Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http: //books .google .com/I
w
I."
• • " « • •
• • •
• ««
Ci^a,yni.uU^ o% cAA:^.4^i-^^
OV
A ■ ..N..: •.•••' '{"i }
i«. i
■• •■•.:k ,
A
'■»F
?N:/n::oL^^ A:■in^E\v^ i:.rxDrii;KS
^1 ' : il '■ •
'*• ■«:
T' /
I
L* \rT -^M \^i)\, ', <Mr:'::r.L., r ;,.!,.
J. ' . . f » '
u:
I^
S Jt-i F P A T^.
( J. :aa^,.
THE LIFE
OF
HON. SAMUEL JONES TILDEN,
GOYEBNOB OF THE STATE OF NEW YOBK;
WITH
A SKETCH OF THE LIFE
, » J
OF
HON. THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS,
GOYEBNOB OF THE STATE OF INDIANA.
BY
WILLIAM MASON CORNELL, LL.D.
'I
AUTHOR OF "HISTORY OF PBNNSYLYANIA," "LIFE OF HOBACE GBEELBY,"
"MEMOIB OF CHABLES SUMNEB," ETC., ETC.
BOSTON :
LEE & SHEPARD.
1876.
Tsc n
COPTBIOHT, BT
WILLIAM MASON CORNELL, LL.D.,
1876.
•1
TO AU.
AMERICAN. CITIZENS
WHO BELIEVE IN
THE PURITY AND HONESTY OF OUR PUBLIC SERVANTS,
AND THAT THEY SHOULD BE
CLEAN FROM EVERY TAINT OF CORRUPTION,
THIS RECORD OF
THE GREAT REFORMER
IS DEDICATED.
M70538
PEEFAOE.
LoKQ prefaces are seldom read ; and the author of the ^
following pages presents a short one. He wishes it to be
distinctly understood at the outset, that, in writing the Life
of Samuel Jones Tilden and of Thomas Andrews Hendricks,
he has nothing to say that will or can possibly be construed
to the disparagement of the personal character and integrity
of Gov. Hayes or of Congressman Wheeler, the candi-
dates of the Republican party for President and Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States. He has formerly written the y
Lives of Robert Ralkes, of Horace Greeley, and a Memoir (
of Charles Sumner ; and in none of them did he find cause
for assailing any other gentleman. In a recent History
of Pennsylvania, former historians were not impugned, but
gratitude was expressed for what they had done. Provi- \
dentially, in the lives of the gentlemen portrayed in this
volume, there is sufficient of uprightness, integrity, intellect,
and good service rendered to their fellow-citizens, to place
them on an eminence above reproach, and worthy of imita-
tion ; and the author considers himself fortunate in having
to set forth men of such honorable and praiseworthy
characters. ^
It is always mean to besmirch a worthy man because he is
1
6 PBEFAGE.
not of our party in politics, or of oar sect in religion ; and
the '' violent dealing " of such as do this, in the language
of Israel's king, generally ''comes down upon their own
pate." Hence I was pleased to read in ''The Boston Daily
Advertiser," the morning after Grov. Tilden's nomination,
" Republicans will be ready to concede that in a personal
sense no better selection could have been made ; " and,
farther, "He [Tilden] has done good work as a reformer,
^ and he is entitled to all the credit of it." This is creditable,
and more than was to have been expected from such a parti-
san paper, while the great evil of oar day is to disparage
men who are not of pur party. The reader of these pages
will look in vain for any thing of this kind in this volume.
"^ ' W, M. C.
/
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE ANCESTRY O^ GOV. SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
PAGE.
Any Man may be President. — This Country long concealed. —
Settled by the Best Men. — * ' The Mayflower." — The Ancestors
of Gov. Tilden.— Related to Cromwell. —The Fii-st Tilden set-
tled in Scituate, Mass. — Tildens still there. — The Democratic
Contract in ** The Mayflower " 16
CHAPTER n.
BIBTH AND EDUCATION OF GOV. TILDEN.
Columbia County. — The Chemists, the Governor's Brothers. —
Anecdote of the Quaker Druggist. — The Governor's Father a
thorough Democrat. — The Anti-Masonic Excitement. — Young
Tilden's Article. — Mr. Van Buren denies its Paternity. — *
Samuel enters Yale College. — The Class. — Leaves on Account
of his Health. — Graduates at the New York University. —
Studies Law. — Opens an Office. — la fairly in the Legal Pro-
fession 20
CHAPTER m.
POLITICAL PARTIES.
