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It is very meet, right, and our bounden duty that we should at all limes and in all places giv« 
Uianks unto Thee, Lord, Holy Father, Almighty, Everlasting God, through Jesus Christ our Lord, 
according to whose most true promise the Holy Ghost came down from Leaven, Jghting upon the 
Apostles, to teach them, and to lead them to all truth ; giving them holdness with fervent zeal con- 
stantly to preach the Gospel to all nations ; whereby we have been brought out of darkness and error, 
into the clear 'ight and rrue Knowledge of thee, and of thy Son Jesus Christ." — Proper Preface to the 
Trisagium for Whitsunday. 

" 'AipEVTsg Toi'c u?i?.ovg unavTag, Ilav^ov irpocTriaufiEda fiovov tov ?.6yov avvloTopa, 
Kuv rovTO) ■&eupi]cufiev olSv iari -ipvxuv tTrifiETieia. 'Qg dv dt paara rovra yvotrifiev, tI 
IlavTiog avTog Trepl Ilav?iOV (prjalv uKovaufiev. . . . 'Nofio6eTel dovXoig hat deanoTaig, 
Ipxovac. Kol upxofievocg, dvSpdci Kal yvvai^lv, co<^tg. koX d^adig.' ndvTuv vnep/xaxel 
rzdvruv vTrepevxETat . , . Kripv^ i6vui>, 'lovdaiuv TroocTurtjg.'' — Greg. Naz. Oratia 






[j- T^AoXw-lH ^J<^^£ 


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Coin o? Herod the Great - - 2 

Coin of Herod Agrippa I, - - 3 

Denarius op TiBERiua - - - 3 
Coin op ANnocnrs Epiphanes, with 

Portrait ----- g 

Coin op Tarsus. — Hadrian - - 22 
Cora op Antiochus Epiphanes, with 

Head of Jupiter - - - 2G 
Remains op Ancient Bridge at Je- 

EUSALEM - - - r - 27 

Tomb with Hebrew, Greek, and 

RojuN Inscriptions - - - 30 
Coin op Tarsus - - - - 52 

Tiberius with Toga - - - 55 
Coin op Cteen'E - - - - 60 

View op Jerusalem from the N.E. - 73 
Bridge over the Jordan S. op Lake 
Tiberias ----- 84 

Coin op Damascus - - - - 86 

Waix op Damascus - - - - 100 

Com op Aretas, King op Damascus - 107 
CiLIQULA ------ 110 

Allegorical Statue op Antioch - 125 
Excavation at Seleucia - - 136 
Cape Grego ----- 139 

Proconsul of Cyprus (Coin) - - 144- 
Coin op Pafhos - - - - 155 

Coin of Perga - . - - 160 
Coin op Antioch in Pisidu - - 170 


Coin op Antioch in Pisidu - 171 

Cora OP IcoNiuM - - - - 183 

Ancient Sacrifice - - - - IS 4 

"Wall of Perga - - - - 200 

Tower at Perga - - - - 202 

Tombs at Seleucta - - - - 204 

Cora of Antioch - - - - 220 

Coras OP BiTHTNTA - - - 240, 241 

Kara-Dagh, near Ltstra - - 262 

Harbour of Troa3 - - - - 283 

Cora OP Samothrace - - - 286 

Cora OP Pmuppi - - - - 291 

Cora OF Roman Macedonia - - 315 

Corals OP Amphipolls - - - 318 
Amphipolis ----- 320 


Cora OF Thessalomca - - - 333 

Cora- OP Athens - - - - 352 

The Areopagus - - - - 35G 
The Acropolis restored, as seen 

FROM THE Areopagus - - 37o 

Athenian Tetradrachm - - 382 

Com OP Corinth - - - 38G 

Bust op Claudius - - - - ss7 

Cora OF CoRraTH - - - 408 

Ditto - - - - 413 

Ditto - - . - . 415 

Ditto . „ . ^ - 426 





Pbbfacb to the American Edition 


Great Men of Great Periods. — Period of Clirist's Apostles. — Jews, Greeks, 
and Romans. — Religious Civilisation of the Jews. — Their History and its 
Relation to that of the World. — Heathen Preparation for the Gospel. — 
Character and Language of the Greeks. — Alexander. — Antioch and Alex- 
andria. — Growth and Government of the Roman Empire. — Misery of Italy 
and the Provinces. — Preparation in the Empire for Christianity. — Disper- 
sion of the Jews, in Asia, Africa, and Europe. — Proselytes. — Provinces of 
Cilicia and Judsa. — ^Their Geography and History. — Cilicia under the 
Romans. — Tarsus. — Cicero. — Political Changes in Judosa. — Herod and 
hi.<« Family. — The Roman Governors. — Conclusion - . - - - 


Jewish Origm of the Church. — Sects and Parties of the Jews. — Pharisees 
and Sadducees. — St. Paul a Pharisee. — Hellenists and Aramaeans. — St 
Paul's Family Hellenistic but not Hellenising. — His Infancy at Tarsus. — 
The Tribe of Benjamin. — His Father's Citizenship. — Scenery of tho Place. 
— His Childhood. — He is sent to Jerusalem. — State of Judaea and Jerusar 
lem. — Rabbinical Schools. — Gamaliel. — Mode of Teaching. — Synagogues. 
— StudentrLife of St. Paul. — His early Manhood. — First Aspect of the 
Church. — St. Stephen. — The Sanhedrin. — St. Stephen the Forerunner of 
St. Paul. — His Martyrdom and Prayer 

xVo/e nn tlie Libeilines and the Citizenship of St. Paul 




funeral of St. Stephen. — Saul's continued Persecution. — Flight of the 
Christians. — Philip and the Samaritans. — Saul's Journey to Damascus. — 
Aretas, King of Petra. — Koads from Jerusalem to Damascus. — Neapolis. 
— History and Description of Damascus. — The Narratives of the Miracle. 
— It was a real Vision of Jesus Christ. — Three Days in Damascus. — Ana- 
nias, — Baptism and first Preaching of Saul. — He retires into Arabia. — 
Meaning of the term Arabia. — Petra and the Desert. — Conspiracy at Dar 
mascus. — Escape to Jerusalem. — Barnabas. — Fortnight with St. Peter. 
Conspiracy. — ^Vision in the Temple. — Saul withdraws to Syria and 
Cilicia ....-76 


Wider Diffusion of Christianity. — Antioch. — Chronology of the Acts. — Eeign 
of Caligula. — Claudius and Herod Agrippa I. — The Year 44. — Conversion 
of the Gentiles. — St. Peter and Cornelius. — Joppa and Csesarea. — St. 
Peter's Vision. — Baptism of Cornelius. — ^Intelligence from Antioch. — Mis- 
sion of Barnabas. — Saul with Barnabas at Antioch. — The Name " Chris- 
tian." — Description and History of Antioch. — Character of its Inhabitants. 
— Earthquakes. — Famine. — Barnabas and Saul at Jerusalem. — Death of St. 
James and of Herod Agrippa. — Pteturn with Mark to Antioch. — Providen- 
tial Preparation of St. Paul. — Results of his Mission to Jerusalem - - i08 


Second Part of the Acts of the Apostles. — Revektion at Antioch. — Public 
Devotions. — Departure of Barnabas and Saul. — The Orontes. — History 
and Description of Seleucia. — ^Voyage to Cyprus. — Salamis. — Roman Pro- 
vincial System. — Proconsuls and Propraetors. — Sergius Paulus. — Oriental 
In^postors at Rome and in the Provinces. — Elymas Barjosus. — History of 
Jewish names. — Saul and Paul -13J 


Old and New Paphos.— Departure from Cyprus. — Coast of Pamphylia.— 
Pcrga. — Mark's Return to Jerusalem. — Mountain-Scenery of Pisidia. — 
Situation of Antioch. — ^The Synagogue. — Address to the Jews. — Preaching 
to the Gentiles. — Persecution by the Jews. — History and Description of 
Iconium. — Lycaonia. — Derbe and Lystra. — Healing of the Cripple. — Idol- 
atrous "Worship offered to Paul and Barnabas. — Address to the Gefniiles.— 
St. Paul stoned.— Timotheus.— The Apostles retrace their Journey.— Perga 
Mid .Attaleia. — Return to Syria - - , - • - - - - l» 




Oontroversy in tke Clim-ch. — Separation of Jews and Gentiles. — Obstacles to 
Union, both social and religious. — Difficulty in the Narrative. — Scruples 
connected with the Conversion of Cornelius.- ijiugering Discontent. — 
Feelings excited by the Conduct and Success of St. Paul. — Especially at 
Jerusalem. — Intrigues of the Judaizers at Antioch. — Consequent Anxiety 
and Perplexity. — Mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem. — Divine 
Eevelation to St. Paul. — Titus. — Jom-ney through Phoeuice and Samaria. 
— The Pharisees. — Private Conferences. — Public Meeting. — Speech of St. 
Peter. — Narrative of Barnabas and Paul. — Speech of St. James. — The 
Decree. — Charitable Nature of its Provisions. — It involves the Abolition 
of Judaism. — Public Eecognition of St. Paul's Mission to the Heathen. — 
St. John. — Eetm-n to Antioch with Judas, Silas, and Mark. — Reading of 
the Letter. — ^Weak Conduct of St. Peter at Antioch. — He is rebuked by 
St. Paul. — Personal Appearance of the two Apostles. — Their Eeconcilia- 
tion 203 

Note on the Chronology of Gal. ii. - - - - - - - - 227 


Political Divisions of Asia Minor. — Difficulties of the Subject. — Provinces 
in the Reigns of Claudius and Nero. — I. Asia. — H. Bithynia. — HI. Patn- 
phylia. — IV. Galatia. — ^V. Pontus. — VI. Cappadocia. — VH. Cilicia. — 
Visitation of the Churches proposed. — Quarrel and Separation of Paul 
and Barnabas. — Paul and Silas in Cilicia. — They cross the Tam-us. — 
Lystra. — Timothy. — His Circumcision. — Journey through Phrygia. — Sick- 
ness of St. Paul. — His Reception in Galatia. — Journey to the -iEgean. — 
Alexandria Troas. — St. Paul's Vision 23^ 


Voyage by Samothrace to Neapolis. — Philippi. — Constitution of a Colony. — • 
Lydia. — The Demoniac Slave. — Paul and Silas arrested. — The Prison and 
the Jailor. — The Magistrates. — Departure from Philippi. — St. Luke. — 
Macedonia described. — Its Condition as a Province. — The Via Egnatia. — 
St. Paul's Journey through Amphipolis and Apollonia. — ^I'hessalonica. — 
The Synagogue. — Subjects of St. Paul's Preaching. — Persecution Tumult, 
and Flight. — The Jews at Beroea. — St. Paul again persecuted.— Proceeds 
to Athens - - 285 




Amval on the Coast o' Attica. — Scenery round Athens. — The Piraeus nnd 
the " Long Walls." — The Agora. — The Acropolis. — The " Painted Porch " 
and the " Garden." — ^The Apostle alone in Athens. — Greek Eeligion. — 
The Unknown God. — Greek Philosophy. — ^The Stoics and Epiciireans. — 
Later Period of the Schools. — St. Paul in the Agora. — The Areopagus. — 
Speech of St. Paul. — Departure from Athens 344 


Letters to Thessalonica written from Corinth. — Expulsion of the Jews from 
Rome. — Aquila and Priscilla. — St. Paul's Labours. — First Epistle to the 
Thessalonians. — St. Paul is opposed by the Jews ; and turns to the Gen- 
tiles. — His Vision. — Second Epistle to the Thessalonians. — Continued Resi- 
dence in Corinth 383 

Note on tJie Movements of Silas and Timotheus ...... 407 


The Isthmus. — Early History of Corinth. — Its Trade and "Wealth.— Corinth 
under the Romans. — Province of Achaia. — Gallio the Governor. — Tumult 
at Corinth. — Cenchreae. — ^Voyage by Ephesus to Cxsarea. — Visit to Jeru- 
Kilera. — Antioch - 409 


The Spiritual Gifts, Constitution, Ordinances, Divisions and Heresies of the 
Primitive Church in the Lifetime of St. Paul 427 

IVote 01 (he (}ns;in of iJie Heresies of the later Apostolic Age - - - - 45S 


The p':.;pose of this work is to give a living picture of St, 
Paul liimself, and of the circumstances by which he was sur- 

The biography of the Apostle must be compiled from two 
sources; first, his own letters, and secondly, the narrative in the 
Acts of the Apostles. The latter, after a slight sketch of his 
early history, supplies us with fuller details of his middle life ; 
and his Epistles afford much subsidiary information concerning 
his missionary labours during the same period. The light concen- 
trated upon this portion of his course, makes darker by contrast 
the obscurity which rests upon the remainder ; for we are left to 
gain what knowledge we can of his later years, from scattered 
hints in a few short letters of his own, and from a single sentence 
of his disciple Clement. 

But in order to present anything like a living picture of St 
Paul's career, much more is necessary than a mere transcript of 
the Scriptural narrative, even where it is fullest. Every step of 
his course brings us into contact with some new phase of ancient 
life, unfamiliar to our modern experience, and upon which we 
must throw light from other sources, if we wish it to form a dis« 
tinct image in the mind. For example, to comprehend the in- 
fluences under which he grew to manhood, we must realise the 
position of a Jewish family in Tarsus, " the chief city of Cili- 
cia;" we must understand the kind of education which the son 
of such a family would receive as a boy in his Hebrew homo, or 
in the schools of his native city, and in his riper youth " at the 
feet of Gamaliel" in Jerusalem ; we must be acquainted with ilw 


professiou for wli.cli lie was to be prepared by this training, and 
appreciate the station and duties of an expounder of the Law. 
And that we may be fully qualified to do all this, A^e should have 
a clear view of the State of the Homan empire at the same time, 
and especially of its system in the provinces ; we should also un- 
derstand the political position of the Jews of the " dispersion ;" 
we should be (so to speak) hearers in their synagogues ; we should 
be students of their Kabbinical theology. And in like manner, 
as we follow the Apostle in the different stages of his varied 
and adventurous career, we must strive continually to bring out 
in their true brightness the half effaced forms and colouring of 
the scene in which he acts; and' while he " becomes all things to 
all meu, that he might by all means save some," we must form 
to ourselves a living likeness of the things and of the Tnen among 
which he moved, if we would rightly estimate his work. Thus 
we must study Christianity rising in the midst of Judaism, we 
must realize the position of its early churches with their mixed 
society, to which Jews, Proselytes, and Heathens had each con- 
tributed a characteristic element ; we must qualify ourselves to 
be umpires (if we may so speak) in their violent internal divi- 
sions; we must listen to the strife of their schismatic parties, 
when one said " I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollos ;" 
we must study the true character of those early heresies which 
even denied the resurrection, and advocated impurity and law- 
lessness, claiming the right " to sin that grace might abound,"' 
" defiling the mind and conscience " * of their followers, and mak- 
ing them abominable and disobedient, and " to every good work 
reprobate ; ^ we must trace the extent to which Greek philosophy, 
Judaizing formalism, and Eastern superstition blended their taint- 
ing influence with the pure fermentation of that new leaven 
which was at last to leaven the whole mass of civilized society. 

Again, to understand St. Paul's personal history as a mission- 
ary to the heathen, we must know the state of the different popu- 
lations which he visited ; the character of the Greek and Eoman 
civilization at the epoch ; the points of intersection between the 
political history of the world and the scriptural narrative ; the 
social organization and gradation of ranks, for which he enjoins 
respect ; the position of women, to which he especially refers in 
many of his letters ; the relations between parents and children, 
Rom vi. 1. * Tit. i. 15. •'' Tit i. 16. 


slaves and masters, whicli he not vainly sought to imbue with the 
loving spirit of the Gospel ; the quality and influence, under the; 
early empire, of the Greek and Eoman religions, whose effete 
corruptness he denounces with such indignant scorn ; the public 
amusements of the people, w^hence he draws topics of warning or 
illustration ; the operation of the Roman law, under which he 
was so frequently arraigned ; the courts in which he was tried, 
and the magistrates by whose sentence he suffered ; the legionary 
soldiers who acted as his guards ; the roads by which he travelled, 
whether through the mountains of Lycaonia or the marshes of 
Latium; the course of commerce by which his journeys were so 
often regulated ; and the character of that imperfect navigation 
by which his life was so many times ' endangered. 

While thus trying to live in the life of a bygone age, and to 
call up the figure of the past from its tomb, duly robed in all its 
former raiment, every help is welcome which enables us to fill up 
the dim outline in any part of its reality. Especially we delight 
to look upon the only one of the manifold features of that j)ast 
existence, which still is living. We remember with pleasure that 
the earth, the sea, and the sky still combine for us in the same 
landscapes which passed before the eyes of the wayfaring Apos- 
tle. The plain of Cilicia, the snowy distances of Taurus, the cold 
and rapid stream of the Cydnus, the broad Orontes under the 
shadow of its steep banks with their thickets of jasmine and 
oleander ; the hills which " stand about Jerusalem," ^ the " arched 
fountains cold" in the ravines below, and those " flowery brooks 
beneath, that wash their hallowed feet ;" the capes and islands of 
the Grecian Sea, the craggy summit of Areopagus, the land- 
locked harbour of Syracuse, the towering cone of Etna, the volup- 
tuous loveliness of the Campanian shore ; all these remain to 
us, the imperishable handiwork of nature. We can still look 
upon the same trees and flowers which he saw clothing the moun- 
tains, giving color to the plains, or reflected in the rivers ; we 
may think of him among the palms of Syria, the cedars of Leba- 
non, the olives of Attica, the green Isthmian pines of Corinth, 
wliose leaves wove those " fading garlands," which he contrasts ' 

' 2 Cor. xi. 25, " thrice have I suffered shipwreck ;" and this was before he was 
wrecked upon Melita. 

" The hills stand about Jerusalem ; oven so standeth the Lord round about Ml 
people." Ps. cxsv. 2. 

» 1 Cor. is. 25. 


with tbe " incorru^jtible crown," the prize for whicli he fought. 
Nay we can even still look upon some of the works of man which 
filled him with wonder, or moved him to indignation. The tem- 
ples " made with hands "' which rose before him — the very apo- 
theosis of idolatry — on the Acropolis, still stand in almost un- 
diminished majesty and beauty. The mole on which he landed 
at Pnteoli still stretches its ruins into the blue waters of the bay. 
The remains of the Baian Yillas whose marble porticoes he then 
beheld glittering in the sunset — his first specimen of Italian lux- 
nry — still are seen along the shore. We may still enter Home as 
he did by the same Appian Road, through the same Capenian 
Gate, and wander among the ruins of " CjEsar's palace " ^ on the 
Palatine, while our eye rests upon the same aqueducts radiating 
over the Campagna to the unchanging hills. Those who have 
visited these spots must often have felt a thrill of recollection as 
they trod in the footsteps of the Apostle ; they must have been 
conscious how much the identity of the outward scene brought 
them into communion with him, while they tried to image to 
themselves the feelings with which he must have looked upon the 
objects before them. They who have experienced this will feel 
how imperfect a biography of St. Paul must be, without faithful 
representations of the places which he visited. It is hoped that 
the views which are contained in the present work, and which 
have been drawn for this special object, will supply this desidera- 
tum. And it is evident that, for the purposes of such a biogra- 
phy, nothing but true and faithful representations of the real 
iicenes will be valuable ; these are what is wanted, and not ideal 
representations, even though copied from the works of the great- 
est masters ; for, as it has been well said, "nature and reality paint- 
f-A at the time, and on the spot, a nobler cartoon of St. Paul's 
preaching at Athens than the immortal Pafaelle afterwards has 
done." 3 

For a similar reason Maps have been added, exhibiting with 
,as much accuracy as can at present be attained the physical fea- 
tures of the countries visited, and some of the ancient routes 
through them, together with plans of the most important cities, 
and maritime charts of the coasts where they were required. 

"While thus endeavouring to represent faithfully the natural 

i Acts xvii. 21. » Phil. i. 13. 

' Wordswortb'3 " Athens and Attica," p, 76. 


objects aud architectural remains connected with the narrative, it 
has likewise been attempted to give such illustrations as were 
needful of the minor productions of human art as they existed iu 
the first centurj. For this purpose engravings of Coins have 
been given in all cases where thej seemed to throw light on the 
circumstances mentioned in the history ; and recourse has been 
had to the stores of Pompeii and Herculaneum, as well as to the 
collection of the Yatican, and the columns of Trajan and Anto- 

But after all this is done — after we have endeavoured, with 
every help we can command, to reproduce the picture of St. 
Paul's deeds and times — how small would our knowledge of him- 
self remain, if we had no other record of him left us but the 
story of his adventures. If his letters had never come down to 
us, we should have known indeed what he did and sufiered, but 
we should have had very little idea of what he was.' Even if we 
could perfectly succeed in restoring the image of the scenes aoA 
circumstances in which he moved, — even if we could, as in a ma- 
gic mirror, behold him speaking in the school of Tyrannus, with 
his Ephesian hearers iu their national costume around him, — we 
should still see very little of Paul of Tarsus. We must listen to 
his words, if we w^ould learn to know him. If fancy did her 
utmost, she could give us only his outward not his inward life. 
" His bodily presence " (so his enemies declared) " was weak and 
contemptible ;" but " his letters" (even they allowed) "were weigh- 
ty and powerful." * Moreover an effort of imagination and memo- 
ry is needed to recal the past, but in his Epistles St. Paul is present 
with us. " His "words are not dead words, they are living crea- 
tures with hands and feet," ^ touching in a thousand hearts at this 
very hour the same chord of feeling which vibrated to their first 
utterance. "We, the Christians of the nineteenth century, can 
bear witness now, as fully as could a Byzantine audience four- 
teen hundred years ago, to the saying of Chrysostom, that " Paul 
by his letters still lives in the mouths of men throughout the 
whole world ; by them not only his own converts, but all the 

» For Ms speeches recorded ia the Acts, characteristic as they are, would by them- 
eelves have been too few and too short to add much to our knowledge of St. Paul; 
but illustrated as they now are by his Epistles, they become an important part of hia 
personal biography. 

• 2 Cor. X. 10. 

• Luther, as quoted in Archdeacdn Hare's "Mission of the Comforter," p. 4d9. 


faitliful even unto tliis day, yea and all the saints wlio are yet to 
be born, until Christ's coming again, both have been and shall 
be blessed." ' His Epistles are to his inward life, what the moun- 
tains and rivers of Asia and Greece and Italy are to his outward 
life, — the imperishable part which still remains to us, when all 
that time can ruin has passed away. 

It is in these letters then that we must study the true life of 
St. Paul, from its inmost depths and springs of action, which were 
" hidden with Christ in God," down to its most minute develope- 
ments, and peculiar individual manifestations. In them we learn 
(to use the language of Gregory ISTazianzene) " what is told of 
Paul by Paul himself." * Their most sacred contents indeed rise 
above all that is peculiar to the individual writer ; for they are 
the communications of God to man concerning the faith and life 
of Christians ; which St. Paul declared (as he often asserts) by 
the immediate revelation of Christ himself. But his manner of 
teaching these eternal truths is coloured by his human character, 
and peculiar to himself. And such individual features are natu- 
rally impressed much more upon epistles than upon any other 
kind of composition. For here we have not treatises, or sermons, 
which may dwell in the general and abstract, but real letters, 
written to meet the actual wants of living men ; giving immedi- 
ate answers to real questions, and warnings against pressing dan- 
gers ; full of the interests of the passing hour. And this, which 
must be more or less the case with all epistles addressed to par- 
ticular Churches, is especially so with those of St. Paul. In his 
case it is not too much to say that his letters are himself — a por- 
trait painted by his own hand, of which every feature may be 
" known and read of all men." 

It is not merely that in them we see the proof of his powerful 

' De Sacerdotlo, IV. 7. The whole passage is well worth quoting : 
Ilodev avd tyjv oIkov/xsv7]v uiraaav TroTivc iv Totg uttuvtuv irl ^ofzaatv ; TLodev ov ntad 
fjfziv fiovov, vXka /^ Tiapci lovdaioig, Kal "E/lXj^ct fiuXtg-a 'kuvtuv -Qav/iu^eTai. ; ova dzh 
T^C Tt^v 'Etti^o2.uv apETTjg ; LC tjc ov rovg tote [lovov ■jzig-ovg, oXkd li, Tovg l^ ^kelvuv 
uexp' TTjg arifiepov yivofiivovg, k) Tovg fieTikovTag 6h laecdai fiexpt- Trjg ecTx^TTjg tov Xpig-ov 
irapovaiag C)(^ilr]ae te /^ oxpsl'ijaEL ' 4 ov TravasTai tovto itoiuv, eug uv to tuv uvdpunuv 
diafiivi} yivog. 'Q-anEp yelp Telxog e^ ddu/iavTog KaTaaKevaad^lv, ovt<j T(ig iravraxov Tt/i 
olnovfievTjg 'EKK7.7;Giag tcI tovtov teixI^el ypufifiaTa. Kat KaOuTrep Tig upig-evg yevvaio- 
raTO"; ectjke k) vvv fiiaog, alxfiaXuri^uv ndv vori/ia Eig ttjv viraKOriv tov Xpig-ov, Kal 
Kadatouv "koyidfiovg Kal ttuv vipufia iTvacpofiEvov KaTci Tyg yvuaeog tov Oeov. TavTa 
de TTtivra Ipyd^ETtti, 6i' uv Tjfilv Ka-D.ii^Ev Eirtco/^wv tuv -Qav^actuv Ikecvuv, /$ rijf 
&eiag ■rrtTr?.i^pu/iEvuv ao(piag. 

• Ti UavTiog aiirdc tteoI IlaO-rv ^tjoI, Grfg. JVaz. Oratio .ipoloeetiea. 


mtellcct, liis insight into the foundations of natural theology,' and of 
moral philosophy ; '' for in such points, though the philosophical 
expression might belong to himself, the truths expressed were taught 
him of God. It is not only that we there find models of the sub- 
limest eloquence, when he is kindled by the vision of the glories to 
come, the perfect triumph of good over evil, the manifestation of tho 
sons of God, and their transformation into God's likeness, when they 
shall see Him no longer ^ " in a glass darkly, but face to face,"— for 
in such strains as these it was not so much he that spake, as the Spirit 
of God speaking in him ; ^ — but in his letters, besides all this which 
is divine, we trace every shade, even to the faintest, of his human 
character also. Here we see that fearless independence with 
which he " withstood Peter to the face, because he was to be 
blamed ;" « — that impetuosity which breaks out in his apostrophe 
to t)iQ " foolish Galatians ;" ^ — that earnest indignation which bids 
his converts " beware of dogs, beware of the concision," ^ and 
pours itself forth in the emphatic " God forbid," « which meets 
every Antinomian suggestion ; — that fervid patriotism which 
makes him " wish that he were himself accursed from Christ for 
his brethren, his kinsmen according to the flesh, who are Israel- 
ites ; " ^' — that generosity which looked for no other reward than 
" to preach the glad tidings of Christ without charge," ^° and made 
him feel that he would rather " die, than that any man should 
make this glorying void ;" — that dread of officious interference 
which led him to shrink from "building on another man's found- 
ation ; " " — that delicacy which shows itself in his appeal to Phil- 
emon, whom he might have commanded, "yet for love's sake 
rather beseeching him, being such an one as Paul the aged, and 
now also a prisoner of Jesus Christ," '^ and which is even more 
striking in some of his farewell greetings, as (for instance) when he 
bids the Romans " salute Rufus, .and her who is loth his mother and 
mine / " " — that scrupulous fear of evil appearance which " would 
not eat any man's bread for nought, but wrought with labour and 
travail night and day, that he might not be chargeable to iuiy of. 

J Rom. L 20. « Rom. ii. 14, 15. 

' 1 Cor. xiii. 12. < Mat. x. 20. » Gal. ii. 11. 

6 Gal. iii. 1. 7 phil. iii. 2. 

8 Rom. vi. 2. 1 Cor. vi. 15, &c. It is diflicult to express the fcrce of //^ yivoiro by 
any other English phrase. 

Rom. ix. 3. 10 1 Cor. Lx. 18 and 15. 3 Rem. vr. 20. 

■ Philemon 9. »•■' Rom. xvi 13. 


them ; '' ' that refined courtesy which cannot bring itself to blame 
till it has first praised,''' and which makes him deem it needful 
almost to apologize for the freedom of giving advice to those who 
were not personally known to him ; ^ — that self-denying lave 
which " will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest he make 
his brother to ofi'end;"^ — that impatience of exclusive" formalism 
with which he overwhelms the Judaizers of Galatia, joined with 
a forbearance so gentle for the innocent v»'eakness of scrupuions 
consciences ; ^ — that grief for the sins of others, which moved him 
to tears when he spoke of the enemies of the cress of Christ, " of 
whom I tell you even weeping;"'' — that noble freedom fron. 
jealousy with which he speaks of those who out of rivaby to 
himself, preach Christ even of envy and strife, supposing to add 
afiliction to his bonds, "What then? notwithstanding every way, 
whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached ; and 1 therein 
do rejoice, yea and will rejoice ;" ^ — that tender friendship which 
watches over the health of Timothy, even with a mother's care ; ^ 
— that intense sympathy in the joys and sorrows of his converts, 
which could say, even to the rebellious Corinthians, "ye are in 
our hearts, to die and live with you ; " » — that longing desire for the 
intercourse of afi'ection, and that sense of loneliness when it was 
withheld, which perhaiDS is the most touching feature of all, be- 
cause it approaches most nearly to a weakness, " "When I came 
to Troas to preach Christ's gospel, and a door was opened to me 
of the Lord, I had no rest in my spirit, because I found not Titus 
my brother ; but taking my leave of them, I went from thence 
into Macedonia." And " when I was come into Macedonia, my 
flesh had no rest, but I was troubled on every side ; without were 
fightings, within were fears. Nevertheless God, who comforteth 
those that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus." >• 
" Do thy diligence to come shortly unto me ; for Demas hath 
forsaken me, having loved this present world, and is departed 

> 1 Thess. ii. 9. 

' Compare the laudatory expressions ia 1 Cor. i. 5-7, and 2 Cor. i. 6-7, with the 
heavy and unmingled censure conveyed in the whole subsequent part of these Epistles. 

3 Rom. XV. 14, 15. " And I myself also am persuaded of you, my brethren, that ye 
also are full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish ono another 
Nevertheless, brethren, I have written the more boldly unto you in some sorf, as put- 
ting you in mind." 

* 1 Cor. viii. 13. * 1 Cor, viii. 12, and RonL xiv. 21. » phil. iii. !8. 

' Phil. L 15. 8 1 Tint v. 23. ' 2 Cor. vii. 3. 

"> 1 Cor. ii. 1.''.. and vii. 5 


onto Thessalonica ; Crcscens to Galatia, Titiis unto Dalmatia; 
only Luke is with me." ' 

Nor is it only in the substance, but even in the style of these 
writings that we recognize the man Paul of Tarsus. In the pa- 
renthetical constructions and broken sentences, we see tl?e rapidity 
with which the thoughts crowded upon him, almost too fast for 
utterance ; we see him animated rather than weighed down by 
" that which cometh upon him daily, the care of all the 
churches,"'' as he pours forth his warnings or his arguments in a 
stream of eager and impetuous dictation, with which the pen of 
the faithful Tertius can hasrdly keep pace.^ And above all, we 
ti*ace his presence in the postscript to every letter, which he adds 
as an authentication in his own characteristic handwriting,'' 
" which is the token in every epistle ; so I write." « Sometimes 
as he takes up the pen he is moved with indignation when he 
thinks of the false brethren among those whom he addresses ; 
" the salutation of me Paul with m.y own hand, — if any man love 
not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema." ® Sometimes, 
as he raises his hand to write, he feels it cramped by the fetters 
which bind him to the soldier who guards him,' " I Paul salute 
you with my own hand, — remember my chains." Tet he always 
ends with the same blessing, " The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
be with you," to which he sometimes adds still further a few last 
words of affectionate remembrance, " My love be with you all in 
Christ Jesus." ^ 

But although the letters of St. Paul are so essential a part of 
his personal biography, it is a difficult question to decide upon 
the form in which they should be given in a work like this. The 
(fbject to be sought is, that they may really represent in English 
what they were to their Greek readers when first written. Now 
this object would not be attained if the authorized version were 
adhered to, and yet a departure from that whereof so much is in- 
terwoven with the memory and deepest feelings of every reli- 
gions mind should be grounded on strong and sufficient causa 
t is hoped that the following reasons may be held such. 

« 2 Tim. iv. 9. * 2 Cor. xi. 28. 

» Rom. xvi. 22. " I, Tertius, who wrote this Epistle, salute you in the Lord." 
* Gal. vl. 11. "Ye see the size of the characters {tttjMkocc ypd/i/iaaiv) in whioi 1 
write to you with my own hand." 
» 2 Thess. iii. 17. « i Cor. rvL 22. ' Colosa iv. 18. 

« 1 Cor. xvi. 24. 


1st. The authorized version was meant to be a staadard of au- 
thority and ultimate appeal in controversy ; hence it could not 
venture to depart, as an ordinary translation would do, from the 
exact words of the original, even where some amplification was 
absolutely req lired to complete the sense. It was to be the ver- 
sion unanimously accepted by all parties, and therefore must 
simply represent the Greek text word for word. This it does 
most faithfully so for as the critical knowledge of the sixteenth ' 
century permitted. But the result of this method is sometimes 
to ]3roduce a translation unintelligible to the English reader.' 
Also if the text admit of two interpretations, our version endea- 
vours, if possible, to preserve the same ambiguity, and effects 
this often with admirable skill ; but such indecision, although a 
merit in an authoritative version, would be a fault in a transla- 
tion which had a different object. 

2d. The imperfect knowledge existing at the time when our 
Bible was translated, made it inevitable that the translators should 
occasionally render the original incorrectly ; and the same cause 
has made their version of many of the argumentative portions of 
the Epistles perplexed and obscure. 

3d. Such passages as are affected by the above-mentioned 
objections might, it is true, have been recast, and the authorized 
translation retained in all cases where it is correct and clear ; 
but if this had been done, a patchwork effect would have been 
produced like that of new cloth upon old garments ; moreover 
the devotional associations of the reader would have been of- 
fended, and it would have been a rash experiment to provoke 
such a contrast between the matchless style of the authorized ver- 
sion and that of the modern translator, thus placed side by side. 

4th. The style adopted for the present purpose should not be 
antifjuated ; for St. Paul was writing in the language used by his 
Hellenistic readers in every day life. 

5th. In order to give the true meaning of the original, some- 
thing of paraphrase is often absolutely required. St. Paul's style 
is extremely elliptical, and the gaps must be filled up. And more- 
over the great diflSculty in understanding his argument is to trace 
clearly the transitions ' by which he passes from one step to an- 

' Being executed at the very beginning of the seventeenth. 

' Yet had any other course been adopted, every sect wculd have had its own Bible , 

as it 'is, this one translation has been all but unanimously received for three centuries. 

3 In the translation of the Epistles given in the present work it has been the especial 


otlier. For this purpose something must be supplied bcjoiid the 
mere literal rendering of the words. 

For these reasons the translation of the Epistles adopted in'this 
work is to a certain degree paraphrastic. At the same time no- 
thing has been added by waj of paraphrase which was not vir- 
tiially expressed in the original. 

It has not been thought necessary to interrupt the reader by a 
note, in every instance where the translation varies from the 
Authorised Yersion. It has been assumed that the readers of 
the notes will have sufficient knowledge to understand the reason 
of such variations in the more obvious cases. But it ';s hoped 
that no passage of real difficulty has been passed over without 

The authorities consulted upon the chronology of St. Paul's life, 
the reasons for the views taken of disputed points in it, and for 
the dates of the Epistles, are stated (so far as seems needful) in 
the body of the work or in the Appendix, and need not be fur- 
ther referred to here. 

Li conclusion, the authors would express their hope that this 
biography may, in its measure, be useful in strengthening the 
hearts of some against the peculiar form of unbelief most cur- 
rent at the present day. Tlie more faithfully we can represent to 
ourselves the life, outward and inward, of St. Paul, in all its ful- 
ness, the more unreasonable must appear the theory that Chris- 
tianity had a mythical origin ; and the stronger must be our 
ground for believing his testimony to the divine nature and mira- 
culous history of our Redeemer. No reasonable man can learn 
to know and love the Apostle of the Gentiles without asking 
himself the question " What was the principle by which through 
such a life he was animated ? What was the strength in which 
he laboured with such immense results?" l^or can the most 
sceptical inquirer doubt for one moment the full sincerity of St. 
Paul's belief that "the life which he lived in the flesh he lived 
by the faith of the Son of God, who died and gave Himself for 
him." • " To believe in Christ crucified and risen, to serve Him 

aim of the translator to represent these transitions correctly. They very often depend 
upon a word, which suggests a new thought, and are cjuite lost by a want of attention 
to the verbal coincidence. Thus, for instance, in Eom. x. IC, 17. Tic tm^evae 79 
tt/cr$ rijiuv ; 'Apa t] Tzig-ig l^ uKorig. " Who hath given faith to our telling 7 So then 
faith Cometh hy telling;^' how completely is the connection destroyed by such inatteo- 
tion in the authorized vereion : " Who hath bclimd our report? So then faith 
eometh by hearing." > Gal. ii. 20. 


on earth, to be with Him hereafter ; — these, if we may trust the 
account of his own motives by any human writer whatever, 
were the chief if not the only thoughts which sustained Paul of 
Tarsus through all the troubles and sorrows of his twenty years* 
conflict. His sagacity, his cheerfulness, his forethought, his im 
partial and clear-judging reason, all the natural elements of hia 
strons: character are not indeed to be overlooked : but the more 
highly we exalt these in our estimate of his work, the larger share 
we attribute to them in the performance of his mission, the more 
are we compelled to believe that he spoke the words of truth and 
soberness when he told the Corinthians that ' last of all Christ 
was seen of him also,' ' that ' by the grace of God he was what 
he was,' that ' whilst he laboured more abundantly than all, it waa 
not he, but the grace of God that was in him.' " " 

P. S. — It may he well to add, that while Mr. Coiiybeare and 
Mr. Ilowsorh have undertalun the joint revision of the whole 
work, the translation of the Epistles and S^peeches of St. Paul ia 
contributed hy the former, a/nd the Historical and Geographical 
portion of the wovTi, principally hy the latter ; Mr. Uowson hav- 
ing written Chapters I., H., IH., 17., Y., YI., YH., YHI., IX., 
X., XI., XH., XIY, XYI., XX., XXI., XXH., XXHI., XXIY., 
with the exception of the Epistles and Speeches therein contained^ 
amd Mr. Conyhea/re hoMng ivritten the Introduction and Appen- 
dix, and Chapters XIH., XY., XYIL, XYHI., XIX , XXV., 

i I Cor. xy. 10. • Stanley's Senaoas, p. 186. 


The Publisher, in presenting "The Life a^td Epistles or St 
Paul," by the Eer. W. J. Contbeaee and Rev. J. S. Howson, 
needs no apology. During the short interval since its publica- 
tion in England it has commanded the admiration of scholars and 
intelligent readers of the Bible both in this country and Europe, 
anc has passed through the ordeal of criticism in the leading 
Quarterlies and Journals of both countries and received the high- 
est commendation. The expense of the English edition, however, 
is such as necessarily to limit its circulation in this country, and 
the desire has been repeatedly expressed tliat the work should be 
published in a form and at a price which would bring it within 
the reach of ministers, students, and intelligent readers generally. 
The present edition, it is believed, will meet the existing want 
Though offered at one half of the cost of the London copy, the 
work has in no way suffered from abridgment, but has been 
preserved complete in every respect. The notes, coins, maps, 
plans, and wood engravings generally havo been retained, and 
yet the size of the work has been reduced from the unwioldv 
quarto to a convenient octavo form. • 


The steel engravings, which appear in the English edition 
simplj as embellishments, which are familiar to most readers, 
and which are in no way essential to the text or to the value of 
the work, have been omitted — since the expense of reproducing 
them here would be such as greatly to increase the cost of the 
work, and yet add nothing to its usefulness. 

The North British Eeview for February, 1854, after a highly 
commendatory criticism of this work, makes the following re- 
marks : 

" We commend the book to that numerous class, increasing every day, whoso 
early culture has necessarily been defective, but whose intelligence and thirst for 
knowledge is continually sharpened by the general diffusion of thought and education. 
Such persons, if they are already Christians by conviction, are naturally more aad 
more dissatisfied with the popular commentaries on the Bible ; and if they are scep- 
tical and irreligioiTS, this great evil is probably caused by the undeniable existence 
of difficulties which such commentaries shi-ink from fairly meeting. They will find 
in the work before us a valuable help towards understanding the New Testament 
The Greek and Latin quotations are almost entirely confined to the notes : any 
unlearned reader may study the text with ease and profit. And it is from a sense 
of the great value of the book in this respect, that we would earnestly entreat 
the publishers to supply it in a cheaper and more convenient form. In th«t 
daya a quarto book, except for reference, is a monster , <r2 naiura." 






"And the title was written in H.obrew, and Greek and Latiu." — Job. xix. 20. 










The life of a great man, in a great period of the world's history, is a 
subject to command the attention of every thoughtful mind. Alexander 
on his Eastern expedition, spreading the civilisation of Greece over the 
Asiatic and African shores of the Mediterranean Sea, — Julius Caesar 
contending against the Gauls, and subduing the barbarism of Western 
Europe to the order and discipline of Roman Government, — Charlemagne 
compressing the separating atoms of the feudal world, and reviving for a 
time the image of imperial unity, — Columbus sailing westward over the 
Atlsvutic to discover a new world wliicli might receive the arts and religion 
of the old, — Napoleon on his rapid campaigns, shattering the ancient 
system of European states, and Icavhig a chasm between our present and 

VOL. I. 1 


tilt past : — these are the colossal figures of history, which stamp with the 
impress of their personal greatness the centuries in which they lived. 

The interest with which we look upon such men is natui*al and inevi- 
table, even when we are deeply conscious that, in their character and 
then* work, evil was mixed up in large proportions with the good, and 
when we find it difncult to discover the providential design which drew 
the features of their respective epochs. But this natural feeling rises into 
something higher, if we can be assured that the period we contemplate was 
designedly prepared for great results, that the work we admire was a work 
of unmixed good, and the man whose actions we follow was an instrument 
specially prepared by the hands of God. Such a period was that in which 
the civilised world was united under the first Roman emperors : such 
a work was the first preaching of the Gospel : and such a man was Paul 
of Tarsus. 

Before we enter upon the particulars of his life and the history of his 
work, it is desirable to say something, in this introductory chapter, con- 
cerning the general features of the age which was prepared for him. We 
shall not attempt any minute delineation of the institutions and social 
habits of the period. Many of these will be brought beibre us in detail 
in the course of the present work. We shall only notice here those cir- 
cumstances in the state of the world, whicn seem to bear the traces of a 
providential pre-arrangement. 

Casting this general view on the age of the first Roman emperors, 
which was also the age of Jesus Christ and His Apostles, we find our 
attention arrested by three great varieties of national life. The Jew, the 
Greek, and the Roman appear to divide the world between them. The 
outward condition of Jerusalem Itself, at this epoch, might be taken as a 
type of the civilised world. Herod the Great, who rebuilt the Temple, 
had erected, for Greek and Roman entertainments, a theatre within the 
same walls, and an amphitheatre in the neighbouring plain.' His coins, 
and those of his grandson Agrippa, bore Greek inscriptions -."^ that piece 
of noney, which was brought to our Saviour (Matt. xxii. Mark xii. I.uke 


' Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, 1. B. J. i. 21, 8. 

' These two coins of Herod the Great and his grandson Agrippa I., with the Dena- 
rius of Tiberius, are taken, by Mr. Akerman's kind permission, from his excellent litti« 
work, "Numismatic Illustrations of the New Testament." 



DEN'ARira 0? TiMsura, 

XX.), was the silver Denarius, the "image" was that of the emperor, the 
" superscription " was in Latin : and at the same time when the common 
currency consisted of such pieces as these, — since coins with the images 
of men or with heathen symbols would have been a profanation to the 
"Treasury," — there might be found on the tables of the money- 
changers in the Temple, shekels and half-shekels with Samaritan letters, 
minted under the Maccabees. Greek and Roman names were borne by 
multitudes of those Jews who came up to worship at the festivals. Greek 
and Latin words were current in the popular " Hebrew " of the day : and 
while this Syro-Chaldaic dialect was spoken by the mass of the people 
with the tenacious affection of old custom, Greek had long been well- 
known among the upper classes in the larger towns, and Latin was used 
in the courts of law, and in the official correspondence of magistrates.' 
On a critical occasion of St. Paul's life,^ when he was standing on the 
stair between the Temple and the fortress, he first spoke to the commander 
of the garrison in Greek, and then turned round and addressed his coun- 
trymen in Hebrew ; while the letter ^ of Claudius Lysias was written, and 
the oration ^ of Tertullus spoken, in Latin. We are told by the historian 
Josephus,^ that on a parapet of stone in the Temple area, where a flight of 
fourteen steps led ap from the outer to the inner court, pillars were placed 
at equal distances, with notices, some in Greek and some in Latin, that no 
alien should enter the sacred enclosure of the Hebrews. And we are told 

1 Val. Mas. ii. 2. Magistratus vero prisci quantopere suam populique Eomani ma- 
jestatcm retiaentes se gesserint, hinc cognosci potest, quod inter cetera obtinendaa gra- 
vitatis iadicia, illud quoque magna cum porseverantla custodiebant, nc Gracis unquam, 
nisi Latine responsa darent. Quinctiam ipsa linguaj volubilitate, qua plurlmum valent, 
escussa, per interpretem loqui cogebant ; non in urbe tantum nostra, 6cd ctiam in 
Grfficia ct Asia : quo scilicet Latina) vocis honos per omnes gentes venerabilior ditfun- 
doretur. Nee illis deerant studia doctrinae, sed nulla non in re pallium togae subjici 
dobere arbitrabantur : indignum esse existimantes, illccebris et suavitate litcrarnm 
mperii pondus et auctoritatem domari. 

' Acts xxi. xxii. 

- Acts xxiii. The letter was what was technically called an Elogium, ofccertificate, 
and there is hardly any doubt that it was in Latin. See De Wette and Olshausen, 
in loc. 

* Acts xxiv. Mr. Milman (Bampton Lectures, p. 185) has remarked on the peculi- 
rtxly Latin character of TertuUus's address : and the preceding quotation from Valerim 
Maximus seems to imply that its language was Latin. 

» B. J V. 5, 2. Compare vi. 2, 4. 


by two of the Evangelists,' that when our blessed Saviour was crucified, 
" the superscription of His accusation " w^as written above His cross " in 
letters of Hebrew, and Greek, and Latin." 

The condition of the world in general at that period wears a similar 
appearance to a Christian's eye. He sees the Greek and Roman elements 
brought into remarkable union with the older and more sacred elements of 
Judaism. He sees in the Hebrew nation a divinely-laid foundation for 
the superstructure of the Church, and 'm the dispersion of the Jews a soil 
made ready in fitting places for the seed of the Gospel. He sees in the 
spread of the language and commerce of the Greeks, and in the high 
perfection of then* poetry and philosophy, appropriate means for the rapid 
communication of Christian ideas, and for bringing them into close con- 
nection with the best thoughts of unassisted humanity. And he sees in 
the union of so many incoherent provinces under the law and government 
of Rome, a strong framework which might keep together for a sufficient 
period those masses of social life which the Gospel was intended to per- 
vade. The City of God is built at the confluence of three civilisations. 
"We recognise with gratitude the hand of God in the history of His world : 
and we turn with devout feelings to trace the course of these three streams 
of civilised life, from their early source to the time of their meeting in the 
Apostolic age. 

We need not linger about the fountains of the national life of the Jews, 
We know that they gushed forth at first, and flowed in their appointed 
channels, at the command of God. The call of Abraham, w-hen one 
family was chosen to keep and hand down the deposit of divine truth, — 
the series of providences which brought the ancestors of the Jews into 
Egypt, — the long captivity on the banks of the Nile, — the work of Moses, 
whereby the bondsmen w^ere made into a nation, — all these things are 
represented in the Old Testament as occurring under the immediate 
direction of Almighty powder. The people of Israel were taken out of 
the midst of an idolatrous world, to become the depositaries of a purer 
.knowledge of the one true God than was given to any other people. At 
a time when (humanly speaking) the world could hardly have preserved a 
spiritual religion in its highest purity, they received a divine revelation 
enshrined in symbols and ceremonies, whereby it might be safely kept till 
the time of its development in a purer and more heavenly form. 

The peculiarity oi tne Jieorew civilisation did not consist in the culture 
of the imagination and intellect, like that of the Greeks, nor in the organi- 
sation of government, like that of Rome, — but its distinguishing feature 
was Religion. To say nothing of the Scriptures, the prophets, tha 
miracles of the Jews, — their frequent festivals, their constant sacrifices,— 

' Luke xxiii. 38. John xix. 20. 


everything in theii* collective and private life was connected with a revealed 
religion : theii* wars, their heroes, their poetry, had a sacred character, — 
their national code was full of the details of public worship, — their 
ordinary employments were touched at every point by divinely-appointed 
and significant ceremonies. Kor was this rehgion, as were the religions 
of the heathen world, a creed which could not be the common property of 
the instructed and the ignorant. It was neither a recondite philosophy 
which might not be communicated to the masses of the people, nor a weak 
superstition, controlling the conduct of the lower classes, and ridiculed by 
the higher. The religion of Moses was for the use of all and the benefit 
of all.' The poorest peasant of Galilee had the same part iu it as the 
wisest Rabbi of Jerusalem. The children of all families were taught to 
claim their share in the privileges of the chosen people. 

And how different was the nature of this religion from that of the con- 
temporary Gentiles ! The pious feelings of the Jew were not dissipated 
and distracted by a fantastic mythology, where a thousand different 
objects of worship, with contradictory attributes, might claim the atten- 
tion of the devout mind. " One God," the Creator and Judge of the 
world, and the Author of all good, was the only object of adoration 
And there was nothing of that wide separation between religion and 
morality, which among other nations was the road to all impurity. The 
will and approbation of Jehovah was the motive and support of all holi- 
ness : faith in His word was the power which raised men above their 
natural weakness : while even the divinities of Greece and Rome were 
often the personifications of human passions, and the example and sanction 
of vice. And still farther : — the devotional scriptures of the Jews express 
that heartfelt sense of infirmity and sin, that peculiar spirit of prayer, that 
real communion with God, with which the Christian, in his best moments, 
has the truest sympathy.^ So that, while the best hymns of Greece ' are 
only mythological pictures, and the literature of heathen Rome hardly 
produces anything which can be called a prayer, the Hebrew psalma 

' oTTcp e/c (p c2,o a (j) t ag ry g 6 o k i /i u r uTy c "J^^piyiveTai rolg 6/it?iTiTa2g uvt/j(^ 
TovTO did V 6 (luv Kal E 6 uv 'lovdaiotg, ETViaTTjfj.'^ tov uvututov kuI ■KpcaOvTu.TOV 
iruvTuv, TOV knl Tolg yEvrjTolg ■&Eolg ttXuvov uTruaafisvoig. Quoted with other passages 
from Philo by Neander, General Church History, vol. i. pp. 70, 71. (Torrey's transla- 
tion, Edinburgh, 1847.) 

* Neander observes that it has been justly remarked that the distinctive pecii'' —ity 
(die auszeichnende Eigenthuralichkcit) of the Hebrew nation from the very first, was, 
that conscience was more alive among them than any other people. Pflanzung und 
Leitung, p. 91, ed. 181:7. See also the Eug. Trans, of the former edition, vol. i. p. 61. 

3 There are some exceptions, as in the hymn of the Stoic Clcanthes, who was bom 
at Assos 350 years before St. Paul was there ; yet It breathes the sentiment rather of 
acquiescence in the determinations of Fate, than of resignation to the goodness of Fio- 
vldence. See Mr. Cotton's notice of Clcanthes in Smith's Dictionary of Biography and 


have passed into the devotions of the Christian church. There is a light 
on all the mountains of Judcea which never shone on Olympus or Parnas- 
sus : and the " Hill of Zion," in which " it pleased God to dwell," is the 
type of "the joy of the whole earth," ' while the seven hills of Rome are 
the symbol of tyranny and idolatry. " He showed His word ;mto Jacob, 
His statutes and ordinances unto Israel. He dealt not so with any 
nation ; neither had the heathen knowledge of His laws." - 

But not only was a holy religion the characteristic of the civilisatiou 
of the Jews, but their religious feelings were directed to something in the 
future, and all the circumstances of their national life tended to fix their 
thoughts on One that was to come. By types and by promises, theh- eyes 
were continually turned towards a Messiah. Their history was a con- 
tinued prophecy. All the great stages of theu" national existence were 
accompanied by effusions of prophetic light.^ Abraham was called from 
his father's house, and it was revealed that in him " all famiUes of the 
earth should be blessed." Moses formed Abraham's descendants into a 
people, by giving them a law and national institutions ; l^ut while so 
doing he spake before of Him who was hereafter to be raised up "a 
Prophet like unto himself." David reigned, and during that reign, which 
made so deep and lasting an impression on the Jewish mind, psalms were 
written which spoke of the future King. And with the approach of that 
captivity, the pathetic recollection of which became perpetual, the prophe- 
cies took a bolder range, and embraced within their widenmg cu'cle the 
redemption both of Jews and Gentiles. Thus the pious Hebrew was 
always, as it were, in the attitude of expectation. And it has been well 
remarked that, while the golden age of the Greeks and Romans was the 
past, that of the Jews was the future. While other nations were growing 
weary of their gods, — without anything in their mythology or philosophy 
to satisfy the deep cravings of then- nature, — with religion operatmg 
rather as a barrier than a link between the educated and the ignorant, — 
with morality divorced from theology, — the whole Jewish people were 
united in a feeling of attachment to their sacred institutions, and found iu 
the facts of their past history a sure pledge of the fulfilment of theii 
national hopes. 

It is true that the Jewish nation, again and again, diu-ing several ceU' 
turies, fell into idolatry. It is true that their superiority to other nations 
consisted in the light which they possessed, and not in the use which 
they made of it ; and that a carnal life continually dragged them down 
from the spiritual eminence on which they might have stood. But the 
divine purp3ses were not frustrated. The chosen people was subjected to 

' Ps. xlviiL 2. Ixviii. 16. » Ps. cxlvii. 19, 20. 

3 Davison, Warburtouian Lectures ou Prophecy, pp. 98, 107, 147, 201, &c 


the chastisement and discipline of severe sufferings : and they were fitted 
by a long training for the accomplishment of that work, to the conscious 
performance of which they did not willingly rise. They were hard pressed 
in then- own country by the incursions of their idolatrous neighbours, and 
in the end they were carried into a distant captivity. From the time of 
their return from Babylon they were no longer idolaters. They presented 
to the world the example of a pure Monotheism. And in the active tunes 
which preceded and followed the birth of Christ, those Greeks or Romans 
who visited the Jews in their own land where they still lingered at the 
portals of the East, and those vast numbers of proselytes whom the dis- 
persed Jews had gathered round them in various countries, were made 
familiar with the worship of one God and Father of all.' 

The influence of the Jews upon the heathen world was exercised mainly 
through their dispersion: but this subject must be deferred for a few 
pages, till we have examined some of the developments of the Greek 
and Roman nationalities. A few words, however, may be allowed in 
passing, upon the consequences of the geographical position of Judaea. 

The situation of this little but eventful country is such, that its inhab- 
itants were brought into contact successively with all the civilized nationa 
of antiquity. Kot to dwell upon its proximity to Egypt on the one hand, 
and to Assyria on the other, and the influences which those ancient king- 
doms may thereby have exercised or received, Palestine lay in the road ot 
Alexander's Eastern expedition. The Greek conqueror was there before 
he founded his mercantile metropolis in Egypt, and then went to India, to 
return and die at Babylon. And again, when his empire was divided, and 
Greek kingdoms were erected in Europe, Asia, and Africa, Palestine lay 
between the rival monarchies of the Ptolemies at Alexandria and the 
SeleucidiB at Antioch, — too uear to both to be safe from the invasion of 
their arms or the influence of. their customs and their language. And 
finally, when the time came for the Romans to embrace the whole of the 
Mediterranean within the circle of their power, the coast-line of Judaja 
was the last remote portion which was needed to complete the fated cir- 

The full effect of this geographical position of Judaa can only be seen 
by following the course of Greek and Roman life, till they were brought 
BO remarkably into contact with each other, and with that of the Jews : 
and we turn to those other two nations of antiquity, the steps of whose 
progress were successive stages in what is called in the Epistle to the 
Ephesians (i 10) " the dispensation of the fulness of time." 

> Humboldt has remarked, in the chapter on Poetic Descriptions of Nature (Kosmos, 
Sabine's Eug. Trans., vol. ii. p. 44), that the descriptive poetry of the Hebrews is a 
reflex of Monotheism, and pourtrays nature, not as self-subsisting, but ever in relation 
to a Uiffher Power 


If we think of the civilisation of the Greeks, we have uc difficulty in 
fixing on its chief characteristics. High perfection of the intellect and 
imagination, displaying itself in all the various forms of art, poetry, litera- 
ture, and philosophy — restless. activity of mind and body, finding its exer- 
cise in athletic games or in subtle disputations — love of the beautiful — 
quick perception — indefatigable inquiry— all these enter into the very 
idea of the Greek race. This is not the place to inquire how far these 
qualities were due to an innate peculiarity, or how far they grew up, by 
gradual development, amidst the natural influences of their native country, 
— the variety of their hills and plains, the clear lights and warm shadows 
of their chmate, the mingled land and water of their coasts. We have 
only to do with this national character so far as, under divine Providence, 
it was made subservient to the spread of the Gospel. 

We shall see how remarkably it subserved this purpose, if we consider 
the tendency of the Greeks to trade and colonisation. Their mental 
activity was accompanied wnth great physical restlessness. This clever 
people always exhibited a disposition to spread themselves. Without 
aiming at universal conquest, they displayed (if w'e may use the word) a 
remarkable catholicity of character, and a singular power of adaptation to 
those whom they called Barbarians. In this respect they were strongly 
contrasted with the Egyptians, whose immemorial civilisation was con- 
fined to the long valley w^hich extends from the cataracts to the mouths of 
the Nile. The Hellenic tribes, on the other hand, though they despised 
foreigners, were never unwilling to visit them and to cultivate their 
acquaintance. At the earliest period at which history enables us to 
discover them, we see them moving about in their ships on the shores and 
among the islands of their native seas ; and, three or four centuries before 
the Christian era, Asia Minor, beyond which the Persians had not been 
permitted to advance, was bordered by a fringe of Greek colonies ; and 
Lower Italy, when the Roman repubhc was just beginning to be conscious 
of its strength, had received the name of Greece itself. To all these 
places they earned their arts and literature, their jihilosophy, their my- 
thology, and their amusements. They carried also their arms and their 
trade. The heroic age had passed away, and fabulous voyages had given 
place to real expeditions against Sicily and constant traffic with the Black 
Sea, They were gradually taking the place of the Phoenicians in the 
empire of the Mediterranean. They were, indeed, less exclusively mercan- 
tile than those old discoverers. Their voyages were not so long. But 
their influence on general civilisation was greater and more permanent. 
The earliest ideas of scientific navigation and geography are due to the 
Greeks. The later Greek travellers, Pausai'ias and Strabo, will be oui 
)>est ?ources of information on the topograph/, of St. Paul's journeys. 


With this view of the Helleuic character before us, we are prepared to 
appreciate the vast results of Alexander's conquests.' He took up the 
meshes of the net of Greek civilisation, which were lying in disorder on the 
edges of the Asiatic shore, and spread them over all the countries which 
he traversed in his wonderful campaigns. The East and the West were 
suddenly brought together. Separated tribes were united under a common 
government. New cities were built, as the centres of political life. New 
lines of communication were opened, as the channels of commercial 
activity. The new culture penetrated the mountain ranges of Pisidia and 
Lycaonia. The Tigris and Euphrates became Greek rivers. The laiv 
guage of Athens was heard among the Jewish colonies of Babylonia ; and 
a Grecian Babylon was built by the conqueror in Egypt, and called by his 

The empire of Alexander was divided, but the effects of his campaigns 
and poUcy did not cease. The influence of the fresh elements of social life 
was rather increased by being brought into independent action within the 
spheres of distinct kingdoms. Our attention is particularly called to two 
of the monarchical lines, which descended from Alexander's generals, — 

COIN OF jiNnocirrs epipiianis, ■wtfb portrait. 

(he Ptolemies, or the Greek kings of Egypt, — and the Seleucidse, or tne 
Greek kings of Syria.^ Their respective capitals, Alexandria and Antioch, 
became the metropolitan centres of commercial and civilised life in the East 
They rose suddenly ; and their very appearance marked them as the cities 
of a new epoch. Like Berlin and St. Petersburg, they were modern cities 
built by great kings at a definite time and for a definite purpose.^ Their 

' Plutarch, paraphrasing Alexander's saying to Diogenes, remarks that his mission 
was — Tu ftapdapiKu Tolg 'ETiXriviKolg KEpuaai, Koi t?)v 'E/l/laJa airdpai : Orat, i.. de 
Alex. Virtute s. fortuna, § 11, 

" This coin, with the portrait of Antiochus (IV.) Epiphanes, is from the British 
Af useum (whence much other assistance has been obtained for this work, chiefly through 
the kindness of C. Newton, Esq., student of Ch. Ch.). Portraits on coins began with 
Alexander. For their historical importance, sec K. 0. Mtiller's Handbuch der Archa 
ologie der Alten Kunst, § 1G2, p. IG!), Welcker's edition, 1848. For the series of 'he 
Seleucidse, see Vaillant, " Seleucidarum Imporium, sive Historia Rcgum Syritc ad f-lcni 
Numismatura accomraodata :" Paris, ICSl. (2nd Ed. Hag. 1732.) 

3 An account of the building of ^Njitioch will be given hereafter. For that r f Aioa 


histories are no unimportant chapters in the history of the world. Both 
of them were connected with Sl Paul : one indu'ectly, as the birthplace of 
Apollos ; the other directly, as the scene of some vf the most important 
passages of the Apostle's own life. Both aboun iCd in Jews from their 
first foundation. Both became the residences of Roman governors, and 
both were patriarchates of the prunitive Church. But before they had 
received either the Roman discipline or the Christian doctrine, they had 
served their appointed purpose of spreading the Greek language and 
habits, of creating new lines of commercial intercourse by land and sea, 
and of centralising in themselves the mercantile life of the Levant. Even 
the Acts of the Apostles remind us of the traffic of Antioch witli Cyprus 
and the neighbouring coasts, and of the sailing of Alexandrian corn-ships to 
the more distant harbours of Malta and Puteoli. 

Of all the Greek elem.ents which the cities of Antioch and Alexandria 
were the means of circulating, the spread of the language is the most 
important. Its connection with the whole system of Christian doctrine — 
with many of the controversies and divisions of the Church — is very 
momentous. That language, which is the richest and most delicate that 
the world has seen, became the language of theology. The Greek tongue 
became to the Christian more than it had been to the Roman or the Jew. 
The mother-tongue of Ignatius at Antioch, was that in which Philo com- 
posed his treatises at Alexandria, and which Cicero spoke at Athens. It 
is difficult to state in a few words the important relation which Alexandria 
more especially was destined to bear to the whole Christian Church. In 
that city, the representative of the Greeks of the East, where the most 
remarkable fusion took place of the peculiarities of Greek, Jewish, and 
Oriental life, and at the time when all these had been brought in contact 
with the mind of educated Romans, — a theological language was formed, 
rich in the phrases of various schools, and suited to convey Christian ideas 
to all the world. It was not an accident that the New Testament was 
written in Greciv, the language which can best express the highest thoughts 
and worthiest feelings of the intellect and heart, and which is adapted to 
be the instrument of education for all nations : nor was it an accident that 
the composition of these books and the promulgation of the Gospel were 
delayed, till the instruction of our Lord, and the writings of His Apostles, 
could be expressed in the dialect of Alexandria. This, also, must be 
ascribed to the foreknowledge of Him, who " winked at the times of 
ignorance," but who "made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell 
on all the face of the earth, and determined the times before appointed 
and the bounds of theu" habitation." ' 

andria, see Miiller, § 149, pp. 153, 154. Ammianus calls it vertex omnium civitatum, 
The architect was Diaocrates, who renewed the temple at Ephcsus (Acts xix.). 
> Acts xvii. 30, 26. 


We do not forget that the social condition of the Greeks had beec 
falling, during this period, into the lowest corruption. The disastrous 
quarrels of Alexander's generals had been contmued among their succes- 
Bors, Political integrity was lost. The Greeks spent their life in worth- 
less and frivolous amusements. Their religion, though beautiful beyond 
expression as giving subjects for art and poetry, was utterly powerless, 
and worse than powerless, in checking their bad propensities. Their 
philosophers were sophists ; then* women might be briefly divided into two 
classes, — those who were highly educated and openly profligate on the one 
side, and those who Uved in domestic and ignorant seclusion on tlie other. 
And it cannot be denied that all these causes of degradation spread with 
the diffusion of the race and the language ; like Sybaris and Syracuse, 
Antioch and Alexandria became almost worse than Athens and Corinth. 
But the very diffusion and development of this corruption was preparing 
the way, because it showed the necessity, for the interposition of a Gospel. 
The disease itself seemed to call for a Healer. And if the prevailing evils 
of the Greek population presented obstacles, on a large scale, to the 
progress of Christianity, — yet they showed to all future time the weakness 
of man's highest powers, if unassisted from above ; and there must have 
been many who groaned under the burden of a corruption which they 
could not shake off, and w4io were ready to welcome the voice of Him, 
who " took our infirmities, and bare our sicknesses." The " Greeks," ' 
who are mentioned by St. John as coming to see Jesus at the feast, were, 
we trust, the types of a large class ; and we may conceive His answer to 
Andrew and Philip as expressing the fulfilment of the appointed times 
in the widest sense — " The hour is come, that the Son of Man should be 

Such was the civilisation and corruption connected with the spread of 
the Greek language when the Roman power approached to the eastern 
parts of the Mediterranean Sea. For some centuries this irresistible force 
had been gathering strength on the western side of the Apennines. 
Gradually, but surely, and with ever-increasing rapidity, it made to itseK 
a wider spac-e — northward into Etruria, southward into Campania. It 
passed beyond its Italian boundaries. And six hundred years after the 
building of the city, the Roman eagle had seized on Africa at the point of 
Carthage, and Greece at the Isthmus of Corinth, and had turned its eye 

> ''E/i?.rivec, xii. 20. It ought to bo observed here, that the word " Grecian " ia the 
English translation of the New Testament is used for a Hellenist, or Grecising Jew 
{'E?Ji.TivLaTyg) — as Acts vi. 1. ix. 29 — while the word " Greek " is used for one who 
was by birth a Gentile {"EXXtjv), and who might, or might not, be a proselyte to Juda- 
ism, or a convert to Christianity. It is agreed by the modern critics (Griesbaoh, 
Scholz, Lachmann, De Wette) that in Acta xi. 20, the true reading ia "EAT^T/vac nol 
F.\7^7i'-iaTd.c, " Greeks " not " Grecians." 


towards Jie East. The defenceless prey was made secure, by craft or hy 
war ; and before the birth of our Saviour, all those coasts, from Ephesus to 
Tarsus and Antioch, «jid round by the Holy Land to Alexandria and 
Cyrene, were tributary to the city of the Tiber. "We have to describe 
in a few words the characteristics of this new dominion, and to point 
out its providential connection with the spread and consolidation of the 

In the first place, this dominion was not a pervading influence exerted 
by a restless and intellectual people, but it was the grasping power of an 
external government. The idea of law had grown up with the growth of 
the Romans ; and wherever they went they carried it with them. Wher- 
ever their armies were marching or encamping, there always attended 
them, like a mysterious presence, the spirit of the City of Rome. Uni- 
rersal conquest and permanent occupation were the ends at which they 
aimed. Strength and organisation were the characteristics of their sway. 
We have seen how the Greek science and commerce were wafted, by 
irregular winds, from coast to coast : and now we follow the advance of 
legions, governors, and judges along the Roman Roads, which pursued 
their undeviating course over plains and mountains, and bound the City to 
the furthest extremities of the provinces. 

There is no better way of obtaining a clear view of the features and a 
correct idea of the spirit of the Roman age, than by considering the 
material works which still remain as its hnperishable monuments. Whether 
undertaken by the hands of the government, or for the ostentation of 
private luxury, they were marked by vast extent and accomplished, at an 
enormous expenditure. The gigantic roads of the empire have been 
unrivalled till the present century. Solid structures of all kinds, for 
utility, amusement and worship, were erected in Italy and the provinces, — 
amphitheatres of stone, magnificent harbours, bridges sepulchres, and tem- 
ples. The decoration of wealthy houses was celebrated by the poets of 
the day. The pomp of buildings in the cities was rivalled by astonishing 
villas in the country. The enormous baths, by which travellers are sur- 
prised, belong to a period somewhat later than that of St. Paul ; but the 
aqueducts, which still remain in the Campagna, were some of them new 
when he visited Rome. Of the metropolis itself it may be enough to say, 
that his life is exactly embraced between its two great times of renovation, 
that of Augustus on the one hand, who (to use his own expression) having 
found it a city of brick left it a city of marble, and that of Kero on the 
other, when the great conflagration afforded an opportunity for a new 
arrangement of its streets and buildings. 

These great works may be safely taken as emblems of the magnitude, 
strength, grandeur, and solidity of the empire ; but they are emblems, no 


less, of tlie tyranny and craelty wliich had presided over its formation, and 
of the general suffering which pervaded it. The statues, with which the 
metropolis and the Roman houses were profusely decorated, had been 
brought from plundered provinces, and many of them had swelled the 
triumphs of conquerors on the Capitol. The amphitheatres were built 
for shows of gladiators, and were the scenes of a bloody cruelty, which 
had been quite unknown in the licentious exhibitions of the Greek theatre 
The roads, baths, harbours, aqueducts, had been constructed by slave- 
labour. And the country-villas, which the Italian traveller lingered to 
admire, were themselves vast establishments of slaves. 

It is easy to see how much misery followed in the train of Rome's 
advancing greatness. Cruel suffering was a characteristic feature of the 
close of the republic. Slave wars, civil wars, wars of conquest, had left 
their disastrous results behind them. No country recovers rapidly from the 
effects of a war which has been conducted within its frontier j and there 
was no district of the empire which had not been the scene of some recent 
campaign. None had suffered more than Italy itself. Its old stock of 
freemen, who had cultivated its fair plains and terraced vineyards, was 
utterly worn out. The general depopulation v/as badly compensated by 
the establishment of miUtary colonies. Inordinate wealth and slave 
factories were the prominent features of the desolate prospect. The words 
of the great historian may fill up the picture. " As regards the manners 
and mode of life of tlie Ronjans, theu" great object at this time was the 
acquisition and possession of money. Their moral conduct, which had 
been corrupt enough before the social war, became still more so by theii 
systematic plunder and rapine. Immense riches were accumulated and 
squandered upon brutal pleasures. The simphcity of the old manners and 
mode of living had been abandoned for Greek luxuries and frivohties, and 
the whole household aiTangements had become altered. The Roman 
houses had formerly been quite simple, and were built either of brick or 
peperino, but in most cases of the former material ; now, on the other 
hand, every one would live in a splendid house and be surrounded by 
luxuries. The condition of Italy after the Social and Civil wars was 
indescribably wretched. Samnium had become almost a desert ; and as 

J Plena domus tunc omnis, et ingens stabat acervus 
Numorum, Spartana cblamys, conchylia Coa, 
Et cum Parrhasii tabulis eiguisquo Myronis 
JPhidiacum vivebat ebur, ncc non Polycleti 
jMultus ubique labor : rartc sine Mentore mensae. 
Inde BolahdlcB atque bine Antonhis, inde 
Sacrilogus Vcrres referebaut navibus altis 
Occulta spolia et plurcs dc pace triumphos. — Juv. viii. 100. 
For a multitude of details, see the IGlth and lC5th sections of K. 0. Muller's tlancl 
Wjch 'ler Arcbaologie. 


late as the time of Strabo (vi. p. 253"), there was scarcely any town in 
that country which was not in ruins. But worse things were yet to 
come." ' 

This disastrous condition was not confined to Italy. In some respects 
the provmces had their own peculiar sufTerings. To take the case of Asia 
Minor. It had been plundered and ravaged by successive generals, — by 
Scipio in the war against Antiochus of Syria, — by Manlius in his .Galatian 
campaign, — by Pompey in the struggle with Mithridatcs.'' The rapacity 
of governors and their officials followed that of generals and their armies. 
We know what Cilicia suffered under Dolabella and his agent Verres ; 
and Cicero reveals to us the oppression of his predecessor Appius in the 
same province, contrasted with his own boasted clemency. Some pot lions 
of this beautiful and inexhaustible country revived under the emperors.^ 
But it was only an outward prosperity. Whatever may have been the 
improvement in the external details of provincial government, we cannot 
believe that governors were gentle and forbearing, when Caligula was on 
the throne, and when Nero was seeking statues for his golden house. The 
contempt in which the Greek provincials themselves were held by the 
Romans may be learnt from the later correspondence of the Emperor 
Trajan with PUny the governor of Bithynia. We need not hesitate to 
take it for granted, that those who were sent from Rome to dispense 
justice at Ephesus or Tarsus, were more frequently like Appius and Ver- 
res, than Cicero^ and Flaccus, — more like Pilate and Felix, than Gallio 
or Sergius Paulus. 

It would be a delusion to imagine, that when the world was reduced 
under one sceptre, any real principle of unity held its different parts 
together. The emperor was deified, because men were enslaved. There 
was no true peace when Augustus closed the Temple of Janus. The 
empire was only the order of external government, with a chaos both of 
opinions and morals within. The writings of Tacitus and Juvenal remain 
to attest the corruption which festered in all ranks, alike in the senate and 
the family. The old severity of manners, and the old faith in the better 
part of the Roman religion, were gone. The licentious creeds and prac- 

' Niebuhr's Lectures on the History of Rome, vol. i. pp. 421, 422. 

' Pliny points out the connection of these conquests with the development of Roman 
luxury : " Victoria ilia Pompeii primum ad margaritas gemmasque mores inclinavit." 
H. N. xxxvii. 6. See what he says on the spoils of Scipio Jlsiaticus and Cn, Manlius, 
xxxiii. 53. xxriv. 8. cf. Liv. xxxix. G. 

3 See Niebuhr's Lectures, vol. i. p. 40 G, and the note. 

* Much of our best information concerning the state of the provinces is derived from 
Cicero's celebrated " Speeches against Verres," and his own " Ciliciau Correspondence,'-' 
to which we shall again have occasion to refer. His " Speech in Defence of Flaccus '' 
throws much light on the condition of the Jews under the Romans. We must not 
place too much confidence in the picture there given of this Epbesian governor. 


ciccs of Greece and the East had inundated Italy and the West : and the 
Pantheon wa'ii only the monument of a compromise among a multitude of 
effete superstitions. It is true that a remarkable religious toleration was 
produced by this state of things : and it is probable that for some short 
time Christianity itself shared the advantage of it. But still the temper 
of the times was essentially both cruel and profane ; and the Apostles 
were soon exposed to its bitter persecution. The Roman empire was 
destitute of that unity which the Gospel gives to mankind. It was a 
kingdom of this world ; and the human race were groaning for the better 
peace of " a kingdom not of this world." 

Thus, iu the very condition of the Roman empire, and the miserable 
state of its mixed population, we can recognise a negative preparation for 
the Gospel of Christ. This tyranny and oppression called for a Consoler, 
as much as the moral sickness of the Greeks called for a Healer ; a Mes- 
siah was needed by the whole empire as much as by the Jews, though not 
looked for with the same conscious expectation. But we have no difficulty 
in going much further than this, and we cannot hesitate to discover in the 
circumstances of the world at this period, significant traces of a positive 
preparation for the Gospel. 

It should be remembered, in the first place, that the Romans had 
already become Greek to some considerable extent, before they were the 
political masters of those eastern countries, where the language, mythology, 
and literatm-e of Greece had become more or less famihar. How early, 
how widely; and how permanently this Greek influence prevailed, and how 
deeply it entered into the mind of educated Romans, we know from their 
surviving writings, and from the biography of eminent men. Cicero, who 
was governor of CiKcia about half a century before the birth of St. Paul, 
speaks in strong terms of the universal spread of the Greek tongue among 
the instructed classes ; ' and about the time of the Apostle's martyrdom, 
Agricola, the conqueror of Britain, was receiving a Greek education at 
Marseilles.* Is it too much to say, that the general Latin conquest was 
providentially delayed till the Romans had been sufficiently imbued with 
the language and ideas of their predecessors, and had incorporated many 
parts of that civilisation with their own ? 

And if the mysterious wisdom of the divine pre-arrangements is 
illustrated by the period of the spread of the Greek language, it is illu3- 

Cicero, in his speech for Archias (who was born at Antioch, " celehri urbe et 
copiosa, atquo eruditissimis homlnibus liberalissiraisque studiis afiSuente"), says, in 
reference to this spread of the Greeli literature and language, — " Erat Italia tunc 
plena Gra^carum artium ac disciplinarum :"' and again, " Grxca leguntur in omnibus 
fere gentibus : Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur." 

' Tac. Agr. : " Sedem ac magistram studiorum Massiliam habuit, lociun Gra-ca comi 
tate et provinciali parsimonia mistum ac bene compor-itum " 


trated no less by that of the completion and maturity of the Roman 
government. When all parts of the civilised world were bound together 
in one empire, — when one common organisation pervaded the whole, — • 
when channels of communication were everywhere opened — when new 
facilities of travelling were provided, — then was " the fulness of times" 
(Gal. iv. 4), then the Messiah came. The Greek language had already 
been prepared as a medium for preserving and transmitting the doctrine : 
the Roman government was now prepared to help the progress even of 
that religion which it persecuted. The manner in which it spread through 
the provinces is well exemplified in the life of St. Paul : his right of 
citizenship rescued him in Judaea and in Macedonia ; he converted one 
governor in Cyprus, was protected by another in Achaia, and was sent 
from Jerusalem to Rome by a third. The time was indeed approaching, 
v.'hen all the complicated weight of the central tyranny, and of the pro- 
vincial governments, was to fall on the new and irresistible religion. But 
before this took place, it had begun to grow up in close connection with 
all departments of the empire. When the supreme government itself 
became Christian, the ecclesiastical polity was permanently regulated in 
conformity with the actual constitution of the state. iNor was the empire 
broken up, till the separate fragments, which have become the nations of 
modern Europe, were themselves portions of the Catholic Church. 

But in all that we have said of the condition of the Roman world, ontj 
important and widely diffused element of its population has not been men- 
tioned. We have lost sight for some time of the Jews, and we must 
return to the subject of then* dispersion, which was purposely deferred till 
we had shown how the intellectual civilisation of the Gi'eeks, and the 
organising civilisation of the Romans, had, through a long series of 
remarkable events, been brought in contact with the religious civilisation 
of the Hebrews ; it remains that we point out that one peculiarity of the 
Jewish people, which made this contact almost universal in every part of 
the empire. 

Their dispersion began early ; though, early and late, their attachment 
to Judsea has always been the same. Like the Highlanders of Switzer- 
land and Scotland, they seem to have combined a tendency to foreign 
.settlements with the most passionate love of their native land. The first 
scattering of the Jews was compulsory, and began with the Assyrian 
exile, when, about the time of the building of Rome, natives of Gahlee 
and Samaria were carried away by the Eastern monarchs ; and this was 
followed by the Babylonian exile, when the tribes of Judah and Benjamin 
were removed at different epochs, — when Daniel was brought to Babylon, 
and Ezekiel to the river Chebar. That this earliest dispersion was not 
without influential results may be inferred from these facts : — that, about 


the time of the battles of Salamis and Marathon, a Jew was the 
minister, another Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a 
Persian monarch. That they enjoyed many privileges in this foreign 
country, and that their condition was not always oppressive, may be 
gathered from this, — that when C}tus gave them permission to return, the 
majority remained in their new home, in preference to their native land. 
Thus that great Jewish colony began in Babylonia, the existence of which 
may be traced in Apostolic times,' and which retained its influence long 
after in the Talmudical schools. These Hebrew settlements may be 
followed through various parts of the continental East, to the borders of 
the Caspian, and even to Chiua.^ We however are more concerned with 
the coasts and islands of Western Asia. Jews had settled in Syria and 
Phoenicia before the time of Alexander the Great. But in treating of 
this subject, the great stress is to be laid on the policy of Seleucus, who, 
in founding Antioch, raised them to the same political position with the 
other citizens. One of his successors on the throne, Antiochus the Great, 
established two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia. From 
hence they would spread into Pamphylia and Galatia, and along the western 
coasts from Ephesus to Troas. And the ordinary channels of communi- 
cation, in conjunction with that tendency to trade which already began to 
characterise this wonderful people, would easily bring them to the islands, 
such as Cyprus ^ and Rhodes. 

Their oldest settlement in Africa was that which took place after the 
murder of the Babylonian governor of Judsea, and which is connected with 
the name of the prophet Jeremiah."- But, as in the case of Antioch, our 
chief attention is called to the great metropolis of the period of the Greek 
kings. The Jewish quarter of Alexandria is well known in history ; and 
the colony of Hellenistic Jews in Lower Egypt is of greater importance 
than that of their Aramaic brethren in Babylonia. Alexander hmiself 
brought Jews and Samaritans to his famous city ; Ptolemy Lagus brought 
many more ; and many betook themselves hither of their free will, that 
they might escape from the incessant troubles which disturbed the peace 
of their fatherland. Nor was their influence confined to Egypt, but they 
became known on one side in Ethiopia, the country of Queen Candace,* 
and spread on the other in great numbers to the " parts of Libya about 
Cyrene." ^ 

' See 1 Pet. r. 13. 

» See " Ritter's Erdkunde," Thl. 4 {Asien.) 598. 

' The farming of the copper mines in Cyprus by Ilerod (Jos. A. xvi. 4, 5) may have 
attracted many Jews. M. Salvador, in his last work (Histoire de la Domination Ro 
maine en Judee, &c., 1847), says it actually did ; but this is not proved. Thert ia a 
Cyprian inscription in " Bockh " (No. 2G2S), which seems to refer to one of the lletoda. 

■• See 2 Kings xxv. 22-26. Jer. xliii. xliv. s Acts viii. 27. 

6 Acts ii. 10. The second book of Maccaljees is the abridcment of a work wrilteD 
VOL. I. — 2 


Under what circnmstances the Jews made their first appearance in 
Europe is unknown ; but it is natural to suppose that those islands of the 
Archipelago which, as Humboldt • has said, were like a bridge for the 
passage of civilisation, became the means of the advance of Judaism. The 
journey of the proselyte Lydia from Thyatira to Philippi (A. xvi. 14), 
and the voyage of Aquila and Priscilla from Corinth to Ephesus (A. xviii. 
18), are only specimcLS of mercantile excursions which must have begun 
ai a far earlier period. Philo mentions Jews in Thessaly, Boeotia, Mace- 
donia, ^tolia, and Attica, in Argos and Corinth, in the other parts of 
Peloponnesus, and in the islands of Eubcea and Crete : and St. Luke, in 
the Acts of the Apostles, speaks of them in Philippi, Thessalonica, and 
Beroea, in Athens, in Corinth, and in Rome. The first Jews came to 
Rome to decorate a triumph ; but they were soon set free from captivity, 
and gave the name to the " Synagogue of the Libertines"^ in Jerusalem. 
They owed to Julius Ctesar those privileges in the Western Capital which 
they had obtained from Alexander in the Eastern. They became influ- 
ential, and made proselytes. They spread into other towns of Italy ; and 
in the time of St. Paul's boyhood we find them in large numbers in the 
island of Sardinia, just as we have previously seen them established in that 
of Cyprus.' With regard to Gaul, we know at least that two sons of 
Ilerod were banished, about this same period, to the banks of the Rhone ; 
and if St. Paul ever accomplished that journey to Spain, of which he 
speaks in his letters, it is probable that he found there some of the scat- 
tered children of his own people. We do not seek to pursue them further ; 
but, after a few words on the proselytes, we must return to the earliest 
scenes of the Apostle's career." 

The subject of the proselytes is sufficiently important to demand a 
separate notice. Under this term we include at present all those who were 
attracted in various degrees of intensity towards Judaism, — from those 
who by circumcision had obtained fuU access to all the privileges of the 
temple-worship, to those who only professed a general respect for the 
Mosaic religion, and attended as hearers in the synagogues. Many pros- 

by a Hellenistic Jew of Cyrene. A Jew or proselyte of Cyrene bore our Saviour's 
cross. And the mention of this city occiu-s more than once in the Acts of the Apostles. 

' Kosmos, Sabine's English Tfanslation, vol. ii. p. 120. 

' This body doubtless consisted of manumitted Jewish slaves. See Wolf and the 
later commentators oa Acts vi. 9. 

3 In this case, however, they were forcibly sent to the island, to die of the bad cli- 
innte See Tac. Ann. ii. 85. Suet. Tib. 36. Jos. An. xviii. 3, 5. 

4 The history of the Jewish dispersions will be found in an excellent little essay de- 
voted to the subject, Joh. Remond's " Versuch einer Geschichte der Ausbreitung dcs 
Tudeuthuras von Cyrus bis auf den ganzlichen Untergang des Jiidischen Staats :" 

.eipzig, 1789 ; in the introductory chapter of " Wiltsch's Handbuch der Kirchlichen 
rcographie," Gotha, 18-13, which has been principally used here ; and in a chapter b 
rl)0 .second volume of Jest's larger work, -the "Geschichte dor Israeliten," 1820-28. 


elytes were attached to the Jewish communities wherever they were dis- 
persed.' Even in their own country and its vicinity, the number, both in 
early and later times, was not inconsiderable. The Queen of Sheba, in the 
Old Testament ; Candace, Queen of Ethiopia, in the New ; and King 
Izates, with his mother Helena, mentioned by Josephus, are only royal 
representatives of a large class. During the time of the Maccabees, some 
alien tribes were forcibly incorporated with the Jews. This was the case 
with the Itureeans, and probably with the Moabites, and, above all, with 
the Edomites, with whose name that of the Herodian famUy is historically 
connected.* How far Judaism extended among the vague collection of 
tribes called Arabians, we can only conjecture from the curious history of 
the Homerites,^ and from the actions of such chieftains as Aretas (2 Cor. 
xi. 32). But as we travel towards the West and North, into countries 
better known, we find no lack of evidence of the moral effect of the syna- 
gogues, with their worship of Jehovah, and their prophecies of the Mes- 
siah. "Nicolas of Antioch" (Acts vi. 5) is only one of that "vast 
multitude of Greeks " who were attracted in that city to the Jewish 
doctrine and ritual.^ In Damascus, we are even told hj the same author- 
ity that the great majority of the women were proselytes ; a fact which 
receives a remarkable illustration from what happened to Paul at Iconium 
(Acts xiii. 50). But all further details may be postponed till we follow 
liim into the synagogues, where he so often addressed a mingled audience 
of "Jews of the dispersion" and " devout" strangers. 

This chapter may be suitably concluded by some notice of the provin. 
ces of Cilicia and JudcBa. This will serve as an illustration of what has 
been said above, concerning the state of the Roman provinces generally ; 
it will exemplify the mixture of Jews, Greeks, and Romans in the east of 
the Mediterranean, and it will be a fit introduction to what must immedi- 
ately succeed. For these are the two provinces which require our atten- 
tion in the early life of the Apostle Paul. 

Both these provinces were once under the sceptre of the line of the 
Seleucidse, or Greek kings of Syria ; and both of them, though originally 

' TJie following are the testimonies of prejudiced Heathens : 

'H X'^P'^ 'lovdaia nal avTol 'lovdaloL uvo/j,u6aTai . . , t) 61 iTTiKXrjtjcg avrj] , , , (pipei 
.... Kal inl Tovg u?.Xovg uvdpuKovr, oaot, rd vofiifta uvtljv, Kalnep uXloedvElg ovref, 
^TjlovGL. — Dio. Cas. xxxvii. 16, 17. 

Transgressi in morem eorum (Judaeoram) idem usurpant. Ncc quicquam prius im 
bumiler quam contemnere Deos, exuere patriam, parentes, liberos, fratres vilia habera 
-T«c. H. V. 5. 

Romanas autem soliti contemnere leges, 

Judaicum ediscunt et servant ac metuunt jus, 

Tradidit arcane quodcunquc volumine Moses. — Juv. xiv. 100. 

* See Wiltsch as above, and the passages quoted from Joscphua. 
» See it in Basn3§;e, Histoire dcs Juifs, book vi. ch. 20. 

* Joseph. B. J. vii. 3. 3. 


inliabited by a "barbarous" population, received more or less of \he 
influence of Greek civilisation. If the map is consulted, it will be seen 
that Antioeh, the capital of the Greco-Syrian kings, is situated nearly in 
the angle where the coast-line of Cilicia, running eastwards, and that of 
JudsEa, extended northwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting. It will 
be seen also, that, more or less parallel to each of these coasts, there is a 
line of mountains, not far from the sea, which are brought into contact 
vrith each other in heavy and confused forms, near the same angle ; the 
principal break in the continuity of either of them being the valley of the 
Orontes, which passes by Antioeh. One of these mountain lines is the 
range of Mount Taurxts, which is so often mentioned as a great geographi- 
cal boundary by the writers of Greece and Rome ; and Cilicia extends 
partly over Taurus itself, and partly between it and the sea. The other 
range is that of Lebanon — a . name made sacred by the scriptures and 
poetry of the Jews ; and where its towering eminences subside towards the 
south into a land of hills and vallies and level plains, there is Jxidcca, once 
the country of promise and possession to the chosen people, but a Roman 
province in the time of the Apostles. 

Cilicia, in the sense in which the word was used under the early Roman 
emperors, comprehended two districts, of nearly equal extent,' but of very 
different character. The Western portion, or Rough Cilicia, as it was 
called, was a collection of the branches of Mount Taurus, which come 
down in large masses to the sea, and form that projection of the coast 
which divides the Bay of Issus from that of Pamphylia. The inhabitants 
of the whole of this district were notorious for their robberies :" the north- 
ern portion, under the name of Isauria, providing innumerable strongholds 
for marauders by land ; and the southeaa, with its excellent timber, its 
cliffs, and small harbours, being a natural home for pirates. The Isauriaus 
maintained their independence with such determined obstinacy, that in a 
later period of the Empire, the Romans were willing to resign all appear- 
ance of subduing them, and were content to surround them with a cordon 
of forts. The natives of the coast of Rough Cilicia began to extend their 
piracies as the strength of the kings of Syi'ia and Egypt declined. They 
found in the progress of the Roman power, for some time, an encourage- 
ment rather than a hindrance ; for they were actively engaged in an 
extensive and abominable slave trade, of which the island of Delos was the 
great market ; and the opulent families of Rome were in need of slaves, 
and were not more scrupulous than some Christian nations of modern times 
about the means of obtaining them. But the expeditions of these buc- 

' Mannert says (Geographic der Griccbcn und Romcr, " Kleinasien," 1801) that the 
eastern division is about 15 German geographical miles in breadth by 20 in length, 
the western 10 by 30. Cilicia, p. 33. 

' See a very descriptive passage in Ammian. Marc. xiv. 2 


cancers o' tlie Mediteiranean became at last quite intolerable ; their Hoets 
seemed innumerable ; their connexions were extended far beyond their own 
coasts ; all commerce was paralysed ; and they began to arouse that 
attention at Rome which the more distant pu-ates of the Eastern Archi- 
pelago are beginning to excite in England. A vast expedition was fitted 
cut under the command of Pompey the Great ; thousands of piratic vessels 
were burnt on the coast of Cilicia, and the inhabitants dispersed. A per- 
petual service was thus done to the cause of civihsation, and the Mediter- 
ranean was made safe for the voyages of merchants and Apostles. The 
*-own of Soli, on the borders of the two divisions of Cilicia, received the 
ixame of Pompeiopolis,' in honour of the great conqueror, and the splendid 
remains of a colonnade which led from the harbour to the city may be 
r'onsidercd a monument of this signal destruction of the enemies of order 
«,nd peace. 

The Eastern, or Flat Cilicia, was a rich and extensive plain. Its 
prolific vegetation is praised both by the earlier and later classical writers,^ 
and even under the neglectful government of the Turks, is still noticed by 
modern travellers.^ From this circumstance, and still more from its pecu- 
liar physical configuration, it was a possession of great political import- 
ance. Walled off from the neighbouring countries by a high barrier of 
mountains,'' which sweep irregularly round it from Pompeiopolis and 
Rough Cilicia to the Syrian coast on the North of Antioch, — with one 
pass leading up into the interior of Asia Minor, and another giving access 
to the valley of the Orontes, — it was naturally the high road both of trad- 
ing caravans and of military expeditions. Through this country Cyrus 
marched, to depose his brother from the Persian throne. It was here 
that the decisive victory was obtained by Alexander over Darius. This 

• A similar case, oq a small scale, is that of Philippevillo in Algeria ; and the pro- 
gress of the French power, since the accession of Louis Philippe, in Northern Africa, 
is perhaps the nearest parallel in modern times to the history of a Roman province. 
As far as regards the pirates, Lord Exmouth, in 1816, really did the work of Pompey 
the Great. It may be doubted whether Marshal Bugeaud was more lenient to the 
Arabs, than Cicero to the Eleuthcro-Cilicians. 

Chrysippus the Stoic, whose father was a native of Tarsus, and Aratus, whom St. 
Paul quotes, lived at Soli. Cf. Mauncrt, p. C9. 

' For instance, Xen. Anab. i. 2. Ammian. Marc. xiv. 7. 

3 Laborde's illustrated work on Syria and Asia Minor contains some luxuriant spe- 
cimens of the modern vegetation of Tarsus ; but the banana and the prickly pear vew 
Introduced into tlie Mediterranean long after St. Paul's day. 

-> This mountain-wall is described by no one more accurately and vividly than oy 
Qaintus Curtius : — '-Perpetuo jngo montis asperi et prm'upti Cilicia includitur: quod 
quum a mari surgat, velnt sinu (juodam flexuque curvatum, rursus altero cornu in 
diversnm litus excurrit. Per hoc dorsum, qua maxime introrsum mari cedit, asperi 
tres acliias, et perangusti sunt, quorum uno Cilicia intranda est, Campostris eadem, qua 
vergit ad marc, planitiem ejus crebris distinguentibus rivis^ Pyramus et Cvdnus iu- 
?.lyti amnei 'luunt.'" De Rebus Geetia Alex. iii. i. 



plain has siuce seeu the hosts of Western Crusaders ; and, in our own 
day, has been the field of operations of hostile Mahommedan armies, Turk- 
ish and Egyptian. The Greek kings of Egypt endeavoured, long ago, to 
tear it from the Greek kings of Syi'ia. The Romans left it at first in the 
possession of Antiochus : but the line of Mount Tam'us could not perma- 
nently arrest them : and the letters of Cicero are among the earliest and 
most interesting monuments of Roman CUicia. 

Situated near the western border of the Cilician plain, where the river 
Cydnus flows in a cold and rapid stream ' fi'om the snows of Taurus to the 
sea, was the city of Tarsus, the capital of the wnole province, and " no 
mean city" (A. xxi. 39) in the history of the ancient world. Its coijos 


reveal to us its greatness through a long series of years : — alike in the 
period which intervened between Xerxes and Alexander, — and under the 
Roman sway, when it exulted in the name of Metropolis, — and long after 
Hadrian had rebuilt it, and issued his new coinage with the old mythologi- 
cal types.'' In the intermediate period, which is that of St. Paul, we have 
the testimony of a native of this part of Asia Minor, from which we may 
infer that Tarsus was in the Eastern basin of the Mediterranean, almost 
what Marseilles was in the Western. Strabo says ^ that, in all that 
relates to philosophy and general education, it was even more illustrious 
than Athens and Alexandria. From his description it is evident Ihat its 
main character was that of a Greek city, where the Greek language was 
spoken, and Greek literature studiously cultivated. But we should be 
wrong in supposing that the general population of the province was of 
Greek origin, or spoke the Greek tongue. When Cyrus came with his 

' Aiaf)^el dv-rjv /isorjv 6 KvJvof tpvxpov re Koi raxv to ^ev/j.u eotiv, Strabo, 

slv. 5. 

* This coin was struck under Hadrian, and is preserved in the British Museum. 
Anazarbus on the Pyramus was a rival city, and from the time of Caracalla is found 
assuming the title of Metropolis ; but it was only an empty honour. Eckhel says of 
it (p. '12) : " Hoc titulo coustanter deinceps gloriabatur, etsi is pnetor honorem ill! 
nihil addidit ; nam quod ad juris contentionem attinebat, id omne ad Tarsum veram 
Ciliciae metropolim pertinuit, ut existimat Bellcyus." The same figures of the Lion 
and the Bull appear in a fine series of silver coins assigned by the Due de Luynej 
(Numismatique des Satrapies) to the period between Xerxes and Alexander. 

» Bk. xiv. ch. 5. The passage will be quoted at leugih hereafter. 


army from the "Western Coast, and still later, when Alexander penetrated 
into Cilicia, they found the inhabitants " Barbarians." Nor is it likely 
that the old race would be destroyed, or the old language obliterated, 
especially in the mountain districts, during the reign of the Seleucid kings. 
We must rather conceive of Tarsus as Uke Brest in Brittany, or like Tou- 
lon, in Provence, — a city where the language of refinement is spoken and 
written, in the midst of a ruder population, who use a different language, 
and possess no literature of their own. 

If we turn now to consider the position of this province and city under 
the Romans, we are led to notice two different systems of pohcy which 
they adopted in then* subject dominions. The purpose of Rome was to 
make the world subservient to herself : but this might be accomphshed 
directly or indirectly. A governor might be sent from Rome to take the 
absolute command of a province : or some native chief might have a king- 
dom, an ethnarchy, or a tetrarchy assigned to him, in which he was nom- 
inally independent, but really subservient, and often tributary. Some 
provinces were rich and productive, or essentially unportant in the military 
sense, and these were committed to Romans under the Senate or the Em- 
peror. Others might be worthless or troublesome, and fit only to reward 
the services of an useful instrument, or to occupy the energies of a danger- 
ous ally. Both these systems were adopted in the East and in the West. 
We have examples of both — in Spain and in Gaul — in Cilicia and iu 
Judsea. In Asia Minor they were so irregularly combined, and the terri- 
tories of the independent sovereigns were so capriciously granted or re- 
moved, extended or curtailed, that it is often difficult to ascertain what 
the actual boundaries of the provinces were at a given epoch. Isot to 
enter into any minute history in the case of Cilicia, it will be enough to 
say, that its rich and level plain in the East was made a Roman province 
by Pompey, and so remained, while certain districts iu the Western por- 
tion were assigned, at different periods, to various native chieftains.' 
Thus the territories of Amyntas, King of Galatia, were extended in this 
direction by Antony, when he was preparing- for his great struggle with 
Augustus : " — just as a modern Rajah may be strengthened on the banks 

' To Ariobarzancs of Cappadocia by the influence of Pompey ; to Tarkondimotus, 
whose sons eqsoused the cause of Antony ; and finally to Archelaus by Augustus. 
Some part of the coast also was at one time assigned to Cleopatra, for the sake of the 
timber for shipbuilding. See Mannert's Geographic, "Kleinasien," pp. 45, 46. 

" The teiTitories of Amyntas were brought down to the coast of Pamphylia, sc as to 
include the important harbour of Side. There is no better way of studying the history 
oi Asia Minor than by means of coins, with the assistance of Eckhel, Mionuet, Sestini, 
&c. The writer of this is desirous to acknowledge his obligations lo many conversa- 
tions with the gentlemen who arc occupied in the Medal Room of the Britisli Mus(;um 
Mr. Burgon, Mr. Newton, &c. 


of the Indus, in connection with our wars against Scinde and the Siiihs.' 
For some time the whole of Cilicia was a consohdated province under the 
first emperors : but again, in the reign of Claudius, we find a portion of 
the same Western district assigned to a king called Polemo II. It is 
needless to pursue the history further. In St. Paul's early life the politi- 
cal state of the inhabitants of Cilicia would be that of subjects of a Roman 
governor : and Roman officials, if not Roman soldiers, would be a familiar 
si^-ht to the Jews who were settled in Tarsus.* 

We shall have many opportunities of describing the condition of prov- 
inces under the dominion of Rome ; but it may be interesting here to 
allude to the information which may be gathered from the writings of that 
distinguished man, who was governor of Cilicia a few years after its first 
reduction by Pompey. He was entrusted with the civil and military 
superintendence of a large district in this corner of the Mediterrauoan, 
comprehending not only Cilicia, but Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycac^iia, and the 
island of Cyprus ; and he has left a record of all the details of his policy 
in a long series of letters, which are a curious monument of the R(;man 
procedure in the management of conquered provinces, and which possess 
a double interest to us, from their frequent allusions to the same jjlaces 
which St. Paul refers to in his Epistles. This correspondence represents 
to us the governor as surrounded by the adulation of obsequious Asiatic 
Greeks. He travels with an interpreter, for Latin is the official language ; 
he puts down banditti, and is saluted by the title of Imperator ; letters 
are written on various, subjects, to the governors of neighbouring prov- 
inces, — for instance, Syria, Asia, and Bithynia ; ceremonious communica- 
tions take place with the independent chieftains. The friendly relations 
ol Cicero with Deiotarus, King of Galatia, and his son, remind us of the 
interview of Pilate and Herod in the Gospel, or of Festus and Agrippa 
in the Acts. Cicero's letters are rather too full of a boastful commenda- 
tion of his own integrity ; but from what he says that he did, we may 
infer by contrast what was done by others who were less scrupulous in the 
discharge of the same responsibilities. He allowed free access to his per- 
son : he refused expensive monuments in his honour ; he declined the 
proffered present of the pauper King of Cappadocia ; = he abstained from 
exacting the customary expenses from the states which he traversed on 
his march ; he remitted to the treasury the monies which were not ex- 
pended on his province ; he would not place in official situations those who 

' This has been the case with the Rajah of Bahawalpoor. See the articles on Indian 
news in the newspapers of 1848. 

* Tarsus, as an Urbs Libera, would have the privilege of being garrisoned by its own 
loldiers. See next Chapter. 

3 See Hor. 1. Ep. vi. 39 : 

Mancipiis locuples egct a?ris Cappadociira Rex. 

rKovEsrcE of jud^la.. 


were engaged in trade ; he treated the local Greek magistrates with due 
consideration, and contrived at the same tune to give satisfaction to the 
Pubhcans. From all this it may be easily inferred with how much cor- 
ruption, cruelty, and pride, the Romans usually governed ; and how mis- 
erable must have been the condition of a province under a Verres or an 
Appius, a Pilate or a Felix. So far as we remember, the Jews are not 
mentioned in any of Cicero's Cilician letters : but if we may draw conclu- 
sions from a speech which he made at Rome m defence of a contemporary 
governor of Asia,' he regarded them with much contempt, and would be 
likely to treat them with harshness and injustice." 

That Polemo II., who has lately been mentioned as a king in Cilicia, 
was one of those curious links which the history of those times exhibits 
between Heathenism, Judaism, and Christianity. He became a Jew to 
marry Berenice,^ who afterwards forsook him, and whose name, after once 
appearing in Sacred History (Acts xxv. xxvi.), is lastly associated with 
that of Titus, the destroyer of Jerusalem. The name of Berenice will at 
once suggest the family of the Herods, and transport our thoughts to Judasa. 

The same general features may be traced in tliis province as in that 
which we have been attempting to describe. In some respects, indeed, 
the details of its history are different. When CiUcia was a province, it 
formed a separate jurisdiction, with a governor of its own, immediately 
responsible to Rome : but Judaea, in its provincial period, was only an 
appendage to Syria. It has been said^ that the position of the ruler resi- 
dent at Cagsarea in connection with the supreme authority at Antioch may 
be best understood by comparing it with that of the governor of Madras 
or Bombay under the governor-general who resides at Calcutta. The 
comparison is very just : and British India might supply a further parallel. 
We might say that when Judasa was not strictly a province, but a mon- 
archy under the protectorate of Rome, it bore the same relation to the 
contiguous province of Syiia, which the territories of the king of Oude ^ 
bear to the presidency of Bengal. Judaea was twice a monarchy : and 
thus its history furnishes illustrations of the two systems pursued by the 
Romans, of direct and indirect government. 

• This was L. Valeiius Flacc us, who had served in Cilicia, and was afterwards made 
Governor of Asia, — that district with which, and its capital Ephesus, we are so familiar 
in the Acts of the Apostles. 

' See especially Cic. Flac. 28, and for the opinion which educated Romans had of the 
Jews, see Hor. 1 Sat. iv. 143. v. 100. ix. 69. 

3 " Ut erat vir stolidi ingenii, &c." says Eckhel. He was the last King of Pontus. 
By Caligula he was made King of Bosphorus ; but Claudius gave him part of Cilicia 
instead of it. See Joseph. A. xx. 7, 3. Dio. Cass. Ix. 8. Suet. Nero. 18. 

* See the introduction to Dr. Traill's Josephus, a work which has been unfortunately 
interrupted by the death of the translator during the Irish famine. 

6 Another coincidence is, that we made the Nabob of Oude a king, ila had prsvi 
ously been hereditary Vizier of the Mogul. 



Another important contrast must be noticed in the histories of these 
two provinces. In the Greek period of Judaea, there was a time of noble 
and vigorous independence. Antiochus Epiphanes, the eighth of the line 
of the Seleucidas, in pursuance of a general system of policy, by which he 
sought to unite all his different territories through the Greek religion, 
endeavoured to introduce the worship of Jupiter into Jerusalem. Such 
an attempt might have been very successful in Syria or Cilicia : but in 
Judsea it kindled a flame of religious indignation, which did not cease to 
burn till the yoke of the Seleucidae was entirely thrown off : the name of 
Antiochus. Epiphanes was ever afterwards held in abhorrence by the Jews, 
and a special fast was kept up in memory of the time when the " abom- 
ination of desolation" stood in the holy place. The champions of the 
independence of the Jewish nation and the purity of the Jewish religion 
were the family of the Maccabees or Asmonaeans : and a hundred years 
before the birth of Christ the first Hyrcanus was reigning over a prosper- 
ous and independent kingdom. But in the time of the second Hyrcanus 
and his brother, the family of the Maccabees was not what it had been, 
and Judasa was ripening for the dominion of Rome. Pompey the Great, 
the same conqueror who had already subjected Cilicia, appeared in Damas- 
cus, and there judged the cause of the two brothers. All the country 
was full of his fame.' In the spring of the year 63 he came down by the 
valley of the Jordan, his Roman soldiers occupied the ford where Joshua 
had crossed over, and from the Mount of Olives he looked down upon 
Jerusalem, From that day Judaea was vh'tually under the government 

COIN OF A^•noc•^^s EPn-nxvis, with head of jupitfji.^ 

See Jost's " Allgemeine Geschichte des Israelitlfchen Volks," vol. ii. p. 18-21 
where a good and rapid sketch of the events is given. 

• This beautiful coin, preserved in the British Museum, is given here, in consequence 
of the head of Jupiter which appears on the obverse, in place of the portrait usual in the 
Alexandrian, Seieucid, and Macedonian scries. Since such emblems on ancient coins 
have always sacred meanings, it is very probable that this arose from the religious 
movement alluded to in the text. For the religious symbolism of Greek and Roman 
coins, see Mr. Burgon's " Inquiry into the Motive which influenced the Ancients in the 
Choice of the Various Representations which we find stamped on their Money," in the 
Numismatic Journal for Sept. ISSfi 



of Rome.' It is true, that, after a brief support given to the reigning 
family, a new native dynasty was raised to the throne. Antipater, a man 
of Idumean bh'th, had been minister of the Maccabajan kings : but they 
were tlic Rois Faineants of Palestine, and he was the Maire du Palais. 
In the midst of the confusion of the great eivU wars, the Herodian famUy 
succeeded to tlie Asmonseau, as the Carloviugian line in France succeeded 
that of Clovis. As Pepin was followed by Charlemagne, so Antipater 
prepared a crown for his son Herod. 

At first Herod the Great espoused the cause of Antony ; but he con- 
trived to remedy his mistake by paying a prompt visit after the battle of 
Actium, to Augustus in the island of Rhodes. This sirgular interview of 
the Jewish prince with the Roman conqueror in a Greek island was the 
beginning of an important period for the Hebrew nation. An exotic 
civilisation was systematically introduced and extended. Those Greek 
influences, which had been begun under the Seleucidse, and not discontinued 
under the Asmonasans, were now more widely diffused : and the Roman 
customs,^ which had hitherto been comparatively unknown, were now 
made familiar. Herod was indeed too wise, and knew the Jews too well, 
to attempt, hke Antiochus, to introduce foreign institutions, without any 
regard to their rehgious feelings. He endeavoured to ingratiate himself 
with them by rebuilding and decorating their national temple ; and a part 
of that magnificent bridge which was connected with the great southeru 
colonnade is still believed to exist, — remaining, in its vast proportions and 
Roman form, an appropriate monument of the Herodian period of Judaea,^' 
The period when Herod was reigning at Jerusalem under the protectorate 
of Augustus was chiefly remarkable for great architectural works, for the 
promotion of commerce, the influx of strangers, and the increased difi'usion 
of the two great languages of the heathen world. The names of places 
are themselves a monument of the spirit of the tunes. As Tarsus was 
called JuliopoUs from Juhus Cassar, and Soli Pompeiopolis from his great 
rival, so Samaria was called Sebaste after the Greek name of Augustus, 
and the new metropolis, which was built by Herod on the sea-shore, was 
called Cffisarea in honour of the same Latin emperor : while Antipatris, 

' Pompey heard of the death of Mithridates at Jericho. His army crossed at Scy- 
thopolis, by the ford immediately below the lake of Tiberias. (See Herod, i. 105.) 

* Antiochus Epiphanes (who was called Epimanes from his mad conduct) is said to 
have made himself ridiculous by adopting Roman fashions, and walking about the 
Btreets of Antioch in a toga. 

3 It is right to say that there is much controversy about the real origin of these re- 
mains. Dr. Robinson believes that they were part of a bridge connected with the Tem- 
ple, but strangely refers them to the time of Solomon : Mr. Williams holds them to be 
a fragment of the great Christian works constructed in this southern part of the Tem 
plc-area in the age of Justinian : Mr. Fergusson conceives them to be part of the bridge 
which joined Mount Zion to the Temple, but assigns them to Herd. 


on the road (A. xxiji, 31) between the old capital and the new, still com 
memorated the name of the king's Idumeean father. "We must not sunpose 
that the internal change in the minds of the people was proportional to 
the magnitude of these outward improvements. They suffered much, and 
their hatred grew towards Rome and towards the Herods. A parallel 
might be drawn between the state of Judaea under Herod the Great, and 
that of Egyi^t under Mahomet Ali,' where great works have been success- 
fully accomplished, where the spread of ideas has been promoted, traffic 
made busy and prosperous, and communication with the civilised world 
wonderfully increased, — but where the mass of the people has continued to 
be miserable and degraded. 

After Herod's death, the same influences still continued to operate in 
Judaea. Archelaus persevered in his father's policy, though destitute of 
his father's energy. The same may be said of the other sons, Antipas and 
Philip, in their contiguous principalities. All the Herods were great 
builders, and eager partizans of the Roman emperors : and we are familiar 
in the Gospels with that Casarea (Ca3sarea Philippi), which one of them 
built in the upper part of the valley of the Jordan, and named in honour 
of Augustus, — and with that Tiberias on the banks of the lake of Genne 
sareth, which bore the name of his wicked successor. But while Antipas 
and Philip still retaiined their dominions under the protectorate of the 
emperor, Archelaus had been banished, and the weight of the Roman 
power had descended still more heavily on Judaea. It was placed under 
the du'ect jurisdiction of a governor, residing at Csesarea by the Sea, and 
depending, as we have seen above, on the governor of Syria at Antiocb 
And now we are made familiar with those features which might be adducea 
as characterising any other province of the same epoch, — the prsetorium 
(Joh. xviii. 28), — the publicans (Luke iii. 12. xix. 2), — the tribute-money 
(Mat. xxii. 19), — soldiers and centurions recruited in Italy (Acts x. 1)," 
— Caesar the only king (Joh. xix. 15) — and the ultimate appeal against 
the injustice of the governor (Acts xxv. IL). In this period the ministry, 
death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ took place, the first preaching of 
bis Apostles, and the conversion of St. Paul. But once more a change 
came over the political fortunes of Judoea. Herod Agrippa was the friend 
of Caligula, as Herod the Great had been the friend of Augustus ; and 
when Tiberius died, he received the grant of an independent principality 

' There are many points of resemblance between the character and fortunes of Herod 
and those of Mahomet Ali : the chief diflerences arc those of the times. Herod secured 
his position by the influence of Augustus ; Mahomet Ali secured his by the agreement 
of the European powers. 

• There is little doubt that this is the meaning of the " Itdlian Ba7id." Most of the 
soldiers quartered in Syria were recruited in the province. See a full discussion of 
this subject in Biscoe's "Histoiy of the Acts confirmed," chap. ix. The "Augustan 
Band " (xxvii. 1) seems to have a different meaning. See Vol. II. chap. xxiL 


In the north of Palestine. • He was able to ingratiate IS-M'ie^f with 
Claudius, the succeeding emperor. Judasa was added to hii c'o-'uinion, 
which now embraced the whole circle of the territory ruled by his grand- 
father. By this time St. Paul was actively pursuing his apostolic career, 
"We need not, therefore, advance beyond this point, in a chapter which is 
only intended to be a general introduction to the Apostle's history. 

Our desire has been to give a picture of the condition of the world a 
this particular epoch : and we have thought that no grouping would be sc 
successful as that which should consist of Jews, Greeks, and Romans. 
Nor is this an artificial or unnatural arrangement : for these three nations 
were the divisions of the civilised world. And in the view of a religious 
mind they w^re more than this. They were " the three peoples of God's 
election ; two for things temporal, and one for things eternal. Yet eren 
in the things eternal they were allowed to minister. Greek cultivation 
and Roman polity prepared men for Christianity." ^ These three peoples 
stand in the closest relation to the whole human race. The Curistian, 
when he imagines himself among those spectators who stood round the 
cross, and gazes in spirit upon that " superscription," which the J ewish 
scribe, the Greek proselyte, and the Roman soldier could read, sach in 
his own tongue, feels that he is among those who are the representatives 
of all humanity.' In the ages which precede the crucifixion, these three 
languages were like threads which guided us through the labyrinfh of 
nistory. And they are still among the best guides of our thought, as we 
travel through the ages which succeed it. How great has been the 
honour of the Greek and Latin tongues ! They followed the fortunes of a 
triumphant church. Instead of heathen languages, they gradually became 
Christian. As before they had been employed to e.Kpress the best 
thoughts of unassisted humanity, so afterwards they became the exponents 
of Christian doctrine and the channels of Christian devotion. The words 
of Plato and Cicero fell from the lips and pen of Chrysostom and Augus- 
tine. And still those two languages are associated together in the work 
of Christian education, and made the instruments for training the minds 

• He obtained under Caligula, first, the tctrarchy of his uncle Philip, who died ; and 
then that of his uncle Antipas, who followed his brother Arcbelaus into banishment. 

