Life of Godfrey William von Leibnitz

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.

We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at |http : //books . google . com/

"Tui

mm

mm

HN TEZT I

7 • ir f*.

*«'i

V»

W'^

pw>- --^^-^^^l

V 1 3 1908

l^arfaarti College l.itirars

PROM THE BBqySST OF

JAMES WALKER, D.D., LL.D.,

(Class of x8x4)

FORMBR PRBSIDBNT OF HARVARD COLLEGB;

*' Preference being given to works in the Intellectual
and Moral Sciences."

y Google

f - ■

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

■k

\

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Digitized by VjOOQlC

>

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE

OF

GODFEEY WILLIAM YON LEIBNITZ.

ON TBB BASIS OF THB

GERMAN WORK OF DR. G. E. GUHRAUER.

, BY_

JOHN M?M'AbKIE.

BOSTON:
GOULD, KENDALL AND LINCOLN,

59 WASHINGTON STREET.

1846.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

rkiUss:^;^/

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845,

By GOULD, KENDALL & LINCOLN,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.

W. 8. DAMRBLL, PRINTSR,
NO. 11 CORNHILL, BOSTON.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

«

PREFACE.

The Life of Leibnitz, by Dr. Gahraner,* apon the
basis of T^hich this work has been written, is the last and
best of a large number of biographies of this celebrated
mathematician and philosopher. The first of these, and
the fonntain from which all the later writers haye, in a
greater or less degree, derived their information, is a
Memoir of Leibnitz by his secretary and assistant in his-
toriography, John George Eckhart. After Eckhart,
numerous German writers might be mentioned ; such as
Baring, Lamprecht, Christian Wolf, Feller, Rehberg,
Ludorici, and Eberhard, who have made Leibnitz the
subject of biographical notices more or less extensive and
valuable. More important, however, were the classic

* Gottfried Wilhelm Freiherr von Leibnitz. Eine Biographic,
▼on Dr. G. £. Guhrauer. Zwei BSLnde. Breslau j Vorlag von
Ferdinand Hirt. 1842.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

IV PREFACE.

eulogy pronounced upon Leibnitz before the Academy of
Sciences in Paris by Fontenelle ; and the detailed history
of his life and writings, published in Amsterdam, in l%e
French language, by M. de Neufoille, more commonly
called Joncourt. In Italy, the Memoir by Lamprecht was
translated by Barsotti, and also enriched with original
additions. Whatever is interesting or important in any
of these works, has been incorporated into the biography
by Guhrauer, who has also availed himself of all the in-
formation which the course of time has brought to light
respecting the character, the life, and the writings of his
distinguished countryman.

I should have contented myself with simply translating
the able and learned production of Dr. Guhrauer, had it
not seemed to me, with all its merits, not entirely adapted
to the wants of the American literary public. Like most
German works of this kind, it is rather a collection of
biographical materials, than a well arranged biography.
It, also, contains much matter either wholly irrelevant, or
possessing an interest only for the countrymen of Leibnitz.
I have therefore re-written the Life, for the purpose of
divesting it of its German peculiarities, and of presenting
it in a more acceptable form to the English reader. In
doing this, however, I have almost invariably re-produced
the views and opinions, and, for the most part, as it suited
my convenience, translated the language of the original
author. Whenever it has been in my power to verify any
of his results, or to correct any slight accidental error,

Digitized by CjOOQ IC

PREFACE. V

which came under my notice, I have dpne so. I have,
however, added little, or nothing, to the German work ;
and have taken away from it nothing that could be appro-
priately introduced into a popular biography, or that
might be considered as possessing any historical interest
for readers without the confines of Germany. All the
merit of this work, therefore, is strictly due to the author
of the German life, except the credit, if there be any, of
having condensed the original materials and presented
them in a new form.

The opposition in which the philosophy of Leibnitz
Btood to that of Locke, and, still more, the unhappy
controversy carried on between the former and Newton
concerning the discovery of the differential calculus,
which for half a century involved the scientific men of
England and the continent in a general war of words,
have prevented the great merits of Leibnitz from being
dul^ appreciated in England or in this country. But
ancient prejudices have been to such a degree obUterated,
that, at the presen} day^ a monument may without offence
be erected in the temple of English literature to this illus-
trious German genius. He was the great thinker of his
age in continental Europe ; he was the founder pf modem
German philosophy ; he exerted no unimportant influence
on the general civilization of his countrymen ; and by his
varied learning, together with his untiring zeal in the
cause of letters, he gave a new impulse to" every depart-.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

VI PREFACE.

ment of usefiil study, and thus "yoked all the sciences
abreast." I therefore indulge the hope that a Life of
Leibnitz, in the English language, may prove an accession,
however small, to the cause of letters and of science.

PROYiDENCfi, R. L, Oct. 1, 1844.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CONTENTS,

CHAPTER I.

Birth and parentage of Leibnitz— Hia Bcbool-days- His pre-
cooitj— He studies the ancient classics, and logic— His
project of an alphabet of human thought— He studies the
scholastie metaphysics and theology, 15

CHAPTER H;

Leibnitz enters the University of Leipsic— Reads Descartes^
and rejects the scholastic philosophy— Adam Scherzer and
Jacob Thomasius— -Pursuits and writings of Leibnitz at the
UniverBity— He reads the writings of Lord Bacon, and other
modem philosopherB-^Becomes a Nominalist-^Enters upon
the study of jurisprudence as a profession — Goes to the
University of Jena— Vosins, and Erhard Weigel— Leibnitz
returns to the University of Leipsic— Becomes master in
philosophy— iDeath of his mother— He visits his relatives in
Brunswick— Essays written by him— He is refused the
degree of Doctor of Laws— Exiles himself from Saxony, - 26

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Vlll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER m.

Leibnitz receives his doctorate at the University of Altdorf
— Declines a professorship — Spends the vrinter of 1667 in
Nurenberg— Is made secretary of a society of Rosicrasians, 38

CHAPTER IV.

Leibnitz becomes acquainted with von Boineburg — Goes to
Frankfort— Meets with Spener, the pietist — Publishes his
Methodus nova Jurisprudentis — Is engaged by the Elector
of Mentz in revising the laws of the German empire —

" Hermann Conring — Literary and diplomatic labors of
Leibnitz— His theolpgical writings— He edits the Anti-
Barbarus of Marius ^izolius — ^Attempt to reconcile the
doctrines of Aristotle with mbdem philosophy — His theory
of an universal ether— Possibility of transubstantiation, and
the real presence — His fame and honors — His correspon-
dence with Anthony Amaud, and Spinoza, - - • - 43

CHAPTER V.

Leibnitz becomes engaged in politics— Is present at a confer-
ence of German princes at Schwalbach— Writes a pamphlet
on the political affairs of Germany— His journey to Stras-
burg— He proposes to Louis XIV the conquest of Egypt-
Goes to Parisr-Enlists the Elector of Mentz in favor of
his project for the conquest of Egypt— Writes to the Duke
of Hanover respecting it— Its fate— Its relation to the expe-
dition of Bonaparte— His occupations in Paris— He invents

an improvement on the reckoning machine of Pascal His

projected inventions— His acquaintances in Paris— Antho-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CONTENTS. IX

ny Amaud — ^Leibnitz superintends the education of the son
ofBoineburg — ^Death ofBoineburg — Leibnitz visits London
— Robert Boyle— John Pell— Leibnitz's rivals in discovery
— ^His mathematical attainments at this period — ^Death of
the Elector of Mentz— His character, - - - - 65

CHAPTER VI.

Leibnitz returns to Paris — ^Declines entering the service of'
the Duke of.Hanover, and also that of a minister of the king'
of Denmark — His neglect of professiona] studies — Society
in Paris — Letter to John Bemouilli — Leibnitz's occupations
in Paris — Baron von SchOnborn — Leibnitz undertakes to
edit the works of Martianus Capella — His intercourse with
Huygens — His design of establishing himself permanently
m Paris— Correspondence with his relatives respecting it — <

This design relinquished— Von Tschimhausen, - - - 74

CHAPTER Vn.

Leibnitz discovers the differential calculus ^History of the ^
controversy between Leibnitz and Newton respecting thia..^^^^^
discovery; .- -C gj3

CHAPTER Vm.

Leibnitz accepts an invitation to enter the service of the
Duke of Hanover — Returns to Germany by the way of Lon-
don— Visits Hudde in Amsterdam, and Spinoza at the
Hague— Arrives at Hanoveiv-Character of the court— He
becomes acquainted with Steno, apostolic vicar,.and Mola-
xiuS; abbot of Lockum — Introduces the invention of phos-
phorus into Hanover— His visit to Hamburg— His acquaint-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

X CONTENTS.

ance with John Joachim Becher— He studies the art of
mining in the Hartz mountaine— Attempts to drain the
ducal mines— His geological investigations— He studies
coining and currency— Is made court counsellor— His
arduous public duties— His Dejvre avprematm, - - -116

CHAPTER IX.

The influence of jurisprudence on Leibnitz's system of pliilos-
ophy — His doctrine of theocracy— Compared with the
systems of Hobbea and Puflendorf— His views of natural
law — His idea of substance — ^Doctrine of monads — Pre-
established harmony — Optimism — ^Theodicea — Form of
Leibnitz's philosophy — His relation to Descartes and
Spinoza— ^Peter Bayle — John Locko; 126

CHAPTER X.

Leibnitz's project of an universal language — He applies to
Louis XIV for aid in executing it— His relation to the
Church of Rome — ^His reasons for not joining it— Corre-
^ spondenccwitb the Landgave of Hesse Rheinfels, and with
Madame Brinon, on this subject— Spinola 5. Huet; Bossuet
— ^Death of the Duke John Frederic, and succession of Er-
nest Augustus — ^Leibnitz wishes to reside in Vienna, and
to become a foreign member of the Academy of Sciences
/^ in Paris — He writes a tract against Louis XIV, on the occa-
sion of the seige of Vienna by the Turks — His intimate re-
lation with the princes of the House of Brunswick — Char-
acter of Sophia, Duchess of Hanoveiv-Molanus, - -145

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CONTENTS. Xi

CHAPTER XI.

Conference in Hanover respecting clrarch union— Leibnitz's
Systema Theologieum — His correspondence with Pelisson,
respecting the re-union of Protestants and Catholics—His (->
letter to the Duchess Sophia, concerning the visions of
Miss Von Asseburg— His religious toleration— Correspon-
dence with Bossuet; on church union— Leibnitz's propo- <
sal to unite all Protestant sects against the CatholicS; - 159

CHAPTER Xn.

Leibnitz engages to write the history of the House of Bruns-
' wick— Genealogies of German princes in the seventeenth ^
century— Leibnitz's plan of a German histdtical society— He
commences a journey to Italy— Proceeds by way of the
Rhine to Vienna- His reception at the imperial court— Man- <^
ifesto by him respecting the relations of the empire to the
Turks and to Louis XIV— Leibnitz's occupations in Vienna.
-Excursion to the mines of Hungary— He proceeds to
Venice— Narrow escape at sea— He arrives in Rome— His
acquaintance with Roman literati— He visits the catacombs
—His proposal of introducing the study of natural science
into the cloisters— Jesuit missions to China— Chinese cIt-
ilization— He goes to Naples, Florence; Bologna; Modena
—His historical discoveries in Modena— He returns to Ven-
ice—Interesting letter on leaving Italy— Arrival at Hanover; 173

CHAPTER Xm.

Leibnitz is occupied with affairs of state — He is made privy
- counsellor of justice— The multiplicity of his labors — ^His
historical collections— His philological iuTestigatiottB—
ImproTement of the German language— His German style-
Death of the Elector, Ernest Augustus, . . ^19

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Xll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIV.

^ Plan of Leibnitz for uniting more closely the courts of
Hanover and Brandenburg — ^Negotiations for the union of
the Lutheran and the Reformed churches— Leibnitz's plan
of an academy of sciences at Berlin — He is invited by the
Elector of Brandenburg to Berlin — ^Is appointed president
of the new society of sciences — His proposals for obtaining
pecuniary aid for the society — ^Project of a society for the
protection of authors — Culture of silk — ^His efforts to
improve the science of medicine — He attempts to establish
an academy of sciences at Dresden — ^Interest taken by him
in popular education — ^Augustus Hermann Franke, - - 210

CHAPTER XV.

Leibnitz goes to Vienna to attend a conference on church

^ union — He composes a manifesto in favor of the rights of

Charles III to the crown of Spain — His labors in connec-

^ tion with the elevation of the Elector of Brandenburg to

the honors of royalty — ^Arrival in Hanover of the English

embassy with the act of succession 3 also of Toland— State

y? papers written by Leibnitz for the Prussian government —

7 Negotiations for uniting the Protestant churches of Ger-
many, Holland and England — ^The Theodicea, its origin,
character and effects — Leibnitz's relation to the queen of
Prussia — Her death— Leibnitz's grief— Diminution of his
influence at the court of Prussia— Christian Wolf, - -^1

CHAPTER XVI.
Leibnitz visits the head quarters of Charles XI I—Description
f ofCharles— Leibnitz's intercourse with Peter the Great—
lieibnitz visits Vienna— Wishes to change his place of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CONTENTS. Xlll

residence—His diplomatic labors at the imperial court— His ^
la Monadologie— Prince Eugene of Savoy—Leibnitz's pro-
ject of an academy of sciences at Vienna— His plans for
improving the finances of the emperor— Eer of Eersland—
Leibnitz's generosity— Academy of sciences opposed by
the Jesuits— Leibnitz receives the title of imperial court
counsellor— Decease of the Electoress Sophia^— Its influ-
ence on Leibnitz— Estrangement of George Lewis from
Leibnitz— English politics— Death of Queen Anne— Leibnitz
returns to Hanover— Is not allowed to follow George I to
England— Plans for changing his residence— His views of
English afiaiis— His prophecy of a general revolution in -^
Europe— Completion of his history of the House of Bruns- <^
wiek— His unfinished labors, ...... 240

CHAPTER XVn.
The last sickness of Leibnitz— His death and burial, - - 263

CHAPTER XVm.

Description of Leibnitz's person and habits, by Eckhart—
Also by himself-Elztracts from his letters— His religious
toleration— Recollections of him by a cotemporaiy— Charges
brought against his character— His defects as a writer— His
views of matrimony— Fondness for children— Report of his
having had a natural son, .... - - 271

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

CHAPTER I.

Birth and parentage of Leibnitz — His school-days— <Hi8 precocity
—He studies the ancient classics, and logic — His project of an
alphabet of human thought— He studies the scholastic meta-
physics and theology.

The place which has the honor of having given
birth to the illustrious subject of this biography, is
Leipsic, — ^famed, since the Protestant Reformation, for
its trade in books, and its cultivation of letters. In
this venerable seat of learning, Leibnitz Ws ushered
into life on the twenty-first day of June (O. S.),
1646 ; and, on the third day after his birth, baptized
by the name of Godfrey William. To the astonish-
ment of the bystanders, and the edifica^tion of his
godly father, the child, at the baptismal font, opened
his eyes, and raised his head to receive the conse-
crated water, as it dropped from the hand of the
officiating clergyman. The father, noting the cir-
cumstance in his family journal, piously added, —
" This is my desire : and so do I prophetically look

Digitized by VjOOQIC

16 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.,

upon this occurrence as a sign of faith, and a most
sure token, that this my son will walk through life
with eyes upturned to heaven, burning with love to
God, and abounding in wonderful works, to the
honor of the Most High, the increase and purification
of the Christian church, and the salvation of both
his and our souls."'

Though the name of Leibnitz, or Leubniitz, might
lead to the supposition that the family was of Scla-
vonian origin, and though many persons, clothed
with high temporal and spiritual offices, bore this
name in the middle ages, yet the pedigree of the
great philosopher cannot be traced farther back than
to the time of the Protestant Reformation. Both
his great-grandfather, and his grandfather held hon-
orable offices under government; and his father,
Frederic Leibnitz, besides following the calling of a
notary, was Professor of Philosophy in the Univer-
sity of Leipsic. The conduct of affairs being more
congenial to the tastes of the father of Godfrey
William thafn the pursuit of letters, he is not known
to have distinguished himself by any writings of
importance; though, in the course of a life of
earnest and honorable labors, he rendered such prac-
tical services to society, as secured for him the
respect, and endeared him to the memory, of his
fellow-citizens. Frederic Leibnitz was thrice mar-
ried. By his first wife, he had a son, who, after
having studied the profession of divinity, became a
teacher in Leipsic; he also had a daughter, who
married a doctor of theology, and ecclesiastical super-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 17

iBtendent. His second wife was childless. The
third, Catherine, the mother of Godfrey William,
was the daughter of iai Leipsic civilian, not without
repute in his day, by the name of William Schmuck.
Left an orphan at the age of eleven years, she was
carefully educated, partly in the family of a professor
of theology, and partly in that of her guardian, a
professor of law. This lady gave birth to but one
child besides Godfrey William, — a daughter, Anna
Catherine, who, marrying a clergyman of Leipsic,
afterwards left a son, who inherited the fortune of
his distinguished uncle.

When no more than six years old, Godfrey
William had- the misfortune to lose his father, who
died in the fifty-fifth year of his age. The few
distinct recollections of him retained by the son, are
given in the following extract from the latter's post-
humous Personal Recollections.

"I remember but two circumstances connected
with my father. The first was, that, as I early
learned to read, he took great pains to awaken in
me an interest in history, both sacred and profane.
This he endeavored to do, partly by means of a
small book in the German language, and partly by
repeated oral recitations ; and with such a favorable
result, as led him to indulge the brightest anticipa-
tions of my future progress. The other circumstance
was in fact remarkable, and still remains as fresh in
my memory as if it had happened but yesterday.
The day was Sunday ; and my mother had gone to
hear the morning sermon. But my father lay sick

3

Digitized by VjOOQlC

18 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

in his bed. Before being fully dressed, I was play-
ing about the stove, and tripping it up and down a
bench that stood between the wall and the table.
The nursery-maid wishing to put on my clothes, I,
full of my pranks, mounted the table ; and, upon her
attempting to seize me, I stepped backwards, and fell
down upon the pavement. My father and the maid
scream out : they look, and see me laughing at them,
unhurt, though at no less a distance than three
paces from the table. In this, my father recognized
the special favor of God, and straightway dispatched
some one with a note to the church, that, according
to custom, thanks might be offered after the service.
This affair became the subject of remark throughout
the town ; and my father, from this accident, or I
know not what other dreams and prognostics, was
led to indulge so great expectations of me, as often
to expose himself to the playful satire of his friends.
Unfortunately, however, I was not destined long to
enjoy his friendly assistance, nor he to rejoice in my
continued progress."

After the death of the father of Leibnitz, his
mother, declining to form a second matrimonial
connection, devoted herself exclusively to the educa-
tion of her children. This lady was a pious, discreet
and gentle-hearted mother; and exerted such a
happy influence upon her son, that his mind became
early imbued with the same moral and religious
principles as had ruled in her own.

At a tender age, Godfrey William was sent to the
then highly popular Nicolai-school in Leipsic, where

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 19

his extraordinary talent early manifested itself in an
insatiable desire for mental aliment. This, howeirer,
his narrow-minded teacher strenuously refused to
supply ; and the eight years old boy did not obtain
the food his mind so earnestly craved, without a
contest, of which a circumstantial account is given
in the Personal Confessions before mentioned.

" I found," says Leibnitz, " in the progress of time,
and with the increase of my intellectual strength,
very great delight in the reading of history ; and the
German books that fell in my way, I never let pass
from my hands, without having read them entirely
through. At school I studied Latin; and should,
without doubt, have made the usually slow progress
in the study of this language, had not accident led
me to a peculiar method of acquiring it. In the
house where I resided, I chanced to meet with two
books, which had been mislaid by some of the stu-
dents. One of these volumes, I remember, was a
copy of Livy ; and the other, a chronological The-
saurus by Sethus Galvisius. These works I seized
upon with the greatest avidity. Galvisius I under-
stood with but little difficulty, having a book on
universal history in the German language, corre-
sponding with it in many places. In Livy, on the
contrary, I was oflen puzzled. Indeed, so little
acquainted was I with the matters and things des-
cribed by the ancient writers, and so unfamiliar with
the elevated style and diction of the classical histo-
rians, that, to tell the truth, I did not fully compre-
hend a single line. But as the edition was an old

Digitized by VjOOQlC

20 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

one, containing figures and wood engravings, I busily-
pored over these, — read here and there the words
written beneath them, — and, little concerned about
the more difiicult passages, skipped lightly over what
I did not understand. But after having gone through
the entire book in this way several times, and having
taken it up anew, after the lapse of a considerable
interval of time, I was able to make out the sense of
much that had been at first unintelligible. Highly
delighted with this result, I continued my labors
without any dictionary, until I penetrated still deeper
into the meaning of the original, and attained to a
clear understanding of the greater part of it. Mean-
while, some words having fallen from me in the
school respecting these studies, the matter at once
assumed a suspicious aspect in the eyes of my
teacher, who proceeded forthwith to inquire how I
had come to the knowledge of such things. To my
confessions of what I had been doing, together with
the narration of several particulars which were fresh
in my memory, he at the time made no reply. But
going to my guardians, he required them to see that
I did not disturb the regular course of my studies by
reading books adapted only to a later stage of pro-
gress, — adding that Livy was no more fit for me,
than buskins for a pigmy. Such books, he said,
should be taken from me at once ; and I be confined
to the smaller catechism, and the picture book of
Comenius. And, without doubt, he would have
convinced my guardians of the propriety of this
course, but for the intervention of a friendly noble-

Digitized by VjOOQiC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 21

man, who happened to be present at the interview.
Struck with, shall I say the jealousy, or the simplic-
ity of my teacher, that led him to measure all his
scholars by one and the same rule, this gentleman,
whose mind had been liberalized by travel and study,
proceeded to show my patrons how improper it would
be to allow the germs of a rising genius to be checked
in their growth by the coarse severity of ill-judging
teachers. On the contrary, he said, one should
favor the promising boy, and grant him the use of
all possible aids. Thereupon he caused me to be
sent for, and observing nothing improper or unbe-
coming in my answers to his interrogatories, he did
not desist from his benevolent efforts until after
having extorted from my relatives the promise, that
access should be allowed me to my father's library,
which, since his death, had been scrupulously
guarded by lock and key. This announcement was
as great a source of delight to me, as if I had found
a treasure. For I was burning to get sight of the
ancients, then known to me only by names, — Cicero,
Quinctilian, Seneca, Pliny, Herodotus, Xenophon,
Plato, the Scriptores historicB AugustcB, and the
numerous Christian fathers, both Greek and Latin.
These I read as impulse prompted ; and found in
the society of this circle of authors the highest
delight. Thus, before having completed my twelfth
year, I had learned to read the Latin language with
ease, and had begun to stammer in Greek. Verses
I virrote with so much readiness and felicity, that one
of my school-fellows being prevented by illness from

Digitized by VjOOQlC

22 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

fulfilling his appointed task of delivering a discourse
in rhyme on the evening before Whitsuntide, and no
one, as there were scarcely three days then remain-
ing, appearing to take his place, I offered myself to
undertake the task ; and shutting myself up in my
room, composed without erasures, between the dawn
of day and noon, three hundred hexameters, of such
a character as to gain the approbation of my instruct-
ors. And these I recited on the day appointed."

But while Leibnitz was informing his mind by
the study of the ancient classics, — ^learning from
them, as he himself expresses it, to seek in words
for dearnesSf and in things for utility^ — he was at
the same time exercising his speculative and inven-
tive faculties, by original investigations in the science
of logic. Of these pursuits, in the midst of which
he first hit upon the thought of forming an universdl
language^ to the invention of which he devoted
considerable attention at diflferent times in the course
of his life, we take the following notice from his
Personal Confessions.

"As now from the study of history, in which,
even when a child, I took extraordinary delight, and
from the writing of themes, both in prose and verse,
which I prosecuted with such interest, as to awaken
in the minds of my teachers the fear that I should
never be good for any thing else but scribbling, — as
now my attention was directed to the study of logic
and philosophy, and I began to understand some-
thing of these matters, how many chimeras at once
started up in my brain ! These I noted down in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 23

writing ; and by their recital, sometimes filled my
teachers with astonishment. I not only applied with
ease the rules of logic to examples, — a feat performed
by none of my school-mates, — ^but I also ventured to
express doubts about the principles of the science,
and made many original suggestions, which, reduced
at the time to writing, were read by me in after life
with no little gratification. Among other things, I
suggested a doubt respecting the predicaments. As
there are predicaments, or classes of simple ideas,
said I, so ought there to be a new kind of predica-
ments, in which propositions also, or complex terms^
would be naturally associated together. It must be
understood that, at that time, I had not so much as
dreamed of processes of demonstration, and did not
know that geometricians did the very thing I re-
quired to be done, when they stated propositions in
such order that one of them is demonstrated by the
other. My doubt, accordingly, was an idle one ; but
still, as my teachers, instead of resolving it, contented
themselves with merely saying that it did not become
tyros to make discoveries in science, I continued to
prosecute my speculations, and proposed to myself
the task of inventing predicaments of propositions, or
complex terms. While zealously engaged in the
investigation of this subject, the singular reflection
arose in my mind, as if by necessity, whether an
alphabet of human thought might not be devised ;
and by means of the combination of the letters of
this alphabet, and of the analysis of the words formed
from them, an indefinite number of things be invent-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

24 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ed and tested. When this thought revealed itself
clearly to my mind, I shouted for joy, — ^boyish joy,
indeed, for the great importance of the subject was
not then apparent to me. Afterwards, however, the
farther I progressed in the knowledge of things, the
more strongly was I confirmed in the resolution to
continue the prosecution of an inquiry of such mo-
mentous interest." This subject of an universal
language we shall have occasion to recur to in a
subsequent chapter.

To these logical exercises and meditations of the
school, Leibnitz added at home, in the secluded
library of his father, the study of metaphysics, in the
scholastic writings of the middle ages, and of later
times ; as well as of theology, in the works of the
most distinguished controversialists of the Roman
and Protestant churches. " I lived at that time," he
remarks in his Confessions, " with Zabarella, Eubius,
Fonseca, and other scholastics, with no ordinary
delight, as I had before done with the historians ;
and carried matters so far, indeed, as to be able to
read Suarez with as great facility, as other boys of
the same age read fairy tales and romances. There-
upon, those who had the charge of my education, —
to whom I am indebted for nothing sp much as for
not interfering with the course of my studies, — as
they had before feared that I should become a poet
by profession, now, not considering that my mind
could not be satisfied by any one branch of learning.
Were alarmed lest I should for ever lose myself in
the subtle speculations of the scholastics."

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 25

The theological zeal of Leibnitz was fed by the pe-
rusal of such grave and learned works as Lutheri de
servo arbitriOfJacobi Andrecs Colloquium Mompelgar-
densCi and Aegidii Hunii Scripta, He took counsel,
also, of both Lutherans and Calvinists, Jesuits and
Arminians, Thomists and Jansenists. Instead, how-
ever, of being confounded and led astray by these
polemical studies, his youthful faith appears to have
become the more firmly grounded in the principles
of the Augsburg Confession ; and we are at no loss
to discern, in the moderate orthodoxy of his early
theological sentiments, the germs of his celebrated
Theodicea, and of his later writings on church
union.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER II.

Leibnitz enten the Univenity of Leipsic — ^Reads Descartes, and
rejects the scholastic philosophy— Adam Scherzer and Jacob
Thomasias — ^Pursuits and writings of Leibnitz at the University
—He reads the writings of Lord Bacon, and other modem phi-
loBophert— Becomes a Nominalist— Enters upon the study of
jurispnidence as a profession — Goes to the University of Jena^-
Vosiiis, and £rhard Weigel — ^Leibnitz returns to the University
of Leipsic — Becomes master in philosophy — ^Death of his moth-
er — ^He visits his relatives i» Brunswick— sEssays written by him
—He is refused the degree of Doctor of Laws— •EkHes hlinielf
from Saxony.

At the age of fifteen, already a learned scholar
and a self-taught thinker, Leibnitz entered the Uni-
versity of his native city. There, as before at the
preparatory school, he was • principally his own
teacher, and adhered to the same methods of investi-
gation which he had already applied with so much
success to the study of logic. " Two things," says
Leibnitz, in his Fragment of Personal Confessions,
** were of special service to me, even from boyhood ;
first, that I was strictly a self-taught scholar ; and
secondly, that in the study of every science, even at
the outset, and before I had made myself thoroughly
acquainted with what was commonly ^own and

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 27

received in it, I sought to make original discoveries.
By this course, I secured the advantage of not en-
cumbering my mind with things of no value, which
depended on authority, rather than intrinsic merit ;
and, also, that of never being satisfied until I had laid
bare the roots and fibres of every science, and had
discovered its fundamental principles, upon which
all subordinate views and minor details naturally
depended."

It was about the time of his passing from the
school to the University, that a fixed and decisive
direction was given to Leibnitz's philosophical views
and studies. The writings of Descartes fell into his
hands ; and he was accordingly compelled to make
choice between the ancient scholastic philosophy
and modem physics. After long days of reflection,
he decided in favor of the latter, though without
losing sight of the ancients, especially Aristotle.
Of the studies and meditations* which led to this
decision, we take the following account from a letter
written by Leibnitz, in his old age, to Ra3anond of
Montmort.

" I was still a child," says the writer, " when I
first became acquainted with Aristotle ; and even the
scholastics were at an early age not repulsive to me,
— a circumstance I do not by any means regret.
Later in life, Plato and Plotinus, not to mention the
other philosophers of antiquity whom I consulted,
afforded me some satisfaction. On leaving the
lower school, however, then a lad of fifteen, I fell
upon the new philosophers ; and, as I well remem-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

28 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ber, it was in a small grove in the neighborhood of
Leipsic, called the Rose vale (Rosenthal), that, walk-
ing to and fro, in pleasing and solitary meditation, I
was wont to take counsel with myself whether or
not I should retain the substantial forms of the
schoolmen. The mechanical philosophy gained at
length the upper hand, and led me to the study of
mathematics."

As at the school, so at the University, the course
of studies ordinarily pursued, and the views of
science generally entertained, by no means met the
wants of our young universal genius. The lectures on
mathematics, by a certain John Kuhn, did not carry
the student of those days beyond the Elements of
Euclid ; and these teachings being so obscure as to
be unintelligible to the audience of tyros, Leibnitz
sought by questions for such explanations from the
worthy professor, as might enable him afterwards to
enlighten the benighted intellects of his fellow-stu-
dents. Leibnitz, therefore, did not advance beyond
the threshold of mathematical science, until he went
to Jena, to attend on the instructions of Weigel, who
introduced him to a more thorough knowledge of
arithmetical analysis and combination. Although
these deficiencies were afterwards most abundantly
supplied, yet the recollection of his -early superficial
training in this branch of knowledge, was, even late
in life, a source of poignant regret. " The study of
the mathematics," he once said, in speaking of his
mathematical education, " was entirely neglected in
the places where my mind received its early disci-

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 29

pline ; and had I, like Pascal, spent my youth in
Paris, I should perhaps have sooner made original
contributions to science."

In philosophy, Leibnitz attended, during the first
year of his academic course, the lectures of John
Adam Scherzer, and Jacob Thomasius, The former,
a representative of the pure scholasticism of the
middle ages, developed in controversy such a vigor-
ous and subtle power of intellect, as secured for him
the respect of his pupil, and afterwards occasioned
his being favorably mentioned in the Theodicea.
Th omasius , father of the distinguished Christian
Thomasius, can with more propriety, however, be
called the teacher of Leibnitz, as the latter has him-
self testified. This philosopher belonged to the
more elegant of the Peripatetics ; and though born,
according to the judgment of his pupil, too late to
take an active part in the restoration of science, he
vras the first who introduced into Germany the
thorough study of the history of philosophy. Fore-
seeing, moreover, even at the University, the future
greatness of Leibnitz, he encouraged him in his
studies ; and bound his pupil to him by ties of esteem
and gratitude, that lasted, as their mutual corre-
spondence testifies, long after the dissolution of their
academic relations.

In connection with these two names, we may
mention the first printed treatise of Leibnitz, written
■on the occasion of his promotion to the degree of
Bachelor of Philosophy, and entitled, De Principio
IndividuL The author was only seventeen years of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

30 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

age ; but Thomasius publicly declared that he was
" already equal to the investigatioa of the^ most ab-
struse and complicated controversies." It would
appear as if the youthful candidate had selected the
theme of his essay for the purpose of displaying the
astonishing range of his reading in the scholastic
philosophy, and the facility with which he employed
its methods of reasoning. Though he had himself
for ever renounced the scholastic views and methods,
still the selection of a theme of this character must
be considered as an exceedingly significant fact in
the history of his philosophical progress, for the
principle of in^imduali ty was afterwards made hjt
him the corner-stone of his system of metaphysics.]
Leibnitz, moreover, disclosed the starting-point of
his philosophy, wh^, in the spirit of the new phys-
ical sciences of his time, though by no means in
conformity with the prevailing sentiment of the
German universities, he declared himself in favor of
the doctrines of the Nominalists, as opposed to the
Realists. The more be became acquainted with the
writings of the reformers of philosophy, so much the
more rapidly did his opposition increase to the un-
fruitful speculations of the scholastics. It was at
this period that he became acquainted with the
views of Lord Bacon, as stated in the De AugmerUis
Scientiarum, with the most stirring thoughts of
Cardanus and Campenella, and with specimens of a
better philosophy in the writings of Kepler, Galileo
and Descartes. He lived, also, as if in the presence
of Aristotle, Plato, Archimedes, Hipparchus, Die-

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 31

phantus, aad the other great teachers of the human
race. And thus associated with the illustrious
spirits of the past, he took courage ; and, no longer
regarding the short-sighted views of the minds by
which he was surrounded, held fast to the belief in
the advancement of science and the progress of
mankind.

It was now time for the young scholar to make
selection of one of the learned professions. Inspired
with the determination of striving in life after what-
ever was highest and best, he was desirous of enter-
ing upon such a professional career as would enable
him, while laboring for his own personal interests, to
confer at the same time the greatest benefits upon
his fellow-citizens. His relatives and teachers con-
sidering the legal profession as the best adapted to
the free development of his talents, and the practical
realization of his liberal principles, urged him to
devote himself to the study of jurisprudence. Lis-
tening to these counsels, and influenced somewhat,
no doubt, by the example of his father, and his still
more distinguished uncle, John Strauch, of Bruns-
wick, Leibnitz finally decided to enroll himself as a
student of law. For some account of his progress
in this branch of knowledge, we recur again to his
Fragment of Confessions.

"Having made choice of the profession of the
law," says Leibnitz, " I gave up all other pursuits,
and confined my attention exclusively to that occu-
pation upon which I was to depend for a livelihood.
The knowledge previously acquired of history and

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

32 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

philosophy, I now found, however, of essential ser-
vice to me. It enabled me readily to apprehend the
theory and principles of the science of law ; and not
setting a very high value on that which it cost me
so little trouble to understand, I immediately entered
upon the study of the practical part of my profession.
A friend of mine, an assessor of the supreme court
of justice in Leipsic, whose house I often visited,
rendered me much assistance, by allowing me the
perusal of legal documents, and teaching me by
examples the methods of drawing up judgments.
Accordingly, I very soon worked my way into the
heart of the science of jurisprudence. The employ-
ment of a judge appeared to me very attractive ; but,
on the other hand, the artifices of the advocates,
against which I firmly set my countenance, were so
repulsive, that I never afterwards would engage in
the business of bringing actions, although, in the
estimation of all persons, I wrote my mother tongue
with great correctness and dexterity. In this wise I
passed my seventeenth year, — happy above all
things that I had directed my studies, not by the
opinions of others, but according to my own good
pleasure. As a consequence of this, I invariably
took the first rank in all discussions and exercises,
whether public or private, as not only my teachers
testified, but also the printed congratulations and
carmmcL of my school-fellows."

Not long after Leibnitz had obtained his baccalau-
reate, the course of his philosophical and legal
studies at Leipsic was interrupted by a visit of six

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 33

months to Jena, the University of which place, since
the reforms introduced by Ernest the Pious, had
enjoyed a high reputation. Here the young civilian
attended lectures on jurisprudence, by Falkner; and
on history, by the learned Vosius. What most
attracted him, however, was the instruction and
society of the before-mentioned Erhard Weigel,
professor of mathematics, between whom and Leib-
nitz there existed a kind of spiritual relationship.
Weigel, besides being a mathematician, — although
by no means a perfect master of his science, and not
initiated into the views of the distinguished math-
ematical teachers in other parts of Europe, — had
also some reputation as a moral philosopher, and an
original writer on natural law. It was said at Jena,
when Leibnitz was there, that Pufendorf had bor-
rowed his since so celebrated Elements of Natural
Law froip the manuscripts of Weigel. The original
powers of this author were displayed, not only in
propounding various new, though somewhat fantas-
tic theories in the sciences of mechanics and astron-
omy, but also, especially, in the application of the
doctrine of numbers to the science of morals. Weigel,
moreover, was highly instrumental in bringing the
reigning scholastic philosophers into disrepute in the
German universities ; and very much to their vexa-
tion, though to the amusement of his hearers, he was
wont to drive his opponents into a corner, by requir-
ing them to express their empty Latin terminology
in the German language. The endeavors of the
ablest minds of the times, however, to harmonize the
i

Digitized by VjOOQlC

34 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

true doctrines of Aristotle with the theories of the
modern metaphysicians and natural philosophers,
were also participated in hy Weigel, whose views on
this suhject deeply interested the inquiring mind of
his young pupil.

During the residence of Leibnitz in Jena, he was
introduced by Vosius into an academic society, com-
posed of professors and students, under the name of
Societas QucBrentium, the members of which assem-
bled once a week, to interchange views respecting
the merits of new or old books of any celebrity.
This society continued in existence so late as the
time when Schiller studied and taught at Jena.
Leibnitz belonged to similar societies, also, at Leip-
sic, the papers of which are said to be still preserved
in the library of the University.

On his return to Leipsic, Leibnitz diligently
prosecuted his professional studies, under the direc-
tion of Professors Quirinus Schacher and Leonard
Schwendendorfer. Other branches of learning,
however, were not neglected. On the contrary,
Leibnitz was actively engaged in collecting those
almost boundless treasures of knowledge, which
made him the wonder of all who knew him. But
notwithstanding the accumulation of these stores of
learning, no relaxation was made in his favor of the
rule requiring the student of law to spend five years
in his profession, before being admitted to the honors
of a doctorate. This was to Leibnitz a source of
considerable regret.

A painful interruption was occasioned in these
pursuits, by the death of the mother of Leibnitz, in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 26

1664. Not long before this afflicting event, her
promising son, after having sustained a creditable
examination, had been promoted to the degree of a
Master in Philosophy. He therefore now found
himself placed in a situation, both in science and in
hfe, requiring greater self-reliance than he had been
before called upon to manifest. An occasion for the
exercise of this virtue in real life presented itself
immediately. His mother, on her decease, left to
him and his sister a small and involved property,
in which his maternal aunt, wife of the distin-
guished civilian, John Strauch, of Brunswick, was
also interested. Leibnitz, in consequence, was
obliged to visit Brunswick ; and though he was un-
successful in accomplishing the object of his journey,
yet the acquaintance of his learned uncle did not fail
to exert upon him an important and encouraging influ-
ence. Strauch quickly discerned the great capac-
ities of the young jurist ; and some time afterwards
sent him a learned epistle on the branch of law with
which his nephew was then occupied. It is to be
regretted, that in consequence of the misunderstand-
ing and variance which at that time sprang up
between the two families, the connection between
the uncle and nephew was of very short duration.

In the same year, Leibnitz composed his essay as
a Master in Philosophy, under the title of Specimen
Diffictdtatis in Jure, seu Qtuestiones PhUosopkiaB
amoeniares ez Jure coUecta; and in the year follow-
ing, he wrote and defended two treatises on Roman
law, entitled, De Conditionihus, These compositions,
revised and more or less modified, were published in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

36 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

1672, in a collection of essays on legal subjects,
under the title of Specimina Juris. In 1666, with a
view of obtaining a place afterwards in the philo-
sophical faculty, he also defended a treatise, with the
title of DispzUatio Arithmetica de ComplexionUms^
which was published in the same year as a part of a
treatise, entitled, De Arte Combinatoria. This last
publication is remarkable on account of its uniting in
a focus all the manifold philosophical views and
tendencies of this precocious thinker ; and still more,
so, by reason of its containing the germs of the sub-
sequent discoveries of the differential calculus, and
of the plan of an universal language. Leibnitz
himself afterwards said, that he considered this
treatise as an announcement of these discoveries,
and as a proof that they had been lying in his mind
in embryo a long time before they were fully devel-
oped and publi^ed to the world.

Leibnitz having now completed his twentieth year,
the time had arrived for him to apply for the degree
of Doctor of Laws ; and after having obtained this
highest academic honor, to enter upon the business
of professional life. But, strange to say, this honor
was refused him! The true reasons of this surpris-
ing act of injustice never fully transpired, until the
following explanation was given in his Fragment of
Confessions.

" The faculty of law in the University of Leipsic,"
says Leibnitz, " is composed of twelve assessors, who
are not professors. These persons occupy them-
selves much more with legal pleadings, than with

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 37

lectures and literary disputations. Into this faculty,
the doctors of laws in Leipsic are admitted in the
order of the date of their doctorate, whenever vacan-
cies are created by the retiring of any of the mem-
bers. I saw that in case I obtained my doctorate at
an early day, I should be one of the first to be ad-
mitted into the faculty, and be in a fair way of
making my fortune. But here a great contention
arose. Some of the candidates were desirous that
they alone should be raised to the honors of a degree ;
and that the younger aspirants should be compelled
modestly to wait until the next promotion. A ma-
jority of the faculty fell in with this proposition.
But no sooner did I discover the finesse of my rivals,
than I changed my plans, and resolved on expatri-
ating myself."

This resolution was carried into effect; and thereby
lost Leipsic and Saxony the great man who was
destined to become the pride of the German nation.
Leibnitz, on his part, never expressed a desire to
return to the land of his birth ; and it was said, that
it was not without reluctance that he ever afterwards
set his foot within his natal city. Certain it is, that
no proposition was ever known to have been made
by Saxony, for the purpose of effecting the return of
her highly gifted son. The memory of the young
jurist, in the city of his fathers, has passed away ;
and the curious traveller may inquire in vain of the
good citizens of Leipsic for the house, or even the
street, in which the great philosopher first saw the
light.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER III.

Leibnitz receiTea his doctoiate at the Uniyeraity of Altdozf-^De-
clines a professorship— Spends the winter of 1667 in Nurenberg
— Is made secretary of a society of Rosicrusians.

It was in the autumn of the year 1666, that
Leibnitz bade adieu to his friends, and set out from
Leipsic, with the design of seeking among strangers
the honors denied him in his own country. The
place to which he directed his steps, was the Uni-
versity of Altdorf, within the territory, and under the
superintendence, of the imperial city of Nurenberg.
Here, without delay, Leibnitz was admitted to an
examination for the degree of Doctor of Laws, and
to a defence of his already completed treatise, De
Casilnis Perplexis, This essay was printed in Alt-
dorf, and afterwards inserted in the before mentioned
collection of the Specimina Juris. Supported by a
most brilliant oral examination and disputation in
public, it procured for the meritorious candidate his
doctorate with universal approbation. Of this cere-
mony he ever retained a lively recollection ; and has
left us the following pleasing description of it in his
Confessions.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 39

** In my twenty-first year," says Leibnitz, " I re-
ceived the degree of a doctor at the University of
Altdorfy with great applause. In my public dispu-
tation, I expressed my thoughts so clearly and felic-
itously, that not only were the hearers astonished at
this extraordinary and, especially in a jurist, unex-
pected degree of acuteness ; but even my opponents
publicly declared that they were extremely well
satisfied. . . . Two superintendents of the schools,
who were present at the promotion, took a peculiar
way to express their admiration. For as I pro-
nounced two discourses on the occasion, one in prose
and the other in verse, the first was so perfect in
form that it had the appearance of having been
previously committed to memory. But as I proceed-
ed to the recitation of the verses, being compelled
from short-sightedness to hold the paper near to my
eyes, they wondered that I had not rather committed
the poetry to memory, as this could have been done
more easily. Thereto I replied, that they were in
error: I had not committed the prose oration to
memory, but so far as the words were concerned, it
had been entirely extemporaneous. As they could
scarcely credit this, I pointed them to the example of
the clergy, who, satisfying themselves with making
an imperfect draft of their sermons, vary from it at
pleasure, on delivery ; and assured them, that what
these clerical orators did in the German language, I
could do with equal ease in the Latin. Thereupon
I exhibited to them my manuscript, from the inspec-
tion of which they convinced themselves that it

Digitized by VjOOQlC

40 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

contained very different words from those employed
in the delivery of the oralion. This performance
gained for me great reputation in Nurenberg, so that
soon afterwards the principal clergyman of the city,
in behalf of the board of education, informed me that
if I were disposed to accept a professorial chair in
the University, the honor might be obtained for me.
But my thoughts were turned in an entirely different
direction." Leibnitz thought, it is most probable,
that a reform of the sciences, such as was then
already more or less distinctly contemplated by him,
could hardly be effected within the narrow limits of
an university ,* and though undoubtedly conscious of
possessing the intellectual and oratorical gifts req^ui-
site for such a station, he preferred bravely to follow
the intimations of the genius within, which warned
him that the point esteemed by most scholars as the
goal of their hopes and endeavors, was for him but
the starting-point of his career.

