The life and diary of John Floyd, governor of Virginia, an apostle of secession and the father of the Oregon country

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THE LIFE AND DIARY OF

JOHN FLOYD

Governor of Virginia, an Apostle of Secession,
AND THE Father of the Oregon Country

BY

CHARLES H. AMBLER, Ph. D.

Author of

Sectionalism in Virginia, iyy6 to 1861,
Thomas Ritchie: a Study in Virginia Politics, etc.

rz5o

Copyright 1918
Charles H. AmblerrPh. D.

APR 17 1919

RICHMOND.

RICHMOND PRESS, INC., PRINTERS
1918

iCI.A5135li)3 ^

\

f

iBebtcateb

TO

My Friends, the Late Doctor George Ben Johnston
AND His Niece, Ann Mason Lee, of
Richmond, Virginia

CONTENTS

I. A Child of the Frontier 9

II. A Spokesman of the Frontier 33

III. The Oregon Country 52

IV. President Maker and Governor 76

V. An Apostle of Discontent 94

VI. John Floyd's Diary ^23

PREFACE

This brief biography of John Floyd, one of Virginia's
unique characters of the first half of the last century, was
made possible by the acquisition of his papers by the
Library of Congress and by an opportunity to use his long
forgotten diary. His defense of the interests of the fron-
tier, his fight for the Oregon country, his uncompromising
stand for the state sovereignty theory of government, his
bitter hostility to the administration of Andrew Jackson,
and his part in the formation of the Whig party entitle him
to a place among the statesmen and politicians of his day.
To his contemporaries he was a visionary, known and ridi-
culed as "Old Oregon." Now, he is honored as the "Father
of the Oregon Country," his celebrated report of 1821 on
our rights and interests in the Columbia Valley bearing the
same relation to the occupation and settlement of that
part of the United States as does Richard Hakluyt*s famous
Discourse on Western Planting to the founding of the
English colonies in America.

Mr. Floyd's "Diary," published herewith, covers the
period from March, 1831 to February, 1834, and is repro-
duced in full, excepting only the daily comments of its
author upon the weather and other commonplace subjects.
The parts here given cast some new light upon the purposes
and methods of the opposition to Jackson and upon the
social life and happenings of Washington in the Jacksonian
period. It is hoped that the lapse of time and the demands
for a more scientific study of the past will be sufficient rea-
sons for the publication of this source in the unexpurgated
form in which it here appears. In bringing to light this
Diary, neither the editor nor the publisher vouches for the
truthfulness or justice of any of the references made by

Mr. Floyd to Jackson and his friends. Very few changes
have been made in the spelling, the punctuation, the capi-
talization, and the paragraphing of the original document.

Mr. Floyd's "Diary" was first brought to my attention
by Mr. J. M. Battin, a former student in my classes in
Randolph-Macon College. Mr. Battin first used the
"Diary" in writing a short biography of John Floyd. His
paper was published in the John P. Branch Historical
Papers of Randolph- Macon College, June, 191 3.

In the preparation of these pages I have received helpful
assistance from the late Dr. George Ben Johnston, of Rich-
mond, Virginia, and from his niece, Ann Mason Lee, also
of Richmond. They are direct descendants from Floyd
and own his "Diary," together with other interesting and
useful source materials relating to the Floyd, Johnston, and
Preston families of Virginia. Acknowledgements are also
due the authorities of the Library of Congress and the State
Library of Virginia.

CHARLES H. AMBLER.

Randolph- Macon College,

Ashland, Va.

September 1, 1917.

LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

I. A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER.

ALWAYS true to the interests of the
frontier and a zealous defender of the
state sovereignty theory of government,
John Floyd was, through it all, true to
his heritage and early environment. He
was, in fact, a child of the frontier, his ancestors
heing, for generations, leaders in those pioneer
movements that carried settlement first into the
tidewater section of the New World, thence in turn
into the Piedmont, the Valley separating the Alle-
ghany and the Blue Ridge mountains, and finally
into the great West beyond. He first saw the light
of day near Louisville, Kentucky, on April 24,
1783, twelve days after his father, Colonel John
Floyd, had fallen a victim to the savage foe.
Reared in this frontier environment he early
learned to judge merit by individual standards. It
was from the *^ association,'' the embryo state of
the frontier, that he received his first lessons in the
inalienable right of a rational and social people im-
bued with the highest and most extensive ideas of
liberty to make all the laws and regulations neces-
sary for the common good and to alter and abolish
those laws when they failed to accomplish the ends
for which they were made. Thus to understand
this man, it will be necessary to know something of
the life and the times of his forebears.

Two brothers, Nathaniel and Walter, seem to
have been the first of the Floyds in this country.

10 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

They landed at Jamestown in their own vessel, the
Nova, a short time after the first settlement there
and seem to have been engaged for several years in
trading with the mother country. Their father,
John Floyd, a veteran of that thrilling conflict in
which the Spanish Armada had gone down to de-
feat, was a man of means and of social position.
He probably helped to equip his sons for their ad-
ventures in the new world. He was knighted at the
hands cf Queen Elizabeth, and later became a writer
of some note and a lecturer in the Society of Jesus.
When tobacco culture and negro slavery were
introduced into the colony of Virginia, the life of a
planter there became both attractive and profitable.
Following the impulse of the times, Walter Floyd
patented four hundred acres of land in Martin's
Hundred, and five years later, in 1637, Nathaniel
became the owner and proprietor of eight hundred
fifty acres in Isle of Wight County. These two
pioneers in the conquest of the Tidewater thus be-
came the progenitors of the many families which
bore their name in that section.^

It was not until near the middle of the eigh-
teenth century and until after two generations of
their ancestors had passed away that we hear any-
thing more of the Floyds in Virginia. About that
time a feeling of unrest and dissatisfaction, fol-
lowed later by political revolutions and readjust-
ments, was abroad in the world. It had extended
even to the tobacco growers of Virginia, who, de-
spite the comparative newness of their lands, now
fell victims of that wanderlust which carried the
Floyds forth, at intervals more or less regular, in

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 11

search of new homes. William, John, and Charles
Floyd answered the call and set out on a surveying
expedition which carried them along the James to
the Blue Ridge Mountains. Already that pictur-
esque frontiersman, Alexander Spotswood, had led
the way and had founded a settlement in the Pied-
mont. Numerous other surveys had been made in
the country so that there was nothing very remark-
able in the journey of the Floyds to the Blue Ridge.
Its significance is in the fact that they were on the
move. Soon after their return John cast his lot
with the North and was lost to his family. Charles
went to the South and became the progenitor of a
long line of descendants, among whom was General
John Floyd, a famous Indian fighter and a repre-
sentative from Georgia in Congress. William, the
grandfather of the subject of this sketch and the
ancestor of the Virginia-Kentucky branch of the
Floyd family, returned to the uplands of his native
state, finding a home in Amherst County which was
then on the very outskirts of the slaveholding so-
ciety.

William Floyd had received the rudiments of a
substantial education and, as a surveyor, early rose
to prominence on the frontier. He became the
owner of a large tract of land which he himself pat-
ented and was, during a large part of his life, both
county surveyor and captain of the county militia.
Shortly after his arrival in Amherst County he
married Abadiah, the beautiful daughter of Robert
Davis, a large landholder on the upper James, who
had married a half-breed Indian girl. There is a
family tradition of uncertain origin that traces the

12 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ancestry of this girl to the great Indian chieftain
Opechancanough. However that may be, the de-
scendants of William Floyd and his wife, Abadiah,
have never ceased to be prond of the Indian blood
that courses through their veins and to hold in
highest esteem the memory of their maternal ances-
tor.

William Floyd and his wife, Abadiah, had
twelve children : Sarah, who married Wyatt Powell
and became the ancestor of a noted line of descend-
ants, in the succeeding generations in Virginia;
Elizabeth, who married Charles Tuley whom she
later accompanied to Kentucky, whence her children
spread to all parts of the great Northwest; John,
the father of the subject of this biography; Charles,
who played a prominent part in the Revolutionary
War, aided George Eogers Clark, and gave a son
for the Lewis and Clark Expedition; Robert and
Isham, who lost their lives in encounters with the
Indians while fighting under the command of
George Rogers Clark; Nathaniel, who saw gallant
service under Jackson at New Orleans; Jemimah
and Abadiah, whose husbands were killed in Indian
massacres ; and three other girls, who are known to
the family only as Mrs. Pryor, Mrs. Drake, and
Mrs. Alexander.

Because they were, in many respects, typical of
the other families that carried settlement and civil-
ization into the frontier, it should be noted, in this
connection, that the sons and daughters of Wil-
liam Floyd came from a home of refinement and
even of wealth. Their ancestors represented the
best in the culture and taste of two races and were

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 13

numbered among the landholding aristocrats who
lived in almost regal splendor on the banks of the
upper James, and who were only one generation
and a few score miles removed from the aristo-
crats of the Tidewater. They were thus able to
extend to the Valley and to the country beyond a
modified, yet discernible, form of the plantation
life. Thus amid all the privations and hardships
of the frontier, they never forgot or abandoned the
distinctive traits of the Virginia gentleman, in emu-
lation of whom they became leaders among their
fellows upon the battlefields and in the political
arenas of the frontier.

John, the eldest son of Abadiah and William
Floyd, was born in Amherst County, Virginia, in
1751. At the age of eighteen he married a Miss
Burfoot who died twelve months after their mar-
riage. Disconsolate he now sought new friends
and new fortunes in the land beyond the mountains.
About 1770 he went to Botetourt County and found
employment first as a teacher and later as a clerk in
the land-office of Colonel William Preston, sur-
veyor of Fincastle County. When not thus em-
ployed he rode as a deputy sheriff with Daniel
Trigg, both being employed by Colonel William
Christian, high sheriff of Botetourt County.

Shortly thereafter, the officers and soldiers, who
had land claims in the West for services rendered
in the French and Indian War, made application to
Colonel Preston to have their lands located and
surveyed. Accordingly a party of surveyors was
sent into the trans- Alleghany country. Floyd's
services in the land office and in the bailiwick had

14 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

been such that Colonel Preston selected him as one
of the party and commissioned him a captain. In
the spring of 1774 he set out for the **Dark and
Bloody Land'' with his companions: James Doug-
las, Isaac Hite, Alexander Spotswood Dandridge,
Thomas Hanson (who kept a journal), James
Knox, Frederick McCra, and Mordicai Batson.

Notwithstanding the fact that the relations be-
tween the white man and the savage had become
alarming, that the inhabitants of what is now
southwestern Virginia were abandoning their out-
posts and retreating to the more thickly settled
communities, and that the newspapers of the East
were demanding war for the protection of the
frontier, the band of surveyors pressed on to the
task before them. On the long and tedious jour-
ney down the Kanawha and the Ohio, Floyd,
though yet a young man, seems to have been the
moving spirit among his companions. After they
had passed the Falls of the Kanawha, on April 14,
1774, it was he who provided the canoe that carried
most of the party be^^ond the *' burning spring'' and
into the midst of the hostile red men who were now
jealously watching the Ohio; it was he who sur-
veyed the lands for Colonel George Washington on
the Kanawha and for Patrick Henry and others on
the Ohio; and it was he who provisioned his com-
panions by the aid of his trusty rifle and inspired
them to press on in the face of the dangers which
seemed to surround them on all sides.

By the middle of May, 1774, Floyd and those of
his companions who had not turned back for fear of
the Indians were in the ** Kentucky country." A

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 15

few days later a canoe driven by two Indians and
flying a red flag came down the Ohio. The Indians
bore passes from the commandant at Fort Pitt and
had come to warn the hunters and trappers that, a
war was on between the whites and the Shawnees.
The news which they bore of the frightful massa-
cres which had already taken place caused some of
the party to turn back, but '*Mr. Floyd and the
rest of the surveyors were determined to do the
business they came on if not repulsed by a greater
force than themselves.** Accordingly they pressed
vigorously to the work of surveying on the Ohio
Eiver and on the waters of Bear Grass and Elk
Horn Creeks. Among the tracts surveyed by Floyd,
to say nothing of those surveyed by Hancock Tay-
lor and others already in the field, were six for
Patrick Henry comprising seven thousand four
hundred acres, five for Colonel William Christian
aggregating eight thousand acres, two for Alexan-
der Spotswood Dandridge, making three tliousand
acres, a tract of one thousand acres for Colonel
William Preston, and one of one thousand acres for
himself.

Meanwhile the Indians continued to press down
in ever greater numbers, and Colonel Preston be-
gan to have concern for the safety of his survey-
ors. Accordingly he secured, through the aid of
Captain William Eussell, the services of two sea-
soned woodsmen, Daniel Boone and Michael
Stoner, to go as runners through Kentucky and
warn the surveyors and the outlying settlers of the
impending perils. Before they reached the Ken-
tucky country the Indians had already penetrated

16 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

to the very midst of the surveyors and murdered
James Hamilton and James Cowan, pioneer set-
tlers. Coming upon the scene of this barbarity,
James Douglas and others of Floyd ^s companions
fled by way of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to
New Orleans. Deserted by his companions and of-
ficially apprised of the impending danger, Floyd
could hold out no longer. He at once set out by the
most direct routes for the settlements in the Val-
ley of Virginia, where he arrived after a journey
of sixteen days, which led ^ through mountains
almost inaccessible and ways unknown." It is
probable that he followed, for a part of the distance
at least, the route taken by Christopher Gist in
1751.

Upon his arrival in the Clinch Valley, Floyd
found his countrymen busy and even enthusiastic
in their preparations for Dunmore^s War. All
realized that the long series of mutual grievances
and outrages between the frontiersmen of Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia on the one side, and the savages
of the Ohio Valley on the other, had reached a
crisis pregnant with weal or woe. In his inability
to restrain his subjects upon the frontier, who ** ac-
quire no attachment to place and who ever imagine
the lands further off are still better than those
upon which they are already settled/' Lord Dun-
more had issued a circular letter calling out the
militia of the western counties for a part in the
impending conflict. Dunmore himself was on his
way to Fort Pitt and had sent word to Colonel An-
drew Lewis ^*to raise a respectable body in your
quarter [southwestern Virginia], and join me

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 17

either at the mouth of the Great Kanawha or
Wheeling, or such other point on the Ohio as may
be most convenient.'^ The summons had also
reached the county lieutenants and the local mili-
tary officials, among whom great rivalry prevailed
in the contest then on for excellence in raising and
equipping companies of soldiers.

Although the main army had already assembled
at Camp Union on the Big Levels of the Greenbriar
River and was about ready to march under the
command of the gallant Lewises, Floyd began to
raise a company of his own, hoping to join his fel-
low soldiers before they reached the common en-
emy. The best soldiers had already enlisted, and
Floyd did not, therefore, wish his friend Preston
^*to take too much notice '' of the news that might
reach him of the efforts and means being used to get
others. He was certain that all could be explained
when they met and that all differences between
rival commanders could then be adjusted. He suc-
ceeded in raising one of the best companies that
ever went out of the Valley to meet any foe.

Hoping to return by way of Kentucky and to
finish his surveys Floyd set out with his command
late in September, following the line of march of
the main army. We next hear of him from Point
Pleasant six days after the decisive battle which
took place there on October 10, 1774, between the
Indians commanded by Cornstalk and the whites
commanded by Colonel Andrew Lewis and his
brother Charles. He had arrived on the night of
the battle but too late to take part in it. While yet
twelve or fifteen miles from the scene of action,

18 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

messengers brought reports of the conflict which
waged just ahead, and of the uncertainty of the out-
come. Inspired by the prayers of those who fought
and of those who sought to aid them he hastened
onward covering the whole distance in a single
afternoon, but, when he arrived, the defeated en^
emy had fled never again to threaten the whites on
the Ohio in such formidable numbers.

When the troops were ready for march from the
mouth of the Kanawha, the season was too far ad-
vanced and the contest with the Indian was too un-
certain to permit Floyd to return by way of Ken-
tucky, as he had planned. April 21, 1775, found
him in PowelPs Valley, twelve miles from Cumber-
land Gap, ready to reenter the Kentucky country
by that popular route. It mattered not that the red
man, in defence of his hunting-grounds, persisted
in carrying war and massacre into the very midst
of the settlements that were being made there. The
lands they sought to defend were the only diet that
satisfied the appetites of the pioneers. Already the
contest for Kentucky had passed into a chaotic
scramble for the best and the next best lands, and
it was thus necessary for Floyd to be on the scene
of action to protect the interests of those whom he
represented.^ Several independent companies were
making surveys there, and Richard Henderson and
his associates from the Watauga Valley had pur-
chased the Indian title to several million acres in
central Kentucky. Floyd saw plainly that the set-
tlements were ruining the hunting-grounds of the
^*Tawas and the Kickapoos^' and dreaded the con-
sequences, but he too had the land hunger and

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 19

pressed onward. This time he marched at the
head of a band of thirty-two tried frontiersmen
who were resolved to ^*force their way into the
country '^ and to maintain their ground in the face
of the savage foe and in defiance of their white
competitors.

Floyd and his party seem to have made a first
stop near Stamford in what is now Lincoln County,
Kentucky. Joining with Henderson and others, his
supposed rivals, he lent a hand to the efforts then
on foot to establish law and order in the frontier.
Thus he was able to play an important part in the
organization of the first Anglo-American govern-
ment on the west side of the Alleghanies. A move-
ment was on to create a fourteenth colony to be
called Transylvania which was to be provided with
^^a plan of government by popular representa-
tion.'' To this end a representative assembly com-
posed of delegates from the towns or settlements of
Boonesborough, Harrodsburg, Boiling Spring, and
St. Asaph was summoned to meet at Boones-
borough on May 23, 1775, to agree upon a form of
government and enact such laws and regulations
as were required to meet the immediate needs of
the proposed colony. Floyd was sent as a delegate
from the St. Asaph settlement.

After listening to a speech from Richard Hen-
derson, the father of the proposed new colony, in
which might come from the proposed scheme, and><
^^ solid consequence'' of their deliberations to **the
peace and harmony of thousands," to the blessings
which he called attention to the importance andX
to their right, surrounded as they were by dangers

20 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

which threatened their destruction, to make all '
laws for the regulation of their conduct *' without
giving offence to Great Britain, or any of the Amer- |
ican colonies,'' the delegates provided for courts
of justice. Floyd became a member of the first
court that met under their authorization. The dele- ]
gates also provided for the organization of a mili- |
tia, for the preservation of game, and for a system '
of fees. They adjourned after four days, and the
proposed colony of Transylvania ceased to be j
heard of; but their efforts marked the initial step j
of the process by which Kentucky later entered
the Union.

Floyd's work and appearance on this occasion
were described, sixty-five years later by John :
Morehead in a famous address as follows : j

Alternately a surveyor, a legislator, and a soldier, his dis- '

tinguished qualities rendered him at once an ornament and a ;
benefactor of the infant settlements. No individual among j
the early pioneers was more intelligent or better informed; \

more displayed on all occasions that called for it, had a bolder ,

or more undaunted courage. His person was singularly attrac- j

tive. With complexion unusually dark, his eyes and hair were i

deep black and his tall spare figure was dignified by the ac- \

complishments of a well bred Virginia gentleman. Connecting
himself with the Transylvania Company he became their prin-
cipal surveyor and was chosen a delegate from the town of
St. Asaph .... to make laws for the infant colony.s j

Following his initial experience as a legislator
Floyd continued to make surveys of land until late
in the summer of 1776. The letters which he wrote |
meanwhile to Colonel Preston tell the story of the
occupation of the Kentucky country. They tell of

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 21

the hundreds who were pouring into the new land
by way of the Ohio River and the Cumberland Gap,
of the log cabins which were being erected both by
those who came as permanent settlers and those
who sought adventure, of the failure of the Vir-
ginia convention to take proper steps for the pro-
tection of the frontiers and the regulation of land
sales, of the pernicious activity of ^^Jack Jones ^'
(Gabriel Jones) at the head of the Harrodsburg
*^ banditti,'' of the Bryans and other Tories on the
Elk Horn, and of the numerous contests between
rival land claimants.* Because of the unusual and
thrilling narrative contained therein his letter of
July 21, 1776, to Colonel Preston is here given in
full as follows :

My Dear Sir, The situation of our country is much altered
since I wrote you last. The Indians seem determined to break
up our settlement; and I really doubt, unless it is possible to
give us some assistance, that the greater part of the people
may fall a prey to them. They have, I am satisfied, killed
several whom, at this time, I know not how to mention. Many
are missing, who some time ago went out about their business,
of whom we can hear nothing. Fresh sign of Indians is seen
almost every day. I think I mentioned to you before some dam-
age they had done at Lee's town. On the seventh of this
month they killed one Cooper on Licking Creek, and on the
fourteenth a man whose name I know not, at your salt spring
on the same creek.

On the same day they took out of a canoe in sight of this
place, Miss Bessie Callaway, her sister Frances, and a daughter
of Daniel Boone — the last two about thirteen or fourteen years
old, and the other grown. The affair happened late in the
afternoon. They left their canoes on the opposite side of the
river from us, which prevented our getting over for some time
to pursue them. We could not that night follow more than

22 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

five miles. Next morning by daylight, we were on their track;
but they had entirely prevented our following them by walking
some distance apart through the thickest cane they could find.
We observed their course and on which side they had left their
sign, and travelled upwards of thirty miles. We then supposed
they would be less cautious in travelling, and making a turn
in order to cross their trace, we had gone but a few miles, when
we found their tracks in a buffalo path — pursued and over-
took them in going about ten miles, just as they were kindling
a fire to cook. Our study had been how to get the prisoners
without giving the Indians time to murder them after they
discovered us. We saw each other nearly at the same time.
Four of us fired, and all rushed on them, by which they were
prevented from carrying anything away except one shot gun
without ammunition. Mr. Boone and myself had each a pretty
fair shot, as they began to move off. I am well convinced I
shot one through, the body. The one he shot dropped his gun —
mine had none. The place was covered with thick cane, and
being so much elated on recovering the three poor little heart-
broken girls, we were prevented from making any further
search. We sent the Indians off almost naked — some without
their moccasins, and none of them with so much as a knife or
tomahawk. After the girls came to themselves sufficiently to
speak, they told us there were only five Indians — four Shawnese
and one Cherokee. They could speak good English, and said
they should then go to the Shawnese towns. The war club
we got was like those I have seen of that nation. Several
words of their language, which the girls retained, were known
to be Shawnese. They also told them that the Cherokees had
killed or driven all the people from Watauga and thereabouts,
and that fourteen Cherokees were then on the Kentucky wait-
ing to do mischief. If the war becomes general, of which there
is the greatest appearance, our situation is truly alarming.
We are about finishing a large fort, and intend to keep pos-
session of this place as long as possible. They are, I under-
stand, doing the same at Harrodsburg, and also at Elkhorn, at
the Royal spring. The settlement on Licking creek, known
by the name of Hinkston's, has been broken up; nineteen of the
settlers are now here on their way in — Hinkston among the

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 23

rest. They all seem deaf to any thing we can do to dissuade
them. Ten at least of our people, are going to join them, which
will leave us with less than thirty men at this fort. I think
more than three hundred men have left the country since I
came out, and not one has arrived, except a few caMners down
the Ohio.

I want to return as much as any person can do; but if I
leave the country now, there is scarcely one single man who
will not follow the example. When I think of the deplorable
condition a few helpless families are likely to be in, I conclude
to sell my life as dearly as I can in their defence, rather than
make an ignoble escape.

I am afraid it is in vain to sue for any relief from Vir-
ginia; yet the convention urged the settlement of this country,
and why should not the extreme parts of Pincastle be as justly
entitled to protection as any other part of the country? If
an expedition were carried on against these nations who are at
open war with the people in general, we might be in a good
measure relieved, by drawing them off to defend their towns.
If any thing under Heaven can be done for us, I know of no
person who would more willingly engage in forwarding us as-
sistance than yourself. I do, at the request and in behalf of all
the distressed women and children and other inhabitants of
this place, implore the aid of every leading man who may have
it in his power to give us relief. I am, etc.5

Shortly after this letter was written the Ken-
tucky country was aroused by the information that
the united colonies had declared their independence
of the mother country. The frontiersmen had
eagerly awaited such a turn in events and now
abandoned their outposts and hastened to take a
part in the efforts being put forth to make that dec-
laration effective. Floyd was the first to join their
ranks. By the most direct route possible he came
to Williamsburg, where, after presenting the griev-
ances of the pioneers, he offered his services to his

24 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

country. Dr. Thomas Walker, Edmund Pendleton,
Colonel William Preston, and two or three others
had already purchased a vessel which they planned
to fit out as a privateer. Now that a suitable com-
mander in the person of Floyd was at hand, their
plan was quickly carried out, and the Phoenix put
to sea headed for the West Indies. A few days
after leaving port it overtook and captured a rich
prize. To the commander ^s great surprise the car-
go contained a wedding costume for a lady. Thus
at one and the same stroke he had won his for-
tune and a suitable present for his bride to be, Miss
Jane Buchanan, a beautiful girl of the mountains
of Virginia. A happy man he hastened homeward
but was overtaken by a British man-of-war just as
he was entering the Chesapeake Bay, was captured,
and carried a prisoner to England, where he was
retained for almost a year.

Prison bars have rarely prevailed against those
types of manliness and worth possessed by John
Floyd. They now won for him the regard of his
fellow prisoners and, what was more important to
him, the heart of the jailor's daughter. The old
romantic story of a betrayal of trust was again re-
peated; the jailor's daughter had freed her lover.

After an affectionate farewell, at which it is
said his companions shed tears, Floyd hastened to
Dover. There he found a clergyman who assisted
him by a sort of underground railway in his efforts
to reach France. It was the vintage time when he
landed upon those friendly shores, and the people
there supplied him with grapes and bread until he
reached Paris. After recovering from an attack of

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 25

the smallpox he made ready for his return to
America, but not before he had purchased a pair of
brilliant shoe buckles for his bride to be and a beau-
tiful scarlet coat for himself. With the assistance
of Doctor Franklin, our representative in France,
he was soon able to secure passage on a westward
bound vessel which, after a tempestuous voyage of
many days, landed him in Virginia in the autumn
of 1778.

During the time of Floyd's absence no intelli-
gence of the Phoenix or her crew had reached
America, and the inference was that all had gone
down at sea. A year, the conventional mourning
time in the colonial days, had passed, and Colonel
Eobert Sayers, an officer in the Revolutionary
army and a man of means had addressed Miss
Buchanan and been accepted by her. A family tra-
dition has it that they were just returning from a
walk in the garden, when the arrival of Captain
Floyd in Smithfield was announced. Joy reigned
everywhere, except possibly in the heart of Colonel
Sayers. Be that as it may, Jane Buchanan became
the bride of John Floyd and went to live with him
in the home of his father on John's Creek.

Considering the stirring times it is strange that
Floyd was content to remain inactive, even if his
wife did prefer that sort of life, for so long a time
as one year, the period of his residence with his
father. But service in the regular army was un-
attractive, and conditions upon the frontier were
anything but certain and desirable. In the latter
quarter 'Mack" (Gabriel) Jones and Floyd's fu-
ture friend, George Rogers Clark, had defeated the

26 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

purposes of Floyd's former associates in the
Transylvania Company and had succeeded in ex-
tending the jurisdiction of Virginia over the Ken-
tucky country. Now word came that Clark, the
'* Hannibal of the West/' was planning an expedi-
tion into the country north of the Ohio with a view
to conquering it and annexing it to Virginia.

Floyd's real interests were in the West, but the
short period of his absence had so transformed con-
ditions there as to raise doubts regarding his future
course towards it. His former associates were dis-
credited, and their land claims were in litigation in
one of the most spectacular cases ever heard in Wil-
liamsburg. Indeed, it is not improbable that
Floyd's sojourn in eastern Virginia was determined
somewhat by the pending land litigations. At any
rate he appeared as a witness and betrayed a warm
feeling for Henderson and others of the Transyl-
vania Company. His testimony may have aided
them in securing from Virginia a grant of several
thousand acres in Kentucky, as compensation for
their initial service in opening up the wilderness to
settlement.^

Clark's successes in the Northwest convinced
Floyd that the new order of things on the frontier
was permanent and unchangeable. Sympathy for
the former order of things naturally vanished, and in
October, 1779, he with his brothers, Eobert, Charles
and Isham, and his sisters, Jemima and Abadiah,
with their husbands set out in the popular hegira for
the Kentucky country. They did not halt before
reaching the Falls of the Ohio, where their leader
had already preempted some of the choicest lands.

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 27

Here they erected a cabin at a point near the present
crossing of Third and Main Streets of Louisville,
Kentucky, This was only a temporary shelter for
the women and children, to be occupied while the
men of the company built larger cabins and stock-
ades on Bear Grass Creek a few miles distance at
a place later known as Floyd ^s Station.

After their families had been settled and made
secure, Floyd and his brothers found many oppor-
tunities to serve their community and country.
Every interest centered in the contest with the red
men of the forest. Clark's victories of the previous
year had aroused them to a determined resistance
to the further encroachments of the white man. Evi-
dences of British aid to the Indians were every-
where and served only to intensify the determination
of the white man. Under the circumstances no fa-
ther or husband could rest secure until the last In-
dian was driven from the Ohio Valley.

Already George Rogers Clark had inaugurated
a war of extermination, and Robert, Charles, and
Isham Floyd and their brothers-in-law had joined
him. In the long and bloody contest which followed
in this phase of **the winning of the Wesf danger
and even death crouched in every path and behind
every tree, and the Floyd brothers, except Charles,
fell victims to the savage foe. Their lives were of-
fered as sacrifices on the altar of their country that
that country might have a greater destiny.

Killing Indians was not the only service that a
patriotic frontiersman could render his community
which stood in need of laws and administration. To
these ends John Floyd, the eldest and the most ex-

28 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

perienced of the Floyd brothers, directed his chief
energies. By an act of 1780 the General Assembly
of Virginia constituted him one of a board of seven
trustees with authority to lay out and establish the
town of Louisville, which, under their direction,
soon sprang into importance as one of the chief trad-
ing centers on the Ohio. About the same time Floyd
joined John Howard, Robert Todd, Judge Samuel
McDowell, and others in a movement to secure the
enactment of laws to conserve the peace and dignity
of their community. It was Floyd who induced John
Brown, an able lawyer of Rockbridge County, Vir-
ginia, who later became a power in the West, to cast
his lot with the people of Kentucky. His patriotic
and disinterested efforts were soon rewarded by a
commission from the Governor of Virginia making
him colonel of the militia of Jefferson County, a
position which he held with honor to the time of his
death."^

As the commander of a frontier militia Colonel
Floyd's life was one continuous round of thrilling
adventure with the red men. He planned much for
others but never hesitated himself to meet the foe.
When on his way to Louisville, he one day encoun-
tered a huge Indian whom he slew in single combat
and whose ornaments of silver he confiscated and
later converted into table spoons. Shortly there-
after two hundred Indians attempted to break up
Squire Boone's settlement near Shelbyville. Upon
hearing of their designs Colonel Floyd raised a com-
pany of twenty-seven men and hastened to the res-
cue. As a precaution his followers were divided
into two parties, each of which proceeded with great

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER 29

care; but this did not prevent those under his im-
mediate command from falling into an ambuscade
and being killed, except Floyd and one or two others.
After the battle the bodies of the dead, white and red
men alike, were placed in a common grave, near the
place of the encounter, which was on a branch of
the Salt River, known to this day as ^'Floyd's
Branch of Salt River. »'«

Finding that they could not drive the frontiers-
men from their outpost on the Ohio, even with the
aid of the savage foe, the British resorted to bri-
bery. The conditions seemed opportune for suc-
cess by this method. It was a time when the ties of
patriotism sat lightly upon many; the frontier was
in constant danger and fear of attacks by the In-
dians with little hope of aid from Virginia ; and dis-
satisfaction among the settlers and the local militia
was the order of the day. Accordingly Governor
Hamilton offered Clark and Floyd each any amount
of land they might desire on the west bank of the
Ohio and an English title, if they would give up the
Ohio Valley. The offers were made separately and
secretly, and for some time neither knew that he
carried a common secret. When at length they un-
burdened their hearts to each other, each resolved to
remain loyal to the country of their nativity in whose
future greatness they had unbounded confidence.®

At length peace was made with the mother coun-
try, and the signs pointed to better times on the
frontier. In anticipation of the changed order Col-
onel Floyd invited a number of his friends in the
East to share with him the freedom and the oppor-
tunities of the frontier. The responses were numer-

30 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ous, but reluctant to depart from the scenes of their
savage vigils the red men lingered and long remain-
ed a menace to both life and property.

The determination of the Indian to made the
white man pay dearly for his possessionf on the
Ohio finally cost Floyd his life. On April 12, 1783,
when he and his brother, Charles, were riding home
from a place on Salt Eiver, they were fired upon by
the Indians from ambush. On this day Floyd wore
his scarlet coat purchased in France. He was thus
a tempting mark for the Indian. At the first shot
he reeled and would have fallen to the ground, had
not his brother supported him to a place of safety.
His last hours were spent in expressions of unmit-
igated sorrow for his young wife and her unborn
child and for his two small sons. He saw for them
the common lot of the widows and orphans of the
frontier for whom he had done so much. Before
death came, on the following morning, he knew that
the end was at hand and requested that his remains
be laid to rest in a grave on an eminence overlook-
ing Floyd's Station, where they now repose.

Besides the subject of this sketch Colonel Floyd
left two sons: William and George Rogers Clark.
The former was delicate and died before becom-
ing of age, but the latter followed in the footsteps of
his father in the ways of the frontiersman. He was
born in Kentucky, in 1781, and received the rudi-
ments of an education in the school near his home.
In 1807 he received a commission in the federal
army. Later he fought in the Indian wars and was
several times promoted for gallantry. He was a col-
onel under General William Henrv Harrison and

A CHILD OF THE FRONTIER Si

had a command in the battle of Tippecanoe. When
this engagement began he, with others of his com-
mand, was asleep in his tent and was awakened only
by the war-whoop of the savages. Without stopping
to dress he rushed into the midst of the fight and
slew several Indians with his own hand. Upon his
return to Louisville his neighbors greeted him as
the warrior who ^ad ^ * clothed himself with honor. * '
He thought himself slighted in the official reports of
the battle and withdrew from the service. Little is
known of his later life. He died near Woodville,
Kentucky, June, 1823, and was buried near his fa-
ther.

The subject of this biography, the child of the
frontier, was the unborn infant for whom Colonel
Floyd manifested concern on his death-bed. He was
named John for his father. He learned to read and
write at his mother's knee and in the log schoolhouse
that stood near the grave of his father. When he
was thirteen, John Brown, then a Senator from Ken-
tucky, placed him in Dickinson College at Carlisle,
Pennsylvania. Here he remained until financial
troubles necessitated his return to Kentucky. But
fortune soon took a favorable turn, his dissipated
step-father, Captain Alexander Breckenridge, dying
in 1801, young Floyd was again permitted to resume
his college course. A severe illness kept him from
carrying out his plans for graduation.

In May, 1804, young Floyd married Letitia Pres-
ton, a daughter of Colonel William Preston, his fa-
ther's friend and adviser, and soon thereafter en-
tered the University of Pennsylvania for a course
in medicine. Already he had read medicine with his

32 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

friend, Dr. Ferguson, of Louisville, and he was thus
able to graduate at the end of two years. Mean-
while, he had become an honorary member of the
Philadelphia Medical Society and a member of the
Philadelphia Medical Lyceum. His graduating dis-
sertation was entitled *^An Enquiry into the Medical
Properties of the Magnolia Tripetala and Magnolia
Acuminata'' and was dedicated to his friends: Doc-
tors Ferguson, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Smith
Burton, and James Woodhouse. After graduation
he first settled at Lexington, Virginia, but soon re-
moved to Christiansburg, where he entered actively
upon the practice of his profession and soon acquir-
ed a wide and favorable reputation as a physician.

II. A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER.

OUR second war with Great Britain marked
the beginning of a new era in the history
of the United States. Prior to that time we
had been in a position of semi-depen-
dence upon Europe, looking to the east-
ward to determine whether the acts of princes
bore weal or woe. Henceforth all was changed.
The American frontiersmen had made a war in be-
half of free trade and sailor's rights and carried it
to a successful conclusion though not without its un-
certainties and blunders. Now the whole country,
under their leadership, faced about and entered
upon the exercise of a new born nationality con-
ceived in hatred of the mother country and in the
hopes of our own future greatness. For a time chief
interest centered in the West, in the Indian wars,
our relations with Spain, and our etforts to acquire
and settle new territorj^ As a spokesman of these
interests, if for nothing else, Floyd deserves a place
in history.

That the war sentiment in Virginia, which helped
to bring about these changes, arose in her western
counties and only gradually extended to the lowlands
is now rarely disputed. That it took form among
Floyd's neighbors, whom he had for years com-
manded as a major of militia, was hardly a mere
coincidence. Be that as it may, it was the eighth
regiment of the Virginia militia, in mass meeting as-
sembled at Lexington, that first expressed the de-
sire of the state ^Ho buckle on the armor of the
nation'' and to meet the foe, if need be, in the wilds
of Canada or on the shores of the Atlantic. From

34 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

the same quarter went forth those militant petitions
which, through the skillful presentation of Thomas
Ritchie in the Richmond Enquirer, made it possi-
ble for Virginia to abandon the peace policy of her
beloved Jefferson and join in a war of national vin-
dication.

Floyd was among the first to answer the call to
arms. Tarrying only long enough to remove his
wife and family to a new home on an old estate near
the present site of the Virginia Polytechnic Insti-
tute, where they would be nearer friends, he entered
the regular army as a surgeon with the rank of
major. In this capacity he continued to serve his
country until 1814, when he was elected to the G-en-
eral Assembly.

Before entering the General Assembly, Floyd
again changed his residence, this time to the * * Thorn
Spring '^ on a large plantation in Montgomery
County. Here he continued to practice his profes-
sion for a number of years, making for himself a
warm place in the hearts of the country folk who
knew him then and ever afterwards as ^^ Doctor
Floyd.''

In the General Assembly Floyd's record was that
of a good nationalist. With New England in almost
open rebellion and with a foreign invader at the
door, it was no time for contention regarding the
nature of the federal government or over schemes
for territorial expansion. Accordingly he joined the
majority in support of a resolution providing for a
joint committee of the two houses of the General
Assembly instructed to confer with the federal au-
thorities regarding plans of defence for Virginia.

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 3o

The counter proposition to authorize the governor
to ** communicate ' ' with the ** Government of the
United States/^ he opposed/^

Probably in condemnation of New England's op-
position to the war but certainly not in support of
the state sovereignty theory of government, he fa-
vored, also, a bill authorizing the state of Virginia
to raise troops and place them at the order of the
federal government, **as well for the further and
more vigorous prosecution of the war, as for the de-
fence of this commonwealth.''" Moreover, he join-
ed in the support of a resolution condemning tne
terms of peace proposed by the British commission-
ers at Ghent, as ** arrogant" and ^ insulting" on the
part of Great Britain and as ^^ subversive of the
rights and sovereignty of the United States." Nor
would he stand for the opposition tactics of the Fed-
eralist leader, Charles Fenton Mercer, who tried to
call into question the ^^sovereignty of the United
States" and to give a milder tone to the resolutions
censuring the British commissioners.^^ Considering
both his own future course and that of Virginia it
may be of interest to note that he now acted with
a majority in the General Assembly.

In 1817 Floyd was elected to Congress from the
famous Abingdon district which he continued to
represent by successive reelections for twelve years.
In the short period between his services as a state
legislator and the beginning of his congressional
career the nationalistic tendencies of the federal
government had become truly alarming. Conscious
of our growing power and greatness and forgetful
of the teachings of the fathers a younger generation

86 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

had boarded the national ship of state, leaving the
smaller craft, in which Jefferson and Madison had
ridden into power, to rot in the neglected harbors
of the sovereign states. Under the spell of the new
era Congress had enacted a protective tariff law,
rechartered the Bank of the United States, and made
appropriations to works of internal improvement.
Meanwhile John Marshall had practically destroyed
the former rights of the *^ sovereign states" by his
liberal interpretation of the ^'federal compact."

Despite his liberal tendencies of the war period,
tradition, education, and inclination made it impossi-
ble for Floyd to acquiesce in the nationalistic ten-
dencies of the federal government. He, too, had
been a war-hawk, both favoring and supporting our
second struggle for independence, and now shared
with others a feeling of confidence in his country's
future, but, in his theories of government, he re-
mained true to the fathers of 1789. Like many of
them, he saw our only escape from the dangers of
absolutism at the one extreme of government and
of anarchy at the other, in adhering closely to the
constitution which they had made. With equal care
he would, therefore, have guarded the rights both of
the states and of the federal government by confin-
ing the latter strictly to the exercise of its delegated
powers. According to his interpretation the recent
acts of Congress were therefore unconstitutional.

Floyd was not alone in this particularistic reac-
tion of Virginia, if indeed he could be called a leader.
Although he had done much to make it necessary
Jefferson had already launched a crusade against
the federal Supreme Court and the heresies of na-

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 37

tionalism ; Judge Spencer Roane was an able second ;
Thomas Ritchie, through the Richmond Enquirer,
was calling the country back to original principles ;
and, after a humiliating defeat at the hands of his
former constituents, John Randolph had recovered
his seat in Congress, where he now became the pop-
ular apostle of discontent and of strict construction
of the federal constitution.

Floyd entered Congress at a critical time in the
history of Virginia. Her older statesmen were pass-
ing from the stage of activity, and new and inexpe-
rienced leaders were taking their places. The for-
mer had led when Virginia stood in the ascendency
of the states of the Union ; the latter were now called
upon to preserve that ascendency at a time when she
was in a political minority and in a period of econo-
mic uncertainty. A comparison of the fifteenth, the
one to which Floyd was first elected, with the Con-
gresses immediately preceding, shows a great
change in the personnel of Virginians representa*
tives. John Tyler, P. P. Barbour, and others later
prominent among the strict construction politicians
were now just entering national politics. By James
Buchanan, just entering upon his own congressional
career, and by others at the North, these young
leaders from the South were spoken of as the ' ' radi-
cal party. "^'^ Thus, from the beginning they were
marked men; but the ability of his rivals, to say
nothing of the needs of his state, made it necessary
for Floyd to work for distinction. If he surpassed
his fellow representatives from Virginia in any par-
ticular, it was probably in his vision of the future
and importance of the American frontier.

