a wife, she
wicked.' (A laugh.) ' Why were not would take five days for such a jour-
my family with me ?' ' The children ney.' A loud laugh, and the Maha-
were educattug.' ' AVhat ! daughters I' rajah concluded by saying, ' Malcolm-
' Yes— our ladies were educated, and Sahib makes fun of everything !' "
became as clever, often cleverer, than
n2
180 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
stirred by great thoughts of martial triumphs, and now
by tender recollections of the beloved circle at home.
On the lOtli of October, a packet of letters from England
reached him on the march, and filled him with dehght.
" A week's smishine," he said, " after our terrible rains,
has not so elevated my spirits as this delightful despatch ;
and I turn from official letters to Governor-General,
Commander-in-Chief, Residents, and Brigadiers-General,
to the more important subject, as for as my happiness
is concerned, of Manchester-street and Frant." There
is only one drawback to the happiness which such
letters impart — the thought of all that may have hap-
pened since they were written ; written in jNIay, read in
October. But this is often forgotten in the tumult of
delio-ht. The siaht of the beloved handwritinfr, as it
annihilates space, makes us also oblivious of time, and we
see, without a doubt or misgiving, the treasures, which
we brino- from a distant countrv to lio-ht im the solitarv
bungalow or the lonely tent, in all the vivid colors of pre-
sent reality.
" I push on with a small party," he wrote on the loth
of October, " to Hussingabad, on the banks of the Ner-
budda, where the principal part of the Bengal force is
assembled. All the preparations and operations of the
advanced corps are committed to me, which, with the
political arrangements, give me enough to do; but I never
WMS in better health, or capable of more work." On the
19th, after a march of "nearly sixty miles through a
dreary forest, without a human habitation except one
collection of twenty or thirty huts," he reached the
valley of the Nerbudda ; and on the following day
entered the cantonment of Hussingabad, which lay on
the banks of the river. From that place he wrote to his
wife, under great depression of spirits. Death had been
DEATH IN THE CAMP.
181
busy among his friends. " I have no heart to write to
you a long letter," lie said. " I heard, five days ago, of
your old friend Thompson's death. Two days ago, I was
shocked by that of my old and esteemed friend Colonel
Walker, who was my second in command; and this
morning I heard of the death of my old and faithful
Brahmin, Kishem Ram, whom you will well recollect at
Mysore. This admurable man had an estate of eight
hundred pounds a year, which was granted as the re-
ward of public service. I wished him to send a younger
brother ; but he would not hear of it. ' I will march, if
I die, with my old master,' was his reply. And now he
has fallen, the victim of his attachment."
At Hussingabad, where General Adams's division was
assembled, Malcolm was received with distinguished
kindness by the officers of the Bengal army. His heart
was still heavy with the thought of the sickness aroimd
him, which had smitten so many of his friends; and lie
wTOte that he seemed to be almost the only healthy man
in camp. But stirring thoughts of the great work before
him soon raised his energies to their accustomed pitch.
The rains were over. The fighting season had com-
menced. There were again the clear skies, the crisp
fresh air of the early winter. The troops were marching
to, or had already reached, their appointed rendezvous.
The Pindarree leaders had been bracing themselves up
for the encounter; and ^Malcolm was eager to find himself
before them. ''I would glory more," he wrote, "in
beins? the means of contributing; to the annihilation of
this system of murder and plunder, than in all the great
victories that were ever achieved."
On the 26th of October, Malcolm resumed his march.
His own division — the third— of the army of the Deccau
had been assemblino^ at Hurda. Colonel Walker, whose
182 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
death had so touched the heart of his chief, had been
instructed, upon the breaking up of the rains, to move
upon that place ; and Malcolm now proceeded thither to
assume command of his troops, and also of the first
division of the army, pending the arrival of Sir Thomas
Hislop, who now, with recruited health, was on his way
to join the army.
But intent as Malcolm was on the futm^e, he had some
tender recollections to bestow upon the past. The first
day's march brought him to the grave of an old friend.
The incident cannot be related in more touching lan-
guage than his owa :
" My first march was to Doloreah, where I anivcd late at night;
but went immediately to pay an almost devotional visit to the
tomb of my former friend, poor Webbe, of whom you often heard
me speak, and who, persecuted by the wicked, whom his virtue
had attacked, and by the ignorant whom his knowledge had con-
founded, was driven to a life foreign to his habits, and unsuited to
his constitution. He followed the Court of Dowlut Rao Scindiah,
to which he was appointed Resident, to relieve me, in 1804, and
died at Doloreah. A tomb was erected to his memory by the
late Sir Barry Close, and a Fakir, or IMahoracdan priest, was left
a small salary to guard it. The employment has proved profit-
able, and the same man still continues in office. The allowance
and the donations of travellers have enabled him to make a garden
around it, and to keep a lamp burning at the tomb. I gave him
money to build a small house, and sink a well. I cannot express
the feelings with whicli I contemplated this spot. The remains not
merely of one of my dearest friends, but of the most virtuous and
the ablest man I had ever known, were interred amid a wild waste
from which human beings had been driven by the leopard and the
tiger, and their precursor and ally the merciless Pindarree, who
had for many years chosen as his den the opposite banks of the
Nerbudda. Yet it seemed to me as if the spirit of Webbe would
approve the spot. The speck of cultivation that is near his
tomb has begun, since his countrymen came last year to this
RECEPTION BY THE MADRAS ARMY. 183
quarter, to spread. A few inhabitants have returned to the neigh-
bouring village, and his monument is a shrine which no one can
pass without hearing the story of his life ; and that is one which
cannot be heard without stimulating the coldest to exertions in
the cause of humanity and his country."
On the 2 9 til of October — having been met on tlie pre-
ceding day by his friend Captain James Grant, at the head
of 4000 Mysore horse belonging to Malcolm's division
— the General arrived at Hmxla, and assumed command
of the troops. lie flung himself at once into his work —
visited all the posts in the vicinity — improved the com-
munications with the different fordable parts of the river —
and put everything in readiness for a forward movement
at a moment's notice. " I do not contemplate," he said,
" that the Pindarrees will resist us. Scindiah has, I may
say, submitted ; and ruin must attend any tangible power
that opposes us ; but still we shall have much work,
and I am to have (for which I thank God) more than a
common share I am delighted with the work
I have, the object of which is, beyond all wars, to give
peace and prosperity to a miserable people and a Avasted
country." One of his first acts, on assuming the command
of the troops, was to issue an order calling upon them to
abstain from plundering or molesting the people, and
from inflicting any injury upon the industrial resources
of the country through which they might pass. The
protection of the peaceable inhabitants was ever, indeed,
his first care.
By the officers of the IMadras army he was received
with enthusiasm. Pubhc dinners were given in his
honor. But, amidst all the festivity, he sate sorrowful
and afflicted; for Death had not yet ceased to be busy
among his friends. "Amidst all the gratification," he
wrote to his wife, " which this kindness affords, my lieart
184 THE CIRCUIT OF THE RESIDENCIES.
is broken. I wrote you in my last of poor Kishem Rum's
death. Many have followed. But, to complete my dis-
tress, I learnt yesterday from Hiissingabad that poor
George Wareham,* of whom I have so often written
you, must die. Never did a boy unite such warm af-
fections, such noble principles, and such extraordinary
talent. I weep over his fate as I would over that of a
son."
On the lOtli of November, Sir Thomas Hislop joined
the army, and on the loth, at the head of a light field
force, Sir John Malcolm crossed the Nerbudda in pur-
suit of the Pindarrees. " You would be delii^hted with
my camp," he wrote. " Tliere never was a set of finer
fellows, and they are in trim for anything. Many old
friends are with me — James Grant, Colonel Russell, f
Josiah Stewart, Briggs, Williams, Cadell,J &c. — but wc
are all alarmed lest we should have an intans;ible
enemy." After crossing the river, Malcolm made a rapid
march to Talyn, hoping to beat up the quarters of the
notorious freebooter Cheetoo, who fled at his approach.
But James Grant was sent after him with twelve hundred
Mysore horse, with which he surrounded the place, and
made prisoners of the garrison and Chcetoo's adopted
son. On the oOth, Malcolm wrote from Talyn to his
Avife, saying, " I march to-morrow, eighteen miles, to a
place called Sarraignpore, from which I commence, on
the 3rd of December, a pursuit that you and your children
* See ante, for uotice of this boy, upon the General, ou his first joining
p. 160. the force, for instructions, jNlalcohn
f Now General Sir James Russell, said to him : " You have been in the
K.C.B. Adjutant-Geuerars office at Madras,
% Now Colonel Cadell — one of the and know more about routine than I
most respected citizens of Edinbm-gh. do. The only advice I have to give
He was Assistant Adjutant-General of you is to keep every one iu good
Malcolm's division. Wlieu he waited humor, and we arc sure to do well."
PURSUIT OF THE PINDARREES. 185
must pray may be successful." Time and space annihilated
again. "I have only a small force," he added; "but
they have one heart, and are ready to do anything that
men can do, and will neither shrink from fatigue nor
Irom danger." The next family letter which I can find
is dated the 24th of December. The interval was a
most momentous one. I must devote to it a separate
chapter.
186 MEHIDrOOR.
CHAPTER V.
MEHIDPOOR.
[1S17.]
OBJECTS OF THE WAB — EXTENT OF OTJU OPERATIONS — UNEASINESS AT THE MAL-
RATTA COURTS — CONDUCT OF THE FEISIIWAII AND TUE BIIOONSLA — PROCEED-
INGS IN HOLKAR's CAMF — ADVANCE OF SIR JOHN MALCOLM's DIVISION —
NEGOTIATIONS WITH HOLKAR's WAKEELS — THE BATTLE OF MEHIDPOOR —
DEFEAT AND PURSUIT OF HOLKAR.
It has been said that the war of 1817 was undertaken
primarily for the extirpation of tlic Pindarrecs. But it
was seen, from the first, that it was likely to swell into
a war against the substantive states of India. They
affected to co-operate with us ; but it was doubted
whether they did not in reaUty sympathise with our
enemies ; and whether, if fit occasion presented itself,
the Mahratta confederacy would not support the banditti
whom we called upon them to suppress.
The temper of the Courts of Scindiah and Holkar had
long been suspected ; but some faith had been reposed
in the assurances of the Peishwah and the Rajah of Berar.
If in the smnmer, when Malcolm visited these princes,
they had determined on assuming a hostile attitude, they
cautiously veiled their designs. But as the year advanced,
it became more and more palpable to those who watched
the signs and symptoms of disaffection at the Mahratta
THE WAR OF 1817. 187
Durbars, that our suspected allies were fast growing into
open enemies.
Our military preparations were on so grand a scale
that these threatening appearances at the Native Courts
were regarded fearlessly by all — hopefully by many. The
magnificent army, or, rather, the two magnificent armies
which had taken the field, were equal to any human
emergency that could arise. They covered so immense
an area, and their several components were so judiciously
disposed — oiu: combinations had been altogether made
with so much skill and so much forethought, that it lay
in our power to crush any native state that might break
out into hostility; and many believed that, as the settle-
ment of Upper and Central India would be accelerated by
such an assertion of our power, the sooner these still tur-
bulent Mahrattas brought down destruction upon them-
selves, the better for the stability of our rule, and the
general peace and prosperity of the countr}^
Let the reader place before him any map of India, and
contemplate the expanse of country lying between the
Kistnah and the Ganges rivers. Let him glance from
Poonah in the south-west to Cawnpore in the north-east ;
mark the positions of the principal Native Courts, and
think of the magnificent armies — the very flower of the
three Presidencies — which were spreading themselves
over that spacious territory, closing in upon Hindostan.
and the Deccan, and compassing alike the Pindarree
hordes and the substantive states in their toils. The
sportsmen of the day, indeed, regarded it as a grand
haitue of the princes and chiefs of India; and we cannot
be surprised if those princes and chiefs looked upon the
matter somewhat in the same light, and thought that the
Feringhees, after a long season of rest, were now again
bracing themselves up for vigorous action, and were
putting forth all their immense military resources in one
188 MEIIIDPOOR.
comprehensive effort to sweep the native principalities
from the face of the earth.
The Mahratta was roused. He had been uneasy. He
was now alarmed. The whole history of our connexion
with India shows that for a native prince to apprehend
danger is to precipitate it by his own conduct. He is
more often ruined by his fears than by anything else.
He does not know the virtue of quiescence. In his sus-
picion he becomes restless; in his restlessness defiant.
He plunges into intrigue, collects his army, and, thinking
only in the first instance of self-protection, is soon hurried
into the offensive by some evil counsel or some dangerous
mischance. He commits himself to hostility before he is
aware of it ; and when all is over — when, prostrate and
helpless at the feet of his conqueror, he declares that
he had no intention to provoke the war which has de-
stroyed him, there is often more truth in the words than
we are wont to admit. It is said, in such cases, that our
diplomatists are duped and overreached, because they
have not perceived hostile designs before they were
formed, and known more about the future movements of
our enemies than was known, at the time, to themselves.
It is not a want of good faith, so much as a want of con-
sistent counsel and steadfast action, that has brought so
many of the princes of India to the dust.
So it was, it appears to me, with the Peishwah and
the Rajah of Berar. They were alarmed by the gathering
and the advance of our armies. They did not believe
that these immense military preparations had been made
simply for the suppression of the Pindarrees. They
thought that whatever the primary and ostensible object
of the campaign might be — a campaign conducted by the
Governor-General himself in person, at the head of the
Grand Army — it would eventually be directed against
the substantive Mahratta states. And this was no base-
ALARM OF THE MAHRATTAS. 189
less suspicion. The probability of another Mahratta war,
as the sequel of the Pindarree campaign, Avas the subject of
elaborate State papers and the small gossip of our camps.
Statesmen solemnly discussed it at the council-board, and
soldiers joyously predicted it at the mess-table. Had the
whole scope of our policy been fully understood at the
Mahratta Courts — had they known that we were really
acting in good faith towards them, and that our steady
friendship could be secured by honestly co-operating
with us for the suppression of the Pindarree hordes,
whilst no real danger threatened their independence but
that which they might bring upon themselves by their
own rashness — they would not have suffered their fears
to hurry them into aggression. But they only knew that
we were putting our armies in motion from all points,
and that in every cantonment of India the talk was about
the probability of another war with the Mahrattas.
It would have been wonderful if, under such circum-
stances, there had not been another war ; if, considering
the character of these princes, the evil councillors by
whom they were surrounded, and their limited under-
standing of the views and intentions of the British Go-
vernment, they had not regarded the movements of our
armies with suspicion and alarm, and concerted the
means of resisting our probable aggressions. They had
at least as good a right to prepare for contingencies as
we had. If, when the British Government first took up
arms, and calculated the scale on v/hicli it would be ex-
pedient to conduct its military operations, the contin-
gency of a Mahratta war was duly provided for, and that
provision is to be considered demonstrative only of wis-
dom and forethought, we must surely be blinded by our
national self-love, if we would denounce as treachery, or
as folly, a like provision on the part of the Mahrattas,
wlio were in much greater danger than ourselves. We
190 MEIIIDPOOR.
surely cannot expect all the world to dismount their guns
whilst our own are loaded and primed, and the portfire is
bm-nino; in our hands.
In this conjuncture, when it seemed that the Mahratta
empire was threatened by the armies of the encroaching
Feringhee, it was natural that the eyes of all the princes
and chiefs should be turned towards the Peishwah, as
the head of their tribe. In accordance with the common
fashion of Eastern Courts, he was a weak prince under
the influence of wicked favorites. He was easily led
astray ; easily persuaded that it was his duty and his in-
terest to prepare to resist the aggressions of the EngUsh.
When, in August, Malcolm was importuned to visit him,
he had appeared to be really sincere in the expression of
his desire to stand fast by the British alliance ; but he
had then been much exasperated by recent transactions
— an unwelcome treaty had been forced upon him — and
it was not diflicult, in this frame of mind, to persuade
him that the sovereignty of the Mahrattas was threatened;
and that his true interest lay in hostility to the British
Government. So the troops which he had collected
avowedly with the intention of aiding our operations,
were now held together for the purpose of resisting
them.
Such a gathering of troops at Poonah could have but
one result. A large body of ill-disciphned Mahratta
soldiers were little likely, under any circumstances, to re-
main quiescent in the neighbourhood of the capital. It
was necessary that they should commit excesses of some
kind ; and the temper which they manifested in the
autumn of 1817 rendered certain the direction in which
those excesses would be committed. Their minds had
been inflamed by false representations of the hostile de-
signs of the British. They believed that their very ex-
istence, as a military body, was threatened, and that there
OUTBEEAK AT POONAH. 191
would soon be notliing but " Company's Service," from
one end of India to the other.
Against this concentration of troops at Poonah, the
Resident, Mr. Elphinstone, remonstrated in vain. It was
obvious that a coUision was approaching. The Mah-
ratta soldiery had encamped all round the cantonment
in which the British brigade was posted. The position
was a dangerous one ; and the Resident moved the British
force to the neiorhbourinoj village of Kirkee. The Resi-
dency then lay between our troops and the Mahratta
camp. On the 1st of November this movement was ac-
complished. All hope of preventing a rupture with the
Peishwah had then departed. Badjee Rao, repudiating
the wise and moderate counsel of Moroo Dikshut, his chief
minister, who was really friendly to the British, had suf-
fered himself to be led astray by one of our bitterest
enemies. This man, Gokla by name, a chief of an evil
disposition, overflowing with bitterness against the Fe-
ringhees, had become paramount in the councils of the
Peishwah. Unfortunately, he was on the popular side.
He persuaded the Peishwah that it was the wish, as it
was the interest, of the Mahrattas to resist the European
power to the utmost ; and he induced him to suffer inso-
lent demands to be made in his name — demands which
could only result in a prompt refusal, and a subsequent
rupture. 'An answer worthy of Elphinstone and of the
nation he represented was returned ; and the Peishwah's
troops then attacked the Residency. The battle of Kirkee
was fought. The Mahrattas were beaten. And before
the Peishwah's troops could recover from the effects of
this disaster, reinforcements were sent to the assistance
of Elphinstone and the Brigade. The Mahratta camp
was attacked ; the enemy were dispersed ; Poonah was
occupied by British troops ; and the Peishwah was a
fugitive.
192 MEHIDPOOR.
Whilst the months of October and November saw
these events passing at Poonah, others of kindred im-
port were developing themselves at Nagpoor. Appa-
Sahib had, since his interview with Malcolm, watched
with eager interest the progress of affairs at the Peishwah's
capital ; and whilst he had professed to deplore the dupli-
city of Badjce Rao, he had been secretly intriguing with
him, and preparing to make common cause with the head
of the Himily of Mahratta princes. Like Badjce Rao, he
was mistrustful of the designs of the British, fearful of his
own safety, and stimulated by evil counsellors. He liad
no settled purpose. At one time inclined to be firm to
the English alliance, at another disposed to break out
into open enmity, he halted between two opinions, and
at last turned to the worse. Before the end of November,
the Bhoonsla, like the Peishwah, was our declared enemy;
and, like him, after an attack on the British Residency,
beaten and a fugitive. Both relied on their numbers —
both believed they could overwlielm the liandfuls of
British soldiers posted at their capitals — and both were
beyond measure astonished and dismayed when the}*
found their best troops scattered and their countries at
our mercy.
These events, Avhich had been developed at Poonah
and Nagpoor whilst Malcolm was operating against the
Pindarrces on the banks of the Nerbudda, were soon
followed by others, with the results of which he
was more personally concerned.* When the British
army first took the field, our statesmen had been more
doubtful of the temper of Scindiah and Holkar than of
the course that would be pursued by the princes of
* It lias been necessary to MTite stand their position at a later period,
this much of the proceedings of Badjee when they became associated with the
Eao and Appa-Sahib in the autumn incidents of Malcolm's life, as related
of 1S17, that the reader may under- in the two following chapters.
TREATY WITH SCINDIAH. 193
Poonali and Nagpoor. Dowlut Rao, with wliom Mal-
colm had frolicked some fifteen years before, was still the
head of the Scindiah family. Alarmed, and not without
substantial reason, by the vast military preparations of
the British Government, he had been thrown, like the
other chiefs, into a state of dangerous incertitude ; and,
YN'ithout resolving to join the Mahratta confederacy, he
had contemplated and prepared for the possibihty of such
an event, and had intrigued not only with the Peishwah,
but also ^Yith. the Court of Catamandoo. Instead of
putting forth his strength for the extermination of the
Pindarrees, he had harbored them and received a share
of their spoils. But the advance of the Grand Army upon
Gwalior seemed to render it so certain that nothing but
ruin could result from a hostile demonstration, that
Scindiah's Durbar reluctantly accepted the conditions
offered by the British Government, and on the 6th of
November a treaty was signed,* by which Dowlut Rao
undertook, among other engagements, to place his troops
at our disposal, with a British officer at the head of each
division ; and, as some security for his good faith, to
make over to us temporary possession of the forts of
Ilindiah and Asseerghur. The former was given up at
once ; but the transfer of the latter was delayed, owing to
the alleged contumacy of the commandant, and remained
* After the signing of the treaty, nation of those brutal freebooters. In
Lord Hastings issued the following consequence, the troops and country
ordcr to his troops. It proves how of his Highness are to be regarded as
little he desired to conceal the fact those of an ally. T/ie fjenerous con-
that the army were longing for a war faience and animated zeal of the arm;/
with the Mahratta States : — " The Go- may experience a shade of disappoin't-
vernor-Gcneral lias great pleasure in ment in the diminished prospect of serious
announcing to the army that the Maha- exertion; but the Governor-General is
rajah, Dowlut Rao Scindiah, has signed convinced that the reflection of every
atrcaty, by which liis Highness engages officer and soldier in tlie army will
to afford every facilitation to the British satisfy him that the carrying every
troops in their pursuit of the Pindar- point by equity and moderation is the
rces tlirough his dominions, and to co- proudest triumph for tlie Britisli cha-
operate actively towards the extermi- racter."
VOL. 11. O
194 MEHIDPOOR.
a convenient refuge for our enemies, until the capture of
the place by our troops, some eighteen months after-
wards, brought the second Mahratta war to a close.
But it is more immediately to the Cornet and Camp of
Ilolkar that it is necessary now to call the attention of
the reader. Jeswunt Rao Ilolkar, who had been so con-
spicuous an actor in the first Mahratta war, had disap-
peared from the scene. Strong drink had carried him to
his grave. In his place sate his son, Mulhar Rao Ilolkar,
at this time (1817) a boy, who had numbered some
eleven years. The Regency was vested in a woman
named Toolsee Bhaee, who had been the favorite, though
not the very legitimate, wife of Jeswunt Rao, and who
assumed the manaoement of affairs when the continued
intemperance of the Maharajah had brought him to a
condition of idiocy so complete that it was necessary to
remove the administration from his hands. She was
young and beautiful, with more than common ability for
public affairs ; but she was licentious and vindictive, and
her evil passions had rendered her extremely unpopular
in the state. Her chief favorite was one Gunput Rao,
who was associated with Tanteea Jogee in his ministry ;
but almost all real power had passed from their hands
into those of the Patau leaders, who controlled the
soldiery; while the Regent and her party were suspected
of a desire to betray the state to the English. The sus-
picion was not wholly without foundation. Holkar's
Government was plunged deeply into financial embar-
rassments, from which there was no means of extrication
except through the intervention of some more affluent
state. The soldiery were clamoring loudly for their pay ;
and a question arose as to the best means of obtaining
the assistance by which alone their demands could be
satisfied, and the rapid disorganisation of the state
MOVEMENTS IN HOLKAe's CAMP. 195
arrested before it had readied a crisis of absolute dis-
solution.
It is doubtful whether the Regent or her roinisters had
any definite policy or any settled purpose. They were
hano;ing; on the skirts of Circumstance. Necessitated to
play a secondary part in the drama, they hesitated to
commit themselves irrevocably either to the Mahratta
confederacy or to the English Government, but watched
the progress of events, and were prepared to sell them-
selves to the highest bidder.
In this eventful autumn of 1817, the eyes of all the
Mahratta States Avere tm^ned with eager expectancy
towards the Court and capital of the Peishwah. All
were more or less prepared to follow his example, and to
throw off the mask as soon as he declared himself
Though their loyalty was of no very fine temper, they
never wholly forgot their allegiance to him, and were
always ready to assert it when it served their interests to
rally round him as the chief of thek tribe. The decided
course which Badjee Rao had now taken, coupled with a
prospect of the arrears of pay due to the troops being
paid by the Peishwah's Government, soon evolved a
crisis in the councils of Holkar's camp. Whatever might
be the views or the intentions of the Regent, the military
leaders had resolved to make common cause with the
Mahrattas of Poonah and Nagpoor, and to resist the en-
croachments of the Feringhee. Tanteea Jogee was accused
of a design to secretly favor the Enghsh, and was forth-
with removed from office. Gunput Rao remained nomi-
nally at the head of the Government ; but the mihtary
chiefs held in their own hands the actual direction of
affairs, and were dominant in the Court as in the Camp.*
* Prinsep's Political and Military Transactions in India, vol. ii.
o2
196 MEIIIDPOOR.
It was on the 24th of November that Tanteea was de-
posed. The chiefs had already begun to concentrate
their troops, and about this time they commenced their
march from Rampoora to tlie southward. It was their
intention to march down, along the banks of the Sepree
river, to Mehidpoor, and to proceed thence to Ilolkar's
capital, Indore, wliere it was said their arrears of pay
would be disbursed to them. From Indore they were to
march onward to the Nerbudda, cross the river, and
form a junction witli the Pcishwah's army. The military
chiefs were now ripe for action ; the soldiery were well
disposed to follow tlic Sirdars ; and everything promised
a speedy collision with the army of the Deccan, two divi-
sions of which were in their near neio;hbourhood, readv
to give them battle.
If is never easy to compute tlie numerical strength of
a native Indian army. It is stated by the best coteni-
porary authority,* that Ilolkar's Government could bring
into the field some 45,000 men, with 200 guns. Of
these, more than 30,000 were horsemen. It is not to be
supposed, however, that the army which was now
marching on Mehidpoor comprised so large a number of
men, nor are the whole of them to be regarded as well-
equipped and well-disciplined troops. In every native
army there is a considerable proportion of what we are
wont to call " rabble." They are very serviceable as ma-
rauders. They hang upon the skirts of our armies, attack
• Gur out-lying pickets, and are great in the art of lifting
cattle at graze. But they are of little use in a general
action. An English commander does not, therefore,
xmuch concern himself about the numerical strenojth of
■^ Colouel Blacker — Memoir of tlie ployed with the army of the Deccan.
Operations of the BritUli Ariiiy in India In this capacity it was one of his
during the Mahratta War c/"1817, 18, duties to supply "intelligence" of this
19. The Colonel was Quartermaster- description.
General of the Madi-as army, and em-
NEGOTIATIONS WITH IIOLKAR. 197
tlie army which it is his duty to attack. When, there-
fore, Sir Thomas Hislop and Sir John Malcohn saw that
it would soon become their duty to attack Holkar's army,
although they believed it was equal, if not superior, to
any native force that could be brought against them,
they knew that to attack would be to destroy it.
Leaving Holkar's army, early in December, on its
march to the southward, it is time that I should nov;-
return to trace the movements of Sir John Malcolm.
The dawn of December found him with his liirht divi-
sion in pursuit of the great freebooter Cheetoo. But,
rapid as Averc the English General's movements, he was
outstripped by the unencumbered Pindarree ; and it is
doubtful whether he was, at any time, within fifty miles
of the fugitive chief* But there was other and more
important work to divert him from the pursuit. Tidings
reached his camp that Ilolkar was advancing, and evi-
dently with no friendly intent. Scarcely anticipating
any other result than war, but still determined, in the
cause of humanity, to do his best to avert it, Malcolm
addressed a letter of remonstrance to Holkar's Durbar,
pointing out the folly and danger of the course they were
pursuing, and suggesting, that if they had any grounds
of complaint, or any communications to make to the Bri-
tish Government, they should send their agents to our
camp.
Having done this, Malcolm prepared to unite his force
* Sir John Malcolm to Sir Thomas would have considerable influence on
Hislop, December 13, 18] 7 : " On the conduct of the latter, unless he
the 3rd instant I marched towards was prepared, under all circumstances,.
Auggur, with the double view of keep- for an open rupture with the British
ing in check a force of Holkar's, wliich Government. 1 arrived at Auggur on
I understood to be assembling to the the 4th of the month. On that day,-
north-east of it, and of preventing the Cheetoo reached Johud, on his way to
chance of Cheetoo, who was said to Cumbulnair. I never was within fifty
have turned a little to the southward, miles of the freebooters ; and their
being received by that Prince, as I flight was too rapid to afford me the
thought it probable that this movement least chance of reaching them."
198 MEHIDrOOR.
with that of Sir Thomas Hislop, who, with the head-
quarters of the array of the Deccan, was then at Oujein.
A private letter, received from Major Agnew on the 6th
of December, had first intimated to him that it was
Hislop's intention to direct the third (Malcohn's) divi-
sion to jom and co-operate with his own. Information
at the same time came to Malcolm that Ilolkar was
continuing to concentrate his forces. A body of troops
which had previously been posted at Baroo had been
summoned to Mehidpoor, where it seemed that the
Mahratta army purposed to make their stand. Clearly
perceiving, under these circumstances, the immense im-
portance of placing at the immediate disposal of the
Commander-m-Cliief such a force as would enable him
to dictate terms to Holkar's Durbar, Malcolm determined
to anticipate the orders of Sir Thomas Ilislop, and to
draw his force towards head-quarters by the route of
Naudir and Tooranah, and at the same time to inter-
cept what he had already begun to call the " enemy," in
the event of then- moving southward from Mehidpoor.
But at Tooranah, which he reached on the 8 th, he learnt
that Holkar's army had not marched. Unwilling, there-
fore, to give to the operations of his division the ap2:)ear-
ance of anything resembling a retrograde movement, and
expecting to receive definite instructions from the Com-
mander-in-Chief, he halted during the tY\'0 following
days, and on the 11th marched to Taujpoor, where the
expected orders were put into his hands. Sir Thomas
Hislop was still at Oujein; and there, on the 12th of
December, Sh John Malcolm, with the third division
of the army' of the Deccan, joined the head quarters of
the force.
At Oujein, Hislop and Malcolm halted for two days,
and on the 14th of Deceml^er marched northward,
along the high road to Mehidpoor. Re-crossing the
NEGOTIATIONS WITH IIOLKAR. 199
Sepree on the evening of that day, they took up their
position at a place called Gunnye, where they waited
the issue of negotiations which were little likely to result
in anything but a pitched battle between two armies,
which were now encamped within a score of miles of
each other, and were both eager to be led to action.
Still, however, was the policy of Holkar's Durbar, out-
wardly at least, dubious. The answers to ^lalcolm's
letters contained general expressions of friendship, and
the Durbar had responded to the invitation to send
envoys to our camp, by deputing thither three Wakeels,
who, on the 15th of December, were received by Sir
John Malcolm. He was too old a diplomatist to expect
from them anything more than evasions and excuses.
The usual tortuous character of Mahratta diplomacy
contrasted strongly with Malcolm's straightforward dis-
course. He told them that the British Government
had watched, not without reasonable suspicion, the pro-
ceedino's of Holkar's Durbar — its vacillating:, undecided
course of policy — its apparent sympathy with our enemies,
not yet expressed in any acts of open hostility, but seem-
ingly only wanting fit occasion for an outburst of defiance.
He told them that the British Government had a right to
be offended by their negotiations with the Peishwah —
by their avowed intentions of marching upon Poonah —
and by their disregard of the communications which had
been made to them by the Governor-General and the
Kesident at Delhi. In the face of such acts as these,
what, he asked, were mere verbal professions of friend-
sliip ? He demanded that they should enter into specific
engagements with our Government, pledging themselves,
among other things, not to aid our enemies, but to
furnish their quota of troops for the furtherance of the
general objects of the war. And hopes were held out to
them that, if they complied with our conditions, arrange-
200 MEIIIDPOOR.
ments would be made for an advance of money to liqui-
date the balances due to the troops.*
The terms which were thus proposed to them the
envoys affected to receive with respect. But, alleging
that they had no power to accept or reject them, and
being, doubtless, in genuine awe of the military chiefs,
they placed themselves in frequent communication with
the camp at Mehidpoor, and, after the old fashion of
Mahratta diplomacy, succeeded at least in gaining time.
Always humane and forbearing, Malcolm was unwilling
to precipitate the crisis, and he would have averted it if
he could; but there was a limit beyond Avhich he could
not suffer the Wakeels to protract the negotiations. The
two armies were encamped, it has been said, within
twenty miles of each other. Parties of Mahratta horse-
men were flitting about the outskirts of our position,
attacking our foraging parties, and carrying off our
cattle. It was truly said, that if we hesitated any longer,
the Mahrattas would believe that we were shrinking
from the encounter. So, on the 19th of December, the
proposed treaty not having been accepted by Holkar's
Durbar, and no definite pledges given, the Mahratta en-
voys were dismissed from the British camp.
Whilst these fruitless neg:otiations had been o^oiucf
on, a terrible tragedy had been acted in Holkar's camp.
There had been sharp internal dissension in the Durbar.
Gunput Rao, still supported by the Begent, was nomi-
nally the chief minister ; but the real direction of affairs
had fallen into the hands of the military chiefs, who had
* Nearly two years before this time, must know that it coiJd not be paid.
Lord Hastings had anticipated the ne- Of course I should bind
cessity of paying Holkar's troops, as a Holkar's troops (^yho must, perhaps,
means of securing the alliance of that be brought into order by some pe-
Government. "I should not require cuuiary advances from us) to be at
any subsidy," he wrote, on January G, our disposal."
IS'16, to ]\Ir. Metcalfe, "because I
MURDER OF THE REGENT. 201
long been suspicious of Tilsee Bliaee and lier favorite. It
may be doubted whether, at that time, their suspicions
were well founded. Before the middle of December, the
desire for the English alliance seems to have passed away ;
but the chiefs still believed that the Regent and her para-
mour were willing to sell them to the British, and de-
termined to baffle the treacherous design. So, on the
evening of the 19 th of December, they seized the Re-
gent and the minister ; placed them in close confinement ;
and held a council, at which the best means of disposing
of their prisoners was warmly debated. The crisis was
imminent ; the excitement was great ; there was no mercy
among the councillors. As day broke on the 20th, Tilsee
Bhaee was taken from the tent in which she had been
confined, and carried down to the banks of the Sepree
river, where the beautiful head of the unhappy woman
was struck from her body, and her bloody remains cast
into the stream. Many looked on while this foul murder
was committed; but not a hand was raised in her behalf
The war party had now baptised their triumph in blood,
and panted for the inevitable encounter.
Already they were upon the eve of it. The dismissal
of the Mahratta envoys from the British camp was the
sig-nal for the commencement of immediate hostilities.
o
In the British camp at Gunnye were the first and third
divisions of the army of the Deccan. Tlie force was com-
posed of two brigades of cavalry, two brigades of infantry,
a brigade of horse artillery, some details of foot artillery,
and a rifle corps. Witli the exception of the flank com-
panies of the Royal Scots, a detachment of the 22nd
Dragoons, the Madras European regiment, and a part of
the artillery force, they belonged to the Company's native
army. The divisions, which were accompanied by a
body of Mysore Horse, were considerably weaker than
when they had been originally brigaded; for some of
202 MEHIDPOOE.
their components were absent on duty in Candeisli ; some
at Beitool, Hindiah, and Nagpoor.^ But thougli compa-
ratively few in numbers, they were in good condition,
good spirits, and ripe for action. It was the finest, the
most bracing, the most exhilarating season of the year —
the season when men revive and are reinvigorated after
the languor and exhaustion engendered by the summer
heats and the autumnal damps. For many weeks had
these divisions been looking for an cnem}^ They had
heard of the successes of theh^ comrades at Poonah and
Nagpoor, and longed to earn equal laurels. And now
they were about to come face to face with Ilolkar's
army. His cavalry were reported the l)est in the service
of any native state; and it was known that he had
brought nearly a hundred guns into the field. It was no
contemptible enemy that we were about to attack. But
still the victory was certain.
On the 20th of December, the British divisions en-
camped at Hurneah. The morrow's march was to bring
them to the enemy's position at j\Ichidpoor; so the day was
one of busy preparation and eager excitement. Recon-
noitring parties were sent out to ascertain the nature of
the ground on which the INIahrattas were encamped, and
the best road by which our troops could advance upon
them. Our Indian armies have ever, in critical conjunc-
tures, wanted correct information of the movements and
positions of the enemy ; and the army of the Deccan was
now no exception to the rule. The windings of the river
perplexed the reconnoitring parties; and the villagers,
deceived themselves by the movements of detached bodies
of Ilolkar's troops, which they mistook for the main
army, deceived our officers by representing that the
enemy had crossed the river, and were not on the bank
on which we had expected to find them. That we were in
the near neighbourhood of the enemy was plain. Already
ADVANCE OF THE ARMY. 203
were Holkar's horse beginning to display their activity
against our pickets ; and it was little doubted that in the
course of a few hours we should be in sight of the main
body of Holkar 's army.
When day broke on the following morning, it found
our divisions already in motion. Every necessary pre-
paration had been made on the preceding day;* and
the troops, with Sir John Malcolm at the head of the
advanced guard, defiled, through the dim twilight of the
early December morning, along the road which led to
Mehidpoor. As the army advanced, a messenger came
from Holkar's camp, bringing letters to Malcolm from
the Durbar, containing strong remonstrances agamst our
hostile movements. One of the dismissed Wakeels,
Meer ZuiTur, wrote also to Sir John JMalcolm, that if the
British troops would persist in advancing, it were well
that they should bear in mind that they were advancing
upon the army of Holkar.f The only answer which
could be sent back to this, was one which Malcolm had
already prepared. He wrote back, that the British Go-
vernment were still willing to afford Holkar an asylum,
if he would throw himself upon their protection; but
that nothing: short of this could arrest the forward move-
ment of the army.
Of this there was no hope — no prospect. War was
certain ; and the array advanced upon Mehidpoor. The
* Colonel Blacker says, that " if the was speut by the troops in those pre-
position of the army on the 20th was parations wmch had been ordered for
iu some respects favorable, it had one the following day."
disadvantage — thedifficidtyof quittmg f Major Stewart to Mr. David Mal-
it. In order to faeUitate the accom- colm. [JXS'. Coircspondence.'] ]Mr. Prin-
plishment of the operation, before day- sep states that these letters were
break on the following morning open- answers to others despatched on the
ings were made from the left of each preceding evening from our camp " to
brigade to the great road. This work, invite the Durbar to submission ; and
superintended by the officers appointed another to the agent employed to ne-
to conduct them to theii- places in the gotiate, to know why communications
line of march, occupied the pioneers had been so abruptly broken off."
till it was dark ; and much of thd night "■
204: MEIIIDPOOR.
town lies on the right bank of the Seprce river. It
was believed that the main body of the enemy were on
the left bank. Eager to ascertain the precise nature of
their dispositions, Malcolm pushed forward; and soon
after nine o'clock on that line December morning, as-
cended an eminence from which he could obtain a vicAv
of the surrounding country. The town itself was masked
by a fine avenue of trees ; but he could see the windings
of the river, and tlie open ground on the other side.
There, on that left bank, the windings of the river form-
ing a sort of circular ravelin with a wet ditch, was the
main body of Holkar's army encamped. They could
hardly have been in a finer position, for the river well-
nigh encircled them. This was apparent from the first,
and presently a more elTcctual command of observation
having been attained, our officers could see through their
telescopes that the enemy were drawn up in two lines,
fronting the bend of the river : the infantry and artillery
in front, the cavalry in the rear. They seemed to be well
prepared for us. A formidable battery of some fifty
guns commanded the only good ford by which our troops
could well cross the river. And to render the passage
more difficult, they had sent a considerable body of horse
into the plain on the right bank, to harass our advance,
and, if possible, to work round to the rear of our line,
and attack our bag:£!;ag;e.
CO o
It was necessary that these horsemen should be dis-
persed before the passage of the river was attempted; so
Malcolm was sent forward with a strong body of cavalry
and some guns to perform this service. It was expedient
that he should not prematurely entangle himself in an en-
gagement, wliicli might have delayed the crossing of the
Sepree, and the attack on the main body of the enemy ;
so Malcolm, using his guns with good success, dispersed
the I^Iahratta horse on the right bank so effectually that
PASSAGE OF THE SEPREE. 205
there was no need to try the sabre upon them. Our line
then moved down upon the ford, and commenced the
passage of the river, molested only by the batteries on the
opposite side, which poured in upon us a heavy enfilading
fire from their long line of well-served guns.*
Our advanced brigades crossed beneath the meridian
sun. The cavalry and artillery followed. Under the left
bank of the river, near the end of the ford, was a long dry
ridge of sand, very favorable for the reception and forma-
tion of om' troops, after then' completion of the passage.
And from this sandy level two ravines opened into the
enemy's country, and favored our advance, without the
difiicult process of ascending a bank between twenty and
thirty feet in height, under the fire of the enemy's bat-
teries. These ravines were speedily occupied ; and then
our dispositions were made for a general attack on the
enemy's position.
The passage of a river by a large force is necessarily a
protracted operation. It was wisely determined, there-
fore, to commence the attack before all our troops had
crossed the Sepree. Promptitude, indeed, was every-
thing on this occasion ; for the enemy's guns were playing
with good success, and their heavy metal — an old tale,
and often told — soon silenced the horse-artillery battery
which we had advanced to the front of the ford. So Sir
Thomas Hislop, yielding to Malcolm's solicitations, gave
him the personal command of the two leading brigades,
and permitted an immediate advance upon Holkar's po-
sition.
* There was another ford higher up noue of them returned by it. A further
the river, and for some time it was a circumstance of mucli importance in
question which should be tried. But favor of the left ford, was a long spit
the dispersion of the enemy's skir- of sand under the opposite bank, which,
mishcrs proved its inutility, "For," as the stream flowed close to the near
says Colonel Blacker, "though conve- bank, offered a convenient situation for
niently situated for the retreat of the the partial formation of the troops."
enemy's horse, it could be seen that
206 MEHIDPOOE.
The enemy were drawn up in line, tlie infantry in
front, covered by a battery of fifty guns, and forming, as
it were, the cord of the arc made by the winding of the
river • the cavahy were formed in seven or eight detached
bodies in the rear. About the centre of the enemy's line
was a ruined \illage, which afforded an advantageous
shelter to a considerable body of their infantry. This
village and the left of the enemy's line were now to be
attacked by the advanced brigades under Sir John Mal-
colm. The troops which he thus led into action were
those of the light infantry brigade, consisting of a rifle
corps and two light battalions,* all of the Madras native
army, whilst the flank companies of the Royal Scots and
the Madras European regiments, supported by a native
battalion, composed the hrst brigade, under Colonel Ro-
bert Scott — Sir John INIalcolm commanding the whole.
An opportunity long coveted was noAV before him.
Malcolm was a soldier to the very core ; but, continually
employed, as he had been for many years, in detached
diplomatic situations, he had seen little of actual military
service since the days of his 3^outh ; and he never before
held any important military position in the field. He
had often longed to participate in the excitement and the
glory of a general action, and had never ceased to deplore
his accidental absence from Assye. A great opportunity
was now before him — an opportunity of enrolling his
name among the soldiers, as it already was among the
statesmen and diplomatists, distinguished in the annals of
our Indian Empire — and his heart pulsed eagerly with
the thought of realising the dreams of his early manhood.
The occasion was one which required rather coolness
and resolution in a commandins; officer than much strate-
gical skill. He was to carry at the point of the bayonet
the village in the centre of the enemy's position, and the
* Tlic 1st battalion of the 3rd, and the 1st battaUou of the ]6th Native
Infantry.
ANECDOTES OF THE BATTLE. 207
left of their line ; and this was to be effected only by a
gallant charge in the face of a galling fire from the
Mahratta batteries, to which we could give no reply.
Our troops, it has been said, ascended from the river by
a ravine, Avhicli afforded them temporary shelter ; but as
they emerged thence, and began to form line, preparatory
to the attack, the enemy's guns poured upon them a
heavy, well-directed fire, from a distance of some seven
hundred yards ; and it was plain that no time was to be
lost. Malcolm wisely determined, therefore, not to wait
for the formation of both of his brigades, but, taking
those battahons which first cleared the ravine, to move
forward at once upon the enemy's position, and to leave
the rest to form as a reserve.
An action of this kind is soon described. Two years
before, the Duke of Wellington had told Malcolm that he
won the battle of Waterloo by hard fighting. It was
to hard fighting that Sir John now trusted. At the
sound of the bugle, the whole hne rose as one man, and
moved forward upon the enemy's batteries. It was an
insphing sight; and Malcolm, all his enthusiasm roused
withm him, took off his hat, and with a loud cheer, re-
sponded to along the hne, galloped forward, and encou-
raged his troops to follow. The men were beginnmg to
run forward, when Colonel Scott, a strict disciplinarian
of the old Drill school, pricked his horse alongside of Mal-
cohn's, and said, in a somewhat excited tone, " Oh ! Sir
John, let us not lose an age of discipline at a time like
this." " I beg your pardon," returned Malcolm; " let us
all be composed."* The Mahratta guns, well posted,
* Malcolm's cooluess tkroixghout the his gun and taking aim, -svhilst at the
engagement was extreme. He observed same time lie signalled to the man at
eveiythiug that was going on, as well the breach to reserve his fire, Malcolm
in the enemy's ranks as in oiu* own. said, as he pointed out the action to
^^Tien the Europeans were within some Colonel Scott, " Egad, that's a cool
twenty yards of the batterieSjperceiviug feUow." At that instant the gun was
a Maiiratta gunner quietly depressiug discharged, sweeping away, with a
208 MEHIDrOOR.
and admirably served, poured a destructive fire of grape
on our line, and struck doAvn many a brave fellow ; but
on went our troops, Europeans and natives vying with
each other, right up to the muzzles of the guns, shooting
down or bayoneting the gunners at their post. The in-
fantry fled at our approach ; the guns were taken ; and
our line swept on to form upon the ground which the
enemy had occupied in the morning.
It rejoiced Malcolm's heart to see his men move on so
gallantly to the attack. Never before or since has the
native soldier shown a more resolute spirit. The Sepoys
had faith in their commander, and the commander
trusted in his Sepoys.* From the moment that they
advanced, steadily confronting the Mahratta batteries,
victory was certain. IMalcolm never doubted the result.
As he rode forward, full of enthusiasm, surrounded by
his staff — Josiah Stewart, John Briggs, Borthwick, Caul-
field, Low, and others — JNIalcolm turned to the last
named, who was acting as his aide-de-camp, and said,
"A man may get a red riband out of this!" " I hope
ill God," said Caulfield, who thought his chief was
moving forward too impetuously, " we may get you safe
out of this;" and implored him not to expose himself
unnecessarily to danger. But it was not easy to persuade
a man of Malcolm's temperament to keep himself dis-
creetly in the rear. lie still continued to push forward ;
and wherever good service could l^e rendered, regardless
shower of grape, the Icadiug section of serving a Sepoy battalion stop and fii-e
the grenadiers of the Royal Scots. It in its advance, turned round to the
may be remarked, that throughout the men, and said, '!My lads, there is little
action the enemy depressed theu" guns use in that; I think we had better
so much,that Malcolm and the mounted give them the cold iron.' Whereupon
oiRcers of his staff enjoyed an extra- he was answered with characteristic
ordinary immunity, considering how bluntness from the ranks, ' Yes, your
greatly they were exposed. honor, I think we had;' and the line
* Mr. Prinsep tells the following advanced with shouldered arms, in high
characteristic story in his account of glee, notwithstanding tlie destructive
the battle : " Sir John Malcolm, ob- lire then playing upon it."
FLIGHT OF THE ENEMY. 209
of danger he was sure to be there. Seeing at one time
that the line was irregular — at some parts jammed two
or three deep, at others loosely extended — he rode to the
front, endeavouring to rectify the irregularity, at the risk
of being shot by his own men, when his native aide-de-
camp, Syad Ibrahim, galloped up to Captain Borthwick,*
and said, " Look at the General ! — he is in front of the
men, who are firing. For God's sake bring him back."
It need not be said that Borthwick rode to the front to
point out the danger of his chief.
The main position of the enemy being carried, and their
long line of guns in our possession, the battle of Mehid-
poor may be said to have been fought and won. But
our cavalry, which had now come up, and done good
service on the enemy's right, were eager for the pursuit;
and Malcolm, ever ready for the chase, taking with hmi
also two light battalions, assumed the command of the
pursuing force. The sight of the enemy's camp, where
it was probable that the Mahrattas would make another
stand, arrested for a while the forward movement of the
regular troops, while the Mysore Horse continued the
pursuit. The camp fell into our hands. Malcolm then
pushed forward, and, some miles onward, came up with
a party of the enemy, who, with their few remaining
guns, seemed inclined to make a last desperate stand.
The resistance, however, was but feeble ; the guns were
taken ; and then, while the remainder of our force
encamped on the battle-field, Malcolm, with his light
detachment, crossed the river, and moved along the right
bank of the Sepree, while the Mysore Horse moved down
the left. The victory Avas now complete. The military
power of Holkar was utterly broken, and the Prince him-
self a miserable fugitive, at the mercy of his European
conquerors.
* Now Colonel Borthwick, of Georgefield, Eskdale.
VOL. II. P
210 MEUIDPOOR.
The battle of ^Mehidpoor, one of the most decisive
ever fought in India, or any other country, great as were
its results, had in itself few noticeable features. The
description, indeed, miitatis mutandis, might serve for a
considerable proportion of our Indian battles. We are
almost invariably overmatched bj'' our native enemies in
the number and weight of their guns ; and we commonly
n;ain our victories by advancing, in the face of a deadly
fire, and carrjmig their batteries at the point of the
bayonet. It is not contended that at Mehidpoor, any
more than on other great Indian battle-fields, there were
any skilful strategical operations. But it may be doubted
whether our loss would not have been greater, and our
victory less decided, if any other than this headlong mode
of attack had been favored by our generals.* It was said
afterwards that Malcolm clubbed his battalions. On tliis
being repeated to him, he laughed and said : " Well, if I
did, it will be acknowledged that I used the club to some '
purpose."
Nothincj could have been better than the conduct of
the troops at Mehidpoor. The battle was fought mainly
by Sepoys ; and the intrepidity with which they advanced
to the attack of the enemy's position, in the face of a
murderous fire from the Mahratta guns, is a fme illus-
tration of the fidelity and efficiency of the native army
when led to battle by men whom they trust. The for-
ward courage of the Madras Rille corpsf could not have
been excelled by the finest Em'opean troops ui the world.
* There are some veiy seusible ob- tiou could have been worse, and the
serTatious in Colonel Blacker's Nar- shortest vraj out of it was by a direct
rative relative to the strategical aspects attack. This succeeded, as it has al-
of the battle of Mehidpoor. After ways succeeded with Britisli troops on
showing that the ford by which our a plain. It is conformable to their
troops crossed the Sepree was really genius ; and there is more science
the only practicable one, the historian shown by consulting under such cir-
observcs : "After the army had crossed, cumstances this natural disposition,
any flank movement would have been than in the display of an acquaintance
absurd. They were within range of with the stratagems of war."
large grape from heavy guns ; no situa- f The military reader who may be
DEVOTION OF THE TROOPS. 211
The friglitflil gaps which were made in their ranks by the
Mahratta grape as they advanced, struck no terror into
the hearts of the survivors. Onward they went to victory.
They were inspired on that day with a feehng of devo-
tion which sustained even the wounded and the dying in
their agonies. Many touching anecdotes are told of the
gallantry and self-forgetfuhiess of our native soldiers on
this bloody field. One man — a subadar of the rifle
corps — whose legs had been shot away, said, when
Malcolm stopped to address him with a few words of
compassionate inquiry, "Never mind, Sir; I shall do
very well. The Company will give me my pension; and
oh ! General, have not the Rifles made a sreat name on
this day?"* Another, who was sinking fast, said that he
died happy, for his ohildren would say that he had been
killed doing his duty under Malcolm- Sahib.
But heavy as was our loss,f the enemy's was far
gTeater; and their dispersion and rout were complete.
The pursuit, however, was less successfid. Abandoning
everything — their guns, their elephants, their camp-
equipage, and much valuable property, they fled precipi-
tately across the river. The first opportunity of cutting
up the fugitives having been lost, owing to some want of
concert between the cavalry brigadiers, it was never sub-
sequently regained. Malcolm, mth the light infantry
battalions and some horsemen, had pricked on, after the
surprised by tlie statement that a rifle Scots attracted the attention of Sir
corps and two light infantry battalions John Malcolm, who stopped to address
•were employed to storm the enemy's to him a few words of consolation,
batteries, is referred, for some judicious "Never mind me," said the poor fellow ;
obserYatious on the subject, to the " my pain will soon be over ; but there
■work of Colonel Blacker, referred to lies one of the best and most gallant
in the preceding note. officers that ever breathed"— pomting
* The same gallantry and devotion to Lieutenant Macleod, who was dying
were exhibited by the Eui'opeans. They of a grape-shot wound by his side,
were few in mimbers ; but their bra- f Our loss was, in round numbers,
very was conspicuous. During the 800 killed and wounded ; the enemy's
charge on the enemy's guns, the moan- about 3000.
ing of a "Wounded soldier of the Royal
p2
212 MEHIDPOOR.
battle, in chase of the Mahrattas, eager, if possible, to gaia
possession of tlie person of young Holkar, who had been
brought into action on tlie back of an elephant, and is said
to have burst into tears when he saw his army retreating.
But the enemy wTre too far ahead, and were altogether
too adroit in flight, and too expert in crossing rivers, for
the pursuers to be able to give a good account of them.
So at nightfall Malcolm returned to the battle-field, to en-
camp on the ground which had now become famous in
History.
Another effort, however, was to be made to beat up
Holkar 's retreathig army, Avhich was making its way to
the northward, it was supposed to Eampoora. The
blow which had been struck was to be followed by
another and another, until the Dui»bar, and the militar}-'
oligarchy who ruled it, were brought to throw them-
selves upon the mercy of the British. Arrangements
were made for the despatch, in advance, of a light force,
under Malcolm, on the 26 th of December, whilst the mam
body of the army followed by easier marches. Meanwhile
there were returns to be made and reports to be written.
It was with a feeling of mingled pride and gratitude, that,
on the day after the battle. Sir John sate down to write
the following report to the Commander-in-Chief:
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF THE ARMY.
Camp at Mehidpoor, Dec. 22, 1S17.
'Sir, — I have the honor to report, for the information of the
Commander-in-Chief, the conduct and result of an attack which
his Excellency yesterday directed me to make upon the left of
the enemy's position, with the 1st brigade, the four companies of
the Rifles, and the 3rd and 16th battalions of Light Infantry.
The light troops had been placed under cover in a ravine, near
the bank of the river, previous to the arrival of the 1st brigade, and
-while I advanced with the latter. I found the ground would only
.admit of the two grenadier companiesof his Majesty's Royals, and
malcol:\i's report. 213^
the four companies of the Madras European regiment, and four
companies of the 2nd battalion 14tli regiment of Native Infantry^
forming on the right of the light troops ; and on being informed
that the Horse Artillery and corps on the left were suffering
severely under the enemy's fire, I determined to advance rapidly the
moment this part of the 1st brigade was formed in line, directing
the remaining part of the 2nd of the 14th Native Infantry and the
1st battalion of that regiment, which had not room to form, to
advance as rapidly as they could as a reserve. The attack was
commenced by the Rifles, the 1st of the 3rd, and 1st of the 16th
Light Infantry, who were directed upon the left of the ruined
village, that formed a strong part of this point of the enemy's posi-
tion, and near which he had planted his heavy batteries. The
moment the Rifles and two battalions of Light Infantry com-
menced moving from the ravine, the advance part of the 1st
bri"-ade were ordered to storm the guns on the front and left of
the enemy's position, and while the Rifle corps carried the right
battery of the enemy's guns, the 3rd and 16th Light Infantry
were directed upon the village, from which the enemy kept up a
heavy fire of musketry. The rapid charge upon the guns made,
by the whole of the corps under my orders was successful at all
points; but the loss, I lament to say, has been very severe, for,
though ill supported by their infantry, the enemy's artillery was
pointed with the most destructive aim, and the fire continued
till the brave men who served them were bayoneted at their
guns.
I beg you will inform his Excellency that nothing could exceed
the gallantry of the troops employed on this part of the attack.
The cliaracter of the British soldier was on this occasion nobly
supported by the flank companies of the Royals and the Madras-
European regiment. The Rifles, 1st of the 3rd and 1st of the
16th Light Infantry, and part of the 2nd of the 14th Native
Infantry, pushed forward with the most determined resolution
through the hottest fire. Part of the 2nd and the 1st battalion of
the 14th Native Infantry, who advanced to support the attack,
evinced an equal share of ardor ; but the heavy loss* which the
-■>■■ Out of 419 Europeaus and 1560 making a total of 510, were killed and
natives who were engaged in this wounded in less than a quarter of aa
part of the attack, 9i of the former, hour,
and 390 of the latter, with 26 oflacers,
214 MEHIDPOOE.
troops sustained in tlic charge will best slio-w his Excellency the
character of the contest in which they triumphed.
All the enemy's guns on the left were taken ; the troops which
had been separated in the different parts of attack formed in line
ia the greatest order, and any further opposition of the enemy
would, I am assured, have only given them another opportunity of
sisrnalisino- themselves.
Though every officer under my orders behaved in a manner
that has entitled him to my warmest gratitude, I feel it my duty
to bring to his Excellency's notice the names of those who, from
their rank and the situation in which they were placed, had an
opportunity of distinguishing themselves.
Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, who commanded the 1st brigade,
evinced upon this trying occasion all those military qualifications
which have so often recommended him to notice ; and I received
throughout the day the greatest aid from the judgment and expe-
rience of this gallant and able officer.
To Major Bowen, who commanded the light brigade, my thanks
are also due; and when that officer was wounded, his place was
ably supplied by Major Knowles.
To Captain Hulme, who commanded the flank companies of
his Majesty's Royals ; Major Andrews, who commanded the
Madras European regiment ; Major Snow, commanding the
Rifles; Captain Walker, who, when Major Knowles took charge
of the brigade, succeeded to the command of the 3rd Lio;ht
Infantry; and Captain Cuffhy, who commanded the 16th Light
Infantry, I am particularly indebted. The behaviour of these
corps in the charge furnishes the best eulogium of these officers;
and the highest merit is also due to ]Majors Smith and Ives, com-
inanding the 1st and 2nd battaHons 14th regiment of Native
Infantry, for the rapidity and order they brought their corps
into action.
I have to regret that an accident from a fall from his horse
deprived me of the aid I should otherwise have had from
Major Caddell, assistant adjutant-general of the 3rd division. To
Lieutenant A. Stewart, assistant quartermaster-general of that
division, I am much indebted ; and to Lieutenant Glbbings, of
the same department, who was wounded in advancing upon the
guns. I consider it also my duty to bring to the notice of the
FAMILY LETTERS. 215
Commander-in-Chief the active exertions of my extra aide-de-
camp, Lieutenant Low, Brigade Major Borth wick, and my acting
aide-de-camp, Lieutenant Bell.
To Captain Josiah Stewart, my first political assistant, I feel
very grateful for the assistance he gave me throughout the day.
Captain Briggs and Lieutenant Hodges, of the same department,
are also entitled to my best thanks. Captain Evans, paymaster of
the 3rd division, left me before the action to act as brigade major
to the light brigade, where he was wounded, and his conduct
entitled him to every praise. Lieutenant Laurie, at his own
request, was permitted to join the 1st brigade, where he remained
throughout the action, and was actively employed as staff to Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Scott.
I request you will state to the Commander-in-Chief my obliga-
• tions to Captain Caulfield, of the 5th Bengal Cavalry. This
officer volunteered his services as my aide-de-camp, and I had
the benefit of his active exertions in that capacity during the whole
of the day.
It may appear presumption in me to mention the name of any
of the general staff of the army, but I beg to be permitted to
express my high sense of the conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel
M'Gregor Murray, Deputy Adjutant-General of his Majesty's
Forces, who gallantly accompanied the Europeans of the right
brigade in the attack upon the batteries, and continued wdth them
throughout the action, renderhig the most useful assistance.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.,
John Malcolm, Brigadier-General.
The battle of Meliidpoor is a prominent incident in
the life of Sir John Malcolm — it would be a prominent
incident, indeed, in any man's career — but I find little
mention of it in his papers. There is no memorable
event in all his history of which he appears to have
written so little. To his wife he sent a copy of the fore-
going letter, with an enclosure to the following effect : *
'^ To his son, George Malcolm, then promise to write to you if ever 1 went
a cliild at school, he wrote, two or three to battle. I have been at battle,
months afterwards : " You bade me Mamma will tell you I have tried to
216 MEHIDrOOR.
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO LADY MALCOLM.
Mehidpoor, Dec. U, 1S17.
My DEAEEST ChaelOTTE, — On the 20th, at night, I thought
of you and the little ones. On the 21st, if ever you came across
my mind, it was only how to prove myself worthy of you; but
this even, I must confess, was only for a moment, for I was
wholly absorbed in the scene and in my duty. You will see by
the Gazette account, and by my report of the attack of which I had
charge (a copy of which accompanies this), what my task was. I
ascended the bank of the river with proud feelings. I never
before had such u chance of fair fame as a soldier; and if the
countenances of white and black in this gallant army are to be
trusted, I did not lose the opportunity afforded me. J. Stewart,
who Avas with me all the day, and who is a first-rate fellow, and as
calm in battle as at his dinner, has written an account, he tells
me, home; he has also sent one to INIacdonald. I have no leisure
to write, being occupied with a hundred arrangements; but you
need have few more alarms, Charlotte. We have taken seventy
pieces of cannon, killed and wounded between three and four
thousand, and dispersed all their infantry. Their cavalry may
give trouble, but there is comparatively no danger with these
fellows. I hope to proceed in person to-night with the cavalry,
as I hear they arc within fifty miles, quite broken down and
broken-hearted. Your ever devoted,
J. Malcolm.
behave so that you shoukl not be brings back to my niiud oki times —
ashamed of papa. If you become a twenty-six years ago, •when I first came
soldier, you must recollect this, and be- to my master — only, that it is but sel-
have so that papa will not be ashamed dom he plays in this way now. Then
of you." What follows is too eharac- he did nothing else.' I have a number
teristic to be omitted : " I have a little of fine horses ; and I hunt almost every
liorse not bigger than a mastilT dog. day — hares, foxes, and jackals. Four
He trots into the tent, and eats off the days ago I started an elk as high as a
table, which he can just reach. I take horse. I rode after him more than thi'ee
hold of his fore-legs, he rears up, and miles, till he was quite tu-ed, and then
walks on his hind-legs round the tent, coming up, I threw a large spear into
We have a monkey who sometimes liim, which killed him on the spot.
rides this pony. It is such fun. I There are many nice gentlemen who
often wish that you were here. I was live with me ; and play and hunt with
running after him and the monkey, me. But not one that is not a good
some days ago, when my old Mooushee scholar. So take care and be a good
(Persian writer) came out and looked scholar, or papa will not let you play
quite pleased. A gentleman asked him and hunt with him."
the reason, and he said: 'This sight
TESTIMONIALS. 217
To the family at Burnfoot he sent also (a month after-
wards) a copy of the official letter, saying :
" I send this because there are Eskdale names in it, whose
friends will be gratified that they were with nie. Josiah Stewart
is again in high political employ, and will get on famously. Tell
Sandy Borthwlck that his brother is proper stuff, and that I will
do my best for him. Young Laurie is a fine young man; he has
now a staff situation, and I will endeavour to find him a perma-
nent one I have no taste for grandeur, and I affect none;
but I am not insensible to the satisfaction of having had an
honest share in a war that better deserves the name of holy than
any that was ever waged; for its sole object has been to destroy
cruel and lawless freebooters, who annually ravaged all the settled
country in this vicinity, and committed the most merciless and
horrid acts of barbarity on the inhabitants."*
The services which Malcolm had rendered to his
country on the battle-field of Mehidpoor were promptly
acknowledged by the higher authorities. Writing to the
Governor-General, Sir Thomas Ilislop said :
" Your Lordship is too well aware of the high professional cha-
racter and abilities of Brigadier-General Sir John Malcolm, to
render it necessaiy for me to dwell upon them ; I shall, therefore,
merely express my admiration of the style of distinguished conduct
and gallantry with which the assault on the left of the enemy's
position was headed by the Brigadier-General, and my warmest
thanks for the great and essential aid I have derived from his
counsels, as well previous to as during the action of the 21st
instant."