It was natural that Leibnitz, cut off from those
pecuniary prospects which had spread themselves
out before him in the place of his birth, should look
around for some means of support, in the strange
land whither his sensitive and active spirit had
allured him. The city which most readily presented
itself as a place of residence, was Nurenberg, into
whose learned circles his fame had already preceded
him. This small but opulent republic, comprising,
besides the metropolis, seven cities, a large number
of villages and castles, together with the University
of Altdorf, exhibited at that period the singular and

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 41

attractive spectacle of a free, active, and peculiarly
German mode of life. The ancient industrial activ-
ity of Germany, every where else prostrated to the
earth, had taken refuge, at that time, in the free
cities of Augsburg and Nurenberg. This state of
prosperity, this general activity of all classes of
society, had preserved the inhabitants of these cities
from that servile imitation of the French, which,
prevailing throughout the country, and especially
within the sphere of polite and courtly life, had
undermined the pristine virtue of the German char-
acter. To this high tone of life and manners, Leib-
nitz was not insensible. For the fine arts, however,
of which the birth-place of Albert Diirer presented
so many splendid monuments, no taste had at that
time been developed, either in the public mind, or in
that of Leibnitz. He was more attracted by the
useful, and also by those mystic arts, which, in the
then infancy of natural philosophy, were intimately
allied with the study of nature.

At the time Leibnitz took up his residence in
Nurenberg, there existed in that city, as in many of
the larger towns of Germany, a secret society of
Rosicrusians. These considered themselves as adepts
m the science of chemistry, and, zealously engaged
in the business of experimenting, were not without
some faint hopes of one day falling upon the precious
discovery of the philosopher's stone. To penetrate
within the charmed circle of this mysterious frater-
nity, appeared to the ardent spirit of the young
philosopher an object well worthy of his ambition.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

43 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

But young, and without influential friends, he could
devise no better way of gratifying his desires, than
by resoling to a singular artifice, to which, even in
his old age, he could not refer without a smile. As
we are informed by his secretary, Eckhart, he con*
suited the most profound books on chemistry to
which he could get access, and noted down the
obscurest forms of expression used in them. With
the help of these terms and phrases, he wrote to the
directors of the society a learned epistle, which he
himself did not understand, and humbly sued for
admission. One of the directors, a reverend clergy-
man, having, on reading the communication, no
suspicion but that the youthful applicant was a
regular adept in the science, not only introduced
him into the laboratory of the society, but even went
so far as to offer him the situation of secretary and
assistant, with a small salary. This the young
adventurer accepted, of course. His business in this
office consisted in registering the experiments of the
laboratory, and in' making extracts from scientific
works, for the use of the most distinguished mem-
bers. In this singular occupation Leibnitz remained
through the winter of 1666 ; not long enough, in-
deed, to realize the splendid dream of alchemy, but
at least a sufficient time to convince him of its dan-
gerous folly, and to qualify him for warning many
persons, in the course of his life, against the faschia-
ting arts of the " gold-making fraternity."

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER IV.

Leibnitz becomes acquainted with von Boineburg— Goes to Frank-
fort — Meets with Spener, the pietist— Publishes his Methodus
nova JurisprudentiiB— Is engaged by the Elector of Mente in
revising the laws of the German empire — Hermann Conring—
Literary and diplomatic labors of Leibnitz — His theological
writings— He edits the Anti-Barbarus of Marius Nizolius— At>
tempt to reconcile the doctrines of Aristotle with modem phi-

■ losophy — His theory of an universal ethei>— Possibility of tran-
substantiation, and the real presence — His fame and honors —
His correspondence with Anthony Arnaud, and Spinoza.

In the spring of 1667, Leibnitz met in Nurenberg
with a person whose acquaintance was destined to
decide the course of his whole future life. This
was the distinguished statesman and scholar, John
Chri stian von Boineburg, who had been for a long
time first minister^of the noted Elector of Mentz,
John Philip von Schonborn ; but who, at the period
of which we write, was residing in official disgrace
and learned leisure, at Frankfort on the Main.
Boineburg, who, like most of the great men of those
days, dabbled a little in chemistry, became acquaint-
ed with Leibnitz through one of his alchemistic
friends ; or, according to another report, accidentally

Digitized by VjOOQlC

44 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

fell in with him at the hotel where he was stapng*
during his visit to Nurenberg. The sagacious
courtier, discovering at ^ their first interview the ex-
traordinary talents of the philosopher of twenty-one,
and forming at once the highest expectations of his
future career, invited him to transfer his residence to
Frankfort. This proposal Leibnitz accepted, though
without any definite prospects even for the immedi-
ate future.

In Frankfort, Leibnitz found much greater facil-
ities than he had enjoyed at Nurenberg, for mingling
in the society of men both of learning and of business.
Among other remarkable persons, he here made the
acquaintance of the famous, though then youthful,
divine, Philip Jacob Speagr, father of the so called
sect of German pietists. But from the very begin-
ning of his residence in Frankfort, Leibnitz turned
his thoughts towards the neighboring court of Mentz,
the illustrious head of which was the munificent
patron of every kind of talent. Impelled by the
desire of bringing himself within the notice of this
prince, and also encouraged by the solicitations of
his friends, he published in 1668 an essay, entitled,
Methodus nova DiscendcB Docendceque^Jurispruden'
ticBf and preceded by an eloquent dedication to the
Elector. This production, though composed in the
course of a journey, without books, or any other
helps, is exceedingly rich in valuable ideas ; and is
remarkable as being the first of Leibnitz's reforma-
tory writings. Composed not altogether without
reference to Lord Bacon's great work, De Augmentis

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 45

Scientiarum, its chief merit consisted in the ability
and learning with which it exposed the deficiencies
of the existing systems of laws, and pointed out the
appropriate remedies. The new ideas of the young
reformer created no little sensation, at the time, even
among the most intelligent statesmen of the electoral
court. In the eighteenth century, moreover, they
were thought worthy by the learned Christian Wolf
of being brought out in a new edition; and were
also translated, not many years since, by a French
jurist, into the language of his countrymen.

This essay, presented by Leibnitz in person to the
Elector, procured for the author the favorable notice
of this accomplished prince, and, afterwards, an
honorable appointment in his service. It happened
at that time, that a learned jurist, by the name of
Herman Andrew Lasser, was engaged, by order of
the government, in revising the system of Soman
laws, for the purpose of better adapting it to the
existing circumstances of the German empire. In
this important undertaking, Leibnitz was associated
with Lasser, as an assistant; and was allowed a
small weekly compensation from the electoral treas-
ury. In his new vocation, Leibnitz labored with
such diligence as soon to take the lead in the joint
enterprise; and a pamphlet, published in 1668 by
the two jurists, entitled, RcUio Corporis Juris recon-
cinnandi, was from the pen of the younger associate.
He at that time also wrote a short essay on the same
subject, in the German language. This, at first
circulated in manuscript, was not formally published

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

46 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

until after the author's death. The great lahor of
revisiug the laws, however, interrupted as it was, on
the part of the younger jurist, hy a great variety of
other pursuits, was never fully completed; and,
indeed, the gradual introduction aflerwards into
Germany of new and original codes, rendered the
accomplishment of the undertaking, even in the
opinion of Leibnitz himself, quite inexpedient.

Baron von Boineburg soon became warmly inter-
ested in the character and progress of his young
protegSi whom he thus introduces by letter, under
date of April 22d, 1670, to the acquaintance of the
noted statesman, Hermann Conring. **He is a
young man from Leipsic, of four and twenty, doctor
of laws, and learned beyond all credence. Being
acquainted with the whole course of philosophy, he
is a good mediator between the old and new systems.
He is a mathematician, also, understanding physics,
medicine, and the whole range of mechanics ; and
is, withal, ardent and industrious. In religion he is
an independent thinker ; and, for the rest, belongs to
your [the Lutheran] church. The theory, and, what
is to be wondered at, the practice, also, of law, is
perfectly familiar to him. He is devoted to you with
love and veneration."

During his residence both in Frankfort and Mentz,
Leibnitz was, by turns, the secretary, librarian, ad-
vocate, counsellor and factor of his patron, who well
knew how to make use of the various talents of his
youthful favorite. One whole winter was spent by
the latter in superintending the formation of a cata-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 47

logue of the extensive library of the baron; and
another, in assisting him to prepare for a mission he
was about to undertake to Poland, as an advocate of
the claims of the Palsgrave of Neuburg to the throne
of that country, rendered vacant by the abdication of
John Casimir. To produce an impression upon the
Polish nation in favor of the Palsgrave, Leibnitz
drew up an able and learned state paper, which was
published in 1669, under the title of Specimen Be*
Tnonstrationum Politicarum pro Rege Polonorum
digeTido, auctore Geargio Ulicovio Lithiuino, The
authorship of this pamphlet was, at the time, kept
strictly secret. Even the Palsgrave, for whom the
writer had entfered the lists against his numerous
competitors, never discovered the name of his masked
champion. Leibnitz himself first disclosed it, many
years afterwards, to the then electoral house of
Neuburg, — saying that it had been his intention to
intimate his claims to the authorship, by the corre-
spondence between the initials of his real name
(Godefredus Vuilelmus Leibnitius), and of the as-
sumed one. The result of the baron's mission is
well known. The Poles, passing by all the foreign
candidates for the honors of royalty, selected a prince
from their own nation. But, though returning dis-
appointed, Boineburg spoke to his friends none the
less warmly in praise of his young assistant, whom,
in his enthusiasm, he called sumrrms summarum
rerum tractor et actor.

An attempt was for the first time made in the
above-mentioned pamphlet, to apply the method of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

48 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

mathematical demonstration, previously . employed
by Spinoza in philosophy, and by Hobbes in natural
law, to the solution of a question in politics and
diplomacy; — an undertaking, indeed, that betrayed
the youthfulness of the author, who was at the time
but two and twenty. The views introduced, how-
ever, respecting the science of natural law, contained
the characteristic features of the theory afterwards
developed more fully by Leibnitz ; but what gave to
this production some value in the eyes of its author,
even late in life, was the circumstance, that moral
and political principles were here treated as elements
in the calculation of probabilities. On the whole,
the pamphlet created, at the time of its publication,
no slight sensation among the then masters of polit-
ical science.

^ In the course of the ten years immediately prece-
ding Leibnitz's residence in Mentz, considerable
exertion had been made by certain leading Protest-
ants, particularly Hermann Conring and the theolog-
ical faculty of the liberal University of Helmstadt,
and, on the other hand, by the Catholic chapters of
Mentz and Cologne, to effect an union of the Pro-
testant and Catholic churches, and thereby bring
about a consolidation of the whole Germanic nation.
At the same time, in consequence of the prevalence
of the natural and mechanical philosophy of the
schools of Bacon and Gassendi, and also of the
refuge granted in his dominions, by the enlightened
Elector of the Palatinate, to the Socinians expelled
in 1663 from Poland, the doctrines of Socinianism,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 49

and, — if we may credit the complaints of the theolo-
gians of those days, — of atheism, also, were begin-
ning to take root in Germany. Boineburg, therefore,
who possessed a deeply religious nature, and who,
besides, had become a zealous convert from Luther-
anism and Catholicism, became deeply interested,
both in the project of uniting the Protestants and
Catholics, and, also, in the efforts of the partizans of
the orthodox churches to refute the opinions of the
free-thinkers. In furthering these plans, the sympa-
thies and services of Leibnitz were readily enlisted.
In 1668, accordingly, he was induced to write a brief
argument in defence of the doctrines of the divine
existence, and the immortality of the human soul,
against the attacks of the materialists and atheists.
The manuscript, given to Boineburg, and afterwards
to Spener and others, was finally published by
Gottlieb Spizelius, in his Epistola ad JReiserum
de eradicando Atheismo, under the title, selected by
the editor, of Confessio Natures contra Atheistas.
This argument, which continued to satisfy the
mind of its author hardly for a single year, was,
in fact, no more than a revised edition of an essay
on the same subject, published two years before,
in connection with his dissertation, De Arte Com-
binatoria. Not dissimilar in its contents to the
preceding essay, was another brief paper, composed
by Leibnitz in 1669, and published under the title of
Defensio Trinitatis per nova reperta Logica, contra
Epistolam ArianL In this paper, written at the
request of Boineburg, who had found himself no
match in the polemical arena for so practised a dis-

4

Digitized by VjOOQlC

60 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

putant as the Pole, Thissowatius, Leibnitz, without
attempting to adduce new proofs of the doctrine of
the trinity, contented himself with exposing the weak
points in the reasoning of his opponents, — JTtask for
which his early logical training most admirably
qualified him. This method of argumentation always
appeared to him abundantly adequate for satisfying
the minds of thosie who were disturbed by doubts
respecting the soundness of any part of the Luther-
an theology, as well as for refuting the opinions of
heretics.

At the solicitation of Boineburg, immediately after
his return from Poland, Leibnitz was induced to edit
a new edition of a learned work of the Italian, Mari-
us Nizolius, originally published in 1553, with the
title of Anti-BarbaruSf seu de veris prindpiis et vera
raticme philosopkandi contra Fseudophihsophos, —
The new edition contained an essay by the editor, on
the style of the original work, and also on the pecu-
liar advantages of the German language as a medium
of philosophical communication. The work itself of
Nizolius, being an attack upon the scholastic philos-
ophy, rather on account of its bgirbarous style, than
its faulty methods, does not appear to have been
considered, even by Leibnitz, as possessing, at the
time of its republication, much other than an histor-
ical value. The responsibility of the undertaking
was thrown by the editor upon his Mecs^nas, to
whom the new edition was dedicated.
/ The writings of Leibnitz at this period of his life,
show that he was earnestly engaged in attempting to
reconcile the doctrines of the ancient peripatetics

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 51

with the discoveries of the modern experimental
philosophers ; and with the hope of thereby gaining
an independent foundation, whereon to rear a meta-
physical system of his own.- In this transitional
state of mind, he busied himself, in the year 1670,
with the excogitation of a cosmological hypothesis,
published soon afterwards in two parts, under the
title of Hypothesis Physica nova, seu Theoria motus
concreti, and Theoria motus ahstraclL The first
part, with the view of making his name known to
the friends of science without the limits of his native
land, was dedicated by the author to the Royal So-
ciety in London. This was probably done at the
suggestion of Boineburg, who was a friend of the
secretary, Oldenburg. Having been favorably re-
ported upon by the distinguished mathematician,
John Wallis, the essay was graciously received by
the Society, and gratefuUy acknowledged through
their secretary. The second part was dedicated to
the Royal Academy in Paris, and was brought before
that learned body by the king's librarian, Carcavi, to
whom the author had been recommended by the
French geometrician, Ferrand. This essay, in both
its parts, which was considered by the author him-
self as no more than a *' dream in natural philoso-
phy," rejecting the vortices of the Cartesian theory,
represented all the motions of the universe as derived
from one universal movement. The principle or
cause of this movement was symbolically represented
by a fine ether, analogous to. light, and which, enter-
ing the pores of physical substances in the direction
of the earth's axis, produces under different condi*

Digitized by VjOOQlC

82 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

tions all the various phenomena usually attributed to
the principles of gravitation and elasticity. In this
theory, the distinction between body and spirit was
almost lost sight of, as appears Jn the declaration,
omne corpus est mens moTnentartea ; and the views
expressed in it, respecting infinitely small and divis-
ible particles of substance, may be re^rded as the
germs of the author's doctrine of monads.

Although the hypothesis of an universal ether was
never entirely given up by Leibnitz, who remained
to the last unable to adopt the purely mathematical
conceptions of Newton on the subject of motion, yet
the then prevalent view of nature, as a great self-
regulating machine, was soon laid aside by him.
This change of opinion appears to have taken place
in consequence of some theological speculations into
which he was led by Boineburg's desire to bring
about a union of the Protestant and Catholic churches.
•The Cartesian doctrine, that material existence is
composed of figure, extension and motion, appearing
to Leibnitz to stand in direct contradiction to both
the Catholic dogma of transubstantiation and the
Lutheran belief in the real presence^ his inquiries
finally led him to the opinion, that the existence of
material bodies supposes something previous to and
independent of extension. This something he de-
nominated stcbstancCi conceiving of it as combining
together both the spiritual and the material element.
And by this supposition of an immaterial principle
in matter, he thought to do away, not only the ap-
pearance of absurdity in these theological dogmas,
but, also, by showing their essential identity, to

Digitized by VjOOQIC "

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. S3

bridge the chasm between the two churches. Later
in life, Leibnitz gave up this mediating theory, as
well indeed as all hopes of finding a better one to
take its place ; but still he ever held fast to his view
of substance as the union of the material and the
immaterial principles, and made it occupy a very
important place in his peculiar system of philosophy.
The project, likewise entertained at this time by
Leibnitz, of uniting the Protestant and Catholic
churches, was never altogether relinquished by him.
He himself, however, remained true to the faith of
his fathers; though his relatives in Saxony were
not a little distressed, about this period, by reports
that came to them of his having been converted to
Romanism. ^

Meanwhile, the fame of Leibnitz, from his advan-
tageous connection with a statesman so widely
known as Boineburg, was gradually extending itself
to the neighboring courts of Germany. As early as
the close of the year 1669, the Duke of Hanover
wished to engage him in his service ; and a place,
also, was offered him at the court of the reigning
prince of Durlach. Both of these proposals, how-
ever, were declined, — the latter at the earnest solic-
itation of Lasser, with whom Leibnitz was associated
in revising the laws. In the following year, how-
ever, he accepted the office of counsellor in the
College of Appeals at Mentz, — the highest judicial
tribunal in the electoral archbishopric. Leibnitz, at
the time of this appointment, was not fully twenty-
four years of age.

It was about this period, also, that Leibnitz com-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

54 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

menced that epistolary correspondence with men
distinguished for learning and genius, which, in the
course of his life, extended itself to almost all quar-
ters of civilized Europe, and which, in the absence
of the literary journals of recent times, formed a very
important bond of intercourse between him and the
isolated scholars of the seventeenth century,
•through the intervention of von Boineburg, he
entered into a correspondence on the subject of the
union of the Protestant and Catholic churches, with
Anthony Arnaud, a noted disciple of Cartesius, and
member of the society of Port-Royalists. He also
sent a short memorial, on the improvement of lenses,
to that most profound metaphysician of his times,
Benedict Spinoza. Having gotten the notion that a
new kind of lenses might be formed, by means of
which the true distances and sizes of objects might
be measured from one and the same point of view,
Leibnitz wrote to Spinoza, to ask his opinion of the
proposed invention. This practical optician replied
to his youthful and unknown correspondent, with his
usual urbanity and obligingness, though forced to
confess himself unable fully to understand the nature
of the designed improvement. A letter written by
Leibnitz, through the medium of Oldenburg, to an-
other deep and original thinker of the age, Thomas
Hobbes, as well as a second one, afterwards sent to
the same person from Paris, appears never to have
received an answer. These letters treated of some
of the published views of the English philosopher,
and were partly complimentary, partly critical.

Digitized by CjOOQ IC

CHAPTER V.

Leibnitz becomes engaged in politics— -Is present at a conference
of German princes at Schwalbach — ^Writes a pamphlet on the
political afiairs of Germany— His jonmej to Strasburg— >He pro-
poses to Louis XIV the conquest of Egypt — Goes to Paris-
Enlists the Elector of Mentz in fayor of his project for the
conquest of Egypt— Writes to the Duke of Hanover respecting
it— Its fate— Its relation to the expedition of Bonaparte— His
occupations in Paris — He inrents an improvement on the reck-
oning machine of Pascal — His projected inventions — ^His ac-
quaintances in Paris— Anthony Amaud — ^Leibnitz superintends
the education of the son of Boineburg— Death of Boineburg^-
Leibnitz visits London — ^Robert Boyle — John Pell— Leibnitz's
rivals in discovery — His mathematical attainments at this period
— ^Death of the Elector of Mentz^His character.

We have now arrived at that period of the life of
Leibnitz, when he began to take a more prominent
part in politics. The subject whi ch now chiefly-
occupied his attention, was the danger to which the
y German empire was exposed from the aggressive
policy of Louis XIV. Thisj^eat and ambitious
monarch, after having invaded Holland, was threat-
ening to turn his victoriQUS arms against the domin-
ions of his neighboring rival, the emperor. To avert
so great a calamity, Leibnitz, in connection with

1

Digitized by VjOOQlC

66 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Boineburg, engaged actively in the patriotic endeav-
or to effect an union of the German princes in the
neighborhood of the Rhine. In the month of July,
1670, the Electors of Mentz and Triers, together
with the Duke of Lorrain, met in Schwalbach, to
consult together respecting the defensive measures
that should be taken by them, in view of the critical
condition of political affairs in western Germany.
The Duke deeme d it highly imp ortant, for the secur-
ity of his dominions against the encroachments of
Louis XIV, that they should all join the triple alli-
ance formed against France by England, Holland
and Sweden. Boineburg, who, together with Leib-
nitz, was present at the meeting, bpposed this policy;
and the latter, under the advice and direction of his
friend, drew up, within the short space of three
days, a pamphlet, entitled, "Reflections upon the
manner in which, under existing circumstances, the
public safety, both internal and external, may be
preserved, and the present state of the empire be
firmly maintained." (Bedenken, welchergestalt 5C-
curitas jpublica interna et extern/i und statiis prcssens
im Reich jetzigen Umstanden nach auf festen Fuss
zu stellen.) The object of this pamphlet was to
oppose the proposed union of the Germanic princes
with the triple alliance, — a. measure, it was alleged,
that would be sure to call down on them the indig-
nation of Louis ; and instead thereof, to recommend
the formation of a league among these princes them-
selves. This German league, it was designed,
should maintain a standing army of 20,000 men,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 67

intended in reality, though not ostensiBly, to prevent
the invasion threatened by France ; and should also
act in concert, in effecting various improvements in
the internal affairs and relations of their several
dominions. The views of the writer of the pamphlet
were eloquently and patrioticaUy enforced by a
reference to the internal wants of the empire, as well
as to the fearful storm then already lowering on the
western horizon.

The fears entertained by Leibnitz, of an attack on
the part of France, were soon realized. Irritated by
the strenuous attempts of the Duke of Lorrain to
unite the German princes in opposing the encroach-
ments of their ambitious neighbor, Lo uis» before th e
expiration of th e summer of 1670, overran the duchy
of Lorrain, a nd fifled it, together with the adjacent
Wshoprics, with an army oif 20,000 men. In this
posture of affairs, Leibnitz composed, in the following
November, a continuation of the above-mentioned
pamphlet, still urging the formation of the league
before recommended. At the same time, however,
he predicted, with no little sagacity, as the event
proved, that the arms of the common enemy would
be directed, in the ensuing season, not against Ger-
many, but Holland. The particular measure advo-
cated by Leibnitz, in these pamphlets, was never
carried into execution ; but a similar alliance was
formed, the year following, between the emperor and
several of the German potentates, for their mutual
protection, though ostensibly for the maintenance of
the peace of Westphalia.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

68 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

The political and judicial occupations of Leibnitz
were interrupted for a time, in the summer of 167 1,
by a visit to Strasburg, — apparently in the service of
his patron, whose son was then attending, in that
city, upon the instructions of the eminent statesman
and scholar, Bocler. With this gentleman, Leibnitz
had the opportunity of holding several conversations,
which, later in life, he often referred to with pleasure.
On his return, while sailing down the river so dear
to every patriotic German, his spirit was saddened
by reflections upon the exposed situation of his coun-
try; and on meeting again with Boineburg, he dis-
closed to him a plan he had several months been
revolving in his mind, for warding off the dangers
which threatened the peace of the empire. This
was no less than the famous project of proposing to
Louis XIV to direct the French arms towards the
coast of Egypt, with a view of subjugating the-infl-
dels beneath the pyramids of the Ptolemies. The
thought was, indeed, not altogether original with
Leibnit2. As long ago as the early part of the four-
teenth century, the Venetian, Marino Sanuto, made,
7 in his Secreta Fiddium Crucis, a similar proposal to <
the Pope of Rome. With this book Leibnitz was
acquainted. With him, however, originated the
design of calling the attention of Louis to this sub-,
ject; as his, also, were the labors which grew out of
its execution. Even in his Schwalbach pamphlet,
he had suggested the plan of a general crusade of
the Christian powers against the barbarians and
unbelievers. Erance,. he there .sj^idx was destined to

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 59

lead the armies of Christendom to the Levan t, — ^to
destroy the nests of pirates who infested the Mediter-
ranean, — to talfft fnrf^ihlfi pogsessi on of Egypt, — and
even send her colonies to the remote regions of the
Indies. On the occasion, also, of the election of a
successor to the bishop of Mentz, in 1671, Leibnitz
composed a congratulatory poem in Latin, in which,
apostrophizing Louis XIV, he alluded to the expedi-
tion to Egypt, and embellished his chivalrous pro-
ject with the graces of verse. It was not until the
year following, however, that Leibnitz really took a
serious view of his project, and united with J|oine-
burg in earnest labors to effect its realization. He
then entered upon the composition of a detailed me-
morial to the king of France, in which the conquest
of Egypt and the destruction of the Turkish empire
were proposed to the ambitious monarch, as a subst i-
tute for the contemplated campaig n ag ainst H olland.
The manuscript of this work, mostly in Leibnitz's
own hand-writing, is still preserved among his
papers, in the royal library of Hanover. Along with
this is also a smaller manuscript, likewise in Leib-
nitz's hand-writing, to which some one has given the
tide of De Expeditione j^gyptica, Epistola ad Regem
FrancuB Scripta. In both of these memorials, the
last of which only has been published, the greater
advantages to be gained from the expedition to
i ^SYP^f compared with those to be anticipated from
the war against Holland, are set forth with all the
eloquence, learning and acuteness of which the
writer was master. Owing, however, to important

Digitized by VjOOQlC

60 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

changes in the posture of European affairs, these
papers, prepared with no little study of politics,
geography, and military tactics, were not presented
to the illustrious personage for whom they were
intended.

The project, however, was not given up. Boine-
hurg, having some private business to be transacted
in Paris, proposed that Leibnitz, instead of sending
his memorials to the French monarch, should carry
them in person. To this plan, the latter, who from
youth had oast a wistful eye towards this chief seat
of Vk^atever, at that period of history, exalted and
embellished life, listened with no slight satisfaction.
Accordingly, he drew up a very brief statement o f
th e advantages which th e k ing_of France might
derive from a "certain expedition," the details of
which the writer was ready to explain to any person
his Majesty might graciously appoint to receive
them. The general tendency of this note was, to
dissuade Louis from the war against Holland, while,
at the same time, it was intimated that the proposed
expedition, b y__breaking up an important branch o f
the trade gf_ th6 _ Dutch^ would, in fact,. _be „ more
detrimental to their interests than. w_ouhLbfi_a.^ect
invasion of their territory ^

B ut the formation of a league by France and
• England again st Hollan d, rendered an attack by. the
French monarch upon the _ latter_country inevitable .
Boineburg and Leibnitz, therefore, were compelled
so far to change their plans, as to propose the expe-
dition to Egypt as an aHvfln|flgPnns iinHprtaTri>gr, in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 61

be attempted after the conclusion of Jhe war, which,
it was foreseen^ would be a shprtone. To the first
note, accordingly, Leibnitz added a second, written
in Latin, urging the most Christian king to under-
take the proposed expedition, upon the re-establish-
ment of peace. Both of these notes, in the hand-
writing of Leibnitz, are preserved in the archives of
the embassy of foreign affairs in Paris.

A few weeks after the notes had been dispatched
to the king of France, an answer was received,
through the minister of foreign affairs, saying that
his Majesty would be happy to listen to any commu-
nications respecting the subject suggested. Accord-
ingly, in ^ji ferch, 1672^ Leibnitz, accompanied by a
servant, set off on his singular mission to the court
of Louis XIV. Besides being supplied by his patron
with the means for defraying his travelling expenses,
Leibnitz was also furnished with a letter of introduc-
tion to the minister de Pomponne, wherein the bearer
was described as "un homme qui, quoique VappareTice
tCy soit pas, pourra fort bien effectuer ce quHl pro'
met" Arrived in Paris, Leibnitz proceeded to re-
quest the favor of the promised audience. For the
rest, all that is known is, that his propositions were
heard, considered, and rejected. He remained in
Paris, however, partly to attend to the private con-
cerns of his patron, and partly to await the arrival of
Boineburg himself, who, together with his son, was
soon expected in the French metropolis.

But notwithstanding the coolness with which their
project had been received by the king of France, the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

tip pe of preventing the ascendency of French infl u-
ence in the Ge rman empire, by directing t he am bi-
twn of Louis to the_plains of the East, was by no
means relinquished, either by Leibnitz or Boineburg".
They now resorted to the expedient of endeavoring'
to procure the co-operation of the Elector of Mentz
in the accomplishment of their purpose. Leibnitz
accordingly drew up a paper, to which the title has
been given of Consilium Mgyptiamm, wherein h e
gav e an expos ition of a plan for engaging the kin g
of France, on the conclusion of the war with Ho l-
land, in a crusade again^ the infidels of E gypt ;
while, at the same timejjhe emperor and the Poles
should make an attack upon the Turks by l^id.
The Elector caught eagerly at the patriotic proposal;
and straightway sent a detailed communication on
the subject to , the French monarch, then encamped
at Doesfeld. He even went so far as to offer to
mediate with the other European powers, tha t the y
should not interfere to prevent the speedy adjustme nt
of the terms of a peace with Holland, in order that
Louis might be able to set off at an early day, for
the banks of the Nile. Tt so happened, however,
that at the very time these propositions were ad-
dressed to the pious and heroic feelings of the royal
breast, his most Christian Majesty was secretly
negotiating with the Sublime Porte for the renewal
of the friendly and commercial relations that had
formerly subsisted between their respective courts
and countries. The answer, therefore, sent by Louis
to the French ambassador at the Electoral court, was

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 63

as follows : "As to the project of a holy war, I have
nothing to say. ,You know that since the days of
Louis the Pious, such expeditions have gone out of
&shion."

Still Leibnitz was not disheartened. Having for
some time carried on aT literary correspondence with
the Duke of Hanover, John Frederic, he resolved to
make use of the acquaintance he enjoyed with this
enlightened prince, to enlist his influence, if possible,
in favor of the Egyptian expedition. He accordingly
sent to Hanover a lengthy and very able communi-
cation on the subject. In this paper, the writer so
far resorted to the diplomatic finesse that was usually
practised in the European courts at that period, as to
conceal from the Duke the fact that his scheme had
already been rejected by the royal personage whose
assistance vtras represented: as absolutely indispensa-
ble to its execution. But both the arts and the
arguments of Leibnitz proved to be of no avail.
The letter, on the whole, however, so much interest-
ed John Frederic, that he immediately sent to the
writer a flattering invitation to enter into his servicer

All these negotiations, growing out of- the project
of the Eg3rptian expedition, remained, even until the
commencement of the French revolution, a profound
secret. The reason why Leibnitz so suddenly left
Mentz for Paris, was never known, even to his most
intimate friends and relatives. The general impress
sion was, that he was to superintend the education
of the son of Boineburg, in the French metropolis.
The report, moreover^ so widely circulated and cred-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

64 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ited in the beginning of the present century, that
Napoleon obtained" the hint of his Egyptian cam-
paign froih the memorials of Leibnitz to Louis XIV,
was entirely without foundation. It was not until
after the conquest of Hanover, in 1803, that Napo-
leon heard of the existence of these manuscripts
among the papers of Leibnitz, and received, through
General Mortier, a copy of the Consilium Mgyptia^
cum.

While awaiting the arrival of Boineburg in Paris,
Leibnitz, being prevented by the absence of the court
from attending to the private business of his patron,
devoted his time exclusively to the cultivation of his
mind, and the collection of useful information which
the French capital on all sides presented. At times
he buried himself, as he says, in the libraries, where
he discovered several rare and valuable documents,
particularly in history. Though not then initiated
in the higher branches of mathematical analysis, he
nevertheless amused himself with some attempts at
making discoveries in this department of science.
Having heard of Pascal's curious reckoning machine,
he at once invented an improvement on it, and
thereby attracted the attention of the minister, Col-
bert, who encouraged him to construct a model, with
his improvements, and sent him suitable artificers, to
render the necessary assistance. Pascal's machine
went through the processes of addition and subtrac-
tion only ; but that of Leibnitz was constructed to
execute those, also, of multiplication and division, as
well as of the extraction of the square and cube

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 65

roots ; and was designed to be used in topographical,
astronomical, trigonometrical, and various other com-
plicated calculations. Such eminent persons as
Amaud, Huygens, Thevenot, and even the friends
of Pascal, examined the model with admiration, and
confessed that the French invention was not to be
compared with it. In the year following, it was
exhibited before the RoytJ Academy of Sciences.

The mind of Leibnitz, at this period, was occupied,
also, with manifold and somewhat fantastic projects
in mechanics. He thought of inventing an instru-
ment for the perfection of geometrical calculations,
whereby the nature and contents of all conceivable
lines and figures could be determined without any
difficulty. In navigation, as he wrote to the Duke
of Hanover, he only wanted to verify a certain
experiment, which had been given out as true, in
order to devise a new method of finding the longitude
of any given place, so that the mariner might ascer-
taii> his position without help of sun, moon or stars.
In hydrostatics, he had restored the lost invention of
Drebbel, by means of which a ship could dive under
water, on the occasion of a storm, or for the purpose
of escaping from pirates, and reappear on the surface
at pleasure. In pneumatics, he had discovered a
method, whereby, with the application of compara-
tively little power, the atmosphere could be so com-
pressed in the barrel of a gun, or other receptacle, as
to generate a force greater thein that resulting from
the explosion of gunpowder. This pressure was to
be obtained by water ; and by means of it, engines

5

Digitized by VjOOQlC

bo LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

could be constructed of such power, that a vessel
propelled by them would be able to sail directly
against the wind, and could, no more than a cannon
ball, be detained in its course by storms. In optics,
he had invented catadioptrical tubes, in which, by
means of mirrors, many rays of light, that were lost
in the ordinary instruments, would be preserved;
and to this invention was to be added, finally, that of
a method, previously sought in vain, for measuring
from the same point of view different perspective
distances. Of these curious projects, none, except
the reckoning machine, was ever made public, much
less carried into execution. In the year 1675, how-
ever, Leibnitz, being still a resident in Paris, pub-
lished a letter in the Journal des Savans, respecting
a plan of his for the improvement of watches. In
this communication, the writer attempted to show
that watches might be constructed on purely abstract,
mechanical principles, without a reference to the
oscillations of the pendulum.

In the reign of Louis XIV, the French were far
in advance of their neighbors beyond the Rhine, in
the various mechanical arts; and Leibnitz, who
suffered no improvements, either in art or science, to
escape his attention, did not fail to make use of the
opportunities, presented to him during his residence
in Paris, to gain such information on these subjects
as might be of service to his countrymen. He con-
versed freJiuently with the most skilful mechanics ;
and was only hindered by want of pecuniary means
from extracting from them the most important secrets.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 67

Bat it was not only with artizans that Leibnitz
held intercourse. He mingled gladly, likewise, in
the society of the distinguished men of genius, both
natives and foreigners, whom the munificent patron-
age of Louis had assembled in his capital. Of many
of these persons, we shall have occasion to speak in
a subsequent part of our narrative. During the
earlier part of his residence in Paris, he was often
in the society of Anthony Arnaud, uncle of the
minister, Arnaud de Pompon ne, with the former of
whom he had corresponded on the subject of church
union. Arnaud, besides being one of the most
eminent theologians of the age, Was also well versed
in some branches of the mathematics: and could
therefore appreciate the mathematical talents of the
young universal genius. He was, however, of an
excitable temperament ; and did not always preserve
his equanimity of mind in his discussions with Leib-
nitz. Of the truth of this assertion, a rather curious
illustration may be seen in the following extract
from a letter of Leibnitz to the Landgrave of Hesse-
Bheinfels.

" It is about fifteen years," wrote Leibnitz, in 1686,
** since I one day went to visit Arnaud, in his house
in the Faubourg St. Marceau. He had collected
together four or six of the chiefs of his party, among
them Messieurs Nicole and St. Amand, for the
purpose, as I suppose, of introducing me to their
acquaintance. In the course of the interview, I was
led to speak of a short prayer, about the length of
that by our Lord, which comprehended, in excellent

Digitized by VjOOQlC

68 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

order, every thing that could be desired. It was as
follows. * O, only living, eternal, almighty, omnis-
cient and omnipresent God; the only living, true
and supreme God ; I, thy poor creature, — I believe
and I hope in thee, I love thee above all, I adore
thee, I praise thee, I thank thee, and I give myself
up to thee. Forgive me my sins, and grant unto
me this day, as to all men, whatever according to
thy will is conducive both to our temporal and our
eternal welfare; and preserve us from all evil.
Amen.' As soon as Arnaud heard this, he cried
out, as we were all sitting together in a circle, * That
is good for nothing, — there is no mention of our
Lord Jesus Christ in it.' For the moment, I was a •
little startled by so severe and unexpected a criticism.
Nevertheless, preserving my presence of mind, I
immediately replied, * For this reason must also our
Lord's prayer, and all the petitions which occur in
the Acts and Epistles of the apostles, and especially
that of St. Peter, offered on the occasion of the elec-
tion of a successor to the apostle Judas, be good for
nothing ; for in these prayers no mention is made of
Christ, or of the Trinity.' Thereupon my good
fellow was thrown into confusion, and we went out
for a moment to take breath." Arnaud nevertheless
remained strongly attached to his young friend, who
still continued to frequent his house.

Shortly after the occurrence of this incident, the
Baron von Schonborn, son-in-law of Boineburg,
arrived at the French court, on a special mission
from the Elector of Mentz; and with him came

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 69

tJie son of von Boineburg, Philip William. The
ambassador was directed, by his government, to
endeavor to persuade the French monarch to consent
that the interests of the German empire, so far as
they had been involved in the war against Holland,
should be taken into consideration by the congress
which was soon to convene for the purpose of
framing a treaty of peace ; and also that Cologne
should be selected as the place for the meeting of
this congress. In case the king of France should
not give his consent to these propositions, von
Schonborn was farther instructed to proceed to Lon-
don, to endeavor to accomplish the same object
■ through the intervention of Charles II ; and in this
event, Leibnitz was ordered to accompany him.

Boineburg entrusted his son particularly to the
care of Leibnitz ; and the latter, accordingly, assisted
by von Schonborn, took charge of the education of
the promising youth of sixteen, who afterwards dis-
tinguished himself as governor of Erfurt, was elevated
to the rank of count, and became known by the name
of the great Boineburg. The elder Boineburg died
suddenly, but a few days after having^ committed his
son to the supervision of the friend in whom, to the
last, he most fully confided. As his first duty,
Leibnitz did every thing in his power to console the
deeply afflicted young man ; and also wrote a very
kind letter of condolence to his bereaved mother.

Having failed of accomplishing his object at the
court of Louis XIV, the electoral ambassador, to-
gether with Leibnitz, left Paris in January, 1673, for

Digitized by VjOOQlC

70 LITE OF LEIBNITZ.

London. Being both ignorant of the English lan-
guage, they \^ere obliged to have recourse to an
interpreter. Arrived at St. James's, they found
Charles II no less disinclined than had been Louis
XIV to comply with the wishes of the Elector. The
visit to London, however, was by no means without
its advantages to Leibnitz. He spent his time, most- ^
ly, in making the acquaintance of those great men
whose names belong to this golden age of English
science. The city of London at that period could
boast of a Prince Robert in mechanics, a Boyle* in
chemistry, a Hook in microscopical observations, a
Kay in botany, a Sydenham in medicine, and a
Wren in architecture.

It happened to Leibnitz, as it does not unfrequent-
ly to self-taught men, that many of his discoveries
were made so late as to expose him to the charge of
pliagiarism. Thus when at London, he learned that
a discovery, made by him in that department of pure
mathematics with which he was most familiar, — ^in
the doctrine of the finite series and combinations of
numbers, — ^had been anticipated by another person.
Visiting Boyle one day, he happened to fall in with
the eminent mathematician, John Pell. The con-
versation turned upon the subject of numbers ; and
in the course of it, Leibnitz mentioned that he was
in possession of a method whereby, with the help of
a certain kind of differences, called by him different
tUB generatrices^ he could sum up the terms of any
constantly increasing or decreasing series. After
Leibnitz had explained his theory. Pell remarked

Digitized by VjOOQlC

i;.IFE OF LEIBNITZ. 71

that a formula of that kind had been discovered long
before by the able French mathematician, Regnaud,
and been fully explained in a work by Gabriel Mou-
ton, entitled, Observationes diametrorum solis et
luruB apparentium. This book Leibnitz had never
before heard of. Anxious to learn how far his dis-
covery had been anticipated, he hastened to his
friend Oldenburg, and procuring the work of Mouton,
found that Pell had indeed told him the truth ; but
that still there was enough in his discovery which
was peculiar to it, to prove not only its originality,
but also its superior value, in comparison with that
of Regnaud. Its superiority consisted in this, that
Leibnitz was able, by means of the same principles,
to calculate any progression, consisting of terms
whose numerators were unity, and whose denomina-
tors were any order of figurate numbers. The next
day, Leibnitz wrote an account of the circumstances
under which he first heard of the discovery of Reg-
naud ; and deposited it, as a historical document, in
the hands of Oldenburg. It afterwards became an
important item of evidence in the famous dispute
between the author and Sir Isaac Newton, respecting
the discovery of the differential calculus. In this
same paper, Leibnitz observed that he had early
discovered a beautiful law in numerical series, which
had escaped the observation of Pascal, in his work
on that subject; modestly adding, that "accident
rules in discovery, which does not always disclose
the most valuable truths to the greatest minds, but
frequently reveals them to persons of moderate

Digitized by VjOOQlC

72 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

capacity." Pell, it may also here be remarked,
mentioned Mercator's treatise on the rectification of
the hyperbola to Leibnitz, who took a copy of it with,
him to Paris.

Leibnitz, moreover, met in London with a rival,
by the name of Moreland, who claimed the honor of
having invented a reckoning machine similar to that
of the German philosopher. This, Leibnitz satisfied
his mind, however, was merely a combination of the
reckoning stafl* of Napier with the machine of Pascal.
A model of his own invention, brought with him to
London, was favorably received by the Royal So-
ciety.

This first visit of Leibnitz to London constituted,
as he himself also considered it, an important fact in
his unfortunate controversy with Newton; and he
afterwards, in a letter to the Abbe Conti, who was
one of the mediators between the controversialists,
gave the following account of the progress which, at
that early period, he had made in mathematical
learning. " It ought to be known," he wrote, in the
year 1716, " th§it at the time I first visited England,
in 1673, 1 had not the least knowledge of the infinite
series of Mercator ; and as little of the advancement
then made in the science of geometry, by the adop-
tion of the new methods of investigation. I was not
even thoroughly versed in the analysis of Descartes.
Mathematics were studied by me only incidentally.
I was acquainted simply with the geometry of indi-
visibles by Cavallieri ; and a book by father Leotaud,
containing the quadratures of the phases of the moon

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 73

and similar figures, — a work which had considerably
excited my curiosity. But more pleasure had been
experienced in the investigation of the qualities of
numbers, to which study I had been led in writing
the short tract on the Art of Combination, published
in 1666, when I was hardly out of my boyhood.
And as I afterwards observed the use of the differ-
ences in making calculations, I applied them to the
series of numbers. It may be seen, from my early
correspondence with Oldenburg, that this was at that
time the extent of my progress."

To Leibnitz's studies and pursuits in London, an
end was suddenly put, by the unexpected news of
the decease of the Elector of Mentz. In this prince,
Leibnitz lost not only a master he was proud to
serve, but also a patron from whom he had received
the kindest personal favors. In his eyes, the Elector
always remained the ideal of a great ruler. In his
Theodicea, Leibnitz spoke highly of the influence of
John Philip upon the culture of the German mind ;
and also in one of his letters, written after the estab-
lishment of the peace of Nimeguen, defending his
late master from the charge of having entertained
the design of betraying his country to France, he
pronounced him to be " a sublime genius, who la-
bored for nothing less than the universal welfare of
Christendom."

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER VI.

Leibnitz returns to Paris — ^Declines entering the service of the
Duke of Hanover, and also that of a minister of the king of
Denmark — His neglect of professional studies — Society in Paris
^Letter to John Bemouilli — Leibnitz's occupations in Paiis^
Baron von SchOnbom— Leibnitz undertakes to edit the works of
Martianus Capella — His intercourse with Huygens — His design
of establishing Mmself permanently in Paris — Correspondence
with his relatives respecting it— This design relinquished— Von
Tschimhausen.

In consequence of the death of the Elector of
Mentz, von Schonborn returned, early in March, to
Paris. Leibnitz accompanied him, bearing away, as
he expressed it, " the bloom and fragrance of English
literature, — all for forty thalers." Meanwhile, Louis
XIV had given his assent to the before-mentioned
propositions of the electoral court ; and Charles II
did not long persist in his opposition to them. Von
Schonborn, therefore, immediately returned to Mentz ;
but Leibnitz, fettered to Paris by his scientific inter-
ests, and not wishing to go back to Germany in the
then threatening state of political affairs, remained
behind. The latter, however, had already favorably
recommended himself to the new Elector, Charles

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 7&

Henry, of Beilstein-Mettemich, formerly Bishop of
Speier, by his verses written on the occasion of the
election of the bishop as the future successor of John
Philip; and he accordingly readily obtained permis-
sion to prolong still further his sojourn in Paris.