' Dr. Ai-nold, in the journal of his tour in 1840 (Life, ii. 413, 2d edit..). The passage 
continues thus : — " As Mahometanism can bear witness ; for the East, when it aban- 
doned Greece and Rome, could only reproduce Judaism. Mahometanism, six hundred 
years after Christ, proving that the Eastern man could bear nothing perfect, justifies 
the wisdom of God in Judaism." 

' This is true in another, and perhaps a higher sense. The Roman, powerful but not 
happy — the Greek, distracted with the enquiries of an unsatisfying philosophy — the 
Jew, bound hand and foot with the chain of a ceremonial law, all are together round 
the cross. Christ is crucified in the midst of them — crucified for all. The " super- 
ecription of His accusation " speaks to all the same language of peace, pardon, and 



of the young in the greatest nations of the earth. And how deep and 
pathetic is the interest which attaches to the Hebrew ! Here the thread 
seems to be broken. " Jesus, King of the Jews," in Hebrew characters. 
It is like the last word of the Jewish Scriptures, — the last warning of the 
chosen people. A cloud henceforth is upon the people and the language 
of Israel. " Bhndness in part is happened unto Israel, till the fulness of 
the Orentiles be come in." Once again Jesus, after His ascension, spake 
openly from Heaven "in the Hebrew tongue" (Acts xxvi. 14) : but the 
words were addressed to that Apostle who was called to preach the 
Gospel to the philosophers of Greece, and in the emperor's palace at 


Here lies Faustina. In peace.i 

> A Christian tomb with the three languages, from Maitland's " Church in the Cata- 
oombs," p. 77. The name is Latin, the inscription Greek, and the word Shalcm (» 
".Veace " is in Hebrew. 



" Die Juden waren daselbsi fiir die Heiden dassclbo, was Johannes der 1 aufer tiJu 
iie Juden in ibrein Lande war." — ( Wiltsch, Handbuch der Kirchlichen Geographie.) 


M^ANs. — ST. Paul's family Hellenistic but not hellenising. — his 








Christianity has been represented by some of the modern Jews as a mere 
school of Judaism. Instead of opposing it as a system antagonistic and 
subversive of the Mosaic religion, they speak of it as a phase or develop- 
ment of that religion itself, — as simply one of the rich outgrowths from 
the fertile Jewish soil. They point out the causes which combined in the 
first century to produce this Christian development of Judaism. It has 
even been hinted that Christianity has done a good work in preparing the 
world for receiving the pure Mosaic principles which will, at length, be 
universal.' We are not unwilling to accept some of these phrases aa 
expressing a great and important truth. Christianity is a school of Juda- 
ism : but it is the school which absorbs and interprets the teaching of all 
others. It is a development ; but it is that development which was divine- 
ly foreknown and predetermined. It is the grain of which mere Judaism 
>s now the worthless husk. It is the image of Truth in its full proportions ; 
and the Jewish remnants are now as the shapeless fragments which remain 
of the block of marble when the statue is completed. "When we look back 
at the Apostolic age, we see that growth proceeding which separated the 
husk from the grain. We see the image of Truth coming out in clear 

' Some of these works have furnished us with useful suggestions, and in some cases 
the very words have been adopted. There is lauch in such Jewish writings which nc 
ordinary Christian can read without deep pain ; but the pain is not so deep as when 
the same things are suggested, or borrowed, by those who call themselves Christiana 


expressiveness, and the useless fragments falling off like scales, under the 
careful work of divinely-guided hands. If we are to realise the earliest 
appearance of the Church, such as it was when Paul first saw it, we must 
view it as arising in the midst of Judaism : and if we are to comprehend 
all the feelings and principles of this Apostle, we must consider first the 
Jewish preparation of his own younger days. To these two subjects the 
present chapter will be devoted. 

"We are very famihar with one division which ran through the Jewish 
nation in the first century. The Sadducees and Pharisees are frequently 
mentioned in the New Testament, and we are there informed of the tenets 
of these two prevailing parties. The belief in a future state may be said 
to have been an open question among the Jews, when our Lord appeared 
and " brought life and immortality to light." We find the Sadducees 
estabhshed im the highest office of the priesthood, and possessed of the 
greatest powers in the Sanhedrin : and yet they did not believe in any 
future state, nor in any sphitual existence independent of the body. The 
Sadducees said that there was " no resurrection, neither Angel nor 
Spirit." > They do not appear to have held doctrines which are commonly 
called licentious or immoral. On the contrary, they adhered strictly to 
the moral tenets of the Law, as opposed to its mere formal technicalities. 
They did not overload the Sacred Books with traditions, or encumber the 
duties of life with a multitude of minute observances. They were the dis- 
ciples of reason without enthusiasm, — they made few proselytes, — their 
numbers were not great, and they were confined principally to the richer 
members of the nation.'' The Pharisees, on the other hand, were the 
enthusiasts of the later Judaism. They " compassed sea and land to make 
one proselyte." Their power and influence with the mass of the people 
was immense. The loss of the national independence of the Jews, — the 
gradual extinction of their pohtical life, directly by the Romans, and in- 
directly by the fauiily of Herod, — caused their feelings to rally round 
their Law and their Rehgion, as the only centre of unity which now re- 
mained to them. Those, therefore, who gave their energies to the inter- 
pretation and exposition of the Law, not curtailing any of the doctrines 
which were virtually contained in it, and which had been revealec^. with 
more or less clearness, but rather accumulating articles of faith, and janl- 
tiplying the requu'ements of devotion : — who themselves practiced a severe 

> Acts xxiii. 8. See Matt. xxii. 23-34. 

* Josephus says of the Sadducees: E/s oTiiyovg re avdpag ovtoq 6 T^-oyog u(piK€TO, rotV 
fiEVTOi TrpuTovc Tolg u^cujuaai. UpuacETai re utt' avTuv 6v6iv ug hirelv ' ottots ydp iir 
apxdg napeXdotev, uKovocug [ilv Kol Kar" uvu-)iKag, npoax<Jpovct t5' ovv olg 6 ^aptaatog 
Aeyei, 6td to ft?/ aA/luf dvcKTovg yeveadaL rolg -TrX^deciv. Ant. xviii. 1, 4. And again; 
Twv fiiv 'ZaSdovKatuv Tovg evTTopovg fiovov Tveidovruv, to fi& dtj/ioTiKov ovx inofievot 
avToig EXovTuv, tuv 61 ^apiaatuv ~b TzUfiog cvfifiaxov ^;^;6itcji', xiii. 10, 6. See the 
question asked, John vii. 48. 


and ostentatious religion, being liberal in almsgiving, fasting frequently, 
making long prayers, and carrying casuistical distinctions into the smaller 
details of conduct ; — who consecrated, moreover, their best zeal and exer 
tions to the spread of the fame of Judaism, and to the increase of the 
nation's power in the only way which now was practicable, — could not 
fail to command the reverence of great numbers of the people. It was no 
longer possible to fortify Jerusalem against the heathen : but the Law 
could be fortified like an impregnable city. The place of the brave is on 
the walls and in the front of the battle : and the hopes of the nation 
rested on those who defended the sacred outworks, and made successful 
inroads on the territories of the Gentiles. 

Such were the Pharisees. And now, before proceeding to other fea- 
tures of Judaism and their relation to the Church, we can hardly help 
glancing at St. Paul. He was " a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee." ' 
and he was educated by Gamahel,^ " a Pharisee "* Both his father and 
his teacher belonged to this sect. And on three distinct occasions he tells us 
that he himself was a member of it. Once when at his trial, before a mixed 
assembly of Pharisees and Sadducees, the words just quoted were spoken, 
and his connection with the Pharisees asserted with such effect, that the 
feelings of this popular party were immediately enlisted on his side. " And 
when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the 
Sadducees ; and the multitude was divided. . . . And there arose a great 
cry ; and the Scribes that were of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, 
saying. We find no evil in this man."^ The second time was, when, on a 
calmer occasion, he was pleading before Agrippa, and said to the king, in 
the presence of Festus : " The Jews knew me from the beginning, if they 
would testify, that after the most straitest sect of our religion I lived a 
Pharisee." » And once more, when writing from Rome to the Phihppians, 
he gives force to his argument against the Judaizers, by telling them that 
if any other man thought he had whereof he might trust in the flesh, he 
had more : — " circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the 
tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews ; as touching the Law, a 
Pharisee." "= And not only was he himself a Pharisee, but his father also. 
He was " a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee." This short sentence sums up 
nearly all we know of St. Paul's parents. If we think of his earliest life, 
we are to conceive of him as born in a Pharisaic family, and as brought up 
from his infancy in the " straitest sect of the Jews' religion." His child- 
hood was nurtured in the strictest behef. The stories of the Old Testa- 
ment, — the angelic appearances, — the prophetic visions, — to him were 
literally true. They needed no Sadducean explanation. Tlic world of 

• Acts xxiii. G. * Acts xxii. 3. s Acts v, 34. 

* Acts xxiii. » Acts xxvi. f Philip, iii. i, 5 

YOL. I. — 3 


spirits was a reality to hiij. The resurrection of the dead was an article of 
his faith. And to exhort him to the practice of religion, he had before him 
the example of his father, praying and w^alking with broad phylacteries, 
scrupulous and exact in his legal observances. And he had, moreover, as 
it seems, the memory and tradition of ancestral piety : for he tells us in cme 
of his latest letters,' that he served God " from his forefathers." All in- 
fluences combined to make him " more exceedingly zealous of the tr,s«ii- 
tions of his fathers,"" and "touching the righteousness which is in the 
Law, blameless." ^ Every thing tended to prepare him to be an eminent 
member of that theological party, to which so many of the Jews were 
looking for the preservation of their national life, and the extension of 
their national creed. 

But in this mention of the Pharisees and Sadducees, we are far from 
exhausting the subject of Jewish divisions, and far from enumerating all 
those phases of opinion which must have had some connection with the 
growth of rising Christianity, and those elements which may have contrib- 
uted to form the character of the Apostle to the Heathens. There was a 
sect in Judaea which is not mentioned in the Scriptures, but which must 
have acquired considerable influence in the time of the Apostles, as may 
be inferred from the space devoted to it by Josephus and Philo.^ These 
were the Essenes, who retired from the theological and pohtical distrac- 
tions of Jerusalem and the larger towns, and founded peaceful communities 
in the desert or in villages, where their life was spent in contemplation, 
and in the practices of ascetic piety. It has been suggested that John the 
Baptist was one of them. There is no proof that this was the ease : but 
we need not doubt that they did represent religious cravings which Chris- 
tianity satisfied. Another party was that of the Zealots,^ who were as 
politically fanatical as the Essenes were religiously contemplative, and 
whose zeal was kindled with the burning desire to throw off the Roman 
yoke from the neck of Israel. Yery different from them were the Herod- 
ians, twice mentioned in the Gospels,^ who held that the hopes of Judaism 
rested on the Herods, and w^ho almost looked to that family for the fulfil- 

I 2 Tim. i. 3. * Gal. i. 1-1. Thil. iii. 6. 

4 Sec the long details glvea by the former writer in book ii. ch. 8 of the "Jewish 
W.-u-s ;■' and by the latter in the treatise " Quod omnis probus liber ;" and in the frag- 
ment from Eusebius, in Mangey's Philo, ii. p. G32. The Essenes lived chiefly in the 
neighbourhood of the Dead Sea. Pliny says of them : " Ab occidente litora Esseni 
fugiunt, usque qua nocent : gens sola, et in toto orbe praeter cseteras mira, sine uUa 
focmina, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. In diem ex ajquo convenarum turba renascitur, 
large frequentantibus, quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortunse fluctus agitat Ita per 
sseculorum millia (incredibile dictu) gens sterna est, in qua nemo nascitur. Tarn foe- 
eunda illis aliorum vita; poenitentia est." N. H. v. 15. 

5 See Basnage's Histoire dcs Juifs. Liv. i. ch. 17. 
« Mark iii. 6. Matt. xxii. 16. See Mark xii. 13 


meut of the prophecies of the Messiah. And if we were sunply enuiaer- 
ating the divisions, and describing the sects of the Jews, it would be neces- 
sary to mention the Therapeutce,^ a widely-spread community in Egypt, 
who lived even in greater seclusion than the Essenes in Judsea. The So/- 
maritans also would require pur attention. But we must turn from these 
sects and parties to a wider division, which arose from that dispersion of 
the Hebrew people, to which some space has been devoted in the preced- 
ing chapter. 

We have seen that early colonies of the Jews were settled in Babyloma 
and Mesopotamia. Their connection with their brethren in. Judxa was 
continually maintained : and they were bound to them by the link of a 
common language. The Jews of Palestine and Syria, with those who 
lived on the Tigris and Euphrates, interpreted the Scriptures through the 
Targums " or Chaldee paraphrases, and spoke kindred dialects of tlie lan- 
guage of Aram :^ and hence they were called Aramaan Jews, We have 
also had occasion to notice that other dispersion of the nation through 
those countries where Greek was spoken. Their settlements began with 
Alexander's conquests, and were continued under the successors of those 
who partitioned his empire. Alexandria was their capital. They used 
the Septuagint translation of the Bible ; and they were commonly called 
Hellenists, or Jews of the Grecian speech. 

The mere difference of language would account in some degree for the 
mutual dislike with which we know that these two sections of the Jewish 
race regarded one another. We are all aware how closely the use of a 
hereditary dialect is bound up with the warmest feehngs of the heart. 
And in this case the Arama?an language was the sacred tongue of 
Palestine. It is true that the tradition of the language of the Jews had 
been broken, as the continuity of their political life had been rudely inter- 
rupted. The Hebrew of the time of Christ was not the oldest Hebrew of 
the Israelites ; but it was a kindred dialect ; and old enough to command 
a reverent affection. Though not the language of Moses and David, it 
was that of Ezra and Nehemiah. And it is not unnatural that the Ara- 

' Described in gi-cat detail by Philo in Lis treatise De Vita Contcmplativa, 
• It is uncertain when the written Targums came into use, but the practice of para- 
phrasing orally in Chaldee must have begun soon after the Captivity. 

3 Aram — the " Highlands " of the Semitic tribes — comprehended the tract of country 
which extended from Taurus and Lebanon to Mesopotamia and Arabia : for references, 
see Winer's Realwcirterbuch. There were two main dialects of the Aramaean stock, the 
eastern or Babylonian, commonly called Chaldee (the " Syrian tongue " of 2 Kinga 
xviii. 26. Isai. xxxvi. 11. Ezr. iv. 7. Dan. ii. 4) ; and the western, which is the parent 
of the Syriac, now, like the former, almost a dead language. The fu-st of these dia- 
lects began to supplant the older Hebrew of Judaea from the time of the captivity, and 
was the " Hebrew " of the New Testament, Luke xxiii. 38. John xix. 20. Acts xxi. 
40. xxii. 2. xxvi. 14. Arabic, the most porf(y;t of the Semitic languages, has now 
generally overspread those regions. 


maeans sliould have revolted from the speech of the Greek idolaters, and 
the tyrant Antiochus, — a sjDeech which they associated moreover with inno- 
vating doctrines and dangerous speculations. 

For the division went deeper than a mere superficial diversity of speech, 
rt was not only a division, like the modern one of German and Spanish 
Jews, where those who hold substantially the same dottrincs have acciden- 
tally been led to speak different languages. But there was a diversity of 
rehgious views and opinions. This is not the place for examining that sys- 
tem of mystic interpretation called the Cabbala,' and for determining how 
far its origin might be due to Alexandria or to Babylon. It is enough to 
say, generally, that in the Aramaean theology, Oriental elements prevailed 
rather than Greek, and that the subject of the Babylonian influences has 
more connection with the life of St. Peter than that of St. Paul. The 
Hellenists, on the other hand, or Jews who spoke Greek, who lived in 
Greek countries, and were influenced by Greek civilisation, are associate 
in the closest manner with the Apostle of the Gentiles. They are more 
than once mentioned in the Acts, where our English translation names 
them " Grecians," to distinguish them from the Heathen or Proselyte 
" Greeks." ^ Alexandria was the metropohs of tlMV theology. Philo was 
their great representative. He was an old man when St. Paul was in his 
maturity : his writings were probably known to the Apostle ; and they 
have descended with the inspired Epistles to our own day. The work of 
the learned Hellenists may be briefly described as this,— to accommodate 
Jewish doctrines to the mind of the Greeks, and to make the Greek lan- 
guage express the mind of the Jews. The Hebrew principles were " dis- 
engaged as much as possible from local and national conditions, and pre- 
sented in a form adapted to the Hellenic world." ^ All this was hateful 
to the jealous Aramaeans. The men of the East rose up against those of 
the West. The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman 
Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying, " Cursed be 
he who teacheth his son the learning of the Greeks." * We could imagine 

1 Basnage devotes many chapters to this subject : see his third book. 

' See Chap. I. p. 12, note. 

3 "L'objet principal des Juifs helleoistes ou Alesandrins, consistait a initier lea 
hommcs instruits des populations etrangeres a la sagesse des livres sacres. lis se diri- 
gaient d'apres la conviction antique manifestee en ces termcs par Moise : 'Ma doctrine 
ee repandra comme la rosee ; ma parole decoulera comme une fine pluie sur Therbe 
toudre, comme la gi'osse pluie sur la plante avancee.' (Deut. xxxii. 1, 2.) De la vient 
que Ics ecrivains de cette ecole s'appliquaient a degagcr les principes hebrai'ques de la 
plupart des conditions nationales et locales ; a les presenter dans la langue et sous les 
formes appropriees au monde grec : ils etablissaient des rapprochements plus ou moins 
epecicux avec les doctrines des aufccs peuples, et ilsmettaient en opposition la morality 
profonde de leurs lois constitutives, avec les tendances vraiment immorales qui regnaient 
tilors en tons licux."' Salvador, J. C. &e., vol. i. pp. 131, 132. 

" This repugnance is illustrated, ^Qri^any passages in the Talmudic MTitings. Rabh; 


iflem using the words of the prophet Joel (iii. 6), " The children of Judah 
and the cliildreu of Jerusalem have ye sold unto the Grecians, that ye 
might remove them from their border :" and we cannot be surprised that, 
even in the deep peace and charity of the Church's earliest days, this in- 
veterate division re-appeared, and that, " when the number of the disciples 
was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of the Grecians against the 
Hebrews." ' 

It would be an interesting subject of enquiry to ascertain in what pro- 
portions these two parties were distributed in the different countries where 
the Jews were dispersed, in what places they came into the strongest 
collision, and how far they were fused and united together. In the city of 
Alexandria, the emporium of Greek commerce from the time of its foundar 
tion, where since the earliest Ptolemies, literature, philosophy, and criticism 
had never ceased to excite the utmost intellectual activity, where the 
Scptuagint translation of the Scripture had been made, and where a 
Jewish temple and ceremonial worship had been established in rivalry to 
that in Jerusalem,^ — there is no doubt that the Hellenistic element largely 
prevailed. But although (strictly speakmg) the Alexandrian Jews were 
nearly all Hellenists, it does not follow that they were all Hellenizers. In 
other words, although their speech and their Scriptures were Greek, the 
theological views of many among them undoubtedly remained Hebrew. 
There must have been many who were attached to the traditions of Pales- 
tine, and who looked suspiciously on their more speculative brethren : and 
we have no difficulty in recognising the picture presented in a pleasmg 
German fiction,^ which describes the debates and struggles of the two 
tendencies in this city, to be very correct. In Palestine itself, we have 
every reason to believe that the native population was entirely A^ramceau, 

Levi Ben Chajatbah, going down to Csesarea, heard tlicm reciting tlieii' pbylacteries in 
Greek, and would have forbidden them ; which when Rabbi Jose heard, he was very 
angry, and said, " If a man doth not know how to recite in the holy tongue, must he 
not recite them at all ? Let him perform his duty in what language he can." The 
following saying is attributed to Rabbau Simeon, the son of Gamaliel : " There were a 
thousand boys in my father's school, of whom five hundred learned the law, and five 
hundred the wisdom of the Greeks ; and there is not one of the latter now alive, ex- 
cepting myself here, and my uncle's son in Asia." See Lightfoot, Heb. & Talm. Ex. 
on Acts (vl. 1), Biscoe quotes from Lightfoot in his History of the Acts couftrmed, 
ch. iv. § 2. Josephus implies in the passage quoted below (Ant. xx. 11, 2), that a know 
ledge of Greek was lightly regarded by the Jews of Palestine. 

' Acts vi. 1. 

' This temple was not in the city of Alexandria, but at Leontopolis. It was built 
(or rather it was an old heathen temple repaired) by Ouias, from whose family the 
high priesthood had been transferred to the family of the Maccabees, and who had fled 
into Egypt in the time of Ptolemy Pliilopator. It remained in existence till destroyed 
by "Vespasian. See Joeophus, B. J. i. 1, 1. vii. 10, 3. Ant. xiii. 3. 

3 "Hclon's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem," publislied in German in ]820. translated intr 
English ui 1824. 


though there was no lack of Hellenistic synagogues ' at Jerusalem, whijh 
at the seasons of the festivals would be crowded with foreign pilgrims^ and 
become the scene of animated discussions. Syria was connected by the link 
of language with Palestine and Babylonia : but Antioch, its metropolis, 
commercially and politically resembled Alexandria : and it is probable 
that, when Barnabas and Saul were establishing the great Christian com- 
munity in that city,=' the majority of the Jews were " Grecians " rather 
than " Hebrews." In Asia Minor we should at first sight be tempted to 
imagine that the Grecian tendency would predominate : but when we find 
that Antiochus brought Babylonian Jews into Lydia and PIn-ygia, we 
must not make too confident a conclusion in this direction ; and we have 
grounds for imagining that many Israelitish families in the remote districts 
(possibly that of Timotheus at Lystra)' may have cherished the forms of 
the traditionary faith of the Eastern Jews, and lived uninfluenced b} 
Hellenistic novelties. The residents in maritime and commercial towns 
would not be strangers to the Western developments of religious doctrines ; 
and when Apollos came from Alexandria to Ephesus,^ he would find him- 
self in a theological atmosphere not very different from that of his native 
city. Tarsus in Cilicia will naturally be included under the same class of 
cities of the West, by those who remember Strabo's assertion that, in 
literature and philosophy, its fame exceeded that of Athens and Alexan- 
dria. At the same thne, we cannot be sure that the very celebrity of its 
heathen schools might not induce the famihes of Jewish residents to retire 
all the more strictly into a religious Hebrew seclusion. 

That such a seclusion of their family from Gentile influences was main- 
tained by the parents of St. Paul, is highly probable. We have no means 
of knowing how long they themselves, or their ancestors, had been Jews 
of the dispersion. A tradition is mentioned by Jerome ^ that they came 

1 See Acts vi. 9. ' Acts xi. 25, &c. 

3 Acts xvi. 1. 2 Tim. i. 5. " Acts, xviii. 24. 

5 He begins his notice of Paul in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers thus : " Pau- 
las Apostolus, qui ante Saulus, extra numerum duodccim Apostolorum, de tribu Ben- 
jamin et oppido Judajse Gischalis fuit, quo a Romanis capto cum parentibus suis Tarsura 
Ciliciffi commigravit ; a quibus ob studia legis missus Hierosoljonan, a Gamallele viro 
doctissimo, cujus Lucas mcminit, eruditus est." And again he alludes to it with more 
doubt in the Commentary on the Epistle to Philemon, in reference to the passage 
where Epaphras is called his "fellow-piisoncr." " Quis sit Epaphras concaptivui 
Pauli, talem fabulam acccplmus. Aiunt parcntes Apostoli Pauli de Gischalis regione 
fuisse Judaias : et cos, cum tota provincia Romana vastaretur manu, et dispergerentur 
in orbe Judaei, in Tarsura urbem Ciliciaj fuisse translates : parentum condilionem ado- 
Icscentulum Paulum sccutum : et sic posse stare illud quod de se ipse tcstatur : Hebraei 
Fint? ct ego: Israelite sunt? et ego: Semen Abraham sunt? ct ego (2 Cor. xi.) : et 
rursus alibi : Ilebrwus ex Ilebraiis (Phil, iii.) : et csetera quse ilium Judaum magis in- 
dicant quam Tarsenscm. Quod si ita est, possumus et Epaphram illo tempore captum 
Buspicari, quo captus est Paulus : et cum parentibus suis in Colossis urbe Asias coUoc?/ 


originally from Giscala, a town in Galilee, when it was stormed by the 
Romans. The story involves an anachronism, and contradicts the Acts of 
the Apostles. Yet it need not be entirely disregarded ; especially when 
we find St, Paul speaking of himself as " a Hebrew of the Hebrews," ' 
and when we remember that the word " Hebrew " is used for an Aramaic 
Jew, as opposed to a " Grecian" or Hellenist.^ Nor is it unlikely iu itself 
that before they settled in Tarsus, the family had belonged to the Eastern 
dispersion, or to the Jews of Palestme. But, however this may be, St. 
Paul himself must be called a Hellenist ; because the language of his 
infancy was that idiom of the Grecian Jews in which all his letters were 
written. Though, in conformity with the strong feeling of the Jews of all 
times, he might learn his earliest sentences from the Scripture in Hebrew, 
yet he was famiUar with the Septuagint translation at an early age. For 
it is observed that, when he quotes from the Old Testament, his quotations 
are from that version ; and that, not only when he cites its very words, 
but when (as is often the case) he quotes it from memory.^ Considering 
the accurate knowledge of the original Hebrew which he must have 
acquired under Gamaliel at Jerusalem, it has been inferred that this can 
'Only arise from his having been thoroughly imbued at an earlier period 
with the Hellenistic Scriptures. The readiness, too, with which he 
expressed himself in Greek, even before such an audience as that upon 
the Areopagus at Athens, shows a command of the language which a 
Jew would not, in all probability, have attained, had not Greek been the 
language of his childhood. 

But still the vernacular Hebrew of Palestine would not have been a 

turn, Christi postca recepisse scrmonem." It is unnecessary to dwell on the anachro- 
nism, or on the absolute contradiction to Acts xxii. 3. 

1 Phil. iii. 5. Cave sees nothing more in this phrase than that •• his parents were 
Jews, and that of the ancient stock, not entering in by the gate of proselytism, but 
originally descended from the nation." — Life of St. Paul, i. 2. Benson, on the other 
hand, argues, from this passage and from 2 Cor. xi. 22, that there was a diflerence be- 
tween a " Hebrew " and an " Israelite." — " A person might be descended from Israel, 
and yet not be a Hebrew but a Hellenist. ... St Paul appeareth to me to have 
plainly intimated, that a man might be of the stock of Israel and of the tribe of Benja- 
min, and yet not be a Hebrew of the Hebrews ; but that, as to himself, he was, both by 
father and mother, a Hebrew ; or of the race of that sort of Jews which were generally 
most esteemed by their nation.-' — History of the Fii-st Planting of the Christian Rcli 
gion, vol. i. p. 117. 

' Acts vi, 1. For the absm-d Ebionite story that St. Paul was by birth not a Jew at 
all, but a Greek, see the next Chapter. 

3 See Tholuck's Essay (mentioned below, p. 50, note), Eng. Trans, p. 9. Out of 
eighty-eight quotations from the Old Testament, Koppe gives gi'ouude for thinking 
that forty-nine were cited from memory. And Bleek thinks that every one of his 
citations without exception is from memory. He adds, however, that the Apostle's 
memory reverts occasionally to the Hebrew text, as well as to that of the Septuagint.. 
See an article in the Christian Remembrancer for April, 1848, on Grinficld's Hellcni» 
t!c Ed. of the N. T. 


foreign tongue to the infant Saul ; on the contrary, he may have heanj 
it epokon almost as often as the Greek. For no doubt his parents, proud 
of their Jewish origin, and living comparatively near to Palestine, would 
retain the power of conversing with their friends from thence in the ancient 
speech. Mercantile connections from the Syrian coast would be frequently 
arriving, whose conversation would be in Aramaic ; in all probability there 
were kinsfolk still settled in Judaea, as we afterwards find the nephew of 
St. Paul in Jerusalem.' We may compare the situation of such a family 
'^so far as concerns their language) to that of the French Huguenots who 
settled in London after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. These 
French families, though they soon learned to use the English as the 
medium of their common intercourse and the language of their household, 
yet, for several generations, spoke French with equal familiarity and 
greater affection.^ 

Moreover, it may be considered as certain that the family of St. Paul, 
though Hellenistic in speech, were no Hdknizers in theology ; they were 
not at all inclined to adopt Greek habits or Greek opinions. The manner 
in which St. Paul speaks of himself, his father, and his ancestors, implies 
the most uucontaminated hereditary Judaism. " Are they Hebrews ? so 
am I. Are they Israelites ? so am I. Are they the seed of Abraham ? 
so am I." 3 — " A Pharisee" and " the son of a Pharisee."^ — " Circumcised 
the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Helrew 
of the Ilehrews." ^ 

There is therefore little doubt that, though the native of a city filled 
with a Greek population and incorporated with the Ptoman Empire, yet 
Saul was born and spent his earliest days m the shelter of a home which 
was Hebrew, not in name only but in spirit. The Roman power did not 
press upon his infancy : the Gr(?ek ideas did not haunt his childhood : but 
he grew up an Israelitish boy, nurtured in those histories of the chosen 
people which he was destined so often to repeat in the synagogues,« with 
the new and wonderful commentary supplied by the life and resurrection 
of a crucified Messiah. " From a child he knew the Scriptures," wliich 
ultimately made him " wise unto salvation through faith which is in Christ 
Jesus," as he says of Timothy in the second Epistle (iii. 15). And the 
groups around his childhood were such as that which he beautifully do- 

' Acts xxiii. 16. 

' St. Paul's ready use of the spoken Aramaic appears ia his speech upoa the stairs of 
the Castle of Autonia at Jerusalem, " in the Hebrew tongue." This fomlliarity, how- 
ever, he would necessarily have acquired during his student-life at Jerusalem, if he had 
not possessed it before. The difficult question of the " Gift of Tongues " will be di» 
cussed hereafter. 

» 2 Cor. xi, 22. 4 Acts xxiii. 6. * phjL iii. 5 

e Acts xiiL lG-41. See xvii. 2. 3, 10. 11. xxviii. 23 


Bcribes in another part of the same letter to that disciple, where he speaks 
of "his grandmother Lois, and his mother Eunice." (i. 5.) 

We should be glad to know something of the mother of St. Paul. But 
though he alludes to his father, he does not mention her. He speaks of 
himself as set apart by God " from his mother's womb," that the Son of 
Grod should in due time be revealed in him, and by him preached to the 
Heathen.' But this is all. "We find notices of his sister and his sister's 
son,* and of some more distant relatives : ^ but we know nothing of her 
who was nearer to him than all of them. He tells us of his instructor 
Gamaliel ; but of her, who, if she hved, was his earliest and best teacher, 
he tells us nothing. Did she die like Rachel, the mother of Benjamin, the 
great ancestor of his tribe ; leaving his father to mourn and set a monu- 
ment on her grave, like Jacob, by the way of Bethlehem ? " Or did she 
live to grieve over her son's apostacy from the faith of the Pharisees, and 
die herself unreconciled to the obedience of Christ ? Or did she beheve 
and obey the Saviour of her son ? These are questions which we cannot 
answer. If we wash to realise the earliest infancy of the Apostle, we must 
be content with a simple picture of a Jewish mother and her child. Such 
a picture is presented to us in the short history of Elizabeth and John the 
Baptist, and what is wanting in one of the inspired Books of St. Luke 
may be supphed, in some degree, by the other. 

The same feelmgs which welcomed the birth and celebrated the naming 
of a son in the " hill country " of JudiBa,= prevailed also among the Jews 
of the dispersion. As the " neighbours and cousins " of Ehzabeth " heard 
how the Lord had showed great, mercy upon her, and rejoiced with her," 
—so it would be in the household at Tarsus, when Saul was born. In a 
nation to which the birth of a Messiah was promised, and at a period 
when the aspirations after the fulfilment of the promise were continually 
becoming more conscious and more urgent, the birth of a son was the 
fulfilment of a mother's highest happiness : and to the father also (if wo 
may thus invert the words of Jeremiah) "blessed was the man who 
brought tidings, saying, A man child is born unto thee ; making him 
^glad." ^ On the eighth day the child was circumcised and named. In the 
case of John the Baptist, " they sought to call him Zacharias, after the 
name of his father. But his mother answered, and said, Kot so ; but he 
shall be called John." And when the appeal was made to his father, he' 
signified his assent, in obedience to the vision. It was not unusual, on the 
one hand, to call a Jewish child after tho name of his father ; and, on the 
other hand, it was a common practice, in all ages of Jewish history, even 
without a prophetic intimation, to adopt a name e.xjn-essive of religioui 

1 Gal. i. 15. ' Acts xxlii. IG, ? Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 2J 

' Gen XXXV. lG-20. xlviii. 7. 5 Luke i. 39. <> Jer. xx. 15. 


feelings. When the infant at Tarsus received cne name of Saul, it migb 
be " after the name of his father ;" and it was a name of traditional celeb- 
rity in the tribe of Benjamin, for it was that of the first king anointed by 
Samuel.' Or, when his father said "his name is Saul," it may have been 
intended to denote (in conformity with the Hebrew derivation of the word) 
that he was a son who had long been desired, the first born of his parents, 
the child of prayer, who was thenceforth, like Samnet, to be consecrated 
to God.^ " For this child I prayed," said the wife of Elkanah ; " and the 
Lord hath given me my petition which I asked of Him : therefore also I 
have lent him to the Lord ; as long as he livcth he shall be lent unto the 
Lord." 3 

Admitted into covenant with God by circumcision, the Jewish child 
had thenceforward a full claim to all the privileges of the chosen people. 
His was the benediction of the 12Stli Psalm :• — " The Lord shall bless 
thee out of Zion : thou shalt see the good of Jerusalem all the days of thy 
life." From that time, whoever it might be who watched over Saul's 
infancy, whether, like king Lemuel,^ he learnt " the prophecy that his 
mother taught him," or whether he was under the care of others, like those 
who were with the sons of king David and king Ahab,' — we are at no loss 
to learn what the first ideas were, with which his early thought was 
made familiar. The rules respecting the diligent education of children, 
which were laid down by Moses in the 6th and 11th chapters of Deuter- 
onomy, were doubtless carefully observed : and he was trained in that 
peculiarly historical instruction, spoken of in the 18th Psalm, which implies 
the continuance of a chosen people, with glorious recollections of the past, 
and great anticipations for the future : " The Lord made a covenant with 
Jacob, and gave Israel a law, which. He commanded our forefathers to 
teach their children ; that their posterity might know it, and the children 
which were yet unborn ; to tlie intent that when they came up, they might 
shew their children the same : that they might put their trust in God, and 
not to forget the works of the Lord, but to keep His commandments." 
(ver. 5-T.) The histories of Abraham and Isaac, of Jacob and his twelve 
sons, of Moses among the bulrushes, of Joshua and Samuel, Elijah, Daniel, 
and the Maccabees, were the stories of his childhood. The destruction of 
Pharaoh in the Red Sea, tlie thunders of Mount Sinai, the dreary journeys 
in the wilderness, the land that flowed with milk and honey, — this was the 

' '■ A name frequent and common in the tribe of Benjamin ever since the first King 
of Israel, who was of that name, was chosen out of that tribe ; in memory whereof they 
were wont to give their children this name at their circumcision." Cave, i. 3 ; but bt 
gives no proof 

» This is suggested by Neander, Pfl. und Leit. 138. 

« 1 Sam. i. 27, 28. 

* Prov. xxxi. 1. Cf. Susanna, 3. 2 Tim. iii. 15, with 1 Tim. i. 5. 

* 1 Chron xrrii. .^2. 1 Kings x. 1. 5. Cf. Joseph, vit. 76. Ant. xvi. 8, 3. 


earliest imagery presented to his opening mind. The triumphant songs of 
Zion, the lamentations by the waters of Babylon, the prophetic praises of 
the Messiah, were the songs around his cradle. 

Above all, he would be familiar with the destinies of his own illustrious 
tribe.' The life of the timid Patriarch, the father of the twelve ; the sad 
death of Rachel near the city where the Messiah was to be born ; the 
loneliness of Jacob, who sought to comfort himself in Beuoni " the sou of 
her sorrow," by calling him Benjamin ^ "the son of his right hand ;" and 
then the youthful days of this youngest of the twelve brethren, the famine, 
and the journeys into Egypt, the severity of Joseph, and the wonderful 
r.tory of the silver cup in the mouth of the sack ; — these are the narratives 
to which he listened with intense and eager interest. How little was it 
imagined that, as Benjamin was the youngest and most honoured of the 
Patriarchs, so this listening child of Benjamin should be associated witli 
the twelve servants of the Messiah of God, the last and most illustrious of 
the Apostles ! But many years of ignorance were yet to pass away, 
before that mysterious Providence, which brought Benjamin to Joseph in 
Egypt, should bring his descendant to the knowledge and love of Jesus, 
the Son of Mary. Some of the early Christian writers see in the dying 
benediction of Jacob, when he said that " Benjamin should ravin as a wolf, 
in the morning devour the prey, and at night divide the spoil," ^ a pro- 
phetic intimation of him who, in the morning of his life, should tear the 
sheep of God, and in its evening feed them, as the teacher of the nations." 
When St. Paul was a child and learnt the words of this saying, no Chris- 
tian thoughts were associated with it, or with that other more peaceful 
prophecy of Moses, when he said of Benjamin, " The beloved of the Lord 
shall dwell in safety by Him : and the Lord shall cover him all the day 

> It may be thought that here, and below, p. 53, too much prominence has been-given 
to the attachment of a Jew in the Apostolic age to his own particular tribe. It is 
difficult to ascertain how far the tribe-feeling of early times lingered on in combination 
with the national feeling, which grew up after the Captivity. But when we consider 
the care with which the genealogies were kept, and when we find the tribe of Barnabas 
specified (Acts iv. 3G), and of Anna the prophetess (Luke ii. 3G), and when we find St. 
Paul alluding in a pointed manner to his tribe (see Rom. xi. 1, Phil. iii. 5, and compare 
Acts xiii. 21), it does not seem unnatural to believe that pious families of so famous a 
stock as that of Benjamin should retain the hereditary enthusiasm of their sacred clan- 
ship. See, moreover, Matt. xix. 28. Rev. v. 5. vii. 4-8. 

* Gen. XXXV. 18. 3 Gen. xlix. 27. 

* Nam mihi Paulura etiam Genesis olim rcpromisit. Inter illas enim figuras c\ 
propheticas super filios suos benedictiones Jacob, cum ad Benjamin dixisset : Benjamin, 
inquit, lupus rapax ad matutinum comedet adhuc, ct ad vesjieram dabit escam. Ex 
tribu enim Benjamin oriturum Paulum provi'lcljat, lupum rapacem ad matutinum com- 
edentsm, id est, prima jctato vastatnrura pecora Domini ut porsecutorem, ecclesiarura, 
dehinc ad vespcram escam daturum, id est, dcvcrgente jam state oves Christ! cduca 
tnrum ut doctorcm nationum. — TertuU. adv. Marcioncra, v. 1. 


long, aud he sLall dwell between His shoulders." ' But he was familial 
with the prophetical worls, and could follow in imagination the fortunes 
of the sons of Benjamin, and knew how they went through the wilderness 
with Ilachel's other children, the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, forming 
with them the third of the four companies on the march, aud reposing with 
them at night on the west of the encampment.^ He heard how their 
lands w^ere assigned to them in the promised country along the borders of 
Judah : ^ and how Saul, whose name he bore, was chosen from the tribe 
?fhich w^as the smallest,'' when " httle Benjamin " ■^ became the " ruler " of 
Israel. He knew that when the ten tribes revolted, Benjamin was faith- 
ful : ^ and he learnt to follow its honourable history even in the dismal 
years of the Babylonian Captivity, when Mordecai, " a Benjamite who 
had been carried away," ' saved the nation : and when, instead of destruc- 
tion, "The Jews," through him, "had light, and gladness, and joy, and 
honour ; and in every province, and in every city, whithersoever the king's 
commandment and his decree came, the Jews had joy and gladness, a feast 
and a good day. And many of the people of the land became Jews ; for 
the fear of the Jews fell upon them.''^ 

Such were the influences which cradled the infancy of St. Paul ; and 
such was the early teaching under which his mind gradually rose to the 
realisation of his position as a Hebrew child in a city of G entiles. Of the 
exact period of his birth we possess no authentic information. From a 
passage in a sermon attributed to St. Chrysostom, it has been inferred" 
that he was born in the year 2 of our era. The date is not improbable ; 
but the genuineness of the sermon is suspected ; and if it w'as the mi- 
doubted work of the eloquent Father, we have no reason to beheve that 
he possessed any certain means of ascertaining the fact. Kor need w^e be 
anxious to possess the information. We have a better chronology than 
that which reckons by years and mouths. We know that he was a young 
tnan at the time of St. Stephen's martyrdom,'" and therefore We know what 
were the features of the period, and what the circumstances of the world, 
at the beginning of his eventful life. He must have been born in the 
later years of Herod, or the earlier of his son Archelaus. It was the 
strongest and most flourishing time of the reign of Augustus. The world 
R^tis at peace : the pirates of the Levant w^ere dispersed ; and Cilicia was 

' Deut. xxxiii. 12. " Numb. ii. 18-24. x. 22-24. 

3 Joshua xviii. 11. " 1 Sam. ix. 21. s ps. Ixviii. 27. 

6 2 Chron. xi. See 1 Kings xii. "> Esther ii. 5, G. s Esther viii. 16, 17. 

8 This is on the supposition that he died a. d. GG, at the age of G8. The sermon is 
one on SS. Petor and Paul, printed by Savile at the end of the fifth volume of his 
edition, but considered by him not genuine. See Tillemont. Schrader endeavours to 
prove that he was born abou*: 14 a. d. See his arguments in vol. i. sect. 2, of his work, 
"Der Apostel Paulus," 1830. 

'0 Acts vii. 58. 

nis father's citizenship. 45 

lying at rest, or in stupor, with other provinces, under the wide sliadow of 
the Roman power. Many governors had ruled there since the days of 
Cicero. Athenodorus, the emperor's tutor, had been one of them. It 
was about the time when Horace and Maecenas died, with others whose 
names will never be forgotten ; and it was about the time when Caligula 
was born, with others who were destined to make the world miserable. 
Thus is the epoch fixed in the manner in which the imagination most 
easily apprehends it. During this pause in the world's history St. Paul 
was born. 

It was a pause, too, in the history of the sufferings of the Jews. Tliat 
lenient treatment which had been begun by Julius Csesar was continued 
by Augustus ; ' and the days of severity were not yet come, when Tiberius 
and Claudius^ drove them into banishment, and Caligula oppressed them 
with every mark of contumely and scorn. We have good reason to believe 
that at the period of the Apostle's birth the Jews were unmolested at 
Tarsus, where his father lived and enjoyed the rights of a Roman citizen. 
It is a mistake to suppose that this citizenship was a privilege which be- 
longed to the members of the family, as being natives of this city.^* Tarsus 
was not a municiphim, nor was it a colonia, like Philippi in Macedonia,^ 
or Antioch in Pisidia: but it was a "free city"^ {^trhs libera), hke the 
Syrian Antioch and its neighbour-city, Seleucia on the sea. Such a city 
had the privilege of being governed by its own magistrates, and was ex- 
empted from the occupation of a Roman garrison, but its citizens did not 
necessarily possess the civitas of Rome. Tarsus had received great benC' 
fits both from Julius Ccesar and Augustus, but the father of St. Paul was 
not on that account a Roman citizen. This privilege had been granted to 
him, or had descended to him, as an individual right ; he might have pur- 

1 CiEsar, like Alexander, treated the Jews with much consideration. Suetonius 
speaks in strong terms of their grief at his death, C-xs. 84. Augustus permitted the 
largess, when it fell on a Sabbath, to be put off till the next day. Mangey's Philo. iL 
6G8, 5C9 : compare Hor. Sat. i. 9, C9. 

' For some notices of the condition of the Jews under the Romans at this time, see 
Ganz. Vermischte Schriften, i. 13. " Die Gesetzgebung iiber die Juden in Rom, und 
die kirchliche Wiirde derselben in Romischen Reich." Berlin, 1834. 

3 Some of the older biographers of St. Paul assume this without any hesitation. 
Thus Tillemont says that Augustus gave to Tarsus, among other privileges, " le droit 
de colonic libre et de bourgeoisie Romaino : " and Cave says that this city was a muni- 
cipium, and that therefore Paul was a Roman citizen. The Tribune (Acts xxi. 39, 
xxii 24), as Dr. Bloomfield remarks (on xvL 37), knew that St. Paul was a Tarsian, 
without being aware that he was a citizen. 

* Acts xvi. 12. 

s See Plin. N. H. v. 22. Appian, B. C. v. 7. Compare iv. C4. From Appian it 
appears that Antony gave Tarsus the privileges of an Urbs libera, though it had pre- 
viously taken the side of Augustus, and been named Juliopolis. See Die Chrys. Tirslt 
post. ii. 3G ed. Reiske 


chasv3d it for a "large sum" of money ; ' but it is more probable tliut it came 
to him as the reward of services rendered, during the civil wars, to some 
influential Roman. That Jews were not unfrequently Roman citizens, we 
learn from Josephus, who mentions in the "Antiquities"^ some even of 
the equestrian order who were illegally scourged and crucified by Floras 
at Jerusalem' and (what is more to our present point) enumerates certain 
of his countrymen who possessed the Roman franchise at Ephesus, in that 
important series of decrees relating to the Jews, which were issued in the 
time of Julius Csesar, and are preserved in the second book of the " Jewish 
"War." ^ The family of St. Paul were in the same position at Tarsus as 
those who were Jews of Asia Minor and yet citizens of Rome at Ephesus ; 
and thus it came to pass, that, while many of his contemporai-ies were 
willing to expend " a large sum " in the purchase of " this freedom," the 
Apostle himself was " free-born." 

The question of the double name of "Saul" and "Paul" will require 
our attention hereafter, when we come in the course of our narrative to 
that interview with Sergius Paulus in Cyprus, coincidently with which, 
the appellation in the Acts of the Apostles is suddenly chxinged. Many 
opinions have been held on this subject, both by ancient and modern theo- 
logians.^ At present it will be enough to say, that though we cannot 
overlook the coincidence, or believe it accidental, yet it is most probable 
that both names were borne by him in his childhood, that " Saul" was the 
name of his Hebrew home, and "Paul" that by which he was known 
among the Gentiles. It will be observed that "Paiilus,^^ the name by 
which he is always mentioned after his departure from Cyprus, and by 
which he always designates himself in his Epistles, is a Roman, not a 
Greek, word. And it will be remembered, that, among those whom he 
calls his "kinsmen" in the Epistle to the Romans, two of the number, 
Junia and Liicius, have Ptoman names, while the others are Greek.^ All 
this may point to a strong Roman connection. These names may have 
something to do with that honourable citizenship which was an heirloom in 
the household ; and the appellation " Paulus " may be due to some such 
feelings as those which induced the historian Josephus to call himself 
" Flavins," in honour of Yespasian and the Flavian family. 

If we turn now to consider the social position of the Apostle's father 

> See Acts xxii. 28. ^ xiv. 10, 3. 3 ii. 14, 9. 

* Some of the opinions of the ancient wi'itcrs may be seen in Tillemont. Ovigen 
Bays that he had both names from the first ; that he used one among the Jews, and the 
other afterwards. Augustine, that he took the name when he began to preach. Chry- 
Bostom, that he received a new title, like Peter, at his ordination in Antioch. Bede, 
that he did not receive it till the Proconsul was converted ; and Jerome, that it was 
meant to commemorate that victory. Tillemont, note 3 on St Paul 

■<• Eom. xvi, 7, 11, 21. 


and family, we cannot on the one hand confidently argue, from the posses* 
siou of the citizenship, that they were in the enjoyment of affluence and 
outward distinction. The civitas of Rome, though at that time it could 
not be purchased without heavy expense, did not depend upon any con- 
ditions of wealth, where it was bestowed by authority. On the othej 
hand, it is certain that the manual trade, which we know that St. Paul 
exercised, cannot be adduced as an argument to prove that his circum- 
stances were narrow and mean ; still less, as some have imagined, that he 
lived in absolute poverty. It was a custom among the Jews that all boy? 
should learn a trade. "What is commanded of a father towards his 
son?" asks a Talmudic writer. "To circumcise him, to teach him the 
law, to teach him a trade." Rabbi Judah saith, " He that teacheth not 
his son a trade, does the same as if he taught him to be a thief ;" and 
Rabban Gamaliel saith, " He that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he 
like ? he is like a vineyard that is fenced." And if in compliance witn 
this good and useful custom of the Jews, the father of the young Cilician 
sought to make choice of a trade, which might fortify his son against idle- 
ness or against adversity, none would occur to him more naturally than the 
profitable occupation of the making of tents, the material of which was hair- 
cloth, supplied by the goats of his native province, and sold in the markets 
of the Levant by the well-known name of cilicium.^ The most reasonable 
conjecture is that his father's business was concerned with these markets, 
and that, like many of his dispersed countrymen, he was actively occupied 
in the traffic of the Mediterranean coasts : and the remote dispersion of 
those relations, whom he mentions in his letter from Corinth to R.cme, is 
favourable to this opinion. But whatever might be the station and em- 
ployment of his father or his kinsmen, whether they were elevated by 
wealth above, or depressed by poverty below, the average of the Jews of 
Asia Minor and Italy, we are disposed to believe that this family were 
possessed of that highest respectability which is worthy of deliberate 
esteem. The words of Scripture seem to claim for them the tradition of a 
good and religious reputation. The strict piety of St. Paul's ancestors 

' Tondentur capraj quod magnis villLs sunt in magna parte Phrygire ; unde cilicia et 
caetera ejus generis ferri solent. Sed quod primuru ea tonsura in Cilicia sit inatituta, 
nomen id Cilicas adjecisse dicunt. VaiTO, de Re Rustica, lib. ii. ch. xi. : compare Virg. 
Georg. iii. 311-313. See the extract in Ducange : Ki2.lKia' rpuyoc dird KiXiKiag ol 
daaetg ■ rdw yap cKelas vTvepEXovai ol tolovtol rpiljoi, odev koI tH in -pixuv avpTidifieva 
Ki2.iKia ?JyovTai. It is still manufactured in Asia Minor. Hair-cloth of this kind is 
often mentioned as used for penitential discipline, in the Lives of the Saints. The 
word is still retained in French, Spanish, and Italian ('• Di vil cilicio mi parean co- 
perti." Dante, Purg. xiii. 58). See the Dictionnaire de I'Academie, the Diccionario 
de la Academia, and the Vocabulario degli Academic! della Crusca ; and further refer- 
ences under the word "Cilicium" in Smith's Diction xry of Antiquitie?, and Rich'g 
rUustrated Companion to the Dictionary. 


has already been remarked ; some of his kinsmen embraced Christianitj 
before the Apostle himself/ and the excellent discretion of his nephew will 
be the subject of our admiration, when we come to consider the danger- 
ous circumstances which led to the nocturnal journey from Jerusalem to 

But though a cloud rests on the actual year of St. Paul's birth, and 
the circumstances of his father's household must be left to imagination, 
we have the great satisfaction of knowing the exact features of the scenery 
in the midst of which his childhood was spent. The plain, the mountain, 
the river, and the sea still remain to us. The rich harvests of corn still 
grow luxuriantly after the rains in spring. The same tents of goat's hair 
are still seen covering the plains in the busy harvest.' There is the same 
sohtude and silence in the intolerable heat and dust of the summer. Then, 
as now, the mothers and children of Tarsus went out in the cool evenings, 
and looked from the gardens round the city, or from their terraced roofs 
upon the heights of Taurus. The same sunset hngered on the pointed 
summits. The same shadows gathered in the deep ravines. The river 
Cydnus has suffered some changes in the course of 1800 years. Instead 
of rushing, as in the time of Xenophon, like the Rhone at Geneva, in a 
stream of two hundred feet broad through the city, it now flows idly past 
it on the east. The Channel, which floated the ships of Antony and 
Cleopatra, is now filled up ; and wide unhealthy lagoons occnpy the place 
of the ancient docks.'* But its upper waters still flow, as formerly, cold 
and clear from the snows of Taurus : and its waterfalls still break over 

' " Salute Andronicus and Jvmia, my kinsmen, and my fellow-prisoners, who are of 
note among the Apostles, who also were in Christ before me." Rom. xvi. 7. It is 
proper to remark that the word cvyyevelg in this chapter (verses 7, 11, 21) has hven 
thought by some to mean only that the persons alluded to were of Je-nlsh extraction. 
See Lardner's "Works, vol. v. p. 473, and the Appendix to the English translation of 
Tholuck's tract on the early life of St. Paul. Origen thinks that the Apostle speaks 
Bpiritually of the baptized ; Estius supposes he means that they were members of the 
tribe of Benjamin. See Tillemont, note 2. , 

' Acts xxiii. 

3 " The plain presented the appearance of an immense sheet of corn-stubble, dotted 
with small camps of tents : these tents are made of hair-cloth, and the peasantry reside 
in them at this season, while the harvest is reaping and the corn treading out." — 
Beaufort's Karamania, p. 273. 

■» This is the Vriyfia, or " bar," at the mouth of the river {al tov KvSvov ek6oXu 
tarH TO 'Vrlyua KaTiov/ievov), of which Strjibo speaks thus : 'Ean 6^ lijivul^uv rorrcf, 
lX(^v KOt tzakai.O. veupia, elg bv k[ii:L^Tei 6 'K.-vSvog, 6 Sia^^tuv Tr/v Tapadv, rug upX'^S 
Ixt^v Cinb TOV iTTepKEifitvov ryg iroXEug Tavpov * /cat Icjtlv incveiov y 7i.ifj.v7] ryg Tapcov, 
xiv. 5. The land at the mouth of the Cydnus (as in the case of the Pyramus and other 
rivers on that coast) has since that time encroached on the sea. The unhealthiness of 
the sea-coast near the Gulf of Scanderoon is notorious, as can be testified by two of 
those who have contributed drawings to this book. To one of them, the Rev. C. P. 
Wilbraham, Vicar of Audley, Staffordshire, the editors and publishers take this oppor- 
tunity of expressing their thanks. 


the same rocks, wlien the snows are melting, like the Rhine at Schaffhausen. 
We find a pleasure in thinking that the footsteps of the young Apostle 
often wandered by the side of this stream, and that his eyes often looked 
on these falls. We can hardly believe that he who spoke to the Lystrians 
of the "rain from heaven," and the "fruitful seasons," and of the "living 
God who made heaven and earth and the sea,"' could have looked with 
indifference on beautiful and impressive scenery. Gamahel was celebrated 
for his love of nature : and the young Jew, who was destined to be hia 
most famous pupil, spent his early days in the close neighbourhood of much 
that was well adapted to foster such a taste. Or if it be thought that in 
attributing such feelings to him we are writing in the spirit of modem 
times ; and if it be contended that he would be more influenced by the 
reaUties of human life than by the impressions of nature, — then let the 
youthful Saul be imagined on the banks of the Cydnus, where it flowed 
through the city in a stream less clear and fresh, where the wharves were 
covered with merchandize, in the midst of groups of men in various cos- 
tumes, speaking various dialects. St. Basil says, that in his day Tarsus 
was a point of union for Syi'ians, Cilicians, Isaurians, and Cappadocians.' 
To these we must add the Greek merchant, and the agent of Koman lux- 
ury. And one more must be added — the Jew, — even then the pilgrim of 
Commerce, trading with every nation, and blending with none. In this 
mixed company Saul, at an early age, might become familiar with the 
activities of life and the diversities of human character, and even in his 
childhood make some acquaintance with those various races, which in hi* 
manhood he was destined to influence. 

We have seen what his infancy was : we must now glance at his boy* 
hood. It is usually the case that the features of a strong character display 
themselves early. His impetuous fiery disposition would sometimes need 
control. Flashes of indignation would reveal his impatience and his hon- 
esty.2 The affectionate tenderness of his nature would not be without an 
object of attachment, if that sister, who was afterwards married,^ was his 
playmate at Tarsus. The work of tent-making, rather an amusement than 
a trade, might sometimes occupy those young hands, which were marked 
with the toil of years when he held them to the view of the Elders at 
Miletus."' His education was conducted at home rather than at school ; 

1 Acts xiv. 17, 15. 

* Il6\iv ToaavTTiv ex'^vaav evKXrjpcaQ, uare 'laavpov^ koc Ki'/uKag, Ka-jTTodoKa^ ts icai 
Ivpovg Jt' iavrr/c avvd-nreiv. — Ep. v., Eusebio Samosatorura Episcopo. 

3 See Acts ix. 1, 2, xxiii. 1-5 ; and compare Acts xiii. 13, xv. 38, with 2 Tim. iv. 11, 

■• Acts xxiii. IC. 

5 Acts XX. 34. " Ye yourselves know that these hands have ministered to my necea- 
BitieR, and to them that were with me." Compare xviii. 3. 1 Cor. iv. 12. 1 Thess. 
ii. 9. ? Thess. iii. 8. 

VOL I. — 4 


for, though Tarsus was celebrated for its learning, the Hebre\v lioy would 
not lightly be exposed to the influence of Gentile teaching. Or, if he 
went to a school, it was not a Greek school, but rather to some room con- 
nected with the synagogue, where a noisy class of Jewish children received 
the rudiments of instruction, seated on the ground with their teacher, after 
the manner of Mahomedan children in the East, who may be seen or heard 
it their lessons near the mosque.' At such a school, it may be, he learnt 
to read and to write, going and returning under the care of some attend- 
ant, according to that custom, which he afterwards used as au illustration 
in the Epistle to the Galatians* (and perhaps he remembered his own 
early days wliile he wrote the passage) when he spoke of the Law as the 
Slave who conducts us to the School of Christ. His religious knowledge, 
as his years advanced, was obtained from hearing the law read in the 
synagogue, from listening to the arguments and discussions of learned doc- 
tors, and from that habit of questioning and answering, which was permit- 
ted even to the children among the Jews. Familiar with the pathetic 
history of the Jewish sufferings, he would feel his heart filled with that 
love to his own people which breaks out in the Epistle to the Romans (ix. 
4^ 6) — to that people " whose were the adoption and the glory and the 
covenants, and of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ was to come," — a 
love not then, as it was afterwards, blended with love towards all man- 
kind, "to the Jew first, and also to the Gentile," — but rather united with 
a bitter hatred to the Gentile children whom he saw around him. His 
idea of the Messiah, so far as it was distinct, would be the carnal notion 
of a temporal prince — a " Clirist known after the flesh,"' — and he looked 
forward with the hope of a Hebrew to the restoration of " the kingdom 
to Israel." ' He would be known at Tarsus aa a child of promise, and as 

1 This is vrrlttcn from the recollection of a Mahomcdaa school at Elidah in Algeria, 
where the mosques can now be entered with impunity. The children, with the teacher, 
vvere on a kind of upper story like a shelf, within the mosque. All were seated on this 
Boor, in the way described by Maimonides below. The children wrote on boards, and 
recited what they wTote ; the master addressed them in rapid succession ; and' the con- 
fused sound of voices was unceasing. For pictures of an Egyptian and a Turkish 
school, see the Bible Cyclopedia, 1841 ; and the Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, 1847. 

' '0 vofzoc TraiSayuyos iijiuv yeyovev elg XpiGTov. Gal. Hi. 24, incorrectly rendered in 
the English translation. As a Jewish illustration of a custom well known among the 
Greeks and Romans, see the quotation In Buxtorf s Syuagoga Judaica, oh. vll. " Quando 
quia filium suum studio Legis consecrat, pingebant IpsI super pergameno vel tabella 
aliqua elementa literarum, quibus etiam mel Illinebant, delude eum bene iotum, mun- 
diB vestibus Indutum, placentis ex melle et lacte confectis, ut et fructlbus ac tragematis 
instructum, tradebant allcul Rabbino, qui eum deducat In scholam : hie cum ora pallii 
aui opertum ad Praeceptorem ducebat, a quo literas cognoscere discebat, illectus suavl- 
lale deliclamm illarum, et sic reducebatur ad matrom suam.'' The Rabbi's cloak was 
spread over the child to teach him modesty. The honey and honey -cakes symbolized 
snch passages as Deut. xxxii. 13. Cant. iv. 11. Ps. xix. 10. 

3 2 Cor. V. If). " Actsi. C. 

ST. Paul's botuood. 51 

one likely to upliold the honour of the law against the half-infidcl teaching 
of the day. But the time was drawing near, when his training was to 
become more exact and systematic. He was destined for the school of 
Jerusalem. The educational maxim of the Jews, at a later period, was as 
follows : — " At five years of age, let children begin the Scripture ; at ten, 
the Mischua ; at thirteen, let them be subjects of the law." ' There is no 
reason to suppose that the general practice was very different before the 
floating maxims of the great doctors were brought together in the JSIischna. 
It may therefore be concluded, with a strong degree of probability, that 
Saul was sent to the Holy City "^ between the ages of ten and thirteen. 
Had it been later than the age of thirteen, he could hardly ha-.o said that 
he had been "brought up"^ in Jerusalem. 

The first time any one leaves the land of his birth to visit a foreign and 
distant country, is an important epoch in his life. In the case of one who 
has taken this first journey at an early age, and whose character is enthu- 
siastic and susceptible of lively impressions from without, this epoch is 
usually remembered with peculiar distinctness. But when the country 
which is thus visited has furnished the imagery for the dreams of child- 
hood, and is felt to be more truly the young traveller's home than the land 
he is leaving, then the journey assumes the sacred character of a pilgrim- 
age. The nearest parallel which can be found to the visits of the scat- 
tered Jews to Jerusalem, is in the periodical expedition of the Mahomedan 
pilgrims to the sanctuary at Mecca. Xor is there anything which ought 
to shock the mind in such a comparison ; for that locahsing spirit was the 
same thing to the Jews under the highest sanction, which it is to the Ma- 
homedans through the memory of a prophet who was the enemy and not 

1 Quoted by Tholuck from the Mischna, Pirke Avoth, ch. v. § 21. 'We learn from 
Buxtorf that at 13 there was a ceremony something like Christian confirmation. The 
boy was then called ,>^',^2?3 ^n— " Fihus Prajccpti :" and the father declared in the 
presence of the Jews that his son fully understood the Law, and was fully responsible 
for his sins. Syn. Jud. ibid. 

^ See Tholuck's excellent remarks on the early life of the Apostle, in the Studien 
und Kritiken, vol. viii. pp. 3G4-393, or in the English translation in Clark's Biblical 
Cabinet, No. 28 ; and separately in his series of Tracts, No. 38. As Olshausen remarks 
Acts xx-ri. 4.—" My manner of life from my youth, which was at the first (Jtt' upxm) 
among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews, which knew me from the 
beginning (uvo0ev," — implies that he came from Tarsus at an early age. 

3 'AvaTeOpafitievo^. Acts xxii. 3. Cave assumes that '-in his youth ho was brou<^ht 
np in the schools of Tarsus, fully instructed in all the lil^eral arts and sciences, whereby 
he became admirably acquainted with foreign and external authors" (i. 4) • 'and that 
it was after having " rim through the whole cu-cle of the sciences, and laid the sure 
foundations of human learning at Tarsus" (i. 5), that he was sent to study the Law 
under Gamaliel. So Lardner seems to think. Hist, of the Ap. and Ev, ch. xi. Hem- 
sen is of opinion that, though as a Jew and a Pharisee he would not be educated in the 
heathen schools of Tarsus, he did not go to Jerusalem to be trained under Gamaliel till 
about the age of thirty, and after the ascension of Christ Der Apostel Paulua p 4-8 



the foreruiiiier of Christ. As the disciples of Islam may be seen, at stated 
seasons, flocking towards Cairo or Damascus, the meeting-places of the 
African and Asiatic caravans, — so Saul had often seen the Hebrew pil- 
grims from the interior of Asia Minor come down through the passes of 
the mountains, and join others at Tarsus who were bound for Jerusalem. 
They returned when the festivals were over ; and he heard them talk of 
the Holy City, of Herod and the New Temple, and of the great teachers 
and doctors of the law. And at length Saul himself was to go, — to see 
the land of promise and the city of David, and grow up a learned Rabbi 
"atthefeet of Gamaliel." 


With his father, or under the care of some other friend oider than 
himself, he left Tarsus and went to Jerusalem. It is not probable that 
they trt^velled by the long and laborious land-journey which leads from 
the Cilician plain through the defiles of Mount Amanus to Antioch, and 
thence along the rugged Phoenician shore through Tyre and Sidon to 
Judaea. The Jews, when they went to the festivals, or to carry contribu- 
tions, like the Mahomcdans of modern days, would follow the hnes of nat- 
ural traffic:^ and now that the Eastern Sea had been cleared of its 
pirates, the obvious course would be to travel by water. The Jews, 
though merchants, were not seamen. We may imagine Saul, therefore, 
setting sail from the Cydnus on his first voyage, in some Phoenician trader, 
under the patronage of the gods of Tyre ; or in company with Greek mar- 
iners, in a vessel adorned with some mythological emblem, like that Alex- 
andrian corn-ship which subsequently brought him to Italy, " whose sign 
was Castor and Pollux." ^ Gradually they lost sight of Taurus, and the 
heights of Lebanon came into view. The one had sheltered his early 
home, but the other had been a familiar form to his Jewish forefathers. 

' From the British Museum. It may be observed that this coia illustrates the mode 
of strengthening sails by rope-bands, mentioned in Mr. Smith's important work on the 
'^ Yoyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. 1848." p. 1G3. 

' Itj 1820, Abd-el-Kader went with his father on board a French brig to Alexandria, 
on their way to Mecca. See M. Barcste's Memoir of the ex-Emir ; Paris, 1848. 

3 Acts xxviii. 11. 


flow bistories would crowd into liis mind as the vessel moved on ovei the 
waves, and he gazed upon the furrowed flanks of the great Hebrew moun- 
tain ! Had the voyage been taken fifty years earlier, the vessel would 
probably have been bound for Ptolemais, which still bore the name of the 
Greek kings of Egypt;' but in the reign of Augustus or Tiberius, it ia 
more likely that she sailed round the headland of Carmel, and came to 
anchor in the new harbour of CiBsarea, — the handsome city which Herod 
had rebuilt, and named in honour of the Emperor. 

To imagine incidents when none are recorded, and confidently lay down 
a, route without any authority, would be in^^xcusable in writing on this 
subject. But to imagine the feelings of a Hebrew boy on his first visit to 
the Holy Laud, is neither difiicult nor blamable. During this journey 
Saul had around him a different scenery and different cultivation from 
what he had been accustomed to, — not a river, and a wide plain covered 
with harvests of corn, but a succession of hills and vallies, with terraced 
vineyards watered by artificial irrigation. If it was the time of a festival, 
many pilgrims were moving in the same direction, with music and songs of 
Zion. The ordinary road would probably be that mentioned in the Acts, 
wliich led from Caesarea through the town of Antipatris (xxiii. 31). But 
neither of these places would possess much interest for a " Hebrew of the 
Hebrews." The one was associated with the thoughts of the Ilomans and 
of modern times ; the other had been built by Herod in memory of Anti- 
pater, his Idumean father. But olijccts were not wanting of the deepest 
interest to a child of Benjamin. Those far hill-tops on the left were clos»; 
upon Mount Gilboa, even if the very place could not be seen where " the 
Philistines fought against Israel . . . and the battle went sore against 
Saul . . . and he fell on his sword . . . and died, and his three sons, and his 
armour-bearer, and all his men, that same day together." ^ After passing 
through the lots of the tribes of Manasseh and Ephraim, the traveller from 
Caesarea came to the borders of Benjamin. The children of Rachel were 
together in Canaan as they had been in the desert. The lot of Benjamin 
was entered near Bethel, memorable for the piety of Jacob, the songs of 
Deborah, the sin of Jeroboam, and the zeal of Josiah.^ Onward a short 
distance was Gibeali, the home of Saul when he was anointed King,* and 
the scene of the crime and desolation of the tribe, which made it the 
smallest of the tribes of Israel.'* Might it not be too truly said concerning 
the Israelites even of that period : " Tliey have deeply corrupted them- 
selves, as in the days of Gibeah : therefore the Lord will remember their 
ini(piity, He will visit their sins " ? « At a later stage of his life, sirch 
thoughts of the unbelief and iniquity of Israel accompanied St. Paul 

» See. for instance, 1 Mac. v. 15. x. 1. » 1 Sam. xxxi. 1-C. 

3 Gen. xxviii. Judg. iv. 5. 1 Kings xii. 29. 2 Kings xxiii. 15. 

* 1 Sam. X. 2G xr. 31 * Judges xx. 43, &c. « Hosea Ls. 9 


wherever he weut. At the early age of twelve years, all his eutliusiasra 
could liud an adequate object iu the earthly Jerusalem ; the firs-t view of 
which would be descried about this part of the journey. From the time 
when the line of the city wall was seen, all else was forgotten. The further 
border of Benjamin was almost reached. The Kabbis said that the bound- 
ary hue of Benjamin and Judab, the two faithful tribes, passed through 
the Temijle.' And this City and Temple was the common sanctuary of 
all Israehtes, " Thither the tribes go up, even the tribes of the Lord : to 
testify unto Israel, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord. 'There ia 
little Benjamin their ruler, and the princes of Judah their council, the 
princes of Zebulon and the princes of Xephthali : for there ia the seat of 
judgment, even the seat of the house of David." And now the Temple's 
glittering roof was seen, with the buildings of Zion crowning the eminence 
above it, and the ridge of the Mount of Olives rising high over all. And 
now the city gate was passed, with that thrill of the heart which none but 
a Jew could know. " Our feet stand within thy gates, Jerusalem. 
pray for the peace of Jerusalem : they shall prosper that love thee. Peace 
be within thy walls : and plenteousness within thy palaces. God, won- 
derful art thou in thy holy places : even the God of Israel. He mil give 
strength and power unto His people. Blessed be God."^ 

And now that this young enthusiastic Jew is come into the land of his 
forefathers, and is about to receive his education in the schools of the Holy 
City, we may pause to give some description of the state of Juda;a and 
Jerusalem. We have seen that it is impossible to fix the exact date of his 
arrival, but we know the general features of the period ; and we can easily 
form to ourselves some idea of the pohtical and religious condition of Pal- 

Herod was now dead. The tyrant had been called to his last account : 
and that eventful reign, which had destroyed the nationahty of the Jews, 
while it maintained their apparent independence, was over. It is most 
likely that Archelaus also had ceased to govern, and was already in exile. 
His accession to power had been attended with dreadful fighting in tho 
streets, with bloodshed at sacred festivals, and with wholesale crucifixions : 
his reign of ten years was one continued season of disorder and discontent ; 
and, at last, he was banished to Vienna on the Rhone, that Judaea might 
be formally constituted into a Ptoman province.^ We suppose Saul to 

• " Sanedrhi (ad plagam tcmpli australem) in parte seu portionc Judtc, et divina 
proesentia (seu occidentalis templi pars) in portiono Benjamin." — Gemara Babylonia 
•d tit. Zebachim. cap. 5. fol. 5i. b. See Seldea de Synedriis Hebraeorum, n. xv. 4 
(Seldeni Opera, 172(;, vol. i. f. 15i5). 

• '■■ee Ps. Ixviii. and cxxii. 

» While the question of succession was pending, the Eoman soldiers under Sabinoa 
had a desperate conflict with the Jews ; fighting and sacrificing went on together. 
Varu=«. the governor of Syria, marched from Antioch to Jerusalem, and 2000 Jewswer» 



rtave come from Tarsus to Jerusalem when one of the four governors, who 
preceded Pontius Pilate, was in power, — either Coponius, or Marcus Am- 
bivius, or Annius Rufus, or Yalerius Gratus. The governor resided in the 
town of Ccesarea. Soldiers were quartered there and at Jerusalem, and 
throughout Judcea, wherever the turbulence of the people made garrisons 
necessary. Centurions were in the country towns ; ' soldiers on the banks 
of the Jordan.^ There was no longer the semblance of independence. The 
revolution, of which Herod had sown the seeds, now came to maturity. 
The only change since his death in the appearance of the country was that 
everything became more Roman than before. Roman money was current 
in the markets. Roman words were incorporated in the popular language. 
Roman buildings were conspicuous in all the towns. Even those two inde- 
pendent principalities wliich two sons of Herod governed, between the 
provinces of Juda;a and Syria, exhibited all the general character of the 

epoch, Phihp the tetrarch of Gaulo- 
nitis, called Bethsaida, on the north 
of the lake of Gennesareth, by the 
name of Julias, in honour of the family 
who reigned at Rome. Antipas, the 
tetrarcli of Galilee, built Tiberias on 
the south of the same lake, in honour 
of the emperor who about this time 
(a. d. 14) succeeded his illustrious 

These pohtical change^ had been 
attci>ded with a gradual alteration in 
the national feelings of the Jews ^vith 
regard to their religion. That the 
sentiment of political nationality was 
not extinguished was proved too well 
by all the horrors of Vespasian's and 
Hadrian's reigns ; but there was a 
growing tendency to cling rather to 
their law and religion as the centre 
of their unity. The great conquests 
of the heathen powers may have been 

CTDCifled. The Hcroaian family, after their father's death, had gone to Rome, where 
Augustus received them in the Temple of Apollo. Aix-helaus had never the title of 
king, though his father had desired it. 

1 Luke vii. 1-10. ' L;iko iii. 14. 

3 Statue of Tiberius, from the •• .Mu?ee dcs Antiques," vol. ii. (Bouillon, Paris.) The 
statue is in the Louvre. "We cannot look upoa the portrait of Tiberius without deep 
Interest, when we remember how it must have been engraven on the mind of St. Panl, 
who would' see it before him wherever he went, till it was replaced by those of Caligula 



intended by Diviuc Providence to prepare this change in the Jewish 
muid. Even under the Maccabees, the Idea of the state began to give 
place, in some degree, to the idea of rehgious hfe.' Under Herod, the old 
unity was utterly broken to pieces. The high priests were set up and put 
down at his caprice ; and the jurisdiction of the Sanhedriu was still 
more abridged ; and high priests were raised and deposed, as the Chris- 
tian patriarchs of Constantinople have for some ages been raised and 
deposed by the Sultan : so that it is often a matter of great difQculty to 
ascertain who was high priest at Jerusalem in any givun year at this 
]>eriod.^ Thus the hearts of the Jews turned more and more towards the 
fulfilment of Prophecy, — to the practice of Religion, — to the interpreta- 
tion of the Law.. All else was now hopeless. The Pharisees, the Scribes, 
and the Lawvers were growing into a more important body even than the 
Priests and the Levites ; ^ and that system of " Rabbiuism" was beginning, 
" which, supplanting the original religion of the Jews, became, after the 
ruin of the Temple and the extinction of the public worship, a new bond of 
national union, the great distinctive feature in the character of modern 
Judaism." ^ 

The Apostolic age was remarkable for the growth of learned Rabbin 
ical schools ; but of these the most eminent were the rival schools of Hillel 
and Schammai. These sages of the law were spoken of by the Jews, and 
their proverbs quoted, as the seven wise men were quoted by the Greeks. 
Theu- traditional systems run through all the Talmudical writings, as the 
doctrines of the Scotists and Thomists run through the Middle Ages.* 
Both were Pharisaic schools : but the former upheld the honour of tradi- 
tion as even superior to the law ; the latter despised the traditionists when 
they clashed with Moses. The antagonism between them was so great, 
that it was said that " Elijah the Tishbite would n>ever be able to recon- 
cile the disciples of Hillel and Schammai." 

Of these two schools, that of Hillel was by far the most influential in 

and Claudius. The image of the emperor was at that time the olject of religious rev- 
erence : the emperor was a deity on earth (Dis a^qua potestas. Juv. iv. 71) ; and the 
worship paid to him was a real worship (see Merivale's Life of Augustus, p. 159). It 
is a striliing thought, that in those times (setting aside effete forms of religion), the 
only two genuine worships in the civilised world were the worship of a Tiberius or a 
Claudius on the one hand, and the worship of Christ on the other. 

' The Jewish writer, Jost, seems to speak too strongly of this change See the early 
part of the second volume of his Allg. Gesch. des Isr. Volks. 

' See Acts xxiii. 5. 

3 In earlier periods of Jewish history, the prophets seem often to have been a more 
influential body than the priests. It is remarkable that we do not read of " Schools of 
the Prophets " in any of the Levitical cities. In these schools, some were Levites, as 
Samuel ; some belonged to the other tribes, as Saul and David- 

* Milraan's History of the Jews, vol. iii. p. 100. 

» See Priucaux's Connection, part 11. pref. p. 12, and the beginning of book viii. 


fts own day, aud its decisions have been held authoritative by the gi'cater 
number of later Rabbis. The most eminent ornament of this school was 
Gamaliel,' whose fame is celebrated in the Talmud. Hillel was the father 
of Simeon, and Simeon the father of Gamaliel. It has been imagined by 
some that Simeon was the same old man who took the infant Saviour ia 
his arms, and pronounced the Nunc Dimillis.'' It is difficult to give a con- 
clusive proof of this ; but there is no doubt that this Gamaliel was the 
same who wisely pleaded the cause of St. Peter and the other Apostles/ 
and who had previously educated the future Apostle, St. Paul.-' His 
learning was so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one of the 
seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been honoured with the title 
of " Kabban." '= As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called Doctor 
Angelicas, and Bonaventura Doctor Serajikicus, so Gamaliel was called the 
"Beauty of the Law ;" and it is a saying of the Talmud, that "since 
Rabban Gamaliel died, the glory of the law lias ceased." He was a 
Pharisee ; but anecdotes '' are told of him, which show that he was not 
trammelled by the narrow bigotry of the sect. He had no antipathy to 
the Greek learning. He rose above the prejudices of his party. Our im- 
pulse is to class him with the best of the Pharisees, like Jsicodemus and 
Joseph of Arimathsea. Candour and wisdom seem to have been the 
features of his character ; and this agrees with what we read of him in the 
Acts of the Apostles,' that he was " had in reputation of all the people," 
and with his honest and intelligent argnment when Peter was brought 
before the Council. It has been imagined by some that he became a 
Christian : ^ and why he did not become so is known only to Him who 
understands the secretis of the human heart. But he lived and died a 
Jew ; and a well-known pi^yer against Christian heretics was composed or 

I For Gamaliel, see Lightfoot oa Acts v. oi (both ia the Commentary aud the 
Hebrew and Talmiidical Exer citations); also oa Matt. xiii. 2. 

» Luke ii. 25-35. 3 Acts v. 34-40. « Acts xxii. 3. 

5 This title is the same as " Rabboni " addressed to our Lord by Mary Magdaleue. 

« He bathed oace at Ptolemais in au apartmeut where a statue was erected to a 
heathen goddess ; and being asked how he could reconcile this with the Jewish law, he 
replied, that the bath was there before the statue ; that the bath was not made for the 
goddess, but the statue for the bath. Tholuck, Eng. Transl. p. 17. 

'' Acts V. 34. Yet Nicodemus and Joseph declared themselves the friends of Christ, 
which Gamaliel never did. And we should hardly expect to Cud a violent persecutor 
jmong the pupils of a really candid and unprejudiced man. Schrader has an indignant 
chapter against Gamaliel, and especially against the " unchristian " sentiment that the 
truth of a religion is to be tested by its success. Der Apostel Paulus, vol. ii. ch. 5. 

8 In the Clementine Recognitions (i. C5), Clement is made to say, — "Latenter frater 
Qoster erat in fide, sed consilio nostro inter eos erat :" and the plan is more fully stated 
In the next section (C6). Cotelerius says in a note : " Vulpinum hoc consilium Apos- 
tolis indignum est. Decepit tamen Bedam Pseudo-Clemens Rufini. At non ego 
credulus illis." See Bcde on Acts v. 34, and Retract, ibid. ; and compare Lightfoot's 
Comm. The story is adopted by Baronius • see the notes to next Chapter. 


sanctioned bjtim.' He died eighteen years before the destruciioJi of 
Jerusalem/ about the time of St. Paul's shipwreck at Malta, and was bur 
ied with great honour. Another of his pupils, Oukelos, the author of the 
celebrated Targum, raised to liim such a fmicral-pile of rich materials as 
had never been known, except at the burial of a king. 

If we were briefly to specify the three effects which the teaching and 
example of Gamaliel may be supposed to have produced on the mind of 
St. Paul, they w^ould be as follows : — candour and honesty of judgment, — 
a willingness to study and make use of Greek authors, — and a keen and 
watchful enthusiasm for the Jewish law. We shall see these traits of 
character soon exemplified in his life. But it is time that we should 
inquire into the manner of communicating instruction, and learn something 
concerning the places where instruction was communicated, in the schools 
of Jerusalem. 

Until the formation of the later Rabbinical colleges, which tJourished 
after the Jews were driven from Jerusalem, the instruction in the divinity 
schools seems to have been cliiefly oral. There was a prejudice against 
the use of any book except the Sacred "Writings. The system was one of 
Scriptural Exegesis-^* Josephus remarks, at the close of his Antiquities,^ 
that the one thing most prized by his countrymen was power in the expo- 
sition of Scripture. " They give to that man," he says, " the testimony of 
being a wise man, who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to 
interpret their meaning." So far as we are able to learn from our sources 
of information, the method of mstruction was something of this kind.^ At 
the meetings of learned men, some passage of the Old Testament was taken 
as a text, or some topic for discussion propounded in Hebrew, translated 
into the vernacular tongue by means of a Chaldee paraphrase, and made 
the subject of commentary : various interpretations were given : aphorisms 
were propounded : allegories suggested : and the opinions of ancient doc- 

' Lightfoot's Exercitations on Acts v. 34. Otho's Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. 
Gamaliel. The prayer is given in Mr. Home's Introduction to the Scriptures, 8th ed. 
vol. iii. p. 261, as follows : " Let there be no hope to them who apostatise from the true 
religion ; and let heretics, how many soever they be, all perish as in a moment. And 
let the kingdom of jiride be speedily rooted out and broken in our days. Blessed art 
thou, Lord our God, who destroyest the wicked, and briugest down the proud.'' 
This prayer is attributed by some to " Samuel the Little," who lived in the time of 
Gamaliel. There is a story that this Samuel the Little was the Apostle Paul himself, 
" Paulus " meaning " little," and " Samuel " being contracted into " Saul." See 
Basnage, bk. iii. eh. i. §§ If, 13. 

* His son Simeon, who succeeded him as president of the Council, perished in the 
ruins of the city. Lightf. Exerc. as above. 

3 See the remarks on this subject in the early part of the Sfcond volume of Jost'i 
Allg. Gesch. des Isr. Volks. 

* XX. 11. 2. 

= See Jost as above : and Dr. Kitto's Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, art. SchooLs " 
and " Synagogues." 


tors quoted aucl discussed. At these discussions the younger students 
were present, to listen or to enquire, — or, in the sacred words of St. Luke, 
" both hearing them and asking them questions : " for it was a i)eculiarity 
of the Jewish schools, that the pupil was encouraged to catechize the 
teacher. Contradictory opinions were expressed with the utmost freedom. 
This is evident from a cursory examination of the Talmud, which gives us 
tlie best notions of the scholastic disputes of the Jews. This remarkable 
body of Rabbinical jurisprudence has been compared to the Roman body 
of civil law : but in one respect it might suggest a better comparison with 
our own English common law, in that it is a vast accumulation of various 
and often inconsistent precedents : the arguments and opinions which it 
contains, shew very plainly that the Jewish doctors must often have 
been occupied with the most frivolous questions ; that the " mint, anise, 
and cummin " were eagerly discussed, while the " weightier matters of the 
law" were neglected : — but we should not be justified in passing a hasty 
judgment on ancient volumes, which are full of acknowledged difficulties 
What we read of the system of the Cabbala has often the appearance of 
unintelligible jargon : but in all ages it has been true that " the words of the 
wise are as goads, and as nails fastened by the masters of assemblies." ' 
If we could look back on the assemblies of the Rabbis of Jerusalem, with 
Gamaliel in the midst, and Saul among the younger speakers, it is possible 
that the scene would be as strange and as different from a place of modern 
education, as the schools now seen by travellers in the East differ from 
contemporary schools in England. But the same might be said of the 
walks of Plato in the Academy, or the lectures of Aristotle in the Lyceum. 
It is certain that these free and public discussions of the Jews tended to 
create a high degree of general intelligence among the people ; that the 
students were trained there in a system of excellent dialectics ; that they 
learnt to express themselves in a rapid and sententious style, often with 
much poetical feeling ; and acquired an admirable acquaintance with the 
words of the ancient Scriptures.^ 

These " Assemblies of the Wise " were possiljly a continuation of the 
" Schools of the Prophets," which are mentioned in the historical books of 
the Old Testament. Wherever the earlier meetings were held, whether at 
the gate of the city, or in some more secluded place, we read of no build- 
ings for purposes of worship or instruction before the Captivity. Durin<;» 
tiiat melancholy period, when they mourned over their separation from the 

' Eccles. xii. 11. 

» Many details are brought together by Meuchen, De Scholia Hebricorum, m liia 
- Novum Testameutum ex Talmude illustratuni." It seems that half-yearly examinations 
m sro held on four sabbaths of the mouths Adar and Elul (February and August) -when 
ue scholars made recitations and were promoted : the punishments were, contmement 
Vts^ring) and ftxcommiinication. 



Temple, the necessity of assemblies must liave been deeply felt, for united 
prayer and mutual exhortation, for the singing of the " Songs of Zion," 
and for remembering the " Word of the Lord." When they returned, 
the public reading of the law became a practice of universal interest: 
and from this period we must date the erection of Synagogues- in 
the different towns of Palestine. So that St. James could say, in the 
council at Jerusalem : " Moses of old time hath in every city them that 
preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath day." ^ To this 
later period the '74th Psalm may be referred,'' which laments over " the burn- 
ing of all the synagogues of God in the land." -' These buildings are not men- 
tioned by Josephus in any of the earlier passages of his history. But in 
the time of the Apostles we have the fullest evidence that they existed in 
all the small towns in Judaja, and in all the principal cities where the Jews 
were dispersed abroad. It seems that the synagogues often consisted of 
two apartments, one for prayer, preaching, and the offices of public wor- 
sliip ; the other for the meetings of learned men, for discussion concerning 
questions of religion and discipline, and for purposes of education." Thus 
the Synagogues j}nd the Schools cannot be considered as two separate sub- 
jects. Xo douht a distinction must be drawn between the smaller schools 
of the country villages, and the great divinity schools of Jerusalem. The 
synagogue which was built by the Centurion at Capernaum ^ was no doubt 
a far less important place than those synagogues in the Holy City, where 
" the LilDertines, and Cyi'enians, and Alexandrians, with those of Asia and 

1 From the British Museum. The beautiful colas of Cyrene shew how entirely it 
was a Greek city, and therefore imply that its Jews were Hellenistic, like those of 
Alexandria. See above, p. 18, note. 

* See Vitringa de Syuagoga Vetere, especially bk. i. pt. 2, ch. 12. Basuage assigzu 
the erection of synagogues to the time of the Maccabees. Meuschen says that schools 
were established by Ezra ; but he gives no proof. It is probable that they were nearly 

3 Acts XV. 21. 

■* See Ewald's Poetische Biichcr des Alton Eundes, aud Tholuck's Psalmen fiir 
Geietliche und Laien. Mr. Phillips considers this psalm to be simply prophetic of the 
destruction in the Roman war : Psalms in Heb. and Comm. 18i6. 

6 Pb. Lxxiv. 8. 

6 The place where the Jews met for worship was called riDj'n tT^^; ^^ opposed to 
the ^'"n?3 STii^! 'W'here lectures were given. The term Beth-Midrash is still said to be 
used in Poland and Germany for the place where Jewish lectures are given ou the law. 

' Luke vii. 5 


Ciii2ia," rose up as one man, and disputed against St. Stepbeu.i We have 
here five groups of foreign Jews, — two from Africa, two from Western 
Asia, and one from Europe : and there is no doubt that the Israelites of 
Syria, Babylonia, and the East were similarly represented. The Rabbmi- 
cal writers say that there were 480 synagogues in Jerusalem ; and though 
this must be an exaggeration, yet no doubt all shades of. Hellenistic 
and Aramaic opinions found a home in the common metropolis. It is easy 
to see that an eager and enthusiastic student could have had no lack 
of excitements to stimulate his religious and intellectual activity, if he 
spent the years of bis youth in that city " at the feet of Gamaliel." 

It has been contended, that when St. Paul said he was " brought up '' 
in Jerusalem, " at the feet of Gamaliel," he meant that he had Uvcd at the 
Kabban's house, and eaten at his table.^ But the words evidently point 
to the customary posture of Jewish students at a school. There is a curi- 
ous passage in the Talmud, where it is said, that " from the days of Moses 
to Rabban Gamaliel, they stood up to learn the Law ; but when E,abban 
Gamaliel died, sickness came into the world, and they sat down to learn 
the Law." ^ We need not stop to criticise this sentence, and it is not eas/ 
to reconcile it with other authorities on the same subject. " To sit at the 
feet of a teacher " was a proverbial expression ; as when Mary is said to 
have "sat at Jesus' feet and heard His word."'' But the proverbial expres- 
sion must have arisen from a well-known custom. The teacher was seated 
on an elevated platform, or on the ground, and the pupils around him oa 
low seats or on the floor. Maimonidcs says : — " How do the masters 
teach ? The doctor sits at the head, and the disciples around him like a 
crown, that they may all see the doctor and hear his words. Nor is the 
doctor seated on a seat, and the disciples on the ground ; but all are on 
seats, or all on the floor." ^ St. Ambrose says, in his Commentary on the 
1st Epistle to the Corinthians (xiv.), that "it is the tradition of the syna- 

' Acts vi. 9. It is difficult to classify the synagogues mentioned in this passage. 
An "Alexandrian Synagogue," built by Alexandrian artisans who were employed 
about the Temple, is mentioned in the Talmud. See Otho's Lexicon Rabbinicum, sab 
Toc Synagoga. We have ventured below to use the phrase " Cilician Synagogue," 
Wfiich cannot involve any serious inaccuracy. 

* Petitus, as quoted by Vitriuga, p. 168. 

» Tradunt magistri nostri ; a dicbus Mosis usque ad Rabban Gamalielem non didice- 
runt Legem, nisi stantcs ; verum a quo mortuus est Rabban Gamaliel, desceudit morbus 
in mundum, et didicerunt Legem scdcntes ; atquo hoc illud est, quod aiunt : a quo 
tempore Rabban Gamaliel mortuus est, cessavit Gloria Legis. Quoted by Vitringa* pt 
167. See Lightfoot on Luke ii. 46 ; and on Matt. xiii. 2. 

'> Luke X. 39. See viii. 35. 

5 Quomodo docere solcnt Magistri ? Doctor sedct ad summum, et discipuli ilium 
circumcingunt iu^tar coronoc, ut omnes Doctorem iutueri et ipsius verba audire possint 
Neque sedct Doctor in scdili et discipuli ejus ia solo, scd vel omnes sedent in terra vel 
oumes in sedilibus. Quoted by Vitringa, p 166 


got;uo that tliey sit while they dispute ; the elders in dignity on hio-h 
cliairs, those beneath them on low seats, and the last of all on mats upor 
the pavement " And again Philo says, that the children of the Esseues 
sat at the feet of the masters, who interpreted the law, and explained itfl 
figurative sense." And the same thing is expressed in that maxim of tbo 
Jews — " Place thyself in the dust at the tc^t of the wise."^ 

In this posture the Apostle of the Gentiles spent his schoolboy days, an 
ea^ei and indefatigable student. " He that giveth his mind to the law of 
the Most High, and is occupied in the meditation thereof, will seek out 
the wisdom of all the ancient, and be occupied in prophecies. He will 
kc.eji the sayings of the renowned men ; and where subtle parables are, he 
will be there also. He will seek out the secrets of grave sentences, and 
be conversant in dark parables. He shall serve among great men, and 
appear among princes : he will travel through strange countries ; for he 
hath tried the good and the evil among mea."^ Such was the pattern 
proposed to himself by an ardent follower of the Rabbis ; and we cannot 
wonder that Saul, with such a standard before him, and with so ardent a 
temperament, " made progress in the Jews' religion above many of his con- 
temporaries in his own nation, being more exceedingly zealous of the tra- 
ditions of his Fathers." = Intellectually, his mind was trained to logical 
acuteness, his memory became well stored with " hard sentences of old," 
and he acquired the facility of quick and apt quotation of Scripture 
Morally, he was a strict observer of the requirements of the Law ; and, 
while he led a careful conscientious life, after the example of his ancestors ' 
be gradually imbibed the spirit of a fervent persecuting zeal. Among his 
fellow students, who flocked to Jerusalem from Egypt and Babylonia, from 
the coasts of Greece and his native Cilicia, he was known and held in high 
estimation as a rising light in Israel. And if we may draw a natural in- 
ference frcJm another sentence of the letter which has just been quoted, he 
was far from indifferent to the praise of men.'' Students of the law were 
called " the holy people ; " and we know one occasion when it was said, 
"This people who knoweth not the Law are cursed."^ And we can im- 

I Hffic traditio syuagogse est, ut sedentes disputent, seniores dignitate in cathedi-is, 
sequentes in subselliis, novissimi in pavimento super mattas. Amb. Com. in 1 Cor. s: . . 
(Basle. 15G7, p. 284.) 

' 'Ispii 7] iCdo/uTi vn-vfiiGTat, Kad' Tjv ruv uTJ.uv ilvexovreg tpyov, ical elg lepovg dipiK' 
vovfiEvoi TOTcovg, ol Ka7.ovvTai cvvayuyal, KaO' i^liKiag hv tu^eglv virb -TrpeaSvTepoig vioi 
tadel^ovrai, fierd. kog/iov tov irpom'^KOVTog ex^'"'^? uKpoariKug. Mangey's Philo. ii. p. 458. 

3 Sit domus tua conventus sapientum et piilveriza te in pulvere pedum eorum, 'A 
tibe cum siti -^crba coram. Pirke Avoth. cap. 1, § 4, quoted by Vitringa, p. 1G8. 

* Ecclee. xxxix. 1-4. s Gal. i. 14. « 2 Tim. i. 3. 

7 Gal. i. 10. 'Ap-L yup uvdpuTTOVc -rceWu . . . el yelp Itl uv6p6-oig ijpEGKOV, XpLCTov 
(foi5^of ovK uv 7//ZTIV, "Am I now seeliing to conciliate men? . . . Nay, if I stiU 
itroTe (as once I did) to please men, I should not be the servant of Christ." 

» John vii. 49. 


agine liim sajiug to himself, with all the rising pride of a successful Phari- 
see, iu the language of the Book of Wisdom : " I shall have estimation 
among the multitude, and honour with the elders, though I be young. I 
shall be found of a quick conceit in judgment, and shall be admired in the 
sight of great men. When I hold my tongue, they shall bide my leisure j 
and when I speak, they shall give good ear unto me." ' 

While thus he was passing through the busy years of his student-life, 
nursing his religious enthusiasm and growing in self-rightfcousucss, others 
were advancing towards their manhood, not far from Jerusalem, of whom 
then he knew nothing, but for whose cause he was destined to count that 
loss which now was his highest gain.^ There was one at Ilebrou, the son 
of a priest " of the course of Abia," who was soon to make his voice heard 
throughout Israel as the preacher of repentance ; there were boys by the 
Lake of Galil-ec, mending their fathers' nets, who were hereafter to be the 
teachers of the World ; and there was one, at Xazareth, for the sake of 
whose love — they, and Saul himself, and thousands of faithful hearts 
throughout all future ages, should unite in saying : — " He must increase, 
but I must decrease." It is possible that Gamaliel may have been one of 
those doctors with whom Jesus was found conversing in the Temple. It 
is probable that Saul may have been within the precincts of the Temple 
at some festival, when Mary and Joseph came up from Galilee. It is cer- 
tain that the eyes of the Saviour and of His future disciple must often 
have rested on the same objects, — the same crowd of pilgrims and wor- 
shippers, — the same walls of the Holy City, — the same olives on the other 
side of the valley of Jehoshaphat. But at present they were strangers. 
The mysterious Imman life of Jesus was silently advancing towards its 
great consummation. Saul was growing more and more familiar with the 
outward, observances of the Law, and gaining that experience of the 
" spirit of bondage " which should enable him to understand himself, and 
to teach to others, the blessings of the " spirit of adoption." He was 
feeling the pressure of that yoke, which in the words of St. Peter, " neither 
his fathers nor he were able to bear." He was learning (iu proportion as 
his conscientiousness increased) to tremble at the slightest deviation from 
the Law as jeopardising salvation : " whence arose that tormenting scrupu- 
losity which invented a number of limitations, in order (by such self-imposed 
restraint) to guard against every possible transgression of the Law."' 
The struggles of this period of his hfo he has himself described in the 
seventh chapter of Romans. Meanwhile, year after year passed away. 
John the Baptist appeared by the waters of the Jordan. The greatest 
event of the world's history was finished on Calvary. The sacrifice for 
sin was offered at a time when sin appeared to be most triumphant. At 

1 Wisdom viii. 10-12. « Sec Thil. iii. 5-7. 

» Neandcr Pfl. unci L. (Eng Trana. p. 137.) 


the period of the Crucifixion, three of the principal persons who demand 
the historian's attention are — the Emperor Tiberius, spending his life of 
shameless lust on the island of Caprese, — his vile minister, Sejanus, revelling 
in cruelty at Rome, — and Pontius Pilate at Jerusalem, mingling \yitli the 
gacrifices the blood of the Galileans.' How refreshing is it to turn from 
these characters to such scenes as that where St. John receives his Lord's 
dying words from the cross, or where St. Thomas meets Him after the 
resurrection, to have his doubts turned into faith, or where St. Stephen 
sheds the first blood of martyrdom, praying for hi<5 murderers ! 

This first martyrdom has the deepest interest for us ; since it is the 
first occasion when Saul comes before us in his early manhood. Where 
had he been during these years which we have rapidly passed over in a 
few lines, — the years in which the foundations of Christianity were laid ? 
We cannot assume that he had remained continuously in Jerusalem. 
Many years had elapsed since he caine, a boy, froni his home at Tarsus. 
He must have attained the age of twenty-five or thirty years when our 
Lord's public ministry began. His education was completed ; and we may 
conjecture, with much probability, that he returned to Tarsus. When he 
says, in the first letter to the Corinthians (\x. 1), — " Have I not seen the 
Lord?" and when he speaks in the second (v. 16) of having "known 
Christ after the flesh," he seems only to allude, in the first case, to his 
visioH on the road to Damascus ; and, in the second, to his carnal opinions 
concerning the Messiah. It is hardly conceivable, that if he had been at Je- 
rusalem during our Lord's public ministration there, he should never allude 
to the fact.' In this case, he would surely have been among the persecu- 
tors of Jesus, and have referred to this as the ground of his remorse, 
instead of expressing his repentance for his opposition merely to the Sa- 
viour's followers.^ 

If he returned to the banks of the Cydnus, he would find that many 
changes had taken place among Ms friends in the interval which had 
brought him from boyhood to manhood. But the only change in himself 
was that he brought back with him, to gratify the pride of his parents, if 
they still were hving, k mature knowledge of the Law, a stricter life, a 
more fervent zeal. And here, in the schools of Tarsus, he had abundant 
opportunity for becoming acquainted with that Greek hterature, the taste 
for which he had caught from Gamaliel, and for studying the writings ot 

• Luke xiii. 1. 

' Iq the absense of more information, it is difiQcult to write with confidence concerning 
this part of St. Paul's life. Benson thinks he was a young student during our Lord's 
ministry, and places a considerable interval between the Ascension of Christ and the 
persecution of Stephen. Lardncr thinks that the restraint and retirement of a student 
might have kept him in ignorance of what was going on in the world. Hemsen's 
opinion has been given above. 

3 1 Cor. XV. 9. Acts xxii. 20. 


Pliilo and tlie Hellenistic Jews. Supposing him to be tbus employed, we 
will describe in a few words the first beginnings of the ApostoUc Church, 
and the appearance presented by it to that Judaism in the midst of which 
it rose, and follow its short history to the point where the " young man, 
whose name was Saul," reappears at Jerusalem, in connection with his 
friends of the Cilician Synagogue, " disputing with Stephen." 

Before our Saviour ascended into heaven, He said to His disciples : 
" Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judsea, and 
in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth."' And when 
Matthias had been chosen, and the promised blessing had been received 
on the day of Pentecost, this order was strictly followed. First the Gos- 
pel was proclaimed in the City of Jerusalem, and the numbers of those 
who believed gradually rose from 120 to 5000.^ Until the disciples were 
"scattered," 3 "upon the persecution that arose about Stephen,"'' Jerusa- 
lem was the scene of all that took place in the Church of Christ. We 
read as yet of no communication of the truth to the GentUcs, nor to the 
Samaritans ; no hint even of any Apostolic preaching in the country parts 
of Judaea. It providentially happened, indeed, that the first outburst of 
the new doctrine, with all its mu'aculous evidence, was witnessed by " Jews 
and proselytes " from all parts of the world.^ They had come up to the 
Festival of Pentecost from the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, of the 
Nile and of the Tiber, from the provinces of Asia Minor, from the desert 
of Arabia, and from the islands of the Greek Sea ; aad when they re- 
turned to their homes, they carried with them news which prepared the 
way for the Glad Tidings about to issue from Mount Zion to " the utter- 
most parts of the earth." But as yet the Gospel lingered on the Holy 
Hill. The first acts of the Apostles were "prayer and supplication " in 
the "upper room ;" breaking of bread "from house to house ;"® fjttiraclee 
in the Temple ; gatherings of the people in Solomon's cloister, and the 
bearing of testmiony in the council chamber of the Sanhedrin. 

One of the chief characteristics of the ApostoUc Church, considered in 
itself, was the bountiful charity of its members one towards another. 
Many of the Jews of Palestine, and therefore many of the earliest Chris- 
tian converts, were extremely poor. The odium incurred by adopting the 
new doctrine might undermine the livelihood of some who depended on 
their trade for support, and this would make alms-giving necessary. But 
the Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared with those of the 
dispersion. We see this exemplified on later occasions, in the contributions 

' Acts i. 8. • Acts L 15. ii. 41. ir. 4. 

3 Acts Tiii. 1. •» Acts xL 19. * Acts ii. 9-11. 

6 Or rath'jr " at home " {kot" oIkov. Acte ii. 4G) — i. e. in their meetings at the 
private houses of Christians, as opposed'to the public devotions in the Temple. 
VOL. I. — 5 


which St. Paul more than once anxiously promoted.' And iu the yeiy first 
days cf the Church, we find its wealthier members placing their entire pos- 
eessions at the disposal of the Apostles. Not that there was any aboUtion 
of the rights of property, as the words of St. Peter to Ananias very well 
enow.' But those who were rich gaye up what God had given them, in 
the gpirlt of generous self-sacrifice, and accordmg to the true principle of 
Christian communism, which regards property as entrusted to the possessor, 
not for himself, but for the good of the whole community, — to be distrib- 
uted according to such methods as his charitable feeling and conscientious 
judgment may approve. The Apostolic Church was, in this respect, in a 
healthier condition than the Church of modern days. But even then we 
find ungenerous and suspicious sentiments growing up in the midst of the 
general benevolence. That old jealousy between the Aramaic and Hellen- 
istic Jews reappeared. Their party feeling was excited by some real or 
apparent unfairness in the distribution of the fund set apart for the poor. 
" A murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews," ^ or of the Hebrews 
against the Grecians, had been a common occurrence for at least two cen- 
turies ; and, notwithstanding the power of the Divine Spirit, none will 
wonder that it broke out again even among those who had become obedi- 
ent to the doctrine of Christ, That the widows' fund might be carefully 
distributed, seven almoners or deacons were appointed, of whom the most 
eminent was St. Stephen, described as a man " full of faith, and of the 
Holy Ghost," and as one who, " full of faith and power, did great wonders 
and miracles among the people." It wiM be observed that these seven 
men have Greek names, and that one was a proselyte from the Greco-Syr- 
ian city of Antiocli. It was natural, from the peculiar character of the 
quarrel, that Hellenistic Jews should have been appointed to this office. 
And this circumstance must be looked on as divinely arranged. For the 
introduction of that party, which was most free from local and national 
prejudices, into the very ministry of the Church, must have had an import- 
ant influence in preparing the way for the admission of the Gentiles. 

Lookmg back, from our point of view, upon the community at Jerusa- 
lem, we see in it the beginning of that great society, the Church, which 
has continued tc ou? own time, distinct both from Jews und Heathen, and 
which will continue lill it absorbs both the Heathen and the Jews. But 
to the contemporary Jews themselves it wore a very different ap'^earance. 
From the Hebrew point of view, the disciples of Christ would be regarded 
as a Jewish sect or synagogue. The synagogues, as we have seen, were 
very numerous at Jerusalem. There were already the CiUcian Synagogue, 
the Alexa.ndriau Synagogue^ the Synagogue of the Libertines, — and tc 

> Acts xi. 29, 30; and again nom. xv. 25, 26, compared with Acts xxiv. V: 
I Ccr. xv], 1-4. 2 Cor. Tili. 1-4. 
* Acti T. 4 3 Acta vL 1 


thfcse was uow added (if we may use so bold an expression the Nazarene 
Synagogue, or the Synagogue of the Galilaeans. Not that any separate 
Duildiug was erected fijr the devotions of the Christians ; for they met 
fi^m house to house for prayer and the breaking of bread. But they were 
by no means separated from the nation ; ' they attended the festivals ; 
they worshipped in the Temple. They were a new and singular party in 
the nation, holding peculiar opinions, and interpreting the Scriptures in 3 
peculiar way. This is the aspect under which the Church would first pre- 
sent itself to the Jews, and among others to Saul himself. Many different 
opinions were expressed in the synagogues concerning the nature and office 
of the Messiah. These Galilajans would be distinguished as liolding the 
strange opinion that the true Messiah was that notorious " malefactor," 
who had been crucified at the last Passover. All parties ui the nation 
united to oppose, and if possible to crush, the monstrous heresy. 

The first attempts to put down the new faith came from the Saddu- 
cees. The high priest and his immediate adherents" belonged to this 
party. They hated the doctrine of the resurrection ; and the resurrection 
of J^sus Christ was the corner-stone of all St. Peter's teaching. He and 
the other Apostles were brought before the Sanhedrin, who in the first 
instance were content to enjoin silence on them. The order was disobeyed, 
and they were summoned again. The consequences might have been fatal : 
but that the jealousy between the Sadducees and Pharisees was overruled, 
and the instrumentality of one man's wisdom was used, by Almighty God, 
for the protection of His servants. Gamaliel, the eminent Pharisee, 
arg^ied, that if this cause were not of God, it would come to nothing, like 
the work of other impostors ; but, if it were of God, they could not safely 
resist what must certainly prevail : and the Apostles of Jesus Christ were 
scourged, and allowed to " depart from the presence of the council, rejoicing 
that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for His name." ' But it was 
impossible that those Pharisees, whom Christ had always rebuked, should 
long continue to be protectors of the Christians. On this occasion we find 
the teacher, Gamaliel, taking St. Peter's part : at the next persecution, 
Saul, the pupil, is actively concerned in the murder of St. Stephen. It 
was the same alternation of the two prevailing parties, first opposing each 
other, and then uniting to oppose the Gospel, of which Saul himself 
hfid such intimate experience when he became St. Paul,'* 

^ " The worship of the temple and the synagogue still went side by side with the 
prayers, and the breaking of bread from house to house. . . . The Jewish family life 
was the highest expression of Christian unity. . . . The fulfilment of the ancient law 
was the aspect of Christianity to which the attention of the Church was most directed." 
Mr. Stanley's Sermon on St. Peter, p. '92; see James ii. 2, where th.e word "syn» 
gogue " is ajiplied to Christian assemblies, 

' Acts iv. 1. V. 17. 3 Acts v. 41. ■* See Acts xxiii. 6. 9. U. 20. 


In many particulars St. Stephen was the forerunner of St. Paul. Up 
to this time the conflict had been chiefly maiutamcd with the Aramaic 
Jews : but Stephen carried the war of the Gospel into the territory of the 
Hellenists. The learned members of the foreign synagogues endeavoured 
to refute him by argument or by clamour. The Cilician Synagogue la 
particularly mentioned (Acts vi. 9, 10) as having fui'nished some conspic- 
uous opponents to Stephen, who " were not able to resist the wisdom and 
the spirit with which he spake." We cannot doubt, from what follows, 
that Saul of Tarsus, already distinguished by his zeal and talents among 
the younger champions of Pharisaism, bore a leading part in the discus- 
sions which here took place. He was now, though still "a young man" 
(Acts vii. 58), yet no longer in the first opening of youth. This is evi- 
dent from the fact that he was appointed to an important ecclesiastical 
and pohtical ofiice immediately afterwards. Such an appointment he could 
hardly have received from the Sanhedrin before the age of thirty, asd 
probably not so early ; for we must remember that a peculiar respect for 
seniority distinguished the Rabbinical authorities. We can imagine Saul, 
then, the foremost in the Cilician Synagogue, " disputing" against the new 
doctrines of the Hellenistic Deacon, in all the energy of vigorous manhood, 
and with all the vehement logic of the Rabbis. How often must these 
scenes have been recalled to his mind, when he himself took the place of 
Stephen in many a Synagogue, and bore the brunt of the like furious assault ; 
surrounded by " Jews filled with envy, who spake against those things 
which were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blaspheming." ' But this 
clamour and these arguments were not sufiicient to convince or intimidate 
St. Stephen. False witnesses were then suborned to accuse him of blas- 
phemy against Moses and against God, — who asserted, when he was drag- 
ged before the Sanhedrin, that they had heard him say that Jesus of Naz- 
areth should destroy the temple, and change the Mosaic customs. It is 
evident, from the nature of this accusation, how remarkably his doctrine 
was an anticipation of St. Paul's. As an Hellenistic Jew, he was less 
entangled in the prejudices of Hebrew nationality than his Aramaic breth- 
ren ; and he seems to have a fuller understanding of the final intention of 
the Gospel than St. Peter and the Apostles had yet attained to. Not 
doubting the divinity of the Mosaic economy, and not faithless to the God 
of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, he yet saw that the time was coming, yea, 
then was, when the " true wwshippers " should worship Him, not in the Tem- 
ple only or in any one sacred spot, but everywhere throughout the earth, 
*' in spirit and in truth ; " and for this doctrine he was doomed to die. 

When we cpeak of the Sanhedrin, we are brought into contact with ac 
important controversy. It is much disputed whether it had at this period 

1 Acts xiii. 45. 


toe power of inflicting death.' On the one hand, we apparently find the 
existence of this power denied by the Jews themselves at the trial of our 
Lord ; * and, on the other, we apparently find it assumed and acted on in 
the case of St. Stephen. The Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, like the Areopa- 
gus at Athens, was the highest and most awful court of judicature, espe- 
cially in matters that pertained to religion ; but hke that Athenian tri- 
bunal, its re-al power gradually shrunk, though the reverence attached to 
its decisions remained. It probably assumed its systematic form under the 
second Ilyrcauus ; and it became a fixed institution in the Commonwealth 
under his sons, who would be glad to have then* authority nominally 
limited, but really supported, by such a Council.^ Under the Herods, and 
under the Romans, its jurisdiction was curtailed ; * and we are informed, 
on Tahuudical authority,* that, forty years before the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, it was formally deprived of the power of inflicting death. If this is 
true, wo must consider the proceedings at the death of St. Stephen as tumult- 
uous and irregular. And nothing is more probable than that Pontius Pilate 
(if indeed he was not absent at the time) would willingly connive, in the 
spirit of Gallic at Corinth, at an act of unauthorised cruelty in " a ques- 
tion of words and names and of the Jewish law," " and that the Jews would 
wilhngly assume as much power as they dared, when the honour of Moses 
and the Temple was in jeopardy. 

The council assembled in solemn and formal state to try the blasphemer. 
There was great and general excitement in Jerusalem. " The people, the 
scribes, and the elders" had been "stirred up" by the members of the 
Hellenistic Synagogue.'^ It is evident, from that vivid expression which is 

1 Most of the modern German critics (Neander, De Wette, Olshausen, &c.) are of 
opinion that they had not at this time the jDower of life and death. A very careful 
and elaborate argument for the opposite view will be found in Biscoe's History of the 
Acts confirmed, ch. vi. See also Krebs, Obs. in N. T. e Flavio Josepho, pp. 64 and 
155. Mr. Milman says that in his "opinion, formed upon the study of the cotemporary 
Jewish history, the power of the Sanhedrin, at this period of political change and con- 
fusion, on this, as well as on other points, was altogether undefined." — History of 
Christianity, vol. i. p. 340. Compare the narrative of the death of St. James. Joseph. 
A. XX. 9. 

■' John xviit. 31, xix. 6. See the Commentaries of Tittmau and Liicke. 

3 Jost's Allg. Gesch., vol. ii. p. C, &c. The Greek term cvveSpiov, from which 
' Sanhedrin " (-p'TirtlO) is derived, makes it probable that its systematic organization 
dates from the Greco-Macedonian period. ^ 

< TVe R0€ the beginning of this in the first passage where the council is mentioned by 
Josophus, Antitj. xiv. 9. See Solden de Synedriis nebra;orum, H. xv. 15. " Principei 
Syncdrii .... summotos intcrdum fuisse pcrinde ac Pontifices, idque imprimis scculis 
illis recentioribus, quibus reipublica;, imperii, jurisdictionis facies pro dominantiuni 
victorumque arbitratu crebro mutaliat. non est cur omnino dubitemus : etiam et cod 
etitutos subinde a Romanis, prout gubernandi ratio exigebat."' Opera J f. 1572. 

* Otho, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Synedrium. 

« Acts xviii. 15. ' vl 12. 


quoted from the accusers' mouths, — "this place" — "this holy place,"— th&\ 
the meeting of the Sanhedrin took place in the close neiglibourhood of the 
Temple. Their ancient and solemn room of assembly was the hall Gazith,' 
or the " Stone-Chamber," partly within the Temple Court and partly with- 
out it. The president sat in the less sacred portion, and around him, in a 
semi-cu-cle, were the rest of the seventy judgeB.** 

Before these judges Stephen was made to stand, confronted by his ac- 
cusers. The eyes of all were fixed upon his countenance, which grew 
bright as they gazed on it, with a supernatural radiance and serenity. In 
the beautiful J ewish expression of the Scripture, " They saw liis face as it 
had been that of an angel." The judges, when they saw his glorified 
countenance, might have remembered the shining on the face of Moses,' 
and trembled lest Stephen's voice should be about to speak the will of 
Jehovah, like that of the great lawgiver. Instead of being occupied with 
the faded glories of the Second Temple, they might have recognised in tlie 
spectacle before them the Shechinah of the Christian soul, which is the 
living Sanctuary of God. But the trial proceeded. The judicial question, 
to which the accused was required to plead, was put by the president : 
" Are these things so ?" And then Stephen answered, and his cleaa: voice 
was heard in the silent council-hall, as he went through the^history of the 
chosen people, proving his own deep faith in the sacredness of the Jewish 
economy, but suggesting, here and there, that spiritual interpretation of it 
which had always been the true one, and the truth of which was now to 
be made manifest to all.'* He began, with a wise discretion, from j;he call 
of Abraham, and travelled historically in his argument through all the 
great stages of their national existence, — from Abraham to Joseph, — from 
Joseph to Moses, — from Moses to David and Solomon. And as he went 
on he selected and glanced at those points which made for his own cause. 
He showed that God's blessing rested on the faith of Abraham, though he 
had " not so much as to set his foot on" in the land of promise (v. 5), on 
the piety of Joseph, though he was an exile in Egyjit (v. 9), and on the 
holiness of the Burning Bush, though in the desert of Sinai (v. 30). He 

' Otiio, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Conclave ; and Selden de Synedriis Hebraeo- 
rum, II. X. 2, IT. xv. 4. (ff. 1431 & 1544.) See above p. 54, n. 1. It appeal's that the 
Talmudical authorities differ as to whether it was on the south or north side of the 
Temple. But they agree in placing it to the cast of the Most Holy Place. 