38 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

Soon Clay's proposition for sending a minister
to Buenos Ayres came before the House, and Floyd
joined its author in a demand amounting to recogni-
tion for the new born republic of Argentina and in
an attack upon John Quincy Adams, the secretary
of state, who hesitated to offend Spain so long as
the negotiations for the purchase of Florida re-
mained undetermined. Swayed by the prejudices of
a frontiersman and ignorant of the requirements of
diplomacy, Floyd had been aroused by the * ^ sublime
and wonderful' ' spectacle of a ** brave people, dis-
daining the shackles of a foreign despot" in an ef-
fort to erect their government upon a free basis,
l^ansformed by the influence of a new and pure
eJimate, ^* where the productions, the scenery, the
physical conformity of the country, and even the
very sky and stars of heaven are so different that
nothing of the Spaniard is left but the name, and
that no more," he relied upon the purifying effects
of revolution to fit Argentina for a place in the sis-
terhood of nations. It was in vain that her settlers
and explorers had given the names of Spain to her
hills, valleys, rivers, and mountains. The wrack
and the torture of the inquisition had wrought havoc
\\dth all these precautions, and Argentina and other
South American countries were free. Moreover,
Floyd was happy to believe that the liberties of a
republic could be enjoyed by a Spaniard, or by any
people capable of fighting for them. Especially was
this true in America, where every man was a general
capable of ^ 'wiles and stratagems, quick advance,
attack, and flight," guarantees of success in any en-

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 39

counter with the slow and expensive formalities of
European warfare.

This effort in behalf of Clay's measure, also,
overflowed with the characteristic contempt of the
American frontiersman for Spain. From the proud
conqueror of the Incas and the Montezumas he now
saw in her ruler only an improvident and bankrupt
gamester. Bloated with pride inherited through a
long line of ancestors the ruling king was incapable
of imitating the magnanimous conduct of George
in. in acknowledging the independence of his col-
onies; yet, despite his proud boast that *^the sun
never sets upon his domains,'' the king of Spain
was impotent at home and despised abroad. Plainly
his was not a power to be taken seriously, certainly
not one to thwart the extension of justice to an inde-
pendent and free people.

Both from our own example and from the writ-
ings of Vattel, Henry Clay had defended the right
of the Spanish colonies to rebel, but Floyd carried
this right to its logical conclusions: independence
and recognition. Moreover, he was certain that it
would be a ** black and sorrowful day for this re-
public," when the opinions of Europe were held over
our deliberations ^^like a lash of scorpions." He
did not, however, share the boldness of his leader,
who already had aspirations for the presidency, in
urging recognition for Argentina for political rea^
sons and was sorr^^ that the efforts to intimidate
those who advocated the measure from * ^honest con-
viction" had led gentlemen to mention the presi-
dency in connection with the matter.

With a vision which penetrated the conditions

40 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

under which the Monroe Doctrine was later pro-
claimed, Floyd also attempted to show that our
proposed course towards Argentina was a matter
of indifference to some of the European nations,
particularly to Great Britain. Since some of the
nations of Europe were then making efforts, **not
loud, but deep and dangerous,'^ to exclude her from
American markets, he felt confident that Great
Britain would welcome our intervention in South
America. Thus he relied upon another continental
system, more dangerous to Britain than the colos-
sal power of Napoleon had ever been, to break down
the decaying fibers of the Holy Alliance. Under
the circumstances we had nothing to fear. If war
with Europe should follow our acts, England could
be relied upon to aid us, ^^even with arms.'' Thus
she would win the eternal gratitude of a grateful
people and serve her own commercial purposes.

Alarmed at the hereditary land mania of the
Russian monarchs who had carried their conquests
across the continent of Asia and well down the
Pacific coast of North America, he considered the
Czar a formidable factor in South American affairs.
No doubt the prominence of the Czar had been en-
hanced somewhat by the part which he had taken
in the formation and maintenance of the Holy Al-
liance, but Floyd now saw in his designs only a bar-
rier to our ambitions for some day reaching the Pa-
cific coast. But Eussian territorial ambitions in
America were not sufficient cause of war. Before
them came always her designs upon Constantinople
in an effort to reach an ice free harbor on the Medi-
terranean. She was not then to be feared.

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 41

Floyd therefore urged the recognition of Argen-
tina, not only as a matter of justice but also as a mat-
ter of self-interest, but some of his colleagues failed
to see wherein recognition would be to our best in-
terest. Because Chili had already sold wheat in the
West Indies cheaper than the United States could
sell it in the same market, Mr. Smith, of Maryland,
the merchant prince and ^^ crooked'^ politician, op-
posed all measures intended to accelerate the growth
and importance of the South American countries.
Even the capable Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina
was discouraged because of the fact that the British
trade advantages with those countries exceeded ours
in the proportion of one to seventy. But Floyd saw^
that great advantages must accrue to us from a free
and direct trade with the countries of South
America, a veritable granary of luxuries and the
precious metals.

This proposed recognition meant more to Floyd
even than trade advantages and justice; it was
another step in the disenthrallment of America. It
would afford relief from that political plexus which
had made it impossible for one European nation to
move, even in matters relating to America, without
creating a corresponding movement in each of the
others. He was tired of negotiating the things which
related exclusively to America in London, Paris, and
Madrid.^*

While Congress was debating the subject of our
relations with Spanish America, General Jackson, in
an attack upon the Seminoles, invaded the Spanish
territory of Florida and put to death, in a most sum-
mary manner, Arbuthnot and Ambrister, British

42 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

subjects charged with aiding and abetting the In-
dians in their attacks upon the United States. It is
true that he bore instructions from the president
and Mr. Calhoun, the secretary of war, which, in the
absence of other instructions and in the light of our
previous policies in dealing with the Indians, might
have justified his course. However that may be, his
acts alarmed the president and his cabinet, aroused
British and Spanish war talk, and placed Jackson
prominently before the country as the object of
praise and criticism. Under the circumstances the
president could not well disavow Jackson's conduct,
and the magnanimous Adams adroitly placed the
blame upon the impotency of Spain to preserve law
and order within her own territory.

Except as a subject of diplomatic negotiation
Jackson's conduct in Florida would have passed sim-
ply as the ill-advised act of a rash and daring gen-
eral, but the politicians would not have it that way.
Somehow the rival candidates for the presidency.
Clay, Crawford, Adams, and even others, now rec-
ognized in him their most formidable opponent.
Led by the Richmond Enquirer, the press of the
country attacked him under the heading ' ' Arbuthnot
and Ambrister,''^^ thus precipitating the great Sem-
inole debate in the Congress of 1818-1819, during
which Jackson loomed large as the most talked of
and probably the niiost popular man in the whole
country. As every other possible error of the Sem-
inole campaign had been officially explained, the
House Committee on Military Affairs attempted to
censure Jackson for the execution of Arbuthnot
jind Ambrister. At once a minoritv of the same

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 43

committee reported a resolution extending to him
the thanks of the comitry for his services in termin-
ating the Seminole campaign, and the debate was
staged.

To one whose ancestors had fallen victims to the
savage foe and whose childhood visions were filled
with pictures of the scalping-knife and the toma-
hawk this occasion presented a rare opportunity for
a word upon the frontier and for a defence of him
who stood as its best impersonation. To Floyd it
mattered not that more than half of Virginia's rep-
resentation in Congress followed the cue of the En-
quirer. Their course was actuated largely by poli-
tics and diplomacy; he spoke for those forces mak-
ing for national expansion and for the rights and
safety of the frontier. He therefore justified Jack-
son upon every score.

In view of the semi-independent condition of the
Indian tribes and of the fact that our government
had only treaty relations with them, some argued
that Congress alone could have authorized the war
with the Seminoles and that Jackson had exceeded
his authority, whatever may have been the wishes
and intentions of the president in the matter. In an-
swer to these contentions Floyd reviewed the his-
tory of previous administrations to show the origin
of Indian wars. Whatever the causes he found that
defensive measures had usually thrown the initial
step for the United States upon her president, who
had without exception been sustained in his course
by Congress. At least that was the procedure in the
wars of 1789, 1791, and 1793. Nor was the war with
the Seminoles any exception. Granting that the

44 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

president was in a measure responsible for it, had
not Congress come to his rescue with liberal appro-
priations and supplies to maintain it! Jackson had
therefore acted in keeping with established prece-
dents and had not exceeded his authority.

To the other point of this contention Floyd re-
plied by denying the sovereignty of the Indian tribes.
Their espousal of the British cause in the American
Revolution had forfeited all such rights, a fact at-
tested by our refusal to treat with them as separate
nations in the peace negotiations of 1783. Her later
resumption of diplomatic relations with them and
the fact that they made war upon the United States
without becoming traitors mattered not. Treaties
made with them were only ceremonies indulged as a
means of conciliating favor, and treason was a
meaningless term to a savage. Besides the question
of their alleged sovereignty had been definitely set-
tled at Ghent. Both Clay and Adams had then op-
posed the desires of the British for a sovereign In-
dian state between the United States and Canada.

Moreover, Floyd justified Jackson's acts in Flor-
ida. With definite instructions from the secretary
of war to conduct the fight with the Seminoles '*in
the manner he [Jackson] might think besf he had
indeed entered the territory of a neutral power in
pursuit of a common enemy and tried in vain to pro-
ceed with the good will and permission of the local
authorities. When all hope of cooperation had
passed, then it was that he attacked the Indian towns
and discovered that their war-poles were decorated
with the scalps of his fellow countrymen and that
their wigwams were stored with stolen plunder.

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 45

Signs pointed to St. Marks, a Spanish town, as the
place whence the Indians received their ammuni-
tions, guns, and instructions and where they sold
their plunder. With the case thus clearly establish-
ed against the Spaniards, it was no time for fine-
spun distinctions regarding the sovereign rights of
the nation to which they owed allegiance. An ex-
perienced Indian fighter had found his prey and
would give no quarter either to the inhabitants of
St. Marks and later, for a similar reason, to those
of Pensacola. Their nationality was a question of
trivial importance; they were made captives; and
Floyd was certain that the spirit of the law of na-
tions would justify Jackson in his treatment of them.
For Arbuthnot and Ambrister, Floyd could not
feign the ^'sickly sorrow ^^ of time-serving editors
and interested politicians. To him they were simply
** British agents,'^ for more than a generation the
authors of the horrors and cruelties of our Indian
wars. They were of those the mere mention of
whose name created ^^a sudden start of horror in
the widowed mother of a family on the frontier, as
it tears open the sluices of her grief, which time had
smoothed but could not destroy.'' They were in a
class with Simon Girty and Alexander McKee and
would have been considered undeserving of clemency
in any age. Their activities in Florida brought to
Floyd's recollection those early days on the frontier,
when helpless females had been butchered while
kneeling and begging for mercy and toothless in-
fants had been snatched from their mother 's breasts
and thrown upon the ground to die. Satisfaction
and retaliation therefore demanded their death, and

46 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

Floyd was not particular in his choice of an execu- I

tioner. It was just as well to leave the patriotic ser- i

vice to a general with his army as to a frontiersman ;

with his rifle. i

In the course of this debate Clay reviewed the
conditions that had given Greece an Alexander, ]
Rome a Caesar, England a Cromwell, and France a j
Napoleon and closed with the warning that the j
United States should beware of her military des- \
pots. In view of his subsequent attitude towards
both Jackson and Clay, Floyd's answer to the above ;
argument is the most interesting feature of his i
speech on this occasion. He was unable to trace the i
fall of free governments to the usurpations of mili-
tary despots. On the other hand he traced them
directly to the legislative halls and thence to the
** hollow, treacherous eloquence of some ambitious,
proud, and aspiring demagogue'' who either needed i
the help of a military leader or was willing to do j
his bidding. In proof of this position he called at- i
tention to the fact that Caesar had retired to the dis-
tance, ^^ whilst the two great factions preyed upon |
the liberties of Rome." Also, he insisted that the ■
French Revolution was the product of insincere or-
ators; that Cromwell had been the leader of a fac-
tion; and that the French orators, in legislative as-
semblies, had aided and abetted the Napoleonic usur- i
pations. ,

The Seminole debate ended in a vote of confi- '

dence in Jackson, thus sending him upon another i

phase of his triumphant conquest of popular favor, j

The date of the vote marked the beginning of a new !

regime in American politics. Henceforth Jackson j

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 47

was the coming man, and it was to be well with those
who had been friendly to him and bad for those who
had not. Thus far Floyd was in the favored class ;
the influence of environment had placed him there.

Meanwhile Missouri had applied to Congress for
admission to statehood, and a heated debate had fol-
lowed over the various proposals for the retention
and the exclusion of negro slavery within her pro-
posed boundaries. Again Floyd was not in accord
with a majority of Virginians representatives in
Congress, who desired the retention of negro sla-
very in Missouri at any price. Thus while they
debated, he remained quiet. His silence was prob-
ably due to the influences of his early environment,
to the interests of his constituents, and to his per-
sonal convictions. The fact remains that he was one
of the four representatives from Virginia and the
only one from a district west of the Blue Ridge,
who voted for the Missouri Compromise in its final
form.^^ Judging from his subsequent utterances he
seems to have preferred immediate statehood for
Missouri to an extension of the slaveholding ter-
ritory of the Union, though there is little evidence
to show that he opposed the latter on general prin-
ciples.

At the subsequent session of Congress, that for
1820-1821, Floyd felt called upon to defend the sov-
ereignty of the state of Missouri. Under the enab-
ling act of 1820, out of which the compromise of
that date had grown, she had made a constitution
which required her legislature to enact a law ^*to
prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to,
or settling in'' Missouri under any pretext whatso-

48 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ever. Since some of the northern states accorded
such persons all the rights and privileges of citizens,
the anti-slavery forces in Congress demanded that
the **free negro clause^' be expunged from the con-
stitution of Missouri, threatening, notwithstanding
the enabling act, to keep her from the Union in case
their desires were not complied with. The points,
thus raised involved the rights of the people of Mis-
souri under the enabling act, also their power over
their own local institutions.

Floyd regarded the demands upon the *^ sover-
eign State of Missouri,'^ in this connection, as op-
posed to the nature and intent of the federal con-
stitution and as dangerous in practice. As the rep-
resentative of an old state, he was unwilling to dic-
tate to a new one in the exercise of its sovereign
power, because, under such precedents, he did not
know how soon Congress might desire to encroach
upon the reserved rights of the former. Already
he had seen an alarming tendency among legislators
to find justification for their acts of centralization
and federal usurpation in the law and history of
England and in their desire to convince the crowned
heads of Europe of the self-sufficiencj^ and national-
ity of the United States of America. Then followed
an exposition of his conception of the nature of the
federal government. Said he :

If gentlemen would only expunge from their memories the
progress of European liberty and institutions, they would find
in America a number of states, or separate, independent, and
distinct nations, confederated for common safety, and mutual
protection, taught wisdom by the eternal feuds of Spain, Eng-
land, France, and Germany, now consolidated into large empires.

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 49

These states before the confederation could make war and peace,
raise armies, or build a navy, coin money, pass bankrupt laws,
naturalize foreigners, or regulate commerce . . . Informed by
Europe they knew jealousies would arise, and constant strife
render armies in every nation necessary to their defence, which
would endanger their liberties and homes.

These states then, in their sovereign and independent char-
acters, were willing to enter into a compact, by which the power
of making war and peace, and regulating commerce, possessed
alike by all, should be transferred to a congress of the states,
to be exercised with uniformity, for their mutual benefit; thus
avoiding the evils of "superanuated and enslaved" Europe.
These two were the only powers ever intended to be granted by
the states. All other powers conferred by the compact are nec-
essary to carry these two into execution.i^

This rather circumscribed but defensible exposi-
tion of the nature of the federal government was fol-
lowed by the presentation of the point in question.
Floyd argued that the enabling act of Congress had
given the people of Missouri the necessary power to
create a ^^ sovereign state'' which they and they
alone could destroy. After the state had been formed
Congress had no other power than that of admitting
it or excluding it from the Union. In case of its re-
fusal to admit Missouri, she became at once a **for-
eign state'' or a ''state out of the Union." In any
event she was not to be dictated to regarding her
sovereign rights, if she would preserve them. As
Congress would not tolerate the presence of a rival
state west of the Mississippi, there was only one
other course open to it: the immediate recognition
of Missouri as a state in the Union under her duly
authorized and legal constitution. Delay and ulti-
mate refusal would make necessary a war to force
her return to her former territorial status.

50 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

The question of Missouri's sovereign rights
under her constitution came up again, when the two
houses of Congress met in joint session to canvass
the returns of the presidential election of 1820. She
had finally yielded the point of her original consti-
tution regarding the proposed exclusion of free ne-
groes and mulattoes but had not yet made the nec-
essary changes in that document to have it conform
with the requirements of the majority in Congress.
Nevertheless, she claimed to be a state in the Union
entitled to a vote in the electoral college. On the
other hand there were those who denied her this
right arguing that she was not a state and that she
could not be until Congress had approved the final
draft of her constitution.

In his speeches on the proposed amendment of
Missouri's constitution under the enabling act Floyd
had already answered the points raised by those
who would have excluded her from the electoral col-
lege. Accordingly he now introduced the following
resolution: ^^That Missouri is one of the states of
the Union, and her vote for president and vice-presi-
dent ought to be received and counted.'"^ The de-
bate which followed precipitated one of the liveliest
** scenes" ever witnessed on such an occasion.
Amidst the repeated disorder which followed both
Floyd and John Randolph were so persistent in
their interruptions as to necessitate an adjournment
of the joint session. They each voted against the
compromise whereby the presidential vote was
counted as so many with the vote of Missouri and

A SPOKESMAN OF THE FRONTIER 51

SO many without it.'^ John Quincy Adams later de-
scribed their action as an effort to bring Missouri
into the Union ^^by storm/ '^^

In the other important debate of this session,
that occasioned by the successful effort to reduce the
official and numerical strength of the army, Floyd
favored retrenchment but seems to have had no part
with those who would have humiliated and injured
Jackson by relieving him of his command. As has
been seen he had no fears of a military despot, but
his faith in the valor and patriotism of the frontiers-
man was an abiding one. In all matters of defence
he was, therefore, willing to place chief reliance
upon the state militias. Some thought them inad-
equate for the defence of the frontier, but Floyd
knew that standing armies were equally inadequate
for that purpose. Memory carried him at once to
the days of his childhood in the ''dark and bloody
land,'' where the pioneer had protected himself and
the federal army, where mothers and daughters had
constituted a part of the home guard, and where
the laborer, with his rifle at his side, had played an
important part in the winning of an empire.

III. THE OREGON COUNTRY

WHEN John Floyd entered Congress, in
1817, our claims to the territory along
the Columbia Eiver were disputed.
Captain Gray of Boston had probably
discovered the mouth of that river in
1792 ; later Lewis and Clark had certainly explored
the country through which it flowed; and, in 1811,
John Jacob Astor had planted a trading post, Asto-
ria, near its mouth. Meanwhile our chief rival, Great
Britain, had done little or nothing to make good her
claims to the country. Notwithstanding her inactiv-
ity a British sloop-of-war, the Raccoon, captured As-
toria in 1812, hauled down the American flag, and
placed in its stead the Union Jack. Peace had been
followed, however, by a notification of our intention
to reoccupy the country and by a consequent series
of diplomatic negotiations resulting in a treaty of
joint occupation of 1818. Under this arrangement
the territory in dispute was opened for a period of
ten years to the citizens of both countries without
prejudice to the rights of either on the subject of ul-
timate ownership.

Meanwhile the people at home knew little of the
country in dispute and probably cared less. Indeed
there was little available information about it. Some
had read the interesting Diary of Patrick Gass, and,
in 1811, Nicholas Biddle had published the Journals
of Lewis and ClarJc. But, as late as 1817, the Colum-
bia Valley was known to "William Cullen Bryant only
as

THE OREGON COUNTRY 53

The continuous woods

Where rolls the Oregon and hears no sound

Save his own dashings.

It was left to John Floyd, a young Virginian,
himself a child of the frontier, to bring our claims
to the Columbia Valley prominently before the
American people. ^^To him,'^ said Professor E. Gr.
Bourne, ** unquestionably belongs the credit of first
proposing in Congress the actual occupation of the
Columbia River country by the United States G-ov-
ernment, of promoting its settlement, and of organ-
izing it as a territory with the name Oregon. "^^
Scholars now generally agree in crediting Floyd
with this initiative, dismissing the rival claims made
for Hall J. Kelley, the Massachusetts schoolmaster,
and for others as without foundation.^^

Floyd's interests in the Columbia River country
are not difficult to determine. George Rogers Clark
was the boyhood idol for whom he had later named
a son ; his first cousin, Charles Floyd, was a member
of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, hokling the rank
of sergeant and losing his life in the early months
of its history ; and the friendship of William Clark,
a member of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, was
an ''honor" which Floyd had enjoyed ''from his ear-
liest youth. ' ' Moreover, in the early winter of 1820-
1821 he lodged, while in Washington, at Brown's Ho-
tel where he met Thomas H. Benton who was then
the author of a series of articles for the St. Louis
Enquirer regarding our claims to the Columbia Val-
ley and our interests there.^' At this hotel he, also,
met Ramsey Crooks of New York and Russell Farn-

54 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ham of Massachusetts, both of whom had been en-
gaged in the Astoria enterprise. Of their influence
upon Floyd, Benton later wrote: ^^ Their conversa-
tions, rich in information upon a new and interest-
ing country, was eagerly devoured by the [his] ar-
dent spirit.''^* As it had already provoked ad-
verse criticism our treaty of joint occupation with
Great Britain was doubtless a subject of conversa-
tion among these friends, and it is not at all improb-
able that they then and there resolved to change it
for a more aggressive policy.

At all events, on December 20, 1820, Floyd
brought the question of our rights in the Columbia
country, for the first time, to the attention of Con-
gress. By a resolution, he asked that a committee
be appointed to ^* inquire into the situation of the
settlements upon the Pacific Ocean and the expe-
diency of occupying the Columbia Eiver.**^^ The
resolution carried, and the proposed committee was
appointed with Floyd, chairman, and Metcalf of
Kentucky, and Swearingen of Virginia, members.
The boldness and vision of the report which this
committee later made is best understood in the light
of the popular conception then prevalent regarding
the frontier and the far West.

At this time, 1820, the frontier was a wedgelike
area, the apex of which rested near the junction of
the Kansas and Missouri Eivers. The flanks of this
advance army of civilization widened gradually to
the eastward, that to the south passing near New
Orleans and that to the north passing near Detroit.
Within the waterways were the highways controlling
the distribution of population. At opportune times

THE OREGON COUNTRY 55

areas of white settlement had made rapid strides to
the westward, but now a further advance seemed
almost impossible. In the first place there were few
who desired it. In the second place the areas already
preempted for settlement seemed sufficient for all
time. Besides, the outlet to the far West seemed
now closed, because the Missouri, the door of exit,
had taken an abrupt turn to the northward to an
inhospitable climate and to the home of the most
warlike of the savage foes. Nature and expediency-
had thus seemingly placed a limit to the frontier.

Moreover, the country beyond the Missouri, and
between it and the ^'Stom^ Mountain,'^ was then
thought to be a great desert. Geographers had de-
scribed it as such and had furnished their proof.
Were not the sections nearest the mountains without
rainfall? Then, too. Major Stephen B. Long, after
a trip through the country in 1819-1820, had describ-
ed it as a barren waste incapable of supporting an
agricultural population. Also, the newspapers of
the day described the country just east of the Rock-
ies, as a land ** covered with sand, gravel, and peb-
bles*' and as utterly destitute of timber, and they
expressed the belief that the Creator had fixed the
bend in the Missouri as the point beyond which the
white man was never to go.

Nevertheless, on January 21, 1821, Floyd pre-
sented his report, to-day justly considered famous.
It was accompanied by a bill authorizing our occu-
pation of the Columbia River. In both the handi-
work of his friends, Benton, Crooks, and Farnham,
is evident. They certainly supplied the details re-
garding the climate, the fertility of the soil, the ex-

56 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

periences of the Astorians, the nature of the over-
land routes, and, more important than all else, the
plans and suggestions for the development of the
fur trade with the East and with China. In its ex-
pressions and in the embodiment of the ideas and im-
pulses that were to shape the progress of events
this pioneer report ^^ bears the same relation to Ore-
gon that Eichard Hakluyt^s famous Discourse on
Western Planting bears to the foundation of the
English colonies in America. ^'^^ No other apology
is therefore needed for a further presentation of its
contents.

Floyd based our claims to the Columbia country
almost wholly upon our rights under the Louisiana
Purchase and gently hinted to the European nations
that ^^ there is no longer territory to be obtained by
settlement and discovery* ' in the New World. Spain
had not yet relinquished her claims to the territory
north of the forty-second degree of north latitude.
The Treaty of 1819 for the purchase of Florida re-
mained unratified, but Floyd did not hesitate to re-
strict Spanish possessions to the northern boundary
of Mexico. Thus by a strange elasticity the Louis-
iana Territory was made to embrace another em-
pire. If, however, doubt remained regarding the
validity of our title, he would have removed it by
asserting our rights accruing from the discoveries
and explorations of Hendricks, in 1785-1786, from
the Lewis and Clark Expedition, in 1804-1807, and
from the Astoria settlement made in 1811.

Thus satisfied with our rights on the Columbia,
Floyd urged its immediate occupation, that the citi-
zens of the United States might have a free and full

THE OREGON COUNTRY 57

opportunity to participate in the fur trade. Follow-
ing an able presentation of the value of that trade
to the early German tribes, to the Tartars, and to
the French he traced the rise of the British Hudson
Bay Company and the Northwestern Company,
showing how their agents had carried Indian sup-
plies from Montreal to the Rocky Mountains and
later to the Pacific coast. Returning with their furs
they had followed routes more than three thousand
miles long, paddling their birch canoes through in-
numerable rivers across more than sixty lakes and
over a hundred and thirty portages varying in width
from a few yards to thirteen miles. Despite these
obstructions and consequent delays these two com-
panies had exported annually from Quebec alone, to
say nothing of their exports from New York, Phil-
adelphia, and the mouth of the Columbia, furs val-
ued at more than a million dollars. Floyd insisted
that such a source of income could not be neglected
by the United States, because, valuable as the fur
trade was, its routes were soon to become the high-
ways of emigrants going to the far West and of
trade to China.

The practicability of occupation was not even
questioned; its necessity was imperative. Did not
the British Northwest Fur Company then occupy
posts in the Louisiana Territory east of the Rocky
Mountains! Our occupation of the Pacific North-
west was not therefore to be delayed. To make it
effective all that was needed was a small guard at
the mouth of the Columbia and another at ^*the most
northeastern point of the Missouri River,'' thus
** confining the foreigners to their own territory.''

58 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

It was urged that these outposts could be maintained
with comparative ease by the United States. Instead
of passing the great lengths and obstructions of the
Canadian rivers, as the British were forced to do in
reaching the far West, our citizens could reach that
region by way of ^^a smooth and deep river [the
Missouri] running through a boundless extent of
the most fertile soil on the continent, containing
within its limits all those valuable furs which have
greatly enriched others, a certain, safe, and easy
navigation, with a portage two hundred miles unit-
ing it with another river [the Columbia] equally
smooth, deep and certain running to the great west-
ern ocean.'' Furthermore several passageways
leading from the Missouri to the Columbia had
already been discovered in the Rocky Mountains.
Eesponsible initiative was, therefore, all that re-
mained to make our occupation of the Columbia
Valley a certainty. Men with their wives and fami-
lies stood ready to follow such leadership, and it
could rely, moreover, upon the Chinese to supply a
laboring population.

The Columbia country was desirable, also, for
its natural resources other than furs. From the
ocean to the head of tide, a distance of two hundred
miles, it was heavily timbered with a variety of
woods '*well calculated for ship-building and every,
species of cabinet and carpenter's work." Then
came another belt of inferior but desirable timber
two hundred miles in width. This was followed to
the eastward by the plain country which produced
grass of the finest quality and horses surpassing in
rerfection those of Andalusia and even Virginia.

THE OREGON COUNTRY 59

Besides, the Pacific coast waters abounded in fish of
numerous varieties, and Floyd saw the possibility
of making a port at the mouth of the Columbia the
center of the whale fishing industry of the world.

To strengthen the courage and faith of those who
believed Oregon a forbidding wilderness beyond
the reach of civilization and settlement, this report
called attention to the magic power, dauntless cour-
age, and clear vision with which Eussia had extend-
ed her territory across the continent of Asia, even
to the western coast of North America and to the
islands of the Pacific, making it possible for her sub-
jects to journey in open boats from Kamchatka
to Japan in their own territory. If Russia could
carry cannon through * ^ immense oceans, round Cape
Horn'* and drive sledges loaded with articles of
trade across the continent of Asia ^ through seas of
ice, and storms of snow so terrible as to obscure an
object beyond the distance of a few paces, in an
effort to build up her commerce with China and Ja-
pan and to extend her own territory, thus laying
tribute upon the four quarters of the globe and win-
ning for herself a ** proud security'' among the na-
tions of Europe, Floyd was ** persuaded that, with
a little care and small expense," the United States
could lay the foimdations of a power in the Colum-
bia Valley that would eventually be necessary to
complete her national development and serve her
best commercial and industrial interests.

Although nothing beyond the presentation of this
report was accomplished at this time, the subject
being not even discussed in Congress, Floyd had
struck a telling blow in our fight for the Columbia

60 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

country. Of his efforts on this occasion Benton
said : ' ' Public attention was awakened, and the geo-
graphical, historical, and statistical facts set forth
. . . made a lodgment in the public mind which
promised eventual favorable consideration''^^ Others
did not think so favorably of Floyd and his pro-
posals. For instance, John Quincy Adams saw in
him only a ^^ flaunting" canvasser and a politician
seeking to win prestige and patronage, particularly
the latter, by a vigorous opposition to the party in
power. In this connection his support of W. H.
Crawford in preference to Adams for the presidency
should be taken into consideration. Moreover,
Adams questioned Floyd's honesty in urging the
occupation of the Columbia Valley, insisting that
he was actuated by a desire to provide a retreat for
a defaulting relative and possibly for himself. ^^ Of
the report itself Adams ' ' ' Memoirs ' ' has this amus-
ing comment :

The president gave me yesterday [January 17, 1821,] a
paper to read which this man [Floyd] has prepared as chairman
of a committee, being a report urging an immediate settlement
and territorial establishment at the mouth of the Columbia river,
and a total change of our system of intercourse and trade with
the Indians. Floyd had put it into the President's hands with
the request that he should suggest any alternative that he might
think desirable. I returned the paper this morning to the Presi-
dent who asked me what I thought of it. I told him I could
recommend no alternative. The paper was a tissue of errors in
facts and abortive reasoning, of individual reflections and rude
invectives. There was nothing could purify it but the fire.29

Notwithstanding this opposition from those high
in power Floyd was undismayed. On December 10,

THE OREGON COUNTRY 61

1821, he reintroduced his resolutions of the pre-
vious year but with important modifications. It
was now proposed to inquire into the "expediency
of occupying the Columbia River and the territory
of the United States adjacent thereto. Ignoring
completely Mr. Calhoun, the secretary of war, who,
like Adams and probably for similar reasons, was
thought to be unfriendly to his proposals, Floyd
one week later presented an additional resolution
asking that the secretary of the navy be instructed
to furnish the House with an estimate of the expen-
ses of a survey of the harbors of the United States
upon the Pacific Ocean and of exporting artillery
to the mouth of the Columbia River.^^ One month
later, January 18, 1822, these resolutions were fol-
lowed by a bill authorizing and requiring the presi-
dent to occupy "the territory of the United States''
on the waters of the Columbia River, to extinguish
the Indian titles thereto, and to make land grants
to prospective settlers. What is probably even more
important this bill provided that "When the popu-
lation of the settlements amounted to 2000 souls, all
that portion of the Unites States north of the 42d
parallel of latitude and west of the Rocky Moun-
tains is to be constituted a territory of the United
States, under the name of the Territory of Ore-
gon."'"

Thus Floyd had taken a bold stand. In neither
of the above mentioned resolutions nor in the bill
did he express the slightest doubt about our sover-
eign rights of ownership in the Columbia Valley
which was now boldly spoken of as the ** territory
of the United States.'' The skillful wording

62 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

employed was probably intended to force the presi-
dent and his cabinet officially to recognize Floyd's
contentions regarding our rights in the Columbia
Valley, now generally spoken of as the Oregon coun-
try. The resolutions showed that Floyd's plans for
furthering our interests on the Pacific had advanced,
in one year, from that of a commercial outpost to
that of a nascent state in the Union. Moreover, they
contain the first formal proposal whereby the terri-
tory in question was called Oregon.^^

Every possible effort was made to secure a fa-
vorable consideration for Floyd's propositions.
Thinking that it might contain important informa-
tion regarding the Louisiana Territory which, Floyd
maintained, included Oregon, he next called upon
the president to cause to be laid before the House all
the correspondence relating to the Treaty of Grhent,
which it *^ might not be improper to disclose. "^^ In
this request it is not at all improbable that Floyd
desired to damage the political ambitions of John
Quincy Adams by making it appear that he had
neglected the interests of the West in the negotia-
tions of 1814. Be that as it may, the desired infor-
mation was forthcoming, but it failed either to
arouse interest in the Oregon bill or to incriminate
Adams. Accordingly the whole matter was again
passed by with little consideration.

Meanwhile a rare opportunity for placing the
Oregon question before the people presented itself.
Aroused and alarmed at the growing power of Rus-
sia, which was then said to be making claims of
ownership to the Pacific northwest south of the Co-
lumbia River, and distrustful of Adams, the secre-

THE OREGON COUNTRY 63

tary of state and the guardian of our interests there,
Floyd next secured the adoption of a resolution call-
ing upon the president to communicate to the House
'* whether any foreign government had made claim
to any part of the territory of the United States
upon the coast of the Pacific Ocean, north of the 42°
of latitude, and to what extent ; whether any regula-
tions have been made by foreign powers affecting
the trade on that coast ; and how it affects the inter-
ests of this Republic; and whether communications
have been made to this government, by foreign pow-
ers touching the contemplated occupation of the Co-
lumbia River.^^ Again his resolution brought the
desired information which was, however, considered
to be of too confidential a nature for use in the
open House. Accordingly the Oregon question was
allowed to take its course in the rounds of diplo-
macy, thus defeating another attempt to popularize
it.

Two years later, in 1824, the United States con-
cluded with Russia a treaty in which the latter gov-
ernment renounced any and all claims to territory
on the Pacific coast south of 54° and 40'. Neverthe-
less Floyd did not cease his attacks upon Adams.
For some time, it seems, that he searched in vain to
expose him because of his alleged neglect of our in-
terests on the Pacific coast. But ** sufficient unto
the day is the evil thereof,^' especially when that day
falls in a presidential campaign in the United States
of America. Probably through the author himself,
who was then a member of Congress and had been
one of our commissioners at Ghent, in 1814, word

64 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

came to Floyd of a letter written by Jonathan Rus-
sell to James Monroe on December 15, 1814. This
letter was said to contain proof positive of Adams'
neglect of and opposition to the interests of the West
in the negotiations ending our second war with
Great Britain. Floyd determined to have that let-
ter. It would serve two purposes: that of making
Adams unpopular in the West and that of arousing
popular interest in Oregon. A resolution of inquiry
placed the letter at his command,^^ but it, too, fail-
ed to produce the desired sensation. Instead the
anti-Crawford press attacked the * ^ electioneering
tactics'' embodied in the Oregon movement with
such persistency as to call from Floyd a defence of
his conduct. In a letter to the Richmond Enquirer
of August 27, 1822, he refuted the charges made
against him but refused to give the source of his in-
formation regarding the Russell letter.^^

The provocation thus extended Adams called for
more than one of his customary confidences to the
pages of his diary. In a brief letter to the National
Intelligencer for August 31, 1822, he accused Rus-
sell of aiding and abetting the attacks which Floyd
was making upon him. But one must go to Adams '
Memoirs to learn what he really thought of the inci-
dent and of Floyd. The whole affair was a part of
an alleged plot to injure him with the western peo-
ple and thus to prevent his election to the presi-
dency. Back of it all Adams saw Henry Clay
working **like a mole" to discredit him in the West.
He was certain that the influence of the press alone
had defeated their diabolical attempts. Strange as
it may seem, his opinion of Floyd had experienced

THE OREGON COUNTRY 65

a complete change. From a ''flaunting canvasser''
and an abettor of fugitives he had, in the short pe-
riod of eighteen months, become ''a man having in
the main honest intentions.'' His usefulness was
still impaired, however, by a fondness for gigantic
projects formed out of crude and half digested in-
formation, b}^ a disposition to suspect dishonesty
and corruption in others than himself, and by the
delusions of an '^obfuscated'' intellect and a violent
passion.^^

In making the Oregon country a subject of diplo-
matic negotiations and in connecting it with the
name of a prominent candidate for the presidency,
Floyd had rendered impossible a further delay in
the official consideration of the subject. According-
ly Monroe, in his annual message of December, 1822,
suggested that the time had come for serious con-
sideration of our rights and interests on the Pacific
coast. Following this suggestion Floyd reintro-
duced his bill of January, 1822, which was promptly
referred to the Committee of the Whole. The de-
bate which followed was one of the most animated
and illuminating of the session.

As the first speech ever made in Congress on Ore-
gon, Floyd's is especially interesting and instruc-
tive. Unlike his other efforts it showed the results
of painstaking investigation on his own part. In a
graphic presentation of the operation of those demo-
cratic ideas and practices which had carried the
pioneer from the Atlantic to the Pacific, often in de-
fiance of law and always at a rate to astound those
who opposed, he assured his hearers that it was the
"ball of empire" rolling to the westward, which

66 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

had made his alleged ''fanciful" measures and
''bold" projects a reality. Then he showed how
the King of England had tried in vain to limit set-
tlements to within one hundred miles of the Atlantic
coast ; how Sevier had been outlawed for leading his
fellow countrymen into Tennessee, only later to be
esteemed a gentleman of honor and integrity fit
for any trust; and how Boone, in defiance of the
wishes of government, had found a safe and beauti-
ful retreat in the Ozark Hills, there to die a patriot
and a benefactor. Thus it was and always would be
with authority "whether Republican, Imperial or
Royal." Authority could never hope to take unto
itself the "exclusive privilege of thinking for the
people, of checking the progress of population in one
direction, and of fixing bounds to it in another, be-
yond which they the people are not permitted to
pass." They might be held in check temporarily by
military and other restrictions, but these in turn
would be crushed by succeeding revolutions of the
ball of empire as it moved to the westward.

Nor was the lawlessness and boldness of those
who carried empire to the westward a cause of alarm
to Floyd. Their acts were simply proofs of the
ability of the people to "preserve their own interest
long before government can be prevailed upon to re-
linquish to them their privilege of acting. ' ' He was
certain, therefore, that our republic would never
bind its citizens to a sterile soil simply to please the
notions of those in authority. Mandates to the con-
trary, such as "would have kept Boone's Lick a
wilderness," would be made only to be defied.^^

As the occupation was inevitable Floyd urged

THE OREGON COUNTRY 67

that it be immediate. By such a course he would
have opened a mine of riches to our shipping inter-
ests and to the western country surpassing the hopes
of avarice itself. Laboring under great disadvan-
tages, had not the American fur traders on the upper
Mississippi and Missouri cleared almost four hun-
dred thousand dollars annually? Give our citizens
access to Oregon and encourage the whaling indus-
tries of the Pacific, and he was certain that our trade
would, in a short time, rival that of the British and
become the basis of a commerce with China more
than sufficient to balance our purchases from that,
country. Besides, this new field of commerce would
become a training school for sailors, whence could
be drawn ^^hardy sons of the sea,'' who, like those in
our second war with Great Britain, would **shed a
blaze of glory over the arms of the nation'' and
teach *^the British lion to crouch to the banners of
the republic," To those who argued that the pro-
posed settlement would, in time, become a free and
independent state and thus drain the United States
of her population and wealth, Floyd replied with the
wise suggestion that our security would be better
conserved by the presence of a neighbor upon the
Pacific coast, who spoke our language and adhered
to our manners and customs, than by the presence
of a Eussian state with all its '* disgusting notions
of monarchy. ' '

Floyd was ably seconded in most of his argu-
ments by Francis Baylies^® of Massachusetts, who
spoke chiefly for the whale fishing industries of New
Bedford and Nantucket. Unlike most of the repre-
sentatives of the New England States, Baylies was

68 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

pleased with the idea of multiplying and extending
the states of the Union as a certain means of pre-
serving it. Thus a variety of interests could be de-
pended upon to neutralize each other, cementing the
whole. In the following prophetic utterance he even
urged the extension of our territory and population
to the Pacific:

As we reach the Rocky Mountains we should be unwise did
we not pass that narrow space which separates the mountains
from the ocean, to secure advantages far greater than the exist-
ing advantages of all the country between the Mississippi and
the mountains. Gentlemen are talking of natural boundaries.
Sir, our natural boundary is the Pacific Ocean. The swelling
tide of our population must and will roll on until that mighty
ocean interposes its waters and limits our territorial empire.
Then with two oceans washing our shores, the commercial wealth
of the world is ours, and imagination can hardly conceive the
greatness, the grandeur, and the power that await us.*o

Those who opposed the bill were equally zealous
and were doubtless as patriotic as either Floyd or
Baylies. Tucker of Virginia did not think the prop-
osition visionary but rather too practical. With the
deserted farms of his own state being abandoned to
grow up in briars and pines,* he thought it time to
call a halt upon the westward movement of popula-
tion and capital. Tracy of New York pictured the
^ imaginary Eden'' on the Columbia as an inhospita-
ble wilderness, and Wood of the same state opposed
occupation because of the indifference on the subject.
Numerous others opposed, urging mainly the inac-
cessibility of the Oregon country.