It was soon after his return from London, that
Leibnitz, as we have before narrated, wrote to the
Duke of Hanover respecting the Egyptian expedi-
tion, and received in reply an invitation to enter into
the ducal service. The ofier, however, of the title
of counsellor at the court of Hanover, together with
a salary of six hundred rix dollars a year, did not
present a very strong inducement for Leibnitz to
exchange his connection with the court of the Elec-
tor, and his situation in the great capital of the arts
and sciences, for a provincial residence in the then
unattractive north of Gemaany.

Not much more inviting was a proposal made at
this time to Leibnitz, to enter into the service of one
of the ministers of the king of Denmark. Already,
in 1672, a devoted friend of his, Habbeus von Lich-
tenstern, then residing at Hamburg, in the employ-
ment of the Danish monarch, had solicited Leibnitz
to accept an office, which he was ready to procure
for him at the court of Copenhagen. But this pro-
posal, made at the time Leibnitz was busily occupied
in negotiations for enlisting Louis XIV in a crusade
to the East, had not been accepted. After the inter-
val of a year, however, Lichtenstern renewed his
solicitations. He had recommended his friend to
the first minister of the king of Denmark, who, in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

76 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

consequence, wished to obtain the services of Leib-
nitz, as his secretary, and offered him a home in his
house, an appropriate salary, and the prospect of
future promotion. ^ Ahhough the reply of Leibnitz
to his friend did not contain an absolute refusal, yet
he gave him to understand that he could not at that
time comply with the wishes of the Danish minister.
" You know my disposition," he wrote, confidentially,
to Lichtenstem, "which does not incline me to heap
up gold, nor to surrender myself up to the ordinary
pleasures of men ; but I find my happiness in making
some solid contributions to the general welfare. If,
therefore, you think the Danish minister to be of a
serious turn of mind, inclined to favor by his influ-
ence obviously useful and practical projects, — of
which I cannot doubt, when I consider his high rank
and extensive reputation ; and if you also think that
I might expect to win his confidence, in a measure,
— for I am not accustomed to subject myself to the
political caprices of the great lords, and would much
rather hold myself aloof from these occupations, than
live in continual restlessness, — this presupposed, I
am ready, sir, to receive your commands; and I
hope that my zeal will not altogether fail of doing
useful service. But I must confess to you a failing
I am subject to, and which passes in the world for a
very serious one. I mean that I am often forgetful
of ceremonies, and do not always, at first sight, make
a favorable impression. In case much stress is laid
upon these matters, — as I do not believe there is, —
and if one must indulge in deep potations, in order

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 77

to be of consequence, you will at once understand
that I should not be in my element." Instead, how-
ever, of accepting the ojQfer of the minister. Count
Giildenlow, Leibnitz, on his part, made a proposition
to enter into the service of the king of Denmark.
He proposed to reside in Paris, for the purpose of
collecting and transmitting to the court of Copenha-
gen information respecting the various industrial
arts of France, and also respecting any improvements
that might be made, from time to time, in science
and literature. The stipulation was also made, that
he should receive the title of counsellor to the
Danish king. But it appears from the result, that
the Danish minister could not comply with the re-
quirements of Leibnitz ; as^ well, also, from the tone
of the letters and propositions of the latter, that he
did not seriously wish to form the proposed connec-
tion with Denmark.

Having declined these invitations from the north,
Leibnitz remained at Paris, in the capacity of coun-
sellor to the Elector. The ties, however, which
bound him to the electoral court, were fast growing
weaker. The possibility of not returning to Mentz
had occurred to him, even before leaving that place ;
and he had accordingly committed all his books and
valuable papers to the care of his fellow-laborer
Lasser. The smallness, also, of the remuneration
received from the Elector, compelling him to depend
partly on his private means for support, forced i|im
to entertain the thought of seeking elsewhere for a
permanent settlement. But he still continued to

Digitized by VjOOQlC

78 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

retain a deep interest in the great enterprise of re-
vising the German system of laws, though no con-
Tenient opportunity for continuing the work present-
ed itself during his residence in Paris ; and even on
his removal to Hanover, and after the death of Las-
ser, he sent to Mentz for all the documents pertaining
to this matter left by his associate, with the design
of completing their mutual labors. This design,
however, as we have before stated, was never more
than partially fulfilled. But Leibnitz excused his
neglect of jurisprudence during the four years of his
residence in Paris, by the consideration that the
studies in which he was then engaged were inti-
mately connected with that science. In fact the
fruits of these pursuits ^ere plainly visible in his
writings, on the principles of natural law ; and even
in his simplification of the method of reckoning
interest, as explained in his Meditatio jtiridico-matk^
CTTiatica de interusurio simplice, which was published
in the year 1683.

Whether Leibnitz, though known to have been
acquainted with many personages high in rank and
royal favor, mingled much in the gayeties of Parisian
society, we are not informed; nor are there any
beyond the most meagre records of the influence
exerted upon his mind by the fine arts which at that
period decorated the most splendid capital of Europe.
I'he creative powers of Racine were then just reach-
ing their point of culmination ; and Moliere died a
year after the arrival of Leibnitz. The latter once
saw the great comedian on the stage in one of his

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 79

own plays ; and also witnessed, with a satisfaction
not soon forgotten, the performance of the Ombre de
Moliere, composed in honor of the departed poet.
The connection of Leibnitz with the houses of Boine-
burg and Schonbom must indeed have given him an
introduction to the society of the most cuhivated
Parisian circles ; and thereby have enabled him, by
associating with tjie elegance and fashion which
surrounded the throne of Louis XIV, to perfect
himself in the social arts and accomplishments then
deemed indispensable to a courtier. But we possess
no information on this point beyond mere hints, such
as may be derived from the following letter of Leib-
nitz to John Bernouilli, under date of June 24, 1707.
The writer, after having spoken of the great self-
love and stubbornness of the learned Abb6 Gallois,
thus proceeded: "I was formerly intimately ac-
quainted with him, when he possessed the favor of
the minister, Colbert. One day I called upon Col-
bert, in company with the noble Duke of Chevreuse,
son-in-law of the minister. There I met Gallois,
who wus engaged in conversation with the younger
Colbert, also called Croissy, a short time before the
latter left for Nimuguen, to attend the negotiations
respecting a treaty of peace. The Abbe seemed
intent, by means of ludicrous remarks, on moving
the laughter of his young companion. For myself,
I could not but be surprised that a man, not without
distinction, should court the favor of the great by the
use of Wit that lacked not much of being scurrilous.
But it was said that even the elder Colbert, in mo-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

80 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ments of relaxation from the labors of his office,
allowed himself to be entertained by the loquacity of
the Abbe."

While living in Paris, Leibnitz was frequently-
engaged, by persons of distinction, to draw up memo-
rials to the court, or to prepare state papers of impor-
tance. To this employment he was indebted, in a
great measure, for the ease and propriety with which
he wrote the French language ; and for the posses-
sion, accordingly, of an accomplishment almost indis-
pensable to an authdr, who, in the age of Louis XIV
aspired to the honor of an European reputation. He
also derived his support, for the time being, mostly
from this occupation ; while his scientific discoveries
afforded him merely recreation and mental discipline.
These did not even give him reputation, he being
in no haste to make them public. In a letter to
Oldenburg, July 15, 1674, he wrote respecting his
occupations in Paris, as follows : " My mind is bur-
dened by a great variety of labors, in part required
of me by my friends, and in part by persons of rank.
Therefore I have much less time than I could wish
to devote to the study of nature and to mathematical
investigations. Nevertheless, I steal as much of it
as I can, and will rather gratify my mind with these
favorite pursuits, than occupy myself with matters
more for my pecuniary interest."

About the time when Leibnitz made this general
confession to his friend in London, his services were
engaged in the adjustment of certain private aJSairs
of no little importance. The Duke of Meklenburg-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 81

Schwerin, hated and persecuted by his subjects at
home, repaired in 1674 to Paris. This prince had
separated from his first wife, who was a Protestant ;
and thereupon, having himself gone over to the
church of Rome, married a Catholic lady. But
unhappy at heart, he was anxious to obtain a divorce
from his second wife, provided such a step would be
sanctioned by the laws of the land. The question
was one of very great difficulty. The Duke having
been recommended to Leibnitz iojp^counsel, the latter
decided in his favor. And long afterwards, on the
appearance of the able work of Launoy on the royal
prerogative in matters of marriage and divorce,
Leibnitz had the satisfaction of seeing his opinion
confirmed by that very high authority.

Some portion of the time of Leibnitz, moreover,
was occupied in obtaining payment of the claims of
the late Baron von Boineburg on the French gov-
ernment ; as well as in superintending the education
of the son of the latter, Philip William. This youth
had been commended by both his parents to the care
of Leibnitz, who showed his attachment to the mem-
ory of his patron, by the fidelity with which he dis-
charged the duties' of a friend, counsellor and
instructor to the son and heir of the deceased.
Philip William proved, however, to be somewhat
impatient of restraint, and, though endowed with
remarkable gifts of comprehension and memory,
manifested at that time a greater fondness for the
sports which invigorated the body, than for the
severe studies designed to develop the mind. This

Digitized by VjOOQlC

82 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

disinclination to apply himself to books, Leibnitz
zealously struggled against ; and endeavored contin-
ually to imbue the mind of his young friend with a
respect for useful learning and moral principle. The
connection, however, between the pupil and his
teacher, so important as it was to the former, did not
continue longer than one year, some misunderstand-
ing having sprung up between them, through the
fault of the relatives of Boineburg at Mentz. But
the most pleasant relations were afterwards main-
tained, and a protracted correspondence kept up
between the two friends, when Leibnitz at Hanover
was reaping the fruits of an European reputation,
and Boineburg at Frankfort and Erfurt had risen to
even a higher eminence than his father before him.
With the Baron von Schonbom, also, Leibnitz re-
mained on the most confidential terms, although it
does not appear that they had much intercourse with
each other after the latter left Paris. Before that
event, however, Leibnitz made frequent applications
to him for the discharge of friendly offices, and
among other things, solicited through him the pay-
ment of his stipend from the government at Mentz.
But von Schonbom advised him to relinquish all
hopes of remittances from that quarter, on account of
the unsettled state of the times, and to remain in
Paris until the political troubles should be entirely
overpast.

His mode of life at Paris gave Leibnitz no leisure
for the projection and execution of any great work
in science, although there was no lack of occasions

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 83

for the application of his learning or the exercise of
his intellect. When he had been about a year in
the French capital, proposals were made to him to
edit some one of the ancient authors, then in a course
of publication under the patronage of the Duke of
Montausier, and the learned superintendence of
Huet, subsequently bishop of Avranches. Huet
payed Leibnitz the compliment of inviting him to
select a work, the editing of which would require
not only classical learning, but also an extensive
acquaintance with the arts and sciences of the
modems. The author finally fixed upon was Marti-
anus Capella, the encyclopsBdian form of whose
writings, their critical difficulties, and especially the
ample opportunities furnished by them for learned
and scientific comment, rendered the task of editing
them highly attractive to Leibnitz, as it had likewise
before appeared to the youthful mind of Hugo Gro-
tius. Sometime afterwards, having finished a small
portion of his task, and being doubtful whether the
remainder would ever be completed, Leibnitz sent
what he had written to Huet, begging him at the
same time not to complain of his delay, as his labors
had been frequently interrupted. Indeed, the multi-
plicity of his pursuits prevented him from ever finish-
ing this first and last attempt in philological criticism,
engaged in out of good-will to the undertaking of
Huet, but which lay too far aside from the pursuits
of the philosopher and the mathematician, to become
the subject of heartfelt interest.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

84 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Meanwhile, so much attached had Leibnitz become
to Paris, that, in the year 1675, he seriously formed
the plan of establishing himself permanently in that
metropolis. Of the details of this plan, some notion
may be formed from the following extract from a
letter of his, under date of Oct. 20, 1675, to -ffigidius
Strauch, one of his relatives in Germany : " Having,
by my labor, and t^e blessing of God, amassed some
little property, I have found an opportunity of making
such an investment of it, as will yield a certain and
permanent income. Several distinguished persons
of rank, from whom I have received many favors,
have proposed to me to purchase a certain office, or
charge, the proceeds of which would, in the course
of time, suffice to discharge the small debt necessary
to be contracted at the outset. These persons,
having an important voice in the matter, retain the
office for me, and prevent others, who are willing to
give a larger sum for it, from anticipating me. For
myself, I cannot but think that the circumstances are
specially ordered by God, who makes all things so
wonderfully harmonize together ; and that it would
be both ingratitude and folly in me, declining his
proffered favor, to prefer uncertain hopes to a certain
resting-place. I think thus favorably of the office,
because, 1. It will yield about eight hundred rix
dollars annually, which is far more than the interest
of what I shall have to give for it. 2. In time of
peace I may calculate on its producing an annual
income of one thousand rix dollars. 3. Even this
sum may be increased, by the improvement of oppor-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 85

tunities as they may occur. 4. The situation is an
honorable one. 5. It will never compel me to act
against my country. 6. It may be held by Protest-
ants, as it has been before. 7. It requires but
moderate labor, and involves but light responsibil-
ities. 8. It will allow of occasional visits to my
native country. 9. It will furnish me with opportu-
nities of serving my relatives and friends. 10. I
could at any time dispose of the office."

But in order to carry his design of permanently
locating himself in Paris into execution, Leibnitz
was obliged to apply to his relatives in Saxony for
pecuniary assistance. These, however, were some-
what estranged from one whom for many years they
had not seen, nor even so much as heard of. In
fact, all the letters which Leibnitz had written to his
relatives, since his arrival in France, had, by some
unlucky mischance, failed of reaching their destina-
tion. All, therefore, that his kinsmen knew of him
was, that he had suddenly left Mentz, for reasons
known to no one, — that he had gone to Paris, and
afterwards to London, in the suite of the electoral
embassy, and that he was soon about to return to
Germany. His friends in Saxony had looked not
without distrust, even upon his connection with a
Catholic prince and prelate in Mentz; but upon
their learning that he had gone so far from them as
Paris and London, their suspicions of both his piety
and his patriotism were so excited as to betray them
into open complaints. Thus he received from his
brother, John Frederic, a letter, under date of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

86 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Jan. 7, 1674, full of severe reproaches. These were
read by the accused, however, rather with pity than
indignation ; and in reply to them, he satisfied him-
self with merely saying, that as he had written more
than one letter to his relatives, in the course of the
year, the charge of neglect was made against him
without cause. But this reply, also, never came
into the hands of his anxious brother. John Fred-
eric therefore forwarded another tidmonitory epistle
to Paris, which, upon its reception, called forth a
reply, wherein Leibnitz warmly defended himself
against the charges of having lost his interest in
either his father-land or his faith. The following is
an extract from it :

"My maxims are honest and generous. Never
from motives of self-interest have I done the least
thing for which my conscience upbraids me. In
the presence of nobles and princes, many of whom
have shown me no ordinary favors, I have fearLesji*
ly, but also rationally, maintained my freedom of
religous opinion; a^^d been regarded /iione the
less graciously, for they appreciated thb sincerity
of my convictions. I have aimed to do np' man
injury, and have therefore never ha<i an enemy.
Artifice I have thought it at no time necessary to
resort to; and straight paths have advanced me
farther than crooked ones have many others. Hav-
ing experienced the good fortune, wherever I came,
that persons of gentility wished to make my ac-
quaintance and enjoy my society, I have had, as can
be proved by the letters of several eminent princes

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 87

and gentlemen, not so much a deficiency as a super-
abundance of distinguished friends. My circum-
stances are such as lead me to perceive that God
never forsakes those who attend to his call and their
own duty. This I say, not to represent myself as
perfect, for I freely confess that, from want of expe-
rience, I have committed faults, both many and
grievous. But these have been corrected by fortune,
that is, by Providence ; and my good-will and correct
intentions, which, by the help of God, I will never
swerve from, have been favorably regarded. This
I write, because you may have had doubts respect-
ing my conduct, — unquestionably from want of
information merely, as my absence has not allowed
me, by circumstantial intelligence, to allay any
suspicions with which your mind may have been
visited."

At the same time, Leibnitz wrote to his relative,
^gidius Strauch, the letter from which an extract
has* before been given, and wherein he also made a
direct appeal to the generosity of his friends, stating
that, as the purchase of the proposed situation would
involve an expense of several thousand rix dollars,
he was under the necessity of looking to them for
the sum of five hundred. This request he felt at
liberty to make, partly on the strength of a claim,
which had descended from his parents to their chil-
dren, on the treasury of Altenburg ; partly because
for several years he had not applied to his friends
for any pecuniary assistance whatever ; also for the
reason that he was not without hope of being able, at

Digitized by VjOOQlC

bo LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

some future day, to return their favors ; and finally,
that he might be saved from the shame of having
his patrons and acquaintances in Paris think him,
from inability to raise so small a sum, the son of a
peasant, or a beggar. In this same letter, moreover,
the writer, referring to the suspicions which had
arisen in the minds of his relatives respecting his
conduct, declared that, so far as his country was
concerned, he was not without abundant proof of his
zeal in its behalf; and that, with respect to his
attachment to Protestantism, he had often said, in
the presence of persons of rank and influence, that,
were he ever so well convinced of both the correct-
ness and the safety of the Romish doctrines, — as in
fact he was not, — ^he notwithstanding would never
adopt them, under circumstances liable to render him
obnoxious to the suspicion of having acted from
motives of self-interest. In conclusion, said Leibnitz,
" I hope, after having fully arranged my affairs, to
make a visit next spring to Germany, — ^believing
that some credit will be reflected as well upon my
friends as myself, when I shall have at length
brought my ship into port, and be no longer com-
pelled to run after other people, even though they
be princes. For my experience has taught me that
one will then iirst be eagerly sought after by the
world, when he has placed himself in a situation
where he no longer needs to seek after it. . . . Not
having seen Italy, it is my intention to return home
by the way of a portion of France which I have not
yet visited, of Italy, Austria and Prague ; and on

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 89

my journey back to Paris, to pass through Hamburg,
Holland and England, — God vouchsafing me life
and health for this purpose."

But earnest and afiectionate as was the appeal of
Leibnitz to his relatives, that he might not pass in
Paris for "the son of a peasant or a beggar," it
appears to have proved unavailing. At the com-
mencement of the year 1676, we find him still in
doubt about his future career, having entirely given
up his plan of purchasing a situation and settling
down for life in Paris. He was completely free,
however, from all anxiety respecting his situation, —
partly, no doubt, in consequence of a present of con-
siderable value from the Duke of Hanover. The
year 1676, therefore, was devoted by Leibnitz, with
renewed zeal and success, to the prosecution of his
literary occupations. He at this time, moreover,
gained a valuable friend and fellow-student in his
countryman, afterwards the noted Walter von
Tschimhausen, who had fought as a volunteer in
the campaign of 1672 against the French in Holland,
and had afterwards traveled extensively on the con-
tinent. Tschimhausen, bringing letters from Olden-
burg, was cordially received by Leibnitz, who, inter-
changing opinions with him on the subjects of phi-
losophy and analogy, communicated to him those
views which were afterwards made the foundation of
Tschirnhausen's able work, entitled, Medicina Men-
tis. Leibnitz early foresaw the future eminence of
his gifted friend, while Tschimhausen, on his part,
acknowledged his indebtedness to the intercourse he

Digitized by VjOOQlC

90 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

enjoyed in Paris with his illustrious countryman.
This harmonious relation between the two continued
uninterrupted until .the death of Tschirnhausen, in
1708, — an event deplored by the survivor as the loss
of '^ an old friend and excellent promoter of their
mutual studies.".

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER VII.

Leibnitz discovers the differential calculas<»Histoi7 of the con-
troversy between Leibnitz and Newton respecting this discov-
ery.

We have now arrived, in our narrative, at the
period when Leibnitz made his name immortal, by
the discovery of the differential calculus. His short
visit to England, in the winter of 1673, had served
to awaken in his mind a very strong desire to perfect
himself in geometrical analysis, — a desire still more
inflamed, no doubt, by his subsequent nomination as
a member of the Eojral Society in London. This
honor, conferred upon him one year after the admis-
sion, into the same Society, of Sir Isaac Newton, of
whose name Leibnitz had then hardly heard, but
which was destined afterwards to be most intimately
associated with his own, appears to have been solic-
ited, according to custom, by the exhibition of a
model of his reckoning machine. Hitherto, Leibnitz
had been his own teacher in the mathematics ; but
the circumstance which took place, as before narrat-
ed, on the occasion of his meeting with Pell, had
revealed to him the disadvantages attending such an
isolated and unassisted course of study. Accordingly,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

92 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

on his return to Paris, he availed himself of the
instructions of the celebrated Christian Huygens, by
whose assistance he soon made himself master of
the higher mechanics and analysis; and to whom,
next to Galileo and Descartes, he acknowledged
himself most indebted in his mathematical pursuits.
He read, at that time, the book of Huygens, De
horologio osciUatorio^ together with the Letters of
Pascal, and the work of Gregory, of St. Vincent,
Be quadratura circuli et sectionibtis conicis.

It was in the course of this year (1673) that
Leibnitz £rst entered upon that career of original
mathematical investigation which he afterwards
pursued with such brilliant success. The first dis-
covery made by him was that of the differential
calculus, the following account of which we extract
from a letter of his, written to the Countess Kiel-
mansegge, in the year 1716 :

" Becoming intimately associated, after my return
from London to Paris, with Mr. Huygens, the
distinguished geometrician, I began to find great
pleasure in geometrical investigations. I made
rapid progress in my inquiries, and discovered a
series of numbers, which accomplish for the circle,
what Mercator has done for the hyperbola. This
discovery created no slight sensation in Paris.
Huygens gave it currency; and this, among other
circumstances, was the reason of my being offered a
place in the Royal Academy of Sciences.^ He

* This offer was declined by Leibnitz, because coupled with the
condition that he should unite himself with the Church of Rome.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 93

believed that I was the first person who had done
any thing of the kind respecting the circle ; and in
this opinion I wrote, under date of July 15, 1674, to
Oldenburg, with whom, though many letters had
passed between us, I had never before held any
communication, on topics of this character. Olden-
burg replied, December 8, 1674, that a Mr. Newton,
of Cambridge, had already done similar things,
respecting not only the circle, but all other kinds of
figures also, and sent me specimens. Meanwhile,
the specimen sent by me was sufficiently acknowl-
edged by Mr. Newton.

"But this," continued Leibnitz, "is not the main
point in the matter. For I went further, and com-
bining my early observations on the difierences of
numbers, with my recent investigations in geometry,
I found, in the year 1676, so far as I can recollect,
a new calculus, called by me, the differential calcu-
lus, and which, applied to geometry, has done
wonders. But as I was obliged to return to Germq^g
ny, having been called thither by the Duke of
Hanover, uncle of our King George I, and had ^so
many things to attend to during the brief remainder
of my residence in Paris, one can easily understand
that I had but little time for remaining in my
chamber, and prosecuting my meditations."

Still more expressly, and ua perfect accordance
vdth every thing published by him, Leibnitz wibte,
April 9, 1716, to the Abb6 Conti, who then acted as
a mediator between the two principal parties, in the
controversy respecting the discovery oflhe differen-
tial calculus, as follows :

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

94 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

" It was through Oldenburg that I first learned
something respecting the performances of Mr. New-
ton ; but I knew nothing about the extraction of the
roots of equations by means of series, nor of the
regressions or extractions of an infinite equation. I
was still something of a novice in these matters.
Nevertheless, I soon (1675) found an universal
method, by arbitrary series (series arbitrarii), arid
arrived finally at my difierential calculus, — a discov-
ery to which I was led, in part, by the reflections
made in my early years, upon the differences of
numerical series, and published in the tract, De arte
comMnatoria. For I arrived at this result, not like
Newton, through the fluxions of lines, but by the
differences of numbers; inasmuch as I at last
observed that these differences applied to constantly
increasing quantities, disappear in comparison with
the different quantities, while, on the other hand,
they continue to subsist in the series of numbers,
^d I believe this way to be the most analytical,
'since the geometrical calculus of differences, which
is identical with the calculus of fluxions, is, in fact,
nothing more than a special case of the analytical
calculus of differences in general ; and this special
case is more convenient from the disappearance of
the diflferences." In conclusion, Leibnitz remarks,
that plain marks of his peculiar discovery were
contained in a letter which, under date of August
27, 1676, he wrote to Oldenburg, to be communicated
to Newton.
. The three* decisive points above stated by Leib-

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 95

nitz, Tiz., the time of his discovery, its difference
from the fluxionary calculus of Newton, and the
documentary confirmation of it in his correspondence
with Oldenburg, have, in recent times, been strongly
urged in favor of the German mathematician, by the
great heroes in modem geometry, the peers of both
Leibnitz and Newton. These are Euler, Lagrange,
Laplace, Poisson ; and to them is to be added an
eminent mathematician of our own day, M. Biot.
The latter lays great stress upon the above-mentioned
letter (August 27, 1676), written to Oldenburg and
Newton, by Leibnitz, immediately before his leaving
Paris for Hanover. This was in reply to a previous
letter of Newton to Oldenburg, bearing date, June
23, 1676, and containing the results of the writer's
investigations on the subject of series, together with
the formula of the binomial theorem. The letter,
however, was destitute of demonstrations of any
kind, Newton merely saying, that " he was in pos-
session of a method whereby, in the case of ai^jt
given series, he could ascertain the quadratures
of the curves from which they proceed, as well as
the volume and the centre of gravity of bodies de-
scribed by these curves." All this, observes Bidt,
Newton could do by means of the fluxions he had
discovered in 1666 ; but then the same thing could
also be done by another process, made known by
Meicator. This, too, is what Leibnitz a&med in
his reply of August 27, 1676, adding, th^M^^he
made use of another method to accomplish these
objects, which . consisted in resolving the given

Digitized by VjOOQlC

96 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

curve into its linear elements, and transforming these
infinitely small elements into other equivalents; that
as to the questions respecting the way to ascend
from the tangents to the curves, he had treated
many of them by a direct analysis ; and that one of
these (which he also adduced) had, by means of
such a method of procedure, been mere play for
him." From this information respecting his new
method, which, in a general way, he called traTiS"
mutations^ and by means of which, all possible
curves might be reduced to simple ones, it may
clearly be inferred, that Leibnitz then made use of
infinitesimal quantities. "All this," remarks Biot,
"was more than sufficient to show Newton that
Leibnitz was at least on the way to a calculus simi-
lar to the fluxionary, — that he was close upon it, if
not then in actual possession of it."

Therefore Newton, in his reply to the last men-
tioned letter, made through Oldenburg, October 24,
Jp76, took the pains to inform Leibnitz, that he
himself, likewise, was in possession of certain new
methods, whose application to tangents and quadra-
tures he pointed out. But instead of explaining the
nature of these methods, he concealed them in two
sentences of transposed characters, in order, it would
appear, to have a proof of the priority of his discov-
ery in Leibnitz's own hands. This unwillingness
to make his discoveries public was, indeed, shared
'\ by Newton with the greatest geometricians and

natural philosophers of his century. But still, by
pursuing this course, he left an opportunity, even

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 97

though he were, at this period, in possession of his
method of fluxions, for any other person to come in
and share the honors of the discovery. For the
rules of literary justice require the publication of a
discovery as the only unquestionable proof of its
existence, and of the period of its origin ; and who-
soever chooses to retain for himself the sole use and
benefit of any new method or result in science, runs
the risk of being obliged to divide his fame with
another.

This disposition, so common among mathema-
ticians, to withhold their discoveries, did not at all
belong to Leibnitz. To the letter of Newton con-
taining the transposed characters, Leibnitz replied,
under date of June 21, 1677, with a plain and full
exposition of the infinitesimal calculus, with its
algorithm, its rules, the mode of forming the differ-
ential equations, and the application of this process
to problems in analytical geometry. The figures
employed in this exposition are marked with the
same letters, and exhibit the same mode of notation,
which Leibnitz had used in his letter to Oldenburg,
written immediately before leaving Paris, wherein
he explained the method of transmutation, — a cir-
cumstance going far to convince us of the identity
of the two methods. Upon this letter (August 27,
1676), accordingly, too much stress cannot be laid, in
an examination of the respective merits of the two
illustrious rivals. And yet this letter, which seemed
to Newton of sufficient importance to elicit the reply
containing the transposed characters, — this letter, as

7

Digitized by VjOOQlC

98 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Biot observes, Brewster, the latest biographer of
Newton, has taken no notice of whatever !

In fine, — stiQ to express the views of Biot, — ^a
succession of ideas so clear and connected as that
contained in Leibnitz's exposition of the difierential
calculus, united with a perfectly abstract mode of
generating magnitudes, and expressed by a particu-
lar algorithm as remarkable for its simplicity as its
exactitude in all applications of it to analytical and
geometrical questions, must, in the eyes of geome-
tricians, be regarded as furnishing strong evidence
of the originality of the discovery by Leibnitz ; — of
his discovery, not of the calculus of fluxions, pos-
sessed by Newton unquestionably before the year
1669; though burdened with the idea of motion, and
destitute of an algorithm, but of the abstract differen-
tial calculus, wtth its algorithm, its complete meta-
physics, and its universal methods. And so, in fact,
have the four greatest authorities which can be quoted
on this subject decided ; although Euler, Lagrange,
Laplace and Poisson, all agree that the germ of the
methods of both Leibnitz and Newton existed pre-
viously in the discoveries of Peter Fermat. Laplace
has clearly set forth the error of the Royal Society
in London, which, undertaking to decide between
the conflicting claims of Leibnitz and Newton, af-
firmed that " the differential method is one and the
same with the method of fluxions, excepting in the
name and the mode of notation." Laplace saw in
the notation itself the principle of the new calculus ;
and Poisson decided that " the differential calculus
did not originate farther back than with Leibnitz, the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 99

originator of the algorithm and the notation, which,
since the origin of this calculus, have every where
gained the ascendency, and to which the infinitesi-
mal analysis owes all its advances."

With this brief statement of the essential difier-
ence between the differential calculus and the method
of fluxions, of the time of the origin of the former,
and of its superiority over the latter, the question
respecting the originality of Leibnitz*s great discov-
ery may be considered as settled. But after the
solution of the main historical problem, we have
still to narrate the progress of a personal controversy,
which not only enlisted on different sides the most
distinguished scientific men of Europe, but even
brought out two great nations in hostile array against
each other.

As has been already mentioned, to Newton's letter
containing the transposed characters, Leibnitz replied
with a full exposition of the principles of his differen-
tial calculus. He had, moreover, the frankness to
make in this reply the following declaration: "I
suspect that what Newton wished to conceal respect**
ing the method of drawing tangents, is not very
different from these discoveries of my own." (-4r-
hitroTi qucB celare voluit Newtomts de tangentUms
dticendisy ah his non ahlvdere.) Newton, however,
instead of reciprocating this candor, at once broke off
the correspondence with the German mathematician ;
and, in consequence, all intercourse between the
illustrious competitors, who indeed had never seen,
and but rarely written directly to, each other, was

Digitized by VjOOQlC

100 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

discontinued for the remainder of thfeir lives. This
singular step on the part of Newton has been attrib-
uted by his friends to the death, soon afterwards, of
Oldenburg, who, as secretary of the Royal Society,
was accustomed to form a medium of communication
between its distant members, — as if the same friendly
office could not have been performed by his succes-
sor, and as if, after having received a letter of such
importance as that containing the original documen-
tary evidence of the discovery of the differential
calculus, Newton needed the intervention of a third
person, in order to find out Leibnitz. The benefits
which, in the course of sdmost half a century, would
have accrued to science from the harmonious connec-
tion, thus unceremoniously dissolved, of these two
great philosophers, can hardly be too highly esti-
mated, when we consider the valuable fruits of even
their isolated labors, — ^not to mention the influence
which would have been exerted by their mutual
friendship upon the cause of virtue, not merely in a
single nation, or during the course of one or more
generations, but upon the civilized portion of the
human race, throughout all time. Leibnitz, be it
observed, had simply expressed the conjecture that
what was concealed in Newton's transposed charac-
ters, did not differ very widely from the principles of
his own differential calculus ; and must undoubtedly
have awaited the confirmation of this so freely vol-
unteered acknowledgment with no little interest.
But Newton chose to make no reply ; and the Ger-
man mathematician had the dissatisfaction of seeing

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 101

his secret, at that time communicated to no other
person, in the possession of a rival, whose frankness,
at least, he was tempted to look upon with suspicion.
During several successive years, Leibnitz occupied
his leisure in developing and perfecting the analysis
of infinitesimal quantities, until, in 1684, he proceed-
ed to publish the results of his labors in the Acta
Eruditarum; and thereby called forth the admiration
of the whole scientific world at the richness and
brilliancy of his discovery. Even the brothers Ber-
nouilli, and the Marquis de I'Hopital, who might
well pass for masters in mathematical science, con-
fessed themselves the pupils of the author of the new
methods ; and Huygens, also, notwithstanding some
reluctance at first, finally thought it not beneath his
own reputation to ofier the most cordial and grateful
acknowledgments to the fortunate discoverer of the
dififerential calculus. The generous sentiments of
Leibnitz himself respecting the publication of his
discovery may be learned from the following remarks
made ten years afterwards: "I gave the elements
of the new analysis several years since to the public,
having a greater regard for the general good th^n
for my own reputation, which I might perhaps have
more promoted by keeping the methods longer in
my possession. But it gives me pleasure to see the
fruits of seeds scattered by my own hand growing in
the gardens of others. For it lay neither in my
power to carry out this discovery sufficiently, nor
were there wanting objects to invite me into new
paths of investigation. This, indeed, I always con-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

102 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

sidered the main thing ; and ever prized the methods
far higher than the particular illustrations of them,
notwithstanding these last are generally received
with the greatest applause."

In the year 1684, Leibnitz published the essay,
Nova method/US pro maximis et minimis; but made
in it no allusion whatever to the correspondence
carried on between Newton and himself, respecting
the differential calculus. This circumstance, of
itself, shows the sensitiveness of his mind on account
of the neglect of Newton to answer his last letter,
containing the exposition of his great discovery ; and
certain it is, as may be learned from the correspond-
ence between Huygens and Fatio de Duillier, that
the omission in this essay of any reference to New-
ton was not a little displeasing to the latter. In this
essay, moreover, as indeed in every thing written by
Leibnitz after the publication of the differential cal-
culus, one will look in vain for a recognition of the
claims of any person besides himself to the honor of
that discovery. He claimed this honor himself, as
he was confessedly the first person who published
it to the world, both in its principles and their
applications.

When, then, Newton, two years after the last
mentioned essay of Leibnitz, published his Principia,
containing a general explanation of the fluxionary
method, together with the great discoveries made by
means of it, he took no ^jotice of the differential
calculus before given to the public by Leibnitz. To
the second lemma of the second book, however, he

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 103

added his famous scholium respecting his corre-
spondence with the German mathematician. It was
as follows : " In a correspondence which took place
about ten years ago between that very skilfiil
geometrician, G. W. Leibnitz, and myself, I an-
nounced to him that I possessed a method of deter-
mining maxima and minima, of drawing tangents,
and of performing similar operations, which was
equally applicable to rational and irrational quanti-
ties, and concealed the same in transposed letters,
inrolving this sentence, {data equatume quotcunque
Jhtentes quantitates involventef Jhcxumes invenire et
vice versa,) This illustrious man replied that he
also had fallen on a method of the same kind, and
he communicated to me his method, which scarcely
differed from mine, except in the notation [and in
the idea of the generation of quantities.**]*

The object of this scholium, as its author after-
wards declared, was to establish the priority of his
discovery of the method of fluxions, which he con-
sidered identical with the differential calculus, pub-
lished two years before by Leibnitz. But it was
construed by Leibnitz and his friends as an acknow-
ledgment, on the part of Newton, of the rights of
the former ; and was, in consequence, entirely left
out in the third edition of the Principia. Biot,
though he put the same interpretation on the scholi-
um as Leibnitz and his friends did, observed that
there was an ambiguity in the words, "this illustri-

*Theie worda in brackets are in the second edition, and not in
the first

■'.'. Digitized by VjOOQlC

104 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ous man replied that he had fallen on a method of
the same kind." For to a person who was unac-
quainted with the correspondence between the two
mathematicians (which had in fact not then been
made public), these words, in the connection in which
they stood, might have conveyed the idea that Leib-
nitz had found out the key to the transposed charac-
ters; while Leibnitz, on the contrary, had given no
such intimation, but merely thrown out a conjecture
altogether characteristic of the frankness and gener-
osity of his character. It is a circumstance, we may
add, not easily reconcilable with the sincerity of
Newton, that he omitted in the scholium all reference
to the important letter of Leibnitz, of August 24,
1676.

The Principia, one of the greatest monument^ of
human genius the world has ever witnessed, instead
of reconciling Leibnitz to his illustrious rival, had,
unfortunately, the effect to widen still farther the
separation. No one, in fact, was so reluctant as
Leibnitz to acknowledge the great merits of this
work; no one did so much as he to oppose the
influence of it on the continent. One is tempted,
with Biot, to believe that, he never read the book, or
at most, had merely looked over it. And when we
consider thajt it was written in the synthetic form,
which Leibnitz was averse to employing in math-
ematical investigations, and especially that the
thorough study of the work would have required
much more time and labor than Leibnitz had to spare
for mathematical studies, the conjecture acquires a

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 105

good degree of probability. In fact, Leibnitz derived
his first knowledge of the Principia from an extract
from it in the Acta Eruditorum for 1689, which he
received while travelling in Italy ; and to which he
immediately replied, in an essay published in the
same joumsd, with the title of Tentamen de rnotuum
celestium causis. We must remember, moreover,
that Leibnitz's opposition to the natural philosophy
of Newton grew, in part, out of his peculiar meta-
physical principles, as may be seen in his correspond-
ence with Samuel Clark ; and it must also be con-
fessed that the Newtonian mechanism of the heavens
contained many imperfections, which, afterwards
removed by Laplace, were at the time carried out by
Leibnitz to their false and absurd consequences.

We have now to turn our attention for a moment
to one of the subordinate persons in this controversy.
Among the zealous disciples of Newton, was M.
Nicolas Fatio de Duillier, a Swiss mathematician
resident in London ; and though he lived to see his
name cast out with dishonor, he succeeded at one
period of his life in gaining the confidence of the
most distinguished natural philosophers of his time.
This person, having taken ofi[ence at some neglect of
him by Leibnitz, had the presumption, in his corre-
spondence with Huygens, to declare that Leibnitz,
instead of being the original author of the differential
calculus, had obtained his first idea of it from New-
ton's letter to him on the subject ; and also to express
his surprise that Leibnitz had made no reference to
this information in the Acta Ertcditorum. This

Digitized by VjOOQlC

106 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

charge, together with several gratuitous aspersions
on the character of Leibnitz, Fatio took occasion to
make public, in a paper communicated to the Royal
Society in 1699, on the line of quickest descent.
" Compelled by the evidence of facts," said he, " I
hold Newton to have been the first inventor of this
calculus, and the earliest by several years; and
whether Leibnitz, the second inventor, has borrowed
any thing from the other, I would prefer to my own
judgment that of those who have seen the letters,
and other copies of the same manuscripts of New-
ton." . This attack called forth from Leibnitz a reply
in the Acta Eruditorum, entitled, Besponsio ad Bu,
Nic. Fatii Duillierii impuiationes. This reply,
though full of irony i^ its allusions to Fatio, was
temperate and dignified in its tone, and made the
most honorable mention of Newton. "At least,"
said the writer, referring to Newton, " the excellent
man appeared, in several conversations with friends
of mine, to manifest a kind disposition towards me,
and made to them no complaints, so far as I know.
In public, also, he has spoken of me in terms which
it would be most unj.ust to find fault with. I, too,
have acknowledged his great services on appropriate
occasions ; and he best knows, as in his Principia he
has also expKcitly and publicly testified, that neither
of us is indebted, for the geometrical discoveries
made in common by us both, to any light kindled by
the other, but to his own meditations ; and that these
discoveries were explained and set forth by me so
long as ten years ago (accordingly about the year

Digitized by

GoQgte^

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 107

1676). At least, when I published my elements of
the differential calculus, in 1684, 1 knew nothing of
his discoveries in this department, except what he
himself had told me in one of his letters, wherein he
stated that he could draw tangents without getting
rid of the irrational quantities, — ^which was no more
than Huygens, as he himself afterwards informed
me, could also do, though he was not further ac-
quainted with this calculus. That Newton had
accomplished much more than this, I first learned on
meeting with his Principia ; but that he was occu-
pied with a calculus so similar to the differential,
was not known to me until the appearance of the
first two parts of the work of Wallis, to which my
attention was called by Huygens, who sent me an
extract referring to Newton."

The appearance of constraint so obvious in the
foregoing acknowledgment of the rights of Newton,
while the writer at the same time claims for himself
the honor of an original discoverer, and appeals to
the celebrated scholium in the Principia, as a con-
firmation of his claims, shows that as there had been
much irony in his allusions to Fatio, so there was
some insincerity in his compliments to Newton.
And when we consider the expression in the JSe-
sponsiOf " a calculus so similar to the differential,"
and also observe the whole tenor of this reply
describing the relation sustained by the writer to
Newton, we can hardly refrain from believing that
Leibnitz intended not only to disavow the charge of
plagiarism brought against him by the friend and

Digitized by VjOOQlC

108 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

intimate associate of Newton, but even to suggest
that Newton might be guilty of this very crime
himself. The sensibilities of Leibnitz must have
been deeply wounded by an accusation of this kind,
proceeding from a person so closely allied to New-
ton ; and we accordingly find him soon afterwards
retorting the charge.

In 1704, Newton, in publishing his celebrated
work on optics, appended to it two treatises, com-
posed a long time before, on the method of fluxions.
This was obviously done for the purpose of vindica-
ting his claim to the priority of his calculus, con-
sidered by him as identical with the diflerential.
Thereupon appe^ed in the Acta Eruditarum of the
next year, an anonymous critique upon this work, in
which occurred the passage following. "Instead,
therefore, of the differences of Leibnitz, Newton
applies, and has always applied, fluxions, . . . and
made elegant use of them in his Principia, and other
writings published afterwards; as also Honoratus
Fabrius, in his Synopsi Geometrica, substituted
progressive motion in place of the indivisibles of
Cavallieri." (Pro differentiis igitur Leibnitianis D.
Newtonus adhibit, semperque adhibuit, fluxiones, . . .
iisque tam in suis Principiis NatursB Mathematicis,
tum in aliis post editis, eleganter est usus ; quem
admodum et Honoratus Fabrius in sua Synopsi
Geometrica, motuumque progressus Cavallerian©
methodo substituit.) As now Fabrius, instead of
being the author of the method here referred to, had
borrowed it from Cavallieri, merely changing the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 109

notation, it was a natural Inference that the anony-
mous writer designed indirectly to charge Newton
with the same crime which Fatio had imputed to
Leibnitz. A long dispute arose respecting thef
authorship of this obnoxious critique. Leibnitz
would not allow that he knew who had written it,
and also endeavored to explain away the offensive
sense of the words above quoted ; but, in truth, this
sense can no 'more be disputed, than can the fact,
we fear, that the author c^f the article was no other
than Leibnitz himself. At least, there are in the
Pauline library, at Leipsic, numerous manuscripts,
with the name of Leibnitz attached to them, which
were published anonymously by him, in the Acta
Eruditorum; and among them is the original manu-
script of the critique in question. For this informa-
tion we are indebted to Ludovici, who, however,
was not aware of its literary importance.

The friends of Newton knowing, at least, that the
Acta Ervditorum was the organ of Leibnitz, even if
the obnoxious article were not from his pen, were
extremely offended at the accusation contained in it.
Accordingly, in 1708, one of Newton's most zealous
disciples, John Keill, Professor of astronomy at
Oxford, published a paper in the philosophical
transactions of the Royal Society, wherein he rei^
erated the charge of plagiarism, made against Leib-
nitz, by Fatio, declaring that "the same calculus
(Newton's) was afterwards published by Leibnitz,
the name and the mode of notation being changed."
Hereupon Leibnitz, under date of March 4, 1711,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

108 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

intimate associate of Newton, but even to suggest
that Newton might be guilty of this very crime
himself. The sensibilities of Leibnitz must have
been deeply wounded by an accusation of this kind,
proceeding from a person so closely allied to New-
ton ; and we accordingly find him soon afterwards
retorting the charge.