The Governor-General, in an order issued upon re-
* lu this letter also tlicrc is a people to beat for game, and all ap-
cliaraeteristic passage, in reference to peudages of rank. But I would ten
Malcolm's sporting pursuits : "I long, times sooner Lave been stumping oyer
my dear Nancy, to be at home again, the moors, with Jemmie Little cutting
I have just returned from shooting and jokes on Parson Somerville's shootmg-
hunting all the morning. I had seven jacket."
or eight fine Arabians to ride, fifty
218 MEHIDPOOR.
ceipt of intelligence of the victory, thus publicly expressed
his acknowledgments. :
" His Excellency is requested to impart to Brigadier-General
Sir John Malcolm his Lordship's warm applause of the ardor and
intrepidity with whicli that officer led the attack on the enemy's
principal battery. Such an example could not but infuse invin-
cible spirit into the troops."
But this official acknowledgment by no means expressed
the full measure of Lord Hastings's appreciation of Mal-
colm's services. He directed, at the same time, his political
secretary, John Adam, to write to the General a special
letter of thanks — a task which we may be sure Adam
performed with no common gratihcation. In this letter
the writer said :
" I am instructed to express to you the very high sense wliich
the Governor-General entertains of your merits and services
throughout the late transactions in which you have borne so dis-
tinguished a share. His Lordship has viewed with no less appro-
bation the ability, energy, and judgment displayed by you in
conducting, under the authority of his Excellency Sir Thomas
Hislop, the measures productive of so speedy and advantageous a
termination to a war, towards the briUiant and rapid success of
which your personal exertions and gallantry in the field had already
contributed in so eminent a degree. His Lordship is satisfied that
he will continue to derive the greatest benefit from your useful and
zealous labors in the task which has been assigned to you, of
establishing the distracted government of Holkar so as to render
it an instrument in our liands for restoring and maintaining the
peace of India, of which it has for a scries of years been one of
the most active disturbers."
One other tribute was paid to Malcolm — a tribute
which, although it was the source of some painful conten-
tion, he appreciated, perhaps, even more than all the rest.
After the battle of Mehidpoor, the Mysore Horse, under
Captam James Grant, had captured a large quantity of
holkak's sword. 219
booty, among -vvliich was Holkar's sworcl. It was, in
truth, no great affair. It had a velvet scabbard, and a
jewelled hilt. But the jewels were of no great value,
and the intrinsic worth of the whole would have been
highly estimated at a hundred pounds. The Mysoreans,
however, were naturally proud of their capture. As a relic
of the victory, surrounded by historical associations, it
had a value which no jewels could enhance. With this
impression, the Buckshee (or military paymaster) of the
Mysore Horse presented it to Malcolm, who declined to
accept it. The sword was then carried by the captors,
as a trophy, to the Kajah of Mysore, who, in his turn, was
eager to present it to Malcolm, in recognition not only of
the fact that, on that memorable day, he had led the troops
to victory, but also of the Idndness and consideration he
had shown, from the commencement of the campaign,
towards the Mysore auxiliary troops.
The compliment Avas very grateful to Malcolm; but
there were obvious reasons why he should not accept the
gift, without the consent of the Supreme Government.
The question was referred, therefore, to Lord Hastings,
who thinking, doubtless, that Holkar's sword could pass
into no hands so fittingly as into those of Sir John Mal-
colm, readily consented to the proposed disposal of the
tropliy. Nearly a year had passed since the capture of
the property when this reference was made. It was not,
indeed, until the 26th of December, 1818, that the Chief
Secretary wrote to Malcolm, saying: "I have had the
honor to receive your despatch of the 29th of last month,
reporting your having been apprised by Mr. Cole* of the
desire of the Rajah of Mysore to present you with a
sword and belt, taken by his Highness's Sillahdar Horse
at the battle of Mehidpoor ; and I have the satisfaction of
conveying to you the permission of the Governor- General
* The Honorable Ai-tliui- Cole, who was then Resident at Mysore.
220 MEIIIDrOOR.
in Council for your acceptance of this flattering token of
the Rajah's personal regard and acknowledgment of your
attention to his troops while serving under your imme-
diate superintendence and direction."
But in the mean while this proceeding had been viewed
with little favor at Madras, whither Sir Thomas Hislop
had returned to take his seat at the Council Board. The
Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Dcccan thought
that it became neither the Kajali to give, nor Malcohn to
receive, this trophy of the victory of Mehidpoor ; and he
therefore recorded a minute, in wliicli lie said :
" I do most solemnly protest, on the part of the army, and in
my capacity of Commandcr-iu-Chlcf thereof, against the right of
the Kajah of Mysore to make away with, or dispose in any manner
"whatever, of any description of property whicli may have been
presented to him by his Buckshees as liaving been taken by them,
or the Horse under their command, from Holkar or his army.
The farther disposal of the whole booty of which the Sillahdars
became possessed on that occasion having been referred for the
decision of the Supreme Government, and assuming that tlieir
decision upon the present reference will proceed upon the same
principle as that described in the former instance, in the letter
from Mr. Secretary Adam of tlie 29th of August, 1817, as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the late army of the Deccan, I deem it my
province respectfully to urge that the sword and belt in question
shall be placed at my disposal, to be applied in the same manner
as if it had come into my possession on the field of battle, in which
case I should have felt it an indispensable act of duty to reserve it,
without regard to its intrinsic value, from the spoils to be distri-
buted to the troops, as an article of regalia, and consequently a
suitable trophy to be laid by me at the feet of his Royal Highness
the Prince-Regent, confident as I am that this measure would be
the most gratifying to the feelings of every soldier of the army."*
* The Adjutant-General of the Ma- it had not occurred till after Sir T.
dras army Mas also ordered to ask Hislop had left the armv of the Deccan,
Malcolm why he had not reported the and that therefore he' reported it to
circumstance to the Commander-in- the Supreme Government.
Chief. To this Malcolm replied, that
PURSUIT OF THE ENEMY. 221
On the coiTespondence which then arose between Sir
Thomas Hislop and Sir John Malcohn I need not dwell.
The Governor-General approved the gift of the sword to
Malcolm, and it is now an heirloom in his family. In a
strictly military point of view, all plundered property be-
longs to the army, and every article taken in battle should
pass into the hands of the prize-agents, and be duly ac-
counted for by them. But exceptional cases Avill arise,
especially when, as in this instance, troops of different
states are acting together, and different customs of war
are followed ; and it appears to me that this was a case
in which the wishes of the Mysore Kajah might well
have been complied with, without any offence to the
army. I doubt, indeed, whether there was a man in it,
beyond the Commander-in-Chief's own staff, who did not
think that Holkar's sword was destined to fmd its way to
the right hands. — But in this I am anticipating the course
of the narrative.
Christmas- day was spent in camp at Mehidpoor; and
on the following day, Sir John Malcolm, taking with him
a brigade of cavalry, two light infantry battalions, four
horse- artillery guns, and a thousand Mysore Horse, set
out in pursuit of the enemy, who were moving to the
north-west.* The main body of the army of the Deccan
were to follow in a few days.
A rapid marcli was Malcolm's delight; and he pricked
forward with surprising rapidity, expecting to beat up
the enemy at Mundissore ; but hearing that they had
proceeded further in a north-westerly direction, probably
to Mulharghur, he marched on to Xarghur, wdiich place
he reached on the 30th. There he learnt that Holkar
had doubled back to Mundissore, to put up his heavy
baggage and bazaars, which he had outstripped in his
flight. The opportunity seemed a good one for a sur-
* A detachment from the Gulerat force subsequently joined him.
222 TiiEniDPOOR.
prise. So, early on the morning of the 31st, Malcolm
despatched Captain James Grant, with a body of Mysore
Horse and a squadron of native cavalr}-, with instructions
to fall suddenly upon the enemy's camp — a service which
was admirably and most successfully performed. For
under the walls of Mundissore, Grant surprised the Mah-
ratta force, and captured their baggage, their cattle, and
bazaars. A few hours afterwards, the main body of
Malcolm's force arrived at Mundissore. The General
soon learnt that Ilolkar was eager to sue for terms ; and
when on the following day intelligence arrived that the
head-quarters of the army of the Deccan was approach-
ing,* Malcolm rode out to meet Sir Thomas Hislop and
his Staff, and, taking off his hat, announced to them that
the war with Holkar was over.
Note. — The Battle op Mehidpoor. — The historical autho-
rities to whom reference lias been made in the course of the com-
position of this chapter are Colonel Blacker, Mr. Prinsep, Mr.
Thornton, and Professor Wilson. In the Asiatic Journal for
July, 1818, I find an account of the battle of Mehidpoor, written
by an eye-witness, a day or two after the victory, which bears so
strong an impress of accuracy, that I am induced to append it;
the more especially as it contains some details not given in the
text :
" The baggage being now pretty well up, the line advanced
along the road leading to the ford of the Sopra, about half a mile
south of the town of Mehidpoor, and Sir John Malcolm moved
doAvn with a brigade of guns and a regiment of cavalry, merely to
attract the notice of the enemy's horse, the better to secure the safe
deposit of the baggage on the left. Whilst we were making this
demonstration, we kept an equal pace with the line, and joined it
again when within half a mile of the ford where we were to cross;
two corps of light infantry and the rifle corps were then pushed
across the river, and posted in a ravine which runs out of it at
right angles and close to the ford; the artillery followed, and were
* The army liacl marched in a direct euemy, had gone considerably beyond
line from Mehidpoor to Mnndissore, that place, and had countermarched,
while Malcohu, in the pui-suit of the
NOTE ON THE BATTLE. 223
posted about fifty yards across, a situation wliicli they had no
sooner reached, when the whole of the enemy's artillery, from
which we had hitherto received but a few shots directed at the
body of the troops crossing the river, opened upon all troops that
were within their sight. The cavalry crossed next, and were im-
mediately moved up the bed of the river to the left, under cover
of the left bank ; and after going off in that direction about half a
mile Avith the Mysore Horse on their left, they were halted until
the infantry could arrive to attack the guns. The left brigade
arrived next at the ford, and were moved off to the left of it, when
they were also halted until the right brigade, consisting of 420
Europeans and the 2d battalion of the 14th, should arrive to be
formed on the right. The fire by this time, both round and
grape, was extremely heavy from the front and right, particularly
from a ruined village in that direction, about five hundred yards
from the ford where we crossed; Sir John Malcolm then pro-
posed, as the greatest part of the infantry had arrived, that he
should be sent with the right brigade to storm the ruined village
and take the guns, and the Commander-in-Chief might at the
same time order the attack on the left, for which they were
all ready. The proposal was immediately assented to : orders were
sent to the left, and Sir John immediately brought the Europeans
up the bank. Wc no sooner showed ourselves than the men
were knocked down very fast, and Sir John, finding that the
rifles and light infantry were close at hand, and that they were
suffering severely in the Nullah, ordered them to take the place on
the left of the Europeans that was at first intended for the two
battalions of the 14th, which could not come up the bank for
some minutes more ; and he immediately ordered the advance on
the guns, the rifles being directed on the enemy's battery on their
right of the village, the light infantry on the village itself, and the
Europeans on their left battery ; four companies of the 14th also
arrived in time to charge with the Europeans. The charge was
made in the most gallant manner possible; the enemy's guns were
so well served, that the dust was constantly knocked up in the
men's faces, and great numbers of them hid every instant, but
there was not the slightest appearance of hesitation anywhere; on
the contrary, all continued the most steady advance, and Sir John
Malcolm encouraging them when he got about half way with
a huzza, they rushed on and carried all before them ; the enemy's
Golandauze standing many of them to be bayoneted at the guns.
Went
Killed and
into
wounded in
action.
advance.
ICO
31
250
G3
500
72
460
107
300
130
224 MEIIIDPOOR.
There were not less than forty-three guns at work on the right
mid left of this village, besides some infantry in the village itself.
The havoc made upon our men in the advance was great, as you
will see in the subjoined extract:
The (lank companies of the Royals .
Madras European llcginient
lOlh Light Infantry
8rd do. do.
mfle Corps
" The horse artillery also suffered a very severe loss; almost all
their guns were dismounted by the enemy's shot.
" The left brigade moved out at the same time wc did, and
attacked a battery of twenty guns, supported by a body of in-
fantry; the enemy at that battery, however, soon deserted their
guns and retired upon their infantry, and our cavalry, on seeing
their guns in possession of the left brigade, charged the enemy's in-
fantry, and cut great numbers of them down. The enemy's cavalry
were well mounted, and as they started off the moment they saw
the advance the infantry made on their guns, they escaped almost en-
tirely untouched, with the exception of a few overtaken in the pur-
suit by the I\Iysore Horse under Captain James Grant, who cap-
tured seven elephants, upwards of two hundred camels, and a
great many tattoes and bullocks. The infantry in rear of the guns
which Sir John INIalcolm stormed behaved very shabbily ; they
gave their brave Golandauzc no support whatever, so that after
the guns were taken we had little to do on the right. We
advanced immediately afterwards to the infantry camp, where we
expected they would be drawn up, but on the contrary we found
but a few empty tents ; beyond that was a battery of thirteen
guns, from whence we had a few rounds at a distance, which did
little execution, and when they were taken possession of the battle
may be said to have ceased.
" Sir John IMalcolm went in pursuit with a brigade of cavalry
and two battalions of light infantry, across the Sopra, about four
coss, but with no success. We were much detained by the passage
down to the river being very narrow and the ford bad ; and the
enemy had too great a start of us. The IMysore Horse pursued to
the N.W. without crossing the river, and were more fortunate, as
I mentioned before."
THE SURUENDKR OF THE PEISIIWAII. 22.5
CHAPTER VI.
THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
[1818.]
THE TREATY VTITH HOLKAR — SETTLEMENT OF TUE COUNTRY — APPROACH OF
BADJEE RAO — OVERTURES NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE PEISHWAH — TERMS
OFFERED — A'ACILLATION OF BADJEE RAO — HIS SURRENDER — DISCUSSIONS
"WITH THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT — THE TERMS CONSIDERED.
The new year found Malcolm with the sword sheathed,
but ready to his hand; and the portfolio of the diplo-
matist open before him. The victory of Mehidpoor had
given the death-blow to Holkar's power. His army was
broken and dispersed; the young Prince himself a fugi-
tive and a suppliant. There was nothing left for him but
to send his emissaries into Malcolm's camp, and to sue
for such terms as the mercy of the conquerors might
grant him.
The army of the Deccan was in the vicinity of
^lundissore; and at that place Malcolm received the
chief Minister of the fallen Prince. Already acquainted
with the views of the Governor-General, he submitted to
the Mahratta Envoy the terms on which the British
Government would consent to negotiate a peace. Large
cessions of territory were demanded — cessions to be made
in part to Ameer Khan, the Eohilla chief, who had been
VOL. II. Q
226 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
detached Avitli liis Patan levies from Ilolkar's cause ; iu
part to Zalim Singh, of Kotah, who had been for many-
years a friend of the Britisli; and in part to the East
India Company.* In return, it was promised, on the
part of the British, that they would take Holkar's re-
maining territory under their protection, and maintain
a sufficient force tliere to preserve internal tranquillity
and repel the aggression of foreign enemies.
In vain the Mahratta Envoy remonstrated against
these hard conditions. In vain he pleaded that to strip
his master of territory and to confer it on a servant, as
was Ameer Khan, was humiliating to him in the ex-
treme; in vain he pleaded that the country which we
were takino; from him was the most ancient and the
most cherished part of his dominions; in vain he pleaded
that the war had not been provoked by Holkar's Go-
vernment, but by a council of military cliiefs acting
a<2;ainst the advice of the Ministers and in defiance of
their authority; in vain he dwelt upon the tender years
of the young Prince, and his claims upon the generosity
of a great nation like the British. Malcolm answered
that every consideration would be shown to the youthful
chief himself, but it was impossible to separate the acts
of his army from the acts of his Government; and that
the peace of India required that lie should be stripped
of the means of again appearing in arms against the
paramount power. The country that was left to Holkar
* " The terms proposed M-ere tlie and his heirs, on tlic condition of his
confirmation of the engagements with maintaining a quota of horse ; the ces-
Araeer Khan — the cession to the Com- sion of the tribute of Naisinghur —
pany of the claims of Hollcar's Go- the cession to the Company of all
verumeut upon the Rajpoot States — Holkar's possessions within and to the
the cession to Zalim Singh, Eajah of south of the Sauthpoora range of hills,
Kotah, of four districts formerly rented including Candeish, Ambu Ellora, and
by him— the confirmation under the all his other possessions iu that quar-
guarantee of the Company of his ter." — {Sir John Malcolm to Mr. Adam,
jaidad, amounting to nearly four lakhs Jamutry 6, 1S18.]
of rupees per annum, to Guffoor Khan
TREATY WITH HOLKAE. 227
might yield in its present state but a slender revenue;
but much of that which was taken from hun had yielded
none; and Malcolm pointed out that the continuance of
peace and due attention on the part of Holkar's Govern-
ment to affairs of internal administration would soon
place his finances in a better position than before, and
increase both the prosperity of the State and the hap-
piness of the people.
Findino' all his aro^uments and all his entreaties useless,
the Mahratta Envoy then besought Malcolm to delay for
the present all specific engagements, and urged that the
young Prince would throw himself unconditionally upon
the protection of the British, leaving the terms of the
treaty for future aiegotiation. But he had to deal with
too old a diplomatist — with one too well acquainted
with the depths of Mahratta guile — to consent to such
a proposal as this. It would have been in effect to sus-
pend hostihties whilst Holkar's Government was watching
in safety the progress of events, and taking advantage of
the chapter of accidents. So, after some further attempt
on the part of the Mahratta Envoy to obtain a modifica-
tion of certain of its articles, the treaty was executed on
the 6th of January. " I have concluded a treaty with
Mulhar Rao Holkar," he wrote to his wife, " including
every advantage that could be desired, and our late
enemies* are now encamped within two miles of me,
quite in good humor. The Pindarrees are almost all
dispersed or destroyed, except one Cheetoo, after whom
I detach James Grant, who will march towards the fron-
tier of Guzerat Sir Thomas Hislop is sent
"* Writing more correctly iu an offi- concerned at tliis reduction of the force,
cial letter to Mr. Adam, Malcolm says : for the regiments were greatly in ar-
" Mulhar Rao Holkar came tcith the rears of pay, and the treasury was
remains of his army to the vicinity of empty. The battle of Mehidpoor
my camp," &c. It is doubtful whe- wiped out a heavy balance against
ther Holkar's Government was much Holkar.
q2
228 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISIIWAII.
south, and I am left witli a division in Malwali ; and with
full political powers to settle Ilolkar's Government."
The nature and variety of his duties not permitting
Malcolm to be continually in the immediate vicinity of
Holkar's Court, he directed Major Agnew, his first as-
sistant, to reside there as the channel of connnunication
with the Mahratta Prince. To that oiTicer he wrote in-
structions, pointing out that "whilst it was meant to
exercise that influence over the State which is best cal-
culated to preserve it in peace, and to estabUsh its pro-
sperity on a ground that will promote the interests of the
British Government, it was very important that it should
be done in a way which would ncitlicr affect the temper
nor hurt the pride of the Prince or his Ministers." The
restoi'ation of order to Holkar's donnnions, and the settle-
ment of their internal administration, was to be the great
object aimed at, and that by no overt acts of interference,
but by the exercise of an authority as much unseen, and
an influence as much unfelt, as judgment, tact, and deli-
cac\^ could render them. The parcere suhjectis maxim
was never absent from Malcolm's mind.
" Much pains had been taken," he wrote to the Poli-
tical Secretary on the 26th, " during the period of nego-
tiation, to preserve temper as far as could be done with-
out a sacrifice of essential interests; and certaiidy the
reception of the mission of Major Agnew, and every sub-
sequent act of the Ministers and followers of MulharRao
Holkar, proved that this had been in a great degree
attained. I have, to promote this desirable object, pur-
chased the favorite elephants of the young Prince, which
were among the captured property, and am in hopes of
rendering his family a still more acceptable service by
recovering their household images, which were plundered
■on the same occasion."
Whilst Malcolm was thus carrying out his measures
SURRENDER OF PINDARREES. 229
for the settlement of Holkar's Government, he was moving
from pLace to place with the corps which he commanded,
keeping in check another Mahratta chief, Jeswunt Rao
Bhao, one of Sciudiah's viceroys, who had revolted
against his own master, usurped a considerable tract of
country belonging to one of the Rajpoot protected States,
and was harboring Pindarrees. He wrote in excellent
spirits. There was fine bright frosty weather ; good
sport on the line of march; and every one was in good
humor. " I wish we had you here," he A\T.'ote to his
wife. "I would show you that I have realised all my
plans of making men work and fight, and do everything
men ought to do, and yet be happy and make no com-
plaints.* The Pindarrees have gone from this quarter.
I do nothim^ on the march but shoot and hunt. A
Bengal corps came near me four days ago. Several
officers came to see me ; among others, a son of Robert
Burns, a very fine young man. We had a grand even-
ing, and I made him sing his father's songs. He has a
modest but serious pride of being the son of the bard
of his country which quite delighted me." Burke and
Bums were Malcolm's flivorite authors : and he seldom tra-
velled about anywhere without a volume of the latter.
"The Pindarrees," he wrote in another letter, "are
now giving themselves up by hundreds. Where are now
the fools who said v/e could not do this thing ? Never
was a more glorious result. The noble views of Lord
Wellesley of establishing general tranquillity are now
nearly accomplished; and if we have firmness and
wisdom to preserve and maintain the great advantages
we have gained, India will long enjoy an undisturbed
* Au officer who was ou Malcolm's humor. " I need not tell you anything
military staff at tliis time, told mc, in else," it was said. " You have come
1854, that going, ou his first appoint- from a Government office, and might
raent to the general, for instructions, he instruct me. Keep everybody m good
was told to keep everybody in good humor ; and you will not go wrong."
230 THE SUERENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
peace. I continue in excellent health. Moderation and
exercise are my secrets. When we march, I hunt on
the flank. When we do not march, I rise at daybreak,
and hunt over ten or twelve miles of country. I have
famous horses, and am, you know, very prudent." These
last words are underscored, and intended to be taken in
a negative sense. He needed good horses, for he rode
fifteen stone, and he rode hard ; and was only prudent in-
asmuch as that he rode well, and seldom contrived to
hurt himself.
At this time Malcolm w^as in pursuit of JcsAvunt Rao
Bhao, who had fled into Mewar. Tliither Malcolm
followed him, sent a summons to him to surrender, on
pain of being declared a freebooter. On the 11th of
February, the chief intimated his intention to place
himself under Malcolm's protection, and on the 14th he
appeared in the General's camp. His arrival w^as wel-
comed Avith great joy by Malcolm, who wrote on the
15th :
" This is my lucky year. Jcswunt Rao Bliao, a rebellious
feudatory of Sciutliah, wlio had provoked an attack, had fled
into Mewar. I followed him, and he 3'csterday saved me further
trouble by coming into my camp, and surrendering himself. I
expect Kurreem, the chief of the Pindarrees (or at least coequal
with Cheetoo), will do the same to-morrow."
Being in the vicinity of Chittore, he rode over to see
a place surrounded wdth so many historical associations,
and on his return wTote the followim:? account of it to
liis wife :
" I left my corps this morning to come twenty miles to see this
celebrated fortress of Chittore, once before despoiled by Maho-
medan conquerors, the seat of Hindoo glory. It stands on a
liigh detached hill, which lies north and south, is between four
and five miles long, and apparently (for I have not yet examined
CHITTOKE. 231
the interior) from half a mile to a mile in breadth. The whole is
surrounded with a wall, which is strengthened by a great number
of bastions. In many places the perpendicular rock gives the
appearance of a double rampart, and adds to the imposing
grandeur of this mountain fortress, whose antiquity appears in the
ruins of palaces, of turrets, and of temples, that are seen above its
walls.
" I inquired the date of Chittore from an old Brahmin, who was
sent to give me information. It was built, he said, by the
Panduans (five brothers, the fabulous heroes of the Mahabwas),
who flourished five or six thousand years ago. The family of the
present Rana of Oudipore claimed possession of it two thousand
years ago, and it is more than five hundred years since it was
taken by Allah-oo-deen. It was then the ancient capital of the
Marrahs, contained all their wealth, and was defended (though
without success) by all the army of their country. It now can only
boast a miserable lower town, surrounded by ruins, and a fortifi-
cation falling into decay, defended by about five hundred men.
Twenty thousand would hardly man its walls. Oudipore, which
is between sixty and seventy miles from this, has long superseded
Chittore as the capital of McAvar ; and the latter has not even the
advantage it would derive from being the residence of a degraded
prince and impoverished court. To give you an idea of the
change in the fortunes of the present Ranas of Oudipore, I need
only state they do not realise two lakhs of rupees per annum from
a country which produced eighty lakhs, and of which they are
still the nominal sovereigns. Till of late they were respected
from their high descent, even by their conquerors. Madajee
Scindiah, when he despoiled the father of the reigning Prince,
carried his palanquin, to mark his respect for the first of Rajpoots.
Jemsheed Khan, a Patau soldier, possessing the small jagheer of
Nemahera (where I have been encamped for some days), lately
made the reigning Rana come out of Oudipore several miles to
meet him — a positive mark of inferiority ; but old Scindiah was a
wily Mahratta, and cherished Hindoo feeling ; while the barbarous
Patan, considering all of a contrary religion as ' Infidels,' exulted
in desfradino" one of the hisjhest of that class. I have sent a
message to the Killadar to be allowed to visit the buildino-s
in the upper fort, but am doubtful that his jealousy will not
232 THE SURIiENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
grant my request; and yet he nuist feel awkward in refusing it,
as he knows I yesterday sent orders for the delivery of two forts
for his master, the Rana."
Kurreem Kluui liaving surrendered as was anticipated,
and some refractory cliiefs in the neiglibourliood having
1)cen reduced, jMalcohn })roceecled to Holkar's camp,
where he arrived on tlie 2Gth of February, and was re-
ceived in a friendly and respectful manner. The natural
kindness of his heart, his tender compassion for fallen
greatness, and his delight in young people, rendered him
of all others the person most likely to become personally
popular at the Court of tlie boy-Prince, to lighten the
distresses and to smooth down the animosities of his
late enemies. " I have been lately with my young loard^
Mulhar Rao Ilolkar," he Avrote, " and certainly the
cliange of a few weeks is wonderful. The fellows that I
was hunting like wild beasts are all now tame, and com-
bine in declaring that I am their only friend. All the
chiefs of ITolkar are in good humor. The boy himself
is at present delighted with a small elephant (which he
lost, and I recovered and sent him) that dances like a
dancing-girl; and a little Pegu pony, of wliich I made
him a present, and which aud)les at a great rate. I went
out to hunt with him a few davs a^^o, and we had j^reat
fun. The little fellow, though only eleven years of age,
rides beautifully. He mounted a tall bay horse very
lairly broken, and taking a bhuit spear nine feet in
length, tilted witli two or three others in very superior
style, wheeling, charging, and using his spear as well as
the rest of them. He expressed grief at my going away,
as he discovered that I was very fond of play and
hunting."
But Malcolm did much more than hunt and play. His
elTorts to settle the country were strenuous and success-
CIIEETOO. 233
fill. Other Pindarree chiefs came in to hira, and were
soon established as peaceable inmates of his camp. He
moved from place to place with a motley assemblage of
troops — representatives, as it were, of nearly all the
states of India — soldiers of the Compan}'; soldiers of the
Peishwah; soldiers of the Nizam; veterans of Mysore;
Sikh horsemen from the Punjab; Rajpoots of the Kotah
State; Mahrattas in Holkar's service, our old enemies;
and bodies of tamed and tattered Pindarrees, made up
the diversified procession. His regular force — now de-
tached from the main army, and made an independent
command — was now at Mehidpore, and thither Mal-
colm, after leaving Holkar's camp, proceeded to join it.
On the 8th of March he wrote to his wife that he had
once more pitched his tent on the old battle-field. "And
I inwardly thanked God," he added, "who had pre-
served me to you and the dear little ones; and more
than that, Avho had, by inspiring me with strength to do
my duty, rendered me worthy of the great blessing I
enjoy in having such a family."
From Mehidpore, Malcolm moved to Oujein. There
was still some active work l^efore him ; there were still
Pindarrees to be brought into his camp. Kurreem Khan
had come in ; another, named Rajun, surrendered in the
course of April. But there was one chief, Cheetoo by
name, a man of great energy and daring, who could not
consent to become a pensioner upon our bounty, and to
be despatched to what he called a distant and dread-
ful country. INIalcolm at one time declared that if he
caught Cheetoo he would hang him, and that he would
do his best to catch him. But more compassionate
feelings came over him, and he wrote a letter to the
chief, offering him terms if he would come in ; but the
proud spirit of the Pindarree was not to be humbled,
and he still kept his seat in the saddle and trusted to his
234 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
fate. His followers were dispersed; lie himself was
powerless. But he wandered about witli a few attend-
ants, now on the hills, now in the jungles, seeking pro-
tection from our enemies, spending miserable days and
nights in constant fear of surprise, never dismounting
from his horse, even for sleep, only to encounter at last
a more remorseless enemy than the British.
Meanwhile, Malcolm's efforts to restore order and tran-
quillity to Holkar's disturbed country had been attended
with sood success. In the Soandwarree districts several
refractory Zumeendars had been reduced, and his de-
tachments had penetrated into all parts of Malwah, from
Hindiah to Moheysir. "It is six weeks since I left
Oujein," he wrote on the 10th of May to Lord Hastings,
" and from that date to the present moment this force
has been divided into small detachments, which have
traversed every path and every ghaut of the forests
between Hindiah and Moheysir, and it is a remarkable
fact, that though the country abounds with Bheels and
robbers, under numerous chiefs, alike celebrated for their
habits of rapacity and violence, not a rupee of property
has been stolen or a camp-follower hurt. These plun-
derers have, on the contrary, sought my camp and that
of officers whom I detached, and expressed their earnest
hope that I would take theh condition into considera-
tion, and provide means of livelihood less criminal and
hazardous tlian that to which they had long been com-
pelled by necessity. I am now engaged in a very mi-
nute inquiry into theh real or supposed rights, and I
hope I may be able to effect some arrangement that will
preserve the tranquillity of the country."
He rejoiced in nothing so much as in this work of
pacification. His letters to his family show how truly
his heart was in it. There is something very pleasant
PACIFICATORY EFFORTS. 235
and characteristic in the following, addressed at this time
to his wife :
*' You will rejoice to hear all my undertakings succeed. I
have just tranquillised, by beating some and petting others, the
most troublesome province in Malwah ; and during my operations
against the few remaining Pindarrees in this quarter, though the
country is covered with mountains and forests, though my detach-
ments have marched everywhere, and through countries so in-
fested with robbers and lawless mountaineers that our troops, from
past suffering, dreaded them, I have not had a rupee's worth of
value stolen, and not a follower wounded. This, my dear Char-
lotte, I am proud of, for it is the result of good arrangement, and
of a general impression, which even the most lawless own, of my
being neither unmerciful nor unjust. I am the general arbitrator
and pacificator of the whole country. I support my title to these
names by accessibility at all hours to the peasant as well as the
prince. The labor is great, but its result is delightful. Out of
forty-six villages within ten miles of this only seven were inha-
bited six days ago, when I declared it was my intention to cantoon
here. The rest were in complete ruins, every house roofless.
The inhabitants of twenty have already returned to their homes,
and are bcfjinninsf to rebuild. The whole I trust to sec flourish-
ing in a few months. Nadir-Bheel, the mountain chief, who has
committed all these devastations, and is the terror of the country,
has already sent his only son, a fine boy, just the age of George,
and promises to come himself I gave the young plunderer
knives with six blades and a nice little Arab pony. He has taken
a great affection for me, is going to settle in my camp, to hunt,
shoot, and play with me, and to learn cultivation instead of
plundering ; and he insists that I must take a pet elk that has
been broken in to ride, and can run faster up a stony hill, the
little fellow says, than a swift horse ! As your friend Colonel
Russell and I were yesterday walking from the place where I am
building a little bungalow to my tent, we were met by a joyous-
looking group. A young lad, dressed in red, with his eyes
painted, fine ear-rings, &c., was brought forward by an old man,
while a troop of females, half hiding their faces, among whom was
a little girl of eight years of age, gaily dressed, came behind. A
236 Till': SURRENDEU OF THE TEISIIWAII.
boy with an old drum, another with a rude flageolet, and some
friends, made up the party. They came forward and addressed
me by name. I asked them wliat they wanted? It was a mar-
riage, and had been put ofFfor two years, because no one dared to
go to the viUage in the hills, ten miles from my camp, and sixteen
from their home, where it must be celebrated; but now Malcolm-
Sahib had brought peace to all, the wedding would go on. They,
however, wanted two of my men to guard against accidents.
' Horsemen or footmen ?' This gave rise to a curious dispute among
themselves. They thought they might have to feed the soldiers,
and the economists were for foot ; the dujnity-mcn for horsemen.
The latter carried it, by representing how fine the horses would
look parading about at the marriage ceremony. They went away
dcHghtcd."
But interesting as "were such incidents as this, and
consolino; as were the thoucrlits of the c!;ood that he was
doing, the depths of his ambition were stirred, in the
midst of his pacificatory labors, by tidings which were
presently brought into camp, to the effect that the
Peishwah, with the remains of his force, was moving to
the southward, and that there was a chance of the
Malwah force having the privilege of giving him battle.
It was better for the tranquillity of India, better for
Badjee llao himself, tliat he should tr}* conclusions with
us at once, than that he should liover about in a state
of inglorious micertaintv with regard to the future, half
a prince and half a fugitive, unsettling the minds of other
chiefs, and raising in the breasts of their followers, per-
haps, some vague hope of the restoration of the Mahratta
power. But it was better still, in Malcolm's opinion,
that the Peishwah should voluntarily throw himself on
the protection of the British Government, and finish the
war by the surrender at once of his person and his do-
minions.
Whatever might have been, at this time, the Peish-
wah's intentions — whether he were advancing, intent
OVERTURES FROM BADJEE RAO. 237
on war or on peace, Malcolm prepared himself to meet
the emergency. He made his military dispositions, and
delayed the removal of Holkar's Court to Indore. " The
approximation of the Peishwah to this quarter," he wrote,
on the 17th of May, to Major Agnew, "whether with
amicable or hostile views, requires that every element of
intrigue should be kept as much as possible at a distance ;
and whilst I should feel my military operations clogged
by the presence of Holkar's Court at Indore, I should
still more fear having any negotiations I entered into with
Badjee Eao disturbed and interrupted by its being in the
immediate vicinity."
It was soon apparent, however, that it was with diplo-
macy, not with war, that Badjee Rao was to be met.
Late on the 17th of May an emissary from the Peishwah
amved in Malcolm's camp at Mhow with a letter from
his master. The conference between the Mahratta Envoy
and the British General lasted during a great part of the
night. Everything that could be urged in favor of the
Peishwah was urged, but with no avail, by the former.
Malcolm could not hold out any hope that the British
Government would consent to restore Badjee Eao even
to a state of nominal sovereignty. He had forfeited by
his conduct all claim to title or dominion. But imme-
diate submission, it was added, by hastening the termina-
tion of the war which he had so unjustifiably provoked,
might even then induce them to consider with all cle-
mency and generosity his fallen state. Finding that he
could not move the officer, the Mahratta agent then en-
deavoured to touch the heart of the man. He appealed
to Malcolm's old feelings of personal friendship, "That
friendship," it was answered, " was disregarded when it
might have saved. I warned him of his danger, but my
advice was thrown away. I shall still, however, be re-
joiced to be the instrument of saving him from total ruin.
238 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISUWAII.
All opposition is now fruitless. Let liim throw himself
upon the bounty of the British Government, and he will
save himself, his family, and his adherents, from total de-
struction."
The Mahratta Envoy then, instructed by his master,
implored Malcolm to visit the Peishwah in his camp.
But the proposal was peremptorily rejected. " It would
have shown," said Malcolm, "a solicitude for his sub-
mission which would have operated against the object
which it was meant to promote. Besides, it would have
removed me from the position where* I could best employ
the means at my disposal for the reduction of the
Peishwah, if I had been driven to war." Instead, there-
fore, of himself proceeding to Badjee Rao's camp, he
despatched a confidential officer to communicate upon
his part with the Peishwah, and especially to urge upon
him the necessity, as a preliminary to negotiation, of
moving forward from the position which he then occu-
pied in Scindi all's dominions and in the neighbourhood
of Assecrghur, a fortress held by a party of our enemies,
which we were afterwards compelled to reduce.
The officer whom Sir John Malcolm selected to per-
form the delicate task of inducins; the Peishwah to flinor
himself upon the protection of the British was Lieutenant
John Low, of the Madras Army, whom, some time before,
he had appointed his aide-de-camp, and whose energ}'
and ability had soon recommended him for higher and
more responsible duties.* The instructions with which
he set out were full and precise. Malcolm, Avho knew
by painful experience what were the evil consequences
of proceeding on any mission without ample instructions
from superior authority, always furnished his own dele-
gates with written orders, which only the crassest igno-
* Aftei-n-ards Colonel Jolui Low, and now General Low, menibei- of the
for many years Resident at Lucknow ; Supreme Council of India.
JSTEGOTIATIONS WITH BADJEE EAO. 239
ranee could misinterpret. Low was, therefore, now
instructed to intimate to the Peishwah that, although he
could never again be restored to sovereignty, and never
allowed to reside in the Deccan, his safety, if he would
throw himself upon the protection of the British, should
be guaranteed ; that he should be treated with respect ;
that he should enjoy personal liberty, and be allowed as
much latitude in the choice of his future place of resi-
dence as might be deemed compatible with the general
peace of India. It was to be intimated also to the
Peishwah that Sir John Malcolm was advancing: to
Mundlash, and that if the Prince, detaching himself
from his followers, with the exception only of his family
and immediate personal adherents, would advance to
that place, the English General would visit his camp
luiattcnded, and there negotiate the terms of his sur-
render.
Lieutenant Low started, accompanied by Lieutenant
Macdonald, another of ]\talcolm's political assistants; and
the General then, making such a disposition of his troops
as Avould enable him completely to surround the Peish-
wah's position, and prevent all hope of escape, prepared
to move down to the banks of the Taptee river. But
new perplexities which arose in this conjuncture required
new diplomatic counsels and new military combinations.
"Whilst Malcolm was concerting his measures to compel
the surrender of the Peishwah, intelligence came into his
camp to the effect that Appa-Sahib, the Eajah of Berar,
who had been placed in mild restraint at Nagpoor, had
escaped. It was felt that this event might unsettle the
mind of Badjee Rao, raise new hopes in his breast, and
prevent the peaceable settlement which Malcolm had so
much at heart. It would have been easy to beat him in
the field, and, if he were not slain in battle, to seize his
person, and to carry him a prisoner to Calcutta. But
240 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
Malcolm reasoned that neither of these results would so
advantageously contribute to the general pacification of
India as the voluntary submission of the Peishwah.
" The opportunities I have had," he wrote to the Chief
Secretary, " of judging the state of feeling of every class,
from the prince to the lowest inhabitant of this exten-
sive empire, now and formerly subject to the Mahrattas,
makes me not hesitate in afhrming that so fiir as both the
fame of tlie Britisli Government and tlie tranquillity of
India are concerned, the submission of Badjee Rao and
voluntary abdication of his power are objects far more
desirable than either liis captivity or death
Should he be slain, liis fate would excite pity, and might
stimulate ambition, as the discontented Avould probably,
either now or licreafter, rally round a real or pretended
lieir to his high station. If he were made prisoner, sym-
pathy would attend him, and the enemies of the English
Government would continue to cherish hopes of his one
day effecting his escape. But if lie dismisses his adhe-
rents, throws himself upon our generosity, and volun-
tarily resigns his power, the effect, so far as general im-
pression is concerned, will be complete, and none will be
found to persist in defending a cause which the ruler
liimself has abandoned."
With these opinions strong in his mind — opinions, the
soundness of which cannot be gainsaid — Malcolm re-
doubled liis exertions to induce the Peishwah to sur-
render. He judged rightly that intimidation would be
the most cogent instrument he could use. The advance
of our troops filled the unhappy prince with measureless
alarm. " Badjee Rao," wrote Malcohn to Lord Has-
tings, " has from the moment he made the first overtm'c
been naturally anxious to prevent the advance of our
troops ; but to have paid attention to such a desire
would have been not only to sacrifice a real advantage
NEGOTIATIONS WITH BADJEE RAO. 241
in pursuit of a very doubtful one, but to have lessened
the operation of the only motive from which we can
expect success in a negotiation which commences in
requiring from a ruler the abdication of his throne. His
distress may be very great, but the concession is one that
can only be expected under a feeling of the most immi-
nent alarm for his personal liberty or life. Having from
the first taken this view of the case, I have never con-
cealed the nature of the terms that would be exacted, nor
given reason to think that our military operations would
be relaxed for a moment till the object was accom-
plished."
These military operations were nearly pushed to the
extent of an attack upon Badjee Rao's camp. Briga-
dier-General Doveton was at the end of May ready to
advance from Boorlumpore and fling himself upon the
Peishwah's army, when a letter from Lieutenant Low,
announcing that negotiations were in progress, suspended
the hostile movement. ]Malcolm in the mean while had
moved up to the vicinity of the Mahratta position, prepar-
ing for an interview with the Peishwah, which he be-
lieved would result m the Prince's surrender. It was a
moment of intense excitement ; but in the midst of it
his mind reverted to his wife and children at home, and
even the near prospect of an event which would ensure
the general pacification and settlement of Central India,
to which he had been lookino- forward with eao'er huma-
uity for years, and the thought of the great duties and re-
sponsibilities which rested upon him, could not keep down
the corroding anxieties inseparable from the condition of
the absent husband and fiither. On the 28th of May,
dating his letter from " Camp, 30 miles north of Asseer-
ghm*," he wrote thus to his wife :
"Look at the date, and think of me in a murky jungle, in
VOL. II. R
242 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
rather an old tent, with the thermometer above 120 degrees, a
terrible land wind blowing; but on the other hand, thank God, I
am well, and that the grilling I am undergoing, with many fine
fellows in this part of the world, is likely to terminate the war.
My two assistants, Captain Low and Alexander Macdonald, arc
actually to-day with Badjee Rao, settling for his meeting me to-
morrow, or the day after. We have got troops all around him,
and he can only protract the war by going among the hills, and
leading, for a period at least, the life of a common freebooter, and
for this cause neither his habits of body nor mind are adapted.
Subadar Syud Hussein, my native aide-de-camp (whom you will
recollect commanding my escort), returned from Badjee Rao's
camp yesterday. He represents that great but fallen and unhappy
Prince as raving about me, repeating ten times in a minute that I
am his only friend in the world, and that he has no hopes in this
earth beyond my favor and friendship. I have a bitter pill to
offer him. He must resign both the name and power of a sove-
reign. After that he will enjoy comfort and affluence, and as
much liberty as can be granted consistent either with his good or
our safety. A few days will determine my success. If I can
reconcile this Prince to his fate, and terminate the war, I shall be
the most fortunate of men. All that I could have seen in my
dreams Avill have occurred within a short twelvemonth. To drive
these murderous Pindarrees from their haunts — to have the most
conspiciious part in the proudest action that has been fought — to
run Holkar down, and settle the peace with him — to receive the
submission of Kurreem Khan, the principal Pindarree chief, Handu
Bukish, and several others, and to send them into Hindostan to
be settled — to employ the few corps left with me in Madras in a
manner tliat, with the aid of my Political Settlements, lias re-
stored, in the short space of three months, peace and confidence to
a countiy that has been in a state of disorder and internal war-
fare — and to conclude all this good fortune by receiving the sub-
mission of Badjee Rao, and carrying or sending him to repent at
the holy city of Benares, would be quite enough: I could desire
no more.
" Willie in the midst of these scenes, a letter from JMr. Camp-
bell of the 28th, enclosing your delightful letters to the 18th of
that mouth, alarms me by saying Lady Malcolm has been detained
MALCOLM IN THE PEISHWAH'S CAMP. 243
at Frant by the Illness of one of the children. I trust in God this
darling child is better. How completely do such communications
awaken me from every dream of ambition, to tell me whom all
my happiness is treasured up in — you and my little ones. The
thought of one of you aihng makes me unhappy. I cannot bear
to contemplate any reverse in this fortunate part of my condition.
I have been spoilt by everything hitherto going to my wish. I
am become unreasonable, and expect more than God gives us; but
this I cannot help. I pass days of toil and anxiety — I am almost
weary of my existence. But I retire at night, and when alone
build castles, every room of which is inhabited by you and ray
children, and am happy.
" I sat down to write a long letter, but a despatch from Low —
this moment received — has obliged me to break off. The nego-
tiations commence, of course, in delays and vexations, but I shall,
please God, work it through, and should it fail, I have collected
the means of his destruction on this side, while General Doveton
is still stronger upon his rear. I shall write you the moment the
die is decided."
Three days after the date of this letter, Malcolm,
attended by the members of his Staff, and an escort of
three hundred men, went out to meet the Peishwah,
who had moved down to a village named Keyree, with
about two thousand horse, eight hundred infantry, and
two guns. Many doubted the prudence of a step whicb
seemed to place the English General at the mercy of his
enemies ; and some of Malcolm's native friends warned
him that the danger of treachery was great. Bat the
General had no fear. He reasoned otherwise with him-
self. The Peishwah had long declared that Malcolm
was his best friend; and what could assure him more of
the fact than his appearance, thus fearlessly and con-
fidingly, in his camp ? What was more likely to still the
alarms and allay the suspicions which his councillors had
endeavoured to excite in his breast? There was much
R 2
244 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAII.
to be gained by receiving Malcolm as a friend ; every-
thing to be lost by offering violence to his person. Even
the chiefs by whom the Prince was surrounded, and who
would have resisted if there had been the least hope of
success, now felt that their best hopes of obtaining liberal
terms for themselves centred in Malcolm. lie went,
therefore, among tlieni without misgiving. In such cases,
to be fearless is to be safe. Hesitation in such a con-
juncture would have been flital. But the Peishwah and
his friends now saw in the resolution of the English
General that their fate was sealed, and that it was useless
to strussle a2;ainst it.
On the 1st of June, as I have said, Su* John Malcolm
and Badjee Rao met in the camp of the latter, near the
Keyree village. The Pcishwali appeared in a low and
dejected state, and at the public conference did little
more than inquire after the health of his visitor, and
make a fcAv com[)limcntary speeches. The ceremonials
over, Malcolm asked the Peishwah if he desired to speak
to him in private, and an answer having been returned
in the aflirmative, he was invited to a small tent, pitched
for the purpose. The Mahratta Prince was attended by
two of his confidential advisers. The British General
went alone.
The interview Avas a painful one. The wretched
Peishwah spoke long and earnestly of his sorrows and
his fears — his wrongs and his tribulations. He declared
that his situation was truly deplorable. He had been,
he said, involved in a war not of his own seeking, and
treated as an enemy by a Government that had been the
friend and protector of the Peishwah for two genera-
tions. He protested that he deserved commiseration,
and needed a true friend. His flatterers had turned
their faces away from him. His most cherished ad-
herents had shrunk from their alleoiance; and even
CD '
INTERVIEW WITH BADJEE RAO. 245
the very members of his family had been forgetful of the
ties of relationship and blood. In such a melancholy
condition, he said, he could turn to no other friend than
Malcolm, whom he now entreated, with tears in his eyes,
to commiserate his fallen state, and to administer some
relief to his sufferings.
To this Malcolm, deeply pitying the unhappy state of
the fallen Prince, replied mildly but firmly, that he was
really the friend of Badjee Rao; but that he should ill
perform the offices of friendship it' he should inspire him
with false hopes. As a friend, he could only tell him
that the time had come for him to exercise all the for-
titude and courage he possessed, and to bear his misfor-
tunes with manly resignation. It was of little use, con-
tinued Malcolm, to revert to the past. The fiat liad
gone forth for the utter expurgation of the Poonah.
sovereignty then and for ever from the catalogue of sub-
stantive states, and that the residence of the Peishwah,
under any terms, in any part of the Deccan, was thence-
forth an impossibility. " There are periods in the lives
of men," he added, " wlien great sacrifices are demanded
of them. The tribe to which your Highness belongs has
been celebrated in all ages for its courage. Brahmin
women have burnt upon the funeral piles of their hus-
bands. Men have thrown themselves from precipices to
propitiate the deity for themselves, or to avert misfor-
tune from their families. You are called upon for no
such effort. The sacrifice demanded from you is, in
fact, only the resignation of a power which you do not
possess, and which you can never hope to regain ; and
yom^ abandonment of a country which has been the
scene of your misfortunes. This is all that you sacrifice;
and in return you are offered a safe asylum, a liberal
provision for yourself and such of the most respectable
of your adherents as have been involved in your ruin."
246 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISIIWAII.
To all ol" this Badjee Rao assented ; but he coiUd not
cease from the struggle, vain as it was, to obtain some
modification of wliat he called the hard condition of re-
signing even the name of power, and being banished for
ever from the home of liis fathers. " I have come to
}uur Highnesses camp," said Malcuhu, ^' mainly to assm'c
you with my own lips that there is no hope of any re-
laxation of these essential conditions. Tlie sooner you
determine your course, the better. Every moment of
delay is a moment of danger. You should cither throw
yourself at once on the generosity of the British Govern-
ment, or manfully resolve on further resistance." " Re-
sistance !" exclaimed Badjee Kao. "' How can I resist ?
Am I not surrounded ? General Doveton is at Boorhan-
pore. You are at Meetawul. Colonel Russell at Bom'-
gaum. Am I not enclosed?" "Truly," retmiied Mal-
colm, •' you are. But how can you complain ? From
the first }'ou have been met by a frank declaration of
the only terms upon which my Government would gua-
rantee yom' safety. Did you expect to be allowed time
to recruit your anny and recover your strength, whilst
we were looking on inactive ? Besides, Avhere could you
have gone, or where remained, without encountering our
armies ? You could but have become by escaping, then
as now, a wanderer and a freebooter. Is this better than
accepting the hberal provision offered to you by the
British Government ?" " No," said the Peishwah. " I
have found you, who ai'e my only friend, and I will not
leave you. I had once three Hiends — AYellesley,* Close,
and Malcolm. The first is in Europe, a great man ; the
second is deadly you alone remain. A\'^ould the ship-
wrecked mariner, having reached a desired port, wish to
leave it ?" But although he spoke thus, it was plain to
* Tlie Duke of Wellmgloii. f ^k Barry Close died in 1813.
TIMIDITY OF BADJEE RAO. 247
Malcolm tliat tlie unhappy Prince was still undecided.
He used every possible pretext to obtain even a few
hours' delay, and implored Malcolm, by the memory of
their old friendship, to give him one more meeting. But
the General was not to be driven by these appeals from
the resolution he had declared. On that very evening,
he said, the propositions he had to make on the part of
the British Government should be sent in, and that if
they were not accepted witliin twenty-four hours the
Peishwah should at once be treated as an enemy.
Malcolm rose to depart, but the Peishwah implored
him to be seated ; and again and again renewed the con-
ference, and strove to prevent his withdrawal. When
he Avent at last the wretched man whispered to him, as
a secret to be imparted to no one, that he had no longer
any power or authority over his troops. " I fear every
moment," added Badjee Rao, " open disobedience, even
from my oldest adherents. My great reluctance to suffer
you to depart is occasioned by the feeling that it is only
in }'our presence I am secure of my liberty and life."
It was ten o'clock at night when Malcolm returned to
his tent, and at once prepared to forward the propositions
for the acceptance of the Peishwah. Immediately upon
the breaking up of the conference, Badjee Rao had re-
turned to the smnmit of the hill-pass from which he had
descended, there to form a junction with the remainder
of his troops, and to be protected by the guns in his rear.
He had previously sent in much of his property to the
fortress of Asseerghur, the commandant of which, a ser-
vant of Scindiah, was willing to resist the authority of
the British. And there were other indications which
rendered it extremely doubtful whether the unfortunate
Prince was not rushing headlong to his destruction.
At break of day the propositions were forwarded to
the Peishwah's camp, couched in the foUoAving terms :
248 THE SURIJENDER OF THE PETSIIWAU.
" First. — That Badjcc Rao shall resign for himself and successors
all right, title, and claims over the Government of Poonah, or to
any other sovereign power whatever.
" Second. — That Badjce Rao shall immediately come with his
family, and a small number of liis adherents, to the camp of
Brigadier-General Malcolm, where he sliall be received with
honor and respect, and escorted safe to the city of Benares, or
any other sacred place in Ilindostnn that the Governor-General
ma}^ at his request, (ix lor his residence.
"Third. — On account of the peace of the Dcccan, and tlie ad-
vanced state of the season, Badjee Rao must proceed to Ilindostan
without one day's delay; but General Malcolm engages that any
part of his family that may be left behind shall be sent to him as
early as possible, and every facility given to I'cnder their journey
speedy and convenient.
"Fourth. — That Badjee Rao shall, on his voluntarily agreeing
to this arrangement, receive a liberal pension from the Company's
Government for the support of himself and family. The amount
of this pension will be fixed by the Governor-General ; but Bri-
gadier-General ]\Ialcolm takes upon himself to eno-anrc that it shall
o loo
not be less than eight lakhs of rupees per annum.
"Fifth. — If Badjee Rao, by a ready and complete fulfdment of
this agreement, shows that he reposes entire confidence in the
British Government, his request in favor of principal Jagheerdars,
and old adherents who have been ruined by their attachment to
him, will meet with liberal attention. His representations also in
favor of Brahmins of remarkable character, and of religious esta-
blishments founded or supported by his family, shall be treated
with regard.
" Sixth. — Tl\e above propositions must not only be accepted
by Badjee Rao, but he must personally come into Brigadier-
General IMalcolm's camp within twenty-four hours of this period,
or else hostilities will be recommenced, and no further nc^^otiations
will be entered into with him."
Never, perhaps, in all his life, did Malcolm, accustomed
as he Avas to the atmosphere of great events, pass a more
anxious day than that which followed the tran.smission
of these terms to the Peishwah. That memorable 2nd
THE PEISHWAH SURROUNDED. 249
of June, 1818, was remembered to liis dying day with
feelino-s that he found it difficult to describe. The result
was extremely doubtful. Surrounded as he was by ad-
herents whose fate depended upon his own, the Peishwah
might at any moment, under the influence of a present
fear, determine to break off the negotiations, or he might
be hurried into hostiUties by the despairing madness of
his soldiery, A little thing might turn the scale in favor
of ^var ; and the sword once drawn, nothing less could
follow than the massacre of tlie Peishwah's army, Mal-
colm had so made the disposition of his trooi:)s — had so
hemmed in the Mahrattas on ever}^ side — that escape
was an impossibiUty. On that day he made some altera-
tions in the distribution of the different components of
his force, wliich rendered the circle of enclosure still
more effectual ; and an express was sent off to General
Doveton, who was at Boorhanpore, exhorting him by all
possible means to intervene between the Peishwah's camp
and the fortress of Asseerghur, and at once to attack
Trimbackjee's force, Badjee Rao had repudiated his
Minister, whose atrocities had placed him wliolly out of
the reach of the mercy and forgiveness of the British.
Whilst these military arrangements were being made
for the destruction of Badjee Rao, in the event of his
rejecting the propositions, INIalcolm was assailed by nu-
merous messacres from the Peishwah himself, and over-
tures and applications from his principal adherents.
Great as was his experience of the native character, he
had never before, in all his life, seen it displayed in so
many varieties of shade, " from the lowest to the highest
principle," as he said, "that can actuate the human
mind," " I never," he added, when narrating these in-
cidents in a letter to his wife — " I never had such a task,
and I trust that I never shall again," Tliere was selfish
intrigue on the one extreme, and generous devotion on
250 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAII.
the other. There were some who had not a thought
beyond their o'vvn immediate interests, who would liave
basely sacrificed everything to their own greed ; and
there were others willing to abandon everything to share
the fortunes of theh master, and, if need be, to die by
his side.
It was a day of intense excitement throughout Mal-
colm's camp. News of passing events was eagerly sought
and earnestly discussed. The issue of the negotiations
might liingc upon some incident occurring at a distance.
" Much," wrote Malcolm, in a long and deeply-interesting
letter to his wife, " was supposed to hang on passing
events. The fall of the strong fortress of Chandah, the
escape of Appa-Sahib, the ex-Eajah of Nagpoor, and tlie
complete defeat of the Peishwah's troops at Salapore l)y
om" friend Tom Munro, made more than amends for a
check we received at the Fort of Malaglmr, in Candeish.
I made no secret of any event that had occurred. I re-
fused to listen to any unworthy plots. I used no argu-
ments to the more respectable part of the Peishwah's
adherents but what were calculated to satisfy them of
the impossibility of further resistance ; and while I told
them that tliefr future welfare depended upon his sub-
mission (as a consideration of them was included in my
proposition), I pointed out the necessity of thefr using
that influence which their ^veil-proved allegiance had
given them, to bring the vacillating mind of Badjee Rao
to a decision that was alike necessary for their good, for
his, and for the general peace of India. Having brought
the feelings of all whom I could see or reach in any I
manner to bear upon one point — having satisfied the
mind of Badjee Rao that I had confidence in him —
having placed all the corps in the position in which they
could act with effect — I proclaimed, at twelve o'clock
on the night of the 2nd, my intention to march next |
FINAL MEASURES. 251
morning. I told them that General Doveton would
move at the same time, and that another corps, under
Colonel Russell, which I had before detached, would
march also ; and that any attempt to retreat would be
destruction. I also wrote to the commandant of As-
seerghur, a fortress of Scindiah's, warning him against
receiving' the enemies of the British Government."
There was then at Malcolm's head-quarters a confiden-
tial agent, or news-writer, of Badjee Rao, whom the Eng-
lish General had permitted to lay posts, and send out
messengers in all directions to report what was going on
in the British camp. The greatest obstacle to the suc-
cessful termination of the negotiations resided in the
extreme timidity of the Peishwah, who was suspicious
of all our movements, and apprehensive of a sudden
attack on his position. To allay these alarms, Malcolm
had encouraged the news-writer to communicate freely
with the Mahratta camp ; but he now sent for the man,
and told him that there was no longer any need of his
services — that he must return at once to his master, and
never show his face again to the British except in the
suite of the Peishwah, " Tell your master," added Mal-
colm, " that at six o'clock to-morrow morning I march
to Keyree ; and that if he intends to accept my terms,
he must leave the hills, and pitch near my tent by noon-
tide. After that hour I can only regard him as an
enemy."
Having sent out horsemen along all the roads which
led to his camp to turn back any envoys or messengers
from the Peishwah who mioht be coraino; with new
overtures or excuses for delay, Malcolm prepared to
move forward at the appointed hour. By nine o'clock
he had reached the ground at the foot of the hill on
which Badjee Rao was encamped. At a short distance
from our camp one of the Peishwah's principal agents
252 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
was seen advancing upon liorseback. He was about to
dismount, when Malcolm arrested the movement. " Is
your master coming ?" he asked, eagerly. " It is an un-
lucky day," replied the envoy. " It will, indeed, be an
unlucky day for the Peishwah," cried Malcolm, mdig-
nantly, " if he is not here within two hours." " He is
afraid of guards and sentries," said, the envoy. " He
thinks that the orders of the Governor-General may
compel you to place him in personal restraint, which
will degrade him in the eyes of his people. Send some
one to assure his mind, and he will come." " What non-
sense is this ?" asked Malcolm. " The Peishwah is no
fool. He cannot suspect us of placing guards and sentries
over him to prevent his escape from the best situation in
which he could l)e placed. I have received no such
orders from the Governor-General. I have ventured, in
anticipation of my instructions, to offer him the most
liberal terms. But what does he do in return ? After
calling me from Malwah, after proclaiming me his only
friend, he finishes by making me his dupe. It is the
last time that he will ever be treated Avith by an English
agent. Begone !" added Malcolm in a loud voice, and
in the presence of a large concourse of hearers, " and
tell your master what I have said."
The envoy hesitated to depart. He had still another
appeal to make. " Will you not," he said, " send one
of your Brahmins to the Peishwah to satisfy his mind?"
" If," replied Malcolm, " he is really coming to my camp,
I will not only send one of my Brahmins, but my as-
sistant, Lieutenant Low, shall go out to meet him; and I
will myself visit him unattended, whenever he approaches
my camp." The envoy departed, mounted his horse,
and galloped to the Peish wall's camp. The Brahmin
speedily followed. Soon tidings came in to the effect
BADJEE EAO IN SIALCOLM's CAJIP. 253
that a cavalcade was approaching, and that Badjee Rao
himself was one of the party. On this, Low was sent
forward to meet them, and by ten o'clock on the morn-
ing of the 3rd of June the camp of the Peishwah wus
close to the British lines.
Malcolm waited upon him. The fallen Prince appeared
gloomy and desponding; he spoke of his hard fate— of
the misconduct of others, which had forced him into
this humiliating position — of the sufferings that were
before him. But Malcolm spoke cheerfidly and con-
solingly to him ; said that, although further resistance
might have delayed the hom^ of his final downfall, that
fall would have been, when it came at last— and nothing
could prevent its coming— far more calamitous both to
himself and his adherents ; that now he was received as
a friend of the British Government a liberal provision
had been made for him, and he would pass the re-
mainder of his days in security and comfort ; whereas
another appeal to arms could have had but one result-
it would have involved himself and his friends in irre-
trievable ruin, and made them outcasts and wanderers
for the rest of their days.
In the vicinity of Malcolm's camp the unfortunate
Prince soon found that all the promises he had received
were abundantly realised, and he speedily began to
emerge out of his depression. The cordial, cheery
manner of the man whom he regarded as the last of his
English friends, did much to reassure him; and Mal-
colm, a few days after the surrender of the Peishwah,
was talking merrily and laughing with him. "I am
delighted to see you happier," said the General. " When
you want me, you must say ^Come ;' when you are tired
of me, ' Go: For the last year I have been in the Vv^oods
of Mewar and Malwah; I have lost all form arid ceremony.
254 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
and have become a Kangree."* " I, too, will become a
Kangi'ee," said Badjee Eao, with a smile. And from that
time he began rapidly to regain his tranquilUty of mind.
The surrender of the Peishwah was a great event. It
had put an end to the war. " I am engaged," Avrote
Malcolm on the 6th of June, " in getting rid of Badjee
Eao's followers. He had when he surrendered only
5000 horse and 3000 or 4000 infantry. But the name
of Peishwah was in itself a host; and the aid and pro-
tection the commandant of Asseerghur afforded him was
too indicative of what his master, Scindiah, would have
done, had Badjee Rao thrown himself on his protection,
as he would have done if driven to complete despair.
He would, I am positive from what passed, have been
welcomed into Asseerghur ; and if he had, it must have
ended next year in a war with Scindiah. Besides, while
Badjee Eao was loose, troubles excited in his name were
to be expected from the frontier of Mysore to Malwah.
Now all is terminated. We shall have provincial settle-
ments, in which troops must be employed ; but the war
is over, and the voluntary submission of the first Hindoo
Prince in India to become a pensioner of the English
Government will make a wider impression of our irre-
sistible power than any event that has yet occurred.
At least its effects will be more extended. The personal
share Avhich I have had in bringing this affair to so happy
a result may perhaps give me a disposition to exaggerate
its magnitude. I certainly am prouder of it than of all
tlie acts of my life ; for I feel I can refer it more to that
general fair name which it has been the labor of my life
to cstabhsh. But I have acted throucrhout without in-
o
* Tin's was the name applied to the quently, ofteu applied, in his corre-
01 if,'iii:il iiilialjitanis oi" tlicsc countries spondcuce, the term to himself and
hv tlicir conrinorors. Ti signifies rus- his associates in Malwah.
tic, or uupolibhcd. Malcolm, subsc-
OPINIONS OF LORD HASTINGS.
255
structions, and I shall be anxious to liear from Lord
HastinGCs."