* Seldeu describes the form in which the Sanhedrin sat, and gives a diagram with 
the " President of the Council " in the middle, the '• Father of the Council " by hia 
«ldc, and " Scribes " at the extremities of the semicircle : 11. vL 1. ff. 1318, 1319. 

3 Exodus xxxiv. 29-35 : see 2 Cor. iii. 7, 13. Chrysostom imagines (Horn, xv.) that 
the angelic brightness on Stephen's face might be inteudod to alarm the juages ; for 
as he says, it is possible for a countenance full of spiritual grace to be awful and terrible 
to those who are full of hate. 

* For an analysis of this speech, see Schottgeu's Ilora; HebraicEE ; Kuinoel's Com 
nentary ; and also Ncan?;er in the Pfl, and Leit. 


cfweJt in detail ou the Lawgiver, in such a way as to show his own unque* 
tionable orthodoxy ; but he quoted the promise concerning " the prophet 
like unto Moses" (v. 37), and reminded his hearers that the law, in which 
they trusted, had not kept their forefathers from idolatry (v. 39, Sec). 
And so he passed on to the Temple, which had so prominent a reference 
to the charge against him : and while he spoke of it, he alluded to the 
words of Solomon himself,' and of the prophet Isaiah,* who denied that 
any temple "made with hands" could be the place of God's highest wor- 
ship. And thus far they listened to him. It was the story of tlie chosen 
people, to which every Jew listened with interest and pride. 

It is remarkable, as we have said before, how completely St. Stephen 
is the forerunner of St. Paul, both in the form and the matter of this de- 
fence. His securing the attention of the Jews by adopting the historical 
method, is exactly what the Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in 
Pisidia.^ His assertion of his attachment to the true principles of the 
Mosaic religion is exactly what was said to Agrippa : " I continue unto 
this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than 
those which the prophets and Moses did say should come."-* It is deeply 
interesting to think of Saul as listening to the martyr's voice, as he ante- 
dated those very arguments which he himself was destined to reiterate in 
synagogues and before kings. There is no reason to doubt that he was 
present,^ although he may not have been qualified to vote ^ in the Sauhe- 
drin. And it is evident, from the thoughts which occurred to him in his 
subsequent vision within the precincts of the Temple,' how deep an impres- 
sion St. Stephen's death had left on his memory. And there are even 
verbal coincidences which may be traced between this address and St. 

1 1 Kings viii. 27. 2 Chron. ii. 6. vi. 18. 

• Is. Ixvi. Ij 2. 3 Acts xiii. 16-22. ■< Acts xxvi. 22. 

s Mr. Humpliry remarks (Comm. on Acts, 1847, p. 48), that it is not improbable wc 
owe to him the defence of St. Stephen as given in the Acts. Besides the resemblance 
mentioned in the text, he points out the similarity between Acts vii. 44, and Heb. viii. 
5, between Acts vii. 5-8, and Rom. iv. 10-19, and between Acts vii.. 60, and 2 Tim. iv. 
16. And if the Epistle to the Hebrews was written by St. Panl, may we not suppose 
that this scene was present to his mind when he wTote, " Jesus suffered without the 
gate : let us go forth therefore unto Ilim without the camp, bearing His reproach"? 
(xiii. 12, 13.) 

6 One of the necessary qualifications of memoers of the Sanhedrin was, that thoy 
should 1)0 the fathers of children, because such were supposed more likely to leao 
towards mercy. See Selden, quoting from Maimonides: "In nullo Synedriorunj 
cooptabant quempiam cui proles decsset, undo fieret misei'icors :'' and again from the 
Jerusalem Gcmara, " Is qui non vidit sibi liberos, judiciis pecuniariis idoneus est, at 
vero non capitalibus," II. ix. 4, f. 1422. If this was the rule when Stephen was tried, 
and if Saul was one of the judges, he must have been married at the time. 

7 He said in his trance, " Lord, they know that I imprisoned ard beat in every 
synagogue them that believed on thee ; and when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was 
elied, I also was standing by, and consenting unto his death, and kept the raiment o/ 
them that slew him." Acts xxii. 19, 20. 


Paurs speeches or writings. The words used by Stephen of the Temple 
call to mind those which were used at Athens.' When he s^jeaks of the 
law as received " by the disposition of angels," he anticipates a phrase 
in th3 Epistle to the Galatians (iii. 19). His exclamation at the end, 
" Ye stiffnecked and uncircumcised in heart . . . who have received the 
law . . . and have not kept it," is only an indignant condensation of the 
argument in the Epistle to the Romans : " Behold thou art called a Jew, 
and restest in the law, and makest thy boast of God, and knowest His 
will . . . Thou, therefore, that makest thy boast of the law, through 
breaking the law dishonourest thou God ? . . . He is not a Jew which is 
one outwardly ; neither is that circumcision which is Outward in the 
flesh ; but he is a Jew which is one inwardly : and circumcision is that of 
the heart, in the spirit, and not in the letter ; whose praise is not of man, 
but of God." (ii. 17-29). 

Tlie rebuke which Stephen, full of the Divine Spirit, su(^enly broke 
away from the course of his narrative to pronounce, was the signal for a 
general outburst of furious rage on the part of his judges." They *' gnashed 
on him with their teeth " in the same spirit in which thoy had said, not long 
before, to the blind man who was healed — " Thou wast altogether born in 
sins, and dost thou teach us ? " ^ But, in contrast with the malignant 
hatred which had blinded their eyes, Stephen's serene faith was supernat- 
urally exalted into a direct vision of the blessedness of the Redeemed, 
He, whose face had been like that of an angel on earth, was made like 
Dne of those angels themselves, " who do always behold the face of our 
Father which is in Heaven." ^ " He being full of the Holy Ghost, looked 
up steadfastly into Heaven, and saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing 
on the right hand of God." The scene before his eyes was no longer the 
council-hall at Jerusalem and the circle of his infuriated judges ; but he 
gazed up into the endless courts of the celestial Jerusalem, with its " innu- 
merable company of angels," and saw Jesus, in whose righteous cause he 
was about to die. In other places, where our Saviour is spoken of in His 
glorified state. He is said to be, not standing, but seated, at the right hand 
of the Father.* Here alone He is said to be standing. It is as if (accord- 
ing to Clirysostom's« beautiful thought) He had risen from His throne, to 

1 Acts xrii. 24. 

" It is evident that the speech was interrupted. We may infer what the conclusion 
would have been from the analogy of St. Paul's speech at Antioch in Pisidia, Acts xiiL 

3 John ix. 34. * Matt, xviii. 10. 

» As in Ejth. i, 20. Col. iii. 1. Heb. i. 3. viii. 1. x. 12. xii. 2 : compare Rom. viiL 
3t, and 1 Pet. iii. 22. 

6 Ti ovv LcTura koI ovxl nadrJuEvov ; Iva Sei^r/ ttjv uvtiX7]ijjiv ttjv elg tov /luprvpa' Koi 
ydp nefH tov Jlarpbg /JyeraL ' " uvuara 6 Qeog." Kal ■jvuTliv, " vvv uvaarTJaofiai, ?iEyei 
Kvpiog • ^r/ao/2ai iv auTTjp'M-" Iva ovv iro2,7aiv tC) uOX^ry tt/v ■Kpodvfilav Trapdax^, Koi 
vsicT) rove 'J-^'* o/xevovg knEivovg Kadv^elvai t7/c kut' avrofi T.VTTvg, rd rov BoTjdovvTot 


succour His persecuted servant, and to receive him to Ilimself. And when 
Stephen saw his Lord — perhaps with the memories of what he had seen on 
earth crowding into his mind, — he suddenly exclaimed, in the ecstacy of 
his vision : " Behold ! I see the Heavens opened and the Son of Man 
Btanding on the right hand of God 1 " 

This was too much for the Jews to bear. The blasphemy of Jesus had 
been repeated. The follower of Jesus was hurried to destruction. " They 
cried out with a loud voice, and stopped theu* ears, and ran upon him with 
one accord." It is e-vddent that it was a savage and disorderly condemna- 
tion.' They dragged him out of the council-hall, and, making a sudden 
rush and tumult through the streets, hurried him to one of the gates of the 
city, — and somewhere about the rocky edges of the ravine of Jehoshaphat, 
where the Mount of Olives looks down upon Gethsemane and Siloam, or 
on the open ground to the north, which travellers cross when they go 
towards Samaria or Damascus, — with stones that lay without the walls of 
the Holy City, this heavenly-minded martyr was murdered. The exact 
place of his death is not known. There are two traditions,^ — an ancient 

iTTi6eLKvvTaL axviia. 'Ek tov elc ttjv uvu?ir]ip. loy. g-. The passage is given at length 
in Cramer's Catena on the Acts. A similar passage is quoted by Mr. Humphry from 
Gregory the Great : " Scitis, frati-es, quia sedere judicantis est, stare vero pugnantis vel 
adjuvantis. Stephanus autem vidit, quern adjutorem habuit." Horn. xsis. in Fest. 

' As to whether it was a judicial sentence at all, see above, p. 69, note 1. 

' It is well known that the tradition which identifies St. Stephen's gate with the 
Damascus gate, and places the scene of martyi'dom on the north, can be traced from 
an early period to the fifteenth century ; and that the modern tradition, which places 
both the gate and the martyrdom on the east, can be traced back to the same century. 
See Dr. Robinson's Researches, i. pp. 475, 476 ; and Williams' Holy City, p. 364. It is 
probable that the popular opinion regarding these sacred sites was suddenly changed 
by some monks from interested motives. The writer of this believes that he is the first 
to notice a curious turning-point in the history of the traditional belief. In a journal 
of the fifteenth centuiy (" Fabri Eva gator ii/in," unkno'mi till published in 1843 in the 
" Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart," though a German abridgment is 
in Dr. Robinson's List) the gate of St. Stephen is on the north, but the place of 7}iar- 
tyrdom on the east. He goes out ef the gate on the north, " quae olim dicebatur porta 
Ephraim, quia per earn via est ad montem Ephraim, nunc vero dicitur porta S. Ste- 
phani, quia per earn fuit eductus et extra in valle lapidatus : per banc portam est via in 
Sichem, Samariam et Galilajam provinciam." Then tinning to the right, and round 
the N. E. angle of the wall, he descends to the stone where the clothes of the murderers 
were laid, not far from the Golden Gate. " Super banc peti-am posuerunt vestimenta 
B'ia carnifices . . . et Saulus adolescens huic aderat spectaculo, et zelo pro Judaismo 
accensus omnium vestimenta custodiebat, ut sine sollicitudine lapidarent. Sedebat 
autem Saulus supra vestimenta et pctram, fremens in Stephanum et blasphemans 
Chi-istum. Hunc ergo locum deosculati sumus, et induigentias recepimus." A little 
further on — " Ad locum venimus, in quo Stephanus fuit lapidatus ... in hoc ergo loca 
ipsos lapidcs deosculati sumus, et induigentias suscepimus." Vol. iii. pp. S'iT, S6S, 
370. "We cannot be siire of the exact position of the Gate of Ephraim or of Stephen 
mentioned in the Evagatorium. There are at present two gates in the northern wall 
of Jerusalem ; the Damascus Gate, — and one to the east of it, now closed up, com 


one, \vbicli places it on the north, beyond the Damascus gate • and a 
modern one. vhich leads travellers through what is now called the "-ate of 
St. Stephen, to a spot near the brook Kedrou, over against the garden of 
Gethsemane. But those who look upon Jerusalem from an elevated point 
on the north-east, have both these positions in view ; and any one who 
stood there on that day > might have seen the crowd rush forth from the 
gate, and the witnesses (who according to the law were required to throw 
the first stones^) cast off their outer garments, and lay them down at the 
feet of Saul. 

The contrast is striking between the indignant zeal which the martyr •" 
had just expressed against the sin of his judges, and the forgiving love 
which he shewed to themselves, when they became his murderers. He 
first uttered a prayer for himself in the words of Jesus Christ, which he 
knew were spoken from the cross, and which he may himself have heard 
from those holy lips. And then, deliberately kneeling down, in that pos- 
ture of humility in which the body most naturally expresses the supplica- 
tion of the mind, and which has been consecrated as the attitude of Chris- 
tian devotion by Stephen and by Paul himself,' — he gave the last few mo- 
ments of his consciousness to a prayer for the forgiveness of his enemies : 
and the words were scarcely spoken when death seized upon him, or rather, 
in the words of Scripture, " he fell asleep." 

" And Saul was consenting to his death." A Spanish painter,^ in a 

monly called Herod's Gate. Dr. Robinsou (i. 473) seems to think that the Gate of 
Ephraim (Neh. xii. 39) and the Gate of Benjamin (Jer. xxxvii. 13) are identical with 
the former ; and (i. 476) he identifies the Porta SanctI Stephani of the Middle Ages 
with the former, but the Porta Benjamin with the latter. Schulz ("Jerusalem, 1845," 
p. 51) believes the Porta Sancti Stephani to be the modern Herod's Gate, while he con- 
siders the Damascus Gate to be the old Gate of Ephraim, and transfers the Porta Ben- 
jamin to the east side of the city. He suggests that the Ai-abic name of Herod's Gate, 
" Babez-Zahari " — "the Gate of Flowers" may be a translation of the Greek Urtipavog- 
See Kiepert's map, which accompanies his Memoir. 

' There is a legend that St. Mary was standing on a rock on the other side of the 
valley. An old traveller says, describing the descent of the Mount of Olives, " In 
y way they shew'd us y^ rock whereon o' Lady stood when she saw St. Steven ston'd 
to death." Below is the Garden of Gethsemane. He adds, " A little beyond they 
ehew'd us y« rock where St. Steven was ston'd to death ; proceeding towards Damas- 
cus gate on y right hand of y» way, is Jeremiah's grotto, where he compos'd bia 
Lamentations, &c." — E. Chaloncr's Travels in 1C88, — a MS. in the possession of tha 
Duke of Sutherland. 

* See Dcut. svii. 5 -7. The stoning was always outside the city, Levit. xsiv. II. 
1 Kings xxi. 10, 13. For the forms and regulations at the execution, as enumerated by 
the Talmudists, see Otho, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Lapidatio. 

3 The Christian use of the word /nuprvp begins with St. Stephen. See Mr. Hiunp^iry'a 
r.ot^ on Acts xxii. 20. " Thy martyr Stephen," &c. 

* At Miletus (Acts xx. 3G), and at Tyre (Acts xxi. 5). See Acts ix. 40. 

5 Vicente Joannes, the founder of the Valencian school, one of the most austere ol 
tbe grave and serious painters of Spain. The picture is one of a series on St. Stephen j 


picture of Stephen conducted to the place of execution, has represented Saul 
as walking by the martyr's side with melancholy calmness. He consents tc 
his death from a sincere, though mistaken, conviction of duty ; and the 
expression of his countenance is strongly contrasted with the rage of the baf- 
fled Jewish doctors and the ferocity of the crowd who flock to the scene of 
bloodshed. Literally considered, such a representation is scarcely consistent 
either with Saul's conduct immediately afterwards, or with his own expres- 
sions concerning himself at the later periods of his life.' But the picture, 
though historically incorrect, k poetically true. The painter has worked 
according to the true idea of his art in throwing upon the persecutor's 
countenance the shadow of his coming repentance. "We cannot dissociate 
the martyrdom of Stephen from the conversion of Paul. The spectacle of 
so much constancy, so much faith, so much love, could not be lost. It is 
hardly too much to say with Augustine," that " the Chm'ch owes Paul to 
the prayer of Stephen." 


Note on the " Libertines " and t/ie " Citizenship of St. Pawl." 

Since this chapter was sent to press, the writer has seen Wieseler's 
Chronologic des ApostoUschen Zeitalters (Guttiugen, 1848) ; a work of 
which both the text and the notes are of great importance. Dr. Wieseler 
argues (note, pp. 61-63) that St. Paul was probably a Cilician Liberti- 
nus. Great numbers of Jews had been made slaves in the civil wars, and 
then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due formalities became a 
Roman citizen. Xow we find St. Paul taking an active part in the perse- 
cution of Stephen ; and the verse which describes Stephen's great oppo- 
nents,^ maybe so translated as to mean "Libertines" from "Gyrene, 
Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia." Thus it is natural to conclude that the 
Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may have been, like Horace, " libertine 
patre natus." ■* The two passages from Tacitus and Philo, which prove 
how numerous the Jewish Libertini were in the empu'e, will come under 
notice hereafter, in connection with Rome. 

it was once in the church of St. Stephca at Valencia, and is now in the Royal Grall6ri 
at Madrid. See Stirling's Annals of the Artists of Spain, i. 3G.''». 

" See Acts xxii. 4. xxvi. 10. Phil. iii. G. 1 Tim. i. U. 

* Sermo I & IV. in festo sancti Stephaui. 

» Acts vi. 9 1 Sat. i. 6, 45. 



'^■vofiLoav aTTrjTiluxGat Tjjg iv rolg roiovroig StaAt^Eug unaJ.layEVTeg Srl^cww, ko. 
^Te<pavov ccpodpoTspov evpov ETcpov, — S. Chrysost. Horn. xx. in Act, App. 









The death of St. Stephen is a bright passage in the earliest history of 
the Church. Where, in the annals of the world, can we find so perfect 
an image of a pure and blessed saint as that which is drawn in the con 
eluding verses of the seventh chapter of the Ac!s of the Apostles ? And 
the brightness which invests the scene of the martyr's last moments is the 
more impressive from its contrast with all that has preceded it since the 
Crucifixion of Christ. The first Apostle who died was a traitor. The 
first disciples of the Christian Apostles whose deaths are recorded were 
liars and hyijocrites. The kingdom of the Son of Man was founded in 
darkness and gloom. But a heavenly light reappeared with the martyr- 
dom of St. Stephen. The revelation of such a character at the moment 
of death was the strongest of all evidences, and the highest of all encour- 
agements. Nothing could more confidently assert the divine power of the 
new religion ; nothing could proj ;ic?y more surely the certainty of its final 

To us who have the experience of many centuries of Christian history. 
and who can look back, through a long series of martyrdoms, to this, 
which was the beginning and example of the rest, these thoughts are easy 
and obvious ; but to the friends and associates of the murdered Saint, 
such feelings of cheerful and confident assurance were perhaps more diffi- 
cult. Though Christ was indeed risen from the dead, His disciples could 
hardly yet be able to realize the full triumph of the Cross over death 

Saul's persecution. 77 

Even many years afterwards, Paul the Apostle wrote to the Thessalonians, 
concerning those vrho had " fallen asleep " ' more peaceably than Stephen, 
that they ought not to sorrow for them as those without hope ; and now, 
at the yery beginning of the Gospel, the grief of the Christians must 
have been great indeed, when the corpse of their champion and their 
brother lay at the feet of Saul the murderer.* Yet, amidst the consterna- 
tion of some and the fury of others, friends of the martyr were found,^ who 
gave him all the melancholy honours of a Jewish funeral, and carefully 
buried him,' as Joseph buried his father, " with great and sore lamenta- 
tion." ^ 

After tie death and burial of Stephen the persecution still raged in 
Jerusalem. That temporary protection which had been extended to the 
rising sect by such men as Gamaliel was now at an end. Pharisees 
and Sadducees — priests and people — alike indulged the most violent and 
nngovernable fury. It does not seem that any check was laid upon them 
by the Roman authorities. Either the procurator was absent from the 

» 1 Thess. iv. 13. See Acts vii. 60. 

' Maundrell says, after visiting the spot assigned by tradition to the death of 
Stephen : " not far from it is a grot, into which they tell you the outrageous Jewish 
zealots cast his body when they had satiated their fury upon him." — Travels, p. 103. 

3 'AvSpsc svTiaSelg. (Acts viii. 2.) — " Eabidos Judajos nihil veriti." B ez a ; probably 
Hellenistic Jews, and possibly Christians. (See Luke ii. 25. Acts ii. 5.) Hammond 
(on s. 2) thinks they were proselytes. 

■< "ZvvEnoiiicav. viii. 2. "We are told by Baronius, on the authority of Lucian, a 
presbyter of Jerusalem, that Gamaliel, as a secret Christian, sent a number of Christians 
to remove the body of Stephen, and to buiy it at his villa, twenty miles from Jerusa- 
lem, and that he made lamentation over him seventy days. Not to dwell on the un- 
trust^vorthiness of Lucian's letter, known only in the Latin translation of Avitus (and 
Baronius says, — "quinam fuerit Avitus iste baud penitus dixerim"), it should be 
observed that such a funeral is very inconsistent with all the other occmTences at the 
time. The whole story is very curious, and will be found in vol. vii., under the year 
415, — a year remarkable as the time when " maguus ille protomartyr Stephanus rursua 
in miraculis redivivus apparuit." Gamaliel appeared to Lucian in a vision by night ; 
and, besides recounting the fimeral of Stephen, told how he had protected Nicodemus 
at the same villa till his death, when he was buried in the same tomb, as also ultimately 
Gamaliel himself, with his son Abibus, — his wife and his eldest son being bui'ied else- 
where, for they were not Christians. The relics were duly found and au-thenticated by 
miracles, in the presence of John, Bishop of Jerusalem, who came from that Synod of 
Diospolis (Lydda) where Pelagius reti-acted his errors. The day Avhich commemorates 
this in the Martyrologium Romanum is August 3 ; see the notes under that day. The 
story will be found also in Photius, clxxi. col. 383-6 (Rouen, 1G53), and in Bede, 
Retract, in Acts v. 34. 

s 'ETTon/ffavro Konerbv fiiyav ett' avru) ; see Gen. 1. 10. Chrysostom remarks that 
his own beautiful words are his best epitaph — 'Uavdv avrij iTnTU(j)iov du^ 6 ivay- 
yE?.LaT)'jg, nal i?fif tu ydvara eIttuv, k. t. 1, Hom. xviii. in Act. Baronius, under the 
year 31 (vol. i.), where the same story is told more briefly, argues from it in favour of 
the opinion that sumptuous and prolonged honours ought to be paid to the remains of 
raartyrs. See Jerome as there quoted. 


city, or he was willing to connive at what seemed to him an ordinarj 
religious quarrel. 

The eminent and active agent in this persecution was Saul. There are 
strong grounds for beheving that, if he was not a member of the Sanhedrin 
at the time of St. Stephen's death, he was elected into that powerful sen- 
ate soon after ; possibly as a reward for the zeal he had shown against the 
heretic. He himself says that in Jerusalem he not only exercised the 
power of imprisonment by commission from the High Priests, but also, 
when the Christians were put to death, gave his vote against them.' From 
this expression it is natural to infer that he was a member of that supreme 
court of judicature. However this might be, his zeal in con^ucLing the 
persecution was unbounded. We cannot help observing how frequently 
strong expressions concerning his share in the injustice and cruelty now 
perpetrated are multiplied in the Scriptures. In St. Luke's narrative, in 
St. Paul's own speeches, in his earlier and later epistles, the subject recurs 
again and again. He " made havoc of the Church," invading the sanctu- 
aries of domestic life, " entering into every house : " " and those whom he 
thus tore from their homes he " committed to prison ; " or, in his own 
words at a later period, when he had recognised as God's people those 
whom he now imagined to be His enemies, " thinking that he ought to do 
many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth ... in Jerusalem 
... he shut up many of the saints in prison." ^ And not only did men 
thus suffer at his hands, but women also, — a fact three times I'epeated as 
a great aggravation of his cruelty.-* These persecuted people were 
scourged — "often" scourged, " — in many synagogues." ^ Nor was Ste- 
phen the only one who suffered death, as we may infer from the Apostle's 
own confession.^ And, what was worse than scourging or than death 
itself, he used every effort to make them " blaspheme " that Holy Name 
whereby they were called.' His fame as an inquisitor was notorious far 

1 KaTjjveyKa tpT/ijiov. (Acts xxvi. 10.) If this inference is well founded, and if the 
qualification for a member of the Sanhedrin mentioned in the last chapter (page 71) 
was a necessary qualification, Saul must have been a man'ied man, and the father of a 
family. K so, it is probable that his vrife and children did not long survive ; for other- 
wise, some notice of them would have occurred in the subsequent narrative, or some 
allusion to them in the Epistles. And we know that, if ever he had a wife, she was 
not living when he wrote his first letter to the Corinthians. (1 Cor. vii.) It was cus- 
tomary among the Jews to marry at a very early age. See Buxt. Syn. Jud. ch. vi. 

* Acts viii. 3. See ix. 2. 3 xx^'i. 9, 10. See sxii. 3. 

< viii. 3. ix. 2. xxii. 4. ^ xxvi. 10. 

6 " I persecuted this way unto the death, binding and delivering into prison bolli 
me,"i and women " (xxii. 4); " and when they were put to death, I gave my vote against 
them." (xxvi. 10.) 

7 'KviiyKa^ov (Haa^rjiiElv. (Acts xxvi. 11.) It is not said that he sfuccecded in 
causing any to blaspheme. It m'»y be necessary to explain to some readers that the 
Greek imperfect merely denotes that tho attempt was made ; so in Gal. i. 23, alluded tc 
at the end of this chapter. 


and wide. Even at Damascus Ananias had heard ' " how much evil he 
had done to Christ's saints at Jerusalem." He was known there '^ as " he 
that destroyed them which call on this Name in Jerusalem." It was not 
without reason that, in the deep repentance of his later years, he remem* 
bcred how he had " persecuted the Church of God and wasted it," ^ — how 
he had been " a blasphemer, a persecutor and injurious j " •■ — and that he 
felt he was " not meet to be called an Apostle," because he " had perse- 
cuted the Church of God." ^ 

From such cruelty, and such efforts to make them deny that Name 
which they honoured above all names, the disciples naturally fled. In 
consequence of " the persecution against the Church at Jerusalem, they 
were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judaia and Samaria." 
The Apostles only remained.® But this dispersion led to great results. 
The moment of lowest depression was the very time of the Church's first 
missionary.triumph. "^They that were scattered abroad went everywhere 
preaching the "Word."^ First the Samaritans, and then the Gentiles, 
received that Gospel, which the Jews attempted to destroy. Thus did the 
providence of God begin to accomplish, by unconscious instruments, the 
prophecy and command which had been given : — " Ye shall be witnesses 
unto Me, both in Jerusalem, and in all Judooa, and in Samaria, and unto 
the uttermost part of the earth." ^ 

The Jew looked upon the Samaritan as he looked upon the Gentile. 
His hostility to the Samaritan was probably the greater, in proportion as 
he was nearer. In conformity with the economy which was observed 
before the resurrection, Jesus Christ had said to His disciples, " Go not 
into the way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans -enter ye 
not : but go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel." » Yet did 
the Saviour give anticipative hints of His favour to Gentiles and Samari- 
tans, in His mercy to the Syrophenician woman, and His mterview with 
the woman at the well of Sychar, And now the time was come for both 
the " middle walls of partition " to be destroyed. The dispersion brought 
Philip, the companion of Stephen, the second of the seven, to a city of 
Samaria.'" He came with the power of miracles and with the news of sal- 
vation. The Samaritans were convinced by what they saw ; they listened 
to what he said ; " and there was great joy in that city." When the news 

• ix. 13. » ix. 21. 

> Gal. i. 13 ; see also Phil. iii. 6. •« 1 Tim. i. 13. 

5 1 Cor. XV. 9. It should be observed that in all these passages from the Epistles the 
gam? word {Siuicu, 6l6iitti^) is used. 

« Acts viii. 1. ^ viii. 4. See xi. 13-21. 

« i. 8. 9 Matt. X. 5, 6. 

•c Uoliv r?f lafiapftac. (Acts viii. 5.) This was probably the ancient capital, at 
that time called "Sebaste." The city of Sychar (John iv. 5) had also received * 
Grenk name. It was then " Neapolis," and is still " Nablous." 


came to Jenisalem, Peter and John were sent by the Apostles, and tbe 
same miraculous testimony attended their presence, wbicli had been given 
on the day of Pentecost. The Divine Power in Peter rebuked the powers 
of evil, which were working ' among the Samaritans in the person of Simon 
Magus, as Paul afterwards, on his first preaching to the Gentiles, rebuked 
in Cyprus Elymas the sorcerer. The two Apostles returned to Jerusalem, 
preaching as they went " in many villages of the Samaritans " the Gospel 
which had been welcomed in the city. 

Once more we are. permitted to see Philip on his labour of love. We 
obtain a ghmpse of him on the road which leads down by G aza ^ to Egypt. 
The chamberlain of Queen Candace^ is passing southwards on his return 
from Jerusalem, and reading in his chariot the prophecies of Isaiah. 
^Ethiopia is "stretching out her hands unto God,"-" and the suppliant is 
not unheard, A teacher is provided at the moment of anxious inquiry. 
The stranger goes " on his way rejoicing ;" a proselyte who had found the 
Messiah ; a Christian baptized "with water and the Holy Ghost." The 
Evangelist, having finished the work for which he had been sent, is called 
elsewhere by the Spuit of God. He proceeds to Caesarea, and we hear of 
him no more, till, after the lapse of more than twenty years, he received 
under his roof in that city one who, like himself, had travelled in obedience 
to the Divine command "preaching in all the cities." ^ 

Our attention is now called to that other traveller. We turn from the 
" desert road" on the south of Palestine to the desert road on the north ; 
from the border of Arabia near Gaza, to its border near Damascus, 
"From Dan to Beersheba" the Gospel is rapidly spreading. Tlie disper- 
sion of tjie Christians had not been confined to Judasa and Samaria. " On 
the persecution that arose about Stephen" they had "travelled as far as 
Phoenicia and Syria." « " Saul, yet breathing out threatenings and slaugh- 

1 JlpovTTTipxev. (Actsviii. 9.) Simon was in Samaria before Philip came, as Elymaa 
was vdth Sergius Paulus before the aiTival of St. Paul. Compare viii. 9-24, with xlii. 
6-12. There is good reason for believing that Simon Magus is the same person men- 
tioned by Josephus (Ant. sx. 7, 2), as connected with Felix and Drusilla. See Acts 
xxi^'. 24. 

* See some remarks on the words avTrj karlv Iprj/iog in Greswell's Dissertations, vol. 
I, pp. 177-180, 

3 Candace ia the name, not of an individual, but of a dynasty, — lilie Aretas in 
Arabia, or like Pharaoh and Ptolemy, By Jilthiopia is meant Meroe on the Upper 
Nile. Queens of Meroe with the title of Candace are mentioned by Dio Cass, liv, 5, 
Strabo, xviii. Plin. H. N. vi. 29, 35. See also Euseb. H. E. ii. 1. Probably thia 
ehambe.-lain was a Jew. See Olshausen. 

* Ps. Ixviii. 31. 

* "But Philip was found at Azotus ; and, passing through, he preached in all the 
cities, till he came to Csesarea." (Acts viii. 40.) " And the next day we that were of 
Paul's company departed, and came to Csesarea ; and we entered into the house of 
Philip the Evangelist, wMch was one of the seven, and abode with him." (xxi. 8.) 

« Acts xi. 19. 


cer agiiinst the disciples of the Lord," ' determined to follow them. " Being 
exceedingly mad against them, he persecuted them even to strange cities,'"" 
He went of his own accord to the high priest, and desired of him letters to 
the synagogues in Damascus, where he had reason to beUcve that Chris- 
tians were to be found. And armed with this " authority and commis- 
sion," ^ intending "if he found any of this way, whether they were men or 
women," ' to bring tliem bound unto Jerusalem to be punished," ^ he jour- 
neyed to Damascus. 

The great Sanhedriu claimed orer the Jews in foreign cities the same 
power, in religious questions, which tliey exercised at Jerusalem, The 
Jows in Damascus were very numerous ; and there were peculiar circum- 
stances in the pohtical condition of Damascus at this time, which may have 
given facilities to conspiracies or deeds of violence conducted by the Jews. 
There was war between Aretas, who reigned at Petra, the desert-metrop- 
olis of Stony Arabia,* and Herod Antipas, his son-in-law, the Tetrarch of 
Galilee. A misunderstanding concerning the boundaries of the two prin- 
cipalities had been aggravated into an inveterate quarrel by Herod's un- 
faithfidness to the daughter of the Arabian king, and his shameful attach- 
ment to " his brother Philip's v/ife." The Jews generally sympathised 
with the cause of Aretas, rejoiced when Herod's army was cut off, and 
declared that this disaster was a judgment for the murder of John the 
Baptist. Herod wrote to Rome and obtained an order for assistance from 
Vitellius, the Governor of Syria. But when Yitellius was on his march 
through Judiea, from Antioch towards Petra, he suddenly heard of tlie 
dc-ath of Tiberius ( a. d. 3T) ; and the Roman army was withdrawn, before the 
war was brought to a conclusion. It is evident that the relations of the 
neighbouring powers must have been for some years in a very unsettled 

' Acts ix. 1. » xsni. 11. 3 xxvl 12. * ix. 2. » xxii. 5. 

6 In this mountainous district of Arabia, which had been the scene of the wanderings 
of the Israelites, and which contained the graves both of Moses and Aaron, the Naba- 
thaean Arabs after the time of the Babylonian captivity (or, possibly, the Edomites 
before them. See Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. ii. pp. 557, 573) grew into a civilised 
nation, built a great mercantile city at Petra, and were ruled by a line of kings, who 
bore the title of " Aretas." The Ai'etas dynasty ceased in the second centiuy, when 
Arabia Petraea became a Roman province under Trajan. In the Roman period, a 
great road united Ailah on the Red Sea with Petra, and thence diverged to the left 
towards Jerusalem and the ports of the Mediterranean ; and to the right towards 
DamaKcus, in a direction not very different from that of the modern caravan-i'oad. 
from Damascus to Mecca. This state of things did not last very long. (Compare, 
for instance, the Peutingcrian Table with the Antonine Itinerary.) The Ai'ubs of 
this district fell back into their old nomadic state. Petra was long undiscovered. 
Burckhardt was the first to see it, and Laborde the fii'st to visit it. Now it is well 
known to Oriental travellers. Its Rock-theatre and other remains still exist, to 
show its ancient character of a city of the Roman Empire. See Mannert's Geographic 
ier G. und K. pt. vf. vol. i. pp. 133-138. For notices of the ilifferent kings who bore 
the name of " Aretas,'' see Winer's Realworterbuch. 

v^L. I. — n 


condition along the frontiers of Arabia, Judaea, and Syria ; and the falling 
of a rich border-town like Damascus from the hands of the Romans into 
those of Aretas would be a natural occurrence of the war. If it could be 
proved that the city was placed in the power of the Arabian Ethnarch ' 
under these particular circumstances, and at the time of St. Paul's journey, 
good reason would be assigned for believing it probable that the ends for 
which he went were assisted by the poliiical relations of Damascus. And 
it would indeed be a singular coincidence, if his zeal in persecuting the 
Christians were promoted by the sympathy of the Jews for the fate of 
John the Baptist. 

But there are grave objections to this view of the OLCupation of Da- 
mascus by Aretas, Such a liberty taken by a petty chieftain with the 
Roman power would have been an act of great audacity ; and it is diffi- 
cult to believe that Vitellius would have closed the campaign, if such a 
city was in the hands of an enemy. It is more likely that Caligula, — who 
in many ways contradicted the policy of his predecessor, — who banished 
Herod Antipas and patronised Herod Agrippa, — assigned the city of Da- 
mascus as a free gift to Aretas." This supposition, as well as the former, 
will perfectly explain the remarkable passage in St. Paul's letters, where 
he distinctly says that it was garrisoned by the Ethnarch of Aretas, at the 
time of his escape. Many such changes of territorial occupation took 
place under the Emperors,^ which would have been lost to history, were it 
not for the information derived from * a coin, an inscription, or the inciden- 
tal remark of a writer who had different ends in view. Any attempt to 
make this escape from Damascus a fixed point of absolute chronology will 
be unsuccessful ; but, from what has been said, it may fairly be collected, 

> 2 Cor. xl. 32. 

• This is argued with great force by Wieselcr, M-ho, so far as wo know, is the first to 
suggest this explanation. Ilis argument is not quite conclusive ; because it is seldom 
easy to give a confident opinion on the details of a campaign, unless its history is 
minutely recorded. The strength of Wieseler's argument consists in this, that his 
diflercnt lines of reasoning converge to the same result. See his '■' Chronologic des 
Apostolischen Zeitalters," pp. 161-175 ; and compare pp. 142-3, and the note. 

3 See, for instance, what is said by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5, 4) of various arrange- 
ments in the East at this very crisis. Similar changes in Asia Minor have been alluded 
to before, Ch. I. p. 23. 

* Wieseler justly lays some stress on the circumstance that there are coins of Augus- 
tus and Tiberius, and, again, of Nero and his successors, but none of Caligula and 
Claudius, which imply that Damascus was Roman. But we cannot acquiesce in the 
conclusion which he draws from the coin of Mionnet, with the inscription BA2IAEi22 • 
APETOY • 4>IAEAAHN02. It seems to be one of those coins with this inscription 
(two of which are in the British Museum, and one is represented at the end of this 
chapter), assigned by Eckhel to an earlier Aretas, who was contemporary with the last 
of the Seleucida^, and in whose power we know that Damascus once was. (See 
Joseph. Ajit. xiii. 13, 3. B. J. i. 6, 2, and Wieselcr, p. 1G9.) The general appearaoce 
and character of these coins justifies Eckhel's opinion, and it is difficult to explain the 
word ^i?.e?i/.T]vo(: on the other supposition 


that Saul's joui'ney from Jerusalem to Damascus took place not far from 
that year which saw the death of Tiberius and the accession of Caligula. 

No journey was ever taken, on which so much interest is concentrated; 
as this of St. Paul from Jerusalem to Damascus.' It is so critical a 
passage in the history of God's deahngs with man, and we feel it to be so 
closely bound up with all our best knowledge and best happiness in thia 
life, and with all our hopes for the world to come, that the mind is de- 
lighted to dwell upon it, and we are eager to learn or imagine all its details. 
The conversion of Saul was like the call of a second Abraham. But we 
know almost more of the Patriarch's journey through this same district, 
from the north to the south, than we, do of the Apostle's in an opposite 
direction. It is easy to conceive of Abraham travelling with his flocks 
and herds and camels. The primitive features of the East continue still 
unaltered in the desert ; and the Arabian Sheikh still remains to us a 
living picture of the Patriarch of Genesis. But before the first century of 
the Christian era, the patriarchal life of Palestine had been modified, not 
only by the invasions and settlements of Babylonia and Persia, but by 
large influxes of Greek and Roman civilisation. It is difficult to guess 
what was the appearance of Saul's company on that memorable occasion.* 
Wo neither know how he travelled, nor who his associates were, nor where 
he rested on his way, nor what road he followed from th<^- Judsean to the 
Syrian capital. 

His journey must have brought him somewhere into the vicinity of the 
Sea of Tiberias. But where he approached the nearest to the shores of 
this sacred lake, — whether, he crossed the Jordan where, in its lower 
course, it flows southwards to the Dead Sea, or where its upper windings 
enrich the valley at the base of Mount Hermon, — we do not know. And 
there is one thouglit which makes us glad that it should be so. It is re- 
markable that GaUlee, where Jesus worked so many of His mu'acles, is 
the scene of none of those transactions which are related in the Acts. The 
blue waters of Tiberias, with their fishing-boats and towns on the brmk of 
the shore, are consecrated to the Gospels. A greater than Paul was here. 
When we come to the travels of the Apostles, the scenery is no longer 
limited and Jewish, but Catholic and widely-extended, Hke the Gospel 

1 For descriptions of Damascus, see Lamartine's Voyage en Orient ; Addison's 
Dftmascus and Palmyra ; Fisher's Syria ; The Modern Traveller ; The Crescent and the 
Cross; Lord Castlereagh's Journey to Damascus; Eothen; and Misa Martineau's 
Eastern Life. The two last, in other respects the most unsatisfactory, give the bes< 
\dca of a journey from Jerusalem to Damascus. 

* In pictures, St. Paul is represented as on horseback on this journey. Probably thie 
is the reason why Lord Lyttelton, in his observations on St. Paul's conversion, uses the 
phrase — " Those in company with him fell down from their horses, together with 
Saul." p. 318. ("Works, 1774) There is no proof that was the case, though it is 
very probable. 


whicli they preacbed : and tlie Sea, Tvliich will be so often spread Ijefort 
us in the life of St. Paul, will not be the little Lake of Galilee, but the 
great Mediterranean, which washed the shores and carried the ships of the 
historical nations of antiquity.' 

Two principal roads can be mentioned, one of whicli probably conducted 
the travellers from Jerusalem to Damascus. The track of the caravans, 
'D ancient and moderji times, from Egypt to the Syi'ian capital, has always 
led through Gaza and Ramleh, and then turning eastwards about tlie bor- 
ders of Galilee and Samaria, has descended near Mount Tabor towards 
the Sea of Tiberias ; and so, crossing the Jordan a little to the north of 
the Lake by Jacob's Bridge, proceeds through the desert country which 
stretches to the base of Antilibauus." A similar track from Jerusalem 
falls into this Egyptian road in the neighbourhood of Djenin, at the en- 
trance of Galilee ; and Saul and his company may have travelled by this 
route, performing the journey of one hundred and thirty-six miles, like the 
modern caravans, in about six days."" But at this period, that great work 
of Roman road-making, which was actively going on in all parts of the 
empire, must have extended, in some degree, to Syi'ia and Judasa ; and, 
if the Roman roads were already constructed here, there is no doubt that 
they followed the direction indicated by the later Itmeraries.^ This, direc- 
tion is from Jerusalem to Neapolis (the ancient Sychar), and thence over 
the Jordon to the south of the Lake, near Scythopolis, where the soldiers 
of Pompey crossed the river, and where the Galilean pilgrims used to cross 
it at the time of the festivals, to avoid Samaria. From Scythopolis it led 
to Gadara, a Roman city, the ruins of which are still remaining, and so to 

Whatever road was followed in Saul's journey to Damascus, it is ahuost 
certain that the earlier portion of it brought him to Neapohs, the Sychar 
of the Old Testament, and the Kablous of the modern Samaritans. This 
city was one of the stages in the Itineraries. Dr. Ptobinson followed a 

' The next historical notice of the sea of Tiberius or Geuuesareth, after that which 
occurs in the Gospels, is in Josephus. 

* See the following passages in Dr. Robinson's Researches, vol. iii., pp. 181, 236, 
276, 316. 

* See Fisher's Syria, i. 7. 

* See Wesseling's Itineraries, and two later editions ; one by Fortia d'Urban at 
Paris, and the other by Parthy and Finder at Berlin. 

5 It is very conceivable that he travelled by Cssarea Philippi, the city which Herod 
Philip had built at the fountains of the Jordan, on the natural line of communication 
between Tyre and Damascus, and likely to have been one of the " foreign cities " (Acts 
xxvi. 12) which harboured Christian fugitives. Here, too, he would be in the footsteps 
of St. Peter ; for here the great confession (Mat. xvi.) seems to have been made ; and 
this road also would probably have brought him past Neapolis. It is hardly likely 
that he would have taken the Petra road (above, p. 81, n. 6), for both the modern cai> 
avaofi and tbfl ancicBt itineraries cro3.s the Jordan more to the north. 

NEAP0LI8. Ii5 

Roman pavement for some considerable distance in the ueiglibourliood of 
Bethel.' This northern road went over the elevated ridges which inter- 
vene between the valley of the Jordan and the plain on the Mediterranean 
coast. As the travellers gained the high ground, the young Pharisee may 
have looked back, — and, when he saw the city in tlie midst of its hills, 
with the mountains of Moab in the distance, — confident in the righteous* 
ness of his cause, — he may have thought proudly of the 125th Psalm : 
" Tlie hills stand about Jerusalem : even so standeth the Lord round about 
his people, from this time forth for evermore." His present enterprise 
was undertaken for the honour of Zion. He was blindly fulfilling the 
words of One who said : " Whosoever killeth you, will think that he doeth 
God service.'" Passmg through the hills of Samaria, from which he might 
occasionally obtain a glimpse of the Mediterranean on the left, he would 
come to Jacob's Well, at the opening of that beautiful valley which lies 
between Ebal and Gerizim. This, too, is the scene of a Gospel history. 
The same woman, with whom Jesus spoke, might be again at the well as 
the Inquisitor passed. But as yet he knew nothing of the breaking down 
of the "middle wall of partition." ^ He could, indeed, have said to the 
Samaritans : " Ye worship ye know not what : we know what we wor- 
ship : for salvation is of the Jews."^ But he could not have understood 
the meaning of those other words : "The hour cometh when ye shall neither 
in Jerusalem, nor yet in this mountain, worship the Father : the true wor- 
shippers shall worship Him in spirit and in truth."^ His was not yet the 
spirit of Christ. The zeal which burnt in him was that of James and 
John, before their illumination, when they wished to call dov/n fire from 
heaven, even as Elias did, on the inhospitable Samaritan village.^ Philip 
had already been preaching to the poor Samaritans, and John had revisited 
them, in company with Peter, with feelings wonderfully changed.'' But 
Saul knew nothing of the little Church of Samaritan Christians ; or, if he 
heard of them and lingered among them, he lingered only to injure and 
oppress. The Syrian city was still the great object before him. And 
now, when he had passed through Samaria and was entering Galilee, the 
snowy peak of Mount Hermon, the highest point of Antilibanus, almost 
as far to the north as Damascus, would come into view. This is that 
tower of " Lebanon which looketh towards Damascus."'^ It is already the 
great landmark of his jonrney, as he passes through Galilee towards the 
Lake of Tiberias, and the valley of the Jordan. 

Leaving now the " sea of Galilee," deep among its hills, as a sanctuary 
of the holiest thoughts, and imagining the Jordan to be passed, we follow 
the company of travellers over the barren uplands, which stretch in drearj 
' Researches, Hi. 7". ' Joliu xvi. 2. 3 Epji_ n i^^ 

* John iv. 22. s Ibi'l 31, 23. e Luke is. 51-5C. 

" See above, p. SO. s goug of Sol vii X 



succession along the base of AutUibanus. All arouud are stony hi^s and 
thirsty plains, throngli which the withered stems of the scanty vegetation 
hardly penetrate. Over this desert, under the burning sky, the impetuous 
Saul holds his course, full of the fiery zeal with which Elijah travelled of 
yore, on his mysterious errand, through the same " wilderness of Damas- 
cus.'" "The earth in its length and its breadth, and all the deep universe 
of sky, is steeped in light and heat." When some eminence is gained, the 
vast horizon is seen stretching on all sides, like the ocean, without a boun- 
dary ; except where the steep sides of Lebanon interrupt it, as the pro 
montories of a mountainous coast stretch out into a motionless sea. The 
fiery sun is overhead ; and that refreshing view is anxiously looked for, — 
Damascus seen from afar, within the desert circumference, resting like an 
island of Paradise, in the green enclosure of its beautiful gardens 


This view is so celebrated, and the history of the place is so illustrious, 
that we may well be excused if we linger a moment, that we may describe 
them both. Damascus is the oldest city in the world.^' Its fame begins 
with the earliest patriarchs, and continues to modern times. While other 
cities of the !^ast have risen and decayed, Damascus is still what it was. 
It was founded before Baalbec and Palmyra, and it has outlived them 
both. While Babylon is a heap in the desert, and Tyre a ruin on the 
shore, it remains what it is called in the prophecies of Isaiah, " the head of 
Syria." ^ Abraham's steward was "Eliezer of Damascus,"' and the limit 
of his warlike expedition in the rescue of Lot was " Hobah, which is on 
the left hand of Damascus." "^ How important a place it was in the flour- 
ishing period of tho Jewish monarchy, we know from the garrisons which 
David placed there,' and from the opposition it presented to Solomon." 

' 1 Kings xix. 15. 

' The word nHFAI, " fountains," on tills coin should bo particularly noticed. The 
cast was obtained from Paris by the kindness of Mr. Akerman. 

3 Josephus makes it even older than Abraham. (Ant. i. G, 3.) For the traditions 
of the events in the infancy of the human race, which are supposed to have happened 
In its vicinity, see Pocoke, ii. 115, 116. The story that the murder of Abel took place 
here is alluded to by Shakspere, 1 K. Hen. VI. i. 3. 

* Isai. vii. 8. s Gen. xv. 2. ^ Gen. xiv. 15. 

T 2 Sam. viii. 6. 1 Chron xvUi. ^ « 1 Kings xL 24 


The history of Naaman aud the Hebrew captive, Elisha and Gehazi, and 
of the proud preference of its fresh rivers to the thirsty waters of Israel, 
are famihar to every one. And how close its relations continued to be 
with the Jews, we know from the chronicles of Jeroboam and Ahaz, and 
the prophecies of Isaiah and Amos.' Its mercantile greatness is indicated 
by Ezekiel ia the remarkable words addressed to Tyre,^ — " Syria waf thy 
merchant by reason of the multitude of the wares of thy making : they 
occupied in thy fairs with emeralds, purple, and broidered work, and fine 
linen, and coral, and agate. Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude 
of the wares of thy making, for the multitude of all riches ; in the wine of 
Hclbon, and white wool." * Leaving the Jewish annals, we might follow 
its history through continuous centuries, from the time when Alexander 
sent Parmenio to take it, while the conqueror himself was marching from 
Tarsus to Tyre,'' — to its occupation by Pompey,* — to the letters of Julian 
the Apostate, who describes it as "the eye of the East,'"^ — and onward 
through its golden days, when it was the residence of the Ommiad Caliphs, 
and the metropolis of the Mahomedan world, — and through the period 
when its fame was mingled with that of Saladin and Tamerlane, — to our 
own days, when the praise of its beauty is celebrated by every traveller 
from Europe. It is evident, to use the words of Lamartme, that, liko 
Constantinople, it was a "predestinated capital." Nor is it difficult to ex- 
plain why its freshness has never faded through all this series of vicissi- 
tudes and wars. 

Among the rocks and brushwood at the base of Antilibauus are the 
fountains of a copious aud perennial stream, which, after running a course 
of no great distance to the south-east, loses itself in a desert lake. But 
before it reaches this dreary boundary, it has distributed its channels over 
the intermediate space, and left a wide area behmd it, rich with prolific 
vegetation. These are the " streams from Lebanon," which are known to 
us in the imagery of Scripture ; ^ — the " rivers of Damascus," which 
Naaman not unnaturally preferred to all the " waters of Israel."^ By 

« See 2 Kiugs xiv. 28, xvi. 9, 10. 2 Chr. xxiv. 23, xxviii. 5, 23. Isai. vii. 8. Amoa. 
i. 3, 5. 
' The port of Beyi-oot is now to Damascus what Tyre was of old. 
» Ezek. xxvii. 16, 18. 

* Quintus Curtius, iii. 13, iv. 1. Arrlan, ii. 11, 

* See above, Ch. I. p. 26. Its relative importance wa.? not so great when it waj 
um^cr a Western power like tiat of the Seleucidae or the Romans : hence wc find it less 
f:equently mentioned than we might expect in Greek and Roman writers. This arose 
from the building of Antiojh and other cities in Northern Syria. 

6 Julian, Ep. xxiv. TP/V Ator noliv uXijOug, Kai tov tTjq 'Ewaf unuciic 6<li6a?.fi6v 
T^v Upuv aal (lEyiorriv AdjiacKov Akyu. There is some reason to believe that this 
letter is not genuine. Sec the 54th note in Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. li. 

■ Song of SoL iv. 15. 8 2 Kings v. 12. 


Greek writers the stream is called Chrysorrhoas,' or " the river of gold." 
And this stream is the inestimable unexhausted treasfure of Damascus 
The habitations of men must always have been gathered around it, as the 
Nile has inevitably attracted an immemorial population to its banks. The 
desert is a fortification round Damascus. The river is its life. It is 
drawn out into watercourses, and spread in all directions. For milea 
around it is a wilderness of gardens, — gardens with roses among the 
tangled shrubberies, and with fruit on the branches overhead. Every 
where among the trees the murmur of unseen rivulets is heard. Even iu 
the city, which is in the midst of the garden, the clear rushing of the 
current is a perpetual refreshment. Every dwelling has its fountain : and 
at night, when the sun has set behind Mount Lebanon, the lights of the 
city are seen flashing on the waters. 

It is not to be wondered at that the view of Damascus, when the dim 
outlme of the gardens has become distmct, and the city is seen gleaming 
white in the midst of them, should be universally famous. All travellers 
in all ages have paused to feast their eyes with the prospect ; and the 
prospect has been always the same. It is true that in the Apostle's day 
there were no cupolas and no minarets : Justinian had not built St. 
Sophia, and the caliphs had erected no mosques. But the white buildings 
of the city gleamed then, as they do now, in the centre of a verdant inex- 
haustible paradise. The Syrian gardens, with their low walls and water- 
wheels, and careless mixture of fruits and flowers, were the same then as 
they are now. The same figures would be seen in the green approaches 
to the town, camels and mules, horses and asses, with Syrian peasants, and 
Ara1)s from beyond Palmyra. We know the very time of the day when 
Saul was entering these shady avenues. It was at mid-day,^ the birds 
were silent in the trees. The hush of noon was in the city. The sun was 
burning fiercely in the sky. The persecutor's companions were enjoying 
the cool refreshment of the shade after their journey : and his eyes rested 
with satisfaction on those walls which were the end of his mission, and con- 
tained the victims of his righteous zeal, 

AVe have been tempted into some prolixity iu describing Damascus. 
But, in describing the solemn and miraculous event which took place in its 
neighbourhood, we hesitate to enlarge upon the woxds of Scripture. And 
Scripture relates its circumstances in minute detail. If the importance we 
are intended to attach to particular events in early Christianity is to be 

> Strabo, xvi. 2. Ptolem. y. 15, 9. See Plin. H. N. v. IG. 

' Acts xxii. 6, xxvi. 13. Notices of the traditionary place where the vision was seen 
are to be found both in the older and later travellers. Irby and Man^^los say it is 
" outside the eastern gate :" and in the Boat and Caravan it is described a.« " about a 
naile from the town, and near the Christian burying-ground whic^ bc^ong"^ ^*^ tb* 


measurfetl by the prominence assigned to them in the Sacred Records, we 
must confess that, next after the Passion of our blessed Lord, the event 
to which our serious attention is especially called is the Conversion of St, 
Paul. Besides various allusions to it in his own epistles, three detailed nar- 
ratives of the occurrence are found iu the Acts. Once it is related by St 
Luke (ix.), — twice by the Apostle himself, — in his address to his country- 
men at Jerusalem (xxii.), — in his defence before Agrippa at Ca>sarda 
(xxvi.). And as, when the same thing is told in more than one of the 
Holy Gospels, the accounts do not verbally agree, so it is here. St. Liike 
is more brief than St. Paul. And each of St. Paul's statements supplies 
something not found in the other. The peculiar difference of these two 
statements, in their relation to the circumstances under which they were 
given, and as they illustrate the Apostle's wisdom in pleading the cause 
of the Gospel and reasoning with his opponents, will be made the subject 
of some remarks in the later chapters of this book. At present it is our 
natural course simply to gather the facts from the Apostle's own words, 
with a careful reference to the shorter narrative given by St. Luke. 

In the twenty-second and twenty-sixth cliapters of the Acts we arc 
told that it was " about noon " — " at mid-day " — when the " great light " 
shone "suddenly" from heaven (xxii. 6, xxvi. 13). And those who 
have had experience of the glare of a mid-day sun in the East, will best 
understand the description of that light, which is said to have been " a 
light above the brightness of the sun, shining round about Paul and them 
that journeyed with him." All fell to the ground in terror (xxvi. 14), or 
stood dumb with amazement (ix. *7). Suddenly surrounded by a light so 
terrible and incomprehensible, " they were afraid." " They heard not the 
voice of Him that spake to Paul" (xxii. 9), or, if they heard a voice, 
"they saw no man" (ix. 1).' The whole scene was evidently one of the 
utmost confusion : and the accounts are such as to express, in the most 
striking manner, the bewilderment and alarm of the travellers. 

But while the others were stunned, stupified and confused, a clear 
light broke terribly ou the soul of one of those who were prostrated on the 
ground,^ A voice spoke articulately to him, which to tlie rest was a 
sound mysterious and indistinct. He heard what they did not hear. He 

1 It has been thought both more prudent and more honest to leave these well-known 
discrepancies exactly as they are found in the Bible. They will be differently explained 
by diflcrent readers, according to their views of the inspiration of Scriptm-e. Those 
who do not receive the doctrine of Verbal Inspiration will find in these discrepancies a 
confirmation of the general truth of the narrative. Those who lay stress on thia 
doctrine may fairly be permitted to suppose that the stupified companions of Saul fell 
to tha ground and then rose, and that they heard the voice but did not understand it 
Much has been \M'ilten on this subject by the various commentators. 

' It is evident from Acts ix. C, 8, xxvi. IG, that Saul was prostrate on the ground 
when Jesus Christ spoke to him. 


saw what tlioy did not see. To them the awful sound was without a 
meaning : he heard the voice of the Son of God. To them it was a bright 
light which suddenly surrounded them : he saw Jesus, whom he was per- 
secuting. The awful dialogue can only be given in the langua^^o of Scrip 
tare Yet we may reverentially observe that the words which Jesus 
gpoke were " in the Hebrew tongue." The same language,^ in which, 
durmg His earthly life, He spoke to Peter and John, to the blind man by 
the walls of Jericho, to the woman who washed His feet with her tears — 
the same sacred language was used when He spoke from heaven to His 
persecutor on earth. And as on earth He had always spoken in parables, 
BO it was now. That voice which had drawn lessons from the lilies that 
grew in Galilee, and from the birds that flew over the mountain slopes 
near the sea of Tiberias, was now pleased to call His last Apostle with a 
figure of the like significance : " Saul, Saul, why persccutest thou me ? 
It is hard for thee to kick against the goad." As the ox rebels in vain 
against the goad " of its master, and as all its struggles do nought but 
increase its distress — so is thy rebeUion vain against the power of my 
grace. T have admonished thee by the word of my truth, by the death 
of my saints, by the voice of thy conscience.^ Struggle no more against 
conviction, " lest a worse thing come unto thee." 

It is evident that this revelation was not merely an inward impression 
made on t>he mind of Saul during a trance or ecstacy. It was the direct 
perception of the visible presence of Jesus Christ. This is asserted in vari- 
ous passages, both positively and incidentally. In his first letter to the 
Corinthians, when he contends for the validity of his own apostleship, his 
argument is, "Am I not an Apostle ? Have I not seen Jesus Christ, the 
Lord ? " And when he adduces the evidence for the truth of the Resur- 
rection, his argument is again, " He was seen .... by Cephas .... by 
James .... by all the Apostles .... last of all by me .... as one born 
out of due time " (xv. 8) . By Cephas and by James at Jerusalem the reality 
of Saul's conversion was doubted ; ' but " Barnabas brought hun to the 

' It is ouly said in one account (xxvi. 14) that Jesus Christ spoke in HebrcTv. But 
this appears incidentally in the other accounts from the Hebrew form Saoi).! being 
used (ix. 4, xxii. 8). In ix. 1, 8, &c., it is the Greek 2a{iAo?, a difference which is not 
noticed in the English translation. So Ananias (whose name is Aj-amaic") seems to 
have addressed Saul in Hebrew, not Greek, (ix. 17. xxii. 13.) 

' The KEvrpov, or stimulxis, is the goad or sharp-pointed pole, which in southern 
Europe and in the Levant is seen in the hands of those who are ploughing or driving 
cattle. The words cKlripov cot irpoc iievrpa ?MKTi^eiv, in ix. 5, are an interpolation 
from xxvi. 14. They are in the Vulgate, but not in the Greek MSS. For iii.'itances of 
this proverb, which is very frequent both in Greek and Latin writers, see \Vfit«tpin. 

3 " Papugi te stimulis miraculorum, pra?dicationis Stephani aliorumque. rfmiorsiboa 
conscienticG et inspirationibus interais. Alios adhibebo stimulos sed acriores et majfwJ' 
damno tuo." Tiriuus in Poole's Synopsis. 

•' 1 Cor. ix. 1. » Acts ix. 27. 


Apostles, aud related to them how he had seen the Lord in the way, aud had 
spoken with him." And similarly Ananias had said to him at their first 
meeting in Damascus ; " The Lord hath sent me, even Jesus who appeared 
to thee in the way as thou earnest " (ix. 11). " The God of our fathers hath 
chosen thee that thou shouldest see that just one, aud shouldest hear the 
voice of his mouth" (xxii. 14). The very words which were spoken by 
the Saviour, imply the same important truth. He does not say,' " I am 
the Son of God — the Eternal Word — the Lord of men and of angels : " — 
but, "I am Jesus" (ix. 5, xxvi, 15), "Jesus of Nazareth " (xxii. 8). "I 
am that man, whom not having seen thou hatest, the despised prophet of Na- 
zareth, who was mocked and crucified at Jerusalem, who died and was buried. 
But now I appear to thee, that thou mayest know the truth of my Resurrec- 
tion, that I may convince thee of thy sin, and call thee to be my Apostle." 
The direct and immediate character of this call, without the interven- 
tion of any human agency, is another point on which St. Paul himself, in 
the course of his apostolic life, laid the utmost stress ; and one, therefore, 
which it is incumbent on us to notice here. "A called Apostle," " an 
Apostle by the will of God," * " an Apostle sent not from men, nor by 
man, but by Jesus Christ, aud God the Father, who raised Him from the 
dead ; " ^ these arc the phrases under which he describes himself, in the 
cases where his authority was hi danger of being questioned. No human 
instrumentality intervened, to throw the slightest doubt upon the reality 
of the communication between Christ Himself and the Apostle of the 
Heathen. And, as he was directly and miraculously called, so was the work 

' Aiari. /x?i elrtev, lyu eI/ii 6 Tlog tov Qeov ; iyu dfii 6 h apxy A.6yog • iycj el/ii 6 iv 
de^id.Kad/jfievog ~ov Tiarpog ' 6 ev jiopcpy Qeov viiupx(-)V 6 tov ovpavov -eiva^'dTTjv 
y7/v IpyaGufievog ' 6 ttjv ■dilTi.aTTav u~?i.uaag ' 6 rovg 'Ayye2,ovg ■nolrjcag ' 6 navraxov 
Trapijv Kal tu ttuvtu Ti7i.rjpCiv ' o npouv kcu yevvrjOeig ; diarl fxf/ eItte tu aefivu EKslva Kal 
uiyaXa Kal vip7]?M ; — dlX' " iyu Eifii 'lT]covt, 6 Na^upalog, bv cii diuKEig ' " uno rf/g kuto) 
TzoXsug, d-rrd tov kutcj x(->p^ov Kal ~ov Tonov ; 6loti yyvasi avTov 6 Slukuv * et yap ydsc, 
avTov, ovK uv eSlu^ev ' Tjyvu^L Hiti Ik tov JlaTpbg tjv yEvvjjdEig • otl 6k utto Na^ap^r fjv, 
p<5et ' eI ovv eIttev avTu, 'Eyw Elfib 6 Tlog tov Qeov • 6 iv upxy Auyog' 6 tov ovpavov 
ivoiyaag, eIxev eIttecv, uXXog te EKslvog, Kal uXTiOV iyi^ diuKu ' el eIuEv avrCJ iKslva tH 
liEjaka Kal }M[nrpu. Kal vipyTlu, eIxev eItteiv, ovk egtlv ovTog 6 CTavpudsig ' a/lA' Iva 
uaOi] oTi tKElvov SiuKEi TOV capKudivTa, tov /j.op<j>?/v dovXov 2,a(36vTa, tov /iet' avToH 
cvvavaaTpa(j>EVTa; tov dirodavovTa, tov TO'pEVTa, and tov kutcj x^p'i-ov, 2,tyEi ' " iyu elfii 
'It/aovg 6 Nal^upalog, bv ail ihuKEtg ' " bv ol6ag, bv yvupii^Eig, tov iietH gov dvaoTpE- 
^ofiEvov. Chrysostora in Cramer's Catena, p. 152. 

* K?-??TCr dnocTo'/iog. Rom. i. 1. 1 Cor. i. 1.) 'ATroffroAof Jta ■&E'?.r//iaTog Qeov. 
(2 Cor. i. 1. Eph. i. 1. Col. i. 1.) These expressions are not iisotl by St. Peter, St. 
James, St. Jude, or St. John. And it is remarkable that they are not used by St. Paul 
himself in the Epistles addressed to those who were most fu-mly attached to liim. They 
are found in the letters to the Christians of Achaia, but not in those to the Christiana 
of ]\Iacedouia. (See 1 Thcss. i. 1. 2 Thess. i. 1. Phih i. 1.) And though in the 
letters to the Ephcsians and Colossians, not in that to Philemon, which is believed to 
have been sent at the pame time. See Philemon, 1. 

s Oi')K dif dvOpuTTU'^, ov^i 6l' dvdpunov. Gal. L 1. 


immediately indicated, to winch lie was set apart, and in whicli in aftef 
years he always gloried, — the work of "preaching among the Gentiles the 
nnsearchable riches of Christ." ' Unless indeed we are to consider the 
words which he used before Agrippa ^ as a condensed statement ^ of all 
that was revealed to him, both in his vision on the way, and afterwards by 
Ananias in the city : " I am Jesus, whom thou persecutest : but rise, and 
stand upon thy feet ; for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to 
make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast 
seen, and of those things in which I will appear unto thee, delivering thee 
from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I send thee, to 
open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the 
power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and 
inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is in Me." 

But the full intimation of all the labours and sufferings that were be- 
fore him was still reserved. He was told to arise and go into the city, 
and there it should be told him what it had been ordained ■• that he should 
do. He arose humbled and subdued, and ready to obey whatever might 
be the will of Him who had spoken to him from heaven. But when he 
opened his eyes, all was dark around him. The brilliancy of the vision 
had made him bhnd. Those who were with him saw, as before, the trees 
and the sky, and the road leading into Damascus. But he was in dark- 
ness, and they led him by the hand into the city. Thus entered Saul into 
Damascus ; — not, as he had expected, to triumph in an enterprize on 
which his soul was set, to brave all difficulties and dangers, to enter into 
houses and carry off prisoners to Jerusalem ; — but he passed himself like 
a prisoner beneath the gateway and through the Street called " Straight," 
where he saw not the crowd of those who gazed on him, he was led by the 
hands of others, trembling and helpless to the liouse of Judas," his dark 
and solitary lodging. 

Three days the blindness continued. Only one other space of three 
days' duration can be mentioned of equal importance in the history of the 
world. The conflict of Saul's feelings was so great, and his remorse so 
piercing and so deep, that during this time he neither ate nor drank.« He 
could have no communion with the Christians, for they had been terrified 
by the news of his ajDproach. And the unconverted Jews could have no 
true sympathy with his present state of mind. He fasted and prayed in 

' Eph. iii. 8. See Rom. xi. 13. xv. IG. Gal. ii. 8. 1 Tim. ii. 7. 2 Thn. i. 11, &c 

' Acts xxvi. 15-18. 

' It did not fall in with Paul's plan in bis speech before Agrippa (xxvi.) to mention. 
Ananiap, as, in his speech to the Je^s at Jerusalem (xxii.) he avoided any ex-plicit men- 
tion of the Gentiles, while giving the narrative of his conversion. 

* KukeI cot 'Aa?i7jd;jGeTai. nepi nuvruv d)v -eraKTai aoi ■nou/cai ' is the evpression 
m his own speech, (xxii. 10.) See ix 6, and compare xxvi. 16. 

« Acts ix. 11. 6 ix. 9. 


silence. The recollections of his early years, — the passages of the ancient 
Scriptures ■which he had never uuclerstoocl, — the thought of his own cru- 
elty and violence, — the memory of the last looks of Stephen, — all these 
crowded into his mind, and made the three days equal to long years of 
repentance. And if we may imagine one feeling above all others to 
have kept possession of his heart, it would be the feeling suggested by 
Christ's expostulation: "Why persecutest thou Me?"' This feeling 
would be attended with thoughts of peace, with hope, and with faith. 
He waited on God : and iu his blindness a vision was granted to him. 
He seemed to behold one who came in to him, — and he knew by reve- 
lation that his name was Ananias, — and it appeared to him that the 
stranger laid his hand on him, that he might receive his sight.^ 

The economy of visions, by which God revealed and accomplished His 
will, is remarkably similar in the case of Ananias and Saul at Damascus, 
and in that of Peter and Cornelius at Joppa and Coesarea. The simulta- 
neous preparation of the hearts of Ananias and Saul, and the simultane- 
ous preparation of those of Peter and Cornelius, — the questioning and 
hesitation of Peter, and the questioning and hesitation of Ananias, — the 
one douliting whether he might make friendship with the Gentiles, the 
other doubting whether he miglit approach the enemy of the Church, — 
the unhesitating obedience of each, when the Divine will was made clearly 
known, — the state of mind in which both the Pharisee and the Centurion 
were found,— each waiting to see what the Lord would say unto them, — 
this close analogy will not be forgotten by those who reverently read the 
two consecutive chapters, in which the baptism of Saul and the baptism 
of Cornelius are narrated in the Acts of the Apostles.^ 

And in another respect there is a close parallelism between the two 
histories. The same exact topography characterizes them both. In the 
one case we have the lodging with " Simon the Tanner," and tlie house " by 
the sea-Side" (x. 6), — in the other we have " the house of Judas," and 
"the street called Straight" (ix. 11). And as the shore, where " the 
saint beside the ocean prayed," is an unchanging feature of Joppa, which 
will ever be dear to the Christian heart ; * so are we allowed to bear in 
mind that the thoroughfares of Eastern cities do not change,* and to be- 
lieve that the " Straight Street," which still extends through Damascus in 
long perspective from the Eastern Gate, is the street where Ananias spoke 
to Saul. More than this w^e do not venture to say. In the first days of 
the Church, and for some time afterwards, the local knowledge of the 

' See Mat. xxv. 40, 45. ^ Acts ix. 12. 

' Acts ix. and x. Compare also xi. 5-18, vrlth xxii. 12-lC. 
■• See " The Christian Year ;" Monday in Easter "Week. 

6 See Lord Nugent's remarks on the Jerusalem Bazaar, in his " Sacred and Clasaic»l 
Lands," vol. il pp. 40, 41. 


Christians at Damascus might be cherished and vividly retained. But 
now that through long ages Christianity in the East has been weak and 
degraded, and Mahommedanism strong and tyrannical, we can only say 
that the spots still shown to travellers as the sites of the house of Ananias, 
and the house of Judas, and the place of baptism, may possibly be true.' 

We know nothing concerning Ananias, except what we learn from St. 
Luke or from St. Paul. He was a Jew who had become a " di.sciple " oi 
Christ (ix. 10), and he was well reputed and held to be " devout accord- 
ing to the law," among " all the Jews who dwelt there" (xxii. 12), He is 
never mentioned by St. Paul in his Epistles ; and the later stories respect- 
ing his history are unsupported by proof.^ Though he was not ignorant 
of the new convert's previous character, it seems evident that he had no 
personal acquaintance with him ; or he would hardly have been described 
as " one called Saul, of Tarsus," lodging in the house of Judas. He was 
not an Apostle, nor one of the conspicuous members of the Church. And 
it was not without a deep significance,^ that he, who was called to be an 
Apostle, should be baptized by one of whom the Church knows nothing, 
but that he was a Christian " disciple," and had been a " devout" Jew. 

Ananias came into the house where Saul, faint and exhausted^ with 
three days' abstinence, still remained in darkness. When he laid his hands 
on his head, as the vision had foretold, immediately he would be recog- 
nised as the messenger of God, even before the words were spoken, " Bro- 
ther Saul, the Lord, even Jesus, that appeared unto tlice in the way as 
thou camest, hath sent me, that thou mightest receive thy sight, and be 
filled with the Holy Ghost." These words were followed, as were the 
wc?ds of Jesus Himself when He spoke to the blind, with an m'stantaneous 

' See, for instance, some of the older travellers, as Thevenot, parts i. and ii. Maun- 
drell (171-t), p. 36. Pococke, ii. 119. 

* Tradition says that he was one of the seventy disciples, that he was afterwards 
Bishop of Damascus, and stoned after many tortui-es under Licinius (or Lucianus) the 
Governor. Augustine says he was a priest at the time Df St. Paul's baptism, (Ecu^e- 
nius calls him a deacon. His day is kept on Oct. 1, by the Greeks, on Jan. 25, by 
the Latins. See the Acta Sanctorum under that day. Baronius (sub anno 35) says 
that he had fled from Jerusalem in the persecution of Stephen, and formed a Christian 
community at Damascus. The Acta ex MS. Gra;co in the Acta Sanctorum make him 
go from Antioch to Damascus. 

3 Ananias, as Chrysostom says, was not one tuv Kopv^atuv aTToa-oXuv, because Paul 
was not to be taught of men. On the other hand, this very circumstance shows the 
Importance attached by God to baptism. Olshausen remaiks very justly :—"H6chst 
wichtig ist hior der Umstand, dass der Apostel Paulus keineswegs bloss vermittelst 
dieser ^-underbaren Berufung durch den Herrn selbst Glied der Kirche wird, sondern 
dass cr sich noch taufen lassen muss." He adds that this baptism of Paul by Anauias 
did not imply any inferiority or dependence, more than in the case of oui* Lcrd and 
John the Baptist, 

« See Acts ix. 19 


dissipation of darkness : " There fell from his eyes as it had been scales : ' 
and he received sight forthvath " (ix. 18) : or, in his own more vivid ex- 
pression, " the same hour he looked np on the face of Ananias" (xsii. 13), 
It was a face he had never seen before. But the expression of Christian 
love assured him of reconciliation with God. lie learnt that " the God 
of his fathers" had chosen him " to know His will," — " to sec that Just 
One," — " to hear the voice of His mouth," — to be " His witness unto all 
men." " He was baptized, and " the rivers of Damascus " became more to 
him than " all the waters of Judah " ^ had been. His body was strengtli- 
ened with food ; and his soul was made strong to " suffer great things " fur 
the name of Jesus, and to bear that Name " before the Gentiles, and 
kings, and the children of Israel." * 

He began by proclaiming the honour of that Name to the children of 
Israel in Damascus. He was " not disobedient to the heavenly vision " 
(xxvi. 19), but " straightway preached in the synagogues" that Jesus was 
" the Son of God," ■'* — and " showed unto them that they should repent and 
turn to God, and do works meet for repentance." His Rabbinical and 
Pharisaic learning was now used to uphold the cause which he came to 
destroy. The Jews were astounded. They knew what he had been at 
Jerusalem. They knew why he had come to Damascus. And now they 
saw him contradicting the whole previous course of bis life, and utterly 
discarding that " commission of the high-priests," which had been the au- 
thority of his journey. Yet it was evident that his conduct was not the 
result of a wayward and irregular impulse. His convictions never hesi- 
tated ; his energy grew continually stronger," as he strove in the syna- 
gogues, maintaining the truth against the Jews, and " arguing and prov- 
ing that Jesus was indeed the Messiah." ' 

The period of his first teaching at Damascus does not seem to have 
lasted long. Indeed it is evident that his life could not have been safe, 
had he remained. The fury of the Jews when they had recovered from 
their first surprise must have been excited to the utmost pitch ; and they 
would soon have received a new commissioner from Jerusalem armed with 
full powers to supersede and punish one whom they must have regarded as 
the most faithless of apostates. Saul left the city, but not to return to 

' It is difficult to see why tho words untTveaov unb tuv d66a?.fiuv avrov uael lenidef 
Rliould be considered merely descriptive by Olshausen and others. One of the argu- 
ments for talcing them literally is tho peculiar exactness of St. Luke in speaking on 
Ruch subjects. See a paper on the medical style of St. Luke in the Gentleman's Mag- 
azine for Juno 1S41. 

' xxii. U, 15. 3 See 2 Kings v. 12. * See Acts ix. 15, 16. 

6 ix. 20. 'Where 'Irjaovv, and not Xpiardv, is the true reading. Verse 22 (on oi'rdf 
iimv 6 Xpicrrdc) would make this probable, if the authority of the MSS. were not 

" 'SavAoc (5^ /i<iA?Mv IvechivaiiovTo. (ix. 22.) 
vu6ilju(^ijv on oItCc iariv 6 Xoiarog. (Ibid.) 


Jerusalem. Conscious of his divine mission, he never felt that it was ne 
cessary to consult " those who were Apostles before hhn, but he went into 
Arabia, and returned again into Damascus." • 

Many questions have been raised concerning this journey into Arabia, 
The first question relates to the meaning of the word. From the time when 
the word " Arabia " was first used by any of the writers of Greece or 
Rome,^ it has always been a term of vague and uncertain import. Some- 
times it includes Damascus ; ^ sometimes it ranges over the Lebanon itself, 
and extends even to the borders of CiUcia.^ The native geographers usu- 
ally reckon that stony district, of which Petra was the capital, as belong- 
ing to Egypt, — and that wide desert towards the Euphrates, v/here the 
Bedouins of all ages have lived in tents, as belonging to Syria, — and have 
limited the name to the Peninsula between the Red Sea and the Persian 
Gulf, where Jemcn, or " Araby the Blest," is secluded on the south.^ In 
the three-fold division of Ptolemy, which remains in our popular language 
when. we speak of this still untravelled region, both the first and second 
of these districts were included under the name of the third. And we 
must suppose St. Paul to have gone into one of the former, either that 
which touched Syria and Mesopotamia, or that which touched Palestine 
and Egypt. If he went into the first, we need not suj^pose him to have 
travelled far from Damascus. For though the strong powers of Syria 
and Mesopotamia might check the Arabian tribes, and retrench the Ara- 
bian name in this direction, yet the Gardens of Damascus were on the 
verge of the desert, and Damascus was almost as mucli an Arabian as a 
Syrian town. 

And if he went into Petrajan Arabia, there still remains the question 
of his motive for the journey, and his employment when there. Either 
retiring before the opposition at Damascus, he went to preach tlie Gospel, 
and then, in the synagogues of that singular capital, which was built 
amidst the rocks of Edom," whence " Arabians" came to the festivals at 

' Gal. i. 17. 

' Herodotus speaks of Syria as the coast of Arabia. Tf/g ^Apa6lag ru rrapu -Qaluaaav 
"Svpioi vE/iovrat. (ii. 12.) Xcnoplioa. in the Anabasis (i. 5) calls a district in Mesopo- 
tamia, to the north of Babylonia, by the name of Ai'abia ; and 2icT]VLrai "ApaCsg are 
placed by Strabo (xvi. 1, and xvi. 3) in the same district. 

3 'Otl 6e AaxiaoKog r^g 'ApaCuijjg y7]g f/v kol Iotlv, el Kal vvv TrpoavEvt/xrjTai. ry litoo- 
foiviKy T^syofievri ov6' vjiuv Tcvtg upv^aaadai, dvvavrai. Justin Mart. c. Tryph. Jebb'a 
ed. 1719, p. 239. "Damascus Arabias retro deputabatur, antequam transcripta erat ia 
Syrophoenicem ex distinctione Syriarum." TertuU. adv. Marc. iii. 13, and adv. Jud. § 9. 

•• " Arabia . . . amplitudine longissima a monte Amano, tl regione Ciliciic CommiV- 
genesque descendit . . . nee non in media Syrise ad Libanum moutem pcnetrantiby* 
Nubeis." (Plin. II. N. vi. 32.) And so Plutarch, in the Life of Pompcy (§ 5G), speabi 
of Arabs in Mount Amanue. 

5 See Mauncrt's Geographic dcr Griechen und Rcimcr, and Winer's Realworterbuch. 

« Strabo, i i his description of Fetra, says that his friend Athcu-vloruB f^uud great 


Jerusaloo:, he testified of Jesus ; or he went for the purpose of coutem- 
pJatiou auJ solitary communion with God, to deepen his repentance and 
fortify his soul wifn prayer ; and then perhaps his steps were turned to 
those mcuntain heights by the Red Sea, which Moses and Elijah had trod- 
den before him. We cannot attempt to decide the question. The views 
whicli different inquirers take of it will probably depend on their own ten- 
dency to the practical or the ascetic hfe. On the one hand, it may be argued 
that such zeal could not be restrained, that Saul could not be silent, but 
tliat he would rejoice in carrying into the metropolis of King Aretas the 
Gospel which liis Ethnarch could afterwards hinder at Damascus.'^ On 
the other haxid, it may be said that, with such convictions recently worked 
in his mind, he would yearn for soUtude, — that a time of austere meditar 
tion before the beginning of a great work is in conformity with the econo- 
my of God, — that we find it quite natural, if Paul followed the example 
of the Great Lawgiver and the Great Prophet, and of one greater than 
Moses and Elijai, who, after His baptism and before His ministry, " re- 
turned from Jordan and was led by the Sph'it into the wilderness." * 

"WhUe Saul is in Arabia, preaching the Gospel in obscurity, or pre- 
paring for his varied work by the intuition of Sacred Truth, — it seems the 
natural place for some reflections on the reahty and the momentous signifi- 
cance of Ms conversion. It has already been remarked, in what we have 
drawn from the statements of Scripture, that he was called directly by 
Christ without the intervention of any other Apostle, and that the pur- 
pose of his call was clearly indicated, when Ananias baptized him. He 
was an Apostle " not of men, neither by man," * and the Divine will was 
" to work among the Gentiles by his ministry." ^ But the unbeliever may 
still say that there are other questions of primary importance. He may 
suggest that this apparent change in the current of Saul's thoughts, and 
this actual revolution in the manner of his life, was either the contrivance 
of deep and deliberate imposture, or the result of wild and extravagant 
fanaticism. Both in ancient and modern times, some have been found who 
have resolved this great occurrence in the promptings of self-interest, or 
have ventured to call it the offspring of delusion. There is an old story 
mentioned by Epiphanius, from which it appears that the Ebionites were 
content to find a motive for the change, in an idle story that he first bC' 
came a Jew that he miglat marry the High Priest's daughter, and then be- 
can-.e the antagonist of Judaism because the High Priest deceived him.* 

nnmbcrs of strangers there. ' kdrjvoSupog, uv^p ^iloco^og koX fjfuv Iralpoc .... 
evpeiu lirLdTifjovvTag Ht] noXlovg fiiv 'Pufiacuv, Tzollovg 6h Kai tuv aXluv ^evui>. 
(xvl 4.) In the Kame paragraph, after describing its cliffs and peculiar situation, he 
«js that it was distant three or four days' journey from Jericho. See above, p. 81, n. 6. 

' Acts ii. 11. a See 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

3 Luke iv. 1. * Gal. i. 1. o Acts xxi. 19. 

' Tov UavXov KaTJiyopovvTrc t^>K aiaxi''VovTai iircnMaroic rial Toig tuv TpevSaTro9- 
VOL. I. — *T 


And there are modern Jews., who are satisfied with saying ttat h« 
changed rapidl} from one passion to another, like thc^ inipetuous soula 
who cannot hate or love by halves.' Can we then say that St. Paul was 
simply an enthusiast or an impostor? The question has been so well an- 
swered in a celebrated English book," 'riat we are content to refer to it. 
It will never be possible for any to believe St. Paul to have been a mere 
enthusiast, who duly considers his calmness, his wisdom, his prudence, and, 
above all, his humihty, a virtue which is not less inconsistent with fanati- 
cism than with imposture. And how can we suppose that he was an im- 
postor who changed his religion for selfish purposes ? "Was he influenced 
by the ostentation of learnmg ? He suddenly cast aside all that he had 
been taught by Gamaliel, or acquired through long years of study, and 
took up the opinions of the fishermen of Galilee, whom he had scarcely 
ever seen, and who had never been educated in the schools. Was it the 
love of power which prompted the change ? He abdicated in a moment 
the authority which he possessed, for power " over a flock of sheep driven 
to the slaughter, whose Shepherd himself had been murdered a Uttle be- 
fore ;" and " all he could hope from that power was to bB marked out in a 
particular manner for the same knife, which he had seen so bloodily drawn 
against them." Was it the love of wealth ? Whatever might be his own 
worldly possessions at the time, he jomed himself to those who were cer- 
tainly poor, and the prospect before him was that which was actually real- 
ised, of ministering to his necessities with the labour of his hands.^ Was 
it the love of fame ? His prophetic power must hare been miraculous, if 
he could look beyond the shame and scorn which then rested on the ser- 
vants of a crucified master, to that glory with which Christendom now 
surrounds the memory of St. Paul. 

And if the conversion of St. Paul was not the act of an enthusiast or 
an impostor, then it ought to be considered how much this wonderful oc- 

ToXuv avTuv KaKovpyoig koI ttIui'tj^ "koyo-.r -^Eiroirj^itvoir. Tapcsa uiv avTov, (if avrdf 
Qjioloyu Kol ovK. apvEirai, Myovreg. T.i 'KaAj^vwv 6h avTov vnoTidtPTai, AaOovrri 
rf/v 7rp6(j>aaLV Ik tov totcov 6liI to ^ika'krjf^Eg in' avTOv ^T/dh', on TapcEi'c Eifit, ovK 
daTJ/zov TioTiEOiq ttoTlittic' (Acts xxi.) Elra (puaKovaiv avrbv elvai "EA/l??va, nal 'E/lAjyvt'dof 
fiijTpbg ical "EXlrjvug Trarpdf nalda ' uva&EdrjKEvaL 61 elc lEpoaolvjia, koL xpofov ekcI 
UE/ievTiKEvai, ETTiTEdvfiTiKEvai Je ■&vyaTepa tov UpEug irpug ydfiov uyaytadat, Kal tovtov 
ivena 'iTpocri7iVTOv yEvtvOai Kal ■KEpLTfnjbijDat • Elra firj ya66vTa ttjv Kof.riv upylaOai 
Kol Kara 7:spiT0fi)/g yEypa<phai, kol Kari I,a65uTOV Kat vofioOEalar. Epiph. ad Hacr. L 
2, § IG. Below in § -25, he argues the impossibility of this story from its contradiction 
to Phil. iii. and 2 Cor. xi. Barnabas, though a Cyprian, was a Levite, and why not 
Paul a Jew, though a Tarsian ? And are we to believe, he adds, what Ebion says of 
Paul, or what Peter says of him. (2 Pet. iii.)? 

» Such is M. Salvador's explanation. Jesus Christ et sa Doctrine, liv. iii. ^ 2. Paul 
el I'Eglise. 

» Lyttelton's Observations on the Conversion and Apostleship of St. PajL 

3 Acts XX. 33, 44. 1 Cor. xv. 8. 1 Thcss. ii. 4, 5, G, 9, &c. 


Ci:rr:.'ico luvolvc-s. As Lord Lyttelton observes, "the couversiou and 
ajroslleship of ^:^L. Paul alone, duly considered, is of itself a demonstratioQ 
sufficient to jjixnTe Christianity to be a divine revelation." Saul was 
arrested at the height of his zeal, and in the midst of his fury. In the 
words of Clirysostom, " Christ, like a skilful physician, healed him when 
his fever was at the worst :" ' and he proceeds to remark, in the same 
eloquent seruion, that the truth of Christ's resurrection, and the present 
power of nim who had been crucified, were shown far more forcibly, than 
they could have been if Paul had been otherwise called. Nor ought we 
to forget the great religious lessons we are taught to gather from this 
event. We see the value set by God upon honesty and integrity, when, 
^.'e find that he, " who was before a blasphemer and a persecutor and ia- 
I'urious, obtained mercy because he did it ignorantly in unbehef." ^ And 
we learn the encouragement given to all sinners who repent, when we are 
told that " for this cause he obtained mercy that in him first Jesus Christ 
might shew forth all long suffering, for a pattern to them which should 
Iiereafter believe on Him to life everlasting." 

"We return to the narrative. Saul's time of retirement in Arabia wae 
not of long continuance. He was not destined to be the Evangelist of the 
East, lu the Epistle to the Galatians,' the time, from his conversion to 
his final departure from Damascus, is said to have been "three years,'' 
'v\Ulch, according to the Jewish way of reckoning, may have been three 
enth'e years, or only one year with parts of two others. Meantime Saul 
had "returned to Damascus, preaching boldly in the name of Jesus." (ix. 
21.) The Jews, being no longer able to meet him in controversy, resorted 

' Ka6e.~Ep larpbg upiGTog, aKfiu^avTog eti tov nvpETOv, ro (io?'j07}fia avrif) ETZTJjayev & 
XplcjTOQ. (Horn. xix. in Act.) See the same homily below. 

" 1 Tim. i. 13. See Luke xii. 48. xxiii. 34. Acts iii. 17. 1 Cor. ii. 8. On the 
other hand, " unbelieving ignorance " is often mentioned in Scripture, as an aggrava- 
tion of sin : e. g. Eph. iv. 18, 19. 2 Thess. i. 7, 8. We should bear in mind Aristotle-s 
distinction (Eth. Nic. iii. 1.) of uyvoiJv and 6l' uyvoiav, — thus stated by Aquinas on this 
very passage, — " Aliud est ignoranter agere, aliud par ignorantiam : ignoranter facit 
aliquid qui nescit qviod facit, tamen si sciret etiam faceret illud : per ignorantiam facit 
qui facit aliquid quod uon faceret si nosset." Div. Thom. Comm. in Paul. Ep. p. 391. 
See the note of Estius, and especially the following remark : " Objectum seu materia 
miserlcordiae, misei'ia est ; unde quando miscria major, tanto raagis nata est misericor- 
dinm commovero." A man is deeply vaxtched who sins through ignorance ; and, as 
Augustine 8ays,Paul in his unconverted state was like a sick man who through madness 
tries to kill his physician. 

3 In Acts ix. 23, the time is said to have been " many days." Dr. Faley has observ- 
ed in a note on the Iloras Paulinse (p. 82) a similar instance in the Old Testament (1 
Kin '8 ii. 38, 39,), where " many days " is used to denote a space of " three yeai-s :'* — 
" Auil S'limcl dwelt at Jerusalem many days ; and it came to pass, at the end of three 
years, that two of the servants of Shlmei ran away." The edition of the Hone Pauli- 
nse referred to in this work is that of Mr. Tate, entitled " The Continuous Hirtcry of 
St. Paul," 1840. 


to that which is the last argument of a desperate cause : ' they resolved U 
assassinate him. Saul became acquainted with the conspiracy ; and all 
due precautions were taken to evade the danger. But t,he poUtical cir- 
cumstances of Damascus at the time made escape very difficult. Either 
in the course of the hostilities which prevailed along the Syrian frontiers 
between Herod Antipas and the Romans, on one side, and Aretas, King 
of Petra, on the other, — and possibly in consequence of that absence of 
Yitellius,' which was caused by the emperor's death, — the Arabian mon- 
arch had made himself master of Damascus, and the Jews, who sympa- 
thised with Aretas, were high in the favour of his officer, the Ethnarch.' 
Or Tiberius had ceased to reign, and his successor had assigned Damascus 
to the King of Petra, and the Jews had gained over his officer and his sol- 
diers, as Pilate's soldiers had once been gained over at Jerusalem. St. 
Paul at least expressly informs us,^ that " the Ethnarch kept watch over 
the city, Avith a garrison, purjDOsing to apprehend him." St. Luke says,^ 
that the Jews " watched the city-gates day and night, with the intention 
of killing him." The Jews furnished the motive, the Ethnarch the military 
force. The anxiety of the " disciples" was doubtless great, as when Peter 
was imprisoned by Herod, " and prayer was made without ceasing of the 
Church unto God for him."*' Their anxiety became the instrument of his 
safety. From an unguarded part of the wall, in the darkness of the night, 
probably where some overhanging houses, as is usual in Eastern citice, 
opened upon the outer country, they let him down from a window' in a 
basket.^ There was something of humiliation in this mode of escape ; and 
this, perhaps, is the reason why, in a letter wi'itten " fom'teen years" after- 

' 'E~l Tov iaxvpov cv?.?i6yLa/iuv epxovrai ol lovSaloi. k. t. 2,, S. Chrys. Horn. xx. 
' See above, p. 81. 

3 Some have supposed that this Ethnarch was merely an ofEcer who regulated the 
affah's of the Jews themselves, such as we know to have existed under this title in cities 
with many Jewish residents. See Joseph. Ant. xiv, 7, 2, and 8, 5. B. J. ii. 6, 3. Anger 
imagines that he was an ofBcer of Aretas accidentally residing in Damascus, who in- 
duced the Roman government to aid the conspiracy of the Jews. Neither hypothesis 
seems very probable. Schrader suggests (p. 153) that the Ethnarch's wife might, 
perhaps, be a Jewish proselyte, as we know was the case with a vast number of the 
women of Damascus. 

4 2 Cor. XL 32, l<ppovpet. ^ Acts ix. 24. « Acts siL 5. 

T Af(2 -QvpiSog. (2 Cor. xi. 32.) So Rahab let down the spies ; and so David escaped 
from Saul. The word ■Svpig is used in the LXX. in both instances. Kal KaTExalauEv 
aijrovc ^LcL TTjg ■dvplSog. (Josh. ii. 15.) Kal Karuysi 7/ Melx"^ '''"^ AaGld Sid r^f 
&Lpi6og, Kal uTTtjlOe Kal l^vye Kal cuiieTai. (1 Sam. xix. 12.) 

8 The word in 2 Cor. xi. 32, is capydvj] ; in Acts ix. 25, it is anvplg, the word used 
in the Gospels, in the narrative of the miracle of feeding the " four thousand," aa 
opposed to that of feeding the " five thousand,"' when Kufivog is used. Compare Mnt. 
xiv. 20. Mark vi. 43. Luke ix. 17. John vi. 13, with Mat. x-v. 37. Mark viii. 8, and 
both with Mat. x-vL 9, 10. See Prof. Blunt's Scriptural Coincidences, pt iv. § xi. 1847. 
In Rich's Companion to the Dictionary, contrast the illustration under Sporta {cirvpif} 
with that under Cophinus (/coptvoc ■ 




wnrds. he specifics tlie details, " glorying in his infirmities," Avheu he ia 
!.i)Oul to speak of " his visions and revelations of the Lord." ' 

Tims already the Apostle had experience of "perils by his own coim- 
trymen, and perils in the city." Already " in journeyiugs often, in weari- 
ness and painfuluess"' he began to learn "how great things he was to 
suffer " for the name of Christ.^ Preserved from destruction at Damascu8> 
he turned his steps towards Jerusalem. His motive for the journey, as he 
tells us in the Epistle to the Galatians, was a desu-e to become acquainted 
with Peter.'' Not that he was ignorant of the true principles of the Gos- 
pel. He expressly tells us that he neither needed nor received any instruc- 
tion in Christianity from those who were " apostles before him." But he 
must have heard much from the Christians at Damascus of the Galilean 
fisherman. Can we wonder that he should desire to see the Chief of the 
Twelve, — the brother with whom now he was consciously united in the 
bonds of a common apostleship,^and who had long on earth been the 
constant companion of his Lord ? 

How changed was everythmg since he had last travelled this roaa 
between Damascus and Jerusalem. If, when the day broke, he looked 
back upon that city from which he had escaped under the shelter of night, 
as his eye ranged over the fresh gardens and the wide desert, how the 
remembrance of that first terrible vision would call forth a deep thanks- 
giving to Him, who had called him to be a "partaker of His sufferuigs."* 
And what feelings must have attended his approach to Jerusalem. " He 
was returning to it from a spiritual, as Ezra had from a bodily, captivity, 
and to his renewed mind all things appeared new. What an emotion 
smote liis heart at the first distant view of the Temple, that house of sacri- 
fice, that edifice of prophecy. Its sacrifices had been realised, the Lamb 
of God had been offered : its prophecies had been fulfilled, the Lord had 

' 2 Cor. xi. 30. xii. 1-5. Both Schrader and Wieselcr are of opinion that the vision 
mentioned here is that which he saw at Jerusalem, on his return from Damascus (Acta 
xxii. 17. See below, p. 103), and which was naturally associated in his mind with the 
recollectioa of his escape. Schrader's remarlis on the train of ideas are worth quoting. 
" Wie gcnaa er hier die Flucht von Damaskus und die Entziickung mit einander ver- 
biudet, zcigt sein ganzer Gedankengang. Er hat vorher eine Menge seiaer Leiden als 
Christ aufgezahlt. Nun nimmt sein Geist plcitzlich einen hohern Anfschwung ; eia 
Theil der Vergangcneit schwebt ihm auf einmal lebendig vor der Seele ; seine Rede wird 
aljgebrochener, wio ein gehemmter Strom, der auf einmal wicder durchbricht : Gott 
wcies, da?3 ich nicht liige — ich floh von Damaskus — doch neiu, es ist nicht gut, dass 
ich mich riihme — Ich kcnne einen Christen — er kam in Entziickung, Gott weiss es wie 
— er wurde in das Paradies versetzt, Gott weiss, wie es zuging— ja ich konnte mich 
wohl riihmen, ohnc zu liigcn, aber ich will es nicht. Wer fiihlt es nicht, dass hier 
vom Anfang bis zu Eude alles Eins ist und nicht auseinandcr gerissen werden darf "* 
pp. 157, 158. 

* 2 Cor. xi. 26, 27. 3 Acts ix. 16. 

* 'laTop'iaai Wt^pov. i. 18. See the remarks of Jerome and Chrysostom on thii 
oassage. '=> 1 Pet. iv. b. 


come unto it. As he approached the gates, he might ha\x trodtkn the 
very spot where he had so exultingly assisted in the death of Stephen, aucl 
ho entered them perfectly content, wei'e it God's will, to be dragged cut 
through them to the same fate. He would feel a pecuhar tie of brother- 
hood to that martyr, for he could not be now ignorant that the same 
Jesus who in such glory had called him, had but a little while before a|> 
peared in the same glory to assure the expiring Stephen. The ecstatic 
look and words of the dying saint now came fresh upon his memory with 
their real meaning. When he entered into the city, what deep thoughts 
were suggested by the haunts of his youth, and by the siglit of the spots 
where he had so eagerly sought that knowledge which he had now so 
eagerly abandoned. What an intolerable burden had he cast oft". He 
felt as a glorified spirit may be supposed to feel on revisiting the scenes of 
its fleshly sojourn." ' 

Tet not without grief and awe could he look upon that city of his fore- 
fathers, over which he now knew that the judgment of God was impend- 
ing. And not without sad emotions could one of so tender a nature think 
of the alienation of those who had once been his warmest associates. The 
grief of Gamahel, the indignation of the Pharisees, the fury of the Hellen- 
istic Synagogues, all this, he knew, was before him. The sanguine hopes, 
however, springing from his own honest convictions, and his fervent zeal to 
communicate the truth to others, predominated in his mind. He thought 
that they would believe as he had believed. He argued thus with himself, 
— that they well knew that he had " imprisoned and beaten in every syna- 
gogue them that beheved in Jesus Christ," — and that " when the blood of 
His martyr Stephen was shed, he also was standing by and consenting 
tmto his death, and kept the raiment of them that slew him,""— and that 
when they saw the change which had been produced in him, and heard 
the miraculous history he could tell them, they would not refuse to " receive 
his testimony." 

Thus, with fervent zeal, and sanguine expectations, " he attempted to 
join himself to the disciples" of Christ.^ But, as the Jews hated him, so 
the Christians suspected him. His escape had been too hurried to allow 
of his bringing "letters of commendation." Whatever distant rumour 
might have reached them of an apparition on his journe}^, of his conduct 
at Damascus, of his retu-ement in Arabia, they could not believe that he 
was really a disciple. And then it was that Barnabas, already known to 
us as a generous contributor of his wealth to the poor," came forward 
again as the " Son of Consolation,"—" took him by the hand," and brought 

1 Scriptiire Biography, by Rev. R. "^Y. Evaas, second series, p. 337 
* The argument used in his ecstacy in the Temple (Acts xxii. 17-21), when it was 
ft vcaled to him that those in Jerusale.Ti would not receive his testimony. 
3 .\cts \x. 26. * See Acts iv. 36 


Him to the Apostles.' It is probable that Barnabas and Saul were ac- 
quiJmted with each other before. Cyprus is within a few hours' sail from 
Cnicia. The schools of Tarsus may naturally have attracted one, who, 
though a Levite, was a Hellenist : and there the friendship may have 
begun, which lasted through many vicissitudes, till it was rudely iuterrupt- 
ed in the dispute at Antioch.^ When Barnabas related how " the Lord" 
Jesus Christ had personally appeared to Saul, and had even spoken to 
him, and how he had boldly maintained the Christian cause in the syna- 
gogues of Damascus, then the Apostles laid aside their hesitation. Peter's 
argument must have been what it was on another occasion : " Forasmuch 
as God hath given unto him the like gift as He did unto me, who am I 
that I should withstand God 1"^ He and James, the Lord's brother, the 
only other Apostle'' who was in Jerusalem at the tune, gave to him " the 
right hands of fellowship." And he was with them, " coming in and going 
out," more than forgiven for Christ's sake, welcomed and beloved as a 
friend and a brother. 

This first meeting of the fisherman of Galilee and the tentmaker of 
Tarsus, the chosen companion of Jesus on earth, and the chosen Pha- 
risee who saw Jesus in the heavens, the Apostle of the circumcision 
and the Apostle of the Gentiles, is passed over in Scripture in a few 
words. The Divine I'ecord does not Hnger in dramatic description on 
those passages which a mere human writing would labour to embeUish. 
What took place in the intercourse of these two Saints, — what was said 
of Jesus of Nazareth who suffered, died, and was buried, — and of Jesus, 
the glorified Lord, who had risen and ascended, and become " head over 
all things to the Church," — what was felt of Christian love and devotion, — 
what was learnt, under the Spirit's teaching, of Christian truth, has not 
been revealed, and cannot be known. The intercourse was full of present 
comfort, and full of great consequences. But it did not last long. Fif- 
teen days passed away, and the Apostles were compelled to part. The 
same zeal which had caused his voice to be heard in the Hellenistic syna- 
gogues in the persecution against Stephen, now led Saul in the same syna- 
gogues to declare fearlessly his adherence to Stephen's cause. The same 
fury which had caused the murder of Stephen, now brought the murderer 
of Stephen to the verge of assassination. Once more, as at Damascus, the 
Jews made a conspiracy to put Saul to death ; and once more he was res- 
cued by the anxiety of the brethren. ^ 

'• Acts is. 27 » Acts xv. 39. 3 See Acts xi. 17. 

* " When Saul was come to Jerusalem . . . Baruabas took him aud brought him to 
the Apot;t5ps . . . aud he was with them coming in and gokig out at Jerusalem." (Acts 
ix. 26-28.) '■ After three years I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter, and abode with 
him fifteen days. But other of the Apostles saw I none, save James the Lord's 
brother " (Gal. i. 18, 19.) » Acts i.x. 29, 30. 


Reluctantly, and not without a direct intimation from oji high, he 
retired from the work of preaching the Gospel in Jerusalem As he 
was praying one day in the Temple, it came to pass that he fell into a 
trance,' and in his ecstacy he saw Jesus, who spoke to him and said, 
" Make haste and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem : for they will uoi 
receive thy testimony concerning me." He hesitated to obey the com- 
mand, his desire to do God's will leading him to struggle against the hin- 
drances of God's providence — and the memory of Stephen, which haunted 
him even in his trance, furnishing him with an argument.^ But the com- 
mand was more peremptory than before : " Depart ; for I will send thee 
far hence unto the Gentiles." The scene of his apostolic victories was not 
to be Jerusalem. For the third time it was declared to him that the field 
of his labours was among the Gentiles. This secret revelation to his soul 
conspired with the outward difficulties of his situation. The care of God 
gave the highest sanction to the anxiety of the brethren. And he suffered 
himself to be withdrawn from the Holy City. 

They brought him down to Cassarea by the sea,^ and from Cicsarea 
they sent him to Tarsus.'* His own expression in the Epistle to the Gala- 
tians (i. 21) is that he went "into the regions of Syria and Cilicia." 
From this it has been inferred that he went first from Csesarea to Antioch, 
and then from Antioch to Tarsus. And such a course would have been 
perfectly natural : for the communication of the city of Caesar and the 
Herods with the metropolis of Syria, either by sea and the harbour of Se- 
leucia, or by the great coast-road through Tyro and Sidon, was easy artd 
frequent. But the supposition is unnecessary. In consequence of the. 
range of Mount Taurus, Cilicia has a greater geographical afiinity with 
Syria than with Asia Minor. Hence it has existed in frequent political 
combination with it from the time of the old Persian satrapies to the mod- 

' See Acts xxii. 17-21. Though Schradcr is sometimes laboriously unsuccessful ia 
explaining the miraculous, yet we need not entirely disregard what he says (p. 160) 
concerning the oppression of spiiit, under the sense of being mistrasted and opposed, 
with which Saul came to pray in the Temple. And we may compare the preparation 
for St. Peter's vision, before the conversion of Cornelius. 

' Compare the similar expostulations of Ananias, ix. 13, and of Peter, x. 14. 

3 Olshausen is certainly mistaken in supposing that Casarea Philippi is meant- 
Wlienever " Ca;sarea " is spoken of absolutely, it always means Ca;sarea Stratonis. And 
even if it is assumed that Saul travelled by land through Syria to Tarsus, this would 
not have been the natural course. His words are " Um zn Lande nach Tarsus von 
Jerusalem auszugehen, wiirde Paulus nicht den weitern Weg iiber Ca?sarea Stratonis 
gewiihlt haben." But though it may be true that this Casarea is nearer the Syrian 
frontier than the other, the physical character of the coimtiy is such tbat he would 
naturally go by the other Ca;sarea, unless indeed he travelled by Damascus to Antioch, 
which is highly improbable. See also a good note by Mr. Tate in the " Continuous 
History,-' &c., p. 100. 

* Acts ix. 30. 


err pachalics of tlie Sultan : and " Si/ria and Cilida" appears in history 
Simost as a g-eucr'c geographical term, tho more important district being 
mentioned first.' Within the limits of this region Saul's activities were 
now exercised in studying and in teaching at Tarsus, — or in founding those 
Churches ^ which were afterwards greeted in the Apostolic letter from 
Jerusalem, as the brethren "in Antioch, and Syria, and Gihcia," and 
which Paul himself confirmed after his separation from Barnabas, travel- 
ling through " Syria and Cihcia." 

Whatever might be the extent of his journeys within these limits, we 
know at least that he was at Tarsus, Once more we find him in the home 
of his childhood. It is the last tune we are distinctly told that he was Now at least, if not before, we may be sure that he would come 
into aclive intercourse with the heathen philosophers of the place.^ In 
bis last residence at Tarsus, a few years before, he was a Jew, and not 
only a Jew but a Pharisee, and he looked on the Gentiles around Mm as 
outcasts from the favour of God. Now he was a Christian, and not only 
a Christian, but conscious of his mission as the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
Therefore, he would surely meet the philosophers, and prepare to argue 
with them on their own ground, as afterwards in the " market " at Athens 
with " the Epicureans and the Stoics." * Many Stoics of Tarsus were men 
of celebrity in the Roman Empke. Athenodorus, the tutor of Augustus, 
has been already mentioned.* He was probably by this time deceased, 
and receiving those divine honours, which, as Lucian informs us, were paid 
to hhn after his death. The tutor of Tiberius also was a Tarsian and a 
Stoic. His name was Nestor. He was probably at this time alive : for he 
lingered to the age of ninety-two," and, in all hkelihood, survived his 

' This is well illustrated by the hopeless feelmg of the Greek soldiers in the Ana- 
basis, when Cyrus had dravra them into Cilicia ; by various passages in the history of 
the Seleucida; ; by the arrangements of the Romans with Autiochus ; by the division 
of provinces in the Notitia ; and by tho course of the Mahommedan conquests. 

' Acts XV. 23, 41. When we find the existence of Cilician Churches mentioned, the 
obvious inference is that St. Paul founded them dmiug this period. 

3 The passage in Strabo, referred to above, Ch. I. p. 22, is so important that we give 
SI free translation of it here. " The men of this place are so zealous in the study of 
philosophy and the whole Circle of education, that they surpass both Athens and 
Alexandria, and every place that could be mentioned, where schools of ijhilosophers 
are found. And tho difference amounts to this. Here, those who are fond of learning 
are all natives, and strangers do not willingly reside here : and they themselves do not 
remain, but finish their education abroad, and gladly take up their residence elsewhere, 
and few return. Whereas, in the other citiea which I have just mentioned, except 
Alexanjiria, the contrary takes place : for many come to them and live there willingly ; 
but you will see few of the natives either going abroad for tho sake of philosophy, or 
caring to study it at home. The Alexaudi-ians have both characters ; for they receive 
many strangers, and send out of their own people not a few." 

* Acts xvii. 17, 18. s See p. 45. 

^ See the Treatise called " Macrobii," ascribed to Lucian, where Atheaodonis aiiC 


wicked pupil, whose death we have recently noticed. Now among th: se 
eminent sages and instructors of heathen emperors was One whose leach- 
ing was destined to smwive, when the Stoic philosophy should have per- 
ished, and whose words still instruct the rulers of every civiUsc-d nation 
How far Saul's arguments had any success in this quarter we cannot cveu 
guess ; and we must not anticipate the conversion of Cornelius. At least, 
he Avas preparing for the future. In the synagogue we cannot believe that 
he was silent or unsuccessful. In his own family, we may well imagine 
that some of those Christian " kinsmen," ' whose names are handed down 
to us, — possibly his sister, the playmate of his childhood, and his sister'3 
son,^ who afterwards saved his Ufe, — were, at this tmie, by his exertions 
gathered into the fold of Christ. 

Here this Chapter must close ; while Saul is in exile from the earthly 
Jerusalem, but diligently occupied in building up the walls of the " Jerusa- 
lem which is above." And it was not without one great and important 
consequence that that short fortnight had been spent in Jerusalem. He 
was now known to Peter and to James. His vocation was fully ascer- 
tained and recognised by the heads of the Judasau Christians. It is true 
that he was yet -"unknown by face" to the scattered Churches of Judsea.' 
But they honoured him of whom they had heard so much. And when the 
news came to them at intervals of all that he was doing for the cause of 
Christ, they praised God and said, " Behold ! he who was once our 
persecutor is now bearing the glad tidings of that faith which formerly he 
laboured to root out ;" " and they glorified God in him." 

Nestor are eaumerated among those pliilosopliers who have lived to a great age, 
'A67]v66upog, lluvduvog, Tapaevc, llruiKog, 6f Kal 6i.6uaKa?iog tytvETO Kaiacpog 'Zedaa-ou 
Qeov, vcj)' ov r/ Tapoiuv nolig koX <j>6po)V eKovcpiadri, 6vo Kal oydoijKOVTa irrj (Siovg, 
irsTiEVTriGev Iv rij Ttarpidi, Kal TifxHg 6 Tapatuv 67//xog uvtcj Kaf" trog tKacrov u.7rovi/i€i 
ug T/puL Neffrwp de iTuiKog and Tapaov, Mu(jKa?.og Kataapog TiCepiov, irrj 6vd Kal 
ivevr/KovTa, § 21. Strabo mentions another Tarsian called Nestor, an Academician, 
who was the tutor of Marcellus, xiv. 5. 

2 Rom. xxl See p. 4G. 

" About twenty years after this time (Acts xxiii. 17, 23) he is called vsaviag, the 
very word which is used of Saul himself (Acts vii. 58) at the stoning of Stephen. It 
is justly remarked by Hemsen (p. 30), that the young man's anxiety for his unck 
(xxiii. lG-23) seems to imply a closer affection than that resulting from relationship 

3 See Gal. i. 21-24. The Greek words uKOvovrsg i/aav .... vvv evayyelci^eTai, seem 
to imply a continued preaching of the Gospel, the intelligence of which came now and 
then to Judaia. From the following Nyords, however {tircira did deKaTeccdpCJv ircjv). 
St. Paul appears to describe in i. 23, 24 the effect produced by the tidings not only of 
his labors in Tarsus, but of his subsequent and more extensive labours as a missionary 
to the Heathen. It should be added, that Wieseler thinks he staid only half a year at 




I From the British Museum. The inscription is given above, p. 32, n. 4. Since that 
note was written, some important confirmation has been received of the opinion there 
expressed. IVIr. Burgon, of the British Museimi, says in a letter : " I have carefully 
looked at our two coins of Aretas, and compared them with those described by Mion- 
net, p. 284. I feel convinced that they are much earlier than the reigns of Caligula or 
Claudius, and rank with the coins of the later Seleucidre or Tigraucs. These coins of Are- 
ta.s do not appear to have dates : and, even granting that the coin of Mionnet, No. 20 p. 
284, bears A P, which I doubt, he himself (no mean judge in such a matter) does not cite 
AF as a date, — and I should not admit it as such, till other coins be produced with 
unquestionable dates. Nothing is more common than for the most cai'eful and learned 
men to draw f;dse inferences from books on coins, if they have not practical knowledge 
enough on the subject to guide them in matters which may be regarded as technical. 
Sestini (Classes Generales, Florence, 1821, p, 141) does cite A P as a date, and be is 
an authority as good as Mionnet ; but in this case I think him wrong. .-Vs to the word 
<i>IAEAAHN, it is worth observing that tlie later kings of Cappadocia (fearing the 
Pvoman Power) call themselves 4'IAOPflMAIOS." 

It should be added, that there are certain consular denarii of the Plautian family, 
Tshere King Aretas is represented as kneeling in submission by the side of a camel. 
An engraving of one of these coins is to be found in the " Thesaurus Morellianus, 
&c.," 1734, PI. I. iig. 1. This is doubtless the same Arabian monarch who is commemo 
rated on the former coin, — not the earlier Aretas of the Maccabees, nor the later Aretaa 
of St Paul, — but the king who submitted to Scaurus, The Roman general's name k 
in the exergue with that of Aretas : and it is interesting to contrast the coin in which 
the Arabian king calls himself the friend of the Grepks, with that in which hs 
acknowledges himself the subject of the Romaui 



♦* Atteciat unusqiiisque vestrum, fratres mei, quit habeat Christianus. Quod home 
est, commune cum multis : quod Christianus est, secernitur a multis ; et plus ad illuni 
pertinet quod Christianus, quam quod homo." — Aug. in Joh. Ev. cap. i. tract, v. 