In 1704, Newton, in publishing his celebrated
work on optics, appended to it two treatises, com-
posed a long time before, on the method of fluxions.
This was obviously done for the purpose of vindica-
ting his claim to the priority of his calculus, con-
sidered by him as identical with the differential.
Thereupon appestred in the Acta Eruditorum of the
next year, an anonymous critique upon this work, in
which occurred the passage following. "Instead,
therefore, of the differences of Leibnitz, Newton
applies, and has always applied, fluxions, . . . and
made elegant use of them in his Principia, and other
vmtings published afterwards; as also Honoratus
Fabrius, in his Synopsi Geometrica, substituted
progressive motion in place of the indivisibles of
Cavallieri." (Pro differentiis igitur Leibnitianis D.
Newtonus adhibit, semperque adhibuit, fluxiones, . . .
iisque tam in suis Principiis Naturae Mathematicis,
tum in aliis post editis, eleganter est usus ; quem
admodum et Honoratus Fabrius in sua Synopsi
Geometrica, motuumque progressus Cavallerianae
methodo substituit.) As now Fabrius, instead of
being the author of the method here referred to, had
borrowed it from Cavallieri, merely changing the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 109

notation, it was a natural inference that the anony-
mous writer designed indirectly to charge Newton
with the same crime which Fatio had imputed to
Leibnitz. A long dispute arose respecting thef
authorship of this obnoxious critique. Leibnitz
would not allow that he knew who had written it,
and also endeavored to explain away the offensive
sense of the words above quoted; but, in truth, this
sense can no 'more be disputed, than can the fact,
we fear, that the author c^f the article was no other
than Leibnitz himself. At least, there are in the
Pauline library, at Leipsic, numerous manuscripts,
with the name of Leibnitz attached to them, which
were published anonymously by him, in the Acta
Eruditorum; and among them is the original manu-
script of the critique in question. For this informa-
tion we are indebted to Ludovici, who, however,
was not aware of its literary importance.

The friends of Newton knowing, at least, that the
Acta Eruditorum was the organ of Leibnitz, even if
the obnoxious article were not from his pen, were
extremely offended at the accusation contained in it.
Accordingly, in 1708, one of Newton's most zealous
disciples, John Keill, Professor of astronomy at
Oxford, published a paper in the philosophical
transactions of the Royal Society, wherein he reit-
erated the charge of plagiarism, made against Leib-
nitz, by Fatio, declaring that "the same calculus
(Newton's) was afterwards published by Leibnitz,
the name and the mode of notation being changed."
Hereupon Leibnitz, under date of March 4, 1711,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

108 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

intimate associate of Newton, but even to suggest
that Newton might be guilty of this very crime
himself. The sensibilities of Leibnitz must have
been deeply wounded by an accusation of this kind,
proceeding from a person so closely allied to New-
ton ; and we accordingly find him soon afterwards
retorting the charge.

In 1704, Newton, in publishing his celebrated
work on optics, appended to it two treatises, com-
posed a long time before, on the method of fluxions.
This was obviously done for the purpose of vindica-
ting his claim to the priority of his calculus, con-
sidered by him as identical with the differential.
Thereupon appe^ed in the Acta Eruditorum of the
next year, an anonymous critique upon this work, in
which occurred the passage following. "Instead,
therefore, of the differences of Leibnitz, Newton
applies, and has always applied, fluxions, . . . and
made elegant use of them in his Principia, and other
writings published afterwards; as also Honoratus
Fabrius, in his Synopsi Geometrica, substituted
progressive motion in place of the indivisibles of
Cavallieri." (Pro differentiis igitur Leibnitianis D.
Newtonus adhibit, semperque adhibuit, fluxiones, . . .
iisque tam in suis Principiis Naturae Mathematicis,
tum in aliis post editis, eleganter est usus; quern
admodum et Honoratus Fabrius in sua Synopsi
Geometrica, motuumque progressus Cavallerianae
methodo substituit.) As now Fabrius, instead of
being the author of the method here referred to, had
borrowed it from Cavallieri, merely changing the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

I

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 109

notation, it was a natural inference that the anony-
mous writer designed indirectly to charge Newton
with the same crime which Fatio had imputed to
Leibnitz. A long dispute arose respecting ther
authorship of this obnoxious critique. Leibnitz
would not allow that he knew who had written it,
and also endeavored to explain away the offensive
sense of the words above quoted; but, in truth, this
sense can no 'more be disputed, than can the fact,
we fear, that the author c^f the article was no other
than Leibnitz himself. At least, there are in the
Pauline library, at Leipsic, numerous manuscripts,
with the name of Leibnitz attached to them, which
were published anonymously by him, in the Acta
Eruditorum; and among them is the original manu-
script of the critique in question. For this informa-
tion we are indebted to Ludovici, who, however,
was not aware of its literary importance.

The friends of Newton knowing, at least, that the
Acta Eruditorum was the organ of Leibnitz, even if
the obnoxious article were not from his pen, were
extremely offended at the accusation contained in it.
Accordingly, in 1708, one of Newton's most zealous
disciples, John Keill, Professor of astronomy at
Oxford, published a paper in the philosophical
transactions of the Royal Society, wherein he reit-
erated the charge of plagiarism, made against Leib-
nitz, by Fatio, declaring that "the same calculus
(Newton's) was afterwards published by Leibnitz,
the name and the mode of notation being changed."
Hereupon Leibnitz, under date of March 4, 1711,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

108 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

intimate associate of Newton, but even to suggest
that Newton might be guihy of this very crime
himself. The sensibilities of Leibnitz must have
been deeply wounded by an accusation of this kind,
proceeding from a person so closely allied to New-
ton ; and we accordingly find him soon afterwards
retorting the charge.

In 1704, Newton, in publishing his celebrated
work on optics, appended to it two treatises, com-
posed a long time before, on the method of fluxions.
This was obviously done for the purpose of vindica-
ting his claim to the priority of his calculus, con-
sidered by him as identical with the diflerential.
Thereupon appe^ed in the Acta Eruditorum of the
next year, an anonymous critique upon this work, in
which occurred the passage following. " Instead,
therefore, of the differences of Leibnitz, Newton
applies, and has always applied, fluxions, . . . and
made elegant use of them in his Principia, and other
vmtings published afterwards; as also Honoratus
Fabrius, in his Synopsi Geometrica, substituted
progressive motion in place of the indivisibles of
Cavallieri." (Pro differentiis igitur Leibnitianis D.
Newtonus adhibit, semperque adhibuit, fluxiones, . . .
iisque tam in suis Principiis Naturae Mathematicis,
tum in aliis post editis, eleganter est usus ; quem
admodum et Honoratus Fabrius in sua Synopsi
Geometrica, motuumque progressus CavallerianaB
methodo substituit.) As now Fabrius, instead of
being the author of the method here referred to, had
borrowed it from Cavallieri, merely changing the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 109

notation, it was a natural inference that the anony-
mous writer designed indirectly to charge Newton
with the same crime which Fatio had imputed to
Leibnitz. A long dispute arose respecting ther
authorship of this obnoxious critique. Leibnitz
would not allow that he knew who had written it,
and also endeavored to explain away the offensive
sense of the words above quoted; but, in truth, this
sense can no 'more be disputed, than can the fact,
we fear, that the author c^f the article was no other
than Leibnitz himself. At least, there are in the
Pauline library, at Leipsic, numerous manuscripts,
with the name of Leibnitz attached to them, which
were published anonymously by him, in the Acta
Eruditorum; and among them is the original manu-
script of the critique in question. For this informa-
tion we are indebted to Ludovici, who, however,
was not aware of its literary importance.

The friends of Newton knowing, at least, that the
Acta Eruditorum was the organ of Leibnitz, even if
the obnoxious article were not from his pen, were
extremely ofiended at the accusation contained in it.
Accordingly, in 1708, one of Newton's most zealous
disciples, John Keill, Professor of astronomy at
Oxford, published a paper in the philosophical
transactions of the Royal Society, wherein he reit-
erated the charge of plagiarism, made against Leib-
nitz, by Fatio, declaring that "the same calculus
(Newton's) was afterwards published by Leibnitz,
the name and the mode of notation being changed."
Hereupon Leibnitz, under date of March 4, 1711,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

110 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

wrote to Sir Han$ Sloane, complaining of the injus-
tice that had been done him by Eeill, and calling
upon the Society to compel him to disown the
accusation of plagiarism, implied in the words which
had been used by him. Keill, in consequence,
addressed to the Secretary of the Royal Society a
communication, wherein he declared, by way of
apology, that he had not designed to say that Leib-
nitz had known either the name of Newton's method,
or the form of notation employed in it ; but merely
that " Newton was the first inventor of fluxions, or
of the differential calculus, and that he had given,
in two letters to Oldenburg, and which he had
transmitted to Leibnitz, indications of it sufficiently
intelligible to an acute mind, from which Leibnitz
derived, or at least might derive, the principles of
his calculus." But this explanation did not satisfy
Leibnitz. He saw himself accused of a grave
offence, by a member of a literary society to which
he belonged; and though this person was much his
junior in years, and his inferior in reputation, yet
his accusation was countenanced by individuals of
far higher distinction, and he felt bound, in compli-
ance with the usages of the Society, to defend him-
self. Leibnitz, therefore, again wrote to Hans
Sloane, under date of December 29, 1711, expressing
his disapprobation of the modified statements of
Keill, together with his belief that neither Newton
nor his learned associates Would give them counte-
nance. Upon the reception of this letter from
Leibnitz, the Eoyal Society constituted itself a tribu-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. Ill

nal for mvestigating and determining the merits of
the controversy. A commission was appointed to
examine the letters and documents preserved in the
archives of the Society, and to make a report on the
whole matter; bat no notice was given of the fact to
Leibnitz, that he might appear, by his friends or
otherwise, in his defence. The commission, starting
with the assumption that the fluxionary and the
differential calculus were identical, considered the
question they were appointed to decide, to be, not
who had discovered the one, and who the other
calculus, but who was the original author of the
methods which, under difl^rent names and different
methods of notation, were one and the same. Ac-
cordingly, after an examination had been made of
the correspondence of Barrow, Collins, Oldenburg,
Gregory, Newton and Leibnitz, being in fact not all
the documents necessary to exhibit the claims of
both parties, the question was decided by chronology
alone in favor of the English philosopher. The
report of the committee, pronouncing Newton to be
the first discoverer of the fluxionary or differential
calculus, together with such papers as had been
followed in its formation, and also critical remarks
on these documents, by KeiU, for the purpose of
supporting the committee's decision, were published
by the Society, in January, 1713, under the title of
Commercium Epistolicum D. Johannis Collins et
aliorum de analysi proTnota, jtissu Societatis BeguB
in lucem editum; and were gratuitously circulated
throughout Europe.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

112 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Bat this report, as partial to the claims of Newton
as one made by a similar society of German philos-
ophers would, no doubt, have been to Leibnitz, only
added fuel to the flames of controversy. It was,
indeed, no easy task to smother the animosity which,
first enkindled forty years before, had been constant-
ly fanned by so many persons, both in England and
on the continent. Leibnitz had not done greater
injustice to Newton than the Eoyal Society had
now done to himself; but he was, for a time, too
indignant at the exparte statements of the English
committee to make any public reply.

A year after the publication of the Society's
report, however, there appeared a Ckarta Volans on
the same subject, without the name either of the
author or of the place of publication, but purporting
to have been written by a friend of Leibnitz. This
loose sheet contained an extract from a letter written,
under date of iFuly 7, 1713, by " a mathematician of
the first rank," afterwards known to have been John
Bemouilli. In this extract, the opinion was ex-
pressed and supported by reasons stated at large,
that Newton's method of fluxions was a plagiarism
from the differential calculus of Leibnitz. The
extract was also preceded and followed by statements
confirmatory of the charge contained in it. Pub-
lished in the Journal Litteraire, and extensively
circulated, this sheet excited general attention, and
deeply wounded the feelings of Newton. Biot has
remarked, that Bernouilli, in this letter, made only
one observation of importance, which referred to the

Digitized by CjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 113

characteristic difference in the notation employed by
the two rival philosophers ; and that^ in many par-
ticulars, he did Newton manifest injustice. Bat
BernouiUi, it may be said, by way of apology, never
expected that the letter would be made public. The
person who did publish it, and who was the author
of the pamphlet, as we are informed by Bernouilli,
was Leibnitz himself. This fact was known at the
time to Bernouilli alone, to whom Leibnitz commtt-
nicated it by letter, bearing date August 13, 1713.
In addition to the Charta Volans^ Leibnitz designed
to write, at his leisure, a complete history of the
diflfi^rential calculus, accompanied by a selection
from the correspondence between himself and others
respecting it. This was to be in reply to the Com'
mercmm Epistolicum published by the Royal
Society; but death overtook him at his task.

At this period, when the controversy between
Leibnitz and Newton had become personal, the
Abb6 Gonti, a noble Venetian, and John Ghamber-
layne, the linguist, offered themselves, in accordance
with the wishes of George I, of England, as media-
tors. Thereupon, the two great champions proceed-
ed, in their letters to their mediating friends, to pour
out upon the heads of each other the vials of bitter-
ness which this prolonged controversy had at length
filled to overflowing. In consequence of countless
and most unfortunate misunderstandings, each re-
tracted whatever of confidence or acknowledgment
he had expressed towards the other. And we are

8

Digitized by VjOOQlC

114 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

sorry to feel called upon to add, Newton, not weary
of the acrimonious dispute protracted up to the
decease of Leibnitz, persevered in his accusations
even after the lips of his great rival, closed in death,
were no longer able to defend his memory. An
edition of the Commercium Epistolicum, prepared
for general circulation, together with two letters of
Leibnitz, newly obtained by Newton, and accompa-
nied with a bitter refutation of them from the pen of
the latter, was published after the death of Leibnitz.
To the excuse of this procedure, urged by the friends
of Newton, that the refutation was written previously
to Leibnitz's decease, Biot replied, "I grant that
Newton torote the refutation before the death of
Leibnitz, that he at first showed it only to his
friends, and, when Leibnitz was dead and gone, did
no more than publish it. Better," he adds, "were
the words of Leibnitz, who, refraining from publish-
ing his work against Locke's Essay on Human
Understanding after the decease of the latter, wrote
to a friend, *I have always been unwilling to lay
before the public, refutations of authors no longer
living, even though these refutations might, with
perfect propriety, have appeared, and been commu-
nicated to them, during their lifetime.' "

Thus ended the unhappy strife which, after em-
bittering the last years of both Leibnitz and Newton,
kept the learned portion of their respective nations
in unfriendly separation for a whole age. To the
prejudices naturally growing out of it, is also to be

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 115

attributed, in part, the fact that the greatness of the
German mathematician and philosopher was never
rightly appreciated in France, during the prevalence
of the philosophy of Newton and Locke in that
country, and has not been fully acknowledged in
England, even to the present day.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER VIII.

Leibnitz accepts an invitation to enter the seryice of the Duke of
Hanover — Returns to Germany by the way of London — ^Visits
Hudde in Amsterdam, and Spinoza at the Hague— Airiyes at
Hanover — Character of the court— He becomes acquainted
with Steno, apostolic vicar, and Molanus, abbot of Lockum—
Introduces the invention of phosphorus into Hanover — ^His visit
to Hamburg — His acquaintance with John Joachim Becher—
He studies the art of mining in the Hartz mountains— Attempts
to drain the ducal mines— His geological investigations — ^He
studies coining and currency— Is made court counsellor— His
arduous public duties — His Dejvre supremaius.

From the narration of the unhappy controversy
between Leibnitz and Newton, we now return to
that period in the life of the former when he left
Paris to enter into the service of the Duke of Hano-
ver. This prince, in the year 1676, invited Leibnitz,
for the third time, to take up his residence in Hano-
ver, offering him the offices of counsellor and libra-
rian. Leibnitz accepted the invitation; and return-
ing the papers of Blaise Pascd, on conic sections,
which had been entrusted to him by the heirs of the
French mathematician, for the purpose of being
edited, he hastened away from the city where, a

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 117

little time before, he had thought of establishing a
pennanent home.

In returning to Gennany, Leibnitz made a circuit
through London and Amsterdam. In the former
city he spent only a single week, but made seireral
new acquaintances, and among them that of Collins,
the friend of Newton. In Amsterdam he visited
the great Dutch mathematician, Hudde, to his
interview with whom he alluded in a letter to
Oldenburg as follows : " I had, while in Amsterdam,
some conversation with Huddeus, whose time is
wholly engrossed by affairs of state. For he is one
of the twelve burgomasters of the city, who adminis-
ter the government in succession. A short time
ago it was his turn to be burgomaster, but he now
fills the office of treasurer. It is certsdn that his
papers must contain much that is most excellent.
The method of tangents published by Slusins had,
for a long time, been known to him; and his own is
more comprehensive. Mercator's quadrature of the
hyperbola was also known to him as early as the
year 1662."

From Amsterdam Leibnitz turned aside to the
Hague, to visit that remarkable thinker, Benedict
Spinoza. In his Theodicea, Leibnitz observes, that
in his interview with Spinoza, the latter conversed
respecting the course of his education, and narrated
many characteristic anecdotes pertaining to the his-
tory of the times. He spoke particularly of his
teacher in the Latin language. Van den Ende,
whom, previously to his engaging in the conspiracy

Digitized by CjOOQ iC

118 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

of the Chevalier de Rohan, Leibnitz had sought out
and conversed with in Paris. It is to be regretted
that so little is known concerning the interview of
Leibnitz with Spinoza, as the conversation and per-
sonal appearance of this illustrious Jew, then i)ut a
step or two from the borders of the grave, can hardly
have failed to produce a deep impression upon the
mind, and to have been long cherished in the mem-
ory of the young man of thirty.

Arriving at his journey's end near the close of
December, Leibnitz was graciously received by the
Duke, to whom he was already known by his letters
and writings, — ^by the high ecclesiastical dignitaries,
to whom he brought a flattering introduction from
Anthony Amaud, — and by the court generally, which
was, at that time, one of the most elegant and culti-
vated in Germany. The Duke, a recent convert to
Popery, was surrounded, indeed, by Roman Cath-
olics; but the mildness of Leibnitz's disposition and
the liberality of his sentiments placed him at once
in such harmonious relations, both to prince and
courtiers, that he, who not long before tired of serv-
ing the great, Was anxious to establish himself in
social independence, soon became so well pleased
with his new situation, as to pronounce the service
of so magnanimous a prince preferable to the enjoy-
ment of the most perfect freedom.

At the period of which we write, the court of
John Frederic was graced by the presence of several
literary persons of distinction. Among these was
the apostolic vicar, Nicholas Steno, from Denmark.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 119

Earlier in life a distinguished physician, anatomist
and geologist, he had suddenly changed his religion,
his profession and his mode of life; but thereby
converted an eminent natural philosopher into a
very moderate divine. Another person, still more
prominent, was Gerhard Molanus, abbot of Lockum,
and president of the consistory in Hanover, a man
of extensive knowledge and most excellent character,
and, in the judgment of Leibnitz, " an incomparable
theologian." By Molanus, Leibnitz was also made
acquainted with a friend of the former, Arnold
Eckhart, a zealous disciple of Cartesius, both in
mathematics and metaphysics; and with whom
Leibnitz carried on, for a considerable time, a dis-
pute by letter, respecting questions in mathematical
analysis, and also concerning the Cartesian proof of
the existence of God.

Some time during the first year of his residence
in Hanover, Leibnitz manifested his interest in the
useful arts by introducing to the notice of the Duke
and his court, a discovery which soon attracted
attention throughout Europe. This was the discov-
ery of phosphorus, by one Brand, of Hamburg, who
fell upon it accidentally while endeavoring, accord-
ing to the directions of a book on alch3nnay, to extract
from urine a fluid substance, which, it was supposed,
would change silver into gold. At the solicitation
of Leibnitz, Brand was sent for by the Duke, to
come to Hanover; and after his arrival, having
tried several experiments with success, he was
generously rewarded, by John Frederic, with a pen-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

120 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

sion. Specimens of the new compound were
forwarded, by Leibnitz to Huygens, as well as a
learned account of the discovery to the Academy of
Sciences in Paris.

Towards the end of the year 1678, Leibnitz,
commissioned by the Duke, purchased in Hamburg
the library formerly belonging to the learned physi-
cian and natural philosopher, Martin Fogel, fhen
recently deceased, — 3. collection of books whicK
forms no unimportant part of the present royal library
in Hanover. While in Hamburg, Leibnitz made
the acquaintance of the gifted but eccentric chemist
and mechanician, John Joachim Becher. This per-
son may be considered as the representative of
chemical science in Germany at that period, as
Lem^ry was in France, and Boyle in England.
He it was who laid the foundation of the phlogistic
theory, which, reduced to a system by Stahl, pre-
vailed universally until the discoveries of Lavoisier.
It happened that Leibnitz, in conversation with this
no less whimsical and malicious, than brilliant gen-
ius, let fall some remarks respecting a project of his
for improving the then very clumsy travelling car-
riages of Germany; and having, shortly afterwards,
given mortal ojSence to Becher, by interfering to
prevent him from interesting the mind of the then
reigning Duke of Hanover in the speculations of
alchymy, this fantastic philosopher, in a book written
about five years aflerwards, and entitled Foolish
Wisdom tmd Wise FoUy, did not fail, bearing in
memory the unlucky project of the travelling car-

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 121

rlages, to adduce as a signal example of wise follies,
" Leibnitz's post-wagons, constructed to travel in six
hours from Hanover to Amsterdam ! " This pleas-
antry gave Leibnitz some uneasiness. Whether it
prevented his ever attempting to realize his contem-
plated improvements, is not certainly known, though
it is quite plain that the German postilions of the
present day have received no information, historical
or traditionary, touching any such sort of bgtterments.
Not long after his arrival in Hanover, Leibnitz
became deeply interested in the mining operations
carried on by the Duke in the Hartz mountains.
The valuable silver mines in that region were very
seriously damaged by the water which was constant-
ly running in from the heights above ; and Leibnitz,
encouraged by the promise of an annual salary of
two thousand thalers in case of success, earnestly
undertook to devise some means of preventing this
evil. He, accordingly, for a number of years, spent
several months annually in those romantic regions,
then the scene of numerous popular fables, and since
made classic by the immortal author of the Faust.
But the practical hindrances which were constantly
thrown in his way by the subordinate agents and
workmen, compelled him, after the application of no
Httle time and pains to the accomplishment of his
design, finally to abandon it. The time, however,
spent by Leibnitz in the mountains was not lost.
Accustomed to make himself thoroughly master of
every branch of knowledge to which his attention
was directed, he embraced the opportunity thus

Digitized by VjOOQlC

122 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

furnished of making himself perfectly familiar with
the arts of mining and coining, and also of investi-
gating the important uses they might be made to
subserve in the general economy. Like Copernicus
before him, Locke at about the same time, and
Newton afterwards, Leibnitz made coining and cur-
rency the objects of prolonged reflection. His views
upon these subjects were afterwards communicated
to several German princes, and contributed in no
small degree to make the Hanoverian currency, at
that time, equal if not superior to that of any country
,of Europe. Nor were these the only fruits of his
meditations in the Hartz. Besides becoming com-
pletely versed in the mineralogical learning of the
times, he entered upon the study of geology, and
made an extensive collection of geological observa-
tions, the results of which, together with similar
information afterwards obtained in his travels in the
north of Germany, Dalmatia and Italy, were set
forth in his Protogaa, written in 1691, but not pub-
lished until after his death. Besides sending a
manuscript copy of this work to the Sorbonne, he
gave a brief account of his labors in this department
of science in the Acta Ervditorum of 1693, and also
a popular notice of them in his Theodicea. To his
praise, be it said, that in an age when the theolog-
ical sentiments prevailing even among Protestants
presented a serious obstacle to the formation of cor-
rect views in geology, Leibnitz was the first person
in Germaijy who made the various layers composing
the earth's surface the foundation of a general geo-

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 123

logical theory respecting the origin and structure of
our planet. He also took the view, to which cur-
rency was afterwards given by the brilliant name of
Biifibn, that the various strata of the surface of the
earth were formed by the processes of cooling and
evaporation, occasioned by the withdrawal of heat
from the circumference of the globe to the centre ;
and to him belongs the merit, accordingly, of having
given so early a right direction to inquiries in geol-
ogy. Moreover, Leibnitz devoted considerable at-
tention to the collection and preservation of the
remains of extinct races of animals, and did consid-
erable towards diffusing an interest in these subjects
among persons of distinction and learning.

Hitherto we have seen Leibnitz acting more in an
individual than an official capacity ; but in 1678, he
was raised by the Duke to the offlice of court coun-
sellor, and compelled to take upon himself the dis-
charge of arduous public duties. By virtue of his
new. office, he was also a judge in the court of
chancery; and was, accordingly, restored to that
professional life from which he had retired on his
departure from Mentz. In the discharge of these
judicial duties, — ^not to mention the attention given
to the ducal library, and the maintenance of an
extensive literary correspondence, — so much of the
time of Leibnitz was consumed that only a very
little leisure remained for the prosecution of his
favorite scientific pursuits. Indeed, not content to
lead, like Spinoza, merely a life of philosophic ab-
straction, he was ambitious, also, to take part in the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER IX.

The infiuence of jurisprudence on Leibnitz's system of piiilosophy
—-His doctrine of theocracy — Compared with the systems of
Hobbes and Puffendorf— His views of natural law— His idea of
substance — ^Doctrine of monads— Pre-established harmony— Op-
timism — ^Theodicea — ^Form of Leibnitz's philosophy — His rela-
tion to Descartes and Spinoza— Peter Bayle— John Locke.

In ^rly life, Leibnitz w€is attached to the Carte-
sian philosophy ; but his reflections at a later period
on natural law, and the constitution of civil society,
leading him to the study of the human mind, and
then to that of the external world, he finally arrived
at results respecting the nature of soul and matter,
which differed widely from those of Descartes, and
constituted the foundations of a peculiar system of
metaphysics. It was not theology, as in the case of
the scholastics, nor physics, as in that of the great
philosophers who in modern times brought about the
restoration of the sciences, but jurisprudence, from
which Leibnitz started in his career as a metaphy-
sician, and from which his system of philosophy
derived its characteristic features. The idea of
right, of justice, gave tone even to the university

.Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 127

essay, De Arte Combinatoria; it assumed a still
more prominent rank in the Metkodtis nova; it was
the guiding thought to the principles laid down on
the subject of natural law in the Theodicea; and
was introduced in the treatise, mentioned at the
close of the preceding chapter, Be jure supremattis,
as the key for resolving what, though in form but a
dispute about diplomatic etiquette, was in fact a
question involving important points in the general
law of the empire. This simple idea of right, how-
ever, gradually expanded itself into that of theocracy,
which last finally conducted Leibnitz to his great
doctrine of a prp-flstn^lishpH Ti^jmnny. The idea of
theocracy was, indeed, the great idea of his age. It
manifested itself distinctly, though imperfectly, in
the despotic rule of Louis XIV, and other cotempo-
raneous princes in Europe, especially in Germany;
and was speculatively expressed in the treatises on
natural law, written by Hobbes and Puffendorf. The
difference, however, between Leibnitz and these
cotemporaneous expounders of the law of nature,
was, that he beheld the realization of his ideal of
absolute monarchy in the eternal kingdom of God
only, and never expected to find it in the government
of any earthly potentate. He acknowledged the
right and truth of human monarchy, only when
united by moral and religious relations to the city of
God ; while Hobbes received human ordinances as
in themselves absolute, and Puffendorf attempted to
form a system of natural law entirely independent of
both religious doctrines and moral precepts. Leib-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

128 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

nitz, therefore, sympathized less with the views of
the German than with those of the English writer ;
and while he expressed but little respect for Pufien-
dorf, he spoke in praise of Hobbes, even when en«
gaged in refuting him. In opposition to the former,
he maintained that the principles of religion were
the only true foundation of law, natural or civil. Of
the latter he wrote in his Be jure suprematus as
follows: "The demonstrations of Hobbes can be
realized only in that republic in which God is king,
and whom alone all confide in. I do not believe
that Hobbes's monarchies are to be found either
among civilized or savage nations. In fact, I hold
them to be both impossible and undesirable, inas-
much as the persons, in whose hands the supreme
power is to be lodged, possess not the virtue of
angels. Men will prefer to have their own will, and
look themselves after their own welfare, until they
have confidence in the supreme wisdom and power
of their rulers."

Leibnitz deduced the principles of natural law
from the idea of theocracy. These, to express his
views in a word, are three in number, — strict right,
equity, and piety (jzcs strictum^ cBquita^^ pietcLs); to
which correspond the three sciences of law, politics,
and theology, or morals. The first, strict right, is
indeed nothing more than the right of war and
peace ; and its rule is, to ofifend no one {nemiriem
leBdire), so that there may be given to no one the
right of war, or any right within the state against
the state. The rule of equity, which is superior to

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 129

mere right, is to do what is just to all men (suum
cuique trilniere). Piety, which again is more per-
fect than the preceding, consists in doing that which
is acceptable to the higher powers, — to God, who is
supreme by nature, and to the civil power, which is
so by compact; and its law is, to live virtuously
{haneste vivere). These principles may be found
fully unfolded in the Methodtcs nova, in the state
paper drawn up for the Palsgrave of Neuburg, Spec-
imen deTnonstrationum, and also in the able preface
to the Codex juris diplomatictis.

Notwithstanding the fact that the philosophical
views of Leibnitz received their tone and coloring
mainly from his legal studies, it so happened that
the occasion on which he first caught a glimpse of
the leading idea of his metaphysical system, was
furnished by the investigation of a problem in theol-
ogy. As has been mentioned in an earlier part of
this work, Leibnitz, while residing at Mentz, under-
took, at the request of his patron. Baron von Boine-
burg, to refute the Cartesian doctrine, that matter and
spirit are two different substances, the essence of the
first consisting in extension, and that of the second
in thought. This was done with the design to prove
the possibility, if not the actual truth, of the theolog-
ical dogmas of the real presence and transubstantia-
tion; and thereby promote an union between the
Lutheran and Catholic churches. Leibnitz accord-
ingly discarded the atoms of Descartes as the prima-
ry elements of bodies ; or, rather, he attributed to
them a spiritual nature. Thus in 1671 he v^rote to

9

Digitized by VjOOQlC

130 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Anthony Arnaud, one of the most zealous as well as
celebrated Cartesians and Jansenists, " that the es-
sence of matter does not consist in extension ; that
even the substance of matter is without extension,
and not subject to the limitations of space." The
same views, also, were two years later repeated in a
letter to the Duke of Hanover.

But Leibnitz was then far from having attained to
that view of substance which afterwards appeared to
him satisfactory and final. Substance was at that
time conceived of by him as the spiritual principle of
bodies, — which was, in fact, a mere abstract concep-
, tion, serving no other purpose than to explain to one
who received this view how the body of Christ
might be in different- places at the same time. Body
and soul still appeared to him to stand over against
each other, as having each a separate and peculiar
nature.

But as Leibnitz advanced further in the study of
geometrical analysis, he obtained views of the spirit-
ual character of substance, which appeared to him
more clear and satisfactory. These he even pro-
ceeded to apply to the explanation of natural phe-
nomena, as also to the resolution of questions in
mechanics. He considered the supersensuous sub-
stance as the principle of motion in the material
world, and called it power. This moving power was
original and really existing ; while the things moved
by it had a merely phenominal or apparent exist-
ence. Accordingly, in 1686, Leibnitz published, in
the Acta Eruditorum, "A short demonstration of a

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBM'ITZ. 131

memorable error of Cartesius and others, concerning
the natural law, according to which they think that
God always maintains the same quantity of motion ;
whereby they pervert mechanics." In this paper,
the writer aimed to show that the quantity of power,
though not of motion, remained always the same in
nature. For the power did not cease to exist, when
the action of it was obstructed. He also showed
that its direction remained ever unchanged. The
statement of this new opinion in dynamics gave rise
to a singular and obstinate controversy respecting
the n^easure of living forces {vires vivce), which was
not ended until the time of D^Alembert.

In these views of Leibnitz, the idea of substance
was combined with that of motion ; but afterwards
he relieved the first idea of this limitation. Forming
a more purely abstract notion of substance, he pro-
nounced it to be energy in general, uncreated,
indestructible, unlimited, whose activity, unlike the
potentvB of the scholastics, is in itself, and whose
qualities are deducible from the very nature of its
own idea. But individualized, it exists in the form
of souls {enteleckies), or monads. Substance in
general, then, is God, the original monad; and from
him are derived all individual substances, which
together constitute the created universe. These
particular monads, independent of time and space,
which are mere relations of simultaneous and suc-
cessive existences, comprise whatever is real and
substantial in nature. All else is but appearance,
phenomenon, " a regulated dream. "^;j^

Digitized by VjOOQlC

132 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

The essential attributes of a monad are an impulse
or striving {conattcs) to evolve multiplicity out of its
unity, and to perceive this multiplicity in its unity.
In the original monad, or God, these attributes are
absolute and infinite.

Created substances, or monads, arise by perpetual
flashings, as of lightning, from the infinite monad,
whose creative power is limited only by the recepti-
bility of the creature. Whatever perfection the
derived monads have is from God ; their imperfection
springs out of the limitation of their own nature.

Each of the monads is placed by God in relations
to the universe. Each, in perceiving and striving to
accomplish its own aims, perceives and strives to
accbmplish, by virtue of a pre-established harmony
of things, the aims of the infinite whole. The
difierent monads, therefore, may be said to be so
many mirrors, reflecting the totality of things.

But all monads do not represent infinity in the
same way and to the same degree. For God has
given to them different measures of perfection, —
subordinating them one to another in such wise, that
a particular monad may contain in its nature the
grounds a priori of the nature of others, it being
active in reference to them, and they passive in
reference to it. Each monad may be represented as
an eye, looking at the whole creation from its par-
ticular point of view. In this different degree of
perfection, or different mode of reflecting the
infinite, consists the individuality of the difierent
monads.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

^

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 133

Every monad, moreover, sustains not only a har-
monious relation to the universe which it strives to
represent, hut also more directly and immediately to
a numher of particular monads, which of themselves
form a totality, wherein some act as ruling and some
as serving, or, in other words, as active and passive
monads. Such totalities are men, the lower animals,
and plants. The soul of one of these rules the
monads constituting the body, while each of the
latter, in turn, is the ruling monad of others subordi-
nated to it, and so on ad infinitum. Every organ-
ized body, accordingly, Leibnitz regarded as a divine
machine, or natural automaton, containing also within
itself other smaller machines, — or, in other words,
being made conformable to some plan, even in its
minutest parts. Thus the limb of an animal, or the
branch of a plant, is full of other animals and plants,
of which each has its ruling entelechie or soul.
'Matter being divided, in fact, into infinitely small
parts, and each of these representing the universe, it
follows that the smallest atom contains a world of
animated existence. This view of Leibnitz may
perhaps not improperly be regarded as anticipatory
of the discovery recently made in physiology of the
cellular system, which extends through all vegetable
and animal organizations.

In accordance with these views, and also with the
physiological hypotheses of his cotemporaries, Swam-
merdam, Walphigi and Leewenhoek, Leibnitz taught
that an animal existed, body and soul, before concep-
tion, in the sperm ; and that by means of conception.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

134 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

it was merely made to undergo a great transforma-
tion. As generation, moreover, was but develop-
ment and increase, so death was no more than
envelopment and diminution. There may be, said
Leibnitz, metamorphosis, but no metempsychosis,
among animals. The soul changes its organs grad-
ually, and is at no time completely deprived of them,
so that not only the soul, but the animal even, is
indestructible. Only God is without body.

The relation which appears to us to subsist be-
tween the superior and inferior monads, depends
upon the perfection of their impulses and perceptions.
We say, appears to us to subsist, because the relation
between monads is in fact merely ideal ; for each
monad in any given body is the centre of a system
of its own, and a mirror also of the entire creation.
When the representations of the infinite by the indi-
vidual are obscure and confused, they are called by
Leibnitz perceptions. Clear perceptions, accompa-
nied with attention and memory, are called by him
apperceptions. Plants are merely perceptive; but
monads capable of apperception, such as the lower
animals, receive the name of souls; those which,
besides, by an act of reflection know themselves, that
is, possess reason, are denominated spirits, to which
class belongs man. There is also a similar grada-
tion in impulses, from the simplest kind of impulse,
or striving, common to all monads, to desires which
are possessed by the lower animals, and to will,
which belongs to beings endowed with reason.

The created spirits, such as man, show the finite-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 135

ness of their nature, in that they are not pure spirits.
They acquire their knowledge, not only through
reason, but also by apperception, like the inferior
animals, and by perception, like the plants. And
though they represent the universe in themselves,
yet they perceive distinctly but a limited portion of
it, — that part only which by its nearness or its mag-
nitude comes within the reach of their vision. The
rest is but confusedly represented. God alone clearly
represents and comprehends that which is, and was,
and shall or can be. Every monad, indeed, strives
after the infinite ; the present, both in time and place,
the past and the future, also, are the objects of its
desires and perfections ; but each one strives after
and perceives its object with more or less obscurity.
Therefore there is room for infinite development and
improvement in the created monads.

The connection between body and soul is the
subject, not of apperception, but of perception only.
The infinite number of the motions and changes in
the organization of a substance, prevents them from
becoming more than very faintly and obscurely per-
ceptible. But there is no movement whatsoever in
the body, whether voluntary or involuntary, which
is not represented in the mind; as there is no
thought, however abstract, to which there is not
something in the bodily organization corresponding.

This exact correspondence between the perceptions
of the soul and the changes in the body, is a conse-
quence of the harmonious relation pre-established
between the two. But there is no physical influence

Digitized by VjOOQlC

136 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

exerted by the body on the soul. Both act in ac-
cordance with their own laws ; and their movements
partake of the harmony which, established from
eternity, pervades all things, because both have alike
for their end the representation of the universe.
Bodies are moved by efficient, souls by final, causes;
but both, notwithstanding the ► spontaneity of the
action of the ruling monad, or the soul, as well as
the serving monads, or the body, are moved in exact
correspondence with each other. Thus the corporeal
world and the spiritual world may be represented, in
accordance with this Leibnitzlan doctrine of a pre-
established harmony, as related to each other like
two clocks, which, though separate from each other,
are so constructed as to mark simultaneously the
same hours.

That which specially distinguishes the spirit of
man from the souls of the lower animals, is its
knowledge of necessary and universal truths. These
make science possible, and eleyate man to the know-
ledge of himself and of God.

All science is founded on two principles; — the
principle of contradiction, by which we judge every
thing to be false which implies at the same time
affirmation and negation, and every thing to be true
which is the opposite to what is contradictory or
false ; and the principle of the sufficient reason, ac-
cording to which we determine that no fact really
takes place, without a reason sufficient for its occur-
ring so, rather than otherwise.

The first principle leads the philosopher, in his

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 137

analysis, to those primitive ideas which are capable
of no further analysis, inasmuch as they express the
identity of a thing with itself. At bottom, however,
it is the same as the principle of identity. It consti-
tutes the unity of the human mind, and is the basis
of all theories which have necessary truths for their
object.

But the principle of the sufficient reason makes
manifest the objective continuity of the monads, and
thus binds the universe together. By it, moreover,
the finite spirit elevates itself to the image of God,
as the only sufficient cause of the origin and order of
all things, and to the idea of the totality of things
united in all its parts by a pre-established harmony.
Hereby, too, the spirit, ceasing to be merely a mirror
of things external, becomes an image of God, and
imitates his creative power.

These two great principles of identity and of the
sufficient reason tiave not only a real existence in
the world, but also an ideal one in the infinite reason
and love of the Supreme Being. It was an error of
Descartes, says Leibnitz, to represent the principles
of geometry as established by the arbitrary will of
God, for even the divine mind itself cannot think
except in accordance with these universal laws.

Of the infinite number of worlds conceivable by
the divine mind, it was impossible for more than one
actually to exist, and the present one was selected
as the best, according to the principle of the sufficient
reason. All that is logically possible is not practi-
cally possible ; and the perfection of this world was

Digitized by VjOOQlC

138 LIFS OF LEIBNITZ.

limited by the degree of perfection belonging to the
monads which in the mind of God claimed, each
one according to its grade of excellence, to be real-
ized. This is the optimism of Leibnitz.

But as it was the superior perfection of this sys-
tem of things, in comparison with all other possible
systems, that caused it to be brought into actual
existence, it follows, that this world must, on the
whole, be wisely and well ordered. There may be
particular irregularities and defects, but these do not
afiect the harmony of the great whole, nor even that
of a single monad. As certain geometrical lines,
seen in any particular parts only, may appear to be
irregular, which viewed in their entirety, are per-
ceived to be drawn according to a regular plan, so
the order of the world, as well as of each particular
monad, considered as a whole, is promoted even by
the disorders apparent in particulars. This is true
of imperfections, both in the physical and moral
world ; and it justifies the wisdom and goodness of
God, both as the architect of the universe and the
ruler of all intelligences. This is the doctrine of
Leibnitz's Theodicea.

All men, as well as spirits superior to them, are
members of that state which is governed by the
greatest and best of monarchs, the city of God.
This universal monarchy in the moral world is the
most exalted of all the works of the Creator, and
most gloriously displays his goodness.

There exists a perfect harmony between the king-
doms of nature and of grace. All the works of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 139

God, as the Creator of the universe, conspire to
promote the accomplishment of his plans as governor
of the celestial city of spirits. Thus, for example,
this planet will be destroyed and renovated by the
ordinary agencies of nature, at the precise time
requisite for the punishment of the wicked and the
reward of the just. The consequences of sin and of
Tirtue are made sure by the ordinances of nature.
All things conspire to promote the welfare and hap-
piness of those who, trusting in Providence, do their
duty; who, in the spirit of love, labor to advance
the great purposes of God, while they contentedly
submit to the imperfections of the present state of
things.

An affectionate faith in God, that he has so
ordered the world as to secure the greatest possible
amount of happiness and virtue, procures for the
soul a foretaste of future felicity, gives it more than
the patience of the Stoics, a true, solid peace. But
as our knowledge of the infinite is imperfect, so,
consequently, is our hajipiness, which consists, in
fact, not in the complete satisfaction of all desires,
but in a constant advancement to new perfections
and higher delights.

Such, very briefly stated, is Leibnitz's doctrine of
morals, and his system of philosophy built upon it.
In one respect, the Leibnitzian theocratic philosophy
resembles that of Plato, as it makes physics a kind
of objective ethics. From his cotemporaries he
differed in resolving all questions in morals and
theology by a reference to the universal principles

Digitized by VjOOQlC

140 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

which enter into the structure of the universe. The
same universality and general harmony, it may be
added, which pervade his speculative system, also
characterized his life, so that from the great princi-
ples of his philosophy we may the better understand
the true spirit of his conduct. Much of the wisdom
of his thinking passed likewise into his living.

In form, the philosophy of Leibnitz is imperfect
and fragmentary. Unlike his great cotemporary,
Spinoza, he did not sit down in tranquil seclusion to
write works for posterity, but stated his views, to a
great extent, in occasional essays, published at the
time in magazines, and rarely without some refer-
ence to important -questions of the day in politics or
theology. This constant reference to different par-
ties and persons gives, indeed, to his philosophy the
appearance of less completeness and originality than
actually belonged to it. But Leibnitz labored more
faithfully for the cause of truth than for the reputa-
tion of originality ; and, instead of being ambitious
to construct a perfectly new system, he was the first
among the modern philosophers who sought to
reconcile his own views with those of the great .
thinkers of antiquity and the middle ages. "I have
found," Leibnitz wrote, in 1714, to Raymond de
Montmort, "that the greater number of sects are
right in much which they affirm, but not in what
they deny. The formalists, like the Platonists and

, Aristotelians, are in the right when they recognize
the fountain of things in the final and formal causes ;

: but they are in the wrong when they neglect the

• _ ^ ... ' Digitized by VjOQQIC -

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 141

efficient and material causes, and, like Henry More, I
in England, and certain Platonists, conclude that <
there are appearances which cannot be accounted i
for mechanically. On the other side, the material- j
ists, or those who occupy themselves exclusively ;
with mechanical philosophy, are in error in discard- !
ing metaphysics and attempting to explain every-
thing directly or indirectly through the imagination.
I flatter myself that I have penetrated into the
harmony of the different kingdoms; and have seen
that both parties are right, if they only would not «
exclude each other."

Far in advance of the spirit of his times, and even
anticipating the universality of our own, Leibnitz
acknowledged that there were truths of the highest
importance to be found in the writings of earlier
times. The oriental sages, he said, had great and
beautiful thoughts; the Greeks added dialectical
form; the Christian fathers rejected the errors of
Greek philosophy; and the scholastics sought to
make the truths of heathenism subservient to the
advancement of Christianity. With Descartes,
however, he found fault as disposed, to overlook the
merits of preceding philosophers, and to consider
science as beginning and ending with himself.

But while Leibnitz looked with no friendly eyes
upon the founder of the Cartesian philosophy, he
appreciated what was good in it, and held some of
its disciples in the highest esteem. Among these
he especially cultivated the friendship of . Malle-
branche and Anthony Arnaud. With the latter he

Digitized by VjOOQlC

142 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

remained in correspondence until the day of his
death ; and communicating his speculations to him
from time to time in letters of great length, he at
last succeeded in prevailing upon his friend to relin-
quish the philosophy of Descartes, in many particu-
lars, for that of his own.

To the relation between Leibnitz and Spinoza we
have before alluded. The former had already laid
the comer-stone of his system, when he first received
the work of the latter on ethics. It was natural,
therefore, that Leibnitz should have been repelled
by this remarkable book, although it cannot have
failed to exert no little influence upon him. This it
must have done, if in no other way, by compelling
him to struggle hard to maintain his ground in the
face of so powerful an opponent. He considered
Spinoza's system of philosophy as the last extreme
of Gartesianism, and made use of it as such in his
contests with the Cartesians. But his opposition to
Spinoza directly was only occasional, because this
philosopher was then not made the subject of lectures
at the universities, but was rather despised than
studied. Descartes, on the contrary, had a host of
followers, and with these Leibnitz frequently became
so earnestly engaged in controversy, as to be led to
do more to diminish the influence of this master
than he would otherwise have wished to do.