On January 27, 1823, the vote was taken on

THE OREGON COUNTRY 69

Floyd's bill. It stood: ayes 61, noes 100, an analy-
sis of the vote showing the representatives of the
manufacturing and frontier sections in the majority
and those from the commercial and small farming
sections in the minority .^^ Public indifference had
probably done most to defeat the measure, but its
friends had no reason to despair even on that ac-
count. In less than one month after their defeat,
Little of Maryland presented a memorial from
eighty farmers and merchants within his district
praying Congress to pass the Oregon Bill.

At the following session of Congress, that for
1823-1824, Floyd again introduced a bill providing
for the occupation of the Columbia River, but the
progress of diplomatic negotiations with both G-reat
Britain and Russia regarding our interests there
rendered discussion inexpedient at that time. He
was unwilling, however, completely to bury Oregon
in the labyrinth of diplomacy. Accordingly he se-
cured the adoption of a resolution requesting the
president to cause to be laid before the House an es-
timate of the expenses for transporting two hundred
troops from Council Bluffs to the mouth of the Co-
lumbia.*^ Later he addressed a letter to Calhoun,
the secretary of war, asking for the president 's opin-
ion upon the proposed occupation of Oregon from a
military point of view. The official replies to these
inquiries showed such occupation wholly practicable
and estimated the expense at about $44,000. They
also carried a tone of official approval.*^

Thus slowly Floyd was winning his way into ex-
ecutive favor. Our difficulties with Russia satis-
factorily adjusted. President Monroe suggested to

70 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

the next session of Congress, that for 1824-1825, that
it take the necessary steps to establish a military
post at the mouth of the Columbia River. Such a
post was now desired as a resort for our ships of
war, a point of strategy in dealing with the Indians,
and a base of commercial intercourse between the
East and the West. Accordingly Floyd again re-
introduced his bill for the occupation of the Oregon
country.

Under these changed conditions the time seemed
ripe for results, and Floyd made a master effort in
behalf of his pet measure. His opponents continued
to talk of the inaccessibility of Oregon, of the insu-
perable difficulties in maintaining a local govern-
ment there, and of the folly of establishing settle-
ments that could not be protected and defended in
time of war. They were reminded, however, of the
achievements of the application of steam to naviga-
tion bringing Oregon closer to the East than Wheel-
ing and Pittsburg had been in 1810, of the success of
the frontiersmen of Missouri and elsewhere in solv-
ing, for themselves and in their own way, the prob-
lems of local self-government, and of the experiences
of the **Dark and Bloody Land,'' where the settlers,
alone and unaided save by the use of their rifles, had
defended themselves and the Union against the
designs of foreign enemies. Floyd was certain that
the interests of the citizens of the United States
upon the Pacific coast ^ Vould be identified with the
interests of the people of the whole Atlantic coast
in a stronger degree" than had been the interests of
the people of Vermont and Louisiana at an earlier
date. He therefore urged an outpost on the Pacific

THE OREGON COUNTRY 71

as a center, whence the United States in time would
rule the Pacific and probably achieve the victories
in India for which Napoleon had longed in vain.

To prove further the urgent necessity of occupa-
tion he then produced a wonderful array of facts
concerning the geography and topography of Ore-
gon and of our commercial interests there. He,
also, predicted the rise of a city at the mouth of the
Columbia, that would become a world mart for the
precious goods of Asia and of a vast inland empire.
He saw, in fact, a modern Tyre in America. Thence
the Unites States would supply Canton with flour,
cotton, and tobacco, thus completing a commercial
circuit of the globe.

To those who still questioned the practicability
of maintaining a settlement in Oregon, Floyd con-
ceded the impossibility of finding there the wealth
and splendor then found in the salons and drawing
rooms of Washington, that ^* magnificent counter-
feit of European royalty;^' neither would they find
what was very common in Washington, namely : * ^ a
heartless intercourse, an aping etiquette of misera-
ble pretenders to the monthly fashions just from
Europe. '' But he assured them that they could find
there salmon sufficient to subsist fifty thousand men
annually ; potatoes grew wild along the banks of the
Columbia; and gooseberries were found in abund-
ance with strawberries, raspberries, onions and
peas. Moreover, wheat and all kinds of grains could
be had cheaply in a few days from Mexico; hogs,
sheep, and cattle could be procured in abundance
and in a short time from California and the Sand-
wich Islands ; and enterprising citizens had re-

72 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

duced the difficulties of the trans-continental route
to a minimum.

Floyd closed his argument with this characteris-
tically imaginative and instructive statement:

"I . . . appeal to the House to consider well our interests in
the Western Ocean, on our western coast, and the trade to China
and India; and the ease with which it can be brought down the
Missouri. What is this commerce? Thousands of years have
passed by, and, year after year, all the nations of the earth have,
each year, sought the rich commerce of that country; all have
enjoyed the riches of the East. That trade was sought by King
Solomon, by Tyre, Sidon; this wealth found its way to Egypt,
and at last to Rome, to France, Portugal, Spain, Holland, Eng-
land, and finally to this Republic. How vast and incomparably
rich must be that country and commerce, which has never ceased,
one day, from the highest point of Jewish splendor to the in-
stant that I am speaking, to supply the whole globe with all the
busy imagination of man can desire for his ease, comfort, and
enjoyment! Whilst we have so fair an opportunity offered to
participate so largely in all this wealth and enjoyment, if not
to govern and direct the whole, can it be possible that doubt,
or mere points of speculation, will weigh with the House and
cause us to lose forever the brightest prospect ever presented to
the eyes of a nation ?"44

On this occasion no set speeches were made in op-
position to Floyd's arguments, those who did not
agree with him contenting themselves with the sug-
gestion that our occupation of Oregon, at that time,
would be a violation of the spirit of the treaty of
joint occupation with Great Britain under which our
citizens had access to the country. Nevertheless the
bill passed the House by a vote of 115 to 57, crown-
ing with partial success the ability and efforts of
one man. From the House the bill went to the Sen-
ate, where it was championed by Benton of Mis-

THE OREGON COUNTRY 73

souri and James Barbour of Virginia; but their
efforts could not prevail to command for it even
a respectful hearing, and thus the question of our
occupation of Oregon ceased again to be agitated for
a brief period.

Meanwhile the question of our rights and inter-
ests on the Pacific had again entered the rounds of
diplomacy. After some delay the treaty of joint
occupation was renewed for another term of ten
years but not without protests. Floyd's distrust
of Adams together with the demands of the diplo-
mats had served, however, to prevent a discussion
of the Oregon question in Congress, but now, that
the former of these barriers was removed, popular
interest in Oregon began to revive. As a result
three companies of adventurers, one in Massachus-
etts, one in Ohio, and another in Louisiana, were
formed with a view to colonizing the country. The
time thus seemed opportune for another effort, and
Floyd revived and reintroduced his bill providing
for our occupation of the Columbia Valley.

Like a school of hungry trout after a new bait,
a number of the newer members of the House at-
tacked the measure resolved to defeat it. Most prom-
inent among them was James K. Polk of Tennessee,
who later entered the presidency as the champion
to our claims to ^^ fifty-four forty." With Bates of
Missouri, Mitchell of Tennessee, Drayton of South
Carolina, Ingersoll of Connecticut, and others, most-
ly young men, Polk argued against any use of the
Oregon country that might drain the East of specie
and offend Great Britain. He thus spoke for a gen-
eration in greater accord with the mother country.

74 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

To one of Floyd's traditions and prejudices his ar-
guments were deplorable. Besides marking a back-
ward step they rendered necessary the temporary
abandonment of our rights and interests on the Pa-
cific.

Though the outlook seemed hopeless Floyd
fought to the last. His opponent's alarm, lest their
specie should some day take wings and fly to the
West, he traced to the ^ ignorant days of British
commerce," the days of the Mercantilists, when
England had actually prohibited the exportation of
gold and had suffered untold consequences. Nor was
he willing to take seriously our treaty obligations
with Great Britain. He predicted that the British
would soon repeat in Oregon the scenes of Ken-
tucky, where the ^* British trader" and the ^* Brit-
ish agent" had induced the Indians to murder our
citizens on their own territory, to drive them from
the fur producing regions, and to deter them from
returning. Regardless of their treaties, were they
not then increasing their establishments upon the
Columbia *? Under the circumstances he thought it
imperative that Congress take some steps to pre-
vent the murder of our citizens and to command re-
spect for the *^ sovereignty and rights of the Con-
federacy,"*^ but the House would take no action.

In a few days after this effort Floyd voluntar-
ily ended his congressional career, but his work had
not been in vain. He had succeeded abundantly in
filling the minds of the American people with a sort
of romantic interest in the lands upon the Pacific
and in kindling in them a patriotic resistance to
British aggressions in that quarter. These forces

THE OREGON COUNTRY 75

later combined to win the prize for which he had
labored. Following the lines thus marked out the
American fur traders carried their activities across
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific coast. Through
the knowledge which they brought back of the supe-
rior tribes of Indians who dwelt there and longed
to know of the white man's God, Jason Lee of the
Methodist Mission Board answered the call for the
gospel and, in so doing, paved the way for the col-
onization of the Columbia Valley. This movement
gave a new interest to the Oregon country, and, in
1838, Senator Ljewis F. Linn again took the matter
up in Congress, where Floyd had left it ten years
before. At the later period the movement for oc-
cupation was carried to a successful conclusion.

Whatever credit may belong to Linn and others,
John Floyd remains, nevertheless, the father of the
Oregon country. ^^He, more than any one of his
day, was the unwearied prophet of the commercial
future of the Pacific Northwest.''*^ Far greater
honor and credit should therefore be accorded him
in the future than he has received in the past. His
famous report on Oregon has been reprinted ; some
of his speeches should be preserved; and he him-
self should have some lasting and fitting memorial.

IV. PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR

THOUGH concerned in a proposed national
vaccine institution for the eradication of
small- pox,^^ in the alleged rights of the free
negroes in the District of Columbia,*^
and in the prompt payment of the
public debt, Floyd ^s minor activities and in-
terests centered in national politics. To the
great surprise and alarm of the politicians
of the rival factions he was, in 1824, made
chairman of a select committee appointed to con-
sider the '* Address of Ninian Edwards,*'''^
which made charges of malfeasance in office against
William Henry Crawford, then a prominent candi-
date for the presidency. The composition of the
committee together with Floyd's known friendship
for Crawford's candidacy were thought to render
impossible an impartial investigation.^" But the
politicians had set their hearts upon a political scan-
dal and were determined to have no whitewash in-
stead. Accordingly some of them joined in a move-
ment to remove Floyd from the committee, but the
*^ caucus politicians" remained loyal to Crawford
and defeated every effort to depose Floyd.

Then followed a period of anxiety during which
the country waited for the results of the investiga-
tion, the suspense being increased by one of John
Eandolph's antics. Deserting the committee of in-
vestigation of which he was a member, he left in a
flurry for Europe, leaving behind for publication in
the Richmond Enquirer a letter in which he attacked
Edwards, the president, and his fellow investiga-
tors.^^ Meanwhile rumor had it that Floyd was

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 77

trying to dismiss the charges against Crawford as
^^ frivolous and malicious/' and suspicion and uncer-
tainty increased."^

But the fears of the politicians were ill founded.
The Committee of Investigation finally acquitted
Crawford of all charges of wrong doing, and most
persons were satisfied that the evidence and circum-
stances showed a deep laid and infamous plot to
discredit an honest, though at times careless, pub-
lic servant; and Floyd received only praise for the
thoroughness and fairness with which it was ex-
posed. Thus he triumphed over his critics, vindi-
cated his choice for the presidency, and terminated
one of the most embarrassing and painful incidents
of Monroe's administration.

Among other questions having a direct bearing
upon the presidential succession, but of later date
than the above, the proposed Panama Congress of
1826 was important. Both Adams and Clay, his sec-
retary of state, favored the project and thought that
the United States should be represented in it. Al-
though he doubtless had an eye to the presi-
dency, Floyd's opposition to their plans was not
entirely political. He, too, favored an *^ American
policy" but desired no counterpoise to the Holy Al-
liance.

Such a course meant defiance to Europe and
w^ar. Moreover, he did not care to participate in
any arrangements which might result in Hayti
sending a negro minister to Washington, in the lib-
eration of the slaves of Cuba and Porto Eico, and
in subjecting the southern states to the possible at-

78 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

tacks and the subtle influences of a neighboring free
negro population.^^

It was about this time, probably earlier, that
Floyd and other southern leaders of his type had
their first definite understanding regarding the
presidential election of 1828. Up to that time they
had been determined to defeat Adams for a reelec-
tion but could not agree upon a candidate to op-
pose him. Jackson was considered impossible, but
their favorite, Calhoun, could not command a popu-
lar following. After his unsuccessful contest of
1824-1825 they had expected Jackson's star to set
in peaceful oblivion, but the developments of a pe-
riod of anxious waiting convinced them that he had
come into the political arena to stay. As the inno-
cent victim of the famous ^^ corrupt bargain '^ by
which Clay was alleged to have placed Adams in the
presidency, Jackson had constantly grown in popu-
lar favor. The leaders had, therefore, no other
choice between him and certain defeat. They flat-
tered themselves, however, that Jackson in the
White House could easily be relegated into the
background of his own administration and that the
affairs of government could thus be carried on as
of old. Accordingly, Martin Van Buren, speaking
for the North, and Littleton Waller Tazewell, one
of Floyd 's intimate friends, speaking for the South,
concluded a working alliance between the ** plan-
ters" of the latter section and the ^^ plain republi-
cans'' of the former by which Andrew Jackson was
to be made president.^*

Confident of success and probably of prefer-
ment under the leadership of the ''Old Hero'' who

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 79

was thought to have at least one foot in the grave,
Floyd was active on the political battle line. At
times his ardor seems to have dulled his judgment.
This was certainly true when he gave to the Demo-
cratic Central Committee, for publication, a state-
ment of a private conversation with Clay, in 1824,
in which the latter, in response to Floyd's efforts
to dissuade him from supporting a man of Adam's
unpopularity for the presidency, was alleged to have
said: '^Give us [Adams and Clay] the patronage
of the federal government, and we will make our-
selves popular.'' Despite the methods used to se-
cure it, Floyd considered Jackson's election a tri-
umph for true democracy. Accustomed, as he was
to the old methods of caucus politics, he doubtless
considered himself partly responsible for the vic-
tory.^^

Relying upon Jackson's supposed intention to
select his advisers from the ** talented and distin-
guished men of the Confederacy" and probably
expecting for himself a call to the new cabinet, Floyd,
in January, 1829^ declined a reelection to Con-
gress. Considering his future course his printed
letter to his constituents announcing his purpose to
retire is as amusing as it is interesting and instruc-
tive. The letter is here given in full :

Fellow Citizens — I have been your representative in Con-
gress, and I feel proud of having been so distinguished by
my fellow citizens. This favor has been the more grateful to
me, and is cherished in every recollection, when I reflect
in this long period, you have conferred that office upon me
without opposition.

I know you have had something to pardon and forgive

80 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

in your representative, because I, in common with mankind,
am liable to err. Whatever my errors may have been, they
were, however, unintentional; as I am not conscious of ever
having done anything other than the constitution of our coun-
try, your honor, and your interest required at my hand. That
portion of the sovereign power of Virginia, which you con-
fided to me, is returned to you uninjured and undiminished.
Though, in the course of the great conflict, which has event-
uated in another great political revolution, the constitution
may have received some deep wounds, it has not been by the
hand of your representative.

I have the fullest hope, and the strongest belief, that
a wise, cautious, circumspect, and temperate course will be
pursued by General Jackson whom we all contributed our
best wishes and our best efforts to place in the presidential
chair of the Confederacy; and that he will aid in healing
those wounds, and calming the troubled fears of all.

Whilst this war in the political world was going on, in
which, as we conceived, nothing less than the great princi-
ples of liberty and the rights of the sovereign states were
concerned, I should have deemed myself unworthy the flat-
tering kindness and confidence, with which you have on all
occasions honored me, had I in this hour of danger and diffi-
culty, of responsibility and trial, quitted the post which you
assigned me. Now it is otherwise. General Jackson will, on
the fourth day of March next, commence his duties as Presi-
dent of the United States with a clear sky and a calm sea.
To pay the public debt, to lop off all the branches of useless
expenditure, to revive our sinking commerce and heal the
bleeding wounds in the Constitution, inflicted by ambition,
avarice, and a spirit of monopoly, will constitute an ample
field, in which he may win laurels no less green than those
won on the plains of New Orleans; and crown himself with
more true glory in the love and admiration of millions of free-
men, than all the conquerors of earth ever possessed. Such,
fellow citizens, is the condition of our country which justifies
me in saying to you that I am not a candidate to represent our
district in the next Congress.

In taking leave of you, as your representative, I have

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 81

a request which fills me with pain, ;because I feel assured that
I never can convey ta you any just idea of the deep sense
of my gratitude for your indulgence and kindness to me.
Could I manifest that to you and make you sensible of the
true condition of my feelings, I should be cheered by the
memories of it in my retirement. I am, fellow citizens,56 Your
humble servant,

John Floyd.

For reasons later to be considered Floyd was
not given a place in Jackson's cabinet. Accordingly
he retired to his home in the Valley of Virginia,
there to enjoy the love and confidence of a large fam-
ly of children and a devoted wife and to retrieve his
declining fortunes. In his retirement his children
shared with him the pleasures of the chase and the
violin; his wife became his most trusted political and
business adviser; and his neighbors again became
the recipients of his gratuitous services as a physi-
cian.

Of the many wonderful families of Virginia there
are few to be found anywhere more interesting and
important than that of John Floyd and his wife, Le-
titia. To this union were born twelve children, of
whom George, Susan, and Thomas died in infancy,
Mary at the age of six, and Coralie at the age of
eleven. Those who survived to maturity were : John
Buchanan, who became Governor of Virginia and a
member of President Buchanan's cabinet; William
Preston, a distinguished physician of Wytheville,
Virginia; George Rogers Clark, secretary of the
Wisconsin Territory and later a distinguished mem-
ber of the legislature of West Virginia ; Benjamin
Rush, a celebrated lawyer of southwestern Virginia ;
Lettv Preston who married William S. Lewis ; Eliza

82 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

Lavelette who married George Frederick Holmes,
long a professor of history and literature in the Uni-
versity of Virginia; and Nicketti Buchanan who
married John Warfield Johnston, from 1870 to 1883
a member of the United States Senate."

Through this family, celebrated for its intellect
as well as for its numbers, John Floyd's influence
survived long after he had passed from the political
stage and had much to do with shaping Virginia's
policies at critical periods. Almost without excep-
tion, his immediate descendants and their connec-
tions were persons of political influence devoted to
the state sovereignty theory of government. But for
them the history of secession in Virginia might have
been written differently. Wherever they resided
and were active, even in what is now West Virginia,
there the pro-southern and secession sentiment was
strong; there particularism, as taught by Patrick
Henry, flourished.

There are yet those in Virginia and elsewhere
who believe that Flo^^d's descendants and their con-
nections should have had a greater part and respon-
sibility in directing the affairs of the Southern Con-
federacy. Such persons criticise President Davis
for his failure or refusal to recognize their import-
ance and abilities. Although their favorite was vin-
dicated by the General Assembly of Virginia and the
testimonials of his soldiers, there are those who have
not forgotten that John B. Floyd was summarily re-
moved from his command after the fall of Fort Don-
aldson; that Joseph Eggleston Johnston, a member
of the famous Johnston family of Virginia, did not
receive the promotion which seemed to be due him ;

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 83

and that, against the protests of his devoted sol-
diers, he too was relieved of his command f ollowmg
the fall of Atlanta. The heartburnings thus kindled
are yet alive and have rendered the name of Jeffer-
son Davis odious to some confederates.

In his efforts to relieve his declining fortunes
Floyd relied largely upon the products of his past-
ure lands. Experience, environment, and study had,
in fact, made him an authority upon the subject of
grazing. The following extract from a letter by
Floyd upon that subject shows a broad grasp of the
economic forces in the development of this and
other countries :

I am inclined to believe that we might almost tell the
condition of every country and form a very accurate opinion
of its prosperity from simply ascertaining the proximity of
the grazing region to the commercial town of that country,
provided the soil of the country is adapted to grass from the
seaport to the distant frontier.

This is founded upon my knowledge in part and from
history which I think fully sustains the opinion.

I cannot now caU to mind the precise period, but you rec-
ollect that English history tells us at the period referred to.
perhaps during the reign of Elizabeth, an ox sold in the
markets of London for about thirteen shillings, which ox
grazed near the city. Now their beef is fed on the Teese in
the mountains of Wales and in the Highlands of Scotland;
that small but esteemed beef called the Kyloe is principally
had there.

In France, also, grass and beef at a much later period
than that first referred to, seems to have employed many of
its inhabitants in the neighborhood of their largest towns.
Now however the principal supply of beef is obtained at a great

distance.

In our own country the same thing has taken place. The
city of New York not many years ago obtained its beef from

84 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

the neighbouring counties. At this day they procure it from
the most distant counties, and even from the State of Ohio,
Philadelphia and Baltimore thirty-five years ago, were sup-
plied from the counties lying between those cities and Car-
lisle in Penna. They now get much of their beef from Ohio,
and the western counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia.

I have mentioned this briefly to show that as the pros-
perity of the country increases cities also increase, which arises
from the fact that all the commodities produced from the soil
are more valuable in market than beef, and hence the beef re-
gion is thrown to a greater distance.

Not only is this true, but it requires much more land to
produce the same revenue where the ox is grazed, than any
product which the farmer cultivates, for example I will take
Virginia in her present condition.

The grass region in the southwest may be said to extend
from the Roanoke to Kentucky, including all the branches of
grazing. The nearest point to this city where is fed for
market, intended as proof beef, is Montgomery in that direc-
tion. In that county there are many extensive farms some
perhaps of from fifteen hundred to two thousand acres, laid
down in grass to graze the ox for market. This is the precise
point at which flour and other heavy products of the farm
cease to be of value to the producer on account of the high
price of transportation resulting from the distance to market
and the bad condition of the roads.

The farmer finding himself possessed of large tracts of
land immediately clears it off, by killing the timber; perhaps
sows upon it some grass seed, and in a few days it becomes
rich pasture. His next step is to purchase as many oxen,
from his neighbour still more distant, as will graze upon
these pastures and become fat. If he has slaves he keeps
them on his farm during the winter and feeds them the crop
of the preceding summer. For this purpose perhaps twenty
hands may be necessary where the farm contains fifteen hun-
dred acres of pasture land.

But if the farmer has such an extensive establishment
and six or eight men, which is a pretty good supply of labor,
he generally sells his cattle in October or November to some
purchaser who feeds them as before observed until he can

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 85

dispose of them in the market, which will sometimes require
a whole winter's operation.

In this way you will perceive slaves are not necessary,
very few however to the feeder and still fewer to him who sells
from the pasture, and none to those who furnish the store
cattle, because they most generally raise them in the range,
as it is called, that is by turning in the forest or in the moun-
tains during the winter months.

To graze an ox well it will require from two and an half
to five acres of ground. Taking into view the quality of the
soil of the country, the age of the pasture, and the drought,
I think five acres would be about a fair average, because I
have known some thin soil whilst new to require even eight
acres for several years to sustain an ox so as to make proof
beef. This however is rarely the case.

By this process the land will be worth perhaps two dol-
lars per acre, sometimes more, but I think the increased value
of the ox, when made fat upon the grass alone, will be worth
much more. When poor, the animal is purchased, according
to his size, say at twelve dollars. If the animals are large
and well formed they will command when poor from twenty to
twenty-five dollars. The increased value when fat is not in
the same proportion, besides this stock sheep are often put
over the same ground to follow the fat cattle and become
the finest sort of mutton. The only attention in this process
is to examine daily to ascertain whether accidents have oc-
curred, to know when the stock should be removed to fresh
pasture and to give them salt every day, or every few days.
It will not be well to let them want salt longer than three
days.

In this mode of drawing a revenue from the soil you will
perceive that few slaves are necessary, and more than can be
employed in the daily routine described is a bad investment
of capital in such a country. Hence a slave is seldom pur-
chased unless his labor is wanted for some specific purpose. ss

But Floyd was not long permitted to enjoy the
pleasures of his home and estate. On January 9,
1830, less than one year after he had declined a re-

86 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

election to Oonj^ress, he was made governor of Vir-
ginia, receiving one hundred and forty votes to six-
ty-six cast for Peter V. Daniel.'" At the time of his
election a notable body of men, in convention assem-
bled, was engaged in relaying the fundamental laws
of his state. Considering the personnel of that body,
containing, as it did, two ex-presidents of the United
States, Madison and Monroe, the venerable chief
justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall, the
Governor of Virginia, William B. Giles, and a score
or more other members prominent in political and
judicial life, Floyd was rather conspicuous for his
absence. Considering the exigencies of the times
from the standpoint of federal relations, he was
probably already the choice of the state rights poli-
ticians for the governorship of Virginia to succeed
Giles. His desire to speak for the whole state in the
impending nullification crisis, therefore eliminated
him from participation in local politics.

From the sources at hand it is difficult to deter-
mine Floyd's position on the question of a proper
basis of representation for the several counties of
Virginia in the General Assembly, the chief subject
of discussion in the state constitutional convention
at the time of his election to the governorship. His
neighbor favored the white basis as opposed to the
mixed basis of property and persons. His silence is
probably best explained again by the fact that he
was the gubernatorial candidate of the old line pol-
iticians of the eastern countries, who favored the
mixed basis of representation and opposed reforms
generally. The readiness with which he accepted the
Constitution of 1830, as the best possible compromise

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 87

of the differences between the rival sections, betrays
an unusual sympathy for the tidewater interests, be-
cause his neighbors of the Abingdon district were
now, for the most part, unwilling to compromise
their local political difference with the residents of
the eastern counties. Some were open in their ex-
pression of a desire for dismemberment of the
Commonwealth.^^

Whatever may have been Floyd's attitude to-
wards the all important question of representation
in the local Assembly, he was in thorough sympathy
with the interests and demands of his section on the
subject of internal improvements. Blessed, as it
was witn many navigable rivers, the Tidewater had
consistently refused to tax itself for the construction
and maintenance of roads and canals for the use of
the uplands and the sections beyond the mountains.
But Floyd thought that the future greatness of the
Commonwealth la}^ in her ability to render available
her natural resources and to bind her inhabitants
together by the ties of common interest. In his an-
nual messages to the General Assembly he, there-
fore, recommended that immediate steps be taken to
these ends. The debates then waging regarding the
comparative values of railroads and canals were of
little concern to him; action had become impera-
tive."

The proposed central line of communication con-
necting Eichmond and the Valley by way of the
James received his first consideration. Next in im-
portance came the plans for rendering accessible the
counties of the southwest. This he thought should
be done by a railroad extending to the salt, lead,

88 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

iron, and gypsum mines of that section. Thus, in
case of war, the state could command its natural
resources and dispatch troops, very important con-
siderations to one who believed, as did Floyd, that
^' speed is power; dispatch victory/' Meanwhile
the proposed great highway passing through Fred-
ericksburg, Richmond and Petersburg at the head
of tide and connecting the North and the South, and
that other proposed highway passing from one end
to the other of the Valley were not to be neglected.

Like many other Virginians, Floyd's attitude to-
wards negro slavery, which was receiving serious
consideration at this time by his state, was determin-
ed largely by local conditions and abolitionist activ-
ities. When, in August, 1831, like a firebell in the
night, the report of a negro uprising in Southampton
County, brought to all the gruesome account of the
death struggle of helpless women and children at the
hands of their brutal and misguided slaves, thus
breaking the long and studied silence upon the sub-
ject of the relations between the whites and the
blacks, Floyd predicted that '^This will be a very
notable day." At once he prepared to meet the
crisis by sending troops and artillery to the scene
of the uprising. Though taking every precaution
for the defence of his people, he refused to impli-
cate the slave masses and placed the blame for their
conduct in Southampton County upon their misguid-
ed leaders. Through the whole excitement he never
lost sight of those slaves who had remained loyal
to their masters, even in the midst of the uprising.
The court sentences of some of those condemned to

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 89

death were commuted to imprisonment or deporta-
tion, and others were set free.^^

In reply to an inquiry from Governor Hamilton
of South Carolina, Floyd wrote the following let-
ter regarding the causes of the Southampton Insur-
rection and suggested ways of dealing with the ne-
gro and slave problems :

I received your letter yesterday, and with great pleasure
will state my impressions freely.

I will notice this affair in my annual message, but shall
only give a very careless history of it, as it appears to be pub-
lic.

I am fully persuaded the spirit of insubordination which
has, and still manifests itself in Virginia, had its origin among,
and eminated from, the Yankee population, upon their first
arrival amongst us, but most especially the Yankee pedlars
and traders.

The course has been by no means a direct one. They
began first by making them religious; their conversations were
of that character, telling the blacks, God was no respecter of
persons; the black man was as good as the white; that all men
were born free and equal; that they can not serve two mas-
ters; that the white people rebelled against England to obtain
freedom; so have the blacks a right to do.

In the meantime, I am sure without any purpose of this
kind, the preachers, especially Northern, were very assiduous
in operating upon our population. Day and night they were
at work and religion became, and is, the fashion of the times.
Finally our females and of the most respectable were per-
suaded that it was piety to teach negroes to read and write,
to the end that they might read the Scriptures. Many of them
became tutoresses in Sunday Schools and pious distributors of
tracts from the New York Society.

At this point more active operations commenced; our
magistrates and laws became more inactive; large assemblies
of negroes were suffered to take place for religious purposes.
Then commenced the efforts of the black preachers. Often

90 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

from the pulpits these pamphlets and papers were read, fol-
lowed by the incendiary publications of Walker, Garrison and
Knapp of Boston; these too with songs and hymns of a sim-
ilar character were circulated, read and commeiiied upon, we
resting in apathetic security until the Southampton affair.

Prom all that has come to my knowledge during and since
this affair, I am fully convinced that every black preacher, in
the whole country east of the Blue Ridge, was in the secret,
that the plans as published by those northern prints were
adopted and acted upon by them, that their congregations, as
they were called knew nothing of this intended rebellion, ex-
cept a few leading, and intelligent men, who may have been
head men in the church. The mass were prepared by making
them aspire to an equal station by such conversations as I
have related as the first step.

I am informed that they had settled the form of govern-
ment to be that of the white people, whom they intended to
cut off to a man, with this difference that the preachers were
to be their governors, generals and judges. I feel fully justi-
fied to myself, in believing the northern incendiaries, tracts,
Sunday Schools, religion and reading and writing has accom-
plished this end.

I shall in my annual message recommend that laws be
passed to confine the slaves to the estates of their masters,
prohibit negroes from preaching, absolutely to drive from this
state all free negroes, and to substitute the surplus revenue
in our treasury annually for slaves, to work for a time upon
our railroads, etc., and then sent out of the country, prepara-
tory, or rather as the first step to emancipation. This last
point will of course be tenderly and cautiously managed, and
will be urged or delayed as your state and Georgia may be
disposed to cooperate.

In relation to the extent of this insurrection I think it
greater than will ever appear. The facts will as now consid-
ered, appear to be these: It commenced with Nat and nine
others on Sunday nig^t, two o'clock, we date it Monday morn-
ing before day, and ceased by the dispersion of the negroes on
Tuesday morning at ten o'clock. During this time the negroes
had murdered sixty-one persons and traversed a distance of
twentv miles, and increased to about seventy men. They

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 91

spared but one family and that one was so wretched as to be
in all respects upon a par with them. All died bravely indi-
cating no reluctance to lose their lives in such a cause.

I am with consideration and respect. Your obedient ser-
vant,63

John Floyd.

Though impressed with the necessity of moving
^ tenderly and cautiously'' and with due regard to
the wishes and conditions of other slave-holding
states the alarm occasioned by the Southampton
Insurrection, in eastern Virginia, was such that
Floyd decided, in November, 1831, to recommend to
the General Assembly the enactment of a law pro-
viding for the gradual abolition of negro slavery.
If such a law could not be made to apply to the whole
state, he hoped to have it apply to the counties west
of the Blue Ridge Mountains with a view to the
final enactment of such a law for the whole state.^*

Nevertheless his annual message for that year
contained no recommendation regarding the aboli-
tion or even the gradual abolition of negro slavery.
Whether, as on former occasions, the slave-holding
states advised delay and caution or the condition of
federal relations was such as to render unwise the
injection of other and complicating subjects, Floyd
had evidently resolved not to push the matter. Yet
he did all in his power to precipitate its discussion
in the Assembly and expressed his confidence in the
ability of his young friends from the western coun-
ties: Summers, Faulkner, Preston, Campbell, and
others to manage the * ^ affair most excellently. ' '

But, when the debate which he thus aided to pre-
cipitate in the House of Delegates began to be heat-

92 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ed and to engender bad feelings, Floyd, with others,
became alarmed. Regarding the delegates from be-
yond the mountains as allies of the abolitionists and
as bent upon the destruction of slave property, the
delegates from the eastern counties talked of a dis-
memberment of the Commonwealth. As expressed
by Floyd, ^^a sensation had been engendered which
required great delicacy and caution in touching. ^ ' It
was allayed, and with his approval, by shifting the
question from that of gradual abolition to that of
the ** expediency" of legislating upon the subject at
all at that time. On this proposition the pro-slavery
party won, the vote being sixty-seven to sixty.

The uncertain condition of federal relations at
this time was doubtless a factor in defeating the an-
ti-slavery party in Virginia. Absorbed, as he was
in national affairs, Floyd was perfectly willing to
turn the whole subject of the state's proper policy
regarding negro slavery over to the solution of a
master who was at hand in the person of Thomas
R. Dew of William and Mary College, a man in
whom all Virginia reposed the greatest confidence.
In April, 1832, Floyd wrote him inviting his atten-
tion to the subjects of slavery and abolition as set
forth in the debates of the Assembly of 1831-1832.
The able defence and justification of the institution
of negro slavery which followed was accepted by
Floyd and most other Virginians of whatever sec-
tion as final. Under the changed conditions the anti-
slavery sentiments of 1832 were largely lost sight
of in a struggle to maintain the state sovereignty
theory of government.

As Floyd's ** Diary,'' published herewith, prac-

PRESIDENT MAKER AND GOVERNOR 93

tically covers the period of his term as Governor,
the reader is referred to that source for a fuller
account of his domestic policies and local activi-
ties than is here given. On February 11, 1831, he
was re-elected without opposition, this time, to a full
term of three years, thus becoming the first gov-
ernor of Virginia under her Constitution of 1830,
a distinction of which he was proud. Like his pre-
decessor he took a keen interest in the selection of
his successor, his choice falling upon the successful
candidate, Littleton Waller Tazewell. Believing
that ** great events are in the gale'' he urged Taze-
well to hasten to Richmond and prepared to lay
down his share in the power of the state as he had
lain it down for the ^^Confederacy,'' '^uninjured
and undiminished."^^

The Richmond Whig of April 17, 1834, noted his
retirement to private life in this editorial :

Yesterday Governor Floyd left Richmond for his resi-
dence in Montgomery, carrying with him the hearty good
wishes of the great bulk of this population for his happiness
and prosperity. He was escorted out of town by all the vol-
unteer companies — Bigger's Blues, Richardson's Artillery, My-
er's Cavalry, and Richardson's Riflemen. No Governor has
retired from office with a more general feeling of regard from
the citizens of Richmond.

V. AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT

SUFFERING from declining health and de-
spairing of the republic under the ad-
ministration of Jackson whom he had
helped to place in office, Floyd was, during
his period as governor of Virginia, an apos-
tle of a local and sectional discontent that, at times,
threatened the preservation of the Union. His griev-
ances were not, however, mainly personal and polit-
ical. He spoke for a poverty stricken and declining
section embracing a large part of tidewater and
piedmont Virginia and extending far into the same
sections of the lower Atlantic seaboard. Thence
had gone tobacco growers into Kentucky and Ten-
nessee and cotton planters into the Gulf States leav-
ing desolation and poverty behind. With others
Floyd now lamented the decline of the seaboard
planters and watched, in dismay, the lowering clouds
of obscurity as they gathered over the places made
vacant by the flight of population and capital to the
westward. Alarm was, indeed, the general aspect
of the South 's ancient aristocracy, and others than
Floyd had come to believe that the days of her won-
derful civilization were numbered.

Many patriotic attempts had been made to avert
the effects of these calamities. For a decade or more
agricultural societies had sought remedial aid in a
more scientific cultivation of lands; experiments
were then being made with a view to converting the
tobacco, corn, and wheat lands of Virginia into cot-
ton plantations; Edmund Ruffin was teaching the
scientific use of calcarious manures ; plans for con-

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 95

necting the eastern and western counties by means
of turnpikes and canals were on foot ; in defence of
a declining power in their legislative assemblies the
older sections of the slaveholding states had devel-
oped a well defined theory of minority rights; at
South Carolina College Doctor Cooper was teach-
ing the sons of the South the Manchester doctrines
of laissez faire; near him, at Fort Hill, South Caro-
lina, Calhoun had formulated his famous nullifica-
tion doctrines ; and meanwhile Virginia, in her reso-
lutions on federal relations, had protested, from
time to time, against the exactions of the odious tar-
iff.

Regardless of the wishes and mterests of the
South, the North continued meanwhile to demand
protection for her manufacturing industries and
congressional appropriations for her projected in-
ternal improvements. More alarming still, her
power to enforce these demands increased from day
to day, as the South 's minority in Congress grew
smaller. Nor could she always rely upon the loy-
alty of her own sons removed to other sections to
guard her interests. Prosperous in their new homes
beyond the mountains, which required only good
roads and markets to make them ideal, they had
not hesitated to ally themselves with the North in
support of the American System of which Clay, him-
self a native Virginian, was the father.

Under the circumstances there seemed nothing
left to the seaboard South but the election of a
president who would cast the weight of his office
against the demands and power of the North. Thus
it was hoped to make any resort to nullification,

96 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

secession, or the Virginia doctrines of 1798 unnec-
essary. Although Jackson's record was not to their
liking, Floyd and others expected his official acts,
under the changed conditions, to he shaped largely
by the interests and demands of the South. Foi
these and other reasons, already referred to, they
had aided in placing him in the presidency.

Speaking of their expectations in this connec-
tion Floyd later said:

"At this moment [1828] came the direful struggle be-
tween the great parties in Congress founded upon the claim
which the majority . . . from the north of the Potomac
made to the right to lay any tax upon the importations into
the United States which was intended to act as a protection
to northern manufacturers by excluding foreign fabrics of the
same kind. Hence all the states to the south of the Potomac
became dependent upon the Northern States for a supply of
whatever thing they might want, and in this way the South
was compelled to sell its products low and buy from the North
all articles it needed from twenty-five to one hundred and
twenty-five per cept higher than from France to England . . .
At this juncture the southern party brought out Jackson."

With the popularity which he had shown in 1824
and especially with the aid of Pennsylvania which
he had carried at that time, it was thought that **the
South could elect Jackson and by his help reduce
the odious tariff.''®''

In this connection Floyd's support of the inter-
ests and demands of the seaboard South may need
some explanation. The interests of his former con-
stituents in the Valley had not always harmonized
with those of eastern Virginia. Besides, it can not
be forgotten that Floyd was born and reared in

^A^ APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 97

Kentucky. He seems, however, to have been
true to the interests of his neighbors and was
not the tool of the slave-holding aristocracy.
Already negro slavery had gained a firm foot-hold
in the counties about his home, thus identifying their
interests with those of the slaveholding sections.
Besides, Floyd was related to and connected with
some of the oldest and most conservative families
of the old South, notably the Prestons of South
Carolina, who were then among Calhoun's most
trusted advisers.

Personal and political disappointments played,
however, a large part in Floyd's opposition to
Jackson and his administration. It seems certain
that he left Congress fully expecting to be called to
some higher place in the federal service. It is cer-
tain that he expected Mr. Calhoun, the vice-presi-
dent, his close friend, and ^'the one upon whom we
placed the highest confidence,'' to play the leading
role in the new administration; also, that such men
as Landon Cheves of South Carolina, Tazewell of
Virginia, Hugh L. White of Tennessee, and others
of the old guard would be called to the places of
highest trust.^^ Instead, of all those who had done
most, in Floyd's opinion, to secure Jackson's elec-
tion only Martin Van Buren received a cabinet port-
folio. In some mysterious way Floyd and his friends
had qualified as suitable persons for foreign mis-
sions and governors of distant territories, and a
race of ^* harpies" represented by Amos Kendall,
William B. Lewis, and others of the later famous
^^ kitchen cabinet" had usurped the places which the
old line politicians had reserved for themselves.

98 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

Thus Jackson had been tested and found to be like
^' the apples of the Dead Sea . . fair to the eye but
all bitterness and ashes within/ '^^

It was under these conditions that Floyd was
made governor of Virginia but not as an avowed an-
ti-administration candidate. Those back of his can-
didacy were too farseeing for any such a blunder.
Disappointed in their personal ambitions they still
hoped to redress the South 's economic grievances
and to allay the sectional discord in Virginia which
was then threatened with dismemberment. Accord-
ingly many Jackson men in the General Assembly,
which then elected the governor, supported Floyd ^s
candidacy.^^ Though the Richmond Enquirer, a
Jackson organ ably conducted by Thomas Ritchie,
failed to comment upon Floyd's election, there is
no reason to conclude that its attitude was in itself
a severe stricture.