Hitherto the history of the Christian Church has been confined v/ithiu 
Jewish limits. We have followed its progress beyond the walls of Jerusa- 
lem, but hardly yet beyond the boundaries of Palestine. If any traveller 
from a distant country has been admitted into the community of believerti, 
the plftce of his baptism has not been more remote than the "desert" of 
Gaza. If any " aliens from the commonwealth of Israel " have been 
admitted to the citizenship of the spiritual Israelites, they have been 
"strangers" who dwell among the hills of Samaria, But the time is 
rapidly approaching when the knowledge of Christ must spread more 
rapidly, — when those who possessed not that Book, which caused perplex- 
ity on the road to Ethiopia, will hear and adore His name, — and greater 
strangers than those who drew water from the well of Sychar will come 
nigh to the Fountain of Life. The same dispersion which gathered in the 
Samaritans, will gather in the Gentiles also. The " middle wall of parti- 
tion " being utterly broken down, all will be called by the new and glorious 
name of " Christian." 

And as we follow the progress of events, and find that all movements 
in the Church begin to have more and more reference to the Heathen, we 
observe that these movements begin to circulate more and more round a 
new centre of activity. Not Jerusalem, but Antioch, luot the Holy Cit; 
of God's ancient people, but the profane city of the Greeks and Eoman? 


IS the place to which the student cf sacred history is now directed. Dur- 
ing the remainder of the Acts of the Apostles our attention is at least 
divided between Jerusalem and Antioch, until at last, after following St 
Paul's many journeys, we come with him to Rome. For some time Con- 
stantinople must remain a city of the future ; but we are more than once 
reuiindcd of the greatness of Alexandria : ' and thus even in the life of the 
Apostle we find prophetic intimations of four of the five great centres of 
the early Catholic Church. 

At present we are occupied with Antioch, and the pomt before us is 
that particular moment in the Church's history, when it was first called 
Christian. Both the jplace and the event are remarkable : and the tivie, if 
we are able to determine it, is worthy of our attention. Though we are 
following the course of an individual biography, it is necessary to pause, 
on critical occasions, to look around on what is passing in the empire at 
large. And, happily, we are now arrived at a point where we are able 
distinv.tly to see the path of the Apostle's life intersecting the general his- 
tory of the period. This, therefore, is the right place for a few chronolo- 
gical remarks.^ A few such i-emarks, made once for all, may justify what 
has gone before, and prepare the way for subsequent chapters. 

Some readers may be surprised that up to this point we have made no 
attempts to ascertain or to state exact chronological details. But theol 
gians are well aware of the difficulties with which such enquuies are 
attended, in the beginnings of St. Paul's biography. The early chapters 
in the Acts are like the narratives in the Gospels. It is often hardly pos- 
sible to learn how far the events related were contemporary or consecutive. 
It is impossible to determine the relations of time, which subsist between 
Paul's retirement into Arabia and Peter's visit to the converted Samari- 
tans,^ or between the journey of one apostle from Joppa to Caesarea and 
the journey of the other from Jerusalem to Tarsus.^ Still less have we 
sufficient data for pronouncing upon the absolute chronology of the earhest 
transactions in the Church. No one can tell what particular folly or 
crime was engaging Caligula's attention, when Paul was first made a 
Christian at Damascus. No one can tell on what work of love the Chris- 

* See Acts vi. 9, (with ii. 10) xxvii. 6, xxviii. 11 ; aud compare Acts xvlii. 24, xix. I, 
with 1 Cor. i. 12, iii. 4-6, and Tit. iii. 13. 

' The chronological authorities principally referred to in this work have been the 
following English books :—l. Bp. Pearson's Annales Paulini, in the Enchiridion 
Thcologicum ; 2. The late Professor Burton's Attempt to ascertain the Chronology of 
the Acts, 8,-c., 1830 ; 3. Greswell's Dissertations, 8^c. ; 4. Mr. Browne's Ordo Scech- 
rwn : and the follo\ving German books :— 1. The Qrst volume of Schrader's Apostel 
Paulus ; 1. Anger's Treatise De temponim in Actis Apostolorum raticiie, Leipsig, 
1833 ; 3. Wiescler's Chronologic des Apostolischcn Zeitalten. 

3 Acts viii. and Acts Lx. (with Gal. i.) 

« A^tfl lx. and Acts x. 



tiaus were occupied when the emperor was inaugurating his bridge at 
Puteoli,' or exhibiting his fantastic pride on the shores of the British Soa.'' 
In a work of this kind it is better to i^lace the events of the Apostle's hfs 
in the broad light cast by the leading features of the period, than to 
attempt to illustrate them by the help of dates, which, after all, can be 
only conjectural. Thus we have been content' to say, tnat he was bom in 
the strongest and most flourishing period of the reign of Augustus ; and 
that he was converted from the religion of the Pharisees about the time 

when CaUgula succeeded Tibevius. 
But soon after we enter on the reign 
of Claudius we encounter a coinci- 
dence which arrests our attention. 
We must first take a rapid glance at 
the reign of his predecessor. Though 
the cruelty of that reign stung the 
Jews in every part of the empire, and 
produced an indignation which never 
subsided, one short paragraph will be 
enough for all that need be said con- 
cerning the abominable tyrant-^* 

In the early part of the year 37 
Tiberius died, and at the close of the 
same year Xero was born. Between 
the reigns of these two emperors are 
those of Caligula and Claudius. The 
four years during which Caligula sat 
on the throne of the world were mis- 
erable for all the provinces, both in 
the west and in the east.^ In Gaul, 
his insults were aggravated by his 
personal presence. In Syria his caprices were felt more remotely but not 
less keenly. The changes of administration were rapid and various. In 
the year 36, the two great actors in the crime of the crucifixion had dis- 
appeared from the public places of Judaea. Pontius Pilate ^ had been ais- 

1 'Where St. Paul afterwards landed, Acts xxviii. 13. 

' Herod was with Caligula in this progress. This emperor's triumph had no more 
meaning than Napoleon-s column at Boulogne ; but in the next reign Britain was 
really conquered. See below. 

3 The reader is here requested to refer to pp. 29, 44, 45, 55, 64, 69, and the notes. 

* It is much to be regretted that the books of Tacitus, which contained the life of 
Caligula, are lost. Our information must be derived from Dio Cassius, Suetonius, and 

5 From the Musee Royal (Laiu-ent, Paris), vol. ii. 

e He did not arrive at Rome till after the death of Tiberius. Like his predecessor 


misseti by Yitellius to Rome, and IMarcclIus sent to govern in liis stead 
Caiaplias had beaa deposed by the same secular authority, and succeeded 
by Jonathan. Now, in the year 3T, YitelUus was recalled from Syria, 
and Petronius came to occupy the governor's residence at Antioeh. Mar- 
cellus at Cassarea made way for Marullus : and Theophilus was made 
high-priest at Jerusalem in the place of his brother Jonathan. Agrippa, 
the grandson of Herod the Great, was brought out of the prison where 
Tiberius had confined him, and Caligula gave a royal crown,' with the 
tetrarchies of two of his uncles, to the frivolous friend of his youth. And 
as this reign began with restless change, so it ended in cruelty and impiety. 
The emperor, in the career of his blasphemous arrogance, attempted to 
force the Jews to worship him as God.° One universal fecUng of horror 
pervaded the scattered Israehtes, who, though they had scorned the Mes- 
siah promis&d to their fathers, were unable to degrade themselves by a 
return to idolatry. Petronius, who foresaw what the struggle must be, 
wrote letter* of expostulation to his master : Agrippa, who was then iu 
Italy, implored his patron to pause in what he did : an embassy was sent 
from Alexandria, and the venerable and learned Philo ^ was himself com- 
missioned to state the inexorable requirements of the Jewish religion. 
Everything appeared to be hopeless, when the murder of Caligula, on the 
24th of January, in the year 41, gave a sudden relief to the persecuted 

With the accession of Claudius (a. d. 41) the Holy Land had a king 
once more. Judaea was added to the tetrarchies of Philip and Antipas, 
and Herod Agrippa I. ruled over the wide territory which had been gov- 
erned by his grandfather. With the alleviation of the distress of the 
Jews, proportionate suffering came upon the Christians. The "rest" 
which, in the distraotions of Caligula's reign, the churches had enjoyed 
" throughout all Judaea, and Galilee, and Samaria," was now at an end. 
" About this time Herod the king stretched forth his hands to vex certain 
of the church." He slew one Apostle, and " because he saw it pleased 
the Jews," he proceeded to imprison another. But he was not long spared 
to seek popularity among the Jews, or to murder and oppress the Chris- 
he had governed Judaea during ten or eleven years, the emperor having a great dislike 
to frequent changes iu the provinces. 

' Tiberius had imprisoned him ,becauso of a conversation overheard by a slave, when 
Caligula and Herod Agi-ippa were together in a carriage. Agrippa was much at Roma 
both at the beginning and end of Caligula's reign. See p. 29, n. 1. 

* It appears from Dio Cassius and Suetonius that this was part of a general system 
for extending the worship of himself through the empire. 

3 See aliove, pp. ?,G, 37, and C5. The " Lcgatio ad Caiura " in Philo is, next after 
JospphuF, the most important ^VTiting of the period for throwing light on the condition 
of the Jews in Caligula's reign. The Jewisli envoys had their interview with the em- 
peror at Puteoli, in the autumn of the same year (40 a. d.) in which ho hsKl made hL- 
nrogress through Gaul to the shore of the ocean. 


tians. In the year 44 he periohed by that sudden and dreadful death 
which is recorded in detail by Josephus and St. Luke.' In ctuse coinci- 
dence with this event we have the mention of a certain journey of St 
Paul to Jerusalem. Here then we have one of those lines of intersection 
between the sacred history and the general history of the world, on which 
the attention of intelligent Christians ought to be fixed. This year, 44 
A. D., and another year, the year 60 a. d. (in which Felix ceased to be gov- 
ernor of Judaea, and, leaving St. Paul bound at Caesarea, was succeeded by 
Festus), are the two chronological pivots of the apostolic history,^ By 
help of them we find its exact place in the general history of the world. 
Between these two Hmits the greater part of what we are told of St. Paul 
is situated and included. 

Using the year 44 as a starting-point for the future, we gain a new 
light for tracing the Apostle's steps. It is evident that we have only to 
ascertam the successive intervals of his life, in order to see him at every 
point, in his connection with the transactions of the empire. We shall 
observe this often as we proceed. At present it is more important to re- 
mark that the same date throws some light on that earlier part of the 
Apostle's path which is confessedly obscure. Reckoning backwards, we 
remember that " three years " intervened between his conversion and re^ 
turn to Jerusalem.^ Those who assign the former event to 39 or 40, and 
those who fix on 37 or some earlier year, difi'er as to the length of time 
he spent at Tai-sus, or in " Syria and Cilicia." ■* All that we can say with 
certainty is, that St. Paul was converted more than three years before the 
year 44.* 

1 Ant. xix. 8. Acts xii. The proof that his death took place in 44 may be seen in 
Anger and Wieseler ; and, indeed, it is hardly doubted by any. A couicident and cor- 
roborative proof of the time of St. Paul's jom-ney to Jerusalem, is afforded by the 
mention of the Famine, which is doubtless that recorded by Josephus (see below, p. 
126, note). Anger has shown (pp. 41-45) that this famine must be assigned to the 
interval between 44 and 47 ; and Wieseler (pp. 157-161) has fixtd it more closely to 
the year 45. 

' It ought to be stated, that the latter date cannot be established by the same exact 
proof as the former ; but, as a political fact, it must always be a cai'dinal point of ref- 
erence in any system of Scripture chronology. Anger and Wieseler, by a careful 
induction of particulars, have made it highly probable that Festus succeeded Felix in 
the year 60. Burton places this event in the yeai- 55, and there are many other opinions. 
More will be said on this subject when we come to Acts xxiv. 27. 

3 Gal, i. 18. 

4 Acts ix. 30. Gal. i. 2i. Wieseler (pp. 147, 148), with Schrader (p. 59), thinks that 
he stayed at Tarsus only half a year or a year ; Anger (pp. 171, 172), that he was there 
two years, between 41 and 43 ; Hemsen (p. 40), that he spent there the years 40, 41, 
and 42. Among the English writers, Bp. Pearson (p. 359) imagines that great part of 
the interval after 39 was passed in Syria ; Burton (pp. 18, and 48), who places th: 
conversion very early, is forced to allow nine or ten years for the tima epent in Sjrki 
and Cilicia. 

' Wieseler places the Conversion in the year 39 or 40. As we have said before the 

•THE lEAE 44. 113 

The date thus important for all students of Bible chronology is worthy 
of spte'Ll regard by the Christians of Britain. For in that year the Em 
peror Claiidins returned from the shores of this island to the metropolis of 
his empire. He came here in command of a military expedition, to com 
plcle the work which the landing of Caesar a century before, had begun, 
or at lea8t predicted.' When Claudius came to Britain, its inhabitants 
were not Christian, They could hardly in any sense be said to have been 
civilised. He came, as he thought, to add a barbarous province to his 
already gigantic empire : but he" really came to prepare the way for the 
silent progress of the Christian Church, His troops were the instruments 
of bringing among our barbarous ancestors those charities which were just 
then beginning to display themselves^ in Antioch and Jerusalem. A 
" new name " was faintly rising on the Syrian shore, which was destined to 
spread like the cloud seen by the Prophet's servant from the brow of 
Mount Carmel. A better civilisation, a better citizenship, than that of 
the Roman empire, was preparing for us and for many. One Apostle at 
Tarsus was waiting for his call to proclaim the Gospel of Christ to the 
Gentiles. Another Apostle at Joppa was receiving a divine intimation 
that " God is no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he that- 
feareth Him and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him." •< 

If we" could ascertain the exact chronological arrangement of these 
passages of Apostolical history, great light would be thrown on the cir- 
cumstantial details of the admission of Gentiles to the Church, and on the 
growth of the Church's conviction on this momentous subject. We should 
then be able to form some idea of the meaning and results of the fortnight 
spent by Paul and Peter together at Jerusalem, But it is not permitted 
to us to know the manner and degree in which the different Apostles were 
illuminated. We have not been informed whether Paul ever felt the difli- 
culty of Peter, — whether he knew from the first the full significance of his 
call, — whether he learnt the truth by visions, or by the gradual workings- 
of his mind under the teaching of the Holy Spirit. All we can confidently 
assert Is, that he did not learn from St. Peter the mystery " which in other 
ages W!vs not made known unto the sons of men, as it was now revealed 
mi to God's holy apostles by the Spirit ; that the Gentiles should be fellow- 
heire, and i f the same body, and partakers of His promise iu Christ by 
the Gospel," * 

force of his reasoning consists in the coavorgence of his different lines of argument to 
one point. The following passages should be especially observed as bearing on this 
particular question, pp. 162-1G7, and .17(J-208. 

1 It may be gathered from Dio Ca-^sius, Ix. 21, 23, 24 (with Suet, Claud. 17), thai 
the emperor left Rome in July, 43, and returned in January, 45. See Anger, p. 40, a. h, 

« See Acts xi. 22-24, and 27-30. 

» Acts X, 34, 35, ■« Eph, ui. 4-C, See Col, i, 26, 27 

VOT I — 8 


If St. Paul was converted in 39 or 40, and if the above-mentioned rest 
of the churches was in the hist years of Caligula (a. n. 3'J— 41;, and if 
this rest was the occasion of that journey to Lydda and Joppa which ulti- 
mately brought St. Peter to Ccesarea, then it is evident that St. Paul was 
at Damascus or in Arabia when Cornelius was baptized.' Paul was suu> 
moned to evangelize the Heathen, 'and Peter began the work, almost sim- 
oltaneously. The great transaction of admitting the Gentiles to the 
Church was already accomiDhshed when the two Apostles met at Jeru- 
salem. St. Paul would thus learn that the door had bceii opened to 
liim by the hand of another ; and when he went to Tarsus, the later 
agreement ^ might then have been partially adopted, that he should " go 
to the Heathen," while Peter remained as the Apostle of " the Circum- 

If we are to bring down the conversion of Cornelius nearer to the year 
44, and to place it in that interval of time which St. Paul spent at Tar- 
sus,=' then it is natural to suppose that his conversations prepared Peter's 
mind for the change which was at hand, and sowed the seeds of that revo- 
lution of opinion of which the vision at Joppa was the crisis and comple- 
tion. Paul might learn from Peter (as possibly also from Barnabas) 
many of the details of our blessed Saviour's life. And Peter, meanwhile, 
might gather from him some of those higher views concerning the Gospel 
which prepared him for the miracles which he afterwards saw in the 
household of the Roman centurion. Whatever might be the obscurity 
of St. Paul's early knowledge, whether it was revealed to him or not that 
the Gentile converts would be called to overleap the ceremonies of Juda- 
ism on their entrance into the Church of Christ, — he could not fail to have 
a clear understanding that his own work was to lie among the Gentiles. 
This had been announced to him at his first conversion (Acts xxvi. It, 
18), in the words of Ananias (Acts ix. 15) : and in the vision preceding 
his retirement to Tarsus (Acts xxii. 21), the words which commanded 
him to go were, " Depart, for I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles." 

In considering, then, the conversion of Cornelius to have happened 
after this journey from Jerusalem to Tarsus, and before the mission of 
Barnabas to Antioch, we are adopting the opinion most in accordance 
with the independent standing-point occupied by St. Paul. And this, 
moreover, is the view which harmonises best with the narrative of Scrip" 
ture, where the order ought to be reverently regarded as well as the words 
In the order of Scripture narration, if it cannot be proved that the preach- 

> This is "Wieseler's view ; but his arguments are not conclusive. By some (as by 
Schrader) it is hastily taken for granted that St Paul preached the Gospel to Gentilea 
bt Damascus. 
. » Gal. ii. 9. 

» On tJ? duratioQ of this interval, ser above, p. 112, note i. 


Ixg of Peter at Csesarea was chronologically earlier than the preaching of 
Paul at Antloch, it is at least brought before us theologically, as the be- 
ginning of the Gospel made known to the Heathen. When an important 
change is at hand, God usually causes a siient preparation in the minds 
of men, and some great fact occurs, which may be taken as a type and 
eymbol of the general movement. Such a fact was the conversion of Cor- 
nelius, and so we must consider it. 

The whole transaction is related and reiterated with so much minute- 
ness,' that if we were writing a history of the Church, we should be re- 
quired to dwell on it at length. But here, we have only to do with it, as 
the point of union between Jews and Gentiles, and as the briglit starting- 
point of St. Paul's career. A few words may be allowed, which are sug^ 
gested by this view of the transaction as a typical fact in the progress of 
God's dispensations. The two men to whom the revelations were made, 
and even the places where the divine interferences occurred, were charac- 
teristic of the event. Cornelius was in Cassarea and St. Peter in Joppa ; — 
the Roman soVlier in the modern city, which was built and named in the 
Emperor's honour, — the Jewish Apostle in the ancient sea-port which as- 
sociates its name with the early passages of Hebrew history, — with the 
voyage of Jonah, the building of the Temple, the wars of the Macca- 
bees.^ All the splendour of Csesarea, its buildings and its ships, and the 
Temple of Rome and the Emperor, which the sailors saw far out at sea,'' 
all has long since vanished. Herod's magnificent city is a wreck on the 
shore. A few rums are all that remain of the harbour. Joppa lingers 
on, like the Jewish people, dejected but not destroyed. Csesarea has 
perished, hke the Roman Empire which called it into existence. 

And no men could well be more contrasted with each other than those 
two men, in whom the Heathen and Jewish worlds met and were recon- 
ciled. We know what Peter was — a Galilean fisherman, brought up in 
the rudest district of an obscure province, with no learning but such as he 
might have gathered in the synagogue of his native town. All his early 
days he had dragged his nets in the lake of Gennesareth. And now he 
was at Joppa, lodging in the house of Simon the tanner, the apostle of a 
religion that was to change the world. Cornelius was an officer in the Ro- 
man army. No name was more honourable at Rome than that of the 
Cornelian House. It was the name borne by the Scipios, and by Sulla, 
and the mother of the Gracchi. In the Roman army, as in the army of 
modem Austria, the soldiers were drawn from different countries and 
^oke different languages. Along the coast of which we are speaking, 

' See tbe whole narrative. Acts x. 1 — xi. 19. 

* o'onah i. 3. 2 Chr. ii. 16. See Josh. xix. 46. Ezra iii. 7, and various passages la 
the Apocrypha. 1 Esd. v. 55. 1 Mac. x. 75. xiv. 5. 2 Mac. xiL ?,, &c. 
' A tuU account of Cxsarea will be given hereafter. 


many of tlicm were recruited from Syria and JudEea.' But the corps to 
wliich Cornelius belonged seeras to have been a cohort of Italians separate 
from the legionary soldiers," and hence called the " Italian cohort." He 
was no donbt a true-born Italian. Educated in RonK, or some provincial 
town, he had entered upon a soldier's life, dreaming perhaps of military 
glory, but dreaming as little of that better glory which now surrounds the 
Cornelian name, — as Peter dreamt at the lake of Gennesareth of becomin"' 
the chosen companion of the Messiah of Israel, and of throwing open the 
iloors of the Catholic Church to the dwellers in Asia and Africa, to the 
barbarians on the remote and unvisited shores of Europe, and to the 
undiscovered countries of the West. 

But to return to our proper narrative. "When intelligence came to 
Jerusalem that Peter had broken through the restraints of the Jewish 
law, and had even " eaten " at the table of the Gentiles,' there was gen- 
eral surprise and displeasure among " those of the circumcision." But 
when he explained to them all the transaction, they approved his conduct, 
and praised God for His mercy to the heathen.'* And soon news came from 
a greater distance, which showed that the same unexpected change was ope- 
rating more widely. We have seen that the persecution, in which Stephen 
was killed, resulted in a general dispersion of the Christians. Wherever 
they went, they spoke to their Jewish brethren of their faith that the 
promises had been fulfilled in the life and resurrection of Jesus Christ. 
This dispersion and preaching of the Gospel extended even to the island 
of Cyprus, and along the Phoenician coast as far as Antioch. For some 
time the glad tidings were made known only to the scattered children of 
Israel.^ But at length some of the Hellenistic Jews, natives of Cyprus 
and Cyrene, -spoke to the Greeks'^ themselves at Antioch, and the Divine 

J Joseph. A. xiv. 15, 10. B. J. i. 17, 1. 

^ Not a cohfti-t of the " Legio Italica," of which we read at a later period (Tacit. H. 
i. 59, G4. ii. 41, 100. iii. 14). This legion was raised by Nero (Dio. Cass. Iv. 24. Suet. 
Xero, 19). See Biscoe, p. 304, note s., and the whole of his elaborate discussion, pp. 
300-314. Wieselcr (Clu'onoL p. 145, note 2) thinks they were Italian voluntews. 
There is an inscription in Gruter, in which the following words occur : " Cohors mili- 
tum Italicorum voluntaria, qua; est in Syria." See it in Akerman's Numismatic Illus- 
trations, p. 34. 

3 ^vviipa-yeg avTolg. Acts xi. 3. See s. 48. No such freedom of intercourse took 
place in his own reception of his Gentile guests, x. 23. {avrovg k^evLoe.) 

■« xi. 18. 

= See xi. 19-20. 

6 xi. 20. There seems no doubt that 'EAA;?vaf is the right reading (eeo Griesbach, 
Lachmann, Olshausen, and De Wette ; and Mr. Tate's note, p. 133), probably in the 
sense of Greek proselytes of the Gate. Thus they were in the same position as Cor- 
nelius. It has been doubted which case was prior in point of time. Some are of 
opinicm that the events at Antioch took place first. Others beltcvn that thosf; who 
spoke to the Greeks at Antioch had previously heard of the conversion of Cornelius. 


Spirit gave such power to the "Word, that a vast number •' believed uud 
turned to the Lord." The news was not long in travelling to Jerusalem. 
Perhaps some message was sent in haste to the Apostles of the Church. 
The Jewish Christians in Antioch might be perplexed how to deal with 
their new Gentile converts : and it is not unnatural to suppose that the 
presence of Barnabas might be anxiously desired by the fellow-missionaries 
of his native island. 

We ought to observe the honourable place which the island of Cyprus 
was permitted to occupy in the first work of Christianity. We shall soon 
trace the footsteps of the Apostle of the heathen in the beginning of his 
travels over the length of this island ; and see here the first earthly 
potentate converted and linking his name for ever with that of St. Paul.' 
Now, while Saul is yet at Tarsus, men of Cyprus are made the instruments 
of awakening the Gentiles ; one of them might be that " Mnason of Cy- 
prus," who afterwards (then " a disciple of old standing" ) was his host at 
Jerusalem ; ^ and Joses the Levite of Cyprus,^ whom the Apo^les had 
long ago called "the Son of Consolation," and who had removed all the 
prejudice which looked suspiciously on Saul's conversion," is tne first 
teacher sent by the Mother-Church to the new disciples at Antioch. " He 
was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and of faith." He rejoiced 
when he saw what God's grace was doing ; he exhorted'^ all to cling fast 
to the Saviour whom they had found, and he laboured himself with abun- 
dant success. But feeling the greatness of the work, and remembering the 
zeal and strong character of his friend, whose vocation to this particular 
task of instructing the heathen was doubtless well known to him, " he de- 
parted to Tarsus to seek Saul." 

Whatever length of time had elapsed since Saul came from Jerusalem 
to Tarsus, and however that time had been employed by him, — whether 
he had already founded any of those churches in his native Cilicia, which 
we read of soon after (Acts xv. 41), — whether he had there undergone 
any of those manifold labours and sufTerings recorded by himself (2 Cor. 
xi.) but omitted by St. Luke, — whether by active intercourse with the 
Gentiles, by study of their literature, by travclhng, by discoursing with 
the philosophers, he had been making himself acquainted with their opin- 
ions and their prejudices, and so preparing his mind for the work that was 
before him, — or whether he had been waiting in silence for thd call of 

There seems no objection to supposing the two cases nearly simultaneous, that of 

Cornelius being the great typical transaction on which our attention is to be fixed. 
' Aie?<.66vTEC rijv vr/aov . . . rcjj avOvrruTut ^epjicp Tlav?M .... HaiXoc, 6 koI Tiavf><K 

Acts xiii. 6-9. 
' 'kpx^i<^ fiadr}-^, Acts xxi. 16. Acts iv. 36. ■< Acts ix. 27, 

» J\apFKuAEL, xi. 23. Compare vlbq ■KapaK'ATJaEug (iv. 36), which ought rather to b< 

translated " Son of Exhortation " or " Son of Prophecy " (nsi^J "u)- See xiii. 1. 


God's providence, praying for guidance from above, reflecting on the con- 
dition of the Gentiles, and gazing more and more closely on the lolan o" 
the world's redemption, — however tliis may be, it must have been an event- 
ful day when Barnabas, having come across the sea from Sclucia, or round 
by the defiles of Mount Amanus, suddenly appeared in the streets of Tar- 
sus. The last time the two friends met was in Jerusalem. All that they 
then hoped, and probably more than they then thought possible, bad 
occurred. "God had granted to the Gentiles repentance unto !*fe" 
(xi. 18). Barnabas had "seen the grace of God" (xi. 23)with his own 
eyes at Antioch, and under liis own teaching " a great multitude" (xi. 24) 
had been " added to the Lord." But he needed assistance, lie needed 
the presence of one whose wisdom was higher than his own, whose zeal 
was an example to all, and whose peculiar mission had been miraculously 
declared. Saul recognized the voice of God in the words of Barnabas : 
and the two friends travelled in all haste to the Syrian metropolis.' 

There they continued " a whole year," actively prosecuting the sacred 
work, teaching and confirming those who joined themselves to the assem- 
blies ° of the ever-increasing Church. As new converts, fti vast numbers, 
came in from the ranks of the Gentiles, the Church began to lose its 
ancient appearance of a Jewish sect,^ and to stand out in relief, as a great 
self-existent community, in the face both of Jews and Gentiles. Hitherto 
it had been possible, and even natural, that the Christians should be con- 
sidered, by the Jews themselves, and by the Gentiles whose notice they 
attracted, as only one among the many theological parties which prevailed in 
Jerusalem, and in the Dispersion. But when Gentiles began to listen to 
what was preached concerning Christ, — when they were united as breiV 
ren on equal terms, and admitted to baptism without the necessity of pre- 
vious circumcision, — when the Mosaic features of this society were lost in 
the wider character of the J^ew Covenant, — then it became evident that 
these men were something more than the Pharisees or Sadducees, the 
Essenes " or Herodiaus, or any sect or party among the Jews. Thus a 
new term in the vocabulary of the human race came into existence at An- 
tioch about the year 44. Thus Jews and Gentiles, who, under the teach- 
ing of St. Paul,* believed that Jesus of Nazareth was the Saviour of tho 
world, " were first called Christians." 

• Chn-sostom says that Barnabas brought Saul from Tarsus to Antioch : — on ivravda 
KoX iT.mdeg ;^;p??(7rai, Koi fiei^uv f] Tro/ltf, nal 7:67^ rb nXr/do^. 01" Antioch he says : — 
GKOTieL, iTug KuOairep yri ?.LTzapa. rdv Xuyov tdi^aro i] TroAtf avTj], koL Tu7i.vv -rov Kapnoi/ 
\7zt6£L^aTO. Horn. xxv. 

» See Acts xi. 26. 3 See above, pp. 31 and G7. 

* See above, pp. 34, 35. 

e Ov jiiKpbv rr/g 7T6?^euc tyKufuov, is the remark of Chrysostom. He got;:: so far ?a tc 
aay : 'Ovtuc <5tu tovto hravda ^_;^;p»7/iaric^;7CTav KUAElcdzi XpicmcvDi, ]Tt ^Iuvaoc 
ivravda tocoutov kno'iTiae xpovov. See Horn. xxv.. and Cramer's Catena. 


It is not likely that tliey received this name from the Jews. The 
" Children of Abraham " ' employed a term much more expressive of hatred 
and contempt. They called them " the sect of the Nazarenes." ' These 
disciples of Jesus traced their origiu to Nazareth in Galilee ; and it was a pro- 
verb, tliat nothing good could come from Nazareth.^ Besides this, there was 
a further reason why the Jews would not have called the disciples of Jesus 
by the name of " Christians.'' The word " Christ " has the same meaning 
with " Messiah." And the Jews, however blinded and prejudiced on this 
subject, V. ould never have used so sacred a word to pomt an expression of 
mockery and derision ; and they could not have used it in grave and seri 
ous earnest, to designate those whom they held to be the followers of a 
false Messiah, a fictitious Christ. Nor is it likely that the " Christians" 
gave this name to themselves. In the Acts of the Apostles, and in their 
own letters, we find th«m designating themselves as " brethren," " disci- 
ples," "believers," "saints."^ Only in two places ^ do we find the term 
" Christians ; " and in both instances it is implied to be a term used by 
those who are without. There is Uttle doubt that the name originated 
with the Gentiles,*' who began to see now that this new sect was so far 
distinct from the Jews, that they might naturally receive a new designa- 
tion. And the form of the word implies that it came from the Romans,' 
not from the Greeks. Tlie word " Christ" was often in the conversation 
of the believers, as we know it to have been constantly in their letters. 
" Christ" was the title of Him, whom they avowed as their leader and their 
chief. They confessed that this Christ had been crucified, but they assert- 
ed that He was risen from the dead, and that He guided them by His 
invisible power. Thus " Christian " was the name which naturally found 
its place in the reproachful language of their enemies.^ In the first 

» Mat. iii. 9. Luke iii. 8. John viii. 39. * Acts xxiv. 5. 

3 Joba i. 46. See Johu vii. 41, 52. Luke xiii. 2, &c. 
* Acts XV. 23. ix. 26. v. 14. ix. 32. Rom. xv. 25. Col. i. 2, &c. 
» Acts xxvi. 28, and 1 Pet. iv. 16. 

8 All this is well argued by Hemsen, pp. 45-47, and note. 

' So we road in the Civil Wars of " Marians " and " Pompeians," for the partizans oi 
Maiius and Pompey ; and, under the Enipu-e, of " Othonians " and " Vitellians," for 
the partizans of Otho and Vitellius. The word "Herodians" (Mat. xxii. 16. Mark iiu 
G. xii. 13. 3cc p. 34) is formed exactly in the same way. 

9 It is a Latin derivative from the Greek term for the Messiah of the Jews. It is 
connected with the ofilice, not the name, of our Saviom* ; which harmonises with the 
Important fixct, that in the Epistles Be is usually called not "Jesus" but "Christ." 
(See a good paper in tlie North British Review on the Antiquity of the Gospels.) The 
word "Jesuit" (which, by the way, is rather Greek than Latin) did not come into the 
TOCibulary of the Chui'ch till after the lapse of 1500 years. It is not a little remark- 
aJble that tljo word "Jesuit" is a proverbial term of reproach, even in Roman Catholic 
co'untries ; \ibih! the word " Ciu-istian " is used so proverbially for all that is good, that 
it has h«ea a|;pHed to benevolent actions, in which Jews have participated. (See 
Bishop Wilberforce"s speech in the House of Lords on the Jews in 1848.) This reminds 


instance, wc have every reason to believe that it was a term of ridicule and 
derision.' And it is remarkable that the jjeople of Antioch were notorious 
for inventing names of derision, and for turning their wit into the channels 
of ridicule.'^ And in every way there is sometliing very significant in the 
place where we first received the name we bear. Not in Jerusalem, the 
city of the Old Covenant, the city of the people who were chosen to the 
exclusion of all others, but in a Heathen city, the Eastern centre of Greek 
fashion and Roman luxury ; and not till it was shown that the New Cov- 
enant was inclusive of all others , then and there we were first called 
Christians, and the Church received from the "World its true and honour- 
able name.3 

as of the old play on the v.-ords Xpiarbs and Xprjarbg, Vthlch was not unfrequeat ia the 
early Chiu'cb. 

1 See Tac. Ann. xv. 44. It is needless to reniark that it soon became a title of glory 
Julian tried to substitute the term " Galilean " for " Christian." Mr. Humphry fjuotes 
the following remarkable words from the Liturgy of St. Clement : — evxapLcrov/iiv sol, 
FiTi TO ovoua Tov XpiGTOv GOV (:TnKiK?i7jTac £<p' y/iag, Kal aoi, TrpoauKtiufieda. 

" ApoUonius of Tyana was diiven out of the city by their insults, and sailed a\vay 
(like St. Paul) from Selcucia to Cyprus, where he visited Paphos. Philost. Vit. iii. 16. 
See Julian's Misopogen, and what Zosimus says of this emperor's visit to Antioch (iiL 
11, p. 140 of the Bonn ed.). See also Chrysostom's fh-st homily on Dives and Lazftfus, 
and the account which Zosimus gives of the breaking of the statues in the reign of 
Theodosius (iv. 41, p. 223). One of the most remarkable is mentioned in the Persian 
War under Justinian, where Procopius says, 'Avriojeuv 6 3?jfiog (^elal ydp cv Karcanov- 
SaajievoL, ulla ysTioioLQ te Kal dra^ia Uavug exovrai) rcoTJiH elg tov Xorrpoijv v6pi^6v 
re UTTO Tuv E~uX[euv Kal ^vv/eAuti aKoa/iio) eruOa^ov (Bell. Pers.ii. 8) ; the consequence 
of which was the destruction both of themselves and th-eir city. 

3 Malalas says (Chronog. x.) that the name is given by Evodius, '-who succeeded St. 
Peter as bishop of Antioch." 'Em airov XpioTLavol uvofiaadjjaav, tov avTov EmaKOTTOv 
EvoSov 7Tpoao/ii.?i7jaavTog avTOig Kal kind^GavTOQ avTolg to ovofxa tovto. ILpipTjv ydp 
Sa^upaloc kqI Ta/u?^aLoi sKalovvTo ol XpiaTiavoi, p. 247 of the Bonn Edition. There 
is another tradition that a council was held for the specific purpose of giving a name to 
the body of believers. The following passage from AVilliam of Tyre exhibits, in a short 
compass, several of the medieval ideas concerning thi^ passage of the Sacred History. 
It will be observed, that St. Peter is made bishop of Antioch, that the great work of 
building up the Church there is assigned to him and not to St. Paul, and the relation 
of St. Luke and Theophilus is absolutely determined : — 

" In hac Apostolorum Priuceps cathedram obtinuit sacerdotalem, et pontificali pri- 
mum functus est dignitate : viro venerabili Theophilo, qui erat in eadem civitate 
potentissimus, in proprio dogmate basilicam dodicante. Cui Lucas, ex eadem urbe 
trahens originem, tam Evangelium suum, quam Actus Apostolorum scripsit : qui et 
beato Petro, septimus in ordiue Pontificum, in eadem Ecclesia successit. In hac etiam 
primus fidelium habitus est coaventus, in qua et Chi'istianorum nomen dedicatum est 
Prius enim qui Cliristi sequebantur doctrinam, Nazareni dicebantm* : postmodum verc 
a Christo deducto nomine, auctoritate illius Synodi, Christiani sunt dicti fideles univereL 
Unde etiam, quia gens sine diiScultate praedicantem suscepit Apostolum, ad Chrigti 
fidem unanimiter conversa, et nomen, quod eicut unguentum effusum longe lateque 
Tedolet, prima invenit et docuit, nomen ejas doaignatum est novum, et Theopolis est 
appellata : ut qua; prius hominis nequam et impii [i. e. Antiochi] nomen pertulcrat, 


In narrating the journe/s of St. Paul, it will now be our ddty to speak 
of Antioch, not Jerusalem, as bis point of departure and return. Let ua 
look, more closely than has hitherto been necessary, at its character, ita 
history, and its appearance. The positic-. which it occupied near the abrupt 
angle formed by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the openmg 
where the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and Taurus, has 
already been noticed.' And we have mentioned the numerous colony of 
Jews which Seleucus introduced into his capital, and raised to an equality 
of civil rights with the Greeks.^ There was everything in the situation 
and circumstances of this city, to make it a place of concourse for all classes 
and kinds of people. By its harbour of Seleucia it .was in communication 
with all the trade of the Mediterranean ; and, through the open country 
behind the Lebanon, it was conveniently approached by the caravans from 
Mesopotamia and Arabia. It united the inland advantages of Aleppo 
with the maritime opportunities of Smyrna. It was almost an oriental 
Rome, in which all the forms of the civilised life of the empire found some 
representative. Through the first two centuries of the Christian era, it 
was what Constantinople became afterwards, "the Gate of the East." 
And, indeed, the glory of the city of Ignatius was only gradually eclipsed 
by that of the city of Chrysostom. That great preacher and commentator 
himself, who knew them both by familiar residence, always speaks of Au- 
tioch with peculiar reverence,' as the patriarchal city of the Christian 

There is something curiously prophetic in the stories which are told of 
the first founding of this city. Like Romulus on the Palatine, Seleucus 
is said to have watched the flight of birds from the summit of Mount 
Casius. An eagle took a fragment of the flesh of his sacrifice, and carried 

ejus qui ad fiJem vocaverat, domicilium et civitas deinccps appellaretur, super hoo 
coudignam recipiens a Domiao retributionem."— Gul. Tyi*. iv. 9. 

When the Crusaders were besieged in turn, Peter the Hermit went to the Mahome- 
flan commander and appealed as follows (vi. 15) : — 

" Ilanc urbem Apostolornm princeps Petrus, nostras fidei Metis et prudcns dispeusa- 
tor, Tcrbi sui virtute, ct exhortationis qua precminebat gratia, sed et signorum magnU- 
tudine ab idololotria revocans, ad fidem Christi convertit, nobis earn reddeue 

1 P. 20. P. 17. 

3 See especially Horn vii. on St. Matthew (p. 98, Field's Ed.) where he tells the 
people of Antioch, that though they boasted of their city's preeminence in having first 
enjoyed the Christian name, they were willing enough to be surpassed in Christian vir- 
tue by more homely cities. The -vvriters of the Middle Ages use the strongest language 
concerning Antioch. Thus, Leo Diaconus, in the tenth century ; — TpiTTj tuu nEpl ti]^ 

OlKOVjlEVTIV TTOACUV, TU) T£ KU?l,?.El KOt T<p fiEyedeL TUV nepi66?MV, ETC (5^ irXl^dEC TOV dr/fiOV, 

Kal Tui> oIkluv dfiTjxdvoic KaraaKEvalg (iv. 11, p. 73 of the Bonn Edition) : and "William 
of Tyi'c in the twelfth ;^Civitas gloriosa ct nobilis, tcrtium vel potius secundum (nam 
de hoc maxima quaestio est) post urbem Roman dignitatis gradum sortita ; omm'um 
oroTiDciarum quas tractus orientalis continct, princeps et moderatrix, iv. 9, 


it to a point on the sea-shore, a little to the north of the mouth of the 
Orontes. There he founded a city, and called it Seleuda ' after his own 
name. This was on the 23d of April, Again, on the 1st of May, he 
sacrificed on the hill Silphius ; and then repeated the ceremony and 
watched the auguries at the city of Antigonia, which his vanquished rival, 
Autigonus, had begun and left unfinished. An eagle again decided that 
this was not to be his own metropolis, and carried the flesh to the hill 
Silphius, which is on the south side of the river, about the place where it 
turns from the north to the west. Five or six thousand Athenians and 
Macedonians were ordered to convey the stones and timber of Antigonia 
down the river ; and Antioch was founded by Seleucus, and ca'ilcd after 
his father's name." 

This fable, invented perhaps to give a mythological sanction to what 
was really an act of sagacious prudence and princely ambition, is well 
worth remembering. Seleucus was not slow to recognise the wisdom of 
Antigonus in choosing a site for his capital, wliich should place it in ready 
communication both with the shores of Greece and with his eastern terri- 
tories on the Tigris and Euphrates ; and he followed the example promptly, 
and completed his w^ork with sumptuous magnificence. Few princes 
have ever lived with so great a passion for the building of cities ; ■'' and 
this is a feature of his character which ought not to be unnoticed in this 
narrative. Two at least of his cities in Asia Mmor have a close connexion 
with the life of St. Paul. These are the Pisidiau Antioch ' and the Phry- 
gian Laodicea,^ one called by the name of his father, the other of his 
mother. He is said to have built in all nine Seleucias, sixteen Antiochs, 
and six Laodiceas.^ This love of commemorating the members of his 
family was conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. Besides Scleucia 
and Antioch, he built in the immediate neighbourhood, a Laodicca in 
honour of his mother, and an Apamea ' in honour of his wife. But by far 
the most famous of these four cities was the Syrian Antioch. 

We must allude to its edifices and ornaments only so far as they arb 
due to the Greek kings of Syria and the first five Csesars of Ptome.** If 

1 See Acts xiii. 4. 
The story is told by Malalas at the beginniug of the eighth book. Sec it also in 
Vaillant's Seleucidarum Imperium. Some say that Seleucus called the eity after his 
father, some after his son. 

3 Mannert, p. 863. « Acts xiii. 14. xiv. 21. 2 Tim. iii. 11. 

* Coloss. iv. 13, 15, 16. See Rev. i. 11. iii. 14. s gee Vaillant, as above. 

7 There was another Apamea, much mentioned by Cicero, in Asia Minor, ux»t far 
from the Phrygian Laodicea and i'isldian Antioch. 

« The authorities principally referred to for the history and topography of Antioch, 
have been the Chronographia of John Malalas (Ed. Bonn), and the History of William 
of Tyre. Other sources of information are Libanius and Julian's Misopogou. A vast 
amount of learning is collected together in C. 0. Miiller's " Antiquitates AntiochensB :' 
Giittingen. 1839. 


Te were to allow our description to wander to the times of Jusilnian oi 
the Crusaders, though these are the times of Autioch's greatest glory, we 
should be transgressmg on a period of history which does not belong to 
UH. Strabo, in the time of Augustus, describes the city as a Tetrapolis, 
or union of four cities.' The two first were erected by Seleucus xvicator 
himself, in the situation already described, between Mount Silphius and the 
river, ou that wide space of level ground where a few poor habitations still 
rema,sn, by the banks of the Orontes. The river has gradually changed 
its course and appearance, as the city has decayed. Once it flowed round 
an i8laud, which, like the island in the Seine,'' by its thoroughfares and 
bridges, and its own noble buildings, became part of a magnificent whole. 
But, in Paris, the Old City is on the island ; in Antioch, it was the New 
City, built by the second Seleucus and the third Antiochus. Its chief 
features were a palace, and an arch like that of Napoleon. The fourth 
and last part o^ the Tetrapolis was built by Antiochus Epiphanes, where 
Mount Silphius rises abruptly on the south. On one of its craggy sum- 
mits he placed, in the fervour of his Romanising mania,^ a temple dedicated 
to Jupiter Capitolinus ; and on anotlier, a strong citadel, which dwindled 
to the Saracen Castle of the first Crusade. At the rugged bases of the 
mountain, the ground was levelled for a glorious street, which extended 
for four miles across the length of the city, and where sheltered crowds 
xuld walk through continuous colonnades from the eastern to the western 
mburb. The whole was surrounded by a wall, which, ascending to the 
jeights and returning to the river, does not deviate very widely in its 
course from the wall of the Middle Ages, which can still be traced by the 
fritgments of ruined towers. This wall is assigned by a Byzantine writer 
to Tiberius, but it seems more probable that the emperor only repaired 
what Antiochus Epiphanes had built.^ Turning now to the period of the 
Empire, we find that Antioch had memorials of all the great Romans 
whose names have been mentioned as yet in this biography. When 
Pompey was defeated by Cffisar, the Conqueror's name was perpetuated 
in this Eastern city by an aqueduct and by baths, and by a basilica called 
Cagsarium. In the reign of Augustus, Agrippa * built in all cities of the 

* After having said that the district of Seleucis is a Tetrapolis, as containing the 
four cities, Antioch, Seleucia, Apamea, and Laodicoa, he says of Antioch ; tcri. Je Kal 
iiirrri TsTpuno?^!^, xvi. 2. 

" Julian the Apostate suggests a parallel between Paris and Antioch. Sec the Miso- 
pogon, and compare Gibbon's 19th and 23rd chapters. 
3 See above, p. 27, n. 1. 

* See Miiller Antiq. Antioch, pp. 54, ^nd 81. 

* This friend of Augustus and Mnccenas must be carefully distinguished from that 
grandson of Hcrrxl who bore the same name, and whose death is one of the subjects o/ ' 
this chapttta For the works of Herod the Great at Antioch see Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, 3 
R J. i. 21. 11. 


empire, and Herod of Judsea followed the example to tbe utmost cf bU 
power. Both found employment for t^icir munificence at Antioch. A 
gay. suburb rose under the patronage of the cue. and the other contrib- 
uted a road and a portico. The reign of Tiberius was less remarkable for 
great architectural works ; but the Syiians by the Orontes had to thauk 
him for many improvements and restorations in their city. Evan the four 
years of his successor left behind them the aqueduct and the baths of 

The character of the inhabitants is easily inferred from the influences 
which presided over the city's growth. Its successive enlargement by the 
Seleucidffi proves that their numbers rapidly increased from the first The 
population swelled still further, when, instead of the metropolis jf i je 
Greek kings of Syria, it became the residence of Roman governors. I'liC 
mixed multitude received new and important additions in the officials who 
were connected with the details of provincial administration. Luxurious 
Romans were attracted by its beautiful climate. Kew wants continually 
multiplied the business of its commerce. Its gardens and houses grew and 
extended on the north side of the river. Many are the allusions to An- 
tioch, in the history of those times, as a j^lace of singular pleasure and en- 
joyment. Here and there, an elevating thought is associated with its 
name. Poets have spent their young days at Antioch," great generals 
have died there,^ emperors have visited and admired it.^ But, for the 
most part, its population was a worthless rabble of Greeks and Orientals. 
The frivolous amusements of the theatre were the occupation of their life. 
Their passion for races, and the ridiculous party-quarrels^ connected with 
them, were the patterns of those which afterwards became the disgrace of 
Byzantium. The oriental element of superstition and imposture was not 
less active. The Chaldean astrologers found their most credulous disciples 
in Antioch.^ Jewish impostors," sufficiently common throughout the East, 

* See Cic. pro Arcbia Poeta. 

* All readers of Tacitus will recognize the allusion. (See Ann. ii.) It is not possi- 
ble to -rn-ite about Antioch without some allusion to Germanicus and his noble-minded 
wife. And yet they were the parents of Caligula. 

3 For all that long series of emperors whose names are connected with Anticch, see 

* See especially what Malalas says of the Blue Faction and the Qrccn Faction 
under the reigns of Caligula and Claudius. Both Emperors patrouizeil the latter. 
Mai. pp. 244, and 24G. 

5 Chrysostom complains that even Christians in his day, were led away by this pas*- 
Bion for horoscopes. See Horn iv. on 1 Cor. Compare the " Ambubaiarum Collegia " 
of Horace. Juvenal traces the superstitions of heathen Rome to A ntioch, " In Tiberim 
defluxit Orontes." 

6 Compare the cases of Simon Magus (Acts viii.), Elymas the Somerer (Acts xilL), 
and the sons of Sceva (Acts xix.). We shall have occasion to rotura to this sub)^ol 



tonnd their best opportunities here. It is probable that no populations 
have ever been more abandoned than those of oriental Greek cities under 
the Roman Empire, and of these cities Antioch was the greatest and the 
worst.' If we wish to realise the appearance and reality of the compli- 
cated heathenism of the first Christian century, we must endeavour to 
imagine the scene of that suburb, the famous Daphne,^ with its fountains 
and groves of bay trees, its bright buildings, its crowds of licentious vota- 
ries, its statue of Apollo, — where, 
under the climate of Syria and 
the wealthy patronage of Rome, 
all that was beautiful in nature 
and in art had created a sanctu- 
ary for a perpetual festival of 

Thus, if any city, in the first 
century, was worthy to be called 
the Heathen Queen and Metro- 
polis of the East, that city was 
Antioch. She was represented, 
in a famous allegorical statue, as 
a female figure, seated on a rock 
and crowned, with the river 
Oroutes at her feet.^ With this 
image, which art has made per- 
petual, we conclude our descrip- 
tion. There is no excuse for 
continuing it to the age of Ves- 
pasian and Titus, when Judsea 
was taken, and the "Western 
Gate, decorated with the spoils, 
was called the ■* " Gate of the 


1 Ausonius (Ordo Nob. Urb. iii.) hesitates between the rank of Antioch and Alexan- 
dria, in eminence and vice. 

" Tertia Phacbese laui-i domus Antiochia, 
Vellet Alexandri si quarta colonia poni. 
Ambarum locus unus : et has furor ambitionis 
In certamcn agit vitiornm. Turbida vulgo 
Utraque, ct amentis populi malesana tumultu." 
* Gibbon's description of Daphne (ch. xxiii.) is well known. For more exact details 
see MuUcr, pp. 42-49. The sanctuary was on the high gi-ound, four or five miles to the 
S. W, of Antioch. The road led through the suburb of Heraclea. 

3 For this celebrated statue of the Tvxri 'Avrtojaaf, or Genius of Antioch, so con- 
Btantly represented ou coins, see Miiller, Antiq. Antioch, pp. 35-41, and his Archaolo 
gie, p. 1(;5. The engraving here given is from Pistolesi's Vaticano. 
« >See Malalas (book x. p. 2G1), who adds that Titus built a theatre at Antioch whew 


Cherubim,'' — or to the Saracen age, when, after many years of Christian his- 
tory and Christian mythology, we find the " Gate of St. Paul" placed oppo- 
site the " Gate of St. George," and when Dake Godfrey pitched his camp 
between the river and the city-wall.' And there is reason to believe that 
earthquakes,'^ the constant enemy of the people of Antioch, have so altered 
the very appearance of its site, that such a description would be of little 
use. As the Yesuvius of Virgil or Pliny ^ would hardly be recognised in 
the angry neighbour of modern Xaples, so it is more than probable that 
the dislocated crags, which still rise above the Orontes, are greatly altered 
in form from the fort-crowned heights of Seleucus or Tiberius, Justinian or 

Earthquakes occurred in each of the reigns of Caligula and Claudius.^ 
And it is likely that, when Saul and Barnabas were engaged in their apos 
tolie work, parts of the city had something of that appearance, which still 
makes Lisbon dreary, new and handsome buildings being raised in close 
proximity to the ruins left by the late calamity. It is remarkable how 
often great physical calamities are permitted by God to follow in close 
succession to each other. That age, which, as we have seen, had been 
visited by earthquakes,*^ was presently visited by famine. The reign of 
Claudius, from bad harvests or other causes, was a period of general dis- 
tress and scarcity " over the whole world." ' In the fourth year of his 
reign, we are told by Josephus that the famine was so severe, that the 
price of food became enormous, and great numbers perished.^ At this 
time it happened that Helena, the mother of Izates, king of Adiabene, 
and a recent convert to Judaism, came to worship at Jerusalem. Moved 

a synagogue had been. On the theatre was the inscription " Ex prjeda Judffia " 'E| 
irpaida 'lovSaia.) 

1 The description of the ground in "William of Tyre (iv. 10, 13, 14, &c.) is deserving 
of careful attention. He frequently mentions the gate of St. Paul. 

* Miiller Antiq. Antioch, pp. 13-17. 3 Gcorg. ii. 224, Plin. Epp. vi. 16 & 20. 

* See William of Tyre, besides the passages above referred to, in his description of the 
taking of the city, v. 23. vi. 1. Many of those who were ignorant of the nature of the 
ground fled to the heights, and " confractis cervicibus et membris contritis, vix de seipsis 
reliquerunt aliquam memoriam." 

* " Early in the morning on March 23, in the year 37," — tTtadev vtto ^eo/iriv[a{ 
'AvTtoxEia, V IJ-Eyalr) . . . Inade 6t Kol fispog Au<l>v7]g. Malalas, x. p. 243. And again 
under Claudius,— 'EtretVS;? <5l tote Kal tj /leyuXTj 'AvTioxcta iralig, Kal Sie^puyii <» ^^^S 
TTJc 'ApTe/j.i6og Kal tov 'Apewf Kal tov HpaKXcog Kal oIkol ^avepol erreaav, p. 246. 

6 MaJalas, in the passage last refeiTed to, mentions an earthquake in Asia Minor, and 
a grant of money by the Emperor Claudius for the restoration of the injured cities. For 
aid rendered to certain cities of Asia Minor after a similar caiastrophe (Tac. A. ii. 47, 
Plin. N. H. ii. 80), Tiberius was honoured with a commemorative statue, the pedestal 
of which has been discovered at PHteoli. See Miiller, Arch. p. 231. 

7 Besides the famine in Judsea, we read of three others in the reign of Claudius ; one 
In Greece, mentioned by Eusebius, and two in Rome, the first mentioned by Dio Cas 
Bias (Lx. 11), the second by Tacitus (A. xii. 43). 

8 Antiq. iiL 15, 3. xx. 2. 5, and 5. 2. 


«dth compassion for the misery she saw around her, she sent to purchase 
corn from Alexandria and figs from Cyprus, for distribution among tlm 
poor. Izates himself (who had also been converted by one who bore tae 
same name ' with him who baptized St. Paul) shared the charitable feel- 
ings of his mother, and sent large sums of money to Jerusalem. 

While this relief came from Assyria, from Cyprus, and from Africa, to 
the Jewish sufferers in Judaa, God did not suffer His own Christian peo- 
ple, probably the poorest and certainly the most disregarded in that coun- 
try, to perish in the general distress. And their relief also came from 
nearly the same quarters. While Barnabas and Saul were evangelizijig 
the Syrian capital, and gathering in the harvest, the first seeds of which 
had been sown by " men of Cyprus and Cyrene," certain prophets came 
down from Jerusalem to Antioch, and one of them named Agabus an- 
nounced that a time of famine was at hand.'' The Gentile disciples felt 
that they were bound by the closest hnk to those Jewish brethren whom 
though they had never seen they loved. " For if the Gentiles had been 
made partakers of their spuitual things, their duty was also to minister 
unto them in carnal things." ^ No time was lost in preparing for the 
coming calamity. All the members of the Christian community, according 
to their means, " determined to send relief," Saul and Barnabas being 
chosen to take the contribution to the elders at Jerusalem.'* 

About the time when these messengers came to the Holy City on their 
errand of love, a worse calamity than that of famine had fallen upon the 
Church. One Apostle had been murdered, and another was in prison 
There is something touching in the contrast between the two brothers, 
James and John. One died before the middle of the first Christian cen- 
tury ; the other lived on to its close. One was removed just when hia 
Master's kingdom, concerning which he had so eagerly enquired,* was be- 
ginning to show its real character ; he probably never heard the word 
" Christian" pronounced. Zebedee's other son remained till the antichris- 
tlan^ enemies cf the faith were "already come," and was labouring against 
them when his brother had been fifty years at rest in the Lord. He who 
oad foretold the long service of St. John, revealed to St. Peter that he 
should die by a violent death.' But the time was not yet come. Herod 
had bound him with two chains. Besides the soldiers who watched his 
sleep, guards were placed before the door of the prison. And " after the 

• This Ananias was a Jewish merchant, who made proselytes among the women about 
the court of Adiabenc, and thus obtaiued influence with the king. (Jos. Ant. xx. 2, 3.) 
See what bas been said above (pp. 19 and 100. n. 3) about the female proselyten r1 
Damascus and Iconium. 

» Acts xi, 28. 3 Rom. xv. 27. ■• Acts xi. 29, 30. 

6 See Mark x. 35-45. Acts i, 6. 6 1 John ii. 18. iv. 3. 2 John 7 

7 John yxi. 18-22. See 2 Pet. i. 14. 


passover " ' the king intended to bring liim out and gratify the people with 
his death. But Herod's death was nearer than St. Peter's. For a mo- 
ment we see the Apostle in captivity * and the kmg in the plenitude of hia 
power. But before the autumn a dreadful change had taken place. On 
the 1st of August (we follow a probable calculation, =* and borrow some 
drcumstanecs from the Jewish historian ■') there was a great commemora- 
fcioH in Csesarea. Some say it was in honour of the emperor's safe return 
from the island of Britain.* However this might be, the city was crowded, 
and Herod was there. On the second day of the festival he came into 
the theatre. That theatre had been erected by his grandfather,*' who had 
murdered the Innocents ; and dow the grandson was there, who had mur- 
dered an Apostle. The stone seats, rismg in a great semicircle, tier 
above tier, were covered with an excited multitude. The king came in, 
clothed in magnificent robes, of which silver was the costly and brilliant 
material. It was early in the day, and the sun's rays fell upon the king, 
so that the eyes of the beholders were dazzled with the brightness which 
surrounded him. Voices from the crowd, here and there, exclaimed that 
it was the apparition of something divine. And when he spoke and made 
an oration to the people, they gave a shout, saying, " It is the voice of a 
God and not of a man." But in the midst of this idolatrous ostentation 
the angel of God suddenly smote him. He was carried out of the theatre 
a dying man, and on the 6th of August he was dead. 

I /lETd, TO nuaxa, Acts xii. 4. The traditional jalaces of St. James' martyrdom and of 
the house of St. Mark (mentioned below) are both in the Armenian quarter. One is 
the Armenian, the other the Syrian, convent. See Mr. "Williams' " Memoir of Jerusa- 
lem," printed as a Supplement to the " Holy City," the second edition of which (1849) 
had not appeared when our earlier chapters were -vvritten. 

' For the tradition concerning these chains, see Platner's Account of the Church of 
San Pietro in Vincoll in the Beschreibung Eoms. By a curious coincidence, the festi- 
val is on August 1st ; the first day of that festival of Csesarea, at which Agrippa died. 
The Chapel of the Tower of London is dedicated to St. Peter ad Vincula. See Cun- 
ningham's Handbook for London, and Macaulay's History, i. 628. 

3 That of Wieseler, pp. 132-136. 

< Compare Acts xii. 20-24, with Josephus, Ant. xix. 8, 2. 

* This is Anger's view. Others think it was in honour of the birthday of ClaudiiM 
(Aug, 1). Wieseler has shown that it was more probably the festival of the Quinquen- 
nalia, observed on the same day of the same month in honour of Augustus. The ob- 
eervance dated from the taking of Alexandria, when the month Sestilis received the 
emperor's name. 

« See Joseph. Ant. rv. 9, 6. It is from his narrative (xix. 8, 2) that we know the 
theatre to have been the scene of Agrippa's death-stroke. The " throne " (Acts xii. 
21) is the tribunal (firifia) prsetoris or sedes pra^torum (Suet. Aug. 44. Ner. 42. See 
Dio Cass. lix. 14). Josephus says nothing of the quarrel with the Tyi-ians and Sido- 
nians. Brobably it arose simply from mercantile relations (see 1 Kings v. 11. Ezek. 
xxvii. 17), and their desire for reconciliation (Acts xii. 20) would naturally be increased 
by the existing famine. Baronius strangely traces the misunderstanding to St Peter's 
having formed Ohri?tian churches in Pbonnicia. See the next note. 


ms ketuhn to a-ntiociz. 120 

This was that year, 44,' on which we have already said so much. Tlio 
country was placed again under Roman governors, and hard times were o.t 
hand for the Jews. Herod Agrippa had courted their favour. He had 
done much for them, and was preparing to do more. Josephus tells us, 
that "he had begun to encompass Jerusalem with a wall, which, had it been 
brought to perfection, would have made it impracticable for the Romans 
to take it by siege : but his death, which happened at Caesarea, before he 
had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him." ^ That part of 
the city, which this boundary was intended to inclose, was a suburb wheu 
St. Paul was converted. The work was not completed till the Jews were 
preparing for their final struggle with the Romans : ^ and the Apostle, 
when he came from Antioch to Jerusalem, must have noticed the unfin- 
ished wall to the north and west of the old Damascus gate. We cannot 
determine the season of the year when he passed this way. We are not 
sure whether the year itself was 44 or 45. It is not probable that he was 
iu Jerusalem at the passover, when St. Peter was in prison, or that he 
was praying with those anxious disciples at the " house of Mary the 
mother of John, whose surname was Mark*" ^ But there is this link of 
interesting connection between that house and St. Paul, that it was tho 
famiUar home of one who was afterwards (not always^ without cause for 
anxiety or reproof) a companion of his journeys. When Barnabas and 
Saul returned to Antioch, they were attended by " John, whose surname 
was Mark." With the affection of Abraham towards Lot, his uncle <^ Bar- 
nabas withdrew from the scene of persecution. We need not doubt that 
higher motives were added, — that at the first, as at the last,'' St. Paul 
regarded him as " profitable to him for the ministry." 

Thus attended, he willingly retraced his steps towards Antioch. A 
field of noble enterprise was before him. He could not doubt that God, 
who had so prepared him, would work by his means great conversioufl 
among the Heathen. At this point of his life, we cannot avoid noticmg 

' See Barouius, under this year, for various pasi^ages of the traditionary life of St 
Peter ; his joui-uey from Antioch through Asia Minor to Rome ; his meeting with Simon 
Magus, &c. ; and the other Apostles ; their general separation to preach the Gospel to 
the Gentiles in all parts of the world : the formation of the Apostles' Creed, &c. St 
Peter is alleged to have held the Sec of Antioch for seven years before that of RoHie. 
(See under year 39.) The meeting ("in qua neuter errasse monstratnr") of St 
Paul and Si. Peter at Antioch (Gal. ii. 11) is connected with Acts xv. 35 (year 51) 
The sam.; want of criticism is apparent in modern Roman Catholic historians, e. g 
Riihrbacher. Hi.stoire Uuiverselle de I'Eglisc Catholique, liv. xxiv. vol. 4. 

' 13. J. ii. IL 6. 

3 Sec RoI)ins*»n, vol. i. pp. 411 and 4G5 ; Williams' llemoir, p. 81 ; and Schulz' 

* Acts xii. 12, 6 See Acts xiii. 13. xv. 37-39. 

'- It should be observed that dvci'ib^ (Col. iv. 10) docs not neccssari'y n>can "ncpbow. 

' See 2 Tim. iv. 11. 
VOL. I. — 9 


those circumstances of inward and outward preparation, which fitted him 
for his peculiar position of standing between the Jews and Gentiles. He 
was not a Sadducee, he had never Hellenised, — he had been educated at 
Jerusalem, — everything conspired to give him authority, when he ad- 
dressed his countrymen as a " Hebrew of the Hebrews." At the same 
time, in his apostolical relation to Christ, he was quite disconnected with 
the other Apostles ; he had come in silence to a conviction of the truth 
at a distance from the Judaising Christians, and had early overcome those 
prejudices which impeded so many in theu" approaches to the Heathen, 
He had just been long enough at Jerusalem to be recognised and wel- 
comed by the apostolic college;' but not long enough even to be known by 
face " unto the churches in Judcea." ' He had been withdrawn into 
Cilicia till the baptism of the Gentiles was a notorious and familiar fact tc 
those very churches.' He could hardly be blamed for continuing what St 
Peter had already begun. 

And if the Spirit of God had prepared him for building up the United 
Church of Jews and Gentiles, and the Providence of God had directed all 
the steps of his life to this one result, we are called on to notice the singu- 
lar fitness of this last employment, on which we have seen him engaged, 
for assuaguag the suspicious feeling which separated the two great branches 
of the Church. In quitting for a time his Gentile converts at Antioch, 
and carrying a contribution of money to the Jewish Christians at Jeru- 
8alem, he was by no means leaving the higher work for the lower. He 
was building for after-times. The interchange of mutual benevolence was 
a safe foundation for future confidence. Temporal comfort was given in 
gratitude for spiritual good received. The Church's first days were chris- 
tened with charity. No sooner was its new name received, in token of the 
union of Jews and Gentiles, than the sympathy of its members was assert- 
ed by the work of practical benevolence. We need not hesitate to apply 
to that work the words which St, Paul used, after many years, of another 
collection for the poor Christians in Judsea : — "The admmistration of this 
service not only supplieth the want of the Saints, but is abundant also by 
many thanksgivings unto God ; whiles by the experiment of this ministra- 
tion they glorify God for your professed subjection unto the Gospel of 
Christ, and for your liberal distribution unto them,"-' 

« Acts ix. 27. " Gal. i. 22. 

« These were the churches of Lydda, Saron, Joppa, &c., which Pe'^er had bf€n TiriV 
fcg whea he was summoned to Csesarea. Acta ix. 32-43. 
« 8 Cor. ix. 12-14. 



" Saulus qui fuerat fit adempto lumine Paulus : 
Mox recipit visum, fit Apostolus, ac populorum 
Doctor." — ^Pkudentius, Vas Electionis. 







The second part of the Acts of the Apostles is generally reckoned to be- 
gin with the thirteenth chapter. At this point St. Paul begins to appear 
as the principal character ; and the narrative, gradually widening and ex- 
panding with his travels, seems intended to describe to us, in minute detail, 
the communication of the Gospel to the Gentiles. The thirteenth and 
fourteenth chapters embrace a definite and separate subject ; and this sub- 
ject is the first journey of the first Christian missionaries to the Heathen. 
These two chapters of the inspired record are the authorities for the pre- 
sent and the succeeding chapters of this work, in which we intend to fol- 
low the steps of Paul and Barnabas, in their circuit through Cyprus and 
the southern part of Lesser Asia. 

The history begins suddenly and abruptly. We are told that there 
were in the Church at Antioch,' " prophets and teachers," and among the 
rest " Barnabas," with whom we are already famiUar. The others were 
" Simeon, who was surnamed Niger," and " Lucius of Cyrene," and " Ma- 
naen, the foster-brother of Herod the Tetrarch," — and " Saul," who still 
appears under his Hebrew name. We observe, moreover, not only that 
he is mentioned after Barnabas, but that he occupies the lowest place in 
this enumeration of " prophets and teachers." The distinction between 
these two offices in the Apostolic Church will be discussed hereafter. At 
present it is sufficient to remark that the " prophecy " of the New Testament 
does not necessarily imply a knowledge of things to come, but rather a 
gift of exhorting with a peculiar force of inspiration. In the Church's 
early miraculous days the "prophet" appears to have been ranked higher 

" 'Fv 'AvTtn)[Kia kotu ttjv ovcav iKKlrjciav. Act'' xiii. 1. 


than tbe " teacher." ' And we may perhaps hifer that, up to this point of 
the history, Barnabas had belonged to the rank of " prophets," and Saul 
to that of " teachers ; " which would bo i>i strict conformity with the infe- 
riority of the latter to the former, which, as vvs have seen, has been hitherto 

Of the other three who are grouped with thtse two chosen missionaries 
we do not know enough to justify any long disqmsition. But we may re- 
mark in passing that there is a certain interest attaching to each one of 
them. Simeon is one of those Jews who bore a Latin surname in addition 
to their Hobrcw name, like "John whose surname was Mark," mentioned 
in jhe 'ast verse of the preceding chapter, and like Saul himself, whose 
change of appellation will presently be brought under notice.'' Lucius, 
probably the same who is mentioned in the Epistle to the Romans,^ is a 
native of Cyrene, that African city which has already been mentioned as 
abounding in Jews, and which sent to Jerusalem our Saviour's cross- 
bearer.-* Manaen is spoken of as the foster-brother of Herod the 
Tetrarch : this was Herod Antipas, the Tetrarch of Galilee ; and since 
we leaiTi from Josephus '" that this Herod and his brother Archelaus were 
chilurei Df the same mother, and afterwards educated together at Bome, 
it is probable that this Christian prophet or teacher had spent his early 
childhood with those two princes, wlio were now both banished from Pal- • 
estine to the banks of the Rhone.*' 

Ttcese were the most conspicuous persons in the Church of Antioch, 
when a revelation was received of the utmost importance. The occasion 
oa which the revelation was made seems to have been a fit preparation for 
it. The Christians were engaged in rehgious services of peculiar solem- 
nity. The Holy Ghost spoke to them " as they ministered unto the Lord 

» Compare Acts xiii. 1 with 1 Cor. sii. 28, 29. Eph. iv. 11. 

' See Acts xiii. 9. Compare Col. iv. 11. 

» Rom. xvi. 21. There is no reason whatever for supposing that St. Luke (Lucanus) 
is meant, though Wetstein ingeniously quotes Herodotus in commendation of the phi/ 
eicians of Cyrene : Upuroi fitv Kporcovty-ai 'njTpol i?JyovTO dvu T7/v 'EllaSa elvai, 
SevTspoi, S^ Kvprjvaloi, iii. 131. 

* See above, p. 17, n. 6. 

5 Their mother's name was Malthace, a Samaritan. B. J. i. 28, 4. See Ant. xvii. 1, 
8. 'O 6h 'ApjeAaof nal 'AvrcKag Trapcl rivl Idiury Tpo(pug elxov inl Tufirjg. Compare 
dvaTedpafifj.£voc, Acts xxii. 3. The word cvvrpocpoc, xiii. 1, refers to an earlier period. 
One of the sect of the Essenes (see pp. 34, 35), who bore the name of Manaen or Manafem, 
is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xv. 10, 5), as having foretold to Herod the Great, in 
the days of his obscnrity, both his future power and future wickedness. The historian 
adds, that Herod afterwards treated the Essenes with great kindness. Nothing is more 
likely than that this Manaen was the father of the companion of Herod's children. 
Another Jew of the same name is mentioned, at a later period (B. J. ii. 17, 8, 9. Life 
5), as having encouraged robberies, and come to a violent end. The name is th£ sanw 
with that of the king of Israel. 2 Kings xv. 14-22. See the LXX. 

6 Sec above, pp. 29 and 54. 


find fasted." The word ' here translated " ministered," has been taken hj 
opposite controversialists to denote the celebration of the " sacrifice of the 
mass" on the one hand, or the exercise of the office of "preaching" on the 
other. It will be safer if we say simply that the Christian community at 
Antioch were engaged in one united act of prayer and humiliation. That 
this solemnity would be accompanied by words of exhortation, and that it 
would be crowned and completed by the holy communion, is more than 
probable ; that it was accompanied with fasting ^ we are expressly told. 
These rehgious services might have had a special reference to the means 
which were to be adopted for the spread of the Gospel now evidently 
intended for all ; and the words, " separate me now ^ Barnabas and Saul 
for the work whereunto I have called them," may have been an answer to 
specific prayers. How this revelation was made, whether by the mouth of 
some of the prophets who were present, or by the impulse of a simultane- 
ous and general inspiration, — whether the route to be taken by Barnabas 
and Saul was at this time precisely indicated,'* — and whether they had 
previously received a conscious personal call, of which this was the public 
ratification,"* — it is useless to inquire. A definite work was pointed out, as 
now about to be begun under the counsel of God ; tw^ definite agents in 
this work were publicly singled out : and we soon see them sent forth to 
their arduous undertaking, with the sanction of the Church at Antioch. 

Their final consecration and departure was the occasion of another rc" 
ligions solemnity. A fast was appointed, and prayers were offered up ; 
and, with that simple ceremony of ordination ^ which we trace through the 
earlier periods of Jewish history, and which we here see adopted, under 
the highest authority, in the Christian Church, " they laid their hands on 
them, and sent them away." The words are wonderfully simple ; but 

' AeiTovpyovvTuv, v. 2. Chrysostom considers it equivalent to ktjpvttovtuv, Hom^ 
xxvn. So Erasmus : " Proprium est operantium sacris. Nullum autem sacrificium 
Deo gratius quam impertiri doctrinam Evangelicam." Fleury says, " Comme lis cel6- 
broient le service divin :" Tillemont, " lis estoient occupcz aux diverses fonctions de 
leur ministere, comme a offrir le sacrifice, et a prescher :" Baronius, more positively, 
" Quod habet Latina versio minlstrantibus illis, Greece legitnr XeiTovpyoviTuv, id est, 
sacrificmitibus. Ccrte quidem non sine sacriflcii incruenti ministerio ejusmodi Bacras 
ordinationes celebrari, antiqui omnium Ecclesiarum Eituales libri significant." 

* For the association of Fasting witli Ordination, see Bingham, iv. vi. G. xxi. ii. 8. 

3 This word (5;) is quite unnoticed by many of the commentators, and is untranslutcJ 
in the Vulgate and the English. See its use in the following passages: Luke ii. 15. 
Acts XV. 36. 1 Cor. vi. 20. 

* It is evident that the course of St. Paul's journeys was often indeterminate, an;I 
regulated either by convenient opportunities (as in Acts xxi. 2. xxviii. 11), or I'V 
compulsion (as in xiv. G. xvii. 14) or by supernatural admonitions (xxii. 21. xvi; C -10). 

s St. Paul at least had long been conscious of liis own vocation, and could only !.( 
waiting to be summoned to his work. 

<> It forms no part of the plan of this work to enter into ecclesiastical controver*'<-!i 
•t is =ulliticnt to refer to Acts vi. 6. 1 Tim. iv. 14, v. 22. 2 Tim. i. C Heb. vL 2 


those who devoutly reflect ou this great occasion, and on the position of 
the first Christians at Antioch, will not find it difficult to imagine the 
thoughts which occupied the hearts of the disciples during the first " Em' 
ber Days" of the Church,' — their deep sense of the importance of the 
work which was now beginning, — their faith in God, on whom they could 
rely in the midst of such difficulties, — their suspense during the absence of 
those by whom their own faith had been fortified, — their anxiety for the 
intelligence they might bring on their return. 

Their first point of destination was the island of Cyprus. It is not ne- 
cessary, though quite allowable, to suppose that this particular course was 
divinely indicated in the original revelation at Antioch. Four reasons at 
least can be stated, which may have induced the Apostles, in the exercise 
of a wise discretion, to turn in the first instance to this Inland. It is sepa- 
rated by no great distance from the mainland of Syria ; its high mountain- 
summits are easily seen * in clear weather from the coast near the mouth 
of the Orontes ; and in the summer-season many vessels must often have 
been passing and repassing between Salamis and Seleucia. Besides this, 
it was the native place of Barnabas,^ Since the time when " Andrew 
found his brother Simon, and brought hun to Jesus," •^ and the Saviour was 
beloved in the house of " Martha and her sister and Lazarus," = the ties of 
family relationship had not been without effect on the progress of the Gos- 
pel.° It could not be unnatural to suppose that the truth would be wel- 
comed in Cyprus, when it was brought by Barnabas and his kinsman 
Mark " to their own connections or friends. Moreover, the Jews were nu- 
merous in Salamis.' By saihng to that city they were following the track 
of the synagogues. Their mission, it is true, was chiefly to the Gentiles : 
but their surest course for reaching them was through the medium of the 
proselytes and the Hellenising Jews. To these considerations we must 
add, in the fourth place, that some of the Cypriotes were already Chris- 
tians. No one place out of Palestine, with the exception of Antioch, had 
been so honourably associated with the work of successful evangehsation.'' 

The palaces of Antioch were connected with the sea by the river Oron- 
tes. Strabo '^ says that in his time they sailed up the stream in one day ; 

' See Bingham, as above. 
Colonel Cbesncy speaks of " the lofty island of Cyprus as seen to the S. "W. in the 
distant horizon," from the bay of Antioch. — Paper on the Bay of Antioch and the ruins 
of Seleucia Pieria in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. viii. p. 228. 

* Acts iv. 30. * John i. 41, 42. '- John xi. 5. 

« See an instance of this in the life of St. Paul himself. Acts xxiii. 16-35. Com- 
pare 1 Cor. Tii. 16. 

' Elxov Ci Koi 'luuvvTiv iTrTipeTT/v. Acts xiii. 5. See xii. 25, and p. 129, n. 6, abovo 

8 xiii. 5. See below, p. 140. 

8 See Acts iv. 36. xi. 19, 20. xxi. IG. 

W 'Ava~?.ovr /« I'ia/.urrvc rnrh' eic riiv ' AvvLOxeiav avdnuEOOv, xvi 'i 


and Pausanias ' speaks of great Roman works which had improved the 
navigation of the channel. Probably it was navigable by vessels of some 
considerable size, and goods and passengers were conveyed by water 
between the city and the sea. Even in our own day, though there is now 
a bar at the mouth of the river, there has been a serious project of uniting 
it by a canal with the Euphrates, and so of re-establishing one of the old 
lines of commercial intercourse between the Mediterranean and the Indian 
Sea. The Orontes comes from the valley between Lebanon and Anti- 
Lebanon, and does not, hke many rivers, vary capriciously between a win- 
ter-torrent and a thirsty watercourse, but flows on continually to the sea. 
Its waters are not clear, but they are deep and rapid.' Their course has 
been compared to that of the Wye. They wind round the bases of high 
and precipitous cUffs, or by richly cultivated banks, where the vegetation 
of the south, the vine and the fig-tree, the myrtle, the bay, the ilex, and 
the arbutus, are mingled with dwarf oak and English sycamore.^ If Bar- 
nabas and Saul came down by water from Antioch, this was the course of 
the boat which conveyed them. If they travelled the five or six leagues * 
by land, they crossed the river at the north side of Antioch, and came « 
along the base of the Pierian hills by a route which is now roughly covered 
with fragrant and picturesque shrubs, but which then doubtless was a track 

• His words are very vague, and no date is given. 'Opovrrjv tov I,vpuv woTa/idv oi 
rd Tvuvra kv /cTOTreJoj [J-sxpi- "QaTidaaTig ^eovra, okT^ kiu. Kprijivw te diro^^Loya koI i( 
KaravTEg uk' avTov (pspo/iEvov, ijOtXTjaEV 6 'Pu/iaiuv {iaaOiEvg [?] uvaizXEiadai vavalv ek 
^aTidaor]^ eg 'AvrwxEiav noliv • iXvrpov ovv cvv n6v(j) te Kal ddnavy XPVH-^''''^V opv^dfis- 
vof kiriTr/dEiov eg tov uvuttAovv, i^ETpeipEV ig tovto tov rroTa/iov. Pans Arcad. viii. 29. 

' Colonel Chesney found the river rapid, and impeded by fisli-weii's. He addfl, 
" Ibrahim Pacha talked of making the river navigable, which might be done by blasting 
Bome rocks in its bed, and by removing the wooden fish-weirs which traverse the river 
in several places near Antioch ; it would only be necessary to cut a towing-path for 
horses through the woods along its banks. Lieutenant Cleaveland and the other ofr 
cers were of opinion that a short tug-steamer of sufiScient power would certainly go 
up the river to Antioch ; which was in fact done by the Columbine's boat for the 
greater part of the way : and if a row of piles were to be driven into the sea in the 
line of the river, extending beyond the bar, so as to enable the current of the river to 
carry the sand and mud farther out into deep water, the Orontes would then admit 
vessels of 200 tons, instead of being obstructed by a bar, over which there is a depth 
of water of from three and a half to nine feet in winter. At any rate, it might be 
made navigable for boats, as the average fall of the river, between Antioch and the 
eea, scarcely exceeds five feet and a half per mile ; and boats would then go twenty- 
seven miles above the town to Mnrad Pacha and diflercnt pai-ts of the lake of Antioch." 
B. G. J. viii. p. 230. 

3 For N iews, with descriptions, sec Fisher's Syria, i. 5, 19, 77. n. 28. 

« Colonel Chesney says, " The windings give a distance of about forty-one mil^ 
whilst the journey by land is only sLxtecn miles and a half.' — R. G. J. viii. p. 230 
Strabo (xvi. 2) makes the distance from Antioch to Selelcia one hundi-cd and twenty 
stadia. Forbiger (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, ii. C45) calls if three [GcnaanJ 
;i;eograf hical miles. 


well worn by travellers, like tlie road from the, Pirseus to Athens, or from 
Ostia to Rome. 

Seleucia united the two characters of a fortress and a seaport. It wa? 
situated on a rocky eminence, which is the southern extremity of an ele- 
vated range ' of hills projecting from Mount Amanus. From the south- 
east, where the rains of the Autioch Gate = are still conspicuous, tho 
ground rose towards the north-east into high and craggy summits ; and 
round the greater part of the circumference of four miles » the city was 
protected by its natural position. The harbour and mercantile suburb 
were on level ground towards the west ; but here, as on the only weak 
point at Gibraltar, strong artificial defences had made compensation for 
the weakness of nature.'" Seleucus, who had named his metropolis in his 
father's honour (p. 122), gave his own name to this maritime fortress ;•■ 
and here, around his tomb," his successors contended for the key of Syria.' 
" Seleucia by the sea " was a place of great importance under the Seluci- 
dae and the Ptolemies ; and so it remained under the sway of the Romans. 
In consequence of its bold resistance to Tigranes, when he was in posses- 
. sion of all the neighbouring country, Pompey gave it the privileges of a 
" Free City ; " « and a contemporary of St. Paul speaks of it as having 
those privileges still.^ 

1 This hilly range was called Pleria, Hence the city was called, to distinguish it 
from others of the same name, Seleucia Picria (Plin. v. 18. Strabo xvi. 2). For the 
same reason it was sometimes called Seleucia ad Mare. 

' " On the south side of the city there was a strong gate, adorned with pilasters, and 
defended with round towers. This gate is still standing, almost entire, and is called 
the gate of Antioch." — Pococke. " On the S. E. side of the walls is the gate of Antioch, 
adorned with pilasters and defended by towers ; this entrance must have been very 
handsome. Near it, and parallel to the walls, are the remains of a double row of marble 
columns." — Chesney. 

3 " The space within the walls of the town and suburbs, which have a circumference 
altogether of about four miles, is filled with the ruins of houses." — Chesney. 

•• 'Ytto Tf]v inl ■&akaTTav aiiTTJc VEVovaav itXevpuv iv Toig eniTTEdoig, ru r' ejiwopela 
Kol rb TTpouareiov Kdrai, 6ia(pep6vTU(; tetelxiohevov. Polybius, v. 59. 

5 Strabo says of the two cities, 'H iisyiarr] tov jrarpof avTov iTvuvvfiog, i] 6' Ipvfivo- 
ruTTi avrov' xvi. 2. A little below he says of Seleucia, 'Epvfiu iariv u^i6?.oyov Kal 
KpiiTTUv (ilaq i] ToAff. 

s Seleucus was buried here. Appian. Syr. 63. 

T See especially the account given by Polybius of the siege of Seleucia in the war of 
Antiochus the Great with Ptolemy, Book v. ch. 58, 59, 60. In these chapters we find 
the cleaarest description both of its military importance and of its topography. The 
authors owe their best acknowledgments to Colonel Chesney for two obliging com- 
munications in January and February 1850, containing notes on Seleucia, and espe- 
cially a plan of the inner basin and the pier. Sincu that time. Colonel Chesney'a 
volumes on the Euphrates Expedition have appeared : and more recently a valuable 
paper on " Seleucia Pieria," by Dr. Yates, has been published in the Museum of Cla»- 
tieal Antiquities, Part VI. 

« 'E/.evdtpav avrfiv tKOive Hojimfiog, uTvoKlelaac Ti ypdvijv. Strabo xvi. 2. TarsUJ 
had the same privileges. See p. 45. Compare p. 25, note. » Plin. v. 18. 



Tlie most remarkable work among the extant remains of Seleucia, i;? an 
tmuiense excavation,— probably the same with that which is mentioned by 
Polybius,' — leading from the upper part of the ancient city to the sea. It con- 
sists alternately of tunnels and deep open cuttings. It is difiicult to give a 
confident opinion as to the uses for which it was intended. But the best 
conjecture seems to be that it was constructed for the purpose of drawing 
off the water, which might otherwise have done mischief to the houses and 
shipping in the lower part of the town ; and so arranged at the same time, 
as when needful, to supply a rush of water to clear out the port. The 
inner basin, or dock, is now a morass ; but its dimensions can be measured, 
and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly traced.'' The position 
of the ancient-flood-gates, and the passage through which the vessels were 
moved from the inner to the outer harbour, can be accurately marked. 
The very piers of the outer harbour are still to be seen under the water. 
The southern jetty takes the wider sweep, and overlaps the northern, form- 
ing a secure entrance and a well protected basin. The stones are of great 
size, " some of them twenty feet long, five feet deep, and six feet wide ; " 
and they were fastened to each other with iron cramps. The masonry of 
ancient Seleucia is still so good, that not long since a Turkish Pasha ■* con 
ceived the idea of clearing out and repairing the harbour. 

* UpoaCaatv de [liav ixEi. icarcl ryv and ■&a'kdTTT]q rcXEypdv K2,ifiaKUT?jv Kol x^'-poT^oii)- 
Tov, EYKTiifLaci koI cKaXu/iaai tcvkvoI^ koL avvexeoi- SiecTirjfi/usvrjv. Polyb. V. 59. 

' Pococke gives a rude plan of Seleucia, with the harbour, &c. The more exact and 
minute description of Colonel Chesney is as follows : — " On the south side of the en- 
trance there is a substantial jetty, formed of large blocks of stone, secured by iron 
cramps. It runs N. W. for seventy yards to the sea, and it may still be traced curving 
more to the N. under water, and overlapping the northern jetty, which is in a more 
ruinous state, but appears to have; taken the direction of W. S. W., forming a kind of 
basin, with a narrow entrance tolerably well protected, and altogether suited for the 
Roman galleys. The ancient flood-gates are about fifty yards E. of the south pier. 
The passage for the galleys, &c., is cut through the solid rock, ou which are the re- 
mains of a defensive tower on each side. Apartments below, with the remains of stair- 
cases to the top of each, are sufficiently distinct, as well as the places where the gates 
had been suspended between the towers. Immediately on passing the gateway, the 
passage widens to about oue hundred yards ; it takes the direction of S. E. by E., be- 
tween two solid walls of masonry for three hundi'ed and fifty yards, to the entrance of 
the great basin, which is now closed by a garden wall. The port or basin is an irreg- 
ular oval of about four hundred and fifty yards long by three hundred and fifty in 
width at the southern extremity, and rather more than two hundred at the northern. 
The sm-rounding wall is formed of large cut stones solidly put together, and now ris- 
ing only about seven feet above tiie mud, which during the lapse of ages has gradually 
accumulated, so as to cover probably about eight feet above the original level. The 
exterior side of the basin is about one-third of a mile from the sea; the interior is close 
to the foot of the hill," pp. 230, 231. 

3 Pococke. 

* Ali Pasha, governor of Bagdad in 1835, once governor of Aleppo. " The foundiv 
Uon of his plan (when he turned his thoughts to the means of increasing the commep 
oial prosperity of thio part of Turkey), was to be the restoration of the once magnifl 


These piers were unbroken when Saul and Barnabas came duvna to 
Seleucia. and the large stones fastened by their iron cramps protected the 
vessels in the harbour from the swell of the western sea. Here, in the 
midst of unsympathising sailors, the two missionary Apostles, with their 
younger companion, stepped on board the vessel which was to convey 
them to Salamis. As they cleared the port, the whole sweep of the bay 
of Antioch opened on their left, — the low ground by the moutli of the 
Orontes, — the wild and woody country beyond it, — and then the peak of 
Mount Casius, rising symmetrically from the very edge of the sea to a height 
of five thousand feet.' On the right, in the south-west horizon, if the day 
was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first.'' The current sets 
northerly and north-east between the island and the Syrian coast.^ But 
with a fau' wind, a few hours would enable them to run down from Seleu- 
cia to Salamis ; and the land would rapidly rise in forms well-known and 
faiailiar to Barnabas and Mark. 

Until the present year (1850) we have not been in possession of ac- 
curate charts of the coast near Salamis. Almost every island of the 
Mediterranean, except Crete and Cyprus, has been minutely surveyed and 
described by British naval officers. The soundings of the coast of Crete 
are as yet comparatively unknown : but the charts of Cyprus are on the 

cent port of Seleucia, the^iasonry of which is still in so good a state that it merely 
requires trifling repairs in some places, and to be cleared out, which might have been 
done for £31,000, and partially for £10,000."— Chesney. 

1 " The lofty Jebel-el-Akrab, rising 531S feet above the sea, with its abutments ex- 
tending to Antioch." — Chesney, p. 228. Pliny's language concerning this mountain 
is absui-dly extravagant : " In promontorio Seleucia. Super earn mons Casius. Cujua 
excelsa altitudo quarta vigilia orientem per tenebras Solem adspicit, brevi circumactu 
corporis diem noctemque pariter ostendens. Ambitus ad cacumen xrs. M. pass, est, 
altitudo per directum iv." — N. H. v. 18. Mount Casius is, however, a conspicuous and 
beautiful feature of this bay. St. Paul must have seen it in all his voyages to and 
from Antioch, and we shall often have occasion to allude to it. 

" See above, p. 134, n. 2. 

3 " In sailing from the southern shores of Cyprus, with the wmds adverse, you 
should endeavour to obtain the advantage of the set of the current, which between 
Cyprus and the mouths of the Nile always runs to the eastward, changing its direction 
to the N. E. and N. as you near the coast of Syria."— Norie, p. 149. " The current, in 
general, continues easterly along the Libyan coast, and E.N.E. off Alexandria ; thence, 
advancing to the coast of Syria, it sets N. E. and more northerly ^ so that country ves- 
sels bound from Damietta to an eastern port of Cyprus, have been earned by the cur- 
rent past the island."- Pm-dy, p. 276. After leaving the Gulph of Scanderoon, the 
current sets to the westward along the south coast of Asia Minor, as we shall have 
occasion to notice hereafter. A curious illustration of the difficulty somctimeo expe- 
rienced in making this passage will be found in Meursius, Cyprus, &c., p. 158 ; where 
the decree of an early council is cited, directing the comse to be adopted on the deatb 
of a bishop in Cyprus, if the vessel which conveyed the news could not cross to An 



e?e of publication.' From Cape St. Andrea," the north-eastern point of 
the island, the coast trends rapidly to the west, till it reaches Cape 
Grego,^ the south-east extremity. The wretched modern town of Fama 
gousta is nearer the latter jwint than the former, and the ancient Salamia 
was situated a short distance to the north of Famagousta. Near Cape 
St. Andrea are two or three small islands, anciently called " The Keys." ^ 
These, if they were seen at all, would soon be lost to view. Cape Grego is 
distinguished by a singular promonotory of table land. And there is 
little doubt that the woodcut here given from our Enghsh sailing direc- 
tions, represents that very "rough, lofty, table-shaped eminence" which 
Strabo mentions in his description of the coast, and which has been identi- 
fied with the Idalium of the classical poets.'* 

The ground lies low in the neighbourhood of Salamis ; and the town 
was situated on a bight of the coast to the north of the river Pediasus. 

' Captain Graves returned from the survey of Cyprus while these sheets were pass- 
ing through the press. His kindness has enabled us to give the accompanying Map 
of Cyprus and Plan of Salamis, before the publication of the Government Charts. 
Some further information will be embodied in a supplementary note ; and we hope 
that, as Captain Graves is about to proceed to the survey of Crete, we shall soon be in 
possession of abundant information with regard to that island. 

* The Dinaretum of Pliny, v. 35. This north-eastern extremity of the island, per 
haps from being long and narrow {Kad' 6 ctevtj t] vijaoc, Strabo xiv. C), was called 
Ovou (^oog, or the ox's tail. Ptolem. v. 14, § 3. 

3 The Pedalium of Strabo and Ptolemy. 

* KltlSeg, mentioned by Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny. See what Herodotus says 
(v. 108) concerning the Phoenician fleet cruising about the Keys. These islands are 
mentioned by Pococke (ii. 219) as follows : '' Opposite to the north-east corner are the 
isles called Glides by the ancients ; the largest of which is not a mile in circumference. 
Authors differ about the number of them ; those who name but two, probably took 
notice only of the two largest ; there are two more that appear only as rocks, the far- 
thest of which is not a mile from the land. There is another, which has some herbage 
on it, and may be the second as to its dimensions ; it is so very near to the land that it 
may have been separated from it since those authors wrote." 

* Ao^of Tpaxvg, v^riT^dc, Toane^oeidr/c. Strabo xiv. 6. There is a similar eminence 
on the Spanish coast near Cape de Gat, called Roldan's Table (la Mesa de Roldan). 
See Purdy, Pt. i. p. 23. For the identification of this place in Cyprus with Idalium. 
eee Mannert, vi. 44:4. Pococke (p. 214) mentions a village called Trapeza near ihlt 
y)iut of the coast. 


This low land is the largest plam in Cyprus, and the Pediseus is the only 
true river in the island, the rest bemg only winter-torrents, flowing in the 
vret season from the two mountain ranges which intersect it from east to 
west. This plain probably represents the kingdom of Teucer, which is 
familiar to us in the early stories of legendary Greece. 'It stretches in- 
wards between the two mountain ranges to the very heart of the country, 
where the modern Turkish capital, Nicosia, is situated.' In the days of 
historical Greece, Salamis was the capital. Under the Roman Empire, 
if not the seat of government, it was at least the most important mercan- 
tile town. We have the best reasons for beheving that the harbour was 
convenient and capacious.'^ Thus we can form to ourselves some idea of 
the appearance of the place in the reign of Claudius. A large city by the 
sea-shore, a wide spread plain with cornfields and orchards, and the blue 
distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on which the eyes of 
Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to anchor in the bay of Sa- 

The Jews, as we should have been prepared to expect, were numerous 
in Salamis. This fact is indicated to us in the sacred narrative ; for we 
learn tliat this city had several synagogues, while other cities had often 
only one.^ They had doubtless been established here in considerable num- 
bers in the active period, which succeeded the death of Alexander.'* The 
unparalleled productiveness of Cyprus, and its trade in fruit, wine, flax, 
and honey, would naturally attract them to the mercantile port. The 
farming of the copper mines by Augustus to Herod may probably have 
swelled their numbers.^ One of the most conspicuous passages in the 
history of Salamis was the insurrection of the Jews in the reign of Trajan, 
when great part of the city was destroyed." Its demolition was com- 

1 See Pococke's description, vol. ii. pp. 214-217. He gives a rude plan of ancient 
Salamis. (Sec above, p. 139, n. 1.) The ruined aqueduct which he mentions appears 
to be subsequent to the time of St. Paul. We have not had the opportunity of consult- 
ino- a more recent worlv, Von Hammer's Topographische Ansichten aus der Levante. 

" See especially the account in Diodorus Siculus (Book xx. pp. 759-761) of the great 
naval victory of Salamis, won by Demetrius Poliorcetes over Ptolemy. Scylax also 
says that Salamis had a good harbom-. His expression is, Xi/zeva ix^^'^O' K?.ei(jTdv 
XEifiepivov. See Gail. 

3 Acts xiii. 5. Compare v. 9. is. 20, and contrast xviL 1. xviii. i. 

* Philo (Legat. ad Cai.) speaks of the Jews of Cyprus. 

5 See above, p. 17, n. 3. 

6 " The flame spread to Cyprus, where the Jews were numerous and wealthy. Oue 
Artemio placed himself at their head. They rose and massacred 240,000 of their fel- 
low-citizens ; the whole populous city of Salamis became a desert. The revolt of 
Cyprus was first suppressed ; Hadrian, afterwards emperor, landed on the island, aud 
marched to the assistance of the few inhabitants rt-ho had been able to act on the defensive. 
He defeated the Jews, expelled them from the island, to whose beautiful coasts no Jew 
was ever after permitted to approach. If one were accidentally wTcckcd on the inhos- 
pitable shore, he was instantly put to death."'— Milman. iii. 111. 112. The author sa.yh 


pleted by an earthquake. It was rebuilt by a Christian emperor, from 
whom it received its medieval name of Constantia.' 

It appears that the proclamation of the Gospel was confined by Bar 
uabas and Saul to the Jews and the synagogues. We have no informa- 
tion of the length of their stay, or the success of their labours. Some 
stress seems to be laid on the fact that John {i. e. Mark), " was their 
minister." Perhaps we are to infer from tliis, that his hands baptized 
the Jews and proselytes, who were convinced by the preaching of the 

From Salamis they travelled to Paphos, at the other extremity of the 
island. The two towns were probably connected together by a well tra- 
velled and frequented road.^ It is indeed likely that, even under the Em- 
pire, the islands of the Greek part of the Mediterranean, as Crete and 
Cyprus, were not so completely provided with lines of internal communica- 
tion as those which were nearer the metropolis, and had been longer under 
Roman occupation, such as Corsica and Sardinia. But we cannot help 
believing that Roman roads were laid down in Cyi^rus and Crete, after the 
manner of the modern English roads in Corfu and the other Ionian islands, 
which islands, in their social and political condition, present many points 
of resemblance to those which were under the Roman sway in the time of 
St. Paul. On the whole, there is little doubt that his journey from Sa- 
lamis to Paphos, a distance from east to west of not more than an hun- 
dred miles, was accomplished in a short time and without difficulty. 

Paphos was the residence of the Roman governor. The appearance 
of the place (if due allowance is made for the differences of the nineteenth 
century and the first) may be compared with that of the town of Corfu 
in the present day, with its strong garrison of imperial soldiers in the 
midst of a Greek population, with its mixture of two languages, with its 
symbols of a strong and steady power side by side with frivolous amuse- 
ments, and with something of the style of a court about the residence of 
its governor. All the occurrences, which are mentioned at Paphos as 
taking place on the arrival of Barnabas and Saul, are grouped so entirely 

above (109), that the Rabbinical traditions arc full of the sufferings of the Jews in this 
period. In this island there was massacre before the time of the rebellion, " and the 
sea that broke upon the shores of Cyprus was tinged with the red hue of carnage." 

' Jerome speaks of it under this name : " Salamis, quae nunc Constantia dicitur." — 
Ep. Philem. 

» See 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 

J On the west of Salamis, in the direction of Paphos, Pococke saw a church and 
monastery dedicated to Barnabas, and a grotto where he is said to have been buried, 
after suffering martyrdom in the reign of Nero (P. 217). There is a legend in Cedreaug 
and Niccphorus Calistus of the discovery of his relics, with the Gospel of St. Matthew 
on his breast, in the reign of Anastasius or Zeno.— See Meursius. A road is marked 
between Salamis and Paphos in the Peutingerian Table. 


round the governor's person, that our attention must be turned for a time 
to the condition of Cyprus as a Roman province, and the position and 
character of Sergius Paulus. 

From the time when Augustus united the world under his own power, 
the provinces were divided into two different classes. The business of the 
first Emperor's life was to consolidate the imperial system under the show 
of administering a republic. He retained the names and semblances of 
those liberties and rights which Rome had once enjoyed. He found two 
names in existence, the one of which was henceforth inseparably blended 
with the Imperial dignity and Military command, the other with the au- 
thority of the Senate and its Civil administration. The first of these 
names was " Praetor," the second was " Consul." Both of them were 
retained in Italy ; and both were reproduced in the Provinces as " Pro- 
praetor " and " Proconsul." ' He told the Senate and people that he 
would relieve them of all the anxiety of military proceedings, and that 
be would resign to them those provinces, where soldiers were unneces- 
sary to secure the fruits of a peaceful admmistration. He would take 
upon himself all the care and risk of governing the other provinces, where 
rebellion might be apprehended, and where the proximity of warlike tribes 
made the presence of the legions perpetually necessary. These were his 
professions to the Senate : but the real purpose of this ingenious arrange- 
ment was the disarming of the republic, and the securing to himself the 
absolute control of the whole standing army of the empire.^ The scheme 
was sufficiently transparent ; but there was no sturdy national life in 

' Tuv 6vo TOVTUV ovofidruv Iwi TrXdarov ev t^ dTj/ioKparia uvd-qaavTuv, to fiev toU 
'LrpaTTjyov, Tolg alperolg, wf kol tu TvoXsfiO) utto tov ttdw apxaiov npoajjuov, eSukev, 
'AvTiarpaTTj-yovc a^dg npoaemuv ' rb 6i 6y tuv 'TTtdTuv, Tolg iTspoig, ug koI. elptjviKU- 
ripoig, 'AvdvndTovg avTovg tniKaT^eaag. Avtu filv yap Td ovofiUTa, to te tov IiTpaTT/yov 
Kat TO TOV 'TndTOVy kv Ty 'iTaTiia, eTTjpijae, Tovg 61 l^u iravTag, ug koI uvt" ekelvuv 
dpxovTag npoariyopsvae. Dio Cass. liii. 13. It is very important, as we shall see pre- 
sently, to notice the accompanying statement, that all governors of the Senate^ s pro- 
vinces were to be called Proconsuls, whatever their previous office might have been 
(jial dvOvnuTovg KaT^elcdac /z?) oti Tovg Sijo TOvg vnaTevKOTug, a/l/ld Kal Tovg dWovg tuv 
iaTpaTTiyrjKOTuv fj Sokovvtuv ye iaTpaTTiyTjKsvai /lovov ovTag) : and all governors of 
the Emperor's provinces were to be styled Legati or Proprmtors, even if they had 
been Consuls (Tovg 6i iTcpovg vno Te iavTov alpeladai, Kal IIpeaiievTug aiiTov 'AvTia- 
TpaTTiyovg te ovo/iu^eadai, kov 1:k tuv vnaTEVKOTUv uai, SuTa^e). 

' Provincias validiores, et quas annuis magistratuum imperils regi nee facile neo 
tutum erat, ipse suscepit ; csetera Proconsulibus sortito permisit, et tomen nonnullas 
commutavit interdum. Sueton. Aug. 47. — Td jxlv uadEvscTepa, ug Kal elpT/vala kcI 
un67.ep.a, dr:t6uKe r;; Bou/lj • Td de iaxvpoTepa, ug Kal c<pa7\,Epd Kal cnLKivdvva, Kal tjtoi 
no2,Efiiovg Tivdg Tvpoaoucovg exovto, tj Kal avTd Kad" iavTd fisya Ti VEUTEpiaai dwu/ieva, 
KaTEaxe ' ?.6yu fxiv, onug i] jilv Tepovaca ddsug Td KuXXcaTa TTjg upx'ig KopivuTO, avrdi 
6i TOvg TE novovg Kal Kivdvvovg Ixot ' — epyy .^f, Iva iwl Ty ■n-po<pdaei ravi p IkeIvol /itr 
Kal uonTiOi koi ufiaxoi uaiv, dvTdg 6i 6^ ftovog Kal oirXa ixV' "''^ CTpaTiuTtg Tpe&g 
Dio Cass. liii. 12. 


Italy to resist his despotic innovations, and no foreign civilised powers to 
arrest the advance of imperial aggrandisement ; and it thus came to pass 
that Augustus, though totally destitute of the military genius either of 
Cromwell or Napoleon, transmitted to his successors a throne guarded by 
an invincible army, and a system of government destined to endure through 
several centuries. 

Hence we find in the reign, not only of Augustus but of each of his 
successors from Tiberius to JVero, the provinces divided into these two 
classes. On the one side we have those which are supposed to be under 
the Senate and people. The governor is appointed by lot, as in the times 
of the old republic. He carries with him the Hctors and fasces, the insig- 
nia of a Consul ; but he is destitute of military power. His office must be 
resigned at the expiration of a year. He is styled " Proconsul," and the 
Greeks, translating the term, call him 'Avevnaroc^ On the other side are 
the provinces of Caesar. The governor may be styled " Propraetor," or 
'AvTKjrpu-riYoc ; but he is more properly "Legatus," or TipecCevrf/c, — the 
representative or "commissioner" of the Emperor. He goes out from 
Italy with all the pomp of a miUtary commander, and he does not return 
till the Emperor recalls him.* And to complete the symmetry and consis- 
tency of the system, the subordmate districts of these imperial provinces 
are regulated by the Emperor's "Procurator" ('ETTirpoTOfs^^ or "High 
Steward." The New Testament, in the strictest conformity with the other 
historical authorities of the period, gives us examples of both kinds of pro- 
vincial admmistration. We are told by Strabo, and by Dio Cassius, that 
" Asia " and " Achaia " were assigned to the Senate ; ^ and the title, 
which in each case is given to the governor in the Acts of the Apos- 
tles, is " Proconsul."* Tlae same authorities inform us that Syria was an 
imperial province,*' and no such title as " Proconsul " is assigned by the 
sacred writers to " Cyrenius governor of Syria," ^ or to Pilate, Festus and 
Felix,' the Procurators of Judsea, which, as we have seen (p. 25), was a 
dependency of that great and unsettled province. 

> Wliich our English translators have rendered by the ambiguous word " deputy." 
Acts xiii. 7. " The deputy of the country, Sergius Paulus." " Gallio waa the deputy 
of Achaia," xviii. 12. " There are deputies," xix. 38. 

' All these details are stated, and the two kinds of governors very accurately dis- 
tinguished in the 53d Book of Dio Cassius, ch. 13. It should be remarked, that iiraox'fa 
(the word still used for the subdivisions of the modem Greek Kingdom) is applied in* 
discriminately to both kinds of provinces. 

3 See Dio Cass. liii. 15. 

•> Strabo xviil 3. Dio Cass. liii. 12. The latter uses 'ElMi: instead of 'Axdta. as in 
Acts XX. 2. 

5 'AvOv-aroc, rviii. 12. xix. 38. 

* Strabo and Dio. ibid. ^ Luke ii. 2. 

8 The word invariably used in the New Testament is 'Uyefxuv. This is a general 
t^rin, like the Roman " Prases " and the English " Governor ;" as may be sera by 



Dio O'usisms informs us, in the same passage where he tells ns that Asia 
and Achaia were provinces of the Senate, that Cyprus was retained by the 
E-mperor for himself.'' If we stop here, we naturally ask the question, — 
and some have asked the question rather hastily,^ — how it comes to pass 
that St. Luke speaks of Sergius Paulus by the style of " Proconsul ? " 
But any hesitation concerning the strict historical accuracy of the sacred 
historian's language, is immediately set at rest by the very next sentence 

comparing Luke ii. 2 with iii. 1, and observing that the very same word is applied to 
the ofiBces of the Procurator of Judaa, the Legatus of Syria, and the Emperor himself. 
Josephus generally uses 'EiTLTpoTrog for the Procurator of Judtea, and 'Hye/iuv for the 
Legatus of Syi'ia. 

I The woodcut is from Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations, p. 41. Specimens of 
the coin are in the Imperial Cabinet at Vienna, and in the Bibliotheque du Roi. There 
are other Cyprian coins of the Imperial age, with PEOCOS in Roman characters. See 
Eckhel and Akerman's Numismatic Illustrations. Pellerini says that many coins of the 
reign of Claudius, with KOINON KTIIPmN, are of the red copper of the island : a 
fact peculiarly interesting to us, if the notion, mentioned p. 17, n. 3, and p. 141, be 

^ Along with Syria and Cilicia. 'H 'Zvpia, ?j koiXv Ka7iov[ihr], 7; re ^oiviktj, Koi 
KcliKia, Kal KvTzpog, Kal AlyvKTLOi, ev Ty tov Kaicapog ■fzepidi tote tytvovTO. Dio Cas& 
lUi. 12. 

3 Thus Baronius (sub anno 4G) conjectures that Cyprus must hare been at this time 
under the Proconsul of Cilicia. " Cum Sergius Paulus hie dicatur Proconsul ; et auc- 
tore Strabone (lib. 14, in fine) et aliis [?] exploratum habeatur, Cyprum non proconsu- 
larem sed prastoriam factam esse provinciam ; cur a Luca non Praetor [Proprietor] sed 
Proconsul nominetur, ea videtur esse ratio, quod eadem pra^toria provincia saspe hono- 
ris causa data est admjuistranda Cilicia; Proconsuli." Grotius thinks the word is in- 
accurately used by St. Luke by a sort of catachresis. " Propria qui Cypro praeerai 
vocabatur uvTtaTpaTijyoQ. Sed non mirum est Graecos ista permiscuisse, aut potius, ut 
egregii erant adulatores, nomen quam honorificentissimum dedisse provinciarum recto- 
ribus. Generale nomen est Pra?sidis : quo et hie Latine uti licet." Hammond (Annot 
on Acts xiii., not in the ed. of 1653) refutes Baronius, and takes the view of Grotius. 
The whole mistake has arisen from the following words in the last paragraph of Strabo's 
fourteenth book : — yeyovE CTpaTjjyiK?/ eTcapxia Ka6' avTtjV . . . eyevETO ETvaoxia V vyeoc, 
KaQdiTF.p Kal vvv iarl, arpaTriyLKTJ. And the whole explanation is to be found in the 
clear statement of Dio Cassius (given above, p. 142, n. 1), that all governors of the 
Senate's provinces had the title of Proconsul, though they were often only of Prsetorian 
rank. Thus we find Tacitus calling Caesius Cordus Proconsul of Crete (Ann. iii. 38), 
ifud T. Vinius Proconsul of Narbonensian Gaul (Hist. i. 48), though we know that 
Africa and Asia were the only Senatorian provinces governed by men of Proconsular 
rank. See Dio Cass. liii. 14, and Strabo xvii. 3. 


rf the secular historian,'— ia which he informs us that Augustus restored 
CjiDrus to the Senate in exchange for another district of the empire, — a 
statement which he again repeats in a later passage of his work.'' It 
is evident, then, that the governor's style and title from this time for* 
ward would be " Proconsul." But this evidence, however satisfactory, is 
not all that we possess. The coin, which is here engraved, distinctly pre- 
sents to us a Cyprian Proconsul of the reign of Claudius. And the 
inscription, which will be found at the end of this chapter, supphes us with 
the names of two additional governors, who were among the predecessors 
or successors of Sergius Paulus.' 

It is remarkable that two men called Sergius Paulus are described in 
rery similar terms by two physicians who wrote in Greek, the one a heath- 
en, the other a Christian. The heathen writer is Galen. He speaks of 
his contemporary as a man interested and well-versed in philosophy.-" The 
Christian writer is St. Luke, who tells us here that the governor of Cyprus 
was a " prudent " man, who "desired to hear the word of God." This 
governor seems to have been of a candid and inquiring mind : nor will 
this philosophical disposition be thought inconsistent with his connection 
with the Jewish impostor, whom Saul and Barnabas found at the Paphian 
court, by those who are acquainted with the intellectual and religious ten* 
dencies of the age. 

For many years before this time, and many years after, impostors from 
the E^st, pretending to magical powers, had great influence over the Ro- 
man mind. All the Greek and Roman literature of the empire, from Hor- 
ace to Lucian,= abounds in proof of the prevalent credulity of this sceptical 
period. Unl>elief, when it has become conscious of its weakness, is often 
glad to give its hand to superstition. The faith of educated Romans was 
utterly gone. "We can hardly wonder, when the East was thrown open, — 

' 'Yar^pov rf/v [ilv KvTrpov Kal ttjv Ta?.aTcav r/jv nepl "NdpCuva tcj Sijfiu dnt6uK£v, 
avTog 6e TjjV ^al'^iiaTiav uvrD.aCe. DIo, liii. 12. 

' Tors 6' ovv nal ttjv Kvrrpov Kal ~?jv TaXariav rijv "NapCuvTjaiav dniduKe tC) irjmh 
iig /i7j6iv tUiv ottAuv avTov deofitvag. Dio, liv. 4. 

3 If Baiir had lived in the age of Baronius or Grotius he would have adduced this 
passage as an argument against the historical accuracy of this part of the Acta. 

■» TovSe Tov vvv inupxav rr/g 'Pu/iaiuv Tro'Aeug, uvdpoc Tct navra irpursvovrog ipyoif 
re Kal /loyotf rolg h (piXoao^iq, 'Zepyiov Jlav^.ov vizutov. De Anatom. Admiaistr. i. 1. 
t. ii. p. 218, ed. Kiihn. — "LepyLog ri 6 Kal TLavTiog, og ov fiercl no2.vv xpovov eTvapxoi 
iyevero TTJg ir6?.eug, Kal <^?.d6iog .... icTzevKug \_iaTT0v6aKdg1'] 6^ iTEpl tt/v 'Apiarch 
rD.ovg <j>i7.0G0(l>Lav, ucKEp Kal 6 IlavT^og. — De Pra;not. ad Epig. c. 2. t. xiv. p. 612. 
The Sergius Paulus here spolien of was Irrapxog of Rome about the year 177 a. d., and 
was personally known to Galen. The passages are adduced by Wetstein without any 
remark ; and from him they are quoted by Dr. BloomOcld, in his Eecensio Syuoptica, 
as if they referred to the Sergius Paulus of the Acts, who lived more than a hundred 
years earlier. We owe the correction of this mistake to Dr. Greenhill, who wrot^ the 
life of Galen in Smith's Dictionary of Biography. 

« wSee Horace's Odes, i. xi., and Lucian's Life of Alexander of AbonoteicLaa. 
VOL. I. — 10 


the luncl of mystery, — the fountain of the earliest migrations, — the cradle 
of the earliest religions, — that the imagination both of the populace and 
the aristocracy of Rome became fanatically excited, and that they greed- 
ily welcomed the most absurd and degrading superstitions. Not only was 
the metropohs of the empire crowded with " hungry Greeks," but " Syr- 
ian fortune-tellers " flocked into all the haunts of public amusement. Ath- 
ens and Corinth did not now contribute the greatest or the worst part of 
the " dregs" of Rome ; but (to adopt Juvenal's use of that river of Anti- 
och we have lately been describing) " the Orontes itself flowed into the 
Tiber." ' 

Every part of the East contributed its share to the general supersti- 
tion. The gods of Egypt and Phrygia found unfailing votaries. Before 
the close of the republic, the temples of Isis and Serapis had been more 
than once erected, destroyed and renewed.'^ Josephus tells us that certain 
disgraceful priests of Isis ^ were crucified at Rome by the second emperor ; 
but this punishment was only a momentary check to their sway over the 
Roman mind. The more remote districts of Asia Minor sent their itine- 
rant soothsayers ; * Syria sent her music and her medicines ; Chaldsea hej 
" Babylonian numbers " and " mathematical calculations." ^ To these cor- 
rupters of the people of Romulus we must add one more Asiatic nation, — 
the nation of the Israelites ; — and it is an instructive employment to ol> 
serve that, while some members of the Jewish people were rising, by the 
Divine power, to the highest position ever occupied by men on earth, 
others were sinking themselves, and others along with them, to the lowest 
and most contemptible degradation. The treatment and influence of the 
Jews at Rome were often too similar to those of other Orientals. One 
year we find them banished ; ^ another year we see them quietly re-estab- 
lished.' The Jewish beggar-woman was the gipsy of the first century, 

J Amljubaiarum collegia, pharmacopolas, 
Mendici, mimce, balatrones, hoc geaus omue. — Hor. i. Sat. ii. 1. 