Excepting in the case of the Cartesians, Leibnitz
was always grateful for the advantages derived
from the critical examination of his views by clear-
sighted antagonists. And to none was he more

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 143

indebted than to that remarkable man, who lacked
nothing but the power of invention to have been
equal in intellect to the greatest of his cotemporaries,
and whose extensive influence upon the culture of
his age far exceeded that of most of them, — Peter
Bayle. To the exceptions which this more skeptical
than critical writer took in his celebrated dictionary
to the ideas of Leibnitz, we owe the most careful
and thorough investigation of them by their author.
Compelled vigorously to defend his system at all
points, Leibnitz, in one of his replies to his adversa-
ry, compared himself to Antaeus in the fable, who,
thrown to the ground, arose with increased strength
for the victory. Even after the death of this great
critic, Leibnitz, when controverting the opinions of
the former, in the Theodicea, could not refrain from
asking, with sufficient naivete, "And what would
Bayle have said to this ? "

A still more formidable opponent Leibnitz, and
also the whole German school of philosophy, met
with in his great English cotemporary, John Locke.
For a refutation of Leibnitz, the main aim of whose
system was to establish the doctrine of innate ideas
by the theory of monads, would have undermined
the common ground of speculative idealism, occupied
also by Descartes and Spinoza. In opposition to
these ideal philosophers, Locke came forward with
a system of sensualism. His great work on t3M>
human understanding, published in 1688, immedi-
ately attracted the earnest attention of Leibnitz.
But having at that time only just commenced the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

144 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

formation of his own system of metaphysics, he was
not prepared to refute that of his more advanced
opponent; and, in fact, he was the first among the
more prominent philosophers, to acknowledge the
great merits of the Essay on Human Understanding,
as well as those of the other works of Locke.
Leibnitz accordingly contented himself, for the time
being, with writing down, without any design of
publication, such reflections as occurred to him
while reading the essay, and afterwards sent them
to Locke. These were published, in connection
with the papers left by Locke, under the title of
ReflexioTis sur VEssay de Ventendement humain de
Mr. Locke, They contained, if nothing else, the
remark, which was a whole volume in itself, that
" the question respecting the origin of our ideas and
maxims, is not a preliminary one in philosophy;
and a person must have made great advances in this
science, in order to answer it correctly."

In the summer of 1703, Leibnitz being then, with
several members of the Hanoverian court, at Her-
renhausen, took up again the Essay on Human
Understanding, and set forth at large his views
respecting it, in the form of a dialogue between a
disciple of Locke and one of his own philosophy.
These swelled, at length, into a book, under the title
of Nouveaux essays sur Ventendement humain ; one,
notwithstanding its fragmentary character, of the
most valuable and comprehensive of the philosophi-
cal works of Leibnitz, but which, in consequence of
the death of Locke, was not published during the
author's life-time.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER X.

Leibnitz's project of an universal language — He applies to Louis %
XIV for aid in Executing it— His relation to the Church of
Rome — His reasons for not joining it^-Correspondence with
the Landgave of Hesse Rbeinfels, and with Madame Brinon, on
this subject — Spinola} Huet; Bossuet — Death of the Duke John
Frederic, and succession of Ernest Augustus— Leibnitz wishes
to reside in Vienna, and to become a foreign member of the
Academy of Sciences in Paris-^He writes a tract against Louis
XIV, on the occasion of the seige of Vienna by the Turks — His
intimate relation with the princes of the House of Brunswick-
Character of Sophia, Duchess of Hanover — Molanus.

In the first years of Leibnitz's residence in Hano-
ver, he devoted some portion of his leisure to a
• subject which he considered of the greatest import-
ance; and which, having from early life occasionally
occupied his attention, continued to be a favorite
study, even until his death. We refer to his project
of an universal language, or philosophical alphabet
of thought. Impressed with a lively sense of the
imperfection of ordinary language as a medium for
the communication of philosophical ideas, and also
of the amount of precious time that might be saved
if the ideas of philosophy were expressed in a lan-

10

Digitized by CjOOQ iC

146 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

guage universally intelligible, Leibnitz was possessed
his life long with the belief, that a philosophical
language might be constructed which would express
all kinds of abstract truth with the same precision
and adequateness as the principles of arithmetic or
algebra were denoted by figures and letters. For
this purpose, characters, as expressive as those sup-
posed to have been given to things by Adam, were
to be invented, which should be the signs of those
few primitive thoughts from which all others are
more or less directly derived. Out of these charac-
ters, formulas were to be constructed ; and by means
of these formulas, various relations between thoughts
to be established, and inferences deduced, with the
same freedom from error as by the processes of
arithmetic or geometry. In the invention of these
philosophical characters, however, Leibnitz never
made any progress, though he appears to have
thought it no difficult matter to devise them. But
the thoughts which were to be expressed by these
characters, he was ready enough to supply. These
were, indeed, to be the principles of his own specu-
lative system, which, with the self-confidence so
characteristic of great original minds, he considered
as containing the pure elements of truth, and worthy
of being incorporated into the universal language of
philosophy.

Nor was this universal language to be applied
only to the truths of philosophy. In the prosaic
spirit of his times, Leibnitz imagined thalTan aes-
thetical calculus, similar in principle to the philo-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 147

sophical, might be constructed, which would direct
and assist the sons of genius in the composition of
works of art. Thus music was defined by him as
"an arithmetic of the soul, which knows not that it
reckons;" and the high delights of painting and
poetry were attributed to the perception, more or
less distinct, of proportion and system.

This splendid, but somewhat cabalistic project,
ever remained a project merely in the head of its
inventor; and it is only from obscure hints, gathered
from his writings and letters at large, that we
derive the means of forming any notion of its gen-
eral character. There is no doubt, however, that
Leibnitz himself entertained as high expectations of
general utility from the realization of this phantom,
which he chased through life, as he ever could have
indulged in his youth from the discovery of the
precious stone of alchymy.

This visionary project for the improvement of
science can hardly fail to remind us of the famous
plan for extending Christianity by the conquest of
Egypt, and especially as Leibnitz again had recourse
to Louis XIV, as the proper patron of an undertak-
ing fraught with so important benefits to mankind.
Shortly after the peace of Nimuguen, he addressed
to this monarch, who, crowned with victory, was-f
then standing on the summit of his military career,
two memorials, wherein the latter was solicited to
interest himself in a general reform of science, by
means of the proposed philosophical language ; and
thus, in imitation of Alexander and Aristotle, of the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

148 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

emperor Justinian, of Leo, the philosopher, and of
Almanzor or Mirandola, the great chief of the Arab-
ians, to make his name conspicuous in the history
of the peaceful and beneficent triumphs of letters.
These memorials were entitled, the one, Priceptes
pour avancer les sciences; the other, Discours toU'
chant la mithode de la certitude et Vart dHnventer,
pourjinir les disputes et pour faire en peu de temps
de grands progres. Not without fears lest the
prevalence of false views in science, and the con-
stant strife of heterogeneous opinions, might bring
about the return of the dark ages of ignorance, the
writer proposed that the quintessence of the best
books should be extracted, selections added from the
observations and experiments of the ablest minds in
every profession, and, thereby, a collection made, in
forms convenient for use, of all the great truths
which had been discovered in the progress of the
race. A suggestion was also added respecting the
advantages that might be expected to accrue to the
interests of learning and humanity, if prizes were
offered for discoveries in science and inventions in
the arts, and also for the bringing to light of any
valuable knowledge that might lie buried beneath
the rubbish of literature. Whether these memorials
ever reached the royal personage for whom they
were designed, or what reception they met with, is
not known. They may serve, however, as illustra-
tions, if not of the practical good sense of Leibnitz^
at least of the constancy and ardor with which he
labored for the improvement of science, and the best
good of mankind.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 149

The expectations of Leibnitz were no less exag-
gerated respecting the wonders to be accomplished
by his projected philosophical language in the sphere
of morals and religion. He considered it a means
of preserving and extending the truths of Christianity
inferior only to " the miracles of a holy apostle, or
the victory of a great monarch." But without
dwelling upon this vagary, we may take this oppor-
tunity to give some account of the relation whifth
Leibnitz personally sustained to religion and the
church.

The subject of the reunion of the Protestant and
Catholic churches was one of the great topics of the
latter part of the seventeenth century; and to the
accomplishment of this important religious and polit-
ical measure, in which Leibnitz began actively to
interest himself some time before the death of John
Frederic, he devoted more or less of his time for the
space of twenty years. It was not for the satisfac-
tion of any personal religious scruples^ however,
that Leibnitz took so zealous a part in attempting to
restore the Protestants to the bosom of the mother
church ; although, as we shall see, he was some-
what favorably disposed to the Romish communion,
and was, accordingly, often solicited by his Catholic
friends to place himself within the pale of certain
salvation. He was inspired merely with the desire
of effecting a realization of his speculative idea of a
hierarchy, as developed in his writings on politics
and natural law. Therefore it was that, with all
his commendation of many of the Catholic institu-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

150 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

tions, and his reverence, even, for those of her
dogmas which appeared to him susceptible of a
philosophical interpretation, he nevertheless firmly
resisted all solicitations to enrol himself among the
spiritual subjects of the Roman pontiff.

The views of Leibnitz on this point cannot,
perhaps, be better stated than in his own words,
extracted from a letter, written in January, 1684, to
his friend. Landgrave Ernest, of Hesse-Rheinfels.
After having claimed to be spiritually, though not
externally, a member of the holy Catholic commun-
ion, and having acknowledged the divine right of
the papal hierarchy, together with the dogma of the
infallibility of the church in all those articles of faith
esteemed necessary for salvation, he proceeds as
follows ;

"To return to myself, then, I entertain certain
philosophical opinions, the truth of which I think
myself able to demonstrate, and which it would be
utterly impossible for me, with my present constitu*
tion of mind, to discredit, so long as I see no method
of proving the contrary. These opinions, though to
the best of my knowledge contradictory neither to
Scripture, tradition, nor the decrees of any council,
are, notwithstanding, disapproved and subjected to
the censorship by certain theologians of the school,
who imagine the opposite of them to be essential to
an orthodox faith.

"It may be replied, that I could escape this cen-
sorship by silence. But this would not answer.
For these principles are of great importance ; and in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 151

case I should wish to speak of the valuable discover-*
ies which I think I have made in the method of
investigating truth, and of extendihg human knowl-
edge, it would be necessary for me \o lay these
principles down as fundamental. It is true that had
I been born in the Romish church, I would have left
it only when excommunicated, or when denied the
privilege of the communion, as I might have been,
on refusing to subscribe to certain traditionary opin-
ions. Now, however, having been born and educat-
ed without the pale of the Church of Rome, it would
be neither sincere nor safe, I think, to apply for
admission into it, — ^knowing as I do that this appli-
cation would very likely be refused when my true
sentiments should have been made known. One
must constantly restrain himself and conceal his
thoughts, or expose himself to a Turpius ejicitur^
quam non admittitur hospes. This, to many per-
sons, would be very vexatious; and, in my own
case, it would entirely break up my peace of mind,
— ^not to mention the civil dangers attendant on
secession. True, it is possible that opinions con-
demned by the monks, might be approved, or at
least tolerated by many pious bishops and theologi-
ans; but it is not safe to expose one to a perhaps.
One must endeavor to learn the true state of the
case beforehand."

Not unlike the preceding, were the sentiments
communicated in the following extract irom a letter
to the learned, but assuming and fanatical Madame
Brinon, Secretary of the Abbess of Maubuisson:

Digitized by VjOOQlC

152 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

"You are right, Madame," he wrote in 1691, "in
regarding me as a Catholic at heart. I am one
openly even, for it is only obstinacy that makes the
heretic; and' of this, thank God, my conscience does
not accuse me. The essence of Catholicism consists
not in external communion with Rome, else would
they who are wrongfully excommunicated cease to
be Catholics contrary to their will and without their
fault. The true and essential communion, which
unites us to the body of Christ, consists in love.
All those, therefore, who are instrumental in uphold-
ing schism, by unkindly throwing hindrances in the
way of reconciliation, are themselves schismatics;
while those persons, on the contrary, who are willing
to do whatever they can in order to gain an entrance
into the external communion, are, in fact, true Cath-
#licg:\

It is filain that the concessions made by Leibnitz,
respecting the divine right of the papal supremacy
and the excellence of many of the institutions and
doctrines of the Roman Catholic church, proceeded
directly from his speculative idea of a hierarchy;
and that the reunion of the Lutheran with the
mother church was an historical postulate of his
political system. On this account was it that the
philosopher preferred an union on the basis of the
Romish, rather than the Lutheran church ; and that
to accomplish this union, he was willing to look
with an eye of indulgence upon some of the practical
abuses of the Catholics, and to endeavor to show the
compatibility of their dogmas with those of Protes-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 153

tant Christians; while, on the other hand, whenever
tlie question of his personal conversion was raised,
descending from the heights of speculation, he
attacked, in his capacity as a dissenter, both the
tenets and the practices of Romanism, and called for
the positive proof of the dogmas whose mere possible
truth he had before admitted, in his character as a
philosopher. Leibnitz, it must be confessed, how-
ever, did not always make a sufficiently broad dis-
tinction between things so widely separated as ideal
and historical Catholicism; nor will he entirely
escape the charge of indecision in his theological
views, from those who are more decided in their
preference of either the invisible church of Christ,
or of the visible communion of Rome.

Besides his correspondence with the Landgrave
of Hesse-Rheinfels, he also conferred on the subject
of church union with the noted theologian and di-
plomatist, Spinola, Bishop of Thina, in Croatia, who,
in 1679, came as imperial ambassador to Hanover.
He corresponded, likewise, on the same subject,
with Huet, afterwards Bishop of Avranches, and
with Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, through the latter
of whom he attempted, not altogether without suc-
cess, to interest Louis XIV in favor of the proposed
religious coalition.

To these irenical negotiations an end was sud-
denly put, in 1679, by the decease of the Duke of
Hanover. The virtues of this estimable prince
were, at the time, gratefully celebrated by Leibnitz
in three different eulogies, one of which was in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

154 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Latin, and another in French verse. In the Latin
poem, Leibnitz showed himself no mean master of
that species of composition, — ^not to mention the
prophetic merit which, on the elevation of a Hano-
verian prince to the throne of England, the author
was not altogether disinclined to attribute to the
concluding stanzas :

*^Et Superi majora pararU; sed talia Parcas
Noscere mortalem prohibent, vil dicere vatem."

Though confirmed in office by the succeeding
Duke, Ernest Augustus, Leibnitz seems to have
thought it advisable, considering the uncertainty of
princes' favors, to apply for the then vacant post of
imperial librarian in Vienna. Whether he was
unsuccessful in his application, or whether he finally
preferred to remain in Hanover, is not known.
From similar motives, he also, at about the same
time, sought, through the intervention of Huygens,
and his patron, the Duke of Chevreuse, to be ap-
pointed a foreign member of the Royal Academy of
Sciences in Paris. This honor, however, could not
then be bestowed on him in conformity with the
constitution of the Society, though it was granted a
number of years afterwards upon the removal of the
constitutional hindrance.

The new Duke, Ernest Augustus, previous to his
accession to the head of the Hanoverian government,
had taken such an active part in the war against
France, as to have gained the name of a brave gen-
eral and a true patriot. It was with his approbation,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 155

therefore, when the Turks, attacking the eastern
bulwark of European civilization, had laid seige to
Vienna, that Leibnitz again resumed his pen, to
warn his countrymen against the still greater dan-
gers which threatened the safety of the German
Empire, from the ambitious monarch of the West.
At that time residing in the Hartz mountains, for
the purpose of draining the ducal mines, Leibnitz
wrote a very valuable political tract against Louis
XIV, under the title of Mars Christianissimus, auc'
tore Germano GaUo-CrrcBCOj ou Apologie des Armes
du Roy trhs Chretien contre les Chretiens. The
object of this pamphlet, which was translated into
the German language, was to expose the aim and
general scope of the French policy. Tp accomplish
this object, the writer, under the form of irony, took
the side of the friends of France in Germany, then
called Gallo-GrsBCos ; and developed such a correct
understanding of the great political movements of
the times, as to give to his pamphlet no little histor*
ical value, and to attract to it very general notice.
The authorship of the Mars Christianissirrms was
never acknowledged, except to the Duke, with
whose approbation it was published, although the
writer occasionally took the liberty of referring to it
in his correspondence, as to a work not unworthy of
attention.

After the tide of Moslem invasion had been
turned back by the gallant interposition of John
Sobieski, Louis XIV still continued his hostile
demonstrations against the German empire, and

Digitized by VjOOQlC

156 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

finally compelled the emperor to accede to an inglo-
rious truce of twenty years. Ernest Augustus long
withheld his assent to a measure so dishonorable to
the 'Germanic princes; but certain domestic and
political circumstances finally made it the turning
point of his course of foreign policy. Active nego-
tiations, at this period, were going on between the
courts of Hanover and Berlin, to effect a matrimonial
union between the Electoral prince Frederic, and
the only, as she was also the beautiful and intellect-
ual, princess of Hanover, Sophia Charlotte, the
pupil of Leibnitz. But the consent of the Elector of
Brandenburg could be attained only by the accession
of Ernest Augustus to the truce with France. The
Duke accordingly yielded, and in the end even went
so far as to exchange his alliance with the emperor
for one with his former enemy, Louis XIV. Not
that he broke off all friendly communication with
the head of the German empire, for although a degree
of coldness sprang up between the two powers, yet
the strength of their mutual interests did not fail to
preserve in secret a tolerably good understanding
between them. The thre^^ young princes of Hano-
ver, whose prospects in life had been somewhat
obscured by the law of primogeniture, which Ernest
Augustus, not without the counsel and assistance of
Leibnitz, had recently introduced into the duchy,
looked to the emperor for employment; and the
Duke himself, having resolved to aspire after the
honors of an Elector of the empire, found it necessa-
ry to obtain, first of all, the consent of the court of
Vienna.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 157

But while the rising fortunes of Hanover were
fast eclipsing those of the other branches of the
House of Brunswick, the subordinate princes of this
family became sull more intimately connected with
the leading member of it; and Leibnitz, in conse-
quence, found himself at this period in the central
point of these related courts. The personal influ-
ence of the philosopher in this circle of princely
personages was very great. He early won the
aflection of the two Dukes of Wolfenbiittel, — was, at
a later period, appointed chief director of their libra-
ry, — and was esteemed not only as the ornament of
their table whenever he came to Wolfenbiittel, or to
Brunswick, but also as a valuable counsellor in all
matters pertaining to literature, science or religion.
Both of these dignitaries were men of learning; and
with one of them, Anthony Ullrich, the author of
two romances of some merit, Leibnitz maintained
for a long time an active correspondence.

Nor may we here omit to mention the connection
of Leibnitz with the excellent and accomplished
Sophia, Duchess of Hanover. This lady, if inferior
in extensive learning and in devotion to science, to
her sister, the celebrated Princess Elizabeth, of
Bohemia, excelled her far in brilliancy of intellect
and in political insight. She wrote Latin with
elegance, spoke and wrote most of the living lan-
guages, and was a zealous student of philosophy.
With Leibnitz, who was her guide in abstract and
scientific studies, she entered into the warmest
friendship, and corresponded with him whenever

Digitized by VjOOQlC

158 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

they were separated. In the letters of Leibnitz to
her, pleasantry was usually mingled with earnest-
ness; some of them contained, indeed, very detailed
expositions of his metaphysical theories; others
touched upon history, recent literature, coinage and
natural history. Many of them, on account of their
importance, were sent by the Duchess to her rela-
tives in France, especially to the genial and strong-
minded Duchess of Orleans, and also to various
persons at different foreign courts. Though differing
from her husband in religious views, — the Duchess
belonging to the Reformed, and the Duke to the
Lutheran church, — she resembled him in the liber-
ality with which he tolerated opinions and practices
in religion not agreeing with his own, as she did
generally in the generosity of his sentiments, and
the elevation of his ambition.

In the society of the Di\chess, Leibnitz often met
the humane and liberal-minded, as well as learned,
Molanus. These two scholars frequently came
together in the morning, at the residence of their
mutual friend, for the purpose of conversing with
her on some interesting topic in philosophy. It
generally fell to the lot of Leibnitz to pronounce
judgment upon the views presented by Molanus on
the one side, and the Duchess on the other; while
at times he himself received from his princely mis-
tress no feeble assistance in the maintenance of his
opinions.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XI.

CoDference in Hanover respecting chorch onion— Leibnitz's
8y»tema Theologkum — His correspondence with Pelisson,
respecting the reunion of Protestants and Catholics— His letter
to the Duchess Sophia, concerning the visions of Miss Von
Asseburg^His religious toleration— Correspondence with Bos*
suet, on church union— Leibnitz's proposal to unite all Protes*
tant sects against the Catholics.

The return of Spinola to the court of Hanover, in
the year 1683, called the attention of Leibnitz once
more to the subject of the reunion of the Protestants
and the Roman Catholics. Having wasted no little
time at Berlin in attempting to persuade the Elector
of Brandenburg to 'accede to his irenical projects,
the zealous Bishop of Thina, whose spirits were
incapable of being depressed by failure, came to
negotiate in favor of church union with the liberal-
minded successor of John Frederic. Ernest Augus-
tus, in fact, was, from political considerations, not
disinclined to favor a measure which met not only
with the approbation of the most intelligent theologi-
ans of his dominions, but also with that of the
emperor, whose assistance he was anxious to secure
in his efforts to obtain the title of Elector. The

Digitized by VjOOQlC

160 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

concessions, too, proposed by Spinola to be made on
the part of the Catholics, were very liberal. Taking
Bossuet's celebrated Exposition de la Foi as the
basis of his views, he proposed that the Protestants
should unite ttiemselves with the Church of Rome
without giving up any thing essential, either in their
faith or practice; their clergy should retain the right
of marriage ; the two parties should be called, the
one. Old Catholic, and the other, New Catholic ; in
token of their spiritual and fraternal union, they
should, from time to time, commune with each other;
the Protestants agreeing no longer to apply to the
Pope the name of Antichrist, but to acknowledge
him as the chief patriarch in Christendom; the Pope,
on his part, should issue a bull, pronouncing the
Protestants free from the sin of heresy; and espec-
ially, the authority of the Council of Trent, with its
anathemas, should be suspended until a future gen-
eral council, composed of both parties, could be
called to settle all points of disagreement.

To confer with Spinola, the Duke appointed
Molanus and several other theologians, who, strange
to say, speedily agreed on the terms of reunion.
These were substantially the same as those proposed
by the Bishop of Thina, according to which, the
Protestants should be admitted into the Romish
communion, and each party should tolerate the
dogmas of the other, especially those respecting
transubstantiation, until they could be harmonized
by a future ecumenical council. As a result of the
discussions of this conference, a tract was published

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 161

in 1691, entitled RegtdcB circa Ckristianorum omni'
um ecclesiasticum unionemf which was afterwards
made the basis of similar negotiations in Hungary
and in France.

Leibnitz, it appears, hardly expected any practical
issues from this effort of the friends of union. On
the contrary, the character of Spinola, the posture of
political af&irs at that period, and especially the
almost insurmountable obstacles which would be
likely ever to stand in the way of the proposed
council, seemed to him absolutely to forbid the
indulgence of any but the feeblest expectations of
success. He was of opinion that the only way of
bringing together churches so far separated from
each other, was, by mutually agreeing on some
common principles of religious belief. Accordingly
he proposed to the Duke to write such a treatise on
the points of disagreement between the Protestants
and the Catholics, as might furnish an exposition of
doctrines to which the leading minds of both peirties
would assent. This, for the purpose of giving it
greater effect, was to be so written as to appear to
have emanated from the pen of a Catholic. This
design, however, not meeting with the approbation
of Ernest Augustus, was never carried into effect ;
but long after the death of Leibnitz an imperfect
sketch of such an exposition of the Bomish doctrines
was found among his papers, and published, as if
expressing the real sentiments of the author, under
the imposing title of Leibnitz's Systema Theologicum,
This work, in fact, was very extensively regarded
11

Digitized by VjOOQlC

162 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

as the writer's religious will and testament; and as
such was translated no longer ago than the year
1819, into the French language, and soon afterwards
republished in Germany also.

Meanwhile, in 1684, Spinola, provided with the
treatise of the Hanoverian theologians, proceeded to
Some, where his views and propositions were re-
ceived with great favor by Innocent XI, and the
highest dignitaries of the church. But no practical
result followed* And the same may be said of his
efibrts in the same cause afterwards made in Hun-
gary; of those of his successor, the Count of Buck-
heim, undertaken in 1698, in Hanover, and finally
of those prosecuted by Leibnitz himself, in Vienna,
whither, at the request of the emperor, he went in
1700, to attend a conference on the subject of church
union.

Previously, however, to this visit to Vienna,
Leibnitz, through the mediation of the learned and
gifted Madame de Brinon, Secretary of the Abbess
of Maubuisson, carried on, in the years 1691-2, a
correspondence on the subject of the toleration of
differences in religion with Pelisson, historiographer
to Louis XIV. This author, who wrote not more
elegantly on historical, than learnedly on theological
subjects, had, in some of his writings, accused the
Protestants of indifference to religion, on account of
their disbelief in the infallibility of the church; and
it was to the refutation of this charge that Leibnitz
applied the principles of his peculiar system of phi-
losophy in the letters which, together with those of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 163

His opponent, were afterwards published under the
title of Lettres de Mr, Leibnitz et de Mr. Pelisson de
la toUrance et des diffirens de la religion.

This correspondence, the publication of which;
excited considerable attention in Europe, was con-
ducted with great urbanity on both sides, although;
Leibnitz boldly denounced tnany of the errors and
abuses of the Romish church, and required their
reformation as a necessary preliminary to the ac-
ceptance of any terms of union on the part of the
Protestants. Pelisson testified his regard for his
correspondent by asking him for a brief sketch of
his life and doctrines, — a favor which was willingly
granted. It may be added, that in one of his letters,
Leibnitz replied to a question respecting his views
on the dogma of transubstantiation with more than
usual explicitness. "I hold," he says, "to the
Augsburg Confession, which supposes a real pres-
ence of the body of Jesus Christ, and beholds in this
sacrament something mysterious. This view ap-
pears to be conformable to the opinions of antiquity,,
and to the words of the text, the natural sense of
which we ought to preserve as far as possible."

Not dissimilar in its principles and tendencies,
and still more interesting, was the correspondence
which took place between Leibnitz and the Duchess
of Hanover, while the latter was spending some
time, in the year 1691, in Ebsdorf. At this water-
ing place there happened then to be residing a lady
of the ancient and noble family of Asseburg, together
with her three daughters. Herself a pious ent

Digitized by VjOOQlC

164 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

ast, she had devoted one of these, Rosamund, even
before birth, to the Saviour; and had, probably, at
an early day, made the child acquainted with the
solemn dedication. When still very young, Rosa-
mund believed that Jesus wels v<ront to appear to her
in all his splendor, and make to her various kinds of
revelations, of which, even before she was well able
to write, she was accustomed to keep a record.
This young maiden, at the time the Duchess was
residing at EbsdorT, was beginning to excite a good
deal of attention by means of her supposed faculty
of giving appropriate answers to questions laid before
her in sealed letters, and written in foreign languag-
es altogether unknown by her. These replies she,
in common with many others, thought were com-
municated to her by the Saviour. Sometimes,
however, she was unsuccessful; and then she de-
clared that Jesus would not always answer her, but
only when it pleased him. On one occasion she
was greatly grieved, and wept bitterly because, as
she said, the Saviour was angry with her as he had
never been before. This singular phenomenon,
exciting the attention of the highest personages in
the land, gave rise to very different opinions, and
aroused the most violent passions of relig^us con-
troversy. To the orthodox divines, the replies and
sayings of Rosamund seemed to savor of heresy; to
the more enlightened they appeared ridiculous; but
both thought the foolish girl ought to be shut up in
prison. Molanus drily remarked, that such expres-
sions as, "my queen," "my little dove," which

Digitized by VjO'OQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 165

Rosamund pretended Jesus employed in addressing
her, were not usual, so far as was known, in the
communications of the celestials.

To the Duchess, who requested the opinion of
Leibnitz respecting this miracle, as it was by many
persons esteemed, he replied, in terms evincing a
degree of philosophic liberality not very common in
those days of narrow-mindedness and bigotry.
"There are persons," he wrote, alluding to Molanus,
" who treat the matter cavalierly, and believe that
the young prophetesss should be dispatched straight-
way to Pyrmont. For myself, I am clearly of
opinion there is no supernatural agency in the affair;
and that there must be some embellishment in the
story of the English letter of Dr. Scott, to which,
without opening it, she is said to have given an
answer dictated by the Saviour. Meanwhile I am
filled with astonishment at the nature of the human
mind, of whose powers and capabilities we have no
adequate conception. On meeting with persons
like these, instead of rebuking and endeavoring to
alter them, we ought much rather to desire to retain
them in so exalted a state of mind, as one treasures
up a curiosity or a cabinet-piece." Here the writer
mentions the characteristic marks whereby dreams
and visions may be distinguished from real percep-
tions; and adds the remark, that men of vivid imag-
ination, as is sometimes the case with young persons
educated in cloisters, can call up apparitions before
their mind's eye as distinct as the reality, and
especially when the appearances have some connec-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

/

166 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

tion with things actually existing. " I often think,"
he continues, "that Ezekiel had studied the art of
architecture, or was a court engineer, because he
saw in his visions such magnificent edifices. But a
prophet in* the country, like Amos, beholds only
landscapes or rural pictures; while the statesman
Daniel gives rules, in his visions, to the monarchies
of the world. This maiden whom your Highness
has seen, may not, indeed, be compared with proph-
ets like these; however, she believes she sees Jesus
Christ before her eyes, because among Protestants
there are no other saints to be seen. The burning
love, which, fanned by the hearing of sermons and
by private reading, she bears to the Saviour, has at
length obtained for her the gracious gift of beholding
his image or appearance. For why should I not
call it a gift of grace? It does her only good, it
renders her happy, it makes her the subject of the
most beautiful sentiments."

As the Dukes pf Wolfenbiittel and Celle were
present with the Duchess Sophia in Ebsdorf, Leib-
nitz took that opportunity to inculcate upon them
the propriety of tolerating such religious sects,
though erroneous, as were not likely to do any harm
to the state. " The best course," he writes, " is to
let these good people have their own way so long as
they engage in nothing that may lead to practical
consequences. I learn from history that sects have
generally sprung up from too great oppression of
those who entertained some peculiar opinion; and
under pretence of preventing heresies, one has only

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 167

established them. Generally such notions disappear
of themselves when they have lost the charm of
novelty ; but when one makes a great noise about
them, and undertakes to put them down by argument
and persecution, it is the same as endeavoring to
put out the fire with the bellows. Heresy is like a
torch, which will become extinguished if left alone,
but which is kept burning by violent motions to and
fro. Sometimes, from fear of a dearth of heretics,
the theologians do all they can to find them out ;
and in order to make the unbelievers immortal, they
give them party names, as Chiliasts, Jansenists,
Quietists and Pietists. Often one arrives at the
honor of being a heresiarch before he knows it, as
the deceased Payon, an able preacher in France,
whose pupils and friends were treated by Mr. Jurieu
and others as Payonists." In the same spirit of
liberality, Leibnitz interested himself warmly in
aiding the superintendent, Petersen, who had been
deposed from office in consequence of proclaiming
the approach of the reign of Christ, which he
considered to be heralded by the prophecies of
Rosamund von Asseburg. At a later period, also,
Leibnitz interceded with the spiritual authorities at
Vienna, in behalf of the Pietists, who were in
danger of persecution from the bigoted partizans of
Romanism.

Not long after the termination of his correspond-
ence with the duchess Sophia, and that before men-
tioned with Pelisson, Leibnitz commenced one of
still greater impprtance with the celebrated Bossuet,

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

168 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

bishop of Meaux. The subject of discussion was the
same as that treated of in the letters between Leib-
nitz and Pelisson, — the union of the Protestant and
Roman Catholic churches. The interest of Bossuet
in this project was first awakened by Molanus, who
sent to the former the preliminaries of a religious
peace, as agreed upon by the Hanoverian conference,
as well as some other communications pertaining to
the same subject. But the latter at length gave
place to Leibnitz. The ground taken by the French
prelate with his German correspondents, was, that
the course pursued by Spinola and the other mem-
bers of the conference at Hanover, could never
accomplish the end desired; that first to effect aa
union in form, as proposed by the Hanoverian
theologians, and afterwards to endeavor to agree
upon the terms of one in reality, was to invert the
order of reason ; and that, disposed as the Catholic
church might be to yield for the sake of peace many
points comparatively unimportant in discipline, she
nevertheless would never consent to surrender any
of the cardinal points of her theological system. The
sacrament of the supper might be administered in
two different forms, to suit each party ; certain expli-
cations of some of the Catholic dogmas might be
made, rendering them more consonant with the
creed of the Protestants ; but the Church of Rome
could never so far depart from her dignity and from
truth as to surrender a tittle of the doctrines estab-
lished by her councils. Though firmly believing
that these doctrines were the only true and possible

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 169

foundation of the proposed union, Bossuet showed
great moderation and libers^lity of mind in the treat-
ment of all subordinate matters. Leibnitz, as we
have before observed, was, at heart, not in favor of
the course pursued by Spinola and Molanus, but
saw, with Bossuet, the necessity 'of coming to some
agreement on doctrinal points, before instituting a
formal union of the two churches. He however was
compelled, in this case, to advocate the sentiments of
the court of Hanover, instead of his own. This
circumstance made his position a false one, and was
indeed fatal to the success of his argument. No
matter how gallantly he might defend the principle
of the Reformation, no matter what unanswerable
historical and theological objections he might urge
against the Council of Trent, his opponent could
notwithstanding calmly reply, — if you do not choose
to return to the true church, you can remain where
you are ; but if you do return, it can be only on such
principles as she believes to be safe and orthodox.
Not the principles of the Romish church, as such,
therefore, not the acuteness and erudition of Bossuet,
not his great personal and official influence, but the
truer position assumed by him in the controversy
was it, which gave him a decided logical and moral
superiority over his antagonist. It was in vain that
the German philosopher supported his false position
with a splendor of learning and argumentation
which secured for him a rank among the first
Protestant theologians ; he lost both his cause and^
his temper.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

170 LIFB OP LBIBNITZ

Bossuet at length became so convinced' that they
could arrive at no practical result, that in 1694 he
broke off the correspondence ; but five years after-
wards, €it the request of the Duke Anthony Ulrich,
Leibnitz renewed it. The question upon which the
dispute then turned, was, whether the Council of
Trent had the right to introduce the Apocrypha into
the canon, and consequently, to hurl its anathemas
against the Protestants for rejecting it. On this
subject Leibnitz reasoned- with such force of argu-
ment and such copiousness of learning as to elicit
the admiration of even the biographer of his oppo-
nent ; and having in his turn the best of the argu-
ment, he in 1701 discontinued the correspondence.

The spirit maintained in this controversy by Bos-
stiet, was highly creditable to his character as a
Christian prelate. Confident of his well-chosen
position, he wrote with candor and with calmness ;
avoided alike the somewhat assuming and author-
itative tone of Arnaud, and the courtly, flattering
manner of Pelisson ; and, especially, abstained, as
others had not done, from all attempts to gain a
proselyte in the person of his distinguished corre-
spondent. But this very firmness, seriousness, and
manly reserve of the Bishop of Meaux served only
the more to excite the temper of Leibnitz, though
himself accustomed to make an imposing impression
upon others by the philosophic repose and dignity of
his bearing. Even at the outset, the latter became
personal in his remarks, and indulged in very bitter
observations, both against Bossuet and the church

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 171

whose cause he advocated. Characters, indeed, like
Leibnitz and Bossuet necessarily repel each other.
The divine accused the philosopher of being ambi-
tious of mingling in too many matters ; he charged
him with intruding into the domain of theology;
and when Leibnitz happened to write an epigram on
the invention of bombs, Bossuet blamed him for
aspiring to be a poet. On the other hand, the Ger-
man imputed to the Frenchman a want of good
temper (son kumeur itoit un peu chagrin) ; he found
fault with the asceticism which the French theolo-
gians opposed to the cheerfulness and hilarity of
men of the world, while the foulest corruption was
known to reign at the French court, under the mask
of piety; and when, in 1694, a violent controversy
arose between the French ecclesiastics and players,
on account of the proposition made by Father Caffa-
ro to admit the latter to the sacraments, Leibnitz,
taking side with the persecuted, came • out against
the party of the Bishop of Meaux with the following
jeu d'esprit.

AiLX Docteurs Antkomidiens,

Sev^res Directeurs des hommes,
Savez-vous, qu'au Si^cle oil nous sommes,
Un Moli^re 6difie autant, que vos lecjons?
Le vice bien railli6 n'est pas sans penitence,
II faut pour reformer la France,
La Com^die, ou les Dragons.

Upon the conclusion of his correspondence with
Bossuet, Leibnitz finally relinquished the project of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

172 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

effecting an union between the Protestants and the
Catholics. The reason of this abandonment of a
long-cherished purpose lay in the altered posture of
the political affairs of Europe. The unjust and
obstinate war waged by Louis XIV against the
emperor,' in 1688, had given to the Catholic king a
dangerous ascendancy over the Protestant states of
Germany ; while, at the same time, the revolution
in England had opened to the house of Hanover the
prospect of ascending the throne of Great Britain.
Leibnitz, therefore, in harmony with the wishes of
the Hanoverian court, ceased at the commencement
of the eighteenth century to advocate the ecclesiasti-
cal alliance of the north of Germany with the south
of Europe ; and proposed in its stead the union of
the different Protestant churches in Germany, Swit-
zerland, Holland and England, against the Catholic
powers of Europe, and especially against France.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XII.

Leibnitz engages to write the history of the house of Brunswick -
Genealogies of German princes in the seventeenth centuiy—
Leibnitz's plan of a German historical society— He commences
a journey to Italy— Proceeds by way of the Rhine to Vienna
—His reception at the imperial court— Manifesto by him respect-
ing the relations of the empire to the Turks and to Louis XIV
— Leibnitz's occupations in Vienna— Excursion to the mines of
Hungary — He proceeds to Venice— Narrow escape at sea— He
arrives in Rome— His acquaintance with Roman literati— He
visits the catacombs— His proposal of introducing the study of
natural science into the cloisters— Jesuit missions to China—
Chinese civilization— He goes to Naples, Florence, Bologna,
Modena— His historical discoveries in Modena— He returns to
Venice— Interesting letter on leaving Italy— Arrival at Hanover.

But while thus occupied as a theologian in advo-
cating the interests of his ducal master and of
Protestantism in Germany, the attention of Leibnitz
was called as early as the year 1686 to an under-
taking of a purely literary character. This was the
composition of an historical work on the genealogy
of the house of Brunswick, — a labor designed to
extend the reputation of this line of princes, and
indirectly, also, to throw light upon the history of
the German empire.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

174 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

The genealogy of princes passed in the age of
Louis XIV for the most important branch of histor-
ical investigation. The whole state was so concen-
trated in the person of the ruler, and those intimate-
ly connected with him, the legal rights of the people
depended so much upon the private rights of the
governing families, that these genealogies, besides
the lustre conferred by them upon persons descended
from a noble ancestry, possessed the highest political
importance in relation to all inheritances of land and
contracts respecting the acquisition of territory. But
at the same time, no branch of history was so per-
verted by the flatteries and falsehoods of historians.
Most German princes, at that period, were well
pleased to see their origin traced back, if not to
Charlemagne, at least to the noble families of modern
Italy; and there were not wanting authors, who,
with affected erudition, pretended to prove the gene-
alogical connection of some of the reigning families
of Germany with the most illustrious patricians of
ancient Rome. The learned rivalled each other in
presenting to the great such genealogical deductions,
in illuminated manuscripts, with the hope that their
elegant flattery would be munificently rewarded.
Thus Ernest Augustus once received a favor of this
kind from a Dutch nobleman and prelate, which,
profusely embellished with beautiful pictures, traced
the ancestral line of the Duke back to the person of
the Roman emperor Augustus, and thence down to
the times of Romulus and Remus. This fantastic
labor, however, ijould hardly satisfy the sound judg-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 175

xnent of such a man as the Duke, though it appears
to have served as a means of calling his attention to
the origin of his family. He accordingly commis-
sioned Leibnitz to inquire into the matter, who, far
from seeking to rise by the low arts practised by
other writers of genealogies, avowed the opinion that
the house of Brunswick was not of Italian, but of
German descent. To substantiate this view, he
entered into a correspondence with the learned An-
thony Magliabechi, librarian of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany. In 1687, moreover, he was ordered by
the Duke to set out upon a journey to various parts
of Germany, and also to Italy, to collect information
respecting the early history of the house of Bruns-
wick. Thus was to be fulfilled the wish, ten years
before vainly entertained, of visiting the cradle of
modern science, the country of Galileo ; and that,
too, not merely for the purpose of investigating a
single question in history, but with various and
important aims, that readily suggested themselves to
a mind of such general interests.

. The history of Germany presented at that time a
field which had been but little cultivated. A new
interest in this^matter, however, was then just spring-
ing up; and, as was to have been expected, Leibnitz
took the lead in the patriotic movement, encouraging
it at various courts by his influence and counsel, and
especially by connecting the theme on which he was
himself engaged with the history of the empire.
Shortly before commencing his journey to Italy,
having been informed by Job Ludolf, the learned

Digitized by VjOOQlC

176 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

founder of the study of Ethiopian philology in
Europe, respecting PauUini's project of a German
historical society, Leibnitz zealously embraced the
proposal, and at once framed a number of important
rules for the regulation of such an institution. His
plan was, that the society should be constructed on
the same principles as the associations for the pro-
motion of physical science. The leading maxim of
Leibnitz, in the study of historical subjects, was well
expressed by him in the following sentence, taken
from one of his letters, written soon after he had
commenced his history of the house of Brunswick :
"Didici in mathematicis ingenioy in natura expert-
mentis^ in legibtis divinis kumanisque atcctoritate, in
kistoria testimoniis nitendum esse.^*

In the autumn of 1687, Leibnitz, well supplied by
the Duke with letters of introduction, commenced
his journey. His immediate destination' was Vien-
na, where, besides accomplishing his literary pur-
poses, he was to execute several important private
commissions for both the Duke and* the Duchess.
His route lay through Hessia, the middle Rhine,
Franconia, Bavaria, and Bohemia; and in every
place he explored diligently all the libraries, archives
and ancient monuments. Every where, also, for
the purpose of adding to his experience and his
stores of knowledge, he sought out men of learning,
and made inquiries respecting the existing institu-
tions of society. Whatever was remarkable he
noticed in his journal, a portion of which is still
extant. In Marburg he visited Waldschmidt, an

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 177

eminent mechanician and natural philosopher, who
gratified him with a view of several interesting
physiological experiments. He made a digression
to Rheinfels, to see his friend, the Landgrave Ernest,
who had often invited him to his little court, which,
in comparison with that of Hanover, he called the
court of the " king of Ivetot." The Landgrave dis-
missed him, after a short stay, with a flattering letter
of introduction to the Elector of the Palatinate, the
same person for whom Leibnitz, years before, had
written his Specimen demonstrationum politicarum.
The secret of the authorship of this tract was not
disclosed by Leibnitz on meeting with the Elector,
though he might have done it with advantage.

At length Leibnitz arrived at Frankfort, the place
where he had won some of his earliest laurels.
There, to his great satisfaction, he made personally
the acquaintance of Job Ludolf, to whom he long
continued to communicate, in the most confidential
manner, not only his views and plans generally, but
his private feelings and wishes also. He likewise
met some of his former friends in this place ; and as
the quantity of historical materials collected by him
was rapidly increasing, he here procured a young
scholar to accompany him to Vienna, for the pur-
pose of making extracts from rare books and manu-
scripts. Munich, with its numerous neighboring
cloisters, supplied him with a rich booty ; and several
weeks were spent in securing it. In Salzbach,
Leibnitz made the acquaintance of the fanSous cabal-
ist, Christian Knorr, with whom he engaged in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

178 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

interesting conversations respecting the testimony
furnished by the cabalistic Jews in favor of Chris-
tianity. Knorr, among other things, showed him a
work in manuscript, entitled Messias pu>er, which
consisted of extracts from a life of Jesus, from the
time of the annunciation until his baptism. Of
Knorr, Leibnitz afterwards spoke to his friends in
terms of the highest esteem.

In May, 16S8, Leibnitz arrived in Vienna, where
he met with a reception entirely worthy of his fame
as a philosopher, and of his rank at the court of
Hanover. The respectful manner in which he had
always spoken in his writings of the emperor, pre-
pared the way, notwithstanding he was a Protestant,
and notwithstanding the alliance subsisting between
Hanover and France, for him easily to gain the
confidence of the chief minister of state. According-
ly, not only were the treasures of the library gener-
ously opened to his investigation, but he Was placed
in a situation favorable to the execution of his diplo-
matic commissions, and even admitted to a know-
ledge of some of the secrets of the imperial cabinet.