Already disgusted with the personnel of the new
cabinet, Floyd was driven by the events of the year
1830 into active and open opposition to the admin-
istration. First there was the Mrs. Eaton affair in
which Jackson demanded recognition by his official
family for a woman whose reputation was such that
Mrs. Calhoun did not recognize her. Then came the
famous Webster-Hayne debate in which the bonds
imiting the North and the South were drawn to the
breaking point with Jackson maintaining the posi-
tion of a neutral. An effort to ally him with the
South, his own section, brought from him that as^
tounding but patriotic declaration: '^Our Federal
Union, it must be preserved.'' Soon thereafter fol-
lowed an open breach between Jackson and Calhoun

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 99

caused by W. H. Crawford's revelation of the long-
concealed fact that it was Calhoun who, as secretary
of war in 1818, had desired to censure Jackson for
his conduct in Florida in dealing with the Seminoles
and the British agents, Arbuthnot and Ambrister.
Explanations from Calhoun had sufficed only to
place him among political traitors and in no way
appeased Jackson who had probably known of Craw-
ford's intentions for some months. The time had
come for a break. Accordingly Duff Green, Cal-
houn's friend, was deposed from the editorship of
the party organ, the Daily Telegraph, to make a
place for Jackson's friend, Francis P. Blair, who,
in December, 1830, founded a new organ, the Globe.
Meanwhile one session of Congress had passed
without any change in the tariff schedules.

Thus far the attitude of the administration was
equivalent to a declaration of war, if not upon the
South certainly upon her politicians of the old
guard. In a letter of May 4, 1830, to his ''dear
friend," Floyd, John Tyler made his position clear.
He was certain that the efforts of the president, his
satellites, and his mercenaries would not break them
(the state rights party) down or cause them to yield
to a mere majority. He said :

"We should [thus] derive an immortality of infamy
more damnable than that which attended the rascal who
fired the Temple of Ephesus. They may pronounce us
mad, if they please, but we say with Hamlet that we
yet know a "hawk from a hand saw." If I am to sink
for this, be it so in the name of all that is holy, I can not die
a political death that would be attended with fewer pangs.^o

100 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

But there is little evidence that Tyler expected
political death either for himself or his friends.
That was to be the portion of the administration
crowd. Failing to recognize Clay's superior rights,
Tyler expected Jackson to throw himself at the
head of the American System. There, he would
favor and encourage large appropriations for
roads and canals, a ^^ judicious tariff,'' a distribu-
tion of the surplus revenues, an enlargement of the
pension system, removals from office for *^ opinion's
sake" and license for the wildest pretensions of the
Federal Supreme Court under the leadership of
John Marshall. As in the case of Adams and Clay,
this course was expected to result in an avalanche of
disapproval. Already discontent was abroad in the
land. Tyler had never seen ^^so much dissatisfac-
tion." His friend Troup, a senator from Georgia,
was authority for the statement that the president
could not again carry the state of Ohio.

Somewhat later, in a letter of December 27, 1830,
Flo^^d's own impressions and purposes were clearly
set forth, to his friend, Colonel John Williams of
Nashville, Tennessee, as follows:

As you long ago wrote me, and told me personally, nay
predicted, Jackson lias thrown me overboard; he is not only
unwilling to give me employment, as he promised after I de-
clined a reelection to Congress, but has in every single in-
stance refused oflBce to my friends, and even respectful con-
sideration to my letters of recommendation to others. Nor
does he stop here. I am at this moment enduring the whole
weight of the opposition to him, his friends, and the power
and patronage of his government to break down myself and
my friends in Virginia, and to prevent my reelection to the
office I now fill. Without having much reputation for politi-

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 101

cal matters, I have read those folks at Washington thoroughly
... I am not of a temper to pocket insult, neglect, or in-
jury.

I have, my dear friend, determined on my course. I can
be as silent and patient as any of my aboriginal ancestors, and
like them I feel that vengeance would be sweet, but when the
day of retribution shall come, it will be marked by the ef-
fects of the tomahawk.

You must know that notwithstanding all efforts to pre-
vent it I calculate on a reelection. Then I will begin to for-
mulate a message in which, as you know, my own principles
will be maintained."!

Thus all hope of a reconciliation with Jackson
had passed, and Floyd began to prepare for a con-
test. To this end he requested his friend, Colonel
Williams, to procure affidavits from certain Metho-
dist ministers of Nashville, Tennessee, who, it was
alleged, had been asked by Jackson in the summer
of 1830 to be on the lookout for such a man for the
vice-presidency as would suit them, in case he should
decide to resign the presidency after securing a re-
election. He desired, also, to know the particulars
about a certain letter reported to have been written
by W. H. Crawford in December, 1827, to one Balch
of Nashville, in which the vote of Georgia had been
promised to Jackson on the condition that he (Jack-
son) would decline to listen to the views of John
C. Calhoun. He desired to know in particular
** whether Balch had shown that letter to General
Jackson, what the GenPs answer was, and what
Balch 's answer was to Mr. Crawford.*' Fortified
with this data Floyd was confident of his ability to
** produce a state of things which will be ample ven-
geance for so much ingratitude.''

102 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

More interesting still than this declaration of
war and active preparation for hostilities, coming,
as they did, immediately after a conversation be-
tween Floyd and Calhoun, was the willingness of
the former, even at this early date, to be on terms
of accord with Clay. All that now prevented a rec-
onciliation between them was the absence of common
ground *^to occupy with the freedom of former
friendship. '' Floyd had no enmity toward Clay, not
even ^Hhe remotest disposition to check his future
hopes in this state, or anywhere else,'^ and he was
perfectly willing that his friends ' ^ should deal with
him as their judgment of the present and belief of
the future shall dictate.'' He also suggested that
Clay might be benefited by Calhoun's friends, since
all others in the South had for him only curses. For
himself, if he could not be Clay's friend, he was re-
solved not to be his enemy.'^ Considering the char-
acter of the combination later etfected between the
followers of Clay and those of Calhoun for the for-
mation of the Whig party, the above suggestions
are, to say the least, interesting.

Notwithstanding these suggestions for the for-
mation of an opposition party, the way to political
success was not clear to Floyd. His prospective al-
lies would probably expect too great a share of the
spoils and honors. Accordingly he began again to
despair of the republic. At that moment Jackson's
friends seemed supreme not only at Washington but
also in Virginia, and, in disgust, Tazewell was pre-
paring to resign his seat in the federal Senate.
Thinking that such a document might serve as a
guide and warning to future generations, Floyd now

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 103

began a diary in which he proposed to chronicle the
events of our failure at self-government.

Although Floyd continued his diar^^ for some
years, his despair soon turned to hope. Encouraged
by a unanimous reelection to the governorship of
his state, then regarded as pivotal, he was, one
month later, taken into the confidence of certain
southern leaders who proposed to make Calhoun
president in 1832. Accompanied by their favorite
they had, following the adjournment of Congress,
stopped in Eichmond on their way home from Wash-
ington to formulate their plans. There they enjoy-
ed a convivial period at the governor's mansion and
mingled with members of the General Assembly.
They certainly talked about Jackson's candidacy for
a reelection and about his rumored choice of Van
Buren for the succession. The good of the countr}^
plainly demanded their defeat, and Calhoun was
thought to be the only man who could accomplish
that end.

Before his guests resumed their respective jour-
neys information from Washington made it clear
that Jackson knew of the rendezvous in Richmond
and that he would give no quarter in the approach-
ing fight. This information came to Floyd in the
form of a letter from Duff Green; the recent hap-
penings in political circles at Washington was the
pretext. As a matter of self -justification Calhoun
had published the correspondence between himself
and Jackson relevant to the Seminole affair. It was
not wholly favorable to Jackson who became indig-
nant and read Calhoun out of the Democratic party.
On the information of Judge W. T. Barry, the post-

104 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

master general in Jackson ^s cabinet, Green was in-
formed that Calhoun must henceforth be regarded
as a traitor and a nullifier. Through the same
source warning was also given that the attacks upon
Van Buren must ceaseJ^

The challenge was complete, and Floyd prepared
to put Virginia and especially Richmond in a condi-
tion for aggressive and defensive warfare. First
of all, he desired to weaken the influence of that
^^ profligate," Thomas Eitchie, the editor of the
Richmond Enquirer and the head of the Richmond
Junto, a body of politicians similar in some respects
to the Albany Regency of New York. To this end
Thomas W. Gilmer was encouraged to establish a
party organ in Richmond, devoted to the Virginia
doctrines and to the patriotic duty of keeping Cal-
houn before the country as a prominent candidate
for the presidency. In the following letter of April
16, 1831, to Calhoun, Floyd had already outlined his
plans of action :

You will perceive that Messrs. Tyler and Tazewell have
declined a public dinner; that however has made no difference
with. us. Mr. Tazewell is here and has been for several days,
has been much among the members, has dined with several
messes, and has met a most graceful reception; wherefore we
are settling down to a quiet belief that so far as Virginia is con-
cerned, all is safe, or at least so little to doubt that we do not
fear the contest.

I have received several letters from Duff Green, which have
puzzled me. He writes as though it were his opinion, and per-
haps some of our northern friends also, that it would be well
to bring you forward by the General Assembly before they ad
journ, as the vice-president with Jackson at his reelection, so as
to keep the long end of the lever in case of his death.

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 1C5

Of the wisdom of this scheme I doubt as Jackson in two
years may die, and moreover of his reelection I also doubt, be-
cause Virginia you may be assured, at least we feel assured, will
vote for you as president if necessary at the next election. Then
comes the difficulty with Clay and his friends; that with Jack-
son's own may throw the election into the House. How then
would it terminate? Were we now to offer you as a candidate
for the vice-presidency, would we be able with good grace to
change our front if the presidency should be deemed the proper
course next winter? Would it not seem like placing too low a
value upon the pretensions of our candidate? Besides, three
fourths of our friends look to you as the proper person to be
supported as president on the first, fit occasion. Though if nec-
essary to defeat Clay the vote can be given again to Jackson.
If Clay were out of the field, we can carry your election against
Jackson to an entire certainty.

Under all these views I really do not know which course to
take; whether to announce you a candidate for the presidency
and take the hazard of war, or wait the fate of Clay. We would
be glad to know your opinion about these things.

I have though, suggested to our friends that it would be per-
haps prudent, to keep firmly in the opposition to Clay, conciliate
his former adherents, who are now for you, and observe a quasi
war with Jackson through the summer — extend your interests,
and still weaken Jackson; let the public eye be still held upon
you until the meeting of the Assembly next fall, at which time
you will be formally presented, in the meantime our paper will
war for our principles, yet holding you forward to be supported
at the proper time. As to Van Buren he has been so disposed
of- that you may consider him in this State a Cajmt Mortuum,
of according to the lawyers civilitur mortuum.

I have talked much with Judge Brook, the confidential
friend of Clay. He is at the head of that party, is with us,
and is anxious Clay should decline for a time. We have saved
these judges, they are our friends and will give efficient aid
by their talents, their characters and judgment.

This is my course, holding you thus before the public as a
candidate for the first office, and as we think, succeeding so
well in this state, that we are unwilling to have it supposed

106 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

anything less would be tolerated. You, however, can from
your position look through, the whole Union, and can
determine whether we are right, and make any suggestion ii
we are wrong. We think, as I have observed to you, that
Clay alone stands in the way. If you can be assured of New
England even he, I think, would not prevent your success. As
Clay will see if he does not already perceive, the consequence
of his continuing in the contest is not to benefit himself, but
to aid Jackson, as he never can be president, until another ad-
ministration has intervened. To ask the people to turn Jack-
son out and put him in would be to ask them to pronounce a
satire upon themselves. To prevail upon them to turn Jack-
son out, and put you in would be to censure Jackson and so
far by that act, to excuse Clay for his former course as to make
his future justification more easy. Can he be made to see this
course? The Fox and the Stag, when long chased by the
hounds, often lose all self-possession and lose their sagacity
entirely as to attack their pursuers at a moment when safety
would be secured by another effort.

I will not say anything about the proceedings of Pennsyl-
vania. You no doubt are already advised of all. Should they
address you, without doubt you will answer fully, fully, very
fully. Take from them the charge of nullification and dis-
union, and you are stronger than any man. I do not urge
this as being at all necessary for Virginia. Here you are safe.

The resignation of Jackson ^s cabinet, which now-
followed as a further means of ridding the adminis-
tration of objectionable influences, made no changes
in Floyd's plans. He considered Van Buren's flight
a streak of political sagacity in which he could find
no personal consolation. Instead he saw in the de-
parture of the ** wretched harpies" only evidences of
a *^ concerted political movement, intended by the
president and Van Buren to effectuate some great
political object." It was possible that they desired
to make the latter vice-president and thus **to inflict

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 107

a punishment upon Mr. Calhoun and overthrow his
friends. ' ^

But so long as Virginia held the destiny of the
plotters in her hand Floyd felt secure. By a judic-
ious use of her power and influence he hoped to de-
feat the political aims of the administration. Ac-
cordingly he now proposed united action on the part
of the States Rights party of the South in an effort
to defeat its plans. Soon he proposed, also, to sug-
gest ^Ho the Confederacy the name of Mr. Calhoun
of South Carolina, as a fit and proper person to fill
the presidential chair.'"*

That Calhoun knew of and approved, in general,
the movements in Virginia there can be no doubt.
In a letter of May 10, 1831, to W. C. Preston he
said:

I see that Gilmer is about to establish a new paper at
Richmond. It does seem to me that nothing could be more
propitious to the great cause for which we have been contend-
ing than the establishment of such a paper (as I doubt not
will be established) at this moment in the Capitol of the Ancient
Dominion. I have long believed that the lead of Virginia is
all important on all great constitutional struggles touching the
interests of the South; and it does seem to me that no time
could be more propitious to obtain that lead than the present.
Nothing is wanting but an energetick and able press at Rich-
mond, and I do trust that all who feel the importance of the
crisis will cooperate in its support. No one state can take
a stand on its constitutional rights, however clear her cause,
without the cheering voice of her surrounding sister states,
but with' that nothing can be more easy than to mention her
rights. Most men require to be backed by the force of publick
opinion. With these views, I do hope that this state will unite
with our friends in Virginia in sustaining Mr. Gilmer's move.
I know it is hard to get subscribers but still much may be done

108 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

and few can" do more than yourself. Let all who have a
stake in the South remember that at the next session the battle
must be fought, and that it is essential that our cause should
be vigorously sustained in the oldest, most populous, and
most exposed Southern State. I know that our friends in Vir-
ginia are looking anxiously to be sustained in this State and
generally in the South. 75

But all these well laid plans went awry. In the
first place the anti-administration organ under the
editorship of Gilmer did not materialize, and in the
second place Clay refused to listen to any overtures
for a political alliance which meant his elimination
even for a period of four years. Accordingly
Floyd's friends advised a more moderate course,
and Calhoun himself refused to become an active
candidate for the presidency so long as Clay remain-
ed in the contest **with just strength enough to de-
feat him . . . without being able ever to elect him-
self.''^*'

Discouraged and with nightmares of ^ * Peggie ' '
0 'Neil and of the towering wrecks of the federal edi-
fice haunting his memory, Floyd betook himself to
his home beyond the mountains, there to enjoy a
period of quiet and repose. He returned, however,
in time to observe the fruitless flirtations which his
friends were conducting with the Anti-Masonic
party with a view to supporting its candidate, Wil-
liam Wirt, for the presidency in place of Jackson,
but Floyd would not listen to their suggestions. He
refused absolutely to have anything to do with one
of Wirt's ^'laxity in morals" and *^ opportune" po-
litical thinking ; with one who would turn the federal
government over to *^ fanatics, knaves, and religious
biffots. ' '

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 109

Again Calhoun appeared on the scene, this time
on his return to Washington. Realizing the impos-
sibility of his own political ambitions and that the
interests of the South, so far as remedial tariff leg-
islation was concerned, depended upon the ap-
proaching session of Congress, that for 1831-1832,
he probably advised his friends in Virginia to ac-
quiesce in the reelection of Jackson who, in spite of
his faults, was now considered less objectionable
than the ^* persistent" Clay. At any rate Floyd's
opposition to Jackson ceased for the time, and he
turned his attention to the efforts then being made
for a rehabilitation of the sovereign states and for
a reduction of the tariff. Considering the fact that
nullification was in the air, that Virginia held a
strategic position in the crisis, and that Floyd was
in the confidence of Calhoun, his annual message of
December, 1831, to the General Assembly, was of
more than usual interest. That part bearing upon
federal relations dealt both with the nature of the
federal government and with the tariff.'^

In clear and forceful language Floyd reasserted
the state sovereignty theory of government, as guar-
anteed by the ^* Compact or Constitution," holding
the Federal Government to be merely the ^^ Agent
of the States" entrusted only with such powers as
were originally intended to operate ** externally"
and **upon nations foreign to those composing the
Confederacy." He called attention to the disre-
gard with which ^'an unrestrained majority" had
received the memorials and protests of some of the
** sovereign states," justifying their acts by prece-
dent and expediency and thus melting away **the

110 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

solder of the Federal chain ;^' also to the fact that it
was then ^^ strongly insinuated" that the states
could not * interpose to arrest an unconstitutional
measure. ' ' Such a course, he was certain, could re-
sult only in nullifying the federal constitution and
in a complete failure in our experiment in govern-
ment.

The tariff was considered as a menace to the
South 's agricultural interests and as a violation of
the constitution. Floyd opposed any arrangement
whereby money could be drawn from one section, the
South, for the enrichment of another section, the
North. Under such a system he feared that those
who contributed least to the exports which brought
wealth to the treasury, would be tempted to urge
expedients for increasing their advantages. To his
mind the '^Compact" with its several compromises
had been entered into for the express purpose of
averting such a contingency. Otherwise, it had
been ** misunderstood" and was, therefore, insuffi-
cient to accomplish the object for which it was de-
signed, the preservation of our rights and liberties.
On the other hand, if the tariff was unconstitutional,
then the federal government had usurped the rights
of the states and erected a political system ^^subver-
sive of that to which allegiance is due." No ar-
rangement in justification of the tariff, not even the
proposed distribution of the surplus revenue among
the several states, was therefore legal and right.

With this statement of his views before the coun-
try Floyd was willing to wait the action of Congress
and, for a time at least, to eschew politics ; but un-
foreseen events seemed to make the latter desire im-

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 111

possible. Accepting as a challenge the refusal of
the federal Senate to confirm Jackson's nomination
of Van Buren to be Minister to the Court of St,
James, his friends now put him forward as the can-
didate of the Democratic party for the vice-presi-
dency to succeed Calhoun. To Floyd's great amaze-
ment, Ritchie and the Richmond Junto fell in with
the plan, if indeed, they had not played an impor-
tent part in formulating it. As he had not yet given
up the idea of a reelection for his favorite and of
thus keeping control of the long end of the lever in
case of Jackson's death, these new arrangements
for the presidential succession did not appeal to
him.

Accordingly his attacks upon Jackson were re-
newed with increased vigor. Gilmer having failed
in his efforts to found a Calhoun organ in Richmond,
Richard K. Cralle, Calhoun's friend, was aided in es-
tablishing the Jeffersonian and Virginia Times in
Petersburg. Meanwhile active steps were taken to
prevent the election of Van Buren. To this end,
Tazewell having declined to save the day, P. P. Bar-
bour, a Virginian with a long and satisfactory pe-
riod of public service to his account, was brought
forward on a Jackson-Barbour ticket. In this way
Floyd expected to throw the choice of the vice-presi-
dent into the Senate, where, it was thought. Van
Buren 's election could be prevented.

Meanwhile, in Floyd's dealings with Jackson, a
question arose involving the rights and dignity of
the ''sovereign state" of Virginia. Bearing a let-
ter of studied official character from Floyd, Charles
J. Faulkner had appeared at the White House to

112 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

request Jackson ^s aid in securing information from
the British archives regarding the disputed bounda-
ry line between Maryland and Virginia. After re-
ceiving the ^^ Agent of Virginia^' with all due cere-
mony Jackson promised the desired aid and suggest-
ed that it might be necessary to send a special agent
to London to make investigations. Whereupon
Faulkner ad^dsed that, inasmuch as the establish-
ment of state boundary lines was a matter of concern
to the federal government, the expenses of such an
agent should not fall upon the states. This gave
the ''Old Hero'' an opportunity to remind the
''Agent of Virginia" that he too belonged to the
strict construction school of politicians, which denied
to Congress the power to appropriate money for
other than federal purposes. ^'Sir," said he, "your
Senators are constantly watching my appropria-
tions. Tazewell, judging by his past course, would
be sure to condemn us, and your G-overnor, Floyd,
would be the first to blast us, if we departed from
the strict line of our duties, even if in favor of your
own State. ''^^

Sarcasm was not considered in good taste in such
serious undertakings. Faulkner was therefore ask-
ed to prepare an account of his interview in a form
suitable for use by Tazewell as the basis of an at-
tack upon Jackson from the floor of the Senate. Of
the incident Floyd wrote: "The President has in an
official conversation, with the Agent of the State of
Virginia, had no hesitation in opposing his own
resentment at the political opinions of the governor,
and the state, as well as those entertained by the sen-
ator, her representative in the Senate of the United

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 113

States/* Tazewell was urged to resent it all and
was assured of Virginians approval of his acts.
Faulkner 's refusal to permit an account of a private
interview to be made the basis of a public attack
probably saved both Floyd and Tazewell from ridi-
cule/^

Other events of the year 1832 were not such as
to restore Floyd's confidence in Jackson. Instead
they led him to the conclusion that things were going
from bad to worse. ]^ otwithstanding the fact that it
had received the support of a majority of Virginia's
representatives in Congress, the Tariff of 1832 was
mockery to the requests and needs of the South;
eJackson's attack upon the Bank of the United States
was simply a decoy; and the leaders of the South
had frequently encountered indifference and ridi-
cule. Then, too, Floyd's friend Barbour had resign-
ed his candidacy for the vice-presidency to accept
a place on the federal Supreme Bench, and the ^ kit-
tle magician," Van Buren, had been elevated to the
vice-presidency with Jackson as president. To cap
the climax South Carolina had nullified the tariff act
of 1832.

Though counseling prudence and moderation in
his annual message of December, 1832, Floyd was
then secretly counting the costs and horrors of war.
To his mind that ** outrage upon our institutions,"
that ** satire upon the revolution," and that *' con-
summation of a long expected executive usurpa-
tion," Jackson's Proclamation, in answer to the
Nullification Ordinance of South Carolina, made war
inevitable. Even before receiving information of
his choice by South Carolina for the presidency in

114 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

preference to Jackson, Floyd had, as the governor
of Virginia, prepared to sustain her sister state in
the fight upon the tariff and had given warning that
others should *^ beware/' Already he had recom-
mended a better organization and equipment of the
state militia, and he then chafed under the limita-
tions placed on his power by the state constitution.^"
Whatever one may think of his attitude and
statesmanship on this occasion the following letter
of December 23, 1832, to his friend Tazewell affords
ample proof of Floyd's patriotism:

My Dear Sir: I have received your letter for which I thank
you, and hold the expression of your approbation of my mes-
sage [the regular annual message] and conduct, in this criti-
cal and dangerous period, far above the favor of a parasitical
confederacy. I, as you will have perceived, have been left to
choose my course, for none seem willing to develope any view,
or to contribute an effort, to resist this torrent poured upon
our liberties by the tyrant usurper, Jackson.

When I know my course has met the approbation of your-
self, who have no object in view but the good of the country,
and that it is the cheering voice of a personal friend who com-
mends, I feel a pleasing sensation flow over my heart like a
smile, which I would not exchange for all the honors and
wealth a tyrant could give.

How often I have wished you were now in the Assembly;
you could, if a member of that body, still save the republic. As
it is I fear the result of the coming conflict will leave us in
chains; and unless the tariff party in Congress do now repeal
those laws nullifled by South Carolina, the blood of our citi-
zens will flow like water. Jackson pants for the sword and
will apply it freely in all cases law, politics or religion.

I have, my dear Sir, spent many many sleepless nights
since I came to be informed that Jackson had determined to
wage war upon a sovereign state, because I knew he was not a
patriot, but a tyrant who would as soon fight against his coun-

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 115

try as for it, if he in his own person was to be most distin-
guished and could rule without a check. I knew that to doubt
either his patriotism, his purity, his objects or his wisdom was
to stir up opposition, and perhaps hatred in those intended
to be protected and to be preserved.

I feel my bosom beginning to overflow, and I am afraid
of worrying your patience; for the heart like the eyes finds
relief from disburthening itself of long concealed and pent up
grief. I will restrain the inclination and say that all my here-
tofore reading in my school boy days, as well as my own obser^
vation in riper years, and we, since the revolution in France
down to that in Mexico, had ample fields for observation, con-
firm me in the full conviction that all who are prominent in
authority when those horrid brutalities of civil war begin will
surely perish. Virtue and patriotism then often cause the
death of the man who possesses them; nor do they receive
justice until after ages pronounce judgment, which is gener-
ally correct, there being no successful villain to flatter by an
opposite decision.

You will perceive by these reflections that should the
tyrant wage a civil war, I have no very strong expectation of
living through the struggle; but the crisis has arrived and we
ought to meet it like men who have not sought it, but it being
inevitable have met it with a corresponding resolution.

I have no desire but to retain the good opinion of my
friends, discharge my duty to Virginia like a good and faithful
citizen, more anxious to discharge well the duties of office
than to possess office.

Should this man bring upon us the scourge of civil war,
you will have no cause to lament the vaccillation of your
friend or call in doubt the confidence reposed. Killed and con-
quered we may be, but the honor and the patriotism of the
man, and of Virginia shall not be questioned even by malignity
itself.

With the sincerest friendship and the highest regard, I
am yours, 81

JOHN FLOYD.

116 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

Floyd 's family shared with him these sentiments
and alarms. On January 1, 1833, his wife wrote :

\

God bless you my dear Floyd — a happy, happy New Year
to you. What will be its close? Will the alarming state ot
our country break up the enjoyments of our plentiful, peace-
ful home? Merciful Father! is there not honesty enough in
our government "To render unto Caesar the things that are
Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's? I rejoice to
see you hold out for the people. I can not be patient at the
possibility of a gallant enlightened community being sacrificed
to the passion of a "bloody, bawdy, treacherous, leacherous
villian." Oh my husband, how prophetic has your friend Col.
John Williams been as to yours and Calhoun's fate. I fear
power will crush you both. There is an universal indignation
amongst the women of the country at the President's course
"for letting the negroes loose upon us." Do you think such
a thing is possible? Ritchie I observe has got his cue from
the Albany Regency. You are to be sacrificed. Have you no
personal or political friend to aid you in these attacks? I ad-
vise you at once to discontinue your subscription to Niles
Register, upon the principle that I would not pay any man for
abusing me. Surely it has come to Ritchie's and Croswell's
to meet out the same justice. Croswell has forwarded a state-
ment of your dues to him which I will send by Nathan Hart
to you, which please discharge and stop the Albany Argus. If
money is to be given let it be to our own side. Duff Green has
lately had his arm broken for the cause; strengthen it by giv-
ing him that which has pampered Ritchie and Croswell. 82

Amidst the fears of impending disaster peaceful
currents continued meanwhile to flow and to make
for national accord. For his own part Floyd had al-
ways been willing to ^^ modify'' his tone for the
common good. Thus when word came to him that
South Carolina was willing to submit her grievances
to a convention of the states and that Clay would

AN APOSTLE OF DISCONTENT 117

agree to a modification of the tariff, Floyd was will-
ing to cooperate with each. The Compromise Tariff
of 1833 had his approval, and it was partly out of re-
gard for his desires that the General Assembly of
Virginia voted to send Benjamin Watkins Leigh, as
a special commissioner, from that state, to South
Carolina, bearing requests for moderation and con-
ciliation in the nullification controversy. With these
turns the crisis passed leaving all parties in a posi-
tion to claim victory and the character of the federal
government as indefinite as it ever had been.

Under the changed conditions Floyd modified his
tone toward Jackson, but he stoutly refused to re-
turn to the Democratic fold so long as Van Buren
was one of its leaders. With many other state rights
men he now became ^^a sort of Clay man,^' going so
far as to renew his friendship with him and to apol-
ogize in the pages of his diary for the abuses which
he had made of his confidences. ^^ He now proba-
bly thought it possible to attach Clay to the Cal-
houn car, hoping thereby to unite the South and the
West upon Calhoun for the presidency.

But it was no time for favorites ; principles now
amounted to more than men ; and the elimination of
both Clay and Calhoun from the list of eligibles for
the presidency had become temporarily imperative.
Accordingly Floyd set himself to the task of working
out a fighting alliance between all the factions op-
posed to the administration. To this end he encour-
aged discord within the Democratic party, while
scrupulously keeping the conflicting ambitions of his
own friends in the background. In November, 1833,
Judge Brook, Clay's confidential adviser in Vir-

118 LIFE OF JOHN FLOYD

ginia, made it clear to Floyd that Clay was not then
a candidate for the presidency, and about the same
time Calhoun's friends ceased to urge his claims to
that office. Thus was rendered possible a formidable
alliance between the heterogeneous elements oppos-
ed to the administration. The product was the
Whig party. Thus Floyd retired from office happy
in the belief that he had saved his country from a
threatened executive usurpation and that the wise
and the good would again soon shape the destinies
of the republic.

Soon after his retirement from public life Floyd
was attacked by a stroke of paralysis from which he
never recovered. He died August 16, 1837, and his
remains now repose in an unmarked grave at Sweet
Springs, Monroe County, West Virginia. His spirit
still lives, however, in that bond existing between the
Valley of Virginia and her tidewater and piedmont
sections. When our claims to Oregon became the
leading issue in the presidential election of 1844, his
memory and achievements were revived, but they
soon sank from sight in the long drawn out period of
sectional strife that followed.^*

FOOTNOTES

iRichmond Times-Dispatch, May 2, 1909; Floyd, J. N. Bio-
graphical Genealogies of the Virginia-Kentucky Floyd Families.

2McElroy, R. M., Kentucky in the Nation's History, 2.

sMorehead, Address on the Settlement of Kentucky (pamphr
let).

^Draper {Manuscripts), 33 S291-335.

sMorehead's Address.

^Calendar Virginia State Papers, 1, 310.

TIdem, II, 47; James, George Rogers Clark Papers in Illi-
nois Historical Collection, VIII, 524.

sCollins, History of Kentucky, I, 238, 311; Marshall, His-
tory of Kentucky, I, 115.

sjohnston, Johnston, Preston, Floyd, and Bowen Families,
in manuscript.

-^0 Journal, House of Delegates, 1814-1815, 13.

ibidem, pp. 78, 141.

^ndem, pp. 59, 76.

isMoore, The Works of James Buchanan, XII, 306.

i^Benton, Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, VI, 158-
162.

isRichmond Enquirer, December 15, 1818; Idem, May 11,
1830.

i<i Annals of Congress. 16Cong. 1st sess., II., 1587; Riclimond
Enquirer, March 7, 1820.

i"^ Annals of Congress. 16Cong. 2d sess., p, 991.

-^Hdem, 16Cong. 2d sess. p. 1154.

^Hdem, p. 1165.

^^Memoirs, V., p. 275.

^Wregon Historical Society, Quarterly, VI, 261.

22idem, 260; Shafer, History of the Pacific Northtvest. 129

23Tliese essays are in the Library of Congress.

24Benton, Thirty Years' View, I, 13.

^^Annals of Congress, 16Cong. 2d sess., 679; Benton, Abridg-
ment of Debates, VII, 50; Bancroft, H. H. History of Oregon,
I, 349-369.

26Bourne, E. G., Oregon Histo. So. Quarterly, VI, 263.

27Benton, Thirty Years* View, I, 13.

28This was undoubtedly a reference to the defalcation of
John Preston, one of Floyd's kinsmen. See Richmond Enquirer,
January 30, 1820.

120 FOOTNOTES

39Adams, Memoirs, V, 237.

smiles Weekly Register, XXI, 270.

sildem, XXI, 350.

:^2it seems that the name Oregon was first applied by the
author of the Travels of Jonathan Carver to a fabled river some-
where in the far west. After Captain Gray's voyage, in 1792, the
names "Oregon" and "Columbia" were used interchangeably for
the river which he discovered. Later Bryant, in his Thanatopsis
popularized the word "Oregon" as the name of a river, but it
was John Floyd who first formally applied the name Oregon to
the territory along the Columbia River. See Shafer, History of
the Pacific Northwest, 47; Oregon Histo. So. Quarterly, VI, 265.

ssAnnals of Congress. 17Cong. 1st sess. I, 722, 733 ; Richmond
Enquirer, August 27, 1822.

^^Annals of Congress. 17Cong. I, 1034, 1073.

S5ldem, II, 1617.

^^ational Intelligencer, August 30, 1822.

^"^Memoirs, VI, 57.

"^Annals of Congress. 17Cong. 2d sess. 397.

39Francis Baylies was born at Dighton, Massachusetts, in
1783, and was elected to Congress in 1821, where he served three
terms. A former Federalist he became a strong supporter of An-
drew Jackson for the presidency and voted for Jackson in pref-
erence to Adams in 1825. Adams considered him "one of the
most talented and worthless men in New England." See Oregon
Histo, So. Quarterly, VI, 268.

^oAnnals of Congress. 17Cong. 2d sess.. 682-683.

4i7(Zem, 17Cong. 2d sess., 700.

^^idern, ISCong. 1st sess., I, 1203; Adams, Memoirs, VI,
239.

43AnnaZs of Congress. 18Cong. 1st sess., I, 1622; IMd.. II,
2345.

^^Congressional Debates. I, pt. I, 25; Benton, Ahridg-
ments of Debates, VIII, 208.

*^Idem, V, 195.

48Professor E. G. Bourne, Oregon Histo. So. Quarterly, VI,
275.

47Benton, Abridgment of Debates, VII, 8.

*»Id€m, IX, 358.

mdem, VII, 40; Adams, Memoirs, VI, 297, 360, 391,

FOOTNOTES 121

soAdams, Memoirs, VI, 360,
^^Idern, VI, 360.
^^Idem, VI, 391.

53Benton, Abridgments of Debates, VII, 641, 673.
siAmbler, Thomas Ritchie, p. 108.
^^Fioyd's Diary.

56Richmond Enquirer, February 3, 1829.
57For a fuller account of the Floyd family see The John P.
Branch Historical Papers of Randolph-Macon College, IV, p. 78.
^^Floyd Manuscripts, Library of Congress.
Adjournal of the House of Delegates, 1829-'30.
eoAmbler, Sectionalism in Virginia, p. 309, 315.
^i Journal of the House of Delegates; Kanawha Banner,
October 1, 1830.

^^Floyd's Diary.
^^Floyd Manuscripts.
^^Floyd's Diary.

^^Tazewell Papers, now in Norfolk, Va.
««Floyd*s Diary.
^Tldem.
^»Idem.

^^House Journal, 1829-30. The house was largely Demo^
cratic, and the vote was: Floyd 140, Peter V. Daniel 66.
''oFloyd Manuscripts, in the Library of Congress.
T^Idem.

Tildem.

-'^Floyd's Diary, April 16, 1831.

Ibidem, April 25, 26, 1831.
— ^ 5 Floyd Ms.

-i^Floyd's Diary, April 25, 26, 1831.

T!Journal, House of Delegates, 1831-32, p. 13.

i»TazeweU Ms. Faulkner to Floyd, May 18, 1832.

■f^Floyd Ms. Floyd to Tazewell, May 24, 1832; Tazewell Ms..
Floyd to Tazewell, June 11, 1832.

^oFloyd's Diary.

^^ Floyd Ms.

»2Floyd Ms.

^^Floyd's Diary.

84Richmond Enquirer, April 28, 1845; Moore, The Works of
James Buchanan, V, 457.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD

CHAPTER VI.

MARCH, 1831.

Eighth day. When at the Capitol I received a let-
ter from A. L. Botts, a member of the Privy Coun-
cil, resigning his seat in that body.

On my return to my house I was informed that
the Honorable Lewis Williams, a member of Con-
gress from North Carolina, had called on me. I re-
gret very much I did not see him. I am informed by
Colonel J. P. Preston, who is with me, and the rest
of my present household that he gives the same ac-
count of the reckless course of General Jackson in
the Presidency which Mr. Alexander and Mr. Trez-
vant of this State gave me on Monday last.

My resentment toward General Jackson, the
President, I find has changed to pity and a total
abstraction of feeling of interest in his future course.

It is possible that what I now write for amuse-
ment to gratify a momentary desire may some day
become history and I will therefore take more care
in writing the ideas and facts more distinctly. I
have not nor do I intend to record anything but sim-
ple facts either known to me or my friends.

This President has disappointed friends and
foes ; all his enemies said of him before his election,
has been realized. The future historian will regret
to record the error these States committed in rais-
ing a victorious general of their army to the first
office in the State of a civil kind, merely because he
had become popular for winning a great battle and

124 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

closing a war with a splendid victory over the En-
glish armies at New Orleans. I thought Jackson
had mind, which by practice in the affairs of gov-
ernment, would soon be qualified to manage the
machine and in a short space of time he would be-
come a statesman. That all the talents of the Union
were at his command, I know, and did believe in
common with all others of his friends, that he would
call around him the talented and distinguished men
throughout the confederacy and make as strong and
splendid an administration as Jefferson's. How
sorrowfully all have been disappointed. We believ-
ed that Langdon Cheves, Littleton Waller Taze-
well, John McLean of Ohio, Thomas H. Benton,
James Hamilton, Jr., of South Carolina, Hayne, a
senator of that State, Hugh L. White of Tennes-
see, and so forth and so forth would have been
called; and that Mr. Calhoun, the Vice-President,
would have been consulted and allowed his due
weight, he being considered a man of the first talents
in the Union, the one on which we placed the highest
value. Instead of giving us such men, he has sur-
rounded himself with men of narrow minds, some
of them hardly gentlemen and none of them have
much character and no principles, moral or politi-
cal, except Ingham and Branch. Jackson has given
himself up to the management of these wretches and
has even had the folly to engage in the petty little
quarrels of the women ! The ladies who have been
esteemed virtuous refused to associate with Mrs.
Eaton, who had been the wife of Timberlake, a pur-
ser, but who had been the kept mistress of Eaton
for years before Timberlake 's death and whilst Tim-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 125

berlake was at sea, where Eaton, then a senator from
Tennessee, contrived by influencing the Secretary of
the Department of the Navy to keep him. Jackson
has degraded himself into a defender of that woman
who did not confine her favors to Eaton. He even
descended to the hnmble station of a procurer of
certificates to prove her innocence. General Fran-
cis Preston, my brother-in-law, informed me that
Jackson had given him a manuscript of ninety pages
to read containing certificate evidence to prove the
innocence of Mrs. Eaton! Mrs. Eaton was, whilst
I was in Congress, considered as a lady who would
be willing to dispense her favors wherever she took
a fancy.

Such the President and such his Cabinet. All
the talent and morality of the country is against him
as strongly as it was in his favor two years ago. Our
constitutional doctrine has been so cut up, changed
and disregarded by Jackson that it is probable he
will be put out of the Chair in two years more. It
shall be done unless it is ascertained that the Clay
construction of the Constitution should prevail by so
doing; in that case, Jackson may be reelected.

Ninth day. Received a letter from Mr. Tazewell,
our senator. He, I think, will not resign. Tyler,
our other senator, writes to me that the Vice-Presi-
dent, Calhoun will be here in Richmond on Friday
next.

Tenth day. Had a meeting of the James River
Company. The Vice-President arrived today. He
spent the evening with me and a few friends called
in also. He confirms all we have heard from Wash-
ington City as to the course of the Federal Govern-

126 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

ment. I anticipate many evils from the course of
the present administration of that government.

Eleventh day. The Vice-President, J. C. Calhoun,
dines with me today, also Governor Preston [of
South Carolina], Wm. B. Preston, and Mr. Thomas
W. Gilmer. Much conversation passed amongst us
and all the prominent measures of President Jack-
son were discussed amongst us. We all seemed to
agree in our political opinions very cordially. I
will write these things as I progress in these notes
or records.

This evening I invited about sixty gentlemen to
spend the evening to meet the Vice-President. Most
of these gentlemen were of the Assembly, senators
and delegates. All went away highly gratified, pleas-
ed and delighted with Mr. Calhoun. He has won
upon all and I think nineteen-twentieths will sup-
port him for the Presidency. All Van Buren\s
hopes are blasted forever in this State. All are
disgusted with his base attempt to ruin the charac-
ter of Mr. Calhoun by the plot to embroil him
through Mr. Crawford with General Jackson.

Tivelfth day. Mr. Calhoun went on his way to
South Carolina to his own residence. Met the Coun-
cil of State and transacted much business.

I received a confidential letter yesterday from
Duff Green which, according to his desire, I showed
to Mr. Calhoun. This letter exhibits such unexpected
traits of character, and opinions so reckless and an
intolerance so reprehensible, in the highest officers
of the Federal Government, that I cannot forbear
inserting it below as follows:

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 127

Washington, March 10th, 1831.

(Confidential)

Dear Sir: I have just had an interesting conversation with
Judge Barry, in which, he expressly told me that the adminis-
tration considered me as in opposition because I had inserted
an article approbatory of Mr. Tazewell and had also assailed Mr.
Van Buren. I asked if I was to understand that support or
opposition to Mr. Van Buren was to be considered the test of
friendship to the administration? To this he replied that he
did not see how anyone could sustain the administration and
assail one of the members of the Cabinet. I then asked him
how he could reconcile bitter attacks on the Vice-President with
a support of the administration. To this he replied that he was
a Jackson man. But said I "Your organ, the GloJ)e, assails Mr.
Calhoun and I learn that friendship or enmity to Mr, Calhoun
is to be made the test of friendship or enmity to General Jack-
son! He said that Mr. Calhoun has assailed Mr. Jackson by the
publication of the correspondence and that if I identified myself
with Mr. Calhoun, I must abide the consequences. To this I
replied that I had counted the cost and was prepared for the
contest. That I denied the right of the President or anyone
to propose any such, terms, but that when proposed, I was at
no loss to choose.

I give you these facts that you may judge of the state of
things here and that you may communicate them in confidence
to Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Barry further added that he had been the
friend of Mr. Calhoun and that he was desirous to do him jus-
tice and to befriend him when he went West next summer but
that if he was a nullifier that he could never support him.
"Sir," said I, "You know that Mr. Calhoun is no more of a nulli-
fier than you and Jefferson always were and that the construc-
tion given to the doctrines of th« South was given to cover the
attacks contemplated against Mr. Calhoun and I have now in my
possession the proof under the signed manual of both Kendal
and Blair to show that the Glote was established with the pre-
concerted purpose of hunting Mr. Calhoun down on that charge."
I told him that the scheme would fail. We parted, he profess-

128 DIARY OF JOHNgFLOYD.

ing feeling of personal kindness but you may rest assured that
they are resolved on an uncompromising war on Mr. Calhoun's
friends.