Non possum ferre, Quirites, 
Grajcam Urbem : quamvis quota portio faecis Acha3i ? 
Jam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, 
Et linguam, et mores, et cum tibicine chordas 
Obliquas, nee non gentilia tympana secum 
Vexit, et ad Circum, &c. — Juv. Sat. iii. 60. 
■ Lucan, viil 830. » Ant. xviii. 3, 4. 

* Alexander of Abonoteichus, whose life was written by Lucian, and Apollonius of 
Tyana, whose adventures are recorded by Philostratus, might be adduced as specimens 
of the " Phryx augur " (Juv. vi. 584) and the " Commagenus haruspex " (ib. 549). 

6 Babylonii Numcri, Ilor. i. Od. xi. 2. Chaldaicse rationes, Cic Div. ii. 47. See the 
whole passage 42-47. The Chaldsean astrologers were called " Mathematici " (JuV' 
vL 5C2. xiv. 248). See the definition in Aulus Gellius, i. 9 : " Vulgus, quos gentili 
tio vocabulo Chaldaios dicere oportet, mathematicos dicit." There is some account of 
their proceedings at the beginning of the fourteenth book of the Noctes Atticae. 
« Acts xviii. 2- ' Acts xsx'iii. 17. 


shivering and crouching in the outskirts of the city, and telling fortunes,' 
as Ezekiel said of old, " for handfuls of barley, and for pieces of bread " ' 
All this catalogue of Oriental impostors, whose influx into Rome was a 
characteristic of the period, we can gather from that revolting satire of 
Juvenal, in which he scourges the follies and vices of the Roman women. 
But not only were the women of Rome drawn aside into this varied and 
multiphed fanaticism ; but the eminent men of the dechning republic, and 
the absolute sovereigns of the early empire, were tainted and enslaved by 
the same superstitions. The great Marius had in his camp a Syrian, 
probably a Jewish ^ prophetess, by whose divinations he regulated the pro- 
gress of his campaigns. As Brutus, at the beginning of the republic, had 
visited the oracle of Delphi, so Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, at the close 
of the repubUc, when the oracles were silent,^ sought information from 
Oriental astrology. No picture in the great Latin satirist is more power- 
fully drawn than that in which he shows us the Emperor Tiberius " sitting 
on the rock of Capri, w^ith his flock of Chaldseans round him." ^ No sen- 
tence in the great Latin historian is more bitterly emphatic than that in 
which he says that the astrologers and sorcerers are a class of men who 
" will always be discarded and always cherished." ^ 

"What we know, from the hterature of the period, to have been the case 
in Rome and in the empire at large, we see exemphfied in a province in 
the case of Sergius Paulus. He had attached himself to " a certain sor- 
cerer, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name was Barjesus," and who had 

J Arcanam Judtea tremens mendicat in aurem, 
Interpres legum Solymarum, et magna Sacerdos 
Arboris, ac summi fida internuncia coeli. 
Implet et ilia manum sed parcius : sere minuto 
Qualiacunque voles Judici somnia vendunt. 

Juv. vi. 542-54G. 
Nunc sacri fontis nemus, et delubra locantur 
Judseis ; quorum cophinus, fcenumque supellex. 
Omnis enim populo mercedem pcndere jussa est 
Arbor, et ejectis mendicat silva Camcenia — iii. 13-16. 
■ Ezek. xiii. 19. 

3 Nicbuhr (Lect. vol. i. p. 363) thinks she was a Jewess. Her name was Martha 
Bee Long's Plutarch, § 17. 

Cic. Div. ii. 4.7. Compare Juvenal (vi. 553). 

Chaldaeis scd major erit fiducia : quicquid 
Dixerit astrologus, credent a fonte relatum 
Hammonis ; quoniam Delphis oracula cessant, 
Et genus bumanum damnat caligo futuri. 
» Principis angusta Caprearum in rupe sedentis 

Cum grege Chaldseo.— Juv. x. 93. 
See Gifford's note. Suetonius and Dio Cassius give us similar information concerning 
ibe superstition of Tiberius. 

« Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate noirtra el 
'itabitur semper et retinebitur. — Tac. Hist 


given himself the Arabic name of " Elymas," or " The Wise." But the 
Proconsul was not so deluded by the false prophet ' as to be unable, or 
anwilling', to listen to the true. " He sent for BTirnabas and Saul," of 
whose arrival he was informed, and whose free and public declaration of 
the "Word of God" attracted his inquiring mind. Elymas used every 
exertion to resist them, and to hinder the Proconsul's raind from falling 
under the influence of their divine doctrine. Truth ana falsehood were 
brought into visible conflict with each other. It is evident, from the 
graphic character of the narrative, — the description of Paul " setting his 
eyes,"^ on the sorcerer, — "the mist and darkness" which fell on Barjesus, 
— the " groping about for some one to lead him," ^ — that the opposing 
wcgider-workers stood face to face in the presence of the Proconsul, — as 
Moses and Aaron withstood the magicians at the Egyptian court, — Ser- 
gius Paulus being in this respect different from Pharaoh, that he did not 
" harden his heart." 

The miracles of the New Testament are generally distinguished from 
those ^ the Old, by being for the most part works of mercy and restora- 
tion, not of punishment and destruction. Two only of our Lord's miracles 
were inflictions of severity, and these were attended with no harm to the 
bodies of men. The same law of mercy pervades most of those interrup- 
tions of the course of nature, which He gave His servants, the Apostles, 
power to effect. One miracle of wrath is mentioned as worked in His 
name by each of the great Apostles, Peter and Paul ; and we can see suf- 
ficient reasons why liars and hypocrites, like Ananias and Sapphira, and 
powerful impostors, like Elymas Barjesus, should be publicly punished in 
the face of the Jewish and Gentile worlds, and made the examples and 
warnings of every subsequent age of the Church.-* A different passage in 

• For the good and bad senses in which the word Mayof was used, see Professor 
Trench's recent book on the Second Chapter of St. Matthew. It is worth observing, 
that Simon Jlagus was a Cyijrian, if he is the person mentioned by Josephus. A. xx. 5, 2. 

• 'Ari-r/fetv, "to look intently." Acts xiii. 10. The same word which is used in 
rriii. 1. Our first impression is, that there was something searching and commanding 
ia St. Paul's eye. But if the opinion is correct, that he suffered from an affection of 
the eyes, this word may ex-press a peculiarity connected with his defective vision. 
See the Bishop of Winchester's note (Ministerial Character of Christ, p. 555), who 
compares the Lxx. in Numb, xxxiii. 55, Josh, xxiii. 13, and applies this view to the ex- 
planation of the difficulty in Acts xxiii. 1-5. And it is remarkable that, in both the 
traditional accounts of Paul's personal appearance which we possess, he is said to have 
had contracted eye-brows. Malalas (x. p. 257, Ed. Bonn.) calls him avvofpv^ ; and 
Nicpphorus (H. E. ii. 37) says Karu rag o^pvc eIx£ vevovcag. Many have thought that 
" the thorn in his flesh," 2 Cor. xii. 7, was an affection of the eyes. Hence, perhaps, 
the statement in Gal. iv. 14^1G, and the mjMKa ypd/z/iara, Gal. vi. 11. (Sec oui- Pre- 
face, p. xvii. note,) 

3 It may be added that these phrases seem to imply that the person from whence 
they came was an eye-witness. Some have inferred that Luke himself was present. 
■« It is not necessary to infer from these passages, or fi-ora 1 Cor. v. 3-5. 1 Tim. i 


the life of St. Peter presents a parallel which is closer in some respects with 
this interview of St. Paul with the sorcerer in Cyprus. As Simon Magus, 
— wlio liad " long time bewitched the people of Samaria with his sorce^ 
jies,'' — was denounced by St. Peter " as still in the gall of bitterness and 
bond of iniquity," and solemnly told that " his heart was not right in 
the sight of God ; " ' — so St. Paul, conscious of his apostolic power, and 
under the impulse of immediate inspiration, rebuked Barjesus, as a child 
of that Devil who is the father of lies,^ as a worker of deceit and mischief,^ 
and as one who sought to pervert and distort that which God saw and 
approved as right.-* He proceeded to denounce an instantaneous judg- 
ment ; and, according to his prophetic word, the "hand of the Lord" 
struck the sorcei'er as it had once struck the Apostle himself on the way 
to Damascus ; — the sight of Elymas began to waver,^ and presently a 
darkness settled on it so thick, that he ceased to behold the sun's light. 
This blinding of the false prophet opened the eyes of Sergius Paulus.* 
That which had been intended as an opposition to the Gospel, proved the 
means of its extension. We are ignorant of the degree of this extension 
in the island of Cyprus. But we cannot doubt that when the Proconsul 
was converted, his influence would make Christianity reputable ; and that 
from this moment the Gentiles of the island, as well as the Jews, had the 
news of salvation brought home to them. 

And now, from this point of the Apostolical History, Paul appears aa 
the great figure in every picture. Barnabas, henceforward, is always in 
the background. The great Apostle now enters on his work as the 
preacher to the Gentiles ; and simultaneously with his active occupation 
of the field in which he was called to labour, his name is suddenly changed. 
As " Abram" was changed into "Abraham," when God promised that 
he should be the " father of many nations ;" as "Simon" was change/ 
into " Peter," when it was said, " On this rock I will build my church ;"— ■ 
80 " Saul" is changed into " Paul," at the moment of his first great vic- 
tory among the Heatlien. ^'^.at " the plains of Mamre by Hebron " 

20, tliat Peter and Paul had power to inflict these judgments at their will. Though, 
even if they had this power, they had also the spirit of love and supernatural knowl- 
edge to guide them in the use of it. 

1 Acts viii. 21-23. ^ John viii. 44. 

3 'Pa6iovpyia (xiii. 10). expresses the cleverness of a successful imposture. 

* Notice evOdag, xiii. 10, and evdela, viii. 21. * 

s 'Aj^aV Kol ciiOTOQ, xiii. 11. This may be used, in Luke's medical manner, to e.i- 
press the stages of the blindness. Compare icTri Kal TrepLtnarec in the account of the 
recovery, iii. 8. 

6 " Durch das Erblinden dcs Magicrs dora Proconsul die Augen geoffnet werdcn." 
These are the words of Sclu-ader, who yet exercises his utmost ingenuity to explain 
ftway everything supernatural in the occurrence. See Schrader's Paulus, ii. p. 170-175. 
Baur"s notion of course is, that the whole story was invented or embellished. Baur'a 
P"u]us. Pt. I. ch. iv. 


were to the patriarch, — what " Csesarea Philippi," ' by the lountains of 
the Jordan, was to the fisherman of Galilee, — that was the city of Paphos, 
on the coast of Cyprus, to the tent-maker of Tarsus. Are we to suppose 
that the name was now really given him for the first time, — that he 
adopted it himself as significant of his own feelings, — or that Sergiua 
Paulus conferred it on him in grateful commemoration of the benefits he 
had received, — or that " Paul," having been a Gentile form of the Apos- 
tle's name in early life conjointly with the Hebrew " Saul," was now used 
to the exclusion of the other, to indicate that he had receded from his 
position as a Jewish Christian, to become the friend und teacher of the 
Gentiles ? All these opinions have found their supporters both in ancient 
and modei'n times.'* The question has been alluded to before in this work 
(p. 46). It will be well to devote some further space to it now, once 
for all. 

It cannot be denied that the words in Acts xiii. 9 — " Saul, who is 
also Paul " — are the line of separation between two very distinct portions 
of St. Luke's biography of the Apostle, in the former of which he is uni- 
formly called " Saul," while in the latter he receives, with equal consis- 
tency, the name of " Paul." It must also be observed that the Apostle 
always speaks of himself under the latter designation in every one of his 
Epistles, without any exception ; and not only so, but the Apostle St. 
Peter, in the only passage where he has occasion to allude to him,^ speaks 
of him as " our beloved brother Paul." We are, however, inclined to 
adopt the opinion that the Cilician Apostle had this Roman name, as 
well as his other Hebrew name, in his earher days, and even before he 
was a Christian. This adoption of a Gentile name is so far from bemg 
alien to the spirit of a Jewish family, that a similar practice may be 
traced through all the periods of Hebrew History.'* Beginning with the 
Persian epoch (b. c. 550-350) we find such names as " Nehemiah," 
" Schammai," " Belteshazzar," which betray an oriental origin,^ and show 
that Jewish appellatives followed the growth of the living language. In 
the Ch-eek period we encounter the names of " Philip," ^ and his son 
"Alexander,"' and of Alexander's successors, " Antiochus," " Lysimar 

» See Gen. xiii. 18. xvii. 5. Mat. xvi. IS- 18, and Mr. Stanley's Sermon on St. Peter. 

* Olshausen, among the moderas, follows the opinion of Jerome. 
J 2 Pet. iii. 15. 

* The following remarks are taken from Zunz, "Namen dor Juden," Leipsig, 1837, 
— » work which arose out of political circumstances in Germany. 

* See what Zunz says of the terminations ja, ai, and the article Ha, as in Pedaja 
Sakkai, Hakatan, llakoz, &c. 

6 Mat. X. 3. Acts vi. 5. xxi. 8. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 22. 

7 Acts xix. 33, 34. See 2 Tim. ir. 14. Alexander was a common name among the 
A.6monscans. It is said that when the great conqueror passed through Judaea, a promise 
was made )i> 1,;m that all the Jewish children born that year should be called " Alex- 


clins," " Ptolemy," " Antipater ;" ^ the names of Greek pMlosophers, such 
as "Zeuo" and "Epicurus;"'' even Greek mythological names, as 
" Jason " and " Menelaus." ^ Some of these words will have been recog- 
nised as occurring in the K'ew Testament itself. When we mention Ro- 
man names adopted by the Jews, the coincidence is still more striking. 
"Crispus,"-* "Justus," 5 " Niger," « are found in Josephus '^ as well as iu 
the Acts. " Drusilla " and " Priscilla" might have been Komau matrons. 
The " Aquila " of St. Paul is the counterpart of tlie " Apella" of Horace.* 
Nor need we end our survey of Jewish names with the early Rosian 
empire ; for, passing by the destruction of Jerusalem, we see Jews, in the 
earlier part of the Middle Ages, calling themselves " Basil," " Leo," 
" Theodosius," " Sophia ;" and, in the latter part, " Albert," "Benedict," 
"Crispin," "Denys."^ We might pursue our inquiry into the nations of 
modern Europe ; but enough has been said to show, that as the Jews 
have successively learnt to speak Chaldee, Greek, Latin, or German, so 
they have adopted into their families the appellations of those Gentile 
families among whom they have hved. It is indeed remarkable that the 
Separated Nation should bear, in the very names recorded in its annalg, 
the trace of every nation with whom it has come in contact and never 

It is important to oui* present purpose to remark that double names 
often occur in combmation, the one national, the other foreign. The 
earhest instances are " Belteshazzar-Daniel," and " Esther-Hadasa." "^ 
Frequently there was no resemblance or natural connection between the 
two words, as in " Herod- Agrippa," " Salome- Alexandra," " Juda-Aristo- 
bulus," " Simon-Peter." Sometimes the meaning was reproduced, as in 
" Malich-Kleodemus." At other times an alliterating resemblance of 
sound " seems to have dictated the choice, as in " Jose-Jason," " Hillel- 
JqIus," " Saul-Pauhis" — " Saul, who is also Paul." 

1 1 Mac. xii. 16. xvi. 11. 2 Mac. iv. 29. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10. 

^ Zunz adduces these names from the Mischna and the Berenice Inscription. 

3 Jason, Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 6, perhaps Acts xvii. 5-9. Rom. xvi. 21. Menelaus, 
Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, 1. See 2 Mac. iv. 5. 

4 Acts xviii. 8. s Acts i. 23. « Acts xiii. 1. 

7 Joseph Vit. 68, 65. B. J. iv. 6, 1. Compare 1 Cor. 1. 14. Acts xviii. 7. CoL iv. II. 

8 Hor. I. Sat. v. 100. Priscilla appears under the abbreviated form " Prisca," 2 Tim. 
Ir. 19. 

9 See further details in Zunz. 

'" Aavii)?i ov Td wofia kirsKh'/Oij BaTndaap. Dan. x. 1. LXX. See the Hebrew in 
Esther ii. 7, ^iTiDt* 54'^ri nOHil- So Zerubbabcl was called Shcshbazzar. Compare 
Ezra V. 16 with Zech. iv. 9. The Oriental practice of adopting names which were sig- 
nificant must not be left out of view. See Parkhurst, and his quotation from the 
Targum on o^n- 

1' Perhaps the best note among the commentators is that of Grotius. " Saulus qui 
et Paulus ; id est, qui, ex quo cum Eoraauis conversari coepit, hoc nomine a suo non 
»bludente, coepit a Komanis appellari. Sic qui Jesus Judaiis, Grsecis Jasoii • Ilillcl 


TLus it seems to us that satisfactory reasons can be adduced for tho 
double name borne by the Apostle, — without having recourse to the hy- 
pothesis of Jerome, who suggests that, as Scipio was called Africanus 
from the conquest of Africa, and Metellus Creticus from the conquest of 
Crete, so Saul carried away his new name as a trophy of his victory over 
the heathenism of the Proconsul Paulus ' — or to that notion, which Au- 
gustine applies with much rhetorical effect in various parts of his writ- 
ings,'' where he alludes to the literal meaning of the word "Paw/^w," and 

PoUio: Onias, Menelaus : Jakia, Alcimus. Apud Romanos Silas, S,.Jvanns, ut nota- 
vit Hieronymus : Pasides, Pansa, ut Suetonius in Crassitio ; Diodes. Diocletianus ; 
Biglinitza, soror Jnstiniani, Romano Vigilantia." Sec Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, 1. Com- 
pare Jesus Justus, Col. iv. 11. 

' Diligenter attende, quod Lie primum Pauli nomen inceperit. Ut enim Scipio, eub- 
jecta Africa, African! sibi nomen assumpsit, et Metellus, Creta insula sulijugata, inslgne 
Cretici suae familias reportavit ; et imperatores nunc usque Romani ex subjectis genti- 
bus Adiabenici, Parthici, Sarmatici, nuncupantur: ita et Saulus ad pr^edicationem 
gentium missus, a primo ccclesiae spolio Proconsule Sergio Paulo victoriis suse trophaa 
retulit, erexitque vexillum, ut Paulus diceretur e Saulo." — Hieron. in Ep. Philem. 
Augustine, in one passage, takes the same view. " Ipse minimus Apostolorum tuorum 
(1 Cor. XV. 9) cum Paulus Proconsul, per ejus militiam debellata superbia, sub lene 
jugum Christi tui missus est, regis magui provincialis effectus (Acts xiii. 7, 12), ipse 
quoque ex priore Saulo Paulus vocari amavit, ob tarn magna insigne victorise." — Conf. 
viil. 4. It is impossible not to feel that this theory is very inconsistent with the humil- 
ity of St. Paul. Baronius, who sees this objection, gives a conjecture which is more 
probable : " Saulo coguomen suum, quod etiam j!]miliorum familias fuit, quo sibi magia 
arctiusque co vinculo Apostolum viucii-et, Sergius Paulus indidit." And again below 
" A Sergio Paulo, amicitise gi-atia, familise sua2 cognomine nobilitatus est Apostolus." 

* "Yox ilia de coelo prostravit persecutorem, et erexit praedicatorem ; occidit Sau- 
lum, et vivificavit Paulum (Acts ix). Saiil enim persecutor erat sancti vii-i (1 Sam. 
xix.) ; inde nomen habebat iste quando persequebatur Christiauos : postea de Saulo 
factus est Paulus (Acts xiii). Quid est Paulus? Modicus. Ergo quando Saulus, su- 
perbus, elatus: quando Paulus, humilis, modicus. Ideo sic loquimur, Paulo post 
videbo te, id est, post modicum. Audi quia modicus factus est : Ego enim sum tnini- 
mus Apostolorum (1 Cor. xv. 9) ; et Mihi, minima omnium Sanctorum, dicit alio loco 
(Ephcs. iii. 8). Sic erat inter Apostolos tanquam fimbria vestimenti ; sed tetigit Ec- 
clesia gentium tanquam fluxum patiens, et sanata est. (Matt. ix. 20-22.) Tract, viil 
in Ep. Jo. The same train of thought is found, often in the same words, in the follow- 
ing places : Enarr. in Ps. Ixxii. 4. Serm. ci. on Luke x. 2-6. Serm. clxviii. on EpL 
vi. 23. Serm. cclxxix. de Paulo Apostolo. In one passage he gives point to the con- 
trast by alluding to the tall stature of the first king of the Jews. " Saulus a Saiile 
nomen dcrivatur. Qui fuerit Saiil, notis. Ipsius electa est statura proceris [procera]. 
Sic enim describit Scriptura, quod supereminens csset omnibus, quando electus est ut 
nngeretur in regcm (1 Sam. ix. 2). Non fuit sic Paulus [Saulus], sed factus Paulus. 
Paulus enim parvus." — Serm. clxix. in Philip, iii. 3-16. In these passages the notion 
may be used only rhetorically. In another place he gives it as an opinion. " Non ob 
ftliud, quantum mihi videtur, hoc nomen elegit, nisi ut se ostenderet tanquam mini- 
mum Apostolorum." — De Sp. et Lit. xii. At one time he finds in Stephen the counter- 
part of David: "Talis fuerat Saul in David, qualis Saulus in Stephanum." — Serm- 
ccexv. in Sul. Stcph. Mart. At another, David prefigures our Lord himself ■ " Saiil 
erat ille persecutor David. In David Chrigtus erat, in David Christus prjKfigm'al>atur 
tanquam David Saiili de Ccelo, Saule, Saule, quid me perseauei-is ? " Sermi clxxv 
in 1 Tim. L 15. 


contrasts Saul, the unbridled king, the proud self-confident persecutor of 
David, with Paul, the lowly, the penitent, — who deliberately wished to 
indicate, by his very name, that he was " the least of the Apostles," ' and 
" less than the least of all Saints." ^ Yet we must not neglect the coinci- 
dent occurrence of these two names in this narrative of the events which 
happened in Cyprus. We need not hesitate to dwell on the associations 
which are connected with the name of " Paulus," or on the thoughts 
which are naturally called up, when we notice the critical passage in the 
sacred history, where it is first given to Saul of Tarsus. It is surely not 
unworthy of notice that, as Peter's first Gentile convert was a member of 
the Cornelian House (p. 116), so the surname of the noblest family of the 
jEmilian Ho^ise^ was the link between the Apostle of the Gentiles and 
his convert at Paphos. Nor can we find a nobler Christian version of any 
line of a Heathen poet, than by comparing what Horace says of him who 
fell at Cannse, — " animce magnce prodigum Paulum," — with the words of 
him who said at Miletus, " / coiint not my life dear unto myself, so that I 
might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received 
of the Lord Jesus." ■* 

And though we imagine, as we have said above, that Saul had the 
name of Paul at an earlier period of his life, and should be inclined to con- 
jecture that the appellation came from some connection of his ancestors 
(perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member of the Roman family 
of the ^mihan Pauli ; ^ — yet we cannot believe it accidental that the 
words,® which have led to this discussion, occur at this particular point of 
the inspired narrative. The Heathen name rises to the surface at the 
moment when St. Paul visibly enters on his ofifice as the Apostle of the 
Heathen. The Roman name is stereotyped at the moment when he con- 
verts the Roman governor. And the place where this occurs is Paphos, 
the favourite sanctuary of a shameful idolatry. At the very spot which 
was notorious throughout the world for that which the Gospel forbids and 
destroys, — there, before he sailed for Perga, having achieved his victory, 
the Apostle erected his trophy,' — as Moses, when Amalek was discom- 

» 1 Cor. XV. 9. » Eph. iii. 8. 

3 Paulus was the cognomen of a family of the Gens Emilia. The stemma is given 
In Smith's Dictionary of Classical Biography, under Paulus .^Emilius. The name must 
of course have been given to the first individual who bore it from the smaMness of hia 
Btature : it is a contraction of Pauxillus : see Donaldson's Varronianus. It should be 
observed, that both Malalas and Nicephorus (quoted above) speak of St. Paul as short 
of stature. 

* nor. I. Od. xii. 37. Acta xx. 2-i. Compare Phil. iii. 8. 

5 Compare the case of Josephus, alluded to above, p. 4G. 

<^ Acts xiii. 9. 

7 Sec the words of Jerome quote<l above, p, 151, n. 3. "Victoria} suas tropwa rcto- 
Vtt, erexitque vexillum.'' 


fited, " built an altar, and called the name of it Jeliovali-Mssi, — the Lord 
my Banner." ' 







nAT02 KAeiEP£22EN- IB. 

nfscFjpnox rorjro at ctrium, Df Ci'-'rus* 

1 Exod. xvu. 15. 

' Bocckh. Corpus Inscriptionum (No. 2632). This inscription has been selected 
because of its allusion to the Emperor Claudius. The year is 52 a. u. c. 805. Of the 
two proconsuls here mentioned, Julius Cordus and L. Annius Eassus, the former ia 
mentioned in another inscription (No. 2631, found at Citium). See the inscriptions 
and other evidence collected by En^rel in his work on Cyprus. Kypros. Berlin, 1843, 
I. pp. 459-463. 

OLD A]ST) NEW ?APn08. 



" Paulus prtcco Dei, qui fera gentium 
Primus corda sacro perdorauit stilo, 
Christum per populos ritibus asperis 
Immanes placido dogmate seminat." 

Prudextius, Coiv, Symm. VrmL 









The bauuer of the Gospel was now displayed on the coasts of the heathen 
The glad tidings had " passed over to the isles of Chittim," ' and had found 
a willing audience in that island, which, in the vocabulary of the Jewish 
Prophets, is the representative of the trade and civilisation of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea. Cyi^rus was the early meeting-place of the Oriental and 
Greek forms of social life. Originally colonised from Phoenicia, it waa 
successively subject to Egypt, to Assyria, and to 
Persia ; the settlements of the Greeks on its 
shores had begun in a remote period, and their 
influence gradually advanced, till the older Imks 
of connection were entirely broken by Alexan- 
der and his successors. But not only in politi- 
cal and social relations, by the progress of con- 
quest and commerce, was Cyprus the meeting- 
place of Greece and the East, Here also their 
forms of idolatrous worship met and became 

1 Tlie general notion intended by the phrases " isles" and "coasts" of "Chittim," 
Bcems to have been " the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean to the west and north- 
west of Judaea." Numb. xxiv. 24. Jer. ii. 10. Ezek. xxvii. 6. See Gen. x. 4, T). IsaL 
xxiii. 1. Dan. xi. 30. But primarily the name is believed to have been comiected 
with Citium (see note 2, p. 154), which was a Phoenician colony. See Gesenius, under 
3i£n3. Epiphaniuc (himself a Cyprian bishop) says, Khiov fi KvTzpiuy vmnr •calnrai' 
£Iticl yap Kv-pioi. Hair. xxx. 25. 

From the Britiah Museum : see below, p. 156, n. 7. 



blended together. Paphos was, indeed, a sanctuary of Greek religion : on 
this shore the fabled goddess first landed, when she rose from the sea :' thia 
was the scene of a worship celebrated in the classical poets, from the age of 
Homer,^ down to the tune when Titus, the son of Vespasian, visited the spot 
with the spirit of a heathen pilgrim, on his way to subjugate Judaa.^ But 
the polluted worship was originally introduced from Assyria or Phoenicia : ■• 
the Oriental form under which the goddess was worshipped, is represented 
on Greek coins : * the Temple bore a curious resemblance to those of As- 
tarte at Carthage or Tyre : " and Tacitus pauses to describe the singular- 
ity of the altar and the ceremonies, before he proceeds to narrate the cam- 
paign of Tiius/ And here it was that we have seen Christianity firmly 
established by St. Paul, — in the very spot where the superstition of Syi'ia 
had perverted man's natural veneration and love of mystery, and where 
the beautiful creations of Greek thought had administered to what Atha- 
nasius, when speaking of Paphos, well describes as the " deification of lust." ^ 
The Paphos of the poets, or Old Paphos, as it was afterwards called, 
was situated on an eminence at a distance of nearly two miles from the 
sea. JYew Paphos was on the sea-shore, about ten miles to the north.^ 
But the old town still remained as the sanctuary which was visited by 

' Deam ipsam conceptam mari hue appulsam. Tac. Hist. ii. 3. See P. Mela, ii. 7. 

" Odyss. viii. 3G2. See Eurip. Bacch. 400. Vii-g. ^n. i. 415. Hor. Od. i. xxx 
Lucan. Phars. viii. 456. 

3 Tac. Hist. ii. 2-4. Compare Suet. Tit. 5. Tacitus speaks of magniucent offerings 
presented by liings and others to the temple at Old Paphos. 

■« Pausanias traces the steps of the worship from Assyria to Paphos and Phoenicia, 
and ultimately to Cythera. Attic, xiv. G. Tacitus connects Cilicia with some of the 
religious observances. 

5 See below, n. 7. e Sec Miiller's Archaologie, § 239 (p. 29S). 

7 Sanguinem arse obfundere vetitum : precibus et igne puro altaria adolentur, nee 
uUis imbribus, quanquam in aperto, madcscunt. Simulacrum Deaj non effigie humana, 
continuus orbis latiore i nitio tenuem in ambitum metse modo exsurgens: et ratio* in 
obscuro. Tac. H. ii. 3. See ilax. Tyr. lIa(pioig tj fisv 'AcppodcTTj rug -iiiHg Ix^i • rd 
6t uyalfia. ovk uv ELKacaig okTiu to) t} nvpa/iidi AEvny, rj 61 vl.rj uyvodTai. Diss. viii. 8. 
Also Clem. Alex. Coh. ad Gentes. m. iv. 

8 He is alluding to the worship of Venus at Paphos, and says : ttjv inLdvfiiav ■deo- 
KOLTjCjavTeg TrpoGKvvovaiv. Athan. Cont. Gra^cos, p. 10, ed. Col. 1686. Compare 
Arnob. v. 19. 

9 Or rather the north-west. See the Chart, which is due to the kindness of Captair 
Graves. R. N. The words of Strabo are : EW ij 'n.d(pog .... h/iiva txovaa .... 
6iixei 6s Trefj/ aradiovg e^tj/iovra -'ig Ila?Lai.nd(pov • Kal TravTjyvpi^ovat dcH T7/g ddoC 
TavTTjg kgt' sTog sTil tt/v lla7\, apdpeg ofiov yvvai^lv tK tuv oKkuv woTieuv 
avviovTcg. xiv. 6. The following is an extract from some MSS. notes by Captain 
Graves : -Kouklia (Old Paphos) is three hours' ride from Ktema (near New Paphos) 
along a bridle-path, with corn-fields on either side. The ruins are extensive, particu- 
larly a Cyclopean wall . . . with inscriptions of an early date. There are also very 
exi,ensive catacombs." The Pent. Table makes the distance eleven miles. Forbiger 
(Alte Geographie, iii. 1049) says incorrectly, that Old Paphos wa.s according to Strabq 
Hxty Btadia " weitw landeinwarts " from New Paphos. 

PAPHOS. 157 

heathen pilgrims ; profligate processions, at stated seasons, crowded tlie 
road between the two towns, as they crowded the road between Autioch 
and Daphne (p. 125) ; and small models of the mysterious image ^ were 
sought as eagerly by strangers as the little " silver shrines " of Diana at 
Ephesus,^ Doubtless the position of the old town was an illustration of 
the early custom, mentioned by Thucydides, of building at a safe distance 
from the shore, at a time when the sea was infested by pirates ; and the 
new town had been estabhshed in a place convenient for commerce, when 
navigation had become more secure. It was situated on the verge of a 
plain, smaller than that of Salamis, and watered by a scantier stream 
than the Pediasus (see p. 139). Not long before the visit of Paul and 
Barnabas it had been destroyed by an earthquake. Augustus had rebuilt 
it, and from him it had received the name of Augusta, or Sebaste.^ But 
the old name still retained its place in popular usage, and has descended to 
modern times. The " Paphos " of Strabo, Ptolemy, and St. Luke,"* be- 
came the "Papho" of the Yenetians and the "Baffa-"' of the Turks. A 
second series of Latin ^ architecture has crumbled into decay. Mixed up 
with the ruins of palaces and churches are the poor dwellings of the Greek 
and Mahomedan inhabitants, partly on the beach, but chiefly on a low 
ridge of sandstone rock, about two miles ° from the ancient port, for the 

1 See the story in Athenaeus, xv. 18. 'O 'Hpocrrparof, e/xiropia xpt^lJ-^vog koI jwpav 
KoTJkfjV TvepirrMuv, Trpoccrjtjv Trore Kal Jlddu tJ/c Kv'^pov, uya/./xdriov 'K(ppo6iTri^ 
anidaiualov, upxalov t?; rexvy, uvrjadjiEvo^, riei ^epuv elg 'NuvKpariv, k. t. A. The 
narrative goes on to say that the merchant was saved by the niii'aculous image from 

' Acts XLX. 24. 

3 "We learn this from Dio Cassias. Ila<pioic gekj/kj ■novrjoaai Kal xpw^Ta ix'^P^'^^''''^ 
Kal T7/V ■n6?uv Avyovarav Ka7^Elv, Kara doy/ua ETrerpe^e, liv. 23. See also Seuec. Ep. 91. 
N. Q. vi. 26. The Greek form Sebaste, instead of Augusta, occurs in an inscription 
found on the spot, which is further interesting as containing the name of another 
Paulus. MapKca ^lTiittttov -dvyarpi, uvnpLa Kaiaapog ■&eov ^ECaarov, y'vvaucl Tlav?.ov 
^aUov Ma^inov, HEOaar^g Udcpov 7] Kal 6 drj/iog, Boeckh. No. 2629. So Antioch 
In Pisidia was called CiEsarea. See below, p. 170. 

* Strab. xiv. G. Ptol. v. 14, 1. 

s The following passage from a traveller about the time of the Reformation, is a 
curious instance of the changes of meaning which the same words may undergo. 
'' Paphos ruinis plena videtur, templis tamon frequeng, inter quas Latina sunt praeetan- 
tiora, in quibus ritu Romano divina peraguntur, et Gallorum legibus vivitur." Itin. 
Ilieros. Bartici. de-Salignaco, 1587. 

" This is the distance between the Ktema and the Marina given by Captain Graves. 
In Purdy's Sailing Directions (p. 251), it is stated to be only half a mile. Captain 
Graves says : " In the vicinity are numerous ruins and ancient remains ; but when so 
many towns have existed, and so many have severally been destroyed, all must be left 
to conjecture. A number of columns broken and much mutilated are lying about, and 
some sul)stantial and well-built vaults, or rather subterraneous communications, under 
a hill of slight elevation, are pointed out by the guides as the remains of a temple dedi- 
cated to Venus. Then there are numerous excavations in the sandstone hills, which 
probably served at various periods the double purpose of habitations and tombs. Sev« 


marsli, which once formed the limit of the port, makes the shore auhealthj 
during the heats of summer by its noxious exhalations. One of the most 
singular features of the neighbourhood consists of the curious caverns ex- 
cavated in the rocks, which have been used both for tombs and for dwell- 
ings. ' The port is now almost blocked up, and affords only shelter for 
boats. " The Venetian stronghold, at the extremity of the "Western mole, 
is now fast crumbling into ruing. The mole itself is broken up, and every 
year the massive stones of which it was constructed are rolled over 
from their original position into the port." ' The approaches to the har- 
bour can never have been very safe, in consequence of the ledge of rocks " 
which extends some distance into the sea. At present, the eastern en- 
trance to the anchorage is said to be the safer of the two. The western, 
under ordinary circumstances, would be more convenient for a vessel dear 
ing out of the port, and about to sail for the Gulf of Pamphyha. 

We have remarked in the last chapter, that it is not difficult to imag- 
ine the reasons which induced Paul and Barnabas, on their departure from 
Seleucia, to visit first the island of Cyprus. It is not quite so easy to give 
an opinion upon the motives which du'ected their course to the coast of 
Pamphylia, when they had passed through the native island of Barnabas, 
from Salamis to Paphos. It might be one of those circumstances which we 
call accidents, and which, as they never influence the actions of ordinary men 
without the predetermining direction of Divine Providence, so were doubt- 
less used by the same Providence to determine the course even of Apos- 
tles. As St. Paul, many years afterwards, joined at Myra that vessel 
in which he was shipwrecked,^ and then was conveyed to Puteoli in a 
ship which had accidentally wintered at Malta * — so on this occasion there 
might be some small craft in the harbour at Paphos, bound for the oppo- 
site gulf of Attaleia, when Paul and Barnabas were thinking of their 
future progress. The distance is not great, and frequent communication, 
both political and commercial, must have taken place between the towns of 
Pamphyha and those of Cyprus.^ It is possible that St. Paul, having 

eral monasteries and churches now in ruins, of a low Gothic architecture, are more 
easily identified ; but the crumbling fragments of the sandstone with which they are 
constructed, only add to the incongruous heap around, that now covers the palace of 
the Paphian Venus." — MS. note by Captain Graves, R. N. 

' Captain Graves. MS. 

* " A great ledge of rocks lies in the entrance to Papho, extending about a league ; 
you may sail in either to the eastward or westward of it, but the eastern passage is the 
n-idest and best." Purdy, p. 251. The soundings may be seen in our copy of Captain 
Graves' Chart. 

3 Acts xxvli. 5, 6. ■* Acts xxviii. 11-13. 

5 And perhaps Paphos more especially, as the seat of government. At present 
Khalandri (Gulnar), to the south-east of Attaleia and Perga, is the port from which 
the Tatars from Constantinople, conveying government despatches, usually cross tc 
Cyprus. Sec Purdy, p. 245, and the reference to Irby and Mangles. 


already preached the Gospel in Cilicia/ might wish now to extend it 
among those districts which lay more immediately contiguous, and the pop- 
ulation of which was, in some respects, similar to that of his native pro- 
vince.^ He might also reflect that the natives of a comparatively unso- 
phisticated district might be more likely to receive the message of salva- 
tion, than the inhabitants of those provinces which were more completely 
penetrated with the corrupt civilisation of Greece and Rome. Or his 
thoughts might be turning to those numerons famiUes of Jews, whom he 
well knew to be settled in the great towns beyond Mount Taurus, such asr 
Antioch in Pisidia, and Iconium in Lycaonia, with the hope that his Mas- 
ter's cause would be most successfully advanced among those Gentiles, who 
flocked there, as everywhere, to the worship of tlie synagogue. Or, 
finally, he may have had a direct revelation from on high, and a vision, 
like that which had already appeared to him in the Temple,^ or like that 
which he afterwards saw on the confines of Europe and Asia,-* may have 
directed the course of his voyage. Whatever may have been the calcula- 
tions of his own wisdom and prudence, or whatever supernatural intima- 
tions may have reached him, he sailed, with his companions Barnabas and 
John, in some vessel, of which the size, the cargo, and the crew, are un- 
known to us, past the promontories of Drepanum and Acamas, and theu 
across the waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving on the right the cliffs * 
which are the western boundary of Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the 
bay of Attaleia. 

This bay is a remarkable feature in the shore of Asia Minor, and it is 
not without some important relations with the history of this part of the 
world. It forms a deep indentation in the general coast-line, and is bor- 
dered by a plain, which retreats itself Uke a bay into the mountains. 
From the shore to the mountains, across the widest part of the plain, the 
distance is a journey of eight or nine hours. Three principal rivers inter- 
sect this level space : the Catarrhactes, which falls over the sea-cliffs near 
Attaleia, in the waterfalls which suggested its name ; and farther to the 
east the Oestrus and Eurymedon, which flow by Perga and Aspendus to a 
low and sandy shore. About the banks of these rivers, and on the open 
waters of the bay, whence the eye ranges freely over the ragged mountain 
summits which inclose the scene, armies and fleets had engaged in some of 
those battles of which the results were still felt in the day of St. Paul. 
From the base of that steep shore or\ the west^ where a rugged knot of 
mountains is piled up into snowy heights above the rocks of Phasclis, the 

> See pp. 104-106 and 117. 

• Strabo's expression is, 01 TlufKpvloi, ttoAi) tov KlIikiov (^vlov /lerexovrec, xii. 7. 

» Acts xxii. 17-21. See p. 10-1. ■» Acts xvi. 9. 

5 About C. Anamour (Anemuriura, the southernmost point of Asia Minor), and 
Alaya (the ancient Coraccsium), there arc cliffs of 500 and GOO feet high. See Piirdy, 
p. 244. Compare oui' Map of the N E. corner of the Mediterranean. 



anited squadron of the Romans aud Rhodians sailed across the bay iu the 
year 190 b.c. ; and it was in rounding that promontory near Side on the 
east, that they caught sight of the fleet of Antiochus, as they came on by 
the shore with the dreadful Hannibal on board.^ And close to the same 
spot where the Latin power had defeated the Greek king of Syria, an- 
other battle had been fought at an earlier period, in which the Greeks 
gave one of their last blows to the retreating force of Persia, aud the 
Athenian Cimon gained a victory both by land and sea ; thus winning, 
according to the boast of Plutarch, in one day the laurels of Platsea and 
Salamis.'^ On that occasion a large navy sailed up the river Eurymedon 
as far as Aspendus. Now, the bar at the mouth of the river would make 
this impossible.3 The same is the case with the river Oestrus, which, 
Strabo says, was navigable in his day for sixty stadia, or seven miles, to 
the city of Perga.'' Ptolemy calls this city an inland town of Pamphylia ; 
but so he speaks of Tarsus in Oilicia.^ And we have seen that Tarsus, 
though truly called an inland town, as being some distance from the coast, 
was nevertheless a mercantile harbour. Its relation with the Cydnus waa 
similar to that of Perga with the Oestrus ; - and the vessel which brought 
St. Paul to win more glorious victories than those of the Greek and Ro- 
man battles of the Eurymedon, — came up the course of the Oestrus to her 
moorings near the Temple of Diana. 

All that Strabo tells us of this city is that the Temple of Diana was 
on an eminence at some short distance, and that an annual festival waa 
held in honour of the goddess.^ The chief associations of Perga are with 


1 The doscription in Livy is as vivid as if it proceeded from an eye-witness : " In 
confinio Lycire et Pamphylias Phaselis est : prominet penitus in altum, conspiciturque 
prima terrarum Ehodum a Cilicia petentibus, et procul navium praebet prospectum 
.... Postquam superavere Rhodii promontorium, quod ab Sida prominet in altum, 
extemplo et conspecti ab hostibus sunt, et ipsi eos viderunt." xxxvii. 23. Compare the 
English Sailing Directions. 

' Plut. Cim. 3 See Beaufort's Karamania, p. 135. 

* 'Eld' 6 Ktarpog iroTajjibq, ov uvaTiTievaavTC cradiovg k^TjKovra HipyT] ■Ko'kiQ. xiv. 4. 

6 Perga is reckoned among the lla/x(pv7iiag fieaojEioi. Ptol. v. 5, 7. So TarerJ 
among the KOuKiac f^sooy. v. 8, 7. 

6 liJ.rjalov inl fiereupov Toirov rd tT/c liepyaiaQ 'Aprt'/uiSog lepuv, iv w Ttav^yvpn 
Kai' EToc cvvTe\elTai, xiv. 4 ^ From the British Museum. 



the Greek rather than the Roman period: and its existing rerr^iua are 
described as being " purely Greek, there being no trace of any later in- 
habitants." ' Its prosperity was probably arrested by the building of A^ 
taleia ' after the death of Alexander, in a more favourable situation on 
the shore of the bay. Attaleia has never ceased to be an important town 
since the day of its foundation by Attains Philadelphus. But when the 
traveller pitches his tent at Perga, he finds only the encampments of 
shepherds, who pasture their cattle amidst the ruins. These ruins are 
walls and towers, columns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken 
aqueduct encrusted with the calcareous deposit of the Pamphylian streams, 
and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Nothing else 
remains of Perga, but the beauty of its natural situation, " between and 
upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive valley in front, watered by 
the river Oestrus, and backed by the mountains of the Taurus." ^ 

The coins of Perga are a lively illustration of its character as a city of 
the Greeks. We have no memorial of its condition as a city of the Ro- 
mans ; nor does our narrative require us to delay any longer in describing 
it. The Apostles made no long stay in Perga. This seems evident, not 
only from the words used at this point of the history,' but from the marked 
manner in which we are told that they did stay,^ on then* return from the 
interior. One event, however, is mentioned as occurring at Perga, which, 
though noticed incidentally and in a few words, was attended with painful 
feelings at the time, and involved the most serious consequences. It must 
have occasioned deep sorrow to Paul and Barnabas, and possibly even 
then some mutual estrangement : and afterwards it became the cause of 
their quarrel and separation.'' Mark " departed from them from Pam- 
phylia, and went not with them to the work." He came with them up 
the Oestrus as far as Perga, but there he forsook them, and, taking ad- 
vantage of some vessel which was sailing towards Palestine, he " returned 
'to Jerusalem," ' which had been his home in earlier years,^ "We are not 
to suppose that this implied an absolute rejection of Ohristianity. A 
soldier who has wavered in one battle may live to obtain a glorious vic- 

' Fellows. See Note 3, [In a letter received from E. Falkener, Esq., Architect, it 
is stated that though the theatre is disposed after the Greek manner, its architectural 
details (as well as those of the stadium) are all Roman.] 

' Acts xiv. 25, 

3 This description is quoted or borrowed from Sir C. Fellow's " Asia Minor, 18S9," 
pp. 190-193. Gen. Kohlcr appears to have seen these ruins in 1800, on "a large and 
rapid stream " between Stavros and Adalia, but without identifying them with Perga. 
Leake's Asia Minor, p. 132. See Cramer, ii. 280. 

* AiE?i.06vTeg uTrd ri'/c Htpyrig, xiii. 14. On their return it is said, ^leWovte^ t^v 
Iliaidiav, xiv. 24, Similarly, a rapid journey is implied in (ho^evaavTeg rijv A. koI A, 
xvii, 1. 

* AaTi/jGavTEg kv Iltp}'?/ ruv Xuyov, KariCrjaav, k. t. a. xiv 25. 

« Acts XV. 37-39. - Acts xiiL 13. » Acts xiL 12, 25 

VOL. I. — 11 


tory. Mark was afterwards not unwilling to accompany the Apostles on 
a second missionary journey ; and actually 'did accompany Baruabaa 
again to Cyprus." Nor did St. Paul always retain his unfavourable judg- 
ment of him (Acts xv. 38), but long afterwards, in his Roman imprison- 
ment, commended him to the Colossians, as one who was " a fellow- 
worker unto the kingdom of God," and " a comfort" to himself : - and in 
liis latest letter, just before his death, he speaks of him again as one 
" profitable to him for the ministry." ^ Yet if we consider all the circum- 
stances of his life, we shall not find it difficult to blame his conduct in 
Pamphylia, and to see good reasons why Paul should afterwards, at An- 
tioch, distrust the steadiness of his character. The child of a rehgious 
mother, who had sheltered in her house the Christian disciples in a fierce 
persecution, he had joined himself to Barnabas and Saul, when they trav- 
elled from Jerusalem to Antioch, on their return from a mission of charity. 
He had been a close spectator of the wonderful power of the religion of 
Christ, — he had seen the strength of faith under trial in his mother's 
fiome, — he had attended his kinsman Barnabas in his labours of zeal and 
love, — he had seen the word of Paul sanctioned and fulfilled by miracles, — 
he had even been the "minister"" of Apostles in their successful enter- 
prize : * and now he forsook them, when they were about to proceed 
through greater difficulties to more glorious success. We are not left in 
doubt as to the real character of his departure. He was drawn from the 
work of God by the attraction of an earthly home.'^ As he looked up 
from Perga to the Gentile mountains, his heart failed him, and turned 
back with desire towards Jerusalem. He could not resolve to continue 
persevering, " in journeyings often, in perils of rivers, in perils of 
robbers." ' 

" Perils of rivers " and " perils of robbers" — these words express the 
very dangers which St. Paul would be most likely to encounter on hia 
journey from Perga in Pamphylia to Antioch in Pisidia. The lawless and 
raaurauding habits of the population of those mountains which separate 
the table-land in the interior of Asia Minor from the plains on the south 
coast, were notorious in all parts of ancient history.* Strabo uses the 
same strong language both of the Isaurians ^ who separated Ca^^padocia 
from Cilicia, and of their neighbours the Pisidians, whose native forti^ess- 
es were the barrier between Phrygia and Pamphylia.^ We have tha 

' Acts. XV. 37. » Acts xv. 39. ^ Col. iv. 10. 

•" 2 Tim. iv. 11. ^ See Acts xiii. 5. 

'■ Matthew Henry pithily remarks : " Either he did not like the work, or he wanted 
to go and see his mother." 

7 2 Cor. xi. 26. 

» See p. 20. 

• Of Isauria he says, TnjcriJv airaaai KaroiKiqu xii. 6. Of the Pisidians he says tha^ 
taSi-rto oi Ki'MKer, ?.yorpiKQc IjCKrivrai. lb. 7. He adds that even the Pamphylian& 


Kame character of the latter of these robber tribes in Xenophon, who is 
the first to mention them ; ' and in Zosimus, who relieves the history of 
the later empire by telliug us of the adventures of a robber chief, who 
defied the Romans and died a desperate death in these mountains." Alex- 
ander the Great, when he heard that Memnon's fleet was in the ^geaOj 
and marched from Perga to rejoin Parmcuio in Phrygia, found some of 
the worst difficulties of his whole campaign in penetrating through t^us 
district-^* The scene of one of the roughest campaigns connected with the 
wars of Antiochus the Great was among the hill-forts near the upper 
waters of the Oestrus and Eurymedon.-* Xo population through the midst 
of which St. Paul ever travelled, abounded more in those " perils of rob- 
bers," of which he himself speaks, than the wild and lawless claims of the 
Pisidian Highlanders. 

And if on this journey he was exposed to dangers from the attacks of 
men, there might be other dangers, not less imminent, arising from the 
natural character of the country itself. To travellers in the East there is 
a reality in " perils of rivers," which we in England are hardly able to 
understand. Unfamiliar with the sudden flooding of thirsty water-courses, 
we seldom comprehend the full force of some of the most striking images 
in the Old and Xew Testaments.^ The rivers of Asia Minor, like all the 
rivers in the Levant, are liable to violent and sudden changes.^ And no 
district in Asia Minor is more singularly characterised by its " water 
floods " than the mountainous tract of Pisidia, where rivers burst out at 
the bases of huge cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines. 
The very notice of the bridges in Strabo, when he tells us how the Oestrus 

" though living on the sonth side of Taurus, had not quite given up their robber habits 
and did not always allow their neighbours to live in peace." 

1 Xen. Anab. i. i. 11. ix. 9. in. ii. 14. 

' His name was Lydius — to yhog 'laavpoc, hredpanuho^ ry cvv^det hiazEia. Zos. 
pp. 59-Cl, in the Bonn Ed. The scene is at Cremna. See the Map. Compare what 
Zosimus says of the robbers near Selge, 2G5. The beautiful story of St. John and the 
robber (Euseb. Eccl. Hist. iii. 23) will natui-ally occur to the reader. See also the 
frequent mention of Isaurian robbers in the latter part of the life of Chrysostom, pre- 
fixed to the Benedictine edition of his works. 

3 See the account of Arrian, i. 27, 28, and especially the notices of Selge and Saga- 
lassus ; and compare the accounts of these cities by modern travellers, P. Lucas, Arun- 
del, and Fellows. 

•« Sec especially the siege of Selge by Achaeus in Polybius, v. 72-77. Compare (he 
account of Sagalassus in the narrative of the Campaign of Maulius. Liv. xxxviii. 15, 
and see Cramer's Asia Minor. 

s Thus the true meaning of 2 Cor. xi. 2G is lost in the English translation. Similarly, 
in the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. vii. 25, 27), Tvorafiui is translated " floods," and the 
image confused. See Ps. xxxli. 6. 

6 The crossing of the Ualys by Croesus (Herod, i. 75) is an illustration of the difficul- 
tios presented by the larger rivers of Asia Minor. Vonones, when attempting to escape 
from Cilicia (Tac. Ann. il. 68), lost his life in consequence of'^not l>eing able to croai 
♦he Pyramus. 



aud Eurymedou tumble down from the lieiglits and precipices of Selge t<j 
the Pamphylian Sea, is more expressive than any elaborate description.' 
We cannot determine the position of any bridges which the Apostle may 
have crossed, but his course was never far from the channels of these two 
rivers : and it is an interesting fact, that his name is still traditionally 
connected with one of them, as we learn from the information recently 
given to an English traveller by the Archbishop of Pisidia.^ 

Such considerations respecting the physical peculiarities of the country 
now traversed by St. Paul, naturally lead us into various trains of thought 
concerning the scenery, the climate, and the seasons.^ And there are cer- 
tain probabilities in relation to the time of the year when the Apostle may 
be supposed to have journeyed this way, which may well excuse some re- 
marks on these subjects. And this is all the more allowable, because we 
are absolutely without any data for determining the year in which this 
first missionary expedition was undertaken. All that we can assert with 
confidence is that it must have taken place somewhere in the interval be- 
tween the years 45 and 50.'' But this makes us all the more desk-ous to 
determine, by any reasonable conjectures, the movements of the Apostle 
in reference to a better chronology than that which reckons by successive 
years, — the chronology which furnishes us with the real imagery round 
liis path, — the chronology of the seasons, 

Xow we may well suppose that he might sail from Seleucia to Salamis 
at the beginning of spring. In that age and in those waters, the com- 
mencement of a voyage was usually determined by the advance of the sea- 
son. The sea was technically said to be " open" in the month of March.^ 

I T^v X'^po.v ~)jv 'LaTiyiuv opeivfjv Kprj/ivciv Kul X^PO'^P'^'^ ovanv TrXr/pj], df ttoiovoiv 
aAAot re Trorafiot, Koi 6 'Evpvfiiduv, Koi 6 Kearpog, utto tuv "ZeXyiKuv dpQv elg rrjv 
Ila/KpvTilav inniwrovreg ■&a%aTTav ' yei^vpaL 6' trnKELVTaL ratg odolg. Strabo, xii. 7. 

* " About two hours and a half from Isbarta, towards the south-east, is the village 
of Sav, where is the source of a river called the Sav-Sou. Five hours and a half be- 
yond, and still towards the south-east, is the village of Paoli {St. Paul), and here the 
river, which had continued its course so far, is lost in the mountains, &c." Arundell's 
Asia, Minor, vol. ii. p. 31. Isbarta is near Sagala&sus. The river is probably the Eury- 
medon. See Arundell's Map in the first volume. 

3 The descriptive passages which follow are chiefly borrowed from " Asia Minor, 
1839," and "Lycia, 1841," by Sir C. Fellows, and "Travels in Lycia, 1847," by 
Lieutenant Spratt, R. N., and Professor E. Forbes. The writer desires also to acknowl- 
edge his obligations to various travellers, especially Professor Forbes, Mr. Falkener, 
aud Dr. Wolfif. 

■» See "Wieaeler, pp. 222-226. Anger, pp. 188, 189. The extent of the interval ii 
much the same on Mr. Greswell's system (Diss. vol. iv. p. 138) ; on that of Mr. 
Browne (Ordo Sax;lorum, p. 120) somewhat less. 

* Ex dia tertio iduum Novembrls, usque in diem sextum iduum Martiarum, maris 
clauduntur. Nam lux minima noxque prolLxa, nubium densitas, aeris obscuritas, ven- 
terum imbrium, vel nivlum gemlnata sajvitia. Vegetius, quoted in Smith's " Ship- 
wreck. &c.," p. 45. See Hor. Od. i. iv. m. vii. 


If St. Paul began his journey in that month, the lapse of two months 
might easily bring him to Perga, and allow sufficient time for all that we 
are told of his proceedings at Salamis and Paphos. If we suppose him to 
have been at Perga in May, this would have been exactly the most na- 
tural time for a journey to the mountains. Earher in the spring, tho 
passes would have been filled with snow.' In the heat of summer the 
weather would have been less favourable for the journey. In the autumn 
the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the approaching dif- 
ficulties of winter. But again, if St. Paul was at Perga in May, a further 
reason may be given why he did not stay there, but seized all the advan- 
tages of the season for prosecuting his journey to the interior. The habita 
of a people are always determined or modified by the physical peculiarities 
of tlicir country ; and a custom prevails among the inhabitants of this part 
of Asia Minor, which there is every reason to believe has been unbroken 
for centuries. At the beginning of the hot season they move up from the 
the plains to the cool basin-like hollows on the mountains. These yailahs 
or summer retreats are always spoken of with pride and satisfaction, and 
the time of the journey anticipated with eager delight. When the time 
arrives, the people may be seen ascendmg to the upper grounds, men, 
women, and children, with flocks and' herds, camels and asses, like the 
patriarchs of old." If then St. Paul was at Perga in May, he would find 
the inhabitants deserting its hot and silent streets. They would be mov- 
ing in the direction of his own intended journey. He would be under no 
temptation to stay. And if we imagine him as joining ^ some such compa- 

1 " March 4. — The passes to the Yailahs from the upper part of the valley being still 
shut up by suow, we have no alternative but to prosecute our researches amongst the 
low country and valleys which border the coast." — Sp. and F. i. p. 48. The valley 
referred to is that of the Xanthus, in Lycia. 

' ''April 30. — We passed many families en route from Adalia to the mountaifl 
plains for the summer." Sp. and F. i. p. 242. Again, p. 248. {May 3.) See p. 57. 
During a halt in the valley of the Xanthus {May 10), Sir C. Fellows says that an 
almost uninterrupted train of cattle and people (nearly twenty families) passed by. 
" "ffTiat a picture would Landseer make of such a pilgrimage. The sno-ny tops of the 
mountains were seen through the lofty and dark-green fir-trees, terminating in abrupt 

cliffs From clefts in these gushed out cascades . . . and the waters were carried 

away by the wind in spray over the gi-een woods. ... In a zigzag course up the wood 
lay the track leading to the cool places. In advance of the pastoral groups were the 
straggling goats, browsing ou the fresh blossoms of the wild almond as they passed. 
In more steady courses followed the small black cattle . . . then came the f ocks of 
sheep, and the camels . . . bearing piled loads of ploughs, tent-poles, kettles . . . and 
amidst this rustic load was always seen the rich Turkey carpet and damask cushions, 
the pride even of the tented Turk." Lycia, pp. 238, 239. 

» It has always been customary for travellers in Asia Minor, a-s in the patriarchal 
E;ist, to join caravans if possible. So P. Lucas, on his second journey, waited at 
Broussa (ch. 13) ; and on another occasion at Smyrna (ch. 32), for the caravan going 
to Satalia (Attaleia) ; and on a later journey could not leave the caravan to visit soma 
rains between Broussa and Smyrna (i. 134). 


ny of PampbjUan families on Lis way to tbe Pisidian mountains, it gives 
much interest and animation to the thought of tliis part of his progress. 

Perhaps it was in such company that the Apostle entered the first 
passes of the mountainous district, along some road formed partly by arti- 
ficial pavement, and partly by the native marble, with high cliffs frowning 
on either hand, with tombs and inscriptions, even then ancient, on the pro- 
jecting rocks around, and with copious fountains bursting out " among 
thickets of pomegranates and oleanders." ' The oleander, " the favourite 
flower of the Levantine midsummer," abounds in the lower w^atercourses, 
and in the month of May it borders all the banks with a line of brilUant 
crimson.^ As the path ascends, the rocks begin to assume the wilder 
grandeur of mountains, the richer fruit-trees begin to disappear, and the 
pine and walnut succeed ; though the plane-tree still stretches its wide 
leaves over the stream which dashes wildly down the ravine, crossing and 
recrossing the dangerous road.^ The alteration of climate which attends 
on the traveller's progress, is soon perceptible. A few hours will make the 
difference of weeks or even months. When the corn is in the ear on the 
lowlands, ploughing and sowing arc hardly well begun upon the highlands. 

' In ascending from LimjTa, a small plain on the coast not far from Phaselis, Spratt 
and Forbes mention " a rock-tablet with a long Greek inscription . . by the side of an 
ancient paved road, at a spot where numerous and copious springs gush out among 
thickets of pomegranates and oleanders." (i. p. 160.) Fellows, in coming to Attaleia 
from the north, " suddenly entered a pass between the mountains, which diminished in 
width until clitis almost perpendicular inclosed us on either side. The descent became 
BO abrupt that we were compelled to dismount and walk for two hours, during which 
time we continued rapidly descending an ancient paved road, formed principally of the 
native marble rock, but which had been perfected with large stones at a very remote 
age ; the deep ruts of chariot-wheels were apparent in many places. The road is much 
worn by time ; and the people of a later age, diverging from the track, have formed a 
road with stones very inferior both in size and arrangement. About half an hour 
before I reached the plain ... a view burst upon me through the cliffs ... I looked 
down from the rocky steps of the throne of winter upon the rich and verdant plain of 
summer, with the blue sea in the distance. . . . Nor was the foreground without its in- 
terest ; on each projecting rock stood an ancient sarcoj^hagus, and the trees half con- 
cealed the lids and broken sculptures of innumerable tombs." A. M. pp. 174, 175. 
This may very probably have been the pass and road by which St. Paul ascended. P. 
Lucas, on his second voyage (1705), met with a paved road between Buldur and 
Adalia. " Nous commen^ames a remonter, mais pai' un chemin magnlfique et pave de 
longues pierres de marbre blanc." — Ch. xxxiii. p. 310. See Gen. Koehler's Itinerary, 
iu Leake's Asia Minor. "March 20 (16 houis from Adalia). — The two great rangea 
on the west and north of the plains now approach each other, and at length are only 
divided by the passes through which the river finds its way. The road, however, leaves 
this gorge to the right, and ascends the mountain by a paved winding causeway, a 
^ork of great labour and ingenuity. At the foot of it are ruins . . . cornices, capitals, 
Bad fluted columns . . . sai'cophagi, with their covers beside them . . . many with in- 
Bcriptions." p. 134. 

• See the excellent Cbrapter on the Botany of Lycia in Spralt and Forbes, voi. a, 
(^ xiii. 

' See the animated desoriplion of the ascent from Myra in Fellows' Lycia, p. 22L 


Spnng flowers may be seen in the mountains by the very edge of the snow,' 
when the anemone is withered in the plain, and the pink veins in the white 
asphodel flower are shrivelled by the heat. When the cottages are closed 
and the grass is parched, and everything is silent below in the purple haze 
and stillness of midsummer, clouds are seen di'ifting among the Pisidian 
precipices, and the cavern is often a welcome shelter from a cold and pen- 
etrating wind.^ The upper part of this district is a wild region of cliffs, 
often isolated and bare, and separated from each other by valleys of sand, 
which the storm drives with bhnding violence among the shivered points.^" 
The trees become fewer and smaller at every step. Three belts of vegetor 
tion are successively passed through in ascending from the coast : first the 
oak woods, then the forests of pine, and lastly the dark scattered patches 
of the cedar-juniper : •* and then we reach the treeless plains of the interior, 
which stretch in dreary extension to the north and the east. 

After such a journey as this, separating, we know not where, from the 
companions they may have joined^ and often thinking of that Christian 
companion who had withdrawn himself from their society when th< / needed 
him most, Paul and Barnabas emerged from the rugged mountain passes, 
and came upon the central table-land of Asia Minor. The whole interior 
region of the peninsula may be correctly described by this term ; for, 
though intersected in various directions by mountain-ranges, it is, on 
the whole, a vast plateau, elevated higher than the summit of Ben 
Nevis above the level of the sea.* This is its general character, though a 
long journey across the district brings the traveller through many varieties 
of scenery. Sometimes he moves for hours along the dreary margin of an 

' " May 7. — Close to the snow many beautiful plants were in flower, especially Ane- 
mone Appenina, and several species of violet, squill, and fritillary." Sp. and F. i. pi 
281. This was near Cibyra, " the Birmingham of Asia Minor." " May 9. — Ascendiug 
through a winterly climate, with snow by the side of our path, and only the crocus and 
anemones in bloom ... we beheld a new series of cultivated plains to the M-est, being 
tn fact table-lands, nearly upon a level with the tops of the mountains which form the 

eastern boundary of the valley of the Xanthus Descending to the plain, probably 

1000 feet, we pitched our tent, after a ride of 7-2 hours Upon boiling the thermo- 
meter, I found that we were more than 4000 feet above the sea, and cutting down some 
jlead trees, we provided against the coming cold of the evening by lighting three large 
ilres around our encampment." Fell. Lycia, p. 234. This was in descending from 
Almalee, in the great Lyciau yailah, to the south-east of Cibyra. 

• VoT further illustrations of the change of season caused by difference of elevation, 
gee Sp. and F. i. p. 242. Again, p. 293, " Every step led us from spring into summer ;'•* 
nnd the following pages. See also Fellows : " Two months since at Syra the corn was 
beginning to show the ear, whilst hero they have only in a few places now begun to 
plough and sow." A. M. 158. " The corn, which we had the day before seen changing 
colour for the harvest, was here not an inch above the ground, and the buds of the 
bushes were not yet bursting.'' Lycia, p. 226. 

3 See Sp. and F. r. pp. 195-202. Fell. A. M. pp. lC5-i74. Also Sp. and F. n. ch. Lx. 

* Sp. and F. ii. ch. xiii. 

» The yailah of Adalia s 3500 feet above the sea : Sp. and F. i. p. 244. The va«< 


inland s(;a of salt,' — sometimes ho rests in a cheerful hospitable town by 
the shore of a freshwater lake.^ In some places the ground is burnt and 
volcanic, in others green and fruitful. Sometimes it is depressed into 
watery hollows, where wild swans visit the pools, and storks are seen fish- 
ing and feeding among the weeds : ^ more frequently it is spread out into 
the broad open downs, like Salisbury Plain, which afford an interminable 
pasture for flocks of sheep." To the north of Pamphylia, the elevated 
plain stretches through Phrygia for a hundred miles from Mount Olympus 
to Mount Taurus.-" The southern portion of these bleak uplands was 
crossed by St. Paul's track, immediately before his arrival at Antioch, in 
Pisidia. The features of human life wliich he had around him are pro- 
bably almost as unaltered as the scenery of the country, — dreary villages 
with flat-roofed huts and cattle-sheds in the day, and at night an encamj> 
ment of tents of goats' hair, — tents of cilicium (see p. 41), — a blazing fire 
in the midst, — horses fastened around, — and in the distance the moon 
shining on the snowy summits of Taurus.'' 

The Sultan Tareck, or Turkish Royal Road from Adalia to Kiutayah 
and Constantinople, passes nearly due north by the beautiful lake of Bul- 
dur.'' The direction of Antioch in Pisidia bears more to the east. After 
passing somewhere near Selge and Sagalassus, St. Paul approached by 
the margin of the much larger, though perhaps not less beautiful, lake of 
Eyerdir.8 Tl^g position of the city is not far from the northern shore of 
this lake, at the base of a mountain range which stretches through Phrygia 

plain, " at least 50 miles long and 20 wide," soutli of Kiutaya in Phrygia, is about 
6000 feet above the sea. Fell. A. M. p. 155. This may be overstated, but the plain of 
Erzeroum is quite as much. 

1 "We shall have occasion to mention the salt lakes hereafter. 

' The two lakes of Buldur and Eyerdir are mentioned below. Both are described as 
very beautiful. The former is represented in the Map to the south of Lake Ascaaia, 
the latter is the large lake to the south of Antioch. That of Buldur is slightly brakish. 
Hamilton, i. 491:. 

s "March 27 {near Kiutaya). — ^I counted ISO storks fishing or feeding in one small 
ewampy place not an acre in extent. • The land here is used principally for breeding 
and grazing cattle, which are to be seen in herds of many hundreds." Fell. Asia 
Minor, p. 155. " May 8. — The shrubs are the rose, the barbary, and wild almond, but 
all are at present fully six weeks later than those in the country we have lately passed. 
I observed on the lake many stately wild swans, {near Almalee, 3000 feet above the 
sea)."— Fell. Lycia, p. 228. 

•* We shall have occasion to return presently to this character of much of the inte- 
tior of Asia Minor when we come to the mention of Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6). 

» Fellows' Asia Minor, p. 155, &c. 

« See Fellows' Asia Minor, p. 177, and especially the mention of the goats' hair tentA 

' See above, n. 2. 

8 See the descriptions in ArundelPs Asia Minor, ch. xiii., and especially eh. xv. It 
b singular that this sheet of water is unnoticed by the classical writers. Mr. Arundell 
Is of opinion that it is the lake Pusgusa mentioned by Nicetas in his account of the war 
OL John Commcnus with the Turks of Iconium (Bonn. Ed. p. 50). 


in a south-easterly direction. It is, however, not many years since the 
statement could be confidently made. Strabo, indeed, describes its posi- 
tion with remarkable clearness and precision. His words are as follows : — 
" In the district of Phrygia called Paroreia, there is a certain mountain- 
ridge, stretching from east to west. On each side there is a large plaiu 
below this ridge : and it has two cities in its neighbourhood ; Philome- 
lium on the north, and on the other side Antioch, called Antioch near 
Pisidia. The former Hes entirely in the plain, the latter (which has a 
Roman colony) is on a height."' With this description before him, and 
taking into account certain indications of distance furnished by ancient 
authorities, Colonel Leake, who has perhaps done more ^or the elucidation 
of Classical Topography than any other man, felt that Ak-Sher, the posi- 
tion assigned to Antioch by D'Anville and other geographers, could not 
be the true place : Ak-Sher is on the north of the ridge, and the position 
could not be made to harmonise with the Tables.'^ But he was not in 
possession of any information which could lead him to the true position ; 
and the problem remained unsolved till Mr. Arundell started from Smyrna, 
in 1833, with the deliberate purpose of discovering the scene of St. Paul's 
labours. He successfully proved that Ak-Sher is Philomelium, and that 
Antioch is at Jalobatch, on the other side of the ridge. The narrative 
of his successful journey is very interesting : and every Christian ought to 
sympathise in the pleasure with which, knowing that Antioch was seventy 
miles from Apamea, and forty-five miles from ApoUonia, he first succeeded 
in identifying Apollonia ; and then, exactly at the right distance, per- 
ceived, in the tombs near a fountain, and the vestiges of an ancient road, 
sure indications of his approach to a ruined city ; and then saw, across 
the plaiu, the remains of an aqueduct at the base of the mountain ; and, 
finally, arrived at Jalobatch, ascended to the elevation described by 
Strabo, and felt, as he looked on the superb ruins around, that he was 
" really on the spot consecrated by the labours and persecution of the 
Apostles Paul and Barnabas." ^ 

The position of the Pisidian Antioch being thus determined by the 
convergence of ancient authority and modern investigation, we perceive 
that it lay on an important line of communication, westward by Apamea 

' 'H Trapupeta opEiVTJv Tiva c;\;ej ()dxiv, uizb rr/c dvarol^c iKTeivo/j.evTjv M dvaiv . 
ravTy 6' eKarepuOev vttoketttuks tI nediov fieya, Kol Tzo'keig ■KArjaiov avrT/c, irpog 
fitv <^iXo/i7j2.iov, Ik -daripov 6i fitpovc 'Avrioxeia, i) Tvpbg Hiacdia KaAavfitrrj ' y flip, h> 
ireiiif} KiLfitvi) TTuaa, i] 6' Lnl ?.6<pov, ixovaa eTvotKiav 'Pufiaiuv. xii. 8. 

* See Leake's Asia Minor, p. 41. Tlac same difficulties were perceived by Manncrt, 
p. 179. 

3 See Arundell's Asia Minor, ch. xii. xiii. xiv. and the view. There is also a view 
in Laborde. Tlie opinion of Mr. Arundell is fully confirmed by Mr. Hamilton. Re- 
Bearches in Asia Minor, vol. i. ch. xxvii. The aqueduct conveyed water to the tov/a 
from the Sultan Dagh (Strabo's dpeivij /Ja^^f). 



with the valley of the Masander, and eastward by Iconium with the coun 
try behind the Taurus. In this general direction, between Smyrna and 
Ephesus on the one hand, and the Cilician Gates which lead down tc 
Tarsus on the other, conquering armies and trading caravans, Persian 
satraps, Roman proconsuls, and Turkish pachas, have travelled for centu- 
ries.' The Pisidian Antioch was situated about half-way between these 
extreme points. It was built (as we have seen in an earlier chapter, IV. 
p. 122) by the founder of the Syrian Antioch ; and in the age of the 
Greek kings of the line of Seleucus it was a town of considerable impor- 
tance. But its appearance had been modified, since the campaigns of 
Scipio and Manlius, and the defeat of Mithridates,'' by the introduction of 
Roman usages, and the Roman style of building. This was true to a 
certain extent, of all the larger towns of Asia Minor : but this change 
had probably taken place in the Pisidian Antioch, more than in many cities 
of greater importance ; for, like Philippi,^ it was a Roman Colo7iia.* 
Without delaying, at present, to explain the full meaning of thife term, we 
may say that the character impressed on any town in the Empire which 
had been made subject to military colonisation was particularly Roman, 
and that all such towns were bound by a tie of peculiar closeness to the 
Mother City. The insignia of Roman power were displayed more con- 
spicuously than in other towns in the same province. In the provinces 
where Greek was spoken, while other towns had Greek letters on their 
coins, the money of the colonies was distinguished by Latin superscriptions. 
Antioch must have had some eminence among the eastern colonies, for it 
was founded by Augustus, and called Caesarea.^ Such coins as those 


• m illustration of this we may refer to the caravan routes and Persian militaiy 
iv^wlE as indicated in Kicppert's Hellas, to Xenophon's Anabasis, to Alexander's cam- 
paign and Cicero's progress, to the invasion of Tamerlane, and the movements of the 
Turkish and Egyptian armies in 1832 and 1833. 

' See p. 14. ^ 3 Acts xvi. 12. 

" 'ExovGa ETToiKiav 'Fu/iaiuv : Strabo xii. 8. Tisidarum colonia Cajsarea, eadem 
Antiochia : Plin. N. H. v. 24. In Pisidia juris Italici est colonia Antiochensium : 
Paulus in Digest. Lib. 1. tit. xv. (de colonis et jure Italico). 

6 We should learn this from the inscription on the coins, COL. C^ES. ANTIOCIILE, 

« From the British Museum. 



COIX !)!■• A.NT. !'I..' 

described and represented on this page, were in circulation here, though 
Dot at Perga or Iconium, when St. Paul visited these cities : and, more 
than at any other city visited on this journey, he would hear Latin spoken 
side by side with the Greek, and the ruder Pisidian dialect." 

Along with this population of Greeks, llomans, and native Pisidians, 
a greater or smaller number of Jews was intermixed. They may not have 
been a very numerous body, for only one synagogue ^ is mentioned in the 
narrative. But it is evident, from the events recorded, that they were an 
influential body, that they had made many proselytes, and that they had 
obtained some considerable dominion (as in the parallel cases of Damascus 
recorded by Josephus,'' and Beroea and Thessalonica in the Acts of the 
Apostles *) over the minds of the Gentile women. 

On the sabbath days the Jews and the proselytes met in the syna- 
gogue. It is evident that at this tune full liberty of public worship was 
permitted to the Jewish people in all parts of the Roman empire, what- 
ever limitations might have been enacted by law or compelled by local 
opposition, as relates to the form and situation of the synagogues. We 
infer from Epiphanius that the Jewish places of worship were often erected 
\n open and conspicuous positions.*' This natural wish may frequently 

if we (lid not learn it from Pliny, quoted in the preceding note. Mr. Hamilton found an 
inscription at Yalobatcli, with the letters ANTIOCH EAE CAESARE. (p. 47-1.) 

1 From the British Museum. 

' Strabo, speaking of Cibyra in Lycia, says, rerrapGi yXuTraiQ ixP^'^'^° "i YLitvparai, 
T^ HiaidLKr), Ty ^oXvfxuv, Tfi 'E?.2.T]iu6i, rij Avduv. xiii. 4. Again, he mentions thirteen 
" barbarous " tribes as opposed to the Greeks, and among these the Pisidians. xiv. 5. 
We shall have to return to this subject of language again, in speaking of the speech of 
Lycaouia." Acts xiv. 11. 

3 See remarks on Salamis, p. 141. 

* The people of Damascus were obliged to use caution in their scheme of assassin- 
ating the Jews ; — idedoLKeaav yup rug kavruv yvvacKac u'^zuoag 7rA7)v d?.lyccv i~rjyfiev^ 
"y 'lovdaiKy -dpTiaKeia., B. J. ii. 20, 2. 

5 Acts xvii. 4. 12. 

6 He is speaking of the synagogue at Nablous, and says : Upocevxvg ronog ev ^iki- 
fiOLr, kv Ty vvvl KaXovfitvy NeaTro/le/, i^u TTJg 7r62,Eug iv ry TreJtaJt ug uirb G7jfi£Luv 6vo, 
•dtarooeLdrig, ovtu^ h dipt Kal aiOpu^j T67r<jj iarl KaTaoK^vaaOelg vizb tuv ^c/JcpetrJv 


have been checked by the influence of the heathen priests, who would not 
willingly see the votaries of an ancient idolatry forsaking the temple for 
the synagogue : and feelings of the same kmd may probably have hindered 
the Jews, even if they had the ability or desire, from erecting religious 
edifices of any remarkable grandeur and sohdity. Ko ruins of the syna- 
gogues of imperial tunes have remained to us, like those of the temples in 
every pre vince, from which we are able to convince ourselves of the very 
form and size of the sanctuaries of Jupiter, Apollo, and Diana. There is 
little doubt that the sacred edifices of the Jews have been modified by 
the architecture of the remote countries through which they have been 
dispersed, and the successive centuries through which they have continued 
a separate people. Under the Roman Empire it is natural to suppose 
that they must have varied, according to circumstances, through all grada- 
tions of magnitude and decoration, from the simple proseucha at Philippi ' 
to the magnificent prayer-houses at Alexandria.^ Yet there are certain 
traditional peculiarities which have doubtless united together by a com- 
mon resemblance the Jewish synagogues of all ages and countries.^ 
The arrangement for the women's places in a separate gallery, or behind 
a partition of lattice-work,'* — the desk in the centre, where the Reader, 
like Ezra in ancient days, from his " pulpit of wood," may " open the 
book in the sight of all the people . . . and read in the book the law of 
God distinctly, and give the sense, and cause them to understand the 
reading," ^ — the carefully closed Ark on the one side of the building near- 
est to Jerusalem, for the preservation of the rolls or manuscripts of the 
Law,^ — the seats all round the building, whence " the eyes of all them 
that are in the synagogue " maybe "fastened" on him who speaks,' — 
the " chief seats," « w^hich were appropriated to the " ruler" or " rulers " of 
the synagogue, according as its organisation might be more or less com- 
ylete,^ and which were so dear to the hearts of those who professed to be 

nuvra ru ruv 'lovdaim' /.n/iov/ievuv. — H?er. Ixsx. 1. Frequently they were built by the 
waterside for the sake of ablution. Compare Acts xvi. 13 with Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 23. 

' A;t3 xvi. 13. The question of the identity or difference of the proseucha and 
tynagogue will be considered hereafter. Probably vrpoGevxv is a general term. See 
Juv. Sat. iii. 296. Joseph. Vit. § 54. We find in Philo the words TrpocEVK-jipiov (de 
Vit. Mos. iii. 685) and avvayuyiov (Legat. p. 1035). 

" See Philo Legat. ad CaL p. 1011. 

3 Besides the worlis referred to in the notes to Ch. K, Allen's " Modern Judaism " 
and Bernard's " Synagogue and Chui-ch " may be consulted with advantage on subjecta 
connected with the synagogue. 

* See Philo, as referred to by "Winer. ^ Nehem. viii. 4-8. 

c This " Armarium Judaicum " is mentioned by Tertullian. De Cultu Foem. i. 3. 

' See Luke iv. 20. 

8 These npuTOKadeSpiai (Mat. xxiii. 6) seem to have faced the rest of the congrega- 
tion. See Jam. ii. 3. 

9 Apxi^ovvayuyog, Luke xiii. 14. Acts xviii. 6. 17. TrpecCvTepot, Luke vii. 3. dp^i' 
(Twayuyoi, Mark v. 22. Acts xiii. 15. Some are of opinion that the smaller sycagogue 


pecuKany learned or peculiarly devout, — tliese are some of the featurea 
of a synagogue, which agree at once with the notices of Scripture, the 
desQriptions in the Talmud, and the practice of modern Judaism, 

The meeting of the congregations in the ancient synagogues may be 
easily realised, if due allowance be made for the change of costume, by 
those who have seen the Jews at their worship in the large towns of 
Modern Europe. On their entrance into the building, the four-cornered 
Tallith ' was first placed like a veil over the head, or like a scarf over the 
shoulders. The prayers were then recited by an officer called the " An- 
gel," or " Apostle," of the Assembly.* These prayers were doubtless 
many of them identically the same with those which are found in the pre- 
sent service-books of the German and Spanish Jews, though their litur- 
gies, in the course of ages, have undergone successive developments, the 
steps of which are not easily ascertained. It seems that the prayers were 
sometimes read in the vernacular language =* of the country where the 
synagogue was built ; but the Law was always read in Hebrew. The 
sacred roll ^ of manuscript was handed from the Ark to the Reader by the 
Cliazan, or "Minister ;"5 and then certain portions were read according 
to a fixed cycle, first from the Law and then from the Prophets. It is 
impossible to determine the period when the sections from these two 
divisions of the Old Testament were arranged as in use at present ; " but 
the same necessity for translation and explanation existed then as now . 
The Hebrew and English are now printed in parallel columns. Then, the 
reading of the Hebrew was elucidated by the Targum or the Septuagint, 
or followed by a paraphrase in the spoken language of the country.'' 
The Reader stood ^ while thus employed, and all the congregation sat 
around. The manuscript was rolled up and retmyied to the Chazan.' 

had one "ruler," the larger many. It is more probable that the "chief ruler" with 
the " elders " formed a congregational council, like the kirlv-session in Scotland. 

1 The use of the Tallith is said to have arisen from the Mosaic commandment direct- 
ing that fringes should be worn on the four corners of the garment. 

* " R. Gamaliel dicit : Legatus ecclesise fungitur officio pro omnibus, et officio hoo 
rite perfunctus omnes ab obligatione liborat." Vitringa, who compares Rev. ii. 1. 

3 See "Winer's Realworterbuch, art. Synagogen. 

* See the words uvaTrrv^ag and nTv^ac, Luke iv. 17, 20. In 1 Mac. iii. 48 the phrase 
is {^eTTsTaaav to jitt'kiov tov v6/iov. 

t' Luke iv. 17, 20. 

* A full account both of the Paraschioth or Sections of the Law, and the Haphtct- 
roth or Sections of the Prophets, as used both by the Portuguese and German Jews, 
may be seen in Home's Introduction, vol. iii. pp. 254-258. 

1 See pp. 35, 36. In Palestine the Syro-Chaldaic language would be used ; in the 
Dispersion, usually the Greek. Lightfoot (Exerc. on Acts) seems to think that the 
Pisidian language was used here. See the passage of Strabo quoted above. 

8 'Aj-'ooraf, Acts xiii. IC. On the other hand, cKudiae is said of Our Lord's Bolemc 
teaching, Luke iv. 20. 

» See Luke iv. 20. 


Then followed a pause, during which strangers or learned men, who had 
" any word of consolation " or exhortation, rose and addressed the meet- 
ing. And thus, after a pathetic enumeration of the sufferings of the 
chosen people ' or an allegorical exposition * of some dark passage of Holy 
Writ, the worship was closed with a benediction and a solemn " Amen." =• 

To such a worship in such a building a congregation came together at 
Antioch in Pisidia, on the sabbath which immediately succeeded the arri- 
Tal of Paul and Barnabas. Proselytes came and seated themselves with 
the Jews : and among the Jewesses behind the lattice were " honourable 
women " ■* of the colony. The two strangers entered the synagogue, and, 
wearing the Tallith, which was the badge of an Israelite,-^ " sat down"*^ 
with the rest. The prayers were recited, the extracts from " the Law 
and the Prophets " were read ; " the " Book " returned to the " Minis- 
ter," ^ and then we are told that " the rulers of the synagogue " sent to 
the new comers, on whom many eyes had already been fixed, and invited 
them to address the assembly, if they had words of comfort or ins-truction 
to speak to their fellow Israelites.^ The very attitude of St. Paul, as he 
answered the invitation, is described to us. He " rose " from his seat, and 
with the animated and emphatic gesture which he used on other occa- 
sions,'" " beckoned with his hand." " 

After thus graphically bringing the scene before our eyes, St. Luke 
gives us, if not the whole speech delivered by St. Paul, yet at least the 
substance of what he said. For into however short a space he may have 
condensed the speeches which he reports, yet it is no mere outline, no dry 
analysis of them which he gives. He has evidently preserved, if not all 
the words, yet the very words uttered by the Apostle ; nor can we fail to 
recognise in all these speeches a tone of thought, and even of expression, 
which stamps them with the individuahty of the speaker. 

On the present occasion we find St. Paul beginning his address by 
connectmg the Messiah whom he preached, with the preparatory dispen- 
sation which ushered in His advent. He dwells upon the previous history 
of the Jewish people, for the same reasons which had led St, Stephen to 

1 The sermon in the synagogue in " Helen's pilgrimage " is conceived in the iwit 
Jewish feeling. Compare the address of St. Stephen. 

' We see how an inspired Apostle uses allegory. Gal. iv. 21-31, 

3 See Neh. viii. 6. 1 Cor. xiv. 16. •* Acts xiii, 50. 

6 "As I entered the synagogue [at Blidah in Algeria], they offered me a Tallith, 
Baying in French, ' Etes-vous Israelite ? ' I could not wear the Tallith, but I opened 
my English Bible and sat down, thinking of Paul and Barnabas at Antioch in Pisidia." 
• — Extract from a private journal. 

« Acts xiii. 14. ' Acts xiii. 15. s Luke iv. 20. 

9 Aoyof irapaKATjaeuc. Acts xiii. 15. 

•t 'E/creiVGf Tyv x^i^oa. Acts xxvi. 1. KaTEceice ry x^^P^ '''V ^°^' ^^i* ^^- ^ 
Xetpcf avrai. xx. 34. 

" Arts xiii. 16. 


do the like in Ms defence before the Sanhedrin. He endeaYOurs to con- 
ciliate the minds of his Jewish audience by proving to them that the Mes- 
siah whom he proclaimed, was the same whereto their own prophets bare 
witness ; come, not to destroy the law, but to fulfil ; and that His advent 
had been duly heralded by His predicted messenger. He then proceeds 
to remove the prejudice which the rejection of Jesus by the authorities 
at Jerusalem (the metropolis of their faith) would naturally raise iu the 
minds of the Pisidiau Jews against His divine mission. He shows that 
Christ's death and resurrection had accomplished the ancient prophecies, 
and declares this to be the "glad tidmg" which the Apostles were 
charged to proclaim. Thus far the speech contains nothing which could 
offend the exclusive spirit of Jewish nationahty. On the contrary, St. 
Paul has endeavoured to carry his hearers with him by the topics on 
which he has dwelt ; the Saviour whom he declares is " a Saviour unto 
Israel ;" the Messiah whom he announces is the fulfiller of the Law 
and the Prophets, But having thus conciUated their feelings, and 
won their favourable attention, he proceeds in a bolder tone, to declare 
the Catholicity of Christ's salvation, and the antithesis between the Gos- 
pel and the Law. His concluding words, as St. Luke relates them, 
might stand as a summary representmg in outline the early chapters of 
the Epistle to the Romans ; and therefore, conversely, those chapters will 
enable us to realise the manner in which St. Paul would have expanded 
the heads of argument which his disciple here records. The speech ends 
with a warning against the bigoted rejection of Christ's doctrine, which 
this latter portion of the address was so likely to call forth. 

The following were the words (so far as they have been preserved to 
us) spoken by St. Paul on this memorable occasion :— 

" Men of Israel, and ye, proselytes of the Gentiles, and Prostrtr 
w.'io worship the God of Abraham, give audience. 

" The God of this people Israel chose onr fathers, God's choice of 

, . , Israel to be Hu 

anJ raised them up into a mio-hty nation, when they veo^^e, ana of 

'■ ^ O J 3 J Darid to be the 

dwelt as strangers in the land of Eijypt ; and with an P''og«Qitor of 

c> o./ i 7 the Messiah. 

high arm brought lie them out therefrom. And 

about the time of forty years, even as a nurse Leareth her child, 

80 bare He them > through the wilderness. And He destroyed 

• The beauty of this metaphor has been lost to the authorized version on account of 
the reading {l:Tpo~o<^6priaev instead of hpo^o<pupr}aev) adopted in the Textus Reccptus. 
Griesbach, Scholz, and Lachman restored the latter reading, on the authority of the 
Uncial MSS., A. C. E. We regret to see that Tischendorf has reinstated the former 
reading (because it has a somewhat greater weight of MSS. of the Greek Testament iu 
Its favour), without taking inio account the evident allusion to Deut. i. .SI where 
'■oodcKpopiiaai. is acknowl idgod to be the correct rcadinT. 


seven nations in the land of Canaan, and gave tlieir land as a 
portion unto His people. And after that He gave unto them 
Judges about the space' of four hundred and fifty years, until 
Samuel the Prophet; then desired they a king, and He gave 
unto them Saul, the son of Cis, a man of the tribe of Benjamin, 
to rule them forty years. And when He had removed SauJ, He 
raised up unto them David to be their king ; to whom also He 
gave testimony, and said : I have found David, the son of Jcsse^ 
a man after my own heart, which shall fulfil all my will.^ Of 
this man's seed hath God, according to His promise, raised untc 
Israel a Saviour Jesus. 

John the Bap- " And Johu was the Tnessenger who went hefore His 
predicted fore- facG ^ to jpre^pare His way hefore Him, and he preach- 
ed the baptism of repentance to all the peoj)le of Is- 
rael. And as John fulfilled his course his ■• saying was, ' Whom 
think ye that I am? I am not He. But behold there 
Cometh one after me whose shoes' latchet I am not worthy to 

The rulers of " Mcu and Brethren, whether ye be children of 
fiiM thT rro- the stock of Abraham, or proselytes of the Gentiles, to 
tag the death you hath bccn scut the tiding of this salvation, which 

of Jesus. "^ . . 

Jerusalem hath cast out : for the inhabitants thereof, 
and their rulers, because they knew Him not, nor yet the voices 
of the j)rophets which are read in their synagogues every Sab- 
bath day, have fulfilled the Scriptures in condemning Him. 
And though they found in Him no cause of death, yet desired 
they Pilate that He should be slain. And when they had ful- 
filled all which was written of Him, they took Him down from 
the tree, and laid Him in a sepulchre. 
^^ resureeo- a J3^^t Q.Q(j raised Him from the dead. 
Attested by " And Hc was seen for many days by them wno 

1 We need not trouble cur readers with the difficulties which have been raised con- 
cerning the chronology of this passage. Supposing it could be proved that St. Paul's 
knowledge of ancient chronology was imperfect, this need not surprise us ; for there 
eeems no reason to suppose (and we have certainly no right to assume a priori) that 
divine inspiration would instruct the Apostles in truth discoverable by uninspired 
research, and non-essential to their religious missioa. 

* Compare Ps. Ixxxix. 20, with 1 Sam. xiii. 14. 

^ Mai. iii. 1, as quoted Mat. xi. 10, not exactly after the LXX., but with irpb '^ptf 
auTTov introduced, as here, according to the literal translation of the Hebrew i^Q^. 

* Observe D-eye not ITie^e, and iTr^TJpov not ^-r'A^npuce. 


came up with Him from Galilee to Jerusalem, who man> witneas- 

■*• en. 

are now • His witnesses to tlie people of Israel.' 

" And while they ^ proclaim it in Jerusalem, we The ciad Tid- 

'^ i- ' ^ ingoitheApo8< 

declare unto you the same Glad Tidino; concernino' ties is the an- 

•/ o o nouncement 

the promise which was made to our fathers ; even re^^re^on^' 
that God hath fulfilled the same unto us their chil- ^^^,g ^""^^^^^ 
dren, in that He hath raised up Jesus from the dead ; •• '^^^• 
as it is also written in the second psalm, Thou art my Son, thid 
day have I 'begotten theeJ" And whereas He hath raised Him 
from the grave, no more to return unto corruption, He hath said 
on this wise, The llessings of David loill I give you, even the 
hlessings which stand fast in holiness.^ Wherefore it is writ- 
ten also in another psalm. Thou shall not suffer thine Holy One 
to see corruption.'' Now David, after he had ministered in his 
own generation to the will of God, fell asleep, and was laid unto 
his fathers, and saw corruption ; but He whom God raised from 
the dead saw no corruption, 

" Be it known unto you, therefore, men and breth- catholicity of 

--,_ .-.- , Christ's salva- 

ren, that through this Jesus is declared unto you the tion. Antithe- 

n • AT- TT- 11 1 1 p • ^ sis between the 

forgiveness of sms. And m Him all who have laith cospeiandthe 

^ _ Law. 

are justified from all transgressions, wherefrom in the 
Law of Moses ye could not b^^justified.^ 

" Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you which pinai earning. 
is spoken in the Prophets, Behold, ye despisers, and 
wonder, and jperish / for I worh a work in your days, a work 
which ye shall in no ivise believe, though a man declare it unto 
you.'' ' 

This address made a deep and thrilling impression on the audience. 
While the congregation were pouring out of tlie synagogue, many of 

I This vi'v, which is here very important, is erroneously omitted by the Textus R©- 

' 'O Aao; always means the Jewish people. 

' Observe r//xei^ vftac, emphatically contrasted with the preceding ohiveg . , . npdi 
Tou ?Mi'i,' (Ilumphyy). 

* 'Avaarri<jac scilicet iK vsKpuv (Do Wette). We cannot agree with Mr. Humphry 
tliat it can here (consistently with the context) have the same meaning as iu vii. 37. 

5 Ts. ii. 7. 

6 Isaiah Iv. 3 ; observe rd uaia, and compare with tuv oacov, which follows. 
' Ps. xvi. 10. 

* "We are here reminded of the arguments of St. Peter on the day of Pentecost, jus! 
as the beginning of the speech rccals that of St. Stephen before the Sanhedriu. Poa 
eibly, St. Paul himself had been an auditor of the first, as he certainly was of the last 

* Ilabak. i. 5. 

vni.. I.— 12 


them ' crowded round the speaker, Legging that " these n-ords," which 
had moved their deepest feelings, might be repeated to them on their next 
occasion of assembling together.^ And when at length the mass of th« 
people had dispersed, singly or in groups, to their homes, many of the 
Jews and proselytes still clung to Paul and Barnabas, who earnestly ex- 
horted them (in the form of expression which we could almost recognise 
as St, Paul's, from its resemblance to the phraseology of his Epistles,) " to 
abide in the grace of God." ^ 

" "With what pleasure can we fancy the Apostles to have observed 
these hearers of the "Word, who seemed to have heard it in such earnest. 
How gladly must they have talked with them, — entered into various points 
more fully than was possible in any public address, — appealed to them in 
various ways which no one can touch upon who is speaking +o a mixed 
multitude. Yet with all their pleasure and their hope, their knowledge 
of man's heart must have taught them not to be over confident ; and 
therefore they would earnestly urge them to continue in the grace of God ; 
to keep up the impression which had already outlasted their stay withm 
the synagogue ; — to feed it, and keep it alive, and make it deeper and 
leeper, that it should remain with them for ever. What the issue was 
7fe know not, — nor does that concern us, — only we may be sure that here, 
as in other instances, there were some in whom their hopes and endeavours 
were disappointed ; there were some in whom they were to their fullest 
extent realised." * 

The intervening week between this Sabbath and the next had not only 
its days of meeting in the synagogue,^ but would give many opportunities 
for exhortation and instruction in private houses ; the doctrine would be 
noised abroad, and, through the proselytes, would come to the hearing of 
the Gentiles. So that " on the following Sabbath almost the whole city 
came together to hear the Word of God." The synagogue was crowded.* 
Multitudes of Gentiles were there in addition to the proselytes. This was 

1 The words rd Idvr} (" Gentiles," Eng. Trans.) in the Textus Receptus have caused 
a great confusion in this passage. They are omitted in the best MSS. The authori- 
ties may be seen in Tischendorf. See below, p. 183, note. 

* It is not quite certain whether we are to understand elg to fiera^v cuC6ttTov (xiii. 
42) to mean " the next Salabath " (like rw ipxofievc) aaSCuTO), v. 44), or some inter- 
mediate days of meeting during the week. The Jews were accustomed to meet in the 
synagogues on Monday and Thursday as well as on Saturday. Rabbinical authoritiea 
attribute this arrangement to Ezra. These intermediate days {Zwischentage) were 
called tl'i'^W'^^l'O 'D'^f2^- Hence the Greek fiera^v, used by the Hellenistic Jews, whicb 
Hesychius explains by /ier* ollyov, iva fiiaov. See SchoTtgen, Horas Hebraieae, and 
Nork's Rabbinische Quellen u. Parallelen, Leips. 1839. 

^ 'E-rrtidov avToUc inifieveiv ry ;t;apt7-( rov Qeov. xiii. 43. Compare Acts TX 21 
I Cor. XV. 10. 2 Cor. vi. 1. Gal. ii. 21. 

* Dr. Arnold's Twenty-fourth Sermon on the Interpretation of Scripture. 

s See above, note 2. ^ Acts xiii. 44. 


more than the Jews could bear. Their spiritual pride and exclusive 
bigotry was immediately roused. They could not endure the notion of 
others being freely admitted to the same religious privileges with them- 
selves. This was always the sin of the Jewish people. Instead of realis- 
ing their position in the world as the prophetic nation for the good of the 
whole earth, they indulged the self-exalting opinion, that God's highest 
blessings were only for themselves. Their oppressions and their disper- 
sions had not destroyed this deeply-rooted prejudice ; but they rather 
found comfort under the yoke, in brooding over their religious isolation : 
and even in their remote and scattered settlements, they clung with the 
utmost tenacity to the feehng of their exclusive nationality. Thus, in the 
Pisidian Antioch, they who on one Sabbath had hstened with breathless 
mterest to the teachers who spo^c to them of the promised Messiah, were 
on the next Sabbath filled with the most excited indignation, when they 
found that this Messiah was " a light to lighten the Gentiles," as well as 
" the glory of His people Israel." They made an uproar, and opposed 
the words of Paul ' with all manner of calumnious expressions, " contra- 
dicting and blaspheming." 

And then the Apostles, promptly recognising in the willingness of the 
Gentiles and the unbelief of the Jews the clear indications of the path of 
duty, followed that bold ^ course which was aUen to all the prejudices of a 
Jewish education. They turned at once and without reserve to the Gen- 
tiles. St. Paul was not unprepared for the events which called for this 
decision. The prophetic intimations at his first conversion, his vision in 
the Temple at Jerusalem, his experience at the Syrian Antioch, his recent 
success in the island of Cyprus, must have led him ,to expect the Gentiles 
to listen to that message which the Jews were too ready to scorn. The 
words with which he turned from his unbelieving countrymen were these : 
" It was needful that the Word of God should first be spoken unto you : 
but inasmuch as ye reject it, and deem yourselves unworthy of eternal 
life, lo ! we turn to the Gentiles." And then he quotes a prophetical 
passage from their own Sacred "Writings. " For thus hath the Lord com- 
manded us, saying, I have set thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou 
shouldest be for salvation to the ends of the earth." ^ This is the first re- 
corded instance of a scene which was often reenacted. It is the course 
which St. Paul himself defines in his Epistle to the Romans, when he de- 
scribes the Gospel as coming first to the Jew and then to the Gentile ;* 

' Toig v~d To€ IlavTiov 2.s^o/xi-voig, xiii. 45. This implies indirectly that Paul wa< 
the " chief speaker," as we are told, xiv. 12. 

' Tiafi^ujaLaaufievoi. Compare b-Tvaf)^7]aLaau^ui6a, 1 Thcss. ii. 2, where the circuia 
etances appear to have been very similar. 

3 Isai. xlLx. G, quoted with a slight variation from the LXX. See I*)i rlii 6 
ijuke ii. 32. 

* Rom. i. 16. ii. 9. Compare xi. 12, 23. 


aud it is the course whicli lie followed himself on various cccasions of hia 
life, at Corinth, 1 at Ephesus/ and at Kome.^ 

That which was often obscurely foretold in the Old Testament, — that 
those should " seek after God who knew Him not," and that He should 
be honoured by "those who were not a people:"^ — that which had al- 
ready seen its first fulfilment in isolated cases during Our Lord's life, as in 
the centurion and the Syrophenican woman, whose faith had no parallel 
in all the people of " Israel :" = — tliat which had received an express ac- 
complishment through the agency of two of the chiefest of the Apostles, in 
Cornelius, the Roman oflQcer at Csesarea, and in Sergius Paulus, the Roman 
governor at Paphos,-^— began now to be realised on a large scale in a whole 
community. While the Jews blasphemed and rejected Christ, the Gen- 
tiles "rejoiced and glorified the Word of God." The counsels of God 
were not frustrated by the unbelief of His chosen people. A new " Is- 
rael," a new " election," succeeded to the former.''' A church was formed 
of united Jews and Gentiles ; and all who were destined to enter the path 
of eternal life" were gathered into the Catholic® brotherhood of the 
hitherto separated races. The synagogue had rejected the inspired mis- 
sionaries, but the apostolic instruction went on in some private house or 
public building belonging to the heathen. And gradually the knowledge 
of Christianity began to be disseminated through the whole vicmity.* 

The enmity of the Jews, however, was not satisfied by the expulsiou 
of the Apostles from the synagogue. What they could not accomplish 
by violence and calumny, they succeeded in effecting by a pious intrigue. 
That influence of women in religious questions, to which our attention will 
be repeatedly called hereafter, is here for the first time brought before our 
notice in the sacred narrative of St. Paul's life. Strabo, who was inti- 
mately acquainted with the social position of the female sex in the towns 
of Western Asia, speaks in strong terms of the power which they possessed 
and exercised in controlling and modifying the religious opinions of the 
men.'" This general fact received one of its most striking illustrations in 

» Acts xviii. G. ' Acts xix. 9. 

3 Acts xxviii. 28. ^ See Hosea i. 10. ii. 23, as quoted in Eom. Ls. 25, 26. 

5 Mat. viii. 5-10. xv. 21-28. ^ See Eom. xi. 7, and Gal. vi. 16. 

^ 'EvriaTEvaav ocol r/aav Terayfiivoi eIq ^ur}v al6vcov. xiii. 48. It is well known that 
this passage has been made the subject of much controversy with reference to the doc- 
fc-ine of predestination. Its bearing on the question is very doubtful. See how 
6iaT€TayiiiCvog is used, Acts xx. 13. On the other hand, see rd diaderayfihov, Luka 
iii. 13, and TErayfiivai, Eom. xiii. 1. For Markland's translation, " fidem professi sunt, 
quotquot (tempus, diem) constituerant, in \itam aeternam," see Winer's Grammatik, 
p. 304. 

8 Mr. Tate (Cont. Hist. p. 19) says, that this was " the first Christian church, gathered 
in part from among the idolatrous Gentiles." This is on the supposition that thfl 
•EXAj?vef (Acts xi. 20, 21) were all " Greek proselytes." » Acts xiii. 49. 

'0'A77av7ff TT^f deicidai/ioviar upxT'"<: olnvruL -ug yvvaiKag' avrai 6i Koi rove 'Iviom 


rhe case of Judaism. We have already more than once alluded to tlie in- 
fluence of the female proselytes at Damascus : ^ and the good services 
which women contributed towards the early progress of Christianity ia 
abundantly known both from the Acts and the Epistles.* Here they ap- 
pear in a position less honourable, but not less influential. The Jews con- 
trived, through the female proselytes at Antioch, to win over to theif 
cause some ladies of high respectability, and through them to gain the ear 
of men who occupied a position of eminence in the city. Thus a system- 
atic persecution was excited against Paul and Barnabas. Whether the 
supreme magistrates of the colony were induced by this unfair agitation to 
pass a sentence of formal banishment, we are not informed ; ^ but for the 
present the Apostles were compelled to retire from the colonial limits. 

In cases such as these, instructions had been given by our Lord Him- 
self how His Apostles were to act. During His life on earth. He had 
said to the Twelve, " Whosoever shall not receive you, nor hear you, when 
ye depart thence, shake ofif the dust under your feet for a testimony 
against them. Verily, I say unto you, it shall be more tolerable for 
Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of judgment, than for that city." ■" And 
while Paul and Barnabas thus fulfilled Our Lord's words, shaking off 
from their feet the dust of the dry and sunburnt road,^ in token of God's 
judgment on wilful unbelievers, and turmng their steps eastwards in the 
direction of Lycaonia, another of the sayings of Christ was fulfilled, in 
the midst of those who had been obedient to the faith : " Blessed are ye, 
when men shall revile you and persecute you, and shall say all manner of 
evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice and be exceeding glad : 
for great is your reward in heaven ; for so persecuted they the prophets 
which were before you." ^ Even while their faithful teachers were re- 
moved from them, and travelling across the bare uplands '' which separate 

TTpoKaAovvrac, Tcpbg Tug Iwl n?Jov ■&£paTeiag ruv ^euv, Kai topTuQ Koi TVOTViaafioig, 
vii. 3. 

' See above, p. 19, and p. 171, n. 4. 

' See Acts x\i. 14. xvii. 2. Philipp. iv. 3. 1 Cor. vii. 16. 

3 We ehould rather infer the contrary, since they revisited the place ou their return 
from Derbe (xiv. 21). 

* Mark vi. 11. Matt. x. 14, 15. Luke ix. 5. For other symbolical acts ex-pressing 
the same thing, see Nehem. v. 13. Acts xviii. 6. It was taught in the schools of the 
Scribes that the dust of a heathen land defiled by the touch. Lightf. on Matt. x. 14, 
and Harm, of N. T., Acts xiv. Hence the shaking of the dust off the feet implied 
that the city was regarded as profane. 

6 "Literally may they have shaken off the dust of their feet, for even now (Nov. 9) 
the roads abound with it, and in the summer months it must be a p^ain jf dust" 
Arundcll's Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 319. 

6 Matt. v. 11, 12. 

1 Leake approached Iconium from the northern side of the mountains which separata 
Ajitioeh from Philomelium (see p. 169). lie says: "On the descent from n ridgd 
•iranching eastward from these mountains, we came in sight of the vast plain arouccl 


Antioch from the plain of Iconium, the disciples of the former city r© 
ceived such manifest tokens of the love of God, and the power of the 
" Holy Ghost," that they were " filled with joy " in the midst of perse- 

Iconium has obtained a place in history far more distinguished than that 
of the Pisidian Antioch. It is famous as the cradle of the rising power of 
the conquering Turks.' And the remains of its Mahomedan architecture 
still bear a conspicuous testimony to the victories and strong government 
of a tribe of Tartar invaders. But there are other features in the view of 
modern Konich which to us are far more interesting. To the traveller in 
the footsteps of St. Paul, it is not the armorial bearings of the Knights of 
St. John, carved over the gateways in the streets of Rhotles, which arrest 
the attention, but the ancient harbour and the view across the sea to the 
opposite coast. And at Konieh his interest is awakened, not by minarets 
and palaces and Saracenic gateways, but by the vast plain and the distant 

These featm*es remain what they were in the first century, while the 
town has been repeatedly^ destroyed and rebuilt, and its architectural 
character entirely altered. Little, if anything, remains of Greek or Ro- 
man Iconium, if we except the ancient inscriptions and the fragments of 
sculptures which are built into the Turkish walls.^ At a late period of the 
Empire it was made a Colonia, like its neighbour, Antioch : but it was 
not so in the time of St. Paul." There is no reason to suppose that its 

Konieh, and of tlie late which occuj)ies the middle of it ; and we saw the city with its 
mosques and ancient walls, still at the distance of twelve or foui'teen miles from us." 
p. 45. Ainsworth travelled in the same dii'oction, and says : " We travelled three 
hours along the plain of Konieh, always in sight of the city of the Sultans of Eoum, 
before we reached it." Trav. in Asia Minor, n. p. 58. P. Lucas, who approached 
from Eregli, beyond Lystra and Derbe (see below), speaks of Iconium as " presque an 
bout de la plaine." Second Voyage, ch. xx. 

' Iconium was the capital of the Seljukian Sultans, and had a great part in the 
growth of the Ottoman empire. 

' " Konieh extends to the east and south over the plain far beyond the walls, which 

are about two miles in circumference Mountains covered with snow rise on 

every side, excepting towards the east, where a plain, as flat as the desert of Arabia, 
extends far beyond the reach of the eye." Capt. Kinneir. 

3 " The city wall is said to have been erected by the Seljukian Sultans : it seems to 
have been built from the ruins of more ancient buildings, as broken columns, capitals, 
pedestals, bas-reliefs, and other pieces of sculpture, contribute towards its construction. 
It has eighty gates, of a square form, each kuo^^Ti by a separate name, and, as well as 
most of the towers, embellished with Arabic inscriptions. ... I observed a few Greek 
characters on the walls, but they were in so elevated a situation that I could net de- 
cypher them." Capt. Kinneir. See Col. Leake's description ; and also the recently 
published work of Col. Chesney (1S50) on the Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 348, 349. 

* Hence we hare placed this coin of Iconium in the note, lest the Latin letters and 
the word COL. should lead the reader to suppose its political condition in the time ol 
SL Paul resembled that of Antioch in Pisidia. (See p. 170, note.) These coins wer» 



character waS) different from that of the other important towns on the 
principal lines of comnmnication through Asia jNIinor. The elementvS of its 
population would be as follows : — a large number of irifling and frivoloui 
Greeks, whose principal places of resort would be the theatre and th<i 
market-place ; some remains of a still older population, coming in occasion- 
ally from the country, or residing in a separate quarter of the town : somfi 
few Roman officials, civil or military, holdmg themselves proudly alooi 
from the inhabitants of the subjugated province ; and an old estabUshed 
colony of Jews, who exercised their trade during the week, and met on the 
Sabbath to read the law in the Synagogue. 

The same kind of events took place here as in Autioch, and almost in 
the same order.' The Apostles went first to the Synagogue, and the 
effect of their discourses there was such, that great numbers both of the 
Jews and Greeks {i. e. proselytes or heathens, or both") believed the Gos- 
pel. The unbelieving Jews raised up an indirect persecution by exciting 
the minds of the GentQe population against those who received the Chris- 
tian doctruie. But the Apostles persevered and lingered, in the city some 
considerable time, having their confidence strengthened by the miracles ' 
which God worked through their instrumentality, in attestation of the 
truth of His Word. There is an apocryphal narrative of certain events 
assigned to this residence at Iconium : ■• and we may innocently adopt so 


not found before the reign of Gallienus, and Iconium is not mentioned by any wriier 
as a Colonia ; Lcnce Mannert (p. 195) conjectures that it was made a garrison-town 
and took the title ae an empty honour. Mythological derivations were suggested by 
the ancients for the name : thus it was said that after the deluge Prometheus and 
Minerva made images of clay {eIkovlo), and breathed life into them. Hence, saya 
Stephanus Eyzantinus, it ought to be WTitten Y.Ikuviqv (iSec did 6i(pd6yyov), as 1* ia 
Bometimes on coins. Another story (Eustath. in Dionys. Pcrieg. v. 85G) is connected 
with an image of Medusa set up by Perseus. For the relation of the city to Lycaonia 
in Phrygia, see below, p. 186, n. 3. 

' See Ac is xiv. 1-5. 

• Perhaps 'E2.?l?jvuv (v. 1) may mean " proselytes," as opposed to '• Gentiles,** 
iff^Cv (v. 2). 

3 The distinct appeal to miracles (v. 3) should be especially noticed. 

4 It would have been a mischievous confusion of history and legend tc hAve Intro* 
duced St. Thccla of Icouium into the text. But her story has so prominent a place in 
all Roman Catholic histories, that it cannot be altogether omitted. Sec Earoi.ius (sub 
(j.nno -17), ricury (i. 28), and Rohrbacher (llist. de I'Eijl. Cath., liv. xxv.), wlio WTilo 


mncli of tlie legendary story, as to imagine St. Paul preaching long and 
late to crowded congregations, as he did afterwards at Assos,' and his 
enemies bringing him before the civil authorities, with the cry that he was 
disturbing their households by liis sorcery, or with complaints like those at 

as if the "Acta Paul! e; Theclse" rested on the same foundation with the inspired nar- 
rative of the "Acts of the Apostles." These apocryphal Acts were edited by Grabe 
(Spicil. vol. i.) in Greek and Latin from MSS. in the Bodleian Library. They are also 
in the Bibliotheca Patrum., vol i., and they are noticed by Fabricius, Cod. Apoc. N. T. 
vol. ii. In Jones on the Canon (vol. ii. p. 353-403) they are given both in Greek and 

The outline of the story is as follows. On the arrival of St. Paul ac Iconium, Thccla 
■\T«is betrothed to Thamyris. To his despair,, and to the mother's perplexity, she for- 
gets her earthly attachments, and remains night and day at a window, riveted by the 
preaching of St. Paul, which she hears in a neighbouring house {snl tF/c •&vp[6og r^f 
ciKOv avryc KaOeadelaa anb TTJg avveyyvg -^vpiSog tJkovev vvKTog Kal 7//j.epag tu ^.eyofievov 
ino Tov Ilav?.ov, Grabe, p. 97 ; and again, ug updxvri ettI rr/g ■&vpcdog 6s6e/j.ev71, Tolg 
UavTiov Tibyoig KpaTElrai, p. 98). [Cf Acts, xx. 9.] By the contrivance of the false 
disciples, Demas and Hermogenes, (who say that they will prove the resurrection of 
tiiose who know God to consist in their offspring, — Sidd^ofxev on ?jv "kiyEi ovrog uvd- 
GTaaiv ytvEadal, y6rj ytyovev E(p' olg ex^/iev TEHvoig, Kal wegttjiiev, -dsdv ETiiyvovTsg, 
p. 101). [See 2 Tim., i. 15. iv. 10, also ii. 18.] St. Paul is brought before Castelliua 
the Proconsul, and by his orders, with cries of Mdyog lariv • uTra/e tov fidyov cast into 
prison. Thecla bribes the jailer with her ear-rings, visits the Apostle, and is instructed 
by him. St. Paul is scourged and banished. Thecla is condemned to be burnt^ be- 
cause she refuses to marry Thamyris ; but her life is saved by a miraculous earthquake 
and storm of rain. Meanwhile St. Paul, with Onesiphorus [2 Tim. i. 16], who had 
been his host at Iconium, is in a tomb on the road to Daphne. There he is rejoined 
by Thecla, and they travel together to Antioch. In consequence of the admiration of 
a certain citizen called Alexander, a scene similar to that on Abraham's visit to Egypt 
is enacted ; and ultimately Thecla is condemned to the wild beasts. But the lioness 
crouches at her feet, and the monsters in the water {al <pCJKai, p. Ill), die v,'hen sho 
enters it, and float to the surface. Thecla is thus preserved. A lady called Tryphsena 
[Rom. xvi. 12], receives her into her house and is instructed by her. Thccla rejoins 
St. Paul at Myra, in Lycia. Thence she travels to Iconurm, where she finds Thamyris 
dead, and endeavours in vain to convert her mother. She goes by Daphne to Seleucia, 
and leads an ascetic life in the neighbom-hood of that city. Here miracles rouse the 
jealousy of the physicians, but their conspiracy against her chastity is defeated 
Finally, she dies at the age of ninety, having left Iconium at eighteen. 