At the time Leibnitz arrived in Vienna, the city
was rejoicing over an event before unheard of in
Christendom. This was the arrival in the tent of
the emperor and his allies of an embassy from their
ancient enemy, the Ottoman Porte, humbly sueing
for a cessation of hostilities. And so high had the
confidence of the allied powers arisen, in conse-
quence of^eir victories at Moharz and Belgrade,
and such vras the confusion in the heart of the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 179

Turkish empire attendant upon the dethronement of
Mohammed IV, that the friends of Christianity were
then in douht whether to comply with the request of
the enemy, or to continue the war until they should
have expelled the harharians entirely from Europe.
Leibnitz, notwithstanding he still cherished the
project of a crusade against the Eastern infidels, and
reverted to it in all his published writings of this
period, was of opinion that the dangers which threat-
ened the safety of the German empire from the
ambition of Louis XIV, ought to deter the emperor
from driving his Ottoman enemies to extremities;
and in this view he was confirmed by the sugges-
tions of his friend Ludolf, who during his whole life
was possessed with the idea, — ^not unlike that for the
realization of which Leibnitz had undertaken his
mission to the court of France, — of efiecting an
alliance between the Christian powers of Europe
and the negroes of Abyssinia, for the purpose of
expelling the Turks from Egypt.

The project entertained by the emperor, however,
was, in connection with Louis XIV, to drive the
descendants of Mohammed back to their homes in
the East, and to divide the conquered territories
between the victors. This fact we learn from a
manifesto, published several years afterwards by
Leibnitz, in favor of the claims of the Archduke
Charles to the throne of Spain. But it has never
been mentioned by any other writer ; and we know
not certainly whether the emperor's design was
actually communicated to the French lAonarch, nor

Digitized by VjOOQlC

180 LIFE OP LEIBNITZ.

what part Leibnitz may have had in originating or
advocating it. In conformity with this purpose,
therefore, the Christian and allied powers refused to
make peace with their Moslem enemies, and that
even after the bursting on the western borders of the
empire of the storm which Leibnitz some time before
had anxiously anticipated.

Louis XIV, in fact, openly declared war against
the German empire, in the autumn of 1688, and
forthwith planted his victorious standards upon the
banks of the Rhine. The excuse alleged for viola-
ting the twenty years' truce, was, a design which it
was pretended was entertained by the emperor of
making peace with the Turks, and then invading
France with all his forces. To this allegation the
imperial manifesto replied with great spirit, showing
that the pretences of Louis were entirely without
foundation, and that they were an unwarrantable
attack on both the character and the rights of
Charles VI. The traces of the able pen of Leibnitz
are so distinctly visible in this paper, that there can
be no doubt of his having been the author of it. " It
may be regarded," says a recent German historian
of celebrity, " as a masterpiece of political eloquence
upon the relations, external and internal, of the Ger-
man empire, and after an oblivion of a hundred and
fifty years, well deserves the attention of the nine-
teenth century."

But while thus interested in the aflairs of state,
Leibnitz did not forget the immediate object of his
visit to Vienna. He also rendered important assist-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 181

ance to the Hanoverian agent at the imperial court,
who was engaged in advocating the claims of his
master, in opposition to those of the Elector of Bran-
denburg, to the possession of Friesland. At the
request of the Duchess Sophia, Leibnitz also obtained
from the government at Vienna the promotion of a
prince of Hanover in the imperial army. Nor was
the project of a German historical society lost sight
of by the historian of the House of Brunswick, during
his residence in Vienna. On the contrary, he
warmly commended it to the attention of many per-
sons of rank and learning, aiid even bespoke for it
the patronage of the emperor. But in this, as in
many other great plans for the promotion of science
and civilization, Leibnitz was in advance of his age.
The society, notwithstanding the zeal with which he
advocated it, never went into actual operation, from
want of a sufficiently strong common interest among
its members. Some of his time, moreover, was
devoted by Leibnitz to the service of his learned
friends in various places. For Ludolf he procured
a copy of a rabbinical codex in the Hebrew lan-
guage ; and for Baluzius, the librarian of the French
minister Colbert, he offered to transcribe with his
ovm hand a Greek codex. This last being a very
Ancient manuscript, and one difficult of transcription
on account of its antiquated abbreviations, Leibnitz
said he could find no suitable person in Vienna to
do the work for him, all studies except those of
scholastic philosophy and practical jurisprudence
being then sadly neglected in that city. He at the

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

182 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

same time acknowledged that he himself, not having
occasion often to make use of the Greek language,
devoted but little attention to it. Before leaving
Vienna, it may be further added, Leibnitz made an
excursion to the imperial gold mines in Hungary,
for the purpose of extending his knowledge of mining
operations.

At length, after a residence of almost nine months
in Vienna, Leibnitz resumed his journey, though not
until having first been abundantly supplied by his
Viennese friends with letters of introduction to the
courts, the statesmen and the literati of upper and
middle Italy. His first stopping-place was Venice.
What were the. first impressions made by the beau-
tiful queen of the Adriatic, or by the brilliant skies
and happy life of Italy, upon the hyperborean philos-
opher, is not known. We are merely informed that
he made an excursion to the imperial quicksilver
mines in Istria; and that on leaving Venice he
came near losing his life at sea. " From Venice,"
relates Eckhart, " he proceeded along the coast in a
small bark, with no other passengers. But a severe
storm overtook him; and, as he has often told me,
the sailors, not supposing that he was acquainted
with their language, began to debate in his presence
the question whether they should throw him over-
board, and take possession of his property. Without
letting it be observed that he understood them, he
took out a rosary he had with him, and pretended to
say his prayers. But seeing this, one of the sailors,
in opposition to the others, declared that as the man

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 183

was no heretic, he could not have the heart to take
his life. Accordingly he escaped, and disembarked
tit Mesola."

Travelling slowly, and every where making
inquiries and observations, he reached Rome in the
month of October, at the commencement of the pon-
tificate of Alexander VIIL His arrival was too late
for him to see the distinguished pupil of Cartesius,
queen Christina, of Sweden; but still it occurred
before the enthusiasm for science which she had
awakened among the Romans had entirely subsided.
The fame of the German philosopher had preceded
him to Rome; and not only did he obtain free access
to the treasures of science and art contained in the
eternal city; but the most eminent literati, both
native and foreign, voluntarily paid their respects
and offered their services to him. With some of
these, indeed, he was already acquainted, through
the medium of letters. Among the high dignitaries
of the church to whom he had access, may be men-
tioned the eminent cardinal von Bouillon, ambassa-
dor of Louis XIV, in whose house he had the pleas-
ure of hearing the opera Amadis. By Francesco
Nazari, a noted mathematician, and publisher of the
Giornale di litteratiy he waS introduced to Adrian
Auzulus, one of the founders of the Royal Academy
of Sciences at Paris, and who was engaged with
Nazari in investigations in natural philosophy. Both
of these scholars Leibnitz often met with dCiring his
residence in Rome. Through them he also made
the acquaintance of Giampini, founder oidinAcademia

Digitized by VjOOQlC

184 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

fisico'Tnathematica, ia which were numbered many
of the most illustrious living names of Roman
science. Introduced into this fraternity of scholars,
and received by them as a member, Leibnitz was
most favorably impressed by the fine humanity and
the vigorous labors of these new friends, and espe-
cially by the munificence of the founder of the asso-
ciation, displayed in the purchase of valuable instru-
ments. On the other hand, the learning and socia-
bility of Leibnitz endeared him to the Academy;
and long after his departure from Rome, his name
was kindly remembered in this scientific circle. In
fact, there was in Rome no society of literati,
whethter assembling in palace, library or coflTee-room,
and whether devoted to theology, literature or anti-
quities, into which Leibnitz was not admitted, either
as a member or a guest. The admiration and
friendly regard which was here entertained for him,
appears also from the fact that he was offered the
office of an overseer of the Vatican library. ' This
offer, however, being coupled with the condition that
he should enter the Romish church, he was, of
course, obliged to decline it ; and notwithstanding,
as he afterwards said, the situation was but a step-
ping-stone to the rank of a cardinal.

The famous antiquarian, Raphael Fabretti, secre-
tary of Alexander VIII, took great pleasure in show-
ing Leibnitz all the renowned antiquities of the city;
and among other places, took him to the Catacombs.
"And as Leibnitz would not believe that a certain
red substance, which was to be seen in bowls and

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 185

bottles that stood upon many of the graves, was con-
gealed blood, but rather held it to be earth or dust of
that color, Fabretti, in order to remove his incredu-
lity, poured warm water into one of the bowls, the
contents of which soon revealed themselves in the
form of real blood. Thereupon it lacked little, but
that Leibnitz would have been convinced, and have
gone from the tombs of the martyrs solemnly im-
pressed and edified." At least, so says our Italian
informant.

This willingness, in matters of little importance, to
believe in Rome as did the Romans, may at least
have produced this good effect, that it secured for
the Protestant philosopher the good-will of those
with whom he was connected, and thus gave him
the power of communicating important but unpalata-
ble truths without offence. Accordingly he urged
the astronomer, Bianchini, as well as other mathe-
maticians in Rome, and, later, the eminent geome-
trician, Viviani, in Florence, to attempt to persuade
the new pope to put an end to the tyrannical opposi-
tion of certain religious zealots to modem astronomy,
and to allow greater freedom of scientific investiga-
tion. Leibnitz went farther. He earnestly sought
to gain over the Italian literati to a project which
had recently occurred to him, of introducing the
study of natural science into the cloisters. Great
progress in knowledge was anticipated by him, in
case so many minds could be made to consider the
study of the works of God as an act of piety, and
thus be induced to devote to useful scientific pursuits

Digitized by VjOOQlC

i
J-

V-

186 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

the hours commonly spent in indolence and in
dreams. Two or three years later, also, on the
occasion of a dispute hetween two Romanists respect-
ing the propriety of banishing all studies whatsoever
from the cloisters, Leibnitz wrote an earnest letter to
Magliabechi on the subject. "What," he asked, "is
r-^ more consonant with piety than the contemplation of
the wonderful works of God and Providence, as they
appear in nature, also in history, in the government
of the church and of the human race ? To deny
these studies to piety, is the same as taking from it
its natural nourishment, and leaving it merely the

r dry meditations from which the unsatisfied soul
readily passes to abstract and empty speculations,
and at last runs the risk of falling into most danger-

^^^ ous. illusions."

^ Among the persons at Rome whose conversation

^*', Leibnitz found most agreeable and instructive, was
the Jesuit father, Claudius Philip Grimaldi, then

^.-, preparing to go to China to act as mandarin and

;. president of a mathematical society under the learned
emperor, Cham-Hi. The seventeenth century, lis-
tening to the exaggerated reports of the Jesuit mis-
sionaries to the East, entertained an extravagant
notion of the state of Chinese art and science. The
condition, however, of this remarkable people was
well calculated to awaken the interest of the age of
Louis XIV; and Leibnitz, when a young man,
formed such magnificent conceptions of this remote
empire, as to call it, in his first memorial to the
French king, the France of the East. His inter-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

c

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 197

course with Grimaldi tended to confirm his youthful
views of this foreign civilization. He was inclined
to the opinion that the Chinese had formerly heen
in possession of profound systems of philosophy and
theology, which in his time were concealed in sym-
bols no longer understood hy the Chinese themselves.
In co-operation with the Jesuits, he also endeavored
to defend the modern religious doctrines of these
Asiatics from the charges, then made against them,
of materialism and atheism. It was about this time,
likewise, that Leibnitz invented the Dyadik, or 7
reckoning with zero and unity, whereby he thought '1
to furnish an expressive symbol of the Christian doc- I
trine of the creation of the world out of nothing.
And a description of this invention was sent to
Grimaldi in China, with the hope that the mathe-
matical monarch of that heathen realm might see, in
this illustration of the mystery of the creation, a
convincing proof of the excellence of the Christian
religion and philosophy. The author of this' new
arithmetic farther supposed that this invention would
" serve as a key to the secrets of Fohi, the founder of
the Chinese empire. These were written in the
book Yekin, in twenty-four hieroglyphical characters,
which, being connected with the doctrine of combi-
nations, presented no slight attractions to the Ger-
man mathematician.

It must not be supposed, however, that Leibnitz
formed any other than moderate notions respecting
the existing condition of science and culture in
China. He considered the scholars of that country

Digitized by VjOOQlC

188 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

as far behind those of Europe, in the theoretical
sciences, in astronomy, geometry, and the art of war ;
and it was probably from vexation on Recount of the
general disorder and immorality by which he was
surrounded, that in some of his writings he suggest-
ed that while the European Christians were estab-
j lishing missions in China, to teach the children of
the sun the truths of revelation, the Chinese, in turn,
should send missionaries to Europe, to teach their
western brethren the true doctrines and practice of
natural religion. Leibnitz, however, was very solic-
itous to ascertain the real state of Oriental learning,
and therefore became so much interested in the
Chinese mission of the Jesuits, as to engage zealous-
ly in their defence against the envy and hatred of
the other orders of the Eomish priesthood. But at
the same time, he confessed that many members of
the society of which he appeared as the apologist,
were too violent in their character, and some were
ready to serve their order through both right and
wrong. Moreover, while advocating the cause of
the Jesuit missionaries, he took no little pains to
induce the Protestant churches in Prussia and Eng-
land to establish evangelical missions in China. It
is true that several members of the Order of Jesus,
not appreciating the high philosophical position
occupied by their defender, presumed to address him
on the subject of his personal conversion to Roman-
ism ; but Leibnitz, in his reply, gave them to under-
stand that he had no thoughts of changing his
religion, and that if he favored the Jesuit missions

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 189

to China, it was because he considered the know-
ledge of a corrupt form of Christianity better than no
acquaintance with it at all.

It was not merely from religious considerations, it
may be added, that Leibnitz interested himself in the
cause of Chinese missions. On his first acquaint-
ance with Grimaldi, he had devised the plan of
forming an epistolary connection with the Catholic
missionaries in China and India, for the purpose of
collecting information respecting the countries, in-
habitants and languages of Upper Asia, about which
little was at that time known by Europeans. He
also requested his friends in difierent parts of Ger-
many, particularly Ludolf, to prepare questions
respecting matters of scientific interest, that he might
obtain through his correspondents in the East the
greatest variety of curious and valuable facts. In
turn, Leibnitz procured for Grimaldi letters of intro-
duction from the King of Poland to the Shah of
Persia ; and also labored, though without efiect, to
persuade the eccentric sinologist, Andrew Miiller,
of Berlin, to publish a Clavis Sinica for the benefit
of the Jesuit father^

Before leaving Rome, Leibnitz, as we learn from
^ a passing allusion in one of his letters, made a short
excursion to Naples; and, on his return, having
spent in all but a single month in the eternal city,
he set off for Florence. Except the attendance of
Leibnitz at a private opera given in the palace of the
French ambassador, we have no information from
which it appears that he devoted any portion of this

Digitized by VjOOQlC

190 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

short month to the study of the beautiful arts of the
modern, or the impressive ruins of the ancient, me-
tropolis. Deeply absorbed as he was in the acquisi-
tion of information for his great historical work, as
well as in the promotion of the cause of science and
piety, not only in Italy, but even to the regions of
the remotest East, it is probable that the northern
j)hilosopher gave little heed either to the beautiful
canvass of Raphael and Michael Angelo, to the
immortal relics of the Grecian chisel, or to the moul-
dering monuments of ancient Roman magnificence.

At Florence he was very graciously received by
the Grand Duke and the princes of the court, espec-
ially by the learned mathematician. Prince Gasto.
The latter, about three years afterwards, did Leib-
nitz the honor to send him for solution a problem
(Constructio testudinis quadrahilis hemisphcsriccB),
which was originated by the geometrician Viviani,
the last pupil of Galileo, and which Leibnitz solved
the same day he received it in a variety of ways, by
means of the differential calculus. Leibnitz also
made the acquaintance of Viviani himself, as well as
that of the excellent mathematician and learned
scholar, the Abbot Bodenus, Baron of Bodenhausen.
But the most cordial reception he received from his
friend Magliabechi, who, as librarian, rendered him
valuable assistance in his historical and antiquarian
researches. His gratitude for this service was
expressed by Leibnitz in a short Latin poem,
entitled Elegia ad Maglidbechum, wherein, as his
friend lived surrounded by his books, and was

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 191

backward in publishing the results of his labors, the
poet addressed to him the following appeal:

<* Quid jurat, immensas librorum condere moles.
Quels tua Pyramidas provocat arcta domus?

Omnia quid le^isse juvat, tibi si legis uni?
Et p'aucis viva est bibliotheca domi ?

Incipe jam tandem difiundere flumina mentis,
Incipe doctrinae spargere grandis opes! "

Provided by Magliabechi with letters to the most
distinguished literati of northern Italy, Leibnitz
continued his journey to Bologna. Here he became
acquainted with the chemist and mathematician,
Domenico Guilielmini, who afterwards testified his
respect for the German savant by selecting him as
umpire in a dispute between himself and Professor
Papin, of Marburg, respecting a new method invented
by the former for obtaining the measure of running
water. Guilielmini introduced Leibnitz to the
eminent anatomist Walphighi, with whom "he
spent many hours in pleasing and profitable con-
versation."

At length, towards the end of the year 1689, our
traveller reached Modena, the proper goal of his
journey. Among the antiquarian treasures in the
archives, which were freely opened to him, he foUnd
unquestionable evidence of a connection between the
houses of Brunswick and Este, — a connection
which, though asserted by such historians as Faleti
and Pigna, was rather obscured than proved by
them. This fact he also found to be confirmed by-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

192 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

the inscriptions on the monuments of the ancient
Margraves of Este, and their common progenitor
Azo. Besides communicating his discovery to Ma-
hillon, the father of modern diplomacy, he also made
it known to the Duke of Hanover. To the Duchess
he at the same time intimated the hope of heing
sCiccessful in the negotiation v^hlch had heen entrust-
ed to him, of endeavoring to efiect a matrimonial
alliance between the Duke of Modena, and one of
the daughters of the late Duke of Hanover. The
predecessor of Leibnitz had failed in making any
progress in this matter ; but his own labors appear,
if we may judge from the result, to have been more
effectual. Circumstances, however, prevented the
union from being consummated until five years
afterwards. The happy event was celebrated by-
Leibnitz by the publication of an account of his
genealogical discovery made at Modena, entitled,
Lettre sur la connexion ancienne des Tnaisons de
Brunswic et d*Este ; and also by the composition of
an essay, circulated in manuscript under the title of
Quelques remarques sur la famille, parents et alli-
ance de Madame la Princesse Charlotte, maintenant
Dtichesse de Modhne, These papers were also after-
wards used by him in a negotiation in which he was
successfully engaged for the purpose of forming a
matrimonial union between Joseph, afterwards em-
peror Joseph I, and another Hanoverian princess.

During a residence of two months at Modenay
Leibnitz became acquainted with the learned physi-
cian, Ramazzini ; and as two years later, the latter

Digitized by VjOOQlC

IrlFB OP LEIBNITZ. 193

sent to his German friend his very valuable medical
work, entitled, Aniuds of hombardy^ Leibnitz very
earnestly recommended it to the attention of the
physicians of Germany. At the same time he pro-
posed that they should transmit annually an account
of their observations to the president of the society
of naturalists at Vienna, to be appended to the jour-
nals of the society.

The last few weeks of Leibnitz's Italian journey
were spent in Venice, where matters of business
appear to have occupied his attention. A Venetian
nobleman, Andreini, introduced him to several pa-
tricians of learning, among whom were Foscarini, to
whom had been entrusted the continuation of the
history of the republic, the Senator Girolano Corra-
To, a connoisseur in coins, and Dandolo, author of a
valuable work on Turkish literature. From the
letters of Leibnitz to Magliabechi, we learn that the
former did not find in this opulent republic much
which was new and remarkable, either in literature
or science. He made numerous observations, how-
ever, on natural phenomena, examined the lagunes,
and paid a visit to the mines of Illyria. Opportu-
nity was also found to undertake several excursions
to different cities in upper Italy. At Padua, becom-
ing acquainted with a gifted young professor of
medicine and astronomy, he encouraged him, in
imitation of the example of the famous Borelli, to
apply the principles of mathematics to the art of
healing.

13

Digitized by VjOOQlC

194 LIFE OP LEIBNITZ.

Finally, mention must not be omitted of the inter-
esting letter written by Leibnitz, a few days before
leaving' Italy, to Anthony Arnaud, wherein the
writer shows, that amid all the distractions of the
Italian joufney, he did not fail to recur with pleas^
ure to the contemplation of the high themes of phi-
losophy. The whole epistle breathes an inward
content, and an exhilarating freshness of thought
and feeling, which indicate a mind kept serene by
philosophic meditation, — one neither jaded by the
fatigues of travel, nor dissipated by the excitement
of foreign novelties. "As this journey," he writes,
" has served to free me in part from my ordinary
occupations, and to furnish my mind with recreation,
so have I had the satisfaction of engaging in conver-
sation with many gifted persons respecting science
and learning ; and to some I have communicated my
peculiar views, with which you are acquainted, in
order to learn something from their doubts and
difficulties. Many of these persons being dissatis-
fied with the commonly received philosophy, have
found in some of my doctrines extraordinary satis-
faction."

Turning aside to Vienna, for the purpose of exe-
cuting some commissions there for the Duke, Ernest
Augustus, Leibnitz, after an absence of nearly two
years and a half, returned again to Hanover.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XIII.

Leibnitz is occupied with affairs of state— He is made privy coan-
sellor of jastice— The multiplicity of his labors — His historical
collections — His philological investigations— Improvement of
the German language— His German style -Death of the Elector,
Ernest Augustus.

On his return from Italy, Leibnitz was obliged to
postpone the examination and arrangement of the
historical treasures he had brought with him, until
after having given his attention to some urgent
afi^rs of state. These concerned particularly the
attempt of the Duke of Hanover to attain to the rank
and honors of an Elector of the German empire, —
an endeavor in which he was warmly opposed, from
a variety of personal, religious and political motives,
by several princes, both Protestant and Catholic.
In this struggle to elevate the dignity of the Hano-
verian family, Ernest Augustus received very able
assistance from Leibnitz, who wrote many valuable
papers, both historical and legal, in favor of the
claims of his master, and who, in the course of his
negotiations with various diplomatic agents, found
occaaion to enlist on his side the influence of his

Digitized by VjOOQlC

196 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

former pupil, the Baron von Boineburg, at that time
residing at Vienna as first chamberlain of the em-
peror. The efforts of Leibnitz were not in vain;
and after a severe contest of several years' duration,
the Duke finally obtained the object of his ambition.
Somewhat less successful was Leibnitz in a petty
dispute into which he was led in connection with
the one preceding, respecting the pval pretensions
of the Dukes of Hanover and Wurtemburg to be the
bearer of the standard of the empire. Though a
mere question about forms and ceremonies, the
philosophic diplomatist did not fail, by connecting it
with general views of German history, and by bring-
ing to the solution of it the most exact and profound
erudition, to imprint upon the discussion the seal of
his transcendent genius.

In recognition of the services of Leibnitz in
increasing the power and importance of his house,
the new Elector, in 1696, appointed him to the
office of privy counsellor of justice, which, in con-
sequence of the abolition of the chancellorship, was
the highest judicial office in the country, next to that
of vice-chancellor. When, however, some years
later, the vice-chancellorship was vacated by the
death of the former incumbent, Leibnitz was ambi-
tious of being promoted to this rank, also ; but not-
withstanding both the Electoress Sophia and her
daughter, the queen of Prussia, seconded his appli-
cation, it was rejected by the Elector, George Lewis,
who was resolved on abolishing the office. At the
same time, Leibnitz applied, with no better success,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 197

for the provostsbip of Ilefeld, alleging, in favpr of
the appointment, that he hoped to be serviceable in
improving the educational establishments of that
place. On this occasion, the Electoress Sophia,
though always willing to serve her friend, could not
refrain from expressing her suirprise to Leibnitz, that
he should wish to occupy a station which would
bring with it so much and so disagreeable drudgery.
His real motives in seeking the situation are not
known.

But after the return of Leibnitz from Italy, no
burden rested so heavily upon his shoulders as the
history of the House of Brunswick, the writing of
which thenceforward became the great labor of his
life. The first plan of this work was laid in 1692,
before the Elector, who gave it his approbation.
But from the plan to its execution, the road was
long and toilsome ; and, most plainly, Leibnitz, who
dwelled in the infinite world of ideas, and could not
bear to give up any of his great projects for the
advancement of science, was not the man to compile
a voluminous work of historical details. He ac-
cordingly made but slow progress. What more,
indeed, could have been expected, considering the
multiplicity of his pursuits ? "I cannot describe to
you," he wrote, under date of September 5, 1695, to
Vincent Placcius, the philologist, " how distracted a
life I am leading. I search for different things in
the archives, and look over old papers and MS S.
never printed, hoping to get some light respecting
the history of the House of Brunswick. Letters I

Digitized by VjOOQLC

198 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

receive and answer in great numbers. But I have
so much that is new in the mathematics, so many
thoughts in philosophy, so numerous literary obser-
vations of other kinds, which I do not wish to lose,
that I am often at a loss what to do first, and feel
the truth of Ovid's exclamation, Inopem me capia
fecit. Twenty years and more is it since the
French and English saw my reckoning machine. . .
Since that time, Oldenburg, Huygens and Arnaud
have besought me to publish a description of this
work; but I have always deferred it, because at first
I had only a small model, sufficient for the purpose
of demonstration to mechanics, though not for use.
Now, however, with help of laborers whom I have
had with me, the machine is so far completed that
multiplication can be performed as far as with twelve
figures. It is a year since I progresse^d so fat ; but
the workmen are still here, engaged in manufactur-
ing a number of these machines, to supply the orders
for them in different places. I could gladly give a
description of the invention, but there is no time for
it."

"I am anxious, before all things, to finish my
dynamics, wherein I think I have revealed the true
laws of matter, by means of which problems may be
solved respecting the motion of bodies, to which the
ordinary rules are inadequate. My friends who are
acquainted with the higher geometry which I have
founded, urge me to publish my science of infinites^
which contains the fundamental principles of my
new analysis. To this is to be added a new Char^

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 199

acteristica sittis, on which I am engaged, as well as
things of a still more universal character, respecting
the art of invention. But all these labors, except
the historical, are prosecuted as it were by stealth.
For you know at courts very different things are
sought and expected. Accordingly, I am obliged
from time to time to treat of questions involving the
rights of the people, or of the princes of the empire,
especially those of my master. So much, however,
have I obtained from princely favor, as to be excused,
to a good degree, from all attention to private pro-
cesses. I will take care that you receive the essay
I wrote, by order, upon the standard of the empire ;
please give me your opinion of it. Meanwhile, I
am obliged often to treat with the bishops of Neu-
stadt and Meaux, with Pelisson and others, upon
the subject of church union. Nor are these writings
of mine despised by the most distinguished theolo-
gians. The letters and papers which this religious
controversy has obliged me to write could hardly be
enumerated. So much, by way of excusing my
promised meditations on your work : Accessianes ad
ethicam et jits Natura. I am, however, taking the
trouble, with the help of a young assistant, to bring
my legal reflections into some order, which I would
gladly submit to your judgment." Leibnitz, indeed,
assisted by two jurists, resumed at this period his
youthful labor of revising the German Corptis juris.
Of these efforts the results were never published, but
are probably preserved among the papers of one of
these associates, in some of the public libraries of
Germany.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

200 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

But the preceding letter does not give an account
of all the occupations of Leibnitz at this period. As
we learn from a letter to Magliabechi, he had been
projecting the plan of a Theodicea; his reflections
and observations upon external nature, also, in com-
pliance with the solicitations made to him from
England and France, he had thought of completing;
he had been busy in contriving various kinds of
novel machines ; and, finally, had made new discov-
eries in mathematical and metaphysical science.
"Considering all this," he concludes his letter by
sayinff, "I trust that you will excuse my delay in
writing to you ; and will furthermore wish me the
assistance of young persons or other friends pos-
sessed of learning, acuteness and diligence, that I
may make greater progress. For I can suggest
much to others, but cannot alone execute all that
occurs to me ; and I would gladly give to others the
fame of many of my inventions, if only the public
welfare, the good of the race and the glory of God
might thereby be promoted."

With all these employments, together with fre-
quent journeys to the different neighboring courts,
and the ill-health, besides, with which towards the
close of the seventeenth century he began to be
afflicted, it is almost matter of wonder that Leibnitz
was able to accomplish so much as he did, in the
departments of law and history.

Of the historical compilations made by Leibnitz
as historiographer of the court of Hanover, one of
the most important was his Codex juris gentium

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 201

diplomaticus. This work consisted of one volume
published in 1693, and a supplement seven years
afterwards, under the title of Mantissa codicis juris
gentium diplomatici. Numerous requests were
made to the author, not only from different parts of
Germany, but also from England, Scandinavia,
France and Italy, that he would extend the work, as
originally contemplated, to three volumes; and in
the preface to the Mantissa, he boasted that what he
had published had served to convince the potentates
of Europe of the importance of bringing to light the
historical documents that had been secreted for ages
in the obscurity of their archives. But Leibnitz
wished to set an example merely, in this department
of historical labor. To a friend who desired him to
make similar compilations at the other European
courts, he replied, " God forbid. I have no wish to
become a transcriber. In this matter you will by no
means find in me the bias usually attributed to the
Germans. And do you not think, my dear sir, that
the advice you give me is like proposing to your
friend to marry an ill-tempered woman ? For to set
a man about a task which will occupy him through
his whole life, is the same as marrying him." It
may be added, that Leibnitz composed, probably
about this period, a patriotic essay, entitled, "A pro-
posal for the appointment of at least one person in
Germany, to investigate the jura Imperii ex arckivis,
kistoriis, documentisquCf for the purpose of bringing
the same to light, or of keeping a watchful eye upon
their preservation."

Digitized by VjOOQlC

202 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Another historical collection, published by Leib-
nitz in 1698, in two volumes, bore the title of Acces-
siones historic^, and contained many valuable mate-
rials which had been overlooked by preceding com-
pilers. A collection still more comprehensive was
made public between the years 1707-11, under the
name of Scriptores rerum BruTisvicensium iUicstra^
tioni imervientes. This work pointed out the orig-
inal sources, not only of the particular history of the
House of Brunswick, but also, to a considerable
extent, of the general history of Christian Europe,
during the middle ages. No less than one hundred
and fifty-seven original authorities for the history of
the mediaeval period preceding the Protestant reform-
ation were mentioned ; and critical and biographical
notices given of every author. ^

Besides these compilations, Leibnitz, towards the
evening of his life, either himself published, or in
some way introduced to the public, a great number
of smaller treatises, pertaining to the subject of his-
tory ; and it may easily be conceived, therefore, that
all these historical labors must have occupied the
best portion of the later years of his life. He would
probably have lived to see the publication of his
Anncdes rerum Brunsvicensium^ had he not adopted
a too comprehensive plan; and had he not also
aimed to investigate so thoroughly the ultimate
grounds and philosophical connections of every event
within the range of his history. For after his return
from Italy, he resolved on nothing less than to write
a full and philosophical history of the House of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBWITZ. 203

Brunswick, from the earliest time up to the admin-
istration of the Elector Ernest Augustus.

At the same time Leibnitz was engaged in these
Historical researches, he also devoted some portion
of l^is leisure to the investigation of the origin and
connection of languages. In this latter field of in-
quiry, his labors cannot fail to excite admiration, not
only on account of the scientific tact which guided
him in his combinations, but also the unbounded
extent of his researches, stretching in fact over the
universal history of the human race. As has been
before mentioned, he spent some considerable time
on his project of an universal philosophical language;
and later in life, etymology became with him a
means of playful recreation. Thus in one of his
letters to Job Ludolf, he filled whole pages with
etymological remarks, equally sportive and profound,
on the words cuckold and coward (Hahnrei, Baren-
hauter). Still more instructive were the applica-
tions of his linguistic learning to the subjects of the
origin of the different human races, and of their
historical and geographical relations to each other.
Looking upon the languages of the various tribes as
the principal documents in inquiries of this sort, he
pointed out two methods of procedure, — one the
collecting together the greatest possible amount of
information respecting the languages themselves;
and the other, the application to them of scientific
principles of etymology. In the first direction, the
activity of Leibnitz was almost without limits.
Missionaries, travellers, ambassadors and kings were

Digitized by VjOOQlC

204 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

taxed) to enable him to carry his inquiries into the
most distant regions of the globe, especially into
Asia, the cradle of the human race. In investigating"
the dialects of barbarous tribes, he generally made
the Lord's prayer the basis of his interrogatories;
and when John Chamberlain published his great
work upon this prayer in different languages, Leib-
nitz expressed 'his acknowledgments to him in a
tasteful and learned epistle, which was afterwards
incorporated into his book by Chamberlain.

In these investigations respecting the relationship
of languages, and of the tribes which spoke them,
Leibnitz pursued the true scientific course of inter-
preting the meaning of words by historical docu-
ments, or oral traditions. He never would admit
that there was any thing arbitrary or accidental in
the" structure and signification of language. The
hypothesis of an original, universal language was
y favorably regarded by him ; but he did not, like the
theologians of his time, consider the Hebrew as the
primitive tongue, although undoubtedly nearly rela-
ted to it. In his essay, entitled Brevis designatio
meditationum de originibus gentium, ductis potissim'
um ex indicio linguarum, which in 1710 was incor-
porated into the Miscellanea Berolinensia, he advo-
cated the opinion that out of the primitive language
there sprang in the course of lime two principal
dialects, the one spoken by the tribes of the north,
and the other by those of the south of Asia ; and
which he called the Japhetic and the Aramean. To
the Aramean belonged the Arabic and Hebrew lan-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 205

guages; while under the Japhetic, more commonly
called by Leibnitz the Celto- Scythian, were classed
most of the dialects now known as the Indo-German-
ic, — the Germanic being considered by him as the
type of the Greek and Latin tongues. The inhab-
itants of Europe were supposed by Leibnitz to have
come from the East ; and a favorite hypothesis with
him was, that the fables of Prometheus and the
battles of the Titans and giants with the gods were
founded on a historical tradition of the invasion of
western Asia and Greece by the Celts or Scythians.
This invasion was supposed to have occurred at the
time when these countries were governed by kings,
who were afterwards regarded as gods. The bind-
ing of Prometheus to Caucasus confirms the opinion
of his having been a Scythian ; and the act itself
denoted the expulsion of the Scythians from the soil
of Greece.

The patriotism of Leibnitz led him to give more
attention to the critical investigation of the German
than of any other language; and after the peace of
Ryswick, in 1697, which filled his mind with anxi-
eties for the future weal of his country, he composed
the classical and truly patriotic essay, entitled, " Uw-
premeditated thoughts respecting the use and improve'
ment of the German langvxige,^* In this essay,
written within the space of a few days, the author
treated of the language of the Germans as the organ
of their life and literature. The great deficiency of
this organ was stated to be its lack of a sufficient
number of words and phrases for the expression of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

206 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

abstract thought, and the more delicate sentiments.
At the same time, ways for supplying this defect
were pointed out, worthy of the universality of his
views and the extraordinary acuteness of his intel-
lect. No person has delineated so vividly the very
great imperfections of the German language, towards
the end of the seventeenth century. The preacher
in the pulpit, he said, the judge in the seat of justice,
and the citizen in his ordinary writing and conversa-
tion, all seemed bent on corrupting their mother
tongue with wretched French; and were preparing
themselves, by the neglect of their language, ulti-
mately for the loss of their liberty. Though by no
means a purist in his views on this subject, he early
raised his voice against the prevailing imitation of
the French in language, as well as in life and man-
ners; and at a later period, scourged the debasing
tendency of the times with the lash of poetical
satire. His views on the subject of the German
language generally appeared so correct, almost a
century afterwards, to the Berlin Academy of
Science, that they thought they could not do better
than adopt the plan of Leibnitz, in their endeavors to
improve their mother tongue.

Leibnitz, however, did not by any means escape
censure for using the French language to such an
extent in his books and letters. The Latin was
employed by him in common with the literati of his
day generally ; but few Germans wrote so extensive-
ly in French. Klopstock, in consequence, proposed
to banish him from the national republic of letters.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 207

But the poet must have overlooked the great number

of i«rritings, both published and unpublished, which

were composed by the philosopher in his native

ton^e, and which abundantly entitle him to a place

among the national authors. Many, indeed, of his

early letters were rather thickly sprinkled over with

French and Latin words and phrases, as was natural

in a youthful writer. But the memorials on public

safety were written in a style so pure, flowing and

vigorous, that the reader even of the present day

meets with but little that he can wish to have

. altered ; and from the later productions of his pen

there ipay be selected a goodly number of German

compositions to prove that the rules which he laid

down for the improvement of his native tongue, he

himself also followed with great fidelity and marked

success. Leibnitz, moreover, wrote much of which

it was not known that he was the author. Thus, to

his pen is to be attributed the larger portion of the

learned magazine, entitled "Monthly extracts from

new books," and published by Eckhart, who, in

1714, became Leibnitz's private secretary. Many

of the best specimens of the German style of Leibnitz

may, in fact, be found in this periodical, and among

these a lengthy translation from Locke's Essay on

th^ Human Understanding.

But in estimating the propriety of the course
pursued by Leibnitz, in reference to the use of the
French language, his aims as an author must also
be taken into consideration. He wished to gain the
attention of the ablest minds and the most influential

Digitized by VjOOQlC

208 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

persons in Europe. He wished, also, by the use of
the French language, to counteract the effects of
French ambition and diplomacy, as in the case of
his political pamphlets and manifestos; and so great
was the perfection of his style, as well as the bril-
liancy of his genius, that his was the only German
name at that time mentioned with envy in the capi-
tal of Louis XIV.

In 1698, Leibnitz met with a great personal loss
in the decease of the Elector, Ernest Augustus.
The son and successor of the latter, George Lewis,
confirmed Leibnitz in the external honors he had
enjoyed under the father; but the dissimilarity of
the characters of the two princes made a very great
difference in his real situation. In the funeral
eulogy composed by him on the character of Ernest
Augustus, he said in praise of his deceased master,,
that he knew how both to choose and to protect his
friends, — that he took the part of the accused, — that
he never harbored suspicion and distrust, — ^that he
circumspectly avoided saying any thing to the dis-
advantage of others, — that he preserved inviolate
the secrets which were committed to him, and that,
notwithstanding his superiority of station, he was
truly kindhearted, and took a generous interest in
the fortunes of persons even in the humblest circum-
stances. There were not wanting dark sides,
however, to the administration of this Elector. A
plot laid by one of the younger princes to get pos-
session of the government for himself in the place
of his elder brother, was the occasion of many

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 209

unhappy events which have often been recorded in
history and even been made the subject of romance.
But as no writings have ever been published, tend-
ing to show that Leibnitz was in any way implica-
ted in any of these transactions, we forbear to give
any account of them.

14

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XIV.

Plan of Leibnitz for uniting more closely the courts of HanoTer
and Brandenbui^-— Negotiations for the union of the Lutheran
and the Reformed churches— Leibnitz's plan of an academy of
sciences at Berlin — He is invited by the Elector of Brandenburg
to Berlin— He is appointed president of the new society of
sciences — His proposals for obtaining pecuniary aid for the
society — Project of a society for the protection of authors-
Culture of silk — His efforts to improve the science of medicine
— He attempts to establish an academy of sciences at Dresden
— Interest taken by him in popular education — Augustus Her-
mann Franke.

We have now arrived at that period in our narra-
tive, when our attention is called to the connection
which Leibnitz formed with the court of Branden-
burg, and which for ever secured for his name a
conspicuous place in the literary history of Prussia.

Notwithstanding the marriage of the Electoral
prince of Brandenburg to the cultivated and gifted
Hanoverian princess, Sophia Charlotte, a degree of
coldness had existed between the courts of Hanover
and Berlin, on account of the jealousy felt by the
latter at the elevation of Duke Ernest Augustus to
the rank of an Elector of the empire. To remove

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 211

this coldness, and introduce more friendly relations
between the two courts, Leibnitz offered his services
as a mediator. The plan for the accomplishment
of this object, presented by him to his former pupil,
the princess Sophia Charlotte, and also to her
mother, the Electoress Sophia, proposed that some
office for the supervision of the interests of art and
science should be given him by the Brandenburg
court, whereby he would be required frequently to
visit Berlin, and thus be enabled to maintain a
friendly communication between the two related ^
houses. The ultimate objects, however, which
Leibnitz had in view were no less than to found an
academy of science in the Prussian capital ; and by
establishing more amicable relations between the
Lutheran Elector of Hanover and the reformed
Elector of Brandenburg, to effect an union of the
Protestant churches of Germany, and even of Eu-
rope.

For the purpose of accomplishing the latter design,
Leibnitz, as early as the year 1697, entered into cor-
respondence with the Prussian cabinet secretary,
Guneau, eminent for his attainments in mathematical
science. The former specified in his letters three
degrees of union, — the first being purely civil, con-
sisting in a good understanding between the differ-
ent sects, and a cheerful co-operation against the
Catholics ; the second going so far as to secure on
all sides ecclesiastical toleration, to the exclusion of
mutual anathemas; and the third producing con-
formity of religious belief. Despairing, however, of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

212 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

bringfing about entire harmony of opinion on the
subjects of predestination and the eucharist, Leibnitz
was satisfied with attempting to secure the two lower
degrees of union. And we accordingly find him at
this period endeavoring to negotiate an alliance
between the Protestant churches, before having
brought the opposing parties to similar views on the
great points of dogmatic divinity.

In the execution of his plan of a general union of
Protestant Christians, Leibnitz applied for assistance
to the liberal-minded University of Helmstadt. He
also opened a correspondence with the learned and
accomplished von Spanheim, privy counsellor at the
court of Berlin, who was successful in enlisting the
Elector in favor of the proposed union. 'Frederic III,
however, was not satisfied with the plan of striving
merely for ecclesiastical toleration. He wished to
establish a closer union ; and to bring the Lutherans
and Reformed together yi' one church, to be called
the Evangelical. Taking at once an active interest
in the cause, he authorized his court preacher, Jab-
lonski, a man of moderate and liberal sentiments, to
draw up the term^f union. These, when published,
gained the approbation of the Helmstadt theologians,
and called forth a friendly reply, entitled. Via ad
pacem, from the pens of Leibnitz and Molanus.
Jablonski afterwards visited Hanover, to confer,
among others, with Leibnitz ; and upon his return
to Berlin, entqred into correspondence with* him
respecting the execution of their plan. Leibnitz also
wrote a tract, by the title of Tentamen irenicuniy

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 213

mainly for the purpose of gaining over the celebrated
Spener, who, however, was too much of a sectarist
to regard the project of church union with favor.
Application was likewise made through the English
ambassador, Cresset, in Celle, for the co-operation of
the English ministry, though with but faint hopes of
success. But the subject of union having been
taken in hand by the theologians, it becaitie less a
matter of interest to the statesmen; the jealousy,
also, of the bigoted, in both the Reformed and the
Lutheran churches, became aroused; war, in the
commencement of the eighteenth century, spread
itself from the north and west over Germany ; the
elevation of the Elector of Brandenburg to the
honors of royalty, and of the Elector of Hanover to
the throne of England, introduced great changes
into the relations of the two related houses; and
thus this effort of Leibnitz to break down the exclu-
sive barriers of sectarianism, and to unite Christians
of different names in one fellowship, was destined to
prove a failure. His plans for universal toleration
in religion were too far in advance of the age, to
stand at that time any chance of being realized.

In the accomplishment of the other great object
which Leibnitz had in view, in his proposed connec-
tion with the Court of Brandenburg, he was more
successful. Frederic HI was indeed not a little
pleased with the thought of being considered a
patron of letters. About that time he had also con-
sented to the introduction into his dominions of the
Gregorian calendar, in favor of which Leibnitz had

Digitized by VjOOQlC

214 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

zealously interested himself; and it was partly to
superintend the erection of an astronomical observ-
atory in Berlin, as well as to carry into execution
the plan of founding an academy of sciences, that
the latter was invited by the Elector of Brandenburg
to make a visit to his capital.

Leibhitz arrived in Berlin in the spring of 1700,
just as the court was celebrating with extraordinary
splendor the nuptials of one of the Brandenburg
princes. In these festivities he was obliged to take
part, though much less interested in the shows of
pleasure than in the cause of science. Of one of
the operas given on the joyous occasion, he spoke
with interest; but respecting his situation, on the
whole, te wrote to the Electoress Sophia : "ikfe voild
done bien dSrangi et bien hors de mon ilement"
Nor were these gala-days hardly passed, before a
grand masquerade was given in honor of the birth-
day of the Elector, which was also the day of the
foundation of the academy of sciences. The charac-
ter assigned to Leibnitz to represent in these courtly
frivolities was that of an astrologer ; but his place
was kindly taken by another person. He therefore
had nothing more to do but to survey through an
eye-glaiSs the fantastic display, of which he gave the
Electoress Sophia a humorous description.

The object of the society of sciences, as it was
originally called by Leibnitz, was fully set forth by
him in the charter. In its sentiments and aims, the
society was designed to be strictly German. It was
to endeavor to improve the German language, — to

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 215

promote the study of the history of the German
states and churches, — and to seek, by its learned
labors, to become the honor and ornament of the
'whole German people. The society, moreover, was
not to strive to encourage the study of science in the
abstract merely, but also in its applications to the
material and spiritual interests of the country. " The
labors of such a society," said Leibnitz, in one of his
memorials to Frederic III, " should not be directed
merely to the gratification of a scientific curiosity
and the performance of fruitless experiments, or
simply to the discovery of useful truths, without any
application of the same; but the uses of science
should be pointed out, even at the outset, and such
inventions be made as would redound to the honor
of the originator and the benefit of the public. The
aim of the society, accordingly, should be to improve
not only the arts and sciences, but also agriculture,
manufactures, commerce, and, in a word, whatever
is useful in the support of life." To accomplish
these objects, Leibnitz designed the society to be
intimately connected with the different administrative
departments of government; and for the sake of
collecting valuable practical information from all
quarters of the globe, he further proposed that it
should have the oversight over the foreign missions
of the Prussian churches. This last matter was one
of no little interest to Leibnitz, who endeavored also
to interest the English, through the Archbishop of
Canterbury, in the cause of acquiring useful know-
ledge from remote nations; and when the Czar,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

216 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Peter the Great, was in Berlin, in 1695, Leibnitz
likewise made an effort to obtain the protection of
this prince for Protestant missionaries within the
imperial dominions.