Quotation from Dr. Capen's Book. —From Dr. Young and Pope. —
Early Origin of Parties in our Country. —Federalists, Repub-
licans, Whigs, and Democrats. — Thomas Jefferson. — Political
Lying. — John Quincy Adams. — Andrew Jackson. — Anec-
dote of Harrison and John Tyler. — Fame of Gen. Jackson
growing brighter. — Many Times the Country has bfeen lost
7
8 CONTENTS.
PAGE.
and saved. — Deacon's Prayer. — Rev. Mr. Burnham of New
Hampshire. — The coming Election. — A Warm Canvass. —
Mr. Tilden's Experience 25
CHAPTER IV.
POLITICAL LABORS OF SAMUEL J. TILDEN.
Choice of a Profession. — What is expected of a Professional Man.
— ^Waiting in a Profession. — Mr. Tilden's Political Papers. —
His Speech answering Nathaniel P. Tallmadge. — He becomes
an Editor. — Leaves the Editorship, and becomes a Member of
the Assembly. — His Prominence in that Body. — Is elected a
Member of the Convention to remodel the Constitution of the
State of New York. — Becomes conspicuous in that Body . 35
CHAPTER V.
MR. TILDEN AS A LAWYER.
Further Success as a Politician by Mr. Tilden. — Takes the Palm
from Senator Tallmadge. — He feels the Need of Money. —
Contrast between the Professions of Lawyers, Doctors, and
Ministers. — A Hermit. — Mr. Tilden knew his Power as a
Lawyer. — Defeat of Silas Wright, and Political Changes,
proved favorable to him. — He soon becomes eminent as an
Attorney. — How he managed the Case of Mr. Flagg. — Mr.
Tilden starts a Newsi>aper. — He is chosen a Member of the
Assembly. — His Work there. — He is elected a Member of the
Convention to remodel the Constitution. — His Management
of the Canal Case. — Dr. Burdell's Case. — Case of Delaware
and Hudson Company against the Philadelphia Coal Company.
— The Cumberland Coal Company 41
CHAPTER VI.
MR. TILDEN AS A REFORMER.
Mr. Tilden as an Honorable Man. ~ Luther a Reformer. — Anec-
dote of Alexander Pope. — Aristocratic Gathering at the Fifth
Avenue Hotel. — Robert Collyer's Boat. — Mr. Bristow. — The
New York Ring. — A Whip-Row. — Progress of the Ring. —
Their vast Plunder. — Mr. Tilden's Plan for capturing the
Ring. — Mr. Tilden again in the Legislature. — Nominated for
and elected Governor. — His first Message. — His Objects: first,
Reform; second, his Financial Policy. — Description of his Per-
son. — What he achieved . 57
CONTENTS. 9
CHAPTER Vn.
GOVERNOR TILDEN's DEFENCE.
PAQIS.
Accusers brought to face Each Other. — Mr. Tilden's own State-
ment. — He. is not responsible for the Controversy with the
"Times" Newspaper. — The Committee of the Bar Associa-
tion. —He did not withhold Credit from "The Times." — Mr.
Tilden's relations to Mayor Havemeyer. — His Speech at the
Cooper Institute. — The Occasion of the Exposition. — Quota-
tions from "Tlie Times." — Mr. Tilden's Description of the
Origin of the Ring. — Its Harmony with the Account given by
Others. — The Period of the Ring-Power. — Formative Period.
— Mr. Tilden assumes the Lead of the Democratic State Organi-
zation. — His Speech in the Circuit Court 72
CHAPTER Vm.
MR. tilden's own RECORD CONTINUED, IN WHICH HE
FURTHER CONFIRMS THAT OF THE HISTORIAN.
Contest of 1870. —The Sham. —Opposition. — The Conflict. — The
Real Natiu'e of the Law. — Illustration. — The Means. — Who
betrayed the City. — Immediate Consequences. — The Summer
of 1870. —Court of Appeals.— Winter of 1871. — School Sys-
tem. — Code Amendments. — Contest of 1871. — Strong Posi-
tion of the Ring in the City. — IVIr. Tilden's Speech at the
Cooper Institute in 1871. — Crisis of the Contest. — Pivot of the
Contest. — Ring Plan of the Campaign. — Mr. Tilden's Plan of
the Campaign. — How to overthrow the Ring in the Popular
Vote of the City. — The Time when Mr. Tilden acted. — Mr.