This anxiety was not soon relieved. Lord Hastings,
who was at this time on liis Avay back to the Presidency,
had marked with approval all the measures which Mal-
colm had concerted for the capture of Badjee Eao. The
military dispositions which he had made completely to
surround the Peishwah, and to cut off all chances of
escape — dispositions extending over a line of not less
than two hundred miles — had been distinguished by a
rare amount of forecast and vigor, of local information
and professional skill ;* and Lord Hastings had written
to Malcolm to express the high opinion which he enter-
tamed of these combinations, saying :
"Every step taken by you since the approach of Bacljce Rao
to IMahvah was announced, marks the judgment as well as vigor of
* lu a letter -uTitteu to the Duke
of Wellington, a few weeks after the
surrender of the Peishwah, there is a
compendious account of these opera-
tions, which I insert here, as of a more
precise and detailed character than
that jnven in the text : " I had dis-
posable with me three battalions of ]\la-
dras Sepoys — one regiment of ]\Iadras
Cavalry — two regiments of Bombay
Sepoys — five brigades of six-pounders,
four companies of grenadiers of a re-
gular Hyderabad corps, and three thou-
sand irregular horse. At Holkar's
Court at liampoorah I had a brigade
of Bengal Infantry and a regiment of
cavalry; and Ochterlony, who com-
manded the reserve in the Jyepore
country, sent me two battalions of in-
fantry and two thousand of Skinner's
Ilindostanee horse. With these means
I arranged for every event ; but the
first was to occupy positions on the
Ncrbudda, and the high ghauts imme-
diately north of that river, which would
prevent his entering Malwah. This
obliged me to occupy a line of nearly
two himdi-ed miles, to complete which
I was obliged to call on Brigadier-
General Watson at Saugur, who sent
a light detachment to Kotra — a posi-
tion to the south of the Nerbudda,
twenty miles west of Hussingabad.
In occupying this line I had no aid
from Oehterlony's reinforcements nor
the corps at Rampoorah, except one
regiment of cavalry which I called
from the latter, the whole of these
troops, as well as some of Holkar's
horse (on whom I could depend),
being necessary for the protection, or
rather the overawing of the country ;
but my deficiency in numbers was
made up by the natural strength of the
line — by my correct knowledge of
every ford on the river and every pass
in the hills — by an excellent Intelli-
gence Department — and by a personal
knowledge of all the chiefs of the plun-
dering tribes on the Nerbudda. This
last was a great source of strength;
and previous circumstances led ',o my
having great reliance on it. These ai*-
rangements had scarcely been com-
pleted before I heard that Badjee Rao
was flying towards Asseerghur."
256 TliE SURRENDER OF THE PEISIIWAII.
an officer of superior rate. You would not be so gratified by the
compliment as to forbear the sneer of ' Oh, to be sure, you must
be qualified to give the opinion,' if you tliought that there was in
it a pretension on my part. Ijut when it has been the occupation
of one's mind for a length of time to compare man and man in
that respect, there is no reason why one should not determine as
accurately as a connoisseur, who, though no painter, pronounces
between two pictures. Submit yourself, therefore, with due re-
signation, to the estimate that is formed of you.
"I was put quite at case by your determination not to give
Badjee Rao time for wavering. The vagabond would try every
appeal to your kindness, I well knew; and I thought you might
have a little too much sympathy for fallen greatness. It is a con-
dition which ordinarily challenges respect; but when it is the pre-
dicament of so tliorough and so incorrigible a scoundrel as Badjee
Rao, one sees in it only deserved punishment. What the dignity
of the British Government should prescribe is the only principle
that can operate with regard to him."
But altlioiigli it was liarclly possible for the Governor-
General to disapprove of the military combinations which
had preceded tlie surrender of Badjee Rao, Malcolm felt
that Lord Hastings might demur to the terms which liad
been offered to the Peishwah, and the expressions in the
latter part of the passage just quoted must have strength-
ened his misgivings. He waited, therefore, in no common
anxiety of mind foi- the connnnation of the pledges which
he had made to the fallen Prince; and it came in time —
a cold, oflicial confirmation of the engagement, with two
or three ratlier ominous lines in a private letter from
John Adam. It was very plain to him that the liberal
terms which lie had granted to Badjee Rao were not ap-
proved at Head-quarters.
But Malcolm felt in his inmost heait that he was right.
The pfMisiDii granted to the fallen. Prince— a pension of
eight lakhs of rupees, more than 80,000Z. per annum —
wa^, doubtless, a large one. But it was the price paid for
JUSTIFICATORY LETTERS. 257
the termination of tlie war, and for the maintenance of
the character of the British Government for substantive
justice. In wliat light JNIalcolm himself regarded tlie
question may be gathered from the letters which he ad-
dressed at this time to his friends in India and England,
and to the public functionaries of the former countr}-.
To the Duke of Wellington he wrote :
" I fear Lord Hastings thinks I have given Badjec Rao better
terms than he was entitled to ; but this is not the opinion of El-
phinstone, Munro, Ochtcrlony, and others wlio are on the scene ;
nor do I think the Governor-General will continue to think so
when he receives all the details. You will, I am sure, be con-
vinced that it would have been impossible to have obtained his
submission on other terms, and the object of terminating the war
was enough to justify all I have done, independent of the consi-
deration connected with our own dignity, and with that regard
we were bound on such an occasion to show to the feelino-s of his
adherents, and to the prejudices of the natives of India."
To Thomas Munro he wrote a few days afterwards :
" You were right in your guess about my reason for thinking
you sackt (harsh). Your sentiments upon my settlement with
Badjee Rao were quite a cordial. I have not been so happy in this
case as to anticipate the wishes of the Governor-General. He
expected Badjee Rao would get no such terms ; that his distress
would force him to submit on any conditions ; and that his
enormities deprived hinr of all right either to princely treatment
or princely pension. I think the lord will, when he hears all,
regret the precipitation with which he formed his judgment. In
the first place he will find, that in spite of the report made by
every commanding officer who ever touched Badjee Rao that he
had destroyed him, that the latter was not destroyed, but had
about six thousand good horse and five thousand infantry, and
the gates of Asseer wide open, all his property sent in there, and
half his councillors praying him to follow it, while Jeswunt Rao
Lar was positively ambitious of being a martyr in the cause of
the Mahratta sovereign ; add to this the impossibility of besieging
VOL. ir. s
258 THE SUERENDEU OF THE PEISHWAH.
Asseer till after the rains — the difficulty of even half blockading
it, and the agitated state of the country — and then let the lord
pronounce the article I purchased was worth the price I paid; and
he will find it proved I could not get it cheaper.
" Tliere are, however, other grounds, which I can never abandon,
that recommend this course on the ground of policy — our own dig-
nity, considerations for the feelings of Badjee Rao's adherents, and
for the prejudices of the natives of India. We exist on impres-
sion ; and on occasions like this, wlierc all are anxious spectators,
■we must play our part well or wc should be hissed. I have your
opinion in my flxvor; I have Ochtcrlony's, Elpliinstone's, Jenkins',
and many minor men's ; and I think I shall yet force an assent from
head-quarters. But they foolishly enough committed themselves,
knowing, as they stated at the time, their instructions Avould be
too late ; they did not think any circumstances could enable liim
to have more than tAVO lakhs, and he was to be watched, restrained,
and I know not what. My system is all opposite ; I am either
for the main-guard, or a confidence that gives you a chance at
least of the mind, the only other security except the body. You
shall have a sliort narration of my proceedings. I grieve for your
decay of vision, and none of your arguments will persuade me it
is not at this moment a public misfortune ; but you should not
remain a moment longer than you can help in India, and give up
labor ; the warning is too serious."
On all these points he discoursed more fully in a long
and very able public letter wliicli he addressed to Mr.
Adam on the 19tli of June. He declared, in tlie first
place, that tlie condition of Badjee Rao was not so
desperate at the beginning of June but that he might
have protracted the war, with no hope assuredly of
eventual success, but with the certainty of keeping our
armies for some time in the field at a ruinous expense to
the State :
" From the facts I have enumerated, there can be no doubt that
Badjee Rao had the power of protracting the war till next fair
season, and that the mere circumstance of his continuing the eon-
test would, till that period, have kept almost all India unsettled.
JUSTIFICATORY LETTERS. 259
Every prince and chief wlio had felt or dreaded our power, every
freebooter we had subdued, all soldiers whom our success had de-
prived of service, would have cherished hopes for change ; many
would have joined him, and there cannot be a doubt that those
men even who had left him irom the fatigue and privation to
which they were exposed, would, Avhen they and their horses were
refreshed, and they saw no chance of other employ, have rejoined
his standard, and if that should have occurred, there would have
been the necessity of our bringing into the field armies which
would have cost more than the value of the life-pension granted
to Ba'djee Rao ; and, considering the subject in that view, I
deemed it a great saving of expenditure. Of the fact of its being
utterly impossible to have brought affairs to a speedy conclusion
on any terms but those of the liberal provision and honorable
treatment which I awarded to this Prince, there can, for the
reasons I have already stated, be no doubt; as it was impossible to
foresee the circumstances luider which his submission would take
place, I could not, before the moment of its occurrence, deter-
mine the amount of pension consideration of the public inte-
rests might lead me to offer him. Had I found Badjee Rao as
much reduced as had been represented — had I considered him
destitute of the means of protracting the contest, or disposed to
throw himself vmconditionally upon the British Government — I
should certainly have left this important point to be settled by the
Governor-General; but situated as I have shown him to be, I had
to balance between using the only means that would produce his
submission, and all the expense and hazard of protracted warfare."
On the second point — the necessity of upholding the
character of the British Government for generosity and
good faith — Sir John Malcohn observes :
" That the character of the British Government would be raised
by its granting the Peishwah a liberal and affluent provision I felt
fully assured. It had been the policy of that state, since its first
cstabhshment in India, to act towards princes whose bad faith and
treachery had compelled it to divest them of all power and do-
minion with a generosity which almost lost sight of their offences.
The effect of this course of proceeding, in reconcihng all classes to
its rule, had been great. The liberality and the humanity which
S2
260 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISPIWAH.
it had displayed on such occasions had, I was satisfied, done more
than its arms towards the firm estabhshment cf its power. It was,
in fact, a conquest over mind, and among men so riveted in their
habits or prejudices as the natives of tliis country, the effect, though
unseen, was great beyond calculation."
In anticipation of the objection that so large a stipend
might, by afTordiiig the means of fomenting intrigue, en-
courage dangerous hopes in the breast of the Peishwah,
and lead to efforts for the recovery of his lost dominion,
Malcolm thus wrote in the same letter :
" Independent of the reasons before stated, which led me to
provide for the future support of Badjee Rao in the most liberal
manner, and to secure, by kind and honorable treatment, his
cheerful acquiescence in arrangements which I could have effected
in no other mode, I conceived that, though as you state no gra-
titude whatever could be expected from a Prince towards the Go-
vernment who dethroned him, yet with a person of Badjee Rao's
character, whose personal timidity, indolence, and sensuality were
so great that those wdio knew him best looked to their power-
ful operation to check Iiiin in his projects of ambition when his
mind was tortured with resentment, and when he had an ample
treasury, a numerous army, and an extended empire, it was not,
I thouglit, to be anticipated that after he had sealed the e-tablisli-
mcnt of our poAver over the territories he once ruled by his volun-
tary submission — after he had, by becoming a willing exile, eman-
cipated his subjects from their allegiance — that the stipend allotted
him of eight lakhs of rupees per annum (which, though princely
for the support of him, liis family, and numerous domestics, was
nothing for purposes of ambition) could ever tempt him to venture
upon any hostile act to the British Government; but allowing the
contrary to be the case — allowing that the habit of intrigue, which
is perhaps a disease of his mind, should ever ripen into a plot or
conspiracy against the general tranquillity — I certainly did not
suppose it possible, when I considered his situation, his means, and
the further loss of character which so glaring an abuse of liberality
would bring upon him, that any effort he could make would be
attended with a hundredth part of the expense and hazard that
JUSTIFICATORY LETTERS. 261
his continuance in arms would liavc been ; I well knew that the
moment he submitted he would unstring a bow that lie never
could rebend."
But this reasonino; did not convince the Governor-
General and his advisers. Malcolm's ar2;uments were
combated, his proceedings disapproved; and agahi he
was put on his defence. Another long public letter,
therefore, was written, in whicli all the above arguments
were set forth with renewed, emphasis and still greater
distinctness. At the same time he wrote a private letter
to Mr. Adam, which contains some passages too charac-
teristic to be withheld. :
"I have received yours of the 19th ult.," wrote Malcolm on the
17th of August, '•'and your long-expected public despatch, which
I will confess is even less satisfactory than I anticipated, and God
knows I did not expect much. But though I concluded you
would fight for your consistency, your principles, and your pre-
dictions, I thought some small point might be given up to a
supposed minuter knowledge of local circumstances ; and I
thought, also, that a more exclusive and decided approbation
would have been given to the manner in which (under tlie view
I took of the subject) I did the work. But you continue to
occupy every hillock of your original ground, and qualify (like a
Scotchman as you arc) every sentence of applause. I conclude
Irom what you state that you have been handsomer in your men-
tion of me to the Directors. If you have, let me have a copy;
I want something to put me in good humor, though God knows
getting rid of Badjee Rao and the cholera morbus in the same week
is enough to put any human being in spirits.
" You answer much of your public despatch when you make the
conclusion that Badjee Rao will stick by me; because, as you natu-
rally ask, ' What other course has he?' or, in other words, Wliere
could he be better? This is a rellcction which I am satisfied occurs
to Badjee Rao and to those about him at least fifty times a day,
and forms one of the chief grounds of my confidence. Does it not
occur to you tliat if he liad been reduced to a condition in point of
allowances, respectability, and liberty that degraded him in his
2Q2 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
own mind and that of others, he might have asked himself, ' Where
can I be worse ?'
" You retain, I observe, your original opinion with regard to
his total want either of moral or physical power to continue the
contest, and you evidently seem to think that the terms could
make no difference in one so predetermined to submit, and whose
necessities left him no alternative but that of coming into a prison
if we chose, or, at all events, placing himself under military
control, and taking what pension we might think it right, under
such circumstances, to bestow. Now all this appears to me unac-
countable, because the conclusions are so opposite to the judgment
I formed of the scene, that I can hardly believe it possible to be
the same as that in your contemplation.
" I might, perhaps, have brought Badjee Rao to ray camp by
some general promises of liberal consideration, and left everything
to a second settlement. This would have been a deceit, for his
hopes would have much exceeded the bounds of my specific terms,
and I have had sufficient evidence, which you will learn here-
after, that, in addition to all I promised, he deluded himself with
the expectation of more. But I have said enough, and more than
enough ; we never can convince one another, and God knows your
side of the question may be right.
" I trust you will be satisfied that not one word has been
written in a spirit of opposition. I am not insensible to fair fame,
and I am very anxious that this last and best, if not the greatest,
act of my political life should be duly appreciated in England as
well as India; but I do declare to you that I would rather it
should not than gain applause at the expense of Lord Hastings.
Independent of the sense I entertain of his eminent public merits,
his personal conduct to me has filled my mind with the wannest
gratitude. But I have that opinion of his manly character, that I
persuade myself he would esteem me less if I hesitated to express
in the freest manner the sentiments I entertain upon every public
subject, and on that which has unfortunately occurred I have had
the misfortune to difler not only on questions of expediency but
those of general policy."
Ill Lord Hastings, Malcolm had at least a generous
opponent; and if the official letters which he received
LORD Hastings' reply. 263
from the Secretary's office were written in a somewhat
grudging spirit, those which the Governor-General ad-
dressed to the authorities at home were not stinting in
their commendations of Malcoku's conduct. On the re-
ceipt of the letter last quoted and the official despatch
which it accompanied, Lord Hastings closed the contro-
versy in the following generous words :
" There must be a replication to your public and private re-
joinder in the discussion respecting Badjee Rao's surrender. It
will not, however, be in any shape but this letter, the purport of
which is likely to be satisfactory to you. No more than justice is
done to me by you in your belief that I would wish you to urge
on your side of the argument all that you think advantageous
towards sustaining- it. Your public despatch will, consequently,
be put on record without any comment on its reasoning. Were
anybody ever likely to read a line of these documents, I apprehend
your assumptions would be more calculated to meet credit than
mine. But I really cannot flatter you that our labors in this con-
troversy have the least chance of perusal. The quintessence of
such subjects can alone be attended to at home. Now, let me say
that in my communications to the authorities at home there has
not been a qualification or a drawback to the praise which I have
given to you, and that praise has been warm. It is only where
principles could come to be sifted that I could not honestly repress
the sentiment on which I differed from you. Such niceties did
not come at all into question in a general exposition ; and I am
wiUing to believe that it was a true, well-weighed feeling which I
indulged when I mixed no alloy with a truly-merited applause.
Be satisfied, therefore, for you have ample reason to be so, as I
doubt not you will have proof."
Nearly forty years have elapsed since Malcolm under-
took, on the part of the British Government, to settle on
the dethroned Mahratta Prince the generous pension
which was the subject of this controversy. But still
there is a conflict of opinion regarding the policy of the
measure. In the consideration of such a question there
264 THE SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWAH.
must necessarily be a large amount of assumption. Mal-
colm, who had assuredly the best opportunities of judging
on the spot what w'ere the resources of the Peishwah
and his chances of obtaining aid from otlier Mahratta
chiefs, declared that a protracted war on an extensive
scale would, in all probability, be the result of leaving
the Pcisliwah any longer at large. But it is confidently
declared, on the other hand, that if Badjee Rao had
joined A])pa-Sahib, " they could never, with all their
means, have made head against a British force of the
strength of a battalion of infantry or a regiment of
cavalry."* It is well-nigh certain, however, for reasons
stated in Malcolm's letters, that the continuance of Badjee
Rao in the field would have brought us also into colli-
sion with Scindiah, and that there would have been a
necessity for military operations in the ensuing cold
season, extending ov^r an immense area of country, and
carried on at a ruinous expense to the State. Subse-
quent events, as it will presently be seen, threw some
light upon the question here suggested, and did much
to illustrate the justice of these views. And there is
another of Malcolm's arguments wdiich years have proved
and established. He contended that there was no dansfer
o
in the liberality to which he had pledged his Govern-
ment ; that there was no fear, as many alleged at tlic
time, of the large amount of money at the disposal of the
Peishw^ah being employed in any manner offensive to the
State of wliicli he was the pensioner. Badjee Rao, after
his surrender, wrought us little annoyance. If he in-
dulged in any dreams of recovering his lost dominion,
they never incited him to dangerous action. The only
injury tliat the provision inflicted upon us was the loss
wliich our treasury sustained.
'■^ Priiiscp's Uistori/ of the Mililar// (lun,igtheAd,,n,Hdr(dion oftheMarquis
0)1(1 Political Transactions in India oflludiiifjs.
STIPENDS TO DEPOSED PRINCES. 265
The loss was greater than Malcolm anticipated. Badjee
Rao was a man of feeble constitution and debauched
habits, fiir advanced in years at the time of his sur-
render ; but annuitants are proverbially long-lived, and
the ex-Peishwah drew his pension for a quarter of a cen-
tury. I have heard the longevity of Badjee Rao spoken
of as one of Malcolm's olTences, as though such an acci-
dent could really affect the question. If he had died in
the course of the first year it would not have made the
measure a wiser one, nor does the long continuance of the
incubus on our finances, on the other hand, stamp its
folly. Such burdens are doubtless very grievous. The
large amount which is paid by the Government of the
East India Company in the shape of pensions to de-
posed princes and their adherents is one of the great im-
pediments to that accumulation of surplus revenue which
is so much required for the domestic improvement of the
country. The money apportioned to these decayed
potentates is, for the most part, very profiigately spent.
There is no sadder spectacle, hideed, than the court of
one of these broken royalties. But I hope the time is
very far distant when we shall cease to make liberal
provision for all whom we strip of their estates. The
character of the British Government for justice and gene-
rosity is of more worth to us than anything else ; Avheii
we cease thus to recomiise the claims of the fiiUen we
shall be regarded only as spoliators and usurpers.
It may be said that justice might have been satisfied
and generosity displayed by a less prodigal bestowal;
but it is doubtful whether the Peishwah, who expected
a larger pension, would have been induced to come in at
all 1)y the offer of a smaller one. Amrut Rao, wlio was
only a servant of the Peishwah, had, fifteen years before,
been guaranteed a pension of seven lakhs, as the price of
his defection, by General Wellesley. A smaller amount
266 THE SUKRENDER OP THE PEISHWAH.
would liave been considered a degradation, and would,
in all probability, have been rejected. There were
strong political reasons, therefore, for the amount of the
grant ; and it is needless to seek for private ones. That
Malcolm sympathised with the fallen Prince, whom he
had kno^vu in the hour of prosperity, is a fact which he
always acknowledged. It was not in his nature to
withhold pity from one in such grievous circumstances ;
but that he suffered his private feelings to betray him
into a resolution injurious to the State is sufficiently con-
tradicted by the array of arguments, based upon public
considerations, by which he justified the measure. On a
full review of all these arguments, it appears to me that
Malcolm has proved both the righteousness and the ex-
pediency of the act. And if he erred, as some will still
think he did, he erred on the side of mercy and gene-
rosity, and there is virtue in the error, which even his
opponents will respect.
ASSEEKGHUK. 267
CHAPTER VII.
ASSEERGIIUK.
[1S18.]
DISPERSION OF THE PElSUWAll's FOLLOWERS — JIUTINY OF THE ARABS — SUP-
PRESSED BY MALCOLII — DEPARTURE OF BADJEE RAO FOR HINDOSTAN — IM-
PR0VE5IENT OF THE COUNTRY — THE ASSYE FESTIVAL — MALCOLM's CHA-
RACTER AS AN ADMINISTRATOR — APPA-SAHIB AND CHEETOO — THE SIEGE OF
ASSEERGHUR — ITS SUEJIENDER.
The subjection of tlie Peisliwali being now accom-
plished, it remained only to break up tlie military force
by wliicli lie was accompanied, and to remove the Prmce
himself to a fitting asylum in the Company's dominions.
For some days botli objects seemed to be in a fair way
towards a peaceable attainment. The Peishwah's fol-
lowers were gohig quietly to their homes, and lie him-
self was submitting more cheerfully to his fate. In no
present appearances could Malcolm discern any sources
of inquietude. On the 8th of June he thus described
what was then the state of aflairs in his camp :
" I am twelve miles nearer j\Iahvah. I am daily getting rid of
Badjec Rao's followers, who , were, when we started, twice the
number of my little corps ; but they arc conquered in mind, and
all are going away quietly and more contented than you would
believe it possible for men in their situation, who have lost their
268 ASSEERGIIUR.
present service, and must be doubtful of gaining another. Ad-
versity is a rugged but a good teacher. Badjee Rao's youngest
and most favored wife was taken desperately ill last night. He
sent in great distress to me, praying I would halt. I agreed,
statino- that I had yielded to a consideration so personal what I
would on no other ground. He was so pleased, that he sent me
word, though he had three days ago declined the accommodation
of tents I olFercd him, he would now accept it. The messenger
was shown all my camp-equipage, and told to take his choice.
Two were selected — one my dining-tent, and the other a small
one, made entirely of the kuss-kuss root (it was sent to me as a
present by the JMinister of Holkar to keep me cool). Badjee
Ivao is now in one of tliese tents, his little sick wife in another,
and he has just sent me a message to say I am his only friend
upon earth."
But even while ^lalcolm wrote there were difficulties
gathering around him. Some of the Arab troops of the
Peishwah, who at the time of his surrender had been
guarding the passes, now came flocking to Badjee Rao's
camp, clamoring for their arrears of pay. Partly from
reasons of policy,* partly from motives of delicacy, Mal-
colm had abstained from interfering- in the Peishwah's
o
arrangements for the dismissal of his followers ; but now
* It is right that Malcolm's argu- attached the greatest cousideratiou
inents sliouhl be stated iii his owu throughout the proceeding to this iui-
words. _" Though quite aware of the prcssion, because, as far as I am able
inconvenicuee," lie \Yrote to Lord to judge after the great changes that
Hastings., " that attended the con- liave occurred, it is to this more than
course of armed men by whom he was to any other source whatever that we
followed, I was too much accustomed arc to' look for that cheerful submission
to such scenes to be in any alarm. I in the great majority of the iuha-
knew this army would gradually dis- bitants wc have conquered which can
solve ; and wliile the suspicions of the aloue produce early and complete
Peishwah and of those immediately tranquillity. This circumstance will,
about his person were allayed by my I trust, aceomit to your Lordship for
apparent indifference, I anticipated incurring what mav appear serious ha-
that his followers would carry to their zards, but which were, in fact, slight
homes tlu; deepest impression of the in comparison with the evils which
consideration, humanity, and gcncro- would have resulted from any other
sity whicli the English Government course."
slunved to a fallen cncniv. I have
MUTINY OF BADJEE KAO's TROOPS. 269
he clearly saw that the time was close at hand when,
only by the interposition of his own troops, a positive
danger could he averted. Still tenacious of his dignity
— still eager to make a show of power — Badjee Rao had
declared that all would be well, and that he could manage
his adherents. But at noon, on the 9th of June, a mes-
senger entered the English camp, and announced that
the Peish wall's tent was surrounded by his mutinous
soldiery, clamorously demanding their arrears of \)a\,
and threatenino' to resort to acts of violence if their claims
were not promptly satisfied.
Though the main body of Malcolm's troops had
marched as usual in the morning, he had kept in the
rear, under the belief that their services would be re-
quired, a detachment consistmg of a regiment of cavalry,
a battalion of infantry, some guns, and about six hundred
irregular horse. They were ready to act in a moment
against the mutineers; but Badjee Rao still declared that
he could induce, by promises of payment, the refractory
troops to march towards their homes, and implored Mal-
cohn not to attack them lest they should sacrifice his
life to their resentment. For seven hours, therefore, the
British troops were kept under arms, but inactive. Still
the turmoil was unabated ; still the language of the chief
mutineers was loud and defiant. So Malcolm sent an
express to recall the troops which had marched in the
morning, and in the mean while exhorted the Peishwah,
who was in an extreme state of alarm, to compose him-
self during the night, for that next day he would as-
suredly be relieved from the danger which then threat-
ened him. At the same time, IMalcolm sent messages to
the chiefs of the mutineers, warning them of the certain
destruction they would bring upon themselves by com-
mitting any acts of violence ; but promising them on
the other hand, that if they would depart in peace, the
270 ASSEERGHUR.
pledges voluntarily made to tliem by tlie Peisliwah
should be amply redeemed.
The night passed quietly away. On the morning
Malcolm went out to reconnoitre the neighbourhood of
the Peishwah's camp. It w^as at a distance of about a
mile and a half from our own head-quarters, pitched
upon a spot of low, jungly ground on the banks of a
watercourse, which, flowing in a serpentine direction,
surrounded three sides of the encampment. The low
trees and brushwood on the banks of tlie Nullah, and
the uneven, ston}^ surface of the ground, were favorable
to the operations of the irregular Arab troops who occu-
pied it. But Malcolm's quick soldierly eye discerned at
a distance of some two hundred yards from the front of
the encampment a spot on which he could form his force,
with the left of his line resting on the watercourse, and
his ri^ht extending; to a hill, the crest of which com-
manded the whole camp. As soon as he received intel-
ligence that the troops which he had recalled were close
at hand, he made his formations, and prepared for action.
His object, however, was rather to overawe the mutineers
than destroy them. Tliere was no doubt of the result
of an enQ;aQ;ement. But the lives of the Peishwah and
all his family were in danger. The mutineers encom-
passed his tent. His attendants and followers, including
numbers of women and children, were hemmed in by
the refractory troops. To have opened a fire upon them
would have been to have destroyed scores of innocent
lives. The moment was one of extremest anxiety. Mal-
colm had nine six-pounder guns loaded with grape, and
if he had opened upon the mutineers, the massacre would
have been dreadful. He abstained to the extreme limits
of forbearance. An Arab picket fired on our men, and
two of our grenadiers were wounded. Still Malcolm
SUPPRESSION OF THE MUTINY. 271
would not fire a shot, or sufTer a man to move. The
display of force was sufficient. The chiefs of the muti-
neers were now comino; forward to sue for terms. Gal-
loping forward, and stopping the fire of their men, they
advanced towards the English general. He told them,
in a manner not to be misunderstood, that the Peishwah
had already paid them a large sum of money; that other
points for which they had contended had been guaranteed
to tliem on the faith of the British Government ; and
that therefore, as they had no longer any pretext for
continmno- in a hostile attitude, if thev did not imme-
diately draw off their troops from the tents of their late
master, our batteries would open upon them and they
Avould be destroyed to a man.
They implored him to be patient for one more moment.
They asked only that he would suffer them to return to
their lines and bring with them the principal jemadars of
the force to hear Malcolm's promises confirmed. The
permission was granted; and the jemadars came. " Give
these men your hand," said the chief, Syud Zein by name;
" promise them that, if they release Bacljee Rao, you will
not attack them, and all your commands shall be obeyed."
To one after another Malcolm gave his hand and the
promise they required to assure them; and then they
hastened to their lines. In less than a quarter of an hour
their tents were struck, their troops had moved off; and
Badjee Rao, attended by his own Mahratta guards, came
up to the front of the English line, where Malcolm re-
ceived him with a general salute.
The Peishwah, who had been overwhelmed with terror,
was now in a corresponding state of joy. He was pro-
fuse in his expressions of gratitude. He called Malcolm
the saviour of his honor — the saviour of his life ; and
declared that he would, for the remainder of his days, bo
272 ASSEERGIIUK.
guided in everything by the advice of his preserver.
There was no blessing in life, he said, equal to that of a
true friend.
Nor less thankfid was Malcolm for the happy issue of
that day's danger. " How you would have been grati-
fied,'" he wrote some days afterwards to his wife, " to ha\'C
heard the praises and blessings which were showered upon
me from all ranks when the affair ended without blood-
shed. I thank God for giving me a coolness on that day
which nothino; could disturb. The Peishwah must have
been murdered, and hundreds of women and children, and
all my triumpli in his submission would liave been soiled.
I should, besides, have lost two or three hundred of my
own fme fellows, but have extirpated their opponents.
All is now as happy as possible. Badjee Rao, who has
dismissed all his military attendants but four or five hun-
dred, is in my camp, ready to proceed to Hindostan the
moment the rains will admit. All is peace and quiet,
and I do not see much prospect of its being disturbed."
On the 12th of June, Malcolm and the Peishwah
crossed the Nerbudda. From this time all apprehen-
sions regarding the conduct of Badjee Rao Avere at an
end. He knev/ where alone safety was to be found ;
he knew what were his interests — who was his friend.
He was extremely unwilling to be severed from his pro-
tector, and talked of never leaving his side. Malcolm
treated him with unlimited courtesy and unstinting confi-
dence ; and there were some wlio, considering tlie Prince's
natural tendency to intrigue, and the guile which was so
large an ingredient in his character, thought that it was
scarcely safe to trust him so much. But on this point
Malcolm had made up his mind after much reflection.
Writing to Mr. Elphinstone early in August, he explained
the principles by which he regulated his conduct:
CONDUCT TOAYAKDS BADJEE RAO. 273
" You arc, I Avell know, doing everytliing that can conciliate
the inhabitants, and fulfilling every shadow of an engagement
with a feeling that works great, though unseen good. As to our
difference in the tone to Badjee Rao, if you had had my task you
would, I am assured, have performed it as I have done. To bring
him Into my power I was obliged to assume a tone which it would
have been ungenerous and impolitic to have changed without a
real necessity. Circumstances that referred to his temper and
condition, and to the actual state of the country, gave me more
security from a system of confidence that appeared to border on
Imprudence than I could have derived from any guard except the
main guard ; and. Independent of the Immense advantages, which
a local observer can only appreciate, of making this prince march
a volunteer to Hindostan, I give him the fair chances of becoming
reconciled to his situation through a sense of the comforts of his
actual condition, and a hopelessness of improving It. The first
motive could not operate if he was under a jealous restraint; for,
as far as I can judge, his character, his suspicions, and his fears
wovdd make him regard such as the commencement of a system
that must end In a prison; and I confess I can Imagine no watch
efficient to prevent his personally escaping if he should desire It.
When that is apprehended, sentries must be placed over him. Do
not imagine that I am without information of what is passing in
his camp, far less that I have ever smoothed for one instant with
him, or those about him, regarding their present and future ex-
pectations. Not only my language, but my actions, have all the
same tendency to satisfy them that they shall possess every comfort,
but that every hope of future power Is gone. They have the best
water wherever we halt; they have tents, camels, bullocks, coolies,
cash whenever required, and every species of civility, attention,
and respect ; but all ideas opposite to their situation are crushed
the moment they appear.
" It is impossible to reconcile the mind at once to eternal ba-
nishment from the Faderland, and to the total loss of all sovereign
power; but this may be done by degrees, through the ex-Prince
losing gradually all hopes of success in an effort to regain them.
I am not startled at finding Badjee Rao still has a hope that four
or five years of good conduct might entitle him to some power,
but I take care that hope shall receive no encouragement ; on the
VOL. II. T
274 ASSEERGHUR.
contrary, that he and those around him should knoAV that it is
altoo-ether fallacious; and I know that every day must weaken the
expectation till it dies a natural death. But supposing the con-
trary — suppose this man attempts escape ? If prevented , you have a
good right to confine him; if he gets away, what is his condition?
He would be a burden to Scindiah or to Holkar. He could not
carry treasure with him ; nor could he restore his credit, or recall
his respectable adherents. Plunderers might use his name for a
month, but nothing could result; and his character is such, that he
never could re-create the means which he has abandoned."
At this time Malcolm was at Mundissore, where he
had negotiated the treaty with Holkar's Government;
and Badjee Rao, who was to be attended to Hindostan
by Captain Low, was about soon to lose Malcolm's as-
suring companionship.* The force had been continually
in motion during; the hottest season of the year, and had
made many long marches, which had greatly distressed
some of Malcolm's followers, who were not as fond
of rapid locomotion as himself.f The reader, indeed,
who follows on the map the movements of Sir John
Malcolm, and marks the large intervals of space cor-
responding with the brief intervals of time set down
in the narrative, will almost doubt the accuracy of
the narrator. But now the rains had set in; the
country was under water ; and again he found
* "I date tliis/'hcwrolctoliiswifc more Ihau my little Persian friend,
ou the 8th of August, "from the place Mahomed Husseiu Khau, who was
where I settled the peace with Ilolkar with me as mooushee iu my pursuit of
in January last. I am escorting Bad- Badjee llao. In one of the hottest
jce llao, who takes his leave here to days of the first week" of June I hap-
go to Hindostan. I shall rejoice when pened to say that I was not certain
he departs, for really this is a life of whether I should march eighteen miles
too incessant effort and fatigue to be or twenty -eight next day. ' Oh ! for
agreeable. I have had another mon- God's sake, march twenty-eight,' said
soon march, and am now encamped on the Khan. ' Wliy do you wish it ?'
a high hill, to avoid the floods that arc said I ; ' I am afraid it will kill you.' "
all around." On this the Khan told a slory more
t Malcohn, in one of liis private amusing than delicate, the drift of
letters, thus alludes to the subject : " I which was, that if he were to be killed
have got very unjustly (!) a bad name at all, it was better to be killed out-
for long marches. No one felt these n>ht.
SEPARATION FROM THE PEISIIWAII. 275
the inconvenience, wliicli lie had experienced in the pre-
ceding year, of pitching his camp in a swamp, or searching
for a spot of rising ground on which to locate himself
with greater comfort. Malcolm's health was beginning
to fail him under the combined influences of continued
work, much anxiety, and exposm'e to the vicissitudes of
the climate. It was a relief to him when at last he was
able to announce that Bacljee Rao and his escort were
about to leave him. " Badjee Rao," he vrrotc to Mr.
John Adam, "leaves this on the 17th (of August), after
making all the arrangements required about his followers,
five hundred of whom leave him here, and between two
and tln-ee himdred, five days after he reaches Muttra.
Explanations have taken place here which will, I trust,
do much good I could not at this season have
taken any other road, and it would have been impolitic
to leave him in Malwah ; for whatever he might have
thought, all kinds of stories were afloat about his pro-
bable restoration, and men's minds befjan to be acitated
on the subject. They are now all pretty well convinced.
The impression made by this scene will long survive. It
has all the character of a triumph over mind ; and that, I
will maintain to my last l)reath, in spite even of a reso-
lution of Council, is worth a hundred triumphs over the
body."
Malcolm remained some days at INIundleysir, and then
moved to Mhow, where he was establishing a canton-
ment, which was the centre of those operations for the
reclamation of Malwah, of which I shall presently speak
more in detail — operations into which he threw all the
fulness of his heart and all the energies of his mind.*
* In a letter to Lis wife ou tlils who all contiime to refer their liappi-
subject, ]\Ialcolin says : " I ofleu wish ness to nic ; aud it joys my hc:a-t to
you were here to eujoy the blcssiugs find myself the instrument of punish-
I obtam from the poor inhabitants, ing freebooters, aud restoring great
T 2
276 ASSEERGHUR.
" Exercising, as I do at present," he wrote to Lord Wel-
lesley, in September, " a military and political control
that extends over the greatest part of Malwah, and as
far south as the Taptee; and seeing provinces that have
been for fifty years a prey to anarchy and disorder rising
rapidly to prosperity under our protection and power, I
recall with delight those lessons I learnt under your
Lordship. Every day shows practically the wisdom of
the principles which you laid down for the management
of this great empire; and I am sensible I derive half the
reputation I enjoy from my good memory in remembering
what you taught me I have been continually
marching for fifteen months, including two monsoons. I
am now in a cantonment I have formed near Indore.
If matters are quiet, as they promise to be, at the opening
of the season, I mean to go in February to Calcutta ; and
if not before appointed Governor of Bombay, it is my
intention to embark for England in November or De-
cember, 1819."
On the same subject of the improvement of the country
he wrote soon afterwards to Mr. William Elphinstone,
saying :
" I am lodging anxiously for letters from England, written
subsequent to the war with Holkar. The countries of that young
Prince arc advanchig to prosperity with a rapidity that looks ahnost
miraculous to those who are unacquainted with the patience, in-
dustry, and attachment to the soil of the Ryots of India. They
actually have reappeared in thousands, like people come out of the
earth to claim and recultivatc lands that have been fallow for
twenty years. I delight in the scene, and if I succeed (which I
trust I shall) in keeping the peace during the next two months,
f)roviuccs to a prosperity wliicli tlicy villager in tliis quarter, and tliey come
lave not known for years. This is a and squat down in my room alongside
point beyond either victories or uego- of astonished Rajahs and Nabobs, who
tiations of which I am indeed proud, wonder at my bad taste."
I am intimate with almost every poor
TRANQUILLITY OF THE COUNTRY. 277
the danger is past, and my reign will finish (for I have applied
to go to Calcutta in January) with great eclat; I shall have to
boast that, over a tract of country three hundred miles in length,
and about two hundred in breadth (such is the extent of my
command), not a musket has been fired, and hardly a petty
theft committed for nearly twelve months; and when it is added
that this country includes the districts of all the Pindarrees, that
this was the scene of constant war between INIahratta chiefs, that
it is full of Rajahs, Grassiahs and Bheels, whose occupation is
plunder, my right of exultation will not be denied. JNIy mode
has been to avoid all interference but as a settler of differences
and a keeper of the peace. I am the avowed enemy of plun-
derers, and the active friend of all those who maintain or return
to peaceable habits.
" But the chief secret is, I am very tolerant of abuses, and can
wait with patience to see them die their natural death. I am no
advocate, God knows, for sudden reforms or violent changes.
These are, indeed, the rocks of the sea in which we are now
afloat. Amid all these scenes my mind is fixed on England, and
nothing but an early appointment to Bombay can detain me
longer."
To the Duke of Wellington he also wrote about the
same time:
" If I can leave this country in January in that state of pro-
found tranquillity it is in at this moment, I shall really exult, as
the change has appeared, to me even who am sanguine, to be too
great to be permanent ; but unwearied efforts have been made to
produce it, and the good of all has been my study, and fortu-
nately, from Lord Hastings, Dowlut Rao Scindiah, and Holkar,
to every petty plundering Rajah and Bheel chief, all have hitherto
combined in leaving matters to my sole discretion and manage-
ment. This, with a good army at my command, some expe-
rience, a resolution to alter nothing that can be tolerated, to dis-
trust as little as possible, to attend to usage more than reason,
to study feelings and prejudices, and to make no changes but such
as I am compelled to do, may enable me to leave a tolerable easy
task to your nephew, Gerald "Wellcsley, who is appointed Resi-
278 ASSEERGHUR.
dent with Holkar, and who is reported (I have not seen him for
many years) a very efficient pubHc officer."
Whilst Malcohn, surrounded by a society of pleasant
friends, was prosecuting with these happy results his ad-
ministrative labors, the 23rd of September found him
not unmindful of the fact that it was the anniversary of
the battle of Assye — the first ^of Wellington's long list of
victories. Determining to celebrate the occasion by a
gTaud entertainment, he invited all the officers in camp
to dinner, and toasted the duke with becoming enthu-
siasm. The native soldiery followed the example of
their officers, and the very Pariahs had a festival of their
own. The scene was a memorable one ; and it cannot
be better described than' in the words of Malcolm's own
letter to Wellington, written two days after the carouse :
" The day before yesterday the whole of the officers in camp
dined with me to celebrate the anniversary of the battle of Assye;
and it was celebrated with proper enthusiasm by men Avho were
sensible to all the advantages the Indian army derives from having
its fame associated with your history. I have never yet written
any poetry about you, and therefore expect pardon for making
you the subject of a song for the day, a copy of which I enclose.*
It is the same measure as that in which Moore has made the
Genius of Erin call upon you to relieve her land, and sings equally
well with the appropriate air of ' Paddy Whack.' If Moore is
very Irisli, you will perhaps say I am very Asiatic.
" Our Assye festival did not finish with my dinner. My native
aide-de-camp, Subadar Syud Hussein, a gallant soldier, owes his
rise to that day. He was the leading havildar of the Fourth
Cavalry in the charge ; and he afterwards dashed into the centre
of a party of the enemy's horse, and bore off their standard. His
commanding officer, Floycr, brought him and the standard to you;
and upon the story being told, you patted him upon the back,
* The song which Malcohn wrote will be found in the Appendix. It was
oil this occasion — one of the most spi- sung by Captain rieetwood, of the
ritcd of his poetical compositions — Rocket Corps.
THE ANNIVEESARY OF ASS YE. 279
and with that eloquent and correct knowledge in the native lan-
guage for which you were celebrated, said, ' Acha liaviklar ; je-
madar.' A jemadar he was made ; and though the anecdote has no
doubt been expelled from your memory to make room for others
of more interest, it holds an important place in Syud Plusscin's ;
and amid all his subsequent successes in Persia and in India,
which have raised him to medals, pensions, and a palanquin from
Government, his pride is the pat on the back he received at Assye;
and he told me the other day with great nawete that he felt raised
by your actions, as your increasing fame gave increasing value to
the notice you had once taken of him. This grateful soldier fol-
lowed my feast by one on the 24th to two hundred subadars,
jemadars, havildars, and naicks of my division; and a grand nautch
which he gave in the evening to about four hundred spectators,
was attended by all the English officers in camp. A very good
transparency of your head, Avith the word Assye, which had or-
namented my bungalow, was put up by him in a large tent, and
the Persian name of Wellcsley Sahib Bahadur, in Persian cha-
racters, announced to those who had not seen the light of your
countenance in the original, for whom the picture was intended.
The subadar was pressed to call you the Duke of Wellington;
but he said (and I think very justly) that was your European
name, but your Indian name was Wcllesley Bahadur."
" P.S. — Since writing this letter, all the Pariahs at head -quarters
met and gave a feast, to help which they purchased thirty bottles
of Pariah arrack. Led by the riot they made to the place of
meeting, I went with some others to see what was the matter. A
drunken Mehtur came up and said, ' We all get drunk for Wel-
lington name.' "
As the heavy rains of the autumnal season passed away,
and the cool, crisp air of the early winter began to inspire
men with new energy and vigor, ]\Ialcolm, whose consti-
tution had been severely tried by the few preceding
months, Avith all their toil and anxiety, felt the glow of
returning health upon him, and wrote hopefully of the
state and prospects of the country, whose regeneration
lay so near his heart :
280 ASSEERGHUR.
"^ I am quite well," he wrote to his wife in October — " all Is
q^iet — no chance of war — and everything in my large kingdom
flourishing and prosperous. The cold weather is actually com-
mencing, and in two months we shall have plenty of ice. I, in-
deed, believe this cantonment (called by the natives Malcolmpore)
is upon the most elevated level in the whole peninsula. Rivers
that rise within a few miles of my bungalow (I have a fine bun-
galow and garden) take opposite courses, east and west, and fall
into the distant seas of Bengal and Cambay."
To tlie Duke of Wellington lie wrote at tlie end of
October, from Mhow :
" I have had occasion to put all my theories of settling troubled
waters, and of bringing order out of anarchy, into full practice;
and the result has been beyond my own expectations; but the
labor has been almost too much, and I am anxious to get away.
I mean to goto Calcutta, if all keeps quiet, in February or March,
and proceed home in November or December. It would be
foolish to waste my life in waiting a vacancy, which may not
occur these three years I have liad such hard work
lately, that I shall easily console myself for a disappointment in
the prospect of a little quiet in England."
It was not, however, in the nature of things, encourag-
ing as were the appearances of general tranquillity, that
there should not have been accidental disturbances re-
sulting from the folly or fanaticism of individual men.
It happened at this time that an impostor, calling him-
self Mulhar Ptao, pretending to be the real head of the
Holkai- family,* gathered around him a few Arab and
other disbanded troops, and endeavoured, with small
success, to raise the country. The movement was too
contemptible to cause any anxiety, but it occasioned
* Ilis real name was Krislnia. lie poor the real Ilolkar Lad fled miat-
V.HS, a inemlier ol" the Holkar family, tended, and that the Minister had
about the .same age as Mulhar Ka'o, produced a supposititious prince in his
and is said to have rescmbk-d him in stead. Of course the impostor, being
person. It Nvas alleged bv his sup- a boy of tender years, was a mere tool
porters, that after the battle of Mehid- in the hands of others.
THE IMPOSTOIl JIULlIAll RxVO. 281
some trouble. On the lOtli of November, still at INIliow,
Malcolm wrote to Mr. Jenldus :
" All my Rangrec friends continue to beliave well, but their
settlement has given much trouble, and it will require as much to
keep them right. The impostor Mulhar llao is, I trust, on his
last legs, and I expect to-morrow or next day to hear of his
having closed his career, at least for the present, as he must be
taken if he does not retreat so far west as to lose all his followers;
and I am following him up in the settlements of the chief's in
whose countries he, or rather the freebooters who made an instru-
ment of him, have hitherto found protection."
At the beoinnino- of December, Malcolm moved out
with a light corps from his cantonment at Mhow, and
proceeded into the districts to the westward to drive the
rebels from the Chmnbul to the frontier of Guzerat. He
had expected that the disturbances instigated by the
pretender, or rather in his name, for he was little more
than a boy, would have led to some sanguinary encoun-
ters ; but on the 8th of December he wrote from Dhar to
his sister-in-law, Mrs. Macdonald, saying :
" Everything in this quarter is going on to a wish, and work
that I expected would have cost me many lives, is going on as
smoothly as a holiday pastime. Arabs, Mekranees, and all kinds
of wild mercenaries are marching oif contentedly to their homes,
and every order I give is cheerfully obeyed. I have taken great
pains to satisfy these men of the uselessncss of opposition, and I
have troops at every point The cold weather is set in,
which is a great aid, for I am at work from morning till evening.
If the next fifteen days arc fortunate, this province is settled be-
yond a fear of trouble." *
* On the same day lie wrote also just come in to pay mc a visit. lie is,
to Lady Malcolm, saying : " I am like young Ilolkar, one of my royal
now nia'kmg a tour with a light corps -n-ards. AVe have had plenty of laugh-
to the west of the Chumbul, clearing ing, almost playing. 1 cannot bear
the country of vagaboudis on the fron- the mummery of these state visits, and
tier of Guzerat The young always break in upon the grave part
Rajah of Dhar, a delightful boy, has of them with good effect."
282 ASSEERGHUR.
In less than the time appointed, he had completed
his work. Ten days had scarcely passed before he was
able to announce that he had accomplished all that he
desired without shedding a drop of blood :
" It will," he wrote to Lord Hastings, " from what I know of
your Lordship's feelings and principles, be a satisfaction to learn
that, in eifecting arrangements which have sent to their homes
at least 6000 foreign troops, and brought every subordinate
tributary to a fair settlement with his superior in the countries
west of the Chumbul, not a shot has been fired; and not one that
I have seen or heard of (and I have almost seen or heard all) are
seriously discontented."
Writing to his wife on the 17th of December, he dwelt
dehghtedly on the success he had achieved :
" I have completely settled a rebellion, at the head of which
there was an impostor, calling himself the legitimate Holkar. All
the troops are dispersed, and all the leaders arc taken. The last
threw himself at ray feet four days ago. Has by that act escaped
being hanged; but has been banished the country. I am now
makiua" a circuit of the barren and rugged countries on the eastern
frontier of Guzerat. This, my last work, promises to be well over
in a month, when I may boast that all this province is in a state of
tranquillity, and likely to remain so, and that the great object has
been effected with hardly the loss of a life. Two days ago, being
angry with a celebrated chief of the name of Moozufl'er, I told him
to leave my camp and proceed to his stronghold, and place him-
self at the head of 2000 men who were at his disposal. ' I will
follow you,' I added, 'and show you soon the nature of your
power.' The man coolly replied, ' I know my power. Though
locally considerable, it is nothing compared to yours. Besides,
robber though I be, I cannot subsist, except by the cultivators of
my country; and such is the reputation which your proceedings
for the last twelvemonth have given you with that class, and all
the peaceable inhabitants of the country, that the sword that is
drawn against you will be weighed to earth by their curses.' "
This letter was written from Bhopuwur, which lies to
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. 283
the west of the Chumbul river. From that place Mal-
colm marched northward to Rutlam, where he spent the
Christmas of this year. On the great festival day, he
wrote to his wife, saying :
" I have time to say no more than that I am -working twelve
hours in the day, but trust to God the great labor draws to a
close, and that in one short week I shall report to Lord Hastings
the complete settlement of all the princes, chiefs, and countries
witliin my extensive command. Nothing of any consequence will
be left undone, and as the very elements of sedition have been re-
moved, I shall have no fear for the future tranquillity of this
quarter, at least not while the principles upon which it has been
effected are maintained. There are two circumstances connected
with my late labors which will gratify you; one is, that public
opinion in this province, high and low, is so with me, that it has
overpowered everything. I have not met with the slightest check,
and everywhere I liave been, and am hailed with blessings. They
give me (from not understanding what is done by our system)
exaggerated merit, as the author of the great change that has been
effected, and I am deemed in Malwah the restorer of peace, the
establisher of order, and the promoter of general prosperity. This
is the first cause of your gratification. The second is, that Lord
Hastings and the Supreme Government appear, by their late
letters, determined to outdo the good folks of ]\Ialwah."
And never were praises better merited. The right
man was never more certainly in the right place than
was Malcolm at this time. He had many personal qua-
lities which peculiarly fitted him for the work of settling
a long-troubled country, and reclaiming from their law-
less habits men Avhom evil circumstances, rather than
evil inclinations, had driven into a career of crime. He
had no " great theories " to support, lie indulged in no
philosophical speculations regarding the destinies of man,
or the constitution of society. He was not what is conven-
tionally called a deep thinker. His rules of conduct were
not of an abstract kind, but available at all times for
284 ASSEERGIIQE.
practical purposes, and readily adaptable to the circum-
stances of the hour. He had expansive sympathies, a
large humanity, an uncommonly fine temper, and a
genial flow of spirits which w^as as contagious as it was
cheering. He had, too, a peculiar kind of ready wit,
which did not develop itself so much in smart sayings, as
m a prompt appreciation of pecidiar circumstances and
characters which enabled liim to meet every contingency
■with some pertinent remark, impressing the hearers to
whom it was addressed with a conviction that he saw
through them as though they were glass. No English-
man had mixed more freely with natives of India of every
class, or ever understood them better. He was not,
properly speaking, a great linguist — an erudite Oriental
scholar ; but he readily understood, and he conversed
volubly in, several native dialects, and if his language
was not always a model of philological correctness, his
hearers never missed his meaning. But even, beyond all
these advantages, perhaps, the secret of his success lay in
the fact that he communicated directly with the people.
He was, at all times, accessible to them. He did not
employ intermediate agents ; but took care that justice
should descend to every claimant in a pure and undi-
luted stream. No man ever accomplished more than Sir
John Malcolm by the force of his own personal character,
or shaped his acts with more particular reference to the
individual characters of others.
There was a heartiness, a sincerity in all that he said
and did, which gave people unlimited confidence in him ;
and even wdien his decisions wTrc unfavorable to the
applicant, there was a robust sort of kindliness in his
very denials which disarmed them of offence. A well-
timed, readily appreciable joke, often was more service-
able in his hands than the most elaborate arcjuments. On
one occasion, when receiving petitions and listenmg to
MALCOLM AN]) THE BIIEELS. 285
complaints — a duty to wliicli he systematically devoted
a portion of the day — a Bheel, one of the Avildest of a
wild tribe, broke clamorously into the tent, threw hun-
self at Malcolm's feet, and cried aloud for justice. He
had a dreadful story to tell of robbery and murder, and
prayed tliat justice might be executed upon the criminal.
" Hold, hold !" said Sir John, " not so fast; the party you
accuse shall be sent for, and the cause inquired into
forthwith." "What is the use of inquiring ?" asked the
Bheel ; " my cattle have been carried off, and one of my
sons killed in an attempt to recover them." " It may be
so," returned Malcolm, " but still I must inquire. Do
you know why the Almiglity gave me two cars ?" The
plaintiff looked puzzled, shook his head, and answered in
the negative. " Then I will tell you," said Malcolm.
" In order that I might hear your story with one, and
the other party's with the other." The bystanders
loudly applauded the wisdom and justice of the speech,
and the Bheel, equally convinced, awaited the inquiry
against which he had protested.
The new year found Malcolm busily employed in this
good work of settling the newly-acquired country; and
so much had his labors accomplished, that he was con-
templating a visit to Calcutta with a view, if not ap-
pointed to the Bombay Government, of eventually pro-
ceeding to England, when a warm, earnest letter from
Lord Hastings persuaded him to remain longer in a
country to whose continued prosperity his presence was
so essential. He had returned about the middle of the
month of January to Mhow, whence, on the 22nd, ho
wrote to his wife:
" I expected about this time to have been on my way to Cal-
cutta, but Lord Hastings has requested me to stay in Malwali, and
in complying ^Yith his request I not only perform a duty, but do
286 ASSEERGHUR.
that wliicli is best for the pubHc interests and my private good. I
shall certainly stay till the rains, and probably longer ; but I re-
main resolved (unless appointed to Bombay) to embark for Eng-
land in December. God send me once more to you and my
little ones, and he will be a wise man that persuades me away
from so dear a home. If condemned to be absent, I could nowhere
be so well as here. The climate is fine, thermometer last night
28°, and all the grain-fields blighted with the frost of the last
week, I am here, if you will believe all hands, very essential to the
maintenance of that tranquillity which it has been my labor to esta-
bHsh. All my plans have succeeded, and the whole of the foreign
mercenaries (except ourselves) have been sent out of the country.
This measure it was prophesied would cost hundreds of lives, and
one or two years to accomplish. It did not occupy me above six
weeks, and not a shot has been fired. I proceeded with fair and
just propositions in one hand and a drawn sword in the other, and
all not only yielded, but those that went and those that stayed
were alike warm in their gratitude to me. This Is very pleasing,
and since I returned to Mhow I have really been affected by the
regret all ranks displayed at my Intended departure, and the joy
they have expressed at my protracted stay."
But tliere was more active work in store for IMalcolm
than he at this time anticipated. Early in February,
Appa-Sahib, the deposed Rajah of Berar, broke from
the hills in which for some time he had been hunted by
our detachments, and accompanied by Cheetoo, the last
of the Pindarree chiefs, made his Avay to the strong
fortress of Asseerghur, the gates of which were opened to
receive the fugitive prmce, but closed against the broken
freebooter. Intelligence of Appa-Sahib's movements
seems to have reached Malcolm about the 10th of Fe-
bniary. Already acquainted with the views of the
Supreme Government, he set his force in motion, and
marched forward upon Asseerghur to co-operate with Ge-
neral Doveton, if need be, for the reduction of the place.*
* General Dovetou was the senior commend the military movements that
officer, and Malcokn could only re- seemed expedient in this conjuncture.
DUPLICITY OF THE COMMANDANT. 287
On the 14th he was at Mundleysir ; and on the follow-
ing day, with 400 men of the 6th Madras Infantry, four
companies of a Bombay regiment, the 3rd Madras Cavalry,
800 of Giiickowar Horse, and two brigades of Horse Ar-
tillery, he crossed the Nerbudda river. " What Appa-
Sahib will do," he wrote to Doveton, " mocks all conjec-
ture. I can hardly conceive Jeswunt Rao Lar is so be-
reft of all sense as to brave on his account a storm that
must overwhelm him." On the following day, he became
assured that the man had received some of Appa- Sahib's
followers, if not the fugitive Rajah himself, into Ms
fortress, and he pushed on, ready, as he said, for any-
thing, as far as his means went, which were "not large,
but of the right sort."
The next day, however, brought other tidings. Jeswunt
Rao had applied to General Doveton for a passport to
Malcolm's camp, that he might commimicate with the
English Agent, and then pass onwards to Gwalior to
receive the instructions of his master. This seemed to
promise a pacific result; and on the 18th of February,
Malcolm wrote tliat there was little chance of a sie^e, as
Jeswunt Rao would be in his camp on the following day,
" having obeyed a summons to attend his master at
Gwalior." But, instead of making his appearance in
person, the man opened communications by letter from
Asseerghur; and Malcolm, not then knowing that the
duplicity of Scindiah himself was at the bottom of the
Lar's strangeness of conduct, pronounced it to be " in-
explicable." It was still doubtful whether Appa-Sahib
Asseerghiu' belougecl uoniiually to incut. Llalcolin declared, liowever,
Scindiah, who was our ally ; and as he that if he had liis own way, he woidd
professed, though falsely, to disap- not wait a moment for Scmdiah's con-
prove of the conduct of his servant sent, but demand that our eucmies
in offering shelter to our enemies, should be given up to us at once, and if
some embarrassment was occasioned refused, attack the fortress as soon as
by the seeming necessity of acting in we had collected means for the pur-
concert with the Maharajah's Govern- pose.
288 ASSEERGIIUR.
were in Asseerghur ; but it was certain that Cheetoo was
wandering about in the neighbourhood, seeking safety
and finding none. Determined, if possible, during the
negotiations with Jeswunt Rao, to destroy this last and
most determined of the Pindarrees, Malcohn sent out
eight or nine light detachments in pursuit of him. Flying
from one, the wretched man well-nigh fell into the toils
of another; and at last, driven to the jungles, was at-
tacked by a more remorseless enemy than the British.
We found his horse and his sword ; his bones and his
bloody garments. A tiger had fallen uj^on and devoured
the last of the Pindarrees.
As the Asseerghur man did not make his appearance
in our camp, and there was now a strong probability
of our being driven to hostilities, Malcolm "galloped
through the hills," a distance of some thirty miles, to
Doveton's position, to take counsel with his brother ge-
neral. It was agreed that the Bombay regiment in Mal-
colm's force should be attached to Doveton's division,
whilst the light corps of the former hung loose about
the neighbourhood of Asseerghur, ready, in the event,
however improbable, of any disturbances in Malwah, to
march in a fcAv days to Indore.
As the month of February wore to a close, it became
more and more obvious to Malcolm that the ncsjotiations
with which Jeswunt Rao Avas amusing him would have
no favorable issue ; so he redoubled his exertions to
collect means to invest the fortress of Asseerghur. Al-
though Doveton was, as I have said, the senior officer,
the political authority with which Malcolm Avas invested
enabled him to take a conspicuous part in the completion
of the arrangements necessary to the reduction of the
place, and acting in entire harmony Avith his brother
general, he brought up every aA'^ailable company of troops,
and every gun that could be moved Avith safety from the
surrounding country. There Avas no certain information
THE ENVOY FROM SCINDIAH. 289
upon the point, but it was believed that Appa-Sahib
was in the fortress; and Malcohn was eager above all
things to draw such a circle round the place, and so com-
pletel}^ to guard all the roads and passes leading from it,
as effectually to prevent the Rajah's escape.*
Under these ener<zetic arrang-ements the first two weeks
of March saw such an auo-mentation of our means as
enabled us fully to invest the place; but still negotiations
were in progress, and Scindiah, pretending to repudiate
the contumacy of the commandant, despatched a con-
fidential servant to supplant him, Jeswunt Rao liad
been warned that if he did not surrender himself before
the loth of March, our attack would commence on the
morning of that day. But on the 10th an express from
Oujein brought intelligence to the effect that the officer
appointed to receive charge of the fortress had started
from that place on the preceding day ; so it was necessary
to suspend operations until his arrival. On the 16th an
old and incapable man, bearing letters from Scindiah,
arrived at Asseerghur, and entered the fortress. It was
the time of the Hooly festival, when Hindoos throw red
powder over one another, and indulge in other excesses
in honor of the occasion. He found the garrison, as
Malcohn Avrote, " drunk or mad," and the commandant
urged him to depart lest they should cut off his head in
the height of their enthusiasm. Glad to escape, the old
man hastened to Malcolm's tent. He was co\'ered with
the red powder; he was full of fear; he had delivered
neither Scindiah's letters nor Malcolm's proclamations,
with which he had been charged, and was branded,
therefore, as an imbecile by the British General.
* Jcswuut llao denied, iu liis com- you," lie wrote, " but Badjec Rao was
uiunicatious witli Malcolm, that he the first of Hindoo priuccs ; and wliat-
had given shelter to Appa-Sahib, but ever it may be your duty to write, you
admitted that he would have harbored cauuot in your hearty condemn me for
Badjee llao. " I may have displeased the part that I took."
VOL. II. U
290 . ASSEEKGHUR.
The old man promised to return to Asseergliur on
the following day, and vowed that if his master's orders
were not obeyed he would strip himself to the skin and
burn his clothes — a form of tremendous denunciation;
and if that did not succeed, resort to some other still
more dreadful maledictory charm. " Tell them," said
Malcolm, " that after one o'clock to-morrow, if I have
no token of submission, operations will certainly com-
mence. Not one hour more will be given them. We
have waited too long already." But neither Scindiah's
letters, nor Malcolm's summonses, nor the old man's in-
cantations, had any effect upon Jeswunt Rao and his gar-
rison. Asseerghur was not surrendered, and operations
therefore commenced.
The fortress of Asseerghur owed more to the bounty
of nature than to the labor of man. It was built upon
an isolated rock — a high scarped rock of huge dimen-
sions, w^hich admitted of the construction of an upper and
lower fort. Under the lower fort, on the western side,
was a pettah, or walled town, b}^ which alone it was
possible to gain an entrance into the fortress. Against
this pettah, therefore, our first operations were directed.
Doveton had made over to Malcolm, as the latter said,
"in the handsomest manner," all the work that was to
be done on the western side of Asseerghur, including the
occupation of the pettah and the attack on the lower
fort; whilst the senior general, on the eastern side, un-
dertook the operations agahist the upper fort, which
could hardly be brought to a successful issue before the
arrival of some heavy guns which were on their way
from Saugur.
The heat of the weather had already become intense,
and the distressing effects of the burning sun were ren-
dered more terrible by the refraction from the walls of
rocks beneath which we were encamped. " The weather
COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIEGE. 291
is dreadful," wrote Malcolm, " among these rocks, but all
are in great spirits, and those who have read Addison's
Campaign do not complain of that even —
No clime's unlovely that contains a foe."
"This would be femous," he said, in another letter,
" but for the excessive heat and the cholera. The
latter, though not virulent, lurks in camp in a very dis-
agreeable way My opinion is, that there are not
materials in Asseerghur lor a long siege. I think, also,
the place is decidedly assailable at one or more points,
but considering it in a political view, as the last point
of opposition, and the chosen place of refuge of our
last enemy, I conceive that 'vv'e cannot have too much
means collected." He had been, for several days pre-
ceding the final suspension of negotiations, reconnoitring
the surrounding country,* and gaining from every avail-
able source the most minute local information that was
likely to be of service to him in the inevitable operations
of the siege. And having mapped out the plan, which
seemed to promise the best results, he had ridden over
to Doveton's camp to submit to him his views regarding
the best means of opening the attack, and taking counsel
with him regarding the subsequent operations.