It is rather a singular ^cumstance connected with
the founding of this society, that Leibnitz was chosen
president of it for life before there were any members
"""^ appointed. But, as Frederic the Great said, Leibnitz
was a society of sciences by himself; and upon him
the success of the institution almost entirely depend-
ed. The office was accepted by him (he having
been previously appointed privy counsellor of justice),
with the understanding that he should visit Berlin
as often as his duties in Hanover would permit.
The organization of the society, partly owing to
impediments occasioned by the then prevailing war,
took place very slowly ; and for the first ten years of
its existence, the letters of the president were full of
complaints on this account. The building of the
observatory also advanced with no greater rapidity. ^
There was no place for the members of the socieljjr,-!^
consisting of eighty persons, to assemble; and up-y
the year 1710 there can hardly i)e i^id to have been
any society in existence. The" war' preventing the
raising of funds, the president displayed no little
ingenuity in devising numerous and, in some in-
^ stances, very singular methods for supplying the

j^ • ^* requisite resources. Among other things, he pro-
posed that the monopoly of the trade in books should
be given to the society. It was indeed one of the
favorite, though at the same time one of the most

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 217

extravagant, projects of Leibnitz, in his later years,
to establish a society of German authors, for the pro-
tection of the fraternity from th^ power of publishers
and booksellers. A c^q|mitt^et according to this
plan, was to be appointee|||BJ?*;thfe- society, to decide
what MSS. were worthy of jfeftijil^rinted ; and then
each member should ^bscriWJor most or all of the
books relating to his partiAlar branch of study. It
v/'as hoped that in time funds would accumulate in
the treasury of the society, which might be applied
to the assistance of poor and deserving scholars, or
to defray the expenses of useful experiments and
investigations.

Still another proposal made by Leibnitz for obtain-
ing pecuniary aid for the society of sciences, was,
that it should engage in the culture of silk. In
1707, accordingly, he procured the consent of the
king of Prussia to this project, who caused the royal
gardens at Potsdam and elsewhere to be planted with
white mulberry trees. He himself, also, as we learn
from Eckhart, made a small experiment in the
business at Hanover ; and persuaded the Elector, as
well as the Duke of Wolfenbiittel, to do the same.
But the loss both to prince and philosopher turned
out to be greater than the profit. Leibnitz, however,
persevered in the matter until his death, — ^it being
his disposition, as his secretary remarked, never to
yield to difficulties, but to prosecute every thing he
undertook to extremity. Privilege, moreover, was
obtained to plant mulberry trees and raise silk worms
in all parts of Saxony. But the business never

Digitized by VjOOQlC

218 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

prospered ; and in Prussia the plantations gradually
went to ruin, until they were taken under the foster-
ing protection of Frederic the Great.

In this connection, we may allude to the efforts
made by Leibnitz, in 1^1, to improve the science
and practice of medicine. These resulted in a royal
edict, commanding all the physicians in Prussia to
send to the government annually an abstract of all
the important observations made in the course of
their professional practice, as materials for the com-
position of a history of medicine. In this science
Leibnitz laid great stress upon observatiqns and
experiments, and little on theories, as may be seen
in his report respecting the introduction of ipecacu-
anha, addressed to the Leopold Society, and entitled,
Relatio de jtovo Antidysenterico Americano, He
also strenuously advocated the importance of the
study of comparative anatomy, and published an
essay on the subject, under the title of Animadver'
siones circa asserticmes aliqiuis theories medicce vera
Staklii, Attention to botany was likewise strongly
recommended, in a letter de methodo botanica to the
physician, Gakenholz. The interest felt by Leibnitz
in the advatncement of the science of medicine was
very great; and he was wont to say, that next to
virtue the greatest attention ought to be paid to
health.

It has been stated that the difficulties attending
the establishment of ttie society of sciences in Berlin
were very discouraging ; but this circumstance did
not deter Leibnitz from attempting to found a similar

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 219

institution in Dresden, under the auspices of Augus-
tus, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland. This
monarch was kindly disposed towards Leibnitz,
besides being a generous patron of the arts and
sciences. A sketch of a literary and scientific acad-
emy was therefore presented to Augustus through
the medium of the royal confessor, Father Vota, a
skilful mathematician, with whom Leibnitz had long
been acquainted. The views contained in this paper
vrere very similar to those stated in the charter of
the society of sciences in Berlin, except that the
importance of the education of the young was
dwelt upon at large, and particularly with refer-
ence to the youthful prince, afterwards Augustus IL
But the war in which the Polish king was then
engaged with Charles XII, prevented him from
paying that attention to literary subjects which was
requisite for the founding of the proposed society;
and the project therefore fell through. The views
expressed by Leibnitz respecting the education of
the prince Augustus, it may be added, had been
previously expressed by him in a very remarkable
essay, entitled, Projet de V Education d^un Prince *
This essay portrayed his ideal of a great and good
ruler.

Leibnitz also deeply interested himself in the
cause of popular education. The schools of Germa-
ny, especially the Protestant part of it, were at this
period in a condition truly deplorable ; and Leibnitz,
who had long made the education of the young a
subject of reflection, was about to co-operate with

Digitized by VjOOQlC

220 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Erhard Weigel in some plan for the reform of the
schools, when the latter was removed by death.
After this event, a correspondence respecting the
same object was entered into with Leibnitz by Herr-
mann Augustus Franke, who made himself for ever
illustrious by the foundation of the orphan asylum
in Halle, and whose bread of charity has given
immortal life to thousands upon thousands of father-
less and motherless children. Not only were the
intentions of this friend of God and man approved
by Leibnitz, but he also advised that an application
should be made to Peter the Great, then in. Germa-
ny, for the establishment of similar asylums in
Bussia; and recommended, likewise, that these
schools should be made nurseries of Protestant mis-
sionaries. War, however, which destroys so many
of the costly monuments of human beneficence, frus-
trated completely the hopes and plans entertained by
Leibnitz of a reform of popular education.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XV.

Leibnitz goes to Vienna to attend a conference on church union-
He composes a manifesto in favor of the rights of Charles III
to the crown of Spain— His labors in connection with the eleva-
tion of the Elector of Brandenburg to the honors of royalty-
Arrival in Hanover of the English embassy with the act of suc-
cession 3 also of Toland — State papers written by Leibnitz for
the Prussian government — Negotiations for uniting the Protes-
tant churches of Germany, Holland and England — ^The Theod-
icea, its origin, character and effects — Leibnitz's relation to the
queen of Prussia — Her death— Leibnitz's grief— Diminution of
his influence at the court of Prussia— Christian Wolf.

Having given in the preceding chapter an account
of the establishment of the society of sciences in
Berlin, we return in our narrative to the year 1700.
In the summer of this year, Leibnitz was invited to
accompany the Electoress Sophia, and her daughter
Sophia Charlotte, ostensibly on a journey to the
baths of^ Aix la Chapelle, though in reality on a
secret diplomatic mission to the court of Holland.
But the invitation was declined, Leibnitz preferring
to try the effect of the waters of Toplitz in curing a
bad cold he had taken in the spring, and designing
also to continue his journey as far as to Vienna.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

222 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

The object of this journey, undertaken at the request
of the emperor, was to attend a conference on the
subject of church union, to which reference has been
made in a preceding chapter. Leaving Toplitz, con-
siderably improved in health, Leibnitz proceeded to
the Austrian capital, where he served the emperor
in a manner highly satisfactory to the latter, though
rather in the province of diplomacy than of theology.
The death of Charles II, of Spain, happening at this
time, it is probable that the opinion of the Hanove-
rian sage was taken respecting the critical posture of
the political affairs of Europe. This we infer main-
ly from the fact that three years afterwards Leibnitz
was called upon to furnish a manifesto in favor of
the rights of Charles III to the Spanish crown, in
opposition to the usurpation of Louis XIV in behalf
of his grandson. This master-piece of diplomatic
argumentation was published, anonymously of course,
under the title of Manifeste contenant les Droits de
Charles Illy Bm d'Espagne^ et les justes motifs de
son Expidition. It was written to subserve the
interests, not merely of king Charles, but also of all
the European powers who had allied themselves
against the supremacy of Louis ; and developed with
extraordinary ability the moral and religious injuries
which the policy of this despotic monarch had in-
flicted upon the people of France, and indirectly
upon Europe.

Remaining in Vienna until near the end of the
year 1700, Leibnitz returned to Hanover just before
the coronation of the Elector of Brandenburg as king

Digitized by VjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 223

of Prussia. The claims of this prince to the honors
of royalty had been ably, though anonymously,
advocated by the philosopher of Hanover ; and much
was afterwards done by him likewise, especially in
Sckhart's literary journal, to elucidate the rights and
extol the importance of the new kingdom. Sophia
Charlotte, soon after her elevation to the throne^
having retired with a single friend to thfe castle of
Liutzenburg, to escape the observation and homage
which her new honors attracted, invited Leibnitz to
visit her in her seclusion, saying to him, " think not
that I prefer this greatness and these crowns, about
which they make such a bustle here, to the conver-
sations on philosophy we have had together in Liit-
zenburg." But Leibnitz excused himself from pay-
ing his court at that time to her Majesty, on account
of the arrival in Hanover of the English embassy,
with the act of succession passed by the Parliament
of Great Britain in favor of the House of Brunswick.
The ambassador. Count Macclesfield, brought letters
to Leibnitz from Bishop Burnet, who had previously
been in Hanover, and upon whose work on the
Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England the
German philosopher had written a series of observa-
tions.

The English ambassador was accompanied by a
large number of noble and gifted persons, among
whom may be particularly mentioned the famous
Toland, precursor of Tindal and Collins, and head
of the English free-thinkers in the early part of the
eighteenth century. The hatred entertained by this

Digitized by VjOOQlC

224 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

writer against the Catholics and the Stuarts had
made him zealously in favor of the House of Hano-
ver; and the fame of the liheral and intelligent
Electoress Sophia, and of her daughter, the queen of
Prussia, attracted him to Germany. But these
illustrious ladies receiving the Christian theism of
Leihnitz instead of the deism of the English free-
thinkers, the presence of Toland and his friends in
Hanover was not looked upon very favorably by the
Electoress Sophia, who also from political motives
did not like to encourage teachers of religious views
obnoxious to the people of England. Leibnitz there-
fore was obliged to devise ways of politely detaining
Toland from attendance at court. But the Irish
free-thinker did not fail every where to indulge in
attacks upon the Scriptures and the church, and
liberally to circulate his Christianity not mysterious*
A copy of this work was presented to Leibnitz, who
took occasion, even during the visit of the author in
Hanover, to defend the church against this attack of
rationalism, in an essay published in connection with
the posthumous writings of Toland, under the title
of AnnotcUiunculcB subitajieee ad Tolandi librum de
Christianismo Mysteriis carente. The views ex-
pressed in this defence were founded on the doctrine
of monads. Leibnitz afterwards met with Toland in
Berlin, where the latter was disputing upon subjects
connected with the Scriptures in presence of the
queen and her theologians ; and in 1710, on the
leceptlon of Toland's AdeisidcBmon^ sive Titus Livius
a superstitione vindicattiSt he replied to it in a lengthy

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 225

epistle, maintaining the doctrine of an intelligent
and supermundane first cause.

During the visit, above alluded to, of Leibnitz to
Berlin, he was assiduous, not only as a teacher of
philosophy, but also as a statesman, in serving his
friend the queen. His stay was protracted through
several months ; and he was enabled to accomplish
much towards keeping up a friendly understanding
between the courts of Berlin and Hanover. In this
connection may be mentioned two important state
papers, drawn up by Leibnitz in the interest of the
Prussian government, entitled, the one. Information
Sommaire touchant le Droit incontestable de La
Majeste le Roi de Prusse d la Succession de son Grand
phre le Prince Frederic Henri de Glorieuse Memoire,
foTidi siir son Testament et sur le Fidei-commis per-
petiiel, Stabli dans la Maison de Nassau- Orange, par
droit d'ainesse et en faveur des Femmes au defaut
des Males; and the other. Trait i Sommaire du droit
de Frideric /, Roi de Prusse, d, la Souveraiente de
Neufchdtel et de Valangin en Suisse. The object of
these papers is sufficiently explained by their title.
They were anonymous, but their authorship is un-
questionable.

Here we recur once more, and for the last time in
this narrative, to the subject of the union of the
Lutheran and the Reformed churches. The nego-
tiations respecting this matter between the Lutheran
court of Hanover and the Reformed court of Berlin
in the early part of the eighteenth century progressed
but slowly. They were not indeed given up at once,

15

Digitized by VjOOQlC

226 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

especially on the part of the king of Prussia. But
Leihnitz gradually took less and less interest in them,
until at length, in the year 1706, he ceased from all
efforts in the cause to which formerly he had been
so devoted. This change was owing to the express
orders of the Elector, who, from the altered posture
of political affairs, was no longer in favor of the
union of the two churches. The event, however,
which fioally put an end to the negotiations, was the
conversion to Eomanism of the Duke Anton Ulrich.
This step having been countenanced in a written
opinion on the subject by the theological faculty of
the University of Helmstadt, the opponents of the
House of Brunswick in England took occasion to
charge the Hanoverian government with a leaning
to Catholicism. The Helmstadt theologians were
therefore obliged to protest against the construction
which was put upon their words ; and Leibnitz also
was compelled to relinquish all efforts for uniting the
Lutherans with either the Church of Some or that
of Calvin.

The Elector, however, was by no means opposed
to a connection between the Protestant churches of
Germany and the Episcopal church of England.
Accordingly, we find Leibnitz favoring the efforts
which were made in the beginning of the eighteenth
century to introduce the organization, or at least the
liturgy, of the English church into Prussia and Han-
over. He addressed a memorial to Frederic I,
wherein, adducing the English adage, " No bishop,
no king," he recommended the establishment of a

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 227

hierarchy in connection with and subordinate to the
throne. In 1704 the English liturgy was translated, .
and a copy sent in the name of the king of Prussia
to the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a request that
he would give his advice respecting the mode o£
introducing into Germany the organization of the*
Church of England. But this prelate, offended
because the Helmstadt divines would not avow in
express words an abhorrence of Popery, would hold
no connection with the Protestant churches of Ger-
many ; and the whole matter, therefore, was dropped.
In 1710, however, the king of Prussia recurred to
the subject ; and a correspondence was commenced
between Jablonski and others on the part of Prussia,
and the Archbishop of York, Bolinbroke, then secre-
tary of state. Lord Raby, the English ambassador at
the court of Prussia, and the chaplaiai of the latter,
the Eev. Mr. Ayerst„ on the side of England. It;
was thought that much would be gained by interest-
ing the Elector of Hanover in the cause; and with
this end in view Leibnitz was applied to, who cheerw
fully co-operated with the parties in Prussia and;
England^ But after a long correspondence nothing
was brought to pass, there being no general desire
in Germany to change the existing forms of church
government. On the death of Frederic I, who took
a lively personal interest in the project of introducing
the English ecclesiastical system intohis dominions,
the negotiations were brought to a final close. Un-
like the famous correspondence between Leibnitz
and Bossuet, or that even between the former and

Digitized by VjOOQlC

228 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Pelisson, neither the negotiations for uniting the
Lutheran and Reformed churches, nor for introducing
into Germany the English form of ecclesiastical
government, added any thing to the literature or the
theological science of the age. Leihnitz, too, in his
later writings on these subjects, did little else than
advocate the measures which state policy dictated,
and express, instead of his own liberal and philosoph-
ical sentiments, the merely political views of his
master.

It is to the interest, however, Leibnitz took in
removing the barriers which separated the members
of the visible church of Christ, that we are indirectly
indebted for the great literary production of his later
years. We refer, of course, to th e_Theodicea, The
real importance of this work, viewed in its relations
to the age of Louis XIV, consists not in the sketch
it contains of the author's philosophical system, but
rather in the application of his philosophical views
to the solution of questions respecting the doctrines
of the atonement, of the eucharist, of grace and
works, of freedom and predestination. These were
the same questions the discussion of which dissolved
the unity of the church in the sixteenth century ;
which throughout the century following gave rise to
the most violent civil as well as theological disputes,
in different Christian sects and parties; and the
effects of which were plainly perceptible up to the
middle of the eighteenth century. One need but
recall, for example, the controversies' between the
Jansenists and the Molinists, the Gomarists and the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OP LEIBNITZ. 22^

Arminians, the adherents of the Lutheran and the
Reformed confessions of faith. These religious
disputes served to give to the idea of a Theodicea, or
a justification of God on account of the, evil in the
world, the first place in a system of Christian ethics,
and to require for the treatment of the questions
involved in it, a mind which could survey the whole
field of theological controversy from the heights of
Christian philosophy.

The subject of the Theodicea had been revolving
in the mind of Leibnitz for a long course of years.
Even in youth he began to reflect upon the great
themes of liberty and predestination ; as early as the
year 1671, he wrote an essay which was circulated
in manuscript among German theologians of all
persuasions, wherein such matters as the freedom of
the human will, the prescience of God, and election,
were treated of; and in the year 1697, in a letter to
Magliabechi, he first made use of the term Theodicea.
From his letters written a few years later, it appears
that he wished not to write upon this important
theme until after having presented his views orally
to a considerable number of the most intelligent
Protestant theologians, with the hope of gaining
their approval of his sentiments, and preventing the
same, when made public, from becoming the subject
of acrimonious controversy. A design of this kind,
however, he found no convenient opportunity for
executing; and so numerous were the demands
constantly made upon his attention, that it is doubtful
whether the Theodicea would ever have been written

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

230 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

but for the impulse communicated to its author from
intercourse with his illustrious pupil in philosophy,
the queen of Prussia. This lady was of so thought-
ful and inquisitive a turn of mind, as sometimes to
complain, that her teacher, in his conversations with
her, treated of philosophical themes too superficially;
and according to the testimony of Frederic the
Great, Leibnitz was obliged to reply, "It is not
possible to satisfy you; you desire to know the
wherefore of the wherefore." Being in the habit of
frequently reading and explaining to her, in the
castle of Lutzenburg, the writings of Peter Bayle .
Leibnitz was induced to commit his thoughts to
writing, and thus originated the Theodicea. It was^.
* published in 1710, under the title of Essais de ThSoj
I dicie sur la honU de DieUy la liberti de Vkomme e^
I Vorigine du mal. The works of Bayle, it will be
remembered, were the great fountain from which
the eighteenth century derived its skepticism in
religion and philosophy. This author, distinguished
alike for his erudition and his acuteness, made it the
business of his life to undermine the influence of
theologians, by showing the inutility of their contro-
versies; and, though himself unconscious of his
destructive tendencies, he paved the way for the
infidelity of his still more celebrated countryman
and successor, Voltaire.

The circumstances which led to the composition
of the Theodicea are more fully explained in a letter
from the author to Thomas Burnet. "The greatest
part of this book," he writes, "was composed by

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFS OF LEIBNITZ. 231

piecemeal, while I was much in the society of the
late queen of Prussia. These matters were then
discussed in connection with Bayle's Dictionary and
his other works, to which much attention was at
that time given. In our conversations, I was accus-
tomed to reply to the objections of Bayle, and to
show that they were not so weighty as many per-
sons, unfriendly to religion, would have us suppose.
Her Majesty quite often desired me to write down
my replies, that she might devote more time to their
consideration; and, moreover, to write them in
French, in order that they might be read not only
by her, but also by others in foreign countries, who
were unacquainted with the Latin language. To
comply with the wishes of this great princess, and
in accordance with the suggestions of my friends in
Berlin, I have collected these writings, made addi-
tions to them, and therefrom formed this work."

Of the principles set forth in the Theodicea, we
shall not here give any account, because they have,
in substance, been stated in a preceding chapter, in
connection with Leibnitz's doctrine of monads.
Suffice it to say, that its truths were drawn from the
depths of the author's experience ; and that by fre-
quent digressions into the domains of history, edu-
cation and physics, he was able to present his readers
with learned and attractive illustrations. The work
was, therefore, calculated alike to please, to instruct,
and to edify. Its extraordinary effect upon readers
of various lands and confessions, upon princes, liter-
ati, and pious persons in the humble walks of life,

Digitized by VjOOQlC

232 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

shows that it grew oat of the inmost spirit and wants
of the age in which it was written, and that it ful-
filled a high destiny. Somewhat remarkable is it,
by the way, that a theological work so generally
circulated, and treating of so many thorny problems,
should not have been made the occasion of new
controversies. Its influence in Germany, to which
the national pride taken in the work somewhat
contributed, continued to be felt, even until the time
of Kant, notwithstanding the scornful caricatures of
optimism, by the author of Candide, and notwith-
standing the introduction of a sensuous and material
philosophy from France and England. In France
it is still put, together with the writings of classic
authors, into the hands of the youth. In England
only, owing to the unpopularity of its author on
account of his unhappy controversy with Newton,
was the Theodicea received coldly. The particular
friends of Leibnitz in that country, however, wel-
comed this fruitful labor of genius ; and the Princess
of Wales was desirous of having it translated into
English.

The apology of Sextus, at the close of the Theo-
dicea, has so frequently been made the subject of
critical comment, that a brief abstract of it in this
place may not be inappropriate. The parable is
designed to illustrate the doctrine of optimism ; and
the ground-work of it is taken from a dialogue on
free-will, by Laurentius Valla, in opposition to
Bgethius. Sextus, the son of Tarquin the Proud,
goes to Delphi to consult Apollo respecting his des-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

' LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 23v3

tiny. The god predicts to him that he will violate
Lucretia. Sextus being grieved at this prophecy,
Apollo replies that it is not his fault ; he has the
power merely of foreseeing the future ; Jupiter has
the disposition of all things, and to him the complaint
of Sextus should be addressed. Here ends the dia-
logue of Valla, which advocates the foreknowledge
of God, at the expense of his goodness. But Leib-
nitz, not satisfied with this conclusion, continued it
agreeably to his own principles, as follows : — Sextus
goes to Dodona to complain to Jupiter of the crime
he is destined to perpetrate. Jupiter replies, that he
only needs to stay away from Rome. But Sextus
declares that he cannot relinquish the prospect of
being a king, and departs. After his withdrawal,
the high priest, Theodorus, inquires of Jupiter, why
he has not given another wUl to Sextus ? Instead
of an answer, Theodorus is sent to Minerva to ask
the reason. The goddess shows him the palace of .
destinies, wherein are representations of all possible
worlds, from the best to the poorest. In the last
and best of these worlds, the high priest sees Sextus
go to Rome and violate the wife of his friend.
" You see," says the goddess of wisdom, " it was
not my father who made Sextus wicked. He was
so from all eternity, and in consequence of his will.
Jupiter has only bestowed upon him the existence
he could not refuse in the best of all possible worlds ;
he has but transferred him from the region of possi-
ble to that of actual beings. What great events
does the crime of Sextus draw after it ? The liberty

Digitized by VjOOQlC

234 LIFE OF LSIBNITZ.

of Rome, the rise of a government abounding in
civil and military virtues, and of an empire destined
lo conquer and civilize the world.** Theodoras
returns thanks to Minerva, and acki^owledges the
justice of the king of gods and men.

We cannot here pass by without notice, the sin-
gular tradition which sprang up soon after the death
of Leibnitz, that the author of the Theodicea did not
express in this work, his own personal convictions, but
that he agreed substantially with the skeptic whose
arguments he refuted. This suspicion had no better
origin than a mere jest of Leibnitz's. He having
inquired of Prof. Pfaffius, of Tubingen, with whom
he was in the habit of corresponding, his opinion of
the Theodicea, this theologian with equal good-
nature and narrowmindedness replied, " It seems to
me you have invented that theological system only
in jest, while at the bottom you receive the doctrines
of Bayle ; but it is necessary that some one give the
dangerous principles of Bayle a serious and thorough
refutation." This, in fact, he was designing to do
himself. What other reply, then, did the presump-
tuous professor deserve than the ironical one which
was given him. He expected indeed, an angry
answer ; but Leibnitz contented himself with writing
as follows : " You are right, venerable sir, in what
you say respecting the Theodicea. You have hit
the nail on the head; and I wonder that no one
before has taken this view of my intentions. For
it is not the business of philosophers always to treat
of subjects seriously ; they who, ^s you correctly

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 235

observe, so tax the powers of their mind in the
invention of hypotheses. You who are a theologian,
you will pursue the theological course in the refu-
tation of errors." * * * Leibnitz could not have
foreseen the singular abuse to which the learned
professor subjected this mere piece of pleasantry, or
the number of persons who so readily adopted the
false construction put upon it, else he would have
been more circumspect in his remarks. It is true,
the Theodicea was not composed for strictly logical
thinkers, or persons who apply philosophical tests
to whatever they read ; and so far the book might
truly be considered less a labor than a recreation of
the mind of its author. Leibnitz, also, was careful
to abstain in this book from any scientific investi-
gation of the dogmas of the Christian church, out
of regard to the scruples, and from distrust of the
metaphysical capacities of those for whose improve-
ment it was written ; but not surely because he was
opposed to subjecting these matters to philosophi-
cal analysis, nor because he was not expressing,
though in a popular form, his own settled and serious
convictions.

The royal personage for whom the Theodicea
was particularly written, did not live to witness its
completion. Her demise took place in Hanover,
while Leibnitz was absent on a visit to Berlin.
Frederic the Great, in his Memoirs of the House of
Brandenburg, relates that " the queen' in her last
hours, mentioned the name of Leibnitz. One of the
ladies by her bedside bursting into tears, the queen

Digitized by VjOOQlC

236 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

said to her, * Weep not for me, for I am now going
to satisfy my curiosity respecting the origin of things
which Leibnitz has never been able to explain to
me, — respecting space, the infinite,' existence and
non-existence; and for the king, my husband, I
prepare the spectacle of a funeral ceremony which
will give him a new opportunity of making a mag-
nificent parade.' She recommended with her last
breath the learned men she had favored, to -the
attentions of her brother, the Elector." " This
princess," says the same royal author, " possessed the
knowledge of a learned, and the spirit of a great
man. She thought it not beneath a queen to bestow
her regards on a philosopher ; and as those persons
to whom heaven vouchsafes gifted souls, elevate
themselves to an equality with monarchs, so she
esteemed Leibnitz well worthy of her friendship."

The news of the death of the queen affected
Leibnitz very deeply. He immediately set out for
Hanover ; but not before the ambassadors and other
dignitaries in Berlin, knowing the intimacy which
had subsisted between Leibnitz and the departed
queen, had paid him formal visits of condolence.
The regrets of bereaved friendship were expressed
not only in the letters of Leibnitz, written at the
time of the mournful event ; but they continued to
breathe a subdued sadness over his correspondence
for a long time afterwards. To Miss Von PoUnitz,
the common friend of the departed queen, and of
her instructer in philosophy, he wrote as follows :
" I infer your feelings from my own. I weep not ;
I complain not ; but I know not where to look for

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 237

relief. The loss of the queen appears to me like
a dream ; but when I awake from my revery, I find
it but too true. Your misfortune is not greater than
mine, only your feelings are more lively, and you
stood in the midst of the general calamity. This
encourages me to write to you, and to beg that you
will moderate your sorrows, if possible, lest you do
yourself an injury. It is not by excessive grief that
we shall best honor the memory of one of the most
perfect princesses of the earth ; but rather by our
admiration of her virtues, — and the reasonable
world will be on our side. My letter is more phi-
losophical than my heart, and I am unable to follow
my own counsel ; but it is, notwithstanding, rational."
During the first months of his affliction, his usual
employments were very much disarranged; his cor-
respondence was for the most part neglected ; and
he himself narrowly escaped a severe attack of
illness. He had also to regret the loss of the letters
of the queen, the most of which were destroyed
after her decease; and which, he declared would
have favorably compared w^ith those of Christina
of Sweden.

After the death of the queen, Leibnitz had less
occasion than before to visit Berlin; and in the
latter part of his life he refrained altogether from
going thither. Indeed as early as the year 1700,
he ceased to act as president of the society of sci-
ences, the direction of which, without his knowl-
edge, was at that time given to another person.
His pension as president was also withholden, not-
withstanding the eflforts made by him to obtain it.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

238 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

In fact, the fortunes of the society, as well as the
influence of its founder, began to decline after the
death of the excellent Sophia Charlotte ; and the
accession of the new king, Frederic William I, to
the throne, was any thing but favorable to the
progress of the arts and sciences in Prussia. Some
mutual jealousies also having sprung up between
the courts of Prussia and Hanover, the presence of
Leibnitz in Berlin became, partly on that account,
no longer acceptable to Frederic William. Indeed,
the visit of Leibnitz to the Prussian capital in 1711,
having been considerably protracted in consequence
of an injury received from a fall, the court even
presumed to intimate that his illness was feigned,
and that he was remaining there in the capacity of
a spy. On the other hand, the Elector, somewhat
displeased at the frequent journeys of Leibnitz to
Berlin, was himself disposed to believe that the
philosopher was not unwilling to find an excuse for
lingering in a city he was supposed to prefer to
Hanover. Leibnitz accordingly never afterwards
went to Berlin to remain there any length of time.

But before his visits to Berlin entirely ceased, he
there met with a person who afterwards became his
most celebrated follower. This was Christian Wolf.
The attention of Leibnitz had before been directed
to Wolf by means of a treatise written by the latter
on the matliematical treatment of moral philosophy ;
and from the year 1704 to the death of Leibnitz, he
maintained with his young disciple an active corre-
spondence. The elder of the two appears to have
ihonglit more highly of the mathematical than of the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 239

speculative talents of the younger ; and therefore to
liave proposed to him to undertake the business of
introducing the differential calculus into the high
scliools of Germany. Entertaining these views of
th.e talents of his disciple, Leibnitz, in one of his
letters to a friend, remarked that he had never cor-
responded much with Wolf on philosophical themes,
and that the latter was not acquainted with his
peculiar system of metaphysics, except so far as it
laad been made public. But Wolf, hearing of this
remark, took advantage of it to lay claim to the
honor of being himself considered an original and
independent thinker in philosophy. He even went
so far as to declare that he had arrived by original
inquiries at the same results in speculation as Leib-
nitz ;^a declaration, however, which no one will
credit who sees that, while the conclusions of the
latter grew logically out of his premises, the former,
viewing these premises as superfluous, left them
entirely out of his system. The truth is, that Wolf
was ambitious of being thought a philosopher by the
side of his master, and was not at all content with
being one by means of him. He even presumed to
say that the writings of Leibnitz were without phi-
losophical method, without clearness and precision ;
their author, forsooth, not being, like himself, an
university professor. But iimnethodical as were the
works of the one, they have ever remained one of
the living fountains of modem philosophy, while the
voluminous though well arranged productions of the
other are merely known to have had a place among
the things that were.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XVI.

Leibnitz visits the head quartere of Charles XII— Description of
Charles— Leibnitz's intercourse with Peter the Great— Leibnita
visits Vienna— Wishes to change his place of residence— His
diplomatic labors at the imperial court— His la Monadologie^
Prince Eugene of Savoy— Leibnitz's project of an academy of
sciences at Vienna -His plans for improving the finances of the '
emperor— Ker of Kersland— Leibnitz's generosity —Academy of
sciences opposed by the Jesuits— Leibnitz receives the title of
imperial court counsellor— Decease of the Electoress Sophia—
Its influence on Leibnitz— Estrangement of George Lewis from
Leibnitz— English politics— Death of Queen Anne— Leibnitz re-
turns to Hanover— is not allowed to follow George I to England
->Plans for changing his residence— His views of English affairs
—His prophecy of a general revolution in Europe— Completion
of his history cf the House of Brunswick— His unfinished labors.

In the year 1707 the attention of Germany was
intently fixed upon the struggle between Peter the
Great, of Russia, and Charles XII, of Sweden, for
the possession of Saxony ; — a struggle which showed
how the most extraordinary physical energies, when
not under the direction of a ruling idea, must in the
end inevitably succumb to the forces of genius. It
happened that Leibnitz, shortly after his return from
Berlin, was sent on a secret mission to the head

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 241

quarters of Charles XII, in Altranstadt, near Leipsic.
At that lime the Swedish tent was honored by the
presence of three crowned heads, Charles himself,
Augustus of Saxony, and Stanislaus of Poland;
besides that also of the representatives of the princi-
pal courts of Europe. The adventurous king of
Sweden appeared at that moment to be holding in.
his hand the balance of the powers of Europe ; but
he was less a statesman than a warrior. Marl-
borough, however, who was both, had succeeded in
warding off the danger which threatened the coali*
tion against France, by gaining over Sweden also to
the cause of the confederates. Thereupon Prussia
and Hanover leagued themselves more closely with
Charles XII; and it was with reference to this
measure, most likely, that Leibnitz was sent to AU
transtadt, and that he returned from that place by
the way of Berlin. Leibnitz saw the Swedish
monarch at his dinner table ; and afterwards gave
the following description of him to Lord Raby, the
English ambassador at the court of Prussia. " I saw
Charles at dinner. This lasted for half an hour,
during which time his Majesty spoke not a word.
Once only he raised his eyes from the table, to look
at a young prince of Wiirtemburg on his left, who
was playing with a dog, and who thereupon imme-
diately ceased. The physiognomy of the king may
be said to be very good ; but his dress and bearing
are those of a knight of the old school. As I had
waited a week for his return to the camp, I was not
able to stay longer ; although the hope was held out

16

Digitized by VjOOQlC

242 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

to me of being admitted to an audience with his
Majesty, as, just on the point of my departure, were
the young Count von Platen and Herr Fabrice. But
what could I have said to him ? His praise, even
when deserved, he hears not willingly ;• and he nev-
er speaks of affairs of state. Of any thing relating
to war, however, he talks well, as I was assured by
Herr von Schulenburg, who had held a conversation
of two hours with him. Also, when Count von
Flemmung, shortly before my arrival in Leipsic, was
admitted to an audience with Charles, and dined
with him, the king continued the conversation after
dinner, and showed his good humor by once indulg-
ing in a jest. Your Excellency must have read the
printed report of the king's having danced at the nup-
tials of one of his generals." It is worthy of remark
that the philosopher, who was so much accustomed to
converse with royalty, felt obliged to ask himself the
question respecting Charles XII, " but what can I say
to him ? " In the case of the other great monarch
whom Leibnitz was soon to meet, it was very differ-
ent. The latter experienced no difficulty in finding
other topics of conversation with Peter the Great,
besides those of war and politics.

Leibnitz had long turned his eyes with interest
towards the mighty empire which, after the Musco-
vite victory over Charles XII, at Pultawa, had sprung'
suddenly into life in regions beyond what was then
considered the eastern bulwark of European civiliza-
tion. Even when advocating the cause of the Pals-
grave of Neuburg before the Electors of Poland, he

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 243

had bidden that country beware of the future ascen-
dancy of a prince of Russia, — although, on the
whole, he anticipated great advantages to Christendom
from the establishment of a new Christian kingdom.
Leibnitz was prepared, therefore, to meet with interest
the illustrious founder of the modern empire of Rus-
sia, who in turn showed his sagacity, in consulting
the German philosopher respecting his plans for civ-
ilizing his extensive and barbarous dominions.

Leibnitz met Peter the Great on several different
occasions. The first meeting took place in the year
1697, at the castle of Koppenbriick, where Peter vis-
ited incognito the Elector of Hanover. But the em-
peror wishing to avoid any particular attentions,
Leibnitz had at this time no opportunity of holding
personal intercourse with him. The only written
account given by Leibnitz of the appearance of the
Czar, is the following very brief one, taken from a
letter of his to Thomas Burnet. " Respecting the
Muscovites, I must speak to you of this famous em-
bassy with which the monarch himself is connected
incognito. We saw them in the neighborhood while
passing through the country. Although the prince
has not our manners, yet he possesses no ordinary
genius. * # # The Czar, who speaks a little
Dutch or German, said to the Electoresses of Bran-
denburg and Hanover, who supped with him at Kop-
penbriick, that he was about to build seventy-five
vessels of war, to be used on the Black Sea. He is
now thinking only how he can worry the Turks.
His greatest pleasure is in navigation, the art of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

244 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

which he has studied for the purpose of making
himself master of the Euxine. He is going, I believe,
to Holland, to inform himself by personal observation
of every thing connected with navigation ; and it is
thought that he will go to Venice also for the purpose
of seeing her marine and her famous arsenal.*^

Several years later, Leibnitz had a better opportu-
nity of becoming acquainted with Peter at Torgau,
when the philosopher conversed freely with his
majesty, and obtained from the latter the promise of
assistance in the prosecution of his physical and lin-
guistic investigations. These promises referred
particularly to the making of observations in different
parts of Russia, upon the magnetic declination, and
to the instituting of inquiries respecting the subject
of language, not only in Russia, but also in Siberia
and China. Not long after this interview, Leibnitz,
in writing to one of the emperor's principal military
officers, for the purpose of recommending to him a
skilful physician and naturalist, took occasion to
invite his attention to a number of methods for pro-
moting the education of the Russians, such as the
establishment of libraries and observatories, and the
appointment of able teachers of the arts and sciences.
In the same spirit, and for the accomplishment of the
same great object, Leibnitz, shortly before his death,
entered into correspondence with several of the most
eminent statesmen in immediate connection with the
Czar, and sent to them numerous memorials which,
preserved in the archives at Moscow, have never yet
been made public.

Digitized by VjODQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 245

About a year after the interview above described,
the Russian emperor invited Leibnitz to join him at
Carlsbad, where the former was spending a short
time previous to the campaign in Swedish Pome-
rania. It was at this time that the Czar gave to his
German adviser the title of privy counsellor of
justice, with a pension of one thousand albertus-
thalers. Then, also, the project of an academy of
sciences was suggested by Leibnitz to Peter, who
interested himself deeply in the matter, though the
plan proposed was not carried into effect until after
his death. From the period of this meeting, the
new privy counsellor looked to the great Muscovite
for the patronage of every important discovery that
was made in Europe. Thus Leibnitz took meas-
ures to have a model of his reckoning machine
constructed with important improvements, with the
design of sending it to the Czar; but it appears
never to have been completed.

Instead of returning directly to Hanover from
Carlsbad, Leibnitz, having an opportunity of going
to Vienna free of expense, set his face towards the
south. Arrived at the Austrian capital, he excused
this journey to the Elector, on the ground that the
emperor was disposed to render him important as-
sistance in his historical studies. There were other
reasons, however, for his wishing to visit Vienna.
Tired of living in Hanover, where, excepting his
excellent friend and mistress, the Electoress Sophia,
no one understood or appreciated him, Leibnitz, in
fact, had long been wishing to change his place of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

246 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

residence to some larger city. The unpleasant
nature of the relations in which he stood, at this
period, with the Hanoverian courtiers, may be
learned from the following extract from a letter to
his friend Thomas Burnet. " The narrow limita-
tions, both physical and mental^ within which I am
confined, are owing to the circumstance that I do
^ot live in a large city, like Paris or London,
abounding with learned men from whom one can
learn something, and derive some assistance. For
there are many things which cannot be executed
by a single isolated individual. But here one hardly
meets with any one to speak to; or rather one
passes in this place for a poor courtier who under-
takes to discourse about matters of learning. Were
it not for the Electoress Sophia, one would speak
still more unfrequently of such subjects."

It was under such circumstances that Leibnitz
conceived the desire to spend a portion of each year
in London, — a desire he was prevented from grati-
fying only by his obligations to the Elector. One
of the principal inducements to visiting England,
was the wish he entertained to unite himself to that
society of minds, including among others, Boyle,
Bentley and even Newton, which was engaged in
defending the doctrines of Christianity against the
attacks of the English deists. To his friend Burnet,
he also expressed an earnest wish to make the ac-
quaintance of the " excellent persons in whom Eng-
land was so rich." But his project stood a poor
chance of being realized, at a time when the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 247

Elector was beginning to insist more urgently
than before, on his completing the history of the
House of Brunswick. Leibnitz himself appears to
have underrated the labor requisite for the accom-
plishment of his task ; but it was destined to confine
him for the remainder of his days more closely than
ever to Hanover.

Leibnitz, accordingly, was in no hurry to return
to the north. One circumstance that operated to
detain him in Vienna, was the prevalence there at
that time, of a fatal malady, supposed by many to
have been the plague, which rendered the journey
of a traveller from the infected city, one of no little
vexation and difficulty. Another was the execution
of the diplomatic commissions with which, after his
arrival at Vienna, he had been entrusted by the
Elector. The services of Leibnitz were also
highly acceptable at that juncture to the imperial
court, on account of the critical posture of the politi-
cal affairs of Europe. Charles VI, convinced of the
perfect right of his house to the throne of Spain,
was firmly resolved on refusing to accept the terms
of the proposed pe^ce of Utrecht, by which his
family and the German empire were to be robbed
of the fruits of the victories won by the allies under
Eugene of Savoy and Marlborough. In this deter-
mination Leibnitz did every thing in his power to
strengthen the emperor. He also addressed a me-
morial to his majesty respecting the propositions
made by the imperial ambassador at Utrecht on the
subject of the peace; and was otherwise active

Digitized by VjOOQlC

248 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

respecting this matter, as will more fully appear
whenever the state papers pertaining to the transac-
tion shall have been published.

Another question in diplomacy, respecting which,
the emperor availed himself of the counsel and ser-
vices of the Hanoverian sage, concerned the right of
succession to the throne of the grand duchy of
Florence. But without dwelling on this subject, we
pass to the consideration of the literary labors of
Leibnitz in Vienna. He here composed the well
J known sketch of his philosophical system, entitled
jl La Mov ff^^^^ff^^^ though usually called Principia
^philosophies. This was done while the author was
living on terms of intimacy with the celebrated
Eugene of Savoy, a prince as remarkable for his
knowledge of science, and his cultivation of letters,
as for his sagacity in the cabinet and his heroism
in the field. The manuscript having been given to
Eugene, for whose use it was specially designed, he
set so high a value on it as to be quite unwilling
to let it go out of his hands. Count Bonneval, a
friend of the prince, was therefore induced to
write complainingly to Leibnitz, saying, "Eugene
preserves your manuscript as the priests at Naples
do the blood of saint Januarius ; that is, he lets me
kiss it, and thereupon he locks it up again in his
writing-desk."

It was from his intercourse with Prince Eugene
that Leibnitz was led to entertain the hope of being
able to carry into execution his cherished project of
founding an academy of sciences in Vienna. His

Digitizedljy VjOOQ iC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 249

plan was a very comprehensive one. There was to
be connected with the academy, a library of the most
valuable literary productions, a cabinet of coins and
antiques, a chemical laboratory, an observatory, a
magazine for models and machines, a botanical gar-
den, a collection of minerals and geological speci-
mens, schools for anatomy and surgery. Provision,
still further, was to be made for the examination of
MSS. and diplomas, for the collection of statistics,
for medical reports, and for journeys with the view
of making investigations in the provinces of literature,
art and nature. Rewards were to be given for dis-
coveries, and pecuniary assistance granted to persons
who should devote themselves to different kinds of
scientific investigations. It was proposed that the
society should be under the supervision and patronage
of one of the most distinguished persons of the impe-
rial court, and that there should be affiliated branches
established in different parts of the Austrian territory.
Leibnitz, though not to be president of the institu-
tion, was to reside in Vienna, and to receive for his
services a salary of six thousand gulden, which sum,
however, on account of the depressed state of the
imperial finances, was afterwards reduced to two
thousand. An academy on this plan, more or less
modified, would perhaps have been actually estab-
lished, had the life of the projector been spared some-
what longer. Charles VI took the matter into seri-
ous consideration. Prince Eugene, as well as many
other distinguished courtiers, interested himself in it ;
and Leibnitz, on leaving Vienna, was assured by the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

250 LIFE OF LEIBIilTZ.

emperor, the empress, and the ministry, that the work
should be accomplished.

The project miscarried notwithstanding. After
his return to Hanover, Leibnitz did all he could by
letter, to urge on the work ; but in truth, the finances
of Charles were then in no condition to justify the
requisite outlay of capital. This hindrance to the
execution of the plan was not concealed from Leib-
nitz ; but, on the contrary, the emperor solicited him
to give his opinion respecting the best methods of
improving the finances of the state, and to enter into
consultation on the subject with the Scotch diploma-
tist, John Ker of Kersland. This person was at once
inspired with great confidence in the abilities of the
German philosopher ; and devised, in concert with
him, various plans for the relief of the treasury of the
emperor, all of which, however, proved unavailing.
The finances of Ker himself, it may be added, owing
to considerable sums spent by him in gratuitously
advocating the claims of the House of Brunswick to
the throne of England, were hardly in a better con-
dition than those of the Emperor ; and Leibnitz, with
a generosity that redounds not a little to his credit,
cancelled from his own purse debts of his friend to
the amount of two hundred and thirty pounds ster-
ling. This pleasing fact we learn from the confes-
sions of Ker himself, though he was not aware of it
at the time of its occurrence.