Though she was rescued from a violent death, Rohrbacher reckons her in the rank of 
Stephen as the fii-st of the female martyrs. Grabe seems to be of opinion that the story 
has a basi-s of truth, — " argumentis nescio quomodo hand usquequaque sufficientibua 
ad narrationes adeo parum verisirailes lectori cordate pervadendas," as Fabricius says. 
Cod. Apoc. N. T. n. p. 79G. Jones criticises the whole document at great length, and 
decides strongly against the veracity of the stoiy. It may be worth while to notice one 
error in geography in the Greek narrative. St. Paul is said to have gone from Antioch 
to Iconium (as in the Acts) and Onesiphorus (who had been informed by Titus of the 
personal appearance of St. Paul) to have gone with his family to meet him on the royal 
road, which leads to Lystra (Grabe, p. 95). Now Lystra is on the contrary side ol 
Iconium from Antioch. On the whole, the mythical character of the narrative, what- 
ersr basis of tnith it may have, is very apparent. 

fhecla is often alluded to by the F/ithers, especially those of the fourth century, — 
[1 Actsxx.7-1L] 


PMlippi aud Ephesus, that he was " exceedingly troubling their city," and 
" turning away much people." ' We learn from an inspir-ed source * that 
the whole population of Iconium was ultimately divided into two great fac- 
tions (a common occurrence, on far less important occasions, in these cities 
of Oriental Greeks), and that one party took the side of the Apostles, the 
other of the Jews. But here, as at Antioch, the influential classes were 
on the side of the Jews. A determined attempt was at last made to crush 
the Apostles, by loading them with insult and actually stoning them. 
Learning this wicked conspiracy, in which the magistrates themselves were 
involved,^ they fled to some of the neighbouring districts of Lycaonia, 
where they might be more secure, and have more liberty in preaching the 

It would be a very natural course for the Apostles, after the cruel 
treatment they had experienced in the great towns on a frequented route, 
to retu'e into a wilder district and among a ruder population. In any 
country, the political circumstances of which resemble those of Asia Minor 
under the early emperors, there must be many districts, into which the civ- 
ilisation of the conquering and governing people has hardly penetrated 
We have an obvious instance in our Eastern presidencies, in the Hindoo 
villages which have retained their character without alteration, notwith- 
standing the successive occupations by Mahomedans and English. Thus, 
in the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire there must have been many 
towns and villages where local customs were untouched, and where Greek, 
though certainly understood, was not commonly spoken. Such, perhaps, 
were the places which now come before our notice in the Acts of the 
Apostles, — small towns, with a rude dialect and primitive superstition * — 
'•' Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia."* 

The district of Lycaonia extends from the ridges of Mount Taurus and 
the borders of Cilicia, on the south ; to the Cappadocian hills, on the 
north. It is a bare and dreary region, nnwatered by streams, though in 
parts liable to occasional inundations. Strabo mentions one place where 
wa ter was even sold for money. In this respect there must be a close re- 
semblance between this country and large tracts of Australia. Nor is this 
the only particular in which the resemblance may be traced. Both regions 
afford excellent pasture for flocks of sheei?, and give opportunities for ob- 

Jurome, Augustine, Ambrose, Eusebiu.s, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Gregory of Nysai, 
and Gregory of Nazianzus. The references may be seen in Grabe and Jones. The 
passages adduced from Cyprian appear to be spurious, and some doubt rests on TertulL 
de Bapt. c. 17. The life of Thecia was written in Greek verse by Basil of Seleucia 
^pub. 1C22, with Gregory Thaumaturgus). 
> Acts xvi. 20. xix. 2G. » Acts xiv. 4. 

3 It is impossible to determine exactly the meaning of upxovaL 

4 Acts xiv. ] 1, 12, «tc. s Acts xiv. 6. 


taining large possessions by trade in wool.' It was here, on llic dowLS of 
Lycaoiiia, that Amyntas, while he yet led the life of a nomad chief, before 
the time of his political elevation/ fed his three hundred flocks. Of the 
whole district Iconium ^ was properly the capital : and the plain round 
Iconium may be reckoned as its great central space, situated midway be- 
tween Cilicia and Cappadocia. This plain is spoken of as the largest in 
Asia Minor.-* It is almost like the steppes of Great Asia, of which the 
Turkish invaders must often have been reminded,^ when they came to these 
level spaces in the west ; and the camels which convey modern travellers 
to and from Konieh, find by the side of their path tufts of salt and prickly 
herbage, not very dissimilar to that which grows in their native deserts.^ 

Across some portion of this plain Paul and Barnabas travelled both 
before and after their residence in Iconium. After leaving the high land 
to the north-west," during a journey of several hours before arriving at the 
city, the eye ranges freely over a vast expanse of level ground to the south 
and the east. The two most eminent objects in the view are the snowy 
summits of Mount Argoeus, rising high above all the intervening hills in 
the direction of Armenia, — and the singular mountain mass called the 
" Kara-Dagh," or " Black Mount," south-eastwards in the direction of 
CiUcia.* And still these features continue to be conspicuous, after Iconinm 

' KaiTvep uvvSpoc ovaa y X'^P^ npoCara eKTpe(pei ^av/iaaTug, Tpaxdag 6s iptag' Kal 
Tivsg E^ avTuv tovtuv /aeyiarov ttTiovtov iKTijaavTo. Strabo xii. 6. He speaks also of 
" wild asses " as roaming over the district. The rest of his description is as follows : 
T<i tUv AvKaovuv oponsdia Tpvxpu nal Tpi'kd. not ovaypoBora, vduTuv re andvig TcoXkri ' 
oTTOV 6t Kal Evpelv dwarbv, (iaOvTara (^pEura tuv ttuvtuv, Ku6aTTep tv 2oarpoif, ottov 
Kal TnTtpacKETai to v6up. . . . 'A/uvvrag 6' vnep TptCKOOiag lax^ noLfivag tv rolg roTrotf 
TovToig. . , . 'Evravda tJe tcov kuI to 'Ikoviov tcTi, -koTilxvlov ev uvvuKiafiEvov Kal 
Xupav EVTVX^cTTEpav Ixov TTjg Xex^^'^VC dvaypoBorov, TIT^.tjcjiu^el 6' tjdrj TovToig tcZq 
TOTTOig 6 Tavpog, 6 tt/v KaTVTradoKiav vpi^uv nal t//v AvKOCvcav npog Tovg {'TrpKSwivcvg 
KDuKug Tovg Tpax£io)Tag. 
« See above, Ch. i. p. 23. 

3 See the Synecdemus of Hieroclcs. Steph. Byz. says it is—nJ^.v- Avxaoviag npdg 
Tolg opoig Tov Tavpov. Basil of Seleucia, in his life of St. Thecla, says : TroTiig avrrj 
AvKaoviag, rT/g /lev 'Huag ov ttoTiV diTEXOvaa, Ty 6^ 'Aoiavuv /luTilov tl Trposopjui^ovoa. 
kal r'jr IliciSuv Kal <i^pvyQv X'^P^? ^^ 7rpooi./xia keiuevt;. Xenophon, "who is the first to 
mention Iconium, calls it "the last city of Phrygia*' {rr,: ^ov\-iig ttoXcc l^x^^, Anab 
I. 2, 19) in the direction of " Lycaonia." 
^ See Leake, p. 93. 

3 The remark is made by Texier in his " Asie Mincure." 

c Ainsworth (n. p. 68) describes the camels, as he crossed this plain, eagerly eating 
the tufts of Mosemljryanthemum and Salicornia, " reminding them of plains with which 
they were probably more familiar than those of Asia Minor." The plain, however, is 
naturally rich. See Strabo, and Col. Leake. 
' See above, p. 169, n. 1. 

* See Leake, p. 45. " {Between Ladik and Konieh). To the north-east nothing 
appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two very lofty summits covered with snow, 
at a great distance. They can be no other than thj summits of Mount Argaeus, above 
Caisarca. [This is doubtful ; see Ham. A. M. n. p. 305, and Trans, of Geog. Hoc. viiL 


IS left behind, and the traveller moves on over the plahi towards Ljs- 
era and Dcrbe. Mount Argaeus still rises far to the north-east, at the dis« 
tance of one hundred and fifty miles. The Black Mountain is gradually 
approached, and discovered to be an isolated mass, with reaches of the 
plain extending round it like channels of the sea.' The cities of Lystra 
and Derbe were somewhere about the bases of the Black Mountain. We 
have dwelt thus minutely on the physical characteristics of this part of 
Lycaouia, because the positions of its ancient towns have not been deter- 
mined. "We are only acquainted with the general features of the scene. 
While the site of Iconium has never been forgotten, and that of Antioch 
in Pisidia has now been clearly identified, those of Lystra and Derbe re- 
main unknown, or at best are extremely uncertain.^ No conclusive coins 
or inscriptions have been discovered ; nor has there been any such con- 

145.] To the south-east the same plains extend as far as the mountains of Karaman 
(Laranda). At the south-east extremity of the plains beyond Konieh, we are much 
struck with the appearance of a remarkable insulated mountain called Kara-Dagh 
(Black Sfountain), rising to a great height, covered at the top with snow [Jan. 31,] 
and appearing like a lofty island in the midst of the sea. It is about sixty miles dis- 
tant.'' The lines marked on the Map are the Roman roads mentioned in the Itineraries. 

' See Leake, pp. 93-97. " {Feb. 1. From Konieh to Tshwnra.) — Our road pur- 
sues a perfect level for upwards of twenty miles. {Feb. 2. From Tshwnra to Kassa- 
ba.) — Nine hours over the same uninterrupted level of the finest soil, but quite uncul- 
tivated, except in the immediate neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages. It 
is painful to behold such desolation in the midst of a region so highly favoured by 
nature. Another characteristic of thcso Asiatic plains is the exactness of the level, 
and the peculiarity of their extending, without any previous slope, to the foot of the 
mountains, which rise from them like lofty islands out of the sm-face of the ocean. 
The Karamanian ridge seems to recede as we approach it, and the snowy summits of 

Argaeus [?] are still to be seen to the north-east At three or four miles short of 

Kassaba, we are abreast of the middle of the very lofty insulated mountain already 
mentioned, called Kara-Dagh. It is said to be chiefly inhabited by Greek Christians, 
and to contain 1001 churches ; but we afterwards learnt that these 1001 churches 
(Binbir-Kilisseh) was a name given to the extensive ruins of an ancient city at the 
foot of the mountain. {Feb. 3. Fi-om Kassaba to Karaman.) — Four hours ; the road 
still passing over a plain, which towards the mountains begins to be a little intersected 
with low ridges and ravines. . . . Between these mountains and the Kara-Dagh there is 
a kind of strait, which forms the communication between the plain of Karaman and 
the great levels lying eastward of Konieh. . . . Advancing towards Karaman, I perceive 
a passage into the plains to the north-west, round the northern end of Kara-Dagh, sim- 
ilar to that on the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated. We still sec 
to the north-east the great snowy summit of Argaeus, [?] which is probably the highest 
point of Asia Minor." See a similar description of the isolation of the Kara-dagh in 
Hamilton (ii. 315, 320), who approached it from the East. 

' Col. Leake wrote thus in 1824 : " Nothing can more strongly show the little pro- 
gi'ess that has hitherto been made in a knowledge of the ancient geography of Asia 
Minor, than that, of the cities which the journey of St. Paul has made so interesting to 
us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet certainly known. Pcrga, Antioch of Pisidia, 
Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered." p. 103. We have seen that two of these 
four towns have been fully identified, — Pcrga by Sir C. Fellows and Antioch by M- 
Arundel. It is to be hoped that the other two will yet bo clearly ascertained. 


vergcnce of modern investigation and ani:ient authority as leads to au 
infallible result. Of the different hypotheses which have been proposed, 
we have been content in the accompanying map to indicate those ' which 
appear as most probable. 

We resume the thread of our narrative with the arrival of Paul and 
Barnabas at Lystra. One peculiar circumstance strikes us immediately 
in what we read of the events in this town ; that no mention occurs of 
any synagogue or of any Jews. It is natural to infer that there were few 
Israelites in the place, though (as we shall see hereafter) it would be a 
mistake to imagine that there were none. We are instantly brought in 
contact with a totally new subject, — with Heafhen superstition and my- 
thology ; yet not the superstition of an educated mind, as that of Sergius 
Paulus, — nor the mythology of a refined and cultivated taste, like that of 
the Athenians, — but the mythology and superstition of a rude and unso- 
phisticated people. Thus does the Gospel, in the person of St. Paul, suc- 
cessively clash with opposing powers, with sorcerers and philosophers, 
cruel magistrates and false divinities. Now it is the rabbinical master of 
the synagogue, now the listening proselyte from the Greeks, that is re- 
sisted or convinced, — now the honest inquiry of a Roman officer, now the 

I The general features of the map on the opposite page are copied from Kiepert'a 
large map of Asia Minor, and his positions for Lystra and Derbe are adopted. Lystra 
is marked near the place where Leake (p. 102) conjectured that it might be, some 
twenty miles S. 'of Iconium. It does not appear, however, that he saw any ruins on 
the spot. There are very remarkable Christian ruins on the N. side of the Kara-dagh, 
at Bin-bir-Kilisseh (" The 1001 churches "), and Leake thinks that they may mark the 
site of Derbe. We think Mr. Hamilton's conjecture much more probable, that they 
mark the site of Lystra, which has a more eminent ecclesiastical reputation than Derbe. 
See Ham- A. M. ii 319, and Trans, of Georg. Soc. vol. viii. [While this was passing 
through the press, the ■m-itcr received an itidirect communication from Mr. Hamilton, 
which will be the best commentary on the map. The communication says, " there are 
ruins (though slight) at the spot where Derbe is marked on Kiepert's map, and as thi3 
spot is certainly on a lirie of Roman road, it is not unlikely that it may represent 
Derbe. He did not actually visit Divle, bat the coincidence of name led him to think 
it might be Derbe. He docs not know of any ruins at the place where Kiepert writes 
Lystra, but was not on that spot. There may be ruins there, but he thinks they cannot 
be of importance, as he did not hear of them, though in the neighbourhood ; and he pre- 
fers Bin-bir-Kilisseh as the site of Lystra."] The following description of the Bin-bir- 
Kilisseh is supplied by a letter from Mr. E. Falkner. " The principal group of the Bin- 
bir-Kilisseh lies at the foot of Kara-Dagh . . . Perceiving ruins on the slope of the moun 
tain, I began to ascend, and on reaching these discovered they were churches ; and, 
/ooking upwards, descried others yet above me, and climbing from one to the other I at 
length gained the summit, where I found two churches. On looking down, I perceived 
churches on all sides of the mountain, scattered about in various positions. The num- 
ber ascribed to them by the Turks is of course metaphorical ; but including those in 
the plain below, there are about two dozen in tolerable preservation, and the remains 
of perhaps forty may be traced altogether . . . The mountain must have been considered 
Kicred, all the ruins are of Christian epoch, and, with the exception of a huge palace, 
every building is a church." 



wild fanaticism of a rustic credulity, that is addressed with bold and per 
auasive eloquence. 

It was a common belief among the ancients that the gods occasionally 
visited the earth in the form of men. Such a beUef with regard to Jupi- 
ter, " the father of gods and men," would be natural in any rural district : 
but nowhere should we be prepared to find the traces of it more than at 
Lystra ; for Lystra, as it appears from St, Luke's narrative, > was under 
the tutelage of Jupiter, and the tutelary divinities were imagined to haunt 
the cities under their protection, though elsewhere invisible.* The temple 
of Jupiter was a conspicuous object in front of the city-gates : ^ what 
wonder if the citizens should be prone to believe that their "Jupiter, 
which was before the city," would willingly visit his favourite people ? 
Again, the expeditions of Jupiter were usually represented as attended by 
Mercury. He was the companion, the messenger, the servant of the 
gods.* Thus the notion of these two divinities appearing together in 
Lycaonia is quite in conformity with what we know of the popular belief. 
But their appearance in that particular district would be welcomed with 
more than usual credulity. Those who are acquainted with the hterature 
of the Roman poets are familiar with a beautiful tradition of Jupiter and 
Mercury visiting in human form these very regions '" in the interior of 
Asia Minor. And it is not without a singular interest that we find one 
of Ovid's stories reappearing in the sacred pages of the Acts of the 
Apostles. In this instance, as in so many others, the Scripture, in its 
incidental descriptions of the Heathen world, presents " undesigned coinci- 
dences " with the facts ascertained from Heathen memorials. 

These introductory remarks prepare us for considering the miracle re- 
corded in the Acts. We must suppose that Paul gathered groups of the 
Lystrians about him, and addressed them in places of public resort, as a 

' Tov AioQ Tov ovTog npb rr/g noTicug avruv ; It is more likely that a temple tlian a 
statue of Jupiter is alluded to. The temple of the tutelary divinity was outside the 
walls at Perga (see p. 161) and at Ephesus, as we learn from the story in Herodotus 
(r. 26), who tells us that in a time of danger the citizens put themselves under the pro- 
tection of Diana, by attaching her temple by a rope to the city-wall {uvedeaav rrjv ttoTuv 
Ty 'ApTEfiidi, E^uTpavTeg in tov vtjov axoivwv ig to Telxog). So Pallas is called, 'Avaaa' 
'OyKa npo TToleug. Sept. c. Theb. 164. 

* Kai (paai Tovg olnLaTug r/puag rj -Qeoiig TToTJiUKig tTCLCTp£(pEadai. T(lg aviOv ■TToleif 
Tolg a/l/lotf ovTag dcpavelg, iv re -Qvaiag aal Tiaiv iopToig 6r]fioT£?Ji7Li'. Dio. Ohrya 
Orat. xxxTTT. p. 408. 

3 Acts xiv. 13. 

* See the references in Smith's Dictionary of Classical Biography and Mythology 
under " Hermes." 

5 See the story of Baucis and Philemon, Ovid. Met. viii. 611, &c. Even if the Ly- 
caonians were a Semitic tribe, it is not unnatural to suppose them familiar with Greek 
mythology. An identification of classical and " barbarian " divinities had taken place 
in innumerable instances, as in the case of the Tyrian Hercules and Paphian Venus. 


modern missionary Eight address the Eatives of a Hindoo village/ But it 
would not be necessary in his case, as in that of Schwartz or Martyn, to 
have learnt the primitive language of those to whom he spoke. He 
addressed them iu Greek, for Greek was well understood in this border 
country of the Lystrians, though their own dialect was either a barbarous 
corruption of that noble language, or the surviving remainder of some 
older tongue. He used the language of general civiUsation, as English 
may be used now in a "Welch country-town like Dolgelly or Carmarthen. 
The subjects he brought before these illiterate idolaters of Lycaonia were 
doubtless such as would lead them, by the most natural steps, to the 
knowledge of the true God, and the belief in His Son's resurrection. He 
told them, as he told the educated Athenians," of Him whose worship they 
had ignorantly corrupted, whose unity, power, and goodness they might 
have discerned through the operations of nature ; whose displeasure 
against sin had been revealed to them by the admonitions of their natural 

On one of these occasions ^ St. Paul observed a cripple, who was 
earnestly listening to his discourse. He was seated on the ground, for he 
had an infirmity in his feet, and had never walked from the hour of his 
birth. St. Paul looked at him attentively, with that remarkable expres- 
sion of the eye which we have already noticed (jf. 148), The same Greek 
word is used as wheu the Apostle is described as " earnestly beholding the 
council," and as " setting his eyes on Elymas the sorcerer." ^ On this 
occasion that penetrating glance saw, by the power of the Divine Spirit, 
into the very secrets of the cripple's soul. Paul perceived " that he had 
faith to be saved." ^ These words, implying so much of moral preparation 
in the heart of tliis poor Heathen, rise above all that is told us of the lame 
Jew, .whom Peter, "fastening his eyes upon him with John," had once 
healed at the temple gate in Jerusalem.^ In other respects the parallel 
between the two cases is complete. As Peter said in the presence of the 
Jews, "In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise up and walk," so 
Paul said before his idolatrous audience at Lystra, " Stand upright on thy 
feet," And in this case, also, the word which had been suggested to the 
speaker by a supernatural intuition was followed by a supernatural result. 
The obedient alacrity in the spirit, and the new strength in the body, 
rushed together simultaneously. The lame man sprang up in the joyful 

' See for instance Fox's " Chapters on Missions," p, 153, &c, 

' It is very important to compare together the speeches at Lystra and Athens, and 
both with the first chapter of the Romans. Sec pp. 193, 194. 
3 Kat rif di7/p eu Avarpoir udvvaToc Tolg nooXv ekuOtjto, k. t. X. Acts xiv. 8, «SlC 

* Acts xxiii. 1. xiii. 9. 

* liudT/vai is the word in the original, xiv. 9. 

« Acts iii. Wetstein remarks on the fjroater faith manifested by the heathen at Ly» 
tra than the Jfw at Jerusalefti. 


consciousness of a power he had never felt before, and walked Eke those 
who had never had experience of infirmity. 

And now arose a great tumult of voices from the crowd. Such a cure 
of a congenital disease, so sudden and so complete, would have confounded 
the most skilful and skeptical physicians. An illiterate people would be 
filled with astonishment, and rush immediately to the conclusion that 
supernatural powers were present among them. These Lycaonlana 
thought at once of thek native traditions, and crying out vociferously in 
their mother-tongue,' — and we all know how the strongest feeUngs of an 
excited people find vent in the language of childhood, — they exclaimed 
that the gods had again visited them in the likeness of men, — that Jupiter 
and Mercury were again in Lycaonia, — that the persuasive speaker was 
Mercury and his companion Jupiter. They identified Paul with Mercury, 
because his eloquence corresponded with one of that divinity's attributes. 
Paul was the " chief speaker," and Mercury was the god of eloquence.' 
And if it be asked why they identified Barnabas with Jupiter, it is evi- 
dently a sufficient answer to say that these two divinities were always 
represented as companions^ in their terrestrial expeditions, though we 
may well believe (with Chrysostom and others *) that there was something 
majestically benignant in his appearance, while the personal aspect of St. 
Paul (and for this we can quote his own statements*) was comparatively 

How truthful and how vivid is the scene brought before us 1 and how 
many thoughts it suggests to those who are at once conversant with Hea- 
then mythology and disciples of Christian theology ! Barnabas, identified 
with the Father of Gods and Men, seems like a personification of mild 
beneficence and provident care ; '^ while Paul appears invested with more 
active attributes, flying over the world on the wings of faith and love, 
Avith quick words of warning and persuasion, and ever carrying in his hand 
the purse of the " unsearchable riches." ^ 

1 Some are of opinion that the " speech of Lycaonia " was a Semitic language ; 
others that it was a corrupt dialect of Greek. See the Dissertations of Jablonski and 
Giihling in Iken's Thesaurus. 

" Acts xiv. 12. Hor. Od. i. x. Ov. Fast. v. 6GS. Hence Uyov ■&v?]toI(7i, npocpT/Ta. 
Orph. Hymn. 28, 4. So Lucian : 'Ep/iov XaALaruTov koI AoyiuruTov i?cwv unuvruv, 
Gallus 2, and Macrobius ; " Scimus Mercurium vocis et sermonis potentum." Sat. L & 

3 See, for instance, Ovid. Fast. v. 495 : — 

" Jupiter et lato qui regnat in aquore frater 
Carpebant socias Mercuriusque vias." 

•* 'E//oi doKel Kal uno rrjg uipeug u^ioTvpeTri/g elvat 6 Bapvd6ag. Chrys. Horn, xxx, 

* See 2. Cor. x. 1, 10, v.'here we must remember that he is quoting the statements cf 
his adversaries. 

« See Acts iv. 36, 37. ix. 27. xi. 22-25, 30. It is also very possible that Barnabas 
was older, and therefore more venerable in appearance, than St. Paul. 

' For one ol the most beautiful representations of Mercury, with all his well-knovra 
insignia, see the Museo Borbonico, vol. vi. No. 2. 


The news of a wonderful- occurrence is never long in spreading through 
a small country-town. At Lystra the whole population was presently in 
an uproar. They would lose no time in paying due honouo- to their heav- 
enly visitants. The priest attached to that temple of Jupiter before the 
city gates, to which we have before alluded,' was summoned to do sacri- 
fice to the god whom he served. Bulls and garlands, and whatever else 
was requisite to the performance of the ceremony, were duly prepared, 
snd the procession moved amidst crowds of people to the residence of the 
Apostles. They, hearing the approach of the multitude, and learning 
their idolatrous intention, were filled with the utmost horror. They "rent 
their clothes," and rushed out ° of the house in which they lodged, and 
met the idolaters approaching the vestibule.^ There, standing at the 
doorway, they opposed the entrance of the crowd ; and Paul expressed his 
abhorrence of their intention, and earnestly tried to prevent their fulfil- 
ling it, in a speech of which only the following short outline is recorded 
by St. Luke : — 

" Ye men of Lystra, why do ye these things ? We also are 
men, of like passions with you ; and we are come to preach to 
you the Glad Tiding, that you may turn from these vain idols to 
the living God, who made the heavens, and the earth, and the 
sea, and all things that are therein. For in the generations that 
are past. He suflered all the nations of the Gentiles to walk in 
their ow^n ways, l^evertheless He left not Himself without vsdt- 
ness, in that He blessed you," and gave you rain from heaven, 
and fruitful seasons, filling your ^ hearts with food and gladness." 

This address held them listening, but they listened impatiently. Even 
with this energetic disavowal of his divinity, and this strong appeal to their 
reason, St. Paul found it difficult to disturb the Lycaonians from offering 
to him and Barnabas an idolatrous worship,^ There is no doubt that St. 

> P. 190. 

' 'E^STVj^^TjCTav, not elaETrr/drjaav, is the reading sanctioned by the later critics on full 
KJnuscript authority. See Tischendorf. 

3 ITiiAwvfr does not mean the gate of the city (whicti would be ttvA;?), bat the ves- 
tibule or gate which gave admission from the public street into the court of the Atrium. 
So the word is used, Matt. xxvi. 71, for the vestibule of the high-priest's palace ; Luke 
xvi. 20, for that of Dives : Acts x. 17, of the house where Peter lodged at Joppa ; Acta 
xii. 13, of the house of Mary the mother of John Marli. It is nowhere used for the 
gate of a city except in tae Apocalypse. Moreover, it seems obvious that if the priest 
had only brought the victims to sacrifice them at the city gates, it would have been no 
ofifering to Paul and Barnabas. 

* Read vfilv (with Griesbach, Lachman, &:c.) instead of Tjfxli' ; or else omit the worO 
altogether (fwth Tischendorf), which gives the same sense. 

s 'f/xuv, not 7i/iiuv, is the right reading. « Acts xiv. 18. 

VOL. I. 13 


Paul was the speaker, and before we proceed further in the narrative, we 
cannot help pausing to observe the essentially Pauline character which 
this speech manifests, even in so condensed a summary of its contents. It 
is full of undesigned coincidences in argument, and even in the expressions 
employed, with St. Paul's language in other parts of the Acts, and in his 
own Epistles. Thus, as here he declares the object of Ms preaching to be 
that the idolatrous Lystrians should " turn from these vain idols to the hv- 
ing God," so he reminds the Thessalonians how they, at his preaching, had 
" turned from idols to serve the living and true God." ' Again, as he tells 
the Lystrians that " God had in the generations that were past, suffered 
the nations of the Gentiles to walk in their own ways ; " so he tells the 
Romans that " God in His forbearance had passed over the former sins of 
men, in the times that were gone by ; " ^ and so he tells the Athenians,^ 
that " the past times of ignorance God had overlooked." Lastly, how 
striking is the similarity between the natural theology with which the 
present speech concludes, and that in the Epistle to the Romans, where, 
speaking of the heathen, he says that atheists were without excuse ; " for 
that whicl" can be known of God is manifested in their hearts, God Him- 
self having shown it to them. For His being and His might, though they 
be invisible, yet are seen ever since the world was made, being under- 
stood by His works, which prove His eternal power and Godhead," ■* 

The crowd reluctantly retired, and led the victims away without offer- 
ing them in sacrifice to the Apostles. It might be supposed that at least 
a command had been obtained over their gratitude and reverence, which 
would not easily be destroyed ; but we have to record here one of those 
Budden cliauges of feeling, which are humiliating proofs of the weakness of 
human nature and of the superficial character of religious excitement. The 
Lycaonians were proverbially fickle and faithless ; ^ but we may not too 

' 1 Thcss. i. 9. The coincidence is more striking in the Greek, because the very 
Banie verb, ^mcrpideiv, is used in each passage, and is intransitive in both. 

' Eom. iii. 25 : Tijv ■aupeatv tuv ■jrpoyeyovoruv u/iaprrifidTuv iv tT) dvoxy rov Qeov, — 
the mis-translation of which in the authorised version entirely alters its meaning. 

3 Acts xvii. 30. 

■• Rom. i. 19, 20. 'W'e ought not to leave this speech without noticing Mr. Hum- 
phrey's conjecture that the conclusion of it is a quotation from some lyi'ic poet. We 
cannot think this at all probable ; the fact that the passage from ovpavodev to 
KapSidc can be broken up into a system of irregular lines, consisting of dochmiac and 
choriambic feet, proves nothing ; bccaase there is scarcely any passage in Greek prose 
which might not be resolved into lyi'ical poetry by a similar method ; just as, in Eng- 
lish, the columns of a newspaper may be read off as hexameters (spondaic, or other- 
wise), quite as good as most of the so-called English hexameters which are published. 
It seems very unlikely that St. Paul, in addi-essing the simple and illiterate inhabitants 
of Lystra (whose vernacular language was not even Greek), should quote a lyrical 
poem. It M'ould have been as improbable as that John "Wesley, when trying to pacify 
the "Welsh mob at Brecon, should have quoted one of Gray's odes. 

» The Sthol. on II. iv. 88, 92 says: 'ATZLaro yap AvKaove-:, tif kuI ' Aptcrmi /.rji 


hastily decide that tliey were worse than many others might have been 
Quder the same circumstances. It would not be difficult to find a parallel 
to their conduct among the modern converts from idolatry to Christianity. 
And certainly no later missionaries have had more assiduous enemies than 
the Jews, whom the Apostles had everywhere to oi^pose. Certain Jews 
from Iconium, and even from Antioch,' followed in the footsteps of Paul 
and Barnabas, and endeavoured to excite the hostility of the Lystrians 
against them. When they heard of the miracle worked on the lame maa, 
and found how great an effect it had produced on the people of Lystra, 
they would be ready with a new interpretation of this occurrence. They 
would say that it had been accomplished, not by Divine agency, but by 
some diaboUcal magic ; as once they had said at Jerusalem, that He 
who came " to destroy the works of the devil," cast out devils " by Beel- 
zebub the prince of the devils." ^ And this is probably the true explana- 
tion of that sudden change of feeling among the Lystrians, which at first 
sight is very surprising. Their own interpretation of what they had wit- 
nessed having been disavowed by the authors of the miracle themselves, 
they would readily adopt a new interpretation, suggested by those who 
appeared to be well acquamted with the strangers, and who had followed 
them from distant cities. Their feehngs changed with a revulsion as vio- 
lent as that which afterwards took place among the "barbarous people" 
of Malta,^ who first thought St. Paul was a murderer, and then a god. 
The Jews, taking advantage of the credulity of a rude tribe, were able to 
accomjjhsh at Lystra the design they had meditated at Iconium.^ St. Paul 
was stoned, — not hurried out of the city to execution hke St. Stephen,* the 
memory of whose death must have come over St. Paul at this moment with 
impressive force, — but stoned somewhere in the streets of Lystra, and then 
dragged through the city gate, and cast outside the walls, under the belief that 
he was dead. This is the occasion to which the Apostle afterwards alluded 
in the words, " once I was stoned," ^ in that long catalogue of sufferings, 

» Acts xiv. 19. ' Matt. xii. 24. 

1 Acts xsviii. 4-6. * Acts xiv. 5. 

5 See the end of Ch. ii. At Jerusalem the law required that these executions should 
take place outside the city. It must be remembered that stoning was a Jewish pimish- 
ment, and that it was proposed by Jews at Iconium, and instigated and begun by Jewa 
at Lystra. 

6 See Paley's remark on the expression " once I was stoned," in reference to the 
previous design of stoning St. Paul at Iconium. " Had the assault been completed, 
had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that preparations were 
made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had tb« 
account of this transaction stopped, without going on to mform us that Paul and bia 
companions were ' aware of the danger and fled,' a contradiction between the history 
and the epistles would have ensued. Truth is necessarily consistent ; but it is scarcely 
possible that independent accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus ad\anc« 
to the very brink of contradiction without falling into it." Hora; Paulinaj, p. 69 

BT. r axel's BITFFEKmGS. 197 

to which we have ah-eady referred in this chapter.' Thus was he " in 
perils by his own couutrymen, in perils by the heathen," — " in deaths oft," 
— " always bearing about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesus, that 
the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in his body Alway de- 
livered unto dcalJi for Jesus' sake, that the life also of Jesus might be 
made manifest in his mortal flesh." " 

On the present occasion these last words were literally realised, for by 
the power and goodness of God he rose from a state of apparent death as 
if by a sudden resurrection.^ Though " persecuted," he was not " for- 
saken," — though "cast down" he was " not destroyed." "As the disci- 
ples stood about him, he rose up, and came into the city." * We see from 
this expression that his labours in Lystra had not been in vain. He bad 
found some willing listeners to the truth, some " disciples " who did not 
hesitate to show their attachment to their teacher by remaining near his 
body, which the rest of their fellow-citizens had wounded and cast out. 
These courageous disciples were left for the present in the midst of the 
enemies of the truth. Jesus Christ had said,^ " when they persecute you 
in one city, flee to another," and the very "next day"^ Paul "departed 
with Barnabas to Derbe." 

But before w^e leave Lystra, we must say a few words on one specta- 
tor of St. Paul's sufferings, who is not yet mentioned by St. Luke, but 
who was destined to be the constant companion of his after years, the 
zealous follower of his doctrine, the faithful partner of his danger and dis- 
tress. St. Paul came to Lystra again after the interval of one or two 
years, and on that occasion we are told ' that he found a certain Christian 
there, " whose name was Timotheus, whose mother was a Jewess, while 
his father was a Greek," and whose excellent character was highly es- 
teemed by his fellow Christians of Lystra and Iconium. It is distinctly 
stated that at the time of this second visit Timothy was already a Chris- 
tian ; and since we know from St. Paul's own expression, — " my own son 
in the faith,"*" — that he was converted by St. Paul himself, we must sup- 
pose this change to have taken place at the time of the first visit. And 
the reader will remember that St. Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 

See pp. 1G3, 1G4. 

Compare 2 Cor. iv. 8-12 and xi. 23-27. 

3 The natural inference from the narrative is, that the recovery was miraculous ; and 
it is evident that such a recovery must have produced a strong effect ou the minds ol 
the Christians who witnessed it. 

* Acts xiv. 20. * Matt. x. 23. c Acts xiv. 20. 7 Acts xvi. 1. 

8 1 Tim. i. 2. Compare i. 18 and 2 Tim. ii. 1. It is indeed possible that these ex- 
pressions might be used, if Timothy became a Christian by his mother's influence, and 
through the recollection of St. Paul's sufferings ; but the common view is the most 
natural. See what is said 1 Cor. iv. 14, 15 : " As my beloved sons I warn you ; for 
though ye have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet have ye not many fathern; for 
in Christ Jesua I have begctten you through the gospel." 


(iii. 10, 11) remiuds him of bis own intimate and personal knowledge of 
the suffermgs he had endured, " at Antioch, at Iconmm, at lA/stra," — the 
places (it will be observed) being mentioned in the exact order in which 
they were visited, and in which the successive persecutions took place. 
We have thus the strongest reasons for believing that Timothy was a 
witness of St. Paul's injurious treatment : and this too at a time of life 
when the mind receives its deepest impressions from the sjsectacle of inno- 
cent suffering and undaunted courage. And it is far from impossible that 
the generous and warm-hearted youth was standing in that group of dis- 
ciples, who surrounded the apparently lifeless body of the Apostle at the 
outside of the walls of Lystra. 

TVe are called on to observe at this point, with a thankful acknowledg- 
ment of God's providence, that the iiight from Iconium, and the cruel per- 
secution at Lystra, where events which involved the most important and 
beneficial consequences to universal Christianity. It was here, in the midst 
of barbarous idolaters, that the Apostle of the Gentiles found an associ- 
ate, who became to him and the Church far more than Barnabas, the com- 
panion of his first mission. As we have observed above,' there appears to 
have been at Lystra no synagogue, no community of Jews and proselytes, 
among whom such an associate might naturally have been expected. 
Perhaps Timotheus and his relations may have been almost the only 
persons of Jewish origin hi the town. And his " grandmother Lois " 
and " mother Eunice" ■ may have been brought there originally by some 
accidental circumstance, as Lydia^ was brought from. Thyatira to Phi- 
lippi.* And, though there was no synagogue at Lystra, this family may 
have met with a few others in some proseucha, like that in which Lydia 
and her fellow-worshippers met " by the river side." ^ Whatever we may 
conjecture concerning the congregational life to which Timotheus may have 
been accustomed, we are accurately informed of the nature of that do- 
mestic life which nurtured him for his future labours. The good soil of 
his heart was well prepared before Paul came, by the instructions ^ of Lois 
and Eunice, to receive the seed of Christian truth, sown at the Apostle's 
first visit, and to produce a rich harvest of faith and good works before 
the time of his second visit. 

Derbe, as we have seen, is somewhere^ not far from the "Black 

« See p. 188. * 2 Tim. i. 5. 3 Acts xvi. 14. 

* See also the remarks on the Jews settled in Asia Minor, eh. i. pp. 17, 18 ; and ou 
Che Hellenistic and Aramaean Jews, ch. n. p. 37. 

6 Acts xvi. 13. 6 2 Tim. i. 5. 

' See the note on Lystra. Strabo says of Derbe : — T^f 'laavpiK^c ionv h -rzlEvoaig, 
fid'Aicra ry KaTzwaSoKia e7ri7re^v/c6f. k. t. 2,. xii. 6. Stephanus Byzantinus says that 
Dsrbe was <ppovpiov 'Icavpiac: ical ?ufirjv [the last word is evidently a mistake ; perhaps, 
as the French translators of Strabo suggest, it ought to be T.ifivT]'] ; but he implies that 
it was closely connected with Lycaonia, and at the same time that " the speech ol 



Mouniain," which rises like an island in the south-eastern part of the plain 
of Lycaonia. A few hours would suffice for the journey between Lystra 
and its neighbour-city. We may, perhaps, infer from the fact that Derbe 
is not mentioned in the list of places which St. Paul ' brings to the recol- 
lection of Timothy as scenes of past suffering and distress, that in this 
town the Apostles were exposed to no persecution. It may have been a 
quiet resting-place after a journey full of toil and danger. It does not 
appear that they were hindered in " evangelising " ^ the city : and the 
fruit of their labours was the conversion of " many disciples." ^ 

And now we have reached the Umit of St. Paul's first missionary jour- 
ney. About this part of the Lycaonian plain, where it approaches, 
through gradual undulations,^ to the northern bases of Mount Taurus, he 
was not far from that well-known pass = which leads down from the cen- 
tral table-land to Cihcia and Tarsus. But his thoughts did not centre in 
an earthly home. He turned back upon his footsteps ; and revisited the 
places, Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch,^ where he himself had been reviled 
and persecuted, but where he had left, as sheep in the desert, the disciples 
whom his Master had enabled him to gather. They needed buildmg up 
and strengthening in the faith,' comfortmg in the midst of their inevitable 
sufferings, and fencing round by permanent institutions. Therefore Paul 
and Barnabas revisited the scenes of their labours, undaunted by the dan- 
gers which awaited them, and using words of encouragement, which none 
but the founders of a true rehgion would have ventured to address to their 
earliest converts, that " we can only enter the kingdom of God by pass- 
ing through much tribulation." But not only did they fortify their faith 
by passing words of encouragement ; they ordained elders in every church 
after the pattern of the first Christian communities in Palestine,'' and with 
that solemn observance which had attended then' own consecratiou,^ and 

Lycaonia" was ia some way peculiar, when he says that some called it AeMela, 5 iar,. 
Ty Tuv AvKaovuv (puvii upKovdog. This variety in the form of the name, added to the 
proximity of lake Ak Gcil, induced ilr. Hamilton to think Divle might be Derbe. — Re^ 
searches, vol. n. p. 313. 

1 2 Tim. iii. 11. 

' F.vayjETiiad/LiEvoi rf/v tvoXcv kKeivTjv. xiv. 21. 

3 MadTjTEVGavreg Ikuvovq. Ibid. 

* So Leake describes the neighbourhood of Karaman (Laranda), pp. 96, 97. Hamil- 
ton, speaking of the same district, mentions ' low ridges of cretaceous limestone, ex- 
tending into the plain from the mountains." n. 324. 

* The " Cilician Gates,'' to which we shall return at the beginning of the second 
missionary journey (Acts xv. 41). See the Map. 

6 Mentioned (Acts xiv. 21) in the inverse order from that in which they had been 
visited before (xiii. 14, 51. xiv. 6). 

^ 'E~i.(JT7ipl^ovTeg -de ■\pvx(J,g tuv fiadrjTuv, •KapaKaXovvreg efifiiveiv tij iriarei. xiv. 22. 

8 The first mention of presbyters in the Christian, opnosed to the Jewish sense, occun 
Acts xi. 30, in reference to the church at Jerusalem. 

9 Ch. V pp. 133, 134. 


which has been transmitted to later ages in connection with ordination, — 
" with fasting and prayer" — they " made choice of fit persons to serve iu 
the sacred ministry of the Church." ' 

Thus, having consigned their disciples to Him " in whom they had be- 
lieved," and who w^as " able to keep that which was entrusted to Him,"' 
Paul and Barnabas descended through the Pisidian mountains to the 
plana of Pamphylia. If our conjecture is correct (see p. 165), that they 
went up from Perga in spring, and returned at the close of autumn,^ and 
spent all the hotter months of the year in the elevated districts, they 
would again pass in a few days through a great change of seasons, and 
almost from summer to whiter. The people of Pamphylia would have 
returned from their cold residences to the warm shelter of the plain by 
the sea-side ; and Perga would be full of its inhabitants. The Gospel 
was preached within the walls of this city, through which the Apostles 
had merely passed^ on their journey to the interior. But from St. Luke's 
silence it appears that the preaching was attended with no marked re- 
sults. We read neither of conversions nor persecutions. The Jews, if 
any Jews resided there, were less inquisitive and less tyrannical than those 
at Antioch and Icouium ; and the votaries of " Diana before the city " 
at Perga (see p. 160) were less excitable than those who worshipped 
" Jupiter before the city " at Lystra.* When the time came for return- 
ing to Syria, they did not sail down the Oestrus, up the channel of which 
river they had come on their arrival fi'om Cyprus,^ but travelled across 
the plain to Attaleia, which was situated on the edge of the Pamphyliau 

Attaleia had something of the same relation to Perga, which Cadiz 
has to Seville. In each case the latter city is approached by a river- 
voyage, and the former is more conveniently placed on the open sea. At- 
tains Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, whose dominions extended from the 
north-western corner of Asia Minor to the Sea of Pamphylia, had built 
this city in a convenient position for commanding the trade of Syria or ' 
Egypt. When Alexander the Great passed this way, no such city was in 
existence : but since the days of the kings of Pergamus, who inherited a 
fragment of his vast empire, Attaleia has always existed and flourished, 
retaining the name of the monarch who built itJ Behind it is the plain, 

> First Collect for the Ember Weeks. ' Acts xiv. 23. Compare 2 Tim. i. 12 

' "Wieseler (p. 224) thinks the events on this journey must have occupied more than 
one year. It is evident that the case does not admit of any thing more than conjecture. 

* See ahove, pp. ICO, and notes. ^ Acts xiv. 13. e pp. leo, 161. 

' See Strab. xiv. 4 and Ptol. v. 5, 2. Strabo places Attaleia to the west of the Catarr 
hactes, Ptolemy to the east. Admiral Beaufort (Karamania, ch. vi.) was of opinion 
that the modern Satalia is the site of the ancient Olbia, and that Laara is the true 
Attaleia. ?,[aanort (Georg. der G. und R. vi. 130) conjectures that Olbia may have 
be;^n th'^ aa^:ient name of the city which Attalus rebuilt and called after his own name r 


through which the calcareous waters of the Catarrhactes flow, perpetually 
constructing and destroying and reconstructmg their fantastic channels.' 
In front of it, and along the shore on each side, are long lines of cliffs,* 
over which the river finds its way in waterfalls to the sea, and which con- 
ceal the plain from those who look toward the land from the inner waters 
of the bay, and even encroach on the prospect of the mountains them 

When this view is before us, the mind reverts _to another band of Chris- 
tian warriors, who once sailed from the bay of Satalia to the Syrian Anti 
och. Certain passages, in which the movements of the Crusaders and 
Apostles may be compared with each other are among the striking con- 
trasts of history. Conrad and Louis, each with an army consisting at first 
of 70,000 men, marched through part of the same districts' which were 
traversed by Paul and Barnabas alone and unprotected. The shattered 
remains of the French host had come down to Attaleia through " the ab- 
rupt mountain-passes and the deep vallies " which are so well described by 
the contemporary historian.* They came to fight the battle of the Cross 

and Forbiger (Alte Geographie, ii. 268) inclines to think the opinion is very probable. 
The perpetual changes in the river-bed of the Catarrhactes have necessarily caused 
some difficulty in the identification of ancient sites in this part of the Pampbylian 
plain. Spratt and Forbes, however (" Lycia," &c., ch. vi.), seems to have discovered 
the true Olbia further to the west, and to have proved that Satalia is Attaleia. They 
add that the style of its relics is invariably Roman, agreeing with the date of its foun- 

' See Spratt and Forbes for a full account of the kregular deposits and variations of 
channel observable in this river. 

• There are also ancient sea-cliffs at some distance behind the present coast line. 
See Fellows, and Spratt and Forbes. 

3 See the Maps in Michaud's Histoire des Croisades and Milman's Gibbon. 

* Tandem vero Pamphyliam ingressi, per abrupta montium, per devexa vallium 
cum d'fficultate nwiia .... usque Attaleiam, ejusdem regionis metropolim pervene- 
runt." — "William of Tyi-e, xvi. 26. The passage which follows is worth quoting, both 
for the account of Satalia as it was in the twelfth century, and the description of the 
voyage to Antioch on the Orontes. " Est autem Attaleia civitas in littore maris sita, 
Imperatoris Constantinopolitani subjecta imperio, agrum habens opimum, et tamen 
"civibus suis inutilcm. Nam angustiantibus eos undique hostibns, nee permittentibus 
agrorum ciiltui vacare, jacet ager infructuosus, dum non est qui exercendo fcecunrlita- 
tem possit procreare : alias tamen multa habens commoditates, gratum se solet prabere 
hospitibus. Nam aquas emanans perspicuas et salutares, pomeriis est obsita fructiferis, 
Bitu placens amocnissimo : trajectarum tamen frequens et per mare devectarum solent 
habere copias, et transeuntibus suflScientcm cibonim commoditatem ministrare. Quia 
vero hostibus nimis est contermina, eorum non valens indesinenter sustincre molostias, 
facta est cis tributaria, per hoc neccssariorum cum hostibus commerciura. 

" Ilanc nostri idiomatis Grscci non habentes peritiam, corrupto vocabulo Satalinm 
appellant. Uude et totus ille maris sinus, a promontorio Lissidora, usque in insulanr 
Cyprum, Attalicus dicitur, qui vulgari appcllatioue Gulplms Satalia nuncupatur. 

" Ad banc pcrvenieus Rex Francorum cum suis, ob multitudinem concurrentium 
tantum passus est alimentorum ponuriam quod peno residuum exercitus, ct maxim? 
pauperes consumercntur inedia. Ipse vero cum suis principibus, relictis pcdesti'ibu» 



with a great multitude, and with the armour of human power ; their jonr- 
uey was encompassed with defeat and death ; their arrival at Attaleia was 
disastrous and disgraceful ; and they sailed to Antioch a broken and dis- 
pirited army. But the Crusaders of the first century, the Apostles of 
Christ, though they too passed "through much tribulation," advanced 
from victory to victory. Their return to the place " whence they had 
been recommended to the grace of God for the work which they fulfilled," ' 
was triumphant and joyful, for the weapons of their warfare were " not 
carnal." " The Lord Himself was their tower and their shield. 

turmis matm-at navigio, Isauriam Ciliciamque a Iseva deserens : a dextrii* autem Cypro 
relicta, prosperis actus flatibus, fauces Orontis fluminis, quod Antiochiam proelabitur, 
qui locus hodie dicitur Symeonis portus, juxta antiquam urbem Seleuciam, et ab An- 
tiochia decern plus minusTe paulo distat miliaribus, ingreditur." 

Acts xiv. 26. " See 2 Cor. x. 4. 

From Fellows' Asia Minor, p. 191. This sculpturing of a shield upon a tower niay 
also be seen in a drawing of Isaura in Hamilton's Repearclies, vol. ii. p. 333. 



" Inter hos scopulus et sluus, inter htec vada et freta . . . vellficata Spiritu Dei fides 
cavigat. . . . Propterea Spiritus Sanctus consultantibus tunc Apostolis vinculum et 
jujijum nobis relasavit, ut idololatria3 devitandse vacaremus/' — Tertull. de Moll. § 24. 











If, wlien we contrast the voyage of Paul and Barnabas across the bay of 
Attaleia, with the voyage of those who sailed over the same waters in the 
same direction, eleven centuries later, our minds are powerfully drawn to- 
wards the pure age of early Christianity, when the power of faith made 
human weakness irresistibly strong ; — the same thoughts are not less for- 
cibly presented to us, when we contrast the reception of the Crusaders at 
Antioch, with the reception of the Apostles in the same city. "We are 
told by the Chroniclers ', that Raymond, " Prince of Antioch," waited 
with much expectation for the arrival of the French King ; and that, 
when he heard of his landing at Seleucia, he gathered together all the 
nobles and chief men of the people, and went out to meet him, and 

» Raymond . . . princcps Antiochenus . . . advcntum diebus multis ante expccta- 
verat, cum dcsidcrio sustinens, convocatis nobilibus totius regionis, et populi primori- 
bus, cum elccto comitatu ei occurrens, in urbem Antiocbcnam, omnem ei exliibena 
reverentiam, occurrente ei universo clcro et populo, magnificentissime iatroduxit, 
Will, of Tjr. xvi. 27. 


brongljt him into Antioch with much pomp and magnificence, showing him 
all reverence and homage, in the midst of a great assemblage of the 
clergy and people. All that St. Luke tells us of the reception of the 
Apostles after their victorious campaign, is, that they entered into the 
city and " gathered together the church, and told them how God had 
worked with them and how He had opened a door of faith to the Gen- 
tiles." ' Thus the kingdom of God came at the first " without obser- 
vation,"'" — wi'^.h the humble acknowledgment that all power is given 
from above, — and with a thankful recognitica of our Father's merciful 
love to all mankind. 

Ko age, however, of Christianity, not even the earliest, has been with- 
out its difficulties, controversies, and corruptions. The presence of Judas 
among the apostles, and of Ananias and Sapphira among the first disci- 
ples,^ were proofs of the power which moral evil possesses to combine it- 
self with the holiest works. The misunderstanding of " the Grecians and 
Hebrews" in the days of Stephen,^, the suspicion of the apostles, when 
Paul came from Damascus to Jerusalem,* the secession of Mark at the 
beginning of the first missionary journey,* were symptoms of the preju- 
dice, ignorance, and infirmity, in the midst of which the Gospel was 
to win its way in the hearts of men. And the arrival of the apostles at 
Antioch at the close of their journey was presently followed by a trou- 
bled controversy, which involved the most momentous consequences to all 
future ages of the Church ; and which led to that visit to Jerusalem 
which, next after his conversion, is perhaps the most important passage in 
St. Paul's life. 

"We have seen (Ch. I.) that great numbers of Jews had long been dis- 
persed beyond the limits of then- own land, and were at this time dis- 
tributed over every part of the Roman Empire. " Moses had of old 
time, in every city, them that preached him, being read in the Syna- 
gogues every Sabbath-day." ' In every considerable city, both of the 
Bast and West, were established some members of that mysterious peo- 
ple,_who had a written law, which they read and re-read, in the midst of 
the contempt of those who surrounded them, week by week, and year by 
year, — who were bound everywhere by a secret link of affection to one 
city in the world, where alone their religious sacrifices could be offered, — 
whose whole life was utterly abhorrent from the temples and images wMch 
crowded the neighbourhood of theu" Synagogues, and from the gay and 
licentious festivities of the Greek and Roman worship. 

In the same way it might be said that Plato and Aristotle, Zeno and 
Epicurus,* " had in every city those that preached them." Side by side 
with the doctrines of Judaism, the speculations of Greek philosophers 

' Acts xiv. 27 » Luke xvii. 20. 3 Acts v. ■« P- 66. « P. 102. 

• P. 163. 7 Acts XV. 21. » See Acts xvii. 18. 


were — not indeed read in connection with religious worship — but orally 
taught and publicly discussed in the schools. Hence the Jews, in their 
foreign settlements, were surrounded, not only by an idolatry which 
shocked all their deepest feelings, and by a shameless profligacy unforbid- 
den by, and even associated with, that which the GentUes called reli- 
gion, — but also by a proud and contemptuous philosophy that ahenated 
the more educated classes of society to as great a distance as the untliink 
ing multitude. 

Thus a strong line of demarcation between the Jews and Gentiles ran 
through the whole Roman empire. Though their dwellings were often 
contiguous, they were separated from each other by deep-rooted feelings 
of aversion and contempt. The "middle wall of partition" ^ was built 
up by diligent hands on both sides. This mutual ahenation existed, not- 
withstanding the vast number of proselytes, who were attracted to the 
Jewish doctrine and worship, and who, as we have already observed 
(Ch. I.), were silently preparing the way for the ultimate union of the 
two races. The breach was even widened, in many cases, in consequence 
of this work of proselytism : for those who went over to the Jewish camp, 
or hesitated on the neutral ground, were looked on with some suspicion 
by the Jews themselves, and thoroughly hated and despised by the 

It must be remembered that the separation of which we speak was 
both religious and social. The Jews had a divine law, which sanctioned 
the principle, and enforced the practice, of national isolation. They could 
not easily believe that this law, with which all the glorious passages of 
their history were associated, was meant only to endure for a limited 
period : and we cannot but sympathise in the difficulty they felt in accept- 
ing the notion of a cordial union with the uncircumcised, even after idola- 
try was abandoned and morality observed. And again, the pecuhar 
character of the religion which isolated the Jews was such as to place 
insuperable obstacles in the way of social union with other men. Their 
seremouial observances precluded the possibility of their eating with the 
Gentiles. The nearest parallel we can find to this barrier between the 
Jews and Gentiles, is the institution of caste among the ancient popula- 
tions of India, which presents itself to our pohticians as a perplexing fact 
in the government of the presidencies, and to our missionaries as the great 
obstacle to the progress of Christianity in the East.'' A Hindoo cannot 
eat with a Parsee, or a Mahomedan, — and among the Hindoos thcmselvoa 

« Eph. ii. li 

• See for instance the memoir of the Rer. II. "W. Fox (1850), pp. 123-125. A shan 
Htatement of the strict regulations of the modern Jews, in their present dispereed state 
concerning th<^ slaughtering of animals for food and the sale '^f the meat, is given in 
Allen's Modern Judaism, ch. xxil. 


the meals of a Brahmin are polkited by the presence of a Pariah, — thougli 
they meet and have free intercourse in the ordinary transaction of busi 
ness. And so it was in the patriarchal age. It was " an abomination for 
the Egyptians to eat bread with the Hebrews." ' The same principle was 
divinely sanctioned for a time in the Mosaic Institutions. The Israehtes, 
who lived among the Gentiles, met them freely in the j)laces of public 
resort, buying and selling, conversing and disputing : but their families were 
separate : in the relations of domestic life, it was " unlawful," as St. Peter 
Bald to Cornelius, "for a man that was a Jew to keep company or come 
unto one of another nation." ^ "When St. Peter returned from the centu- 
rion at Cffisarea to his brother-christians at Jerusalem, their great charge 
against him was that he had " gone in to men uncircumcised, and had eaten 
with them : " ^ and the weak compliance of which he was guilty, after the 
true principle of social unity had been publicly recognised, and which 
called forth the stern rebuke of his brother-apostles, was that, after eating 
with the Gentiles, he "withdrew and separated himself, fearing thera 
which were of the circumcision." * 

How these two difficulties, which seemed to forbid the formation of an 
united Church on earth, were ever to be overcome, — how the Jews and 
Gentiles were to be religiously united, without the enforced obligation of 
the whole Mosaic Law, — how they were to be socially united as equal 
brethren in the family of a common Father, — the solution of this problem 
must in that day have appeared impossible. And without the direct in- 
tervention of Divine grace it would have been impossible. We now pro- 
ceed to consider how that grace gave to the mmds of the Apostles, the 
wisdom, discretion, forbearance, and firmness which were required ; and 
how St. Paul was used as the great instrument in accomplishing a work 
necessary to the very existence of the Christian Church. 

We encounter here a difficulty, well known to all who have examined 
this subject, in combining into one continuous narrative the statements in 
the Epistle to the Galatians and in the Acts of the Apostles. In the 
latter book we are informed of five distinct journeys made by the Apostle 
to Jenisalem after the time of his conversion ; — first, when he escaped 
from Damascus, and spent a fortnight with Peter ; ^ secondly, when he 
took the collection from Autioch with Barnabas in the time of famine ; ^ 
thirdly, on the occasion of the Council, which is now before us in the fif- 
teenth chapter of the Acts ; fourthly, in the interval between his second 
and third missionary journeys ; ' and, fifthly, when the uproar was made 
in the Temple, and he was taken into the custody of the Roman garrison.' 
In the Epistles to the Galatians, St. Paul speaks of two journeys to Jem- 

1 Gen. xliii. Si'. ' Acts x. 28. 

3 Acts xi. 3. 4 Gal. ii. 12. s p. loi e p. 127. 

' Acts xriii. 22. » Acts xxi. &c. 


salem, — the first beiug " three years " after his conversion ' the seconc 
" fourteen years " later/ when his own apostleship was asserted and recog- 
nised in a public meeting of the other apostles.^ Kow, while we have no 
difficulty in stating, as we have done/ that the first journey of one account 
is the first journey of the other, theologians have been variously divided io 
opinion, as to whether the second journey of the Epistle must be identified 
with the second, third, or fourth of the Acts ; or whether it is a separate 
journey, distinct from any of them. It is agreed by all that the fifth can- 
not possibly be intended.^ The view we have adopted, that the second 
journey of the Epistle is the third of the Acts, is that of a majority of the 
best critics and commentators. For the arguments by which it is justi- 
fied, and for a full discussion of the whole subject, we must refer the rea- 
der to the note at the end of this Chapter. Some of the arguments will 
be indirectly presented in the following narrative. So far as the circum- 
stances combined together in the present Chapter appear natural, consecu- 
tive and coherent, so far some reason will be given for believing that we 
are not following an arbitrary assumption or a fanciful theory. 

It is desirable to recur at the outset to the first instance of a Gen 
tile's conversion to Christianity." After the preceding remarks, we arc 
prepared to recognise the full significance of the emblematical' vision 
which St. Peter saw at Joppa. The trance into which he fell at the mo- 
ment of his hunger, — the vast sheet descending from heaven, — the pro- 
miscuous assemblage of clean and unclean animals^ — the voice from hea- 
ven which said, "Arise, Peter, kill and ea#," — the whole of this imagery 
is invested with the deepest meaning, when we recrjllcct all the details of 
religious and social life, which separated, up to that moment, the Gentile 
from the Jew The words heard by St. Peter in his trance came lika a 
shock on all the prejudices of his Jewish education.^ He had never so 

1 Gal. i. 18. 

* We take the dEKareaaupuv (Gal. ii. 1) to refer to the preceding jouruey, and not to 
the conversion. This question, as well as that of the reading reaadpuv, will be dis- 
cussed in a future note. 

3 Gal. ii. 1-10. 

4 P. 101. 

3 Some writers, e. g. Paley and Schrader, have contended that an entirely differenl 
journey, not mentioned in the Acts, is alluded to. This also will be discussed hereafter. 

6|kA.cts X. xi. 

7 The last emblematical visions (properly so called) were those seen by the prophet 

s Sec Levit. xi. 

9 The feeling of the Jews in all ages is well illustrated by the following extract from 
ft modern Jewish work : " If we disregard this precept, and say, ' What difference can 
it make to God if I eat the meat of an ox or swine,' we offend against His will, we pol- 
lute ourselves by what goes into the mouth, and can consequently lay no longer a claim 
tc holiness ; for the term ' holiness,' applied to mortals, means only a framing of out 

desires by the will of God Have we not enough to eat without touching forbid 

den things? Let me beseech my dear fellow-believers not to deceive themselves b» 


broken the law of his forefathers as to eat any thing it condemned as un- 
clean. And though the same voice spoke to him " a second time," > and 
" answered him from heaven,"^ — "What God has made clean that call 
not thou common," — it required a wonderful combmatiou of natural =» and 
supernatural evidence to convince him that God is " no respecter of per- 
sons," but "in every nation" accepts him that "feareth Him and worketh 
righteousness,"^ — that all such distinctions as depend on "meat and 
drink," on " holydays, new moons, and sabbaths," were to pass away, — 
that these things were only " a shadow of things to come," — that " the 
body is of Christ," — and that " in Him we are complete . . , cii'cumcised 
with a cu'cumcision not made with hands . . . buried with Him in bap- 
tism," and risen with Him through faith.^ 

The Christians " of the circumcision," <= who travelled with Peter from 
Joppa to Cffisarea, were "astonished" when they saw "the gift of the 
Holy Ghost poured out " on the unctrcumcised Gentiles : and much dis- 
satisfaction was created in the Church, when intelligence of the whole 
transaction came to Jerusalem. On Peter's arrival, his having "gone in 
to men uncircumcised, and eaten with them," was arraigned as a serious 
violation of religious duty. When St. Peter " rehearsed the matter from 
the beginning, and expounded it by order," appealing to the evidence of 
the " six brethren " who had accompanied him, — his accusers were silent, 
and so much conviction was produced at the time, that they expressed 
their gratitude to God, for His mercy in " granting to the Gentiles r«- 
pentance unto life." '' But subsequent events too surely proved that the 
discontent at Jerusalem was only partially allayed. Hesitation and per- 
plexity began to arise in the minds of the Jewish Christians, with scrupu- 
lous misgivings concerning the rectitude of St. Peter's Conduct, and an un- 
comfortable jealousy of the new converts. And nothing could be mors 
natural than all this jealousy and perplexity. To us, with our present 
knowledge, it seems that the slightest relaxation of a ceremonial law 
should have been willingly and eagerly welcomed. But the view fror: 
the Jewish standing-point was very different. The religious difficulty in 
the mind of a Jew was greater than we can easily imagine. We can well 
believe that the minds of many may have been perplexed by the words and 
the conduct of our Lord Himself : for He had not been sent " save to the 
lost sheep of the house of Israel," and He said that it was " not mcsf. to 

eaying, ' there is no sin in eating of aught that lives ;' on the contrary, there is sin and 
contamination too." Leeser's Jews and the Mosaic Law ; ch. on " The forbidden Meats." 
Philadelphia, 5594. 

1 Acts X. 15. ' Acts xi. 9. 

' The coincidence of outward events and inward admonitions was veiy similar to the 
oircamstances connected with St. Paul's baptism by Ananias at Damascus. 

« Acts X. 34, 35. 5 See Col. ii. 8-23. « Acta x. 45, with xL 12. 

' Aots 3d. 1-lS 


take the children's bread and cast it to dogs." ' Until St. Paul appeared be- 
fore the Church in his true character as the Apostle of the uncircamcision, 
few understood that " the law of the commandments contained in ordi- 
nances " had been abohshed by the cross of Christ ; " and that the " other 
sheep," not of the Jewish fold, should be freely admitted into the " one 
fold " by the " One Shepherd." ^ 

The smouldering feeling of discontent which had existed from the first 
increased and became more evident as new Gentile converts were admitted 
into the Church. To pass over all the other events of the interval which 
had elapsed since the baptism of Cornelius, the results of the recent jour- 
ney of Paul and Barnabas through the cities of Asia Minor must have 
excited a great commotion among the Jewish Christians. " A door of 
faith " had been opened " unto the Gentiles." ■* " He that wrought effectu- 
ally in Peter to the apostleship of the circumcision, the same had been 
mighty in Paul toward the Gentiles." ^ And we cannot well doubt that 
both he and Barnabas had freely joined in social intercourse with the Gen- 
tile Christians, at Antioch in Pisidia, at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, as 
Peter " at the first " ^ "a good while ago " ' had eaten with CorueUus at 
CoDsarea. At Antioch in Syria, it seems evident that both parties lived 
together in amicable intercourse and in much " freedom." '^ Nor, indeed, 
is this the city where we should have expected the Jewish controversy to 
have come to a crisis : for it was from Antioch that Paul and Barnabas 
had first been sent as missionaries to the heathen : ^ and it was at Antioch 
that Greek proselytes had first accepted the truth,'" and that the united 
body of believers had first been called " Christians." " 

Jerusalem was the metropolis of the Jewish world. The exclusive 
feelings which the Jews carried with them wherever they were diffused, 
were concentrated in Jerusalem in their most intense degree. It was 
there, in the sight of the Temple, and with all the recollections of their 
ancestors surrounding their daily life, that the impatience of the Jewish 
Christians kindled into burning indignation. They saw that Christianity, 
instead of being the purest and hohest form of Judaism, was rapidly be- 
coming a universal and indiscriminating religion, in which the Jewish ele- 
ment would be absorbed and lost. This revolution could not appear to 
them in any other light than as a rebellion against all that they had been 
taught to hold inviolably sacred. And since there was no doubt that the 
%Teat instigator of this change of opinion was that Saul of Tarsus whom 
they had once known as a young Pharisee at the " feet of Gamaliel," the 
contest took the form of an attack made by " certain of the sect of the 

1 Matt. XV. 24, 2C. ' Eph. ii. 15. 

3 John X. 16. * Acts xiv. 27. s Qal. ii. 8. 

6 Acts XV. 14. 7 Acts x\: 7. 8 See Gal. ii. 4. 

• Acts xiii. 1, &c. '0 Acts xi. 10-21. h Acts xl. 26. 

vor,. I.- — 14 


Pharisees " upon St. Paul. The battle which had been fought and lost 
in the " Ciliciau synagogue " was now to be renewed within the Church 

Some of the "false breth. on" (for such is the name which St. Paul 
gives to the Judaizers') went down "from Judssa" to Antioch.^ The 
course they adopted, in the first instance, was not that of open antagonism 
to St. Paul, but rather of clandestine intrigue. They came as " spies " 
into an enemy's camp,^ creeping in "unawares,"'' that they might ascer- 
tain how far the Jewish Law had been relaxed by the Christians at Anti- 
och ; their purpose being to bring the whole Church, if possible, under 
the " bondage " of the Jewish yoke. It api:fcars that they remained some 
considerable time at Antioch,* gradually insinuating, or openly inculcat- 
ing, their opinion that the observance of the Jewish Law was necessary to 
salvation. It is very important to observe the exact form which their 
teaching assumed. They did not merely recommend or enjoin, for pru- 
dential reasons, the continuance of certain ceremonies in themselves indif 
ferent : but they said, " Except ye be circumcised after the manner of 
Moses, ye cannot be saved." Such a doctrine must have been instantly 
opposed by St. Paul with his utmost energy. He was always ready to go 
to the extreme verge of charitable concession when the question was one of 
peace and mutual understanding : but when the very foundations cf Chris- 
tianity were in danger of being undermined, when the very continuance 
of " the truth of the Gospel " '^ was in jeopardy, it was impossible that he 
should "give place by subjection," even " for an hour." 

The "dissension and disputation,"' which arose between Paul and 
Barnabas and the false brethren from Judaea, resulted in a general anxiety 
and perplexity among the Syrian Christians. The minds of " those who 
from among the Gentiles were turned unto God" were " troubled " and 
unsettled.^ Those "words" which "perverted the Gospel of Christ" 
tended also to " subvert the souls " of those who heard them.^ It was 
determined, therefore, "that Paul and Barnabas, with certain others, 
should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and elders about this ques- 
tion." It was well known that those who vv'cre disturbing the peace of 
the Church had their head-quarters in Judsea. Such a theological party 
could only be successfully met in the stronghold of Jewish nationality. 
Moreover, the residence of the principal Apostles was at Jerusalem, and 
the community over which " James " presided was still regarded as the 
Mother-Church of Christendom. 

> GaL ii. 4. » Acts xv. 1. 

3 KaTaoKOTryaai. " Verbum Castrense." Grotius. See Chiys. on Gal. a. 4. 
* See napeiauKTovQ and -izapEiarj'kdov. Gal. ii. 4. 

» This may be iuferred from the imperfect idiSacKov. Compare xiv. 28. 
GaL ii.5. ■" Acts xv. 2. » Acts xv. 19. » Gal. L 7. Acts. xv. 24 


la addition to this mission with which St. Paul was entrusted by the 
Church at Antioch, he received an intimation of the Divine Will commu- 
nicated by direct revelation. Such a revelation at so momentous a crisis 
must appear perfectly natural to all who believe that Christianity was in- 
troduced into the world by the immediate power of God. If " a man of 
Macedonia " appeared to Paul in the visions of the night, when he was 
about to carry the Gospel from Asia into Europe : ' if " the angel of 
God" stood by him in the night when the ship that was conveying him to 
Rome was in danger of sinking ; * we cannot wonder when he telJs us 
that, on this occasion, when he " went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas," 
he went " by revelation." ^ And we need not be surprised, if wo find that 
St. Paul's path was determined by two different causes ; that he went to 
Jerusalem partly because the Church deputed him, and partly because he 
was divinely admonished. Such a combination and co-operation of the 
natural and the supernatural we have observed above,"" in the case of that 
vision which induced St. Peter to go from Joppa to Csesarea. Nor need 
we feel any great diflQculty in adopting this view of St. Paul's journey 
from Antioch to Jerusalem, — from this circumstance, that the two mo- 
tives which conspired to direct him are separately mentioned in different 
parts of Scripture. It is true that we are told in the Acts ' simply that it 
was " determined " at Antioch that Paul should go to Jerusalem ; and 
that in Galatians,^ we are informed by himself that he went " by revela- 
tion." But we have an exact parallel in an earher journey, already re- 
lated,' from Jerusalem to Tarsus. In St. Luke's narrative ^ it is stated 
that "the brethren," knowuig that the conspiracy against his life, 
" brought him down to Csesarea and sent him forth ; " while in the speech 
of St. Paul himself,^ we are told that in a trance he saw Jesus Christ, and 
received from Him a command to depart " quickly out of Jerusalem." 

Similarly directed from without and from within, he travelled to 
Jerusalem on the occasion before us. It would seem that his com- 
panions were carefully chosen with reference to the question in dispute. 
On the one hand was Barnabas,'" a Jew and " a Levite" by birth," a 
good representative of the church of the cu'cumcision. On the other 
hand was Titus,'- now first mentioned'^ in the course of our narrative, u 

1 Acts xvi. 9. ' Acts xxvii. 23. 

3 Gal. ii. 2. Schrader (who does not however identify this journey with that in 
Acts XV.) translates Ka-d uiroKuTivrpiv — " to make a revelation," which is a meaning thfl 
words can scarcely bear. ■< Pp. 207, 208. 

s XV. 2. e ii. 2. ' Ch. in. p. 104. 

8 Acta LX. 30. 9 Acts xxii. 17, IS. lo Acts xv. 2. 

" Acts iv. 36. i» Gal. ii. 1-5. 

" Titus is not mentioned at all in the Acts of the Apostles, unless the reading TI oe 
'lovarov in xviii. 7 be correct, which is not probable (see below, p. 229, note). Besidci 
the present Epistle and that to Titus himself, he is only mentioned in 2 Cor. and 2 Tim. 


convert from heathenism, an uncircumcised " Greek." From the expres- 
sion used of the departure of this company it seems evident that the 
majority of the Christians at Antioch were still faithful to the truth oi 
the Gospel. Had the Judaizers triumphed, it would hardly have been 
said that Paul and his fellow-travellers were " brought on their way 
by the Church." ' Their course was along the great Roman Road, 
which followed the Phoenician coast-line, and traces of which are still 
seen on the cliffs overhanging the sea,^ and thence through the midland 
districts of Samaria and Judaea. When last we had occasion to men- 
tion Phoenice,^ we were alluding to those who were dispersed on the 
death of Stephen, and preached the Gospel " to Jews only " on this 
part of the Syrian coast. Xow it seems evident that many of the 
heathen Syro-Phcenicians had been converted to Christianity : for as 
Paul and Barnabas passed through, " declaring the conversion of the 
Gentiles, they caused great joy unto all the brethren." As regards 
the Samaritans,* we cannot be surprised that they who, when Philip first 
" preached Christ unto them," had received the glad tidings with 
"great joy," should be ready to express their sympathy in the happiness 
of those who, like themselves, had recently been " aliens from the com- 
monwealth of Israel." 

Fifteen years '" had now elapsed since that memorable journey, when 

la a later part of this work he will be noticed more particularly as St. Paul's Gwepyo^ 
(2 Cor. viii. 23). 

1 UpoTTELiddevreg vno r'/g EKKlijaiag. Actsxv. 3. So the phrase napadodelc ry ;);aptri 
Tov Kvplov vTTd Tuv dJe^^wv (xv. 40), may be reasonably adduced as a proof that the 
feeling of the majority was with Paul rather than Barnabas. 

' Dr. Robinson passed two Roman milestones between Tyre and Sidon (iii. 415), and 
observed traces of a Roman road between Sidon and Beyrout. See also Fisher's Syria 
(i. 40) for a notice of the Via Antonina between Beyrout and Tripoli. 

3 P. 116. Acts xi. 19, 20. It may be interesting here to allude to the journey of a 
Jew in the Middle Ages from Antioch to Jerusalem. It is probable that the stations, 
the road, the rate of travelling were the same, and the distribution of the Jews not very 
different. We find the following passage in the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, who 
travelled in 1163. " Two days bring us from Antioch to Lega, which is Latachia, and 
contains about 200 Jews, the principal of whom are R. Chiia and R. Joseph. . . . One 

day's journey to Gebal of the children of Ammon ; it contains about 150 Jews 

Two days hence is Beyrut. The principal of its 50 Jewish inhabitants are R. Solomon, 
R. Obadiah, and R. Joseph. It is hence one day's journey to Saida, which is Sidon of 

Scriptm-e [Acts xxvii. 3], a large city, with about 20 Jewish families One day's 

journey to New Sur [Tyre, Acts xxi. 3], a very beautiful city The Jews of Sur 

are ship-owners and manufacturers of the celebrated Tyrian glass It is one day 

henoe to Acre [Ptolemais, Acts xxi. 7]. It is the frontier to^vn of Palestine ; and, in 
consequence of its situation on the shore of the Mediterranean, and of its large port, it 
is the principal place of disembarcation of all pilgrims who visit Jerusalem by sei." 
Early Travels to Palestine, pp. 78-81. 

•• See pp. 79, 80, 

^ Gal. ii. 1, where wc ought probably to reckon inclusively. See note at the end ol 
this Chapter. 


St. Paul left Jerusalem, with all the zeal of a Pharisee, to peraecute 
r.nd destroy the Christians in Damascus.' He had twice entered, as a 
Christian, the Holy City again. Both visits had been short and hurried, 
and surrounded with danger. The first was three years after his couTer- 
sion, when he spent a fortnight with Peter, and escaped assassination by 
a precipitate flight to Tarsus." The second was in the year 44, when 
Peter himself was in imminent danger, and when the messengers who 
brought the charitable contribution from Antioch were probably com- 
pelled to return immediately.^ Kow St. Paul came at a more peaceful 
period of the Church's history, to be received as itib successful champion 
of the Gospel, and as the leader of the greatest revolution which the 
world has seen. It was now undeniable that Christianity had spread to 
a wide extent in the Gentile world, and that he had been the great instru- 
ment in advancing its progress. He came to defend his own principles 
and practice against an increasing torrent of opposition, which had dis- 
turbed hhn in his distant ministrations at Antioch, but the fountain-head 
of which was among the Pharisees at Jerusalem. 

The Pharisees had been, the companions of St. Paul's younger days. 
Death had made many changes in the course of fifteen years ; but some 
must have been there who had studied with him " at the feet of Gamahel." 
Their opposition was doubtless embittered by remembering what he had 
been before his conversion. Nor do we allude here to those Pharisees 
who opposed Christianity. These were not the enemies whom St. Paul 
came to resist. The time was past when the Jews, unassisted by the 
Roman power, could exercise a cruel tyranny over the Church. Itfi 
safety was no longer dependent on the wisdom or caution of Gamahel. 
The great debates at Jerusalem are no longer between Jews and Christians 
in the Hellenistic synagogues, but between the Judaising and spiritual 
parties of the Christians themselves. Many of the Pharisees, after the 
example of St. Paul, had believed that Jesus was Christ.^ But they had 
not followed the example of their school-companion in the surrender of 
Jewish bigotry. The battle, therefore, which had once been fought witli- 
out, was now to be renewed within the Church. It seems that, at the 
very first reception of Paul and Barnabas at Jerusalem, some of 
these Pharisaic Christians " rose up," and insisted that the observance of 
Judaism was necessary to salvation. They said that it was absolutely 
" needful to circumcise " the new converts, and to " command them to 
keep the Law of Moses." The whole course of St. Paul's procedure 
among the Gentiles was here openly attacked. Barnabas was involved 
in the same suspicion and reproach ; and with regard to Titus, who was 

> Sec Ch. III. * r. 101. Compare p. 20G. •» P. 127. Compare p. 200 

* Acts XV. Ft. 


with them as the representative of the Gentile Church, it was asserted 
that, without circumcision, he could not hope to be partaker of the 
blessings of the Gospel. 

But far more was involved than any mere opposition, however iactious, 
to individual missionaries, or than the severity of any conditions imposed 
on individual converts. The question of liberty or bondage for all future 
ages was to be decided ; and a convention of the whole Church at Jcrusa* 
lem was evidently called for. In the meantime, before " the Apostles and 
elders came together to consider of this matter," ' St. Paul had private 
con ferences with the more influential members of the Christian community," 
and especially with James, Peter, and John,^ the great Apostles and "Pil- 
lars " of the Church. Great caution and management were required, in 
consequence of the intrigues of the " false brethren," both in Jerusalem 
and Antioch. He was, moreover, himself the great object of suspicion, 
and it was his duty to use every effort to remove the growing prejudice. 
Thus, though conscious of his own inspiration and tenaciously holding the 
truth which he knew to be essential, he yet acted with that prudence 
which was characteristic of his whole life,'' and which he honestly avowa 
in the Epistle to the Galatians. 

If we may compare our o\\ti feeble imitations of Apostolic zeal and 
prudence with the proceedings of the first founders of the Church of Christ, 
we may say that these preliminary conferences were hke the private 
meetings which prepare the way for a great religious assembly in England. 
Paul and Barnabas had been deputed from Antioch ; Titus was with them 
as a sample of Gentile conversions, and a living proof of their reality ; and 
the great end in view was to produce full conviction in the Church at 
large. At length the great meeting was summoned ^ which was to settle 
the principles of missionary action among the Gentiles. It was a scene 
of earnest debate, and perhaps, in its earlier portion, of angry "dis- 
puting :" '^ but the passages which the Holy Spirit has caused to be 
recorded for our instruction are those which relate to the Apostles them- 
selves, — the address of St. Peter, the narrative of Barnabas and Paul, 
and the concluding speech of 'St. James. These three passages must be 
separately considered in the order of Scripture. 

' Acts XV. G. = Gal. ii. 2. 

' Gal. il. 9. 4 See, for instance, the sixth and seventeenth verses of Acts xxli 

* This meeting is described (Acts xv. 6) as consisting of the " Apostles and Elders ;' 
bat the decision afterwards given is said to be the decision of "the Apostles and Elders 
with the whole Church " (v. 22), and the decree was sent in the names of " the Apostles, 
and Elders, and Brethren " (v. 23). Hence we must suppose, either that the decision 
was made by the synod of the Apostles and Elders, and afterwards ratified by another 
larger meeting of tlie Mholo Church, or that there was only one meeting, in which the 
whole Church took part, although only the " Apostles and Elders "' are mentioned. 

« Acts XV. 7 



St. Peter was the first of the Apostles v/ho rose to address the ussem- 
bly.> He gave his decision agaiust the Judaizers, and In favour of St 
Paul. He reminded his hearers of the part which he himself had taken 
in admitting the Gentiles into the Christian Church. They were weil 
aware, he said, that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia were not 
the first heathens who had believed the Gospel, and that he himself had 
been chosen by God to begin the work which St. Paul had only been 
continuing. The communication of the Holy Ghost was the true test of 
God's acceptance ; and God had shown that He was no respecter of 
persons, by shedding abroad the same miraculous gifts on Jew and Gen- 
tile, and purifying hy faith the hearts of both alike. And then St. Peter 
went on to speak, in touching language, of the yoke of the Jewish law. 
Its weight had pressed heavily on many generations of Jews, and was well 
known to the Pharisees who were Hstening at that moment. They had 
been relieved from legal bondage by the salvation offered through faith ; 
and it would be tempting God to impose on others a burden which 
neither they nor their fathers had ever been able to bear. 

The next speakers were Paul and Barnabas. There was great silence 
through all the multitude," and every eye was turned on the missionaries 
while they gave the narrative of their journeys. Though Barnabas is 
mentioned here before Paul,^ it is most hkely that the latter was " the 
chief speaker." But both of them appear to have addressed the audi- 
ence."* They had much to relate of what they had done and seen toge- 
ther : and especially they made appeal to the miracles which God had 
worked among the Gentiles by them. Such an appeal must have been 
a persuasive argument to the Jew, who was familiar, in his ancient Scrip- 
tures, with many divine interruptions of the course of nature. These in- 
terferences had signaUsed all the great passages of Jewish history. Jesus 
Christ had proved His divine mission in the same manner. And the 
events at Paphos,* at Icouium,^ and Lystra," could not well be regarded 
in any other light than as a proof that the same Power had been with 
Paul and Barnabas, which accompanied the words of Peter and John in 
Jerusalem and Judoja.*' 

But the opinion of another speaker still remained to be given. This 
was James, the brother of the Lord,» wlio, from the austere sanctity of hia 

1 Acts 37. 7-11. 

* EatyTjre ttuv ro 7r?J/doc k. t. ?.. Acts xv. 12. The imperfect tjkovov implies atteu 
tioj. to a continued narrative. 

3 This order of the names in the narrative, xv. 12, and in the letter below, v. 25 (not 
in V. 22), is a remarlvable exception to the phrase "Paul and Barnabas," which has 
))een usual since Acts xiii. See below, p. 221. note 5. 

* See V. 13, /leru to aiyijaaL avrovg. ^ Acts xiii. 11, 
" Acts ,xiv. 3. Acts xiv. 8 ^ Acts ii. v. Lx. 

" See Acts xv. 13-32. It is well known that there is much perplexity connectod 


character, was commonly called, both by Jews and Christians, " Jamea 
the Just." Ko judgment could have such weight with the Judaising 
party as his. Not only in the vehement language in which he denounced 
the sins of the age, but even in garb and appearance, he resembled John 
the Baptist, or one of the older prophets, rather than the other apostlea 
of the new dispensation. " Like the ancient saints, even in outward as- 
pect, with the austere features, the linen ephod, the bare feet, the long 
locks and unshorn beard of the jSTazarite," ' — such, according to tradition, 
was the man who now came forward, and solemnly pronounced the Mosaic 
rites were not of eternal obligation. After alluding to the argument of 
Peter (whose name we find him characteristically quoting in its JewisL 
form"), he turns to the ancient prophets, and adduces a passage from 
Amos 3 to prove that Christianity is the fulfilment of Judaism. And then 
he passes to the historical aspect of the subject, contending that this ful- 
filment was predetermined by God himself, and that the Jewish dispensa- 
tion was in truth the preparation for the Christian.-* Such a decision, 
pronounced by one who stood emphatically on the confines of the two dis- 
pensations, came with great force on all who heard it, and carried with it 
the general opinion of the assembly to the conclusion that those " who 
from among the Gentiles had turned unto God" should not be "troubled" 
with any Jewish obligations, except such as were necessary for peace and 
the mutual good understanding of the two parties. 

The spirit of charity and mutual forbearance is very evident in the 
decree which was finally enacted. Its spirit was that expressed by St. 
Paul in his Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. He knew, and was 
persuaded by the Lord Jesus, that nothing is unclean of itself : but to him 
that esteemeth anything to be unclean, to him it is unclean. He knew that an 
idol is nothing in the world, and that there is none other God but one : but 
all men have not this knowledge : some could not eat that which had been 
ofi'ered in sacrifice to an idol without defiling their conscience. It is good 
to abstain from everything ■ whereby a weaker brother may be led to 

with those apostles who bore the name of James. Neander (Pfl. u. L. p. 554) says the 
question is one of the most difficult in the New Testament. Wieseler has written an 
essay on the subject in the St. u. K. We are not required here to enter into the inves- 
tigation, and are content to adopt the opinion which is most probable. 

» Stanley's Sermons and Essays, &c., p. 295. We must refer here to the whole of 
the " Sermon on the Epistle of St. James," and of the " Essay on the Traditions of 
James the Just," especially pp. 292, 302, 327. 

' ItVfiedv k^riyijaaTo. Acts xv. 14. So St. Peter names himself at the beginning of 
his Second Epistle, ^vfieuv IliTpog 6ov?.og, k. t. 2, 

3 Amos ix. 11, 12. We are not required to express any opinion on the application 
of prophecy to the future destiny of the Jews ; but we must observe, thut the Apostles 
themselves apply such prophecies as this to the Christian Dispensation. See Acts ii, 17 

* TvufjTd utt' aiuvoc, k. t. ?.. v. 18. Compare Acts xvii. 2G. Rom. 1. 2. Eph. i. 10 
Ui. 9. 10. Col. 1. 26. 


stumble. To sin thus against our brethren is to sin against Christ.' In 
accordance with these principles it was enacted that the Gentile converts 
should be required to abstain from that which had been polluted by being 
offered in sacrifice to idols, from the flesh of animals which had been 
strangled, and generally from the eating of blood. The reason for these 
conditions is stated in the verse to which particular allusion has been made 
at the beginning of the present chapter.^ The Law of Moses was read 
every Sabbath in all the cities, where the Jews were dispersed.^ A due 
consideration for the prejudices of the Jews made it reasonable for the 
Gentile converts to comply with some of the restrictions which the Mosaic 
Law and ancient custom had imposed on every Jewish meal. In no other 
way could social intercourse be built up and cemented between the two 
parties. If some forbearance were requisite on the part of the Gentiles 
in complying with such conditions, not less forbearance was required from 
the Jews in exacting no more. And to the Gentiles themselves the 
restrictions were a merciful condition : for it helped them to disentangle 
themselves more easily from the pollutions connected with theu' idolatrous 
life. We are not merely concerned here with the question of social sepa- 
ration, the food which was a delicacy^ to the Gentile being abominated 
by the Jew, — nor with the difficulties of weak and scrupulous consciences, 
who might fear too close a contact between " the table of the Lord " and 
" the table of Demons," = — but this controversy had an intimate connec- 
tion with the principles of universal morality. The most shameless vio- 
lations of purity took place in connection with the sacrifices and feasts 
celebrated in honour of heathen divinities.^ Everything, therefore, which 
tended to keep the Gentile converts even from accidental or apparent 
association with these scenes of vice, made their own recovery from pollu- 
tion more easy, and enabled the Jewish converts to look on their new 
Christian brethren with less suspicion and antipathy. This seems to be 
the reason why we find an acknowledged sin mentioned in the decree 

' Rom. xiv. 1 Cor. viii. 

' Above, p. 204. There is some difference of opinion as to tlie connection of this 
verse with the context. Some consider it to imply that while it was necessary to iirge 
these conditions on the Gentiles, it was needless to say any thing to the Jews on the 
suhjcct, since they had the Law of Moses, and knew its requirements, Dean Milnian 
infers that the regulations were made because the Christians in general met in the same 
places of religious worship with the Jews. " These provisions were necessary, because 
the Mosaic Law was universally read, and from immemorial usage in the synagogue 
The direct violation of its most vital principles by any of those who joined in the com' 
mon worship would be incongruous, and of course highly offensive to the more zcaloua 
Mosaists." Hist, of Christianity, vol. i. p. 42f), n. 

■> Acts XV. 21. 

* We learn from Athenseus that to ttviktov was regarded as a delicacy among th« 
Greeks. » 1 Cor. x. 21. 

« See Tholuck in his "Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism," part iiL 


along with ceremonial observances which were meant to be only tempo- 
rary ' and perhaps local.^ We must look on the whole subject from the 
Jewish point of view, and consider how violations of morality and contra- 
dictions of the ceremonial law were associated together in the Gentile 
world. It is hardly necessary to remark that much additional emphasis 
is given to the moral part of the decree, when we remember that it waa 
addressed to those w^ho lived in close proximity to the profligate sanctua- 
ries of Autioch and Paphos.^ 

We have said that the ceremonial part of the decree was intended for 
a temporary and perhaps only a local observance. It is not for a moment 
implied that any Jewish ceremony is necessary to salvation. On the con- 
trary, the great principle was asserted, once for all, that man is justified, 
not by the law, but by faith : one immediate result was that Titus, the 
compjjnion of Paul and Barnabas, " was not compelled to be circumcised." " 
His case was not like that of Timothy at a later period,'^ whose circumcision 
was a prudential accommodation to circumstances, without endangering 
the truth of the Gospel. To have circumcised Titus at the time of the 
meeting in Jerusalem, would have been to have asserted that he was 
" bound to keep the whole lav/." "^ And when the alternative was between 
" the Uberty wherewith Christ has made us free," and the reimposition of 
" the yoke of bondage," Paul's language always was,' that if Gentile con 
verts were circumcised, Christ could " profit them nothing." By seeking 

1 "We cannot, however be surprised that one great branch of the Christian Church 
takes a diflerent view. The doctrine of the Greek Chnrch, both Ancient and Modern, 
may be seen in the Il7]duXiov, or Greek Book of Canon Law (Athens, 1841). In the 
Apostolic Constitutions we find the following : — Elng 'EmaKOTToc ?/ UpeaOvTcpog -/} Ata- 
Kovog ^dyy Kpta kv al/iaTt tpvx'iS avTov, ij '&ripiu?Mrov ?) ■dv7)ci/ialov, KadaipeiaOu. tovto 
yap 6 Nofiog uTreiTrev. El 6e AaiKog eh;, a^opL^eadu. The modern comment, after ad- 
ducing Gen. ix. and Levit. rs'ii., proceeds : 'AAA(2 yap Kai dg tov vhv Nofxov tov Evay- 
yeXlov Tu Toiavra i/nrodlCovTai vil fii/v Tpuyuvrai. Iivvaxdivreg yap ol IdwL ovtoi 
'h.Tz6aTo7ML eypatpav, k. t. X. (Acts xv. 18, 19.) 'H ahia 6e did rfjv oirolav ifiTTodl^ovTai 
rd ■&7ipi.d2,uTa rj opvEOTTUTaKTa i^ua t) T^vtiai/iala, rj ttvlktU, elvai, ikd Ti 6^v x^vETai blov 
rd alua avruv ulld tjevei [isaa slg avrd, 6ia(yKopni.^6/J,EVOv Eig to. ^?,ECi6ia ola tov npea- 
Tog, and rd owola vd Evyy 6ev eIvm rporrog. (pp. 45, 4G.) Again, in one of the Canons 
of the Trullian Council, we find : 'H Qsta tj/xIv ypacj)// hETElXaro, unexeddai, k. - ,1. 
Tolg ovv 6i.d r/> Aijvov yaaripa, al/na olovd/jTroTS 0ov texvti rivi KaraaKEvdl^ovaiv 
t(Su6i/wv Kal ovTu tovto kadlovai., npoatjiopug etvlti/iu/iev. (p. 160.) And in the Coun- 
cil of Gaggra, in a decree alluding to 1 Tim. iv. 3, the same condition is introduced : 
El Tig kadiovTa Kpta {x^pig a'i/iaTog Kal eUMmOvtov kol tzviktov) ^et' Ev2.a6Eiag Kal 
mcjTEug, KaTOKpivoi . . . uvude/ia egtu. (p. 230.) The practice of the modern Greeks 
is strictly in accordance with these decisions. 

' At least the decree (Acts xv. 23) is addressed only to the churches of "Syria and 
Cilicia," and we do not see the subject alluded to agam after xvi. 4. 

* See above, pp. 135 and 1G8, and Luciau's Treatise de Dea Syria." 

« Gal. ii. :;. 5 Acts xvi. 3. ^ Gal. v. 3. 

" 'Ide iyu Uah?.og Myu, otl hdv TTEpiTtjuvjiadE, XpiCTdg v/iug ov6iv oxpeXv^U 
Gal. V. 2. 


to be justified in the law they fell from grace.' In this firm refusal to 
comply with the demand of the Judaizers, the case of all future con- 
yerts from heathenism was virtually involved. It was asserted once for all 
that in the Christian Church there is " neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision 
nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond, nor free : but that Christ is 
all and in all." ' And St. Paul obtained the victory for that principle which, 
we cannot doubt, will hereafter destroy the distinctions that are connected 
with the institution of slavery in America and of caste in India. 

Certain other points decided in this meeting had a more du'ect personal 
reference to St. Paul himself. His own independent mission had been 
called in question. Some, perhaps, said that he was antagonistic to the 
Apostles at Jerusalem, others that he was entirely dependent on them.^ 
All the Judaizers agreed in blaming his course of procedure among the 
Gentiles. This course was now eutu-ely approved by the other ^A^os- 
ties. His independence was fully recognised. Those who were univer- 
sally regarded as "pillars of the truth," James, Peter, and John,' gave to 
him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, and agreed that they 
should be to the heathen what themselves were to the Jews. Thus was 
St. Paul publicly acknowledged as the Apostle of the Gentiles, and openly 
placed in that position from which "he shall never more go out," as a pil- 
lar of the temple of the "New Jerusalem," inscribed with the "New 
Name" which proclaims the union of all mankind in one Saviour. ' 

One of those who gave the right hand of fellowship to St. Paul, was 
the " beloved disciple" of that Saviour.^ This is the only meeting of St. 
Paul and St. John recorded in Scripture. It is, moreover, the last notice 
which we find there of the life of "St. John, until the time of the apocalyp- 
tic vision in the island of Patmos. For both these reasons tbe mind 
eagerly seizes on the incident, though it is only casually mentioned in the 
Epistle to the Galatians. Like other incidental notices contained in Scrip- 
ture, it is very suggestive of religious thoughts. St. John had been silent 
during the discussion in the public assembly ; but at the close of it he ex- 

1 Gal. V. 4. " Col. iii. 11. 

3 The charges brought against St. Taul by tbe Judaizers were very various atdififer- 
eat times. 

* It should be carefully observed here that James is meutioaed fii'st of these SciulenO' 
posteln (to quote a phrase from the German commentators), and that Peter is men- 
tioned by the name of Cephas, as in 1 Cor. i. 12. 

s See Kev. iii. 12. The same metaphor is found in 1 Tim. iii. 15, where Timothy ii 
called (for this seems the natural interpretation), " a pillar and support of the truth." In 
these passages it is important to bear in mind the peculiarity of ancient architectui-e, 
which was characterised by vertical columns, supporting horizontal entablatui'cs. la- 
Bcriptions were often engraved on these columns. Uenco the words in fhs passage 
q;uotcd from Kevelations : jpdijju iif airr^v . , . to bvo^d fiov to K-iivor. 

■^ GM. ii. 9. 


pressed his cordial union with St. Paul in " the truth of the Gospel.* 
That union has been made visible to all ages by the juxtaposition of theif 
Epistles in the same Sacred Volume. They stand together among the 
pillars of the Holy Temple ; and the Church of God is thankful to learn 
how Contemplation may be united with Action, and Faith with Love, in 
the spiritual life. 

To the decree with which Paul and Barnabas were charged, one condi- 
tior. was annexed, with which they gladly promised to comply. We have 
already had occasion to observe (p. 66) that the Hebrews of Judaea were 
relatively poor, compared with those of the dispersion, and that the Jew- 
ish Christians in Jerusalem were exposed to peculiar suffering from pov- 
erty ; and we have seen Paul and Barnabas once before the bearers of a 
contribution from a foreign city for their rehef.'^ They were exhorted now 
to continue the same charitable work, and in their journeys among the 
Gentiles and the dispersed Jews, " to remember the poor " at Jerusalem.^' 
In proof of St. Paul's faithful discharge of this promise, we need only 
allude to his zeal in making " the contribution for the poor saints at Jeru- 
Balem," in Galatia, Macedonia and Achaia ; * and to that last journey to 
the Holy Land, when he went, " after many years," to take " alms to his 
nation."^ It is more important here to consider (what indeed we have 
mentioned before) the effect which this charitable exertion would have in 
binding together the divided parties in the Church. There cannot be a 
doubt that the Apostles had this result in view. Their anxiety on this 
subject is the best commentary on the spirit in which they had met on this 
great occasion ; and we may rest assured that the union of the Gentile 
and Jewish Christians was largely promoted by the benevolent efforts 
which attended the diffusion of the Apostohc Decree. 

Thus the controversy being settled, Paul's mission to the Gentiles being 
fully recognised, and his method of communicating the Gospel approved of 
by the other Apostles, and the promise being given, that in their journeys 
among the heathen, they would remember the necessities of the Hebrew 
Christians in Judaea, the two missionaries returned from Jerusalem to An- 
tioch. They carried with them the decree which was to give peace to the 
consciences that had been troubled by the Judaising agitators ; and the 
two companions, Judas and Silas, "^ who travelled with them, were empow- 
ered to accredit their commission and character. It seems also that Mark 

» Gal. ii. 5. " See pp. 127, 128. 

3 Movov Tuv Tzrux^v Iva fivrjjuovevuuev, 6 Kal loKovdaca avTu tovto noiTJaai. Gal. 
ii. 10. Wliere the change from the plural to the singular should be noticed. Is this 
because Barnabas was soon afterwards separated from St. Paul (Acts xv. 39), whc had 
thenceforth to prosecute the charitable work alone ? 

" " As I have given order to the Churches of Galatia, &c.," 1 Cor. xv. 1-4. " It hath 
pleased them of Macedonia and Achaia, &c." Rom. xv. 25, 2C. See 2 Cor. viii. is. 

' Acts xxiv. 17 t Acts xv. 22, 27. 32. 


was auother companiou of Paul and Barnabas on this journey ; for the 
last time we had occasion to mention his name was when he withdrew 
from Pamphylia to Jerusalem (p. 162), and presently we see him once 
more with his kinsman at Antioch.* 

The reception of the travellers at Antioch was full of joy and satis- 
faction.^ The whole body of the Church was summoned together to hear 
the reading of the letter ; and we can well imagine the eagerness with 
which they crowded to listen, and the thankfulness and " consolation " 
with which such a communication was received, after so much anxiety 
and perplexity. The letter indeed is almost as interesting to us as to 
them, not only because of the principle asserted and the results secured, 
but also because it is the first document preserved to us from the acts 
of the Primitive Church. The words of the original document, literally 
translated, are as follows : — 

The Apostles and the Eldees, aj^d the Beethren, to the 
Genth^e Beetheen in AntiocHj and Steia, and Cilicia, 

" "Whereas we have heard that certain men who went out 
from us have troubled you with words, and unsettled your 
Bouls^ by telling you to circumcise yourselves and keep the 
Law, although we gave them no such commission : 

"It has been determined by us, being assembled with 
one accord, to choose some from amongst ourselves and send 
them to you with our beloved'^ Barnabas and Saul, men 
that have hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, 
who themselves also'' will tell you by word the same which 
we tell you by letter. 

"For it has been determined by the Holy Ghost and 
by us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these neces- 
sary things : that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and 

1 Acts XV. 37. « Acts xv. 31. 

3 XaipsLv. The only other place where this salutation occurs is James i. 1 ; an unde- 
Bigned coincidence tending to prove the genuineness of this document. 

* Although the best MSS. omit the words from XeyovTEg to v6/sov, yet we cannot but 
agree with De Wette that they cannot possibly be an interpolation. 

=> It is another undesigned coincidence that the names of these two Apostles are here 
in the reverse order to that which, in St. Luke's narrative (except when he speaks of 
Jerusalem), they have assumed since chap. xiii. In the view of the Church at Jerosa* 
lem, Paul's name would naturally come after that of Barnabas. See above, p. 215, n. 3, 

6 'ATrayy^XXovTag. The present participle may be explained by the ancient idiom 
of letter wi'iting, by which the writer transferred himself into the time of the reader 
This seems a more natural explanation than that given by Winer, Gramk. sect. i&. 6. 


from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornicalicu 
Wlierefrom if ye keep yourselves it shall be well with you. 

The enconragement inspired by this letter -vfould be increased by the 
sight of Judas and Silas, who were ready to confirm its contents by word 
of mouth. These two disciples remained some short time at Antioch 
They were possessed of that power of " propliecy," which was one of 
the forms in which the Holy Spirit made His presence known : and the 
Syrian Christians were "exhorted and confirmed" by the exercise of 
tliis miraculous gift.' The minds of all were in great tranquillity when 
tlie time came for the return of these messengers " to the Apostles " at 
Jerusalem. Silas, however, either remained at Antioch, or soon came 
back.^ He was destined, as we shall see, to become the companion of 
St. Paul, and to be at the beginning of the second missionary journey 
what Barnabas had been at the beginning of the first. 

Two painful scenes were witnessed at Antioch befote the Apostle 
started on that second journey. We are informed ^ that Paul and Bar- 
nabas protracted their stay in this city, and were diligently occupied, with 
many others, in making the glad tidings of the Gospel known, and in 
the general work of Christian instruction. It is in this interval of time 
that we must place that visit of St. Peter to Antioch,^ which St. Paul 
mentions in the Epistle to the Galatians ,^ immediately after his notice 
of the affairs of the Council. It appears that Peter, having come to 
Antioch for some reason which is unknown to us ,^ lived at first in free 
and unrestrained intercourse with the Gentile converts, meetmg them in 

1 lovSa^ TE Koi liTiag, nat avrol ■Kpo(^riTai ovreg. k. t. A. Acts xv. 32. Compare 
xiii. 1. 

' Acts XV. 34. The reading is doubtful. Some MSS. add the words fiovog 6^ 'lovdai 
irropevdTj ■, but the best omit the verse altogether. The question is immaterial. If the 
verse is genuine, it modifies the word aTtETivdrjaav in the preceding verse ; if not, we 
have merely to suppose that Silas went to Jerusalem and then returned. 

3 Acts XV. 35. 

* Neander (Pfl. und L.) places this meeting of Peter and Paul later, but his reasons 
(ure far from satisfactory. From the order of narration in the Epistle to the Galatians, 
it is most natural to infer that the meetiug at Antioch took place soon after the Council 
at Jerusalem. Some writers wish to make it anterior to the Council, from an unwill- 
ingness to believe that St. Peter would have acted in this manner after the Decree. 
But it is a sufficient answer to this objection to say that his conduct was equally in- 
consistent with his own previous conduct in the case of Cornelius. 

« ii. 11, &c. 

6 The tradition which represents Peter as having held the See of Antioch before that 
of Rome has been mentioned before, p. 128, note. Tillemont (S. Pierre xxvii. xxviii. 
and notes) places the period of this Episcopate about 36-42. He says it is " une chose 
assez embarrassee," and it is certainly difficult to reconcile it with Scripture. Fot 
the Festivals of the Chair ot Peter at Antioch and Rome, see the Bollaudista undex 
Feb. 22, and Jan. 18. 


• social frieudship, and eating witli them, in full consistency with the spirit 
of the recent Decree, and with his own conduct in the case of Cornelius. 
At this time certain Jewish brethren came " from James," who presided 
over the Church at Jerusalem. "Whether they were really sent on some 
mission by the Apostle James, or we are merely to understand that they 
came from Jerusalem, they brought with them their old Hebrew repug- 
nance ao-ainst social intercourse with the uncircumcised, and Peter in 
their society began to vacillate. In weak compliance with their preju- 
dices, he " withdrew and separated himself" from those whom he had 
lately treated as brethren and equals in Christ. Just as in an earlier 
part of his life he had first asserted his readiness to follow his Master to 
death, and then denied him through fear of a maid-servant ; so now, 
after publicly protesting against the notion of making any difference 
between the Jew and the Gentile, and against laying on the neck of the 
latter a yoke which the former had never been able to bear,i we find 
him contradicting his own principles, and " through fear of those who 
were of the circumcision," ^ giving all the sanction of his example to the 
introduction of caste into the Church of Christ. 

Such conduct could not fail to excite in St. Paul the utmost indigna- 
tion, St. Peter was not simply yielding a non-essential point, through a 
tender consideration for the consciences of others. This would have been 
quite in accordance with the principle so often asserted by his brother- 
Apostle, that " it is good neither to eat flesh nor drink wine, nor any thing 
whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is made weak." Kor was this pro- 
ceeding a prudent and innocent accommodation to circumstances for the 
sake of furthering the Gospel, like St. Paul's conduct in circumcising 
Timothy at Iconium ; ^ or, indeed, like the Apostolic Decree itself. St. 
Peter was acting under the influence of a contemptible and sinful motive, 
— the fear of man : and his behaviour was giving a strong sanction to 
the very heresy which was threatening the existence of the Church ; 
namely, the opinion that the observance of Jewish ceremonies was neces- 
sary to salvation. Nor was this all. Other Jewish Christians, as was 
naturally to be expected, were led away by his example : and even Bar- 
nabas, the chosen companion of the Apostle of the Gentiles, who had 
been a witness and an actor in all the great transactions in Cyprus, in 
Pisidia, and Lycaonia, — even Barnabas, the missionary, was "carried 
away" with the dissimulation of the rest.* When St. Paul was a 
spectator of such inconsistency, and perceived both the motive in which 
it originated and the results to which it was leading, he would have been 
a traitor 5 to his Master's cause, if he had hesitated (to use his own 

1 Acts XV. !), 10, ' Gal. ii. 12. 3 Acts xvi. 3. 

4 Gal. ii. 13. 

» "We can only allude to the opinion of some early writers, that the whole scene ww 


emphatic words) to rebuke Peter " before all," aud to " withstand him 
to the face." ' 

It is evident from St. Paul's expression that it was on some pubUc 
occasion that this open rebuke took place. The scene, though slightly 
mentioned, is one of the most remarkable in Sacred History : and the 
mind naturally labors to picture to itself the appearance of the two men. 
It is, therefore, at least allowable to mention here that general notion of 
the forms and features of the two Apostles, which has been handed down 
in tradition, and was represented by the early artists.^ St. Paul » is set 
before us as having the strongly marked and prominent features of a Jew, 
yet not without some of the finer lines indicative of Greek thought. His 
stature was dimmutive, and his body disfigured by some lameness or dis- 
tortion, which may have provoked the contemptuous expressions of his 
enemies.* His beard was long and thin. His head was bald. The 
characteristics of his face were, a transparent complexion, which visibly 

pre-arranged between Peter and Paul, and that there was no real misunderstanding 
Even Chrysostom advocates this unchi-istian view. 

1 Gal. ii. 14, 11. 

" For the representations of St. Peter and St. Paul in early pictures and mosaics, 
Bee the fii-st volume of Mrs. Jameson's " Sacred and Legendary Art," especially pp. 
145, 159, 161, 162, 201. They correspond with the traditionary descriptions quoted 
in the next note. " St. Peter is a robust old man, with a broad forehead, and rathei 
coarse features, an open undaunted countenance, short grey hair, and short thick 
beard, curled, and of a silvery white. Paul was a man of small and meagre stature, 
with an aquiline nose, and sparkling eyes : in the Greek type the face is long and oval, 
the forehead high aud bald ; the hair brown, the beard long, flowing, and pointed. . . . 
These triulitional characteristic types of the features and persons of the two greatest 
apostles were long adhered to. We find them most strictly followed in the old Greek 
mosaics, in the early Christian sculpture, and the early pictures ; in all which the 
sturdy dignity and broad rustic features of St. Peter, and the elegant contemplative 
head of St. Paul, who looks like a Greek philosopher, form a most interesting and 
suggestive contrast." The dispute at Antioch is the subject of a picture by Guido. 
See p. 199. 

3 The descriptions of St. Paul's appearance by Malalas and Nicephorus have been 
alluded to before, p. 148. Quoted at length they are as follows : — Ty r/TiLKig. kovSoei- 
iTJg' ^aluKpoc, /j.i^on6Xiog tjjv Kupav Kal to jevelov, evpLvoQ, iinoylavKog, avvo<ppvg, 
^.tVKoxpovc, uvdripoTTfioauTTOC, Eviruyuv, vTvoyeluvTa Ijuv tov x^P'^'^'''VP(^! (ppov^/MC, 
TjdiKbg, EvofiLloq, ylvKvg. Mai. Chronog. s. p. 257, ed. Bonn. Ilavliog fiiKpog tjv koL 
vvvECTaljiEvog rb tov aujiaTog fisjEdog Kal uawsp uyKvTiov avro KEKTrjjievog' cfUKpdv 
Kal KEKvcfiug, T7/V bipiv XevKog Kal to npoffunov Trpo^Eprjg ' ipilog ttjv K.E<pa7i'^v ' xt^ponol 
6^ airu r/crav ol 6^da?ifioi' kutu 6e Kal Tag d(j)pvg elxE VEVovoag' EvKa/imj Kal ^s-rrovaav 

!t?j(l> TU TTpOauTTG} 'TTEpidtpUV TTjV ()lva, TJjV V7i?}v7]V daOElaV Kal Ka6EL[iEV7jV upKOVVTLiC 

I'^tau, fiacvo/ih'Tiv Je TavTTjv Kal ttjv KE(pa?Lyv vno Tro/iialg Tccg ■&pL^LV. Niceph. H. E. ii. 
37. In accordance with these notices, St. Paul is described in the Actse Pauli et 
Theclae, as fiiKphg tu fXEysdEi, xjnTidg t7jv KE(pa?i7}i', uyKv?Mg Talg KVTJ/iaLg, EVKVTjjuog, cvvo- 
(fipvg EKi^^ivog, xapiTog nATjpTjg (Grabe, p. 95) ; and so the Ta/\.L?.aLog sg Tpirov ovpavbv 
uepotaTTjcag in Lucian's Philopatris is said to have been dvaipalavTiag and knip()ivor. 
Ed. Tauch. iv. 318. 
* See above, p. 192. 


betrajed the quick changes of his feelings, a bright grey eye under thickly 
overhanging united eyebrows,' a cheerful and winnmg expression of coun- 
tenance, which invited the approach and inspired the confidence of stran- 
gers. It would be natural to infer,^ from his continual journeys ana 
manual labour, that he was possessed of great strength of constitution. 
But men of delicate health have often gone through the greatest exer- 
tions : 3 and his own words on more than one occasion show that he 
suffered much from bodily infirmity.* St. Peter ^ is represented to us as 
a man ^f larger and stronger form, as his character was harsher and more 
abrupt. The quick impulses of his soul revealed themselves in the flashes 
of a dark eye. The complexion of his face was pale and sallow : and 
the short hair, which is described as entirely grey at the time of his death, 
curled black and thick round his temples and his chin, when the two 
Apostles stood together at Antioch, twenty years before their martyrdom. 
Believing, as we do, that these traditionary pictures have probably 
some foundation in truth, we gladly take them as helps to the imagina- 
tion. And they certainly assist us in realizing a remarkable scene, where 
Judaism and Christianity, in the persons of two Apostles, are for a mo- 
ment brought before us in strong antagonism. The words addressed by 
St. Paul to St. Peter before the assembled Christians at Antioch, contain 
the full statement of the Gospel as opposed to the Law. " If thou, being 
born a Jew, art wont to live according to the customs of the Gentiles, 
and not of the Jews, why wouldst thou now constrain the Gentiles to 
keep the ordinances of the Jews ? "We arc by birth the seed of Abraham, 
and not unhallowed Gentiles ; yet, knowing that a man is not counted 
righteous by the works of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ, we 
ourselves also have put our faith in Christ Jesus, that we might be counted 
righteous by the faith of Christ, and not by the works of the law. For 
by the works of the law shall no man living be counted righteous^' '^ 

1 See above, p. 148, n. 2. 

' So "Winer says: "Eine feste Constitution diirfen wir dem Manne zutrauen, welcher 
so viel und untei- zum Theil so ungiinstigen Umstanden reiste (2 Cor. xi. 23, ff.) auch 
neben geistiger Anstrengung (vgl. Act. xx. 7. 2 Cor. xi. 28) noch korperliche Arbeit 
verrichten lionnte (1 Thess. ii. 9. 2 Tliess. iii. 8)." Realworterbuch, n. 222. See 
Tiioluck's Essay on St. Paul's early Life for some speculations on the Apostle's tem- 
peramen t. 

3 Tiie instance of Alfred tbe Great may be rightly alluded to. His biogxaphei, 
Asser, says that from his youth to his death he was always either suffering pain or 
expecting it. 

■« See 2 Cor. xii. 7. Gal. iv. 13, 14. 

5 The picture in Malalas (Chronog. p. 256) relates to the time of his martyrdom. 
Tepuv VTTTJpxs r^ r/XcKia, difioipLaloc,<lidlaQ, Kovdodpi^, 62,07:u?iiog Tijv Kupav Kal 
yevEiov, ?.evKdg, VTtox^upog, olvonar/g Todg d^da?^/xov(, ehtuyuv, fiaKpopivoc, amviovc 
uvaKadrifiEvog, (ppovijuoc, v^vxoTiog, Ev/neTdGXrjToc, 6nl6g. See also Niccph. H. E. ii. 37. 

« The quotation is from Psalm cxllii. 2, which is also quoted in the same connection, 
Rom. iil. 20. There is much differenco of opinion among commentators on Gal. ii. as 
VOL. I.— 15 


These sentences contain in a condensed form the whole argument of the 
Epistles to the Galatians and Romans. 