On the 1 8th of March operations commenced. Doveton
commanded on one side of the fort : Malcolm on the other.
Malcolm's force consisted of two battalions of Madras
Sepoys, a regiment (grenadiers) and a battalion of Bora-
bay Sepoys, a regiment of Madras Cavalry, some details
of European horse artillery, and a camel howitzer bat-
tery, f The pcttah was carried at the outset with little
* As early as the 71 li of Marcli he of the points ou this quartei as I can
had written to General Doveton : " The bo until T am in the works."
result of my reeounoissance of this f They were afterwards joined by
morning, combined with wliat I saw two battalions of Bengvil Sepoys and
before, makes me as completely master some heavy guns from Saugui-.
u2
292 ASSEERGHUR.
loss. " They are such bad marksmen in this fort," wrote
Malcolm on the following day to his Avife, " that there
is no chance of a skull of such conformation as mine
being cracked. I have no opinion either of the garrison
or the commander, and Ave have means enougli to I3I0W
them and their Avork off the face of the earth." He Avas
busy then establishing his batteries for an attack on the
loAA^er fort. " I ha\'e had no sleep for tAventy-four hours,"
lie Avrote on that day to Mr. John Adam; " to-night I
trust Ave shall finish an eight-gun battery and two for
tAvelve hoAvitzers and mortars. These belong to the Avest,
or my side the fort."
On the evening of that day the besieged made a sally
on the Avorks Avhicli Ave Avcre erecting in the toAvn, but the
batteries Avere sufficiently completed 011 the 20th to open
Avith some effect on the loAver fort. The enemy, hoAv-
ever, poured doAvn again into the streets of the toAvn,
and killed one of our field-officers before they Avere
repulsed. Still the play of our batteries Avas not inter-
rupted ; it Avas continued throughout the night, and on
the next day a breach Avas practicable. Upon this the
enemy retired to the upper Ibrt ; but a calamitous ex-
plosion in one of our batteries, Avhicli destroyed nearly a
Avhole company of Sepoys, emboldened the garrison to
return to the loAver AVorks, Avhicli they continued to
occupy for some time.
There Avas then a lull in our operations. General
DoA'eton Avas Avaiting for the heavy battering-guns from
Saugiu'; and although Ave could still annoy the enemy by
our fire, Ave could do little to advance the progress of the
siege. " I have the charge of the attack on the Avestern
face of this fortress," Avrotc Malcolm to Lord Hastings
on the 25th of March. " AYe are going on sloAvly till
General Doveton is ready to commence on the north-east
PRIVATE SORROAV. 293
angle, when wc shall proceed with an activity and vigor
which must soon reduce the garrison to surrender at
discretion, or hazard all the horrors of a storm. The
weather is hot, but I have converted the mausoleum of
an ancient Mahomedan ruler, within twelve hundred
yards of the fort, into an excellent head-quarter. If it is
permitted to this prince of true believers to look down
from the seventh heaven, he must be shocked to see the
proud fabric raised over his dust changed into a dv\-elling
of infidels, who eat ham and allay the thirst it creates
with forbidden drink within the sacred abode. Your
Lordship will rejoice to learn that my division are (Uke
all men Avho have plenty of occupation) full of health and
spirits."
Whilst Malcolm was waiting eagerly for the time when
more active operations could Ije commenced against the
fortress, a heavy disappointment was pressing upon him,
and his mind was distracted by many thoughts uncon-
nected with the progress of the siege. Under the walls ot
Asseerghur he received letters from England, which an-
nounced that Mr. IMountstuart Elpliinstone had been nomi-
nated to succeed to the Government of Bombay. It was
a severe blow to his honorable ambition, and at such a
time the zeal of a less zealous public servant might have
reeled and staggered beneath it. From the old mauso-
leum he wrote many letters on the subject, to which I
shall presently allude more in detail — letters which show
how deeply he felt what seemed to him to be a slight,
almost a humiliation ; but he went about the work before
him with no abatement of external energy, and he kept
down his rebellious feelings as best he could.
On the 29th of INIarch orders were issued for an
assault next morning on the lower fort ; but the enemy
evacuated the position, and it was occupied without op-
294 ASSEERGHUR.
position by Malcolm's troops.* On the 3rd of April
the Saiigur battering-train arrived, and then both divi-
sions, with renewed vigor, poured an incessant shower of
shot and shell upon the upper Avorks. The effect of
these operations was severely felt by the enemy. The
casualties in the garrison were not numerous — not so
numerous as in our own ranks ; but the continual
shelling greatly annoyed them. Their walls were crum-
bling to pieces. Their cattle were starving. The com-
mandant of their artillery, the chief upon whom they
had mainly relied for the successful defence of the place,
was dead. It seemed hopeless to protract the resistance ;
they therefore bethought themselves of suino; for terms.
They asked to be permitted to retire from the fort with
their arms in their hands. But indignantly repudiating
such terms, the British Generals sent back the wakeels
who had brought the message, and prepared to renew the
attack.
At daybreak on the following day — the 8th of April
— our batteries reopened ; but before noon the firing
ceased. Jeswunt Kao had sent a messa2;e to General
Doveton, offering unconditional surrender. He himself
asked permission to visit our camp, where he was re-
ceived by Doveton and Malcolm. To the latter was
* Why i he assault was not attempted made in it, without auy apparent reason,
before does not very clearly appear. Nor was this the only ineouvenicnce,
A ])racticablc breach in the lower fort for the delay which took place afibrded
had been made on the 20th of March, the enemy ample time for retrenching
Lieutenant Lake, who was present on tlie breach, of which, indeed, they did
the occasion, says {Madras iSicf/cs) : not avail themselves ; but an appre-
"_ If there be any part of the opera- hcnsion that they might have done so,
tions to which the ])raise that they caused the additional laborious attack
generally merit cannot be given, it is on the south front, which would other-
the delay which took place in the as- wise have been unnecessaiy." The
sault of the lower fort. Jt was a work from mIucIi these remarks are
principal object of course to eonline taken is dedicated to Sir John Mal-
tlic garrison within as narrow limits as colm, on whose suggestion it was
possil)lc, in ordc-r to give greater effect written. There are many references in
to our bombardment ; but they were his letters to the proraismg abilities of
left in possession of the lower fort the young engineer.
ten days after a practical)lc breach M-as
CONFERENCES. 295
entrusted the conduct of the conference with the crafty
Mahratta. It was soon obvious that the man's object
was to obtain some mitigation of the terms which the
British Generals had imposed upon him. He declared
his mlHngness to submit to terms of unconditional
surrender, but expressed some doubt whether he could
sufficiently control the men of the garrison as to compel
or induce them to lay down their arms. On this the
conference was broken off. Malcolm was instructed, in
the Lar's presence, to receive charge of the fort, on the
prescribed terras, on the following morning, or else to
recommence operations against it. Witli a heavy heart
Jeswunt Eao departed. Malcolm accompanied him as
far as the lower fort, where he took leave of him with
an assurance that inevitable destruction would overtake
him and his garrison, if they did nut march out of the
fortress content with the preservation of their lives.
It was, I believe, in the course of this conference with
Jeswunt Rao that the commandant surprised Malcolm
by pouring forth a stream of eulogies upon him, declaring
that he held him in the higliest possible regard. " What !"
said Malcolm, " have you not been using all this time
your best endeavours to shoot me ?" " Not at all, ' re-
turned the IMahratta; "ask any of your prisoners,
and they will tell you that my orders to the gunners
were not to fire where they saw a piebald horse. I was
told that you rode such a horse. General; and I was
eager to save you. I thought — we all thought — that the
evil day might come, and that we should have no friend
hi India so likely to serve us as yourself" " And, ' said
Malcolm, aftenvards narrating this incident, " I did
observe that there were always fewer casualties near my
position than anywhere else."*
* This anecdote was related to me by Sir John's last surviving brother— the
Rev. Gilbert Malcolm.
29 G ASSEERGHUR.
It was tlieii also that Malcolm — as recorded in all the
cotemporary histories — told Jeswimt Rao that Scindiah
■would be much angered against him ; and was answered,
" Yes ; and with just cause, for having fought so badly
in defence of so fine a fort. He will tell me that I ought
to have died." When Malcolm asked if he had not
received an order from his ni aster to evacuate the fort,
the Lar proudly replied, " It may be the usage among
Europeans, but with the Mahrattas, forts like this are not
given up even upon orders.''
The night was one of busy preparation in the Bri-
tish camp ; of stormy debate and contention wdthin the
fortress. But Ijefore daybreak a messenger came from
Jeswunt Rao to announce that tlie garrison were pre-
paring to march out of Asseerghur. And at sunrise
they marched out — twelve hundred Arabs, Sindees, and
Mekrauces descended from the upper fort, and, in a
square formed by Malcolm's troops, piled their arms
before the British General. The fort was occupied at
once by British troops, the union-jack was hoisted over
it, and a royal salute was fired in honor of the victor3\
The commandant had not over-estimated the streno-th
of the place. Our engineer officers were of opinion that
Ave coukl not have effected a practical breach at the
points against which our batteries were directed. The
defence might have been much longer continued but for
a circumstance whicli Avas, of course, fatal to tlie be-
sieged. It was found, on our taking possession of the fort,
that the enemy's powder v/as well-nigh exhausted.
The capture of .Vsseerghur revealed to us two other
important circumstances — the one, that not only had
Scindiah, whilst pretending to direct Jeswunt Rao to
deliver up tlie fortress to the old man sent from Gwalior,
privately ordered him not to do so, but that he had some
time before ordered the Lar to give all possible aid and
SURRENDER OF THE FORTRESS. 297
protection to Badjee Eao. A letter to this effect Avas
found by Malcolm in Jeswunt Rao's possession ; and
there was no longer any doubt, therefore, of Scindiah's
perfidy. The second disclosure was that Appa-Sahib
was not in Asseerghur. There was no proof that he had
ever been there. AVhat had become of the fugitive Rajali
was a mystery whicli no one could solve.*
Tlie treachery of Scindiah fully justified the forfeiture
of the place, which was inflicted upon him as the penalty
of his offence. But there was another point of view in
which it was justly regarded by Malcolm and others, who
clearly understood its import. It indicated, in a most
unmistakeablc manner, the embarrassments in which
tlie British Government would have been involved if
Badjee Rao had been received into xVsseerghur in the
preceding year; and it came opportunely as a com-
mentary on the important service which Malcolm had
rendered to his country in compassing the surrender of"
the Pcishwah. It was not Avithout some pardonable
exultation that, after the fill of Asseergluu', he wrote
to John Adam, saying:
" Has not the trouble and the treasure which that contemptible
wretch Appa-Sahib has cost us come in proof of my prediction?
of wliat would occur if Badjee Rao held out ? Have not the con-
fessions of Scindiah and Ids letter to the Lar established beyond
all doubt the verge upon whicli Scindiah stood at that moment,
and tlie certainty of his having gone to war had Badjee Rao gone
into Asseerghur? Is it not clear, from what we have found that
formidable fortress, that Doveton's division and mine, destitute as
* It was Lord lliistings's iniprcs- pcct timt Appa-Saliib was killcil in
sion that Appa-Sahib had been killed it. A shell migiit fidl upon him as
duriii!^ the sicirc. AVriting to Malcolm well as upon any other boily ; in wiiicli
on the 7tli of June, he saiil : " Your rea- case the KilladaV never would mcutiou
soiling on our right to take Asseerghur, his death, because the fact would be a
though Appa-Sahib might not be within decisive proof of his having been in
it, is'good pleadable matter. The most the fort; consequently, of the Killa-
essential argument is that we are in dar's guiU."
possession of the place. I really sus-
298 ASSEERGHUR.
they were of every necessary equipment, could not only not have
invested Asseer at that advanced state of the season with any
hopes of success, but must, had the rash attempt been made, have
become subject to very serious failure ? As a military man, I have
not the slightest doubt of the latter position. Now, has enough
occurred to satisfy you or not ? I cannot tell you with what regret
I look to the view which you and Lord Hastings, and I imagine
Metcalfe (for he never wrote me on the subject, probably from our
opinions disagreeing), took of this event. For though his Lord-
ship's liberality and greatness of mind prevented his either writing
or recording anything against me, yet had he taken the view
which almost all others did of the event, he would have treated
it in a very different manner. As it is, I declare to you I would
not exchange the good service I am conscious of having done
Government and my coiuitry in June, 1818, for all the services of
my life. You will say a parent is always fondest of his weakest
children ; but, in this case, depend upon it you are wrong, and
the longer you live the more you will be disposed to think so."
Malcolm's Avork was now done at Asseergliiir, and he
hoped that his work was done in India ; so, glad to
escape from the intolerable heat and glare under the
gi'eat rock, he commenced, on the 13th of April, his
marcli back to his home in tlie JNIhow cantonment.
CENTRAL INDIA. 299
CHAPTER VIII.
CENTKAL INDIA.
[1819-1S2L]
THE BOMBAY GOVEENOUSHIP — MALCOLM's DISAITOINTMENT — CORRESPONDENCE
ON THE SUBJECT — SOLICITED TO REMAIN IN CENTRAL INDIA — HIS SYSTEM OF
ADMINISTRATION — THE MADRAS GOVERNMENT — THE MAL^'AH REPORT — CON-
TEMPLATED RETURN TO ENGLAND.
It lias been incidentally stated that whilst Sir John
Malcolm was pushing forward the operations for the re-
duction of Asseerghur, described in the preceding chapter,
he was under the depressing influence of a heavy disap-
pointment. Perhaps, how^ever, it is hardly right to sa}'
that he was depressed by the news which arrived from
England of the appointment of Mr. Elphinstone to the
chief scat in the Bombay Government. The feeling
with which he regarded his supersession was of a more
active kind. It was a strong sense of unmerited injury
not altogether unmingled with resentment. He con-
ceived not only that his just claims had been slighted,
but that he had been dealt falsely with by men in whom
he had reposed confidence— that if no actual pledge had
been \dolated, there was still something of an imphed
or constructive promise whicli had been broken by the
authorities at home.
The expectation, which he had long cherished, of
being appointed to succeed Sh^ Evan Nepean, wa-; a rca-
300 CENTRAL INDIA.
sonable one. It was reasonable, whether viewed in rela-
tion to Sir John Malcolm's distinguished services and
just claims, or to the degree of encouragement which had
been held out to him both by the Court of Directors and
the Board of Control. Malcolm, it is true, was a man of
a sanguine temperament ; but he had not, in this in-
stance, viewed the amount of support, fairly indicated by
the assurances he had received, through any magnifying
medium of his own. With a full knowledge of all that
passed before he left England, and all that was written to
him after his return to India, I cannot see how he could
have formed any other conclusion than that he would be
appointed, onNepean's retirement, Governor of Bombay.
If he had just ground for this belief in 1816, surely the
events of the two following years, which had strength-
ened his claims, miglit also reasonably have strengthened
his conviction that he would not be passed over.
But although in the peculiar circinnstances of the
supersession there was something to increase Malcolm's
mortification, there was much, on the other hand, to soften
and subdue it. He had been passed over in favor of a
younger man — of one Avho had fewer years of hard
service on which to base his claim to such preferment.
But no man in India estimated the character of Mount-
Stuart Elphinstonc more highly than John Malcolm ;
no man loved and respected him more. If the crown
whicli Mtdcolm had coveted for himself had been
placed on the head of anothei', he felt in his inmost
heart that the head was eminently fitted to wear it, and
he rejoiced in the prosperity of his friend. " You Avill
probably liave heard," wrote Lord Hastings earl)' in
-Marcli, " that you were the losing candidate in the elec-
tion for Bombay at the India House. Knowing as I do
>our feeling towards Elphinstone, I am aware this event
will not be attended with the sliditest decree of mortifi-
THE BOMBAY GOVERNORSHIP. oOl
cation, whilst the warm testimony rendered by all parties
to your worth and services makes a speedy reparation
of the disappointment certain." It Avas hardly possible
that there should not have been some mortification ; but
the Governor-General saAV clearly Avhat was the honey
at the bottom of the cup. Malcolm himself had in the
strongest language recommended Elphinstone to the fa-
vorable consideration of the Court of Directors, and had
dwelt with enthusiasm upon his eminent merits and dis-
tino;uished services. But althouiih he had often talked
of Elphinstone succeeding him as Governor of Bombay,
it had never entered into his calculations that there was
any possibility of his friend preceding him there. lie
would, however, have written quite as warmly had the
contingency been foreseen.
There are many letters now before me on the subject
— letters fully explaining the feelings with which Mal-
colm regarded his disappointment — from which I select
the following'. The first is addressed to his brother
Pulteny, who had married a daughter of Mr. AVilliam
Elphinstone;* and the second to Mountstuart Elphin-
stone himself:
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO SIR PULTENY MALCOLM.
Camp, Asseerghur, March IS, 1S19.
jNIy dear Pulteny, — I came here a lew clays ago to aid
(jcneral Doveton in the siege of x\sscer, and am just returned from
tlie successful lodgment of our troops Avithin one lumdred yards
of die walls of the last fortress that opposes the British power in
India, and whose Killadar has given an asylum to its last enemy,
the ex-Rajah of Nagpoor. I am preparing to return to see bat-
teries erected.
At this moment a newspaper reaches me with the account of
* ^h: "William Elpliiusione, an in- lie had honestly and cousislcutly advo-
Ihicuf ial incnibcr of tlic Couvt of Ui- catcd Malcobu's chiims.
rectors, was uncle of ]\Iouulstuart ; but
302 CENTllAL INDIA.
my friend Mr. Elphinstone's nomination, by an unanimous vote
of tlie Directors, to Bombay. I trust I shall never prove false to
my character as a soldier ; but I never was less disposed to die for
my good superiors in England. No man can have more merit
than Elphinstonc, but I stood on ground that should have de-
fended my fair and encouraged views of honorable ambition from
supersession by any man. It is not for me to blazon my services;
but they have been honest. Some persons write me that the
Madras Government is intended. This, I am assured, is not the
case; nor do I look for anything that can compensate the disap-
pointment. I should not be surprised at a pension being granted,
but I should certainly feel little gratification or gratitude from it,
if it came, as it would, from the efforts of those who had failed me
in the pursuit of a better object.
I am wrong, my dear Pulteny, in writing you upon this subject,
knowing, as I do, that it must be a distressing one to you; but I
cannot repress my feelings, nor disguise them. I am averse to
doubt my friends, and no man ever left England with more con-
fidence than I did. Has there one vessel returned since I landed
that has not carried testimonies that should have strengthened
them and my interests ? but I thank God that has given mo a
proud and independent spirit that places me above all neglect
which I Jiave not merited, and which will make me enjoy that
content and happiness for which I have labored.
I cannot conclude this subject without expressing my convic-
tion that this disappointment to me must have given the most
sincere pain to your father-in-law and my friend Mr. W. Elphin-
stone, whatever pleasure he may have had in the promotion of liis
nephew.
Believe me ever your affectionate brother,
J. Malcolm.
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO MR. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
Asseer, March 18, 1819.
My dear Elphinstone, — I have just seen your appointment
to Bombay announced, and I again congratulate you upon it, and
I congratulate the public, for witli all due consideration of myself,
I do believe a better Governor than you yourself will make of
that settlement could not be found upon earth. I wish you joy
NEW EXPECTATIONS. 303
of the high station you have attained with the same sentiments of
warm and sincere friendsliip with which you would have addressed
me if I had been the fortunate candidate ; but I have one lan-
guage for you, and another for those (if such there are) who, after
giving me every ground to expect their warm and decided sup-
port in pursuit of this object, have failed in their pledge.
Your merits, however high, I can deem no excuse for them,
unless I hud meritc'd the disappointment of hopes they cherished
by being an idle spectator of that scene in which your conspi-
cuous efforts have gained you such just applause ; but I have run
my last heat in a manner that will not make me patient under the
defection of those who, I may assert, were pledged before it com-
menced, and who could have no excuse for abandoning my in-
terests but my having stopped short in my career, and allowed
myself to be passed in the race, and by so doing having forfeited
my title to the promised prize. It is necessary no feeling I
have on tliis point should be disguised from you, and I therefore
enclose you a copy of a letter I wrote to my brother Pulteny, five
minutes after I read the paragraph from the Morniny Chronicle
announcing your appointment.
Yours most sincerely,
J. ^Ialcolm.
Malcolm had always declared that, if uot appointed
Governor of Bombay, he would return to England and
end his days in the tranquil happiness of domestic life;
and now he was prepared to carry this resolution into
effect. But a letter from Lord Hastings, beseeching him
not to retire in disappointment, and suggesting another
and not less honorable field of employment, roused his
ambition anew. The country which had been forfeited
by the Peishwah was considered of sufficient importance
to warrant its erection into a lieutenant-governorship ;
and already had Lord Hastings, believing that Malcolm
would be appointed to Bombay, recommended that the
Conquered Provhices should be placed under Elphin-
stone, as lieutenant-governor. His kind heart deeply
sympathising with Malcolm ui his disappointment, now
304 CENTRAL INDIA.
prompted him to endeavour to obtain tins office for his
slialited friend, to whom lie wrote thus considerately on
the subject :
" You seem to think that Elphinstonc owed his appointment as
Governor of Bombay to my solicitation. The testimony which
I bore to the singular merit of his conduct may be believed to
liave operated strongly in his favor. But I should have thought
that I acted unworthily towards you, after the confidence you had
reposed in me respecting your object, had I secretly thwarted your
views by applying for the nomination of Elpliinstone to that Go-
vernment. I Avill tell you more. I had a most urgent entreaty
from a person at home, intimately connected with me, and whom
I was most anxious to serve, that I would exert my interest
(which he assured me would be successful) to get him appointed
to Bombay. INIy answer to him was, that I could not run counter
to the hopes of one whom I knew to have fair expectations, and
still fairer deserts relative to that object. Beyond this, I should
have mortified Lady Hastings extremely liad I intertercd witli
your pretensions, for she writes to me with vexation at your dis-
appointment. It is highly probable tlie Directors will suggest to
me the making you Lieutenant-Governor of the Poonah territor}^,
because I did propose to them privately that arrangement for
Elphinstonc. Having shown to them that I thought myself
bound to let the appointment emanate apjwrently from them, even
when Elphiiistone's peculiar knowledge of the country might have
been justification for my acting without awaiting their instruc-
tions, I could not of myself make a double administrative esta-
blishment. But any indication that the Court lean that way will
be seized by me directly. You view tlic matter justly when you
say that the union of the civil and military powers would in that
case make Poonah preferable to Bombay. Your correspondents,
as far as I can judge, err in thinking that Mr. Canning took any
step, or any disposition unfavorable to you. His policy was to fix
a claim for a return from the Court by leaving their choice for
Bombay wholly unbiassed. This may have incidentally operated
to your disadvantage; but certainly it Avas not so meant by liim.
William Elphinstonc behaved like himself in the strictness of liis
adherence to you. Attached as he naturally is to his nephew, he
CANNING AND THE DIRECTORS. 305
did not suffer any consideration of that nature to diminish the
activity of his exertions for you ; and Lady Hastings tells me he
-was nobly strenuous to carry the point in your favor. There is,
after all, such a sentiment respecting you, that it would be unwise
in the extreme to quit your ground and go home."
There Avas, doubtless, great consolation to Malcolm in
the kindness of the Governor-General ; and in grateful
recognition of it lie consented to remain yet a little while
longer at his post. " The Directors," he wrote to his
old friend Mr. Cockburn, " whatever I may think of indi-
viduals, shall, as a body entrusted with the care of the
public interests, find me a Christian knight, whose object
is to return benefits for injuries ; and I shall ever be
more eager to shame them by my services, than to justify
their conduct by allowing personal feeling to interfere
with public duty." The Governor-General assured him
that his services were still required in India; and he
wisely determined, therefore, not to retire from the scene
in diso;ust.
But it was not in the power even of Lord Hastings
to persuade him that lie had not been slighted. He felt,
too, that there had been prejudice and intrigue at work,
and that he had been " iug;o;led" out of the succession.
It was not very easy at first to ascertain the true history
of his disappointment. The fact appeared to be that
Canning had sent in three names to the Court of Direc-
tors — those of Malcolm, Elphinstone, and iNIunro — Mal-
colm's being at the head of the list ; and that after some
sharp contention Elphinstone was selected, on the ex-
pressed ground of his being a civilian. It seemed at first,
therefore, to Malcolm, that Cannings by placing his name
at the head of the list, had not only behaved towards him
in a fair, but in a friendly spirit. Subsequent information,
however, led him to believe that the Minister had been
VOL. II. X
306 CENTRAL INDIA.
playing a game of his own. Canning had a friend — Lord
Walpole — whom he wished to serve, by obtaining for
him the succession to tlie Madras Government, likely soon
to become vacant ; and Malcolm believed that he had
covertly supported Elphinstone as the candidate favored
by the most influential section of the Court, or at all
events by those members from whom he was most likely
to obtain the reciprocation he sought. He believed, too,
that some members of the Court, who had positively or
impliedly promised to assist hhn, had failed him in the
hour of need. It was submitted, however, to him, by the
Chamnan of the Company, through Lady Malcolm, that
the claims of the candidates all being of the most dis-
tinguished order, Elphinstone was selected because he
was the only civilian of the three. With this explanation
it was expected that he would be satisfied ; and he would
have been, if there had been no reason to believe that
til ere was somethino; more than the hifi^h character and the
privileged profession of the winning candidate to secure
for him a post which in his humility Mr. Elphinstone did
not expect, and in his moderation he did not covet.
But although Malcolm, as a statesman, was disap-
pointed, as a soldier he was not. He had thought, on
the field of Mehidpoor, of the red riband of the Grand
Cross of the Bath. He coveted this distinction more
than hereditary honors. He might have secured for
himself and his successors a baronetcy ; but he desired
his influential friends in England to make known his pre-
ference in favor of the Grand Cross. With that pro-
fessional devotion which was so conspicuous an element
in his character, he desired the purely military distinc-
tion, as that which would reflect most credit upon the
service to which he belonged ; and it was now sub-
mitted that the Prince-Recjent would confer the decora-
tion upon him so soon as his army rank should entitle him
ADMINISTRATIVE DUTIES. ^07
to wear it. Malcolm was not yet a Major- General; and
the niles of the service therefore precluded him from
writing G.C.B. after his name. His promotion, how-
ever, was not far distant ; and in such a case the promise
was as good as the performance.
So, with this great object of soldierly ambition already
within his reach, and the prospect of a Lieutenant-Gover-
norship before him, Malcolm addressed himself hopefully
to his administrative duties in Central India. The hot
weather found him again at Mhow, toiling on with assi-
duous endeavour to settle not only the country which had
passed under British rule, but the native principalities
by which he was surrounded. It was hard work ; but
it pleased him well, for he felt that he was doing good.
The nature of it cannot be described better than in his
own words. Writing to one of his oldest friends, Mr.
Haliburton, he said :
^' I wish I had you here tor a week, to show you my nabobs,
rajahs, Bheel chiefs, pattyls, and ryuts. My room is a thorough-
fare from morning till night. No moonshees, dewans, dubashes,
or even choubdars, but Char Dericazalt Kolali* that' the inha-
bitants of these countries may learn Avhat our principles are at the
fountain head. My success has been great, beyond even my own
expectations ; but the labor of public duty in the way I take it is
more than any man can bear, and I believe I should be grateful
to the Directors for relieving me from a life that no human being
that sees how it is passed can envy.
" Of the result of my efforts I will not speak. You will hear
from others that have lately quitted this scene. Suffice it to say
that from the highest ruler to the lowest robber, from the palace
in the city to the shed in the deepest recess of the mountain
forest, your friend Malcolm- Sahib is a welcome and a famihar
guest, and is as much pleased, thank God, with firing arrows and
eating nuts with the latter as at the fine durbar and sumptuous
* Literallv, " Four doors open" — a phrase implying general accessibility.
x2
o08 CENTRAL INDIA.
feast of the former. All is peace, and a great impulse has been
eiven to render India tranquil for a long period ; but it is as yet
only an impulse. Habits are sturdy opponents to the best and
boldest reformers, and it will require a care and a wisdom far
beyond what the distant viewers of the scene and the readers of
general reports can imagine to realise the bright prospect. I
<jonfess I tremble when I contemplate the eminence at which we
are arrived, and consider the character of those materials of which
the mighty fxbric is built. Wc had, I must ever contend, no
option. Indeed, if I was not convinced of this, I should hold
myself guilty for every step in advance that I have ever recom-
mended ; for I have for many years been conscious that our
progress to supreme power is a progress towards the dissolution of
our authority in India. Very slow will be that dissolutionj I
trust, but still it is certain. We are doomed, like all nations and
all men who rise to wonderful, but what may be termed vumatural
greatness, to perish by our own hands. England may have the
wisdom, but, from the canvassing principles of her constitution,
she cannot have the virtue, to keep India long. But, after all, I
prefer the felo-de-se — the Roman death, with all its crime — to that
which must have earlier happened had we acted (as many wished)
\ipon the literal version of tlie Christian rule — ' when one cheek
was smitten to present the other.' "
To Mr. Butterwortli Bayley, then one of tlie secreta-
ries to the Supreme Government, he wrote soon after-
wards in the same stram :
" You tell me of your expectations of historical research, &c.
You shall have, I trust, a good and full report of this country and
its past and present institutions ; but I can promise no more. I
wish you and some other friends at Calcutta could take a view, for
one week, of my occupations. They are at least curious. No
business, however urgent, and no meal, however hungry I am, is
allowed to prevent the instant access of any human being, how-
ever humble, that sings out Fart/ad. lie is heard and answered,
cither at the moment or at an hour appointed by myself First
■impressions in such a country arc of too great importance to be
hazarded by leaving applications to the common routine of moon-
shecs, mutasudecs, jemadars, choubdars^ and hurkarahs. I em-
i:\IPROVEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. 309
ploy all those animals, but tlicy step aside when any one, from
a rajah to a ryut, pronounces my name with the expression of u
desire to see me, either from a motive of respect, curiosity, or
business. I am far from stating that such a proceeding is necessary
in more settled countries, but here it was indispensable to produce
the desired effect at an early period. I declare to you that when
I first took this country into my hands I had the feelings of
Rasselas with his elements. We are now calmer, and, from under-
standing and being understood better than we were at first, go on
smoothly ; but still the work is delicate, and will require some
years of the same care and attention, or the completion of the
great object we have in view will be, to say the very least, mucli
protracted.
" I have endeavoured to impress these truths upon Adam and
Metcalfe, and can now do this more at liberty, as I am personally
much out of the question. Juggled and ousted from the succes-
sion to Bombay as I have been by intrigue and prejudice, I shall
not stay in India, unless in such rank and station as has been pro-
posed for me — as Lieutenant-Governor of the Conquered Countries.
The time will come soon — I wish it was arrived — when there will
be a Lieutenant-Governor for Central India ! and I should then
prefer fixing my mountain throne amid the ruins of Mandoo (from
Avhich I returned yesterday, gratified beyond description) even to
Poonah. I have already brought the plundering Bheels of that
once royal land to till ground that has been flillow for near a cen-
tury. These are all dreams. I shall be satisfied with having given
a good impulse, shall probably shake you by the hand in No-
vember, take your commands for England in December, and there
take a flirm."
And that Malcolm himself did not over-estimate either
the extent of his labors or the excellence of their results,
there is abundant cotemporary evidence to show. The
rapid improvement of the country was patent to ever}-
one with eyes to see and faculties to comprehend. From
a letter written in ^lay, 1819, by an oflicer on Mal-
colm's staff, I am tempted to extract the following-
passages. Beyond the testimony they contain to the
310 CENTRAL INDIA.
good results of Malcolm's rule in India, tliey have an
additional interest, as describing his social and domestic
life at this time :
" Here wc are again, laid up, I hope, for the'^wet weather :
that, however, with our illustrious commander, is by no means a
hope to be much indulged in, as there is in general something or
other going on in the country to afford an excuse for him march-
ing, which he is extremely ay ell inclined to take advantage of; and
in this he is certainly not very far wrong, for nobody that I ever
saw or heard of can get over the same quantity of business in the
same quantity of time that he does, and his reputation stands so
very high with the natives, that his being personally concerned in
any arrangements goes further in satisfying them than, I believe,
would the interference of any other man on earth. When
we crossed the Nerbudda in 1817, the state of Malwah was
scarcely to be described. It was a country without government,
u state without revenue, an army without pay ; consequently, a
peasantry without protection from the villanies of the troops of
their own sovereigns, or from any set of depredators who chose
to plunder them, and of these last tlie country was full. We now
see around us the effects of our late operations in dispersing the
unruly and licentious troops belonging to the family of Holkar,
and repressing and keeping under everything in the shape of
systematic plunder; a state, though at present reduced in respect
of revenue, yet respectable ; that revenue increasing, and perhaps
the finest country in India again wearing the face of cheerful
industry ; the inhabitants, assured of protection, returning to their
villages, and looking forward with confidence to better times.
These times will most certainly come, provided the interference of
the British influence with the native powers here is directed
ultimately with the same wisdom and moderation which have
marked its introduction into this, to us, new scene. This is Sir
John's work ; and a most glorious work it has been. His is a
noble character, and such as his are required to keep us now on
the high ground on which, thank God ! we stand in Asia. His
politics are open and honest. Indeed, he says that he never in tlic
course of his service had occasion to have recourse to deceit; but
let tlie temptation be ever so great, that he never would use it —
SOCIAL HABITS. 311
that it is unbecoming the Government of a great nation, and that
in all instances more is to be lost than gained by it. There is
another thing — the man docs not exist who can accuse him of
what is called a job. Nor among the many whom he has brought
forward in the service of his country is there one who has not
done honor to the judgment which called forth their talents, which
but for that judgment might have lain unproductive and un-
known ; in short, I believe, though it is possible he may be
equalled in some points, that in public virtue and useful talent he
cannot be excelled by any public servant of any Government at
this time existing ; and that for whatever length of time his
fame may last in Europe, Malcolm-Sahib will be remembered in
Malwah as lono- as regular government exists, of which he has
again laid the foundations
" Our life here is a very quiet one. We eat our dinner between
three and four, go out and take a ride, come home, and either
play a rubber at whist or at billiards, and go to bed about ten
o'clock. When I joined Sir John first, he used to dine in the
evening, and, considering that it was my duty to give up my own
inclinations, where they were inclinations merely, to the wishes of
a man who had laid me under obligations such as he had done,
that also became my hour. We have, however, changed these
hours since we have got quieter. Sir John found that evening
dinners did not so well agree with him, and I advised early ones.
In the way I have mentioned we live when at home, but that has
been seldom the case with us, as, since October, 1817, when I
joined the Third Division, to the present time, we have not halted
altogether six months — counting a month at one time and a
fortnight at another to make up the time. Our marching, how-
ever, agrees wondrously well with all. The climate is delightful,
and Sir John, though occasionally not quite well, has enjoyed ex-
cellent health."
And so Malcolm worked on bravely in Central India
all through the year 1819, and all through that which
followed it. He wa«! not one, under any circumstances
of a personal nature, to work otherwise than with
unshrinking energy ; and although again and again
disappointed, and eager to retu'e from the scene, he
312 CENTRAL INDIA.
would not quit liis post so long as the Governor-General
besought him to remain. Throughout a great part of
1819 the question of the Poonah Government was un-
settled. In May, Lord Hastings wrote to Malcolm that
there was a strong likelihood of the Court of Directors
consenting to the erection of the Conquered Coimtries
into a Lieutenant- Governorship, and urging him not to be
"in a hurry." In June he wrote that nothing adverse
to Sir John's interests was " to be inferred from the
silence of the Directors ;" and he still urged Malcolm to
remain in India, feeling assured that some office ade-
quate to ]iis merits would ere long be bestowed upon
him. But Lord Hastings was overruled by his Council,
and the Poonah territories were attached to the Bombay
Presidency on the succession of Mr. Elphinstone to the
Government.*
But another and greater disappointment was in store
for Malcolm. Many of his friends in England had held
out to him liopes of his appointment to the Madras
Government on the retirement of Mr. Hugh Elliot;
and some of the most influential of them had been exert-
ing themselves to promote his interests in that direction.
That he had strong claims to the appointment, and
reasonable ground of belief that it would be conferred
upon him, need not be insisted upon here. Since the
loss of the Bombay Government, the news of the sur-
* From a letter written by Lord found the Council so strenuous and
Hastings to Malcolm in July, 1820, I unanimoiis for annexing the districts
take the following explanatory pas- in question to that Presidency, as to
sage : " Mr. Canning, in a letter to make it impossible for me to pursue
me, refers to the probability of my my own notion. I then thought that
having made you Lieutenant-Governor the Court would probably nominate
over the Conquered Territories. That you to Prince of "Wales Island, adding
procedure had l)ecn decidedly in my to your government Bencoolin, Singa-
coutemi)lation, and even a skctcli of pore, &c. In this I have miscalcu-
llie arrangement liad been fashioned. lated. It only remains at present tlie
But when Mr. Elphinstone was nomi- making your situation, where you are,
nated to the Government of Bombay, I more distinguished."
THE MADRAS GOVERNMENT. 313
render of Bacljee Rao had reached England ; the Court
of Directors had approved of Malcohn's conduct; and
he believed, therefore, that his title to favorable consi-
deration, on the occurrence of a new vacancy, had been
considerablv streno^thened by recent events. It was still
possible, however, that English interests might prevail,
and that some needy member of the aristocracy, or some
personal friend of the President of the Board of Control,
might be appointed to the office. But his surprise and
mortification were equally great when, early in 1820,
English letters reached him at Talyn, announcing that
his old friend "Tom Munro-Sahib" had been appointed
Governor of Madras, Under the first fresh feelings of
disappointment he wrote to Mountstuart Elphinstone,
saying :
" I could not get Bombay because I was not a civil servant.
The Duke of Wellington was told, when he asked for Madras,
tliat I could not have that Presidency, because I was a Company's
servant. In my excellent friend Thomas Munro they have both
a soldier and a merchant's son (as we Eastern Kniglits of the Batli
were called by the Mornincj Chronicle). Now, though I will no
more quarrel with Munro's nomination than I did with yours,
though I congratulate India on such appointments, I am not, and
never will be, reconciled to being thrown so completely out of the
question as I have been, particularly on this last occasion."*
The men wlio had superseded him — whose elevation
had disappointed his honorable ambition — were two of
"■•* In auothcr loiter to !Mr. Elphin- Avallis in I'^OC; difference witli Sir G.
stone, Malcolm speaks of the influences Barlow; evidence on oalli before the
which, he supposed, niarrod liis clianccs House of Ijords regarding the danger
of success : "From Ciiades Grant, an of over-zeal in propagating Chris-
able leading Director, I could look for tianity in India; and lastly, my dc-
nothing but opposition. My sins arc cided opinions on tlic actual necessity
deep and manifold. My connexion of the late war, — these are all ofFeuces
with Lord Wellesley; tiie Political never to be forgotten or for^ivcr. by a
Histon/ of India ; the undervaluing mind like his, which, thougli compre-
Lord Teigninouth's policy ; the oppo- hensivc, is prejudiced, bigoted, and
sition to the measures oi' Lord Corn- relentless."
314 CENTRAL INDIA.
liis oldest and most esteemed friends, and two of the best
public servants whom England had ever lent to India.
But Elphinstone was a much younger man ; he entered
the diplomatic service after Malcolm had attained one of
its highest posts ; and his career, however distinguished,
was one far less arduous and less varied than Malcolm's.
Munro, on the other hand, was older than Malcolm. It
is characteristic of the latter that, although a year or two
before, when he had never thought of Tom Munro com-
peting with him for a Government, he had frequently, in his
private letters, bewailed his old friend's decaying powers,
he would not now utter a word in disparagement of the
qualifications of his successful rival. Munro had been
for some time extremely deaf, and his eyesight also was
failing. Malcolm, indeed, had besought him to go to
England for the restoration of his impaired powers of
vision ; but I cannot find in a single letter written after
Munro's elevation an allusion to these infirmities. He
had only the most generous praise, warm from a heart
whose affection no rivalry could diminish or disappoint-
ment taint, to bestow upon the men who had passed him
in the race. But there were those against whom he
believed that ho did w^ell to be angry. Rightly or
Avrongly I know not, but it was his rooted conviction
that there were those in England who pretended to be
his friends, but who were not unwilling to sacrifice his
interests. Against all such impostors IMalcolm levelled
his indignation in the following letter to his wife :
" I have received your letters of the 15th of July, and with it
the nev/s of my friend Munro's appointment. I am within a few
days of completing the last tour I shall make in Malwah. A few
months will enable me to wind up my labors, and I proceed to
Calcutta to embark for England, where I shall arrive in a dispo-
sition that will convince you that I am capable of taking my own
part, of distinguishing between the real and the lukewarm friend,
Malcolm's supersession. 315
and of giving more value to the man who does not conceal his
indisposition than to one who lulls me with unmeaning, if not
false, professions of friendship. You know my sentiments upon
Mountstuart Elphinstone's appointment. The interested activity
of men who, while they were bound to promote his views, should
have better recollected their obligations than to injure mine, has had
its proper reward. They have failed in their object. They have in-
jured, as far as his circumstances are concerned, the man they pro-
moted at my expense; and while he cannot but be grateful for their
efforts, he regrets their success.* As to Munro's appointment,
though I can never repine at the elevation of so old a friend and
so able a man, and though I deem his nomination a great public
benefit to India, particularly as connected with the introduction of
a new system of police and justice, I never can consent to the
neglect with which I have been treated, and the preference that
has been given to two successive competitors, whose claims were
great, but not superior to mine, and above both of whom my
name was put by the Indian ^linister in a list, which he sent to
the Directors, of men in the service of the Company who were
deemed eligible for a Government. With the above feelings and
impressions my future life shall be devoted to the object of
showing that, though others may deserve advancement, I do not
merit neglect. I mean to write no more letters. I want no more
parade of exertion in my friends. I shall return to my own
native country, either to enjoy private happiness (and of that
Avhich consists in the society of you, my children, and family, God
in his goodness has given me an abundant store), or to enter
public life with a spirit that Avlll make many regret that they
have treated me with such slight and indifference.
" The above is the copy of a letter I wrote you some time ago.
I have since heard from Lord Hastings. He is anxious I should
not go, but has agreed not to throw any obstacles in my way ;
and, what is of more consequence, has dispensed with my going
to Calcutta, which enables me to go by Bombay, and renders
everything convenient. I shall, in all liuman probability, go by
* Malcolm racaus, by this, that if of ihe Couqueved Provinces— un ap-
Mr. Elphinstonc had not been ap- pointment which both ho and l^Ialcohn
pointed Governor of Bombay, he would considered fur preferable of the two.
have been made Lieutenant-Governor
316 CENTRAL INDIA.
Egypt, ■w]iicli is at once the quickest and pleasantest route. I am
quite delighted at the idea of my departure being fixed. I hope
in January, 1821, to sail for the Red Sea, and to be with you in
April."
In another letter lie dwelt upon one of the many al-
leged causes of his supersession — that it was desirable
to appoint to the Government of Madras one who was
skilled and exjDcrienced in revenue and judicial adminis-
tration — asking whether his own experiences did not lie
much in the same direction:*
" Has not my life — though I never acted as a judge or collector
— been more given to civil than to military duties ? Has not the
■whole Government, in all its parts, been my constant study ? And
what but the knowledge I have gained and put in practice could
have brought the whole of this quarter to the state it is now in ?
Has not my life been given to all the details of revenue settle-
ments and judicial proceedings, Native as well as European
modes of administering justice, and the most minute investiga-
tion of everything relating to the rules and institutions, great
and small, of this and neighbouring countries? They shall ere
long see all this in a Report, which will enable me to ask my
friends whether I am, or I am not, fit for a civil Government.
But let them in tlie mean while take as no slio-ht evidence the con-
dition of these countries, and then ask how much of this remark-
able work has been eftected by force."
But there was too much good sense, and too much
* lie acknowledged, however, that competeut Ministerial goveruor, and
on this seore Munro's claims were of above all, the efforts of the party
the highest order. The following pas- (wliieli is strong and respectable) that
sage in another letter contains a sum- desires to give a full and fair experi-
niary of the causes of his supersession : ment to Munro's system of judicial
" Mr. Elphinstonc had engaged to administration, which proposes great
support Muiu'o's pretensions to a Go- reforms and reductions in that branch
vernment before I went to England, in of government, carried the day. Am-
1S12 ; so had Allan and Mr. John bitious as I am, and impatient as I
Sullivan. I conclude these engage- have become of slight, I do not know
mcnts were revived, and that Munro's that I should not have liad conscience
increased claims, his presence in Lea- enough to vote against myself."
dcuhall-strcctj a desire to avoid an in-
GRATITUDE AND SELF-CONTENT. 317
riglit feeling in Malcolm to be long disturbed by such a
disappointment as this. He was of a cheerful spirit —
habitually grateful to Providence for all its good gifts —
and it was only in accordance with such a nature that he
should soon have changed his complaints into thanks-
givings:
" Let us learn," he wrote to his wife, "in the first place, to be
plateful for the extraordinary good fortune we enjoy. Let us
liabituate ourselves to look down as well as to look up ; and then
Ave shall escape many a torturing reflection. When occurrences
like these, which have recently happened, cross my path of ambi-
tion, I pause for a moment; but a recollection of their causes, of
the rank I have attained, of tlie resources I possess to enable me to
go higher should I still desire it, of my admirable wife, my delight-
ful children, my fair fortune, and Avhat is more, my fair fame,
comes upon my mind and tells me that with all these crosses and
jostles lam still among the most fortunate of mankind, and that it
is unreasonable, if not impious, to complain. All this I feel con-
sistent with a steady view of my interests in life ; and though
anger cannot blind my reason, I am not insensible to passing events,
nor to the comparative claim upon my regard of real and j^i'c-
tended friends."
And after all there was another consideration, of a
local and present character, to reconcile him to the loss
of the Madras Government. He could hardly have done
so much good, upon any new scene, as he was then
doinoj in Central India. At the head of the Government
of a Presidency, how much time must he have necessarily
bestowed upon forms and ceremonies, and social ameni-
ties, and matters of detail little affecting the happiness of
the people. But in Malwah he was as a patriarchal ruler
among them — the father and the friend of rude but
erateful communities, who blessed the name of IMalcolm
as that of a tutelar saint. There could be no higher
object of ambition. "I am busy with my report," he
318 CENTRAL INDIA.
wrote on the ■ 3rd of April, from Nalcha, thirty miles
to the Avestward of Mhow, " and with all kinds of im-
provements. I have fixed my head-quarters in an old
palace, from Avhich I expelled (I speak a literal fact)
tigers. The old ruins of this place, and the celebrated
city of Mandoo, have for more than a century been
shared by tigers, and Bheels more destructive than these
animals in their ravages. The tigers I shoot ; the Bheels
are my friends, and now serve in a corps I have raised,
or cultivate lands. I have made, and am making
roads in every direction. A great fair at a holy place,
which has not been visited for seventy years, was a week
ago crowded by at least 30,000 people. I gave guards
at the place, and cleared the road ; and I confess that I
Avas a little sensible to the flattery of the poor creatures
making the air ring with ' Jy Malcolm jy!' (Success
to Malcolm), Szc, &c. This, and the discovery, a few
days ago, that among the Bheel ladies, tying a string
upon the right arm of their children, Avhilst the priest
pronounced the name of Malcolm three times, was a
sovereign cure for a fever, are proofs at least of my
having a good name among these wild mountaineers,
which will do me as much, and more good than one in
Leadenhall-street." 1 am told that Bishop Heber used
to relate how, when travelling in Central India, he in-
quired what was written on an amulet worn by a native
child, and was told that it was nothing more than the
word " Malcolm," which was considered, in that part of
the countr)', the most efiicacious of charms.
On the 7th of April 'he wrote that he was " just
mounting his horse to go from his ' old palace near Man-
doo,' to his (cantonment at Mhow;" but ten days after-
wards ho wrote agam from the old palace, in good
liealth and in good spirits, his thoughts still turning
fondly towards home, " wild " as he said, " to see the
PROPOSED LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOESHIP. 319
little animals." A new object of ambition, however,
had started up before him, and contended with home for
the occupation of his heart. " I shall either," he wrote,
" be the first Soubah (Provincial Governor) of British
India, or depart in December for England." He was
rooted in the conviction of the expediency of establish-
ing a Lieutenant- Governorship in Central and Upper
India. It appeared to him then, as it has since appeared
to others, that the provinces of Northern India were too
remote from the seat of Government to secure due super-
vision from the supreme authority, and that the division
of delegated power among the different agents and re-
presentatives of the Governor-General prevented any-
thing like uniformity of system, or consistency of action.
He clearly saw that want of unity was producing evil
fruits; and he wrote many earnest letters to men in
authority, both in India and in England, exhorting them
to consider the expediency of adopting a system, which,
by consolidating all these scattered particles of govern-
ment into one great whole, would at the same time re-
lieve the Supreme Government from harassing details of
local administration, and secure the supervision of these
remote provinces by an experienced functionary on the
spot, with sufficiently large powers to control all tlie
minor political agencies, and to give consistency to their
operations. He was, at this time, much occupied in the
preparation of a Report on the history, the institutions,
and the resources of Central India, and the more he pro-
secuted the inquiries necessary to the completion of such
a task, the more apparent it became to him that this cen-
tralisation of authority was necessary, not only to the
prosperity, but to the peace of that part of the country.
At one time, he seems to have thought it not improbable
that such a Lieutenant-Governorship would be erected,
and that he would be invited to remain in Central India
320 CENTRAL INDIA.
witli this augmented authorit3^ He believed it to be
essential to the tranquillity of the country, and he wrote
to Mr. Adam, saying that in no other situation he could
be content to remain beyond the close of the year :
" As to myself, I have no desire to remain in Malwali, even if
my power were enlarged ; but I must say furtlier to you, lest any
expression from England of a Avish for my stay should lead to the
subject, that I am not content to remain (and I take a view of the
subject more as it relates to the good of the public than my own
ambition) unless made Lieutenant-Governor of Central India, and
Military Commander, with controlling power over all the political
agencies in these parts, and also a power of direction in the affairs
of Scindiah ; and of requisition of troops Avithout being liable to
be superseded by any senior officer advancing into IMalwah, unless
a war beyond my local means and sphere rendered it necessary."
To the Governor-General he also wrote, at the end of
May, upon the same subject. Sir Thomas Munro had
arrived at Madras, brinoino; the insimiia of the Grand
Cross for Malcolm;* and it was supposed that Lord Has-
tings had been entrusted with the duty of performing
the ceremony of investiture. This threatened to call
Malcolm to Calcutta — a disturbance of his plans which
somewhat alarmed him; so he wrote the folio wino- letter
to Lord Hastings, Avhich enters so fully into his views
and aspirations at this period, that I am induced to insert
it entire :
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO LORD HASTINGS.
Nalcha, May 31, 1S20.
iMv Loiii), — A sliort letter from my friend Sir Tliomas Munro,
written the day lie landed, tells me he has charge of my insignia
of the Grand Cross, but he forgets to add what instructions he has
received for its disposal. Upon that I have no information, but
a paragraph of an English paper, which states that it is to be (with
■-•■ Malcolm had l)y this time bccu promoted to the rauk of Major-Gcucral.
LETTER TO LORD HASTINGS. 321
some otliers) transmitted to your Lordship, to whom the ceremony
of investiture has been delegated.
This information has caused me some embarrassment, from which
I can only escape by a full explanation of the circumstances in
which I am placed to your Lordship, with an expressed resolution
to do exactly what you deem proper and right.
Your Lordship is acquainted with the circumstances which
make me desire to remain here till December, when I meant to
proceed overland to England. There arc none of those so strong
as a wish to finish my Report upon INLalwah.
With every effort, I cannot expect that to be completed much
before the period when I intended to go to Bombay, and when to
go by Calcutta would (as I must carry my books, papers, and
baggage) cause both increased delay and expense.
I should, if I went dawk to Calcutta and back again, be away
at least three months, and that interruption would prevent my
completion of my task by the time proposed. I may in my cal-
culations over-estimate the consequence of my present labors ; but
taking, as a standard to judge by, my comparative ignorance of this
country wdien I commenced it (and when I was deemed the best-
informed actor in the scene), and my present knowledge, I must
think that it will bring a mass of matter before Government that
will enable it, beyond any documents yet possessed, to judge the
mode in which that great proportion of Lidia, which, though not
under our direct rule, owns our superiority, is to be managed and
controlled. I may (it is likely I do) overrate the importance of our
first measures in this arduous and untried system of new govern-
ment ; but it is my decided opinion that exemption from trouble,
from great expenditure, and from war, depends chiefly upon your
Lordship being early enabled to give this extended subject (it is
not limited to ^lalwah) your fullest consideration, and to lay down
upon principles suited to the great changes that have occurred a
general system for the whole. I do not say that even this, let the
wisdom upon which the plan is grounded be ever so great, will
save us altogether from troubles, or even occasional hostilities. It
would be folly to expect it ; the hour of reaction must come, and
the discontent, the turbulence, or the despair of individuals or
bodies of men, will accelerate it. But there will, if we arc pre-
pared by a wcll'digested organisation of our civil, political, and
VOL. II. Y
322 CENTRAL INDIA.
military means, and by the concentration of authority at remote
points, be comparatively no danger, and peace and prosperity
(after a few years of agitation, if not trouble) will be permanently
established.
The very reverse of all this will, I am convinced, take place, if
some considerable alterations, both in the shape and substance of
our administration over many parts of this empire, do not very
soon take place. It is these impressions (whether they be just or
erroneous) that give importance in my mind to the information I
am now busied in preparing for your Lordship, and which, I con-
fess, I should be equally sorry to leave unfinished, or to present in
an imperfect state.
My facts and speculations, though they may apply generally
to other countries in a nearly similar state, bear chiefly upon the
scene in which I am engaged. The outline of the plan I thought
indispensable for this quarter was, more than a twelvemonth ago,
sent to My. Adam. Events, and the kind confidence which your
Lordship placed in me, have since led to the partial adoption of
some parts of it. The agents for Bhopal, and for Kotah and
Mewar, have been placed generally under my authority; but
much more remains to be done to give to this situation (if it is
intended to be more than one for temporary settlement) that shape
and strength which it requires to enable the person holding it to
fulfil his political, military, and civil functions. I add civil, for
he has already the management of districts, and the collection of
tributes: and from the state of our connexion with Scindiah, and
other causes, we must calculate upon these duties increasing, and
the authority should be of a shape to receive them without change
or embarrassment in its administration. With these sentiments
your Lordship will judge my solicitude to present you with the
fullest means of deciding this large question; to furnish, in a
minute history of the people, their governments, institutions,
character, prejudices, and actual condition, the materials for that
edifice which is to give them happiness, you fame, and this part
of India peace. These ideas may be exaggerated, but they dwell
in my mind, and are motives of action. With all this, if your
Lordship conceives that I should proceed immediately to Calcutta
to receive my investiture — if it is a point that involves (and of 'that
your Lordship is the only judge) any question of gratitude and
LETTER TO LORD HASTINGS. 323
respect for the royal donor, the omission of which might be no-
ticed, I Avould not for a miUion of Reports prove a recreant knight
in my acknowledgments for so proud a distinction. To your
Lordship it is necessary to say no more upon this subject, but
that nothing can reconcile me to the sacrifice of not having the
warmest wish of my heart gratified, by receiving my new honors
from the hands of him to whose favor and partiality I owe their
attainment, but a full expression of your opinion that my public
duties are of a nature not to permit my absence from my station ;
and unless some troubled waters become smooth very soon, this
will apply to more than my completion of the Report.
My excellent friend Sir Thomas Munro writes me that it is
his hope, and that of those he communicated with in England,
that circumstances may occur to induce me to remain. I appre-
hend, from what is stated in letters I have received, that your
Lordship will be written to upon this subject. In anticipation of
such an occurrence, I wrote Mv. Adam on the 8th of April, re-
questing he would show my letter to your Lordship in the event
of any such communication as was expected being made, either
by ]\Ir. Canning or the Directors. I shall write him to give you
that letter, at all events, as I feel, whether such application be
made or not, I can have no reserve with your Lordship, whom I
only entreat to believe three facts connected with this subject :
rirstly, That I have no wish to remain in India, and that this
feeling is grounded upon a conviction that it will be better for my
health aiad future advancement (if I pursue public life) to go to
England;
Secondly, Tlrat I am not so foolish or unreasonable as to de-
sire or expect that your Lordship should make, or recommend to
be made, any appointment for me that is not in your opinion
necessary as a part of the administration of the empire under your
charge; and,
Lastly, That though I might feel it was not an object for me
to remain in India unless I filled a permanent situation of high
rank, I never could have proposed one that I was not conscien-
tiously convinced it was for the good of the public interests
should be made.
1 am, with much respect, &c., &c.,
John Malcolm.
y2
324 CENTEAL INDIA.
To this Lord Hastings, in a good-humored letter, re-
plied that he would dissipate Malcolm's anxieties at
once by sending the insignia to Sir Charles Colville,*
who was a Grand Cross of the Bath, with a warrant
authorising him to invest Malcolm ; and so, added his
Lordship, " You will not be either a recreant knight, or
have to make a very troublesome journey."
Nothing was said at this time by Lord Hastings about
the Lieutenant-Governorship of Central India, but the
thought of it still held possession of Malcolm's mind. Li
a long and very able letter Avhich he addressed to the
Governor- General in August, he sketched out all the de-
tails of the system of administration which he conceived
would be best calculated to advance the public interests,
introduced by some more general observations, which
contain so good an abstract of Malcolm's political creed,
that it would be an injustice to him to withhold them :
" My general opinions regarding the principles on which tlie
administration of this quarter should be grounded have been
repeatedly stated. Events (far beyond our control) have forced
great and awful duties upon us. There is, among other evils
concomitant with our present state, a tendency to direct rule,
alike arising out of the character and condition of the remaining
Native Governments and our success and established supremacy,
which it will be difficult, if not impossible, to counteract. But
wc must try to march slow time if we cannot halt, and to support,
at least for a period, what is still left of native rank and power.
Its dissolution, to be safe, must be gradual, and we must make,
before that crisis comes, a change in some of our principles of
administration, and try to render those less depressing to our
native subjects, and to obtain to our aid the efforts of their better
feellnr<-s, by associating them more than they now arc with our
system of rule.
" We arc fast losing what has long been our chief strength —
a comparison of our Government with rude, unprincipled, and
* Then Commaudcr-iu-Cbicf at Bombay,
Malcolm's political creed. 325
unsettled States. And it is this consideration, beyond all others,
which calls for such changes as will render our sway over this
vast empire more popular, particularly with the higher classes of
the natives of India. Every observation I have made since I
held my present station has sunk deeper the conviction of these
facts upon my mind, and satisfied me of the necessity of giving as
early as possible a more consistent shape, both in form and sub-
stance, to our administration at remote points, and of concentrating
authority in one person, whose local knowledge and efficient
powers will enable him to control and direct all those that are
Avithin his circle in a manner that will give conformity of prin-
ciple and of action to the whole, and who, while he becomes the
shield to the natives of the countries over which he is placed
against innovations or unnecessary encroachments on their rights
or habits, and prevents all collision or difference in lesser authori-
ties, may be expected, from his acquaintance with the principles
of the general administration of the empire, to suit and temper
their application to the actual condition of the countries under
him, and to save a distant Government (which cannot have
minute local knowledge) from much of that embarrassment, if
not hazard, that there is in deciding on the numerous cases and
plans referred to it by a multiplicity of agents, whose views must,
from the limited scene on which they act, be more contracted,
but who, impelled by the ardor of public zeal and a laudable
desire to bring themselves forward, will continue with unre-
mitting activity to press upon the attention of their superiors
every arrangement which promises local benefit, though that can
often be only obtained at the expense of feelings and pruiciples
essential to keep the whole machine in order. The evils of such
unconnected rule need not be enlarged upon, but it is important
to remark (and I do it from the conviction of experience) that it
is when the minds of men have been heated by such great
changes and revolutions as have lately occurred in the central
parts of India, that they are most malleable, and consequently
most susceptible of those impressions it is desired to give. Errors
now are therefore much more important than they would be when
they were viewed with more coolness, or when we were better
understood. This latter is, indeed, the most essential point ; but
it is one which cannot be efTccted till we speak by our actions the
same language to all in a similar condition — till princes trembling
326 CENTEAL INDIA.
for their power, chiefs doubtful of continued independence, and
all who dread further encroachment have their minds tranqulllised
"by the constant contemplation of an uniform and consistent rule,
instead of being disturbed and distracted as they must be by
systems differing in form, if not in substance, in almost every
province.
" Far from me be it to say that any of the measures adopted or
recommended by the numerous select and able officers now em-
ployed in this quarter are, as applied to their local charge, un-
appropriate and unwise ; but they vary. This is the evil — for
that which may inspire confidence in one part shakes it in
another. Men in the condition of the inhabitants of tliese half-
conquered countries listen to every tale and exaggerate every
rumor that excites their fears or their hopes. This makes them,
unless great care is taken, prone to become the dupes of the
designing and turbulent, and nothing, in my opinion, but an alte-
ration in the shape as well as the substance of our administration
can prevent that confusion and distraction which will compel us
to further interference, and hasten the destruction of all that yet
remains of native power and rank in the continent of India.
There are, I believe, many who seek to arrive at this goal : I am
not one of them. When we reach it, we have, in my opinion,
touched the pinnacle, and must from that hour descend. This
speculation, however, has no further importance than as it ac-
counts for my strong sense of the necessity of there being one
head to the whole of Central India, who has sufficient of general
views and of local power to keep (under the direction of the
Supreme Government) the whole machine right.
" To allow changes to work themselves (which is ever the
safest course), to be content, which such a man, from his pre-
sumed experience and established character, may be supposed to
be, with that forbearance which views abuses even, when there is
a tendency to reform, with indulgence, and which exercises a
control that is most efficient when least in view, and which in its
operation makes princes and chiefs regard with reverence and
attachment a power which elevates when it has ample means of
depressing, and which is so constituted that it can only be conci-
liated by their good or offended by their bad actions, — these
objects may be attained through the action of one authority, tlicy
cannot through that of a multiplicity of agents."
LORD HASTINGS AND ME. CANNING. 327
But Strong as were the arguments adduced by INIalcolm
in favor of the estabhshment of a separate Government
in Central India, the scheme wliich many years after-
wards developed itself into what is now the Lieutenant-
Governorship of the North-Western Provinces did not
then meet with the encouragement it unquestionably
deserved. There seems to have been, on the part of the
Court of Dkectors and the Governor- General, a dispo-
sition to acknowledge tlie soundness of the principles
enunciated by Malcolm, but both authorities shrank from
being the first to recommend the adoption of the plan.
At all events, Lord Hastings wrote to Malcolm that the
Court was not inclined to iuitiate the measure them-
selves, and that there was little chance of then' giving
effect to any reforms suggested by a Governor-General
whom they had become anxious to remove : *
" I do uot sec any chance," he Avrote in November, 1820, "of
the Court directing a territory to be formed in Central India for a
Lieutenant-Governor. Howsoever it may have been thrown out
to yon that my recommendation of such a step woukl be adopted,
be assured that it was only said to get rid of the apphcation on
the spot by an apparent reference to me ; for the Court is by no
means in a disposition to adopt any suggestion of mine. I firmly,
and on good grounds, beUeve that the Court is laboring to work
* Mr. Cmiiiiug, wlio was then at the from you) the more substantial means
Board of Control, declared that Lord of a suitable termination to a career so
Hastings liad never, in his public or full of brilliant achievements and solid
privateletters to him, ever suggested merit. But it never did occur to me
such an arrangement as that wliicli tliat the finding of these means would
Malcolm had sketched; and added, be thrown ujion us on this side of tlic
" Lord Hastings cannot doubt of the water. I am sure it is not in the
pleasure which I should derive froni wholesome, any more than it is in the
anv arrangement conducive to tlic ordinaryaud legal course of things, that
public service-, and consistent with uot the suggestion of appointments, cspe-
a uiirgardlv but a just and rational cially of such as arc to grow out of
economv, which should at the same special circumstances whieli can bo
time furnish an opportunity of enabHug fully known only in India, should be
you to add to the honors which vou sent out from England." So it was
have won, and (which there has cer- clearly shown to be nobody's business
taiuly been no disposition to withhold to initiate the desired relorm.