Major Eaton, the Secretary of War, is extremely ill with
the croup and I am apprehensive that he will not recover. What
may be the result, I do not pretend to foresee. I shall be glad
to hear from you from time to time. Please show this to Mr.
Calhoun. I send it to you because I do not believe a letter
from me to him could pass safely. Your friend,

Duff Gbebn.

Thirteenth day. Showed the above letter to Wm.
B. Preston, a raember of the House of Delegates.
I have projected a public dinner to our senators,
Tazewell and Tyler. The members of the General
Assembly will do that thing in approval of their bold,
honorable and independent stand made by them in
the Senate of the United States in defence of States
Eights. This day Mr. Calhoun is on his way to
South Carolina.

Fourteenth day. Had a Council of State.

Fifteenth day. Saw Senator Tyler to-day. I ad-
vised him to be absent as the members of the As-
sembly were getting up a public dinner for him and
Mr. Tazewell, in appreciation of their conduct in the
Senate of the United States. Consequently Mr. Ty-
ler went to the country to return in a day or two.

Sixteenth day. Had a meeting of the James River
Company.

Seventeenth day. Mr. Tyler has returned and is
mixing with the members. A dinner will be given to
Senators Tyler and Tazewell. This day I saw Mr.
Ewing, a senator elect from the State of Ohio, who
brought me a letter of introduction from Mr. Creigh-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 129

ton, a representative from that State, with whom I
served in Congress. Whilst at the Council Cham-
ber, Governor Poindexter, late of Mississippi, called
on me. He is now a senator from that State in the
Congress of the United States.

Eighteenth day. I have invited Senator Poindex-
ter and his two nephews to dine with me to-morrow,
also Mr. Ewing, Judges Carr, Cabell, Coulter, Brook,
May, and Brockenbrough, Doctors Watson and
Page, Major Gibbon, Mr. Thomas Giles, W. B. Pres-
ton, J. P. Willson, of Cumberland, Lynn Banks, Mr.
Robert Stanard, Colonel Andrew Beirne, G. W.
Mumford, J. Robinson and others.

Nineteenth day. In the evening my guests arrived
and we enjoyed quite a pleasant time. Among other
things some of the company played whist until
eleven o'clock. After dinner whilst Senator Poin-
dexter staid he talked on politics, of the Federal
Government and said that nothing could be more
surprising than the course General Jackson had
taken in the Presidency, he was surrounded by a few-
favorites who controlled and directed all things ;
these men too were ignorant and presumptuous. He
had turned his thoughts to making Van Buren his
successor and had done violence to the constitution
to forward his popularity, that the Turkish treaty
was a direct violation of the constitution, that he
now went for internal improvements by the United
States, for a division of the surplus revenue. That
the Senate had rejected the nomination of Stam-
bough as an Indian agent, yet General Jackson had
reappointed him after the adjournment of the Sen-
ate. Mr. Poindexter said that he would have voted

130 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

against the nomination of the printers if he had been
in the Senate where he would have been but for ill
health. He is and will go heartily and firmly for
the South and support the Virginia principles.

Twentieth day, Sunday. There is nothing stirring
to-day, no news. Thomas Miller, a Delegate, says
that Mr. Tazewell will be here this week. Of course
we may expect him the next return of the steamboat.

Twenty-first day. This day Sir William Camp-
bell of Upper Canada called to see me and paid his
respects. He is in bad health and is a fine gentle-
man.

Washington, March 6th, 1831.

(Private)

Dear Sir: I am very desirous of learning the state of pub-
lic feeling in Richmond relative to matters and things in gen-
eral but more particularly with regard to the Correspondence.

Now I ask this as a friend. I am desirous of knowing
whether the censure falls on the right person, I mean Van Buren.

I am in the hurry of departure and have not time to write
more. Address me at "Pleasant Gardens," Burke, N. Car. Your
Friend,

Samuel P. Carson.
To Governor Floyd.

(Answer)

Richmond, March 17th, 1831.

Dear Sir: I received your letter dated at the city of Wash-
ington desiring me to give you the real state of the facts in rela-
tion to the effects upon the public mind caused by the publication
of the correspondence between the President and the Vice-Presi-
dent and to know where the blame attaches if "in the right place"
you say, "I mean Van Buren."

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 131

I do not know whether I can give you such information as
you desire. The facts so far as I have learned them I will cheer-
fully communicate to you with the same frankness and confidence
you have observed in the request.

When that correspondence was known to be in the city, it
was sought and read with singular avidity. Previous to this pe-
riod. Van Buren had some advocates among the friends of [T. M.l
Randolph here, as also Ritchie, the printer of the Richmond
Enquirer. When the public mind had time to reflect upon the
correspondence and gentlemen began to talk upon the subject
there seemed to be hardly a division of opinion among them.

At this juncture, Ritchie began to lament the appearance of
the "correspondence" and as the only possible means of sus-
taining Van Buren, he seemed to desire the public to consider
it a private quarrel and refrain any expression of opinion until
after General Jackson's reelection. This advice none seemed dis-
posed to heed. Van Buren is utterly annihilated in Virginia and
Jackson himself so hurt that he may now be said literally to
live politically but by the sufferance of those he has most neg-
lected or had permitted his printers to abuse.

For my part I have seen with pain all the brilliant hopes of
his real friends blasted and ruined forever, hopes not for them-
selves but for their country which by his energy and decision
would see her Constitution renewed and protected in its just
power, the conflicting interest of the Confederacy adjusted, the
talents of the country brought into council, the virtue, morality
and integrity of the whole brought around him, to aid in estab-
lishing an administration the fame and character of which would
have gone down to posterity as bright as though its history had
been written in letters of sunshine upon the blue vault of Heaven,
but all, all I fear, is lost forever. Nothing can save Jackson's
posthumous fame but such decision and change of measures
as none who know his present condition believe will take place.

From recent events I think it may be said that in this
State he is tolerated and his futurd hopes here will be owing to
the forbearance of those I have alluded to, which will be directed
by his future conduct.

Though this state of things has been brought about by the
councils of these depraved individuals, he himself is to be pitied
as being ignorant of what everyone else knows full well. Such

132 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

conduct cost Charles of England his head and lately Charles of
France his throne. The ballot-box will do in this country what
the axe and the bayonet did unless Jackson should prove as wise
as the English monarch lately has proven himself to be in such
a dilemma.

I have heard from the country and believe this state of things
to exist everywhere. Richmond is the only point where there is
an advocate and he has been bought and sold for the purpose of
securing the succession to that Van Buren. Yours with friendly
regard,

John Floyd.

To the Hon. Sam'l P. Carson,
Pleasant Gardens, Burke County, North Carolina.

Though these letters have been recorded in this
book to-day at my request by my son, William Pres-
ton Floyd, nevertheless I received that of Mr. Car-
son's in due course of mail. My answer was written
as it purports to have been^ but I retained it until
this time to see whether the agitation of this pro-
posed dinner to our Senators would make any
change in public opinion, or if the opinion of gentle-
men being more freely expressed, would make it
necessary for me to change my opinion as to the true
state of public sentiment. I will forward the let-
ter by to-morrow's mail under a full and thorough
belief that all which has transpired from the conver-
sations of gentlemen since the writing of it has been
justified and that Jackson is even more strongly ob-
jected to than even I imagined at the time it was
written.

Tiventy-second day. Had a council of state and
received an answer from the President relative to
our claims against them. It was unsatisfactory.

Twenty-fourth day. Had a meeting of the James

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 133

River Company. In the evening I dined with Mr.
James Lyons. At dinner he informed me, in the
hearing of Mr. Goode of Brunswick, a Member of
the Assembly, that Mr. Powell, a delegate from that
side of the James River, called him a ^ * south-sider, ' '
said to Peter V. Daniel that if Jackson did not turn
out Van Buren that they (the south-siders) would
turn out Jackson. After dinner I spent the evening
at Mr. Call's.

Twenty-fifth day. No council as the members did
not attend.

Twenty-sixth day. Had a council of state to-day
and transacted much business. In the evening at
eight of the clock, General Walter Jones of the Dis-
trict of Columbia, came in and sat some time and
conversed much about Washington City and the ad-
ministration of Jackson. Jones is a lawyer in that
city, his reputation for talents is among the best at
the Supreme Court of the United States. He is a
Virginian, but of the Adams and Clay party, yet
his character is such that none will dispute his
statements in anything he would say in matters of
fact. He says that it is generally believed in Wash-
ington that there is a good understanding among the
members of the cabinet that the wretch of a printer,
Amos Kendal, fourth Auditor of the Navy has more
influence with the President than any other man, he
puts up and puts down. These miserable reptiles,
William B. Lewis, John Eaton, Van Buren and
Barry manage the whole affairs of the United
States. Jackson has overturned the settled consti-
tutional construction of all the laws which have
governed the President from the foundation of the

134 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

United States until the present time. He has out-
raged all regulations and has violated the Consti-
tution whenever it stood in the way of his will. He
has appointed ministers without the knowledge or
consent of the Senate, has signed and approved bills
for roads, canals and rivers and when Stambough
was nominated to the Senate as an Indian agent,
who being rejected by an almost unanimous vote,
he then in defiance of all this, appointed him sub-
agent without consulting the Senate. General Jones
says the alleged reason for his appointment as re-
ported in Washington was ^'that the poor, helpless
Indians said they would not go home without Stam,-
bough, that they would hunt their way home and die
on the highway sooner than take anyone else!" Can
it be possible that Jackson and this depraved set
about him can believe that the people of these States
will suffer their constitution to be violated, and that
too, for such puerile and insulting reasons as those.

T IV enty -seventh day, A few friends called in
during the day. I received many public dispatches-

Twenty- eighth day. Had a Council of State, in
the afternoon I was informed that Mr. Gilmer was
going to Charlottesville to consult his family as to
the propriety of coming here to Richmond to edit a
paper to support our and Calhoun's interests.

T IV enty -ninth day. Had a meeting of the North-
western Turnpike Board of Directors, consisting of
the Governor (ex-officio), the Treasurer, Attorney-
General, and Second Auditor. We organized tiie
business, made a recommendation to the General As-
sembly and adjourned.

Thirty-first day. This day I took the oath of of-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 135

fice prescribed by law to be administered to the Gov-
ernor of Virginia, and am now the Governor of Vir-
ginia under the New Constitution, having had the
honor to be the last Governor under the old Consti-
tution by a vote of three to one over the opposing
candidate, P. V. Daniel, and under the New Con-
stitution I was unanimously elected governor for
three years, to take office this day.

APRIL 1ST, 1831.

Second day. Mr. Thomas W. Gilmer, a Delegate
from Albemarle, called this evening and agreed to
edit a newspaper in this city to support the doctrine
of Virginia as declared in the resolutions of 1798,
also internal improvements by the state and finally
Mr. Calhoun ^s election to the Presidency.

Third day. I went to the old Baptist Church to
hear Mr. Broadus preach as it is reported his elo-
quence excels all the preachers. I was disappointed
in his eloquence not being equal to my expectations
as created from the reports I heard of him.

I received this evening a letter from Duff Green
on general politics. I will write to him shortly and
put him right as he seems to think Mr. Calhoun
should be put up for the Vice-Presidency again. No,
he must be President and that at the next term in
lieu of Jackson. If he is not, Jackson and his pro-
fligate and ignorant Cabinet will ruin the Confed-
eracy and dissolve this Union in six years from this
day.

Fourth day. Had a Council of State.

Fifth day. General Carrington called to-day, who

136 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

gives us the pleasing intelligence of the health of his
lady, our niece. My Council of State evidently feels
less potent than under the old Constitution.

Sixth day. Met the James River Company and
in the evening I went to Mr. Ritchie 's party. He is
alarmed at the prospect of a rival in T. W. Gilmer's
paper and is now trying to conciliate all parties.

Seventh day. Had a Council.

Eighth day. This day I have sent off many of
Mr. Gilmer's proposals for printing a paper devoted
to the interests of Virginia in her improvements and
to the Constitution of the United States as expound-
ed by our Resolutions of 1798. We dined with P.
N. Nicholas to-day, Mr. Tazewell called on me to-
day.

Ninth day. Mr. Tazewell came up in the steam-
boat night before last and looks well. He informed
me that he stopped at the Union Hotel. I will see
him to-day. I called to see him but he was not in at
the hour. Went to Council.

Eleventh day. Mr. Tazewell called. We were
alone from eleven to two o'clock. I heard all his
views fully on the subject of the course of the Fed-
eral Government and Jackson's prospects for re-
election and his present mode of administering the
Government. He thinks Jackson wholly incompe-
tent to administer the government and that his cabi-
net is more incompetent than he. This seems to be
the general opinion now amongst the intelligent of
Virfrinia and especially amongst the members of the
Legislature.

Twelfth day. Had a council and transacted busi-
ness and returned home. T was at the play last

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 137

night. Forest played in the character of Damon in
the play of Damon and Pythias. Forest is an actor
of the highest attainments. This is the first time I
have been at the theater in Richmond. It will, I
think, be the last, as the house is dirty, noisy and ill
arranged.

Thirteenth day. Nothing of importance to-day.
The President, it is said, is dangerously ill, but not
believed as the report cannot be traced.

Fourteenth day. Night before last the frost was
exceedingly severe. It is thought most of the fruit
has been killed. The Lucerne in the public square
ji round the capitol is much injured. My daughter
returned at nine past meridian in fine health and
spirits from her visit to Mrs. Harrison.

Fifteenth day. I heard last night that the Presi-
dent is better of his attack, which is good news to
his dependents as they calculate to a man being de-
prived of office if he should die, as none believe them
worthy of office, friend or foe, yet they must sub-
mit to them.

Sixteenth day. Had a Council of State. Went
into the House of Delegates in the afternoon, and
saw them elect two judges, Robert B. Taylor, the
one, the other was the reelection of Judge May of
the old court.

Seventeenth day. I was visited by P. N. Nicholas
and Dr. Brockenbrough. These gentlemen sat an
hour and a half at least. They talked much of poli-
tics, but said nothing of domestic politics or men.

Eir/hteenth day. Nothing of much importance is
stirring or reported, except that the news of two
days ago is confirmed. The Poles have beaten the

138 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Russians, there is revolt throughout Italy, Spain
and Portugal. G-ermany has armed to interfere and
France will be obliged to take part in the War.

Nineteenth day. Had a Council of State. No news
of importance. The General Assembly has had the
longest session that has ever been known since the
foundation of the government.

Twentieth day. The Russians, Poles, French, Ital-
ians, Spain, Portugal and Germany are preparing
for war. England is disturbed, the people clamor
for a reform in the government. Lord Russell
brought in a bill at the instance of the King's min-
isters to produce a ^^ Reform in their Parliament
This is to reorganize their counties and boroughs
so as to cut off about sixty-four members. This is
stated in the last advices from England. This is
like offering insult to injury. The people clamor
<^.gainst the national debt, say they are crushed under
•a load of taxes, are in want of something to eat,
one fifth of the whole population of England is on
the parish and some die daily throughout that king-
dom of hunger. Yet strange to tell, the rich clergy
and aristocracy refuse any change! Poor unfortu-
nate avarice, which will utterly destroy them as it
did the King of France, Louis XVI, in our own day.
This proposition now made by Lord Russell is as
inefficient as an attempt to stop the current of the
Kanawha with straw. If they do not at once give
up as much of their wealth as will pay these debts
of the Nation, relieve the people from their deep
depression and suffering under their system of tax-
ation, a.nd above all, give the people something to
oRt, there will be revolution which will cost the King

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 139

his throne and the Nobles their estates and the
clergy their revenues.

Twenty-first day. My health is not good. I have
a bad taste in my mouth and my eyes are not clear,
seem hot and sore. Had a Council of State.

About the hour that I dismissed the Council I
received Papers and letters from the city of Wash-
ington giving information of the resignation of all
of the Secretaries of the President. That the Minis-
ters of England have often resigned in a body is well
known, because having been outvoted they resign
as having felt that the people or rather the Parlia-
ment required them to resign. This in the United
States is different, appointed as they are. Each
gentleman entertains his own views and only gives
his opinion, or counsel and advice as it may be term-
ed, when desired by the President and as the Presi-
dent is the only man known to our laws or Consti-
tution the opinion or advice of a Secretary is of no
consequence to the country.

This general resignation then must be a concert-
ed political movement, intended by Jackson and Van
Buren to effectuate some great political object. I
think to make Mr. Van Buren Vice-President and
inflict a punishment upon Mr. Calhoun and to over-
throw his friends. It will not answer their expecta-
tions. So far Virginia holds the destiny of all these
men in her hands. I will take care that her power
is judiciously used.

Twenty-second day. Had a Council.

Twenty-third day. Had a Council. Called to see
Colonel Andrew Beirne who has been very ill. He
is better. Warren R. Davis has left the city.

140 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Twenty-fifth day.

Richmond, April 24th, 1831.

Deab Sib: I received your last letter giving me the informa-
tion relating to the resignation ot tne Secretary of State and the
Secretary of War, followed by that of the other two Secretaries
and the Attorney General.

So wide a sweep has never before taken place in the United
States, for my own part I feel at no loss to account for this sin-
gular occurrence.

If Van Buren and Eaton had remained in, the administration
in all its parts, would have been prostrated in another year.

To have dismissed Ingham or Branch would have been to do
at a blow what time will soon do, accomplish their overthrow.

This step is another of those manifestations of weak sag-
acity with which Mr. Van Buren has often of late astonished us.
To save himself, to save Jackson, to suspend public judgment,
he has taken this course, to have an entire Van Buren Cabinet
and Administration by thus getting clear of Ingham and Branch
without disturbing the repose of the friends of those men, he
has been silly enough to believe.

I am inclined to think that Jackson's requesting those Sec-
retaries to remain in office until suitable successors can be found
is a part of their scheme. Because when it is known that Van
Buren and Eaton have resigned and only remain as a kind of
locum tenens, none, they fancy, will assail them, as they are no
longer Secretaries. At the same time they are concocting and
conglomerating all their nauseous materials in the Presidential
catalogue. Besides, if Ingham and Branch remain thus good nat-
urally until a successor be found, it will seem to show that they
have resigned by invitation, in quite a good-humored way, or re-
main in oflBce until their friends learn to hide their blushes, to
smother their indignation or learn to be silent. In either of
those events they lose character and injure their friends and
party.

I have today for th« first time seen Mr. Ingham's correspon-
dence with the President. He has managed the affair as an able
diplomatist and wary statesman. I think he ought not to have
remained one hour in the Department after he resigned. The
dignified station he was in, the manner of his resignation, and

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 141

the manly attitude he assumed in the correspondence required it.

This course would have compelled the President to have made
his appointment on an early day that we might have, as soon as
possible, some index to their future course. I think yet they
ought to go as soon as possible. Jackson says he must resign,
that he may reorganize his administration and reproduce har-
mony.

Might that not have been done by appointing men who would
have agreed with Ingham and Branch?

Add to all this, if the letters are true in their dates, Eaton
told the President on the fourth, that he would resign, on the
seventh he did resign. It is now twenty days and no whisper of
a successor.

They will attempt to sound the public mind, we cannot
doubt, as to successors. Would it not be well to comment upon
the names thrown out as little as possible? So as to make them
take all the responsibility of their course. They have stirred up
the dregs, let them swallow tbeir potations at pleasure.

You have said, now is the time to strike. We are not quite
ready. Our newspaper must be in operation, besides would it
not be better to see the new Cabinet first?

Mr. Gilmer's paper will succeed. We get information from
the country which says six or seven hundred names have already
been obtained. The people are with us, anxiously waiting the
moment of its appearance. It will appear even sooner than July
if the neighboring States to the South will do anything for us.

Ritchie's friends here are at fault (I have not seen R.)
They are standing still and know not what to be at. Be assured
that the ablest and most experienced of our citizens will contrib-
ute to Gilmer's paper and Jackson will meet with an entire
overthrow here, if necessary, and Van Buren will never be able
to recover himself in this State, as I do believe he had not
twenty advocates in th.e entire General Assembly, and four-fifths
of the Judiciary against him.

Would it not be well to urge th« immediate appointment of

successors? How do affairs look in Pennsylvania, New York and

New England? We think the dissolution of the Cabinet has hurt

J. much. Yours with regard,

John Floyd.

To Duff Green.

142 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Twenty-sixth day. The above letter is in the
handwriting of my nephew, correctly transcribed.
Jackson's correspondence with Branch, the Secre-
tary of the Navy, I have this day seen for the first
time. It is well done and as usual the President has
intermingled in his letter to the Secretary some vul-
gar and violent expressions. We of the States
Eights Party will be obliged to oppose his reelec-
tion. I will shortly propose to the Confederacy the
name of Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, as
a fit and proper person to fill the Presidential Chair.
Mr. Calhoun is a singularly strong minded man,
the finest intellect, except Tazewell, I have ever met
with, well educated, fine manners, forbearing and
generous, he is bold, brave and truthful.

Twenty-eighth day. I received letters and papers
all tending to show the utter confusion which reigns
m the Federal Government and the entire inability
of Jackson to manage the affairs of the Confederacy.

Twenty-ninth day. This day the Supreme Court
of Appeals imder the New Constitution met in the
Capitol. Henry St. George Tucker, the President
thereof, is present. This gentleman though for-
merly a friend and correspondent, is cold and re-
served. I infer his political hostility to me and my
party who are in favor of J. C. Calhoun as President
of the United States. This gentleman and myself
have not met for several years. He has been teach-
ing a law school in Winchester, I have been engaged
in politics. I have this day received letters on poli-
tics and governmental matters of much interest. T
will, when I feel better, which I hope will be in a
day or two, record the information. Gilmer writes

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD, 143

me that his scheme is approved by the farmers in
publishing a paper, all is therefore well.

Thirtieth day. I wrote a long political letter to-
day to Governor Hamilton of South Carolina. Also
one I wrote to the Vice-President Calhoun a day or
two ago was dispatched by this day's mail. Went
to M. F. Smith's, three miles off.

MAY, 1831.

First day. This day I received letters from every
direction and from Mr. J. C. Calhoun. All are dis-
satisfied with Jackson but do not know what to do
as Clay still stands on as a candidate for the Presi-
dency with just strength enough to defeat Calhoun
without being able ever to be elected himself.

Third day. Council was not in attendance. What
a miserable, wretched form of government is this of
Virginia. The Constitution ought to be abolished
and a new one substituted to give the State either
energy, dispatch or permanency.

Fifth day. There is news from the Federal G-ov-
ernment to-day, but my health is so bad that T can
not write it. The history of all the operations of
Jackson and Van Buren for some little time past
must be postponed until my health improves. My
head to-day is aching, my lungs oppressed, much
weakened and thoroughly disordered.

Sixth day. Had a meeting of the Board of Public
Works, of the James Eiver Company, and the Lit-
erary Fund, a busy ex officio day T have had.

Tenth day. Trf^nsacted much public business.

Eleventh day. Transacted business in the Exec-

144 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD,

ntive, The James River Company and the Board
of Public Works.

Thirteenth day. I this day go up the canal with
the James River Company.

Fourteenth day I left PowelPs and went with the
other members of the James River Company to view
the canal. I dined at Cox-tavern and afterwards we
called upon Governor Pleasants, where we were
agreeably entertained and passed onward to the
canal. There we viewed the canal down to a point
opposite to PowelPs, when we went to PowelPs and
staid all night.

Fifteenth day. We left PowelPs after breakfast
and proceeded to the Tuckeyhoe canal, of which Mr.
Joseph Watkins talks so much.

Sixteenth day. I went to the Catholic Chapel to-
day to hear the eloquent Mr. Shriber, a Jesuit Priest.
He was ill and could not preach.

Seventeenth day. Had a Council and transacted
business on the Board of Public Works.

Eighteenth day. Engaged in public business. Re-
ceived a letter from the Vice-President which gives
a gloomy account of South Carolina under the tariff.

Twenty-first day. Attended to my public duties.

Tiventy-second day. Judge P. P. Barbour called
in to-day. Attended as usual to my public business.
Wrote a very confidential letter to General Green
upon the subject of our federal politics.

Twenty-third day. Wrote to Wm. B. Preston, a
political letter.

T IV enty -fourth day. Had a Council. Received an
answer from Judge Wright, the engineer, declining
the appointment as engineer to this State as an as-
sociate with Crozet.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 145

Twenty-fifth day. Transacted much executive
business to-day.

Twenty-sixth day. I went to the Board of Public
Works, the James River Board and the Literary
Fund.

Twenty -seventh day. After I transacted some ex-
ecutive business, I went with Col. J. P. Preston into
the country where we stayed with his uncle Francis
Smith until the next day. This gentleman is eighty-
nine years old, is cheerful and happy, rides and
walks with ease and pleasure. He was a captain
in the Revolutionary War.

Thirtieth day. Had a Council of State to-day. I
received from Loudoun to-day the record of the
trial and condemnation of Dick, a slave, to be hanged
for the crime of rape. Dick must be treated as the
law requires. It is a bold and aggravated offence.
I will not, because so disagreeable, record any more
of these convictions.

JUNE, 1831.

Third day. I received a letter from Mr. Calhoun,
treating of public affairs. Its suggestion shall be
attended to. Also one from Colonel John Williams,
of Tennessee, who is now in Surry County in North
Carolina on a visit to his aged mother. Colonel
Williams is bitterly opposed to General Jackson,
says from many years of acquaintance with him that
he is a bad man and will not be content with one
term in the Presidency, nor two, nor three nor four,
and then will try to appoint his successor.

Fifth day. Much preaching through the city to-
dav and has been for some time. It is fortunate

146 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

that the Constitution permits everybody to preach
and pray as they please else this fanaticism which
has seized upon the minds of the people, or new zeal,
or as they call it a ** revival of religion '* would seek
to satisfy itself by shedding the blood of their fel-
low citizens *^for love of the Lord they adore ^' as
was done so often in England and most of the gov-
ernments on the continent of Europe.

Eighth day. The trial of Marshall for shooting
Mr. Gait took place to-day. Jury not decided.

Tenth day. The jury on the trial of Mr. Marshall
for the shooting of Mr. Gait is still in their room,
not yet being able to agree upon a verdict. It is
reported about the city that seven of the Jurors are
for his conviction and the sentence would be con-
finement in the penitentiary. I have just learned at
five o 'clock in the evening that the jury had acquitted
Marshall !

Eleventh day. I appointed Dabney Carr, one of
the Judges of the Court of Appeals, to be a visitor
to the University to-day. In this we had a practical
view of the operation of the New Constitution upon
the Council. Disappointment is a disagreeable and
distressing occurrence to those who have used power
to be deprived of it. In the evening I went to the
Quoit Club.

Sixteenth day. Senator Tyler is in the city. I
have not seen him, being from home when he called.

Twenty-second day. Attended to public affairs.
I have seen Colonel Swift of North Carolina, who
gives a deplorable account of the condition of things
in the city of Washington. Jackson seems every day
to exhibit greater and greater incapacity for gov-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 147

eminent. I now fear before his term of service ex-
pires he will have degraded the authority of the Re-
public in such a manner as to create the impression
that it is a weak government and dissatisfy the peo-
ple with it and debase them so much as to accept a
King.

Twenty-fifth day. Public officers have left the
city. I can do but little business on that account.

Twenty-seventh day. Took tea with Mr. Nicholas.
His daughter is now opposed to Jackson. Mr. N.
himself is very cautious in speaking on the subject
of Jackson's reelection or that of his successor.
He was of Van Buren's friends. Their cause is
hopeless.

Twenty-eighth day. Had a Council. I have re-
ceived a letter from Mr. Calhoun giving me some
information as to his intentions, which I approve. I
have not had time to record those disgraceful scenes
at Washington City yet, but it shall be done before
long.

Twenty-ninth day. I intend leaving Richmond to-
day for my county where I shall remain a few days
before I return.

The occurrences of the day fill me with disgust.
The news from the Federal Government is of the
most unpleasant kind. President Jackson has dis-
appointed his party and friends as he daily exhibits
more strongly his incapacity to govern the country.
To add to all this, he has appointed so many men
to office, nay, all whom he has appointed except three
or four, are blackguards, not gentlemen, men with-
out knowledge, learning or morals, as violent and
vindictive as Jackson himself. The President has

148 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

permitted all his former scenes on the race field at
Nashville to be acted over again at Washington City.

He has dismissed three of his Cabinet Officers be-
cause they would not permit their wives to associate
with Mrs. Eaton, the wife of the Secretary of War.
This Eaton and his wife daily become more and
more his favorites. Jackson has had the folly to
say * ^ That no man should receive office or favor from
him that would not receive Mrs. Eaton. ' ' This Mrs.
Eaton is, and has been, notoriously a woman desti-
tute of virtue and of morals. She was pretty, the
daughter of a tavern-keeper in the city where navy
officers, army officers and sometimes members of
Congress lodged. Her father, William O'Neal, was
a roguish, impudent Irishman, without any princi-
ples, but a good tavern-keeper, wherefore the offi-
cers lodged with him.

His daughter, Peggie, was pretty and found out
means to make Timberlake, a purser in the Navy,
believe she was virtuous when he married her. He,
Timberlake, was often at sea and at such times his
wife indulged herself in many amours. Finally
she got into an amour with John H. Eaton, a Senator
from Tennessee, a man of as little morals as her-
self, but the favorite and pet of Jackson, the Presi-
dent. Finally all this came to the ears of Timber-
lake who cut his own throat. In eight months after
this his widow married Eaton who was, in a few
weeks after that, appointed Secretary of War by
Jackson, and because she was not received into com-
pany, Jackson has dismissed and is dismissing all
who will not receive her, the wife of his friend, as
pure and spotless. This amour is spoken of merely

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 149

because she is the wife of Eaton and urges him and
the President to these measures, for she has many,
very many other paramours.

The President has had the meanness to ask and
has obtained certificates to prove her pure, inno-
cent and virtuous. Grood God! What an office for
the President ! How debased. I know, myself, that
all is true which has been said of her.

Twenty -ninth day. I arrived last evening at this
place, the residence of Governor Pleasants, late Gov-
ernor of Virginia. I find him disgusted with the
Federal Administration and the efforts he has made
to sustain Eaton ^s wife. He will use his efforts to
turn him out of office.

Thirtieth day. Nothing of importance has oc-
curred. I pursued my journey, however, and delay-
ed all night at Cole's tavern on the road to Char-
lottesville.

JULY, 1831.

First day. Arrived at Charlottesville, was invit-
ed to a public dinner, which was refused or declined,
the invitation for to-morrow.

Second day. I took the road to Staunton, arrived
at Waynesborough, where I remained for the night.

Third day. I arrived here at John H. Peyton's
who married my niece. My wife is taken sick. The
rest of the family are well. We remained this day
on account of my wife's illness.

Fourth day. We arrived at Colonel McDowell's.
My wife still sick.

Fifth day. We remained this day with our broth-

150 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

er-in-law, Colonel McDowell. His wife is Mrs.
Floyd's sister.

Sixth day. We arrived here at Mr. Taylor's in
Lexington, where we took dinner with our niece Mrs.
Taylor, and stayed all night with our nephew, James
McDowell, Jr.

Seventh day. We took the road homeward and
will stay all night at the old Rockbridge Tavern,
kept by Robert Douthat.

Eighth day. My daughter, Laetitia, and my niece,
Sarah Lewis, and my nephew, John G. Floyd, visit-
ed the Natural Bridge before breakfast, after which
we set out for Fincastle.

Ninth day. Went from Fincastle to Mr. Bowyer's,
who married Sarah Preston, where we dined and
went to Mr. Wm. R. Preston's. We remained there
for the day.

Tenth day. We left Wm. R. Preston's, dined, at
Dr. Johnston's (being Sunday) and arrived at Mrs.
Madison's.

Eleventh day. We went to Smithfield through the
Devil's Den, being the first carriage that ever pass-
ed that road. Smithfield is the residence of Colonel
James P. Preston.

Ttvelfth day. We remained this day at Smithfield.

Thirteenth day. We leave Smithfield at ^y^
o'clock. We reached home to find our son John
and his wife. All our children are well.

Fourteenth day. I am desired to visit Miss Nancy
Smyth who is ill. She is the daughter of the late
General Alexander Smyth.

Fifteenth day. I visited Miss Smyth this day.

Sixteenth day. I remained with Miss Smyth to-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 151

day at Captain John Matthews'. She, I think, will
die. General Smyth was my friend and I will not
desert his children

Seventeenth day. I saw Doctors Watson and
Jacob Haller before I returned home this day.

Eighteenth day. At home all day.

Nineteenth day. I remained at home all day see-
ing to my plantation.

Twentieth day. John Wygal, Jr., and wife called
on us this day.

Tiventy-first day. Mrs. Wygal remained with us
all this day.

Twenty-second day. I spent this day in visiting
my mills and in looking at my estate.

Twenty-third day. This day was spent as yes-
terday.

Twenty-fourth day. I remained at home all day
with my children, with the exception of Benjamin
and La Fayette, who are at school, around me. The
former is at Georgetown, D. C, the latter at Rich-
mond.

Twenty-fifth day. I visited my son John and his
wife to-day. I am exceedingly unwell with a pain in
the head of rheumatic kind.

Twenty-seventh day. My son's wife is ill. I
visited her.

Tiuenty -eighth day. I remained with my son's
wife who is no better.

Twenty-ninth day. I remained with my daughter-
in-law, who is better to-day.

Thirtieth day. I remained at my son's whose wife
is nearly recovered.

Thirty-first day. I returned to Thorn Spring to-

152 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

day. Mr. Herron, the engineer, called on me to-
day desiring funds to enable him to prosecute the
survey of the road or turnpike from the upper Ka-
nawha in this county to the Tennessee line.

AUGUST, 1881.

First day. My sons have gone to the election this
day for a member to Congress from this district and
a Delegate to the General Assembly.

I have read this morning the correspondence be-
tween Eaton, late Secretary of War, and Mr. Ber-
rien, between Mr. Berrien and Colonel Johnson, Mr.
Ingham, etc., relative to the dissolution of the Presr
ident's Cabinet and the cause of that dissolution.
T know these facts to be entitled to the highest pos-
sible credit, but the facts are so extraordinary and
the President's course so strange, indeed, so out-
rageous, that I will desire my nephew, John G.
Floyd, to transcribe them in this book that they may
not be lost. I will never again vote for or support
General Andrew Jackson for any office or anything.

Second day. The Lieutenant-Governor has, ac-
cording to the wretched Constitution as amended,
been exercising the duties of Governor and has
made an attack of a personal character which has
covered him with disgrace and contumely. I can
therefore safely leave him to the degradation he has
brought upon himself as sufficient punishment. His
folly and imbecility has prompted him to this hostil-
ity to make himself agreeable to the President or
Federal Executive that he may attain from him an
office which he much wants.

DIARY OF JOHN FWYD. 153

Ninth day. Went to my mill. They will raise the
framed house over it to-day. I saw them put it up.
The whole is a fine work. The sawmill is said to
be the best in the country or State.

Tenth day. I have this day to go on my way to
Richmond City. Tonight I will be at Governor Pres-
ton's family at their farm called Smithfield. His
son, William B. Preston, is with me having called
last night on his way from Wythe Court. He is
again elected from this (Montgomery County) to
the General Assembly of Virginia. R-ain and bad
weather stops me this day from setting off as ex-
pected.

Eleventh day. I remained at home until the thir-
teenth day, which day I arrived at Governor Pres-
ton's.

Fourteenth day. I remained this day with the
family, who are all well. I never saw this beautiful
and extensive farm look better.

Fifteenth day. I went to Christiansburg to take
the public coach. I found many of my old friends
in that old town who all gave me great manifesta-
tions of their attachment and the pleasure they had
on seeing me. This town and the neighborhood is
suffering severely with a malady called dysenteria.
Some have died and many are ill.

Sixteenth day. I left Salem in Botetourt County
this morning. I arrived at this place yesterday, ac-
companied by Dr. Chas. Barnett, whom I met with
on the road. The Doctor is desirous of making his
home in the village near my residence, the Thorn
Spring. He is amiable and clever. This morning
I arrived at Tjynchburg.

154 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Seventeenth day. I left Lynchburg at six minutes
past six of the clock, having first breakfasted and
arrived at Langhorn^s Tavern at twelve minutes
after six. I had not been long at this place before
Colonel, the late Governor Preston (J. P.) drove
up accompanied by my daughter Lavalette, whom
we left at school in Eichmond, both in fine health.
They say my son, Benjamin Rush Floyd, is at the
Governor's House by himself, and that my popular-
ity as Governor has increased since the imbecile
attack of Peter V. Daniel, one of the Council of
State.

Eighteenth day. At half after five, I took leave of
my daughter Lavalette and her uncle. Colonel Pres-
ton. They proceeded to the mountains, I to Rich-
mond, where I arrived at a few minutes after three
of the clock. As I approached the City I was attack-
ed with a gouty or rheumatic headache, so very bad
that I was obliged to go to bed. I was better at
night, at which time I ordered and received a visit
from Mr. Gilmer, who informed me that he was go-
ing home to Charlottesville in the morning, that the
public mind had condemned Peter V. Daniel in the
severest terms and that it was not necessary for me
to notice him.

Twentieth day. I went to the Capitol to-day and
had a Council. Willson, the second councillor was
alone there. After public business was closed, be-
fore he set off for Cumberland, his residence, he
talked to me of the difference between Daniel, the
first councillor, and myself. I said there was no dif-
^oT-ence on my part but that we must cease to be
friends.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 155

Twenty-second day. I had no Council to-day.
Had conversation with the Board of Public Works
on the Northwest Turnpike Road Company. The
l)usiness of this Board was dispatched and we ad-
journed.

Twenty-third day. This will be a very noted day
in Virginia. At daylight this morning the Mayor of
the City put into my hands a notice to the public,
written by James Trezvant of Southampton County,
stating that an insurrection of the slaves in that
county had taken place, that several families had
been massacred and that it would take a considerable
military force to put them down.

Upon the receipt of this information, I began
to consider how to prepare for the crisis. To call
out the militia and equip a military force for that
service. But according to the forms of this wretched
and abominable Constitution, I must first require
advice of Council, and then disregard it, if I please.
On this occasion there was not one councillor in the
city. I went on, made all the arrangements for sup-
pressing the insurrection, having all my orders
ready for men, arms, ammunition, etc., when by this
time, one of the council came to town, and that vain
and foolish ceremony was gone through. In a few
hours the troops marched, Captain Randolph with
a fine troop of cavalry and Captain John B. Rich-
ardson with light artillery, both from this city and
two companies of Infantry from Norfolk and Ports-
mouth. The light Artillery had under their care
one thousand stand of arms for Southampton and
Sussex, with a good supply of ammunition. All these
things were dispatched in a few hours.

156 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Twenty-fourth day. This day was spent in dis-
tributing arms below this where it was supposed it
would be wanted.

Twenty-fifth day. I received dispatches from
Brigadier Richard Eppes, stating with local militia
those I sent him were more than enough to suppress
the insurrection.

Twenty-sixth day. Constant application for arms
are made. I received letters from W. 0. Goode of
Mecklenburg and James H. Grholson for arms. They
v/ere sent. Greneral Eppes disbanded the Artillery
and Infantry who returned home.

Twenty -seventh day. I received from Brigadier-
General Broadnax a letter giving an account of
his having assumed command of Brunswick and of
the insurrection at HicPs Ford in Greenville.

Twenty-eighth day. General Broadnax disband-
ed those troops and returned home. He reports sev-
eral families killed the same day dispatches were
received from General Eppes stating the names of
many who were killed. From the two accounts, I
find that there have been murdered by the negro in-
surgents sixty-one persons! The accounts received
from the seat of war informs me that the operation
of the troops is now confined to the capturing of
the insurgents as they can make no further resist-
ance and are endeavoring to escape.

Twenty-ninth day. The news heretofore from be-
low, Surry and Nansemond, is in expectation of an
insurrection. The Commandants of those regiments
as^-k for arms. They are sent them.

A few days ago the mayor of Fredericksburg and
the Colonel of that regiment informed me that the

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 157

negroes there have been detected in a conspiracy,
and desired arms. They have been sent them.

Thirtieth day. The news as heretofore. General
Thomas captured most of the insurgents. The prin-
cipal leaders yet untaken. Nat, alias Nat Turner,
by the negroes called General, heretofore a preacher
and a slave, Artis and some others are yet sought.

Thirty-first day. I learn that many negroes have
been taken up in the county of Nansemond, about
forty, some of whom inform us of its being intended
as a general rising of the negroes.

SEPTEMBER, 1831.

First day. General Eppes informed me that they
had captured about forty of the insurgents, that
they have been confined in the Southampton jail
and have been turned over to the courts of that
County to be dealt with according to law.

Second day. The same information as yesterday.

Third day. General Eppes informs me by the re-
turn of Captain Harrison of the Cavalry, whose
troops returned to-day, that a Court of Oyer and
Terminer for Southampton County was convened on
the thirty-first of August and continued the first of
September and had convicted some of the prisoners
of conspiracy and murder.

A few hours after this he sent an express with
the record of the court, containing the trial and con-
demnation of four of the prisoners, Moses and
Daniel, Andrew and Jack. The last two the court
recommended their punishment to be commuted for
transportation, to which I will agree. Moses and
David will be hanged on Monday, the fifth. Through-

158 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

out this aifair the most appalling accounts have been
given of the conduct of the negroes, the most inhu-
man butcheries the mind can conceive of, men,
women, and infants, their heads chopped otf, their
bowels ripped out, ears, noses, hands, and legs cut
off, no instance of mercy shown. The white people
shot them in self defense whenever they appeared.

But amidst these scenes there were slaves found
to defend their masters and to give information of
the approach of the hostile party. These insurgents
progressed twenty miles before they were checked,
yet all this horrid work was accomplished in two
days.

Fourth day. I have written G-eneral Eppes to re-
tain at Southampton a sufficient guard and to dis-
band the rest of his forces.