Though the sternest indignation is expressed in this rebuke, we have 
no reason to suppose that any actual quarrel took place between the two 
Apostles. It is not improbable that St. Peter was immediately cou- 
vinced of his fault, and melted at once into repentance. His mind was 
easily susceptible of quick and sudden changes ; his disposition was loving 
and generous : and we should expect his contrition, as well as his weak- 
ness, at Antioch to be what it was in the high-priest's house at Jerusalem. 
Yet, when we read the narrative of this rebuke in St. Paul's epistle, it i3 
a relief to turn to that passage at the conclusion of one of St. Peter's 
letters, where, in speaking of the " long-suffering of our Lord " and of 
the prospect of sinless happiness in the world to come, he alludes, in 
toucliing words, to the Epistles of " our beloved Irother PaulP ' We 
see how entirely all past differences are forgotten, — how all earthly mis- 
understandings are absorbed and lost in the contemplation of Christ and 
eternal life. Not only did the Holy Spiiit overrule all contrarieties, so 
that the writings of both Apostles teach the Church the same doctrine : 
but the Apostle who was rebuked "is not ashamed to call the attention 
of the Church to epistles in one page of which his own censure is re- 
corded." " It is an eminent triumph of Christian humility and love. We 
shall not again have occasion to mention St. Peter and St. Paul 
together until we come to the last scene of all.^ But, though they 
might seldom meet while laboring in their Master's cause, their lives were 
nnited, " and in their deaths they were not divided." 


to the point where Pauls addresa to Peter termmatos. Many writers (see especially 
Usteri) think it continues to the end of the chapter. We are inclined to believe that 
it ends at v. 16 ; and that the words d 61 (rjTovvTeg, k. t. ?i. are intended to meet doc- 
trinal objections (similar to those in Rom. iii. 3, 5. vi. 1, 15. vii. 7, 13) which tha 
Galatians might naturally be supposed to make. 

1 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. 

' See Sermons by Dr. Vaughan of Harrow (1846), p. 410. 

3 The martyrdom at Rome. See Mrs. Jameson's Work, especially pp. 180-lfc3, 

■• From the British Musuem. See Mr. Scharf 's drawing above, p. 125, and wliat ia 
Baid there of the emblematical representation of Antioch. On this coin the seated 
figure bears a palm branch, as the emblem of victory. 



On iht Tinii of the Visit to Jerusalem mentioned in Galatians (Chap, ii.) 

To avoid circumlocution we shall call the visit mentioued iu Galatians ii. 1 
the Galatian Visit, and we shall designate the visit mentioned iu Acts ix. 
as visit (1), that in Acts xi. and xii. as visit (2), that in Acts xv. as visit 
(3), that in Acts xviii. as visit (4), that in Acts xxi. as visit (5). 

I. The Galatian Visit was not the same with visit (1), because it is 
mentioned as subsequent by St. Paul.^ 

II. Was the Galatian Visit the same with visit (2) ?^ The first im- 
pression from reading the end of Gal. i. and beginning of Gal. ii. would be 
that it was ; for St. Paul seems to imply that there had been no interme- 
diate visit between the one mentioued in Gal. i. 18, which was visit (1), 
and that in Gal. ii. 1, which we have called the Galatian Visit* On .the 
other side, however, we must observe that St. Paul's object iu this pas- 
sage is not to enumerate ail his visits to Jerusalem. His opponents had 
told his converts that Paul was no true Apostle, that he was only a Chris- 
tian teacher authorised by the Judasan Apostles, that he derived his au- 
thority and his knowledge of the Gl5spel from Peter, James, and the rest 
of " the twelve." St. Paul's object is to refute this statement. This he 
does by declaring fii'stly that his commission was not from men but from 
God ; secondly, that he had taught Christianity for three years without 
seeing any of " the twelve " at all ; thirdly, that at the end of that time 
he had only spent one fortnight at Jerusalem with Peter and James, and 

' This question is one of the most important, both chi-onologically and historically, 
in the life of St. Paul. Perhaps its discussion more properly belongs to the Epistle tc 
the Galatians than to this place ; but it has been given here as a justification of the 
view taken in the preceding chapter. It is treated of by Paley {Horai Paulinm), 
Winer (^Ep. ad Galatas, Lips. 1829, Exc. II.), Anger {De Temporum in Actis ratione, 
Lips. 1833, ch. IV.), Hemsen {Leben des Jlp. Paulus, pp. 52-69), Neander {PJianz. 
und Lett. i. pp. 183-189), Bottger {Beitrdge, Sfc, Gottingen, 1837, p. 14 et seq.), 
Wieseler {Chronologie, pp. 176-208), Schrader {Der Apost. Paulus) ; also by Burton, 
Browne, and Gresvrell. Of these, all except Paley, Bottger, Wieseler, Browne, and 
Schrader, adopt our view. The opinions of the latter five writers are referred to below. 

« Gal. ii. 1. 

3 This is Bottgcr's view ; but he is obliged to alter deKareaaapuv into reaaupuv in 
Gal. ii. 1 to support his opinion. See note on p. 233. It is also the view of Mr. Browne 
( Ordo ScBclorum) ; but he places the conversion much earlier than we think probable. 

* We must certainly acknowledge that St. Paul appears to say this ; and some com- 
mentators have avoided the difficulty by supposing that, although Paul and Barnabas 
were commissioned to convey the alms from Antioch to Jerusalem, yet that St. Paul 
was prevented (by some circumstances not mentioned) from going the whole way to 
Jerusalem. For example, it might be too hazardous for him to appear within the walls 
of the city at such a timo of persecution. For fiu:thcr explanation, see Neand?r Pf 
und Leit. p. 188. 


then had gone to Cilicia and remained personally unknown to the Judjean 
Christians ; fourthly, that fourteen years afterwards he had undertaken a 
journey to Jerusalem, and that he then obtained an acknowledgment of 
his independent mission from the chief apostles. Thus we see that his 
object is not to enumerate every occasion where he might possibly have 
been instructed by "the twelve," but to assert (an assertion which he con- 
firms by oath,^al. i. 20) that his knowledge of Christianity was not de- 
rived from their instruction. A short visit to Jerusalem which produced 
QO important results he might naturally pass over, and especially if he 
saw none of "the twelve" at Jerusalem when he visited it. Xow this 
was probably the case at visit (2), because it was just at the time of 
Herod Agrippa's persecution, which would naturally disperse the Apostles 
from Jerusalem, as the persecution at Stephen's death did ; with regard 
to St. Peter it is expressly said that, after his miraculous escape from 
prison, he quitted Jerusalem.* This supposition is confirmed by finding 
that Barnabas and Saul were sent to the Elders {■Trpea^vTEfiovQ) of the 
church at Jerusalem, and not to the Apostles. 

A further objection to supposing the Galatian Visit identical with visit 
(2) is that, at the time of the Galatian Visit, Paul and Barnabas are de- 
scribed as having been already extensively useful as missionaries to the 
Heathen ; but this they had not been in the time of visit (2). 

Again, St. Paul could not have been, at so early a period, considered 
on a footing of equahty with St. Peter. Yet this he was at the time of 
the GalatianVisit."^ 

Again, visit (2) could not have been so long as fourteen years ^ after 
visit (1). For visit (2) was certainly not later than 45 a. d., and if it was 
the same as the Galatian Visit, visit (1) must have been not later than 
from 31 to 33 a. d. (allowing the inclusive Jewish mode of reckoning to 
be possibly employed). But Aretas (as we have seen, p. 81) was not in 
possession of Damascus till about 3t. 

Again, if visit (2) were fourteen years after visit (1), we must suppose 
nearly all this tune spent by St. Paul at Tarsus, and yet that all his long 
residence there is unrecorded by St. Luke, who merely says that he went 
to Tarsus and from thence to Antioch.^ 

III. The Galatian Visit not being identical with (1) or (2), was it 
identical with (3), (4), or (5) ? We may put (5) at once out of the 
question, because St. Paul did not return to Antioch after (5), whereas 
he diJ return after the Galatian Visit. There remain therefore (3) and 
(4) to be considered. We shall take (4) first. 

IV. Wieseler has lately argued very ingeniously that the Galatian 

> Acts xii. 17. 2 See Gal. ii. 9. 

=> On this fourteen years, see note in p. 233. 

* Acts ix. 30 and xi. 26. See what Prof. Burton says on this interval. 


Visit was the same with (4). His reasons are, firstly, that at the Galatian 
Visit the Apostles allowed unlimited freedom to the Gentile converts, i. e. 
imposed no conditions upon them, such as those in the decrees of the 
Council passed at visit (3). This, however, is an inference not w^arranted 
by St. Paul's statement, w^hich speaks of the acknowledgment of his per- 
sonal independence, but does not touch the question of the converts. 
Secondly, Wieseler urges that, till the time of visit (4), St. Paul's position 
could not have been so far on a level with St. Peter's as it was at the 
Galatian Visit. Thirdly, he thinks that the condition of making a collec- 
tion for the poor Christians in Jerusalem, which St. Paul says • he had 
been forward to fulfil, must have been fulfilled in that great collection 
which we know that St. Paul set on foot immediately after visit (4), 
because w^e read of no other collection made by St. Paul for this purpose." 
Fourthly, Wieseler argues that St. Paul would not have been likely to 
take an uncircumcised Gentile, like Titus, with him to Jerusalem at a 
period earlier than visit (4). And moreover, he conceives Titus to be 
the same with the Corinthian Justus,^ who is not mentioned as one of St. 
Paul's companions till Acts xviii. 7, that is, not till after visit (3). 

It is evident that these arguments are not conclusive in favor of visit 
(4), even if there were nothing on the other side ; but there are, more- 
over, the following objections against supposing the Galatian Visit identi- 
cal with (4). Fu'stly, Barnabas was St. Paul's companion in the Galatian 
Visit ; he is not mentioned as being with him at visit (4). Secondly, had 
so important a conference between St. Paul and the other Apostles taken 
place at visit (4), it would not have been altogether passed over by St. 
Luke, who dwells so fully upon the Council held at the time of visit (3), 
the decrees of which (on Wieseler's view) were inferior in importance to 
the concordat between St. Paul and the other Apostles which he supposes 
to have been made at visit (4). Thirdly, the whole tone of the second 
chapter of Galatians is against Wieseler's hypothesis ; for in that chapter 
St. Paul plainly seems to speak of the first conference which he had held 
after his success among the heathen, with the chief apostles at Jerusalem, 
and he had certainly seen and conferred with them during visit (3). 

Y, We have seen, therefore, that if tJie Galatian Visit he mentioned at all 
in th£ Acts, it must be identical with visit (3), at which the (so called) 
Council of Jerusalem took place. We will now consider the objections 

' Gal. ii. 9. 

» The collection carried up to Jerusalem at visit (2) might, however, be cited as an 
exception to this remark ; for (although not expressly stated) it is most probable that 
St. Paul was active in forwarding it, since he was selected to carry it to Jerusalem. 

3 Muny of the most ancient MSS. and versions read Titus Justus (T/row 'lovarov) in 
Acts xviii. \. Tischendorf. however, prefers 'lovarov. See above, p. 211, n. 13. 



against tho identity of these two visits urged by Paley and others, and 
then the arguments in favour of the identity. 

Objections to the Identity of the Gala- 
TiAN Visit with Visit (3). 

1. St. Paul in Gal. (ii. 1) mentions this 
/ourney as if it had been the next visit to 
Jerusalem after the time which he spent 
there on his return from Damascus; he 
does not say anything of any intermediate 
visit. This loolis as if he were speaking of 
the journey which /je tooli with Barnabas 
to Jerusalem (Acts xi. 30), to convey alms 
to the Jewish Christians in the famine. 

2. In the Galatians, the journey is said 
to have taken place aar' d-onalvipLv (Gal. 
ii. 2) ; but in Acts xv. 2-4, 6-12, a public 
mission is mentioned. 

3. In the Galatians Barnabas and Titus 
are spoken of as St. Paul's companions ; in 
the Acts, Barnabas and others (jivlg 
akloi), Acts XV. 2 ; but Titus is not men- 

Answers to the Objections. 

1. This objection is answered above, pjn 
227, 22a 

2. The journey may have taken place in 
consequence of a revelation, and yet may 
also have been agreed to by a vote of the 
church at Antioch. Thus in St. Paul's 
departure from Jerusalem (Acts ix. 29, 
30), he is said to have been sent by the 
brethren in consequence of danger feared ; 
and yet (Acts xxii. 17-21) he says that 
he had taken his departure in consequence 
of a vision on the very same occasion (see 
pp. 211, 12). 

3. This argument is merely ex silentto, 
and therefore inconclusive. In the Acts, 
Paul and Barnabas are naturally men- 
tioned, as being prominent characters in 
the history. Whereas in the Epistle, Titus 
would naturally be mentioned by St. Paul 
as a personal friend of his own, and also 
because of his refusal to circumcise him. 

4. The object of the visit in Acts xv. is 
diflferont from that of the Galatian Visit. 
The object in Acts xv. was to seek relief 
from the imposition of the Mosaic Law, 
that of the Galatian Visit was to obtain 
the recognition of SL Paul's independent 

4. Both these objects are implied in eacB 
narrative. The recognition of St. Paul's 
apostleship is implied in Acts xv. 25 : cvv 
Tol^ uyaTTijToTg 7/fiuv 'Qapvuda nat HavTcC: 
dvdpuTTOLC TrapadeduKoai, tuq tpvxuc avruv 
vTztp Tov ovofiarog rov Kvplov ij/iuv 'lyjaoi 
XpiaTov. And the relief from the imposi- 
tion of the Mosaic Law is implied, Gal. ii, 
7, Idovreg on TreniaTevftai, to evayyiXi.nt 
Tijg uKpodvGTiag, where the word uKpoCva 
Tiag shows that the Apostles at the time ol 
St. Paul's visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in 
the Epistle, acknowledged that the uncir- 
cumcised might partake of to evayyeTiiov 
The same thing is shown by the fact that 
the circumcision of Titus was not insisted 
on. We must remember also that the 



5. In Acts XV. a public assembly of the 
Church in Jerusalem is described, while 
in the Galatians only private interviews 
with the leading Apostles are spoken of. 

6. The narrative in the Epistle says 
nothing of the decision of the Council of 
Jerusalem, as it is commonly called, men- 
tioned Acts XV. Now this decision was 
conclusive of the very point disputed by 
the Judaising teachers in Galatia, and 
sui'ely therefore would not have been 
omitted by St. Paul in an argument in- 
volving the question, had he been relating 
the circumstances which happened at Jeru- 
. ealem when that decision was made. 

transactions recorded are looked upon 
from different points of view, in ths Acts, 
and in the Epistle ; for Acts xv. contaiua 
a naiTative of a great transaction in the 
history of the Church, while St. Paul, in 
the Epistle, alludes to this transaction 
with the object of proving the recognition 
of his independent authority. 

5. The private interviews Fpoken of in 
the Epistle do not exclude the supposition 
of public meetings having also taken place ; 
and a communication to the whole Church 
{avTolg, Gal. ii. 2) is expressly mentioned. 

6. The narrative in Galatians gives a 
statement intended to prove the recogni- 
tion of St. Paul's independent authority, 
which is sufficient to account for this 
omission. Moreover if St. Paul's omission 
of reference to the decision of the Council 
proved that the journey he speaks of was 
prior to the Council, it must equally prove 
that the whole Epistle was written before 
the Council of Jerusalem ; yet it is gene- 
rally aclmowledged to have been written 
long after the Council. The probable 
reason why St. Paul does not refer to the 
decision of the Council is this : — that the 
Judaising teachers did not absolutely dis- 
pute that decision ; they probably did not 
declare the absolute necessity of circum- 
cision, but spoke of it as admitting to ' 
greater privileges, and a fuller covenant 
with God. The Council had only decided 
that Gentile Christians need not observe 
the law. The Judaising party might still 
contend that Jewish Christians ought to 
observe it (as we know they did observe it 
till long afterwards). And also the de- 
crees of the council left Gentile Christiana 
subject to the same restrictions with the 
Proselytes of the Gate. Therefore the 
Judaising party would natui-ally argue 
that they were still not more fally within 
the pale of the Christian Church than the 
Proselytes of the Gate were within that of 
the Jewish Church. Ilence they would urge 
them to submit to circumcision, by way 
of placing themselves in full membership 
with the Church ; just as they would have 
urged a Proselyte of the Gate to become a 
Proselyte of Pughtcousness. Also St Paul 
might assume that the decision of tho 



Council was well known to the churches 
of Galatia, for Paul and Silas had carried 
it witlx them there. 

7. It is inconsistent to suppose that after 
tb2 decision of the Council of Jerusalem, 
St Peter could have behaved as he is de- 
Bcribed doing (Gal. ii. 12) ; for how could 
he refuse to eat with the uncircumcised 
Christians, after having advocated in the 
Council their right of admission to Chris- 
tian fellowship ? 

7. This objection is founded on a mis- 
understanding of St. Peter's conduct. His 
withdi'awal from eating at the same table 
with the uncircumcised Christians did not 
amount to a denial of the decision of the 
Council. His conduct showed a weak fear 
of offending the Judaising Christians who 
came fe'om Jerusalem ; and the practical 
effect of such conduct would have been, if 
persisted in, to separate the Church into 
two divisions. Peter's conduct was still 
more inconsistent (see Winer, p. 157) with 
the consent which he had certainly given 
previously (Gal. ii. 7-9) to the evayyeXiov 
of Paul ; and with his previous conduct in 
the case of Cornelius (see pp. 223, 224). 
We may add that whatever difficulty may 
be felt in St. Paul's not alluding to the 
decrees of the Council in his Epistle to the 
Galatians, must also be felt in his total 
silence concerning them when he treats of 
the question of ddu7MvTa in the Epistles 
to Corinth and Rome, for that question 
had been explicitly decided by the Coun- 
cil. The fact is, that the Decrees of the 
Council were not designed as of permanent 
authority, but only as a temporary and 
provisional measure ; and their authority 
was superseded as the Church gradually 
advanced towards twie Christian freedom. 

8. The Epistk mentions St. Paul as 
conttrring with James, Peter, and John, 
whereas in Acts xv. John is not mentioned 
at all, and it seems strange that so distin- 
guished a person, if present at the Council, 
should not have been mentioned. 

9. Since in the Galatians St. Paul men- 
tions James, Peter, and John, it seems most 
natural to suppose that he speaks of the 
well-known apostolic triumvirate so often 
classed together in the Gospels. But if so, 
the James mentioned must be James the 
Greater, and hence the journey mentioned 
in the Galatians must have been before 
the death of James the Greater, and there- 
fore before the Council of Jerusalem. 

8. This argument is only ex silentio, 
and obviously inconclusive. 

9. This objection proceeds on (he mere 
assumption that because James is men- 
tioned first he must be James the Greater, 
whereas James the Less became even a 
more conspicuous leader of the Church at 
Jerusalem than James the Greater had pre- 
viously been, as we see from Acts xv. 5 
hence he might be very well mentioned 
with Peter and John, and the fact of his 
name coming first in St. Paul's narrative 
agrees better with this supposition, for 
James the Greater is never mentioned tho 


fii-st in the Apostolic triumvirate, the ordei 
of which is Peter, James, and John ; but 
James the Less would naturally be men- 
tioned first, if the Council at Jerusalem was 
mentioned, since we find from Acts xv. 
that he took the part of president in that 

10. St. Paul's refusal to circumcise Titus 10, Timothy's mother was a Jewess, 
(Gal. ii.), and voluntary circumcising of and he had been brought up a Jew ; ' 
Timothy (Acts xviii. 21), so soon after- whereas Titus was a Gentile. The cir- 
wards. cumstauces of Timothy's circumcision will 

be more fully discussed hereafter. 

Thus we see that the objections against the identity of the Galatian 
visit with visit (3), are inconckisive. Consequently we might at once 
conclude (from the obvious circumstances of identity between the two 
visits), that they were actually 'identical. But this conclusion is fm'ther 
strengthened by the following arguments. 

1.' The Galatian visit could not have happened lefore visit (3); be- 
cause, if so, the Apostles at Jerusalem had already granted to Paul and 
Barnabas ^ the liberty which was sought for the eva-yyE?nov ttjq uKpofSvarlag ; 
therefore there would have been no need for the Church to send them 
again to Jerusalem upon the same cause. And again, the Galatian visit 
could not have happened after visit (3) ; because, almost immediately after 
that period, Paul and Barnabas ceased to work together as missionaries 
to the Gentiles ; whereas, up to the time of the Galatian visit, they had 
been working together.^ 

2. The Chronology of St. Paul's life (so far as it can be ascertained) 
agrees better with the supposition that the Galatian visit was visit (3), 
than with any other supposition. 

Reckoning backwards from the ascertained epoch of 60 a. d., when St. 
Paul was sent to Rome, we find that he must have begun his second mis- 
sionary journey in 51, and that, therefore, the Council (i. e. visit (3)) 
must have been either in 50 or 51. This calculation is based upon the 
history in the Acts. !N'ow, turning to the Epistle to the Galatians we 
find the following epochs — 

A. — Conversion. 

B. — 3 years' interval (probably Judaically reckoned=^2 years). 

C. — Flight from Damascus, and visit (1). 

D. — 5 14 years' interval (probably Judaically reckoiied=13 years). 

• See 2 Tim. iii. 15. TVo may remark that this difficulty (which is urged by 'Wiese- 
ler) is quite as great on his own hypothesis ; for, according to him, the refusal hap- 
pened only about two years after the consent. 

" See Winer's Galatians, pp. 141 & 144. 3 Gal. ii. 3-G. ■> Gal. ii. 1, 9. 

9 The reading denaTeaaupuv (Gal. ii. 1) is undoubtedly to be retained. It is the 
reading of all the ancient MSS. which contain the passage. Neander (^PJl. unci Leit 
i. p. 187), by mistake asserts that the Chronicon Paschale reads reaoapuv; but tht 


E. — Galatian visit. 

And since Aretas was supreme at Damascus ' at the time of the 
flight, and his supremacy there- probably began about 3t (see pages SI 
and 100), we could not put the flight at a more probable date than 38. 
If we assume this to have been the case, then the Galatian visit was 
88-f-13=51, which agrees with the time of the Council (i. e. visit (3)) 
as above. 

VI. Hence we need not farther consider the views of those writers 
who (like Paley and Schrader) have resorted to the hypothesis that the 
Calatian visit is some supposed journey not recorded in the Acts at all ; 
for we have proved that the supposition of its identity with the third visit 
there recorded satisfies every necessary condition. Schrader's notion is, 
that the Galatian visit was between visit (4) and visit (5). Paley 
places it between visit (3) and visit (4). A third view is ably advocated 
in a discussion of the subject (not pubhshed) which has been kindly com 
municated to us. The principal points in this hypothesis are, that the 
Galatians were converted in i]\Q first missionary journey, that the Gala- 
tian visit took place between visit {%) and visit (3), and that the Epistle 
to the Galatians was written after the Galatian visit and before visit 
(3). This hypothesis certainly obviates some difficulties,^ and it is quite 
possible (see next Chapter) that the Galatian churches might have been 
formed at the time supposed: but we think the "fourteen years "incon- 
sistent with this view, and we are strongly of opinion that a much later 
date must be assigned to the Epistle.^ 

reverse is the fact. The -nords of the Chronicou are : Tw cItteIv avrbv 6id deKaTeacupuv 
kruv doKel fioi rovg xP'^vov^ tuv uTrocT6?MV roi/g unb ttjc dvak^TpeuQ upiO/xEiv avrov. 
{Chronic, ed. Bonn. i. p. 436.) The mistake has probably arisen from the words er^ 
TEGGapa, which relate to a different subject, in the sentence below (see AVieseler, p. 207). 
Atu, of time, means "after an interval of" (See Winers Grammatik, p. 363, and 
Winer's Galat. p. 162. Also Anger, pp. 159, 160.) But it may be used, according 
to the Jewish way of reckoning time, inclusively ; thus Jesus is said to have risen 
from the dead 6iil rpiuv ij/xepuv {Ignat. ad Trail, c. 9). So in the Gospels ficrd is 
used (Mark viii. 31). The fourteen years must be reckoned front the epoch last men- 
tioned, which is the visit (1) to Jerusalem, and not the Conversion ; at least this is the 
most natural way, although the other interpretation might be justified, if required by 
the other circumstances of the case. 

1 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

^ Especially the difiBculties which relate to the apparent discrepancies between the 
i^alatian visit and visit (3), and to the circumstance that the Apostle does not allude 
to the Council in his argiiment with the Galatians on the subject of circumcision. The 
MS. to which we allude is by T. F. Ellis, Esq., formerly Fellow of Trinity College, 

3 Since these pages were printed, we have seen, in Dr. Davidson's Introduction to 
the N. T. (vol. ii.), a good statement of the principal arguments for the view we have 
advocated. We may add also the authority of Dr. H. Thiersch, in favour of our view 
of this Council. See the recently published English translation of his History of the 
Christian Church, p. 120. 





HAYAOS uat 2IAOTAN02 Kal TIMO0EO2.— 1 The?s. i. 1. 









The life of St. Paul being that of a traveller, and our purpose being to 
give a picture of the circumstances by which he was surrounded, it is 
often necessary to refer to the geography, both physical and political, of 
the countries through which he passed. This is more needful in the case 
of Asia Minor, not only because it was the scene of a very great portion of 
his journeys, but because it is less known to ordinary readers than Pales- 
tine, Italy, or Greece. We have already described, at some length, the 
physical geography of those southern districts which are in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Mount Taurus.' And now that the Apostle's travels 
take a wider range, and cross the Asiatic penuisula from Syria to the fron- 
tiers of Europe, it is important to take a general view of the political 
geography of this part of the Roman empire. Unless such a view is ob- 
tained in the first place, it is impossible to understand the topographical 
expressions employed in the narrative, or to conjecture the social relations 
into which St. Paul was brought in the course of his journeys " through 
Asia Minor. 

It is, however, no easy task to ascertain the exact boundaries of the 
Roman provinces in this part of the world at any given date between Au- 
gustus and Constantine.3 In the first place, these boundaries wore contin- 

1 Ch. I. pp. 20-22. Ch. ^a p. 159. 

' i. e. the journeys in Acts xvi. and Acts xviii. 

' So far as we know, the only attempt to ascertain and describe the political divisions 
of Asia Minor in the time of St. Paul, is that of Bcittgcr in the fii'st of his Beitrage 
(Gott. 1837.) He has brought together a great number of references, but the essay i^ 
fionfused, and some of his conclusions are strangely destitute of proof. 


ually changing. The area of the different pohtical districts was liable to 
Budden and arbitrary alterations. Such terms as " Asia," ^ " Pamphy- 
lia," " &c., though denoting the extent of a true political jurisdiction, im« 
phed a larger or smaller territory at one time than another. And again, 
we find the names of earlier and later periods of history mixed up together 
in inextricable confusion. Some of the oldest geographical terms, such 
as "-iEolis," " Ionia," " Caria," " Lydia," were disappearing from ordinary 
use in the time of the Apostles : ^ but others, such as " Mysia " * and 
*' Lycaonia," ^ still remained. Obsolete and existing divisions are pre- 
sented to us together : and the common maps of Asia Minor '^ are as un- 
satisfactory as if a map of France was set before us, distributed half into 
provinces and half into departments. And in the third place, some of the 
names have no political significance at all, but express rather the ethno- 
graphical relations of ancient tribes. Thus, " Pisidia " " denotes a district 
which might partly be in one province and partly in another ; and " Phry- 
gia " ^ reminds us of the diffusion of an ancient people, the broken portions 
of whose territory were now under the jurisdiction of three or four dis- 
tinct governors. Cases of this kmd are, at first sight, more embarrassing 
than the others. They are not merely similar to the two-fold subdivision 
of Ireland, where a province, like Ulster, may contain several definite 
counties : but a nearer parallel is to be found in Scotland, where a geo- 
graphical district, associated with many historical recollections, — such 
as Galloway or Lothian, — may be partly in one county and partly in 

Our purpose is to elucidate the political subdivisions of Asia Minor 

> Acts ii. 9. vi. 9. xvi. 6. xix. 10, 27, 31. xs. 16, 18. xxvii. 2. 1 Cor. xvi. 19. 
2 Cor. i. 8. 2 Tim. i. 15. 1 Pet. i. 1. 

' Acts ii. 10. xiii. 13. xv. 38. xxvii. 5. 

3 See Bottger, § 13. He remarks that Tacitus, Vitruvius, Justin, &c. speak of Per 
gamus, Epbesus, Cnidus, Thyatira, &c. as towns of J:sia, not of .^olis, Ionia, Caria, 
Lydia, &c., respectively. See Acts xxvii. 2. Rev. i. 11. 

•« Acts xvi. 7, 8. * Acts xiv. 6, 11. 

6 In the ordinary maps, ethnographical and political divisions of three or four differ- 
ent periods are confused together. Spruner's new " Atlas Antiquus " is, we believe, 
the only one which exhibits the provincial divisions of the " Imperium Romanorum ;" 
and it relates to the age of Trajan, when many changes had been made. Observe, for 
instance, the union of Crete as one province with Achala and Macedonia. Under the 
earlier emperors it was united with Cyrene. See map of St. Paul's second journey. 

A map of this kind belongs to a period too late for Kiepert's " Hellas," and too early 
for Wiltsch's " Atlas Ecclesiastic us." In the map published by Neander to illustrate 
the first planting of the Church, the provinces are not shown ; and it is to be regretted 
that the ancient terms, such as Caria, LydIa, &c., have been introduced. Of the Eng 
lish maps, that of Colonel Leake is invaluable for its clear representation of the ancient 
roads, and those of Major Renjiell are very important for elucidating general geogra- 
phical relations ; but neither of them shows the ancient political divisions. 

7 Acts xiii. 14. xiv. 24. s Acts ii. IC. xvi. G. xviii. 23. 


as they were in tlie reigns of Claudius and Nero, — or, in other words, 
to enumerate the provinces wliieh existed, and to describe the bounda- 
ries which were assigned to them, in the middle of the first century of 
the Christian era. The order we shall follow is from "West to East, and 
in so doing we shall not deviate widely from the order in which the pro- 
vinces were successively incorporated as substantive parts of the Roman 
empire. We are not, indeed, to suppose that St. Luke and St. Paul used 
all their topographical expressions m the strict political sense, even when 
such a sense was more or less customary. There was an exact usage 
and a popular usage of all these terms. But the first step towards fixing 
our geographical ideas of Asia Mmor, must be to trace the boundaries 
of the provinces. When this is done, we shall be better able to distin- 
guish those terms which, about the year 50 A. D., had ceased to have any 
true political significance, and to discriminate between the technical and 
the popular language of the sacred writers. 

I. Asia. — There is sometimes a remarkable interest associated with 
the history of a geographical term. One case of this kind is suggested 
by the allusion which has just been made to the British islands. Early 
writers speak of Ireland under the appellation of " Scotia." Certam of 
its inhabitants crossed over to the opposite coast : ' their name spread 
along with their influence : and at length the title of Scotland was en- 
tirely transferred from one island to the other. In classical history we 
have a similar instance in the name of " Italy," which at first only 
denoted the southernmost extremity of the peninsula : then it was 
extended so as to include the whole with the exception of Cisalpine Gaul : 
and finally, crossing the Rubicon, it advanced to the Alps ; while the 
name of " Gaul" retreated beyond them. Another instance, on a larger 
scale, is presented to us on the south of the Mediterranean. The " Africa " 
of the Romans spread from a limited territory on the shore of that sea, 
till it embraced the whole continent which was circumnavigated by Yasco 
di Gama. And similarly the term, by which we are accustomed to desig- 
nate the larger and more celebrated continent of the ancient world, 
traces its derivation to the " Asian meadow by the streams of the Cays- 
ter," ^ celebrated in the poems of Homer. 

This is the earliest occurrence of tlie word "Asia." We find, 
however, even in the older poets, => the word used in its widest sense to 

' See what Bede says of Ii-eland (i. 1) : — " Haec proprie patria Scotorum est : ab hao 
egressi tcrtiam ia Britannia Britonibus et Pictis gcntcra addideruut." 

' 'Aoiu h TiEifiuvi, Kavorptov d/x^l (>iEdpa. II. ii. 461. See Virg. Georg. i. 383, 
which is copied from Homer. It does not appear that the Roman prose writers ever 
used the word in its primitive and narrowest sense. 

» As la ^schylus, Persae and Prom. V. 


denote all the countries in the far East. Either the Greeks, made familiar 
with the original Asia by the settlement of their kindred in its neighbour- 
hood, applied it as a generic appellation to all the regions beyond it : 
or the extension of the kingdom of Lydia from the banks of the Cayster 
to the Halys as its eastern boundary, diffused the name of Asia as 
far as that river, and thus suggested the division of Herodotus into 
"Asia within the Halys" and "Asia beyond the Halys." ^ However 
this might be, the term retained, through the Greek and Roman periods, 
both a wider and a narrower sense ; of which senses we are concerned 
only with the latter. The Asia of the New Testament is not the con- 
tinent which stretches into the remote East from the Black Sea and the 
Red Sea, but simply the western portion of that peninsula which, in 
modern times, has received the name of "Asia Minor." ^ What extent 
of country, and what political significance we are to assign to the term, 
will be shown by a statement of a few historical changes. 

The fall of Croesus reduced the Lydian kingdom to a Persian satrapy. 
With the rest of the Persian empire, this region west of the Halys fell 
before the armies of Alexander. In the confusion which followed the 
conqueror's death, an independent dynasty established itself at Pergamus, 
not far from the site of ancient Troy. At first their territory was nar- 
row, and Attains I. had to struggle with the Gauls who had invaded the 
peninsula, and with the neighbouring chieftains of Bithynia, who had 
invited them.'' Antagonists still more formidable were the Greek kings 
of Syria, who claimed to be " Kings of Asia," and aimed at the posses- 
sion of the whole of the peninsula.* But the Romans appeared in the 

' Having the same general meaning as our phrase " The East." This is Mannert's 
opinion, Goog. der G. und R. vi. ii. 16. The words "Levant" and "Anadoli" (the 
modern name of Asia Minor) have come into use in the same way. 

* This is the view of Wieseler, who refers to a passage in Callinus quoted by Strabo, 
where the Lydians of Sardis are called 'Aacovelg; and compares the parallel case of 
" Palestine," which at first meant only the country of the Philistines, and then woa 
used by the Greeks and Romans to designate the whole of the land of Canaan. Chro- 
nologie, p. 32, 

* The peninsula which we call Asia Minor was never treatei by the ancients as a 
geographical whole. The common divisions were, "Asia within the Halys" and 
" Asia beyond the Halys " (as above) ; or, " Asia within the Taurus " and " Asia be- 
yond the Taurus." It is very important to bear this in mind : for some interpreters of 
the New Testament imagine that the Asia there spoken of is the peninsula of Lesser 
Asia. The term " Asia Minor" is first found in Orosius (i. 2), a writer of the fourth 
century, though "Asia Major" is used by Justin (xf. 4, 1) to denote the remote and 
eastern parts of the continent. 

* See below, p. 241. 

* In the first book of Maccabees (viii. 6) we find Antiochus the Great called by this 
title. And even after his successors were driven beyond the Taurus by the Romans, 
we see it retained by them, as the title of the king of France was retained by oui- own 
monarchs until a very recent period. See 1 Mac. xi. 13. xii. 39. xiii. 32. 2 Mac. iii .3, 



East, and ordered Antiochus to retire beyond the Taurus, ' and then con- 
ferred substantial rewards on their faithful allies. Rhodes became the 
mistress of Caria and Lycia, on the opposite coast ; ^ and Eumenes, the 
son of Attains, received, in the West and North-west, Lydia and Mysia, 
and a good portion of that vague region in the interior which was usually 
denominated "Phrygia,"^' — stretching in one direction over the district 
of Lycaonia.-' Then it was that, as 150 years since the Margraves of 
Brandenburg became Kings of Prussia, so the Princes of Pergamus 
became " Kings of Asia." For a time they reigned over a highly- 
civilised territory, which extended from sea to sea. The library of Per- 
gamus was the rival of that of Alexandria : and Attaleia, from whence 
we have lately seen the Apostle sailing to Syria ^ (Acts xiv. 25, 26), 
and Troas, from whence we shall presently see him sailing to Europe 
(Acts xvi. 11), were the southern and northern (or rather the eastern 
and western) harbours of King Attains II. At length the debt of gra- 
titude to the Romans was paid by King Attalus III., who died in the 
year 133, and left by testament the whole of his dominions to the bene- 
factors of his house.^ And now the " Province of Asia " appears for the 
first time as a new and significant term in the history of the world. The 
newly acquired possession was placed under a praetor, and ultimately a 

' Excedito urbibus, agris, vicis, castellis c»s Taiirum montem usque ad Halyn (?) 
flumen, at a valle Tauri usque ad juga qua ad Lycaoaiim vergit. Liv. xxxviii. 38. 
Compare 1 Mac. viii. 8. 

» Polyb. xxii. 7, 7. 27, 8. Liv, xxxvii. 54^56. xxxviii. 39. Strabo, xiv. App. 
Syr. 44. 

3 Livy's words are : — " In Asia Phrygiam utramque (alteram ad Hellespontum, 
majorem alteram vocant) et Mysiam, quam Prusias rex ademerat, Eumeni restitucrunt." 
xxxviii. 39. (See xxxvii. 56.) "Phrygia Major " was the great central space of Asia 
Miaor, which retained the name of its earliest inhabitants. It was subdivided, like 
Poland, among the contiguous provinces, and it is useless to attempt to determine its 
limits in this passage. (See below, 240, n. 5 and 249, note.) " Phrygia Minor " was 
an outlying district on the Hellespont, inhabited at some period by the same race. 
The case of Mysia, in consequence of the difficulties of Acts xvi. 7, 8, will be examined 
particularly, when we come to this part of St. Paul's journey. 

1 Thus Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe were probably once in "Asia." See below, 
under Galatia. [In Van Kapelle, Comment, de Regibus et Antiquit. Pergani. (Am- 
etel. 1842), is a map showing the extent of the Kingdom of Pergamus in the reign of 
Eumenes II. It assigns to him the whole of Phrygia, with Milyas, M'hich is represented 
as a narrow strip running down from the North towards the sea, and terminating in a 
straight line a little to the N. of Attaleia.] 

5 Pp. 200-203. Another Scripture city, the Pliiladelphia of Rev. i. 11. iii. 7, was 
also built by Attalus II. (Philadelphus). 

Attali ignotus hacres regiam occupavit. Ilor. Od. n. xviii. " Eo tempore Attalus, 
rex Asiae, mortuus est, ha;redemque populum Romanum reliquit. Ita imperio Romano 
per tcstamentum Asia accessit." Eutrop. iv. 19. Kart^iTC K?.7ioov6/iovg Tujialovg . ol 
ff tnapx'cav a-KtdeL^av ttjv X'^pav, 'Aaiav irpocayopEvwTig, 6/xuvvfiov Tt) 7/t''ow 
Strabo, xiii. 4. Also Justin, xxxvi. 4. Florus, ii. 20. 



proconsul. 1 The letters and speeclies of Cicero make ns farailiar with the 
names of more than one who enjoyed this distinction. One was the 
orator's brother, Quintus ;^ another was Flaccus, whose conduct aa 
governor he defended before the Senate.^ Some slight changes in the 
extent of the province may be traced. Pamphylia was withdrawn from 
this jurisdiction.* Rhodes lost her continental possessions, and Caria was 
added to Asia, while Lycia was declared independent.'^ The boundary 
on the side of Phrygia is not easily determined, and was probably varia- 
ble.^ But enough has been said to give a general idea of what is meant 
in the Kew Testament by that " Asia " which St. Paul attempted to 
enter,' after passing through Phrygia and Galatia ; which St. Peter 
addressed in Ms First Epistle,*^ along with Pontus, Cappadocia, Galatia, 
and Bithynia ; and which embraced the " seven churches," ^ whose angels 
are mentioned in the Revelation of St. John. 

II. Bithynia. — Next to Asia, both in proximity of situation and in 
the order of its estabhshment, was the province of Bithynia. Nor were 
the circumstances very different under which these two provinces passed 


* TVe learn from Acts xix. 38 — "there are proconsuls (deputies)" — that it was a 
proconsular or senatorial province. The important distinction between the emperor's 
and the senate's provinces has been carefully stated in Ch. V. pp. 141-145. The inci- 
dental proof in the Acts is confirmed by Strabo (xvii. 3) and Dio (liii. 12), who tell us 
that Augustus made Asia a proconsular province. 

' See Cic. ad Q. fratrem, i. 2, and C. Nepos, Att. For the first governors of the new 
province, and the treatment it received from them, see Justin, xxxvi. 4. 
3 Orat. pro L. Flacco. He was the immediate predecessor of Q. Cicero. 

* See below, under Pamphylia. 

* Polyb. XXX. 5, 12. Liv. xlv. 25. Thus Cicero, in his speech for Flaccus, says (c. 
27) : — " Asia vestra constat ex Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia." See Cramer's Asia 
Minor under Rhodes, &c. 

^ Hence we find both the sacred and heathen writers of the period sometimes includ- 
ing Phrygia in Asia and sometimes excluding it. In 1 Pet. i. 1 it seems to be included ; 
in Acts ii. 9, 10. xvi. 6 it is expressly excluded. See what Wieselcr says (pp. 32-35) 
on Plin. V. 28. 

' Acts xvi. 6. 8 1 Pet. i. 1. » Rev. i. 11. 

10 From the British Museum. These coins— one of Claudius, struck at Nicaa, the 
other of Nero and Agrippina, struck at Nicomedia — show, by the word ANGTIIATOS,, 
that Bithynia, like Asia, was a senatorial province. "We learn the same fact from 
Strabo (xvii. 3) and Dio (liii. 12). 




cnder the Ptoman sceptre. As a new dynasty established itself after the 
death of Alexander on the north-eastern shores of the JSgean, so an 
older dynasty i secured its independence at the Western edge of the Black 
Sea. Mcomedes I. was the king who invited the Gauls with whom 
Attains I. had to contend : and as Attalus III., the last of the House of 
Pergamus, paid his debt to the Romans by making them his heirs, so 
the last of the Bithynian House, Mcomedes III., left his kingdom as a 
legacy to the same power in the year 15.'' It received some accessions 
on the east after the defeat of Mithridates ; ^ and in this condition we 
find it in the list given by Dio of the provinces of Augustus ; * the inter- 
mediate land between it and Asia being the district of Mysia, through 
which it is neither easy nor necessary to draw the exact frontier-line.* 
Stretching inland from the shores of the Propontis and Bosphorus, beyond 
the lakes near the cities 'of Nicsea and Nicomedia, to the upper ravines of 
the Sangarius, and the snowy range of Mount Olympus, it was a province 
rich in all the changes of beauty and grandeur. Its history is as varied 
as its scenery, if we trace it from the time when Hannibal was an exile at 
the court of Prusias, to the establishment of Othman's Mahommedan 
capital in the city which still bears that monarch's name. It was Ha- 
drian's favourite province, and many monuments remain of that emperor's 
partiality." But we cannot say more of it without leaving our proper 
subject. We have no reason to beheve that St. Paul ever entered it, 
though once he made the attempt.'' Except the passing mention of 
Bithynia in this and one other place,^ it has no connection with the 
ipostolic writings. The first great passage of its ecclesiastical history is 

• See their history in Mannert, m. ix. and the Appendix to Clinton's Fasti Hellenici. 

' Anuo urbis conditae DCI:xx\^. mortuus est Nicomedes, rex Bithyniac, et per testsr 
mentum populum Eomanum fecit hacrcdcm. Eutrop. vi. 6. Cf. Liv. Epit. xciii. 

3 Tuv Tov HovTov t:67.euv Tiveg rw rr/c BiOvvla^ vo/i(]) TvpoaeTerdxaTo. Dio Cass. xliL 
45. See Strabo, xii. 3. 

■« BiOvvia fiETti TOV TvpoGKEifiivov ol UovTov is reckoned by him among the Senatoriaa 
provinces, liii. 12. See Liv. Epit. cii. There is some inaccuracy in Forbiger, p. 376. 

6 See below, on Acts xvi. 7, 8. 

« It ^vas the birthplace of his favom-ite Antinous. He took it from the senate, and 
placed it under his own jm-isdiction. (Dio, Ixix. U.) But when St. Paul passed this 
way, it was under the senate, as we see by the coins of Claudius and Nero above. 

7 Acts xvi. 7. 8 1 Pet. i. 1. 

vol,. I.- — IG 


found in the correspondence of Trajan with its governor Pliny, con- 
cerning the persecution of the Christians. The second is the meeting of 
the first general council, when the Nicene Creed was drawn up on the 
banks of the Lake Ascanius. 

III. Pamphylia. — This province has already been mentioned (Chap. 
VI.) as one of the regions traversed by St. Paul in his first niissionarj 
journey. But though its physical features have been described, its Dohti- 
cal limits have not been determined. The true Pamphylia of the earliest 
writers is simply the plain which borders the Bay of Attaleia, and which, 
as we have said,' retreats itself lik'e a bay into the mountains. How 
.small and insignificant this territory was, may be seen from the records of 
' the Persian war, to which Herodotus says that it sent only thirty ships ; 
while Lycia, on one side, contributed fifty, and Cilicia, on the other, a 
hundred.* Nor do we find the name invested with any wider significance, 
till we approach the frontier of the Roman period. A singular dispute 
between Antiochus and the king of Pergamus, as to whether Pamphylia 
was really within or beyond Mount Taurus, was decided by the Romans 
in favour of their ally.-'' This could only be effected by a generous inclu- 
sion of a good portion of the mountainous country within the range of this 
geographical term.^ Henceforward, if not before,^ Pamphylia compre- 
hended some considerable part of what was anciently called Pisidia. We 
have seen that the Romans united it to the kingdom of Asia. It was, 
therefore, part of the province of Asia at the death of Attains. It is dif- 
ficult to trace the steps by which it was detached from that province. 
We find it (along with certain districts of Asia) included in the military 
jurisdiction of Cicero, when he was governor of Cilicia.^ It is spoken of 
as a separate province in the reign of Augustus.'' Its boundary on the 
Pisidian side, or in the direction of Phrygia,^ must be left indeterminate. 
Pisidia was included in this province : but, again, Pisidia is itself indeter- 
minate ; and we have good reasons for believing that Antioch in Pisidia ' 

• P. 159. 

» Herod, vii. 91, 92. 3 Polyb. xxii. 27, 11. Liv. xxxviii. 39. 

* Insident verticem Pisidae. Plin. H. N. v. 24. Strabo (xii.) even says that some 
Pisidian towns were south of Taums. See Cramer. 

5 'H IlicL6iKn is spoken of, as if it were a province of Pamp'hylia, by Diodorua and 
Polybius. See Mannert. 

6 Ep. ad Alt. V. 21. 

7 Dio Cassius, liii. 26, where we are told that the Pamphylian districts bestowed on 
Amyntas were restored by Augustus to their own province. Sc also in the refgn oi 
Claudius, Ix. 17, quoted below, p. 243, n. 4. 

' Pisidia was often reckoned as a part of Phrygia, under the name of ^pvyia Uisi- 
itKij or ipvyia -rrpbg JliaiSiav, See Forbigcr, p. 322. 

» Sec Mannert, pp. 117, 169, 178. The Pisidian mountaineers had overrun this part 
of Phrygia and their name remained there. See, however, Plin. H. N. v, 25. 



was really under the governor of Galatia.' Cilicia was contiguous to 
Pamphylia on iht east. Lycia was a separate region oa the west, first as 
an appendage to Rhodes "" in the time of thd Republic, and then as a free 
state •■■ under the earhest emperors ; but about the very time when Paul 
was travelling in these countries, Claudius brought it within the pro- 
vincial system, and united it to Pamphylia : " and monuments make us ao 
quainted with a public officer who bore the title of " Proconsul of Lycia 
and Pamphylia." * 

lY. Galatia. — "We come now to a political division of Asia Minor, 
which demands a more careful attention. Its sacred interest is greater 
than that of all the others, and its history is more pecuHar. The Chris- 
tians of Galatia were they who received the Apostle " as if he had been 
an angel," — who, "if it had been possible, would have plucked out their 
eyes and given them to hun," — and then were " so soon removed" by new 
teachers " from him that called them, to another Gospel," — who began to 
"run well," and then were hindered, — who were "bewitched" by that 
zeal which compassed sea and land to make one proselyte, — and who were 
as ready, in the fervour of their party spirit, to " bite and devour one 
another," as they were willing to change their teachers and their gos- 
pels.« It is no mere fancy which discovers, in these expressions of St 
Paul's Epistle, indications of the character of that remarkable race of man- 
kind, which all writers, from Caesar to Thierry,' have described as suscep- 
tible of quick impressions and sudden changes, with a fickleness equal to 
their courage and enthusiasm, and a constant liabihty to that disunion 
which is the fruit of excessive vanity, — that race, which has not only pro- 

I In the division of the fourth century, Pisidia became a province, and Antioch waa 
its capital. See the Notitia. 

* See above, p. 239, n. 2. 

* Polyb. XXX. 5, 12. Liv. xlv. 25. See Cramer. 

* Lyciis ob exitiabiles inter se discordias libcrtatem ademit. Suet. Claud. 25. Toi/f 
AvKiovg araaidcavTac, ugte kqI 'Pufialovc Tivag uTvoKTEcvai, idovluaaro re, Kal ig rdv 
TTjc UafKpvXiag vofiov tceypaipEv. Dio Cass. Lx. 17. Suetonius says, just above, that 
about the same time Claudius made over to the eenate the provinces of Macedonia and 
Achaia. Hence we find a proconsul at Corinth. Acts xviii. 12. 

5 The inscription is adduced from Gruter by Mannert (p. 159) and Forbiger (p. 250, 
n. 95). At a later period Lycia was a distinct province, with Myra as its capital. 

6 Gal. iv. 14, 15. i. 6. v. 7. iii. 1. i. 7. v. 15. 

7 Ca;sar, infirmitatem Gallorum vcritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles, el 
aovis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum existimavit. Caes. B. G. iv. 5. 
Les traits saillans de la famille gauloisc, ceux qui la difl'erencient Ic plu?, a mon avie, 
des autres families humaines, peuvent se rdsumer aiasi : une bravoure persouelle que 
riea n'egale chez les peuples anciens ; un esprit franc, impetueux, ouvert a toutcs lea 
impressions, eminemment intelligent ; mais, a cote de cela, une mobilite extreme, 
point de Constance, une repugnance marquee aux idees de disoipliuo et d'ordre ta 
puissantes chez les races germaniques, bcaucoup d'ostentation, enfin une disunion 
^lerpetuelle, fruit de I'excessive vanite. Thierry, Hist, des Gaulois, Introd !v- »' 


duced one of the greatest nations of modern times,i but which, long before 
the Cliristian era, wandering forth from their early European seats, burnt 
Rome and pillaged Delphi, founded an empire in Northern Italy more 
than co-extensive with Austrian Lombardy, and another in Asia Mmor, 
equal in importance to one of the largest pachalicks. 

For the "Galatia " of the New Testament was really the "Gaul" of 
the East. The " Epistle to the Galatiaus" would more literally and more 
correctly be called the " Epistle to the Gauls." When Livy, in his ac- 
count of the Komau campaigns in Galatia, speaks of its inhabitants, he 
always calls them " Gauls." ^ When the Greek historians speak of the 
inhabitants of ancient France, the word they use is " Galatians."^ The 
two terms are merely the Greek and Latin forms of the same "barbarian" 

That emigration of the Gauls, which ended in the settlement in Asia 
Alinor, is less famous than those which led to the disasters in Italy and 
Greece : but it is, in fact, identical with the latter of these two emigra- 
tions, and its results were more permanent. The warriors who roamed 
over the Cevennes, or by the banks of the Garonne, reappear on the 
Halys and at the base of Mount Dindymus. They exchange the super- 
stitions of Druidism for the ceremonies of the worship of Cybele. The 
very name of the chief Galatian tribe is one with which we are familiar in 
the earliest history of France ; ^ and Jerome says that, in his own day, 
the language spoken at Ancyra was almost identical with that of Treves." 

The FrcQcli travellers (as Tournefort and Texier) seem to wi'ite with patriotic en- 
thusiasm when they touch Galatia ; and we have found our best materials in Thierry's 

' Galli. Liv. xxxviii. 12-27. Once indeed, in the speech of Manlius (c. 17), the 
Roman general is introduced as saying, " Hi jam dcgeneres sunt ; mixti, et Gallograci 
vere, quod appellantur." The country of the Galatians was called Gallograscia (c. 12, 
18). See Justin, xxv. 2. 

3 TaTiuTia ; as in Polybius, for instance, and Dio Cassius. Some have even thought 
that Ta/MTim' in 2 Tim. iv. 10 means the country commonly called Gaul ; and some 
ilSS. have Ta?i?itav. 

* And we may add that " Galatffi " and " Keltaj " are the same word. See Ai'nold's * 
Rome, i. 522. 

5 See Thierry, ch. iv., on the Tectosages. The Galatians, like the Belgians of North- 
ern France, seem to have belonged to the Kymry, and not the Gael. Diod. Sic. v. 32, 
referred to by Arnold, p. 522 ; also Appian. See Thierry, pp. 131, 132. 

fi Unum est quod inferimus .... Galatas excepto sermone greeco, quo omnis oriens 
loquitur, propriam liuguam eandem habere quam Treviros. Hieron. Prol. in Ep. GaL 
It is very likely that there was some Teutonic element in these emigrating tribes, but 
it is hardly possible nov/ to distinguish it from the Keltic. The converging lines of 
distinct nationalities become more faint as we ascend towards the point where they 
meet. Thierry considers the Tolistoboii, whose leader was Lutarius (Luther or Clo- 
thair?), to have been a Teutonic tribe. The departure of new German colonies to ^^ 
Asia Minor is again advocated after 2100 years. See Prof. Ross's Deutschland und 


The Q alatians were a stream from that torrent of barbarians which pourcti 
into Greece in the thu-d century before our era, and which recoiled in con- 
fusion from the cliffs of Delphi. Some tribes had previously separated 
from the main army, and penetrated into Thrace. There they were 
joined by certain of the fugitives, and together they appeared on the 
coa.sts, which are separated by a narrow arm of the sea from the ricll 
plains and valleys of Bithynia.^ The wars with which that kingdom wa« 
harassed, made their presence acceptable. Nicomedes was the Yortigern 
of Asia Minor : and the two Gauhsh chieftains, Leonor and Lutar, may 
be fitly compared to the two legendary heroes of the Anglo-Saxon inva* 
sion. Some difficulties occurred in the passage of the Bosphorus, which 
curiously contrast with the easy voyages of our piratic ancestors.^ But 
once established in Asia Minor, the Gauls lost no time in spreading over 
the whole peninsula with thpir arms and devastation. In their first cross- 
ing over we have compared them to the Saxons. In their first occupa- 
tion they may be more fitly compared to the Danes.^ For they were a 
moveable array rather than a nation, — encamping, marching, and plunder- 
ing at will. They stationed themselves on the site of ancient Troy, and 
drove their chariots in the plain of the Cayster.^ They divided nearly 
the whole peninsula among their three tribes. They levied tribute on 
cities, and even on kings. The wars of the east found them various occu- 
pation. They hired themselves out as mercenary soldiers. They were 
the royal guards of the kings of Syria, and the mamelukes of the Ptole- 
mies in Egypt.5 

* Liv. xxxriii. 16, and Polyb. 

' Lutai-ius Macedonibus duas tectas naves et tres lembos adimit ; his, alios atque 
alios dies noctesque transvehendo, intra paucos dies omnes copias trajecit. Liv. 
xxxviii. 16. 

3 Compare the Saxoa Chroaicle, for instance, with what Livy says : — Profecti ex 
Bithynia in Asiam processeruut . . . Taatum terroris omnibus, qure cis Taurum inco- 
lunt, gentibus injecerunt, ut qnas adissent, quasque noa adisseat, pai'iter ultimoe pro- 
pinquis, imperlo parereat . . . Tautus terror eorum nominis erat, ut Syria? quoque ad 
postremum reges stipeadium dare noa abnuerent. xxxviii. 16. And Justin ; — Gallo- 
rum ea tempcstate tanto2 foecunditatis juventus fuit, ut Asiam omnem velut examine 
aljquo implerent. xxv. 2. 

•' E/f T'/v TTo/lfv 'lAiov. Strabo, xiii. 'Ej^ lei/iiJvi Kavarplcf) tarav ufia^ai. Callim. 
Hym. ad. Dian. v. 257, quoted by Thierry, p. 191. See the beautiful lines he quotes 
in the following page, from the anthology on the death of the maidens of Miletus 
((2f iJ ^laa-bg Ke7.TC)v etf Tavrrjv fiolpav trpeipEV "Aprjc). 

5 Denique neque reges Oricntis sine mercenario Gallorum exercitu ulla bella gesse- 
runt ; neque pulsi regno ad alios quam ad Gallos confugerunt. Tantus terror Gallicu 
nominis, et armorum invicta felicitas erat, ut aliter neque majostatcm suam tutari 
neque amissam reciperare se posse nisi Gallica virtute arbitrarentur. Justin, 1. c. ; 
and further references in Thierry, pp. 196-200. Even in the time of Julius Cassar, w« 
find iOO Gauls (Giilatians), who had previously been part of Cleopatra's bsdy-guap'l 
given for the same purpose to Ilcrod. Joseph. B. J. xx. 3. 


The saiTOundiug monarchs gradually curtailed their po-jver, and re- 
pressed them within narrower limits. First Antiochus Soter drore the 
Tectosages/ and then Eumenes drove the Trocmi and Tolistoboii/ intc 
the central district which afterwards became Galatia. Their territory waa 
definitely marked out and surrounded by the other states of Asia Minor, 
and they retained a geographical position similar to that of Hungary in the 
midst of its Sclavonic neighbours. By degrees they coalesced into a nmn- 
ber of small confederate states, and ultimately into one united kingdom.' 
Successive circumstances brought them into contact with the Romans in 
various ways ; first, by a religious embassy sent from Rome to obtain 
peaceful possession of the sacred image of Cybele ; * secondly, by the 
campaign of Manlius, who reduced their power and left them a nominal 
independence ; ' and then through the period of hazardous alliance with 
the rival combatants in the civil wars. The first Deiotarus was made 
king by Pompey, fled before Csesar at the battle of PharsaUa, and waa 
defended before the conqueror by Cicero, in a speech which still remains 
to us.® The second Deiotarus, like his father, was Cicero's friend, and 
took charge of his son and nephew during the Cilician campaign.' 
Amyntas, who succeeded him, owed his power to Antony,* but pru- 
dently went over to Augustus in the battle of Actium. At the death of 
Amyntas, Augustus made some modifications in the extent of Galatia, 
and placed it under a governor. It was now a province, reaching from 
the borders' of Asia and Bithynia to the neighbourhood of Icouium, 
Lystra, and Derbe, "cities of Lycaonia."9 

Henceforward, like the Western Gaul, this territory was a part of 
the Roman empire, though retaining the traces of its history in the char- 
acter and language of its principal inhabitants. There was this difi'er- 
ence, however, between the Eastern and Western Gaul, that the latter 

» His appellation of " the Saviour " was derived from this victory. App. Syr. 65. 
• Liv. xxxvili. 16. See 40. 

3 This does not seem to have been effectually the case till after the campaign of 
Manlius. The nation was for some time divided into four tetrarchies. Deiotarus WM 
the first sole ruler ; fii'st as tetrarch, then as king. 

4 Liv. xxix. 10, 11. 5 Liv. xxxviii. 16, &c. 

6 See Cic. de Div. ii. .S7. Ep. ad Fam. xv. 2, &c. 

7 Ep. ad Att. V. 17. 

8 He received some parts of Lycaonia and Pamphylia in addition to Galatia Proper, 
Die Cass. xlix. 32. See above, Ch. I. p. 23. 

9 The Pami^hylian portion was removed (see above), "but the Lycaouian remained. 
Tot) 'kjivvTOv Telev^qaavTog, i] Ta^aria [ietiL T7jg AviiaovLag 'Pufialov upxovra laxt. 
Die. C. liii. 26. See Eutrop. vii. 8. Thus we find Pliny (H. N. v. 42) reckoning the 
Lystreul in Galatia, though he seemg to imply (ib. 25) that the immediate neighboar- 
hood of Icoaium was in Asia. It is therefore quite possible, so far as geographical 
diflBculties are coucerned, that the Christian communities in the neighbom'hood of 
Lysti-a might be called " Churches of Galatia." See p. 234. We think, however, ae 
we have ?aid. that other difSculties are decisive against the view there mentioned. 

poNTus. 247 

was more rapidly and more completely assimilated to Italy. It passed 
from its barbarian to its Roman state, without being subjected to any 
intermediate civilisation.' The Gauls of the East, on the other hand, had 
long been famiUar with the Greek language and the Greek culture. 
St. Paul's Epistle was written in Greek. The contemporary in- 
scriptions of the province are usually in the same language.'^ The 
Galatians themselves are frequently called Gallo-Grgecians ; '■' and many 
of the inhabitants of the province must have been of pure Grecian 
origin. Another section of the population, the early Phrygians, were 
probably numerous, but in a lower and more degraded position. The 
presence of great numbers of Jews'* in the province implies that it 
was, in some respects, favourable for traffic ; and it is evident that the 
district must have been constantly intersected by the com'se of caravans 
from Armenia, the Hellespont, and the South.* The Roman itineraries 
inform us of the lines of communication between the great towns near 
the Halys and the other parts of Asia JVIinor. These circumstances 
are closely connected with the spread of the Gospel, and we shall return 
to them again when we describe St. Paul's fii'st reception in Galatia. 

V. PoNTUs. — The last independent dynasties in the north of the Pen- 
insula have hitherto appeared as friendly or subservient to the Roman 
power. Asia and Bithynia were voluntarily ceded by Attains and Nico- 
medes ; and Galatia, on the death of Amyntas, quietly fell into the station 
of a province. But when we advance still further to the East, we are 
reminded of a monarch who presented a formidable and protracted 
opposition to Rome. The war with Mithridates was one of the most 
serious wars in which the Repubhc was ever engaged ; and it was not 
tUl after a long struggle that Pompey brought the kingdom of Pontus 
under the Roman yoke. In placing Pontus among the provinces of Asia 
Minor at this exact point of St. Paul's life, we are (strictly speaking) 
guilty of an anachronism. For long after the western portion of the 

' The immediate neighbourhood of Marseilles, which was thoroughly imbued with 
a knowledge of Greek, must of course be excepted. 

' See Boeckh's Corpus Inscriptionum. 3 gee above, p. 244, note 2. 

■« See in Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6) the letter which Augustus Avrote ia fiivour of the 
Jews of Ancyra, and which was inscribed on a pillar ia the temple of Cassar. We 
shall have occasion hereafter to mcatiou the Monumentum Ancyranum. 

5 See what Livy says of Gordium, one of the minor towns near the western frontier : — 
" Haud magnum quidem oppidum est, scd plus quam medlterraneum celcbre et frts 
quens emporium. Tria maria pari ferme distantia iutcrvallo habet." xx.v7iii. 18. 
Again, Strabo says of Tavium, — ku-jopelov tuv -avTtj. xii. 5. This last city was tha 
capital of the Eastern Galatians, the Trocmi, who dwelt beyond the Halys. The 
Tolistoboii were the western tribe, near the Sangarius, with Pessiuus as their capital. 
The chief town of the Tcctosages in the centre, and the metropolis of the nation, wae 


empire of Mitbridates was united partly with Bithynia and partly with 
Galatia,' the region properly called Pontus^ remained under the govern- 
ment of independent chieftains. Before the Apostle's death, however, it 
was really made a province by Xero.^ Its last king was that Polemo II., 
who was alluded to at the beginning of this work, as the contemptible 
hofiband of one of Herod's grand-daughters.^ In himself he is quite un- 
worthy of such particular notice, but he demands our attention, not only 
because, as the last independent king in Asia Minor, he stands at one of 
the turning points of history, but also because through his marriage with 
Berenice, he must have had some connection with the Jewish population 
of Pontus, and therefore probably with the spread of the Gospel on the 
shores of the Euxine. We cannot forget that Jews of Pontus were at 
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost,^ that the Jewish Christians of Pon- 
tus were addressed by St, Peter in his first Epistle,* and that " a Jew 
born in Pontus " ' became one of the best and most useful associates of 
the Apostle of the Gentiles. 

YI. Cappadocia. — Crossing the country southwards from the birth- 
place of Aquila towards that of St. Paul, we traverse the wide and varied 
region which formed the province of Cappadocia, intermediate between 
Pontus and Cilicia. The period of its provincial existence began in the 
reign of Tiberius. Its last king was Archelaus,*^ the contemporary of the 

' See above, under Pamphylia, for the addition to that province. A tract of country, 
near the Halys, henceforward called Pontus Galaticus, was added to the kingdom of 

* Originally, this district near the Euxine was considered a part of Cappadocia, and 
called " Cappadocia on the sea (Pontus)." The name Pontus gradually came into use, 
with the rising power of the ancestors of Mithridates the Great. 

3 Ponti regnum, concedente Polemone, in provincial formam redegit. Suet. Nero, c. 
18. See Eutrop. vii. 13 ; Aur. Vict. Cuss. 5. The statements of Forbiger (p. 292) are 
not quite in harmony with those in p. 413. It is probably impossible to determine the 
boundary which was ultimately arranged between the two contiguous provinces of 
Pontus and Cappadocia, when the last of the independent monarchs had ceased to 
reign. In the division of Constantine, Pontus formed two provinces, one called Ue- 
lenopontus in honour of his mother, the other still retaining the name of Pontus Pole- 

* P. 24 and p. 25, n. 3. In or about the year 60 A. D. we find Berenice again with 
Agrippa in Judaea, on the occasion of St. Paul's defence at Csesarea. Acts xxv., xxvi. 
ft is probable that she was with Polemo in Pontus about the year 52, when St. Paul 
was travelling in the neighboiu-hood. 

* Acts ii. 9. « 1 Pet. i. 1. " Acts xvlii. 2. 

8 He was made king by Antony, and, fifty years afterwards, was summoned to Rome 
by Tiberius, who had been offended by some disrespect shown to himself in the island 
of Rhodes. "Rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisua 
Tiberio, quod cum Rhodi agentem nullo ofiBcio coluisset . . . regnum in provinciam 
reductumest" Tac. Ann. ii. 42. Cappadoces in formam provincije reducti. lb. 56. 
bee Dio Cass. Ivii. 17. Strabo, xii. 1. Suet. Tib. c. 37. Eutrop. \?ii. 9. 


Jewish tetrarch of the same name.! Extending from the frontier of Ga- 
latia to the river Euphrates, and bounded on the South by the ciiain of 
Taurus, it was the largest province of Asia Minor.* Some of its cities 
are celebrated in ecclesiastical history .^ But in the New Testament it is 
only twice alluded to, once in the Acts,-* and once in the Epistles.^ 

YII. CiLiciA. — A single province yet remains, in one respect the most 
interesting of all, for its chief city was the Apostle's native town. For 
this reason the reader's attention was invited long ago to its geography 
and history.^ It is therefore unnecessary to dwell upon them further. 
We need not go back to the time when Servilius destroyed the robbers in 
the mountains, and Pompey the pirates on the coast.' And enough 
has been said of the conspicuous period of its provincial condition, when 
Cicero came down from Cappadocia through the great pass of Mount 
Taurus,® and the letters of his correspondents in Rome were forwarded 
from Tarsus to his camp on the Pyramus." Nearly all the light we pos- 
sess concernmg the fortunes of Roman Cilicia is concentrated on that par- 
ticular time. We know the names of few of its later governors. Perhaps 
the only allusion to its provincial condition about the time of Claudius and 
Nero, which we can adduce from any ancient writer, is that passage in 
the Acts, where Felix is described as enquiring " of what province" St. 
Paul was. The use of the strict political term,'" informs us that it was a 
separate province ; but we are not able to state whether it was under the 
jurisdiction of the senate or the Emperor." 

» Mat. ii. 22. 

■ The Lesser Ai-menia was politically united with it. For details, see Forbiger, p. 292. 

3 Especially Nyssa, Nazianzus, and Neocffisarea, the cities of the three Gregoriea, 
and CsDsarea, the city of Basil, — to say nothing of Tyana and Samosata. 

4 ii. 9. 5 1 Pet. i. 1. 6 Pp. 20-26. See also 48, 49. 
7 Pp. 20, 21. 8 See below, p. 257, note. 

9 Qiium essem in castris ad fluvium Pyi'amum, redditaj mihi sunt uno tempore a te 
epistoloe duac, quas ad me Q. Sei'vilius Tarso miserat. Ep. ad Fam. iii. 11. 

w 'Errapxia. Acts xxiii. 34, the only passage where the wordocciu's in the New Tes- 
tament. For the technical meaning of the term see above, p. 143, n. 2. It is strange 
that Bottger (Beitr. i.) should have overlooked this passage. He says (§ 7), that the 
Province of Cilicia ceased to exist at the death of Amynta.s, and afterwards makes it 
to be included in the province of Cappadocia ; a mistake which has, perhaps, aiisen 
from the fact that a small district to the north of Taurus was called Cilicia. Another 
mistake is still more unaccountable, viz. the construction of a Province of P/trygia 
(§ 4, 10). The only authority adduced is a single phrase from the epitome of a lost 
book of Livy : whereas there is not a trace in history of any such province before the 
time of Constantine. Then, it is true, wo find Phrygia Salutaris and Phrygia Pacatiana 
as two of the eleven provinces of the Diocese of Asia ; but under the earlier emperors 
the term is simply ethnographical. 

" Spruner"s map in the Atlas Antiquus leaves this point undecided. Can we infer 
from a passage in Agrippa's speech to the Jews (Joseph. B. J. ii. IG, 4), where he saj* 


With this last division of the Heptarchy of Asia Minor we are brought 
te the startmg-point of St, Paul's second missionary journey. Cihcia is 
contiguous to Syria, and indeed is more naturally connected with it than 
with the rest of Asia Minor.' "We might illustrate this connection from 
the letters of Cicero ; " but it is more to our purpose to remark that the 
Apostolic Decree, recently enacted at Jerusalem, was addressed to the 
Gentile Christians " in Antioch, and Syria, and Cihcia," ^ and that Paul 
and Silas travelled " through Syria and Cilicia " " in the early part of 
their progress. 

This second missionary journey originated in a desu'e expresseid by Paul 
to Barnabas, that they should revisit all the cities where they had preached 
the Gospel and founded churches.^ He felt that he was not called to 
spend a peaceful, though laborious, life at Antioch, but that his true work 
was " far off among the Gentiles," ^ He knew that his campaigns were 
not ended, — that as the soldier of Jesus Christ, he must not rest from his 
warfare, but must " endure hardness," that he might please Him who had 
called him.' As a careful physician, he remembered that they, whose re- 
covery from sin had been begun, might be in danger of relapse ; or, to use 
another metaphor, and to adopt the poetical language of the Old Testa- 
ment, he said, — " Come, let us get up early to the vineyards : let us see 
if the vine flourish." ^ The words actually recorded as used by St. Paul 
on this occasion, are these : — " Come, let us turn back aijd visit our 
brethren in every city, where we have announced the word of the Lord, 
and let us see how they fare." ^ We notice here, for the first time, a 
trace of that tender solicitude concerning his converts, that 'earnest long- 
ing to behold their faces, which appears in the letters which he wrote 
afterwards, as one of the most remarkable, and one of the most attractive, 
features of his character. Paul was the speaker, and not Barnabas. 
The feelings of Barnabas might not be so deep, nor his anxiety so ui-gent,'» 
Paul thought doubtless of the Pisidians and Lycaonians, as he thought 
afterwards at Athens and Corinth of the Thessalonians, from whom he 

that Cilicia, as well as Bithynia, Pamphylia, &c., was " kept tributary to the Romans 
without an army," that it was one of the senate's provinocs? 

• See p. 105, comparing Acts ix. 30 with Gal. i. 21. 

« Ep. ad Fam. xv. 2, ad Att. v. 20. 

•i Acts XV. 23. 4 Acts xv. 41. '= Acts xv. 3G, « Acts xxiL 21. 

7 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 

8 Cant. vii. 12, quoted by Matthew Henry. See his excellent remarks on the whole 

9 There is much force in the particle 6)), which is almost unnoticed by the commen- 
tators. It seems to express something lilie impatience, especially when we compare it 
with the words /zera tlvoq r]/i£pag, which precede. The tender feeling implied in the 
phrase Trwf txovai fully justifies what we have said in the text. 

•o We might almost be inclined to suspect that Paul had previously urged the same 
proposal on Barnabas, and that he had hesitated to comply. 


had been lately " taken, — in presence not in heart, — endeavouring to see 
their face with great desire — night and day praying exceedingly that he 
might see their face, and might perfect that which was lacking in their 
faith." ' He was " not ignorant of Satan's devices." ^ He feared lest by 
any means the Tempter had tempted them, and his labour had been in 
vain.3 He " stood in doubt of them," and desired to be "present with 
them " once more." His wish was to revisit every city where converts had 
been made. "We are reminded here of the importance of continuing a re- 
ligious work when once begun. We have had the institution of presby- 
ters,* and of councils ^ brought before us in the sacred narrative ; and 
now we have an example of that system of church visitation, ^ of the 
happy effects of which we have still some experience, when we see weak 
resolutions strengthened, and expiring faith rekmdled, in confirmations at 
liome, or in missionary settlements abroad. 

This plan, however, of a combined visitation of the churches was mar- 
red by an outbreak of human infirmity. The two apostolic friends were 
separated from each other by a quarrel, which proved that they were in- 
deed, as they had lately told the Lystrians, "men of Mke passion^" with 
others.* Barnabas was unwilling to undertake the journey unless he were 
accompanied by his relation Mark. Paul could not consent to the com- 
panionship of one who " departed from them from Pamphylia, and went 
not with them to the work :" ^ and neither of them could yield his opinion 
to the other. This quarrel was much more closely connected with per- 
sonal feelings than that which had recently occurred between St. Peter 
and St. Paul,'" and it was proportionally more violent. There is httle 
doubt that severe words were spoken on the occasion. It is unwise to be 
over-anxious to dilute the words of Scripture, and to exempt even Apos- 
tles from blame. By such, criticism we lose much of the instruction which 
the honest record of their lives was intended to convey. We are taught by 
this scene at Antioch, that a good work may be blessed by God, though 
its agents are encompassed with infirmity, and that changes, which are 
violent in their beginnings, may be overruled for the best results. With- 
out attempting to balance too nicely the faults on either side, our simplest 
course is to believe that, as in most quarrels, there was blame with both. 
Paul's natural disposition was impetuous and impatient, easily kindled 
to indignation, and (possibly) overbearing. Barnabas had shown his 

1 1 Thess. ii. 17. iii. 10. " 2 Cor. ii. 11. s i Tlioss. iii. 5. 

* Gal. iv. 20. 5 Acts xiv. 23. See p. 199. 

6 Acts XV. See Ch, Vn. 

7 See the remarks on this subject ia Menken's Blicke in das Lebeu des AposteU 
Paulus (Bremen, 1828), p. 9G. 

s Acts xiv. 15. 9 Acts xv. 38, with xiii. 13. See pp. IGl, 102. 

« Tp. 222-224. 


weakness when he yielded to the influence of Peter and the Judaizers." 
The remembrance of the indirect censure he then received may have beeu 
periDetudly irritated by the consciousness that his position was becoming 
daily more and more subordinate to that of the friend who rebuked him. 
Once he was spoken of as chief of those " prophets at Antioch," '-' among 
whom Saul was the last : now his name was scarcely heard, except when 
he was mentioned as the companion of Paul.^ In short, this is one of 
those quarrels in which, by placing ourselves in imagination on tlie one 
side and the other, we can alternately justify both, and easily see that the 
purest Christian zeal, when combmed with human weakness and partiality, 
may have led to the misunderstanding. How could Paul consent to take 
with him a companion who would really prove an embarrassment and a 
hindi'ance ? Such a task as that of spreading the Gospel of God in a hos- 
tile world needs a resolute will and an undaunted courage. And the work 
is too sacred to be put in jeopardy by any experiments.* Mark had 
been tried once and found wanting. " No man, having put his hand to 
the plough, and looking back, is fit for the kingdom of God." ^ And Bar- 
nabas would not be without strong arguments to defend the justice of his 
claims. It was hard to expect him to resign his interest in one who had 
cost him much anxiety and many prayers. His dearest wish was to see 
his young kinsman approving himself as a missionary of Christ. Now, 
too, he had been won back to a willing obedience, — he had come from 
his home at Jerusalem, — he was ready now to face all the difficulties and 
dangers of the enterprise. To repel him in the moment of his repentance 
was surely "to break a bruised reed" and to " quench the smoking 

It is not difficult to understand the obstinacy with which each of the 
disputants, when his feelings were once excited, clung to his opinion as to 
a sacred truth.' The only course which now remained was to choose two 
different paths and to labour independently ; and the Church saw the 
humiliating spectacle of the separation of its two great missionaries to the 
Heathen. We cannot, however, suppose that Paul and Barnabas parted, 

' Gal. ii. 13. P. 224. 

' Acts xiii. Pp. 131, 132. Moreover, as a friend suggests at the moment of these 
pages goitig to press, St. Paul was under personal obligations to Barnabas for intro- 
ducing him to the Apostles (Acts L\. 27), and the feelings of Barnabas would be deeply 
hurt if he thought his friendship slighted. 

3 See p. 149. 

* A timid companion in the hour of danger is one of the greatest evils. Matthew 
Henry quotes Prov. x.xv. 19 : " Confidence in an unfaithful man in time of trouble, is 
like a broken tooth and like a foot out of joint." 

5 Luke ix. 62. ^ Matt. xii. 20. 

' Jerome says: "Paulus severior, Barnabas clementior ; uterque in suo sensu abun- 
dat, et tamen dissensio habet aliquid humanas fragilitatis." Contra Pelag. 11. 522, 
A.nd Chrysostom says : > IlaCiAof i^rJTEi to dUaiov, 6 BapvdPag to <pi?idv6pu7Tov. 


like enemies, in anger and hatred. It is very likely that they made a 
deliberate and amicable arrangement to divide the region of their first 
mission between them, Paul taking the continental, and Barnabas the in- 
sular, part of the proposed visitation.' Of this at least we are certain, 
that the quarrel was overruled by Divine Providence to a good result. 
One stream of missionary labour had been divided, and the regions blessed 
by the waters of Ufe were proportionally multipUed. St. Paul speaks of 
Barnabas afterwards^ as of an Apostle actively engaged in his Master's 
service. "We know nothing of the details of his life beyond the moment of 
Ms sailing for Cyprus ; but we may reasonably attribute to hun not only 
the confirming of the first converts,* but the full establishment of the 
Church in his native island. At Paphos the impure idolatry gradually 
retreated before the presence of Christianity ; and Salamis, where the 
tomb of the Christian Levite ■* is shown,' has earned an eminent place in 
Christian history, through the writings of its bishop, Epiphanius.® Mark, 
too, who began his career as a " minister " of the Gospel in this island,' 
justified the good opinion of his kinsman. Yet, the severity of Paul may 
have been of eventual service to his character, in leading him to feel more 
deeply the serious importance of the work he had undertaken. And the 
time came when Paul himself acknowledged, with affectionate tenderness, 
not only that he had again become his " fellow-labourer," ® but that he was 
" profitable to the ministry," ^ and one of the causes of his own "com- 
fort." '0 

It seems that Barnabas was the first to take his departure. The feel- 
ing of the majority of the Church was evidently with St. Paul, for when 
he had chosen Silas for liis companion and was ready to begin his journey, 
he was specially " commended by the brethren to the grace of God."'' 
The visitation of Cyprus having now been undertaken by others, his obvi- 
ous course was not to go by sea in the direction of Perga or Attaleia," '* 

> If Barnabas visited Salamis and Paphos, and if Paul, after passing through Derbe, 
Lystra, and Iconium, went as far as Antioch in Pisidia (see below), the whole circuit 
of the proposed visitation was actually accomplished, for it docs not appear that any 
converts had been made at Perga and Attaleia. 

' 1 Cor. ix. 6 : whence also it appears that Barnabas, like St. Paul, supported him- 
self by the labour of his hands. 

3 Paul took the copy of the Apostolic Decree into Cilicia. If the Judaizing tendency 
had shown itself in Cyprus, Barnabas would still be able to refer to the decision of the 
council, and Mai-k would stand in the same relation to him as a witax;ss in which SilM 
did to Paul. 

4 Acts iv. 3C. 6 MS. note from Capt. Graves, R. N. 

6 The name of this celebrated father has been given to one of the promontories of 
the island, the ancient Acamas. 
1 Acts xiii. 5. 8 Philemon, 2L 8 2 Tim. iv. 11. 

•" Col. iv. 10, 11. " Acts XV. 40. 

'* If no other causes had occurtcd to determine the direction of his journey, theni 


but to travel by the Eastern passes directly to the neighbourhood of 
Iconium. It appears, moreover, that he had an important work to accom- 
plish in Cilicia. The early fortunes of Christianity in that province were 
closely bound up with the city of Antioch and the personal labours of St. 
Paul. When he withdrew from Jerusalem, "three years" after his con- 
version, his residence for some titne was in " the regions of Syria and 
Cilicia." ' He was at Tarsus in the course of that residence, when Bar- 
nabas first brought him to Antioch,' The churches founded by the 
Apostle in his native province must often have been visited by him ; for it 
is far easier to travel from Antioch to Tarsus, than from Antioch to 
Jerusalem, or even from Tarsus to Iconium. Thus the religious move- 
ments in the Syrian metropolis penetrated into Cilicia. The same great 
"prophet" had been given to both, and the Christians in both were 
bound together by the same feelings and the same doctrines. When the 
Judaizing agitators came to Antioch, the result was anxiety and per- 
plexity, not only in Syria, but also in CiUcia. This is nowhere literally 
stated ; but it can be legitimately inferred. We are, indeed, only told 
that certain men came down with false teaching from Judsea to Antioch.^ 
But the Apostolic Decree is addressed to " the Gentiles of Cilicia"^ as 
well as those of Antioch, thus implying that the Judaizing spirit, with its 
mischievous consequences, had been at work beyond the frontier of Syria. 
And, doubtless, the attacks on St. Paul's apostolic character had accom- 
panied the attack on apostolic truth,^ and a new fulfilment of the proverb 
was nearly realised, that a prophet in his own country is without honour. 
He had, therefore, no ordinary work to accomphsh as he went " through 
Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches ;"^ and it must have been with 
much comfort and joy that he was able to carry with him a document, 
emanating from the Apostles at Jerusalem, which justified the doctrine he 
had taught, and accredited his personal character. Nor was he alone as 
the bearer of this letter, but Silas was with him also, ready " to tell the 
same things by mouth." '' It is a cause for thankfulness that God put it 
into the heart of Silas to "abide still at Antioch "« when Judas returned 
to Jerusalem, and to accompany St. Paul^ on his northward journey. 
For when the Cilician Christians saw their countryman arrive without 

might be no vessel at Antioch or Selcucia bound for Pamphylia ; a circumstance not 
always sufficiently taken into account by those who have written on St. Paul's voyages. 

1 Gal. i. 21. Acts ix. 30. See pp. 104-106. * Acts xi. 25. See p. 118. 

3 Acts XV. 1. * Acts XV. 23. » Pp. 210, 219. 

* Acts XV. 41. The work of allaying the Judaizing spirit in Cilicia would require 
some time. Much might be accomplished during the residence at Antioch (xv. 36) 
which might very well include journeys to Tarsus. But we are distinctly told that the 
churches of Cilicia were " confirmed " by St. Paul, when he was on his way to those 
if Lvcaonia. 7 Acts xv. 27. 

» See p. 222. n. i s Acta xv. 40. 


uls companion Barnabas, whose name was conpled with his own in the 
apostoUc letter/ their confidence might have been shaken, occasion might 
have been given to the enemies of the truth to slander St, Paul, had not 
Silas been present, as one of those who were authorised to testify that 
both Paul and Barnabas were " men who had hazarded their lives for the 
name of our Lord Jesus Christ." ^ 

Where "the churches" were, which he "confirmed" on his journey,— 
in what particular cities of " Syria and Cilicia," — we are not informed. 
After leaving Antioch by the bridge over the Orontes,^ he would cross 
Mount Amanus by the gorge which was anciently called the " Syrian 
Gates," and is now known as the Beilan Pass.^ Then he would come to 
Alexandria and Issus, two cities that were monuments of the Macedonian 
conqueror ; one as retaining his name, the other as the scene of his 
victory. After entering the Cihcian plain, he may have visited Adana, 
^gjE, or Mopsuetia, three of the conspicuous cities on the old Roman 
roads.* With all these places St. Paul must have been more or less 
familiar : probably there were Christians in all of them, anxiously waiting 
for the decree, and ready to receive the consolation it was intended to 
bring. And one other city must certainly have been visited. If there 
were churches anywhere in Cilicia, there must have been one at Tarsus. 
It was the metropolis of the province ; Paul had resided there, perhaps 
for some years, since the time of his conversion ; and if he loved his native 
place well enough to speak of it with something like pride to the Roman 
officer at Jerusalem,*' he could not be indifferent to its religious welfare. 
Among the "Gentiles of Cihcia," to whom the letter which he carried 

' Acts XV. 25. » Acts xv. 26. 

■•* See the descriptioa of ancient Antioch above, Ch. IV. p. 123 ; also p. 136, 

■» The " Sy7-ian Gates" are the entrance into Cilicia from Syria, as the "Cilician 
Gates " are from Cappadocia. The latter pass, however, is by far the grander and 
more important of the two. Intermediate between these two, in the angle where 
Taurus and Amanus meet, is the pass into Syi'ia by which Darius fled after the battle 
of Issus. Both entrances from Syria into Cilicia are alluded to by Cicero (Fam. xv. 4), 
as well as the great entrance from Cappadocia (Att. v. 20, quoted below). 

For a complete account of the geography of this district, see Mr. Ainsworth's paper 
in the eighth volume of the Geographical Society's Transactions. The Beilan Pass ia 
a long valley, by which Amanus is crossed at a height of near 3000 feet above the 
level of the Mediterranean. To the N. of this is a minor pass, marked by an ancient 
ruin called the " Pillars of Jonas," which Alexander had to retrace when he turned 
back to meet Darius at Issus. Beyond Issus, on the Cilician shore, is another minot 
pass, where an ancient gate-way remains, 

* If the itineraries are examined and compared together, the Roman roads will bo 
observed to dilUise themselves among these different towns in the Cilician plain, and 
then to come together again at the bend of the bay, before they enter the Syrian 
Gates. Mopsuetia and Adana were in the direct road from Issus to Tarsus ; .^ga 
was on the coast-road to Soli. Baiaj also was an important to vn situated to the S, of 

« Acts xxi. 39. 


was addressed, the Gentiles of Tarsus had uo mean place in his affections. 
And his heart must have overflowed with thankfulness, if, as he passed 
through the streets which had been famiUar to him since his childhood, he 
knew that many households were around him where the Gospel had come 
"not in word only but in power," and the relations between husband and 
wife, parent and child, master and slave, had been purified and sanctified 
by Christian love. Ko doubt the city still retained all the aspect of the 
cities of that day, where art and amusement were consecrated to a false 
religion. The symbols of idolatry remained in the public places, — ^statues, 
temples, and altars, — and the various " objects of devotion," which in all 
Greek towns, as well as in Athens (Acts xvii. 23), were conspicuous on 
every side. But the silent revolution was begun. Some families had 
already turned "from idols to serve the living and true God."' The 
" dumb idols " to which, as Gentiles, they had been " carried away even 
as they were led," " had been recognised as " nothing in the world," ^ and 
been " cast to the moles and to the bats." ■* The homes which had once 
been decorated with the emblems of a vain mythology, were now bright 
with the better ornaments of faith, hope, and love. And the Apostle of 
the Gentiles rejoiced in looking forward to the time when the grace which 
had been triumphant in the household should prevail against principalities 
and powers, — when " every knee should bow at the name of Jesus, and 
every tongue confess that He is Lord, to the glory of God the Father." = 
But it has pleased God that we should know more of the details of 

1 1 Thess. i. 9. '1 Cor. xii. 2. 3 1 Cor. viii. 4. 

4 Isai. ii. 20. These remarks have beeu suggested by a recent discovery of much 
interest at Tarsus. In a mound which had formerly rested against a portion of the 
city wall, since removed, was discovered a large collection of terracotta figures and 
lamps. At first these were thought to be a sherd-wreck, or the refuse of some Cera- 
micus or pottery-work. But on observing that the lamps had been used and that the 
earthenware gods {Difictiles) bore no trace of having been rejected because of defec- 
tive workmanship, but on the contrary, had evidently been used, it has been imagined 
that these terracottas must have been thrown away, as connected with idolatry, on the 
occasion of some conversion to Christianity. The figures are such as these, — a head 
of Pan, still showing the mortar by which it was set up in some garden or vineyard ; 
the boy Jlcrcmy ; Cybele, Jupiter, Ceres crowned with corn, Apollo with rays, a lion 
devouring a bull (precisely similar to that engraved, p. 22), with other symbols of gen 
eral or local mythology. There are, moreover, some ears, legs, &c., \vhich seem tc 
have been votive offerings, and which, therefore, it would have been sacrilege to re- 
move ; and a gi-eat number of lamps or incense burners, with a carbonaceous stain on 
tbem. The date when these things were thrown to the " moles and bats " seems to be 
ascertained by the dressing of the hair in one of the female figures, which is that of the 
period of the early emperors, as shown in busts of Domitia, or Julia, the wife of Titus, 
the same that is censured by the Roman satu'ist and by the Christian Apostle. Some 
of them arc undoubtedly of an earlier period. We owe the opportunity of seeing these 
remains, and the foregoing criticisms on them (by Mr. Abington, of Hanley, in Staf- 
fordshire), to the kindness of "W. B. Barker, Esq., who was for many years a resident ai 
Tarsus, and who is preparing a work on the history of Cilicia. 

5 Pliil. ii. 10, 11. 


early Christianity in the wilder and remoter regions of Asia Minor. 
To these regions the footsteps of St. Paul were turned, after he had 
accomplished the work of confirming the churches in Syria and Cilicia. 
The task now before him was the visitation of the churches he had formed 
in conjunction with Barnabas. We proceed to follow him in his second 
journey across Mount Taurus. 

The vast mountain-barrier which separates the sunny plains of Cilicia 
and Pamphylia from the central table-land, has frequently been mentioned.' 
On the former journey ^ St. Paul travelled from the Pamphylian plain to 
Antioch in Pisidia, and thence by Iconium to Lystra and Derbe. His 
present course across the mountains was more to the eastward ; and 
the last-mentioned cities were visited first. More passes than one lead 
down from Lycaonia and Cappadocia through the chain of Taurus mto 
Cilicia.3 And it has been supposed'' that the Apostle travelled through 
one of the minor passes, which quits the lower plain at Pompeiopolis,* 
and enters the upland plain of Iconium, not far from the conjectural site 
of Derbe. But there is no sufficient reason to suppose that he went by 
any other than the ordinary road. A traveller wishing to reach the 
Yalais conveniently from the banks of the Lago Maggiore would rather 
go by the Simplon, than by the difficult path across the Monte More ; 
and there is one great pass in Asia Minor which may be called the 
Simplon" of Mount Taurus, described as a rent or fissure in the moun- 
tain-chain, extending from north to south through a distance of eighty 
railes,^ and known in ancient days by the name of the " Cilician Gates,''* 
— which has been, in all ages, the easiest and most convenient entrance 

' Especially pp. 20, 48, 105, 162-170, 186, 199, 200. 
" Acts xiii. 14. Pp. 163-169. 

3 The principal passes are enumerated in the " Modern Traveller." For ancienl 
cctices of them see Forbiger. 

* By Wieseler in his Chronologic. He refers to Hamilton's notice of the pass, and 
infers that this would be the route adopted, because it leads most directly to Derbe 
(Divle). But, in the first place, the site of Derbe suggested by Hamilton is (as we 
have seen, pp. 190, 198) very doubtful ; and, secondly, the shortest road across a moun- 
tain-chain is not necessarily the best. The road by the Cilician Gates was carefully 
made and kept up, and enters the Lycaonian i^lain near where Derbe must have been 
situated. A recent traveller, the Rev. G. F. Weston, vicar of Crosby Ravensworth, 
went by a pass ft-om Lycaonia into Cilicia, which seems to be the same as that alludadl 
to by Hamilton and Wieseler, and, from the account in his journal, to be very rough 
find' diiBcult. It seems likely that this was the pass by which Cyrus sent Syennesis. 
Anab. i. ii. See Ainsworth's Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Grceke (1814). 

* For Pompeiopolis or Soli, see p. 21 and the note. 

« Mr. Ainsworth points out some interesting particulars of resemblance and contnwt 
Detween the Alps and this part of the Taurus. Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, 
&c. (1842), II. 80. 

■? Col. Chesney in the Eophrates Expe^tion, i. 353. 

* Besides the passages quoted below, see Polyb. xii. Died. xiv. p 406. 

VOL. I. — n 


from the northern and central parts of the' peninsula to the level by the 
sea-shore, where the traveller pauses before he enters Syria. The secur' 
ing of this pass was the greatest cause of anxiety to Cyrus, when he 
marched into Babylonia to dethrone his brother.' Through this gorge 
Alexander descended to that Cilician plain,* which has been finely de- 
Kcribed by a Greek historian as a theatre made by Nature's hand for 
the drama of great battles.' Cicero followed in the steps of Alexander, 
as he tells his friend Atticus in a letter written with characteristic 
vanity.'' And to turn to the centuries which have elapsed since the 
time of the Apostles and the first Roman emperors : twice, at least, this 
pass has been the pivot on which the struggle for the throne of the East 
seemed to turn, — once, in the war described by obscure historians,^ when 
a preteiider at Antioch made the Taurus his defence against the Emperor 
of Rome ; and once, in a war which we remember, when a pretender at 
Alexandria fortified it and advanced beyond it in his attempt to dethrone 
the Sultan.^ In the wars between the Crescent and the Cross, which have 
filled up much of the intervening period, this defile has decided the fate 
of many an army. The Greek historians of the first Saracen invasions 
describe it by a word, unknown to classical Greek, which denotes that 
when this passage (between Cappadocia and Cilicia) was secure, the 

' Xen. Anab. i. 4. Mannert and Forbiger both think that he went by a pass more to 
the east ; but the arguments of Mr. Ainsworth for the identity of Dana with Tyana, 
and the coincidence of the route of Cyrus with the '• Cilician Gates," appear to be con- 
clusive. Travels in the Track, &c., p. 40. 

' See Ajrrian, ii. 7 and Quintus Curtius, iii. 4. 

3 Hediov TT/.aTvraTov te koI tKi^i^iucTarov tj TrspLKeiTai fiev ?i6(po( eZf d^eurpov 
^X^F^t alyia^-og <5e ini ■daluamjg [liyiaTog tuTELVETai ' cJarzep T^f (^vaeug ipyacra/ievTif 
arddiov /uuxtiC- Herodian. iii. 4. 

•* Iter in Ciliciam feci per Tauri pylas. Tarsum veni a. c1. iii. non. Octob. Inde ad 

Amanam contendi, qui Syi-Iam a Cilicia aquarum divortio dividit Castra paucwe 

dies habuimus, ea ipsa, quaj contra Darium habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperat'^' 
baud paulo melior, quam aut tu aut ego. Ep. ad Att. v. 20, 

5 The war between Severus and Pescennius Niger. Elerodian, iii. 1-4. He says of 
Niger, on the approach of Severus : — 'EkeT^eve tov Tavpov bpovg ra gtevu, koI KpTjiivudri 
Oia^paTTsadai .... Tzp6[i7ir]fia oxvpov vo/iii^cjv tuv iv rjj dvuTOAy 66uv, to dvafiarov 
TOV ppovg • 6 yap Tavpog /xETa^v uv KamradoKlag kol Ki/UKcag, diaKpivEi to. te 79 
&pKT(j> Kal TU. T7J uvaToAy eOvt] npooKEifieva, iii. 1. When his advanced troops were de- 
feated near the Bosphorus, some of them fled Tvepl r?)v vTTuoEiav ett'l TalaTtag te koI 
'Aaic^, ijtduaai. •^iXovTEg tov Tavpov vTrsplSrivai, Kal IvTog tov ipv/iaTog jEVEodai. lb. 2. 

8 This was emphatically the case in the first war between Mahomet AM and the Sul- 
tan, when Ibrahim Pasha crossed the Taurus and fought the battle of Konieh, in De- 
cember, 1832. la the second war, the decisive battle was fought at Nizib, in June, 
1839, further to the East : but even then, while the negociations were pending, thia 
pass was the military boundary between the opposing powers. See Mr. Ainsworth's 
Travels and Researches, quoted below. He was arrested in his journey by the battle 
of Nizib. For a slight notice of the two campaigns, see Yates' Egypt, i. xr. In the 
Bccond volume (ch. v.) is a curious account of an interview with Ibrahim Pasha af 
Tarsus, in ISnS, with notic/^s of the surrounding country. 


frontier was closed.' The Crusaders, shrinking from the romembraucG of 
its precipices and dangers, called it by the more awful name of the 
" Gates of Judas." ' 

Through this pass we conceive St. Paul to have travelled ou kis way 
from Cilicia to Lycaonia. And if we say that the journey was made in the 
spring of the year 51, we shall not deviate very far from the actual date.' 
By those who have never followed the Apostle's footsteps, the successive 
features of the scenery through which he passed may be compiled from 
the accounts of recent travellers, and arranged in the following order.'' 
After leaving Tarsus, the road ascends the valley of the Cydnus, which, for 
some distance, is nothing more than an ordinary mountain valley,with wooded 
eminences and tributary streams.^ Beyond the point where the road from 
Adanah comes in from the right,* the hills suddenly draw together and 
form a narrow pass, which has always been guarded by precipitous cliffs, 
and is now crowned by the ruins of a medieval castle.'' In some placea 
the ravine contracts to a width of ten or twelve paces,* leaving room for 
only one chariot to pass.' It is an anxious place to any one in command 

' The word KJ.eiaovpa (clausura). Scylitzes Curopalate?, published ia the Bonn 
edition of Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 677, 703. For the history of the word, see the glossary 
to Cedrenus ; where we find also the word K^etaovpiupxvc- " Gregorius Cappadux, 
qui et clusuriarches." In both passages, Scylitzes alludes to the difference of climate 
between Cilicia and the interior. See, especially, p. G77 : Tdv Tavpov ro bpoQ vTveppdi 
navarparia el(Jl3dA?.£i t/} 'Pufiaiuv cvrvxavreg 6' udpooi Torroig rpvxpolg ef uyav 
d?.e£ivu)V Kal ^epficJv noX/Sj^ fj.eTa(3o?Jig ijaOovro' 6id Kal uvdpuiroL TvoXkol uTridavw 
Kal C^a TToAAd ivairerpvaav. Compare the Claustra Caspiarum of Tacitus, Hist. i. 6 
and the Claustra Montium, lb. iii. 2. 

' See Michaud'S Histoire des Croisades, i. p. 141. Correspondence d'Orient, viii. p. G. 

3 We have no means of exactly determining either the year or the season. He left 
Corinth in the spring (Acts xviii. 21) after staying there a year and a half (Acts xviii. 
11). He arrived, therefore, at Corinth in the autumn ; and probably, as we shall see, 
in the autumn of the year 52. "Wieseler (pp. 36, 44) calculates that a year might be 
occupied in the whole journey from Antioch through Asia Minor and Macedonia to 
Corinth. Perhaps it is better to allow a year and a half ; and the spring is the more 
likely season to have been chosen for the commencement of the journey. See p. 105. 

* Very full descriptions may be seen in Ainsworth and in Capt. Kiuneir's Travels. 

^ See Colonel Chcsney's description of the valley. 

6 Mr. Ainsworth says the road which he followed to Adanah turns off from that to 
Tarsus, about five miles from the rocky gap mentioned. There is another mountain 
track from Adanah, mentioned by Captain Kinneir, which comes into the pass at a 
higher point. 

' " On the right hand, or south side, of this pass are two bold rocky summits, tower- 
ing, bare and precipitous, over the surrounding forest : the more western of these bearg 
the ruins of a castle, with crumbling walls and round towers, said to be Genoese." 
Ainsworth's Travels and Researches n. 77. 

8 This gorge is called the Golek Boghaz. It is, as Capt. Kinneir says, " the part of 
the pass most capable of defence, and where a handful of determined men, advantK- 
geously posted, might bid defiance to the most numerous armies." 

9 The general phrase of Xenophon concerning the Cilician Gates is^Wof iita^ir'\ 
6pf>ia laxvpiJc kqI dtir'/xai'oc elae/.Odv orparcvuari, cl tic IkuIvsv. Anab. I. ii, A!r 


of a military expedition. To one who is ' unburdened by such responsi- 
bility, the scene around is striking and impressire. A canopy of lir-tKea 
is high overhead. Bare limestone cliffs rise above on either hand to an 
elevation of many hundred feet. The streams which descend towards the 
Cydnus are closed by the road, acd here and there undermine it or wash 
over it.' When the higher and more distant of these streams are left 
behind, the road emerges upon an open and elevated region, 4000 feet 
above the level of the sea.* This space of high land may be considered 
as dividing the whole mountain journey into two parts. For when it is 
passed, the streams are seen to flow in a new direction. Kot that we 
have attained the point where the highest land of Asia Minor ^ turns the 
waters north and south. The torrents which are seen descending to the- 
right, are merely the tributaries of the Sarus, another river of Cilicia." 
The road is conducted northwards through this new ravine ; and again 
the rocks close in upen it, with steep naked chffs, among cedars and 
pines, forming " an intricate defile, which a handful of men might con- 
vert into another Thermopylae." ^ When the highest peaks of Taurus 
are left behind, the road to Tyana is continued in the same northerly 

Ainswortb regards this as applying to the Golek Boghaz ; but it may bo referred with 
equal propriety to the other narrow defile in the higher part of the pass, and this refer- 
ence is more agreeable to the context. 

1 See the descriptions in Ainsworth and Kinneir. 

' " The plain, if it may be so called, which occupies the level summit between the 
waters of the Seihun and the river of Tarsus is about an English mile in width, the 
approach to it being uphill and through a broken and woody country." Ainsw. Trav. 
and Res. p. 75. He then proceeds to describe the Egyptian batteries (this was soon 
after the battle of Nizib), and adds that the height of this upland, according to hia 
observations., w-as 3S12 feet. 

3 This is the Anti-Taui-us, which, though far less striking in appearance than the 
Taurus, is really higher, as is proved by the course of the Sarus and other streams. 

4 See this veryclearly described by Ainsworth in each of his works. " The road is car- 
ried at first over low undulating ground, the waters of which flow towards the moun- 
tains. It enters them with the rivulets tributary to the Sarus, w^hich have an easterly 
flow, and follows the waters for some distance, amid precipitous cliffs and wooded 
abutments, till they sever the main chain. . . . Beyond this, the road tui'ns Ciff to the 
Bouth, up the course of a tributary. ... An expansive upland here presents itself [see 

n. 2] Beyond this the waters flow no longer to the Sarus, but to the Cydnus.'-' 

— Travels in the Track, Sec, pp. ii, 45. " Sixteen miles from Eregli [Cybistra] the 
waters begin to flow eastward, and soon collect in a small rivulet, which finds its way 
through Taurus to the bed of the Seihun [Sarus]. This is a peculiarity in the hydro- 
graphical features of this part of Taurus not hitherto pointed out." Trav. and Res. 
p. 71. The fact, however, is implied by Captain Kinneir, who says that, after travelling 
some miles from Tyana, he found " the Sihoun flowing through the valley pai-allel with 
tlie road." 

5 These are Ainswortfi's words of the Golek Boghaz (Trav. and Res. p. 77), but they 
must be true also of this portion of the pass ; though he says in his other work that 
three chariots might pass abreast (Trav. in the Track, p. 45). In this part the chief 
Turkish defences were erected (Trav. and Res. p. 72.) 

LTSTKA. 261 

direction ; ' while that to Iconium takes a turn to the left, and (passes 
among wooded slopes with rocky projections, and over ground comjDara^ 
tively level, to the great Lycaonian plain.'* 

The whole journey from Tarsus to Kouieh is enough, in modern times, 
to occupy four laborious days i^ and, from the nature of the ground, the 
time required cau never have been much less. The road,, however, was 
doubtless more carefully maintained in the time of St. Paul than at the 
present day, when it is only needed by Tartar couriers and occasional 
traders. Antioch and Ephesus had a more systematic civilisation than 
Aleppo or Smyrna ; and the governors of Cilicia, Cappadocia, and 
Galatia, were more concerned than a modern pacha in keeping up the 
lines of internal communicatiou.-* At various parts of tlie journey from 
Tarsus to Iconium traces of the old military way are visible, marks of 
ancient chiseling, substructions, and pavement ; stones that have fallen 
over into the rugged river-bed, and sepulchres hewu out in the cliffs, or 
erected on the level ground.^ Some such traces still follow the ancient 
line of road where it enters the plain of Lycaonia, beyond Cybistra,^ near 
the spot where we conceive the town of Derbe to have been formerly 

1 The roads towards Syria aud Ciscsarea ia Cappadocia, and Angora iu Galatia, botb 
meet at Tyana. See tlie Map. p. 189. The place is wortliy of notice as the native city 
of ApoUonius, the notorious philosopher aud traveller. This is carefully remarked by 
the author of the Jerusalem Itinerary. 

" See Colonel Chcsney's description, aud above, p. 199, for the remarks of Leake 
and Hamilton on the neighboiu'hood of Karaman (Laranda). Neither of those travel- 
lers passed through the Cilician Gates. For further topograpliical details, see Kaepert'a 
lai'ge Map of Asia Minor. Colonel Chesney's general majj is also useful ; and another 
of his maps, in which a delineation of the southern part of the pass is given. 

3 Mr. Ainsworth, in the month of November, was six days in travelling from Iconium 
to Adanah. Major Rennell, who enters very fully into all questions relating to dis- 
tances and rates of travelling, says that more than forty hours are taken in crossing 
the Taurus from Eregli to Adanah, though the distance is only 78 miles ; and he adds, 
that fourteen more would be done on common ground in the same time. Geog. of 
Western Asia. 

■* Inscriptions in Asia Minor, relating to the repahing of roads by the governors ol 
provinces and other officials, are not infrequ'ent. See those on public works in Gruter. 
p. 149, &c. ; also Bocckh and Texier. 

" See Ainsworth and Kinneu*. 

8 See the Map with the line of Roman road, p. 189. Cybistra (Eregli) was one of 
Cicero's military stations. Its relation to the Taui'us is very clearly pointed out in his 
lett«rs. " Cum exercitu per Cappadociaj partem earn, qua; cum Cilicia coutinens est, 
iter feci, contraquc ad Cybistra, quod oppidum est ad montem Taurum, locavi." Ad 
Fam. XV. 2. " In Cappadocia extrema non longc a Tauro apud oppidum Cybistra 
castra feci, ut et Ciliciam tuerer ct Cappadociam tenens,"' &c. lb. 4. At this point 
he was very near Derbe. He had come from Iconium, and afterwards went through 
the pass to Tarsus ; so that his route must have nearly coincided with that of St. Paul. 
The baadit-chief Antipatcr of Derbe, is on« of the jxirsouages who plays a considerabk- 
p!»,rt in this passage of Cicero's life. 

■ See above, p. 188, n. 1, and p. 198, n. 7 Mr. Hamilton (A. M. vol. ii.) gives a do- 


As St. Paul emerged from the mouutain-passes, and came alpng the 
lower heiglits through which the Taurus recedes to the Lycaonian levels, 
the heart, which had been full of affection and anxiety all through the 
journey, would beat more quickly at the sight of the well-known objects 
before him. The thought of his disciples would come with new force 
upon his mind, with a warm thanksgiving that he was at length allowed 
to revisit them, and to " see how they fared." ' The recollection of 
friends, from whom we have parted with emotion, is often strongly asso- 
ciated with natural scenery, especially when the scenery is remarkable. 
And here the tender-hearted Apostle was approaching the home of his 
Lycaonian converts. On his first visit, when he came as a stranger, he 
had travelled in the opposite direction : ^ but the same objects were again 
before his eyes, the same wide-spreading plain, the same black summit of 
the Kara-Dagh. In the further reach of the plain, beyond the " Black 
Mount," was the city of Iconium ; nearer to its base was Lystra ; and 
nearer still to the traveller himself wfft DerbCj^* the last point of his pre- 
vious journey. Here was his first meeting now with the disciples he had 
then been enabled to gather. The incidents of such a meeting, — the 
inquiries after Barnabas, — the welcome given to Silas, — the exhortations, 
instructions, encouragements, warnings, of St. Paul, — may be left to the 
imagination of those who have pleasure in picturing to themselves tlic 
features of the Apostolic age, when Christianity was new. 

This is all we can say of Derbe, for we know no details either of the 
former or present visit to the place. But when we come to Lystra, we 
are at once in the midst of all the interest of St. Paul's public ministry 
and private relations. Here it was that Paul and Barnabas were re- 
garded as heathen divinities ; •* that the Jews, who had first cried 
" " and then crucified the Saviour, turned the barbarians from 
homage to insult ; ^ and that the little church of Ciirist had been forti- 
fied by the assurance that the kingdom of heaven can only be entered 
tlirough " much tribulation." " Here too it was that the child of Lois 

tailed account of his journey ia this directioa, and of the spots where he saw ruins, 
inscriptions, oi' tomhs. He heard of Divle when he was in a yaihxh on the mountains, 
but did not visit it in consequence of the want of water. There was none within 
eight hours. See Trans, of Geog. Soc. viii. 15i, and compare what is said of the 
drought of Lycaouia by Strabo, as quoted above, p. 186. 

Texier is of opinion that the true site of Derbe is Divle, which he describes as a vil 
lage in a wild valley among the mountains, with Byzantine remains. Asie Mineure, 
ii. 129, 130. The same view seems to be taken by Dr. Bailie, who adduces an inscrip- 
tion from " Devlc or Devre " iu his second Fasciculus of Inscriptions (1847), p. 2C4. g 

' See above, p. 250. 

* Compare Acts xiv. with 2 Tim iii. 10, 11. 

> See the account of the topography of this district, Ch. VI. pp. 182, etc. 

< Acts xiv. 12-18. pp. 192, &c. » Acts xiv. 19. pp. 195, J 96 

« Acts xiv. 22, p. 199. 

LYSTRA.. 263 

nud Eunico, taught the Holy Scriptures from his earliest years, had been 
trained to a religious life, aud prepared, through the Providence of God, 
by the sight of the Apostle's sufferiugs, to be liis comfort, support, and 

Spring and summer had passed over Lystra, since the Apostles had 
preached there, God had continued to "bless" them, and given them 
" rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their hearts with food and 
gladness."' But still " the living God, who made the heavens, and the 
earth, and the sea, aud all tilings that are therein," was only recognised 
by a few. The temple of the Lystrian Jupiter still stood before the gate, 
and the priest still offered the people's sacrifices to the imaginary pro- 
tector of the city.^ Heathenism was invaded, but not yet destroyed. 
Some votaries had been withdrawn from that polytheistic religion, which 
wrote and sculptured in stone its dim ideas of " present deities ; " •* crowd- 
ing its thoroughfares with statues and altars,^ ascribhig to the King of 
the Gods the attributes of beneficent protection and the government of 
atmospheric changes,^ and vaguely recognizing Mercury as the dispenser 
of fruitful seasons aud the patron of pubhc happiness.' But many years 
of difiiculty and persecution were yet to elapse before Greeks and 
barbarians fully learnt, that the God whom St. Paul preached was a 
Father everywhere present to his children, and the One Author of every 
" a;ood and perfect gift." 

> See pp. 197, 19S. 

' See the words used in St. Paul's address to the Lystrians, Acts xiv. and the re- 
marks made pp. 193, 195. New emphasis is given to the Apostle's words, if we re- 
member what Strabo says of the absence of water iu the pastm'es of Lycaonia. Mr. 
Westou found that water was dearer than milk at Bin-bir-Kilisseh, and that there waa 
mly one spring, high up the Kara-Dagh. 

3 p. 190, n. 1. I. E. I. Walch, in his Spicilegium Antiquitatum Lystreusium (Diss. 
in Acta Apostolorum, Jena, 1766, vol. iii.), thinks that a statue of Jupiter, and not a 
temple, is meant. He adduces many inscriptions in illustration of the subject, such aa 
the following : "Jupiter Gustos colonia; Mutinensis," " Serapi conservatori," '■ Deo iu 
cujus tutela domus est ;" and especially one from Gruter, with JUPITER GUSTOS, 
and the attributes of Mercury above. The equivalent Greek terms are Tio7uovxog and 

■» Inscriptions with " Dis prsesentibus," or the Greek word EIII^ANEIA, were very 
jommon. Galigula wished statues to be erected in his honour, with AIOS EII14>A- 
N0T2 inscribed on them. See "Walch. Gompare the " Pricsens Divus " of norace, 
Od. ni. V. 2, and see the idea expanded in the fifth ode of the fourth book. 

5 See the remarks on Tarsus above, p. 256, and the note. 

6 Jupiter was called eTZLKup-cog and vfi,3piog; and such inscriptions as the following 
were frequent, — Jovi O. M. Tempestatum Livinarum potenti. Compare them with 
St. Paul's words. Acts xiv. 17. See also Walch's references to Gallimachus, Lucian, 
and Atheuffius. 

' Mercury is sometimes represented with a cornucopiaj, ears of corn, &c., and the 
words " sfficulo frugifero." There arc also coins with " I'licitas publlca " and the sym 
bols of ilercury. Walch. 


Lystra, however, contiibuted one of the principal agents in the ac- 
complishment of this result. We have seen how the seeds of Gospel 
truth v/ere sown in the heart of Timotheus.' The instruction received in 
childhood, — the sight of St. Paul's sufferings, — the hearing of his words, — 
the example of the " unfeigned faith, which first dwelt in his grandmother 
Lois and liis mother Eunice," ^ — and whatever other influences the Holy 
Spirit had used for his soul's good, — had resulted in the full conviction 
that Jesus was the Messiah. And if we may draw an obvious inference 
from the various passages of Scripture, which describe the subsequent re- 
lation of Faul and Timothy, we may assert that natural qualities of an 
engaging character were combined with the Christian faith of this young 
disciple. The Apostle's heart seems to have been drawn towards him 
with peculiar tenderness. He singled him out from the other disciples. 
" Him would Paul have to go forth with him." ^ This feeling is in harmony 
with all we read, in the Acts and the Epistles, of St. Paul's affectionate 
and confiding disposition. He had no relative ties which were of service 
in his apostolic work ; his companions were few and changing ; and 
though Silas may well be supposed to have supplied the place of Barna- 
bas, it was no weakness to yearn for the society of one who might become, 
what Mark had once appeared to be, a son in the Gospel.^ Yet how 
could he consistently take an untried youth on so difficult an enterprize ? 
How could he receive Timothy into "the glorious company of Apostles" 
when he had rejected Mark ? Such questions might be raised, if we were 
not distinctly told that the highest testimony was given to Timothy's 

1 Pp. 197, 198. It is well known that commentatoi's are not agreed whether Lystra 
or Derbe was the birthplace of Timothy. But the former opinion is by far the most 
probable. The latter rests on the view which some critics take of Acts xx. 4. The 
whole aspect of Acts xvi. 1, 2 is in favour of Lystra. St. Luke mentions Lystra after 
Derbe, and then says eksI ; and again, when referring to the town where Timothy was 
well spoken of, he does not mention Derbe at all, but Lystra first and Iconium next. 
It is quite unnatural, in the other passage, to place the comma after TaioQ with 01s- 
hausen, or to read Ti^uodeog re AepPalog with Kuinoel, or Kai A. T. with Heinrichs. 
The only motives for the change appear to be the notion that Timothy's birthplace 
ought to be specified, as in the case of the others, and the wish to identify Gains with 
the disciple mentioned xix. 29. But to these arguments Meyer and De Wette very 
justly reply, that it was useless to mention Timothy's birthplace, when it was known 
already ; and that the name Caius was far too common to cause us any diiSculty. 
Wieseler (pp. 25, 2G) ingeniously suggests that Timothy might be a native of Derbe, 
and yet met with by St. Paul at Lystra. He is unwilling to think that a new Caius can 
be mentioned so soon in company with Aristarchus. But surely we may answer that 
the very word AcpiSalcg may be intended to show that a different person is intended 
from the Caius of xix. 29. 