328 CENTRAL INDIA.
me out, in which object they have the full concurrence of Mr.
Canning. I am perfectly ready to go, if I can answer to the King
and to myself that I do not frowardly seek it. If, therefore, the
chance of a separate district being formed in Central India is what
is to determine your plans, I would decidedly say to you that I do
not think the prospect exists."
The time Avlncli Malcolm had fixed for his departure
fromlndia — the cold season of 1820-21 — was nowdrawing
near ; but the great Malwali Report was unfinislied. He
had foreseen the impossibility of bringing his labors to a
close at a sufficiently early period to enable him to em-
bark at the desired time, and he had, therefore, written to
Lord Hastino-s to intimate his intention to continue at
his post until the following June.* Malcolm judged
rightly that the Report would not only add greatly to his
reputation, but confer also much benefit on the public ;
and he labored at it in his old unstinting way, ever reso-
lute to do the best he could. It may be doubted whe-
ther he ever took so much interest in any other of his
literary works. The first pages were written on the
14th of June, 1819, and from that time, except when
interrupted by illness, he never ceased from his work.
He had designed at first little more than an official
Report ; but as he proceeded with his inquiries into the
history of the country — as he listened to the oral tradi-
tions which were current among the people, and con-
sulted such scanty scriptural records as existed among
these rude people — so much of universal human interest
was developed, so many romantic episodes sparkled up
to give life and light to the story, that what was at first a
* " I wrote your Lordship," he That is now impossible, and I have,
said on tlic 4l,h of August, " under tliercfore, made u]) my mind to stay
date the IStli of July, regarding my till next June, when I shall request a
intended return to England. I find few months' leave to go to the coast,
that I ought, to save the season, to and sail the first opportunity."
reach Bombay early in November.
THE IMALWAII REPORT. 329
mere oflacial duty became, in time, one of the few luxu-
ries of his life ; and, as tlic work expanded into goodly
proportions, lie began to discover that he had written a
history, not a report, and that Avhat had pleased tlie
numerous friends of all kinds to whom he submitted the
different chapters, might be pleasing also to the general
public. He was immersed in this Avork, busy witli the
concluding chapters, when a copy of Mr. Priusep's
" Narrative of the Political and Military Transactions
in India during the Administration of the Marquis of
Hastings,"* reached him. He said that he thought the
book was "a clear, calmly -written, authentic narrative,"
and that he had no reason to complain of the manner in
which his own part in the transactions had been handled:
" I shall never write a line," he added, " in answer to
this book, nor can I now think of a second volume of
the ' Political History.' My Report of Malwah will be
done in two months, and it shall sooner or later be pub-
lished, and as far as name goes (it is no season book to
bring money) it will be to me worth ten Political
Histories. I trust it will contain the anatomy of Central
India in a way that ^vill be appreciated ; and there are
some parts of it which are not mere dr}' matter. Fanny
Stewart, who has read them, says they are like the
' Tales of my Landlord.' "
He spoke here of the stories of Alaee Bhaee and Kishen
Komur, now well known to readers of Indian history —
stories upon which Malcolm, who was never slow to illus-
trate what was really good and beautiful in the native
character, and wise and beneficent in native rule, dwelt
with genuine ardor and enthusiasm. No man had a
kindlier feeling towards the people of India, or was less
'•••■ Tlic origiual edition of this va- enlarged aud published in 1S25 in two
luable work was published in 1S20, in volumes octavo,
one volume quarto. It was afterwards
330 CENTKAL INDIA.
prejudiced and one-sided in his estimate of tlieir cha-
racter and conduct. He resented the flippant imperti-
nence or tlie arrogant presumption of those to whom
every bhick fellow was an object of contempt or a theme
of vituperative declamation. And it pleased him to have
an opportunity of conciliating the good feelings of thou-
sands of readers towards the people of the country in
which his lot had been cast, by adducing eminent ex-
amples of virtue and self-devotion from the annals of
those very people whom it had long been the fashion to
revile as men destitute of lofty thought and generous
impulse, and as a nation incapable of self-government
and unworthy of independence.
And so Malcolm worked onwards to finish his Report,
not relaxino; from his other labors all the while. The
cold weather of 1820-21 found him in good health and
good spirits. He was not Lieutenant-Governor of Central
India, but he had almost all that he desired but the name.
Lord Hastings had extended his authority by placing
some of the minor agencies more immediately under
his control, and had given him, in addition to his poli-
tical salary, the military pay of a brigadier. His allow-
ances were equal to those of the Governor of Bombay,
and he w]'Ote home with much satisfaction that he was
enabled to save 500^. a month out of his income.* He
had every reason, as he repeated again and again in his
letters to his wife, to be thankful for the o:ood eifts
which had been showered upon him : and he began to
laugh at past disappointments. Lord Hastings' idea of
shelving Malcolm in the Government of the Straits Settle-
ments had at first, as he admitted, excited his ire ; but
_ * An uurcflccliiig reader will sonic- entire salary. It is forgotten that tlie
times wonder, on perusing similar state- interest of previous savings may, per-
meuts to this, how an Indian oflicer haps, yield a laxge income by itself.
can save as much as, or more than, his
PROSPECT OF WAR WITH SINDH. 331
he now saw only the ludicrous side of the proposal, and
he could joke freely at the notion of being converted,
after such a career, into a " Pepper-cloves-and-cinnamon
Governor." But he was still of opinion that to remain
in India after the specific work upon which he was then
engaged had been completed, would be little less than to
administer to his own deo-radation. So he remained
o
fixed in the resolve to go home in the following year.
He was still, however, eager for active life, and the
distant sound of a trumpet roused all his martial enthu-
siasm. In the autumn of 1820 there had been a possi-
bility at least of a campaign upon the Indus. A party
of our troo|)s in Cutch had fallen upon a body of soldiers
in the pay of the Sindh princes, mistaking them for a pre-
datory gang by whom the border had been much infested ;
and in retaliation the Sindhians had crossed the frontier,
and had committed depredations in our territory. The
offenders had been chastised by the British troops on the
spot, and it was debated whether operations on a large
scale should not be undertaken ao;ainst the Ameers. For
this service Malcolm promptly volunteered, and his
offer, had war been declared, would have been gladl}^
accepted.* But the Ameers repudiated the acts of their
soldiery, and Lord Hastings was wisely averse to a war,
success in which Avould have been more injurious than
* At another time there were re- service in that quarter, bring forward
ports of the probability of a war with my name as volunteer for the Indus,
the Sikhs, and Malcohn again volun- I quite court a campaign in that
teered for service, writing to 'Ms. Met- quarter, and will give my whole soul
calfc, who was then Political Secre- to the object. Say nothing about this
tary, in the following strain : " There unless you see a feasibility ; but if
is a report that Iluujcet Siugh is run you do, I depute you to throw down
mad. If so, he may go to war with the gauntlet of a newly -made Grand
Company Bahadur. I hate to be Cross against all the infidels of the
plaguing the lord with speculations on Punjab and of Sindh and Caubul, in-
contiugencies that may never occur, eluding the twelve lost tribes of
But should any circumstances occur Israel !"
to make it possible for me to render
332 CENTRAL INDIA.
failure. So lie wrote to Malcolm, with an exposition of
his views, characterised by an amount of candor, justice,
and liberality such as these unfortunate princes were
never destined to see reflected in our subsequent dealings
with them :
" My glad acceptance," wrote the Governor-General, " would
have been immediately signified had there appeared to me a proba-
bility that a war would take place ; but the strong inculcations from
the Government, that a contest so unprofitable, and originating in
a circumstance of such a questionable nature for us, should, if
possible, be avoided, made me trust that the differences would be
surely accommodated. It seemed oddly assumed that while the
outrage committed by the Sindhians required to be expiated, no
satisfaction was to be necessary for the outrage on our part, which
had provoked the other. It is true our fault was ascribable to
error, though an error not very venial, and the attack of the
Sindhians was deliberate. The mistake, however, on our part
was so slightingly acknowledged, that the Ameers regarded
themselves as treated with superciliousness as well as injury, and
they committed an act of retaliation. Certainly this was a ground
for war, had war been desirable. It was so much the contrary,
that no conceivable benefit would have attended the entire
success of military operations, while heavy expense and many
other disadvantageous circumstances must have been entailed
upon us."
This, however, was but a temporary disturbance of
the even current of Malcolm's life. The new year found
him still with his pen in his hand, putting the finishing
stroke to his Report, and preparing for a tour, partly of
military inspection, partly of administrative duty, and
altogether of pleasure ; for he delighted to l^e again on
the march. On the 24th of February he was at Mehid-
poor. Encamping on the old battle-field, he wrote
tliL'nce in a strain of mingled regret, gratitude, and pride
to his wife :
COLD-WEATHER TOUR. 333
" I cannot pass this spot witliout writing to you. When I look
from my tent upon the field where we conquered, and think of
the many gallant fellows whose bones are scattered over it, what
gratitude have I to God for having preserved me for the great joy
of once again meeting you and the dear children. Of all the
feelings connected Avith Mehidpoor none is so cherished by me as
the knowledge of that happiness and pride with which you heard
that your husband had done his duty on that day. What a contrast
has this country known between the three years that preceded,
and the three that have followed that action. Its Inhabitants had
lost all — even hope ; its fields were desolate, and houses roofless.
Now we might challenge India — I might almost say the world —
to produce a country where there are fewer crimes, or more
general happiness and comfort — exemption from domestic and
foreign foes."
This tour was long remembered by Malcolm as one
w^hicli was in many ways conducive to his improvement ;
for he had been toihng to finish his Eeport, his health
had not recently been very vigorous, and he wanted
change and recreation. They had at once a restorative
effect. " My health is improving so much by idleness
and amusement," he wrote to Mr. Elphinstone on the
13th of March, "and I feci so little inclined to business,
playing myself as I am with a party of fourteen sports-
men amid the jungles of Mewar, that it is really no
small compliment to sit down to write you a letter."
A few days later in the month, Malcolm reached the
famous Rajpoot city of Ouclipore, where he was received
by Major Tod,* Avith whom he had long corresponded,
but whom he had never met before. Of the impression
made upon his mind by this visit he gave a lively ac-
count in a letter to Mr. Adam, in which he says :
" You will be happy to hear that Tod and myself went on
* Afterwards kuowu as the author standard authority on all tliat relates
of the Annals of Eajasthan—'iiWl the to the llajpoot States.
334 CEXTEAL INDIA.
famously. I came rather in the shape of too large a fish into the
sea of his glory, and that was my fear of offence ; but though
throughout our intercourse he had some evident restraint and un-
easiness caused by the bulk of his new friend, it was in a great
way removed by the various applications of telling stories, laugh-
ing, speaking plain, being pleased with his researches (which I
really was), and showing that with all my careless and Rangree
modes, I knew what was what, both as it related to myself and
station ; and we got on excellently well. All proper interchanges
took place in Durbar between me and Old Porus, as this lineal
descendant of the sun styles himself. He is a weak, good-natured
prince, and affords a more pleasing picture of Hindoo dignity
than I have yet seen. For romantic beauty, his palace, standing
upon a hill in the centre of the town, the fine lake to the west of
it, and its numerous islands covered with enchanting buildings
and gardens, exceeds everything I have ever beheld. I am now
on the road to the Deybar Lake. We are already, though not
twenty-five miles from Oudipore, deep in a rugged and wild
country, formed to give shelter to the disturbers of the public
peace.
" This journey to Rajpootann, and the full communications I
have had with Tod and others, joined to my better knowledge of
the country and people, has changed from conjecture into convic-
tion all my former ideas regarding this quarter.* It is the one
from whicli a reaction is most to be dreaded, and one in Avhich
we can afford the fewest errors in its rule. I regret from my soul
that you ever changed your first plan of rule ; that which you now
have cannot long prosper. Sir David (Ochtcrlony), if he had con-
tinued Lord of Rajpootana, might with benefit have had his power
extended over Western and Southern INLalwah. But I forget that,
unless you enter upon it, this is to me a forbidden subject."
Oudipore was the extreme point of his journey, for
the hot weather Avas now approaching, and it was neces-
sary that he should make all haste back to his " summer-
palace " at Nalcha. From Rutlam, lie wrote on the 8th
of April to his wife :
" This is a spot from which I wrote you on the Christmas
SYSTEMS AND MEX. 635
of 1818, when I had finished the expulsion of 6000 rogues from
this part of IMalwah. I am now so far on my way to my summer-
palace at Nalcha (formerly the abode, as I wrote you, of a tigress
and her cubs), after having completed a delightful tour, which
took me as far west as Oudipore. I have collected a great deal
of information for Government, some curiosities for you, and
some fine stories for the children As the time of my
departure approaches I am wild with joy I may add
for your satisfaction my confidence that I shall leave this country
and return to you at the very best moment for my reputation.
Everything I foretold has happened ; and everything I have
undertaken has succeeded. There has not been one check. More
than justice has been done in appreciating my efforts ; but the
tide of fortune was with me, and I have taken advantage of it.
It is a sweet reflection to me, that lono- after I am o'one our
children's bosoms may glow at hearing blessings implored on their
father's name. But this, too, is greatly accidental. It chiefly
arises from the natives of India being yet accustomed to refer
everything to persons, and giving the merit of a system to an in-
dividual by whom it is carried into execution."'
But altliougli JMalcolm wrote tliiis modestly, disclaim-
ing the personal merit imputed to liim, no man kneAv
better liow little mere system will effect. Rightly con-
sidered, in such cases the mau is the system. Ou this
very same 8tli of April, indeed, Malcolm wrote to Mr.
Maloney, who had the political charge of the districts on
the Nerbudda :
" To be able to understand this great theatre of action, men
must traverse it, and learn from personal observation how to
understand written accounts. It is like a £[ood knowledge of the
topography of a country which no maps can give until you have
travelled over it and made yourself master of its principal features.
Were I to remain in India, I do not think that there is a human
being (certainly no Nabob or INIaharajah) whom I should dread half
so much as an able Calcutta civilian, -whoso travels are limited to
two or three hundred miles, with a hookah in his mouth, some
good but abstract maxims in his head, the Regulations in his
336 CENTRAL INDIA.
right hand, the Company's Charter in his left, and a quire of
wire-wove foolscap before him."
The great secret of Malcolm's success was, that he was
neither too Native nor too European. He understood
the native character, and he could sympathise with the
feelings of the natives ; but he never fell into native
habits. There were pohtical officers at this time who,
under the deteriorating influences of isolation, sank into
the very opposite extreme of the Calcutta civilian school
here glanced at ; and Malcolm commented upon this
evil as one to be as much deplored as the other. It was
by preserving the high tone and the pure life of the
English gentleman, and yet carrying to his work no
European prejudices, no cut-and-dried maxims of Euro-
pean policy, to be applied, however inapplicable, to all
cases of native government, that JMalcolm achieved an
amount of success, and acquired a reputation among the
people of Central India, such as no man before or since
ever earned for himself in that part of the world. When
Bishop Heber, a few''3^ears afterwards, visited this tract
of country, he wrote in his journal : "ITow great must
be the difliculties attendant on power in these pro-
vinces, when, except Sir John Malcolm, I have heard of
no one whom all parties agree in commending ! His
talents, his accessibility, his firmness, his conciliating
manners and admirable knowledge of the native lan-
guage and character, are spoken of in the same terms
by all."
On tlie morning of the 16 th of April, Malcolm reached
his ancient palace at Nalcha. " And from this place,"
he wrote to Mr. Adam, " all the arrangements I have to
make in Malwah shall be made." His work was now
nearly done. He was already preparing for his journey
to Bombay, whence lie had determined to embark for
Malcolm's " instructions." 337
Suez, and to proceed by way of Egypt and the European
continent to England. " My first detachment for Bom-
bay," he wrote to Sir Thomas Munro, " goes off in fifteen
days, and I trust to follow towards the end of June."
It was part of his plan to visit, on his way to the Western
Presidency, his " manly friend," Charles Metcalfe, in the
Deccan.*
The Hyderabad Resident was then on a tour in the
outl}dng districts, and Malcolm wrote to him, saying,
" Do not go back to Hyderabad without a meeting with
me. I go more than one hundred miles out of my road,
and would go three, for three hours' conversation with
you I will, rather than miss you, go dawk; but
if you are not in a furious hurry, I will proceed, via
Sindwa and Dhoolia, by stages. The rain is, like every-
tliing else, no bugbear to a man well prepared. Besides,
neither you nor I are exactly at the disposal of what
Captain Clutterbuck calls a clattering piece of parch-
ment, and can halt or move as the clouds indicate."
It was arranged that they should meet at Aurungabad
in the second week of July, and that Richard Jenkins,
the Nagpoor Resident, should join their party. The
meeting was one to which Malcolm, on many accounts,
looked forward Avitli much satisfaction. Meanwhile,
having finished his report, he devoted himself to the
completion of another Avork, which, though of modest
dimensions, has perhaps contributed more to his reputa-
tion than anything that he ever wrote. He drew up a
paper of " Notes of Instructions to Assistants and Officers
acting under the orders of Major-General Sir John Mal-
colm, G.C.B.," to be left behind him as a legacy — and it
was a rich one — to his official friends. The Instructions
* Metcalfe, who, as Political Secre- been Irausferrcd to the Hyderabad Ile-
tary, had kept up a close corrcspou- sideucy.
deuce with Malcolm, had by this time
VOL. II. Z
338^ CENTRAL INDIA.
are of a general character, suited to all who have any-
official intercourse with the people of India; and neither
the progress of time nor the mutations of circumstance
can render them antiquated or irrelevant. They have
been so often printed, so largely quoted, so generally
read, that I do not purpose to dwell long upon them in
this place. The growth at once of high principle, gene-
rous feeling, sound sense, and long experience, they are
distinguished as much by their humanity as their sagacity,
and they come recommended to us by the knowledge
that they were the groundwork of Malcolm's own official
conduct, and were not more admirable in theory than
they were successful in practice. I believe that already
in this narrative of Malcolm's life the reader has seen in
beneficent action the principles enunciated in these In-
structions. The notes themselves are accessible to every
one ;* and I believe that in India there are few European
officers in political employ, to whom they are not as fa-
miliar as the Church catechism.
The preparation of these Instructions was a fitting and
a graceful close to Malcolm's career in Central India.
He had noY\^ spent three years and a half in Malwah,
partly in a military, partly in a diplomatic, partly in an
administrative capacity ; and to no period of his life cordd
he look back, on the brink of tlie grave, with greater satis-
faction. From the day, when he negotiated the treaty of
Mundissore with Holkar's ministers, to that of his final
departure from Malwah, he had been continually en-
gaged ill efforts to restore not only the territories ceded
to us after the war, but those which remained in the
hands of our allies, to order and good government. He
had told Holkar's Envoys that their master would be
* Tbcj are to be found in the Ap- notes by Malcobn liimself. I may add,
pendix to the Memoirs of Central India, tliat tliey are greatly esteemed on the
Tliey were also printed in a separate Continent,
form in IS 21, with a few elueidatory
IMPKOVEIMENT OF THE COUNTRY. 339
richer, with a principahty diminished in extent, under a
system which he hoped to be instrumental in introducing
more conducive to the development of the resources of
the country.* And his predictions were fulfilled even
sooner than he anticipated. The finances of the State
had been absorbed by assignments to petty princes and
predatory troops. The villagers had fled from their
homes. The country was uncultivated. The houses
were roofless. The jungle and the tiger were encroach-
ing on the fields of the ryut, and on the palaces of the
lords of the land. But co-operating with Holkar's chief
minister, Malcolm released the young Prince from the
military domiliation which had been so fatal to the pro-
sperity of the country, reduced the number of his mer-
cenary troops, turned fierce marauders into peaceful cul-
tivators, the sword and tlie shield into implements of
husbandry, soon repeopled the deserted villages, and
made the once devastated fields again bright with the
smilino; harvest.
Such work as this required at once a strong and a
delicate hand. During' the vears of misg;overnment which
had preceded the war of 181 7, a number of petty princes,
occupying chiefly the hill districts, to which tliey had
been driven in the conquest of Malwah by the Mahrattas,
had been induced to desist from the predatory incursions,
by which alone they could support themselves, by as-
signments on neighbouring villages, from which, in the
general confusion that prevailed, it was diflicult to obtain
payment without a resort to pillage and its attendant
devastation. There were few places that were not sub-
ject to murderous forays, and few, therefore, in which
the cultivator could safely ply his peaceful calling. But
before Malcolm quitted Central India he had relieved
* 111 1817, Holkar's revenues of rupees. In 1819-20, tlicy had risen
amounted to no more than four lakhs to more than sixtcca lakhs.
z 2
340 CENTRAL INDIA.
the country of tins evil. He had satisfied these petty
Rajahs, by securing to them fixed payments firom the
public treasury, which soon came back again to the
State in the shape of increased revenue, resulting from
the tranquillity which these settlements produced. It
was in his dealings with these people, whom he freely
invited to come to him, and with whom his tent was
often crowded, that perhaps, more forcibly than under
any other circumstances, practical expression was given
to the principles enunciated in his famous paper of In-
structions. He found anarchy in Holkar's government ;
he left order and system in its stead. Great changes had
been introduced, but they were changes which conduced
to the prosperity of all ; and people who had been long
accustomed to believe that the elevation of one party
must be the depression of another, now found that both
might be equally benefited by the same act. It was by
a skilful adjustment of conflicting claims and contending
interests that ]\Ialcolm gained so high a character for
justice among the princes and people of the country.
To the petty states of Central India — as those of
Dhar and Dewas — the alliance and protection of the
British Government had been equally advantageous. In
all, during the time of IMalcolm's residence at Malwah,
there had been a change from a state of utter exhaustion
and prostration to one of returning health and elasticity.
Nor was the least service that he had rendered to Central
India that of ridding the country of those numerous
Bliecl and other robbers, who had long been the terror
of the more peaceable inhabitants. Many a robber chief
did Malcolm contrive to turn into an industrious farmer.
He found, indeed, a reign of terror ; he left one of secu-
rity and peace. It would not be truthful to aflirm that
all these good results were attributable solely to Mal-
colm's exertions. They were, in some respects, the inevi-
Malcolm's pupils. 341
table results of the war and the treaties which were con-
eluded at the end of it. He did not make the oppor-
tunity, but he turned it to the best possible account.
He had the advantage, too, of an admirable body of
assistants; but they were mostly men who owed then*
official nurture to him. Indeed, one of his greatest
merits is, that he trained so many excellent public
servants, fitting them for the highest offices under Go-
vernment with such an uniformity of success, that no
man ever did dishonor to his teachimz;. " If there are
any of your old assistants unemployed," said Lord Wil-
liam Bentinck some years afterwards, " send them to me,
and let me use them; I cannot have too many of the
school."
They were one and all devoted to their master. A\^ien
Malcolm's preparations for departure were in progress,
they were emulous of the honor of accompanying him to
Bombay, and six or seven of the diplomatic chcle Avent
with hiui. Tlie day of his departure, in the third weel^
of June, was a sorrowful one. Natives of all classes
thronged around hun to bid him farewx'll. Many at-
tended him several marches on his way. He was
touched by these manifestations of general regret ; yet
he could not help exulting in the thought that they in-
dicated the amount of good he had done.
Having turned his back upon Nalcha, IMalcolm pushed
on with all speed to cross the Taptee river, for the waters
Vv^ere rising. He visited Major Briggs on his way
through Candeish, and then hastened onward to meet
Metcalfe at Aurungabad. There were many subjects
wliicli lie was eager to discuss with the strong-headed,
true-hearted civilian, who fifteen years before had shared
his tent at Muttra, building castles in the air, which time
had converted into solid masoiny. Malcolm, with a
just appreciation of Metcalfe's high qualities, had seen
342 CENTRAL INDIA.
ill him the man whom above all others he desired to
have as his successor in Central India, and in the pre-
ceding year had written many earnest letters to his friend
to induce liim to undertake the office. The idea, at first
grasped with avidity, was, however, subsequently aban-
doned by the civiUan, who had plunged into the troubled
waters of Hyderabad, and was akeady employed in the
great but perilous work of rootmg out the cormption
which was gnawing at the very vitals of the Hyderabad
State. With the highest possible aduikation of his in-
tegrity and his courage, Malcolm still thought that Met-
calfe was a little intolerant and uncompromising, and he
thus addressed him on the subject;
" You have undertaken (proceed as cautiously as you like) a
great task, but you must do good. I think we shall fight a little
on some principles. I have seen a Purneah and a Meer Allum,
and have, I think, more toleration of abuse than you. I should,
in your situation, act in great dread of pulling down unconsciously
with one hand what I raised with the other. If a man is em-
ployed on the scale your great native managers are, the control or
superintendence of their proceedings in any minute manner by an
European officer is impossible. The doing it in the most general
way is most difficult ; for to render them efficient as instruments,
they must be elevated in their own minds as well as in those of
others. Now to check is to anticipate bad conduct, and to de-
press, if not to degrade. You think worse of the natives than I
do, and I believe your virtue is more unbending upon such points,
or rather, your expectations of good rule more sanguine. But this
is Aurungabad business."
On the 12th of July, Malcolm* and Metcalfe met at
Aurungal)ad. They had not, I believe, met since the
latter was a boy in Lord Lake's camp ; but Malcolm had
* ]\Ialcolni had a large ]iavty of from Jauluah; aud aftei' that, divide
friefids witli him. " "Wc shall be a into quarters, touts, &c. I shall lodge
party of twelve at breakfast," he wrote myself under cue of your wings."
to Metcalfe on the 10th j " two joined
MALCOLM AND METCALFE. 343
watclied with no common interest tTie civilian's career,
and rejoiced in the success which he had always pre-
dicted. There were many points of resemblance be-
tween them, but there were many also in which they
strangely differed. Both entered the service of the
Company in very early youth, and were disciplined in
the same political school.* But they had arrived in
India very differently trained and very differently re-
commended. Charles Metcalfe, the son of an East India
Director, had been reared in a fashionable London
street, and educated in the most aristocratic of semi-
naries. John Malcolm, born on the banks of the Esk,
had run wild about the hill-sides, and received only the
scant rudiments of a village day-school. Charles Met-
calfe, recommended to Lord Wellesley at once as
Goodall's favorite pupil and the son of one of the very
few Directors whom the Governor-General did not
esteem an enemy, landed at Calcutta to find a host of
friends among the chief people of the settlement. John
Malcolm had no influential friends, no academical
prestige, no official connexion to smooth his way to
success. For years his environments were those of the
single-poled tent in the held, or the bungalow in the
single-corps station. These circumstances necessarily
advanced the progress of the civilian and retarded that
of the soldier; but they were not without their uses to-
the latter. They rubbed off many angles which other-
wise might have obtruded themselves, and rendered
Malcolm somewhat more tolerant and more cosmopo-
Htan than his friend ; more easily to be shaken down,
and more readily adaptable to circumstances.
They were both of them men of a robust manhood,
* A school of which Lord Wcllcslcy at the feet of Kennawav and Eai-k-
was not the founder, but ouc of the palrick before the name or Mornington
greatest masters. Malcolm had sate was known in India.
344 CENTKAL INDIA.
honest to the core, thoroughly courageous. They
worked towards the same end, and, to some extent, by
the same means. They were men of fine temper — Mal-
colm of the laughing, Metcalfe of the smiling kind — and
they both sought to govern men by appeahng to the
better part of human nature. But Metcalfe, when that
better part could not be touched, was more uncompro-
mising than Malcolm in his assaults upon the worse.
The soldier, who had seen humanity in all its variform
aspects, had become tolerant of human frailty, and he
believed that the vices both of men and of nations were
more likely to be eradicated by leniency than by se-
verity. The difference, perhaps, is assignable rather to
the habits than to the principles of the men. Metcalfe's
views were, for the most part, those of the closet ; Mal-
colm's those of the camp. At the age when the young
soldier was hunting and shooting, and otherwise dis-
porting himself, the young civilian was reading Roche-
foucault and writing maxims of his own. His virtue was
of a finer and more abstract kind than Malcolm's, but it
was less suited to the sphere in which he moved. Mal-
colm was more disposed to make allowances on the score
of accidental temptations and environments ; and he often
found even in a man's failings the germ of good things to
be turned to profitable account.
In then" devotion to the public service, in the unfail-
ino; zeal and the unstintino; laboriousness of their official
lives, it would be hard to say who excelled the other.
But in this also — in their respective modes of work —
there were characteristic differences. Metcalfe's labors
were, for the most part, of a steady, systematic, seden-
tary kind. It was easy to say Avhen, where, and how
his work was done. He lived for years together in the
same house ; lie worked by rule ; and one day much
resembled another. What he did was seldom done in a
MALCOLM AND METCALFE. 345
hurry. His official writings have all a deliberate character
about them. Malcolm's appear to have been improvised,
almost always under the influence of haste. Even the
most elaborate of his state papers seem to have been
written against time. They have the stamp of the saddle
or the howdah upon them, as have Metcalfe's that of the
bureau. As models of despatch-writing, therefore, the civi-
lian's papers are superior to the soldier's. They are closer,
more compactly written, more logically reasoned. They
aim more directly at a given point, are more convincing
and conclusive. But although Malcolm was a prolific
Avriter, the least part of his business Avas done with the
pen. He never did by "writing what he could do by
talking. He was always accessible to men of all classes
and all characters ; he worked, as he said, with the door
of his tent open to every point of the compass ; and his
eyes, his ears, and his understanding were ever as open
as his doors. Metcalfe, on the other hand, was a man of
a reserved nature. Genial as he was in the society of his
chosen companions, he did not delight in gregarious in-
tercourse. He Avell understood the native character, and
he had a great name among the native princes and
chiefs ; but he could not, like Malcolm, sit down on the
grass to converse freely with a knot of poor villagers, or
pass off his pleasantries on a wild jungle-bred robber.
When Metcalfe was Lieutenant-Governor of the North-
western Provinces — the very office which Malcolm had
so striven some years before to erect — he ceased to take
exercise abroad, and resorted to the top of his house
to inhale there the cool evening an-, because he so
disliked being assailed by the people with petitions.
Malcolm boasted that in Central India there was a levee
in his tent during a great part of the day, composed of
all sorts of clamorous petitioners, from rajahs to ryuts,
and that he had something to say to them all.
346 CENTRAL INDIA.
This clifFerence is, doubtless, to be assigned to physical
rather than to moral causes. John Malcolm and Charles
Metcalfe were men equally of a robust nature; but the
robustness of the civilian was the robustness of an
honesty that never yielded and a fortitude that never
failed ; it was of a quiet, settled, determined, immovable
character — great, at all times, in resistance. But he had no
personal activity, no love of adventure ; he shrank from
all kinds of athletic exercise ; he was thoroughly a man,
and yet he was almost ludicrously incapable of taking
part in those manly sports which harden the nerves and
strengthen the system, and brace men up for the part
they have to play in the strenuous realities of public
life. Malcolm's robustness, steadfast as it was, was also of
an active kind. It was all life and motion, buoyant and
breezy. An admirable horseman and judge of horses, a
mighty hunter, fearless of heart and steady of hand, he
was never in higher spirits than when in hot pursuit of a
tiger or other inspiring game. He was altogether a man
of an atldetic cast, fit for any kind of adventure, equal
to any fortune, made to jostle his way through the
world. All this was the result of conscious physical
power, as in Metcalfe the absence of these quahties was
the result of a painful sense of his personal defects. For
outwardly Malcolm was a man of heroic mould as much
as Metcalfe was the reverse. The soldier was a man of
a commanding stature and a noble presence ; with a
muscular but supple frame, and a face bright with manly
beauty ; but the civihan had no personal graces ; he
had a stunted figure, and a face redeemed from insig-
nificance only by the intelligence of his countenance and
the sweetness of his smile.
And now that these two laborious workers met again,
both in high place, both honored, and both with an
unappeased ambition — for the soldier and the civilian
CORRUPTION AT HYDERABAD. 347
had for years pointed to the highest attainable official
eminence as the goal of their endeavours — many of these
characteristic differences were seen and felt, and, I
doubt not, freely discussed between them. Much talk
was there of the past, much of the future ; but more
of the present. Metcalfe was then beginning his great
war of extermination against the gigantic corruption of
Hyderabad. He was going forth single-handed, like a
true knight, to slay the dragon that was desolating the
land.* This was one of the chief topics of discourse.
And however much they may have differed on minor
points — and those principally relating to the means, and
in no mse to the end — they had one mind and one heart
regarding the magnitude of the evil and the gTcat duty
of rooting it out. Before Metcalfe had ever thought of
setting his face towards the Deccan, IMalcolm had seen
and deplored this evil, and from beneath the walls of
Asseerghur had written a long and earnest letter, dis-
coursing on the necessity of arresting its progress before
it had eaten into the very vitals of the unhappy country.
And now again he wrote to Calcutta on the same sub-
ject, eager to give the support of his testimon}^ in favor
of his courageous friend.f And when he turned his
back upon Auruugabad, to pursue his onward journey
to Bombay, high as before had been his estimate of his
old pupil's merits, he went with a still more elevated
opinion of tlie public virtue, the clear, strong intellect,
* I shall be forgiven, I hope, for dogs, or resorted to any such schemes,
the fancifulncss of the illustration, but would have gone forth unaided
if I say, referring to the story of against the monster, trusting only to
Schiller's Dragon — familiar to many the spear in his hand and the harness
readers, who have neither read it in its on his back.
original nor translated form, through f This letter to Mr, Adam will be
the agency of Retsch's Outlines— that found in the next chapter ; also another
whilst Malcolm would have followed to ISIetealfe himself relating to the
the ingenious device of the knight, same subject.
Metcalfe would not have trained his
348 CENTRAL INDIA.
and the sweet disposition of Charles Theophilus Met-
calfe.
How strongly Malcolm felt, both regarding the evil to
be combated and the perils which beset Metcalfe's path,
may be gathered from the following letter, written after
they had parted, which I cannot refrain from quoting
before I dismiss the subject :
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO MR. METCALFE.
October 20, 1821.
My dear Metcalfe, — I have received your letter of the 8th
instant. As fax as your proceedings relate to the loans made and
recommended, you are upon a rock ; but it is melancholy to find
such sentiments in the quarter to which you have alluded. They
Avill do infinite mischief, though only for a short period. Every
step you take to ameliorate the country -will be misrepresented by
fellows who have objects as incompatible with public virtue and
good government as light is from darkness. That these men
should be allowed to speak a word upon subjects such as you
have to discuss and manage is deplorable. But the fact is so ;
and though the circumstances in which you are placed require all
your firmness, recollect, at the same time, they call for all your
caution and prudence, and, above all, for great temper and pa-
tience. These qualities I should never ask you to exercise in any
extraordinary degree for selfish views ; were your personal inte-
rests alone at stake, I know you might give way to the spirit of
an offended gentleman and high public officer. That is supposing
matters at extreme ; but you have a more momentous duty to
perform. You have to fight the good fight, and to stand with
the resolute but calm fcchngs such a cause must inspire against
all species of attacks that artful and sordid men can make, or that
weak or prejudiced men can support. I may view this question
too seriously, but there is no harm in my doing so. I am quite
confident in your ultimate triumph, though I expect you will
have great vexation and annoyance. I am glad I proceed to
England so fully informed as I am upon the subject, and pray
write me often. Send your letters after November to my brother.
Yours ever,
John Malcolm.
RECEPTION AT BOMBAY. 349
From Aurungabad, INIalcolm marched to Dowlatabad,
tlience to the caves of Ellora, and then onward to
Poonah, which he reached in not very good heaUh,
After a few days spent there in the society of his old
friend and brother-in-law, Macdonald, who had come
across from Madras to meet him, he proceeded onward
to Bombay, which he reached on the 1st of September,
and was soon in the midst of friends. " My Indian
marches," he wrote to his wife on that day, " are, I
trust, over for ever. I arrived here a few hours ago,
after a very quick journey from Poonah. I am uncom-
monly well — better than I have been for many months.
Elphinstone has given up Malabar Point to me — a most
delightful residence almost in the sea."
At Bombay, the whole society of the settlement, headed
by his old and fast friend, Governor Elphinstone, united
to do him honor. He was delighted with, and grateful
for, the reception he met; and the improvement which
he reported in his health enabled him to bear well the
fatigue attending the entertainments which were given
to him. On the 14:th of September he was invested
by Sir Charles Colville with the insignia of the Grand
Cross of the Bath, amidst most flattering demonstrations
of respect from all the chief people of the place. "Yes-
terday," wrote Malcolm to his father-in-law, Sir Alex-
ander Campbell, then Commander-in-Chief at jNIadras,
" was one of grand tomasha^^- and though with some
fatigue, of real gratification to me. Your friend, Sir
Charles Colville, commenced his task at eleven o'clock,
and his attentions to his brother Grand Cross did not
finish till twelve at night. Elphinstone put off the Go-
vernor to attend his friend, and all — ladies and gentle-
men — looked as happy as though they had got ribands
* Show or ccrcmouy.
350 CENTRAL INDIA,
and stars themselves. When I say that after such a day
— and I may add night — I feel uncommonly well, you
may judge of the unprovement in my health." In other
letters he spoke with pride and gratitude of the kindness
and hospitality with which he had been received " by
all ranks, from the Governor Sahib to the lowest;" and
eager as he was again to embrace his wife and children,
it was not without some tender feelings of regret that he
busied himself with his preparations for his coming de-
parture.
It has been intimated that Malcolm intended to return
to Europe by way of the Red Sea, Egypt, and the Medi-
terranean, Many of his old associates in Central India
had accompanied him to Bombay, and when at last the
day fixed for his departure (the 2nd of December) ar-
rived, they accompanied liim to the deck of the vessel
on which lie had taken his passage for Cosseir. The
Governor and all the principal civil and military officers
of the Presidency accompanied him to the pier-head,
and there took leave of him with the most flattering
demonstrations of esteem and regard.
Nor were the tokens of respect amidst which Malcolm
quitted the country confined to these local manifestations.
The Governor- General bade him God speed from Cal-
cutta, and issued an order expressive of the high sense
of the distinguished services of Sir John Malcolm enter-
tained by the Supreme Government. After referring
generally to his long career of distinguished service, the
Government })assed the following eulogium on his conduct
in Central India : " By a happy combmation of qualities
which could not fail to win the esteem and confidence
both of liis own countrymen and of the native inhabitants
of all classes, by the unremitting personal exertion and
devotion of his time and labor to the maintenance of the
interests confided to his charge, and by an enviable talent
TESTIMONIALS. 351
for inspiring all who acted under his orders with his
own energy and zeal, Sir J. Malcolm has been enabled,
in the successful performance of the duty assigned him
in Malwah, to surmount difficulties of no ordinary stamp,
and to lay the foundations of repose and prosperity in
that extensive province but recently reclaimed from a
stage of savage anarchy, and a prey to every species of
rapine and devastation."*
But even more acceptable to him than this public tes-
timonial was one which came to him from the political
officers who had worked under him in Central India.
They raised a liberal subscription among themselves for
the purchase of a magnificent silver vase, which was
afterwards presented to him in England. As a memorial
of his labors in Central India, and of the many loving
friends associated with him in this good work, it was
ever greatly valued by him beyond, as he said, anything
he possessed. "While I live," he wrote, acknowledging
the testimonial, "I shall view it with pride; and when
I am no more, my children shall have learnt to contem-
plate it as a trophy of friendship, which their father won
by cherishing habits and sentiments not unworthy of
their emulation."
And they might well be proud, not only of this trophy
of friendship, but of the good work done in Central
India, which had kuit all these fellow-laborers together
* The Government of Madras also so long a period, been so constantly
expressed their " deep concern that employed in the conduct of such va-
tlus distinguished officer is compelled rious and important military and poli-
by the state of Ids health to return to tical duties ; his great talents were
England. No praise of theirs can add too well kno\m to admit of their being
to ills high reputation, but they cannot confined to the more limited range of
deny themselves the gratification of service under his own Presidency,
expressing their sense of his talents. The exercise of them in different situa-
and of his unwearied and honorable tions has connected him with every
exertion of them for the benefit of his rresidency, and rendered him less the
country." They add : " His career has servant of any one of them than of the
been unexampled ; for no other ser- Indian Empire at large."
vaut of the Company has ever, during
352 CENTRAL INDIA.
under one whom they delighted to recognise as their
master no less than they venerated him as a friend.
Years afterwards one of these children, then a captain
of dragoons, travelUng through Malwah, on his way to
his regiment, met with the most touching proofs of the
affection with which the memory of Ins father's good
deeds was held by the people of the country. From all
parts they came out to pay their respects to the son of
Sir John Malcolm, pouring benedictions upon him for
his father's sake, and loud in their expressions of grati-
tude to the friend to whom they owed so much. Many
able public servants have since then labored in Central
India, but no name is so universally venerated as that of
Sir John Malcolm.
CORRESPONDENCE. 353
CHAPTER IX.
CORRESPONDENCE.
[1S17— 1S21.]
CORBESPONDENCB OX VAKIOIIS SUBJECTS— TREATMENT OP NATIVE PRINCES —
PROGRESS OF RUSSIA IN THE EAST — CHRISTIAN'ITY IN INDIA — MANAGEMENT
OF THE NATIVES — MAINTENANCE OF THE NATIVE STATES — THE SOVEREIGNTV
OF OUDE — USES OF THE COURT OF DIRECTORS — ET C-ETERA.
Before I follow Sir Jolin Malcolm over the deserts of
Egypt, and across the continent of Europe, to his home
in Manchester-street, London, I must pause for a little
space, to illustrate more fully than I have yet done
the extent and variety of his correspondence during the
period of his third residence in India. I am speaking
now of what is called his "Private Correspondence."
But the private correspondence of official men in India
relates principally to public topics. Indeed, a very large
portion of the business of the State is transacted by means
of these private letters. No man in India had a larger
number of correspondents, or wrote more frequently to
them, than Malcolm ; and never was that indefatigable
workman more active, never did he exhibit gretaer capa-
city for labor, or a larger grasp of intelligence to direct
it, than durino- his residence in Central India. And I
inchne to think that the letters which he then wrote are
among the best which bear his name.
VOL. II. 2 A
354 CORRESPONDENCE.
The selections ^vliich I have made are principally from
letters of a general character, unburdened Avitli local
details — such as will be readily understood and appre-
ciated by readers of all classes :
TREATMENT OF NATIVE PRINCES.
[To John Adam.] — It is a common fault of Residents to become
too local, and to feel a partiality for the interests of the Court with
which they reside. It must be acknowledged that our dependent
allies have much occasion for such advocates. There is in our Govern-
ment £0 great a desire to interfere, to improve, and to render what is
well better, that it requires some check. If the man of local feelings
is too attentive to the personal characters and the prejudices of
those with whom he resides and associates, your distant powers are
often too neglectful of them Supposing it stands as at
present, it will work its own remedy and become right in time,
like a thousand other incongruities, unevennesses, anomalies, and
inconsistencies that belong, and must from its shape and cha-
racter continue to belong, to our great and extraordinary empire.
Better meet all the difficulties these present, than give way to a
passion for reform and improvement, which by inattention to the
weaknesses and prejudices of the higher class of the natives, may
be found to deprive us of a main pillar of our past, present, and
future greatness. While on this subject, I will venture one more
observation. The very circumstance of our abandoning a favorite
point in a negotiation with a dependent ally has immense value,
as far as relates to that moderation with which w^e exercise, and
may be expected to exercise, our acknowledged supremacy.
[To MouNTSTUART Elphinstone.] — We must not be de-
terred by recurring examples of treachery from going on, in the only
way our power can goon, progressively. Arrangements are too often
condemned for those defects which are inseparable from every
plan that we can form to support our extraordinary power in this
country. We rail at the impolicy of granting power, however
limited, to Native Princes, when experience shows they, or their
successors, have almost invariably used it against us; we forget
the great advantages we have obtained during the period they
have submitted to be our instruments. AVe must be content to
INTERMEDIATE AGENCY. 355
purchase these at some hazard; a contrary policy would carry our
direct authority to the Indus in three years, and we have not the
means for such extended conquest. It Is, in fact, my opinion,
that when we cease to have the faculty of making Indian Princes
and Chiefs conquer and govern one another, we shall have ob-
tained the point from which we may date our decline. Your
arrangements must depend much upon the disposition and per-
sonal character of your Rajah; but with the sentiments I have
expressed, I would raise him as high and make him as useful in
independent action as he was capable of being made. If he
turned out well, he is in a situation where his power would admit
of increase. The Mahrattas have been beaten and bullied into a
state of considerable humility. It would be glorious (and the
times are favorable to the experiment) to render the descendant
of Sevajee the restorer of his race to habits of order and good
government.
EXCLUSION OF INTERMEDIATE AGENTS.
[To Colonel Smith.] — I will now, my dear Colonel, state
shortly what I conceive to be the whole secret of success in a
situation like yours — at least, it is the only one that I have ever
known — which is, to have no native (whatever be his character)
as a general medium with those with whom you have business.
Let all such, from the Chief to the Ryut, come direct to you or to
A , or to any European officer you employ. Do not give
any one (not even such an excellent man as your subadar, Narain
Swamy) the right to receive their visits, or to come along with
them to you, but send for them or any other person when wanted,
or send persons to hear their story and report; but even in doing
this it is essential (at the hazard of work not being so well done)
not to employ any native exclusively in these references. My
late moonshce, Muhomud Hoossun, had been with me twenty-eight
years, and his integrity was as high as his ability; Syud Iloossun,
my aide-de-camp, you know. I could trust either of these men as
much as any officer in my family, but they have often been fifteen
or twenty days (when work was in plenty) without being sent for,
and they have come uncalled. The principle upon which I pro-
ceed has not its origin in a distrust of those near me, but in a
desire to give confidence to the inhabitants of the country, and to
2 a2
)56 COEEESPONDENCE.
convey by direct communication a just impression of tlie European
character, which they can never receive (however pure the medium)
at second hand.
HOW TO OBTAIN SUPPLIES.
[To Major Agnew.] — I have some right to judge this ques-
tion, having made it (from a consideration of its primary im-
portance) my study for twenty-five years, having watched the
action of different systems in every part of India, and having filled
every station calculated to give me knowledge upon their com-
parative merits, from managing a bazaar in the country of a new
ally, and being a commissary, up to having the charge of the
resources of a country as Political Resident, and of the supply of
troops as commanding corps and an army. I shall take the dif-
ferent questions in the order I find them in your correspondence
with Ludlow. I do not mean to inquire into the merits of any
particular case (I am not called upon to do so), but merely to state
the general principles which should regulate the proceeding.
■First, with regard to the Sepoys employed to obtain charcoal, and
the forcible means they used for that purpose, seizing men, carts,
&C.5 I can only state that I have issued the most positive orders
that no Sepoy is on any occasion whatever to be sent into the
country, except on public duty; and further, that no men (except
for guides), and no carts or bullocks, are ever to be pressed, even
by corps or detachments marching, except in cases of public
emergency, or extreme individual distress; on all which occasions
the commanding ofiicer is ordered to see the inhabitants paid, and
further to report to the assistant-quartermaster-general the nature
of the circumstances under which he had acted, and the names of
the villages. This report Is essential, not merely to check such
proceedings on the part of officers, but to correct the exaggerated
representations which arc on all these occasions made by the
country-people. I deem the above regulation so essential, that
no consideration would prevent my punishing the neglect of it.
I observe that, in answer to your letter, Ludlow states that nothing
is to be obtained in this country but through the medium of a red
coat, and that a steady soldier is better than a camp-follower, over
whom there is no control. Sepoys should be given as takudars*
* Sentries posted to protect fields or villages.
. SUPPLIES. 357
to all the villages tliat rcf|ulrc them, within four or five coss of
a cantonment; but these men should be carefully selected, and
severely punished for any neglect of duty ; they should be relieved
every week or fortnight, or oftener if necessary; and all the heads
of the villages where they are posted (I speak of a fixed station)
should be distinctly informed where they were to come to com-
plain, in the event of the misconduct of the takudars. I have, in
my orders on this subject, directed them to the assistant-adjutant-
general, and they come to his tent on every occasion; they often
apply to have the takudar taken away, which is complied with at
once. I prefer on all occasions Sepoys to Hurkarahs as takudars.
We have stronger ties upon the former, and the latter are much
more prone to be venal, I have had cause to dismiss upwards of
twenty of mine for the authority they assumed in passing througli
the country; and almost all I have ever stationed in villages for
more than a day, have behaved ill. The Baroda Residency keep
a number of belts and badges, which are given on all applications
to the Government, to put on men for the protection of villages;
this expedient aids without interfering, or employing our owa.
people, which is a great object. The Sepoys selected for this
duty should be told they will be severely punished if they
abuse the confidence reposed in them ; I invariably direct them to
use their arms against all who attempt violence, and I have found
the best cftects from one or two followers being wounded by the
takudars.
"With respect to obtaining supplies, or anything through the
medium of a red coat, I have before stated that I never allow it,
and that I do not consider it to be required ; on the contrary, the
practice is calculated to spread alarm, and to degrade the Local
Government, which it is our great object to elevate ; in fact, the
actual state of the Government of Holkar is so low and powerless,
that it can only rise Avith that consequence it is our policy to give
it, by constant attention to the latter principle, and particularly on
all points of intercourse with its subjects. Sepoys behave well as
public guards, and even as takudars, though the latter is a trynig
duty; but they cannot be employed in another way without injury
to themselves and others. It may be convenient to send them out.
Articles may be obtained quicker and cheaper; but it is a system
of force that cannot be suficred. It is calculated to keep us at a
distance from the inhabitants, and to produce the worst feehngs
358 CORRESPONDENCE.
in the Government. That it is not necessary, I can pronounce on
the experience not only of the force under my personal command,
but the numerous detachments I have made, not one of whom
has been permitted to employ Sepoys in procuring anything;
and latterly I have had few complaints, and the confidence of all
around us is complete. The great object is to repress the dispo-
sition to violence and excess in our followers, and ' this is only to
be done by taking decided part with the weaker (the inhabitants),
and being always eager to make examples of any men caught,
without consideration who or what they are. I have had a
number of my own servants publicly flogged, many belonging to
officers, and several to vakeels attending my camp ! I continue
to promise rewards on the apprehension of plunderers with evi-
dences against them ; and now the villagers rise and seize ofienders,
which has made the most salutary impression both in my camp
and in the countrj'. This is a point upon w^hich it is the duty of
every commanding officer to place himself in opposition, not only
to the general feeling of soldiers, who are from their habits dis-
posed to violence, but, I regret to say, of many officers.
ERRORS OF STATESMEN.
[To THE Duke of Wellington.] — As far as I can judge of
politicians (and I have been one of the clique for more than twenty
years), our general error is to overthink our subject, to suppose
extremes, and to give to motives a shape and action more suited
generally to the theory of our subject than to the human mind
upon which the result depends. This error is, perhaps, more
frequent in the East, because here the personal character of chiefs
and rulers has more influence than with you; but even in Europe
the greatest part of your politicians either are, or appear to be, too
wise by half. Their trade is to think, and that spoils them, for
nine times out of ten, when men leave the common track, they
lose the road.
I have said much more than I intended upon politics; but if
you have Icit France, you may have leisure to read a long letter,
and I go on persuading myself that my being so personally mixed
up with the subject will render it more suflcrable. I am acting
upon the principles you so much approve, and with little or no
PERSIA AND RUSSIA. 359
interference, but by an active mediation of differences, and a strict
watch over the public peace, I have every prospect that the tran-
quilHty of this province will continue undisturbed
They may consider me as Sir Condy Rackrent did the man who
told his wife he did not love her, " an incendiary." From what
we have yet seen of impressions in England, there appears a
number who would rather have had an annual visit of Piudarrees
for another century, than another breach of the act of Parliament
which proscribes all extension of our territories ; and God knows,
I consider the latter as so great an evil, that I would oblige the
man to make out a strong case that promoted it. Lord Hastings,
however, upon this point, stands upon a rock, and he has been
hitherto as moderate in the use of his success as he was vigorous
in its attainment.
I wrote you some weeks ago, upon hearing the attempt which
had been made upon your life. For God's sake, take care of
yourself. Tired of troubles in this country, I propose to return to
England for quiet, and I have been of late quite in the habit of
associating the continuance of peace with that of your life. It is
certainly the greatest of all eminences which a man can attain
when the reputation he has gained in war makes his name the
bulwark of his country. I wonder this proud reflection has not
oftcner operated in preventing successful leaders from sighing for
more battles and more glory.
PERSIA JiND RUSSIA.
[To Count Woronzoff.] — I have heard all the news you
mention about Persia; but not the nonsense to which you allude.
I am, however, so sick of the speculations which our English
politicians indulge upon this subject, that I seldom read them.
Persia is on the eve of being in a very distracted state. The
death of the present king (an event which, from the reports of his
health, must be near) will throw the country into confusion. The
heir-apparent will, I think, ultimately prevail ; but amidst these
disputes, if cool-headed men are not on the scene, both your
country and mine may be led furtlier than is good for tlic in-
terests of either. I do not think it probable they will immedi-
ately come into any serious collision; but if care is not taken, the
seeds of future misunderstanding will be laid, and this can only
360 CORRESPONDENCE.
be avoided by an open and unreserved understanding of each
other's plans, which I fear seldom takes place between Courts,
though the present is a case in which the usual formulas of
mystery and humbug might be dispensed with to the great ad-
vantage of both parties. The desire of securing the prosperity of
Georgia and your other provinces in that quarter, and promoting
the trade on the Caspian, will be your motives for interfering to
prevent the north-western parts of Persia being disturbed, while
we shall see in any troubles that disturb the southern and eastern
parts of that kingdom a check to our profitable trade with the
Gulf, and discover in your coming across the Arras (whatever be
the professed object) a dangerous approximation to our possessions
m the East. That all this will eventually happen I have no
doubt. Besides the natural action of a great military empire,
there is (as my whole life has given me an opportunity of observ-
ing) an impeUing power upon civiHsation when in contact with
barbarism that cannot be resisted. These combined causes will
bring Russia forward, and there is no nation more constitutionally
jealous than one which, Hke Great Britain, has its greatness in a
considerable degree grounded upon extended commerce. Be-
sides, the wisest of nations, or at least those who have the greatest
reputation for wisdom, have a tendency to create evils by an an-
ticipation of them, that mocks all calculation !
Tliere is no subject upon which all my reasoning poAvers (such
as they are) have been more exercised than on that of the rela-
tive interests of our respective countries regarding Persia; and the
result is a conviction that, as our policy must be always defensive
m that quarter, it can never give serious alarm to your Court, and
the latter, whether we consider the unproductiveness of the soil,
or the character of the inhabitants of Persia, can have no object
in advancing beyond your present limits, and the peace of all
within thcnr can be easily maintained, and promoted particularly
witli an increased openness and good understanding of our two
nations respecting their mutual interests in this part of Asia.
In considering this question I have never entered into the
irrational project of an invasion of India, because, whatever alarm
men miglit endeavour to produce by talking of, or even making
preparation for such an expedition, I have been always convinced
that the obstacles were of a magnitude that must prevent its ever
being carried into execution.
CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA. 361
The actual state of the British power in India must baffle all
predatory efforts, and before a regular well supported invasion
could be attempted, a line of communication must be made of
upwards of [ ] miles through countries which are, generally
speaking, either desolate, or inhabited by the most rude and bar-
barous tribes of the universe. These, as a part of this plan, must
be civilised — no slight process ; and, after all, supposing an enor-
mous sacrifice of wealth, and of the lives of Russian soldiers, had
brought their victorious standards to Delhi — that they had,
as was once proposed to Buonaparte, " hung the Mogul in his
grandmother's garters" — what would they do next ? Where
march ? How would they manage the country? Could they
rely on the native princes — all the turbulent tribes whom their
success had emancipated from the English ride ? Can it ever
occur to any man in his senses that India is either worth con-
quering, or can be preserved by any nation that does not possess
the superiority at sea? But I will not insult your good under-
standing by anything further upon this part of the subject. Con-
tinental Europe must leave England to subdue herself in the
East before the invasion is contemplated in anything but a
pamphlet.
Though a century or two must elapse before the revolution to
which I have alhidcd happens, yet, if you and I live long, we
shall hear and see as much clashing of interests upon tliis point as
if it was a real and proximate danger. I have received late
letters from Persia, stating that the King has charged his Ambas-
sador in England to solicit my return; but I have no such Avish.
To a flying mission I would not object; but I want no residence
there. I should like to go home through Russia, and above all
delight in seeing you again. Make my kind remembrance to the
friends who recollect me.
THE TROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA.
[To Dr. Maksiiman.] — I am flattered by your letter of the 1st
September ; any man must be gratified by possessing so much of
the good opinion of a society like yours at Serhampore. I should,
however, ill deserve the sentiments you express, if I was to liave
any reserve in my reply. I shall be proud to become one of the
362 CORRESPONDENCE.
patrons of your college, and to add my subscription to its support,
if you think me worthy of the honor after the following expla-
nations.
Though most deeply impressed with the truths of the Christian
religion, and satisfied, were that only to he considered in a moral
view, it would be found to have diffused more knowledge and
more happiness than any other faith man ever entertained, yet
I do think, from the construction of our empire in India, re-
ferring both to the manner in which it has been attained and that
in which it must (according to my humble judgment) be pre-
served, that the English Government in this country should
never, directly or indirectly, interfere in propagating the Christian
rehgion. The pious missionary must be left unsupported by Go-
vernment, or any of its officers, to pursue his labors ; and I will
add, that I should not only deem a contrary conduct a breach of
faith to those nations, whom we have conquered more by our
solemn pledges, given in words and acts, to respect their preju-
dices and maintain their religion, than by arms, but likely to
fail in the object it sought to accomplish, and to expose us even-
tually to more serious dangers than we have ever yet known.
The reasons for this opinion I have more than once had occa-
sion publicly to state; I shall not, therefore, trouble you witli the
repetition.
I come now to the second part of the subject, and your more
immediate concern — that of spreading knowledge.
In contemplating the probable future destiny of our extraordi-
nary empire in Asia, it is impossible not to think but that the
knowledge we are so actively introducing may, in the course of
time, cause great changes; but how these may affect our power is
a question that the wisest of us will find it difficult to answer. I
must ever think that to impart knowledge is to impart strength
to a community, and that, as that becomes enlightened, the love
of independence, combined with a natural pride in self-govern-
ment, which God appears to have infused into the spirit of man
and of nations, will be too strong for all the lessons of duty, of
meekness, and of gratitude to their intellectual benefactors that we
can teach our Indian subjects; but I am not deterred by the pos-
sibiHty (nor should I be by the probability) of such consequences
from being the advocate for their instruction in all the arts of civil
life.
EDUCATION IN INDIA. 363
We live in an age ^Yhich is above such policy, and we belong
to a country \Yliich lias recently made itself too conspicuous for
destroying the fetters which had for ages enslaved the body, to
tolerate arguments in support of a system for keeping the human
mind in ignorance of any knowledge that is calculated to promote
its happiness; but the question here assumes its most difhcult
shape. It is the nature of the knowledge, and the mode we
pursue in imparting it, that is likely to make the diiFcrcncc be-
tween its proving a curse or a blessing to India ; between its sup-
porting (at least for a long period) our power over that quarter of
the globe, or accelerating its downfall. Enthusiasm or over-zeal
is quite competent to effect the latter, while the former requires
for its accompHshmcnt a steadiness of purpose, a clearness of head,
and a soberness ofjudgmcnt that are seldom found united with that
iutentness on the object which is also quite essential. I wish,
my dear sir, I could be certain that your successors in the serious
task you propose would have as much experience as you and
your fellow-labourers at Serhampore — that they would walk, not
run, in the same path — I would not then have to state one reserve;
I should be assured it would be considered as safer to commence
by giving a good deal of knowledge to a few than a little to
many ; that efforts would be limited to countries where the people
are familiar Avith our Government, and would understand the
object ; that men, in short, would be satisfied Avith laying the
foundation-stone of a good edifice, and not hazard their own object
and incur danger (for in all precipitate or immature attempts of
this nature there is great danger) by desiring to accomplish in a
day what must be the work of a century.
I have given you my sentiments as fully as I can in this short
letter. I really have not time to enter now into details. I hope
this explanation will be satisfactory; but it is a justice I owe to
you and to myself to declare, that while I shall be proud to be a
patron, and to support the plan now proposed, I shall steadfastly
and conscientiously oppose (as far as I have the power) any devia-
tion from the original principles, or any departure from that
moderate spirit of gradual and rational improvement in which it
has originated, and in which I have no doubt it will be conducted.
I beg my respects to Mr. Carey, and I\Ir. Wardc. I have re-
ceived the lattcr's second volume, and congratulate him on the
completion of his book.
364 CORRESPONDENCE.
ROBBER CLANS.
[To Walter Scott.] — I am flattered by what you say relative
to my return. I can assure you that not all the " pomp and cir-
cumstance" of my station — no, not all the better motive of consci-
ousness of doing good upon the great scale — can wean me from the
ardent desire of revisiting Faderland; yet I have to tempt me com-
plete authority, military and political, over a range as large as
England and Scotland. It is my chief business to keep the peace
in this lately distracted quarter, and I have been successful beyond
my most sanguine expectations. The largest folks are quiet, but
the difficulty is to keep the Rob Roys under.
That you may understand how exactly we have Black INIail, I
send you extracts of one of my last published letters to the Secre-
tary to Government. To make you understand one of my friends
that collect the black mails, take the following anecdotes (all of
which have occurred within the last ten days) of Nadir Bheel.
This petty chief has his mountain home within eighteen miles
of my camp. He rules over the Bheels, or hill rob])ers, in the
vicinity, and lias for ten years had the whole country above the
hills to Indore, and below them to Moheysir in the Nerbudda, under
annual contribution. This revenue is independent of the plunder
of all who pass near his country ; and armies have in vain tried to
hunt him down, or to guard against his depredations. I found
near my camp upwards of forty villages, roofless. The inhabi-
tants, whom I sent for, to repeople them, told all the same story:
Nadir Bheel had, on a real or pretended failure of Thankahs,
destroyed them. I sent to this redoubted hero an offer of peace
or war, and after a long negotiation he came into my camp. He
had never ventured to put himself in any one's power before, and
it was, to use the figurative but natural language of the country,
the tiger of the forest walking quietly into man's abode. The
day he came in I lost some cattle, and had a Sepoy wounded by
some other Bheels — not his subjects. I told Nadir, at his first
visit, I was dcliglited to see him, but that others were jealous, and
meant to give me a slight opinion of his power by attacking my
people the day lie came in. He fired up, as I expected, and begged
that I would leave to him the task of avenging the insult. It was
what I wished. He sent out a party, and two days afterwards ho
came to see mc, in great glee, having retaken the cattle, which
ROBBER CLANS. 365
were given to the owners. For mc, Nadir said, smiling, he had a
better present. A man was brought in prisoner. " That," said
he, " is the head of a Para'" (a Httle colony of the fellows concerned
in this robbery). " The principal rogue has got off wounded; but
show what you have in your hand," said he to the prisoner, in a
fierce tone. The man held out a coarse netting, in which I saw
a man's head with a long beard. While I was struck with horror,
Nadir continued, exultingly, " That is the head of this principal
rogue's brother. But this is nothing," he added (as I waved for
the prisoner to be carried away) ; " I will send you fifty heads
pickled in salt — they will not keep otherwise." I told him, if any
of the Bheels, in spite of the warning they got, persevered in their
robberies, I should not quarrel with his measures, however severe,
against such lawless fellows.
Nadir is not five feet high ; rather fairer than his tribe in general;
his countenance good, even handsome, if it had not been" de-
stroyed by the marks of constant dissipation. Knowing his fond-
ness for liquor, I sent him some brandy. The savage had never
before seen a bottle, and he told me, when inspired to rapture by
its contents, " that certainly the handsomest thing in the world
was an English bottle full of liquor, and the cleverest was a steel
thing that went round and round and opened its mouth!"
He went away in high good humor. I took into service
early a hundred of his retainers, prevailed upon the Government
to make an agreement for a regular payment of the Black Mail,
and obtained a large grant (rent-free for five years) of waste land,
which he promised to cultivate. All my plans were complete,
when a man, last night, came to mc breathless, saying he had fled
from the woods just as Nadir, in a fit of passion, inhumanly mur-
dered Bappoo, his chief commander, wlio has been employed with
me. I know not what will become of this, but it is more like
Helen Macgregor than Rob Roy.
MANAGEMENT OF THE NATIVES OF INDIA.