Fifth day. I have received to-day by express a
record of the trial of the other slaves, eight of them,
concerned in the massacre of Southampton. They
are all condemned to be executed on Friday and
next Monday. I will not in these cases interfere with
the operations of the law.

Sixth day. This day I have attended to the Ex-
ecutive business, James River Company, Board of
Public Works and Northwestern Turnpike Com-
pany, all of which are ex officio duties. It has been
a laborious day. I am not well to-day. I am fever-
ish and thirsty v/ith a bad taste in my mouth.

Seventh day. I am this day informed by a letter
from Colonel Wm, A. Christian, Commandant of the
twenty-seventh Regiment in Northampton, that the
negroes in that county are in a state of insubordi-
nation and intend to create an insurrection in that

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 159

county. Guns have been found among them and
some they were compelled to take from them by
force. That county and Accomack are well arm-
ed, I have sent them a good supply of ammunition by
this day's boat. I fear much this insurrection in
Southampton is to lead to much more disastrous
consequences than is at this time apprehended by
anybody.

Eighth day. Had a meeting of the ex officio
Boards.

Ninth day. No news from Southampton though
even Prince William County has its emissaries in it
from among the free negroes of the District of Co-
lumbia. He is a Preacher. The whole of that mas-
sacre in Southampton is the work of these Preachers
as daily intelligence informs me. I am still unwell.

Tenth day. I received by express to-day the re-
cord of the trial of nine others of the slaves concern-
ed in the insurrection of Southampton. Five of
these slaves the court recommended to transporta-
tion which the law calls commuting this punishment.
I am so unwell this afternoon that I have to go to
bed.

Eleventh day. I hear nothing this morning from
below. I do not feel so badlv as yesterday. I had
more appetite to-day and not so bad a taste in my
mouth.

Ttvelfth day. I have transacted some official bus-
iness, but have heard nothing from below. Major
Gibbons has received a letter from citizens of New
York inviting donations for the Poles. There may
be a town meeting.

Fourteenth day. Attended various Boards ex of-

160 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

ficio. This day the record of the trial of Misek,
a negro in Greensville, for Conspiracy was brought.
The evidence was too feeble and therefore I have re-
prieved him for sale and transportation.

Sixteenth day. I had a Council of State, trans-
acted business and received the record of nine slaves
condemned to be hanged by the Court of Sussex.
One I have reprieved. No news from any other part
of the State.

Seventeenth day. Had a Council. Received an
express from Amelia to-day, asking arms as families
have been murdered in Dinwiddle near the Nottoway
line. Colonel Davidson of the thirty-ninth Re.gi-
ment Petersburgh, states the same by report. I do
not exactly believe the report.

Nineteenth day. News from the Colonel of the
thirty-ninth says the whole is false as it relates to
the massacre of Mrs. Cousins and family in Dinwid-
dle. The slaves are quiet and evince no disposition
to rebel.

Twentieth day. Did little business except to re-
ceive and dispatch public letters. The alarm of the
country is great in the counties between this and the
Blue Ridge Mountains. I am daily sending them a
portion of arms though I know there is no danger
as the slaves were never more humble and subdued.

Twenty-first day. I went to the council chamber
to-day to transact business which required a Coun-
cil. There are no councillors in town but Daniel.
After waiting until I was tired I left the Capitol.
Mr. Daniel did not come at half after ten.

Ttmnty -second day. This day was spent in giv-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 161

ing orders for arms to be distributed to various
counties and regiments.

Twenty-third day. I received the record of the
trial of Lucy and Joe of Southampton. They were
of the insurgents. What can be done, I yet know-
not, as I am obliged by the Constitution first to re-
quire the advice of the Council, then I do as I please.
This endangers the lives of these negroes, though I
am disposed to reprieve for transportation I cannot
do it until I first require advice of the Council and
there are no councillors now in Richmond, nor will
there be unless Daniel comes to town in time enough.

Twenty-sixth day. I have been busily employed
sending off arms to distant counties this morning,
but the rain put a stop to that operation.

T IV enty -seventh day. I have received a record of
the trial of three slaves, for treason in Southampton.
Am recommended to mercy, which I would grant
but the forms of our infamous Constitution makes it
necessary before the Governor does any act involv-
ing discretionary power, first to require advice of
Council, and in this case I cannot do so, because
there is not one member of the Council of State in
Richmond, wherefore the poor wretch must lose his
life by their absence from their official duty.

I have received this day another number of the
^^ Liberator,'' a newspaper printed in Boston, with
the express intention of inciting the slaves and free
negroes in this and the other States to rebellion and
to murder the men, women and children of those
states. Yet we are gravely told there is no law to
punish such an offence. The amount of it then is
this, a man in our States may plot treason in one.

162 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

state against another without fear of punishment,
whilst the suffering state has no right to resist by the
provisions of the Federal Constitution. If this is
not checked it must lead to a separation of these
states. If the forms of law will not punish, the law
of nature will not j)ermit men to have their families
butchered before their eyes by their slaves and not
seek by force to punish those who plan and encour-
age them to perpetrate these deeds. I shall notice
this in my next message to the General Assembly
of this State. Something must be done and with de-
cision.

Tiventy-ninth day. No councillors in Richmond.

OCTOBER, 1831.

First day. But little business done. Councillors
out of the city except P. V. Daniel, with whom I will
not do Fusiness unless of necessity where it can not
be delayed.

Second day, Sunday. I transacted much business
to-day of an official character and some ex officio
business.

Fourth day. I transacted business at the Capitol
until late, but became so unwell that I had to re-
turn home to the Governor's house.

'Eighth day. Transacted much business and in
the evening went to the Quoit Club. Major Gibbon
was there in fine spirit. Chief Justice Marshall
was absent to-day. It is among the few days that
he has been absent from this club for forty years.
His health is declining and I think he will not live
long. He is now in his seventy-fourth year. This
club meets together to enjoy themselves every other
Saturday from May to October.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 163

Ninth day. This day the distinguished Ornitholo-
gist, Mr. Audubon, called on me, bearing a letter of
introduction from the Honorable Charles Everett
of Massachusetts. This gentleman is an American
Ornithologist, and is at the head of men of that
branch of science, is accomplished and sensible.

Tenth day The Supreme Court of Appeals as-
sembled to-day.

At eleven o'clock, my nephew, Colonel William
Campbell Preston, of South Carolina, called upon
me on his way home to South Carolina from the
Anti-Tariff Convention at Philadelphia. He says
that the New York members came there for any
other purpose than to aid in repealing the tariff.
That he has knowledge of the proceeding of the Anti-
Masonic Convention in Baltimore. That John C.
Springer of New York told Mr. Wirt they would
deal fairly with him, that their object was to elect
Mr. Calhoun, but if in offering it to him he could
make anything of it, he should have the trial, that
they would support him. Wirt had the meanness to
accept the nomination under these circumstances.
He has, though, met the reward of his folly as he
is sneered at and ridiculed by the universal public,
not one State will vote for him, not even the small-
est. If, however, he becomes ashamed of his atti-
tude and withdraws his pretensions as a candidate,
then that party will take up Mr. Calhoun. In that
event he will be elected and turn out Jackson with all
his unworthy officers, men not gentlemen, who lie,
mutilate records, alter dates and traduce all men
opposed to them to keep themselves in power. The

164 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

American people have much patience and virtue
and must send them home with ignominy. Cralle
must come here and edit a Calhoun paper, Ritchie
of the Enquirer must be overthrown and Pleasants
of the Whig must be brought round to aid our cause.
I think I can effect all this. According to Ritchie
^^We shall see.''

Eleventh day. This day I gave to Judge Carr a
written paper connected with the conduct of Garri-
son and Knopp, conspirators in Boston, to cause the
negroes of the South to engage in an insurrection.

Thirteenth day. I did business to-day though I
am far from being well. My health, I fear, is never
to be restored. I feel as though it was this climate
which has so hastened my depletion, not that there
is in it anything positively bad, but so much worse
than my own mountain air, that a weak constitu-
tion and much enfeebled health is sinking under it.

Fourteenth day. Transacted public business and
called in the evening on Mrs. Robertson, the daugh-
ter of our cousin Frank Smith. She behaved shabbi-
ly and he was cool and exhibited unfriendly feel-
ings, why, I know not, unless that her father knows
he has abstracted himself from his relations because
he is rich. This Mrs. Robertson is lately married to
one of the councillors, a man of good sense but no
talents. He is a gentlemen and in advance of a ma-
jority of men, though some strong defects exhibit
in him.

Fifteenth day. This day my son Benjamin arriv-
ed from Thorn Spring. He is in good health. Had
much business transacted. The James River Com-
pany could not meet as the second Auditor, Mr.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 165

Brown, is sick, the Treasurer out of town, and Mr.
Heath's wife is not expected to live.

Sixteenth day, I saw Judge Brook and talked
over the affairs of the country and the course pur-
sued by the Northern conspirators. He thinks they
might be punished under the common law. I have as
yet not determined whether I will require of the Gov-
ernor of Massachusetts to have the villains prose-
cuted and punished.

Seventeenth day. This day I granted a pardon
for William V. Neil of Washington County, sen-
tenced to the Penitentiary for Grand Larceny. I
had another application for arms from the town of
Norfolk. I am disgusted with the cowardly fears
of that town. They have exhibited more fear, cow-
ardice and alarm than the whole State besides, even
during the insurrection of Southampton.

Eighteenth day. I received yesterday an anony-
mous letter from Philadelphia, giving me an account
of the proceedings of the Northern Conspirators
and promising me his name if concealed from the
public as the conspirators would fire his residence
or injure him. This club of villains, who are matur-
ing plans for treason and rebellion and insurrection
in Virginia and the southern states extends from
Philadelphia to Boston. They are unheeded by the
northern states. If we, to the South, ever feel the
influence of their measures, this Union is at an end
as we can not consent to be tied up by the confed-
eracy from doing ourselves justice, when the author-
ities of those states refuse to check the evil. I think
I shall be able, in the end to disappoint their plans.

Twentieth day. No public business to-day. The

166 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

James River Company not convened, members sick.
Called on Mrs. Ambler, Mrs. Nicholas and Doctor
McCaw, Sr.

When I returned I wrote the following letter to
L. N. Q., an anonymous writer from Philadelphia,
who gives me to understand that the Northern fana-
tics are in that city plotting treason and insurrec-
tion in this State and planning the massacre of the
white people of the southern states by the blacks.
Allen, a negro of Philadelphia, and two white men
of Boston and some of New York, besides a numer-
ous band of white men and negroes in their train.
The letter is here recorded in the handwriting of
my son, Benjamin Rush Floyd.

Virginia Executive Department, Richmond, Virginia,

October 20tli, 1831.

Sir: I have received your communication of the fifteenth in-
stant, for which I feel under obligations to you and am glad to
perceive this manifestation of correct and good feeling from
the North, and the more pleased to find it from Pennsylvania,
where all the scenes and pleasant days of my schoolboyhood
are located, to which I have often recurred with, unmixed pleas-
ure.

I know there are many unworthy fanatics in every country,
but those of the North seem to think it would be proper to have
the minority here put to death the majority that the minority
might be free, or in other words, wander at large, as that would
be the only change. The condition of our slaves is good. They
have for years occupied the position of laborers as they have
felt nothing of slavery.

I think I may say to you that the feelings of the Virginians
are more strongly enlisted in favor of these people than even the
people of the North and would do anything which could be effect-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 167

ed with safety for their emancipation. We feel the inconven-
ience and know the difficulty.

This process has been going on gradually and in due time
would have ceased; if the process has been too slow to suit the
views of these fanatical pretenders to extensive philanthropy
it is because we have been tender and mindful of the condition
of those people. I think now you will agree with me that we
are not bound to consult their interests any longer and are at
liberty to act upon our own.

I would not have you believe that any change will take
place in relation to our treatment of our Slaves, but as they
acquire their freedom hereafter, we will not be bound to make
that freedom any matter of interest to the State which heretofore
has been done with affectionate sympathy.

I was prepared to expect much from those fanatics from Bos-
ton, New York, and Philadelphia, though it never occurred to
me that the citizens of those cities would be molested from en-
tertaining any opinion they pleased in relation to the expsr
diency and policy of the measures pursued by them. This, how-
ever, appearing from your letter not to be the case proves the
affair to be of a more desperate character than even I suspected.
I cannot therefore hesitate to offer you every assurance that the
Injunction you require shall be strictly and fully complied with.

I would, though, be glad to know from yourself, whether the
matter you communicate can or may be communicated to the
General Assembly withholding your name? That body will soon
be here and the Southampton affair will doubtless occupy their
earnest attention. Yours respectfully,

John Floyd.
To L. N. Q.

Twenty-second day. Transacted my public busi-
ness. My nephew by marriage, Mr. Charles C. John-
ston, arrived and is with me. He will remain a few
days before he s:oes to Congress. Not well to-day.

Ttventy-fourfh day. Professor Dew of Williams-
burs-h called to-day. "We talked on Federal politics.

Twenty-sixth day. Met the James River Com-

168 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

pany, also received news of the supposed appearance
of Nat, the Southampton leader of insurrection, be-
ing in Greenbrier. Not true.

Twenty-eighth day. Had a Council. Mr. John-
ston, our nephew, left me to-day to return to Abing-
don with a view of preparing for his trip to Con-
gress.

Thirtieth day. Had a Council. Received news
that the dead body of the negro which was supposed
to be Nat had been taken up and examined by Gen-
eral Smith of Kanawha and found not to answer
the description.

NOVEMBER, 1831.

First day. No business done as the second Audi-
tor is sick and the Treasurer is out of town.

Third day. Received news of the capture of Nat.
He was taken in Southampton.

Fourth day. This day my wife arrived and her
children, John and his wife, William, Lavalette,
Nicketti, Coralie, and Woushippakniga.

Seventh day. Received the record of the trial of
sundry slaves condemned for insurrection.

Eighth day. Transacted business in Council, in
the Board of Public Works, James River Company
and Literary Fund.

Tenth day. I saw to-day Mr. White, the delegate
from Florida. He spent the day with me and talked
much of the Presidential Election. He professed
himself friendly to Mr. Calhoun but alleging as cause
for not supporting him that the North would not
support him on account of his nullification expose,

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 169

that he could not support Clay as the Anti-Masons
had refused to take him up, wherefore he thought
it the true policy for all those who were not friendly
to the election of Jackson to unite on Wirt, who has
been elected by the Anti-Masons.

To this I feel opposed because Wirt is not a man
to be trusted, he is lax in his morals and can think
anything in politics. As to constitutional law, he
finds no difficulty in evading it. Moreover, Mr.
White stated that Wirt would unite all the fana-
tics and discontents in the aid of the Anti-Masons if
he could and succeed at all events. This is with me
highly objectionable. I know that Jackson has dis-
appointed all of the hopes of his friends and party
as he has proved himself ignorant and incapable and
latitudinous in his politics, and has put the govern-
ment into the hands of mean people, but this is not so
bad and dangerous to liberty as to place the govern-
ment in the hands of fanatics, knaves, and religious
bigots.

This Gentleman, White, I am sure has been sent
here to converse with me with a hope to influencing
me to take over Wirt's interests. The Calhoun
party, believing that the Clay party would go along
with us and thereby take the majority of this State
aorainst Jackson. I will never sanction success by
calling fanatics to aid. If liberty cannot be preserv-
ed without, then it can not be preserved at all.

Thirteenth day. Yesterday Senator John Tyler,
of Congress, called on me. He will be here to-day as
we have much conversation on hand relative to gen-
eral politics.

Fourteenth rJay. Transacted the usual business of

170 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

the office of Governor and also the ex officio busi-
ness.

Fifteenth day. Wirt cannot be elected as Presi-
dent of the United States. He cannot obtain more
than six or eight votes.

Seventeenth day. I received letters from John
and Lewis Williams, dated Knoxville, Tennessee.
They are complimentary as to the mode in which I
managed the Southampton insurrection.

Nineteenth day. Business as heretofore. We be-
gin to look for movements in the Legislative world.

Tiuentieth day. This day I went to the Catholic
Church.

Twenty-first day. There are still demands for
arms in the lower country. I could not have believ-
ed there was half the fear amongst the people of the
lower country in respect to their slaves. Before I
leave this Government, I will have contrived to have
a law passed gradually abolishing slavery in this
State, or at all events to begin the work by prohibit-
ing slavery on the West side of the Blue Ridge
Mountains.

Twenty-third day. I have reprieved for sale and
transportation several slaves.

Ttuenty-sixth day. I have received more appli-
cations for arms.

Twenty -eighth day. I am preparing a message
to the General Assembly. It will be ultra States
Rights.

DECEMBER, 183i.

First day. Members of Congress are passing
til rough this City to Washington. Almost all of

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 171

them are dissatisfied with Jackson's administra-
tion. Public business as usual.

Second day. I am busy with my message. Some
of my friends to whom I have shown it are afraid
it is too bold and strong for the times. I think it
right and know it honest, therefore I will send it
forth, though it may not suit the palate of the Fed-
eral Executive. What is he to me, when the good of
the country requires this weak and wicked adminis-
tration to be stopped in its downward career.

Third day. Mr. John C. Calhoun, the Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States, arrived this day on his
way to Congress. He says South Carolina will nul-
lify the tariff unless it is greatly modified.

Fourth day. Mr. Calhoun leaves for Washington
to-morrow. He dines this day with me, also Mr.
Cralle.

Fifth day. Mr. Calhoun left the city this morning.
The General Assembly met to-day in good spirits
and elected their officers.

Sixth day. My message was well received, though
many think it a bold state paper. It may be their
attachment to Jackson has blunted their patriotism.
I think so. But it is the true doctrine of the Fed-
eral Constitution and States Rights. I will main-
tain it as long as I am Governor even to the utmost
hazard.

Ninth day. The House of Delegates have appoint-
ed their Committees. The President's message to
Congress has been received. It is in much more
subdued tones than heretofore. The old man is
afraid of losing his reelection.

172 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Tivelfth day. The river is frozen as far down as
City Point and all navigation is stopped, both above
and below.

Fourteenth day. Letters from Congress advise
me that measures are taken by Clay and his party
to sustain the tariff.

Sixteenth day. Nothing of importance in the As-
sembly. Some of the members begin to talk of a loan
foi improving the State in Railroads.

Nineteenth day. Letters from Washington City
declare that no nullification of the Tariff will take
place this year.

Ttventieth day. The General Assembly have done
little. Congress also seems stationary. I believe be-
cause both parties^ Tariff and Arbitration, are as-
certaining their grounds and maturing their plans
for a tremendous debate. The President's hands
are found to be too feeble to hold the reigns of the
Government of the Confederacy. I fear the worst
of consequences from his incapacity.

Twenty-third day. Letters from the South in-
form me that my message is still well considered and
has much increased my standing and popularity
there.

Twenty-sixth day. The public business gets on
slowly. The question of the gradual abolition of
slavery begins to be mooted. The Eastern members,
meaning those east of the Blue Ridge Mountains,
wish to avoid the discussion, but it must come if T
can influence my friends in the Assembly to bring
it on. I will not rest until slavery is abolished in
Virginia.

Twenty -ninth day. News from Congress shows us

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 173

that little hope is to be entertained of a modification
of the tariff to suit Southern interests, if not, then
let South Carolina nullify.

JANUARY, 1832.

First day. This being the first day of another
year I shall hence use figures for the day of the
month.

Second day. There is more conversation about
the Presidential election. Jackson has lost all his
popularity in Virginia but will still get the vote of
this State because he is now less odious than Clay,
for neither hold political opinions at this time agree-
able to Virginia.

Third day. Still the same conduct in public af-
fairs, the nomination of the Secretaries and Minis-
ters to foreign courts made by the President are
still before the Senate of the United States.

Seventh day. Letters from the Vice-President
and Senator Tyler, state the aspect of public affairs
adverse to the South.

Ninth day. Members begin to talk of debating the
question of gradually emancipating the Slaves of
Virginia. It has been very adroitly brought about.
Summers, Faulkner, Preston and Berry, also Camp-
bell and Brook will be fast friends to the measure.
They are talented young men and will manage this
affair most excellently well.

Tenth day. The slave question increases.

Eleventh day. Hopes are entertained by my
young friends that a debate can be had upon the
slave question.

174 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Twelfth day. Mr. Goode this day made a motion
to discharge the Committee on so much of the Gov-
ernor's message as relates to free negroes and mu-
lattoes and to which a memorial of sundry citizens
of Hanover had been referred with a view to pre-
vent debate upon the Slave question involved in that
memorial. The abolition party opposed it and hence
the slave party have produced the very debate they
wished to avoid, and too, have entered upon it with
open doors.

Thirteenth day. The debate in the House of Del-
egates still continues.

Fifteenth day. The debate in the House continued
with great ability by Faulkner. This is a fine talent-
ed young gentleman.

Sixteenth day. The debate continues with in-
creased ability.

Eighteenth day. I heard from Congress the agent
appointed by me last summer to settle the claim of
Virginia against the Federal Government for dis-
bursement during the Revolutionary War, reports
that they are in a fair way for adjustment which
will give us near a million dollars.

Ninteenth day. The debate still goes on.

Twentieth day. Nothing now is talked of or cre-
ates any interest but the debate on the abolition of
slavery. All is well.

Twenty-first day. The debate in the House is
growing in interest and I fear engendering bad and
party feelings. Tt must be checked in erratic ten-
dencies.

Twenty-third day. Many speculations are now
made upon the lesult of this debate. We can carry

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 175

the question, if necessary, by about two votes which
will depend upon the views and objects to be develop-
ed by the slave part of the state. I think as yet noth-
ing has transpired other than to prove that they
must not be hurt, but held in check.

Twenty-fourth day. The debate begins to be car-
ried on in an angry tone. It is not good that it
should be so.

Twenty-fifth day. The debate is stopped but the
members from the South side of the James River
talk of making a proposition to divide the State by
the Blue Ridge Mountains sooner than part with
their negroes, which is the property of that part of
the State.

Twenty-sixth day. The talk of dividing the State
continues.

Twenty-seventh day. The cold increases, being
two below Zero. The conversation this morning is
not so violent about dividing the State. I have no
doubt the few malcontents will soon become cool and
contented. They will see the fallacy and futility of
such a thought.

Our Federal Government is at this time engaged
on the tariff and instead of relieving the South are
about to repeal the duties on luxuries and retain
them on iron, cottons and woolens. Tf so. South
Carolina will nullify the act and thus brins: into ac-
tion the reserved right of the State. All this is
owing to the utter inefficiency of President Jack-
son, who has no influence with Con2:ress and who
will probablv a!2:?iin be reelected to the Presidency,
as the two grent contending parties, tariff and arbi-
tration, are fearful of trying their strength directly,

176 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

and Jackson floats like a stick upon the flood, though
the tariff party think they are gaining by his inef-
ficiency, which is unquestionably true, and if they
succeed in their expectation and desire, the South
will be compelled to secede.

Twenty-eighth day. Letters from Congress cre-
ate a doubt here as to the confirmation of Van Bu-
ren.

Twenty-ninth day. All navigation above and be-
low stopped by ice. Nothing of much importance
to-day.

Thirty-first day. This day news has been receiv-
ed from Congress that the nomination of Van Buren
as Minister Plenipotentiary has been rejected by
the Senate of the United States by the casting vote
of the Vice-President of the United States.

FEBRUARY, 1832.

First day. The rejection of Van Buren has cre-
ated much conversation, and forced the profligate,
Ritchie, Editor of the Enquirer, to speak out to-
gether with that chief of hypocrites, Peter V. Daniel.
These men now enjoy much influence though Ritch-
ie's father, in the Revolutionary War was a base
Scotch Tory, was tied to a cart tail in Tappahan-
nock and afterwards ducked. These fellows still
have in a strong degree a hereditary penchant for
monarchy. The surprise is that the community
should so soon have forgotten their cause as to have
allowed those enemies of their country an influence
amongst them.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 177

Second day. These descendants of the old Tories
are still harping upon the rejection of the idol of
their party, the corrupt Van Buren. If ever a man
met his just fate, surely this has been dealt out to
him. He has degraded his country by the instruc-
tions given to our Minister to England, his prede-
cessor, and almost every word said of him by the
Senators, who made speeches on his nomination is
true.

Third day. The General Assembly rejected the
bill to-day which was intended to loan money to im-
prove the State. This the members on the East side
of the Blue Ridge Mountains did, saying they had
no interest in such improvements and in revenge for
the debate on the negro subject of abolition. Goode,
of Mecklenburgh, said to me the day the debate clos-
ed upon the *^ slave question'* as it was called, that
the Eastern and Western people were not at all the
same people, that they were essentially a differ-
ent people, that they did not think alike, feel alike,
and had no interests in common, that a separation
of the State must ensue, and rather than have the
subject of abolition again debated he would be glad
for a separation. Both sides seem ready to sepa-
rate the State if any one would propose it. I think
that event from appearances highly probable.

Fifth day. The public business still proceeding as
usual. But Ritchie, that profligate son of a Scotch
Tory, and the Richmond Junta are at work trying to
procure a party to nominate in this State Van Buren
to be Vice-President. This same Van Buren whom
the Senate of the United States only a few days ago,
rejected as minister to England because he was un-

178 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

worthy having tarnished the honor of his country
when Secretary of State, by giving unworthy and
degrading instructions to the Minister, McLean,
who inunediately preceded him. For myself, I think
that McLean, now Secretary of the Department of
the Treasury, equally unworthy for acting upon
those instructions, which he did !

Sixth day. Congress still employed upon the ma-
turation of the Bank scheme tariff and the Senate on
Van Buren's nomination as Minister to England.

Sevemtlv day. The General Assembly are now de-
vising a law to give up the public improvements fin-
ished by the State into the hands of individual com-
panies.

Ninth day. Van Bur en is rejected by the casting
vote of the Vice-President as we have already heard.
Much excitement is trying to be gotten up by the
Tory party but it will fail.

Sixteenth day. There is no news of interest afloat
to-day. This evening I was taken ill and was not
able to leave my bed to transact business until the
twenty-second, when I joined the procession in cele-
brating the centennial birthday of General Wash-
ington, when I took cold from the dampness and
coldness of the day. This compelled me to take my
bed again from which I did not rise until the twenty-
fourth day of March following.

The illness from which I have recovered was an
influenza which has prevailed throughout the State,
accompanied with some discharge of blood from the
lungs. The scarlet fever has also been prevalent
and has attacked old and young and has been exceed-
ingly fatal, more deaths have taken place m this city

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 179

than was ever known before in the same length of
time.

Twenty-eighth day. I went this day to the board
of public works and James River Board, being the
first time for some weeks that I have been out owing
to my late indisposition.

Twenty-ninth day. Mr. Richard K. Cralle this
day issued his new Journal called the Jeffersonian
and Virginia Times. This paper will be devoted to
the true States Rights principles which I hope will
benefit the country. There is so strong a tendency
to a consolidated government from the increasing
powers of the Federal Government that unless
shortly arrested the State government will cease to
exist, become merely nominal or there must be dis-
union. Ritchie and the other supporters of Jackson
and Van Buren now go for patronage regardless of
principle. Ritchie 's Tory blood and propensities be-
gin strongly to manifest themselves. If they and
Jackson again triumph in the election, I think it will
be doubtful whether the Union will last very long.

APRIL, 1832.

Eleventh day. This morning at six o'clock I re-
ceived an express from Williamsburgh informing me
that the former Capitol of the State in that City was
yesterday consumed by fire. This edifice is tha^
which has been rendered so dear to the meniory of
all Virginians from its being the same in which Pa-
trick Henry, the greatest orator in the world, thun-
dered forth his irresistible floods of eloquence which
produced the American Independence which made
freemen of an entire continent.

180 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Fifteenth day. This day is clear, cloudless and
agreeable, just so cool as to require a little fire in
the morning and for the first time the weather looks
and feels like spring. The wind is from the South-
west. The season past has been altogether unusual.
Winter before last was severe beyond anything
known for sixty-one years, so say the old people.
The Summer was in places dry, so much so as to
prove destructive to the crop, in other parts there
was an unusual quantity of rain, but upon the whole
a favorable season for corn and small grain. The
winter just past has been very severe and variable.
The latter part was as cold as the winter before, the
Powhatan or James River was frozen over as far
down as City Point. This Spring was singularly
backward, as it appears, for this part of the State.

Amongst other calamities, the scarlet fever, as
the doctors call it, has raged in this city for a year
past and has been singularly destructive to human
life. Hardly a family has escaped and some have
lost two or three members of their family. The mer-
chants say they have not enough black cloth to sup-
ply the demand for mourning apparel. To com-
plete our misfortunes as the scarlet fever begins to
decline, I presume it declining, as I have not heard
of a death for two days, the measles are beginning
to prevail ; so has the smallpox frequently appeared
during the winter and spring in different parts of the
State.

All these things induce me to believe that the con-
stitution of the air or atmosphere on the Earth is
changed or operated upon by the approach of the
great comet, which oomes so near us as to have a de-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 181

cided effect upon the motions of the Earth. More-
over disease has prevailed throughout the world
more extensively and more fatally than common;
tempests at sea have been more frequent and more
violent and all the volcanoes of America have ex-
hibited much more motion than usual. So, I under-
stand, have Etna and Vessuvius in Europe.

Whether these things, or rather, whether this
state of the Telline Constitution, if I may be allow-
ed to coin a word, produced any effect on the minds
of men, I do not know, but it appears to me that the
political men of the country have exhibited as much
instability in their minds, principles, and opinions
as the surrounding elements. Men who have ma-
turely formed opinions which we thought had be-
come a part of themselves, have changed without a
blush and seem to think they deserve praise. But
the greatest misfortune of the country is that men of
the first talents are not now employed in the Federal
Government and character has, as it would seem, no
claim to respect or preferment, so utterly reckless
seem the favorites who move the President about as
they please.

TiventietJi day. This day letters from the city of
Washington have been received which are entitled
to full credit. That Sam Houston, who assaulted
Stansberry, a member of Congress from Ohio, for
words spoken in debate had determined, after con-
sulting President Jackson, to change the ground of
defence and place it upon that of a quarrel in a
bawdy house and that he meant to summon the whore
to the bar of Congress to prove the fact, and also the
gunsmith of whom he, Houston, says Stansberry

182 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

purchased a pistol to use against Houston on that
account. The story is this, which I omitted to re-
cord on the eighteenth.

General Duff Green, the Editor of a newspaper
called the United States Telegraph, some year or so
ago, detected a plan laid by Eaton, the then Secre-
tary of War, and William B. Lewis, the Second Au-
ditor of the Treasury, and Sam Houston, late Gov-
ernor of Tennessee, in an attempt to practice a most
tremendous fraud upon the Government, perhaps to
the amount of two million dollars, which he communi-
cated in person to the President in the presence of
Branch, the then Secretary of the Navy, but was so
illy received by President Jackson that he left the
President under the belief that he, the President
had already been iprivj to the contract and approved.
Green, however, went on to prove, as he has done, the
intended fraud and defeated it. Congress was
about to investigate the subject, and in the debate
upon the subject, Mr. Stansberry, a member from the
State of Ohio, animadverted freely upon the subject.
For this speech, Houston was offended and prepar-
ing himself with a tremendous bludgeon and a pis-
tol, waylaid Stansberr^^ at night and coming up be-
hind him, struck him with such violence that he
knocked him down into the gutter of the footway, for
it was in the street near Stansberry 's lodgings. As
Stansberry attempted to rise and make resistance
Houston repeated the blows with the bludgeon until
he crippled Stansberry 's right arm and broke to
pieces the bones of his left hand. Before Stans-
berry was so much disabled, he drew a pistol, but

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 183

in attempting to fire at Houston it snapped, and was
then knocked out of his hand and he was disabled.

The letter now referred to states that Houston
is an inmate at the President's and says that it was
in consultation with him that Houston intends to
place the quarrel with Stansberry on the footing of
a private affair, growing out of a rivalship in a
brothel.

This is in accordance with the loose actions of
Jackson's life and all those who have always been
near his person. They are all without any moral re-
straint and are as virtuous and correct as Jackson
himself. I did believe when Jackson became Presi-
dent he would have the power to restore his country
to harmony but he has proved to be inadequate to
the task and has nothing to distinguish his adminis-
tration but the vicious violence of his own temper
and his adherents.

Twenty-eighth day. The following letter comes
into my hands, I know not how, sent by I know not
whom, for the purpose I know not what. It was
slipped into this I know not when. I have observed
it in this book daily for several months, but not re-
garding it in any other light than as an old letter
of my own, put in this book perhaps to cause the book
to open more easily and readily when I wished to
write in it. Though so constantly before my eyes,
and not needing it, I thought I would examine it
when I note it is as follows, thinking it worthy of
record. I fear somebody has been in my office and
placed it here to create a suspicion in my mind in
relation to the fidelity of John Tyler, our Senator in
Congress. My wife says she recollects the letter to

184 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

have been received by mail or through the post-office
under cover from whom none know.

Eitchie, the writer of the letter, is politically my
enemy, so is Mr. Stevenson. Tyler is the man in the
world whom I have most trusted as a purely honest
man and as a virtuous Statesman. I risked much of
my popularity to sustain him as he was a personal
friend and a purely States Rights politician. He
was at that time assailed with deadly hate by Ritchie
and Stevenson and the Richmond Junta. What can
now be the meaning of the subjoined letter ? Ritchie
and Stevenson and the Junta are harnessed to the
Van Buren car. I am the friend of Calhoun, so are
Tazewell and Tyler. We three have been the head
of that party which supports the Resolutions of Vir-
ginia and Calhoun. It is true that Tazewell and my-
self have been very obnoxious, I thought Tyler not
less so. He and Tazewell have been sustained in
their office and in their course by me. But what puz-
zles me now is to find Ritchie writing to Stevenson
and saying to him to converse with Tyler most
frankly. His words are ^'Converse most frankly
with Tyler. ^'

What! Converse frankly with his greatest ene-
my! These enemies who have pursued him with
such steadv hate and opposition — whilst I am left to
suppose him on the same terms with them that he
was, and myself left where I stood when I extended
him aid against these unprincipled hypocrites in
politics who have taken every side and held every
opinion, who have fought on both sides of the ques-
tion and seem to be regardless of the restraints of
the constitution! Truly this is a development.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 185

The subjoined letter has no date, but the post-
mark is Richmond December 1st, Free. Endorsed
thus : Andrew Stevenson, Washington.

I will copy it in this place as follows :

Friday Night.

My Dear Sir: The night I left you an accident to my wife
prevented my hearing about you next day. In the meantime you
were flown so that my valedictory note on Wednesday evening
did not reach you. It made no odds for it was to bid you adieu,
to ask you to deliver a note from me to our friend Archer and to
beg you to ask G. D. Green to send his daily Telegraph to the
Enquirer. I wish to hear daily from both sides and during the
Winter the Enquirer comes out three times a week and will not
be altogether unworthy of his acceptance.

You must write to us as often as you can conveniently, though
if you are put In the chair, you will of course have less time.

Do write me a line on receiving this to let me know how
the land lies. Converse most frankly with Tyler and believe me.
Yours truly,

T. Ritchie.

Thirtieth day. News from the City of Washing-
ton informs us that the President is outrageously
abusive in all his conversations of every member of
Congress who differs with him in opinion about any
measure, and openly bullies all who do not acquiesce
in his declarations that the assault upon Stansberry,
a member of Congress, by Houston for words spoken
in debate is correct. He, Jackson, says that he
wished there were a * ^ dozen Houstons ' ' to beat and
cudgel the members of Congress.

In future history these things will have a strange
appearance and will be quoted by the enemies of
liberty and of Republican Government as proofs of

186 DIARY OF JOHN^FLOYD.

the inability of men to preserve a Republican form
of Government, or in other words, for man to gov-
ern himself.

These are facts — Jackson was violent, ignorant,
vindictive and intractable, excessively vain and self
conceited. He by good luck gained the battle of
New Orleans. This gave him some eclat with the
people generally and rendered his name familiar to
all. At this moment came the direful struggle be-
tween the great parties in Congress founded upon
the claim which the majority in Congress from the
north of the Potomac made to the right to lay any
tax upon the importations into the United States
which was intended to act as protection of the North-
ern manufactories by excluding foreign fabrics of
the same kind. Hence all the states to the South of
the Potomac became dependent upon the Northern
States for a supply of whatever thing they might
want, and in this way the South was compelled to
sell its products low and buy from the North all ar-
ticles it needed, from twenty-five to one hundred and
tv/enty-five per cent higher than from France or
England. The South protested, and resisted by ar-
guments and remonstrances, all these laws as uncon-
stitutional and oppressive to them. John Quincy
Adams, Henry Clay, etc., were at the head of that
party. It was believed they urged on this party to
act, it of course, being very popular with the ma-
jority, that they might in turn be made President of
the United States by these parties.

At this juncture the Southern Party brought out
Jackson who was thought to be a States Eights poli-
tician, because his battle of New Orleans made him

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 187

popular with the people of Pennsylvania and with
that State, the South could elect Jackson and by his
help reduce the odious tariff. In this work of his
election I myself have much to answer for as I in-
fluenced the State of Virginia to vote for him at
least in a very great degree. When he was elected,
to our utter consternation, we found him without
principle and of very feeble intellect. He gave him-
self up to the opposite party, was willing to take any
course which would keep him in a majority and call-
ed around him men of the most depraved morals,
habits and principles, without any character be-
fore the country and who employ themselves alone
in flattering him, draughts of which he swallows as
coarse as swill. He declines rapidly from age and
infirmity, he is now literally in his dotage and has
never since his illness last summer, recovered his
mind. His appearance now is not believed by the
people, they think these things untrue, and therefore
it is that the country seems to foreigners and will
appear in history so disadvantageous. These self-
ish and corrupt villains who are near to him and
use him have by the immense patronage of the Fed-
eral Government bribed all the printing presses to
denounce all these things as lies and all honest men
who speak out these things are represented to the
people as discontented and disappointed men. I
know the people virtuous, honest and pure and
would, if they believed these things, hurl all of them
headlong from office, eJackson and all, but unfortu-
nately for the country they do not believe.

This security urges on these men to push for-
ward all schemes which will create patronage that

188 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

they may remain in office by its distribution, there-
fore I now fear the day is near at hand when the
South, wearied out with oppression of the North,
aggravated by the ill conduct of this base adminis-
tration, will only find safety from oppression by
withdrawing from the Union, thus proving for the
thousandth time that ignorance and vice will destroy
in a short time that which virtue and talents have
been years building up. Surely Jackson has deceiv-
ed many, very many of our most intelligent and vir-
tuous, as well as myself. I did act for the best but
we failed to effectuate the good desired because our
instrument was vicious though this we did not know
when we embraced his cause. I, myself, it is true sus-
pected him and kept out of his toils, but I suspect-
ed him of avarice, hypocriey, etc., not of a sufficient
want of judgment, when aided by virtuous men like
Calhoun, Tazewell, Hayne, and Hamilton, etc., with a
host of others. Now! "What are you to think. Day
after day he sinks still lower and lower until Jack-
son's name will soon be a reproach to us, a disgrace
to the country, and I fear, ruin to the Union, though
the people themselves are yet simple in their habits
and most virtuous and unsuspecting. But the bribed
printing presses will not let them know until the
nwful tumbling to pieces of this beautiful confed-
eracy informs them of the reality of their condition.

MAY, 1832.

First day. This day I wrote to John Tyler, our
Senator in Congress and sent him the original let-
ter of Ritchie to Stevenson transcribed into this
book on the twenty-eighth day of last month. This
I have done as fair dealing and due to a friend.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 189

Eighth day. This day I received a letter from
Senator Tyler in answer to one I wrote him when
I enclosed the letter which I had so curiously re-
ceived. I refer to what I have copied into the book
on the twenty-eighth ultimo from T. Ritchie to An-
drew Stevenson. Tyler seems to be puzzled to know
what to make of It. Upon the whole he is not so
much to blame as I thought at the first blush of the
business. It is Ritchie and Stevenson who are the
rogues, both to the Republican party and to Tyler.

Twelfth day. Visited the Senior Quoit Club or
barbecue. Three of the Judges only were there to-
day. It was a pleasant day.

Thirteenth day. My marriage took place with
Laetitia Preston on Sunday, the thirteenth day of
May in the year 1804, so that we have been mar-
ried this day twenty-eight years. She left me to-
day on her return to our residence in the County of
Montgomery on the Thorn Spring, accompanied by
our son, William and five daughters. We have now
living and grown, except three, nine children, four
sons and ^ve daughters, finer children no parents
ever had, both for size, talents, morals, beauty and
good tempers. Their education has been of the best.

Fourteenth day. I feel distressed that my wife
and children should be on their journey during this
rainy weather. They must have a disagreeable
trip to our home as it is two hundred and fifty miles.

I saw Mr. Faulkner to-day who is just from the
City of Washington. He gives a most lamentable
account of President Jackson. Among other things
that four gentlemen from Boston who had made the

190 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

trip on purpose to see the man they had favored so
much and fixed such a high value on and thought
him a blessing to his country, that when these gentle-
men arrived at the City of Washington they called
upon Mr. Appleton, their representative in Con-
gress, to introduce them to President Jackson. Mr.
Appleton complied with their request and at the
usual hour in the morning they all four repaired to
the President's house and were formally announced.
Instead of being received, they were kept some time
standing in the anti-chamber. During this period of
their stay they heard much loud and noisy conversa-
tion in the next room. After this they perceived
Senator Grundy of Tennessee issuing from the room
from which the loud talking was heard, leaving the
door of the room open, and they perceived that it
was President Jackson and Grrundy who were in con-
versation, that Jackson followed Grrundy still talk-
ing very loudly and looking after Grundy who had
passed through the room in which these gentlemen
were standing. Mr. Appleton then introduced his
Boston friends, but Jackson never deigned to notice
them but continued talking after Grundy as though
he were present and still in hearing. These gentle-
men stood all this time in perfect amazement. Mr.
Appleton introduced the gentlemen again, still he
bawled after Grundy in the same vehement and
boisterous manner, violently abusing the Senators
who had voted against Van Buren. In this situa-
tion these gentlemen left Jackson, not having been
noticed or offered the slightest recognition. Sena-
tor Poindexter, Senator Moore and others were the
subject of his abuse in terms the most coarse and

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 191

vulgar, such as that **0h, Poindexter, he is a scoun-
drel, a villain, I know him, he shall be punished. I
wish the American people knew him as well as I do,
he is a damn rascal, and I will have his character
known to the people, ' ' with much more of this same
kind of stuff.