Another hindrance to the execution of the plan of
founding an academy of sciences in Vienna, arose
from the secret opposition of the Jesuits, the cause of

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 251

whose Christian missions Leibnitz had formerly so
boldly advocated. These priests had thought, be-
cause Leibnitz, who was not accustomed to attend
places of public worship, had frequently been attracted
to the catholic church in Vienna by the eloquence of
one of their order, that he was ready to become a
convert to the mother church. They even referred
to the expected change in the great philosopher as an
argument in their attempts at proselyting. But when
they found out that Leibnitz had no design of chang-
ing his religion, they did not fail to suggest to influ-
ential persons at court, that an academy of sciences
at Vienna, under the direction of a Protestant, would
be in the highest degree dangerous to the interests of
both the church and the state. Their suggestions
were doubtless not without effect.

Leibnitz, during his visit to Vienna, was treated
with very great favor by the emperor, the empress,
and^ the empress-mother. He had private access to
the imperial cabinet, whither he was frequently invi-
ted to give his advice respecting secret affairs of state.
As a public testimony of his regard for the philoso-
pher, Charles VI bestowed on him the tiile of impe-
rial court-counsellor, — the highest honor in the
empire which could be conferred on a Protestant,
and one to which Leibnitz had long been aspiring.
With this title some trifling emoluments also appear
to have been connected. The precise time, indeed,
when this honor was conferred on Leibnitz has not
been ascertained, as no diploma has ever come to
light, and he himself never referred to the subject in

Digitized by VjOOQlC

252 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

any of his letters. He must have been made a baron
of the empire several years before, probably at the
coronation of Joseph as king of Rome in 1690, since
in the appointment to the office of president of the
society of sciences in Berlin, he was called Herr von
Leibnitz, and in one of his letters to Bossuet in 1692,
he subscribed his name with this title. This designa-
tion, however, was rarely made use of by him. The
armorial bearings he employed were those of his pa-
ternal great-uncle, Paul von Leibnitz, who had been
raised to the rank of a noble by the emperor Ru-
dolph.

But while Leibnitz was protracting his visit in
Vienna, events of considerable importance were
transpiring in Hanover. One of these was the
decease of the Electoress Sophia. This able princess
departed this life at the age of eighty-four, after a
very short illness, brought on, it was supposed, by a
letter received by her son, George Lewis, from the
queen of England, who being strictly in favor of the
Pretender, severely reproached the Elector for
having applied to the parliament for a letter of
citation as a peer of England, without having
previously consulted with her respecting the matter.
The Electoress remained until the last, in full
possession of her extraordinary faculties. Between
two and three weeks before her death, she wrote
Leibnitz a long letter on the affairs of England, to
use his own words, " as full of correct judgments as
if written by the prime minister, and at the same
time as lively in its tone as if from the pen of a
* young princess Sophia,' as the English called her."

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 253

The death of his protectress was a heavy blow
to Leibnitz. It destroyed nearly all the little inter-
est he had left in Hanover, and annihilated his
prospects of one day rendering himself useful as the
friend and counsellor of a queen of England.
George Lewis, who was wont to call Leibnitz his
living dictionary, prized indeed the great philosopher
as a faithful servant and an illustrious ornament of his
court ; but unlike his predecessor, he never regarded
him as a friend, nor entered at any time into a
confidential correspondence with him. Though
proud of the European reputation of the historian
of his house, the Elector, nevertheless, was jealous
of the honors conferred upon him by the emperor,
and grudged, also, the time spent by him at the
courts of Berlin and Vienna. One day during the
absence of Leibnitz at the latter city, as search was
made about Hanover for a lost puppy, the Elector,
half in jest and half in earnest, exclaimed, " So must
I cause my Leibnitz to be hunted up, to find out
where in the world he may have hid himself."

Leibnitz favored, moreover, the views of the
deceased Electoress respecting English affairs too
much, to be a favorite with George Lewis. As is
well known, the mother had been jealous of the
influence of her son in the kingdom, to whose throne
she had herself cherished hopes of succeeding.
She, also, was not inclined to follow so much the
counsels of the whigs in England, as were the
Elector and his minister, Bernstorf ; but, in accord-
ance with the views of Leibnitz, she preferred to

Digitized by VjOOQlC

254 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

endeavor to unite the more moderate members of
both the great political parties of the country.
Leibnitz himself, indeed, on the question of the
Hanoverian succession, as well as of the allied war
against France, was strongly opposed to the policy
of the tories, but he was too liberal in his sentiments
and too universal in his aims, to attach himself
exclusively to either party. With these views he
wrote to Ker, as follows : " The king must by all
means leave to his nation the free choice of the
members of parliament ; and oppose, also, the hate-
ful intrigues and corruption which have existed
under former reigns. Such a course of conduct
will surround him with men of honor and ability,
who will act from disinterested principles, and will
have regard for the general welfare of the nation.
I hope and wish that our German ministers may
never presume to meddle with the affairs of Eng-
land, for they would not only commit a great impro-
priety, but also prevent the king from gaining the
confidence and affection of his subjects."

The death of Queen Anne, and the subsequent
call of the Elector George Lewis to the English
throne, were events which took place while Leibnitz
was still in Vienna. But on being summoned by
his friend Ker of Kersland, to pay his court aird
offer his counsels to the new king, he set out imme-
diately for Hanover. Owing, however, to the bad-
ness of the weather and his advanced age, he did
not arrive at the end of the journey until several
days after the departure of his Majesty. He was

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 255

obliged, therefore, for the time being, to content
himself with forwarding his congratulations to his
master by letter, and with indulging the hope of
soon following him to London. This design of
Leibnitz, however, was, from the outset, firmly-
opposed by Bernstorf. And when, a year after-
wards, the former applied for permission to visit
London, the latter returned a direct refusal, adding,
also, that Leibnitz would best gratify the wishes of
his royal master by immediately resuming the long
neglected history of the House of Brunswick. This
letter deeply wounded the feelings of the venerable
sage, already hurt by the stoppage of his salary
during his absence in Vienna, and especially by the
derogatory tone in which, shortly before leaving
Hanover, the king had alluded, in a postscript to
one of his orders to his ministers, to the labors of '
his historiographer. The latter entered into an
explanation and defence of his conduct, remarking
in one of his letters to Bernstorf, that this treatment
little comported with the labors, the sacrifices and
the zeal of so many years spent in the service of the ^
government; and concluding still another to the
same person, with the declaration, "iZ m'a toucke
plus que je ne saurais dire, de voir que, pendant que
V Europe me rend justice, on ne le fait pas, ou faurois
le plus de droit de VattendreJ*^

Most probably it was this estrangement of George I
from the tried and faithful servant of his house, as
well as partly, no doubt, the desire of the former to
ingratiate himself in the good opinions of his En-

Digitized by VjOOQIC

256 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

glish subjects, that led him to incline to the side of
Newton in the great controversy between this phi-
losppher and Leibnitz. The king applied for infor-
mation respecting the merits of the dispute, to the
Abbe Conti, who attempted to act as a mediator
between the two rivals ; but as this person viewed
the question at issue as one merely respecting the
priority of the discovery of the method of fluxions
and of the differential calculus, his opinions were,
naturally, favorable to the Englishman. George I,
therefore, on his visit, in 1716, to his ancestral
dominions, said to Leibnitz, that " the Abbe Conti
was coming over to Germany to convert him."
But this monarch was, nevertheless, proud of the
German as well as the English philosopher; and is
reported to have said, "I think myself happy ia
possessing two kingdoms, in one of which I have
the honor of reckoning a Leibnitz, and in the other
a Newton, among my subjects."

Long discontented, as we have seen, with his resi-
dence in Hanover, and somewhat mortified at the
widely circulated report of his being no longer in the
good graces of his royal master, Leibnitz turned his
thoughts in his old age towards that splendid city
where in earlier years he had designed to establish
his home, to the sunny skies and learned society of
the capital of Louis XIV. Shortly before the death
of this monarch, and but a year before his own, the
aged philosopher communicated his desire of chang-
ing his residence to the Parisian Jesuit Tournemine.
With this learned father, Liebnitz was then engaged

Digitized by VjOOQIC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 257

in a scientific controversy respecting a treatise pub-
lished by the latter the year before, under the title of
De origine Francorum^ and which, translated into
the French, the author caused to be presented in a
neatly executed manuscript, to Louis XIV. The
letter of Leibnitz to Toumemine was also commu-
nicated to this monarch, who expressed himself high-
ly pleased with the design disclosed in it ; and de-
clared himself ready to do whatever he could to ren-
der the residence of the German philosopher in
Paris as pleasant, as the latter should render his ser-
vices useful to the French nation. This we learn
from Toumemine ; but the good father did not in-
form us of his unsuccessful attempt to make a prose-
lyte of his German correspondent. Nor do we learn
from the French ecclesiastic, the reasons which in-
duced Leibnitz to change his determination of spend-
ing the evening of his life in Paris. Whatever these
were, they could hardly have been the death of Louis,
because Leibnitz was sufficiently well acquainted
with the Regent, and was also a friend of the Duch-
ess of Orleans, the Regent's mother.

But Paris was not the only place to which Leib-
nitz looked for a refuge in his declining years. Not-
withstanding the poor success of his former applica-
tions for leave to visit London, the interest he took
in English affairs prevented him from relinquishing
his wish to establish himself in that metropolis. But
the Hanoverian advisers of George I, knowing that
the philosopher would use his influence to prevent
their selfish interference in the administration of the

17

Digitized by VjOOQlC

268 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

English government, continued finnly to oppose the
proposed visit, so that in the end, Leibnitz, in de-
spair of accomplishing his purpose, declared to hid
friend Ker, that he had finally decided to take up his
abode, upon the completion of his historical labors,
in Vienna. Somewhat later, however, it may be
added, Leibnitz expressed a desire to the minister,
von Bemstorf to be appointed British historiogra-
pher to George I, — ^proposing, in case of his receiving
that appointment, to incorporate in his annals, a por-
tion of the early history of England connected with
that of the ancestors of the family of Brunswick ;
and at the same time adducing precedents to show
that the granting of his request would be no viola-
tion of the laws of the British realm against the
holding of offices by foreigners. That this wish re-
mained ungratified may readily be inferred from the
relations subsisting between the parties. Notwith-
standing the unwillingness, however, of George I,
to see Leibnitz in London, the latter did not cease to
take very great interest in the success and populari-
ty of his royal master's administration. In proof of
this fact may be adduced the pamphlet written by
Liebnitz under the title of Anti^JacMte, on Fausse^
tis de VAvis aux praprietaires Anglais, being in re^
ply to a Jacobite attack on the House of Brunswick,
entitled, Avis aux proprietaires Anglais. The au-
thorship of this pamphlet was denied, indeed, by
Leibnitz ; but the style in which it was written, and
especially the liberal spirit with which it advocated
the reconciliation of the two political parties of Great

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

Britain, leave no doubt of its having emanated from
the pen of the great philosopher. The writer main*
tained with great clearness and force of argument,
the importance of rendering such protection to agricul-
ture, the basis of national prosperity, on the one side,
and to manufactures and commerce, on the other, as
to secure a harmonious development of these two
conflicting interests. He also insisted on the impor-
tance of remedying the disorders which were then
tending to diminish the influence of piety and mo-
rality upon the national character; of guarding
against the injurious ejects of the stipulations in the
treaty of Utrecht ; and of thwarting the schemes of
the enemies of the crown in the whole realm.

The attention given by Leibnitz to the public af-
fairs of England was owing in part to the fact that
he attached great importance to the influence which
was to be exerted by that country in the future so-
cial and political regeneration of Europe. His pro-
phetic views on this point were expressed in his
^^-New Essays on the Human Understanding*^ as fol-
lows, *^ I find," says the author," that opinions bor-
dering close upon license, which take possession of
the governing minds of the great world and creep
into works of polite literature, are preparing the
way for tJie universal revolution tvith which Europe
is threateTied, and are utterly destroying what there
is left of the magnanimous feelings of the ancient
Greeks and Romans, who set the love of country
and a care for posterity before the accumulation of
property, or even the preservation of life. Those

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

" public spirits " as the English call them, are fast
disappearing and already out of fashion ; and they
will continue still more rapidly to diminish, unless
supported by good morals and by the true religion
which even natural reason teaches. * * • Patriot-
ism is scouted ; the persons who interest themselves
for universal aims are ridiculed ; and whenever a
well-meaning man asks what will posterity say, the
reply is, cdors comme alors ! But it may happen
that these persons will themselves experience the
evils they suppose to be reserved for others. If they
cure themselves of the spiritual epidemic whose per-
nicious effects begin to show themselves, they will
perhaps escape these calamities ; but if not, then
will Providence heal society even by the revolution
which this disease must naturally end in. For hap-
pen what may, all things will finally work together
for the best ; although this result cannot take place
without the chastisement of those who even by their
evil acts have brought about a general good.*'

•In consequence of the dissatisfaction expressed by
George I, and his ministers in Hanover, at the slow
progress of Leibnitz's historical labors, the latter was
induced in the last years of his life to devote his at-
tention almost exclusively to his great task. In these
endeavors, by order of the king, he was assisted by
his former secretary, Eckhart. As a fruit of the in-
creased diligence of Leibnitz, the first volume of the
AnncUes Imperii Occidentis Brumvicensis was ready
for the press at the end of the year 1715 ; but the
author preferred that it should not be published until

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 261

after tbe completion of the second and last volume,
which, was promised in the course of the year follow-
ing. Leibnitz kept his word. But it speaks little
for the sincerity of the pressing requests made by
the Hanoverian ministry for the completion of this
history, that when it was completed they took no
pains whatever to publish it. The contents of the
ATinales previously to their recent publication were
known principally from a sketch of them committed
to paper by Leibnitz, and afterwards communicated
by Eckhart to Fontenelle. Scheid also published
some episodes of the original work, together with
the Origines Chidphicae composed by Eckhart from
materials collected by Leibnitz. The ideas of the
latter may indeed not unfrequently be detected by
careful criticism, in the writings of his secretary and,
associate, who, it used to be said at Hanover, was
fond of decking himself with the plumes of the
great philosopher. The high idea entertained of the
Annales by the author himself may be inferred from
the remark following. " I venture to affirm," he
said, " that nothing of this kind has yet been pub-
lished respecting the middle ages, wherein so many
errors in the history of the German Empire have
been corrected, and wherein historical facts have
been placed in a clearer light."

In the last year of his life the aged author of the
Brunswick Annals was contemplating, after the ter-
mination of his great labor, the execution of a large
number of literary and scientific projects. He de-
signed, among other things, the publication of his

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

mathematical correspondence, as an answer to the
Commercium epistoHcunij which had come outunder
the auspices of the royal society in London ; also oif
his Dynamics, together with other mathematical and
philosophical labors. He likewise proposed to give
an elaborate exposition of his views respecting the
natural philosophy of Newton. His various essays,
moreover, were to be collected and edited; and,
finally, a complete and demonstrative statement was
to be made of his peculiar system of metaphysics.
Many of his projects or ideas for the advancement of
science, however, he did not design to lay before the
public, because, as he said, the times were not ripe
for such things, and he had a great aversion to being
misunderstood and misrepresented. With that strong
self-confidence which usually belongs to men of ge-
nius, he once declared, referring to certain important
consequences to be deduced from his doctrine of con-
tinuity, " Je meJUUti d^en avoir quelqttes idies, mau
ee sihde n^est point fait pour Us recevoir"

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XVII.
The last sickness of Leibnitz— His death and burial.

But in the midst of the plans mentioned at the
close of the preceding chapter, and which were
entertained by this veteran in science with all the
ardor of a man in his prime, Leibnitz was overtaken,
though not surprised, by a presentiment of the near
approach of death. As early as the year 1696, in a
letter to Thomas Burnet, on the occasion of a report
of his decease having been circulated in England,
he said, "If death will only grant me the time
requisite for the execution of the works already
projected by me, I will promise to enter upon no
new undertaking, and industriously to prosecute the
old ones ; and even such an agreement would defer
the end of life no inconsiderable period. But death
troubles himself neither with the execution of our
projects, nor with the improvement of science." A
similar report, owing, probably, to the prevalence of
a pestilence in Vienna, was spread abroad when
Leibnitz was last in that city ; but to this he pleas-
antly replied, that, according to the German adage.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

264 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

false reports of the death of a perspn were sure signs
of a long life. Leibnitz, indeed, had always felt
authorized from the character of his physical consti-
tution, to anticipate a life of more than the ordinary
duration.

Meanwhile, after the return of Leibnitz from
Vienna, the progress made by the arthritis in his
system interrupted the continuity of his labors.
From his fiftieth year, previously to which his
health had rarely been impaired by illness of any
kind, Leibnitz began to sufier considerably from this
malady, which was accompanied also by frequent
attacks of vertigo. On account of these infirmities,
he often took the advice of Dr. Behren, of Hildes-
heim, who wrote a history of the disease of his
patient ; but, like Gartesius, Leibnitz liked best to
be his ovm physician. In the last years of his life,
a tumor was formed in his right leg, in consequence
of his sedentary mode of life; and, therefore, he
gladly embraced every favorable opportunity for
nmking short journeys. These evils, however, were
borne with perfect cheerfulness. In 1715 he wrote,
" I suffer from time to time in my feet ; occasionally
the disease passes into my hands ; but head and
stomach, thank God, still do their duty." "My
complaint," he said, on another occasion, "is not
very painful, buj. it hinders me from being active
elsewhere than in my chamber, where I always find
the time too short ; and, therefore, I have no ennui
at all, which is a piece of good fortune in misfor-
tune." In the month of March, 1716, his letters

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 265

Spoke of his disease as one easily to be borne, and
not attended by pain when he remained perfectly
quiet. His return from Pyrmont, near the end of
August, whither he had gone to pay, for the last
time, his homage to George I, found him in the best
of spirits. After that excursion he never again left
Hanover, but devoted himself to the completion of
his Annals, though occasionally diverted from it by
lighter occupations. Among these was the forma-
tion of a plan of a library for Count von Boineburg,
his former pupil, then the chief magistrate of Erfurt,
who having established a professorship cf history
and law at the university of that city, was also about
to lay there the foundations of a public library.
This, according to Eckhart, was the last labor of
Leibnitz ; and it was left unfinished.

In November, Leibnitz's fatal malady severely
attacked his shoulders. Thereupon he took, as
usual, a strong dose of a decoction which had been
given him two years before, by a Jesuit in Vienna.
But his constitution was too much reduced to bear
off the medicine. The disease attacked the vital
organs ; and he was seized with violent pains and
convulsions. This occurred in the evening of the
fourteenth of November; and at nine o'clock, Leibnitz
hearing of the arrival in Hanover of a physician
whose advice he had enjoyed in Pyrmont, Dr. Seip,
requested his attendance. This gentleman coming
in immediately, the patient, though somewhat dis-
tressed for breath, entered into conversation with
him respecting his disease and its remedies, making

Digitized by VjOOQlC

266 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

throughout his discourse numerous allusions to the
doctrines of alchymy, and relating how the noted
Furtenbach, in Florence, had succeeded in convert-
ing the half of an iron nail into gold. The doctor
observing at length that the pulse of his patient was
growing more feeble, and that a cold sweat had
appeared on his hands, informed him that his condi-
tion had become dangerous. To this Leibnitz re-
plied, that his hands and feet had, from his youth,
been liable to be cold, also his pulse weak, and that
in case of any illness he had various remedies he
was accustomed to resort to. But the doctor, not
thinking these appropriate to the patient's critical
situation, requested leave to go himself and prepare
others more suitable. Hardly had the physician
left, however, when Leibnitz, in a very severe attack
of pain, himself detected the approach of the fatal
messenger of dissolution. Thereupon he expressed
a desire to write, and pen and paper having been
brought to him, he undertook to do so; but what he
had written appearing to him illegible, he tore the
paper and lay down again. Towards ten o'clock he
made a second unsuccessful attempt to write, and
then drawing his cap over his eyes, he lay down on
his side and gently fell asleep. When Dr. Seip
returned with his medicine, he found that Leibnitz
was no more.

" When Leibnitz was near his end," relates Eck-
hart, " his servant asking him whether he did not
wish to partake of the sacrament, the former replied
that they should leave him in peace ; he had done

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 267

no man wrong, and had nothing to confess." Ac-
cording to the testimony of others, when one of the
bystanders reminded the dying philosopher that he
/was soon to p^s from time to eternity, he mildly
foisw^ered, "Also are other men mortal."

Dr. SeipTelates, that he saw lying upon Leibnit2*s
eouch and the chairs surrounding it, a number of
letters' and hooks, among which last was his favorite
Barclay Argems, in which he had read shortly
before his death, and which is still retained on hie
jstudy-chair, in the royal library of Hanover ; also
his own Nova Methodits juris, with alterations writ-
ten on the margin, Lynker^s Instrtictorium forense,
Pontan^s Progymruumata, Alberti Interesse Religi"
OTifum, etc. These, together with all the other books
and papers of Leibnitz, were, immediately after Ms
decease, taken possession of by the ministry, and
deposited for safe keeping, partly, in the secret
archives of state, and, partly, in the royal library.
The money left by the deceased, which, including
gold and silver medallions, amounted to from four-
teen to sixteen thousand thalers, was delivered to
Leibnitz's nephew and only heir, the Rev. Frederic
Simon Lofller, who appears, however, to have
inherited from his illustrious uncle little besides his
property, and whose wife was so weak a woman as,
upon the sight of such a sum of mopey brought into
her house, to fall, from joy and terror, senseless to
the floor.

The death of this great man was an event of as
little importance in the eyes of the Hanoverian

Digitized brGoOgle

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

courtiers, as had been his life. This indifference
was owing, in part, undoubtedly, to the circumstance
that Leibnitz, towards the close of his life, had lost
the favor of his royal master. One friend of the
departed, Ker, of Kersland, happened to arrive in
Hanover the same day on which Leibnitz died, and
was deeply grieved not only at the sad event, but
also at the little notice taken of it by the Hanoveri-
ans. For, according to the representations of Ker>
the funeral was more like that of a highwayman
than of one who had been the ornament of his coun-
try. This is confirmed by Eckhart, upon whom
alone devolved the care of giving the great Leibnitz
honorable burial. Through his agency a costly
coffin was procured, having engraved at its head the
armorial bearings of the deceased ; at its foot, his
name, and the dates of his birth and death ; on the
right side his motto. Pars vitcB, qicoties perditur
hora, perit; on the top, an unit contained in a cipher,
with the superscription. Omnia ad unum; on the
bottom, an eagle soaring, and gazing at the sun, with
the superscription, Haurit de lumine lumen; on the
left side the lines of Horace,

Virtus recludens immeritis mori
Coelum, negata tentat iter via, ,
Coetusque mortales et udam
Linquit humum fugiente penna.

On the upper side of the lid stood Bernouilli's
favorite symbol, which had been also highly prized
by Leibnitz, being a spiral line, with the superscrip-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 269

tion, Indinata resurget ; and on the lower side, a
phoenix, in the act of being consumed by fire, with
the superscription, Servabit ciiiis honorem.

We are informed by Eckhart, that aUhough the
whole court was invited to attend the funeral solemni-
ties, no one appeared on the occasion except himself.
The deceased having during his life time been con-
sidered an unbeliever, no clergyman followed his
remains to the grave. " Leibnitz went seldom or
never to church," says Eckhart, " and communed
very unfrequently. The clergy, on this account,
upbraided him in public ; but he heeded them not. '
God knows what were his motives. The common
people generally called him a nothingarian, (Love"
nix, d, L Glauber nichts")

Thus were the remains of the great mathematician ^
and founder of German philosophy committed to the
earth ! How unlike the burial given by a proud and
grateful country to the mortal part of Leibnitz's illus-
trious English contemporary. The nobles of the
land bore the pall of Newton, and the assembled
people followed his body to its sacred and fit resting
place in Westminster Abbey.

The royal academy of sciences in Berlin took no ^
notice of the loss of their founder and first president.
The London society, of which Leibnitz was one of
the oldest and most distinguished members, remained
silent upon the death of the rival of Newton. Only -^
the academy in Paris paid that respect which was
due from scientific Europe to the memory of one of
the greatest philosophers of the age.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

270 LIFB OF LEIBNITZ.

The ashes of Leibnitz repose in what is called the
court church of Hanover. For half a century after
his death, there was nothing to mark the spot of this
precious deposit ; but it is now indicated hj a copper
j^te in one of the aisles, bearing the inscription,
Ossa Leibmtii, Towards the end of the eighteenth
century the indifference which the Hanoverians had
felt towards the living philosopher, gave place to the
most enthusiastic veneration for his memory. The
inhabitants of the town which had taken no notice of
his death, then generously united with the govern-
ment in erecting on a rising ground, near the royal
library, a circular temple to the genius of their illu&>
trious fellow-citizen. A monument still more durable
and appropriate is yet due from his country to the
father of German philosophy ; and that is, an edition
of his complete works.*

* These are now in the conrse of puhlication at Hanover, from
the MSS. of the royal library, edited by G.H. Pertz.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

CHAPTER XVIII.

Description of Leibnitz^s person and habits, by Eckfaart— Also by
himself— Extracts from bis letters—His religious toleration— Re-
collections of him by a coteroporary— Charges brought against
Lis character— His defectsasawriter— His views of matrimony-
Fondness for children—Report of his having had a natural son.

In conclusion, we lay before our readers a few
particulars concerning the character of Leibnitz*
which have not been introduced in a previous part of
this work.

From the Memoir of Leibnitz by his secretary and
assistant in historiography, we select the following
minute description of the appearance and mode of
life ef the great philosopher.

" With respect to his physical constitution," says
Eckhart, " he was of the middle stature ; had rather
a large head, hair which in his youth had been black,
and small and short-sighted, but keen and scrutinizing
eyes. On account of his short-sightedness, he pre-
ferred to read small rather than large print, and him-
self made use of diminutive characters in writing*
He was early bald, and had upon the crown of his

Digitized by VjOOQlC

274 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

A great reader, Leibnitz made extracts from every
thing he read, and wrote down on small pieces of
paper his reflections upon every book of importance.
These, however, as soon as written, he laid away in
a cabinet constructed for the purpose ; and, on ac-
count of the Extraordinary retentiveness of hislnem-
ory, never had occasion to refer to them afterwards.
Indeed, so incomparable was this faculty in Leibnitz,
that in his old age he could recite from memory the
most beautiful passages of the ancient poets, particu-
larly Virgil, sacred hymns also, and whatever else he
had read in his youth. He was eager to take part in
all matters relating to learning ; and whenever he
heard of any new discovery, he gave himself no rest
until he had fully informed himself respecting it.
His correspondence was very extensive, and occupied
the greater portion of his time, — and the more be-
cause, in case of any letters of importance, he was in
the habit of sketching or re-writing them twice, and,
oflen, three or four times, before suffering them to
pass from his hands. The most distinguished literati
of Europe made communications to him, and when
persons of no reputation even wrote to him, he always
answered their letters and gave them information."

" His self-conceit, which would admit of no contra-
diction, even in cases where he immediately saw Ws
error, was his greatest failing. Still, afterwards he
was sure to follow his best convictions. Towards
his domestics he was very indulgent ; inclined, in-
deed, to fits of passion, but quickly pacified."

Besides the foregoing account of Eckhart's, Leib-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 275

nitz himself, when about fifty years of age, wrote a
description of his external and internal man, for his
friend and physician, Doct. Behren ; and of this also
we give a translation as follows :

" His father," he wrote, speaking of himself in the
third person, " was of a slender frame, of a tempera-
ment rather sanguine than choleric, and was accus-
tomed to suffer much from the gravel. The disease
which occasioned his death was a kind of consump-
tion, of eight days' duration, and unattended by pain.
His mother died of a catarrhal affection."

"His own temperament appears to have been
neither purely sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, nor
melancholic ; — not sanguine, on account of the pale-
ness of his countenance, and because he is not active
in his habits ; not choleric, because he is not fond of
drinks, has soft hair, a keen appetite, and enjoys
sound sleep ; not phlegmatic, by reason of the lively
action of his feelings, and the spare habit of his per-
son ; not melancholy, since he is entirely free from
hypochondria, thinks rapidly, and has an active will.
The choleric tendencies, however, seem to have the
ascendancy."

" He is spare in person, of moderate height, has a
pale countenance, never perspires, is subject to cold-
ness in his hands and feet, which, like his fingers, are
too long in proportion to his other limbs. The hair
of his head is brown ; on his limbs it is very thin.
From his youth his sight has been imperfect. His
voice is weak, but clear ; it is also flexible, but not
rich in its intonations, so that the gutturals, and the

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

276 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

letter K, are not easily enunciated by him. He has
weak lungs, a dry and fiery liver, and his hands are
covered with lines. He is fond of saccharine sub-
stances, as sugar, which he is in the habit of ming-
ling in his wine. Strong odors also are grateful to
him ; and he is firmly convinced that odors, when
not too stimulating, are serviceable in recruiting the
animal spirits. He never has a cold or cough ; sel-
dom sneezes ; seldom expectorates phlegm, but often
saliva, especially after drinking, and in proportion to
what he drinks. His eyes are not very abundantly
supplied with moisture, but are rather drier than they
should be. Therefore he cannot see well at a dis-
tance, but near by his sight is so much the keener.
His sleep at night is uninterrupted, because he goes
late to bed, and much prefers sitting up at night to
working early in the morning."

" From his earliest years he* has been accustomed
to a sedentary mode of life, and taken little exercise.
He has read a great deal, and reflected still more.
In most departments of knowledge he is self-taught ;
and is always eager to penetrate deeper into things
than is usual, and to make new discoveries."

" His inclination to conversation is not so great as
to meditation and solitude. But once engaged in
discourse, he proceeds in it with interest, finding
more satisfaction in playful and jocose remarks than
in active sports and exercises."

" He quickly flies into a passion ; but his anger,
easily aroused, is also easily allayed."

" One will never see him excessively hurried, nor

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 277

deeply dejected. Pain and joy he experiences only
in moderation. Laughter often changes the features
of his countenance, without agitating at all his inter-
nal friame."

"Timid in comniencing an undertaking, he is
bold in carrying it through. On account of the
weakness of his visual organs, he is destitute qf a
lively imagination ; and from the imperfection of his
memory, a small loss at the present moment affects
him more deeply than the greatest one in the past."

" Endowed with excellent gifts of judgment and
invention, it is not difficult for him to excogitate, to
read and to write many things, — to discourse on the
spur of the moment, and to penetrate by meditation,
whenever it is necessary, to the centre of any notion
or idea. Hence I infer that he possesses a dry and
spirituous brain."

" The animal spirits are very active in him.^
Therefore I fear, in consequence of constant appli-
cation to study, of incessant meditation, and of the
«pareness of his person, that he will die of some in-
flammatory disease, or of consumption."

From the letters of Leibnitz we extract the follow-
ing passages, characteristic of his liberal and toler-
ant spirit. " When I err in my estimate of persons," I
he wrote to Raymond, " I prefer to err on the side
of charity. And it is the same with respect to their
writings. I endeavor to find in them not what may
be blamed, but what may be praised, and that from
which I may learn something. This course is not
exactly in fiEishion ; but it is the most just and the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

278 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

most useful. Nevertheless, though there are few
books, or persons in whom I cannot find something
of use to me, I know how to make a dijQference iu
granting them my confidence."

" Believe not," he wrote to Placcios, " that I think
unfavorably of your excellent work, Medicina mora^
liSf or that I have not read it, because I have not
found fault with it. Enow that no one has a less
censorious spirit than I have. It sounds strange ;
but I approve of the most I read in the writings of
othors, to say nothing of yours. Knowing what
difierent views are taken of things, I almost always
discover something in all bodes which serves either
to excuse or to defend them. Therefore I meet with
few things in reading which displease me, although
some things of course please me more than others."

In advocating the cause of religious toleration,
Leibnitz was fond of relating an anecdote he had
heard in England respecting the two English theo-
logians and controversialists, the brothers John and
William Rainold. They lived in the reign of Eliza-
beth ; John residing in the Spanish Netherlands had
become a Catholic, while William remaining in
England, had continued a Protestant. In their let-
ters to each other, they disputed zealously upon re-
ligious questions, but without being able to reconcile
their opinions. At length they agreed on a time and
place for having a personal interview, thinking there-
by to succeed better in their pious designs. In truth
they were both successful. Both conquered, both
were conquered. Each was convinced by the rea-

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 279

sonings of the other, and each regretted that he had
convinced the other. Accordingly they exchanged
both their religion and their places of residence —
John going to England, and William remaining in
the Netherlands. Each afterwards defended his
faith with great ardor. John wrote against Bellar-
znin respecting the holy scriptures, and also upon the
idolatry of the Romish church ; while his brother
opposed Whitaker and Berengarius, and published a
work with the design of showing that the followers
of Calvin did not differ materially from the believ-
ers in the Koran. To some one who remarked that
it was not for man to determine which of the broth-
ers exchanged golden weapons for iron ones, or
whether both were received at the gate of heaven,
Leibnitz replied that God doubtless had mercy on
both the Rainolds, as each contended with pious
zeal for his sincere convictions ; and that we should
take care not, by want of charity for either of them,
to bring ourselves into condemnation.

A great number of literary men of every profes-
sion and with every degree of attainments, were in-
debted to the recommendations of Leibnitz for vari-
ous kinds of offices and appointments. On his jour-
neys he gladly availed himself of the society of
these persons who revered him as a father and a
benefactor ; and whenever his friends in turn came
to Hanover, they were always sure of a welcome.
One of these, von Uffenbach, a Frankfort patrician,
has given us the following rather curious account of
his visit to the great philosopher.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

280 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

" In the afternoon," says this writer, " we made it
our first business to send in our names to the learned
and far-famed Herrn Privy Counsellor von Leibnitz,
who immediately invited us to call on him. Although
he is more than sixty years of age, and makes a
strange appearance clad in fir stockings, a dressing
gown lined with the same material, large socks made
of felt, instead of slippers, and a long, singular look-
ing wig, nevertheless he is a very polite and social
person, and entertained us with remarks on politics
and various literary topics. * * * I succeeded at
length in breaking off the conversation for the pur-
pose of asking him to show me his library, as well
as that of the Elector, which I was extremely anx-
ious to get sight of. But, as I had been led to ex-
pect would be the case, he declined, being very re-
luctant to let any one see them. As to the Electo-
ral library, he said it was a hibliotheque de cabinet^
containing nothing but some new books on history,
and was in such disorder that he could not think of
admitting any one. Other persons assured me,
however, that the books in this library were very
numerous and valuable ; but that it was a peculiari-
ty of Leibnitz's, that he liked to worm in it alone.
Not even the Elector himseJf, therefore, could get a
chance of seeing it, the Herr Privy Counsellor al-
ways alleging that it had not been put in order. He
made the same excuse for not letting us see his own
library, and added that there was nothing remarka-
ble in it, except a few codices which he would bring
to us. This he also did."

Digitized by CjOOQ lC ~

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 281

There are always persons who take delight in ex-
posing the infirmities, real or pretended, of the great
and good. Thus two charges, — to mention only the
most serious ones, — have been brought against Leib-
nitz ; one that he loved money, and the other that
he was inclined to flattery. Eckhart himself, in his
communications made to Fontenelle respecting his
illustrious countryman, said that "Leibnitz had a
love for money which was almost sordid. He used
his money, however, not for his own convenience,
but preferred to let himself be cheated out of it by
mechanics and servants, and expended large sums on
the arithmetical machine which was completed short-
ly before his death." But the justification is con-
tained in the charge itself. Leibnitz expended his
property, not upon his own person for pleasures, or
show, or convenience, but rather devoted it to great
and noble purposes. In proof of this, his remarka-
ble generosity to his friend Ker of Kersland, which
has already been mentioned, may be referred to.
True he often sued to princes for pensions ; and had
all his annual dues been, as they were not, fully
paid, his income would have been a tolerably large
one. But where else than to the princes of the land
should Leibnitz have looked for compensation for
his days and nights of labor, and for the means of
living in a style suited to his conspicuous position ?
Did the German nation do any thing for its great
philosopher ? Leibnitz, in fact, never received any
pecuniary compensation for his writings, whether
published in journals or elsewhere. His Theodicea

Digitized by VjOOQlC

992 LIFB OF LBIBNITZ.

enriched the booksellers, but paid nothing to its au-
thor. Europe enjoyed the rich fruits of his dili-
gence aod his genius gratuitously. Besides, the
payment of his pensions and salaries depended al-
ways upon the good-will of those who paid them,
and was constantly liable to fail by the occurrence
of war. For in the frequent wars of those days,
there was nothing in which kings thought they could
80 easily economize as in the salaries paid for the
support of science and the maintenance of men of
learning. Leibnitz as a prudent man, therefore, was
obliged to make some provision against the loss of
court favor, and the ruinous consequences of war
and conquest.

The other charge brought against Leibnitz of lik-
ing to flatter and to be flattered, has not much better
foundation than the preceding on^. He did indeed
look upon his extensive fame, reaching even to the
remotest East, in the light of a reward of his labors.
He was also conscious of the greatness of his mental
endowments ; and did not by any means undervalue
the contributions made by him to the cause of sci-
ence and civilization. It gratified him, moreover, to
receive the grateful acknowledgments of persons
seeking for the truth, and even of those not particu-
larly remarkable for their intellectual attainments,
as for example, of a Hamburg philologian, who cele-
brated the praises of the philosopher in Greek verse.
Nor was he averse to being regarded as a learned
oracle. But among all those who from various lands,
from different ranks of life, and from opposing

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LBIBNITZ. 283

churches, were connected in some way with the sage
of Hanover, some, naturally enough, were not satis-
fied with him ; and these are the persons chiefly, who
have accused him of a love of flattery, as also of
double-mindedness, and of indiflerence in religion.
He was charged with making his system conform
to the leading doctrines of all parties ; but, as Les-
sing well remarked, the converse was the truth, —
he endeavored to make these doctrines conform to
his system. Leibnitz, in fact, in the investigation of
truth, took no account of the prevailing opinions of
men ; but, firmly convinced of the correctness of his
own principles, he took pains to lead difllerent minds
by difierent paths to the same point of view which ,
he occupied himself. En giniralf said he, U est
Ion, qu*on se mette d la portie de tout le monde,
pourvu que la veriti rCen souffre pas.

In the writings of Leibnitz, one of the greatest
deficiencies is their want of form. He never threw
his whole force into any of his works ; and in com-
parison with the perfection of the mind whence
they emanated, they appear partial and fragmentary.
If we speak of authors as a class, a question might
almost be raised, whether Leibnitz, notwithstanding
the multiplicity of his writings, strictly belonged to
it. The products of his pen are for the most part,
conversations, sometimes with individuals, sometimes
with the public. The letter was the form of com-
position in which he most excelled ; and his exten-
sive, though for the most part unpublished corre-
spondence, must be considered as composing the

Digitized by VjOOQlC

284 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

great body of the Leibnitzian literature. Instead of
valuing the form of literary productions, he sought in
them only for materials. Accordingly, his own writ-
ings are frequently deficient in connection, and are
seldom arranged with much felicity. His style like-
wise is apt to be involved, unequal, and discursive.
He esteemed knowledge for its practical applications
mainly, for its power of improving the character and
condition of man both here and hereafter. The his-
tory of the past was to him worthless but for its rela-
tions to the present, as the present was important
from its connection with the future. Lr prisent est
gros de Vavenir, was one of his mottoes. But
though valuing learning, not so much for itself as its
uses, he was to the last none the less enthusiastic in
the acquisition of it. Late in life he commenced the
study of the Russian language, saying, — inter senes
discipidos facUizcs nunc locum tuear, quam olim inter
pueros doctos. Nam cum Socrate semper ad discen-
dum paratus sum.

As Leibnitz prized knowledge only so far as it was
wisdom and power, so he esteemed poetry and art
but as means for promoting morality and piety.
Accordingly, in the spirit of Plato, he proposed that
the imagination of the community should be cultiva-
ted and kept pure by means of the fine arts ; the
stage should mirror the beauty of the divine life ; the
powers of music should be enlisted in the service of
the church ; poetry should be employed to sing in
fascinating strains the felicities of the future state ;
and thus all the graces of art become ministering

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 285

handmaids in the temple of virtue. But these views,
though they may serve to show the goodness of
Leibnitz's intentions, must, in the present condition
of aesthetical science, be considered as derogatory to
the dignity of the arts of design. They follow natu-
rally, however, from the low place assigned in his
philosophical system, to works of the imagination.
But these sentiments upon the religious use of art, it
may be added, were not at all times entertained by
Leibnitz ; on the contrary, we find him in his aphor-
isms assuming the Protestant point of view, and ad-
vocating opinions directly the opposite.

Another great fault, both in the writings and the
life of Leibnitz, is the absence of that vein of senti-
ment, so remarkably characteristic of the German
nation.

Leibnitz was hardly acquainted with any other
love than that which had humanity for its object.
Although he could be devotedly attached in friend-
ship, as may be seen in his regrets for the loss of the
queen of Prussia, it is not known that he ever seri-
ously entertained a desire to enter into the state of
matrimony. When in his fiftieth year, he did, in-
deed, once make proposals to a lady ; but, as she re-
quested time for reflection, the philosopher himself
finally thought better of the matter. He was after-
wards wont to say that he had always supposed there
was time enough for matrimony, until at length he
had found out it was altogether too late. To him
has also been attributed the saying, " Marriage is a
good thing, — only a wise man must spend his whole

Digitized by VjOOQlC

286 LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

life in meditating it." Eckhart relates, however, that
Leibnitz was very much pleased with the society of
ladies, and never grudged the time spent in convers-
ing with them. There was found, too, among his
papers, an essay entitled, A Bridal Present, consist-
ing of familiar rules for maintaining afiection between
husband and wife, and displaying a very deep insight
into the subject of which it treated.

Leibnitz was a friend of children. It is related of
him that he often sent for them to come into his
room, that he might enjoy the sight of their merri-
ment ; and that, after having amused himself with
their plays, he dismissed them well supplied with
sweet cakes. And in this connection, we may allude
to a report that Leibnitz was the father of a natural
son. This matter was first publicly alluded to in
1730, in the Recueil de Litirature, published ia
Amsterdam, and afterwards in the Lettres Juives,
from which sources later writers derived the story.
But Eckhart makes no mention of it ; Nemeitz re-
jected it as a fabrication of Leibnitz's enemies, be-
cause he had never heard of any such report in Han-
over ; and Jocourt does the same. Ludovici is silent
on the subject.

There seems good reason for believing that Leib-
nitz had a young man in his service, who bore a
striding resemblance to himself, and to whom he was
much attached. This person was called William
Dillinger, and followed the profession of a painter.
But it is somewhat strange, if this person were the
son of Leibnitz, that the latter should never in any

Digitized by VjOOQlC

LIFE OF LEIBNITZ. 287

way have recognized him as such, and have made no
pecuniary provision for him by will or otherwise ;
and still more remarkable that Dillinger himself
should not have claimed relationship with the great
philosopher.

In 1789, however, almost thirty years after the
death of Dillinger, a daughter of his, then living in a
destitute condition in Mockern, near Magdeburg, the
charity of the public was solicited in her behalf, as a
grand-daughter of Leibnitz. It was declared in one
of the public journals, that Dillinger, who had lived
and died in Mockern, in poor circumstances, was the
son of Leibnitz, — that there had existed a striking
likeness between the two, — and that the former had
made no secret to his intimate friends of his true
origin. Dillinger, it was further related, had in his
life-time told many persons that the great philosopher
had entertained a strong affection for him, — had sent
him to the academy to learn the art of painting, —
and afterwards bestowed upon him a great many
favors ; but he, becoming self-willed, had, on some
provocation, deserted Leibnitz, and thei^eby lost the
inheritance upon which he had set his hopes.

There is hardly evidence enough in this case to
enable one to form a very decided opinion upon the
matter. It may be that the circumstance of Leibnitz ^
having a young man in his employment who strik-
ingly resembled himself, led to the suspicion, and
afterwards to the report, that this person was his own
son. But, on the other hand, there are no circum-
stances in the case which render it impossible to -

Digitized by VjOOQlC

28S LIFE OF LEIBNITZ.

believe that the alleged confessions of- Dillinger do
not contain the truth. It is very certain that Leibnitz
never acknowledged himself a father ; and never, like
Gartesius before him, declared that he was free from
the vow of celibacy.

There were several portraits of Leibnitz, taken at
different periods in the course of his life. The best
likeness of him now extant, is an excellent and very
rare engraving by Bernigeroth, taken from an origi-
nal painting, executed at the request of the queen of
Prussia, Sophia Louisa, third wife of Frederic L
This original is no longer in existence, and the ar-
tist's name is now unknown. It represents Leibnitz
as upwards of sixty years of age ; and is, according
to good authorities, a correct likeness.

EKD.

Digitized by VjOOQlC

'2jilV.v^ , /<V

- - »''^
i^

Digitized by VjOOQlC

/^

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

Digitized by VjOOQlC

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

3 2044 020 009 437

A FINE IS INCURRED IF THIS BOOK IS
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY ON
OR BEFORE THE LAST DATE STAMPED
BELOW.

til T

#

^G^

m?

CO

4ms^

OCgaimH

%2%"

^

M%f

-i

JUL 2? 1977'

¥mm*^^

N)vpre»i<

%a-

lli B 7^

.•3

#

I

^V*

r

f

Digitized by GtOOgle

i^T'f"i{':

iy-t,.-i