[To MouNTSTUART Elphinstone.] — The fault I find with
what you term the younger politicians (counting yourself a licish
Suffeid, or greybeard) is not so much that they despise the
Natives and Native Governments, but that they are impatient of
abuses, and too eager for reform. I do not think they know so
366 CORRESPONDENCE.
well as we old ones what a valuable gentleman Time is; how much
better work is clone, when it does itself, than when done by the
best of us.
There cannot be a severer trial to an active, humane, and just
mind, than to condemn it to associate with those who govern Native
States. It requires all the lessons of long experience, combined
with a constant recollection of what is good for our general policy,
not our local interests, to stand such a trial ; and the worst is, that
in such situations the best agents of Government are those who
make the least show. Happy would it be if we were always
appreciated by the quiet around us, and the rareness of our inter-
ference beyond what was forced upon us to keep the peace; but
liere, as elsewhere, there is too often a game to be played, an im-
pression to be made, and trifles are magnified till men swell them-
selves and work to bull size, and lead themselves and their supe-
riors away from those clear and simple rules and principles which
are essential to keep right every part of this great machine.
What I fear most on our present extensive scale is the number
and opposite modes, if not principles, of agents acting within what
may almost be termed the same sphere, supposing instructions the
same; still, where the distance of the seat of power is so great,
there will be a diflerence of action that will cause much embar-
rassment. In the present state of our political power this will be
found in a degree it never has before. A Resident at Mysore, or
at Lucknow, &c., had before the same task which now belongs to
all our representatives; but these states, before late events, were,
as far as related to their political condition, insulated. The case is
now altered. We are obliged to act the moment the peace of any
district, province, or kingdom, from Cape Comorin to Delhi, is
disturbed.
It requires, therefore, more unity of system, than we yet have
established, to succeed. The first great object is that we should
be imderstood ; that every native of any intelligence should know
Avhen we will interfere, and when we will not. This knowledge
is alike essential for the confidence of the higher classes and the
i:omfort and prosperity of the lower; without it the former will
dread to exercise the functions that belong to them in the com-
munity, and the latter, in vain efforts to escape the pressure of the
authorities under which they live, will lose their time and their
temper in seeking prompt redress of political evils, which, under
INTERFERENCE WITH NATIVE STATES. 367
a change of circumstances such as has taken place, may be oxpectecl
to remedy themselves. The natives of India, to understand a
point of this nature, must be spoken to by actions, not words ;
and it is only by our conduct being everywhere the same, by a
general consistency of proceedings on the part of all our agents,
that they can be brought to comprehend or believe that a nation
possessing the power of taking the whole country, and turning it
to the immediate profit of individuals and the State, can be led by
any causes to abstain from so doing.
The difficulty of making such impressions I know thoroughly.
A sense of their ultimate importance in a country like Malwah has
led me for the last eighteen months to deny myself a private
moment even at meals, and to be ready to hear every human
being that had a complaint or a representation to make. There
is not one in a hundred to whom I can give relief, or interfere in
his business ; but I explain minutely to all the causes of not hearing
him, and the principles upon which our Government acts. The
same story is gone over a hundred times a day for a twelvemonth.
I often notice those around me smiling, and at a loss whether to
think me wise or foolish ; but the effect is produced as far as the
explanation is heard, or the person to whom it is given trusted
and believed by others. It comes from the fountain head in this
quarter, and the potail of one village tells another to be quiet,
and make the best of his condition, as Malcolm- Sahib liimself told
him, in such and such cases, he would not, nay, he could not, inter-
fere. I of course lesson those acting under my orders to act in a
similar manner; but I have found, when an agent, acting from
a different view from that I took, adopted, on a sense of local ex-
pediency, any measure (however apparently insignificant) contrary
to my principle, that the report spread like wildfire, that hopes
of a change in my resolution were cherished, and this example
pleaded by persons, whom it was impossible to think could ever
have heard of it.
CONTKOL OF THE NATIVE STATES.
[To MouNTSTUART Elphinstone.] — The control which
we are hereafter to exercise over the internal government of the
Guickowar is a very difficult, point, and one which must depend
more upon the disposition and talents of the Resident than any
368 CORRESPONDENCE.
rules tliat can be laid down for his guidance. We must trust much
to the constant reiteration of good general principles, and to that
confidence which must in time be inspired by our abstaining
from minute interference. Though desirous of improvement, we
must, particularly at first, be tolerant, or rather unobservant, of
those abuses which belong more or less to all Native Govern-
ments. We have a right to expect that if the prince is not com-
petent to the direct management of his own aifairs, he will nomi-
nate a man of respectability and reputed integrity to be minister.
But I would not influence this choice more than by objection to
any person that was different, or notorious for bad qualities.
It is a great object to make the Guickowar State liquidate its
debts; till tliis is done it is not able to perforin its duties as an
ally. A defined plan, therefore, should be adopted to eflect this
object; but wdien that is agreed upon by you and the prince, and
he and his ministers engage to carry it into execution, nothing
but complete failure on their part would warrant our interference
with the officers they employed to collect the revenue, or for
directing the funds to the objects in view. By exciting their
pride, and putting everything on their own responsibility, we may
attain their cordial concurrence in the accomplishment of this de-
sirable end. But give the Resident the power of protesting against
the nomination of their inferior officers, and you make it a duty
with him to do so in all cases where he has doubts of the character
of individuals whose merits or demerits no person in his situation
can learn from disinterested sources ; an objection to one or two
may force an appointment of a person of whom his information
(which in such case is likely to be partial and imperfect) gives
him a better opinion. One such instance, by proclaiming a di-
vided power in the exercise of the patronage of the State, paralyses
the weaker Government in such a degree as to destroy it as an
instrument of rule, and gives rise to all species of inti-igue and
misrepresentation.
The Oufs in India are, if possible, more active and full of
cabals than those in England. The slightest indication of en-
couragement makes them rush to the attack, and in cases like that
you have to manage, I am convinced there is no safety but in
keeping to broad and distinct lines, and giving every possible
chance to the inferior State of becoming equal to its functions. I
speak here of the riirht of interference in the Resident. It is his
INTERFERENCE WITH NATIVE STATES. 369
duty to conciliate the friendship of botli the prince and his
minister, and to offer in a mode that cannot injure the impression
of their power every advice and admonition ; but unless in some
very flagrant case — the appointment of some man of such notorious
and proved bad fame that the objection occurs to all the Guzerat
world as a matter of course — I would give the Resident no power
of interfering with the nomination of these inferior ofEcers. The
Resident should hear no complaints except those that involve
matters connected with Company's troops or subjects with foreign
states or chief tributaries, or that relate to the preservation of
the internal peace of the country. To hear even, or allow those
under him to hear, any other complaints or appeals, is virtually to
deprive the Government, which you profess an intention to sup-
port, of the power of rule, by taking away from it that respect and
confidence on which its abihty to fulfil its function can alone be
grounded.
This is the most difiicult of all parts of our controlling Govern-
ment, for it is one upon which all the native atmosphere around
the Resident constantly presses him. The motives of our conduct
in this particular are quite unintelligible to natives. Unacquainted
with our alarm at extending our direct power, they cannot com-
prehend why we should not make the most of all the advantages
fortune has given us. An old able rogue now in my service, who
has played no mean part in the troubles of the last thirty years,
often says to me, " I have lived so long and so well upon the dis-
putes and complaints of others, that I shall never get reconciled
to your doctrine upon these subjects." I believe he hardly yet
thinks me serious.
I conclude you do not mean, when you say that the expenditure
must be necessarily under the Resident's control, that he should
regulate all its details, but that he should see engagements that have
been agreed upon fulfilled, old debts liquidated, and no new ones
incurred, and also that the servants of the State, particularly the
army, are not in arrears. He should certainly have access to ac-
counts if he requires it, to fulfil this part of his duty ; but it will
be a great point if a good choice of a minister makes his duties
general, for a constant and minute investigation of accounts will
lead not only to vexation and trouble, but engender deception
and misstatement. All you propose about the army and fiimily
of the Guickowar appears unobjectionable, except that I should
VOL. II. 2 B
370 COERESPONDENCE.
like that he could be induced, as an experiment, to fix the pay of
the contingent in Malwah. Regarding this, however, I wrote fully
before. I am alike a friend to employing, to aid the Resident in
the duties you propose, an able native, or even more than one, as
I am to giving them high pay. We can have no other claim
upon their integrity ; but such should be kept as a mere servant
of the Resident. Elevate him in any way into a public servant,
with distinct responsibility, or even a right to his employment
beyond the will or convenience of the Resident, and you incur a
hazard of raising a native to an influence that may disturb your
plans.
CONSTITUTION OF THE BRITISH-INDIAN GOVERNMENT, AND
MAINTENANCE OF THE NATIVE STATES.
[To Ma.jor Stewart.] — I proposed sixteen years ago that the
Supreme Government should be relieved from attention to the
details of a Presidency. To load the Governor-General of India,
upon its present scale, with the cares of a factory, appears too
absurd, but then how to relieve it is a most difficult question ; for
what men, who view our possessions in this quarter on a large and,
I presume, a just scale, deem comparatively a trifling part of the
concern, stands in the first rank with many of our masters in
England. It is altogether a strange anomaly, and most difficult
to correct; for how to amend the Direction, and to give it a better
character for its altered duties, without weakening that mound
which stands between India and the corrupt patronage of England,
I confess I do not know. The present constitution of the Indian
Government in England has many defects, but it has great and
substantial advantages. The Directors, without the power of doing-
mischief, can prevent it. Their general ignorance (there are a
few distinguished exceptions) of the affairs of India does good.
It prevents in most cases (particularly on large points) that active
and minute interference which, in a body so very remote, must
do harm. On the whole, then, I believe this part of the consti-
tution must be left to improve itself; or, if any alteration is made,
it must be witli great care. A considerable change has taken
place. The decline of the shipping interests is a progress to an
imperceptible but actual change. If the trade with the continent
of India ever proved a loss (and many able men have conjectured
USES OF THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. 371
it would), its being abandoned would greatly alter both the duties
and the character of the Court.
On what would result from the loss of their army I will not
speculate, but conclude this part of the subject with expressing
my opinion (and it is that of a man who has received nothing but
favors from the Throne, and neglect from the India House), that if
ever there shall cease to be an intermediate body between the
Crown and India of sufficient strength to shield the latter from
encroachment, we shall soon cease to have any trouble in govern-
ing this vast empire.
A change of system in the local government of India is quite
indispensable. It will force itself, and every day it is delayed will
be at the hazard of embarrassment and confusion. There is no
difficulty, fortunately, in this measure but what may arise from
the cause to which I have alluded in the Direction — unreason-
able prejudices, and an abstract dislike of change, carried so far
as to hate it even when for the better. Of the necessity of eman-
cipating the Supreme Government from the drudgery of the shop
I have already given my opinion ; and to save you and myself
trouble upon other points, I enclose copies of several letters I have
lately written, referring to the actual condition of India, and to
tlie changes required in the mode of government, particularly
where that new and dilferent species of rule is to be tried which
is to control clusters of states and communities, and to preserve
them in temper and in peace without interfering with their in-
ternal administration or arrangements. This is, believe me, under
the most favorable circumstances, no easy machinery to conduct,
and once out of order, almost impossible to be repaired ; yet you
have your choice betwixt this and an indent upon Hertford
Collesfc and Addiscombe for one thousand writers and five thou-
sand cadets, and Feringy Raj all over India !
This, perhaps, must come at last ; but it is the duty of every
man who understands the real interests of his country to use all
his efforts to avert it as long as possible. The Native Governments
are abused as intolerably bad ; why, even in this view, the very
contrast of their government with ours is strength. Make all
India into zillahs, and I will assert it is not in the order of things,
considering the new sentiments that must be infused — the opera-
tion (unchecked by comparison) of that dislike to rule which all
human beings have, and that depression and exclusion from all
2b 2
372 CORRESPONDENCE.
hio-h rank and flime, civil or military, of more than a crore of
men, which must be the consequence of the estabhshment of our
direct authority — that our empire should last fifty years ; but if
we can contrive to keep up a number of Native States without
political power, but as royal instruments, we shall, I believe, exist
in India as long as we maintain our naval superiority in Europe ;
beyond this date it is impossible. But, on the other hand, while
we have that superiority, no European enemy (not even the re-
doubted Russians) can shake our Eastern throne, if we have
wisdom enough (which I doubt) not to destroy ourselves !
RESULTS OF CONQUEST.
[To Major Stewart.] — The large work has been done. India
is subdued. The very minds of its inhabitants are for the moment
conquered ; but neither its former history nor our experience
warrants our expectation that these feelings will be permanent.
We have never, during the whole period of our rule, gained a
province by our arms in which we have not found a reaction,
after the inhabitants were recovered from the stun of the first
blow. Can we expect this last and greatest of our strides will be
exempt from this evil — that the elements we have scattered, but
not destroyed, will perish of themselves? They may; but such a
result is against all history and all experience, and is, therefore,
not to be anticipated.
Though I foresee danger, I by no means intend to state that we
may not prevent, or that we shall not conquer it ; but this I will
aver, that the Government of India, during the next four or five
years, will require more care, more knowledge, and more firmness
than it has ever done since we possessed that country. With the
means we have, the work of force is comparatively easy. Our
habits and the liberality of the principles of our government give
grace to conquest, and men are for the moment satisfied to be at
the feet of a generous and humane conqueror. Tired and dis-
gusted with their own anarchy, the loss of power even is not
regretted. Halcyon days arc anticipated, and tliey prostrate
themselves in hopes of elevation. All these impressions made by
the combined efiects of power, humanity, and fortune, are im-
proved to the utmost by the character of the first rule estabHshed
over them. The agents employed by Government are generallj'
MANAGEMENT OF THE NATIVE STATES. 373
men who had acquired a name in the very scene in which they
had to act. They are instructed to conciUate, and, unfettered by
rules, their measures are shaped to soothe the passions and assimi-
late with the liabits and prejudices of those whom they had to
attach to the interests or to reduce to obedience to tlie British
Government. But there are many causes which operate to make
tins period of short duration. The change from it to that of a
colder course of policy in our political agents, and the introduc-
tion of our laws and regulations into countries immediately
dependent upon us, is that of agitation and alarm. It is the
hour in which men awake from a dream. Disgust and discontent
succeed to terror and admiration. The princes, chiefs, and other
principal persons who had been supported by the character of our
first intercourse, sec nothing but a system that dooms them to
certain decline. They have, like weak and falling men, deluded
themselves with better hopes; but delusion is ever rendered more
insufferable by being of our own creation. I shall not at pre-
sent dwell upon the means necessary to prevent or remedy these
evils in territories subject to our own sway, but proceed to the
question as it aifects our political relations in general, and particu-
larly those with D. R. Scindiah. I am alike an enemy to that
minute and vexatious interference with Native States which con-
tradicts the purpose for whicli we maintain them in existence, and
lessens the power where it docs not altogether destroy the utility
of an instrument of government which the obligations of faith or
the dictates of pohcy compel us to use, as I am to that system
which, satisfied with a dependent state fulfiUing the general con-
ditions of its alliance, gives a blind support to the governing
power, however ruinous its measures to the prosperity of the
country and the happiness of its inhabitants.
If policy requires that we should govern a considerable part of
India through its native princes and chiefs, it is our duty to
employ all our influence and all our power to strengthen, instead
of weakening, these royal instruments of rule. No speculation of
comparative improvement or better administration should lead
us aside from this path. The general good that is effected by our
remaining- in it must always overbalance any local benefit that
could be derived from quitting it. If forced by circumstances to
depart from this course, better assume the direct sovereignty of
the country at once than leave to the mock and degraded instru-
374 CORRESPONDENCE.
ments of onr power any means of avenging themselves upon a
State wliicli renders them the debased tools of its Government.
Those who are the supporters of a system that leaves a State,
■which our overshadowing friendship has shut out from the sun-
shine of that splendor which once gave lustre almost to its vices,
to die by its own hand — to perish unaided by us amid that
putrefaction which has been produced by an internal administra-
tion consequent to our alliance — can have no rational argument
but that the speediest death of such Government is the best,
because it brings them soonest to the point at which we can (on
c-rounds that will be admitted, as leo;itimate both in India and
England) assume the country, and give it the benefits of our
direct rule. But this is the master-evil against which we are to
guard. Territory is coming too fast upon us. We cannot pre-
vent accessions, and the period may arrive when the whole
peninsula will be under our immediate rule ; but every considera-
tion requires this period to be delayed, and every effort should be
made to regulate a march in which we must proceed. No addi-
tional province can now be desirable but as it furnishes us with
positive means of supporting that general peace which is alike
essential for the prosperity of our provinces and the preservation
of those whom it is our policy to maintain as rulers.
APPOINTMENT TO HIGH OFFICE OF THE MILITARY SERVANTS
OF THE COMPANY.
[To Mr. Canning.] — There can be no doubt, as I am dis-
tinctly informed by several letters from the India House, that it
was the circumstance of Mr. Elphinstone's being a civil servant
which principally promoted his success. I was aware, when
despair of obtaining military command before I was superan-
nuated, led me to seek a civil government, of all the prejudices I
had to overcome. The general objection against the elevation of
any servant of the Company to such high station had only one
rational ground to rest upon — that of their want of knowledge of
the government of their own country; or, in other words, their
being too Indian. To remove this, I devoted four years, in which
I might have rendered myself allluent (had that been the leading-
object of my life), to a residence in England, and a study of the
constitution of my country, and particularly of those links which
CLAIMS OF THE MILITARY SERVICE. 375
connect it wltli its great and extraordinary empire in Asia. The
next feeling I had to combat was one against the promotion to a
civil government of a military servant of the Company (many
King's officers had been raised to those high stations) ; and here,
also, I thought I had been successful, and congratulated myself
not more on the prospect of my personal advancement than at
having contributed by my efforts to remove a bar which I had
ever considered, both as it related to individuals and the public,
to be as invidious as it was unjust and impolitic. Though I am
still convinced (I must otherwise have lost my memory) that a
great majority of the Court of Directors were consenting to my
elevation, and thouo;li I am assured that I have done nothin<i^ since
I left England that should have lessened the favor of that body, I
could not expect, when circumstances led to my name being
brought forward in equal competition with that of a civil servant
of the highest character, that the feelings of partiality towards
that branch of the service would not operate to my disadvantage.
I am very far from imputing any sucli wisli to you ; on the con-
trary, I am assured you desired my success, and by placing me
first on the list (primus inter jmres) you indicated that sentiment as
far as the nature of tlie proceeding which you deemed it your
duty to adopt would permit. I am, my dear Sir, compelled to
refer the very decided preference that was given by the Court to
Mr. Elpliinstone, when our names were brought before them in
an official manner, to the prej udice I have noticed ; or to admit
that his late services were greater than mine in a proportion that
outweighed my claim, grounded on seniority, and I cannot forget
that I had reached the highest station in the political line at the
period when Mr. Elpliinstone first entered it ; and since tliat I
am not disposed to admit I have been passed by any man in the
race.
I do not mean by any observations I have made upon this
subject to affu-ra that the civil service is not higher than the
military, or to represent the latter as having as officers any pre-
tensions whatever to political or civil stations ; but when long
employment and acknowledged competence in these branches of
the service bring a military man prominently forward, there
should be no bar to his promotion. When arrived at a stage
when he can stand in such competition, he must be considered to
have passed all those obstacles which, speaking generally, limit
376 CORRESPONDENCE.
men to the duties of tlieir professions. To pursue liim when so
far advanced with that prejudice which formed a very proper and
reasonable bar to his first rise, is as unjust as it relates to the indi-
vidual as it is unwise in reference to the interest of the State.
This particularly applies to such an empire as that we have
founded in India ; for we can dispense with no talent or expe-
rience that is necessary for its government, and every principle
that goes to repress a fair and honorable ambition in men, who
desire to qualify themselves for this arduous task, is to be con-
demned. I speak of this subject more at liberty from considering
that I have no longer that personal interest which I had in the
question. I am never lil<;ely to be a candidate for another Indian
Government.
I observ^e you think, if my name alone had been brought for-
ward, that the very converse of the feeling I have supposed would
have been excited — that you would have been charged with a
desire of preferring military men exclusively to such high civil
stations. This would have been very unjust. My nomination,
had it occurred, would have been more of an exception to a rule
than a precedent for one. I should have been the first Company's
military servant, since the appointment of Lord Clive to be
Governor-General (a period of more than half a century), that had
held the ofiice of civil Governor on the continent of India.
NATIVE AGENCY AND NATIVE INTRIGUE.
[To Mr. Williams.] — Leave my school whenever its prin-
ciples become burdensome. When indolence, wHth all its con-
comitants of impatience and hasty judgment seizes possession of
your mind, then take to your hookah, drink your glass heartily,
listen with' complacency to some artful dcwan or fixwning moon-
shee whose life is devoted to the discovery of your superior
talents, and the treachery and falsehood of the black rascals with
whom you have concern. If (which God forbid) you ever go off
in this style, I shall pray for you to be without my pale; but as
I believe you still in it, I must tell you that the great duty
which political agents in your situation owe the Government, is to
effect good work with bad instruments. You would have no
merit if Scvajee were a different character; but you will have a
great deal if, being what you represent him, you can, by kindness
NATIVE INTRIGUE. 377
and attention, mixed with temper and judgment, render him a
useful ruler and good ally. Nothing can do this but frequent
personal communication, and strict adherence to understood prin-
ciples, particularly with regard to the degree of interference in his
affairs. What he seems most to want is confidence, and he has,
evidently, many mean qualities ; but if we exercise a general
control (abstaining from all small or detail work) in a manner
that shows nothing excites our regret or displeasure but misrule,
nothing meets our approbation and support but good government,
it Is almost impossible but the end we have in view must be
gained, that is, provided we act ourselves. But the moment we
allow khans, pundits, moonshecs, or any animals to mix, there
is a dabbling and Intriguing that gives the work a perfectly new
character. These animals light in our name for their own objects.
They are acquainted with our temper and failings, and our pre-
judices ; they watch our passions, and study the very moment
best suited to the tale that Is to make the impression ; then charge
upon him, whom they desire to depreciate, the faults which their
arts have led him to commit.
I do not say this Is the case at Baroda, but it is the case at
most Native Courts I have seen. Using natives as much as most
men, my life has passed in endeavours by personal labor to coun-
teract this evil, and I have been tolerably successful; but still I
have been often deceived. Still, I continue at my object, for It
is one of primary importance. It is, Avhcther we are to manage
what remains of India, not directly under British authority, through
national princes and their ministers, or through natives in our
service, acting on our support, and in our name. There are cases
where interference of this description cannot be avoided; but It
leads direct to changes that I deprecate; and I therefore hope you
will keep from It as long as you can. As far as my school is con-
cerned, I shall not be satisfied its principles have had fair play
iinless an honorable disciple like James Williams gives them a
trial for two or three years. I will have none of your Dodojees
Bobojecs, or your pundits or your khans, to make the experiment.
KING-MAKING — THE NEW SOVEREIGNTY OF OUDE.
[To Mu. Gerald Wellesley.] — " Ills Majesty" of Oude
makes me sick. If the King of Delhi was in fact an absurdity or
378 CORRESPONDENCE.
a mockery (I do not admit it was eitlier), it had its root in a wise
conformance to usage, ia a generous consideration of the feelings
of fallen greatness. It was the veneration of a great power that had
passed away ; and the superstition that continued to give homage
to the shrine which we liad addressed to propitiate our rise, was
sanctioned by the example of the wisest among nations. There
was little except goodness in it. The expenditure was fully repaid
in the return of impression, and before we came in direct inter-
course with the imperial object of our bounty and consideration,
all the danger, if not the embarrassment, that might under other
circumstances have been anticipated from the inconsistency be-
tween his name and power, had been done away, beyond, as far as
I can judge, the most remote apprehension of its ever being
revived.
I have heard and read enough upon the opposite side of this
question ; but I have seen and known enough to treat all abstract
wisdom on such points as folly. Bacon has told us what shrunken
things the minds of most men would be if stripped of their vani-
ties and pretensions ; but where would you leave states, if you
were to knock away the thousand props, seen and unseen, by
which they were supported ? many and some of the strongest of
which have their foundation in what one of your mere general
politicians or authors would pronounce, justly enough, folly, pre-
judice, ignorance, and absurdity. When we can get a world
made of other compounds than the present, such a man may suc-
ceed with his system; but wliile the great majority are foolish,
prejudiced, and ignorant, it must be by conforming to their cha-
racter, by gaining their passions and feelings, as well as what little
reason they possess, to his side, and not by outraging them, that
the great objects of Government will be answered, and the founda-
tion laid for such gradual and slow reform as a really wise man
would alone attempt.
But though I am for the above reasons disposed to give and
countenance worship at an old and venerable though decayed
shrine, would I permit others tliat are dependent on me to pro-
claim their contempt of what I am content to venerate ? Would
I create (for in this case permission is creation), a golden calf, and
allow him to throw off his nominal subordinate title, and assume
equality with the degraded representative of a line of monarchs
to whom his ancestors have for ages been really or nominally
MOCK ROYALTIES. 379
subject ? But this question has a more serious consideration
attached to it. The King of Oudc has great- means; he has
immense treasures, numerous subjects, and an extended territory.
Is the royal title he has been encouraged or allowed to assume
calculated to put him more in love with his actual dependence
upon the British Government, or is it likely to inflate him, or
some of his successors, with notions irreconcileable to their condi-
tion? Tliese opinions (which, however, are only to yourself) are,
I believe, similar to what you entertain upon this subject. It is
one of no slight magnitude. The matter came by surprise on me,
and I am yet ignorant of the causes which led to its adoption.
Had I been aware of such an intention, I should have urged all
the reasons that occurred to me against it; and among these, I
should have stated the impolicy of disturbing a point that was at
rest.
I have heard it urged that Tippoo usurping the title of Sultan
caused no sensation, while others have argued that a variety of
heads divide the Mahomedans. To the first, I answer that it
was not the fact. Tippoo became more unpopular among Ma-
homedans from throwing off his nominal dependence upon the
INIogul, than all the acts of his life; and on the 5th of May (the
day after he was slain), Meer Allum solicited me to allow him to
proceed with an immense concourse to the principal mosque, that
he might vindicate the honor of the House of Delhi, and make
reparation to the insulted feelings of those who (like the Nizam,
his master) still professed allegiance to Shah Allum, by reading
the Kutbah in that monarch's name at the only place in India
where it had been discontinued. With regard to the division of
Mahomedan feelings, we have had the experience of nearly a
century to prove it could not have had a more innocent point of
union (if it is stated to be such) than in a common veneration for
the powerless, pensioned representative of the family of Timour.
I have that respect for both Lord Hastings and his councillors,
that there must, I think, be strong reasons* for this act. I have
written to Metcalfe to ask them ; and after all, it is not impugning
the wisdom or policy of the measure, to say it has not my concur-
rence, where it is sanctioned by that of abler men.
* The strong reasons were a crorc the title wliicli Lord Hastings allowed
of rupees (a million sterling) which, him to beai'.
in efl'cct, the ISIabob Wuzccr paid for
380 CORRESPONDENCE.
IRREGULAR TROOPS.
[To Colonel James Skinner.] — I am glad you propose to
give a sliort memoir of your corps. If written, as I have no doubt
it will, with the same clear conciseness, and in the same spirit of
modesty and truth which marks your letter to the Calcutta
Journal^ it will be a most valuable document.
With respect to the merits of our Irregular Horse, you know
my sentiments. We have both in our own service, and as auxi-
liaries, many excellent bodies of this class of soldiers. Yours are
the best I have ever seen of the former description, though, I
believe, some of the Rohilla Corps are very good. But you have
had great advantages, and have made admirable use of them. I
do not mean to flatter when I say you are as good an Englishman
as I know; but you are also a Native Irregular, half-born and
fully bred amid them, understand their characters, enter into their
prejudices, can encourage without spoiling them, know what they
can — and, what is more important — what they cannot do. The
superiority of your corps rests upon a foundation that no others
have. Your Ressaldars are men, generally speaking, not only of
character, but of family. Those under them are not only their
military, but their natural dependents. These are links which
it is difficult for the mere European officer to keep up. He too
often runs upon smart men, promotes (perhaps a man of low family
and indifferent character among themselves) for some gallant
action, and then ascribes to envy, jealousy, and all unworthy
motives, the deficiency in respect and obedience of those under
him, forgetting the great distance between Regular and Irregular
corps on this point. Your personal kindness and generosity to
your corps has also effected much, and I have ever found, in Hin-
dostan fourteen years ago, and in Malwah during the last two, that
every horseman of your corps considers, whether his duty requires
him to act against the enemy or to protect the inhabitants, that
he has your good name in his keeping. This, I dehght in ob-
serving, is a master-motive on all occasions.
To conclude with my opinion upon Irregular Horse. Inde-
pendent of the policy of keeping in pay, or in the service of our
allies, a considerable number of this class, I do not, on the scale
we now arc, luidcrstand how we can operate in the field without
them ; but everything depends on their good management. They
DIVIDED AUTHORITY. 381
arc no more fit for the duties of Regular Cavalry than the latter
are for theirs. They are our light troops, and, as such, have their
distinct place. To take them out of that is their ruin. You know
it is my opinion that you have gone to the very verge of making
bad Regulars of admirable Irreirulars.
EVILS OF TOO MUCH INTERFERENCE.
[To Captain Tod.] — I fear if ^Ye met, you might think
some of my principles had a spirit of indolence in them. I try
hard to quiet what is agitated, but disturb nothing that is at all
at rest. I adopt no measure that I can avoid which has any re-
trospect of former events (and I style all such before 1817, taking
that as the date of the establishment of our paramount power);
not but that I see many that are good, but because I desire to be
understood, and fear to give alarm. I should dread men saying
to one another, Where will the interference of Malcolm-Sahib '
stop? Now, with this rule, I should be frightened at talking
about, much less acting, in any way that went to reform of rights
and tenures of lands. In my quarter, it is a series of illegiti-
macy, usurpation, and confusion of title, from right to left. You
have, probably, a different scene. There is, however, one thing
of which I am convinced, which is, the slower we go the better.
I should be glad to make you a convert to a doctrine whicli, by
diminishing your labor, would give the public a better chance of
the continuance of your services.
EVILS OF DIVIDED AUTHORITY.
[To Mr. Jenkins.] — I will send you any papers I find bear-
ino" upon the management of new countries. Had 3''ou given
your sentiments earlier about the Valley of the Ncrbudda, I think
we should hardly have had (what we seem now threatened with)
countries containing the same inhabitants, divided between two
British authorities, governing indistinct portions of the same
people in opposite ways, both as to the form and substance of rule.
This cannot increase their respect for either our wisdom or con-
sistency, and must, I think, create much confusion. Your early
report upon the subject may prevent any of these cITects. But
after all, our concern (which is every day increasing, and must
382 COREESPONDENCE.
increase) is altogether too large and complicated for the existing
form of our Government. But indolence, dislike of change, the
dread of the Directors, the love of exercising power, even in its
minutest fractions, Avill long prevent any of those great and wise
measures which could alone avert those evils which are the natural
concomitants of our altered condition. We shall travel to ends
which I conscientiously believe might be safely attained in a few
months, through years of vexation and trouble, if not danger.
[To Mr. James Stuart.] — My present situation is, in point
of allowance, as good as I could desire. Its duties are both large
and important ; but you must, in your provisions for their execution
when I go, enter more than you have yet done into their nature
and extent, or you will have collision and confusion. It is true
what you state regarding several of the present appointments in
India being in actual power nearly what I suggest. But, as far
as I can judge, much more is reqviired, than has been done, before
they can be cfTicient to their complex and increasing functions;
but I will not revive this subject. I shall only suggest, that what-
ever arrangements you may propose for this quarter, the day is
yet distant when you can trust to common routine; and depend
upon it, you can have no danger worse than the multiplication of
petty and distinct authorities. Till the scene is more settled, you
must have men of calibre at the remoter parts of your dominions
whose name and weight will supply the wants of an undefined
system. We have duties as lords paramount of quite a novel
description, and which, to be understood, must be seen and judged
upon the spot. I wish you could come through Malwah on your
way to England, and be convinced of this fact.
[To Mr. Adam.] — I can already perceive that I am not wrong-
in the predictions I early made of the increasing difficulties that
would come upon us when past miseries were forgotten, and the
feelings of gratitude which states and individuals released from
their oppressors entertained for their liberators were changed for
those sentiments of envy and dishke, if not hatred, with which all
who exercise rule regard those by whose power, even when pro-
tected, they are overshadowed ; but it will depend upon your
wisdom how far the difficulties to which I have alluded, and
CONCENTRATION OF AUTHORITY. 383
wliicli are inseparable from your power, are gradually diminislied
or increased.
We have, as far as I can judge, no cliance of completely over-
coming tliem but by constituting as a permanent part of tlie
system, not as a temporary stop-gap expedient, one high and con-
trolling authority, with ample means to manage and direct the
whole. The events of the last two months point out the necessity
of this measure in a very remarkable manner. The death of the
Nabob of Bhopal, that of the Maha-rao of Kotah, the infirm
state of Zalim Singh, and the mutiny in Scindiah's army, have
set three of your political agents (all good and able men) in
action, and each has very properly limited himself, and will con-
tinue to limit himself, to his own work, and will form plans and
call for troops according to his own view of the particular inte-
rests of which he has charge, and this in a country yet new to our
touch, and in which interests and territories are so intermixed
that no negotiation or operation can take place without vibrating
through the whole. I can assure you that my mind has suffered
so much lately from thinking what was expected from mc, and
how little real poAver I had, compared to what should belong to the
station I fill and to my responsibility, that had I not been induced
by other circumstances to leave India, I must have seriously
represented my situation, with a desire to have it remedied, or a
petition to be relieved. x\s it is, I can only repeat my opinion,
that if you give any successor to me, you should make all within
his circle obedient to his instructions. If you desire to portion out
the management and control of the countries among Residents,
be as defined as possible in their limits and respective powers ;
then trust to their good tempers, good understanding with each
other, and to the goodness of an all-seeing and protecting Pro-
vidence.
ADVICE TO A YOUNG TOLITICAL.
[To Captain S .] — No man mistakes his own character
more than you do. You have plenty of qualifications (beyond a
linguist), but you want spring and confidence in your own excel-
lent abilities. All now depends upon yourself The situation
you are now named to will be one of use to you and the public, as
you choose. If you do nothing unasked, — if you, dreading respon-
384 CORRESPONDENCE.
sibility, and not being in love with every-day exertion, limit
yourself to a mere obedience of orders, why, you will prevent
harm, but do little more; but if, rousing yourself to what belongs
to your qualities and pretensions, you take a view of the large
tract and wild tribes assigned as a noble field for mental and
bodily exertion, as one in which you can do yourself credit, your
country good, and bring blessings on your name by converting to
order and civilisation thousands of miserable robbers, who, while
they are wretched themselves, are a bane to society, you will
elevate your own character and promote the views and interests of
Government. I expect you will do all this. You should begin
by making yourself master of the geography of the country, and
of the history, character, and habits of its inhabitants. I shall
look for an early and able report upon the general outhnes of the
whole — minute inquiry must do the rest.
BLESSING OF SELF-CONTENT.
[To Captain Tod.] — On the subject of ambition I may speak,
as I have been all my life an aspirant. I think on that beyond all
other matters in life. We are the makers or destroyers of our own
peace of mind and happiness. It is the habit we give ourselves of
thinking upon such subjects, or the way in which we view them,
that makes every occui-rence in an ambitious man's life a subject
of regret or consolation.
I have, through a breach of promise in rulers, the intrigues of
opponents, and the defection of friends, seen a person who was not
only my junior by twelve years in the political line, but had been
under me, supersede my fair and recognised claims to a Govern-
ment. I have seen another officer, whose pretensions, though
great, were publicly placed by the Indian Minister below mine,
raised to a Government for which I was declared not eligible.
All my friends are in indignation, but I am neither in a rage nor
disappointed. Two most able men who were behind me have by
accident (my self-love persuades me) shot ahead; but the race is
not over. The day's work is not done. Besides, how many hun-
dreds liave I beaten ? It is folly, according to my doctrine, that
makes us unhappy. It is presumption and an over-estimate of
ourselves that renders us disappointed. Tliis is my course of
reasoning ; it may be wrong, but it keeps me in spirits. You may
GAMBLING IN THE ARMY. 385
have formed scliemes which are not realised. But take a view of
the past and the future. Look to the altered condition of India.
You will find yourself on a high step of a large ladder, the top of
which you may in time expect to reach ; but both your happiness
and success depends upon your being at rest with your own
mind.
GAMBLING IN THE ARMY.
[To .] — I must now take a liberty with you, which is less
authorised by the length of our acquaintance than the impression
I have received of your character. I am well acquainted with all
the delicacy that is requisite for a person in my situation inter-
fering, either by advice or otherwise, with what passes in private
society amongst those who are in the performance of all tlieir
public duties under his orders and control; but there is in such
matters a right of friendship which should be exercised to the
utmost before there can be a ground for other admonition; and I
confess my habits are such, and I go so far in the enjoyment and
in the delight of seeing others enjoy every social pleasure that is
within limits, that it is harder for me to draw the line than for
many others. But, on the other hand, my known propensities and
my hearty participation in every amusement must give me more
claims, than a mere dry stick would have, to be heard as the advo-
cate of moderation in our pleasures.
My friend Ludlow had, I know, much talk with you and your
good chum the Colonel upon this subject, and it is the report he
made of your being his warm auxihary that leads me to write you
in the confidential manner I now do, preferring that to a direct
communication with Colonel , for whom, both privately and
publicly, I have that regard, that I am really alarmed at the idea
of hurting and annoying him. But as I do conceive that the ex-
ample and encouragement given by a man of his standing, cha-
racter, and popularity keep up the ball more than anything else,
I must say one or two words to him through your friendly me-
dium.
I neither have nor ever had any quarrel with that moderate card-
playing which men can afford; but when it goes higher, and when
nights are passed at the devil's books and dice, and Avhen young
men lose in one sitting what must distress them for months, if not
VOL. IL 2 C
386 COERESPONDENCE.
Years, I cannot be indifferent. The tone of every society depends
upon a few, and whatever a spirit of independence may sug-
f^cst, the example of their seniors has great weight. The high
quahties of our friend the Colonel as a soldier, his excellent
temper and warm heart, have made him altogether a man whom a
younker, and some older than younkers, would be as glad to follow
to the loo or dice-table as to the charge. And yet I am sure,
when he gives way to those rooted habits to which we are all
more or less slaves, he must at times be as much annoyed at the
inroads which gambling and bad hours make l^pon health, habits,
and, I must add, good discipline, as any man in the universe.
Do, my dear sir, add your influence to mine to make him refrain
from a course which, in the end, must hurt himself, and, what a
man of his feelings will feel more, may seriously injure others. I
am not a Radical. I want only a temperate reform, to which
we might hope to gain others. You will, I know, give me all
your aid.
I do not write on this subject without experience, or without
interest. I have been, in my very early years, the victim of such
habits, and was only saved by the combined workings of distress
from debt, and a strong^ call from men of whose reo-ard I was
proud, and who added to the respect I owed them as superiors all
the claims of friendship.
Now, as you know, I am fond of my rubber at whist, and bil-
liards, and my race ; but both my feeling and my duty are so
much against gambling to any extent that can injure men, that
I look forward with regret to the necessity of limiting my own en-
joyments, lest I should be misquoted here or elsewhere.
ADVICE TO A YOUNG OFFICER.
[To Cornet M .] — I have received your letter, and am
pleased with it. There are some points on which you are wrong.
A young man like you should never be balancing about climate
or expenses. If you arc wanted to survey — if you get one
hundred rupees, fifty rupees, or nothing — you should volunteer.
Calculation about difference of expenses is stuff' and nonsense.
If you cannot carry a large tent, take a Goorkha and pitch under
a tree. Instead of two or three horses and twenty followers, take
one horse and live or six men. Instead of good dinners and the
COLLECTION OF SUPPLIES. 387
Sec, &c., &c., of Hindostan, take 3'our curry and rice. It should
be your pride to be above all these luxuries, and to give yourself
up to the judgment of your superiors and the dictates of zeal.
These are, however, points which depend upon your disposition;
but you must try and alter that, if It leads you out of the track
which can alone ensure success.
COMrULSORY COLLECTION OF SUPPLIES.
[To Colonel Ludloav.] — I allow no commissary or any other
person to employ hurkarahs or chuprassies in any way but carry-
ing letters, or with their own cattle. They must never be seen in
any communication with the natives of the country cither to obtain
cattle, labourers, or grain. The Government money and private
money will obtain these in the only way that I can ever consent
to their being obtained. It must be an extraordinary emergency
of real service that will ever make me infringe upon this principle.
I will not do it to save any money or trouble, or to accommodate
the public service, or to save John Company's cash. You say no
person employs chuprassies but those that have a right. I know
of no man in Malwah that has a right to send one Into the country
for any purpose that implies the least interference with the free-
dom of the natives to give or to refuse to give anything they
have ; and I must entreat of you to abstain as much as you pos-
sibly can from aiding the Commissariat or any public officer with
your influence by applying to the vakeel or any local officer. I did
this at first, but have left off. I employ no hurkarahs. Colonel
Iloustoun sends none into the country; and every one of the Com-
missariat that were caught going from their exact duty have been
flogged ; so that set arc now in as good order as others. If we
want to inspire that confidence among the natives which will secure
us spontaneous service and abundant supply, we must refrain from
the exercise of our commanding influence. If we commence with
the latter, it is like the use of strong liquors — dram must succeed
dram, and the bad habit dally grows worse.
ADVICE TO AN OLD OFFICER.
[To Colonel .*]— I do not yet know the plan that is in
* Colonel had asked Malcolm to recommend him to Government as his
successor.
2c 2
388 CORRESPONDENCE.
contemplation for the fulfilment of my numerous duties \Ylien I
depart (which I soon shall), much less the person or persons meant
for them. It is a subject on which I cannot intrude the name of
any friend, as I feel it belongs exclusively to Lord Hastings to de-
termine on those he thinks best fitted to the charge. I must,
however, add my opinion that, while your rank and pretensions
make it impossible you should commence a political career in a
subordinate station, you will have to encounter many and serious
difliculties before you can, at a single leap, obtain one of the first
situations in the line.
It is very painful to me, my dear , to bo obliged to throw
cold water upon the hopes of one whose disappointments have been
already so great; but if you are of the same temperament you
were in former days, you will forgive anything but coldness and
insincerity, and in the full confidence that your feelings and cha-
racter are unchanged from what I knew them, I will add my
opinion upon the conduct you should pursue. You have, for your
period of service, been fortunate as to rank — you held the highest
station, and your efforts in it have established your character, par-
ticularly Avith the army to which you belong. You were forced
to resign station to obtain health. In the latter object (which is
above all others) you have succeeded. You may have sacrificed
fortune, and find some diflSculty in educating a family ; but, after
all, wliat is there appalling in your prospects if you view them
with confidence; but it is essential for your happiness, as well
as your reputation, that you should not sink into an omedwar
or expectant. If the gentlemen at Calcutta have nothing for you,
join your corps, and show, as you easily can, how qualified you
are to command. Accommodate (I speak with all the freedom of
an old friend) your expenses and establishment to your condition,
and give an example that no man can, whatever situation he may
have held, be above the cheerful performance of his duties in his
rank in the army. Take this course, and you will feel relief from
that irksome state of mind which attends a life of expectation.
I have traced for you the exact course I took myself when I last
arrived in India. I obtained a month's leave to stay at Madras
and a nomination to a corps (which secured me a brigade) in
General Doveton's force. Though I had despatches I would not
intrude myself I was, however, called to Calcutta, and you
know what has followed; but if it had been otherwise, I should
OLD AND NEW CONQUESTS. 389
have gone to the old drill with as much heart as I did to larger
work, because I should have had a pride in my independence,
mixed with a confidence that, from the knowledge all had of my
former services, and tlie fact that I was still competent to equal
exertions, I must get on one way or another. You are (though
perhaps in a diflcrent line) just as certain of getting on as I
was; so, for God's sake, look at the service with heart, and do not
present them an officer of your character and pretensions in the
attitude of a rejected solicitor for every vacant situation. De-
pend upon it, if you do not neglect yourself, you are not of that
stamp that can he long neglected by others.
EVILS OF PRECiriTATE REFORM.
[To Mr. Adam.] — It should have been a leading principle
from the first, and having departed from it, you should recur to it,
Avhen opportunity offers, to have kept your old and new posses-
sions distinct in the modes of rule. This was of vital importance
where the latter contained a half-barbarous and turbulent popula-
tion. I have been, my dear Adam, since I was fourteen (and
that is nearly thirty-seven years), in India. The politics of that
country have been my constant study for twenty-six of these
years, and I need not tell you wliat opportunities I have enjoyed
of forming a judgment of future events from experience of the
past; but I will call to your mind that in almost every instance
(Mysore excepted, where every pains was taken to avert the evil)
when we have had an accession of territory, or of tributaries and
dependents, as the result of a successful war, there have followed
vexatious and expensive litigation, if not war, to complete the con-
quest. I am quite assured that in nine cases out of ten this has
been caused by an unwise precipitation in the process of amal-
gamating our new countries with our old. This general prin-
ciple I have stated never required such attention as at this mo-
ment, when we have boldly and wisely avowed ourselves tlie
arbiters and lords paramount of India, and when all, but particu-
larly the higher classes, watch with tremulous anxiety every act
even of a subordinate local authority. There is no country where
this applies so strongly to as Rajpootana, and no country I have
seen requires so much of your care to prevent years of serious and
harassinfT trouble.
390 COKRESPONDENCE.
I contend that different habits and different principles of action
arc essential to establish and maintain the peace and prosperity of
the country lately come under our control, provided always it is
your desire to protract the existence of their present princes and
chiefs ; if not, and you covet direct rule, yours is decidedly the
best plan, and you have only, if a vacancy occurs at Delhi, to
appoint an able, but obstinate judge, and my word for the rapid
extension of your territories, for not a day will pass in which the
rude Rajpoots, Meenahs, Mhairs, Goojurs, and Bheels of Western
India will not commit some unpardonable outrage, violate all law,
contemn established authority, plunder property under British pro-
tection, and compel a moderate and just but firm Government to
vigorous action to punish and destroy offenders in order that a
salutary example may be afforded, and our insulted name and
authority vindicated !
This is all very fine and very proper, when all these matters are
understood, but the more I see, the more I doubt the justice as
well as the policy (to say nothing of the humanity) of applying all
these fl.ourishing terms and logical conclusions to the poor people
to whom they are applied. The great object is to make them
sensible of the character of the offence for which they are pun-
ished. The degree of turpitude must ever depend much upon
men's motives, and these must be studied more than the acts of
guilt and outrage, before a remedy can be applied. I confess my-
self (but do not let out the secret to the Lord in Council) I am a
notorious compounder of felony. I consider in my continued
collision with rogues, great and small, of every description, that
I represent a State which can afford every sacrifice of form, so tliat
the substance of its high name and power is not injured. I have
done more than this — I have bred a tolerably large school to the
same habits, and I have persuaded myself that by such a proceed-
ing alone the peace can be kept, and our power gradually but
■ firmly established over the minds as well as bodies of the na-
tives of this quarter; but with all this I am satisfied that success
depends upon all employed working in the same manner and to-
wards the same objects, and upon our system continuing to have
its own character unblended with any other.
[To INIr. ]\Ioi.ony.] — In my letter to you, I recollect the
nonsensical remarks upon a Calcutta civilian which followed my
EVILS OF GENERALISATION. 391
request for Mr. Mackenzie's* papers, and this has naturally led to
your thinking I associated hiin with the personage I described.
God forbid ! He has, from my meeting, when a younker, with his
virtuous and able father,t an hereditary claim on my respect. I
have merely seen him, but am fully informed of his talent, and the
paper you enclosed is an excellent specimen of the character of his
mind. No; my dreaded man was one of your Barlows or your
Dowdeswells, just those the errors of whose well-intended but mis-
taken efforts the labor of the life of your able friend must be
given to correct. It is, however, consoling to sec the good work
begun ; to see the cautious diffidence of knowledge modifying
and revising, where it c^fnnot alter or destroy, the rash Innovations
and erroneous measures of presumption and ignorance. The men
who, with their new systems and improvements, proceeded to the
demolition of the most ancient, I might almost say sacred, institu-
tions of India, were virtuous and able ; but in acting without
local and minute experience, in venturing to legislate for mil-
Hous of human beings and countries with whom they were im-
perfectly acquainted, they showed both ignorance and presump-
tion. Bold in personal rectitude, and proud of superior liglit to
other public servants, they forgot, in their conscientious hurry to
give their Government the full benefit of their purity and wis-
dom, every principle by which a sensible man proceeding in
such a great task should regulate his proceedings, and wdiat
with their simplifications and generalisations they have precipi-
tated us into a fine mess. What a comment Mr. Mackenzie's
excellent paper is upon their measures ; and all the principles he
lays down are, I am glad to say, familiar to the highest authori-
ties in England. The subject has been long studied, and is fully
understood at the Board of Control. Though there may bo now
and then an individual whose travelled mind can dispense with
those mechanical aids which the mass require, I will not give up
the opinion Avhich gave rise to this discussion — the expediency,
nay, necessity for every public servant of Government being com-
pelled to have part of his early education in active duties in the
revenue and judicial service, but particularly the former, and
there is no one act of my friend Sir Thomas Munro that I admire
* Mr. Holt Mackenzie. The refer- f Ilenry MackenziCj the author of
ence is to some papers ou the settle- the Man of Feeling.
meut of the uorth-wcsteru proviuces.
392 CORRESPONDENCE.
so much as his sweeping Madras of all the young gentlemen, who
had fixed themselves in garden-houses, as the inheritors elect of the
future offices of secretaries, councillors, &c. They must now,
thank God, go through country work, and learn from personal
observation the men, and their habits, for whom they are to
legislate.
Your account of your principal towns, &c., is very acceptable
to me. Pray add, hereafter, any memorandum you make or re-
ceive from others. If you can send me any more of jNIr. Mac-
kenzie's papers I shall be greatly gratified, or if you could get me
one or two of the best answers, such as Avere minute, it would be
a great favor, for though on the wing for England, I cannot de-
tacli my mind from a concern in which I take such deep interest
as the future administration of this vast empire.
EMPLOYMENT OF NATIVES OF INDIA IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE.
[To Mk. J. Young.] — I have not ten rupees per mensem to
give any man, and all I could have must, according to my leading
principles, be given to local claimants. I work, and this is a great
secret of my success, with the materials I find on the spot, and
allow myself no latitude except that of a selection from them.
I regret as deeply as you, or any man can, that there is no
opening for natives. The system of depression becomes more
alarming as our power extends, but the remedy is not in raising
to rank or influence our servants, moonshees, &c., however good;
we must, or we cannot last, contrive to associate the natives with
us in the task of rule, and in the benefits and gratifications which
accrue from it. I had hoped to see great advances made in
progress to this object, by measures being adopted that would at
least lay the foundation of a gradual but real reform in our ad-
ministration. I do not quarrel with tliat prudence or wisdom that
has taken a different view of this subject, and allowed an oppor-
tunity to pass that may not soon return, for in a Government so
constituted as this, it is only by the local authority taking ad-
vantage of circumstances and emergencies at the moment, that
good can ever be done. No general plan, however wise and
grounded, will ever be able to work its way amid the shoals of
prejudice, ignorance, and jealousy that exist in what the Persians
METCALFE AND HYDERABAD. 393
call the Sea of Power — England. It is this conviction that
limits mj future ambition to contentment in a retired life with my
family.
ROOTING OUT CORRUPTION — METCALFE AND HYDERABAD.
[To Mr. Adam.] — You can well conceive the pleasure I have
had in meeting Avith Metcalfe. You will readily conjecture the
subjects relative to past and present times on which our conversa-
tion turned. You could not have sent a fitter man to the scene in
which he is employed. The first eflect produced by the contrast
of our friend's modes, principles, and character, to those of the late
occupant of the palace at Hyderabad, must have been consider-
able ; and it will be completed by nearer observation. For both
his manner and proceedings are calculated to impress black and
white with a conviction of the absence of nonsense and vanity,
and the presence of reason and virtue.
He has a hard task to perform, and will require strong and de-
cided support. I know well that, as iar as this depends upon you, he
will receive it; but it is an occasion on which you owe it to your-
self, and to the public, to allow no feelings of personal considera-
tions to interpose with your duty. There are two modes in whic]i
the fences necessary to protect the great empire are most exposed
to be broken down ; and these must be defended, or all that gives
beauty and permanence to the structure is lost. Tlie first is by
the introduction of a spirit of money-making (not saving) amongst
the public servants. The next is irregular and undefined patron-
age. These must lead everywhere (as they have at Hyderabad)
to usury and jobbing. The mode in which Metcalfe is proceeding
to eradicate the first of these evils is marked by good sense and
consideration. The latter I almost think with you he has carried
too far. I shall say nothing regarding what you have done, or
rather what you (I speak lierc of Government) have not done. I
know the course of such matters too well to make me doubt for a
moment the ultimate success of his representations and recom-
mendations upon this subject. With regard to the patronage
question, he will, I am assured, proceed with an equal, calm, and
firm step till lie has repaired the breach that has been made, and
given to this irregular concern all of shape and of principle that
it is capable of receiving; nor will he be deterred from the task by
394 COERESPONDENCE.
its belno- ungracious and, indeed, invidious. How thankful I am
(now that I have had a near view of the whole scene) that I did
not succeed to this labor ; for to me it would have been attended
with some very painful feelings. Yet I must have gone through it
with a Avish neither to offend nor injure, but with a resolution that
would not have permitted me to deviate one inch from what I
deemed the path of rigid duty, to please or benefit any man in the
universe. ]\Ietcalfe belongs to the same school as myself, and will
do the work as well, and perhaps better than I could. At this I
rejoice; and I am assured you will rejoice also, for its being done
must have been the object that led you to desire his appointment.
In his effort to repair the Nizam's finances, or rather to save
him from ruin, and to redeem our character from the obloquy to
which it has been so long exposed, Metcalfe has gone differently
to Avork from what I should ; he has acted from the impulse of
necessity, and has commenced by an endeavour to save the Prince
and the Ryuts from the imposition and oppression of the shameless
and notorious Minister (with his whole train of mean and corrupt
officers) whose unprincipled and ruinous administration we have
so long supported. He thinks his plan can extend over all
the Nizam's dominions, without its leading to their being soon
added to the vast possessions of the Company (for the latter is not
Metcalfe's object). I doubt this; and while I admit the expe-
diency of all that has been yet done— as it will have the double
effect of giving information essential as the ground of future mea-
sures, and of convincing the gentlemen at Hyderabad that we are
serious in our resolution to effect reform — I am an advocate for
the adoption of a system that would extend as far as practicable to
all classes in the country, including tlie highest and lowest of its
rogues. The personal characters of the Nizam and his Minister
are the great obstacles to this course; and the effect of misrule
and oppression for the last twenty years is said to have killed
■whatever of virtue or of talent there might formerly have been in
the Deccan. These are the grounds on which Metcalfe despairs
of finding Instruments such as would be necessary to carry on my
plans ; but nevertheless I would attempt It, for I am convinced it
is the only mode by which we can hope to keep alive (and that
with me should be the paramount object) the Native Government.
I have stated fully to Metcalfe the reasons which lead me to
Malcolm's political creed. 395
differ from him ; but I must add, that if any man could succeed
in the line he has taken of securing revenue to the sovereign and
justice to the cultivator without further interference or encroach-
ment, he will, for his mode of doing his work is so quiet and un-
ostentatious that it is quite calculated to disarm jealousy and
pride. But then it is essential to success that he should be left
alone to do his own work in his own manner, and will you con-
tinue to leave him alone ? Will the authorities in England not
interfere ? Will not the measures he takes, or recommends on other
matters, raise a clamor amongst the discontented, the interested,
or the corrupt? And Avill not these causes combine to disturb
his proceedings?
All these considerations I have urged upon IVIetcalfe as worthy
of his attention ; but I have given you a sufficient dose of Hyder-
abad. Let us be glad that a change (no one could be for the
worse) is in progress, and let me in particular exult that it is in
the pure and able hands of one that belongs to a school of which
I have lived to be the acknowledged father.
I think that from these extracts a just impression may
be gathered of Sir John Malcolm's opinions on most of
the leading questions of Indian policy and administra-
tion, which were at that time uppermost in the minds of
our statesmen. More than a third part of a century has
passed since the letters from which they are taken were
written ; and the progress of Time and Circumstance
has abundantly shown both the truth of his predictions
and the value of his warnings. On one point especially
I am desirous that these opinions should not be misun-
derstood. He was profoundly convinced that the ab-
sorption of all the Native States of India was an event —
or rather a succession of events — so clearly marked out
by Providence on the map of the Future, that no human
resolutions could prevent its consummation. He knew
that, sooner or later, these States would, by their own
rashness or their own corruption, forfeit then title to
396 CORRESPONDENCE.
independence ; and he believed that the British Govern-
ment ought not then to shrink from asserting itself as the
paramount power, and thus securing its own safety and
the happiness of a misgoverned people, by assuming the
administration of a State no longer competent to the ma-
nagement of its affairs. But he saw clearly what were
the uses of the Native States ; he sympathised largely
with the fallen princes and chiefs of India; and he desired
to aid them in the work of self-government by leading
them to a rioht understandinf; of their duties. He was
anxious, therefore, that nothing should be done to hasten
on the inevitable hour of their extinction. If they could
be taught to possess themselves in peace and good- will
towards their neighbom's, and to govern well and wisely
for the benefit of their people, so much, said Sir John
Malcolm, the better. But continued failure, in one or
other of these respects, he knew would bring down upon
the Native States, one after another, the judgment of
the Lord Paramount, and he conceived that in such a
case we ought not to shrink from asserting the supremacy
wliicli Providence had placed in our hands. That this
was his creed may be gathered from the letters which I
have quoted in this chapter. And it is the creed of all
right-thinking men.
OVERLAND TO ENGLAND,
CHAPTER X.
OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
[1821—1822.]
DEPAETUKE mOM: BOlfBAY — VOYAGE TO EGYPT — JOUKNEY TO CAIKO — INTER-
VIEW WITH MEHEMET ALI — INCIDENTS IN THE MEDITEKKANEAN — NAPLES
AND KOME — SWITZERLAND AND FRANCE — POST-HASTE TO ENGLAND.
The first day upon board-ship was to Malcolm a sad
one. Althoiigli his face was turned towards home — al-
though he was on the way to regain his lost treasui'cs —
he could not help feeling that he had left many good and
true friends behind him in India; so he recorded in his
journal that it was with a heavy heart he saw those, who
had come on board to bid him farewell, go over the side of
the vessel, and that what with the Hurry of his spirits and
the confinement of his cabin, he passed a sleepless night.
But the morrow found him elate with thoughts of the
prospects before him, and rejoicing in the quietude and
relaxation of sea-life. The incidents of his voyage were
few — and those few of the old complexion — a shark and
a man overboard being the chief A few characteristic
passages culled from his journal may, however, be given
here to keep up the sequence of the narrative :
398 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
December 4. — Had a good night's rest, and was in the highest
spirits to have broken the chain, and to find myself released
from the load of public duties, the crowd of pubhc servants, the
attentions of friends, the calls of acquaintances, the bustle of Indian
life, private and public hospitality, horses, carriages, and half a
hundred domestics — well seated in a small but airy cabin, with
my good and faithful English servant, Charles, my sole attendant,
four trunks all my baggage, and an Arabian horse my only
animal, with a fair breeze, steering for old England, with hopes —
I may say certainties — of more enjoyment than most men. But I
will not dwell upon it more than to say that I go with, I trust, an
humble and a grateful heart to that Providence which has enabled
me to go through this last scene of my labors in India in a manner
that has been most fortunate. I leave that country with the ap-
probation, testified in flattering orders, of those under whom I
acted, and of my own government. Fort St. George. I have
had, added to that, attentions from the community at Bombay far
beyond those ever given to any man of my rank and station, and
I have, thank God, an approving conscience, which tells me I have
done my best ; and all this happy departure is crowned with the
reflection that this combination of success and of public and
private approbation Avill give pleasure and pride to Charlotte and
our dear children ; for I can honestly say that the thoughts of my
praises reaching their ears give me a tliousand times the delight
I ever experience when they first reach my own.
December 12-13. — The only remarkable events of these two
days were harpooning a porpoise, which broke the harpoon, and a
horrible roll the ship took, which upset all that was upsettable in
her. I proceed most monotonously with my lessons in Italian,
and besides having made some progress in the grammar, have
read forty pages of an account of Naples. I have, however, made
an cflbrt in rhyme, Avhich, please (lod, shall be entered to-morrow.
December 14. — I am no poet, but I love rhyming, and I have
ever cherished a disposition to versify. It is good in many ways.
It improves a man in wa-iting prose, for it forces a selection of
words that becomes liabitual. It improves the ear, and renders
it more sensible to inelegances of expression. It is also good, as it
exercises the imagination, and when the lines add to smoothness
a liappy expression of feeling, and impart pleasure to those for
VOYAGE TO EGYPT. 399
whose gratification tliey were iiitcndccl, the small talent of versifi-
cation has effects that render it a happy and an enviable one. It
gives delight to those we love, and the means employed are all of
an elevating nature. They carry both the giver and the receiver
into regions of sentiment, if not romance, which may, in their
relation to the coarser earth on which we dwell, be called the
pleasure-ground of life; and though it wovdd be idle and unpro-
fitable to remain always in them, it would be folly in him who
possessed them not to wander there sometimes, to lose the world
and himself among their pure streams and deep shades. Such
habits will, I believe, tend not only to sweeten the cup of life,
but to invigorate the understandino^. A man will return with
new spring to the common cares and concerns of this world, but,
at the very least, he will have gained for himself and others some
pleasurable moments of existence. Such is the train of reasoning
with which I persuade myself to give every now and then an
hour or two to idle rhyme. I may account it as one of the most
remarkable proofs I have of my incessant occupation during the
last four years, that I have not written one line, except a song to
commemorate the battle of Assye.
December 18. — We had expected to reach Mocha in twelve or
fourteen days, but were disappointed, being exactly seventeen.
December 20. — Went on shore at Mocha early in the morning.
Found a horse ready, sent for me by the Governor, and being
mounted, took the opportunity, with Captain Hutchinson as my
guide, to look at the toAvn and its environs. Remained in the
factory, seeing numbers of the inhabitants, till four o'clock, when,
after a short visit to the Governor, we returned on board, and up
anchor. The following are a few notes I made in my hurried
visit to the shore :
We noticed in the sandy streets of the suburbs
several children's graves, with a ridge of sand over them and a
small branch of date to mark the head. In India, premature births
are burled in streets.
Captain Hutchinson had just informed me that whenever he
came suddenly, and without their observing, upon any men of
the Arab tribes who dwell in the vicinity of Mocha, they inva-
riably laid their hands upon their sword, and sometimes drew
it; but the moment they saw who he was, they indicated, by
400 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
putting their hands to their hearts, or giving a slap on the thigh,
that this act of habit or usage was remote from feehngs of hos-
tility ; and indeed they were beyond all the other natives civil and
attentive. As I entered Mocha, a respectable-looking Arab who
met me drew his sword, and assumed a position as if of defence.
1 looked at him and smiled, on which he immediately made an
obeisance, with a look of kindness that showed he had no bad
intention. He, however, kept his sword drawn, apparently to
prevent insult from the rabble of boys and blackguards who had
accompanied me on my ride from hopes of charity, and in others
from curiosity.
Captain Hutchinson told me, during the ride, of an extraordinary
usage at Mocha. When the dates are ripe, a large stone is put on
the head of a child of five or six years of age, and one or two of
the best marksmen fire at it with ball. When knocked ofi^, great
joy is testified by the spectators. Two or three dollars are given to
the child, and ten or twelve to the marksmen. Captain Hutchin-
son has not seen this ceremony, but means to do so next year,
and to ascertain how far any fraud is practised. He never heard
of any accident to the child. Sheikh Abdul Ruzzeen, a respectable
merchant, told Mr. Ferguson that the boy is placed at thirty-one
yards, and the stone on his head, about three inches above it.
The mark is generally hit at the first shot. Only two or three
men are alloAved to fire.
On the 21st of December, having taken in water and
replenished their stock, they set sail again : but soon en-
countered baffling winds and bad weather, and passed
their Christmas in drear discomfort.
December 24. — Strong unfavorable wind from the northward.