These gentlemen reduced to writing what passed
and what will without doubt become history. Mr.
Faulkner vouches for the facts and his authority is
unquestionable.

Sixteenth day. Some days ago I saw in the news-
paper, the National Intelligencer, a letter from Mr.
Arnold, a member of Congress from Tennessee, to
the editor stating that one Heard had threatened to
beat or shoot him for speaking ill of his friend, Hous-
ton. Sure enough this day's mail brings us the intel-
ligence that upon the adjournment of the House of
Representatives on yesterday, Morgan A. Heard, the
person alluded to and named by Mr. Arnold, act-
ually did meet him, Arnold, as he descended the steps
of the terrace on the west side of the Capitol and
attacked him with a club. The blow was parried by
Arnold, whereupon the other drew out a pistol and
fired at Arnold, which shot entered the sleeve of his
coat, lacerated the skin of his right arm all the way
to the shoulder and passed through his coat again
near the shoulder. Arnold struck Heard with a
sword cane which he had in his hand, which broke
the lower part of the staff and thereby left the sword
bare, yet the blow felled Heard to the ground, and
Arnold was in the act of running him through the
body when his arm was arrested by General Duncan,
who is a representative from Illinois. Jackson has

192 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

encouraged these attacks upon the members, and
Stansberry has so said in his place in the House and
pledged himself to prove it if the House would grant
an investigation, but the servile, contemptible House
refused an inquiry into so flagitious an outrage upon
the people, the dignity of the country and the purity
of the principles of the Constitution!

Eighteenth day. We were invited very kindly by
Mr. Mills, a very rich merchant of this city, to ac-
company him on a trip of pleasure of the railroad,
or rather, it was an expedition he had prepared for
us. The travel on the road was very agreeable and
very expeditious.

Nineteenth day. News from Washington City is
still of a disagreeable character. Since Arnold was
shot at, a man by the name of Davis from South Car-
olina and a pet of General Jackson's, has challeng-
ed Mr. Cooke of Ohio, for words spoken in debate.
The papers inform us this day that a Mr. Condit, of
New Jersey, has offered in the House sundry reso-
lutions asking a committee to investigate the facts
as to the general report whether the President has
not encouraged those attacks upon the members.
The result of this has not yet been ascertained, no
votes yet by the House upon those resolutions.

Twentieth day. The times at Washington City
are bad, still the mob of bullies is excited by the
President to attacks on the Members for their
speeches or words spoken in debate and his subser-
vient majority stifles all inquiry or investigation,
thus is our liberty melting away, the good and the
talented men retiring from office and the vicious and
the ignorant fostered by the President. I much

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 193

fear our Republic will fail and that before many
years. The scum of a country may be blown off and
the pure part left free, but when the dregs are com-
mingled with the mass, the whole is destroyed. The
dregs now are courted, sought, are encouraged, pro-
tected and given the whole of the executive favor.

Twenty-second day. Nothing has transpired
worth recording. The threatenings daily heard for
the purpose of intimidating Members of Congress
by the bullies of Jackson still rife in the country
and other attacks are believed to be in contempla-
tion.

Twenty-seventh day. I went to the chapel to hear
Mr. O'Brien, who is a man of talents and a respec-
table orator. Politics seem to be assuming more in-
terest. The party now favorable to Jackson is striv-
ing for the election of Van Buren, the disgraced
minister, upon the ground that Jackson favors his
election and that party is now contending for the
elevation of Mr. Van Buren, that they may make
him President to succeed Jackson that thereby they
may appropriate the money or patronage of the fed-
eral offices to their own use. Mr. Marcy, a senator
from New York, and a friend of Van Buren 's has
in a speech lately said on the floor of the Senate
''that the victorious party in these contests for
the Presidency is entitled to the spoils by the. right
of their victory."

Tiventy -eighth dray. Dined with Mr. Adams at
Fairfield.

Twenty-ninth day. I received to-day a letter from
Senator Tazewell which required me to write to
Mr. Faulkner, a copy of which I here subjoin.

194 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Richmond, Va., May 29th, 1832.

(Confidential)

Dear Sir: I received your letter informing me of the official
conversation with the President of the United States.

I regret much you did not give it all the forms of an official
communication to me and will be glad if you will yet do so for
which purpose I will shortly send it to you.

In the meantime I must say to you that the President's con-
versation with you in your official capacity, is so offensive to me
that for the honor of Virginia I cannot consent to have any fur-
ther correspondence with the Federal Government or with any
of its officers, either by the agents of Virginia or by myself.

The attack which the President of the United States made
upon me and Mr. Tazewell, the Senator of Virginia, in his polit-
ical conversation with, you, the official agent of Virginia, was
of so distinct a character that, as a friend of Mr. Tazewell's as
well as Governor, I felt bound to give him a sight of the letter
and accordingly enclosed it to him.

I wish Mr. Tazewell to make that letter the basis of an offi-
cial communication to me but as you have written it not desir-
ing it to be considered official you can have an opportunity of
making it so very soon as you shall have it, or a copy of it, re-
turned to you.

I wish you to go as soon as practicable to Annapolis and
search the records of Maryland for the document wanted as I
have an advice of Council to pay expenses in this country. On
your way you can see Mr. Tazewell and deliver him the official
paper. In the meantime I hpoe you will give me the permis-
sion desired.

Soon you shall hear all. The document can be had if in
existence but you shall know all In a few days freely and effi-
ciently. We will yet do well. Yours with regard,

John Floyd.
To Charles James Faulkner, Esq.,
of Berkeley County, Virginia.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 195

Note to the foregoing letter.

If you are willing to grant th,e request simply direct a letter
to me for that purpose, but if you are willing to take back the
letter merely to throw it into a better official form, you will have
an opportunity to do so as you pass through Washington City to
Annapolis by calling on Mr. Tazewell and saying to him that I
have instructed you to ask for the letter to be put in a more
official form to be again placed in his hands to be by him re-
turned to me. Pray weigh all these things. It is all right. I
use these last expressions because I am pressed for time, I can-
not explain as fully as I will in a few days. Your friend and
servant,

John Fdoyo.

Thirtieth day. The news from Washington is still
more and more unfavorable to the honour or intelli-
gence or gentlemanly deportment of the administra-
tion of the Federal Government. If I record them
all it will hardly be believed in future times if by
accident this record should see the light.

JUNE, 1832.

First day. The Council of State, to use their
power, have refused to notice the pretensions of Mr.
John B. Richardson to the clerkship of their Board.
This, I understand, to take place day before yester-
day.

Second day. I wrote on this day to Mr. Tazewell.

Thirteenth day. The crops throughout the coun-
try have been much injured by the cold, the rains
and the hailstorms and the coolness and the irreg-
ularity of the Winter though there will be enough of
grain for subsistance, it will greatly take from the
usual supply of commerce. The excnssive rains dur-

196 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

ing the Spring together with the cold caused very
much of the Indian corn to rot in the ground, which
had been planted. Whole fields had been ploughed
up and replanted or sowed in oats. Though the de-
structive rains have injured the grain crops it has
produced a finer crop of grass for meadows and
pastures than has almost ever been seen.

Sixteenth day. Congress is still in session, the ele-
ments are more and more troubled. The Northern
Members insist on keeping on the tariff and oppress-
ing the South by its execution, as it operates as a
monopoly to the northern states. The Southern
members resist all this . My belief is that the great
wealth which has flowed in upon the North under
the operation of that law of Congress has given
them so strong a predeliction for that system which
makes them rich by the labor of the South that they
will never abandon it. The South on the other hand,
will not bear it long and I do believe they could not
bear it ten years if they were willing to pay the ex-
action.

The President, I see from the papers, is about to
rip up the whole of that old business of the Seminole
War to prove that he acted under secret orders thus
hoping to shield himself from the odium of violating
his orders and also violating the Constitution. I
was Jackson's friend in that debate in Congress, as
I thought he entered Florida in ^^hot pursuit*' of
his enemy ; but since I left Congress I have seen let-
ters which prove he did it deliberately and wantonly.
He even proposed by letter, and I have seen the let-
ter lately, to the President that if he, the President,
would sanction it or give a private hint to any of

DIARY OF JOHNiFLOYD. 197

his friends that he, Jackson, would make the attack
upon Florida or Pensacola. Monroe, the President,
repelled the idea and forbade it. Still Jackson, as
it lately appears, went on and to gratify his hatred
to Calhoun he wishes to, and says he will, open that
subject again and prove that he was privately in-
structed to do what he did on that occasion.

If Jackson does prove any such thing as that, he
will do it by perjury and fraud, as I say I have lately
seen all the private letters between the President and
Jackson, between Calhoun, the Secretary of War,
and Jackson, between the President and Calhoun on
that occasion. Jackson alone justifies himself, or did
justify himself, in these letters upon the ground that
it was covered by the official orders.

Yet such is the character of Jackson that he can
prove by certificates and oaths anything he pleases,
and can make a witness out of any of his retainers,
for if they refuse any request they lose his favor,
patronage and office, which such as he generally has
around him, will not do.

Twenty-fourth day. I am so much recovered that
I think to-morrow I will take the road for my resi-
dence in the mountains and spend a few weeks in or-
der to see whether the cool and healthful atmos-
phere will not restore me to perfect health once
more.

JULY, 1832.

First da/ff. Received to-day the news of the pas-
sage of the tariff bill by a majority in the House of
Representatives of one hundred and twenty-one to

198 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

sixty-five — a majority, too, of the Virginia delega-
tion voting for it, among whom was Craig of the
Montgomery District.

Third day. Ritchie ^s paper came out this morn-
ing, he speaks of the passage of the Tariff but no
one can say from his article whether he is for or
against the bill.

Fourth day. This day has been celebrated with
unusual display, two companies of volunteers from
Petersburg!! and one from Chesterfield County at-
tending with the Richmond Volunteers.

Ninth day. We got the news to-day of Jackson's
having signed the bill for internal improvement
which totally annihilates every position taken in his
Maysville veto. Rumour says that he will veto the
United States Bank Bill.

OCTOBER, 1832.

Twenty-fifth day. The cholera, the most terrible
disease to which the human body is subject to is dis-
appearing.

Twenty-sixth day. This day a letter from P. P.
Barbour to Thomas W. G-resham was published in
the Whig, wherein he declines being voted for as
Vice-President. This man, so soon before the elec-
tion, puts us, the States Rights party, in such a con-
dition that no efficient measures can be taken to de-
feat the election of Jackson and Van Buren, the lat-
ter a man of moderate talents and the man less gov-
erned by principles or the Constitution than any
who are at all of consequence enough to be looked to
as a candidate for any respectable Station before the

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 199

country. Thus has the honest P. P. Barbour suc-
cumbed to power regardless of his principles. Some
do say that Jackson has promised him the office of
Chief Justice of the United States should Marshall
die or resign. I know he wishes that office.

Twenty-seventh day. This evening I have receiv-
ed from the Honourable Littleton Waller Tazewell,
a letter resigning his seat in the Senate of the United
States from Virginia. I am truly sorry for this as
Mr. Tazewell is a virtuous, good man and a man of
the highest order of talents, and as a man of learn-
ing and ability stands first in the Senate. I have
feared this because he, a year or more ago, told me
that the inclination of his mind was that way. Be-
cause said he, ^^ Jackson has abandoned all his prin-
ciples and ignorant and vicious as his mind is there
is no hope for maintaining the struggle for States
Rights, and it would be worse than useless for me
to spend my time in the Senate in fruitless attempts
to sustain the States Rights principles alone or in
a hopeless minority. All Jackson's counsellors are
of low, underbred characters without minds or mor-
als and are as yet sustained by a majority.''

To this I answered that all he said was true but
that our country ought to be sustained and not given
up to be disgraced, plundered and ruined by ignor-
ance and vice, that the exertions of such men as him-
self, few as they were, would sustain themselves un-
til the great mass of the people could be informed of
the truth of things, not only in this State, but in the
other States, that the mass of the people were vir-
tuous and would in the end be with us. He consent-
ed to serve another session but said if there was.

200 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

at the end of that time, no strong hope of the restor-
ation of the dignity of the United States Govern-
ment, that he would feel disposed then to resign.
Upon reflection, I think this conversation took place
last Spring a year, not long after the adjournment
of Congress.

NOVEMBER, 1832.

Second day. It is hazy and warm, what we in the
mountains call a ^^blue day in the fall.''

TeMtJi day. No case of cholera for several days.

Eleventh day. The elections for President of the
United States are going through the confederacy,
of course, nothing else astir but all anxiously wait-
ing what the result will be.

Fourteenth day. Letters from the Thorn Spring,
our home, inform me that the snow there is four
inches deep.

Fifteenth day. This day is cloudless and clear
though becoming cold.

Seiwnteenth day. Yesterday afternoon I heard of
the death of Charles Carroll of Maryland, the last
signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was
a Catholic by persuasion, a pious, good man. I am
fearful the liberty of the country, the Declaration of
whose Independence he signed, will not long outlive
the last of its signers.

I have heretofore been as firm and dauntless a
supporter of the rights of the people and the suprem-
acy of the Constitution as any man now living. I
declare before Heaven that I never had an object
but to support the Constitution in its limited con-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 201

struction believing as I have, and as twenty years
experience and observation in public life now fully
prove to my mind, that this confederacy cannot long
last unless the Federal Government is administered
upon this principle, which I am now hopeless of.
Jackson is again elected to the office of the President
of the United States. Should he still pursue his ig-
norant and violent course, which there is a strong
probability he will do, we will never see another
President of the United States elected. Such has
been the misrule of this man and so ignorant of the
Constitution he has been called to administer the
government under, that the States which feel their
Sovereignty insulted, contemned and threatened,
writhing under the oppressive exactions of the Tar-
iff that they talk seriously of calling a Con-
vention of the people of their States to decide upon
the constitutionality of these acts and of arresting
their operation in their States. Such is the folly
of Jackson that, dizzy with his power and maddened
by his tyrannical disposition, he is ordering troops
to South Carolina to threaten an attack should the
Convention now called nullify the Tariff. This will,
if an attack is made, destroy the confederacy. Such
is the man who is President and the one in whom T
had originally so large a share in putting into that
place. My error was an honest one. I thought he
was not so ignorant and would be assisted by the
good, learned, and virtuous of his party, but he has
quarreled with them and has chosen the mean, ignor-
ant, and unprincipled as his 'counsellors.

Twenty-second day. It is now ascertained beyond
a doubt that Jackson is reelected President of the

202 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

United States for four years from the fourth of
March next.

Now comes the downfall of the liberties of my
country or at all events, the destruction of the Con-
federacy. I pray God that I may not be a true
prophet, but I will with truth record the facts that
future inspectors may know the truth and shun the
danger.

Twenty-fifth day. I this day received a letter
from South Carolina from a member of the Con-
vention that they have in that body determined to
nullify all the tariff laws of Congress and if force
is used against them to enforce them, then, in that
event, they declare South Carolina out of the Union.
I, as Governor of Virginia, will sustain South Caro-
lina with all my power. Let others beware.

Twenty -seventh day. I have heard this day from
South Carolina. Wm. C. Preston writes that the
Committee have agreed to report a measure of un-
conditional nullification of all the laws on the sub-
ject of the tariff. So far it is well.

DECEMBER, 1832.

Second day. South Carolina is much talked of
and her nullification of the tariff laws of Congress.
I will first learn the opinion of the members of the
Assembly of this State before I record anything as
they meet to-morrow^ My message will show my
opinion upon these subjects to be precisely that
which the Legislature exposed as their opinions by
the adoption of the resolutions of the year 1798. I
tliink the flatterers of Jackson are becoming alarmed

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 203

at the course of South Carolina and begin to change
their language and minds.

Thirteenth day. This day I received intelligence
that something would transpire in Congress of deep
import. At twelve o 'clock I received from a Senator
in Congress, the Honourable John Tyler, a copy of
a * ^ Proclamation by Andrew Jackson, President of
the United States, denouncing war upon the State of
South Carolina.'' This is the most extraordinary
document which has ever appeared in the United
States. It concentrates all power in the President
and denounces all meetings in any states, as treason
if to call in question the constitutionality of any act
passed by Congress, denies the States to be sover-
eign or this to be a confederacy, and acknowledges
no authority but that vested in the President. He
has ordered his army to South Carolina and is mak-
ing every preparation for war. I think I shall be
able to check him.

Fourteenth day. I have this day laid before the
General Assembly the ordinance adopted by the Con-
vention of the People of South Carolina, with a mes-
sage, which Avill call for their action whereby it will
be seen whether the people of this State will submit
tamely to be governed by a tyrant who acknowledges
no law but his own will. A republic and constitu-
tional liberty I will have or I will perish in the strug-
gle.

Fifteenth day. There is some sensation created
in the Assembly and among the people from my mes-
sage and the President's Proclamation and the Or-
dinance of South Carolina. The minions of Jack-
son, Eitchie, the Tory son of a Tory father, P. N.

204 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Nicholas, P. V. Daniel, Wyndham Eobertson and D.
Willson, the three Councellors of State, Banks, the
Speaker of the House of Delegates, and Dromgoole,
the Speaker of the Senate, are agitated. These
wretches have deserted their principles and the lib-
erties of the people for the smiles of that tyrant,
Jackson. I still do not despair of the stability and
virtue of the people, with them I am strong and
they shall be free.

Seventeenth day. The Committee to which my
message conveying to the house the Ordinance of
South Carolina has not yet reported. Strange to
tell, some of them are for submission to the will of
Jackson in compliance with the desires of that base
Tory printer, Ritchie.

Nineteenth day. No report yet from the Commit-
tee. I understood this morning that when my mes-
sage was received in the City of Washington the
friends of the President were with him almost all
night consulting upon the propriety of his retrac-
ing his steps but as yet his personal hate to Calhoun
induces him to insist upon using the sword to inforce
his doctrine of treason. If so, there is no govern-
ment or Constitution but his will and that Proclama-
tion. If he uses force, I will oppose him with a
military force. I nor my country, will not be enslav-
ed without a struggle.

Twenty-sixth day. I have this day received from
the G-ovemor of Pennsylvania sundry resolutions of
the Assembly of that State, approved by the Gov-
ernor, requesting them to be laid before the Com-
monwealth (Virginia), affirming all the power to
belons: to the Federal Government which is claimed

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 205

for it by the President by his late Proclamation or-
dering the people of South Carolina to repeal their
ordinance of nullification and offering the military
aid of that State to subdue South Carolina.

If this should take place there is no limit to the
Federal Government, and the United States becomes
the most arbitrary government in the world and we
have lost our liberty should that take place, by the
action of one section of the Union by force of arms
appropriating the profits of the labor of the other
for their own use.

I have often said and here state that Jackson is
the worst man in the Union, a scoundrel in private
life, devoid of patriotism and a tyrant withal, and
is only capable of using power that he may have the
gratification of seeing himself obeyed by every hu-
man being. He speaks the language ungrammati-
cally, writes it worse and is exceedingly ignorant,
but strange to tell, he is feared and most all seem
disposed to give up their liberty rather than dis-
please him, who is now so popular that many fear
to encounter his frown and many, very many, seem
willing to let him rule, the arbitrary despot, pro-
vided they can obtain office. Thus office and a base
love for gold and power have mainly contributed to
enslave us by a brutal, ignorant soldier.

Notwithstanding all these things my countrymen
are inert and many say **0, I think Jackson does
not mean to wage war, he is only getting his vast
armies together, chartering steamboats, manning his
ships, merely to scare South Carolina a little.*'
Base, treacherous curs ! thus adding insult to injury.

I, at this moment, feel assured we will soon be

206 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

by that monster and villain, Jackson, involved deep-
ly in a civil war. I deplore this the more as the Con-
stitution of Virginia has so limited the power of the
Governor and through jealousy of him, has made
the most imbecile government that a free people ever
lived under, and still more strange, they have had
no fears in regard to the President, yet I will do
the best I can to save the liberty of my country. I
expect civil war and I expect to perish in it, but
none shall say hereafter in the history of this coming
conflict that I, as Governor of Virginia, wanted
either prudence, courage or patriotism. I will do
my duty though I have no fondness for power of
office.

JANUARY. 1833.

Fifth day. The whole of this week the debate on
our Federal Relations has continued and each day's
debate convinces me that we hold our liberty by a
very slender thread and a very uncertain tenure.

I have heard almost all the members of the Leg-
islature speak who have delivered orations on this
subject and am fully of the opinion that they are
[•more] afraid of offending the Tyrant, Jackson,
than of preparing the minds of the people for re-
sistance to encroachments upon their liberty.

Broadnax, Bruce and Witcher feel like freemen
and assert like men of firmness the rights of the
States, but all the others submit abjectly to the
usurpations of Jackson. Mr. Brown, of Peters-
burgh, spoke yesterday and sustained the Presi-
dent's proclamation throughout. At last he said a

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 207

'* State had the right to judge of the violations of
the compact, treaty or constitution (call it what you
will) and secede from the Union but that the re-
maining twenty-three had an equal right to judge
whether they had or not so violated the Constitution
and if they were of the opinion that they had not so
violated the Constitution, or compact, that they had
a right to compel the seceded State to submit to the
law and return to the Union. That the President
had not now power to wage war upon South Caro-
lina, but that it was in the power of Congress to
pass laws to enable him to subdue that State under
the provisions of the Constitution!

This is the highest toned consolidation doctrine
I have ever heard in my life, entertained by any
man south of the Potomac, John Marshall, perhaps,
excepted.

If the Legislature sustains that doctrine then the
States cease to exist as Sovereignties, and the
Union becomes one great consolidated despotism.
This, by the by, seems the language of the whole
Jackson party at this time, which is an immense ma-
jority and our liberty now depends entirely on our
ability to prevent them from being carried into ab-
solute execution until the people once more dis-
pense with their fears so as to enable them to think-
If we fail, then we have lost our liberty forever!
This results from the eclat which belongs to the
drum and the sword. I know Jackson personally,
he has not the capacity to govern the country, nor
has he the information, but if he had the virtue to
choose men of morals and character he would have
acquitted himself to the country and to posterity.

20S DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

His vices and his violence have urged him onward
and thousands sing praises to his progress because
they have not the courage to say he is wrong or that
they will not be his slaves.

All this is the result of his victory at New Or-
leans, a victory gained by accident, by the commis-
sion of a blunder which, if he had been unsuccess-
ful, he ought and would have been cashiered and
dismissed from the army in disgrace.

Fifteenth dodf. This day the debate on Federal
Relations came to a close so far as to take the vote
between Brown of Petersburgh's substitute to the
original resolution of the committee of twenty-one.
These resolutions of Mr. Brown's are of a spirit so
slavish and so submissive that I wonder men could
be pleased to so easily surrender the liberty of the
country to the caprice of a tyrant. These resolu-
tions were adopted by the House of Delegates by a
majority of one vote. They were written to please
General Jackson and adopted to please him. So
ends the his^h character of the State of Virginia and
such the end of liberty.

Though we have not chains upon our hands, still
we now have no guard for our lilberty but hold it at
the will of a tyrant, and all mouths exhaust all
terms in his praises; and when they are told they
have voted away their liberty they say no, **the
General Assembly will meet as heretofore.'' When
they are told the General Assembly has voted away
the power to protect them, they say, **0, we know
General Jackson will not hurt us." Poor, wretched
men ! I now perceive how all tvrants of the earth
hnve overturned the liberties of their countries, and

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 209

find the process clear, plain, and simple. It is not
the tyrant who does this thing, it is the multitude.
Jackson won a victory at New Orleans, the crowd
lauded him for it. The crowd thought they would
make him president of the United States, many men
of integrity, patriotism and talents united to take
him sooner than Adams, as Adams has already
claimed power for the Federal Government which
at a blow consolidated those states. . Jackson was
elected, and though palpably ignorant, as it was
soon ascertained and surrounded by vice, still the
crowd lauded him and he, by the voice of this mul-
titude, has been cheered on to make himself despotic.
Many patriots have endeavored in the last four
years to arrest his course but the indignation which
ought to have been hurled upon the Tyrant was turn-
ed upon the patriot and at this moment has leveled
with the dust the constitution and liberty and pros-
trated all but South Carolina, which I think will be
crushed by a military force which Jackson has been
anxious for and has been preparing.

Twenty-sixth day. This day the General Assem-
bly finally adopted their resolutions relating to the
affairs of South Carolina. They are poor ineffect-
ual affairs though they have been debating them
there for five or six weeks. It is a proof that where
Legislative bodies keep all the power of govern-
ment as in Virginia the government cannot act
promptly and efficiently. The action of the Legisla-
ture has been wholly inadequate to save the country
though I think South Carolina and the Southern
members will yet be able to resist the Tyrant.

Twenty-seventh day. My message of the twenty-

210 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

fifth instant I will say nothing of except that it
contains the true States Right doctrine, and under
no other mode of administering the Federal Gov-
ernment can this Union be permanent.

Twenty -eighth day. I saw Judge Brook to-day
who tells me that he has received a letter from Henry
Clay who will advocate a reduction of the tariff and
save, if possible, the Union. But that Clay thinks
that Jackson and Van Buren will prevent a settle-
ment of the difficulties of the country for fear Mr.
Calhoun will be benefited by it in his public stand-
ing. Thus our liberty is jeopardized and civil war
proposed by the villain, Van Buren, through his in-
fluence upon Jackson that he may ruin a rival for
office.

FEBRUARY, 1833.

Seventh day. News from Washington says that
there is not much prospect of an adjustment of the
tariff, that Jackson and his party are urging for-
ward preparations of a military character to at-
tack South Carolina.

Ninth day. Congress, at least the Senate, speak
of reporting a bill to raise forces to indulge the
Tyrant in his military propensities.

Eleventh day. The Consolidationists, or what
may rightly be termed the Monarchical Party, are
endeavouring to turn Tyler out of the Senate of the
United States. The General Assembly are nearly
equally divided, though all that party are not mon-
archists, but devotion to Jackson is impelling them
fo7'ward to support even worse measures against

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 211

South Carolina to gratify him, the fifteenth instant
was fixed upon for the election of Senator.

Fifteenth day. This day Tyler was reelected to
the Senate by a majority of one vote, seventeen of
the States Rights party throwing away their votes.
Such is the confusion among the friends of liberty
and the Constitution that their enemies often gain
an advantage. Each thinks he has a right to lead
and all being very independent, choose to pursue
his own way which has already endangered us and
will seriously injure us in the end.

Twenty-second day. There is much music, rejoic-
ing and a vast display of military of the State. They
have all passed in review before me and have paid
me, as the Commander-in-Chief, the usual military
honours.

For some hours last evening and this morning
the Consolidationists, or the friends of Jackson and
Van Buren, who favored an unlimited government,
reported that I intended to haul down the flag of
the United States this morning and put up that of
the State of Virginia, by this means to excite the
mass of the people against me as Governor and
(igainst nullification as the rightful remedy for Fed-
eral a,<2:gression and usurpation, and even stated
that if the flag of Virginia were put up the populace
would tear it down and that probably blood would
be spilt. So far from this being the feeling of the
multitude, they say that if Governor Floyd hoists
the flag of Virginia none shall trouble it and but for
respect for him ^^we would tear down the United
States flag now floating on the flag staff.**

This has been a most mortifvins* occurrence to

212 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

the unlimited government men. The poor, unworthy-
dogs, Ritchie, Van Buren, Jackson and Company,
are chagrined that Virginia will sustain me and the
*^ States Rights'' party, though I seem to make no
effort to please anybody. It is owing to a full belief
the people have that I will do justice and defend
the liberty and the integrity of the Constitution re-
gardless of men or consequences. In this they do
me justice, for I will do so.

Twenty-fifth day. News from Congress informs
us that Clay has pressed the passage of a bill to
modify the tariff so as to bring it down to the com-
mon standard, and abandoning the protection prin-
ciples. This will restore harmony to the country and
prove that nullification is the rightful remedy for
Federal usurpation. South Carolina has triumph-
ed and has saved the confederacy and the liberties
of the country from the Tyrant's grasp, has saved
us from a civil war. Yet we of the South know
Jackson would have been defeated. I could, I think,
have beaten him with the troops of this State for a
long time. If he had shed one drop of blood in civil
war, my determination was to strike the next blow
upon himself.

MARCH, 1833.

Second day. I heard this day that the tariff bill
as proposed by Clay will certainly pass Congress.
The Tyrant, Jackson, will not dare to send it back
with objection.

I have this day received from the Honorable
John Tyler a letter informing me of his acceptance

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 213

of the position as Senator in Congress for six years
to take office on the 4th of March.

Twentieth day. The people begin to move and
take an interest in public affairs. The Proclamation
of Jackson, his after-message and the Force Bill
are becoming odions and he is much less popular than
he was. The election begins to be much talked of.
Jackson and his partizans are evidently losing
ground.

Twenty-third day. This day, B. W. Leigh, Esq.,
the commissioner to South Carolina returned. He
brings news of great excitement in that State. They
have rescinded their ordinance nullifying the tariff
on account of the modification of the tariff law by
Congress but have nullified the law called the enforc-
ing bill which is called ''a law for the collection of
the revenue.'^

This act which they have now nullified is in its
provisions a complete repeal of the Constitution of
the United States.

Twenty-sixth day. This day I organized a board
under the law of the last session for the purpose of
transporting the free persons of color.

Twenty-eighth day. Political news much as be-
fore. All are becoming disgusted with Jackson's
course and admit his utter incapacity for govern-
ment.

Thirty-first day. I have heard from South Caro-
lina. All our friends are in high spirits. From
various parts of this State I have also heard the
States Rights party is gaining strength daily. That
base Tyrant, Jackson, will be overthrown at last, our

214 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

principles will be reestablished on a firm f oundatioii
and upon that success alone at this moment rests
the liberty of the world.

APRIL, 1833.

First day. Now things progress very well in the
political world. States Rights will be restored and
our Liberty perpetuated.

Fourth day. This day Senator Tyler came to
Richmond. He looks in fine health and spirits.
From what he tells me, I did not know of half of
the vile corruption which was carried on last winter
in Washington. Among other things that Louis
McLane, Secretary of the Department of the Treas-
ury, said, *^Give us (the administration) the force
bill and the tariff will be compromised. ^ ' The pas-
sage of that bill, the Republicans all agree, repeals
the Constitution and makes this country a military
despotism instead of a constitutional confederacy
or a confederated republic.

Sixteenth day. For some time past the Northern
papers have been full of disquisitions on slavery,
emancipation, rights of man and universal amalga-
mation of color.

Such is the corrupt state of public morals, pro-
duced by the ignorance, vice and bad passions of
Jackson and the minions around him that I do be-
lieve these United States will be shaken to pieces in
a few years and deluged with blood purely because
the Southern States tolerate slavery and the North
wishes to destroy this property that they may gov-
ern by a majority in Congress and make the entire

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 215

South subservient to their views. It cannot be af-
fection for our slaves, who, at this moment, are
happier and in a very much better condition than
the laboring poor of the North. They have more
of the comforts of life. They have, in truth, every-
thing but political rights and rights of property.

MAY, 1833.

Seventh day. This is the day appointed to lay
the corner-stone of the monument to be erected to
the mother of Washington, who was a Yorkshire
woman and in the Revolution was a Tory. She
never liked that George, as she called him, should go
to war against the King — this I have from Judge
Brook, of the Court of Appeals but a few days ago.
Judge Brook was an officer of the Revolution and a
relation of Washington's.

I have this day received letters from Alexan-
dria informing me that President Jackson has had
his nose pulled at Alexandria by Lieutenant Robert
Beverly Randolph, the same gentleman whom the
President so unceremoniously dismissed from the
Nav^^ of the United States a few days ago. If any-
thing could justify am^ citizen in pulling the nose
of such a President, this gentleman was surely jus-
tified. Jackson surely has entered personally into
this affair and taken part against Randolph and has
used his power and patronage to effect his ruin
both as an honest man and his property. These are
the facts. John H. Eaton, Jackson's favorite, had
been for yenrs in the habit of importuning the Sec-
retaries of the Navy for employment for Timber-

216 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

lake, a purser in the United States Navy. This was
most gratefully acknowledged by Timberlake, who
was most strongly attached to Eaton, whom he
thought did all this for friendship to him. I was a
member of Congress at that time and so was Eaton,
and know this to be true, but the cause, I did believe
instead of friendship for Timberlake was an attach-
ment for Timberlake 's wife, and this was to keep
Timberlake always at sea and out of the way.

Mrs. Timberlake was very pretty and the daugh-
ter of one O'Neal, an impudent Irishman, who went
to Washington City to seek employment as a labour-
er. By good fortune he got a little money and at an
early day he commenced tavern-keeping and with
the profits of that business he enlarged his house
and purchased other lots which, as it was thought,
made him rich. The naval officers stopped there
when they went to the city. Timberlake married
finally this daughter. She was impudent, or rather,
has as much assurance as her father but she was
the wife of a naval officer. She was admitted into
good society but about the year 1821, Mrs. Mon-
roe, the wife of the then President, sent her a mes-
sage desiring her, Mrs. Timberlake, not to come to
their drawing-rooms. This was done, as was sup-
posed, from the report of Mrs. Timberlake 's amour
with Eaton having got to the ears of Mrs. Monroe.
Whether so or not none can tell, but this I know,
that Eaton's connection with Mrs. Timberlake was
as notorious at that day as any part of the day. She
was no more faithful to Eaton, her paramour, at
that day than to her husband, though Eaton thought
she was, as several members of Congress, who lodg-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 217

ed in her father's house where she stayed with her
mother, told me they knew of their own knowledge
that she was faithless to both husband and Eaton.

Thus things were when Jackson was elected
President of the United States but that very winter
the news of this very intrigue and infidelity of his
wife reached Timberlake in Mahon in the Mediter-
ranean, which so affected him that he cut his own
throat. Mrs. Timberlake 's brother-in-law, a cer-
tain Dr. Randolph, knowing Eaton's connection with
Mrs. Timberlake, his wife's sister, and his great in-
fluence with the President, then just elected, com-
pelled Eaton to marry the widowed Timberlake,
which marriage accordingly took place that winter,
Eaton's fears prevailing over all other considera-
tions.

At this moment Jackson took the oath of office
and became the President of the United States. The
first act was to appoint Eaton Secretary of the De-
partment of War which disgusted every political
friend of character and standing in the country,
which he had in the world. The notorious and ill
concealed conduct of Mrs. Timberlake, now Mrs.
Eaton, caused every decent and respectable family
and lady to refuse to visit Mrs. Eaton. Then in-
stantly Jackson was appealed to by his favorite to
support his wife. He did so and actually for a whole
season busied in procuring affidavits and certificates
to prove her a virtuous woman ! Not only this, but
Jackson went to the trouble of writing out a defence
for this woman by way of argument founded upon
the certificates and affidavits which he had obtained
of ninety-one manuscript pages ! He had the base-

218 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

ness to require all persons connected with that gov-
ernment and all persons who desired office under
that government to visit Mrs. Eaton and defend her
as a virtuous woman, and all who failed so to do
were disappointed in obtaining office if they were
in search of one or if in office, were turned out if
they failed to perform that task.

During Timberlake's lifetime, believing Eaton
his good friend, he was prevailed upon by Eaton to
place in his hands a large sum of the public money
which had been advanced to him as Purser of the
Navy to pay the officers of the ships in which he
last sailed. This advance was solicited under the
pretext of securing old O'NeaPs property which at
that time was in danger of being lost, as it was about
to be seized by his creditors.

Timberlake died. The captain of the ship, then
in Port Mahon, ordered his then lieutenant on board
that ship to take charge of Timberlake 's goods and
the balance of the public money in the hand of the
Purser, Timberlake. The Captain was Peterson, the
Lieutenant who received the order was this Dr.
Robert Beverly Randolph.

When the ship returned to the United States,
Timberlake 's books and property were returned to
the Navy Department, also Randolph's account of
his disbursements.

In the meantime Eaton procured from Jackson
the appointment of fourth auditor of the Treasury
to be conferred upon one Amos Kendal, a printer
and a Yankee of notoriously false and knavish
character. The business of the fourth auditor is to
settle the accounts of the naval officers and the Navy.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 219

Eaton determined to keep the money he had ob-
tained from Timberlake and in concert with Kendal,
the fourth auditor, determined to throw the odium
of their embezzlement upon Lieutenant Randolph.
Consequently they charged Randolph with the
crime and at the same time cut the leaves out of
the books of Timberlake 's which explained the trans-
action, at least as far as Randolph was concerned.
Thus they harassed Randolph for four years. At
length believing themselves safe, they agreed to
let Jackson call a Court of Inquiry.

When this court assembled, to the amazement
of these unprincipled men, Lieutenant Randolph
was able to prove to the court clearly every trans-
action. Lieutenant Randolph was honorably ac-
quitted and brought the United States in debt up-
wards of six hundred dollars. When this disclos-
ure was made, and the proceedings of the Court of
Inquiry was laid before the President, as Comman-
der-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States, he was prevailed upon by his friends and
Kendal to mix in this business as a partizan of
Eaton's and Amos Kendal's, disregarded all testi-
mony in the case except Peterson's, whom nobody
believed, and charged Lieutenant Randolph, in the
face of the decision of the Court, then before him,
with embezzlement of the money and to injure his
character and testimony which was believed would
be injurious to Eaton in case he should ever be
brought to account for the money by the proper offi-
cers of the Treasury. The President interposed and
by a sentence which all believed to be erroneous
nnd unjust, but dictated alone by the feeling of

220 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

powi:r ai)d fortunately for this favorite not only
decided against the court but ordered Lieutenant
Eandolph to be dismissed from the Navy without
further ceremony. All these things so operated on
the minds of the public that the conduct of the Pres-
ident in thus voluntarily becoming a partizan for
his unworthy favorites that he was viewed by the
virtuous and the good with the mingled emotions of
pity, scorn and contempt. For this Lieutenant Ran-
dolph pulled the President's nose on board the
steamboat Sidney ^ then at the wharf at Alexandria
whilst on his way to Fredericksburg to lay the
aforesaid corner-stone of the aforesaid monument,
so that the sixth of May, 1833, will be notorious for
pulling Presidents' noses.

I regret this act as the President, Jackson should
have been exempt from that disgrace. As a par-
tizan, however, he ought to have deserved a parti-
zan's punishment.

Tenth day. Such is the total disregard of the
Constitution and laws of the State that I am ver-
bally informed by a gentleman this day that large
parties of men are in pursuit of Lieutenant Ran-
dolph in the county of Fairfax, adjoining the Dis-
trict of Columbia, in this State with a view to car-
rying him forcibly within the jurisdiction of the
District, with a view to punish him for the assault
and battery committed on the person of Jackson.

That county is distant from this but I hope the
magistrates will not permit violence and force to be
used, thus in the person of Randolph to permit the
sovereignty of the laws of Virginia to be violated
within her own limits.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 221

Whatever the laws and the constitution of Vir-
^rinia require to be done or the Constitution of the
United States enjoins shall be fully and distinctly
performed but no obliquity of justice or conduct
shall or will be tolerated to gratify popular desires
or the malice of Jackson. Impartial justice is due
us and shall be given to all.

Eleventh day. I have received a letter from
Henry Clay under the date of the eighteenth of
April last. This letter is on business though it con-
tains an expression of a wish to be on terms of for-
mer friendship. I will agree to that. I think I was
wrong in giving the certificate though it contained
literally the truth but I now think it might have
been withheld with propriety. I did not think so
then. I here refer to the certificate I gave the ' Cen-
tral Committee,'' as it was called, which was an as-
sociation of gentlemen in Washington, to promote
the election of Andrew Jackson to the Presidency
of the "United States.

The facts were these : Clay, by his influence, had
John Quincy Adams elected by the House of Repre-
sentative, as the election had fallen upon that body,
neither of the candidates having according to the
Constitution of the United States received a major-
ity of the electoral votes, or the votes of the electors.
Then the three candidates having the highest num-
ber of votes are carried to the House of Representa-
tives, one of whom the House chooses as President.
In the present case, Andrew Jackson, John
Quincy Adams, and William H. Crawford and Henry
Clay were the candidates. It was ascertained that
the three first were those who had the highest num-

222 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

ber of votes, that they stood in the order above nam-
ed. Of course, Mr. Clay was excluded from the
House and could not be voted for, though I do be-
lieve with that body the most popular.

At this time a tariff for the protection of the man-
ufacturers of the Northern States was in progress,
of which Mr. Clay was the greatest champion, he
being popular in the Western States, took the lead
in favor of the tariff and the manufacturers with a
hope of securing that interest in the North. With
this course of reasoning and with a hope of future
success, he threw his influence with the House of
Representatives into the scale of John Quincy
Adams and elected him President of the United
States.

Pending the election, I had frequent conversa-
tions on the subject with Mr. Clay, or rather, he with
me. I sought a conversation with him but once in
relation to it. The object Mr. Clay seemed to have
in view was to secure the election of Adams, and to
get as many Southern votes as possible. He was
at that time Speaker of the House and I a member
from Virginia.

I was a friend of Mr. Clay^s personally but op-
posed to his course in this election and to him,
whence I did not think I had much influence with
him but I felt it a duty to give him such advice and
opinion as was due to a personal friend. I urged
to a different course if notwithstanding he did vote
for and cause Mr. Adams to be elected, that he
should not take office under him ; that he and his fa-
ther were both unpopular and never could be other-
wise as they were of the party fond of power and

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 223

strong government, that if he, Clay, continued in the
House of Representatives as Speaker, that he would
be the most influential and powerful man in the
Union since he was popular with the House of Rep-
resentatives and could at any time govern and con-
trol the legislation of the country. This position
I urged upon him, telling him that, by occupying
such a station, he would be able to prevent Adams
when elected, if elected, from running into those ex-
cesses of power which his opponents in my party
so much feared and if he did so, that his influence
would then be able to arrest it and for that all who
were afraid of tyranny would come to his support
and that ultimately success must attend his efforts,
that if he took office under Mr. Adams, that then,
from the controller of Mr. Adams, he sunk into the
subordinate agent, acting under his orders and hav-
ing caused him, Adams, to be elected, would be held
responsible for his acts, that he knew Mr. Adams
was a man without judgment, full of conceit, obsti-
nate and intractable, that he had done so many
strange things in his life that a person ought to
cease to be surprised at anything he might do, that
Mr. Adams could not be made acceptable to the peo-
ple of the Union.