* 2 Tim. i. 5. 

» 'HOsTiTjaev, Acts x\'i. 3. The wish was spontaneous, not suggested by others. 

■• This is literally what he afterwards said of Timothy : " Ye know that, as a son 
vx'Uh the father, he has served with me in the Gospel." Philip. IL 22. Compare also 
the Dhi-ases, " mj son," '• my own son in the faith " 1 Tim. i. 2, 18, and 2 Tim. li. 1. 


Cliristian character, not ouly at Lystra, but Iconiam also.' We infer 
from this, that diligent inquiry was made conccrniug his fitness for the 
work to which he was willing to devote himself. To omit, at present, all 
notice of the prophetic intimations which sanctioned the appomtment of 
Timothy," we have the best proof that he united in himself those outward 
and inward qualifications which a careful, prudence would require. One 
other point must be alluded to, which was of the utmost moment at that 
particular crisis of the Church. The meeting of the Council at Jerusalem 
had lately taken place. And, though it had been decided that the Gen- 
tiles were not to be forced into Judaism on embracing Christianity, and 
though St. Paul carried with him^' the decree, to be deUvered "to all the 
churches," — yet still he was in a dehcate and difficult position. The 
Jewish Christians had naturally a great jealousy on the subject of their 
ancient divine law ; and in dealing with the two parties the Apostle had 
need of the utmost caution and discretion. We see, then, that in choos- 
ing a fellow-worker for his future labours, there was a peculiar fitness 
in selecting one, " whose mother was a Jewess, while his father was a 
Greek." " 

We may be permitted here to take a short retrospect of the child- 
hood and education of St. Paul's new associate. The hand of the Apostle 
himself has drawn for us the picture of his early years.^ That picture 
represents to us a mother and a grandmother, full of tenderness and faith, 
piously instructing the young Timotheus in the ancient Scriptures, making 
his memory familiar with that " cloud of witnesses " which encompassed 
all the history of the chosen people, and training his hopes to expect the 
Messiah of Israel.** It is not allowed to us to trace the previous history 
of these godly women of the dispersion. It is highly probable that they 
may have been connected with those Babylonian Jews whom Antiochus 
settled in Phrygia three centuries before : ' or they may have been con- 
ducted into Lycaonia by some of those mercantile and other chaages 
which affected the movements of so many families at the epoch we are 
writing of ; such, for instance, as those which brought the household of 
the Corinthian Chloe into relations with Ephesus,® and caused the prose- 

' Acts xvl. 2. 

* Tac npoayovaag iivl ol ■!Tpo(p7]T£iag. 1 Tim. i. 18. See iv. 14. We ought to add, 
that " the brethren '- who gave testimony in praise of Timothy were the rosy couvevta 
of St. Paul himself, and, therefore, witnesses in whom he had good reason to place the 
utmost confidence. 

3 Acts xvi. 4. •« Acts xvl. 1. ^2 Tim. i. 5. iii. 15, &c. 

6 If it is allowable to allude to an actual pktiu'c of a scene of this kind, we may 
mention the drawing of /"Jewish Women reading the Scriptures," in Wilkie's Oriental 

7 See Ch. 11. p. 38, also Ch. I. pp. 17, 18. The authority for tlw statement ma<l« 
there is Joseph. Ant. sii. 3 4. 

i Cor. i. 11. 


lyte Ljdia to remove from Thyatira to Pliilippi.' There is rue difficulty 
which, at Crst sight, seems considerable ; viz. the fact that a religious 
Jewess, like Eunice, should have been married to a Greek. Such a mar 
riage was scarcely in harmony with the stricter spirit of early Judaism, 
and in Palestine itself it could hardly have taken place.^ But among the 
Jews of the dispersion, and especially in remote districts, where but few 
of the scattered people were establislied, the case was rather different 
Mixed marriages, under such circumstances, were doubtless very frequent. 
We are at liberty to suppose that in this case the husband was a proselyte. 
We hear of no objections raised to the circumcision of Timothy, and we 
may reasonably conclude that the father was himself inclined to Judaism :^ 
if, indeed, he were not already deceased, and Eunice a widow. This very 
circumstance, however, of his mixed origin, gave to Timothy an intimate 
connection with both the Jewish and Gentile worlds. Though far re- 
moved from the larger colonies of Israehtish families, he was brought up 
in a thoroughly Jewish atmosphere : his heart was at Jerusalem while 
his footsteps were in the level fields near Lystra, or on the volcanic crags 
of the Black Mount : and his mmd was stored with the Hebrew or Greek * 
words of inspired men of old in the midst of the rude idolaters, whose lan- 
guage was " the speech of Lycaonia." And yet he could hardly be called 
a Jewish boy, for he had not been admitted within the pale of God's an- 
cient covenant by the rite of cu'cumcision. He was in the same position, 
with respect to the Jewish church, as those, with resjDect to the Christian 
church, who, in various ages, and for various reasons, have deferred their 
baptism to the period of mature life. And " the Jews which were in 
those quarters,"^ however much they may have respected him, yet, know- 
ing " that his father was a Greek," and that he himself was uncircum- 
cised, must have considered him all but an " alien from the commonwealth 
of Israel." 

\ow, for St. Paul to travel among the synagogues with a companion 
in this condition, — and to attempt to convince the Jews that Jesus uaa 

' Acts xvi. 14. 

' Selden's language is very strong. " Cum Geutili sive libera sive ancilla Ebriei 
sponsalia plane irrita erant, uti ct Gentilis aut servi cum Ebraea." Uxor Ebraica, ii. iv. 
Micliaelis, ia bis Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, takes a very difierent view, and 
seems to tbink tbere was little to binder sucb marriages. Tbe cases of Estber and of 
various members of tbe Herodian family obviously occur to us. 

3 Tbe expression in tbe original (xvi. 3) is EXXtjv vnypxEv, wbicb means, " be was a 
born Greek. Tbe most natural inference is, tbat bis fatber was living, and most pro- 
bably not a proselyte of rigbteousness, if a proselyte at all. 

■1 We cannot tell bow far tbis family is to ):>e reckoned Hellenistic or Aramaic (see 
Uh. II.) But tbe Hellenistic element would be likely to predominate. In reference 
to tbis subject, Mr. Griulleld, in bis recent work on tbe Septuagint, p. 53, notices the 
(wo passages from tbat version in St. Paul's letters to Timotby. 1 Tim. t. 18. 
2 Tim. ii. 19. '= Acts xvi. 3. 


the Messiah, when his associate and assistant in the work was an uncir- 
camcised heathen, — would evidently have been to encumber his progress 
and embarrass his work. We see in the first aspect of the case a com- 
plete explanation of what to many has seemed inconsistent, and what 
some have ventured to pronounce as culpable, in the conduct of St, Paul. 
" He took and circumcised Timotheus." How could he do otherwise if he 
acted with his usual far-sighted caution and deliberation ? Had Timothy 
not been circumcised, a storm would have gathered round the Apostle in 
his further progress. The Jews, who were ever ready to persecute him 
from city to city, would have denounced him still more violently in every 
synagogue when they saw in his personal preferences, and in the co-opera- 
tion he most valued, a visible revolt against the law of his forefathers. 
To imagine that they could have overlooked the absence of circumcision in- 
Timothy's case, as a matter of no essential importance, is to suppose they 
had already become enlightened Christians. Even in the bosom of the 
Church we have seen ' the difficulties which had recently been raised by 
scrupulousness and bigotry on this very subject. And the diSBcultiea 
would have been increased tenfold in the untrodden field before him by pro- 
claiming everywhere on his very arrival that circumcision was abolished. 
His fixed line of procedure was to act on the cities through the syna- 
gogues, and to preach the Gospel first to the Jejv and then to the Gen- 
tile.^ He had no intention of abandoning this method, and we know that 
he continued it for many years.' But such a course would have been im- 
possible had not Timothy been circumcised. He must necessarily have 
been repelled by that people who endeavoured once to murder St. Paul, 
because they imagined he had taken a Greek into the Temple* The very 
intercourse of social life would have been hindered, and made almost im- 
possible, by the presence of a half-heathen companion : for, however far 
the stricter practice may have been relaxed among the Hellenising Jews 
of the dispersion, the general principle of exclusiveness everywhere re- 
mained, and it was still " an abomination " for the circumcised to eat with 
the uncircumcised.5 • 

It may be thought, however, that St. Paul's conduct in circumcising 
Timothy was inconsistent with the principle and practice he maintained at 
Jerusalem when he refused to circumcise Titus.* But the two cases were 
entirely different. Then there was an attempt to enforce circumcision as 
necessary to salvation : now it was performed as a voluntary act, and 
simply on prudential grounds. Those who insisted on the ceremony in the 

> Ch. VII. 

* Acts xiii. 5, 14. xiv. I xvil. 1, 2, 10. xviii. 4, 1.9. xix. 8, 9 ; and compiire 
Rom. i. IG. ii. 9, 10. 
3 See Acts xxviiL « Acts xxi. 29, with xxii. 22. 

» See p. 205. 6 Gill. ii. 3. See p. 218. 


case of Titus were Christians, who were endeavouring to burden Ihe 
Gospel with the yoke of the law : those for whose sakes Timothy became 
obedient to one provision of the law, were Jews, whom it was desirable 
not to provoke, that they might more easily be delivered from bondage. 
By conceding in the present case, prejudice was conciliated and the 
Gospel furthered : the results of yielding in the former case would have 
been disastrous, and perhaps ruinous, to the cause of pure Christianity. 

If it be said that even in this case there was danger lest serious results 
should follow, — that doubt might be thrown on the freedom of the Gospel, 
and that colour might be given to the Judaizing propensity : — it is enough 
to answer that indifferent actions become right or wrong according to our 
knowledge their probable consequences, — and that St. Paul was a better 
judge of^ the consequences likely to follow from Timothy's circumcision 
than we can possibly be. Are we concerned about the effects likely to 
have been produced on the mind of Timothy himself ? There was no risk, 
at least, lest he should think that circumcision was necessary to salvation, 
for he had been publicly recognised as a Christian before he was circum- 
cised ; ' and the companion, disciple, and minister of St. Paul was in no 
danger, we should suppose, of becoming a Judaizer. And as for the moral 
results, which might be expected to follow in the minds of the other 
Lycaonian Christians, — it must be remembered that at this very moment 
St. Paul was carrying with him and publishing the decree which announced 
to all Gentiles that they were not to be burdened with a yoke which the 
Jews had never been able to bear. St. Lujie notices this circumstance in 
the very next verse after the mention of Timothy's circumcision, as if to 
call our attention to the contiguity of the two facts.^ It would seem, in- 
deed, that the very best arrangements were adopted which a divinely 
enlightened prudence could suggest. Paul carried with him the letter of 
the Apostles and elders, that no Gentile Christian might be enslaved to 
Judaism. , He circumcised his minister and companion, that no Jewish 
Chrigti?.n might have his prejudices shocked. His language was that 
which he always used, — " Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is 
nothing. The renovation of the heart in Christ is everything.^ Let 
every man be persuaded in his own mind." ^ No innocent prejudice was 
ever treated roughly by St. Paul. To the Jew he became a Jew, to the 
Gentile a Gentile : " he was all things to all men, if by any means he 
might save some." '" 

Iconium appears to have been the place where Timothy was circum- 
cised. The opinion of the Christians at Iconium, as well as those at 

1 Acts xvi. 1-3. » See vv. 3, 4. 

3 Gal. V. G. vi. 15. St. Paul's own conduct on the confines of Galatia is a commeii 
lary on the words he uses to the Galatians. 
* Rom. siv. 5, si Cor. ix. 20-22. 



Lystra, had been obtained before the Apostle took him as his companion. 
These towns were separated only by the distance of a few miles ; ' and 
constant communication must have been going on between the residents in 
the two places, whether Gentile, Jewish, or Christian. Iconium was by 
far the most populous and important city of the two, — and it was the 
point of intersection of all the great roads in the neighbourhood.^ For 
these reasons we conceive that fet. Paul's stay in Iconium was of greater 
moment than his \asits to the smaller towns, such aS Lystra. Whether 
the ordination of Timothy, as well as his circumcision, took place at thia 
particular place and time, is a point not easy to determine. But this view 
is at least as probable as any other that can be suggested : and it gives a 
new and solemn emphasis to this o^jcasion if we consider it as that to 
which reference is made in the tender allusions of the pastoral letters, — 
where St. Paul reminds Timothy of his good confession before " many 
witnesses," ^ of the " prophecies " which sanctioned his dedication to 
God's service," and of the "gifts" received by the laying on of "the 
hands of the presbyters" * and the Apostle's " own hands." '^ Such refer- 
ences to the day of ordination, with all its well-remembered details, not 
only were full of serious admonition to Timothy, but possess the deepest 
interest for us.'' And this interest becomes still greater if we bear m 
mind that the "witnesses" who stood by were St. Paul's own converts, 
and the very " brethren " who gave testimony to Timothy's high character 
at Lystra and Iconium ; • — that the " prophecy " which designated him to 
his office was the same spiritual gift which had attested the commission of 
Barnabas and Saul at Antioch," and that the College of Presbyters, '° who, 

» To what has been said before (pp. 182, 186, &c.), add the following note from a 
MS. journal already quoted. " Oct. 6. — Left Konieh at 12. Traversed the enormous 
plains for 5)i hours, when we reached a small Turcoman village. . . Oct. 7. — At 11.30 
we approached the Kara-Dagh, and in about an hour began to ascend its slopes. We 
were thus about 11 hours crossing the plain from Konieh. This, with 2 on the other 
side, made in all 13 hours. "We were heartily th'cd of the plain." 

' Roads from Iconium to Tarsus in Cilicia, Side in Pamphylia, Ephesus in Asia, 
A.ngora in Galatia, Ca;sarea in Cappadocia, &c., are all mentioned in the ancient 

» 1 Tim. vi. 12. ■< 1 Tim. i. IS. s 1 Tim. iv. 14. e 2 Tim. i. 6. 

'' This is equally true, if the ordination is to be considered coincident with the 
" layuig on of hands," by which the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost were first 
somraunicatcd, as in the case of Cornelius (Acts x. 44), the Samaritans (viii, 17), the 
disciples at Ephesus (xix. 6), and St. Paul himself (ix. 17). See the Essay on the 
Apostolical Office in Stanley's Sermons and Essays, especially p. 71. These s;ifti 
doubtless pointed out the offices to which individuals were specially called. Com- 
pare together the three important passages : Rom. xii. C-8. 1 Cor. xii, 28-30. EpL iv. 
11, 12 ; also 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. 

8 Compare Acts xvi. 2 with Acts xiii. 51 — xiv. 22. 

f Compare 1 Tim. i. 18 with Acts xiLi. 1-3. 

"> To Trpea^ivTEQLov. 1 Tim. iv. 14. See 2 Tim. i. G. 


in conjunction with the Apostle, ordained the new mifidster of the Gospel, 
consisted of those who had been " ordained in eY£ry church " ' at the close 
of that same journey. 

On quitting Iconium St. Paul left the route of his previous journey ; 
unless indeed he went in the first place to Antioch in Pisidia, — a journey 
to which city was necessary in order to complete a full visitation of the 
churches founded on the continent in conjunction with Barnabas. It is 
certainly most in harmony with our first impressions, to believe that this 
city was not unvisited. No mention, however, is made of the place, and 
it is enough to remark that a residence of a few weeks at Iconium as hi» 
head-quarters would enable the Apostle to see more than once all the 
Christians at Antioch, Lystra, and Derbe.° It is highly probable that he 
did so : for the whole aspect of the departure from Iconium, as it is 
related to us in the Bible, is that of a new missionary enterprise, under- 
taken after the work of visitation was concluded. St. Paul leaves Ico- 
nium, as formerly he left the Syrian Antioch, to evangelize the heathen in 
new countries. Silas is his companion in place of Barnabas, and Timothy 
is w ith him " for his minister," as Mark was with him then. Many roads 
were before him. By travelling westward he would soon cross the frontier 
of the province of Asia,^ and he might descend by the valley of the 
Mteaiider to Ephesus, its metropolis : ^ or the roads to the south '=• might 
have conducted him to Perga and Attaleia, and the other cities on the 
coast of Pamphylia. But neither of these routes was chosen. Guided by 
the ordinary indications of Providence, or consciously taught by the Spirit 
of God, he advanced in a northerly direction, through what is called, in 
the general language of Scripture, " Phrygia and the region of Galatia." 

We have seen" that the term " Phrygia" had no political significance 

' Acts XIV. 23. 

' It \youl(l also be very easy for St. Paul to visit Antioch on his route from Iconium 
through Phrygia and Galatia. See below, p. 271. The fact that Pisidia is not men- 
tioned cannot be used as an argument against a visit to that place. Bottgcr (§ 18) 
very forcibly says it is highly improbable that St. Paul should pass by his converts 
there, and not communicate to them the letter of the Council. But, again, this does 
not prove that he is right in including Antioch in Galatia. 

3 It is impossible, as we have seen (pp. 239, 240) to determine the exact frontier. 

* The great road from Ephesus to the Euphrates ascended the valley of the Ma;ander 
to the neighbourhood of Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse [Col. iv. 13-16], and thence 
passed by Apamca tc Iconium. See the references to Strabo and Cicero in the next 
note but two. 

5 The Peutinger Table has a direct road from Iconium to Side, on the coast of Pam- 
phylia. Thence another road follows the coast to Perga, and goes thence across West- 
ern Pisidia to the valley of the Majander. None of the Itineraries mention any direct 
road from Antioch in Pisidia to Perga and Attaleia, corresponding to the journeys of 
Paul and Barnabas. For an allusion to the importance of Side, see p. 23. n. 2. Com 
jare p. IGO. 

« Pp. 236, 239, 240, 243, 250, &c, and the notes. 


b the time of St. Paul. It was merely a geographical expression, de 
aoting a debatable country of doubtful extent, diffused over the frontiers 
of the provinces of Asia and Galatia, but mainly belonging to the former 
We believe that this part of the Apostle's journey might be described 
under various forms of expression, according as the narrator might speak 
politically or popularly. A traveller proceeding from Cologne to Han- 
over might be described as going through Westphalia or through Prussia. 
The course of the railroad would be the best indication of his real path. 
So we imagine that our best guide in conjecturing St. Paul's path through 
this part of Asia Minor is obtained by examining the direction of the 
ancient and modern roads. We have marked his route in our map along 
the general course of the Roman military way, and the track of Turkish 
caravans, which leads by Laodicea, Philomelium, and Synnada,' — or, to 
use the existing terms, by Ladik, Ak-Sher, and Eski-Karahisscr.'' This 
road follows the northern side of that ridge which Strabo describes as 
separating Philomelium and Antioch in Pisidia, and which, as we have 
Been,3 materially assisted Mr. Arundel in discovering the latter city. If 
St. Paul revisited Antioch on his way ^ — and we cannot be sure that he 
did not, — he would follow the course of his former journey," and then 
regain the road to Synnada by crossing the ridge to Philomelium. We 

I These are the stages in the great road from Ephcsus to Mazaca in the Peutinger 
Table. At Synnada it meets a road from the north. See them laid down approx- 
imately in Colonel Leake's Map of Asia Minor, and compare Major Rennell's work on 
Western Asia. This was the route of Cicero, when he travelled from Ephesus to 
Cilicia. Ep. ad Att. v. 20. Fam. iii. 8. xv. 4. Synnada was a place of considerable 
importance as the capital ef a Conventus Juridicus. (Plin. v. 29.) Compare Cic. Att. 
V. 21. Liv. xxxviii. 15. xlv. 3i. Strabo expressly says, that Laodicea Combusta 
was on the great road from Ephesus to the Euphrates. Philomelium is mentioned as 
an intermediate stage both by Cicero and Strabo (1. c). For the modern names of 
these places, and their relation to modern routes, see the next note. 

" For the modern roads, Murray's Handbook for the East may be consulted : Route 
93 (Scutari, by Nicaa and Konieh, to Tarsus and Baias), and Route 94. (Constanti- 
nople, by the Rhyndacus and Konieh, to Cssarea and Cappadocia.) Both these routes 
coincide between Ak-Sher and Konieh. This lino of road was also traversed by Otter, 
Browne, and Leake (see Leake's map), and by Hamilton Ainsworth, and the author 
of the MS. journal we have quoted. See, again, the Modern Traveller, p. 311. (Route 
from Konieh to Kiutaya and Broussa.) Ladik is Laodica?a Combusta, situated just 
beyond the hills which bound the plain of Konieh (see p. 182, and especially p. 186). 
Ak-Sher used to be identified with Antioch in Pisidia, but is now believed to be Philo- 
melium (see the next note). Eski-Karahissar is now identified with Synnada. Sc« 
Franz, Fiinf Inschriften n. Fiinf Stlidten in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1840. It is near [po» 
sibly identical with ?] Afium-Karahissar (so called from its opium plantations), aa 
important town half-way between Angora and Smyrna. It is almost certain that St 
Paul must have passed more than once near this place. Mr. Hamilton was there on 
two journeys, from Angorah to Antioch in Pisidia, and fnm the valley of the Uermua 
to Iconinm. See his Descriptions, i. xxvi. n. xli. 

3 See pp. 169, 170. 

* Sec above, p. 270, n. 2. 6 Acts xiv 


must again repeat that the path marked down here is conjectaral. We 
have nothing either in St. Luke's narrative or in St. Paul's own letters 
to lead us to any place in Phrygia, as certainly visited by him on this 
occasion, and as the home of the converts he then made. One city indeed, 
which is commonly reckoned among the Phrygian cities, has a great place 
in St. Paul's biography, and it lay on the line of an important Roman 
road.' But it was situated far within the province of Asia, and for 
several reasons we think it highly improbable that he visited Colosse 
on this journey, if indeed he ever visited it at all. The most probable 
route is that which lies more to the northwards in the du'ection of the 
true Galatia, 

The remarks which have been made on Phrygia must be repeated, with 
some modification, concerning Galatia. It is true that Galatia was a 
province : but we can plainly see that the term is used here in its 
popular sense, — not as denoting the whole territory which was governed 
by the Galatian proconsul, but rather the primitive region of the 
tetrarchs and kings, without including those districts of Phrygia or 
Lycaonia, winch we^'e now politically united v/ith it.* There is abso- 
lutely no city in true Galatia which is mentioned by the Sacred Writers 
in connection with the first spread of Christianity. From the peculiar 
form of expression 3 with which the Christians of this part of Asia 
Minor are addressed by St. Paul in the Epistle which he wrote to ' them,* 
and alluded to in another of his Epistles,^. — we infer that "the churches 
of Galatia " were not confined to any one city, but distributed through 
various parts of the country. If we were to mention two cities, which, 
both from their intrinsic importance, and from their connection with the 
leadmg roads,^ are likely to have been visited and revisited by the 

1 Xeuophon reckons Colosse in Phrygia. Anab. ii. 1. So Strabo, sii. 8. It was on 
the great road mentioned above, from Iconium to Ephesus. Bottger, who holds "the 
churches of Galatia " to have been merely the churches at Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium, 
supposes St. Paul never to have been in northern Galatia, but to have travelled to 
Colosse, and thence by Sardis to the frontier of Bithynia. See the map attached to 
his First Essay. We come here upon a question which we need not anticipate ; viz. 
whether St. Paul was ever at Colosse. For Bottger's view of Col. ii. 1, see his Third 

* See pp. 246, 247, and the notes. 

3 Tcif kna'ATjaiaLQ Ti/g Talariag, in the pluraL The occiuTence of this term in the 
salutation gives the Epistle to the Galatians the form of a circular letter. The same 
phrase, in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, conveys the ^pressiou that there was 
no great central church in Galatia, like that of Corinth in Achaia, or that of Ephesus 
in Asia. 

■> Gal. i. 2. 5 1 Cor. xvi. 1. 

" The route is conjecturally laid down in the map from Synnada to Pessinus and 
Ancyra. Mr. Hamilton travelled exactly along this line, and describes the bare and 
dreaiy country at length (i. xxiv.-xxvii.). Near Pessinus he found an inscription (No. 
139) relating to the repairing of the Pioman road, on a column which had probably 


A.postle, we should be incliaed to select Pessinus and Ancjra. The first 
af these cities retained some importance as the former capital of one of 
the Galatian tribes/ and its trade was considerable under the early em- 
perors.^ Moreover, it had an ancient and wide-spread renown, as the 
seat of tlie primitive worship of Cybele, the Great Mother.^ Though 
her oldest and most sacred image (which, like that of Diana at Ephesus,'' 
had " fallen down from heaven") had been removed to Rome, — her wor 
ship continued to thrive in Galatia, under the superintendence of her 
effeminate and fanatical priests or Galli,'' and Pessinus was the object of 
one of JuUan's pilgrimages, when heathenism was on the decline.® Ancyrs 
was a place of still greater moment : for it was the capital of the pro- 
vince.' The time of its highest eminence was not under the Gaulish but 
the Roman government. Augustus built there a magnificent temple of 
marble, 8 and inscribed there a history of his deeds, almost in the style of 
an Asiatic sovereign.^ This city was the meeting-place of all the great 
roads in the north of the peninsula.'" And, when we add that Jews had 
been established there from the time of Augustus," and probably earlier, 
we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the Temple and Inscription at 
Angora, which successive travellers have described and copied during the 
last three hundred years, were once seen by the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
However this may have been, we have some information from his own 
pen, concerning his first journey through " the region of Galatia." We 

been a milestone. Both the Antonine and Jerusalem Itinerai'ies give the road be- 
tween Pessinus and AncjTa, with the intermediate stages. 

1 The Tolistoboii, or Western Galatians. See Strabo and Livy. 

* UecaivovQ karlv e/niropelov tuv ravTri /lEyiaruv. Strabo xiii. 5. Its pos-ition has 
been established by Texier and Hamilton. Sec Franz. 

3 See above, p. 246. 

^ Compare Herodian's expression of the image of Cybele (i. 11), Avto tu uyaljia 
diorrertf, uq Myovoiv, with that in the Acts (xix. 35), 'jv6?uv veuKopov tov (SioTreTovg. 
The ancients had a notion that Pessinus derived its name drrd tov ireoeiv. Forbi- 
ger, p. 3 06. 

5 Jerome connects this term with the name of the Galatians. See, however, Smith's 
Dictionary of Antiquities, under the word. See also under " Megalosia." 

6 Ammian. Marc. xxii. 9. 

7 The words APKYPA MHTP0n0A12 appear on its coins at this period. It -(vas 
also called " Sebaste," from the favour of Augustus. The words 2EBASTHNflN TEK- 
TOSAFON appear both on coins and inscriptions. 

8 This temple has been described by a loug series of travellers, from Lucas and Tou> 
nefort to Hamilton and Texier. 

" Full comments on this inscription will be found in Boeckh, Texier, and Haniiltoa 
•nd in the Archaologische Zeituug for Feb. 1843. We may compare it with the re- 
cently deciphered record of the victories of Darius Hystaspes on the ro;k at Behistoun. 
See Vaux"s Nineveh and Persepolis. 

10 Colonel Leake's map shows at one glance what we learn from the Itineraries 
We see there the roads radiating from it in every direction. 

'» See the reference to Josephus, p. 247, n. 4. 

VOL. I. 18 


know that he was delayed there by sickness, and we know in what spirit 
the Galatians received him. 

St. Paul affectionately reminds the Galatians ' that it was " bodily 
sickness which caused him tv") preach the Glad-tidings to them at the first." 
The allusion is to his first visit : and the obvious inference is, that he was 
passing through Galatia to some other distnict (possibly Poutus,'' where 
we know that many Jews were established), when the state of his bodily 
health arrested his progress.' Thus he became, as it were, the Evange 
list of Galatia agamst his will. But his zeal to discharge the duty that 
was laid on him, did not allow him to be silent. He was instant " in sea- 
son and out of season." "Woe" was on him if he did not preach the 
Gospel. The same Providence detained him among the Gauls, wluch 
would not allow him to enter Asia or Bithynia : * and in the midst of his 
weakness he made the glad-tidings known to all who would listen to him 
We cannot say what this sickness was, or even confidently identify it with 
that " thorn in the flesh "^ to which he feelingly alludes in his Epistles, 
as a discipline which God had laid on him. But the remembrance of what 
he suffered in Galatia seems so much to colour all the phrases in this part 
of the Epistle, that a deep personal interest is connected with the circum- 
stance. Sickness in a foreign country has a peculiarly depressing effect 
on a sensitive mind. And though doubtless Timotheus watched over the 
Apostle's weakness with the most affectionate solicitude, — yet those who 
have experienced what fever is in a land of strangers will know how to 
sympathise, even with St. Paul, in this human trial. The climate and the 
prevailing maladies of Asia Minor may have been modified with the lapse 
of centuries : and we arc without the guidance of St. Luke's medical lau- 
ejuage,'' which sometimes throws a light on diseases alluded to in Scrip- 
ture : but two Christian sufferers, in widely different ages of the 
Church, occur to the memory as we look on the map of Galatia. We 
could hardly mention any two men more thoroughly imbued with the 
spirit of St. Paul, than John Chrysostom and Henry Martyn.'' And 

1 GaL iv. 13. * See above, pp. 248, 249. 

3 There cau be no doubt that the literal translation of di,' uadiveiav rr/g aapKog is, 
"on account of bodily weakness." See Winer's Grammatik, § 53. And there seems 
no good reason why we should translate it differently, though most of the English 
commentators take a dififerent view. See Meyer and De "Wette. Bottger, in harmony 
with his hypothesis that St. Luke's Galatia means the neighbourhood of Lystra and 
Derbe, thinks that the bodily weakness here alluded to was the result of the stoning; at 
Lystra. Acts xiv. 

* Acts xvi. 6, 7. 5 2 Cor. xii. 7-10. 

« See the paper alluded to p. 95, n. 1. 

"> There was a great similarity in the last sufferings of these apostolic men ; 
the same intolerable pain in the head, the same inclement weather, and r.he suli-.- 
cruelty on the part of those v.'ho urged on the journey. We quote the Benedictine lifo 
of Chrysostom. " Uuus e militibua illud uuum satagens ut mala morte Joannem nei"^ 

s'l. Paul's EECEFnoN ln galatia. 27s 

when we read how these two saints suffered in their last hours from 
fetigue, pain, rudeness, and cruelty, among the mountains of Asia Minor 
vhich surround the place ' where they rest, — we can well enter into 
the meaning of St. Paul's expressions of gratitude to those who received 
him kindly in the hour of his weakness. 

The Apostle's reception among the frank and warm-hearted Gauls was 
peculiarly kind and disinterested. Ko Church is reminded by the Apos- 
tle so tenderly of the time of their first meeting.^ The used 
by him to strengthen his reproaches of their mutability, and to enforce the 
pleading with which he urges them to return to the true Gospel. That 
Gospel had been received in the first place with the same aiTcction which 
they extended to the Apostle himself. And the subject, the manner, 
and the results of his preaching are not obscurely indicated in the Epistle 
Ctself. The great topic there, as at Corinth and everywhere, was " thi 
Cross nf Christ" — "Christ cr^icificd" set forth among them.^ The Di- 
vine evidence of the Spirit followed the word, spoken by the mouth of the 
Apostle, and received by " the hearing of the ear." ■• Many were con- 
verted, both Greeks and Jews, men and women, free men and slaves.* 
The worship of false divinities, whether connected with the old supersti- 
tion at Pessiuus, or the Roman idolatry at Ancyra, was forsaken for that 
»f the true and living God.*^ And before St. Paul left the " region of 
Galatia" on his onward progress, various Christian communities' were 
added to those of Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia. 

In following St. Paul on his departure from Galatia, v/e come to a 

ret. . . . Cum pluvia vehemens decideret, id nihil curans pi'oficiscebatur ille ; ita ut in 
dorso et in pectore aquarum rivi decurrerent. Ingentem rursus solis aestum pro deliciis 
habebat, cum nosset B. Joannis caput, Elisa;i instar calvum, asta vexari. . . . Uude 
discesserant redire coacti suat, quod ille tegrotaret ; capitis enim dolore laborabat, 
quod solis* radios ferre non posset. Sic igitur reversus . . . appositus est ad patres 
Buos et ad Ciiristum transiit." Compare this with the account of H. Martyn's last hours, 
" Oct. 2. — la the night Hassan sent to summon me away, but I was quite unable to move. 
. . . We travelled ail the rest of the day and all night ; it rained most of the time. 
Soon after sunset the ague came on again. . . . My fever increased to a violent degree ; 
the heat in my eyes and forehead was so great that the fire almost made me frantic 
. . . Oct. 5. — The sleep had refreshed me, but I was feeble and shaken ; yet the mer- 
ciless IlasMin hurried me off." The last words in his journal were written the next 
day. He died on the 16th. 

' It is remarkable that Chrysostom and Martyn are Ituried in the same place. They 
both died on a journey, at Tocat or Comana in Poutus. 

' The references have been given above in the account of Galatia, p. 243. 

3 Compare Gal. iii. 1 , with 1 Cor. i. 13, 17. ii. 2, &.q. 

* To Tzvivfia HajieTe ti u/co^f TriaTEug. Gal. iiL 2. See v. 5. So at Theesalonica 
1 ThPi:s. ii. 13. 

» Gal. iii. 27, 28. 

• See the remarks above (p. 256) in reference to Tarsus. 

■* The plural iKulriciat (Gal. i. 2, and 1 Cor. xvi. 1) implies this. Sec p. 272. 


passage of acknowledged difficulty in the Acts of the Apostles ' Not 
that the words themselves are obscure. The difficulty relates, not to 
grammatical construction, but to geographical details. The statement 
contained in St. Luke's words is as follows : — After preachiug the Gospel 
in Phrygia and Galatia, they were hindered from preaching it in Asia ; 
accordingly, when in Mysia or its neighbourhood, they attempted to pene- 
trate into Bithynia ; and this also being forbidden by the Divine Spirit, 
tliey passed by Mysia and came down to Troas." Xow everything de- 
pends here on the sense we assign to the geographical terms. "What is 
meant by the words " Mysia," " Asia," and " Bithynia ?" It will be re- 
membered that all these words had a wider and a more restricted sense.^ 
They might be used popularly and vaguely ; or they might be taken iu 
their exacter political meaning. It seems to us that the whole difficulty 
disappears by understanding them iu the former sense, and by believing 
(what is much the more probable, xi priori) that St. Luke wrote iu the 
usual popular language, without any precise reference to the provincial 
boundaries. We need hardly mention Bithy^iia ; for, w^hether w'e speak 
of it traditionally or politically, it was exclusive both of Asia and Mysia." 
In this place it is evident that Mysia is excluded also from Asia, just as 
Phrygia, is above ;^ not because these two districts were not parts of it in 
its political character of a proviuce,*^ but because they had a history and a 
traditional character of their own, sufficiently independent to give them a 
name in popular usage. As regards Asia, it is simply viewed as the 
western portion of Asia Minor. Its relation to the peninsula has been 
very well described by saying that it occupied the same relative position 

> Acts xvi. G, 7. For a similar accumulation of participles, see Acts xxv. G-S. 

' See Wieseler's r(;marks oa this passag-e, p. 31, &c. 

3 See above, p. 237. 

■< Mysia was at one time an apple of discord between the kings of Pcrgamus and 
Bithynia ; and at one time the latter were masters of a considerable tract on the shore 
of the Propontis. But this was at an end when the Romans began to interfere in the 
affah-s of the east. See Livy's words of the hingdom of Asia : '' Mysiam, quam Pru- 
sias rex ademerat, Eumeni rcstituerunt ;" and Cicero's on the province of Asia : "Asia 
vestra constat ex Phrygia, Mysia," &c., pp. 239, 240. It may be well to add a few 
words on the history of Mysia, which was purposely deferred to this place. See p. 239, 
n. 3. Under the Persians this corner of Asia Minor formed the satrapy of Little 
Phrygia : under the Christian emperors it was the province of The Hellespont. In 
the intermediate period we find it called " Mysia," and often divided into two parts : 
viz. Little Mysia on the north, called also Jlysia on the Hellespont, or Mysia 01y?u- 
pone, because it lay to the north of Mount Olympus ; and Great Mysia, or Mysia 
Pergamcne, to the south and east, containing the thi-ee districts of Troas, .^olis, and 
Teuthrania. See Forbiger, p. 110. 

= Acts xvi. 6. 

6 Bottger, in his First Essay (§ IG) says that Little Mysia is meant, and that this 
district was in the province of Bithynia ; and de Wette seems to take the same view. 
But this is rather like cutting the knot ; and, after all, there is no knot to be cut 
There appears to be uo good proof that Little Mysia was iu Bithynia. 


vs-Iiich Portugal occupies with regard to Spain.' The comparison would 
6e peculiarly just in the passage before us. For the Mysia of St. Luke is 
to Asia what Gallicia is to Portugal ; and the journey from Galatia and 
Phrygia to the city of Troas has its European parallel in a journey from 
Castile to Yigo. 

We are evidently destitute of materials for laying down the route of 
St. Paul and his companions. All that relates to Phrygia and Galatia 
must be left vague and blank, like an unexplored country in a map (as in 
fact this region itself is in the maps of Asia Minor ),'^ where we are at lib- 
erty to imagine mountains and plains, rivers and cities, but are unable to 
furnish any proofs. As the path of the Apostle, however, approaches the 
JEgean, it comes out into comparative light : the names of places are 
again mentioned, and the country and the coast have been explored and 
described. The early part of the route then must be left indistinct. Thus 
much, however, we may venture to say, — that since the Apostle usually 
turned his steps towards the large towns, where many Jews were estab- 
lished, it is most likely that Ephcsus, Smyrna, or Pergamus was the point 
at which he aimed, when he sought " to preach the word in Asia." There 
is nothing else to guide our conjectures, except the boundaries of the pro- 
vinces and the direction of the principal roads.^ If he moved from An- 
gora '' in the general direction above pointed out, he would cross the river 
Sangarius near Kiutaya,-' which is a great modern thoroughfare, and has 
been mentioned before (Ch. VI. p. 1G8) in connection with the route 
from Adaha to Constantinople ; and a little further to the west, near Ai- 
zaui, he would be about the place where the boundaries of Asia, Bithynia, 
and Mysia meet together, and on the watershed which separates the wa- 
ters flowing northwards to the Propontis, and those which feed the rivers 
of the ^gean. 

Here then we may imagine the Apostle and his three companions to 
pause, — uncertain of their future progress, — on the chalk downs which lie 

> Paley's Hora; Paulina?. 

* See Kiepei't's map. Hardly any region in the peninsula has been less explored 
(han Galatia and Northern Phrygia. 

» The roads la this part of Asia Minor are most effectively laid down in the map 
accompanying Franz's Fiinf Stadten, &c. But the boundaries of Galatia, Phrygia, 
Mysia, &c., there given, arc not provincial. 

* Mr. Ainsworth mentions a hill near Angora in this direction, the Banlos-Dagh. 
which is named aftei the Apostle. 

•5 Kiutaya (the ancient Cotyneum) is now one of the most important towns in the 
peninsula. See Routes 99 and 100 in Murray's Handbook. It lies too on the ordinary 
road between Broussa and Konieh. Dorylasum (Eski-Sher) seems to have had the same 
relation to the ancient roads. One of those in the Peut. Table strikes off at this point 
into Bithynia, meeting that from Ancyra at Nica;a. Mr. Ainsworth (yi. 46-G2) trav- 
elled irom Nica?a by Dorylreum, yiv. Weston by Broussa and Kiutaya. The twa routef 
Rieet near Synnada, ;vnd coincide as far as Konieh. See p. 271. 


between tlie fountains of the Rhyndacus and those of the Hermas, — ir 
the midst of scenery not very unlike what is familiar to us in England. 
The long range of the Mysian Olympus to the north is the boundary of 
Bitliynia. The summits of the Phrygian Dindymus on the south are ou 
the frontier of Galatia and Asia. The Hermus flows through the pro- 
vince of Asia to the islands of the ^gean. The llhyndacus flows to the 
Propontis, and separates Mysia from Bithynia. By following the road 
near the former river they would easily arrive at Smyrna or Pergamua 
By descending the valley of the latter and then crossing Olympus/ they 
would be in the richest aud most prosperous part of Bithynia. In which 
direction shall their footsteps be turned ? Some divine intimation, into 
the nature of which we do not presume to inquire, told the Apostles that 
the Gospel was not yet to be preached in the populous cities of Asia.= 
The time was not yet come for Christ to be made known to the Greeks 
and Jews of Ephesus, — and for the churches of Sardis, Pergamus, Phila- 
delphia, Smyrna, Thyatira, aud Laodicea, to be admitted to their period 
of privilege and trial, for the warning of future generations. Shall they 
turn, then, in the direction of Bithynia ? " This also is forbidden. St. 
Paul (so far as we know) never crossed the Mysian Olympus, or entered 
the cities of Nicaea and Chalcedon, illustrious places in the Christian his- 
tory of a later age. By revelations, which were anticipative of the fuller 
and clearer communication at Troas, the destined path of the Apostolic 

' See Mr. Hamilton's account of the course of the Rhyndacus (r. v. vi. viii.) ; bi.g 
comparison of the district of Azauitis to the chalk scenery of England (p. 100) ; and 
his notice of Dindymus (p. 105), -nhich seems to be part of the watershed that crossea 
the country from the Taurus towards Ida, and separates the waters of the Mediterra- 
nean and yEgean from those of the Euxine and Propontis. In the course of his pro- 
gress up the Rhydancus ho frequently mentions the aspect of Olympus, the summit of 
which could not be reached at the end of March in consequence of the snow. 

* The ordinary road from Broussa to Kiutayah crosses a part of the range of Olym- 
pus. The Peut. Table has a road joining Broussa with Pergamus. 

3 It will be observed that they were merely forbidden to preach the Gospel {la7.7]aai 
T!)v luyov) in Asia. AYe are not told that they did not enter Asia. Their road lay 
entirely through Asia (politically speaking) from the moment of leaving Galatia till 
their arrival at Troas. On the other hand, they were not allowed to enter Bithynia 
at all (cif -i/v B. TcopEvdJivaC). Meyer's view of the word '•' Asia " in this passage is 
surprising. He holds it to mean the eastern continent as opposed to "Europe." 
[See p. 237, &c.] He says that the travellers, being uncertain whether Asia in the 
more limited sense were not intended, made a vain attempt to enter Bithynia, and 
finally learned at Troas that Europe was their destination. 

■• The route is drawn in the map past Aizaui into the valley of the Hcrmns, and 
then northwards towards Hadriani on the Rliyndacus. This is merely an imaginary 
line, to express to the eye the changes of plan which occurred successively to St, Paul. 
The scenery of the Rhyndacus, which is interesting as the frontier river, has been 
fully exploi ed and described by Mr. Hamilton, who ascended the river to its source, 
jiad then crossed over to the fountains of the Hermus and Marauder, near which he saw 
Ml ancient road (p. 10 1), probably connecting Smyrna and Philadelphia with Angora. 


Company was pointed out tbrougli the intermediate country, directly to 
the "West. Leaving the greater part of what was popularly called Mysia 
to the right,' they came to the shores of the JEgean, about the place 
where the deep gulf of Adramyttium, over against the island of Lesbos, 
washes the very base of Mount Ida." 

At Adramyttium, if not before, St. Paul is on the line of a great Ro- 
man road.^ We recognise the place as one which is mentioned again in 
the description of the voyage to Rome. (Acts xxvii. 2.) It was a mer- 
cantile town, with important relations both with foreign harbours, and the 
towns of the interior of Asia Minor.^ From this point the road follows 
the northern shore of the gulf, — crossing a succession of the streams which 
flow from Ida,-' — and alternately descending to the pebbly beach and 
rising among the rocks and evergreen brushvrood, — while Lesbos appears 
and reappears through the branches of the rich forest trees, ^ — till the 
sea is left behind at the city of Assos. This also is a city of St. Paul. 
The nineteen miles of road ' which lie between it and Troas is the distance 
which he travelled by land before he rejoined tlie ship which had brought 
him from Phihppi (Acts xx. 13) : and the town across the strait, on the 
shore of Lesbos, is Mitylene,*^ whither the vessel proceeded when the 
Apostle and his companions met on board. 

• Hence -napeldovTEc ti/c Mvoiav, which need not be pressed too closely. They 
passed along the frontier of Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they passed by 
the whole district, without staying to evangelise it. One MS. (D.) has disMuvrec. H 
is not necessary to suppose, with Bottger and Do Wette, that Little Mysia is meant. 
(Above, p. 276, n. 6.) Wieseler's remark is more just': that they hurried throngb 
Mysia, because they knew that they were not to preach the Gospel in Asia. 

^ Hence it was sometimes called the Gulf of Ida. Ka?MVGc 6' ol jxlv 'Idalov k67<.t:ov, 
ol 6' 'ASpafivTTTjvov. Strabo xiii. 1. 

3 The characteristics of this ba}', as seen from the water, will be mentioned hereafte: 
when we come to the voyage from Assos to Mitylene, (Acts xx. 14). At present we 
allude only to the roads along the coast. Two roads converge at Adramyttium : oao 
which follows the shore from the south, mentioned in the Peutingerian Table ; the 
other from Pergamus and the interior, mentioned also in the Antonine Itinerary. 
The united route then proceeds by Assos to Alexandria Troas, and so to the Helles- 
pont. They are marked in oiu* map of the northern part of the .^Egean. 

■« Plin. H. N. V. 30. xiii. 1. Fellows says that there are no traces of antiquities to 
be found there now, except a few coins. He travelled in the direction just mentioned, 
from Pergamus by Adramyttium and Assos to Alexandria Troas. 

5 Poets of all ages — Homer, Ovid, Tennyson, — have celebrated the streams which 
flow from the " many-fountaiued " cliffs of Ida. Strabo says : IIo?.v7rliiaKov ~/jv 'IJ^v 
liUri; olovrai TieyeaOai, dia to Ti?J/6og ruv ef avT7]Q Peovtuv TTOTOfiuv. xiii. 1. 

« See the description in Fellows. He was two days in travelling from Atlramit to 
Assos. He says that the hills are clothed with evergreens to the top, and therefore 
vary little with the season ; and he particularly mentions the flat stones of the shingle, 
and the woods of large trees, especially planes. 

' This is the distance given in the Antonine Itinerary. 

8 The strait between Assos and Methymna is narrow. Strabo calls it CO stadia , 
Plmy 7 miles. Jlitylene is further to the south. 


But to return to the present journey. Troas is the name either of a 
district or a town. As a district it had a history of its own. Though 
geographically a part of Mysia, and politically a part of the province of 
Asia, it was yet usually spoken of as distinguished from both.' This 
region," extending from Mount Ida to the plain watered by the Simois ana 
Scamander, was the scene of the Trojan war ; and it was due to the poe- 
try of Homer that the ancient name of Priam's kingdom should be re- 
tained. This shore has been visited on many memorable occasions hj the 
great men of this world. Xerxes passed this way when he undertook to 
conquer Greece. Julius Caesar was here after the battle of Pharsalia.- 
But, above all, we associate the spot with a European conqueror of Asia, 
and an Asiatic conqueror of Europe ; with Alexander of Macedon and Paul 
**f Tarsus. For here it was that the enthusiasm of Alexander was kindled 
at the tomb of Achilles, by the memory of his heroic ancestors ; here he 
girded on their armour ; and from this goal he started to overthrow the 
august dynasties of the East. And now the great Apostle rests in his 
triumphal progress upon the same poetic shore : here he is armed by 
heavenly visitants with the weapons of a warfare that is not carnal ; and 
hence he is sent forth to subdue all the powers of the West, and bring the 
civilization of the world into captivity to the obedience of Christ. 

Turning now from the district to the city of Troas, we must remember 
that its full and correct name was Alexandria Troas. Sometimes, as in 
the New Testament, it is simply called Troas ; * sometimes, as by Pliny 
and Strabo, simply Alexandria.^ It was not, however, one of those cities 
(amounting in number to nearly twenty *>' ) which were built and named 
by the conqueror of Darius. This Alexandria received its population 
and its name under the successors of Alexander. It was an instance of 
that centralisation of small scattered towns into one great mercantile city, 
which was characteristic of the period. Its history was as follows : ' — 
Antigonus, who wished to leave a monument of his name on this classical 
ground, brought together the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns to one 
point on the coast, where he erected a city, and called it Antigonia Troas. 
Lysimachus, who succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased 

' Thus Ptolemy treats it as distinct from Great Mysia and Little Mysia. He calla 
it also by the name of Little Phrygia. See above, p. 239, n. 3. For the retreat of the 
Phrygians from the Dardanelles, see Mannert, p. 406, and Scylax as quoted by him. 

• If we are not needlessly multiplying topographical illustrations, we may compare 
lh3 three principal districts of the province of Asia, viz. Phrygia, Lydia, and Mysia, 
to the three Ridings of Yorkshire. Troas will then be in Mysia what Craven is in the 
West Riding, a district which has retained a distinctive name, and has found its own 

* Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 9G0. See the notes on Julius Caesar below. 
^ Acts xvi. 8, 11, XX. 5. 2 Cor. ii. 12. 2 Tim. iv. 13. 

*■ Strabo xiii. Plin. H. N. v. ^ Steph. Byz. art. 'Alciavd^^eia, 

' It ia given at length by Mannert, iii. 471-475. 


and adorned the city, but altered its name, calling it in honour of " the 
man of Macedonia" ' (if we may make this application of a phrase which 
Holy Writ" has associated with the place), Alexandi'ia Troas. This 
name was retained ever afterwards. "When the Romans began their east- 
ern wars, the Greeks of Troas espoused their cause, and were thence 
forward regarded with favour at Kome. But this wilUngness to recom- 
pense useful service was combined with other feelings, half-poetical, half- 
political, which about this time took possession of the mind of the llomans. 
They fancied they saw a primeval Rome on the Asiatic shore. The story 
of JEneas in Virgil, who relates in twelve books how the glory of Troy 
was transferred to Italy,-' — the warning of Horace, who admonishes his 
fellow-citizens that their greatness was gone if they rebuilt the ancient 
walls/ — reveal to us the fancies of the past and the future, which were 
popular at Rome. Alexandria Troas w^as a recollection of the city of 
Priam, and a prophecy of the city of Coustantine. The Romans regarded 
it in its best days as a " jS'ew Troy : " ^ and the Turks even now call its 
ruins " Old Constantinople." « It is said that Julius Cajsar, in his dreams 
of a monarchy which should embrace the East and the West, turned his 
eyes to this city as his intended capital : " and there is no doubt that Con- 
stantine, " before he gave a just preference to the situation of Byzantium, 
had conceived the design of erecting the seat of empire on this celebrated 
spot, from whence the Romans derived their fabulous origin." * Augus- 
tus brought the town into close and honourable connection with Rome by 

' Not the Vir Maccdo of Horace (Od. in. xvi. 14), the 'Avrjp MaK£6c:)v of Demosthenes 
(n yhoiT' uv veurepov, k. t. X. Phil. i. aud Orat. ad Ep. Phil.), but his more eminent 
• See Acts xvi. 9. = See especially Book vr. 

* " Ne nimium pii 
Tecta vclint reparare Trojce." — Od. m. iii. 

5 This name applies more strictly to JS''ew Ilium, which, after many vicissitudes, 
was made a place of some importance by the Romans, and exempted from all imposts. 
The strong feeling of Julius Caesar for the people of Ilium, his sympathy with Alexan- 
der, and the uifluence of the tradition which traced the origin of his nation, and espe- 
cially of his own family, to Troy, are described by Strabo (xiii. 1) : KaO' hfiug Kacaap 
6 6tdg iTolv TrAeov avruv ■Kpovv6i](je, ^rjXucfag, u/ua nal ' KM^a^dpov .... <pi?.a7.i^avcpog 
uv, Kal Trig TTpoQ Tovg 'ITudc (JvyyEvsiag yvoipifiuraTa ix^v TSKfXTjpia, EKE^iSuadTj Tioug ri/V 
hepyeaiav veaviKug. k. t. ?i. New Ilium, however, gi'adually sank into insignificance, 
and Alexandria Troas remained as the representative of the Roman partiality for the 

6 Eski-Stamboul. 

T " Quin etiam varia fama percrebruit, migraturum Alexandriam vel Hiam, transla- 
tis simul opibus imperii, exhaustaque Italia delcctibus, et procuratione Urbis amicia 
permissa." Suet. Ca;s. 79. 

8 Gibbon, cb. xvii. He adds that, " though the undertaking was soon relinquished 
the stately remains of unfinished walls and towers attracted the notice of all who sailed 
through the Hellespont." The authorities are Zosimus, Sozomen, Thcophanes, Nico 
phorus Callistus, and Zonaras. Th>» references are in Gibbon's note. 


making i? a colonia,^ and assimilated its land to tbat of Italy by giving it 
the jus ItalimmJ' "When St. Paul was there, it had not attained its 
utmost growth as a city of the Romans. The great aqueduct was not 
yet built, by which Herodes Atticus brought water from the fountains of 
Ida, and the piers of \^hich are still standing.^ The enclosure of the 
walls, extending above a mile from east to west, and near a mile from 
north to south, may represent the limits of the city in the age of Claudius.'' 
The ancient harbour,^ even yet distinctly traceable, and not without a 
certain desolate beauty, when it is the foreground of a picture with the 
hills of Imbros and the higher peak of Samothrace in the distance,'' is 
an object of greater interest than the aqueduct and the walls. All fur- 
ther allusions to the topography of the place may be deferred till we 
describe the Apostle's subsequent and repeated visits.'' At present he ia 
hastening towards Europe. Everything in this part of our narrative 
turns our eyes to the West. 

' Nvv 61 Kol 'Fujuaiuv urrouuav disisK-ai. Strabo. Troas Antigonia dicta, nunc 
Alexandria, colonia Romana. Pliu v. 30. The full name on coins of the Antouines is, 
* Col. Alexandria Augusta Troas." 

' Deferring tlie consideratiou of colonial privileges to its proper place, in connection 
with Philippi (Acts xvi. 12), we may state here the general notion of the Jus Italicum. 
It was a privilege entirely relating to the la?id. The maxim of the Roman law was : 
•' Ager Italicus immunis est : ager provincialis vcctigalis est." The Jus Italicum 
raised provincial land to the tame state of immunity Irom taxation which belonged to 
land in Italy. But this privilege could only be enjoyed by those who were citizens. 
Therefore it would have been an idle gift to any community not possessing the civitafi ; 
and we never find it given except to a colonia. Conversely, however, all colonics did 
not possess the Jus Italicum. Carthage was a colony for two centuries before it re- 
ceived it. See Iloeck's Romische Gcschichte, i. ii. pp. 238-242. This reference cannot 
be made without an acknowledgement of the ^Titer's personal obligations to Professor 
Hocck, and of the advantages derived from the University Library at Gottingen, of 
which he is director. 

3 See Cramer and Clarke. < See Pocockc, ii. 110. 

5 We shall hereafter recur to the descriptions in Pococke's and Chandler's Travels, 
in Walpole's Memoirs, Fellows, &c. At present we quote the following from the Sail- 
ing Directory. " The ancient port is a basin, about 400 feet long and 200 broad, now 
entirely shut out from the sea by a narrow strip of the land. Many vestiges of the 
ancient town remain on and about the shore. On a hill near it are the ruins of the 
theatre, once a magnificent building, 180 feet from one end of the semicircle to the 
other 5 and being on the side of the hill, the highest seats command an extensive view 
cf the sea, Tenedos, Lcmnos, and, in clear weather, Mount Athos, 28 leagues distant." 
P. 157. 

^ The author of Eothen was much struck by the appearance of Samothrace seen 
aloft over Imbros, when he recollected how Jupiter is described in the Iliad aa 
watching from thence the scene of action before Troy. "Now I knew," he says, " thai 
Homer had passed along here, — that this vision of Samothrace overtowcring the nearer 
island was common to him and to me." P. 64. The same train ol thought may be 
extended to our present subject, and we may find a sacred pleasure in looking at any 
view which has been common to St. Paul and to us. 

7 Acts xvi. XX. 2 Cor. ii. 2 Tim. iv. 

ALEXANDlilA TE0A8. 283 


When St. Paul's eyes were turned towards the West, he saw the view 
which is here delineated. And what were the thoughts in his mind when 
he loolied towards Europe across the ^gcan ? Though ignorant of the 
precise nature of the supernatural intimations which had guided his recent 
journey, we are led irresistibly to think that he associated his future work 
with the distant prospect of the Macedonian hills. We are reminded of 
another journey, when the Prophetic Spirit gave him partial revelations 
on his departure from Corinth, and on his way to Jerusalem. " After I 
have been there I must also see Rome " — I have no more place in these 
parts ■' — I know not what shall befall me, save that the Holy Ghost wit- 
nesseth that bonds and afflictions abide me."^ 

Such thoughts, it may be, had been in the Apostle's mind at Troas, 
when the sun set behind Athos and Samothrace,= and the shadows fell on 
Ida and settled dark on Tenedos and the deep. With the view of the 
distant land of Macedonia imprinted on his memory, and the thought of 
Europe's miserable heathenism deep in his heart, he was prepared, like 
Peter at Joppa,'' to receive the full meaning of the voice which spoke to 
him in a dream. In the visions of the night, a form appeared to come 
and stand by him ; ' and he recognized in the supernatural visitant " a 

1 Engi-aved from a drawing by the Rev. G. Weston. The view is towards the N.W., 
and inchides Teuedos and Imbros, and possibly Samothrace. 

• Acts xix. 21. 

3 Rom. XV. 23. It will be remembered that the Ei)istle to the Romans was written 
just before this departure from Corinth. 

4 Acts XX. 22, 23. 

* Athos and Samothrace are the highest points in this part of the .^Jlgean. They 
are the conspicuous points from the summit of Ida, along with Imbros, which is nearer. 
(Walpole's Memoirs, p. 122.) See the notes at the beginning of the next Chapter. 
'* Mount Athos is plainly visible from the Asiatic coast at sunset, but not at other 
times. Its distance hence is about 80 miles. Reflecting the red rays of the sun, it 
appears from that coast like a huge mass of burnished gold. . . . Mr. Turner, being 
off the N. W. end of Mytilen (Lesbos) 22d June, 1814, says, ' The evening being clear^ 
we plainly saw the immense Mount Athos, which appeared in the form of an equi- 
lateral triangle.' •' Sailing Directory, p. 150. In the same page a sketch is given of 
Mount Athos, N. by W. }.i W., 45 miles. 

'■ See the remarks on St. Peter's vision, p. 92. See also p. 101, n. 1 ; and p. 207. 
1 '\vi)o Masf(5ov Tir. Acts xvi. 9. 


man of Macedonia," ' who came to plead the spiritual wants of bis coun- 
try. It was tlie voice of the sick inquiring for a physician, — of the ignor- 
ant seeking for wisdom, — the voice which ever since has been calling on 
the Church to extend the Gospel to Heathendom, — "Come over and 
help us." 

Yirgil has described an evening * and a sunrise ^ on this coast, before 
and after an eventful night. That night was indeed eventful in which St. 
Paul received his commission to proceed to Macedonia. The commission 
was promptly executed." The morning-star appeared over the cliffs of 
Ida. The sun rose and spread the day over the sea and the islands as far aa 
Athos and Samothrace. The men of Troas awoke to their trade and 
their labour. Among those who were busy about the shipping in the 
harbour were the newly arrived Christian travellers, seeking for a passage 
to Europe, — Paul, and Silas, and Timotheus, — and that new companion, 
" Luke ^ the beloved Physician," who, whether by prearrangement, or by 
a providential meeting, or (it may be) even in consequence of the Apos- 
tle's delicate health," now joined the mission, of which he afterwards wrote 
the history. God provided a ship for the messengers He had chosen : 
and (to use the language of a more sacred poetry than that which has 
made these coasts illustrious) '' " He brought the wind out of his trea- 
suries, and by His power He brought in the south wind," * and prospered 
the voyage of His servants. 

' St. Paul may have known, by his dress, or by his words, or by an immediate intui- 
tion, that he was " a man of Macedonia." Grotius suggests the notion of a representa- 
tive or guardian angel of Macedonia — angelus Macedoniam curan-s ; as the " prince 
of Persia," &c., in Dan. x. 

* Vertitur interea coelum, et rult Oceano nox, 
Involvens umbra magna terramque polumque, 

Et jam Arglva phalanx instructis navlbus Ibat 
A Tenedo, tacita; per arnica silentla luua;. 
yEn. 11. 250. 
3 Jamque jugis summae surgebat Lucifer Mas, 
Ducebatque diem. — JEa. n. 801. 
■» Evdiug kC,TjTrjaaixEV Acts xvi. 10. 

5 We should notice here not only the change of person from the thu'd to the first, 
but the simultaneous transition (as it has been well expi-essed) from the historical to the 
autoptical style, as shown by the fuller enumeration of details. We shall return to 
this subject again, when we come to the point where St. Luke parts from St. Paul at 
Philippi : meantime v^-e may remark that it is highly probable that they had already 
met and laboured together at Antioch. 
* This suggestion is made by Wieseler. 

"> The classical reader will remember that the throne of Neptune in Homer, whencf 
he looks over Ida and the scene of the Trojan war, is on the peak of Samothrace (IL 
xm. 10-14), and his cave deep under the water between Imbros and Tenedos (II. xni 

8 Ps. cxxxv. 7. Isgtvili. 26. For arguments to prove that the wind was literally a 
$outh wind in this case, see the beginning of the next Chapter. 



Upoaeaxt: t/) Tpod6i — elra kKeldev /taraj^fij inl rfjv NmTToAiv, (5ia iH7unKuv napa- 
ievev Ma/ceJovmi'. — Martyrium S. Igtiatii. 

" La religion du Christ ne pouvait demeurer plus long temps circonscrite dana 
rOrient ; bien qu'elle y eut pris naissance, son avenir etait ailleurs. Deja. I'Occident 
exer^ait sur les destinees du monde cette influence qui des-lors a toujours grandi, en 
sorte que le Christianlsme devait se faire Europeen, pour devenir uuiversel." — Rillict 
on the Philijipians. 









The weather itself was propitious to the voyage from Asia to Europe. It 
is evident that Paul and his companions sailed from Troas with a fair 
wind. On a later occasion we are told that five days were spent on the 
passage from Philippi to Troas.' On the present occasion the same voyage, 
in the opposite direction, was made in two. If we attend to St. Luke's 
technical expression," which literally means that they " sailed before the 
wind," and take into account that the passage to the west, between Tcne- 
dos and Lemnos, is attended with some risk,^ we may infer that the wind 

1 Compare Acts xvi. 11, 12, with xx. 6. For the oxi3ression, "sailed from Philippi" 
(XX. 6), and the relation of Philippi with its harbour, Neapolis, see below, p. 28G, n. 10. 

^ 'Ei'Ovdpo/xiu. It occurs again in Acts xxi. 1, evidently in the same sense. 

3 " All ships should pass to the eastward of Tenedos Ships that go to the 

westward in calms may drift on the shoals of Lemnos, and the S. E. end of that island 
being very low is not seen above nine miles oflf". . . . . It is also to be recollected, that 
very dangerous shoals extend from the N. W. and W. ends of Tenedos." Purdy'a 
Sailing Directory, pp. 158, 189. Sec again under Tenedos, p. 157, and under Lemnos, 
p. 153 ; also p. IGO. Captain Stewart says (p. C3) : "To work up to the Dardanelles, 
I prefer going inside of Tenedos .... you can go by your lead, and during light 
winds, you may anchor any where. If you go outside of Tenedos, and it falls calm, 
the current sets you towards the shoal oil' Lemnos." [The writer has heard this and 
what follows confirmed by those who have had practical experience in the merchant 
service in the Levant.] 



blew from the southward,^ The southerly ^vmds in this part of the 
Archipelago do not usually last long, but they often blow with consider- 
able force. Sometimes they are suiSciently strong to counteract the 
current which sets to the southward from the mouth of the Dardanelles.' 
However this might be on the day when St. Paul passed over these 
waters, the vessel in which he sailed would soon cleave her way through 
the strait between Tenedos and the main, past the Dardanelles, and 
near the eastern shore of Imbros. On rounding the northern end of this 
island, they would- open Samothrace, which had hitherto appeared as a 
higher and more distant summit over the lower mountains of Imbros/ 
The distance between the two islands is about twelve miles.'* Leaving 
Imbros, and bearing now a little to the west, and having the wind still 
(as our sailors say) two or three points abaft the beam, the helmsman 
steered for Samothrace ; and, under the shelter of its high shore, they 
anchored for the night.* 

Samothrace is the highest land in the north of the Archipelago, with 

the exception of Mount Athos."^ 
These two eminences have been in 
all ages the familiar landmarks of 
the Greek mariners of the ^gean. 
Even from the neighbourhood of 
Troas, Mount Athos is seen tower- 
ing over Lemnos, hke Samothrace 
over Imbros.8 And what Mount 

1 The same inference may be drawn from the fact of their going to Samothrace at 
all. Had the witid blo^\^l from the northward or the eastward, they proLably -would 
not have done so. Had it blown from the westward, they could not have made the 
passage in two days, especially as the currents are contrary. This consistency in mi- 
nute details should be carefully noticed, as tending to confirm the veracity of the nar- 

• " The current from the Dardanelles begins to run strongly to the southward at 
Tenedos, but there is no difBculty in turning over it with a breeze." Turdy, p. 159. 
" The current in the Archipelago sets almost continually to the southward, and is in- 
creased or retarded according to the winds. In lying at Tenedos, near the north of the 
Dardanelles, J have observed a strong southerly wind entirely stop it ; but it came 
strong to the southward the moment the gale from that point ceased." Captain Stew- 
art, ib. p. C2. For the winds, see pp. C3 and 163. 

3 " The island Imbro is separated from Samothraki by a channel twelve miles in 
breadth. It is much longer and larger, but not so high as that island." Purdy, p. 152. 

* See the preceding note. ^ Acts xvi. 11. 

6 " Samothraki is the highest land in the Archipelago, except Caudia and Mcnnt 
Athos." Purdy, p. 152. 

' From the British Museum. 

8 An evening view has been quoted before (p. 283, n. 5). The following is a morn 
iug view. " .A'bp. 20, 1828, 8 a. m. — Morning beautifully clear. Lemnos just opening. 
Mount Athos was at first taken for an island about five leagues distant, the outline 
and shaydes appearing so perfectly diEtinct. though nearly fifty miles oft'. The base oJ" 



Athos is, in another sense, to tlie superstitious Christian of the Levant,' 
the peak of Samothrace was, in the days of heathenism, to his Greek 
ancestors in the same seas. It was the " Monte Santo," on which the 
Greek mariner looked with awe, as he gazed on it in the distant horizon, 
or came to anchor under the shelter of its coast. It was the sanctuary of 
an ancient superstition, which was widely spread over the neighbouring 
continents, and the history of which was vainly investigated by Greek and 
Roman writers.'' If St. Paul had staid here even a few days, we might 
be justified in saying something of the " Cabiri ;" but we have no reason 
to suppose that he even landed on the island. At present it possesses no 
good harbour, though many places of safe anchorage : ^ and if the wind 
was from the southward, there would be smooth water anywhere on the 
north shore. The island was, doubtless, better supplied with artificial 
advantages in an age not removed by many centuries from the flourishing 
period of that mercantile empire which the Phoenicians founded, and the 
Athenians inherited, in the -^gean Sea. The relations of Samothrace 
with the opposite coast were close and frequent, when the merchants of 
Tyre had their miners at work in Mount Pangasus,^ and when Athens 
diffused her citizens as colonists or exiles on all the neighbouring shores.'' 
Nor can those relations have been materially altered when both the 
Phcenician and Greek settlements on the sea were absorbed in the wider 
and continental dominion of Rome. Ever since the day when Perseus 
fled to Samothrace from the Roman conqueror,"^ frequent vessels had been 
passing and repassing between the island and the coasts of Macedonia and 

The Macedonian harbor at which St. Paul landed was Neapolis. Its 

it was covered with haze, as was the summit soon afterward ; but toward sunset it 
oocame clear again. It is immensely high ; and, as there is no other mountain like it 
<o the northward of Negropont, it is an excellent guide for this part of the coast." 
Furdy. p. IJO. 

1 See the account of Mount Athos (Monte Santo) in Cafzou's Monasteries of the 
Levant. Ft. iv., and the view, p. 327. In his sail from the Dardanelles to the moun- 
tain, — the breeze, the shelter and smooth water on the shore of Lemnos, &c., — there 
are points of resemblance with St. Paul's voyage. For another account of Mount 
Athos, see the second volume of Urquhart's Spirit of the East. 

* For a mass of references to those who have written concerning Cybele and the 
Cabiri, and the Samothracian mysteries, see Hermann's Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen 
Alterthiimcr der Griechen, § 65 (Gcitt. 1846). 

3 See Furdy, p. 152. 

4 To Hdyyaiov ovpog, iv ru xp^<^£<^ ^e nal dpyvpea tvi /icraTiTia. Herod, vii. 112, 
Thasos was the head-quarters of the Phoenician mining operations in this part of tha 
^gean. Herodotus visited the island, and was much struck with the traces of their 
work. vi. 47. 

5 It is hardly necessary to refer to the formation of the commercial empire of Athens 
before the Peloponnesian war, to the mines of Scapte Hyle, and the exile of ThucydidoA 
Bee Grote's Greece, eh. xxvi., xlvii., <!i:c. 

6 Liv. xlv. C. 


dii-o:tion from Samotliracc is a little to the north of east. But a southerly 
breeze would still be a fair wind, though they could not literally " run 
before it." A run of seven or eight hours, notwithstanding the easterly 
current,' would bring the vessel under the lee of the island of Thasos, and 
within a few miles of the coast of Macedonia. The shore of the maii> 
land in this part is low, but mountains rise to a considerable height 
behind.- To the westward of the channel which separates it from Thasos, 
the coast recedes and forms a bay, within which, on a promontory with a 
port on each side,^ the ancient Neapolis was situated. 

Some difference of opinion has existed concerning the true position of 
this harbour : -^ but the traces of paved military roads approaching the 
promontory we have described, in two directions corresponding to those 
indicated in the ancient itineraries ; the Latin inscriptions wliich have 
been found on the spot ; the remains of a great aqueduct on two tiers of 
Roman arches, and of cisterns like those at Baiae near the other Neapolis 
on the Campanian shore,^ seem to leave little doubt that the small Turk- 
ish village of Cavallo is the Xaples " of Macedonia, the "iS'eapolis" at 
which St. Paul landed, and the sea-port of Philippi,' the " first city " '' 
which the traveller reached on entering this " part of Macedonia," and a 
city of no little importance as a Roman military " colony." ^ 

A ridge of elevated land, which connects the range of Pangseus with 
the higher mountains in the interior of Thrace, is crossed between JSTeapolis 
and Philippi.'' The whole distance is about ten miles.'" The ascent of 

1 '-Inside of Thasso, and past Samotliraki, the current sets to the eastward.'' Purdy, 
p. 62. " The current at times turns by Monte Santo (Athos), from the S.W., strong 
toward the eastward, by Thasso." p. 152. 

' See Purdy, p. 152, and the accurate delineation of the coast in the Admiralty charts. 

' Clarke's Travels, ch. xil. and xiii. For a more exact description of the place as a 
harbour, in its present condition, see Purdy, p. 152. 

4 Cousinery, in his Voyage dans la Macedoine, identifies Neapolis with Eski-Cavallo, 
a harbour more to the west (perhaps the ancient Galcpsus, or ^syme), of which he 
gives an interesting description; but his arguments are not satisfactory. Colonel 
Leake whose opinion is of gxeat weight, though he did not personally visit Philippi 
and Neapolis, agrees with Dr. Clarke, vol. iii. p. 180. 

5 All these remains are mentioned at length in Dr. Clarke's Travels, at the end of 
ch. xii. and the beginning of ch. xiii. For the mention of the two paved roads (whicb 
are, in fact, parts of the Via Egnatia), see the extracts quoted below, p. 289, n. 1. 

6 A singular mistake is made by Hoog (De Ccetus Christianorum Philippcnsis Coa- 
ditlone prima^va. Lug. Bat. 1825), who says that this Neapolis was called Pai'thenopo^ 
&nd erroneously quotes Cellarius. 

' Acts xvi. 12. 

* For the meaning of TrpuTTj irolig and of noluvin, see p. 290, &c. 

s This is the Mount Symbolum mentioned by Dio Cassius in his account of tiie battle. 
See Leake, pp. 214-225. 

'0 Hence it was unnecessary for Meyer to deride Olshausen's remark, tliat Philippi 
vas the '^ first city^' in Macedonia visited by the Apostle, because Neapolis was ita 
oarbour. Olshausen was quite right. The distance of Neapolis from Philippi is only 



the ridge is begun immediately from the town, through a defile formed 
by some precipices almost close upon the sea. When the higher ground 
is attained, an extensive and magnificent sea-view is opened towards the 
south. Samothrace is seen to the east ; Thasos to the south-east ; and. 
more distant and farther to the right, the towering summit of Athos.' 
When the descent on the opposite side begins and the sea is lost to view, 
another prospect succeeds, less extensive, but not less worthy of our no- 
tice. We look down on a plain, which is level as an inland sea, and 
which, if the eye could range over its remoter spaces, would be seen wind- 
ing far within its mountain-enclosure, to the west and the north.* Its ap- 
pearance is either exuberantly green, — for its fertiUty has been always 
famous,^ — or cold and dreary, — for the streams which water it are often 
diffused into marshes,'' — according to the season when we visit this corner 
of Macedonia ; whether it be when the snows' are white and chill on the 
summits of the Thraciau Haimus,° or when the roses, of which Theophras- 
tus and Pliny speak, are displaying their bloom on the warmer slopes of 
the Pang«an hills.'' . 

This plain, between Hamus and Pangoeus, is the plain of Philippi, 
where the last battle was lost by the republicans of Rome. The whole re- 

twice as great as that from the Piraeus to Athens, not much greatct than that from 
Cenchrese to Corinth, and less than that from Seleucia to Antioch, or from Ostia tc 

1 We may quote here two passages from Dr. Clarke, one describing this approach to 
Neapolis from the neighboui'hood, the other his departure in the direction of Constan- 
tinople. " Ascending the mountainous boundary of the plain on its north-eastern side by 
a broad ancient paved way, we had not daylight enough to enjoy the fine prospect of 
the sea and the town of Cavallo upon a promontory. At some distance lies the isle of 
Thasos, now called Tasso. It was indistinctly discerned by us ; but every other object^ 
excepting the town, began to disappear as we descended toward Cavallo." Ch. xiL 
" Upon quitting the town, we ascended a part of Mount Pangceus by a paved road, and 
had a line view of the bay of Neapolis. The top of the hill, towards the left, was cov- 
ered with ruined walls, and with the ancient aqueduct, which here crosses the road. 
From hence we descended by a paved road as before . . . the isle of Thasos being in 
view towards the S. E. Looking to the E., we saw the high top of Samothrace, which 
makes such a conspicuous figure from the plains of Troy. To the S., towering above 
a region of clouds, appeared the loftier summit of Mount Athos." Ch. xiii. 

' See the very full descriptions of the plain of Serres, in the various parts of its ex- 
tension, given by Leake (ch. xxv.) and Cousinery. 
3 For its present productiveness, see Leake and Cousinery as before. 
* See Leake and Cousinery. 
' Lucan's view is very winterly : — 

" Video Pangaea nivosis 
Cana jugis, latosque Haemi sub rupe Philippos." — Phai's. i. CS'O. 
6 The " Rosa centifolia," which he mentions as cultivated in Campania [compare 
Virgil's " Biferi rosaria Pa;sti "] and in Greece, near Philippi. " Paugteus mons in 
vicino fert," he continues, " numerosis toliis ac parvis ; undo accolac transferentes coa- 
Berunt, ipsoquc plautatione proficiunt." Plin. II. N. xxi. 10. See Theoph. Hirit vL 6. 
Athen. xv. 29. 



giou around is eloquent of the history of this battle. Among the mountaiua 
on the right was the difficult path by which the republican army pene- 
ti'ated into Macedonia ; ' on some part of the very ridge on which we 
stand were the camps of Brutus and Cassius ; ^ the stream before us is 
the river which passed in front of them ; ^ below us, " upon the left hand 
of the even field," •• is the marsh = by which Antony crossed as he ap- 
proached his antagonist ; directly opposite is the hill of Philippi, where 
Cassius died ; behind us is the narrow strait of the sea, across which 
Brutus sent his body to the island of Thasos, lest the army should be dis- 
heartened before -the final struggle.^ The city of Philippi was itself a 
monument of the termination of that struggle. It liad been founded by 
the father of Alexander, in a place called, from its numerous streams, 
" The Place of Fountains," to commemorate the addition of a new pro- 
vince to his kingdom, and to protect the frontier against the Thracian 
mountaineers.'' For similar reasons the city of Philip was gifted by Au- 
gustus with the privileges of a cclonia. It thus became at once a border- 
garrison of the province of Macedonia, and a perpetual memorial of his 
victory over Brutus.^ And now a Jewish Apostle came to the same 
place, to win a greater victory than that of Philippi, and to found a more 
durable empire than that of Augustus. It is a fact of deep significance, 
that the " first city" at which St. Paul arrived," on his entrance into Eu- 
rope, should be that " colony," which was more fit than any other in the 
empire to be considered the representative of Imperial Rome. 

The characteristic of a colonia was, that it was a miniature resem- 
blance of Home. Philippi is not the first city of this kind to which we 
have traced the footsteps of St. Paul ; Antioch in Pisidia,'" and Alexan- 
dria Troas," both possessed the same character : but this is the first place 
where Scripture calls our attention to the distinction ; and the events 
which befell the Apostle at Philippi were directly connected with the 

> See Plutarch's Life of Brutus, with Mr. Long's notes, and Leake, p. 215. 

• This is the Mount Symbolum of Dio Cassius. The republicans were so placed aa 
to be in communication with the sea. The triremes were at Neapolis. 

3 The Gangas or Gangites. Leake, p. 217. 

* Julius Ca.>sar, Act v. sc. i. The topography of Shakspere is perfectly accurate. In 
45u8 passage Octavius and Antony are looking at the field from the opposite side. 

6 The battle took place in autumn, when the plain would probably be inundated. 

6 Plutarch's Life of Brutus. ^ Diod. Sic. xvi. pp. 511-514. 

8 The full and proper Roman name was Colonia Augusta Julia Philippensis. 
SsJe tlie coin here engraved, and the inscriptions in Orelli. 

» HpuTTj T?7f fiepi'Sog- t7,c MaKsdoviag TTo/ltf (Acts xvi. 12), which must certainly mean 
the first city in its geographical relation to St. Paul's journey ; not the first politically 
(" ctiief city," Eng. Vers.), either of Macedonia or a part of it. The chief city of the 
province was Thessalonica ; and, even if we suppose the subdivisions of Macedonia 
Prima, Sccunda, &c., to subsisted at this time, the chief city of Macedonia Prima 
K-as not Philippi, but Amphipolis. See Wicseler's discussion of the subject. 

"> See above, p. 171. n See pp. 281, 2. 



COIN OF puiupri 

privileges of the place as a Roman colony, and with his own privileges as 
a Roman citizen. It will be convenient to consider these two subjects to- 
gether. A glance at some of the differences which subsisto-l among indi- 
viduals and communities in the provincial system will enable us to see 
very clearly the position of the citizen and of the colony. 

We have had occasion (Ch. I. p. 26) to speak of the combination of 
actual provinces and nominally independent states through which the 
power of the Roman emperor was variously diffused ; and, again (Ch. Y. 
p. 142), we have described the division of the provinces by Augustus into 
those of the Senate, and those of the Emperor. Descending now to ex- 
amine the component population of any one province, and to inquire into 
the political condition of individuals and communities, we find here again 
a complicated system of rules and exceptions. As regards individuals, the 
broad distinction we must notice is that between those who were citizens 
and those who were not citizens. When the Greeks spoke of the inhabi- 
tants of the world, they divided them into " Greeks" and " Barbarians,"'' 
according as the language in which poets and philosophers had written 
was native to them or foreign. Among the Romans the phrase was dif- 
ferent. The classes into which they divided mankmd consisted of those 
who were politically " Romans," ' and those who had no link (except that 
of subjection) with the citj of Rome. The technical words were Cives and 
Peregrini,^ — " citizens" and "strangers." The inhabitants of Italy were 
" citizens ;" the inhabitants of all other parts of the empire (until Carar 
calla extended to the provinces * the same privileges which Julius Csesar 

' From the British Muscura. 

' Thus St. Paul, ia writing his Greek epistles, uses this distinction. Rom. i. 14. 
Col. iii. 11. Hence also, Acts xxviii. 2, 4. 1 Cor. xiv. 11. 

5 The word " Roman " is always used poUlically in the New Testament. John xi. 
48. Acts xvL xxii. xxiii. xxviii. 

* " Die Einwohner der Provinzen waren entweder Romische Biirger oder Latiaen 
Oder Peregrinen. Erstere bestanden theils aus den Biirgern der Muuicipicn u. Colonien, 
theils aus den Provinzialen, die einzela die Civitat erhalten hatten. Sie hatten mit 
den Italikern die gewohnlichcn Biirgerrechte gemein, das Connubium, Commercium, 
den Schutz gegen Leibostrafen vor formlichen Urtheils-spruch, und die Provocation 
an den Kaiser wider Strafsentcnzen des Magistrats." Walthcr's Geschichte des Rom. 
Rechts- Die Provinzen unter den Kaiscrn, p. 329 (ed. 1840). See Joseph. A. xir. 10 

* See Milmaa's Gibbon, i. p. 281 and the note. 


had granted to the peninsula') were naturally and essentially "strain 
gers." Italy was the Holy Land of the kingdom of this world. We may 
carry the parallel further, in order to illustrate the difference wliich ex- 
isted among the citizens themselves. Those true-born Italians, who were 
diffused in vast numbers through the provinces, might be called Citizens of 
the Dispersion ; while those Strangers who, at various times, and for vari- 
ous reasons, had received the gift of citizenship, were in the condition of 
political Proselytes, Such were Paul and Silas,^ in their relation to the 
cmpke, among their fellow-Romans in the colony of Philippi. Both these 
classes of citizens, however, were in full jjossession of the same privileges ; 
the most important of which were exemption from scourging, and freedom 
from arrest, except in extreme cases ; and in all cases the right of appeal 
from the magistrate to the emperor.^ 

The remarks which have been made concerning individuals may be 
extended, in some degree, to cc7ni7iv,niiies in the provinces. The city of 
Rome might be transplanted, as it were, into various parts of the empire; 
and reproduced as a colonia ; or an alien city might be adopted, under the 
title of a munici^ium,^ into a close political communion with Rome. 
Leaving out of view all cities of the latter kind (and indeed they were 
limited entirely to the western provinces), we will confine ourselves to 
what was called a coloma. A Romau colony was very different from any- 
thing which we usually intend by the term. It was no mere mercantile 

> By the 'Julia Lex de Civitate (b. c. 90), supplemented by other laws. 

* We can hardly help inferring, from the narrative of what happened at Philippic 
that Silas was a Eoman citizen as well as St. Paul. As to the mode in which he ob- 
tained the citizenship, we are more ignorant than in the case of St. Paul himself, 
whose father was a citizen (Acts xxii. 28). All that we are able to say on this subject 
has been given before, pp. 45, 46. 

3 Two of these privileges will come more particularly before us, when wo reach 
the narrative of St. Paul's arrest at Jerusalem. To the extract given above from 
Walther, add the following : — " Korperliche Ziichtignugen waren unter der Republik 
nicht gegen Biirger, und auch spater uur an geringen Leuten crlaubt. Gegen Freie 
wurdc dazu der Stoclv, gegen Knechte die schimpflichere Geissel gebraucht." P. 848. 
Thus it appears that Paul and Silas were treated with a cruelty which was only justi- 
fiable in the case of a slave, and was not usually allowed in the case of any freeman. 
From pp. 883-885, it would seem, that an accused citizen could only be imiirisoned 
before trial for a very heinous offence, or when evidently guilty. Bail was generally 
allowed, or retention in a magistrate's house was held sufficient. 

■• The privilege of a colonia was transplanted citizenship, that of a muuicipium wa* 
engrafted citizenship. The distinction is stated very precisely by Aulus Gellius: 
" Municipia extriusecus in civitatem (Romanam) veniunt, colonic ex civitate Romana 
propagatffi sunt." N. A. xvi. 13. We have nothing to do, however, with municipia in 
the history of St. Paul. We are more concerned with liberce civitates, and we shall 
presently come to one of them in the case of Thessalonica. Probably the best view, in 
A small compass, of the status of the different kinds of cities in the provinces, is Ihat 
given in the 7th chapter of the 5th book of Hoeck's Romische Geschichte. Free ust 
has been made of the help this chapter aifords. 


tactory, hucIi as those which the Phoenicians established iu Spain,' or oa 
those very shores of Macedonia with which we are now engaged ; or such 
as modern nations have founded in the Hudson's Bay territory or on 
the coast of India. Still less was it like those incoherent aggregates of 
human beings which we have thrown, without care or system, on distant 
islands and continents. It did not even go forth, as a young, Greek republic 
left its parent state, carrying with it, indeed, the respect of a daughter 
for a mother, but entering upon a new and independent existence. The 
Roman colonies were primarily intended as military safeguards of the 
frontiers, and as checks upon insurgent provincials.'' Like the military 
roads, they were part of the great system of fortification by which the 
empire was made safe. They served also as convenient possessions for 
rewarding veterans who had served in the wars, and for establishing 
freedmen and other ItaUaus whom it was desirable to remove to a distance 
The colonists went out with all the pride of Roman citizens, to represent 
and reproduce the city in the midst of an alien population. They pro- 
ceeded to their destination like an army with its standards ; ^ and the 
limits of the new city were marked out by the plough. Their names were 
still enrolled in one of the Roman tribes. Every traveller who passed 
through a colonia saw there the insignia of Rome. He heard the Latin 
language, and was amenable, in the strictest sense, to the Roman law. 
The coinage of the city, even if it were in a Greek province, had Latin 
inscriptions.-* Cyprian tells us that in his own episcopal city, which once 
had been Rome's greatest enemy, the Laws of the XII Tables were in- 
scribed on brazen tablets in the market-place.^ Though the colonists, in 
addition to the poll-tax, which they paid as citizens, were conipelled to 
pay a ground-tax (for the land on which their city stood was provincial 
land, and there*"ere tributary, unless it were assimilated to Italy by a spe- 
cial exemptiori) ; « yet they were entirely free from any intrusion by the 

i K>spo/»it()\y iu the mountains ou the coast between Cartagena and Almorla. 

* " Colonus, 

Missus ad hoc, pulsis (vetus est ut fama) Sabellis, 
Quo ne per vacuum Romano incurreret hostis." ► 

Horace, Sat. ii. 1. 
3 See the standards on one of the coins of Antioch in PIsidia, p. 170. The wolf, 
with Romulus and Remus, which will be observed ou the other coin, was common on 
colonial money. Philippi was in the strictest sense a military colony, formed by tha 
establishment of a cohors prcetoria emcrita. Plin. II. N. iv. 18 ; Eckhel, ii. 75. 

* This has been noticed before, p. 170. Compare the coin of Philippi with that of 
Thessalonica engraved below., 

» Speaking of the prevalent sins of Carthage, he says : " Incisa; sint licet leges duo 
declm tabulis, ct publice aTC pripflxo jura praiscripta sint, inter leges ipsas delinquitur 
inter jura peccatur." De Grat. Dei. 10. 

6 Philippi had the Jus Italicum, like Alcxaadi'ia Troas. This is cxi)laiucd above 
p. 282. 


governor of the province. Their affairs were regulated by their own magis 
trates. These officers were named Duumvh-i; and they took a pride in calling 
themselves by the Roman title of Prsetors (ffrpar^yoi) •' The primary settlers 
in the colony were, as we have seen, real Italians ; but a state of things 
seems to have taken place, in many instances, very similar to what hap- 
pened in the early history of Rome itself. A number of the native pro- 
vincials grew up in the same city with the governing body ; and thus two 
(or sometimes three) - co-ordinate communities were formed, which ulti- 
mately coalesced into one, like the Patricians and Plebeians. Instances of 
this state of things might be given from Corinth and Carthage, and from 
the colonies of Spain and Gaul ; and we have no reason to suppose that 
Philippi was different from the rest. 

Whatever the relative proportion of Greeks and Romans at Philippi 
may have been, the number of Jews was small. This is sufficiently 
accounted for, when we remember that it was a military, and not a mer- 
cantile, city. There was no synagogue in Philippi, but only one of those 
buildings called Froseuckce, which were distinguished from the regular 
places of worship by being of a more slight and temporary structure, and 
frequently open to the sky.' For the sake of greater quietness, and free- 

1 An instance of this is mentioned by Cicero in the case of Capua : " Cum in cseteris 
coloniis Duumviri appellentur, hi se Pnstores appellari volebant." Agr. ii. 34. 

* This was the case at Emporia in Spain. See Hoeck, pp. 227, 228. 

3 See the pas-sage quoted from Epiphanius, p. 184, and another extract from 
the same WTitcr given by Hemsen (note, p. 114) : rivug 6i oIkovs kavTolc, kut- 
aanEvaaayTtg, y TOKOvg TrTiarelg, ^opuv SIktjv, irpooEVxag ravrag cKaAovv • Kal r/aav 
uiv TO ■na^iaiuv ■Kpocevx^v tottol Iv te Tolg 'lovdaioig t^u TvoMug, nal iv Tolg 
lafiapeiracg. A Proscucha may be considered as a place of prayer, as opposed to a 
svnagogue, or a house of prayer. It appears, however, that the words were more or 
less convertible, and Grotius and Vitringa consider them nearly equivalent. Josephua 
(Vit. § 54) describes a Proseucha as fieyigrov o'uirjjia 'no7^vv bx^-ov etpidl^aadai 6vvd- 
uevov : and Philo (Leg. ad Cai. p. 1011) mentions, under the same denomination, 
buildings at Alexandria, which were so strong that it was difiScult to destroy them. 
Probably, as Winer says, it was the usual name of the meeting-place of Jewish congre- 
gations in Greek cities. 

Other passages in ancient writers, which bear upon the subject, are alluded to in the 
following extract from Biscoe : " The seashore was esteemed by the Jews a place most 
pure, and therefore proper to offer up their prayers and thanksgivings to Almighty 
God. Philo tells us that the Jews of Alexandria, when Flaccus the governor of Egypt, 
who had been their great enemy, was arrested by order of the Emperor Caius, not 
being able to assemble at their synagogues, which had been taken from them, crowded 
out at the gates of the city early in the morning, went to the neighbo iring shores, 
and standing in a most pui-e place, with one accord lifted up their voices in praising 
God. (In Flac. p. 982, d.) Tertullian says, that the Jews in his time, when they kepi 
their great fast, left their synagogues, and on every shore sent forth their prayers to 
heaven (De Jejun. c. 16) : and in another place, among the ceremonies used by the 
Jews, mentions orationes littorales the prayers they made upon the shores (Adv. Nat. 
L 13). And long '>ei"ore TertuUian's time there was a decree made at Halicarnassus 
in favour of the Jews, which, among other privileges, allows them to say their praycco 
«ear the shore, accordin,^ to the custom of their country. (Jos. A. xiv. 10 -23.) It it 

LYDIA. 29b 

dom trom iuterruption, this place of prayer Tas "outside the gale ;'' 
and, iu consequence of the ablutions ' which were connected with the 
worship, it was " by the river side," on the bank of the Gaggitas,^ the 
fountains of which gave the name to the city before the time of Philip of 
Macedon,^ and which, in the great battle of the Romans, had been pol- 
luted by the footsteps and blood of the contending armies.'* 

The congregation which met here for worship on the Sabbath consisted 
chiefly, if not entirely, of a few women ; •"* and these were not all of Jew- 
ish birth, and not all residents of Philippi, Lydia, who is mentioned by 
name, was a proselyte ; ^ and Thyatira, her native place, was a city of 
the province of Asia.'' The business wfiich brought her to Philippi was 
connected with the dyeing trade, which had flourished from a very early 
period, as we learn from Homer,* in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and is 
permanently commemorated in inscriptions which relate to the " guild of 
dyers " in that city, and incidentally give a singular confirmation of the 
veracity of St. Luke iu his casual allusions.' 

In this unpretending place, and to this congregation of pious women, 
the G ospel was first preached within the limits of Europe.'" St. Paul 
and his companions seem to have arrived in the early part of the week, 
for " some days" elapsed before "the Sabbath." On that day the strau- 

hence abundantly evident, that it was common with the Jews to choose the shore as a 
place highly fitting to ofi'er up their prayers." P. 251. He adds that the words in 
Acts xvi. 13 " may signify nothing more than that the Jews of Philippi were wont to 
go and offer up their prayers at a certain place by the river side, as other Jews, who 
lived near the sea, were accustomed to do upon the sea-shore." See Acts xxi. 5. 

' Tug npoaevxilQ Tioiciadai 'npog Ty ■daldcari, Kard to nurpiov sdog. Joseph. Ant. 
xiv. 10, 23. 

* Both Meyer and De Wette made a mistake here in saying that the river was the 
Strymon. The nearest point on the Strymon was many miles distant. This mistake 
is the more marked when we find that nvXrig, and not Tro/lewf, is probably the right 
reading. No one would describe the Strymon as a stream outside the gate of PhilippL 
We may add that the mention of the gate is an instance of St. Luke's autoptical style 
in this part of the narrative. It is possible that the Jews worshipped outside the gate 
at Philippi, because the people would not allow them to worship within. Compare 
what Juvenal says of the Jews by the fountain outside the Porta Capena at Rome 
(iii. 11). 

•^ Crenides was the ancient name. ■< See Plutarch's Brutus, and Appian, 

s TaZf cvve?.6ovaatg yvvai^iv. Acts xvi. 13. « ^efSo/iivrj tov Oeov, Acts xvi. 14. 

' See Rev. i. 11. s n. iv. 141, 

° Several of the inscriptions will be found in Eoeckh. Some were fu-st published by 
iipon and "\\ hf'lcr. We may observe that the communication at this period between 
Thyatira and Philippi was very easy, either directly from the harbour of Pergamus, or 
by the road mentioned in the last chapter, which led through Adramyttium to Troa.s. 

"> At least this is the first historical account of the preaching of an apostle in 
Europe. The traditions concerning St. Peter rest on no real proof. We do not here 
inquire into the knowledge of Christianity which may have spread, even to RomC; 
through those who returned from Pentecost (Acts ii.), or those who were dispersed 
i'j Stephen's persecution (Acts viii.), or other travellers from Syria to the West. 


gers weut aud joined the little company of worshippers at theii 
prayer by the river side. Assuming at once the attitude of teachers, they 
" sat down," ' and spoke to the women who were assembled together. 
The Lord, who had summoned his servants from Troas to preach the 
Gospel in Macedonia,^ now vouchsafed to them the signs of His presence, 
by giving divine energy to the words which they spoke in His name, 
Lydia "was one of the listeners," ^ and the Lord " opened her heart, that 
she took heed to the things that were spoken of Paul." * 

Lydia, being convinced that Jesus was the Messiah, and having made 
a profession of her faith, was forthwith baptized. The place of her ba]> 
tism was doubtless the stream which flowed by the proseucha. The 
waters of Europe were " sanctified to the mystical washing away of sin." 
With the baptism of Lydia that of her "household" was associated. 
Whether we are to understand by this term her children, her slaves, or 
the workpeople engaged in the manual employment connected with her 
trade, or all these collectively, cannot easily be decided." But we may 
observe that it is the first passage in the life of St. Paul where we have 
an example of that family religion to which he often alludes in his 
Epistles. The " connexions of Chloe " <* the " household of Stephanas," ' 
the " Church in the house " of Aquila aud Priscilla,* are parallel cases, to 
which we shall come in the course of the .narrative. It may also be 
rightly added, that we have here the first example of that Christiaa 
hospitality which was so emphatically enjoined,^ and so lovingly practised, 
in the Apostolic Church. The frequent mention of the " hosts," who gave 
shelter to the Apostles,"^ reminds us that they led a life of hardship and 
poverty, and were the followers of Him "for whom there was no room in 
the inn." The Lord had said to His Apostles, that, when they entered 

* KaOlcavTEQ. Acts xvi. 13. Compare tuddicav, Acts xiii. 14; and iKudiae, l.uke 
iv. 20. 

* V. 10. 

3 'Hkovev. Acts xvi. 14. From the words i?M/LOvntv and toi; lalovixhoig we infer 
that Lydia was listeniug to conversation rather than preaching. The whole narrative 
gives us the impression of the utmost modesty and simplicity in Lydia's character. 

Another point should be noticed, which exemplifies St. Luke's abnegtion of self, and 
harmonizes with the rest of the Acts ; viz. that, after saying "zi-e spake" (v. 13), 
he sinks his own person, and says that Lydia took heed " to what was spoken by 
Paul " (v. 14). Paul was the chief speaker. The phrase and the inference are the 
same at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 45), when Barnabas was with St. Paul. Sec p. 
179, n. 1. 

* V. 14. 

* Meyer thinks they were female assistants in the business connected with her trade. 
It is well known that this is one of the passages often adduced in the controversy con- 
cerning infant baptism. We need not urge this view of it : for belief that infant bap- 
tism is " most agreeable with the institution of Christ" does not rest on this text. 

« 1 Cor. i. 11. 7 1 Cor. i. 16. xvi. 15. » Rom. xvi. 5. Compare Phileni 2 

» Heb. xiii. 2. 1 Tim. v. 10, &c. '" Rom. xv\. 23, &c. 


into a dty, they were to seek out " those who were wortliy," and with 
chem to abide. The search at Philippi was not difficult. Lydia volunta- 
rily presented herself to her spiritual benefactors, and said to them, 
earnestly and humbly,' that, "since they had regarded her as a believer 
on the Lord," her house should be their home. She admitted of no refusal 
to her request, and " their peace was on that house." ^ 

Thus the Gospel had obtained a home in Europe. It is true that the 
family with whom the Apostles lodged was Asiatic rather than European ; 
and the direct influence of Lydia may be supposed to have contributed 
more to the establishment of the church of Thyatira, addressed by St. 
John,3 than to that of Philippi, which received the letter of St. Paul. 
But still the doctrine and practice of Christianity were estabhslied in 
Europe ; and nothing could be more calm and tranquil than its first begin 
nings on the shore of that continent, which it has long overspread. The 
scenes by the river-side, and in the house of Lydia, are beautiful prophe- 
cies of the holy influence which women,'* elevated by Christianity to their 
true position, and enabled by divine grace to wear " the ornament of a 
meek and quiet spirit," have now for centuries exerted over domestic hap- 
piness and the growth of piety and peace. If we wish to see this in a 
forcible light, we may Contrast the picture which is drawn for us by St 
Luke — with another representation of women in the same neighbourhood 
given by the heathen poets, who tell us of the frantic excitement of the 
Edonian matrons, wandering, under the name of religion, with dishevelled 
hair and violent cries, on the banks of the Strymon.^ 

Thus far all was peaceful and hopeful in the work of preaching the 
Gospel to Macedonia ; the congregation met in the house or by the river- 
side ; souls were converted and instructed ; and a Church, consisting both 
of men and women,^ was gradually built up. This continued for " many 
days." It was difficult to foresee the storm which was to overcast so fair 
a prospect. A bitter persecution, however, was unexpectedly provoked : 
and the Apostles were brought into collision with heathen superstition in 
one of its worst forms, and with the rough violence of the colonial 
authorities. As if to show that the v.'ork of divine grace is advanced by 
diSiculties and discouragements, rather than by ease and prosperity, the 

' Sec above, p. 29G, n. 3. « Malt. x. 13. 3 Rev. ii. 

•• Observe the frequent mention of women in the salutations in St. Paul's epistlea. 
and more particularly m that to the Philippians. Rilliet, in his Commentary, makes a 
I'ust remark on the peculiar importance of female agency in the then state of society . — 
" L'orgauisation de la societe civile faisait des femmes un intcrmediaire necessaire i)oui 
que la predication de I'Evangile parvint jusqu'aux personncs de leur sexe." 

^ Hor. Od. II. vii. 27, &c. 

" This is almost necessarily implied in "the brethren" (rovg u<ScX<l>ovr, r. 40) whom 
Paul and Silas visited and exhorted in the house of Lydia, after their release from 


Apostles, who had been supernaturally summoned to a new field of labour, 
and who were patiently cultivating it with good success, were suddenly 
called away from it, silenced, and imprisoned. 

In tracing the life of St. Paul we have not as yet seen Christianity 
directly brought into conflict witn heathenism. The sorcerer who had 
obtained influence over Sergius Paulus in Cyprus was a Jew, like the 
Apostle himself.' The first impulse of the idolaters of Lystra was to worship 
Paul and Barnabas ; and it was only after the Jews had perverted their 
mmds, that they began to persecute them.'^ But as we travel further from 
the East, a)id especially through countries where the Israehtes were thinly 
scattered, we must expect to find Pagan creeds in immediate antagonism 
with the Gospel ; and not merely Pagan creeds, but the evil powers 
themselves which give Paganism its supremacy over the minds of men. 
The questions which relate to evil spirits, false divinities, and demoniacal 
possessions, are far too difiicult and extensive to be entered on here.^ We 
are content to express our belief, that in the demoniacs of the New Testa- 
ment allusion is really made to personal spirits who exercised power for 
evil purposes on the human will. The unregenerate world is represented 
to us in Scripture as a realm of darkness, in which the invisible agents of 
wickedness are permitted to hold sway under conditions and limitations 
which we are not able to define. The degrees and modes in which their 
presence is made visibly apparent may vary widely in different countries 
and in different ages.'' In the time of Jesus Christ and His Apostles, 
we are justified in saying that their workings in one particular mode were 
made peculiarly manifest.' As it was in the fife of our Great Master, so 

1 Ch. V. p. 147. ^ Ch. VI. pp. 192, &c. 

3 The arguments on the two sides of this question — one party contending that the 
demoniacs of Scripture were men af&icted with insanity, melancholy, and epilepsy, and 
that the language used of them is merely an accommodation to popular belief ; the 
other, that these unhappy sufferers were really possessed by evil spirits — may be seen 
in a series of pamphlets (partly anonymous) published in London in 1737 and 1738. 
For a candid statement of both views, see the article on " Demoniacs" in Dr. Kitto's 
Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature. Compare that on the word " Besessene," in Winer's 
Real-AVorterbuch ; and, above all, Professor Trench's profound remarks in his work on 
the Miracles, pp. 150, &c. 

•< For some suggestions as to the probable reasons why demoniacal possession is sel- 
dom witnessed now, see Trench, p. 162. 

5 Trench says, that " if there was any thing that marked the period of the Lord's 
coming in the flesh, and that immediately succeeding, it was the wreck and confusion 

of men's spiritual life the sense of utter disharmony The whole 

period was the hour and power of darkness ; of a darkness which then, immediately 
before the dawn of a new day, was the thickest. It was exactly the crisis for such 
Boul-maladies as these,' in w hich the spiritual and bodily should be thus strangely inter- 
linked ; and it is nothing wonderful that they should have abounded at that time.'' 
P. 162. Neander and Trench, however, both refer to modern missionary accounts ol 
Bomething like the same posses-sion among heathen nations, and of then- cessation oe 
con'persion to Christianity. 


It was ill that of His immediate followers. The dagmons recognised Jesus 
as " the Holy One of God ;" and they recognised His Apostles as the 
"bondsmen of the Most High God, who preach the way of salvation," 
Jesus " cast out daemons ;" and, by virtue of the power which he gave, 
the Apostles were able to do in His name what He did in His own. 

If in any region of heathendom the evil spirits had pre-eminent sway, 
it was in the mythological system of Greece, which, with all its beautiful 
imagery and all its ministrations to poetry and art, left man powerless 
against his passions, and only amused him while it helped him to be un- 
holy. In the lively imagination of the Greeks, the whole visible and 
invisible world was peopled with spiritual powers or dcemons.^ The same 
terms were often used on this subject by Pagans and by Christians. But 
in the language of the Pagan the deemon might be either a beneficent or 
malignant power ; ^ in the language of the Christian it always denoted 
what was evil.^ When the Athenians said'' that St. Paul was introducing 
" new daemons " among them, they did not necessarily mean that he was 
in league with evil spirits ; but when St. Paul told the Corinthians * that 
though " idols " in themselves were nothing, yet the sacrifices offered to 
them were, in reality, offered to " daemons," he spoke of those false 
divinities which were the enemies of the True.'' 

Again, the language concerning physical changes, especially iu the 
human frame, is very similar in the sacred and profane writers. Some- 
times it contents itself with stating merely the facts and symptoms of dis- 
ease ; sometimes it refers the facts and symptoms to invisible personal 

' For the classical use of the word <Sai/iuv, Trench refers to a chapter iu Creuzer'a 
Symbolik. See the note, p. 155. 

' Compare, for instance, daijiova Ssiiov (Callim. nynm. vi.) ■nith Saifzova nandv 
(Horn. Od. XX. Gi). 

3 Thus Augustine says : " Nos autem, sicut S. Scriptiu-a loquitur, secundum quain 
Christiani sumus, Angelas quidem partim bonos, partim males, nuuquam vero bonoa 
Damiones legimus. Sed ubicunque illarum litcrarum hoc uomen positum reperitur, 
sive daemones sive dsemonia dicantur, non nisi maligui significantur, spiritus." De Civ. 
Dei, ix. 19. So Origen : To tQv dai/i6vuv ovo/ia ov [liaov iartv, ug to tuv dvdpuT^uv, 

hv olc TiVff /lev uGTeloc, tlvIc 6i ^av7iOt elciv uel 6' knl tuv <pav?i.uv eju tov 

iraxvTepov ^ujiarog 6vvd/x£ug TuaaeTat, to tuv 6at/i6vuv bvojia, 7r%av6vTuv koI Trepia- 
iruvTuv Tovg uvScJTTovg Kal icadeAKovTuv a~u tov Qeov, k. r. X. For more examples 
of the use in the Fathers, see Suicer's Thesaurus. Josephus takes the same view : Td 
yap Ka?,ovftEva 6ai/i6via, TavTa de -novripuv taTiv uvdp6nuv TivevfiaTa, Tolg ^uaiv eladvo- 
utva Kal KTELvovTa Tovg (3otj6eiag fiij TvyxdvovTog. B. J. vii. C, 3, where he is speak- 
iivg of a plant alleged to cure those T^'ho are thus affected. 

* Acts xvii. 18. 

5 1 Cor. X. 20. 

6 It is very important to distinguish the word AiuPo?.og (" Devil ") from d/' '/zuv or 
Jai/ioviov (" daemon '•'). The former word is used, for instance, in Matt. xxv. 4l. John. 
viii. 44. Acts xiii. 10. 1 Pet. v. 8, &c. ; the latter in John vii. 20. Luke x. 17. 1 
Tim. iv. 1. Rev. ix. 20, also James iii. 15. For further remarks ^n this subject se« 
r>elow on Acts xvii. 18. 


agency.' One class of phenomena, affecting the mind as well as the body, 
was more particularly referred to preternatural agency. These were the 
prophetic states of mind, showing themselves in stated oracles or in 
moi'e irregular manifestations, and accompanied with convulsions and vio- 
lent excitement, which are described or alluded to by almost all heathen 
authors. Here again we are brought to a subject which is surrounded 
with difficulties. How far, in such cases, imposture was combined with 
real possession ; how we may disentangle the one from the other ; how 
far the supreme will of God made use of these prophetic powers a-nd over- 
ruled them to good ends ; such questions inevitably suggest themselves, 
but we are not concerned to answer them here. It is enough to say that 
we see no reason to blame the opinion of those writers, who believe that a 
wicked spiritual agency was really exerted in the prophetic sanctuaries 
and prophetic personages of the heathen world. The heathens themselves 
attributed these phenomena to the agency of Apollo,'^ the deity of Pythonic 
spirits ; and such phenomena were of very frequent occurrence, and dis- 
played themselves under many varieties of place and circumstance. Some- 
times those who were possessed were of the highest condition ; sometimes 
they went about the streets like insane impostors of the lowest rank. It 
was usual for the prophetic spirit to make itself known by an internal 
muttering of ventriloquism.^ We read of persons in this miserable condi- 
tion used by others for the pui-pose of gain. Frequently they were 
slaves ; •* and there were cases of joint proprietorship in these unhappy 
ministers of public superstition.^ 

In the case before us it was a " female slave " ^ who was possessed 

' This will be observed in the Gospels, if we carefully compare the different accounta 
of Our Lord's miracles. Among heathen writers we may allude particularly to Hip- 
pocrates, since he wrote against those who treated epilepsy as the result of supernatu- 
ral possession. Some symptoms, he says, were popularly attributed to Apollo, some to 
the Mother of the Gods, some to Neptune, &c. Ah/a /ii/uuvrai. ktjv (Spvxuvrai kt/v tu 
6e^I(1 aTTuvrai,, Mijrt/pa -Qeuv (^aalv alTLrjv elvai ' rjv dt o^vTEpov not EvrovuTepov 
(pOiyyriTai, fTTTrcj eIku^ovgi, koi ^aal Iloaeiduva alriov elvai . . . 7;v de TienTOTepov Kal 
itVKVoTEpov olov opvLdcg, 'AttoZ/Iuv N6//tof. Ilippoc. de Morbo Sacro. 

* UvOuv is the name of Apollo in his oracular character. Hence irvduviKcg and 

3 They were the kyyaarpliivdoi who spoke with the mouth closed, and who were 
called llvduvEQ (the very word used here by St. Luke, Acts xvi. 16). Tot)f kyyacTpi- 
fivdovg vvvl UvOuvag Tvpocayopevojutvovg. Plut. de Def Orac. p. 414. See Galen and 
the Scholiast on Aristoph. Yesp. 1014, as referred to by Wetstein. Augustine calls this 
girl " ventriloqua foemina" (De Civ. Dei, ii. 23) ; but Walch thinks from her articulate 
exclamations, that this was not the case. 

* AValch refers to Arr. iv. 13. 

s Many details on these subjects are brought together by "Walch, in his Essays " De 
Servis Fatidicis," at the end of bis Dissertationes in Acta Apostolorum, Jena, 1766. 
The book is very ncarce, and we have not had an opportunity of t( ading these essayg 
with care. 

* UaidiaKi]. Acts xvi. 16, as in xii. 13 


with " a spirit of diviuation ;" ' and she was the property of more than 
ane master, who kept her for the purpose of practising on the credulity of 
the Philippians, and reaUsed "much profit" in this way. We all know 
the kind of sacredncss with which the raviugs of common insanity are apt 
to be invested by the ignorant ; and we can easily understand the noto- 
riety which the gestures and words of this demoniac would obtain in Phi- 
lippi.'' It was far from a matter of indifference, when she met the mem- 
bers of the Christian congregation on the road to the proseucha, and be- 
gan to follow St. Paul, and to exclaim (either because the words she had 
overheard mingled with her diseased imaginations, or because the evil 
spirit in her was compelled ^ to speak the truth) : " These men are the 
bondsmen of the Most High God, who are come to announce unto you the 
way of salvation." This was continued for " several days," and the whole 
city must soon have been familiar with her words. Paul was well aware 
of this ; and he could not bear the thought that the credit even of the 
Gospel should be enhanced by such unholy means. Possibly one reason 
why our Blessed Lord Himself forbade the demoniacs to make Him 
known, was, that His Holy cause would be polluted by resting on such 
evidence. And another of our Saviour's feelings must have found an 
imitation in St. Paul's breast, — that of deep compassion for the poor vic- 
tim of demoniac power. At length he could bear this Satanic interrup- 
tion no longer, and, " being grieved, he commanded the evil spirit to come 
out of her." It would be profaneness to suppose that the Apostle spoke 
in mere irritation, as it would be ridiculous to imagine that chvine help 
would have been vouchsafed to gratify such a feelmg. Xo doubt there 
was grief and indignation, but the grief and indignation of an Apostle 
may be the impulses of divine inspiration. He spoke, not in his own 
name, but in that of Jesus Christ, and power from above attended his 
words. The prophecy and command of Jesus concerning his Apostles 

1 'Exovaa TTvevua -h-vOuvoq (like " Pytlaia mente incitata." Cic. de Div. ii. 87). 
Some of the. Uncial MSS. read Tivev/ua Tvvduva, which is adopted by Lachmann and 
Tischendorf. The reading is immaterial to the meaning of the passage. ILvduv is not 
exactly synonymous with Apollo, but rather, as it is explained in Suldas and Hesychius, 
tiaiuovLov fiavTLKov. See the quotation in De Wette : Taf re 'KvzvjiaTi -kvOuvoq ivdov- 
atuaag, Kai <j>avraatav fiv/jaeug Trapsxo/iivag r;} tov dai/xoviov Trept^opa ^^lov to 
erjofiEvov Trapayopev(7ac' ol 6i tQv daifiovuv kutoxoc [(paoKOv, tj/v vuajv Mrjdocg nap(- 

' See what Trench says on the demoniacs in the country of the Gadarenes. " We . 
find in the demoniac the sense of a misery in which he does not acquiesce, the deep 
feeling of inward discord, of the true life utterly shattered, of an alien power which 
has mastered him wholly, and now is cruelly lording over him, and ever drawing fur- 
ther away from him in whom only any created in,tclligeuce can find rest and peace. 
His state is, in the truest sense, " a possession ;" another is ruling in the high places of 
his soul, and has cast down the rightful lord from his seat ; and he knows this : and 
5ut of his consciousness of it there goes forth from him a cry for redemption, so ^ooc 
aa ever a glimpse of hope is afibrdcd, an unlooked-for Redeemer draws near " P. 15P 


were fulfilled : that " in His name they should cast out daemons." It was 
as it had been at Jericho and by the sea of Gennesareth. The demonia* 
at Philippi was restored "to her right mind." Her natural powers re- 
sumed their course ; and the gains of her masters were gone. 

Yioleut rage on the part of these men was the immediate result. 
They saw that their influence with the people, and with it " all hope" ' of 
any future gain, was at end. They proceeded therefore to take a sum- 
mary revenge. Laying violent hold°