Ship rolls and pitches enough to make me dead sea-sick. Poor
Sultan very uncomfortable, but seeing him likely to fall, from
having what sailors call "too much play," confined him by a stud-
ding-sail boom with its sail wrapped round, which squeezed him
very comlbrtably against the side of the vessel, and made a fall
impossible.
December 25. — Last night very bad; and what with reefing,
double-reefing, down topgallant -yards, lufiing, swearing, the
VOYAGE TO EGYPT. 401
blowing of boisterous winds, and tlae liigli waves of angry waters,
I had no sleep, and got up sea-sick to death. Charles, who is
always the same, had laid out new pantaloons, white waistcoat,
laced jacket, and smart cap, and I put them on as a duty to the
day. " Merry Christmas !" was the salutation from all quarters.
I repeated it, but saw no one merry but the ship, who danced at a
most lively rate.
As I could not remain in the dark cabin below, and it was
almost impossible to keep one's legs upon deck, I felt grateful for a
small place the captain directed to be made for me to lie in, upon
deck, between two guns. My bed was some flags, and I was
secured on one side by the bulkhead of the vessel, and on the
other by a capstan-bar. Here I lay, and with a sheet of paper
and a pencil amused myself by writing some nonsensical lines to
my dear little children; and I really think I shall be more gra-
tified by the smiles this chicken flight may one day excite in tlieir
faces, than by all the approbation given to the higher soarings of
the Muse.
December 26. — Still contrary wind, but rather moderated, and
we are becomino; more accustomed to this tossin<:[ about. AYe
have had for these last few days a great number of locusts blown
on board, and the numbers of these insects that have passed the
ship head is incredible. They have appeared for four or five
hours floating past in heaps, and look at a distance like a red
bank, above a mile long. " It is an ill wind that blows nobody
good," and the inhabitants of Egypt, Arabia, or Abyssinia (God
knows to which land they belong), are freed by the gale that
plagues us from these locusts, who appear drowned in numbers
sufiicient to have made a famine in a day wherever they had
alighted. I have a native of Bussorah who looks after my horse,
who has amused all the ship by the voracious manner in wdiich he
eats the locusts. It is indifferent to him whether they arc dead or
alive (boiled or raw); he plucks oft' the wings, legs, and a piece of
the head, then eats them with great relish. He tells me that they
are in Arabia deemed a dainty by man and beast, and told me to
try Sultan. I did, and was surprised to sec the horse eat the
locusts so greedily. " He has learned it in Arabia," said his
keeper (Ahmed).
December 27. — Still contrary ^Yiud, but towards the evening,
VOL. II. 2 I)
402 OVEELAND TO ENGLAND.
on our standing in the land, it shifted two or three points to the
eastward of north, and enabled us to make a good start
I remarked the moon (three days old) last night, and the planet
Venus, to be brighter than ever I had seen them in my life ; and
to-day, at two o'clock P.M., I saw both quite distinct with the
naked eye. This, I am told, is remarkable.
December 28. — A foul wind; as we tacked at sunset saw the
coast of Abyssinia.
I foro-ot to mention that I saw and examined one of the
Doulah's horses at Mocha, which had lately been brought from
Senar, and was evidently of that breed of fme animals of Avhich
Bruce speaks. He was black, fifteen hands high, of lofty crest,
round-barrelled, very short-backed, and tail well set on ; apparently
gentle, and of good action. His legs were not so good as the
Arab, but seemingly from that breed, but of improved size.
Horses are constantly brought from Abyssinia, and these or their
cross must often pass for the Mocha Arabian. This horse and all
others at jVIocha were hogged. On inquiry, I was told numbers
of fine horses might be obtained from Senar, but in part prevented
by the Doulah taking the best at his own price.
December 31. — We had a fine land wind from the Arabian
coast this morning at two a.m., and by its aid made forty-two
miles of latitude. Our spirits, which rise and fall with our
breeze, pretty high to-day. Transcribed three public letters, one
requesting a pension for Mahomed Hussein Khan's (my late
moonshee's) family; the other regarding the Guickowar contingent
in INIalwah; and the third respecting military roads from Bombay
and Baroach to Central India. I have enlarged in this letter on
their very great importance, both for military purposes, and those
of good and liberal government all over India.
January 1, 1822. — Happy new year! As the day is pleasant
and the ship quiet, I am not miserable ; but I do trust niy next
new year will be much happier spent, as I purpose it shall, with
my dear family. I was awoke at ten o'clock at night by a bustle
on deck. At first I thought it a shoal, but soon heard it was
caused by a native (a Lascar) having fallen overboard. He
shouted loud and often for aid, and the boat, which was quickly
let down, reached him before he had been ten minutes in the
water, but just as he was sinking. "He had the yoygles in his
ARRIVAL AT COSSEIR. 403
throat when we came up — but wo first gave him an oar, and then
grahhed him," was the description which the coxswain (a rough
sailor) gave of their success in saving him.
January 2. — Light and baffling winds. I this day finished the
perusal of Forsyth's " Travels in Italy." It is in strong contrast
to Eustace.* As learned as a classical scholar, and much more
skilled in architecture, he comes often with advantage on the
same ground as the Catholic priest; but if the latter is prejudiced
by his education and reHgion, the former has not escaped the
opposite effects of his. Even when detailing their good works, he
speaks of monks and popes like a Presbyterian. I was, however,
only once satisfied that Eustace had a complete victory over him.
It is in the description of Cardinal York, in whose character and
habits they both agree ; but Eustace paints it with equal taste and
feeling, while the picture of my countryman is destroyed by one
vulgar, if not unfeeling, touch. He talks of the attentions and
frequent visits of Prince Augustus, and adds that when they met
they " royal highnessed each other incessantly."
January 4. — Same winds, same feelings ; but the weather is
fine, and we eat, drink, and sleep like very quiet, happy people.
Still I feel it as a species of non-existence.
On the 9th, Malcolm and his companions landed at
Cosseir, of which place he records that "the sense of
the asses seems to rival that of many of the inhabitants."
But the comparison was intended rather to exalt the
former than to degrade the latter ; for he sets doAvn with
gratitude that the people had at all events sense enough
to be very comteous and attentive to the English tra-
vellers. " I have met with the greatest attention," he
writes, "and an offer of camels and every aid for my
journey to the Nile." He was anxious to push on with
as little delay as possible ; so after one quiet day to
recruit himself after the voyage, he mounted Sidtan,
whilst his fellow-travellers perched themselves on camel-
back ; and on a fresh, bright, delightful morning, they
-* tie had read Eustace's Classical Tour a few days before.
2 D 2
404 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
commenced their jom-ney. In those days Egypt was a
comitry rarely explored by English travellers, and little
known to the English. Now every young writer and
cadet scuds across the mystic land, stares at the Pyra-
mids, and thinks little more of the Nile than of the
Thames or the Shannon, Much that Malcolm entered
in his journal was at the time novel and mteresting; but
the years which have elapsed smce it was written have
destroyed the value of the record, and I therefore pass
over some minute descriptions of places and acute re-
flections on the past and present condition of the country,
which years ago would have found attentive readers.
Having ridden, partly on Sultan and partly on a camel,
to the banks of the Nile, he purchased a boat, and com-
menced his river-voyage, likening it to sailing on the
Gauges. Everywhere, as he advanced, he met with great
attention, especially from the public functionaries, by
the express orders of the Pacha Mehemet Ali, who had
heard of his approach, and was anxious in the extreme to
see and converse with one whose fame had reached him
from Persia and Arabia. Malcolm was no less desirous
of conversing witli this celel^rated man, who was then in
the full vigor of life,* with the lustre of some great
achievements upon him. In the month of February they
met at Cairo. What passed between them has been
chronicled in JMalcolm's own words, written shortly after
the interview. Recent transactions have rather increased
tlian diminished the interest of the record :
" After wc had been seated a few minutes, the Pacha, by a
signal, sent away all his oflEiccrs and attendants, leaving only his
Chief Dragoman and Secretary, Mr. Bogan, jNIr. Lavater (acting
fur ^Ir. Salt), I\Ir. Azlr, First Dragoman to the English Consulate,
Captain Pasley, and myself. lie then began by stating that his
* Mclicmct Ali was bom in the same year as Sir Joliu Malcohn.
CONVERSATION WITH MEHEMET ALL 405
anxiety to see me had been increased by Colonel Johnston and
the party who preceded liini having declared their want of know-
ledge of Persia, and referring him to me as a person beyond all
others fully informed of the power and actual state of that country.
He entreated I would, on this and other subjects, speak without
reserve. I gave him as correct an account as I could of the pre-
sent condition of Persia, the character of its king, that of the
ruling princes, and the opposite systems and interests of the two
principal Abbas, Ali Meerza and Mahomed Ali Meerza. I gave
him an account of the troops of Persia, and her means both of
offensive and defensive war. The Pacha, who frequently inter-
rupted me by most pertinent questions, seemed to receive as
highly valuable and interesting much both of the information
and opinions I gave. After much conversation regarding Persia,
the Pacha asked me why we supported that nation, and whether
its being at war Avith the Turks would not alter our feelings
towards it ? I replied that it would excite no feeling but a desire
to reconcile the differences between two states, whose remaining
in union and in strength was important to our interests. In
Persia, I added, we were interested, because that kingdom
formed a barrier to our Indian possessions, while in the Turkish
Empire, particularly Egypt, we had the same barrier, and a still
stronger interest, as its condition affected the general peace and
harmony of the commonwealth of Europe.
" The Pacha, after we had fully discussed Persia, turned the sub-
ject to Europe, and begged me to give my opinion freely as to
the likely result of the differences between Russia and the Porte.
I told him I had been out of England five years, and though I
had seen all tlie late papers, I did not feel confident to speak
decidedly upon the subject, particularly as I wanted exact in-
formation as to the actual state of Turkey. He smilingly said he
must have my opinion, and that he would do away my excuse by
giving me, as far as he was able, his own as to the condition of the
Porte. He did so in a clear and concise manner, and apparently
quite unreserved. The sum of his statement was, the total inca-
pacity of the Turks to meet the Russians — their consequent de-
pendence on the powers of Europe. He ascribed their weakness
to many causes, one of which was the want of that religious
enthusiasm they before possessed. But still, he said, although
406 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
tlie rebellion of the Greeks, and tlie support they meet from
Russia, threatened a dreadful blow at the Turkish Empire, a
desperate effort would be made to repel it. He stated his perfect
knowledo-e that both the rebellion of the Greeks and the invasion
of the Persians had been at the direct instigation of the Russians,
whose whole policy, he observed, had been for many years so
systematically directed to the overthrow of the Turkish power in
Europe, that he was quite convinced nothing would prevent war.
The concessions they demand from the Porte are great, and if
granted, could never, after what has passed, give confidence; for
the latter must know they were only the forerunners of other
demands. ' In short,' he concluded, ' I am convinced there will
be war; and that the question has been decided in the Russian
cabinet, and will not be altered by the interference of other Eu-
ropean powers. Now give your opinion,' said he. I did so,
without hesitation. I said, I always considered the Emperor in an
embarrassing situation, at the head of a vast empire of which the
army (owing to its employment in Southern Europe) might be
said to be too civilised, while its peasantry were too barbarous for
its Government. The army in the present instance desire war
from professional, and the civil part of the population from reli-
gious feeling. Yet, I added, from what I know of the character
of the Emperor, from the show, if not the reality, of moderation
which he has hitherto paraded, and from the serious interruption
which his other plans would receive from a rupture with other
countries in Europe, I am of opinion he will be most anxious to
avoid immediate war; and I added, if the Porte is so incompetent
(as you describe it) to the contest, what can it do but accord with
the policy prescribed by its situation? If alone, it can only anti-
cipate defeat; and therefore, as concession must in such case be
the result, why not make it at first, when less would be demanded,
than after success? But supposing that the states of Europe
(particularly England, Austria, and France) arc determined to
interfere to preserve the Porte and prevent the aggrandisement of
Russia, what more can the former do than throw herself upon
them ? The unfortunate origin of the quarrel has added to the
difiicultics of tlic Christian allies of Turkey, but she will ulti-
mately gain by concessions made to Christian feeling. She will
secure tlieir decided support if attacked in violation of any en-
CONVl^.ESATION WITH JIEIIEMET ALT. 407
gagemcnt that may be made. I concluded by stating, that though
I did not beUevc there would be immediate wai', I did not antici-
pate a long peace. Whichever party (Turks, Russians, or Greeks)
settled the present troubles with advantage or loss, was likely to
be led by resentment, bigotry, hatred, and ambition to future acts
of aggression. The Pacha said he only difi'ered with me in one
point — that of immediate war; and he urged many reasons in
support of his opinion, without, however, changing mine, and I
repeated my belief that Russia would not at once enter upon a
war which, if successful (as it appeared certain it must at first be),
would embroil all Europe; for it was nonsense to think that the
principles which led to the downfall of Buonaparte would be so
soon abandoned, and nothing but their being so could render the
leading states of that quarter neutral spectators of the aggrandise-
ment of Alexander.
" My private conference with Mahomed Ali Pacha lasted up-
wards of an hour and a half, and I left him, strongly impressed
with the force of his character. His manner is plain and un-
affected, so is his mind ; he is in argument not only perspicuous,
but keen and logical. He seems well informed, and singularly
free from prejudice. He spoke of his own efforts at improvement,
and of the great difficulties he encountered from the ignorance
and prejudice of his countrymen. He professed the full credit
he gave to the English as the best aUies of the Turks. ' To you,'
he added, ' I need say no more than that though civil to all, I
must prefer, in a political view, a nation who we are convinced
cannot desire our downfall, and who, from its naval superiority,
has beyond all others the means of giving to my Government
powerful and efficient aid.' "
On the 25tli of February, Malcolm, accompanied by
his young relative, John Pasley, sailed from Alexandria
on board his Majesty's ship Cambria^ commanded by
Captain Hamilton ; and, after much bad weather, arrived
off the island of Cuxos on the 1st of March. The Tm'k-
ish and Greek fleets were then in the ofhng, and all the
people of the island were kindling with resentment
408 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
against their Ottoman foes. On the 2nd of March,
Malcohii wrote in liis journal:
" Wc had communication -with the four patriarchs or heads of
the island. J\Iuch conversation took place as to their reputed
piracies, in whicli they defended themselves with accusations
against the merchants, who pretended to liave English, when they
had Turkish property. They complained grievously of the injury
their trade had sustained by vessels under Eughsh colors supply-
ing Turkish garrisons (particularly that of Napoli Romania) with
provisions. I asked them if interest had not made these mer-
chants impartial, and procured them supplies of ammunition,
without wliich the Turks could not have been attacked.
" These patriarchs are good-looking men, one rather graceful, but
another rough in liis form, and apparently more so in his mind.
I expostulated on their cruelties. They plead the example of the
Turks. To this I rephed, ' Then by following that example you
make yourselves as bad ; besides, you violate a principle of your
religion which bids you forgive your enemies.' One of them
smiled and nodded assent ; but his rough companion said some-
thing that appeared better. I asked the interpreter (our pilot)
what he said, who replied ' He tell must kill Turk. That good.'
I replied, ' That it is good while they are in action, but to murder
them as at Lamos, in cold blood, is very bad, and those acts will
lose the Greeks that good name wliich will best promote their
cause in Europe.'
" I was glad I saw these men; they had evidently but very
limited information, and seemed most concerned about their own
interests. They, however, looked energetic men, and. had an
ample portion of that feeling which forms the only bond with the
Greeks — ' a sentiment of detestation and resentment against the
Turks.' "
On the 3rd of March, the Cambria put off from tlic
island, and two days afterwards sighted Can din. At
daylight on the 6th, Zante was in sight, and in the course
of the day they ran into the Eoads, but afterwards put
out again to sea to ascertain the position of the Greek
and Turkish fleets. On the 7th they returned to Zante,
THE IONIAN ISLANDS. 409
and thence sailed for Corfu, which tliey reached on the
night of the 8th. On tlic following morning, Sir Fre-
derick Adam — an old acquaintance — then Commissioner
of the Ionian Isles, came alongside, and the Camhria
was ordered back to Zante. It was intimated, however,
to Malcolm, that he might land at the Lazaretto, and,
after performing a short quarantine, be admitted into the
island. Sir Thomas Maitland — another old friend — who
commanded the fleet in the Mediterranean, was also at
Corfu. He sent Malcolm a warm-hearted note of wel-
come, endino; with the words — " Make no arrano;ements
till you see me ; I can manage for you better than 3^ou
can for yourself" So, next day, Malcolm left the Cam-
hria^ " with sentiments of sincere esteem for her excellent
and manly captain and all on board ;*' and, after a very brief
sojourn in the Lazaretto, proceeded to Sir T. Maitland's
" beautiful country-house, overhanging the sea."*
The scenery of Corfu greatly delighted Malcolm:
" I ride over these bad roads with more pleasure than
ever I rode over good ones, for I am rewarded every
hundred yards with a new and magnificent view. To a
man from Bombay, that noble harbor will suggest a com-
parison with that of Corfu ; but, to complete it, the noble
range of western mountains should, like those of Albania,
be covered with snow." Years before, Malcolm had
deplored his inability to appreciate the charms of natural
scenery,! but the seeming deficienc}^, as I have suggested,
resulted only from the circumstance that, in India, he
passed from point to point with a preoccupied mind.
Now that his mind was wholly free from the pressure of
* Of Sir Frederick Adam's country- from taste tluui from a sincere desire
house aud grounds Malcolm wrote that of forwardinu', by example, the general
they were " charmingly situated, with improvements of the islands in whose
all the beauties that could be desired administration he liolds so prominent
by an amateur in a marine villa." a position."
" Sir Frederick," he added, " is a f ^^''^<'> ^'O^- i- P- 101 •
great gardener and improver, not more
410 OVEKLAND TO ENGLAND.
public business, and that he had time and opportunity
to enjoy liiniself, nothing gave him more dehght than the
beautiful scenery which, as he proceeded onward, opened
out everywhere before and around him; and his journals
abound in snatches of description eminently happy and
pictm-esque, and written mth a fervor which plainly in-
dicates that he liad by this time become, what in early
life he declared he was not, " a very enthusiastic admirer
of the beauties of inanimate nature."
But at Corfu, Malcolm directed his attention to other
points of interest than those presented by the beautiful
scenery of the island. He conversed much with Sir
Thomas Maitland and Sir Frederick Adam regarding the
administration of the island,* and the political aspects of
the great Gra3C0-Turkish question. On the latter subject
he made an entry in his journal distinguished by his
wonted sagacity:
" AVhatever is done in tlio way of settlement between the
Turks, Greeks, and Russians, this year, will be patchwork. The
hour is approaching, and must soon arrive, when the pied-u-terre
which we have in this quarter will be found most important, for
neither our interests in Europe nor India will admit of our being
neutral spectators of the change to which it is destined. In our
usual cold and hot fits we do nothing till the danger comes, and
then we overdo everything. But if the necessity or clamor (I
care not which) for economy is too great to admit of our aiding
these islands (particularly Corfu), we assuredly might transport
thither cannon, carriages, and ammimition. I pity the general
who has to defend Corfu against a sudden and vigorous attack,
and to such it is quite possible it may one day be exposed."
_ * Rcgardiug the principles of admi- vernmont like tliat of these islands,
nistration recognised by his friends at were fully appreciated and acted upon.
Corfu, Malcolm wrote : " I was glad The first is publicity and openness in
to find, both from conversation and ob- every act of administration— the se-
servatiou, that the t^yo principles which cond is great attention to integrity,
I esteem the most impoi-taut in a Go- cspeciaDy in our own countrymen.''
ITALY. 411
On the 21st of March, Malcolm quitted Corfu, and
was " put on board a Government yacht by Sir F.
Adam, Lord Sidney Osborne, Colonel Robertson, and
others." " I never," he wrote in his joiuiial, "left a place
with more grateful feelings both to old and new friends.
Amongst the latter I must reckon, as men whose friend-
ship 1 shall hereafter cultivate, Lord Ponsonby and Lord
Sidney Osborne. I received letters to their friends in
Italy, whilst Sir T. Maitland, not content with giving me
a Government vessel and furnishiuo- her mth excellent
wines and choice viands for a month, gave me introduc-
tions tlirough Italy, which, while they afforded me the
best chance of a short quarantine, secured my presenta-
tion in the best style at the courts of Naples and Rome."
Their destination was Burletta, where Malcolm and
John Pasley landed on the 27th of March under a salute.
It was soon rumored about the place that the Eng-
lish Government yacht had brought a distinguished
general, and all the chief people of the place thronged
down in full costume to pay their respects to his " Excel-
lency." He was compelled, however, to remam two or
three days in quarantine, at the end of which he was
released; and then, as soon as he had returned the visits
he had received, started, in a hired carriage, for Naples.
On the evening of the 1st of April he found himself
in that beautiful city.* At Naples, where he was hospi-
tably entertained by the Duke of Leeds, he saw all the
wonders of art which the city possessed, and wrote
in his journal many criticisms upon them, distinguished
by much appreciative taste. Of course he visited Hercu-
laneum and Pompeii. Looking at them with his old
* Malcolm entered iu his joui'ual added, "the bay and its vicinity are
that it was quite beautiful— but that not so striking as either Corfu or
the beauty chiefly consisted iu the Bombay."
buildings. " In uatui-al beauty," he
412 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
Oriental eye, he made only one observation upon them,
and that I do not remember to have seen before. " I
made one remark," he wrote, " that has not occurred,
and indeed could not, to any mere European visitor —
the striking resemblance of the houses of the better classes
at Pompeii to those of my Asiatic friends — the square in
the centre ; the hall or saloon (a good-sized room) open-
ing to it ; the other rooms small and badly lighted ; the
bath, and the well-arranged means of supplying it with
water, both hot and cold, with a dressing-room attached."
Vesuvius and the other lions of the vicinity having
been visited, Malcolm applied for a pass and an escort to
carry him through robber-haunted Capua, and the privi-
lege was granted by Baron Fremont, chief of the Staff.
On the 7th of April, he started en route to Rome; a
handsome, well-painted carriage which he had purchased,
afforded him a prospect of a comfortable journey. But
the carriage broke dowai at the end of the first stage, and
the travellers were compelled to return to Naples, obtain
a refund of the purchase-money, and buy another and
a safer vehicle. On the 9th, Malcolm was at Rome. He
had many letters of introduction, but the first which he
delivered was to Canova. " I had an immediate visit,"
he wrote in his journal, "from that truly great genius,
and was delighted alike with the simplicity and modesty
of his manners. He showed me all his works."*
Malcolm did at Rome what travellers do at Rome, he
philosophised over its past glories — its grand historic as-
sociations; and after three days spent amid the ruins of
* The first sight of Rome had dis- markets, and the dwellmg-houses of
appointed Malcolm, who wrote iu his otlicr towns. It was unreasonable to
journal : " I nuist say that as I en- expect it should be otherwise. But I
tcred the city I was disappointed, was unreasonable ; and I did expect it.
With tlie exception of a broken arch, I was elevated into better feeling with
a ruined aqueduct, and a solitary pillar, the place when I walked through the
which now and then gratified my eager rooms of Canova."
eye, I saw nothing but the sliope and
CROSSING THE ALPS. 413
the Eternal City, he started again upon his homeward
journey. Posting with all possible speed, he reached
Florence on the 14tli of April. On the 16th, he was at
Bologna; and on the evening of the foUoAving day he
was at Milan. On the 19th, he "entered Piedmont, and
proceeded along the foot of the mountains on the brink
of the Lago Maggiore," the scenery of which he declared
to be enchanting. On the next day he crossed the Sini-
plon, and viewing the Alps still with the eye of the old
Indian General, he wrote in his jom'nal:
" The Alps are certainly noble mountains, and the great mili-
tary road Buonaparte has constructed over them here, is an
enduring monument of his fame. But these scenes and works
struck me less forcibly than they Avould a mere European. Many
of the mountains I have traversed in India (not speaking of the
Himalaya) are nearly as high, and with the exception of their
snowy summits, beat them in scenery. The labor of making the
roads to the tops of the mountains in India is as great. It is here
to be remarked that the French had, in the same length of moun-
tain, double the labor we had in the roads we have hitherto made
in India. The Alps divide two kingdoms that are alike different
in their level. Our ghauts, both in Mysore and the Deccan, are
walls of great tabledands, which are on nearly a level with their
summit. What I have said is in justice to our unnoticed labor
in the East — not with a view to detract from the merit of the
French."
Malcolm was better pleased with the Swiss than with
the Italians;* and he Avas charmed with the Lake of
Geneva, and with the town itself, which he declared to be
" worthy of being the climax to all the views of the day
— views which, taking them all, from the lovely cottages
* Writing with rcfercucc to the that is ornamental, iii a way that
Swiss style of cultivation, Malcolm pleased me. The fact is, I liad been
says : " There is a Scotch plainness iu put out of humor by the over-garden-
it which appeared to forget nothing iug of the Italians, who absolutely
that is useful, while it neglected all festoon a cahhage^^
414 OVERLAND TO ENGLAND.
on the lake to the summit of Mont Blanc, exceeded any-
thing I have ever seen in my Hfe." He was "in rap-
tures," as he said, with fine scenes, and was sorry to leave
the neighbourhood of so much beauty. But he was now
nearing home, and he said to his companion that, after all,
the best prospect was that of Manchester-street. They
pushed on with all speed, making sometimes, as Malcolm
said, "a noble day's journey." Somewhat disconcerted
by this rapid movement, the cornier shook his head, and
said, " Serving an English general is hard work ; but
never mind, you want to see your wife and children,"
And in a few days he did see them. On the 26th of
April he was in Paris; and, after another day or two,
in London.
HYDE HALL. 415
CHAPTER XI.
HYDE HALL.
[1S22-1S27.]
REASONS FOE SETTLING IN THE COUNTKY — HYDE HALL — MALCOLTVl's HOSPITA-
LITIES — HARE, WHEWELL, AND SEDGWICK — THOUGHTS OF FKESH SERVICE —
LITERARY PURSUITS — YISITS TO IRELAND, FRANCE, AND SCOTLAND — PERSIA
AND RUSSIA — PERSONAL ANECDOTES.
It is easy to imagiue the enjoyment of a man of Mal-
colm's warm-hearted, earnest natm^e, in finding himself
again in the dear society of his wife and children. Such
delight is hardly purchased by years of absence, but it is
only by such a lesson that we are taught fully to appre-
ciate the benio'nitics of home.
He found his family in Manchester-street, and for a
little while in the profound enjoyment of the blessings
contained withm the four walls of that London house, he
had no thought of anything beyond them.
But they presently moved to Frant, near Tonbridge,
where Malcolm, when last in England, had purchased a
cottage, in which his family had resided at intervals
during his absence. Here he soon perceived that the
balance of advantage was greatly on the side of a resi-
dence in the country. London assuredly was not the
place for one who had been accustomed to much exer-
cise, to long m.arches, to the freedom of camp life, to the
sports of the field. Neither was it the place in which his
416 HYDE HALL.
young family might best grow ruddy and robust, active
and energetic, supple-limbed and higli-spirited. So he
turned his thoughts towards the country, and sought a
home amidst fields, in which his children might disport
themselves, and in Avhich he, as playful as the youngest
of them, might join in their sports. And he found one,
after a while, oil the eastern borders of Hertfordshire, not
far from where the Eastern Counties railway now runs,
half-way between London and Cambridge, near the town
of Sawbridgeworth. Some members of his family were
anxious that he should settle in Scotland ; but he wrote
that there was no chance of his ever being able to reside
there unless he gave up his literary and other pursuits,
very essential to him. " Frant," he added, " cannot con-
tain my family, nor can this house (Manchester-street). I
sell the one, and in a few months give up the other. All
my books and curiosities, and indeed property, are scat-
tered over the kingdom. So I have been compelled to
take a good house, as I can only have one. It is called
Hyde Hall. You will see it in Helen's map, near Saw-
bridgeworth, Hertfordshire. Its only fault is being too
good — that is, too large ; but I get it very cheap. I have
thirteen acres of plantation, fifty of park, and I am lord
of a manor of 2300, with plenty of game. My lease is
for three, five, seven, ten, or fourteen years, at my own
option ; and all this at a clisbm'sement of 450^. a year.
The distance is twenty-five miles from town, on the
Cambridge and Newmarket road, with dozens of coaches
running half a mile from the house."
But before settlmg down as a country gentleman,
Malcolm, accompanied by his wife and his eldest
daughter, left England, full of the thought of a brief
tour upon the Continent, as the fruit of which they all
promised themselves a larger share of happiness than the
excursion actually yielded. They had not proceeded
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 417
farther than Montreuil when an accident befel Lady
Malcohn, which arrested their journey, and turned all
their joy into anxiety and sorrow. Walking one day on
the outskirts of that old parapeted town, she unsuspect-
ingly approached the summit of a high scarped wall, and
before Malcolm could warn her of the danger, which arose
from extreme near-sightedness, fell down a descent of
some twenty feet. The accident was a severe one, and for
many days Lady Malcolm was confined to her bed in
the Montreuil hotel, suffering great pain and needing all
that surn;ical skill and the unremittino; care of the most
affectionate of husbands could do to avert serious results.
After such a mischance as this, they were glad to be
again in England, and before the end of the year Malcolm
was settled in his new home.
Happy were those days spent at Hyde Hall — joyous the
scenes they witnessed. They saw Malcolm, indeed, in a
new character — a character new to him, almost, it may
be said, new in itself. There never was a finer mixture
of the Indian nabob and the English country gentleman.
Many of the best qualities of both shone out conspi-
cuously from him at tliis time. Liberal, open-handed,
hospitable in the extreme, with catholic tastes and
catholic sympathies, a man of infinite merriment, active
as a striplmg and playful as a child, he was an English-
man without his reserve, his exclusiveness, and his sus-
picion, and an Indian without his lassitude, his queru-
lousness, and his irritalnlity. He threw open his doors,
invited many to enter, and played the host in a hearty,
genial manner, as refreshing as it was spontaneous.
There are men now living in high places, who look back
to those days at Hyde Hall as among the happiest of
their lives, and others who have gone before to their
honored graves cherishing to the last the same grateful
recollections of the kindliness which never failed, the
VOL. II. 2 E
418 HYDE HALL.
clieerfulness that was never clouded — the inexhaustible
love and perfect lovableuess of the master of that sunny-
home .
Among others who were frequent inmates at Hyde
Hall were some Cambridge men — Fellows of Trinity —
to whom he was much attached. First on the list in
respect of time — though in respect of love all bracketed
in that tripos — was Julius Hare, afterwards Rector of
Hurstmonceux and Archdeacon of Sussex. It was in
Hare's rooms at Trinity that Malcolm first met Whewell
and Sedgwick, now the Master and Vice-Master of that
great College — collegiate magnates of the first class, Avitli
names honored in no lower deOTee in the great uni-
versity of the world. It seems that Malcolm had gone
to Cambridsi'c on a visit to Hare, takins; with him
Schlegel, whose acquaintance he had made in London, I
bcheve in the first instance through Madame de Stael.
Whewell and Sedgwick were invited to meet them ;
and the evening^ still dwells in the memories of the sm"-
vivors as one almost without a parallel for the wonderful
flow of talk that enlivened it. Schlegel, somewhat ego-
tistical, tm^gid, and opiniated, threw off the lecturer and
the pedant, and, under the contagious influence of Mal-
colm's joyousuess and geniality, discoursed with a plea-
sant freedom and self-abandonment not common to his
nature. Malcolm himself, then as ever, had an inexhausti-
ble fund of stories of all nations, and Schlegel did his best
to cap them. They, who then saw the historian of Persia
and Central India for the first time, were no less struck
by the extent and variety of his information than they
were charmed by his geniality of manner. The im-
pression thus made was strengthened at every subse-
quent meeting, and has not been obliterated by death.
Hare, WhcAvell, and Sedgwick became, as I have
said, frequent and ever-welcome guests at Hyde Hall.
SOCIAL ASPECTS. 419
Malcolm's hospitality was of that best and pleasautest
kind which made every one who came within its influ-
ence thoroughly at his ease. There was a kindliness
and a joyousness in it, which many said were unequalled
in all their experience of mankind. The conversation in
which Malcolm and his friends indulged was animated
and exhilarating, but there was no leaven of ill-nature in
it. " Conversation," wrote one whom I have named
above, " may have all that is valuable in it, and all that
is lively and pleasant, without anything that comes
under the head of personality. The house in which,
above all others, I have ever been an inmate, the life
and the spirit and the joy of conversation have been the
most intense, is a house ui which I hardly ever heard an
evil word uttered against any one. The genial heart of
cordial sympathy with which its illustrious master sought
out the good side in every person and every thing, and
which has found an inadequate expression in his de-
lightful ' Sketches of Persia/ seemed to communicate
itself to all the members of his family, and operated as a
charm even upon his visitors."*
Another great charm of the conversation of Hyde
Hall was that it was so perfectly natural and sponta-
neous. It was not the custom there to talk for eflect.
Playfulness, not unmingled with wisdom of the most un-
obtrusive kind, was the prevailing characteristic of the
society to be met in that joyous home. Grave men
threw aside their gravity there and became sportive as
children. There could not have been a better place for
diggers and delvers after truth, wearied by their pro-
found researches in the mines of science ; for there was
none in which such recreation was to be found — a re-
creation literally of energy and activity, which sent men
* Julius Hare's G^iesses at Tndh.
2 E 2
420 HYDE HALL.
back refreshed and strengthened to their work, and,
what was more, with an enlarged humanity, a deeper
love for the fellow-men for whom they were laboring
with such grand results. It was no mere compliment,
but a truth felt in his inmost heart, which Julius Hare
wrote to Lady Malcolm, when he said, "It is impossible
to leave Hyde Hall without being, not indeed, like the
wedding guest, 'a sadder and a wiser man,' but cer-
tainly a wiser one, and, if one were not going away, a
gkadder." If a man could not be merry and wise at
Hyde Hall, we may be sure that there was no mirth and
no wisdom in him.
But men of all kinds congregated beneath Malcolm's
roof, and there were some by whom this playful wisdom
was but imperfectly, if at all, understood. One old and
esteemed friend of the family, who had heard much of
the very clever Cambridge men whom lie was to meet at
Hyde Hall, said confidentially, after a day or two of dis-
appointment and surprise, that he could see nothing in
them. If that was called good conversation, he could
answer for it that there was better to be had in the City
on any day of the week. I do not know anything that
could more pleasantly illustrate the charming abandon of
Malcolm and his guests at this tune, than the worthy citi-
zen's remarks on the ineptitude of their conversation.
Perhaps, not altogether unmindful of his astonishment,
they endeavoured to mystify him more and more by as-
sumptions of simplicity beyond the natural carelessness
of their holiday manners. For although they went to
Hyde Hall emphatically to make high holiday, there
were times when they would break out into interesting
and profitable discourse, to which no one could listen
without being wiser for what he heard. Philosophers, or
historians, or statesmen, or divines might Malcolm and
liis guests be in the estimation of the world ; but they
WIT-COMBATS. 421
were all poets at heart; and many were the animated
conversations, the friendly but energetic wit-combats, of
which poetry was the theme. The claims to the world's
homage of this or that master of song was contended for
or denied with affectionate earnestness on the one side, or
a jealous exclusiveness on the other ; and men in whom
neither the hard restraints of the exact sciences nor the
cold routme of official life had cramped the unagi native
faculty, or quenched the fervor of their romance, quoted
whole pages of poetry, with as much voluble enthusiasm
and as much literal correctness as though they had had
nothing to do all their lives, but to lie in the sun with an
open volume of Wordsworth or Burns. For those were
the poets whom Malcolm and his associates discussed
and quoted with the gTcatest earnestness in their Hyde
Hall holiday-talk. I have already said that Malcolm
could not be brought to subscribe to the commendations
which his Cambridge friends so freely lavished on the
poetry of "William Wordsworth. But he had a genial
relish for Burns. Something of this may be attributed
to his nationality. But there was that besides in the
heart of the Ayrshire poet to which Malcolm's inmost
nature responded. A man himself, he had all a man's
sympathy with the manly utterances of the inspired
ploughman. That he could not see reflected in Words-
worth's pages liis own cheerful philosophy ; his wise
delight in little thino-s : his stronci; sincere convictions
that pride, howe'er disguised in its own majesty, is
littleness ; his faith that the world is full of blessings ; his
buoyant childhood surviving in the man, has often filled me
with surprise. Perhaps, like many others, he was deterred
from seekincj out for himself the wisdom in which he
would have delighted, by other men's reports of the not
meaningless trivialities which have lured many to con-
clusions as false as though they were to repudiate the au-
422 HYDE HALL.
thor of tlie Novum Organum for his idle talli about the
revivifying properties of puppy-dogs.
But greatly as Malcolm enjoyed, the pleasant social in-
tercourse in which he indulged at Hyde Hall, he Avas
not altogether content to subside into a mere English
country gentleman. He devoted much time to Htera-
ture, and he made several excursions both in the British
Isles and on the continent of Europe. It was during
this epoch of his career that he wrote his delightful
" Sketches in Persia" — the most popular of all his works.
He had kept copious journals during both his missions
to the Court of Teheran^ and from these memoranda he
wrote the book which has charmed, and still charms, so
large a circle of readers in all the principal languages of
Europe. It is written without method, and must not be
consulted by the biographer or the historian, either for
records of Malcolm's life, or incidents illustrative of
British diplomacy in Persia. Perused with any such
object it can only mystify the student. There is much
of absolute fact in it, but the anecdotes are drawn partly
from the annals of the first mission and partly from
those of the second. It was not intended to mstruct.
but to amuse the reader; and yet it is full of instruction.
The truth of the local coloring struck everybody. It
was as patent to the untravelled as to the travelled
reader. The fine flow of animal sphits which runs
through the book from the first page to the last — the
heartiness and sincerity of it, so characteristic of the
writer — made its success at once. There was a freshness
about it that charmed and gladdened old and young.
Nothing has been written about Persia that can in any
way be compared with it.
The " Sketches of Persia" were not published before
1827. They were written at intervals during Malcolm's
residence at Hyde Hall. But his studies were inter-
JOURNEY TO IRELAND. 423
rupted by occasional tours, undertaken partly mtli the
object of visiting friends and partly for the purpose of
increasing his stock of information relative to the coun-
tries of the West. In 1823 he started on a visit to Ire-
land. Lord Wellesley was then Lord Lieutenant of the
island, and he had sent his old friend a warm invitation
to visit him there. Malcolm's brother Charles also was
then resident in the vicinity of Dublm, so that the journey
had a double object.
Accompanied by a friend — Captain (now Sir Henry)
Hart — Sir John Malcolm left London on the morning of
the 19 th of August, by a Bmiiingham coach, and travelled
onward till he reached the neidibourhood of his brother
o
Gilbert's village, near Moreton-on-thc -Marsh. There
he alighted, and leaving his servant in charge of his
luggage, walked on to Todenham, where, under his
brother's charge, there was a small colony of the younger
members of the family — his own son included in the
number. It was a joyous hour, we may be sure, for them
when Sir John and his friend burst suddenly into the
school-room and let all the boys loose — himself, as ever,
as great a boy as any of the party. " For some tune,"
as he wrote to his eldest daughter, " there was an end to
all peace and quiet at Todenham." There were all sorts
of fun, ending with a volley of squibs and crackers ; and
next day a grand cricket-match, in which Sir John took
part, and then proceeded on his jom^ney to Birmingham.
Leaving his friend to lionise that town, Malcolm paid
a visit to his friend Mr. Littleton, of Toddesley, near
Wolverhampton, beneath whose hospitable roof he
" fomid Mr. Canning and his Secretary, Lord George
Bentinck."* Next day, returnmg to Wolverhampton,
* Malcolm wi'ote that lie and Lord Staffordsliii-e gcutlcmcu. They must
George had beou partners at whist iu have been troublesome autagouists for
the evening, and won almost every any not very expert players,
game, against a couple of wealthy
424 HYDE HALL.
he rejoined his friend there, and then tliey took coach
for Shrewsbury and Holyhead. Between these two
places — a distance of a hundred miles — they were out-
side passengers. " It rained all the way," wrote Malcolm,
" but still I never enjoyed a journey more. The road is
the finest in England— constructed by Telford, an Esk-
dale man." With the scenery, too, he was enchanted —
" the woods, the crags, the overhanging precipices, the
interspersed green spots, the clear deep pools, the foam-
ing waterfalls of the Dee, the Conway, and their tributar}^
streams," were objects of delight and admiration. He
had now full leisure and freedom of thought to enjoy the
beauties of inanimate nature.
Embarking at Holyhead next morning, Malcolm
crossed the channel in a steam-boat, and made Dublin
after a seven hours' voyage. "The first thing that
struck me," he wrote from the Irish capital, " was the
justice of Foster's remark, that he never could conceive
what the English beggars did with their old clothes till
he saw those of Ireland." His brother Charles was re-
siding near Kingstown, and thither Malcolm, in tlie first
instance, repaired; but on the following day, having
received a very affectionate invitation from Lord Wel-
le sley to his charming country-seat, "Woodstock,"* he
transferred himself to the residence of his okl master,
wliere he met with the warmest welcome. " I shall not
attempt," he wrote to his daughter, " to give you any
account of the conversation or amusements of Wood-
stock. Lord Wcllesley was in the very highest spirits ;
* Writiiig_ of this place, Malcolm The house is very well for a moderate
says: "Nothiufj cau be more beautiful gentlemau, but wants accommodation
than the situation — on the declivity of for a Lord-Lieutenant. That, how-
one of the Wicklow mountains, and ever, recommends it to Lord Wcllesley,
about two miles from the sea, to which who likes the seclusion for which it
tliere is a gentle slope of enclosed and furnishes an excuse. And it must be
highly cultivated country, while behind a treat, indeed, after the bustle of
it the hills rise into rugged barrenness. Dublin."
VISIT TO DUBLIN. 425
and I could not help feeling with pleasure that my visit
was one cause. Walks, dinners, Irish stories, Indian
tales, politics, sense and nonsense (which is better),
filled up every moment' I was quite sorry to go
away." Malcolm, too, was in the highest spirits, and,
we m.ay be sure, contributed his proper share to the en-
tertainment of the party.
There were few things in Ireland which Malcolm more
desked to see than Donnybrook Fau\ And he fortu-
nately arrived in Ireland at the right season to partici-
pate in the humors of that great national institution.
Colonel Camac, who had been on Lord Wellesley's staff in
India, and Malcolm's travelling companion. Captain Hart,
accompanied liim ; and they were soon in the thick of
all its sports, and ere long on the brink of its contentions.
Sir John's ready tact and good-humor rescued them from
trouble, and they returned home in the evening without
broken heads, by no means dissatisfied with their day's
amusement.
A day or two afterwards, Malcolm " went to spend the
day with the Attorney-General of Ireland, the celebrated
;Mr. Plunkett," who, added the jom-nalist, " is as witty as
he is acute, and as agreeable as a companion as he is able
as a lawyer and a statesman.* No day could be plea-
santer. At dinner we had a large party, and I was de-
lighted to be carried back to other times by Judge Day,
a fresh, healthy man of seventy-nine, who was very
cheerful and full of anecdote."
Next day, Malcolm tells us, he met Lady Morgan, of
whom, or rather of whose sister, he gives the following
account :
* lu another letter, Malcolm says : wliosc clearness and soundness of mind
" I breakfasted on the last day I spent strike me every day with more sar-
in Ireland and had three hours' con- prise."
versation with that remarkable man,
426 HYDE HALL.
" On Wednesday we had a very pleasant party at your uncle
Charles's. Amongst others, the famous Lady Morgan and her
sister, Lady Clarke, who, without the pretensions of the authoress,
is, I think, wittier and more agreeable. I was never so enter-
tained as by this little sly-looking woman playing and singing her
own funny songs. One, a parody on Miss Stephens's ' Sweet
Home,' made by Lady Clarke on Mr. Home, the celebrated
pastrycook of Dublin, was excellent.
No one makes pastry, makes pastry like Home.
She sang delightfully, and was quite happy in the last verse, the
last line of which (after all his pies and tarts were enumerated)
states that
All the sweets of this world are centred in Home.
She had a thousand others. In one she most funnily describes
her sister:
She is, though I say it, an elegant artist,
A radical slut, and a great Buouapartist."
A visit to the Curraa:li of Kilclare, to attend the race-
meeting there, a dinner at the mess of the Royal Irish,
and another brief sojourn with Lord Wellesley, who was
very anxious to detain liim, completed Malcolm's Irish
experiences :
" My last days at Woodstock," he wrote, " were like the first;
and at parting with Lord Wellesley he was, if possible, more
affectionately kind than at our meeting. This great man has both
faihngs and infirmities ; and these, while they impede his progress,
are the food of his enemies. But, after all deductions, he is so
superior to the whole set of them in comprehensiveness of mind,
in disinterestedness, and in public virtue, that his administration
of Ireland must be attended with great benefit. Party has
been violent against him; but its action is diminished by the
good of many of his measures. This is now generally acknow-
ledged ; while the pubhcity now given to every act, and the
shame now thrown on jobbery, that bane of Ireland, must work a
change."
VISIT TO WYNNSTAY. 427
On the 9tli of September — a beautiful clear day, with
Httle wind — Malcolm crossed the channel, homeward-
bound ; and on that night slept at Bangor, where he saw
" the noble bridge building across the Menai," or, as he
playfully wrote it, the " Minny," which was the pet
name of his eldest daughter, to whom he was writing.
He was now about to see something of Wales, com-
mencing his explorations of the Principality under the
best possible auspices — the hospitaUty of the W}n.ine
family. After an admiring glance at Llangollen, he pro-
ceeded onward to Wynnstay, where he was received
witli the utmost kmdness by Sir Watkin and Mr.
Charles Wynne.* There was a large and pleasant party
in the house, and some rural gaieties in store for him —
chief among which was a grand archery meeting, which
well-nigh proved fatal to him ; for the carriage in
which he was returning with Mr. Wynne and his family
was upset, and nearly precipitated over a bank some
fifty feet in descent. Every one was more or less hurt ;
but there were no serious results, and in a few days Mal-
colm proceeded on his joimiey.
From Wynnstay he went to Powis Castle, where he
was received with all becoming kindness by his old
friends of the Clive family. Thence he proceeded to
Walcot, where Lord and Lady Powis welcomed him as
warmly as their children. At the beginning of October
he was again in London, where he sate down and wrote
a long letter to the Duke of Wellington on the state of
L:eland, entering into all the evils endured by that un-
* " I readied Wynnstay at three and the rowers were his wife and
o'cloek," wrote Malcolm in his journal- daughter, Lady Dclamere (his sister),
letter to his daughter. "Every one andLadyGlyuu, daughter of LordBray-
was out in the grounds. I sallied forth brooke, of Audley End. They took me
to find them. After proceeding about on board, where I had not remained a
lialf a mile I saw four ladies in a Iwat quarter of an hour, when I was in-
rowing a gentleman. These I hailed, vited to the land by Sir Watkui to
The helmsman was Mr. Charles Wynne, ride round the grounds before dinner."
428 HYDE HALL.
happy country, tracing their sources and suggesting re-
medies. He was glad to have an opportunity of writing
another report, though not upon a subject which he un-
derstood quite as well as Central India.*
Nor, indeed, as Persia and Russia. The affairs of
those two countries had, since his return to England,
occupied much of his attention, and early in 1823 it had
been in contemplation to send Malcolm on a third mis-
sion to Persia. The direction and control of our relations
with the Court of Teheran were again to be placed in the
hands of the Government of India, whence they ought
not to have been removed ; and Sir John had been in-
vited by the Chairman of the Court of Directors, on the
suggestion of Mr. Canning, to take charge of the new
mission.f He had promptly accepted the invitation ; but
he had communicated both to Mr. Canning and the Court
of Dhectors his rooted conviction that the embassy, to
carry out with success the objects for which it was de-
signed, ought to be placed on as high a footing, as
regarded rank and authority, as any mission that had
ever proceeded to Persia; and that he should be regarded
* The letter, however, is a very re- I wisli I had them, as I had some
markablc one, cousideriug Malcolm's worse counties in Malw-ah, and that I
limited means of observation. To- could act without fear of the Parlia-
wards tlie close of it, he character- ment, the Lord Chief Justice, and the
istically says :" There have been some hangman, and set about putting the
burnings and some shocking murders, zenundars and ryots to rights."
from the usual motives of a class of f Writing to Mr. Canning on the
villains, who, if they do not in some subject of this invitation, Malcolm
districts form the greater part of the said : " Though I felt that the saeri-
lower orders, overawe it, wliich is just ficcs I was called upon so suddenly to
as bad. Tlic immediate suppression of make were, for many reasons, very
these savaj^cs is a work that to me considerable, yet I could not hesitate,
appears full of insurmountable difh- for one moment, as to the course which
duties, under any measures that your it became me to take. I have, there-
present military or civil power will au- fore, without hesitation or stipulation,
thorisc. In some of the southern informed the chairman that what re-
countics nothing short of the exercise mains of me is at the disposal of the
of arbitrary power over tlie proprietors Government of my country and the
and occunants of the soil, as well as East India Com])anj."—lMa/ic/iesier-
the disturbers of the itcaee, could cfTcet sfrecl, March IG, 1823.]
a speedy settlement of these counties.
PROrOSED MISSION TO PERSIA. 429
in that country as the representative both of the Company
and Crown. " For," he added, " to give success to the
present course, the impression conveyed to the Persians
must be that the Crown and Company are one and the
same thing as to interests, and that the representation of
both is vested in me." To this, Mr. Canning had repHed
that he was rejoiced that Malcohn had accepted the m-
vitation — that there should be no more clashing between
King's and Company's envoys — but that it was " the very
essence of his recommendation that the embassy should
be Indian, not English, and the correspondence w^ith Cal-
cutta, not with London." He could not, therefore, " con-
sistently with that object, do anything that could bring
the nature of the mission into question,"
Of the expediency of placing the conduct of our
Persian relations immediately under the Governor-Gene-
ral of India, no man was more firmly convinced than Sir
John Malcolm, and no man had at his command a more
undeniable array of arguments in support of the propo-
sition.* But there was this difference between Malcolm's
opinions and Canning's : Malcolm desired to transfer the
selection of the agents and the controlling authority en-
tirely to the Government of India, but to clothe the
mission with the additional prestige conferred by the
* A summary of tlicm is giveu iii a vcrnmcut is a great advantage, aud so
memorandum, written in 1S23, from is that knowledge which it possesses
which I take tlic following : " There of Asiatic forms and usages. But
cannot, I think, be two opinions as to above all, it alone can command at all
the wisdom of Mr. Canning's proposi- moments competent instruments to
tion to transfer the management of employ and furnish them with adequate
the connexion to the Indian Govern- means to meet cases of emergency;
ment, by whom all subjects relative to and it may be coniidcntly asserted that
Persia must be better understood than should such ever arise, we eoidd devise
they can be in England. It must be no means so likely to defeat our own
best able to judge how far our interests objects, as by keeping or deputing an
in the East (the only interests that can ambassador, or any person, civil or
give us any concern with Persia) are military, to Persia, who were, in any
affected by the measures that have degree, independent of the Govenior-
beeu or may be adopted by that conn- General of India."
try. The proximity of the Indian Go-
430 HYDE HALL.
immediate countenance of the Crown, from which, as
well as from the Company, the envoy was to receive
credentials. Canning, on the other hand, wished to keep
the actual control of the Mission in the hands of the
Foreign Office, whilst the Company, from which it was
nominally to emanate, was to select the agents and to be
responsible for its success. He was resolute not to confer
the credentials from the Crown, which Malcolm declared
to be absolutely necessary, in the conjuncture which had
then arisen. So, as there was no hope of reconcihng the
difference. Sir John abandoned the idea of turning his
ambassadorial face again towards the Court of Teheran.
" I resign with some reluctance," he wrote to the Duke
of Wellington, " this prospect of being useful to my
country in a scene where I think local impressions might
have given me the power of doing good. I shall, how-
ever, have the consolatory reflection that in taking the
line I have done I have been actuated by no interested
motives. It has neither been a question of money nor of
personal ambition, but a conscientious conviction that
the terms on which I am sure I should go* would greatly
diminish, if they did not altogether destroy, my ability
to fulfd those expectations which were formed from em-
ploying me." And the Duke took the same view of the
question. " The King of Persia," he wrote in reply to
Malcolm, "has now a diplomatical intercourse witli the
King of England. He has agents in this country; and
we are much mistaken if we suppose that the difference
between the King's and the Company's Government is not
perfectly known in Persia. It is highly desfrable that
the intercourse witli London should cease, and that with
Bengal be revived, for many reasons referable to our
Indian, as well as to our European interests. But I am
* That is, under Mr. Canning's system— " witliout credentials from the
Crown."
OUR RELATIONS WITH PERSIA. 431
quite certain that this object cannot be effected for many-
years, -unless the person to be employed should not only
be accredited by the Crown as well as by the Company,
but should likewise be well acquainted with the country,
the people, then- manners, &c. This is my opinion, and
I will deliver it wherever I may have an opportunity."
Canning, however, was not to be moved. " I beg leave
to observe," he wrote to Mr. Wynne, who was then
President of the India Board, " that the whole and sole
object of the transfer which I proposed was to make the
Mission wholly Indian, and get rid of credentials from
the Crown and correspondence with England altogether ;
and that I proposed this arrangement to you, to be pro-
posed to the East India Company, leaving to them ex-
clusively the selection of an ambassador whom they were
exclusivel}^ to pay, instruct, and accredit." It need not
be added that on such a question as this the dictum of
the Foreimi Office was decisive. It was determined that
a Mission on a very moderate scale should be sent from
India, without credentials from the Crown.* And in this
state our relations witli Persia continued for some years.
If it Avere really Canning's intention that the Mission
should be exclusively imder the control of the Indian
Government, that intention was not fulfilled. In spite of
the nominal authority of the Company's Government, the
Foreign Office exercised undeniable control over the
Mission, until, in the year 1835, it again assumed the
direct charge of our Persian diplomacy, and has ever
since unfortunately retained it. The opinions of Wel-
lington, Canning, and Malcolm have been ignored, and
the evils predicted by the last-named have, consequently,
been abundantly fulfilled.
* It may be mcutioncd here that (aftcr-n^ards Sir John) Macdonald, who
the officer aetually appointed to the had married Lady Malcohn's sister,
charge of the ilissioii was Major He was nominated by Lord Amherst
432 HYDE HALL.
In the autumn of the year 1824, Sir John Malcohn
set out on an excursion in Scotland, in the course of
which he saw some old friends, and made some new ones,
and visited, in goodly company, many places which he
had not before explored. His family letters, written
chiefly to his eldest daughter, exhibit a growing delight
in the beauties of inanimate nature, and abound hi de-
scriptions of scenery. He visited Burnfoot, of course,
spent some time in Edinburgh and Glasgow, inspected
Owen's establishment at Lanark, of which he wrote along
account, and next lionised the Falls of the Clyde ; thence
to Stirlincr, on a visit to Sir Robert Abercrombie ; and
thence to his old friend Mr. Johnstone of Alva, who
" insisted on taking" him to Tuliboli to see Sir Henry
Moncrieff. Remembering the admonition, " Thine own
friend and tliy father's friend forsake not," Malcohn
required little persuasion to start upon this pilgrimage.
I will give Sir John's own account of the visit, and of
another which he paid immediately afterwards to the
aged parents of his old friend and pupil, John Low.*
There is a fine characteristic flavor about the following
passages in his journal :
" When we left Dollar, I went to a woman standing at the door
of a house to inquire the best way to Tuliboli. * You'll gang-
just on till you come to a stane on the road; then ye'll turn and
gang straight by the Crook.' ' What,' said I, ' straight by a
crook!' 'Ay,' replied tlie dame, with an unmoved face; 'but
on Sir John's recommendation. " The to any others ; that his knowledge and
best proof wliicli I can give you," experience of tlic country will render
wrote the Governor-General, " of the him the most effective minister I could
weight of your recommendations, is have chosen ; in short, that in anything
to tell you that I have just appointed relating to Persia I could not do better
Major IMacdonald our llesident IMi- than be guided by your opinion."
nister in Persia. lie had a powerful * Now General John Low, C.B.,
competitor in a Bengal Civil servant, member of the Supreme Council of
but I am willing to think that Major India.
Macdouald's jiretcnsions were superior
VISIT TO THE LOWS. 433
it's no a crook in the road, but a crook in the river, which ye must
gang by! Then, when ye're doun on a wee east (about a mile),
haud west for twa miles, and when ye come to a road between twa
dykes, which gangs north, just go down it and you'll see the
Toun !' I reported the directions, at which Johnstone laughed.
The Toun,* he informed me, meant the old solitary house of Tuli-
boli, at which we at lengtli arrived. Lady Moncrciff was not well,
but 1 passed a most delightful day and evening with the old gen-
tleman. Sir Harry MoucreifT, though seventy-eight, retains all
his faculties perfect. He is a man who mixes sound piety with
great energy, judgment, and decision. He leads, and has long
led, what are mockingly called the Highflyers of the Scottish
Kirk. But to this evangelical party Scotland owes the steady
resistance to those daily attacks made upon her excellent and
moderate establishments. An attempt is now in progress to give
favorites and Government parsons two offices, such ns that of
principal! of a college and minister of a large parish. It has suc-
ceeded; but so much has been done by Sir Harry, Professor Mac-
gill, of Glasgow, and others, to expose the evil tendency of acts
that, by giving men more duties than they can perform, must
either render them negligent heads or professors in a college, or
unfaithful ministers of relicrlon, as also the danger of makine:
pluralists in the Scotch Establishment, that the experiment will
probably not be repeated. I shall buy you Sir Harry's Sermons
and works on the Evidences for Christianity, by which you will
judge of the piety and strength of his mind. He has other
qualities you would like. He is the most cheerful of men, and
is full of entertaining anecdote, with a warm heart to his friends,
and amongst the dearest of those the Burnfoot family have ranked
for forty years.
" From Tuliboli I made an excursion of thirty-five miles to see
old Mr. Low, of Clatto, the father of John Low, who was so long
with me in India, and ranks at the head of my list of soldier
favorites. I had given no warning, for I was uncertain to the
last whether I should be able to visit them. When I entered the
* The word is Saxon for a house, nient at Glasgow, and carried by the
and tlie country people still use it in its influence of Government to please the
original signification. — J. M. Duke of Montrose. — J. M.
f This was done in a late appoint -
VOL. II. 2 F
434 HYDE HALL.
drawiiio^-room, I foimd a respectable-looking old ladj^jTrliom I knew
from her countenance to be the mother of my friend. I announced
myself, and she gave almost a shout of delight. She hastened out
of the room the moment she had seated me near her daughter,
and returned with one of the heartiest and happiest-looking men, on
the verge of fourscore, I had ever seen. His largehandwas stretched
out to welcome the General about whom his boys (his son William
had also been with me) had written so much. Their letters, said
he, have contained little, for six years, but Sir John Malcolm, and
here you are at Clatto ! I told him I was aware he had heard
enough of me, and was therefore determined to let him see what
kind of a person it was about whom his sons, particularly John, had
plagued him so much. At this moment Colonel Bethune, a son-
in-law who lived near, and had come in, was going to send away
his horse to walk home, but I begged he would lend him to me,
as I saw the spires of the auld town of St. Andrews at about a
distance of six miles. ' It is now two o'clock,' I said ; ' I shall
return by five, after seeing this once celebrated residence of
royalty and present seat of learning. Besides, I have four old
Indian friends that I must shake hands with.' ' You are welcome
to the horse,' said Colonel Bethune. 'It rains,' said Mrs. Low.
*I will not halt long enough,' I replied, 'at any place to get
wet.' ' Go along,' said old Low. ' It is exactly as John wrote
us ; and bring any or all of your friends that you can persuade to
dinner. I have sent for my youngest son Henry, who is ten miles
off, shooting; but the servant knows why he is wanted, and said
he would find and bring him if above ground.'
" Away I trotted, saw the noble remains of monasteries, cathe-
drals, and palaces at St. Andrews, shook hands with a General
Campbell, who was kind to me as a boy ; with a Colonel Wilson,
who was secretary to my commander when I was at i/ie wildest,
and whose goodness has helped me out of many a scrape; and
with Captain Binny, who taught me Persian ; and with Colonel
Glass, a brother sportsman. They were not less surprised than
delighted with this flying visit, and it gave me much gratification.
" I got back in time for dinner at Clatto, where I passed a de-
lightful evening. The old gentleman, who had returned from
India forty-four years, married a Miss Malcolm, bought the estate,
and built the house (an excellent one), in which he has ever since
VISIT TO WALTER SCOTT. 435
lived. He, or rather slie — for it is as usual the mother's work —
has brought up a large family, all of whom are well settled in life.
Two of the daughters married intimate friends of mine, Colonel
Deas, and Colonel Foulis ; another married Colonel Bcthune, who
has the adjoining estate ; and one, unmarried, lives with Mrs. Low's
sister, Lady Fettes, near Edinburgh. With the family materials
I had, and the praises truth entitled me to give their sons, you
may suppose conversation did not flag. But there was another
source of pleasure to the old gentleman. Several officers who had
been his friends as ensigns had by accident been my commanding
officers when I went first to India, and I had been at the same
stations he had. The revival of these personalities and localities
delighted him beyond measure. He gave me INIadeira sixty years
old, which he had brought from India. His memory was as
fresh as if he had only left the scenes of which we talked a few
months. 'I have to thank God,' said he, as we parted, ^ for the
health and happiness I enjoy; but I was really beginning to think
it was but a frail tenure a man of my age held life upon. This
visit, however, is like a new lease. I shall live for some years to
come upon the recollections of this day.' Mrs. Low, with whom
both you and your mother would be much pleased, confirmed this
speech next morning at six o'clock, when she rose to get me my
breakfast before I went away in the Cupar coach. She gave me
more calm, but not less sincere thanks for my considerate visit.
I assured her I had gratified myself as much as I had them, and
went towards Edinburgh quite in good humor with myself and all
the world."
After ten days spent at Edinburgh, where as ever he
was most hospitably entertained by the good people of
that most hospitable city, Malcolm turned his face south-
ward, and visited Abbotsford. " I was two days there,"
he wrote to his daughter, " and most deliglited was my
friend Sir Walter to see me. We walked together over
all his estate, and looked at all his fine castle. We had
a large party and many a tale, and Sir Walter declares
that I beat him in legends. But his is the wizard's art
of giving them the shape that delights the world." From
2 F 2
436 HYDE HALL.
Walter Scott's, Malcolm went to Minto, " tlie lord
of which came to Abbotsford to meet him, and was his
guide through the country;" then continuing his journey
southward, he paid another visit to Burnfoot, and re-
turned home in the course of November.
The year 1825, in the annals of Sir John Malcolm's
life, was remarkable chiefly for a visit which he paid in
the summer to France, at the time when all the country
was astir with the thought of tlie coronation of Charles
the Tenth. The Duke of Northumberland, with whom
Malcolm was on terms of intimacy, was then Ambassador
Extraordinary to the French Court ; and both he and
the Duchess — an old friend — were glad to welcome him
at the French capital. His journey thither was distin-
guished by no noticeable incident. He left Hyde Hall on
the 1 9th of May, spent a day or two in London, crossed
from Dover to Calais on the 23rd, and thence proceeded
on by diligence through Boulogne, Abbeville, and Beau-
vais, to the capital.
On the day after his arrival he dined with the Duke
of Northumberland, and " was warmly invited to accom-
pany him to Rheims," in the cathedral of which the
King was to be crowned. "Nothing," he wrote, "can
be more splendid than the Duke's hotel and the style of
his entertainment." On the eveninej of the 27th he
started by diligence for Rheims, with a "motley party,"
on " an overloaded machine ;" and after a break-down at
Soissons, arrived just in time to be too late to witness
the King's entry into the town. "However," wrote
Malcolm, " we followed close in his track, and along the
road. For the last ten or twelve miles, we found triumphal
arches at short distances from each other, some of
painted wood, some of leaves and flowers, decorated
with inscriptions of the King's name, the Dauphin, the
COEONATION OF CHARLES X. 437
Dauphiness, &c., with mottoes expressive of the virtues
of the Royal Family and the attachment of the people.
When we entered the boundaries of Rheims, the beauty
and the style of these tributes of loyahy and respect in-
creased, and the interest of the scene became much
greater from the crowd of people who had floated in to
see their Kino;."