To which Mr. Clay replied that Adams was un-
popular and disposed to claim much power for the
Federal Government, but surrounded as he would
be by men of character and experience in public
affairs he would get along very well (or rather his
identical words **we will get along very well'^) and
a great deal could be done. Then he used these me-

224 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

morable words **Give us the patronage of the gov-
ernment and we will make ourselves popular/'

For reasons then deemed good, to wit ; in several
conversations with friends and political partizans,
I happened to mention Mr. Clay's views and opin-
ions on this subject, which I presume were spoken of
among themselves. I was at last asked whether I
would write down these words. This request was
made by Van Ness, the chairman of the ** Jackson
Central Committee." as I had spoken these words,
which were certainly true, I did write them down.
Afterwards they were published and did Mr. Adams
and Mr. Clay great harm in the election then again
commencing for the next Presidential term. The
Jackson party, of which I was a prominent member,
and was the cause of giving the vote of Virginia to
Jackson, aided by the influence of Mr. L. W. Taze-
well and Mr. John Tyler. Tazewell was then and
Tyler was afterwards a Senator from this State. I
say the Jackson party made great use of this fact
which did Clay and Adams great harm particularly
Clay. To give it all the injurious effect these words
were capable of effecting, the worst construction was
put upon them.

At this time, a year afterwards, when the Presi-
dential canvass was highest, Mr. Clay and myself
were not friends, which compelled me to be silent
as to the impression these words made upon my
mind and were intended by him to make, as I then
supposed, nor did I at the time I wrote them reflect
upon the construction they would bear so injurious
to him.

My regret and mortification was now extreme

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 225

since I saw a great man injured by bad men, tortur-
ing his true words into bad meaning, though cer-
tainly susceptible of this erroneous construction but
which circumstances now compelled me from cor-
recting, because of us, Clay and myself, not being
friends. If I spoke at all, it would be considered as
propitiating his wrath. As soon as Jackson was
elected, he outraged the Constitution of the United
States so grossly, violating it in every provision,
that I found myself unable to support his adminis-
tration without feeling myself a traitor to my coun-
try and the Constitution. I was then soon consid-
ered in opposition to him. If then I had spoken out
and published to the world my own impressions as
to what Clay did mean to convey, I ^vas liable to
the unworthy imputation of taking this step out of
revenge or disappointment in not receiving office
from Jackson although I had refused office and told
him that I wanted none. This, however, only he and
I and two or three others knew. Thus was I still
prevented from doing Clay justice, at least, explain-
ing how I understood his words.

Mr. Clay, I suspect, has for some time past judg-
ed that I did not approve of the construction put
upon his words by the Jackson party and hence in
the letter which I have lately received from him upon
business appertaining to my office, dated Ashland,
Kentucky, April 18th, 1833, after speaking of his
business, he closes his letter in these words :

I am aware that an apology is due your Excellency for
troubling you with this small matter, be pleased to put it in

226 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

some hands to attend to and place my addressing you to the
score of our old friendly relations. With great respect, I am
truly yours,

H. Clay.

This reminded me of the necessity of doing some-
thing which would convey at some future time to the
world my impressions in relation to those words so
often referred to of Mr. Clay's and upon the sugges-
tion of James E. Heath, the Auditor of Public Ac-
counts, who saw the letter and to whom I related my
own expressions I have now made this record. Mr.
Heath was then informed of my having this book.
I then told him I would make the record here. I now
proceed to finish the most important part of it.

Mr. Clay did say to me when conversing upon the
subject of the election of the President when I told
him * * Adams was too unpopular to be chosen by the
people of this country '^ he said, *^Give us the pa-
tronage of the Federal Government and we will
make ourselves popular.''

In using this expression I did not understand
Mr. Clay as meaning to convey to my mind the re-
motest insinuation that the ^'patronage" was to be
corruptly used, nor do I believe that it ever was cor-
ruptly used by him and Mr. Adams whilst they ad
ministered that government, but I did understand
him to mean that if they had the administration of
the Federal Government in their hands that by se-
lecting men who were known and admitted to be per-
sons of high character, talents and popularity that
their influence with the people would sustain them
(Adams and Clay) because these men would sus-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 227

tain them upon the wisdom and justice of their
measures, thus making manifest to the people
the impropriety of turning out men who had con-
ducted the administration upon wide principles and
beneficial measures merely because they had a per-
sonal aversion to one man (Mr. Adams). In other
words they would have selected men of talents and
virtue, so arranged locally as to have made them-
selves popular by thus distributing the patronage of
the government. I have little idea but that this sug-
gested the corrupt use which has been made of
the patronage of this government by Jackson. Every
day proves him to be the worst and most corrupt
man in the United States.

My journal has long been suspended. The epi-
demic of scarlet fever has been in my family at the
Thorn Spring where all of us were during the sum-
mer. We suffered much. Every one was ill during
the summer and my two youngest daughters, Coralie
and Mary fell victims to it. No parent ever had bet-
ter children or children of more intellect. These
misfortunes have had a deep effect upon my mind
and feelings, the more so as it has often happened be-
fore. I am beginning to be old and have had no share
of the affections of the world but from my children
and my wife. Yet everybody manifests the highest
respect for me and everybody is kind to me and
among the people generally I have, for twenty-three
years, been very popular, so also with the General
Assembly, who made me Governor of this ancient
Commonwealth under the old constitution by a vote
of three to one, and elected me tlie first Governor

228 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

under the new Constitution by a unanimous vote of
both Houses of the General Assembly^ still that
warm and cordial devotion to the affections of the
heart cannot be compensated by honors and the pro-
foundest respect which has always been manifested
to me. What can this be 1 Everybody loves me, as
my friends tell me, I certainly am and for many
years have been popular and after the first election
I never was opposed afterwards for that station.
That I have friends I know, whom I trust with every-
thing, but in my presence they are more ceremon-
ious than with each other. It is the playfulness of
affection which makes friendship so delightful, but
when mingled with but little reserve it has the effect
of keeping the very object of that respect a little
more on his guard, because it seems to be a caution
to him to remain so.

NOVEMBER, 1833.

Fifth day. I saw Judge Brook of the Court of Ap-
peals and had much conversation with him about
Henry Clay, whom he says, will not press his claim
to the Presidency but leave the selection of the candi-
date to oppose the corrupt minions of Jackson to the
good sense of the people. So far it is well, yet every
day gives me new cause to doubt the stability of the
Union. The multitude is more disposed to follow
the tendencies and go for party success than in
search of principle, which act in support of liberty,
besides the utter ignorance of the structure of our
government in the mass of the people (the togata
Komana), besides this men, who have some educa-

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 229

tion cannot fully comprehend it, simple as it is. This
ignorance in the first place, and the anxiety every
man has for success when he attaches himself to a
party must cause the downfall of the Union,

If I am justified in applying the same tendencies
in a simple state government which I have witnessed
in the Union, the same local and general causes, par-
ties instead of principles, the state governments
themselves will not long keep their liberty though
the form will remain. To aid the progress of these
tendencies, all the unprincipled join the dominant
party for office and it is surprising to see how many
there are and how high some of them stand in the
estimation of their countrymen, men who stand well,
yet counsel and aid the basest principles of self ag-
grandisement whilst they think themselves conceal-
ed from the observation of the best and most learned
of our citizens.

Judge Henry St. George Tucker, of the Court
of Appeals, has enjoyed much of the favor
of the people of Virginia. He was, and yet
calls himself, a Republican and is believed by
many though he was in correspondence with
Senator Eives during the last winter or session
of Congress and approved of everything Jackson
had done and proposed doing. Proclamation and all,
and induced that poor, weak creature, Rives, to vote
for the force bill and for all this he now has Jack-
son ^s promise in his pocket that if John Marshall
shall die or resign he. Tucker, shall receive the ap-
pointment of Chief Justice of the United States!
This is the pure Republican who thinks himself se-
cure in his negotiation in selling his principles for

230 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

office, not even that, for a promise of office. His
friends may say that he has not changed his princi-
ples. If so, it is the worse for him, for then it is
a proof that he has been a base hypocrite for twenty
years or more. To my proof: Rives showed Tuck-
er ^s letter to John S. Barbour, as Barbour related
it to me, persuading him and insisting upon his tak-
ing the course he did and developing the reasons
why he ought to continue his course for the other,
Beverly Tucker, the brother of Henry St. George
Tucker, was in Washington City about this period
and learned the fact of his assurance about the Chief
Justice's place being destined for Tucker, the Judge,
and communicated the fact to Colonel William
Campbell Preston of South Carolina, who informed
me of it at the Thorn Spring during the month of Au-
gust last. Judge Henry St. George Tucker thinks
now that no person is acquainted with his secret and
is aiding and forwarding, as well as he can all the
federal and latitudinous principles entertained by
Jackson. He is now paying the price of his promised
appointment.

Sixth day. I have heard to-day that vast defal-
cations have taken place in the General Post Office,
which, from the profligate manner in which tht
public business has been transacted generally, has
been long expected, and to cover similar frauds, it
is believed by many., the Treasury Department was
burnt.

Thirteenth day. This day there was witnessed the
most extraordinary phenomenon ever beheld in this
place. About two o'clock in the morning the whole
heavens seemed to be on fire, from each star there

DIARY OF JOHN^FLOYD. 231

seemed to descend a stream of active fire, it ap-
peared in every variety of hue and form, it seemed
to continue at times to fall in flakes as though it was
snowing fire. It continued thus for nearly three
hours. The ignorant, of course, were greatly alarm-
ed and thought the day of judgment was at hand.
The weather for a few days preceding had been
very warm and suddenly it changed and became very
cool. To me it seems a phosphoric production of
some kind. We will have to leave its nature and
character to be investigated by future philosophers
as at this day we know nothing of such a phenome-
non.

Twenty-third day. I have this day finished my
message to the General Assembly of Virginia. It
is a true States Rights paper. On account of its
length I have been obliged to suppress about half of
it. This doctrine is an able exposition of the doc-
trine of the Constitution, and would be much more
complete if the whole was sent in. This I have no
fear in saying, and posterity will find it true, that
the Government of the United States will, unless the
doctrine of state sovereignty and nullification and
secession be admitted as belonging to the States
overthrow the liberties of these United States and
consolidate them in one great despotism. Jackson
may exercise unlimited power and the Togata huzza
for Jackson. This man is thoroughly vicious, there
is not a crime he has not committed. Surrounded
with men as vicious as himself, they plunder the
treasury at will and the majority in Congress sub-
mit without resistance, because the majority is of
the same party. Even the treaty making power is

232 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

perverted so as to make treaties with Indians with-
in the limits of the States and by that treaty make
reservations of large and valuable tracts of lands
to be enjoyed by himself and his friends.

Twenty-fourth day. I have sent a copy of my cor-
respondence with Henry Clay to William C. Preston
of Columbia, South Carolina. The object of that
correspondence was to induce Mr. Clay to detach
himself from the Northern constructionists and to
prevail upon him to unite with the States Rights
party, and to prevail upon his friends in the Legis-
lature of Kentucky to reaffirm their resolutions of
1798.

Thirtieth day. On next Monday the General As-
sembly meets. I will send them my annual message
which contains the true doctrine of the Constitution
and the only doctrine by which this confederacy
can be kept together or the liberty of the people of
America can be maintained. I have also indicated
the polic}^ which Virginia ought to pursue to pre-
serve her liberty, but this I awfully fear will be left
unattended to.

Virginia is now paralyzed, if not governed by a
Junta in Richmond, who obliquely operate upon the
Legislature and influence all their acts. In this
Junta there is not one man who has an intellect more
than equal to decent mediocrity and whose moral in-
tegrity no man will rely upon further than he knows
he can coerce him through the courts of justice.
These fellows fawn and flatter, are abject or tyran-
nical as they find it their interest.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 233

DECEMBER, 1833.

First day. The assembly meets to-morrow and
so does Congress. At no former period has there
been a more settled purpose in the minority to ar-
rest the corruption and usurpation than at this time.
So much do the filthy, ignorant beasts who compose
Jackson's administration, including himself, be-
lieve that all power, even the officers and treasurers
of the United States, belong to them that they begin
to quarrel among themselves for the posts of honour
and profit, and so afraid are they of rivals and par-
ticipators in these ' ' spoils ' ' as they have called them,
even in the Senate itself, that they begin to push
from the party many who are anxious to join it. I
am no longer surprised that the republics of Greece
and Rome were overthrown by popular men. The
multitude are ignorant and neither understand their
rights or have learning enough to pursue them.
They huzza for their leader and never believe any-
thing which is told them except what he says nor is
there any hope for support of liberty from a very
large proportion of the learned and intellectual, be-
cause many are scoundrels and are soon bought up,
many are cowards and cannot act ; and a still greater
number are mean and take any position which will
give them office or pelf. As for power, the multi-
tude seem to care nothing. Their idea of power and
of kings is that to be a king and to have power one
must have a crown on his head and a scepter in his
hand. Without these, they cannot believe any man
is a king or can have power.

Sixth day. We got the President's message yes-

234 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

terday. It contained little of interest. He says not
a word of Alabama, it would seem that he is dis-
posed to take his own course in relation to that State
without reference to the vassal Congress.

Seventh day. Several judges dined with me this
day and talked freely of the Constitution and topics
of the day.

Eighth day. The intelligence which I have receiv-
ed heretofore of the intended outrages of Jackson
have all transpired. The source from which I ob-
tained that intelligence has never failed to ascertain
the true state of the parties of Washington City
and has never failed to obtain the true intentions,
feelings and objects of Jackson and his cabinet.
This friend finds out more things sooner and more
correctly than any one of my friends in Congress,
even sooner than Calhoun himself, hence from this
friendship I have been enabled to put into operation
many things, which has saved Virginia from injury
and vexation, from the malice and hatred of the un-
feeling Tyrant, Jackson, and from the filthy putrid-
ity of those around him.

Twenty-third day. Many members of the Assem-
bly spent this evening with me. I am gratified to find
that the ancient spirit of freedom is reviving and
from all appearance the *^ dirty set,'' the ** Presi-
dent and his kitchen cabinet" as they are called,
will soon lose their influence, at least, in this Com-
monwealth. They surely deserve to be considered
and held as odious for attempting to establish the
most unmitigated despotism ever known, besides
their being underbred, vulgar fellows, without learn-
ing or talents. Such is the effect of military repu-
tation, the most deadly enemy to freedom.

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 235

Twenty-fifth day. Many members of the legisla-
ture called on me to-day. There is much talk as to
the person who is to be my successor, Tazewell it
appears from this day's conversation to be the most
prominent. He is a man of great talents and integ-
rity and will discharge the duties of his station with
honour to himself and to the State.

JANUARY, 1834.

Third day. There has been but little snow this
winter. On one day it fell for a few hours to a depth
of a few inches, perhaps three, and disappeared
the next day. For many weeks (four) the ground
has been covered with snow to the depth of ten
inches only forty miles above this. At the foot of
the Blue Ridge it is said to be fifteen or eighteen
inches deep, in the Great Valley, two feet and in the
Alleghaney Mountains three feet deep. That is the
deepest snow those mountains in Virginia have
known for many years, perhaps since the winter of
1779 and 1780.

Sixth day. This day the Philosophic Society met,
still many of the persons made members and officers
of the Society have never met it.

Eighteenth day. Yesterday there was much de-
bate in the House upon the resolution censuring the
removal of the money of the United States out of
the Bank by the act of the President, upon his own
authority and by one of the most glaring acts of
usurpation ever exercised in this country. The res-
olution passed, but still to flatter the Tyrant append-
ed thereto, they passed a resolution condenming the

236 DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD.

Bank! Brown of Petersbnrgh and Stevenson of
Spotsylvania acted in bad faith and henceforth ought
to be considered as traitors to the cause of States
Eights which they profess to support.

FEBRUARY, 1834.

Second day. I received a letter from Mr. Taze-
well, my successor, couched in the friendliest
terms — more of this anon.

Twentieth day. This day I received an invita-
tion to a ball in Portsmouth, to be given on the
22nd of this month. I will go. Many of the mem-
bers of the Assembly will accompany me.

Twenty-second day. I left Richmond this morning
in the steamboat, James Gihhon, and arrived at
Portsmouth at seven o'clock. We stopped and en-
joyed the hospitality of Dr. Collins, one of the Del-
egates from that county, and after resting a few
hours we all attended the ball. A more brilliant dis-
play of more beautiful and accomplished ladies I
never saw, or a room more brilliantly illuminated,
nor was there ever more enjoyment ever afforded
any company than there was that evening to that
company.

Twenty-third day. All the volunteer troops of
Portsmouth and Norfolk assembled in Portsmouth
and were reviewed by me, after which they invited
me to partake of a cold collation which was ele-
gant and agreeable. At five we dined with Mr. John
Murdaugh and supped with the gentlemen of Nor-
folk, about three hundred. We also had the com-
pany of Mr. Littleton Waller Tazewell, the Gov-
ernor Elect, and the Honorable William C. Preston,

DIARY OF JOHN FLOYD. 237

a Senator in the Congress of the United States.
Here was great enjoyment and many political toasts
drunk, which very clearly indicated the triumph of
the Nullifiers and the States Rights Party over that
corrupt Tyrant, Jackson, who is even worse than
his bitterest enemies ever believed him.

I left this banquet and went home with Mr. Taze-
well, the Governor Elect, accompanied by Mr. W. C.
Preston, referred to above, where we enjoyed our-
selves in conversation until three o'clock in the
morning, when we went to bed.

Twenty -fourth day. In the morning of this day we
went to the Navy Yard and were received by Com-
modore Warrington in the handsomest military or
naval honours. The guards were turned out and
salutes were fired from the Java^ a man of war,
taken from the British during the late war. We
were accompanied during the morning by the Com-
modore in examining the works and Dry Docks
and hospitably entertained by the Commodore, who
was a fine gentleman and proved himself during the
late war a brave and gallant officer.

Twenty-fifth day. I breakfasted with Governor
Tazewell this morning and became acquainted with
his lady. A more amiable and accomplished lady
I have never seen. After breakfast, accompanied
by Governor Tazewell, we went to Portsmouth and
after resting ourselves and collecting our whole com-
pany, M^e again embarked on board the James Gib-
bon, accompanied by Mr. Tazewell and his son, to-
gether with many other gentlemen and set sail, un-
der the roar of cannon, the salute fired by the
Portsmouth Artillery.

INDEX

Abolitionists, Liherator, 161; Boston conspirators, 164; sugges-
tion to punish under common law, 165; anonymous letter
regarding, 165; letter to L. N. Q. regarding, 166-167; dis-
cussed in General Assembly, 173-175; agitation in north-
ern press, 214.

Adams, John Q., and Argentina, 38; recognized in Gen. Jackson
a rival, 42; comment upon conduct of Floyd and John Ran-
dolph, 51; opinion of John Floyd, 60; accused of neglect
of the West, 62; denounced plots to inquire in the West, 64;
changed estimates of John Floyd, 64; favored Panama Con-
gress, 77.

Argentina, recognition proposed, 38.

Astor, John Jacob, Astoria, 52.

Barbour, James, for occupation of Oregon, 73.

Barbour, Judge P. P., particularist, 37; candidate for vice-presi-
dency, 111; visited Gov. Floyd, 144; declined to run for
vice-presidency in 1832, 198.

Barry, Judge W. T., conference with Duff Green, 103; ultimatum
to Calhoun faction, 127; influence with Jackson, 133.

Baylies, Francis, for occupation of Oregon, 68.

Batson, Mordicai, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14.

Beirne, Col. Andrew, 129; 139.

Benton, Thomas H., articles on the Columbia Valley, 53; com-
ment upon Floyd's interest in Oregon, 54; comments upon
effects to arouse interest in Oregon, 60; efforts in behalf of
Oregon, 60; efforts in behalf of Oregon measure in Senate,
72; man of talents, 124.

Biddle, Nicholas, published Journals of Lewis and Clark, 52.

Blair, Francis P., editor of Glohe, 99,

Boone, Daniel, runner in Kentucky, 15; daughter captured by
Indians, 21.

Botts, A. L»., member council, 123.

Bourne, E. G., comment upon proposal to occupy the Columbia
Valley, 53.

Breckenridge, Capt. Alex., step-father of John Floyd, 31.

Index 239

Broadnax, General W. H., and Southampton Insurrection, 56.

Brockenbrough, Dr. John, visited Gov. Floyd, 137.

Brown, John, found home in Kentucky, 28; educated John Floyd,
31.

Bryans, Tories, 21.

Bryant, William Cullen, description of Oregon, 52.

Buchanan, James, comment upon the Va. school of leaders of
1817, 37.

Buchanan, Jane, second wife of Col. John Floyd, 24-25.

Burton, Dr. Benjamin Smith, 32.

Calhoun, John C, instructions to General Jackson regarding
Florida, 42; ignored by Floyd, 61; unpopular with masses,
78; author of nullification doctrines, 95; visited Richmond
in 1831, 103; letter of May, 1831, to W. C. Preston on the
presidency, 107; declined candidacy for presidency in 1832,
108; advice on presidential election, 1832, 109; visited Rich-
mond, 125; read out of Jackson party, 127; qualifications
for presidency, 142; and Anti-Masons, 163; unpopularity in
North, 168; and nullification, 171.

Campbell, Sir William, in Richmond, 130.

Carson, Samuel P., Letter to Gov. Floyd, 130.

Calloway, Bessie, captured by Indians, 21.

Carr, Dabney, a visitor of University of Va., 146.

Cheves, Landon, 97, 124.

Christian, Col. Wm., and Kentucky lands, 15.

Christian, Col. Wm. A., of Northampton County, 158.

Clark, George Rogers, expedition into Northwest, 26; defeat of
Indians, 27; declined British bribe, 29; the boy idol of John
Floyd, 53.

Clark, Wm., friend John Floyd, 53.

Clay, Henry, on recognition of Argentina, 38-39; arguments
for, 39; presidential aspirations, 42; opposed military lead-
ers, 46; efforts to discredit Adams. 64: and Panama Con-
gress, 77; regarding Adams and the presidency, 79; father
of the American System, 95; candidate for presidency, 143;
and compromise of tariff, 210; the tariff, 212; desired terms
of accord with Gov. Floyd, 221; presidency in 1836, 228.

Congress, nationalistic legislation, 36; Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Congresses, 37; of encounters between members, 181; en-
counters between Heard and Arnold, 191; and tariff, 1832,

240 IxuEX

196; vote on Tariff of 1832, 197-198.
Conventions, Ante-Tariff of Philadelphia, 163; Anti-Masonic ot

Baltimore, 163; constitutional proposed, 201.
Cowan, James, murdered in Kentucky, 16.
Crall6, R. K., urged to edit paper in Richmond, 164; editor of

Calhoun organ in Petersburg, Va., 179.
Crawford, W, H., aspired to presidency, 42; on Jackson and the

Seminole affair, 99; Balch letter of 1827, 101.
Crooks, Ramsey, 153.
Dandridge, Alexander Spotswood, accompanied Col. Floyd to

Kentucky, 14; Kentucky lands, 15.
Daniel, P. V., candidate Gov. of Va., 86; Jackson partisan, 133;

attack upon Gov. Floyd, 152; unpopular in Va., 154; friend

of Van Buren, 176; deserted principles, 204.
Davis, Robert, wealthy landowner, 11; children of, 12.
Davis, Jefferson, 82.
Dew, Thomas R., dissertation on negro slavery, 92; called on

Gov. Floyd, 167.
Douglas, James, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14; flight

from Kentucky, 16.
Dunmore's War, preparations, 16.
Eaton, John H., account of illness, 128; influence with Jackson,

133; married Mrs. Timberlake, 148; Jackson's favorite, 215-

216; Lieut. Randolph affair, 218-220.
Eaton, Mrs. J. H., defended by Jackson, 124; marriage to Eaton,

148.
Europe, unrest in, 138.
Everett, Charles, 163.
Ewing, Senator, visited Richmond, 128.
Farnham, Russell, 53.
Faulkner, C. J., agent of Va. to federal government, 11; favored

gradual abolition in Va., 173; account of conditions in

Washington, 190.
Floyd, George Rogers Clark, son of Col. John Floyd, 30; in

battle of Tippecanoe, 31.
Floyd, Colonel John, son of William Floyd, 13; married Miss
Burfoot, 13; teacher and surveyor in Botetourt County. 13;
led surveying party to Kentucky, 14; forced to leave Ken-
tucky, 15; in Dunmore's War, 16; in Powell's Valley, 18;

joined Henderson in Kentucky, 19; in first representative

Index 241

assembly in Kentucky, 19; member of first civil court in
Kentucky, 20; described by John Morehead, 20; letters to
Col. Wm. Preston, 20; account of capture of Boone's daugh-
ter by Indians, 21; joins Revolutionary army, 23; commander
of Phoenix, 24; prisoner in England, 24; married Jane
Buchanan, 25; aid to Richard Henderson, 26; returned to
Kentucky, 26; trustee of Louisville, 28; colonel of militia,
28; Indian adventure, 28; declined English bribe, 29;
death, 30.

Floyd, Gov. John, birthplace and early environment, 9, 31;
education, 31; marriage, 31; spokesman of the frontier, 33;
major in regular army, 34; member of the General Assembly,
34; opposition to New England influences, 35; member of
Congress, 35; strict constructionist, 36; supported recogni-
tion of Argentina, 38; arguments for, 38-40; on Russia, 40;
defended Jackson in Florida, 42-46; early favor with Jackson,
47; voted for Missouri Compromise, 47; defended rights of
"sovereign state" of Missouri, 47; exposition of nature of
federal government, 48; resolution on the status of Missouri
in the Union, 50; favored retrenchment in regular army,
51; first proposed occupation of Columbia Valley, 53; in-
terest in Oregon, 53; resolution on, 54; famous report on
Oregon, 55-59; second resolution regarding the Oregon coun-
try, 61; bill for the occupation of the Columbia Valley, 61;
resolution of inquiry regarding activity of Russia on Pa-
cific, 63; denied charges of electioneering tactics, 64; J. Q.
Adams changed opinion of,. 64; speech on Oregon, 65; second
bill for occupation of Oregon, 69; master effort in behalf of
bill for occupation of Oregon, 70; success of Oregon bill
in House, 72; answer to Polk and others on Oregon question,
74; retirement from Congress, 74; prophet of commercial
Northwest, 75; interested in national politics, 76; chair-
man of select committee on Address of Ninian Edwards, 76;
opposed Panama Congress, 77; understanding regarding pres-
idential election of 1828, 78; betrayal of Clay's confidences,
79; letter declining re-election of Congress, 79; retirement
to farm, 81; family, 81; authority upon grazing, 83; letter
on, 83; elected Governor of Va., 86; interest in internal
improvements, 87; opposed to negro slavery, 88; letter to
Gov. Hamilton on Southampton Insurrection, 89; proposed

242 Index

abolition of negro slavery, 91; invited the attention of Prof.
Dew to th,e subject of negro slavery, 92; re-elected Governor,
93; an apostle of discontent, 94; reasons for support of
Jackson for presidency, 96; spokesman for eastern Va., 97;
disappointed in Jackson, 17; conditions determining choice
as Governor, 98; beginning of active opposition to Jackson,
98; letter to Colonel John Williams, 100; planned to expose
Jackson, 101; drew closer to Clay, 102; "Diary," 102; letter
to Calhoun on presidential succession, 104; comments on
resignation of Jackson's Cabinet, 106; opposed Wirt's can-
didacy for presidency, 108; message of December, 1831, to
General Assembly, 108; defense of rights of Va., Ill; com-
ments on Tariff of 1832, and federal relations, 113; denounce
proclamation and thought of civil war, 114; death and
burial, 118; disappointed in Jackson, 123; planned public
dinner for Tyler and Tazewell, 128; Letter to Samuel P.
Carson, 130; first Governor of Va., under constitution of
1830, 134; urged Calhoun for presidency, 135; comments on
unrest in Europe, 138; in poor health, 139; on resignation
of Jackson's cabinet, 139; letter to Duff Green, 140-141; pro-
posed Calhoun for presidency, 142; embarrassments because
of Clay's candidacy for presidency, 143 ; viewed James River
Canal, 144; visit to Francis Smith, 145; comments upon
Jackson and social life of Washington, 147-148; visited his
home, 149-151; efforts to suppress Southampton Insurrec-
tion, 155; complains of necessity of consulting Council, 161;
comments on the Liberator, declining health, 164; called on
friends, 166; letter to L. N. Q. regarding abolitionists, 166-
167; opinion of William Wirt, 169; to press abolition of
negro slavery, 160; message of 1831, 171; conjectures on
relation between heavenly bodies and political conditions,
181; comments upon letter from Ritchie to Stevenson, 183;
explanation of Jackson's election to the presidency, 186-188;
children, 189; quarrel between Jackson and Grundy, 190;
account of Jackson and assaults upon members of Con-
gress, 190-192; letter to Charles J. Faulkner, 194-195; com-
ments upon Jackson and the Seminole incident, 197; com-
ments upon resignation of Tazewell from U. S. Senate, 199;
comments upon death of Charles Carroll of Maryland, 200;
regrets part in making Jackson president, 201; comments

Index 243

on the Proclamation, 203; message on nullificatio;.i, 20o;
message to General Assembly, 204; denounces Jackson, 204-
208; explanation of Jackson's usurpations, 209; revlewci
state militia; comments regarding use of flag of Va., 211;
social life in Washington, 215-216; explanation regarding
Clay, 221-224; comments upon his family and friends, 226;
comments upon falling of the stars, 231; message of 1833
to Assembly, 231; correspondence wit'i Clay, 232; on Rich-
mond Junta, 232; on usurpation of tyrants, 233; the "kitchen
cabinet," 234; comments on removal of deposits, 235; at-
tended ball in Portsmouth, 236-237.

Floyd, John Buchanan, son of Gov. John Floyd, Gov. of Va.,
member of Buchanan's cabinet, 81.

Floyd, Letty Preston, wife of Wm. S. Lewis, 81.

Floyd, Elisa Lavelette, wife of George Frederick Holmes, 82.

Floyd, Nicketti Buchanan, wife of John Warfield Johnston, 82.

Floyd, Letitia, wife of Gov. John Floyd, letter on federal rela-
tions, 116.

Floyd, Nathaniel, first of name iR Virginia, 9; land patents, 10.

Floyd, Walter, first of name in Virginia, 9; land patents, 10.

Floyd, William, resident of Amherst County, 11; married Abadiah
Davis, 11.

Floyds, William, John, Charles, join the Spotswood movement
to the West, 11; descendants, 11; migrate to Kentucky, 26;
killed in Indian wars, 27.

Forrest, Edwin, in Richmond, 137.

Franklin, Benjamin, aided Col. John Floyd, 25.

Fredericksburg, unrest among negroes of, 156.

Frontier, in 1820, 52.

Frontiersmen, influence following Second War with Great Bri-
tain, 33.

Gass, Patrick, Diary, 52.

Giles, Wm. B., member of constitutional convention of 1829-1830,
86.

Gholson, James H., and Southampton Insurrection, 156.

Gilmer, Thomas W., supported Calhoun for presidency, 104; visit
to Richmond, 126; discussed Calhoun newspaper for Rich-
mond, 134, 135, 136.

Goode, Wm. O., and Southampton Insurrection, 156; on gradual
abolition of negro slavery, 174.

244 Index

Green, Duff, deposed as party editor, 99; letter to John Floyd,
126; proposed Calhoun for vice-presidency, 135; detected plot
to defraud government, 182.

Great Britain, Claims to Oregon, 52.

Hakluyt, Richard, Discourse on Western Planting, 26.

Hamilton, James, murdered in Kentucky, 16.

Hamilton, James Jr., of South Carolina, 124.

Hanson, Thomas, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14.

Hayne, Robert Y., 124.

Heard, Morgan A., quarrel with Arnold, 191.

Henderson, Richard, land purchases in Kentucky, 18; proposes
new colony of Transylvania, 19; given land grant by Vir-
ginia, 26.

Henry, Patrick, lands on Ohio, 14; owner of Kentucky land,
15; speech at Williamsburg, 179.

Hite, Isaac, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14.

Houston, Samuel, assault upon Stansberry, 181.

Howard, John, for law and order on frontier, 28.

Jackson, Gen. Andrew, invasion of Florida, 41; considered tor
presidency, 42; popularity grows, 26, 78, 97; plans for
succession, 101; reception of C. J. Faulkner, agent of Va.,
112; Proclamation of 1832, 113; disappointing course in the
presidency, 123; defended Mrs. Eaton, 124; executive usur-
pations, 129; appointed Stambough Indian agent, 134; dis-
appointed friends, 147; unable to administer government,
172; less odious than Clay, 173; without influence in Con-
gress, 175; attacks upon Congress, 182; abuse of members
of Congress, 185; characterization of, 186; election to presi-
dency explained, 186-188; quarrel with, Grundy, 190; ac-
cused of encouraging attacks on members of Congress, 192;
on the Seminole War, 196; repudiates position on internal
improvements, 198; used the Chief Justiceship, 199; dizzy
with power, 201; re-elected, 202; denounced as usurper,
205-208; plan to use army against South Carolina, 210; as-
saulted by Lieut. Randolph, 215.

Jefferson, Thomas, strict constructionist, 36.

Johnston, Charles C, member of Congress, 167.

Johnston, Joseph Eggleston, 82.

Jones, Gabriel (Jack), pioneer settler in Kentucky, 21; thwarts
plans of Richard Henderson, 26.

Index 245

Kelley, Hall J., 53.

Kendall, Amos, 97; influence with Jackson, 133; Auditor of
Treasury,

Kentucky, early settlements, 16; first legislative assembly, 19;
rush to, 1776, 21.

Knox, James, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14.

Lee, Jason, 75.

Leigh, B. W., agent to South Carolina, 117; return from South
Carolina, 213.

Lewis, Col. Andrew, in Dunmore's War, 16.

Lewis, Wm. B., member of "kitchen cabinet," 97; influence with
Jackson, 133.

Linn, Lewis F., 75.

Louisiana, and Oregon, 62.

Long, Major Stephen B., 55.

Louisville, Floyd settlement, 27.

Lyons, James, south sider, 133.

Madison, James, member of constitutional convention, 1829-
1830, 86.

Marcy, W. L., comments on spoils system, 193.

Marshall, Chief Justice John, influence upon state rights, 36;
member of constitutional convention, 1829-1830, 86; absence
from the Richmond Quoit Club, 162; nationalist, 207.

McCra, Frederick, accompanied Col. Floyd to Kentucky, 14.

McDowell, Judge Samuel, 28.

McLean, John, 124.

Mercer, Charles Fenton, Federalist leader, 35.

Missouri Compromise, 47; constitutional provisions regarding
presidential election, 1820, 50.

Monroe, James, mention of interests on Pacific, 65; recom-
mended military establishment on Pacific, 70; member of
constitutional convention, 1829-1830, 86.

Morehead, John, description of Col. John Floyd, 20.

Nicholas, N. P., dined with Gov. Floyd, 136; visited Gov. Floyd,
137; Van Buren supporter, 147; deserted principles, 204.

Negro Slavery, debate in General Assembly, 1831-1832, 91; in-
fluence of federal relations upon, 92.

Norfolk, alarm because of slaves, 165.

Oregon, claims to, 52; Floyd's report on, 55; proposed state,
61; Russia renounced claim to, 63; flrst speech in Congress

246 Index

upon, 65; opposition to occupation, 68; vote on bill to oc-
cupy, 69; success of bill in House, 72; companies formed to
colonize, 73.

Panama Congress, 77.

Pendleton, Edmund, joint owner of a privateer, 24.

Pennsylvania and the Proclamation, 204.

Pleasants, James, opposition to Jackson, 149.

Poindexter, George, in Richmond, 129.

Point Pleasant, Battle of, 17.

Poland, uprising in, 138.

Polk, James K., opposed occupation of the Columbia Valley, 73.

Preston, Col. J. P., account of Jackson, 123; visited Richmond,
126; accompanied Gov. Floyd on visit to Francis Smith, 145;
goes to mountains of Va., 154.

Preston, Colonel William, high sheriff of Botetourt County, 13;
owner of Kentucky lands, 15; joint owner of privateer, 24;
visited Richmond, 126.

Preston, Wm. B., member House of Delegates of Va., 128, 129;
member of General Assembly, 153; for gradual abolition of
negro slavery, 173.

Randolph, John, strict constructionist, 37; resolution on vote
of Missouri in presidential election of 1820, 50; attacked
Ninian Edwards and Floyd, 76.

Randolph, Robert B., pulled Jackson's nose, 215; accused of
defaulting, 218-220.

Richmond, farewell to Gov. Floyd, 93; theater, 137; frosts in
"April, 1831, 137; agitation concerning flag, 211.

Ritchie, Thomas, opposed to peace policy of Jefferson, 34; strict
constructionist, 37; declined to comment upon choice of John
Floyd for Gov., 98; denounced as a political "profligate,"
104; head of Richmond Junta, 104; dinner party, 136; to
be overthrown, 164; supporter of Van Buren, 176-178; for
patronage regardless of principle, 179; letter to Andrew
Stevenson, 185; failure to comment on enactment of tariff
of 1832, 198; deserted principles, 203; chagrin at success of
Floyd, 211.

Koane, Judge Spencer, strict constructionist, 37.

Ruffin, Edmund, taught the uses of calcarious manures, 94.

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 32.

Russell, Jonathan, Letter to James Monroe, 64.

Index 247

Russell, Col. Wm., aid to Col. Wm. Preston, 15.
Russia, encroachments on Pacific coast, 40; same, 63.
Sayers, Col. Robert, engagement to Jane Buchanan, 25.
South, a minority section, 95.

Southampton, Insurrection, 88; effects upon Va., 155- partici-
pants convicted, 157-158; loyalty of many slaves to' masters,
157; uprising extended, 159-160.
South Carolina, nullification in, 202.

Springer, John C, comments on Anti-Masonic Convention, 163
Stevenson, Andrew, letter from Thomas Ritchie to, 184-185.
Taylor, Hancock, surveyor in Kentucky, 15.
Taylor, Robert B., elected judge, 137.
Stoner, Michael, runner in Kentucky, 15,

Summers, Geo. W., for gradual abolition of negro slavery, 173
Tariff, Act of 1832, 113; compromise act of 1833, 117; discussed

in Congress, 175.
Tazewell, Littleton W., promoted the election of Jackson, 78;
Governor of Va., 93; disapproval of Jackson, 102, 124; in
Richmond, 136; disappointed in Jackson, 136; man of tal-
ents, 142; resigned from U. S. Senate, 199; aid in making
Jackson president, 224; Governor of Virginia, 235-237.
Todd, Robert, for law in interior, 28. ' •

Tories, in Kentucky, 21.

Transylvania, colony, 19; absorbed by Virginia, 26.
Trezvant, James, informed Gov. Floyd of Southampton Insur-
rection, 155.
Trigg, Daniel, deputy sheriff of Botetourt County, 13.
Tucker, Henry St. George, President of Va. court of appeals,

142; Supreme Court, 229.
Turner, "Nat," leader of Southampton Insurrection, 157; false
reports regarding capture of, 168; captured in Southampton
county, 168.
Tyler, John, particularist, 37; letter announcing break with
Jackson, 99; political predictions, 100; on Calhoun's pro-
posed visit to Richmond, 125; public dinner in Richmond,
128; called on Gov. Floyd, 169; mentioned in a letter from
Ritchie to Stevenson, 184; explanation of Ritchie-Stevenson
letter, 189; sent Gov. Floyd copy of Jackson's Proclamation,
203; re-elected to U. S. Senate, 211; report on political con-
ditions in Washington, 214; aided Jackson to presidency, 224.

248 Index

United States, effect of Second War with Great Britain, 33.

Van Buren, Martin, promoted election of Jackson, 78; mentioned
for vice-presidency, 103; candidate for vice-presidency, 111;
political hopes blasted in Va., 126; influence with Jackson,
133; rejected by Senate for minister to England, 176; can-
didacy for vice-presidency, 193; chagrin at success of Floyd
in Va., 211.

Virginia, authorized incorporation of Louisville, 28; militia-men
in second war with Great Britain, 33; influence in the Union,
37; constitutional convention of 1829-1830, 86; dismember-
ment proposed, 92; of abolitionist influences in, 92; de-
clining influence of, 94; threatened dismemberment, 98; a
strategic state politically, 107; position in the nullification
crisis, 109; session of Gen. Assembly, 138; held destiny
of Jackson and Van Buren in hands, 139; constitution con-
demned as weak, 143; extreme cold in, 172; discussion of
abolition in, 172; dismemberment proposed, 175; causes of
possible dismemberment, 177; review of weather conditions
in, 180; crop conditions in, 1832, 195-196; on tariff of 1832,
197-198; subservient to Jackson, 207-208; on federal rela-
tions, 208; governed by junta, 232; weather conditions in,
235.

Walker, Dr. Thomas, owner of a privateer, 24.

Washington, George, lands on Kanawha, 14; centennial celebra-
tion of birth of, 178; mother a Tory, 215.

Whigs, beginnings of party, 102, 118.

White, Hugh L., 97, 124.

Williams, Col. John, Floyd's letter to, 100; opposed to Jackson,
145; commends Gov. Floyd, 170.

Williams, Lewis, member of Congress, 123; commends Gov.
Floyd, 170.

Williamsburg, old capitol burned, 179.

Wirt, William, candidate of the Anti-Masonic party for presi-
dency, 108; nominated by Anti-Masonic party for presidency,
163.

Woodhouse, Dr. James, 32.

APR 26 1919