On entering the town, Malcolm went at once to the
Duke of Northumberland's liotel.* The Duke himself
was absent in attendance on the King, but the house was
full, and among the family and suite were some of Mal-
colm's old friends, and others, too, among the visitors of
the Ambassador.f " The splendor of the Duke's equip-
ment," he wrote m his journal, "and the style of his
expenditure, as well as his own unpresuming manners, I
found the talk of all Frenchmen, and it is equally the
wonder." A French lady told Malcolm that they talked
more about Ms Duke than her Kins^.
On the 29th of May, Charles X. was crowned in the
cathedral of Rheims. Malcolm was charmed with the
spectacle, and on his return to his lodgings wrote the
following account of it in his journal :
^' I am just returned from the consecration, or coronation (I know
not which to call it), of Charles X. of France ! I never was more
gratified than by this scene. The cathedral is a fine and a large
building, and has been recently fitted up, painted, and ornamented
* Malcolm says that this house, fortablc and more iudcpcndcnt. A
thout:;h " dirty and almost unfur- French oliicer was, liowevcr, obliged to
nished," cost the duke 2000/. for the go through Malcolm's bedroom on liis
week. It was large, however, and way to his own ; and although lie ge-
close to the cathedral. ncrally retired two hours after Mal-
t The party M-as so large, that Mai- cobn,"hc always stopncd to apologise
colm wrote they were all obliged to before passing Sir John's bed— not a
" double up." Tiic chaplain offered bad illustration of French poli/cssc.
his room to Sir John ; but Mr. 11. It would liavc been the chief care of a
Clive had secured him a cleanly lodg- polite Englishman to pass throug'i the
ing hard by, where he was more com- room without waking his neighbour.
438 HYDE HALL.
for tliis occasion. Its centre and great aisles were surmounted by
galleries and decorated seats, in "which, according to their ranks
and classes, were placed princes of the blood, princesses, am-
bassadors, peers, peeresses, marshals of France, generals, while
common officers of all ranlcs below lieutenant-generals were, with
strangers, mixed up according to favor or accommodation.
" A volume has been dedicated to the description of the scene,
which lasted nearly five hours, but was never wearisome ; for, in-
dependent of that gratification which the eye derived from a con-
templation of the whole splendor of the scene, it could fix as it
chose on individuals wlio had played a great part in that wonder-
ful drama which Europe has presented during the last thirty-five
years: the King, so long an emigrant in England, at the age of
sixty-eight receiving his crown with all those ceremonials that
had attended the coronation of his illustrious ancestors ; the Dauphin
and the Duke of Orleans, after the vicissitudes of their past life,
placing the crown on their relation and king; the venerable
Duke de Bourbon (Conde) standing near, and though bent by
years, looking with delight on the ceremony. The Duchess of
Angoulcme, wdio is by all revered for the miseries of her early
life, and by many almost worshipped for her piety and her
charities, looked as if she felt deeply what was passing. The
young Duchess of Berri, though her manner is tliat of a girl,
seemed to me— and I was near her — to fix her attention at times
upon the scene, which, if I read her thoughts aright, associated it
with the contemplation of its repetition; and considering the age
of the Dauphin as well as the King, the elevation of her son (the
Due de Bordeaux) is probably no very distant event.
"Near the King, when he entered, was the Head Chamberlain of
France, Talleyrand, whose history is more interwoven with the re-
volution, the wars, the restorations, and the treaties which have dis-
turbed and settled Europe, than that of any Hving being. I saw,
as he stood before me, the bishop, casting off" his mitre and his
robes, become one among those devotees at the shrine of Reason
who stripped the king to whom he owed allegiance, and the
nobihty to which he belonged, of all the dignity and respect which
the usage of ages had granted them. The next appearance of this
able, but unprincipled man, was to awaken from the mad dream
ol liberty and equality, and to aid in building up with new mate-
COEONATION OF CHARLES X. 439
rials a building not unlike in all its essential parts that wliicli had
been destroyed. When the master-workman, Buonaparte, had
succeeded with such aids in completing this edifice, and had be-
come drunken with success, I saw, in the withered and decrepid
man before me, the calm, calculating priest and statesman who tried
in vain to prevent his fatal errors in Spain, and who raised his
warning voice against the disastrous expedition to Russia. Dis-
trusted, if not degraded for his wisdom by their enemy, his feelings
and his interests led him to contribute to the restoration of the
Bourbons, by whom, though no longer employed beyond the ho-
norary duties of his high office, he is treated with respect and atten-
tion. There are few men who have passed so unhurt through such
extraordinaiy vicissitudes, and fewer to whom remarkable worldly
wisdom has so well supplied the absence of good and great
qualities.
" In one line there were standing^ before me ei£>4it marshals of
France — Jourdan, Soult, Mortier, Marmont, Oudinot, jMacdonald,
Lauriston, and Molitor. The first and oldest of these carried me
back to the days of Robespierre, and all the rest, except Mortier
(avIio was promoted last year for his conduct in Spain), had re-
ceived their batons from Buonaparte, with whose greatest suc-
cesses their names are associated. Their look and their manner is
decidedly different from that of the more ancient nobility of
France; but the chivalric and finished courtier and soldier of tlie
time of Henry IV. had degenerated into a count or marquis,
who, polite and brave, but trifling and proud, and who, from
having all his pretensions from external causes, looked down on
the other classes, and was little known to those he occasionally
commanded. The cross (as sportsmen would call it) of rough,
strong soldiers, will do great good to the nobility of France ; and
while the difference between them daily ceases, both parties will
be improved. It is impossible to describe all the remarkable cha-
racters I saw, but when I looked at them, all in one group as it
^vere, assembled at the coronation of a Bourbon, after a lapse of
nearly fifty years, since the ocJcurrence of that ceremony, my mind
was filled with recollections of the past, contemplation on the pre-
sent, and speculation as to the future. I hardly heeded the cere-
monies, though these were very imposing. The cathedral was,
inside, much larger and grander, both in the building and decora-
440 HYDE HALL.
tions, than Westminster Abbey; but it did not admit of a pro-
cession, and there was no great Westminster Hall to dine in.
The French procession was necessarily in broken parties. This
was so far pleasing to an inquisitive spectator such as I was, as it
gave him time to ask who one party were, before the next made
their appearance. Cardinals, archbishops, bishops, canons, vicars,
peers, heralds, guards, gold-sticks, came, prayed, stood, paraded
before my eyes,
" The grand officers of the Court preceded the King, who had the
great part to perform. He was seated at one moment, at prayers
the next, then disrobed, afterwards robed, the rich royal mantle
put upon him, after which the crown of Charlemagne was put
upon his head hy the Dauphin, the Duke of Orleans, and the
Duke of Bourbon, who came afterwards, when the King's con-
fession was over, and took the communion together, and the King
having put on other robes, had the ancient crown taken off, and
a light one formed of diamonds put in its place. And in all the
ceremonies he went through, nothing pleased me so much as the
clear and strong voice in which he took his oath. He was
anointed by the officiating cardinal, and during this process, as
well as at other periods, very fine anthems were sung. Indeed,
nothing could be better than the instrumental music. One or two
voices were also wonderfully good, but when the whole conclave
of cardinals, bishops, &c., joined in chorus, it was not so attractive.
" The only part of this ceremony that caused me, as a Protestant,
who wants the reverence a good Catholic has for every part of
the vestments of his pontiff, to smile, was the frequent taking on
and putting off the rich embroidered mitres of the bishop. When
the ceremony was worldly, they wore the covering to their heads,
when spiritual, they were uncovered. The canon Avhose office
this is takes the mitre off and folds it up, carrying it with great
reverence before him; when he puts it on, two long flaps that fold
up Avith the mitre fill from it down the back of the bishop."
On tlie day after tlic coronation, Mtilcolm, not without
some difficulty, owing to a scarcity of horses and car-
riages natural at such a time, commenced his journey
buck to Paris; and the new month found him again
securely lodged in the Rue de llichelieu. He was soon,
MALCOLM IN PARIS. 441
under the genial auspices of the Duke and Duchess of
Northumberland, immersed in the gaieties, and sur-
rounded by the literary and scientific society of the
French capital. He made or renewed his acquaintance
at this time with many eminent men. Since his visit to
Paris, ten years before, his reputation as a soldier, as a
statesman, and as a man of letters, had ripened beneath
the warm sun of success. It was in the last-named cha-
racter that he was best known on the Continent. His
works had been translated into several European lan-
guages. In France and Germany especially there was a
growing taste for Orientalism ; and in Russia his " His-
tory of Persia" had been studied with an amount of
interest proportioned to the importance of the subject in
the estimation of the northern conqueror. Altogether he
occupied a much larger space in the world's eye than
when he visited Paris after Waterloo ; and he now found
his own name sufficient passport to the best society of the
most brilliant capital of Europe. Small as is the space
now remaining to me, I must give some extracts from
Malcolm's last Parisian journal :
June 16. — Went tins morning to Lady William Bcntinck's,
where I met Soult. We fell into conversation, and continued it
on various subjects for at least two hours. He was very inquisi-
tive as to the actual state of Persia, of Turkey, and the probable
designs of Russia. The freedom with whicli I gave my senti-
ments upon these points had its effect upon him, and he lost by
degrees all that reserve which belongs to his usual character.
He spoke of Buonaparte's designs against England. He pos-
sessed, lie said, a volume of letters upon the sul)ject. ''•' The
project," said he, " which he formed of an invasion of your
country was suited to his tactics, which were to march directly to
his point. If he conquered England, Europe was conquered, and
he cared nothing for the advance of the legions of Germany, pro-
vided he could have dated one letter from London." " The
battle of Trafalgar," said Soult, " dispelled the charm ; but when
442 ' HYDE HALL.
lie marched against Russia, it was still England tliat was his
object, and all means that Russia could furnish, had that expedi-
tion succeeded, would have been turned against India. We
might never have brouglit back a man from England had we
gone over, and our troops might have perished on the road to
India, but Napoleon was sincere and earnest in both these pro-
jects."
Soult, speaking of Spain, said he did not concur with me in
thinking the condition of that country would involve the Conti-
nent. " Your recognition of the independence of its colonies has put
an extinguisher upon the importance of that country." Speaking of
South America, he observed : " There were few greater wonders in
this extraordinary age than that of Englishmen and English capital
being employed in working the mines of Mexico; and if all your
steam-engines," said he, " work to good purpose, where lies that
relative value of gold and silver? Tliose metals, when found in
great quantities, must cease to have their present price; and what
changes might we not expect from this revolution in tlie value of
money throughout the globe."
Soult said that England presented at this moment the most
extraordinary spectacle of a nation which, raised as it was above
others by unparalleled credit, was now on full march to improve-
ments of every kind, and giving an impulse to the whole world.
" During the late protracted contest," said he, " you spent your
revenue ten times over, and now your Ministers, guided as they
are by public opinion, are taking step after step to advance you
still higher. Your bold adoption of new principles of commercial
pohcy must be attended v/ith benefit, and other nations must follow
the same path."
Soult spoke with enthusiasm on Peel's Bill on Juries.
He told me that he thought Greece would yet involve Europe.
He agreed with me that in Russia, as a military empire, prop-ess
was a law of existence. She could not stop; but he thought her
views pointed more to the west than the cast at this moment; her
views to the cast could alone be directed accainst us, and her
jealousy of England was natural. " I speak with more freedom,"
said he, " on such subjects, as my country is not now in a position
to act a prominent part; but Russia must certainly look with soli-
citude to every means to counterbalance that great power you
derive, both in peace and war, from your superiority at sea."
SOULT AND HUMBOLDT. 443
Persia he thouglit likely to come forward, botli from the designs
of Russia and the changes to which the wretched empire of the
Turks was destined at no very distant period. He was erv'idently
destitute of good information on Persia, and. to make him under-
stand the books of travels lately published, I told him I would
send him a French edition of the History of Persia.
When speaking of the different occupations with which a man
of active habits might amuse or occupy himself, Soult said, that
after the battle of Austcrlitz he had five or six months of compa-
rative idleness; that finding the indolence in which he began to
indulge brought on a pain in his "wounded leg, •which seemed some-
thing like gout, he determined to give himself some active em-
ployment. At first he took to shooting. That did not fill his
mind. He then determined to study botany, and. having a very
skilful man in his camp, he commenced to take lessons, " You
would hardly believe," said he, " how the love of this science crept
upon me. I mastered its difiicult nomenclature, and. then used to
employ myself daily in collecting and examining plants and herbs.
I sought them on plains and on the tops of hills, and used to re-
turn to my quarters with my pockets full of flowers. I never
recollect," concluded Soult, " being more ardent in any pursuit ;
and independent of the pleasure I received ut the moment, and
have since derived, from the pursuit and attainment of some know-
ledge in this branch of science, the exercise it caused me to
take completely dispelled all symptoms of gout."
June 18. — Took Humboldt to dinner at the Duke of Northum-
berland's, where we had a small but pleasant party. ^Yent in the
evening to les Grands Appartements — a royal soiree. We had the
whole suite of rooms of the Tuileries open and filled with fine
ladies and fine gentlemen. Many, and amongst them all the
Royal Family, were playing at cards. The Duchess of Northum-
berland had the Duke dc Grammont as her partner at whist,
asrainst the Duchess of Berri and Marshal Soult.
The Duke of Northumberland told me that the King and
others had admitted, the other niglit, at the bal a la cour, that he
had given extraordinary proof of his courage and ability in stand-
ing up and going through a French country-dance, never having
seen one before, and not having danced at all for twelve years !
Humboldt, speaking of the acquaintance I had established with
Soult, and of the desire the jMarshal had expressed to cultivate
444 HYDE HALL.
my friendship, said, " Do not neglect his oflfer, for though we may
smile at his principles, he is the only one of the marshals who has
a mind that extends beyond his profession."
The Kino- never loses an occasion of being attentive to the
English he happens to know, and to others of that country. As he
was walking last night through the open ranks we had made for
him at his soiree, he was particular in his attentions to me. He
asked me how long I meant to stay, and hoped I had been gratified
with my visit. I said that I meant to go in three or four days,
and that I esteemed it fortunate I had come on so auspicious an
occasion. " I trust," returned the King, " as you are pleased witli
lis, we shall soon see you again. General."
I had a long conversation with Marshal Lauriston about his
father, Monsieur Law, who was one of the most distinguished
French officers in India in the year 1758. He appeared much
pleased to find me so flimiliar with his history.
Lauriston appears one of the greatest favorites (amongst those
of Buonaparte's school) at Court; his manners are more assimilated
than those of the others to the courtiers who are about the King —
the Damonts and the Grammonts. I was introduced to the
former by my good friend the Duke of Richelieu, who said, and
I believe with truth, as he did me that honor, " This, Sir John,
is one of the best-hearted men we have in France."
I had taken Humboldt in my carriage yesterday to the Duke
of Northumberland's. After dinner I asked him if he was going
liome. "Home!" said the Baron; "that word is unknown in
Paris. No person speaks of, much less goes to, such a place !"
I gave a small dinner to-day, at which I had Humboldt,
Klaproth, Colonel Wilson, Mr. Robert Clive, Major Close, Sir
G. Staunton, and young Lubbock. It was an attention to some of
these, and it brought others together who it was of consequence to
themselves and not unimportant to objects of science should
meet. This particularly apphed to Humboldt and Colonel
Wilson, as the latter possesses and may impart much information
of great importance to the former.
Humboldt was for nearly three hours the soul of the party. I
have seldom met any man more complete in any branch of know-
ledge than he is in all that relates to Mexico and Peru. This is
shown by his rendering subjects which are difficult and abstruse,
clear and intelligible even to the unlearned. He eave me a
HUMBOLDT. 445
perfect new Hglit upon the subject of the mines. America will,
according to him, gain more than we shall by our speculations in
that quarter; and the gain of America will be more from the in-
tellect and spirit of enterprise that we carry amongst them, than from
our steam-engines. "The latter," he says, "are neither required,
nor can they be applied to the extent English speculators believe.
Ten of the mines have water in them. The ore is found in others
near the surface ; and others are situated ahnost in inaccessible
parts, where good roads can neither be made nor kept in repair."
The most productive mines have been discovered within the
lust sixty years, but Humboldt has no alarm at either the enter-
prise or the skill of the speculators depreciating the metal, either
by new discoveries or the application of superior art in working
the mines of South America. It will take years to bring the pro-
duction to what it was some thirty years ago; and if there was an
increase, according to him, it is difficult to believe that it would
ever be in a proportion to affect the currency. After all, like
other articles of demand, its production will no doubt be regu-
lated by the market. The substitution of paper money, the
decrease of demand in the East Indies, where there is less made
up in ornament and buried than there was when that country was
more unsettled, have affected the market.
The great objects of Humboldt's present pursuits are the mean
temperature of different parts of the globe, and how that is
affected by elevation, table-lands, vicinity to sea, &c., &c. There
is no instance within my knowledge of a man of real science
living so much in society as Humboldt, and to this he owes
much. His rank and reputation enable him to command the
best. He seeks and is sought by all minds of the first order.
His manners are pleasing, and he has some wit and constant
cliecrfulness. He is as ready to mix in trifling as serious conver-
sation. The consequence is, none ate genes with him ; and he is
not only in the constant exercise of his flxculties, but in tliat
collision with men of calibre which gives him an opportunity of
proving every idea as it rises in his mind, and saves him from
many of those dogmas to which insulated ])hilosophers give birth,
and which, even when convinced of their errors, they cannot bear
to abandon.
The fault of Humboldt's early writings was that they were too
diffuse. There was, the critics thought, along with his facts, a
446 HYDE HALL.
disposition to theorise, which, fed as it was by abundant streams
of knowledge, became a sea of which the shores were not always
discernible. Many of these theories were disputed, and some
were, no doubt, untenable; but the success of these early attacks
by English journals led to a spirit of animadversion that was not
always liberal.
The fault to which I have alluded some may still discover in
his conversation. It is a cup of knowledge always overflowing-,
and the moment you have drunk, it is replenished. In such
abundance there must be some part of the mixture the quality of
which you may question. His mind, from his position in his
favorite branches of knowledge and in society, appears to me to
run too hastily to conclusions. For instance : " The peninsula of
India," said he, after some facts had been added to those he before
possessed of its great ridges, falling after you leave Malwah, and
rising as you approximate the equator — " the peninsula of India
must once have been an island. This is shown by the elevation
of such and such mountains, by such and such discovery of shells.
I suppose," continued he, " that the sea once came so and so."
Now all this might have been ; but a greater collection of facts
wovdd, probably, convince his clear judgment that the proba-
bilities are against the conclusion to which he hurried. This was,
of course, only in conversation, but it is a specimen of his mind;
but let it be remarked, he appears to have no tenacity of opinion.
He is quite strong enough to confess error, and has that best
symptom of a really great man — an unsatiable thirst of informa-
tion, grounded on a conviction that he, with all his talents and
all his efforts, is only at the portico of knowledge.
To finish tliis little sketch of my friend Humboldt, let me add
that I never see him happier than when attending and conversing
with the young and gay on indifferent subjects; and I notice with
particular pleasure he is an excellent chaperon to the ladies, and
that without the slightest change of manner. In him there is no
affectation of lightness. He never appears a philosopher conde-
scending to his company, but is natural throughout, having learnt,
no doubt, that what sapient fools call folly is often sense, and that
were it otherwise, the bow will never retain its elasticity which is
never unbent. " The man that is always wise is a fool."
June 2 1 . — Dined at the Duke of Northumberland's. Went to
Baron Montalcmbcrt's, and met Lady Granville, Duchess of
KLAPROTII. 447
Narbonne, Princess of Polignac, jNIadame DavldofF, Duke jNIaken
Richelieu, Prince Polignac, Lord Morpeth, &c. When I was
going away, I received a very pressing and sincere invitation
from Lord Morpeth to visit him in Cumberland if ever in his
vicinity.
Went to Sir Sydney Smith's. I\let Mr. Fergusson, the Advo-
cate-General of Bengal, who had returned from India by a very
interesting route. After travelling through Persia and Georgia,
he had gone towards the Black Sea, skirted its coast, and gone to
Odessa, where he had met WoronzofF, and been most kindly
treated by him. From Odessa he had come to Vienna; and the
distance was only nine hundred miles. He was fifteen days,
travelling with twelve horses. It was winter, and the roads and
weather were equally bad. Mr. Fergusson gives a sad account of
our condition in Persia. We are held light, and no respect is
shown to the English character. He said it was impossible to
convey an idea of the warm feeling all ranks still cherished for
me. The King, he said, asked about me; so did the Prince Abbas
Mirza, and, he might add, every man down to the lowest in the
country. It was a sad policy, Mr. Fergusson remarked, that
abandoned that country to its fate; and from what he saw and
heard, he appeared convinced the heir apparent leans wholly on
Russia.
The Princess Polignac came to Sir Sydney Smitli's, and made
herself very pleasant. She told us a good story of an Irish maid,
who in announcing Le Pere Elyse de Chateau, called him " Fa-
ther Elyse from the Castle ! "
June '2'2. — Klaproth called this morning, and I settled with
him to send me the prospectus of his periodical Review of the
Russian Voyages, &c. Those interesting books are lost to the
public, from the language in which most of them are written being
almost unknown in the south of Europe.
M. Klaproth tells me he translated a great part of the Map of
China now at the India House, and if that map is sent to the
English Ambassador's, or any place in Paris, he will engage to
make a complete translation free of all expense to the Company, on
the sole condition that he is at liberty to use the information it
contains for his present work on China.
M. Klaproth mentioned that Monsieur Garnberg, the French
Consul-Gcucral at Tiflis, is just come to Paris. lie is full of pro-
448 HYDE HALL.
jects of improvements. The Emperor has made a grant of forty
tliousand acres for a French colony in Georgia. The Emperor
and his Ministers want to establish a commerce from France to
the Black Sea, and from its eastern ports, through Mingrelia, with
Tiflis, which is to be an emporium for eastern trade !
June 23. — This morning paid visits (to take leave) to Lady
Granard, Lady William Bentinck, ]\Irs, Burke, Lord Granville,
and the Duke of Northumberland. Went into the mail at six
o'clock, and reached Calais at ten o'clock next night. Embarked
next morniniT at five o'clock on the Mountaineer steam-boat, which
brought us to the Tower-stairs at six o'clock, being exactly forty-
eight hours from the hotel at Paris. No travelling could be
pleasanter or better, and the sum total of the expense of the
journey, including everything, for an individual is 51. 10s.
Malcolm's next excursion was to Scotland. He left
home at the end of July, halted at Edinburgh and
Glasgow, and proceeded thence on a tour in the High-
lands. Having visited Lord Blantyre, Lord John Camp-
bell, Sir David Baird, and other friends, had some good
shooting on the moors, and otherwise enjoyed himself,
he returned to his family at Llyde Hall. The records of
this journey, though amusing, contain httle that is either
very remarkable or very characteristic; I may therefore
pass on to other things.
This chapter must, of necessity, be a desultory one —
Malcolm lived a desultory life at this time — now in the
enjoyment of domestic and social happiness ; now enlarg-
ing his mind by travel ; now occupied with literature ;
now again distracted by public affairs, and deep in the
politics of other nations. Llis correspondence at this
'time seems to have been both scanty and irregular, or if
not, he did not adhere to his life-long custom of keeping-
copies of his letters. There is one particular corre-
spondence, however, of which some mention ought to be
made in this chapter. Malcolm never ceased to watch
TERSIA AND RUSSIA. 449
with the hvehest iuterest the progress of events in Persia
and the adjoining countries. And he was oppressed with
a strong conviction that the British Government were
resohitely bent on neglecting a combination of affairs out
of which, at no very remote period, difficuhies and em-
barrassments of the most serious kind were Hkely to arise.
The " progress of Eussia in the East" had become not
only a great fact, but a great danger. And Malcolm saw
clearly how much depended upon the influence which
British diplomacy acquu-ed for itself at the Persian Court.
But in Dow^ning-street there was evidently a disposition
to pooh-pooh all this ; and to suffer things to take their
chance. Even when, at the close of 1826, the Gokchah
boundary-dispute brought Persia and Russia again into a
state of actual warfare with each other, it was difficult
to persuade the Foreign Minister that we had any con-
cern or any interest in such a conjuncture of affabs.
That at this time Persia was less able to contend with
Russia in the field than she had been twenty years be-
fore, is a fact recognised l^y all instructed writers in the
present day, as disthictly as it was by Sir John Malcolm
when the war was commenced. The experiment of
disciplining a regular army after the European fashion,
in spite of the energetic efforts of the few British officers
whose services Abbas Meerza had so eagerly coveted,
had proved to be nothing more than a failure. Fifteen
years before, Malcolm had endeavoured to impress upon
the Persian Government that the real military strength
of the country must be sought in the irregular levies of
horse with which, in their ow^n country at least, a disci-
plined European army would always find it so difiicult
to contend. But Abbas Meerza had taken up European
drill as a new hobby ; and had succeeded only in dimi-
nishing the military power of the nation. When, there-
VOL. II. 2 G
450
HYDE HALL.
fore, war broke out between Russia and Persia at the
end of 1826, the latter was of course disastrously beaten.*
Malcolm had foreseen this result, and had clearly
pointed out the embarrassments which would arise from it.
In a memorandum drawn up at Hyde Hall, in the month
of September, he had placed his vicAvs upon record in a
series of pregnant paragraphs, the truth and sagacity of
which he confidently left it to time to demonstrate.
Some part at least of his predictions was fulfilled almost
as soon as it was recorded. The Persians were defeated
and compelled to accept the terms which the Russians
dictated to them. Intelligence to this effect was com-
municated to Malcolm in private letters from Colonel
Macdonald. On the receipt of these communications he
wrote the following letter to the Duke of Wellington,
the answer to which, with its enclosures, I annex :
* The Diikc of Wellington, who had
recently been in Russia, was of opinion,
that the Russians were as little pre-
pared for war as tlie Persians. lie
wi'ote to Malcolai in September, say-
ing : " I am very much olaliged to you
for youj- letter of the 17th, which ex-
plains what I did not really understand
before. I heard that the Emperor of
Russia was particularly angry with his
English friends on account of a sudden
attack made upon them by the Per-
sians, which was supposed to have been
instigated by the English, of whom I
believed there were none in Persia at
the time. It now ajipears to have been
occasioned by their own encroach-
ments. Mcnzikoff left St. Petersburg
a day or two after I arrived there.
I knew him very well ; but he tlid not
come to see me before he went. The
motive of his mission to that part of
the empire was not known ; but was
supposed to be connected with General
YcmololF's supposed disposition to
dislike the succession of the Emperor
Nicholas. I don't know much of the
politics of that part of the world ; but
guessing from what the Emperor told
me of his ditficulties in tliat quarter,
of the large army employed under Ye-
molofF, and of its recent remforcements
on account of the resistance of the
Moslemites in general to the Russian
Government, I should say that this
attack of the Persians is caused by
considerations of greater depth than
the mere irritation on account of an
unsettled claim to a tract of pasture
ground. It may be connected with the
general Moslemite resistance in Asia
above referred to, or it may be the
contrecoup of the events of Russia of
last winter, or of the expectations of
the beginning of the year of a Turkish
war ; or more probably of both. But
to tell you the truth, I don't much re-
gret this irruption. It will bring the
Russian council to reflect a little upon
their general position in Asia, and may
possibly make them more moderate in
their negotiations at Akcrmami, in
which they are decidedly in the wrong.
Take my word for it, that notwith-
staiuliug their million in arras — or,
rather, in consequence of theii" million
PEKSIA AND RUSSIA. 451
SIR JOHN MxVLCOLM TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
Hyde Hall, Dec. 10, 1826.
My dear Duke,— I have letters from Tabreez as late as the
14th of October, which contain nothing but what I expected — the
defeat and retreat of the Persians.
You will see Colonel Macdonald's despatches, which are clear
and sensible. He writes in his private letter to me that if there is
not an eflEbrt made, or some aid given, the Persian Court will lose
all hopes of aid from us, and must, therefore, throw themselves
upon the moderation of a power they cannot resist. You know
as well as any person what the moderation of Russia is likely
to be if unrestrained by any fear of giving us offence.
We have cast away the means of preventing this crisis, and I
perceive nothing but an anxiety to get rid of the subject, from a
persuasion, I suppose, that it has no importance but in the heated
brains of some Asiatic politicians.
This impression of the sentiments of your Grace's colleagues
must prevent my troubling them again. You, I know, understand
the motives which lead me to have such anxiety on points that I
believe, erroneously perhaps, will, if neglected, be the source of
much future embarrassment, if not danger, to the interests of my
country.
I am, &c.,
J. Malcolm.
THE DUKE OP WELLINGTON TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
Loudou, Dec. 11, 1826.
My dear ]\Ialcolm, — I have receivedyour letter of yesterday.
I assure you that I have not been inattentive to this Persian affair,
and I enclose in confidence the opinion which I wrote to Mr.
Canning upon it, and his answer to me. I am sure I am right.
ill arms — they arc not better prepared the Emperor is not now at least, and
for war than their neighbours, and have most probably will not be for some
more cause than others to dread its time, in a state to do much harm to
consequences. I will add this, that any, excepting, possibly, the Turks;
my visit to Russia, although it has in- and lie is convinced that he will do
creased my respect for that nation in better to avoid to attempt even that
general, and has strengthened my con- operation. I shall be at Strathfieldsaye
viction that it is invulnerable from all soon, and I hope you will come and
continental attack, has shown me that shoot some of the partridges there."
2 G 2
452 HYDE HALL.
I believe I have later intelligence tlian you liavc from the seat
of war.
It appears from advices from St. PetersLurg that accounts have
been received the details of which are kept very secret. But it is
f^tated by Mr. Dowdeswell that Abbas Meerza had fallen upon a
detacluucnt of six thousand men, under General Yemoloff, and
had totally destroyed them. The Regiment of Moscow (that
detachment of Guards sent to the frontier last winter after the
affair at St. Petersburg) was among these troops. This may be
an exafrgerated statement. But I entertain no doubt that some-
thing important in the way of disaster has occurred.
Ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
the duke of ^vellington to mr. canning.
London, Nov. 21, 1826.
My dear Canning, — I have perused the papers in the case
regarding the dispute between the Emperor of Piussia and the
King of Persia, and it appears to me that although tlie original
provocation was given by tlie Emperor, by the seizure in time of
peace of the districts of Gokchah and Balilkloo, avowedly be-
lonijjing to the Kinff of Persia, the existing hostilities are to be
iittributed to the latter. By the good offices of Mr. Willock.
means of preventing hostilities had been discovered and agreed to
by the King and by the Russian Ambassador, Prince MenzikofF;
l)ut in the mean time accounts had been received by the Prince-
ivoyal, who was on the frontier with an army, that there had been
a successful insurrection within the Russian territory, and he moved
across the frontier to support the insurgents.
The state of our engagements appears to be as follows : The
Treaty is defensive, and is stated in tlie third article to have been
concluded " for the purpose of repelling tlie aggression of ene-
mies;"' and tlic purport of the word "aggression" in this Treat\'
is an attack upon the territories of another state.
Tlie fourth article grants a sul)3idy to Persia in case the King
01 Persia should be attacked, and contains tlie following para-
graph : " It is further agreed that the said subsidy shall not be
paid in case the war with such European nation shall have been
produced by an aggression on the part of Persia."
The sixth article states that in case Persia sliould be engnijcd in
PERSIA AND RUSSIA. 453
a war Avitli any European power at peace with his oMajesty, liis
^lajesty engages to use his best endeavours to bring Persia and
sucli European power to a friendly understanding. The end oi'
the article contains an engagement to support Persia by force, or
with a subsidy, in case his Majesty's mediation should fail of
success ; but it is obvious, from the reference to the preceding-
articles, that the assistance to be afforded in the case supposed in
the sixth article depends upon the fact oi aggression.
The King of Persia will still remain, therefore, with the claim
of his Majesty's interference in his favor under the sixth article of
the Treaty, even though it should be decided that, as the aggressor,
he cannot have his assistance and support.
I must say that in this case ayc stand in an unpleasant situation.
The late Emperor declined to attend to our mediation in favor of
the King of Persia after we had settled for him the Treaty of
Gulistan ; and the King of Persia is acquainted with this fact,
and has suffered in consequence. Wc then call upon him not to
be the aggressor, and his territories are seized and occupied in
time of peace. He feels that his Majesty's interference is of na
use, and that the Emperor of Russia will not listen to it ; and we
must not be surprised that he should manifest a disinclination to
submit to an injustice, particularly considering the state of
excitement in which his army and subjects were in consequence
of the disputes of the Russian authorities with tlieir Mahomedan
subjects, and of the injustice above recited.
We have a real interest in the preservation of the independence
and integrity of the Persian monarchy, and the existence of this
interest is well known in Russia, as well as throughout Europe.
It will not answer, then, to allow the Persian monarchy to be de-
stroyed, particularly upon a case of Avhich the aggression and
injustice arc undoubtedly on the side of the Russians. The real
well-understood interest of the Emperor of Russia in this case is
likewise to keep the King of Persia in a state of independence
and respectability, if not as a barrier between him and India, at
least as one between the Russian dominions and the wild tribes ol
Mahomedans in that part of Asia. I think, therefore, that you
will not find the Emperor di?;lnclined to listen to your counsels
upon this subject.
I am, &c. &c.,
Wellington.
454 HYDE HALL,
ME. CANNING TO THE DUKE OP WELLINGTON.
Foreign-Office, Nov. 22, 1S26.
INIy dear Duke of Wellington, — I am raucli obliged to
you for the trouble you have been so good as to take in looking
through the Persian papers, and in giving me your opinion upon
them. Mine agrees with you in every point but one ; on which,
however, I am not very confident in my diiFereuce of opinion. It
is this :
Does not the article which defines the casus fosdenis to be
aggression against Persia limit the effect of the whole Treaty, and
the aim of the sixth article, which promises our mediation?
Are we boiind even to mediate in a case in which Persia was
the aggressor?
I do not know that the decision of this question either way
would affect the exj^edicncg of mediating, but it would change the
nature of the obligation, and leave us more masters of our mode
and time.
The whole Treaty is a most unlucky effort of negotiation ; and
to add to the difficulties of it, it has never been laid before Parlia-
ment, as I find upon inquir3\
I shall be very glad of an opportunity of talking with you upon
this matter as soon as the first pressure of Parliament is over.
I am, &c.,
Geo. Canning.
To the Duke's letter, containing these enclosures, Mal-
colm sent back the following reply :
sir JOHN MALCOLM TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
Hyde Hall, Dec. 12.
My dear Duke, — I return the enclosures, with many thanks
for the confidential communication. You certainly are right.
There is a positive claim in faith for mediation. I most cordially
concur in your opinion as to the interest we have in keeping
Persia in a state of independence and respectability ; and the
interest of Russia is the same, though I much doubt that Court
continuing to view this subject in the light we do.
Mr. Canning appears to me, from all I have heard or scon of
PERSONAL ANECDOTES. 455
his opinions, most anxious to shake off Persia. In point of policy
I beheve liim to be wrong ; but, supposing him to be right, he
must take care that he does not, by injuring our reputation for
good faitli (no matter how or wherefore this faith was pledged),
destroy that strength on whicli me must trust for every stand we
may hereafter have to make, from the banks of the Araxes to
those of the Ganges, against the encroachments of Russia. And
with respect to all questions of faith, as connected with Asiatic
states, we must decide them according to their understanding of
them when the obligation was contracted. Better for our cha-
racter to break a treaty at once than to fritter it away with nice
distinctions drawn from PufFendorfF, Grotius, and Vattel, familiar
to our diplomatists, but unintelligible to Courts like that of
Teheran. Such a proceeding would add to the belief of our bad
faith an impression of our art and meanness !
I hope the news you have received of the success of the Per-
sians is true — not that it will alter the result of the war if we stand
aloof. On the contrary, it will only compel Russia to greater
efforts, and the ultimate issue must be unfortunate for Persia.
But these local disasters and checks will afford time for mediation,
and that will come better after the triumphs than the defeats of
the Persians.
I remain, &c.,
J. Malcolm.
I must bring tins chapter to a close. There are events
pressing forwards for notice, which take a conspicuous
place in the memoir, though near the end, of Sir John
Malcolm's career. But there are one or two anecdotes
belonging to this period, which ought not to be omitted,
though I cannot precisely fix the dates at which the in-
cidents occurred. It was on one of the land excursions
to which allusion has been made (most probably on his
journey through Wales), that being in the inside of a
stage-coach he fell, more sito, into conversation with a
fellow-passenger. His companion was obviously a dig-
nitarv of the Church of England — a man of extensive
acquirements, power and subtlety of argument, and force
4:5 i] HYDE HALL.
of expression. The conversation ranged over a consider-
able variety of subjects, sometimes eliciting concordance,
sometimes antagonism of sentiment between the speakers.
After some time, the conversation turned upon a topic
of Indian interest, upon which there was a serious dif-
ference of opinion. Malcolm, as may be supposed, main-
tained his position with much confidence, and supported
his arguments by the assertion that he had spent the
best part of his life in India. *' It may be so," said his
companion, " but still I cannot yield to you — I have con-
ceded many points in the course of our conversation,
but I stand firm upon this — for the very highest autho-
rity on Indian subjects, Sir John Malcolm, is on my
side." " But I am Sir John Malcolm," was the answer.
"It is true that I did say so; but I have since had
reason to change my opinion." Upon this they ex-
changed cards, and Malcolm was little less pleased than
his companion when he found that he had been argu-
ing with the scholarly Coplestone, Bishop of Llandaff.
Another story, equally amusing, though less flattering
to Malcolm, must be told in this place. Having need one
day to proceed somewhere below London — in all proba-
bility to the docks — ^Malcolm hired, as was the wont at
that time, a boat, and was sculled down the great silent
highway of the Thames. He had not proceeded far when
the waterman asked him if lie had any objection to take
in a couple of ladies Avho wanted a cast down the river.
Malcolm's ready gooel-nature would have at once assented
to the proposal, even if there had not been within him a
spice of chivalry and a love of adventure which rendered
it rather pleasing to hiuL But when the boatman pulled
alongside the steps of Billingsgate Market, and took in
two oyster-wives with their baskets, a cloud gathered
over his face, he drew his cloak around him, folded his
arms, and sate stately and reserved in the bows of the
PERSONAL ANECDOTES. loT
boat. The evident annoyance of the gentleman was
not lost upon the oyster-women. They exchanged looks
and gestures with each otlier, and presently broke out
into verbal comments. " Didst ever, Bess," said one of.
them to her companion, "go down to Margate by one
of them hoys ? It's rare game to see the folks aboard
them. There be such differences. Some will bo all
chatty-like and conversable, with something pleasant to
say to every one, as though tliey had come out to enjoy
life and make the best of it. Others can't make the best
o' it, anyhow ; but they gets sick, and goes to the side
o" the vessel, and it's all up with them in rough water.
Them I pities, poor things ! Others, again, won't make
the best o' it ; but they thinks themselves too good for
their company, and tliey goes into a corner, and they
Avraps tlicir cloak about tliem, and they folds their arms,
and sits silent and dignified — d — }i their eyes''
The effect of this, accompanied as it was with a prac-
tical imitation of the old soldier's dignified demeanour,
may be readily conceived. ^lalcolm burst into loud
hiughter, enjo3^ed the joke, pocketed the affront, and
took the hint. In the course of a few minutes he Avas
discoursing volubly with the oyster-women about the
mysteries of their profession. He was pleased, interested,
instructed. Before he reached the docks he had added
largely to his stores of information. And it used to be
(jbserved afterwards that jNIalcolm had a wonderful know-
ledge of the oyster trade ; and people marvelled where
and how he had contrived to acquire it.
" To think that I should have been sucli a fool in my
old age," said Malcolm, when he got home and told the
story "to Ids wife—" I, who have l^een all my life priding
myself on my openness and accessibility 1"
458 PREFERMENT
CHAPTER XII.
PREFERMENT.
[lS2-i— 1827.]
PEOIIPTINGS OF AMBITION — KESIGNATIOX OF SIR T. MUNRO — CONTEST FOR
THE MADRAS GOVERNMENT — APPOINTMENT OF MR. LUSHINGTON — MALCOLM's
PENSION — THOUGHTS OF THE DIRECTION — APPOINTMENT TO THE BOMBAY
GOVERNMENT — THE FAREWELL DINNER.
There was mucli — nay, there was everytliing — in the
Ufe which Malcolm was leading at Hyde Hall, to satisfy
the affections of his warm-hearted, kindly nature : honor,
love, obedience, troops of friends, were the accompani-
ments of his every-day existence. But his ambition was
not laid to rest. He felt that he had not yet done his
work; and as long as he could serve his country, with
profit to the state and credit to himself, he thought that
it would be culpable to be idle.
It was still his desire, should occasion offer, to be
Governor of Madras or Bombay. Indeed, he had not
been very long domiciled at Hyde Hall before the resig-
nation of Sir Thomas Munro vacated the Madras Govern-
ment, and brought Malcolm on to the arena to contend
for the prize. Munro had written to him, some years
before, saying — "If ever you return to India, I hope you
will come out and relieve me ; for I should be delighted
to see the Government in the hands of a man who has
had more practical experience of India than any Euro-
pean who ever visited it ; " and it had long seemed to
PROSPECTS OF MADRAS. 459
Malcolm not improbable that the wishes of his old friend
would in this respect be fulfilled.
Another old friend, however, on the announcement of
Munro's resignation, had bethought himself also of ob-
taining the succession. Mountstuart Elphinstone wrote
home to his friends suggesting that he would gladly be
transferred from the Bombay to the Madras Presidency —
the latter, in those days, presentmg the higher and more
advantageous appointment; but he expressly stated, at
the same time, that if Malcolm had come, or intended to
come, forward as a candidate for the Madras Govern-
ment, he would on no account advance his pretensions.
But it was subsequently intimated to Elphinstone that
Malcolm had been appointed Envoy to Persia, and in
this belief he again suggested to his friends the expe-
diency of asserting his claims to promotion.
In the mean Avhile, a third candidate had presented
himself in the person of Mr. Stephen Eumbold Lush-
ington, a Madras civilian, who had married the daughter
of Lord Harris, and who, on his return to India, had
been appointed a secretary to the Treasury. This gen-
tleman, as may be inferred from his official connexions,
liad the support of the Government of the day. The
Court of Directors were disposed to favor the claims of
Sir John Malcolm.
This was in the spring of 1824. On the 17th of
March, Malcolm addressed a letter to Mr. Canning, who
was then Foreign Secretary, and, from his long con-
nexion with the Board of Control, the most influential
member of the Ministrv in all matters relatino- to the
Government of India,* asking lor his support. " There
* " There is no doubt," wrote the influence with tlic Court of Directors,
Duke of Wellington to Malcolm, at and takes most interest in Indian ques-
this time, " that j\lr. Canning has, be- tious."
yond all others of the Ministers, most
460 PREFERMENT.
is only one way," wrote Canning, in reply, ''in wliicli I
can fairly answer you, wliicli is this : I am already in
confidence as to the wishes of another person, to whom,
hoAvever, I have not promised any assistance, citing
yom' probable pretensions as my reason for refraining to
do so. With regard to that other person, however, I
am so peculiarly circumstanced that I cannot take any
part, or express any wish, unfavorable to his success."
That other person was Mr. Lushington.
This answer disappointed and somewhat chagrined
Malcolm, who believed that Canning's past support of
liis claims in some degree pledged him still to advocate
his cause. But, in no wise disheartened, he addressed
himself to the Duke of Wellington, saying, "As this is,
])robably, the last time in my life I shall be a candidate
lor sucli a station, I must neglect no honorable means to
attain the ol)ject of my ambition It matters not
Avho occupies the ground. My claims are good; and
neitlier indifference nor opposition from quarters where
I expected friendship imd support, shall make me either
compromise or resign them. If I fail, I shall learn
(rather late in life) the value of the praises and profes-
sions on which I have so long been feasted."
This letter educed the following reply :
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
:\IaiTli 19, 1824-.
My dear Malcolm, — There is a Council at Carlton Hou.sc
at twelve, which I nuist attend; and as the King has three reports
to receive from tlic Recorder, God knows at what hour the
Council will break up. But I will return from tlie Council to the
Ordnance Office ; and if I should be in time and able to see you,
I will send to you in Jermyn-strcet.
I desired you, yesterday, not to be too sanguine. 1 had con-
versations witli the President of the Board of Control and other?,
TIIK CHIEF CO]M.MAND AT MADRAS. 461
after I Avrotc to you yesterday, from which I jutlgc that there is
no chance of your obtaining your object.
I believe that the Court object to a soldier being a civil go-
vernor; to the son-in-law being the governor wliere the father-
in-law is commander-in-chief; and even to a servant of a par-
ticular establishment being tlie governor. But I tliink there is a
disposition to bring you forward in the arrangement, but I doubt
that the manner Avould be agreeable to you. Upon all this I am
but little listened to. I am like the dog in the fjible, who cried
"Wolf!" so often, that nobody would credit him. I have come
forward so often to assert and support your claims, that I am con-
sidered a party and an intruder in the case on the decision t<>
be taken.
Jielieve me, ever yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
The allusion in tins letter to the disposition to bring
Malcolm forward in the pending arrangements related
to a proposal that had been made in some quarters
to offer him the chief connnand of the Madras army,
on the retirement of his flither-indaw, Sir Alexander
Campbell. That the fact of this officer's existing tenm\'
of the military command suggested at least a very strong
and not unreasonable objection to Malcohn's appoint-
ment to the Governorship, it would be uncniidid not
to admit. Of this he was, doubtless, sensible at a
later period ;* but, at the time, he said that the objections
stated could "only be considered as a string of excuses
from men who were determined to do injustice, but
were ashamed of it." And he entreated the Duke of
Wellington to save him from "the offer to which he
alluded.*' "It might,'' added Malcolm, "be made in
ignorance by some. It would be suggested insiduously
by others. But if I publicly refused it, the ])retext for
* Subsequent events at Bombay, Cliief, nmst Imvc bati.sficil liiiu that the
which brought Malcohii, as Governor, objection was not grou!Klk"^s.
into collision with the Comniaudcr-in-
462 PREFERMENT.
further injuring me avMcIi is souglit by some would be
obtained." To Lord Sidmoutli lie wrote at the same
time : " I have heard that objections have been given,
at both ends of the town, against my nomination to
Madras, of which the principal is my having a father-in-
law at the Presidency. If Bombay becomes the object, it
would be found out that I have a brother there; and
should I ever aspire to Bengal, I should be rejected because
I have no connexions at that place. But the meaning of
the objections started on this occasion will be best ex-
plained by a Persian story : ' A man wanted to borrow
a horse, but the friend to whom he applied answered,
"My horse is black." "I prefer that color," said the
borrower. "But he has large eyes." "I lil^e them
better than small ones." "That is an odd taste; but he
has hair upon his body." " Oh ! I see you are making
excuses." " I think that you might have guessed that by
the first reply." ' Now, I did guess it from the first ; but I
will persevere to the last in my efforts to mount myself"
And he did persevere. He had many friends at the
India House who were anxious to advance his interests;
but they concurred in opinion with the "West-end
people" that Sir Alexander Campbell's situation at
Madras was a valid objection to Malcolm's appointment
to the Coast Government ; but that there could be no ob-
jection to his appointment to Bombay. If, therefore, Mr.
Elphinstone were to be transferred to Madras, Sir John
Malcolm might be nominated to the Western Presidency.
The Court of Directors saw the advantaoje of an arransje-
mcnt which would secure the services of two such men
as Elphinstone and Malcohn ; but the King's Ministry
would not consent to it. The Leadenhall-street arrange-
o
ment was rejected, and the Crown Government remained
firm in tlieir determination to appoint the Treasury Secre-
tary Governor of Madras.
MALCOLM S CLALMS. 463
Malcolm, however, was not to be driven from the field.
He saw that there was little or no chance of success; but
he believed that a public principle was involved in the
discussion ; and although the Duke of Wellington and
other influential friends endeavoured to dissuade him
from continuing the contest, he would not surrender
what were his own just chiims or those of the service
which lie represented. He took his course at all hazards,
and with many feelings of regret wrote to the Duke of
Wellmgton, whose counsel he had rejected, ui the foUoAv-
ing explanatory terms :
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
41, Jermyu-street, April 1, 1824.
My dear Duke, — I deem it of consequence you shoukl dis-
tinctly understand the situation in which I am at present placed.
It is upwards of eight years ago since my late friend, Lord
Buckinghamshire, intimated to me his desire I should succeed to
an Indian Government; and after his death you recommended me
to his successor, Mr. Canning, advising me at the same time to
go abroad and serve, and expressing your conviction that was the
best mode of obtaining my object. I followed your advice, and
my efforts were neither unsuccessful nor unnoticed.
When the Government of Bombay became vacant in 1819, Mr.
Canning, in his official station of President of the India Board,
brought me prominently forward, and in a kind letter he wrote
me on the subject, regretted that the Directors had preferred
another. This occurred before I had settled Central India (cer-
tainly the most important service of my public life); and when
bad health compelled me to quit India, I came home under the
strongest impression that if I recovered and a vacancy occurred
either at Madras or Bombay, I should be certain of the support
of his Majesty's ]Ministers. Information of the resignation of Sir
Thomas Munro was given to me by Mr. William Elphinstone,
who desired me to come to the India House, which I did, from
my house in the country, on Wednesday, the 17th ult., a few hours
after I received his letter. After stating to the Chairman that I
464 PREFERMENT.
•was a candidate for tlie vacant Government (to Avhicli they gave
me no reply beyond civil and general expressions), I hastened to
]\Ir. Wynne, to whom I stated my pretensions and hopes, adding,
that with his assent I should immediately apply to you, to Mr.
Cannino", and through my friends Lord Sidmoutli and Mr. Robin-
son, to Lord Liverpool. Mr. Wynne received me very kindly,
but was, as I expected, reserved as to the object of my application.
I cannot give a better proof of my having looked to his Majesty's
Ministers than by stating, that in my appHcation to Mr. Wynne
and my friends in the administration, my request was, that they
Avould interfere to prevent what I then deemed a supersession of
my claims — the intended appointment of Mr. Elphinstone to
Madras. Li your first kind note, you said you would do what you
could, but bade me not be too sanguine; in your second, you men-
tioned the specific objections made to my nomination to Madras.
Mr. Canning, in answer to a note I wrote him, stated that he,
beino- in the confidence of a friend applying for the same object,
would prevent opposition to his success, but he had refused him
support, citing my probable pretensions as the reason. There was
nothing in the communication fi'om Mr. Canning, nor in that I
had with you, to prevent my using my best efforts to obtain my
object; but I thouglit it right at this period to go to the Chairman
and say, that I never had anticipated an objection to my nomina-
tion to Madras grounded on my near connexion witli Sir Alex-
ander Campbell, but if such had weight with them, I trusted it
would not be a bar to my obtaining honorable employment in the
service of my country. ^J'he removal of Mr. Elphinstone to
Madras, which he had solicited, would, I said, vacate Bombay, to
which I begged they would nominate me. I added, that I felt
the point of precedence removed by the character of the objection
taken to my appointment to INIadras, and under such circum-
stances, I preferred greatly the duties I should have to perform at
liombay. The now principle.- of Government introduced into the
Poonah territories ; the change lately made in the Baroda State ;
the management and settlement of the princes and chiefs in
Kuttywar and Cutch, recently subjected to our authority ; the
repression of the Korsahs (a race of Pindarrces near the Lidus),
v.-ho annually commit depredations on our frontiers ; tlie conduct
of our delicate relations with the barbarous Piinccs of Sindh, with
LETTER TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. 465
wliom we are always on the verge of war ; the repression of the
pirates in the Gulf of Persia ; the care of our interests in the Red
Sea, and our intercourse with Persia, were all points of impor-
tance, with which personal experience had rendered me familiar,
and from the management of which I anticipated reputation be-
yond what I could ever gain at Madras. This was the ground of
the preference I expressed to the Chairmen, who, on this occasion,
no further relaxed from the official reserve they had throughout
observed, than to say that my near connexion with Sir Alexander
Campbell was an objection that had serious weight in their
minds. I immediately went to Mr. Wynne to mention what had
passed between me and the Chairmen. He then stated the neces-
sity that might arise for resisting the nomination of a Company's
servant, lest an exception should become a rule. My reply was,
that I had been made an exception by his Majesty's Ministers;
that if the objection was limited to the defence of the principle
that so properly gave his Majesty's Ministers an influence in the
selection for such stations, it might be easily done without injury
to me ; nor had they, I added, to dread that accidents would often
give to individuals the opportunities, which I had enjoyed, of
recommending myself to their notice by services in India. I had
yesterday an interview with the Chairman, being desirous of
knowing the result of my application. He confined himself to
saying, that no appointment consequent on the resignation of Sir
Thomas IMunro would be made till after the change of the
Direction. I shall, in consequence, after the levee on Wednesday,
return to my family in the country.
I can quite distinguish between your Grace's feelings as a friend,
and your sense of duty as one of his Majesty's Ministers; but it is
to the latter, and the well-known justice and consideration of the
administration to which you belong (and above all, of the noble-
man at its head), that I can on this occasion confidently appeal,
and still trust, that when the situation in which I am placed by
the expectations which his Majesty's Ministers have led me to
cherish, by the grounds they have given me to come forward,
by their marked distinction of my efforts, is fully considered,
they will not, when their notice and encouragement has had its
natural effect of raising me in the estimation of the public and of
the Company's Government, cast down fliat which in a great
VOL. IL 2 II
4:6 Q PREFERMENT.
degree resulted from tlieir own works, and reject a person who
for a period of years has been stimulated by their approbation to
strive by pubHc services for the very reward tliat is now at their
disposal, and to which two successive presidents of the India
Board have encouraged and directed his ambition. Excuse, on
account of long friendship, this last annoyance on a subject that
must be unpleasant.
Yours sincerely,
J. Malcolm.
To this the Duke of AVellington replied :
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
Loudou, April 3, 1824.
My dear Malcolm, — I received yesterday your letter of the
1st. When I wrote you the first note to which you refer, in which
I besiged you not to be too sanguine, I was aware of the desire of
Lord Liverpool to promote Mr. Lushington to one of the Govern-
ments in India. I went to the Cabinet immediately afterwards, and
I there found not only that my former intelligence upon the subject
was confirmed, but that particular objections existed to your ap-
pointment to the office which you particularly desired to fill. Of
these objections I informed you, and I told you what I found to be
the fact, that I was not considered a fair judge upon such a question
in a case in which you were concerned, as I had taken the field so
often and upon every occasion in your favor. So the matter rested.
The question then comes before me in this light : there is a
vacancy in the Government of India, and Lord Liverpool thinks
proper to propose not that Mr. Lushington should fill this vacancy,
but that Mr. Elphinstone, on whose pretensions the Directors were
likely to look favorably, should be appointed to Fort St, George,
and that Llr. Lushington should succeed to the Government of
Bombay. In this decision Lord Liverpool thinks proper to pass by
your pretensions, and the opinions and wishes of myself and others
in their favor. But having thus decided, can I with honor or
with any advantage to you take part against Lord Liverpool?
Certainly not. In the contest between Lord Liverpool or the
Government on the one hand, and the Court of Directors on the
other, whatever may be my opinion or wishes of, or in favor of,
LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. 467
tlie individuals put foward by the parties, I can take the side of
the Government alone ; and I certainly must and will (as it is my
duty to do) encourage Lord Liverpool by every means in my
power to carry his object, and to consent to nothing unless his
object is carried.
I am much concerned that his choice has not fallen upon you.
But to tell you the truth, I suspect if it had, he would not have
been more successful in his negotiations with the Directors than
he has been in favor of Mr. Lushington. You are become popu-
lar in Leadenhall-street, not because you deserve to be so, but
because you happen to be the fittest instrument at the moment to
be thrown in the face of the Government and to oppose to them.
But if you had been proposed by the Government, then all the
reasons against your appointment would have been urged as
strongly as those in favor of it are at present.
I told you before, and I repeat it, you cannot succeed, if Lord
Liverpool does his duty firmly as he ought. I shall regret
exceedingly if you and Mr. Elphinstone should have the King's
negative put upon your appointments; but I declare positively,
that if I was in Lord Liverpool's place, knowing both as I do, and
appreciating as I have a right to do the talents and fitness of both
— I would recommend the King, under the circumstances above
stated, not to confirm the appointment of either.
Believe me, my dear Sir John, yours most sincerely,
Wellington.
But this characteristic letter, tlioiigh it may have con-
vinced Malcolm that it was not the duty of the Duke
of Wellington to array himself against the Ministry of
which he Avas a member, did not persuade the recipient
that it was his own duty, though it might be his interest,
to abandon the contest. Mr. Wynne was then President
of the Board of Control. A few weeks after the date of
this last letter he sent for Malcolm, and exhorted him to
cease from the useless struggle, and to secure for himself
the pension which Mr. Lushington's friends would aid
him to obtain, if he no longer continued in the field as a
candidate for the Madras Government. But Malcolm at
2 h2
468 PREFERMENT.
once rejected the proposal. He said that he protracted
the struggle only upon public grounds, and that no
possible injmy which he might inflict upon himself could
ever induce him to diverge from a course which he be-
lieved to be right.
During a great part of the year the question remained
unsettled. The Com't of Directors were of one opinion ;
the Crown Ministers were of another. The subject was
taken up by the Press, and a strongly-worded article
in the Morning Chronicle^ very favorable to Malcolm's
claims, declared that Canning had been exerting himself
to obstruct Sir John's advancement to a post, which he
was so eminently quaUfied to fill. On reading this, the
brilliant Minister wrote the following letter :
MR. CANNING TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
Bath, April 22, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I see in the Morning Chronicle of yesterday,
that I am your enemy, " and that I am occupied in retarding or
preventing your advancement to the Government of Bombay."
Nothing could be more surprising to me than this piece of
intelligence.
I told you, at the first moment when I learnt your intention to
become a candidate for the vacant Government, that I would not
take any part whatever in the contest, and I have kept my word.
I state this to you, because I voluntarily made you the promise,
not because I should otherwise have thought any apology or ex-
planation necessary for taking any part, had I been disposed to
take any upon this occasion, or any other of the same sort.
It happens, however, that I have so little of this disposition as
never, since I ceased to be connected with the East India Com-
pany, to have expressed my wishes or opinions to any member of
their body on any matter of their concerns except once — that once
Avas when I wrote to the only Director with whom I could take
such a liberty, in favour of your pension. With that Director I
CANNING AND MALCOLM. 469
have not had any communication since Sir Thomas Munro's
resignation was known.
I am, my dear Sir, very sincerely.
Your obedient and humble servant,
George Canning.
To this letter an answer was promptly sent in the fol-
lowing words :
SIR JOHN MALCOLM TO MR. CANNING.
Hyde Hall, Sawbridgeworth, April 25, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I have this moment received your letter of the
22nd instant. As I have been for some time in the country, and
do not take in the Morning Chronicle, it was by accident that I
two days ago saw the article to which you allude.*^ .... It gave
me much vexation ; I must ever hate praise that is coupled with
injustice to the character, and misrepresentation of the feelings and
conduct of others. That is so completely the case in some parts
of the article, that I felt a consolation in errors which made it im-
possible to ascribe the contribution to any one who had correct
knowledge, or was in the least acquainted with my sentiments.
My first impression was to take some steps that might evince my
feelings; but, on reflection, I viewed it as one of those articles in
which the name of an individual was introduced as a vehicle for
party 'attacks, and concluded it was better to let it die, like a
thousand others of similar character, of neglect.
I left town immediately after the levee, in order to avoid mixing
myself in any discussion respecting the succession to the Indian
Government, and I abstained from every word or act that could
aggravate the irksome situation in which I find myself; and it was
my earnest desire that every one of my friends should do the same.
But such a line of conduct forms no check on the folly or mischief
of men, who are alike reckless of benefit or injury to others, pro-
vided their party purposes are answered.
* A few lines arc omitted, because, which I liave ever experienced on all
owing to the inaccuracy of the copyist, occasions when I have had official or
the passage is obscure. It concludes, personal intercourse with you."
however, by speaking of " a kindness
470 PREFERMENT.
I trust, from your knowledge of my character, it is unnecessary
to repeat that my sense of the obhgations I owe you both in your
pubKc and private station are unaltered, and that I most fully
understand how you are situated regarding Indian questions.
I am, my dear sir, very faithfully yours,
J. Malcolm.
To Mr. Liishington himself, Malcolm wrote on the
following clay a friendly letter, disclaiming all connexion
with the remarks in the newspaper, and adding, "I am
glad of the opportunity to express at once my opinion
of an injurious and offensive article, and the regret I felt
at my unexpectedly finding my pretensions opposed to
those of so old and esteemed a friend. Nor was this
feeling limited to you. It w^as extended to Mrs. Lush-
ington and her parents, to whom I never can forget my
serious obligations. But you, who so well know my
situation, must be satisfied that I had, on this occasion,
only one course to pursue." To this letter Mr. Lush-
ington replied in a tone no less frank and cordial,
assuring him that he " shared his regret in finding his
own wishes opposed to those of an old friend." " It may,
however," he wrote, "be some relief to you to know
that my desire to become a candidate for the Govern-
ment of Madras was communicated to Lord Liverpool
before I knew that you had any views to it — when I
rather thought that you were looking to that pension
for past services which you had so well deserved, and
which, upon your application, I Avas sincerely assisting
to obtain for you." The rivalry, as was ever the case
when Malcolm,, was one of the candidates, w^as of the
most friendly and generous kind. It w^as not in his
nature to entertain a feeling of bitterness against the
man wdio was contending with him for a prize, or had
wrested it from him.
The spring and summer passed away, and still the
Malcolm's pension. 471
contest continued. Malcolm would not waive his preten-
sions. The Court of Directors supported them. Com-
promises were attempted and failed. So at last the
question was brought to a decisive issue, and on the 1st
of September the Chairman of the Court of Dh-ectors
announced to Malcolm that "His Majesty had not been
pleased to approve his appointment by the Court to the
Government of Madras, and that an official notification
of this determination had been received from the Board
of Commissioners." At the same time, however, JMr.
Wynne announced that " this decision did not proceed
from any objection personal to Sir John Malcolm, as his
Majesty had commanded him (Mr. Wynne) to add, that
he continued to entertain a high opinion of the character
and services of that meritorious officer."
It can hardly be said that this decision was the source
of any disappointment to Malcolm, so little prospect had
there been, during many preceding months, of any other
termination to the contest. He had done, as he believed,
all that it behoved him to do ; and he was not one to
indulge in au}^ useless repinings. His friends, both in
the Direction and the Muiistry, were now eager to
obtain for him a pension from the Company in recogni-
tion of his meritorious services. In the former body
there was some division of opinion, not as regarded the
measm^e of those services, but on the score of the pre-
sumed extent of Malc6lm's pecuniary resources and the
danger of establishing such a precedent. The Board of
Control, however, were well disposed to confirm the
grant ; and some of the most influential members of Lord
Liverpool's Ministry, as an atonement for the wrong
they had done to Malcolm, were anxious to encourage
the bestowal of the pension. To the Duke of Wel-
lington, who had himself been largely endowed by the
nation in recognition of his own unparalleled services, it
.472 PREFERMENT.
naturally appeared that the attainment of a pecuniary
reward was a legitimate object of exertion, and tliat the
Government which his friend had served with such un-
failing zeal and such distinguished success, was bound to
award the pension. His testimony to this effect was
strong and unreserved. It would be unjust to Malcolm
to withhold it :
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
My dear Malcolm, — I am sorry T have not seen you, as I
wished to talk over with you the prospects of your success in
obtaining your reward from the Court of Directors, and I only
regret that my acquaintance and relations with the members of
that body are so limited, that I can be of no use to you upon this
occasion.
I really think it a public object that services such as yours,
former as well as recent, should meet with due countenance and
reward from the East India Company. I can answer for it that
from the year 1796 (nearly thirty years ago, and no mean propor-
tion of the life of any man), no great transaction either political
or military has taken place in the East in which you have not
played a principal, most useful, conspicuous, and honorable part :
you have in many services, diplomatical as well as military, been
distinguished by successes, one of which in ordinary circumstances
would have been deemed sufficient for the life of a man, and would
have recommended him to the notice of his superiors.
But there is one recommendation of you of which I hope you
have availed yourself In your communications with your em-
ployers, wliich is most useful In these times, and that Is your dis-
interestedness, and consequent necessity of relying upon their
liberality and generosity. You have filled many situations in
which you might have become rich consistently with your duty
to your employers ; and possibly, you ought to be found fault
with for not liaving become so. But the truth is, that you are
poor, notwithstanding you have filled these situations and your
services, and I am certain that those who will ha 