Keman. — Mr. Oswald Ottendorfer. — Mi. O'Conor. — Other
Preparations. — Substitution of Mr. Green for Mr. Connolly in
the ComptroUership. — Efforts of the Ring to recover Posses-
sion. — State Convention. — Other Action. — Broadway Bank
Investigations. — Mr. Tilden's Speech at Cooper Institute. —
Democratic Reform Vote in the City. — Further Collection of
Proofs. — Judicial Reform. — Conclusion. — Remarks by the
Compiler 93
CHAPTER IX.
MR. tilden's war RECORD, AND THAT OF GOVERNOR
OF THE STATE OF NEW f ORK.
Gov. Tildeu believed that Slavery was guaranteed by the Consti- •
tution. — Both Garrison and Phillips believed this. — Charles
Sumner differed from them. — Mr. Tilden endeavored to avert
10 CONTENTS.
PAGB.
the War. — "When it came, he said Pres, Lincoln should have
- called out Five Hundred Thousand Men. — This was the Opin-
ion of Many Others also. — Mr. Tilden believed that the War
should have been conducted upon Sound Financial Principles.
— Many supposed Secretary Chase's Plan for raising Money a
bad one. — Secretary Seward's Prediction that the War would
end in Ninety Days. — Mr. Tilden's Record as Grovemor. —
Quotation from Senator Kernan's Speech. — The Democrats
contend that Mr. Tilden, placed in the White House, would
reduce the National Expenses One Half . . . . . 149
CHAPTER X.
TWO GREAT MEN's OPINIONS OF MR. TILDEN.
The Work done at St. Louis. — Do the Circumstances of the Coun-
try demand a Change? — Mr. Curtis's Knowledge of Mr. Til-
den. — If Mr. Tilden is elected, it will be because the People
demand it. — The Republican Party cannot rescue the Country
from its Present Financial Condition. — The Kind of Man
wanted. — Mr. Curtis's Views of the Change for the Worse in
the Wharves and Docks of New York. — Where the Larger
• Share of Blame for the War belongs. — What the Republican
Party has to boast of. — What has the Republican Party done
towards resuming Specie Payments?-:- Selections from Parke-
Grod win's Letter. — His Personal Acquaintance with Mr. Til-
den. — His Rank as a Statesman. ^- His Administration as
Governor of New York. — Gov. Tilden's Work in overthrowing
the Tweed Ring. — Mr. Godwin's Advice to his Late Colleagues
of the Conference in New York 160
THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
CHAPTER XI.
SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF THOMAS
ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
Birthplace of Gov. Hendricks. — Education. — Graduates at Hano-
ver College. — Studies Law in Pennsylvania. — Settles in
Indianapolis. — Is chosen to the State Liegislature. — Also to
the State Convention. -«- Is elected a Member of Congress. —
Also Senator. — Returns to the Practice of Law. — Is Chosen
Grovemor. — His Views on the Finances. — A Hard-Money
Man. — Description of his Person. — He is married, but has
no Children 183
/
CONTENTS. 11
CHAPTER XII.
SPEECH OF HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS AT ZANESVILLE,
O., SEPT. 3, 1875.
PAGE.
Befeience to Gov. Allen. — Gov. Hendricks on the Republican
Financial Policy. — Specie Payments. — Republican Obstmc-
tions to Resumption of Specie Payments. — Extravagant Ex-
penditures. — Vices in the Public Service. — District of Colum-
bia. — Change the only Remedy 196
CHAPTER Xin.
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION, AND ITS WORK. ^
The Convention opened. — Permanent Organization. — The Plat-
form. — Nominations. — Mr. Tilden nominated by Senator
Keman. — His Address and Resolution. — Mr. Hendricks nomi-
nated by Mr. Williams. — His Speech. —Mr. Fuller's Speech.
— Mr. Campbell's Speech. — Samuel Jones Tilden the Nominee
for President. — Thomas Andrews Hendricks nominated for
Vice-President 225
CHAPTER XIV.
WHAT FOLLOWED. THE NOMINATIONS.
General Enthusiasm. — Despatches to Gov. Tilden. — How he re-
ceived the News, — His Remarks. — A Serenade. — Opinion of
Hon. Charles Francis Adams. — Opinion of Hon. Charles G.
Davis. — Opinion of Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury. — Of Hon.
Edward Avery. — How the News was received in New York.
— "The New York Times." — "The Sun." — " Chicago Trib-
une." — Enthusiasm at Concord, N. H. — At Biddeford, Me.
— Gov. Tilden's Ward in New York. — The Committee to
announce to Gov. Tilden the nomination perform that Duty. —
Gov. Tilden's Reply to the Committee. — Selections from the
Speech of Senator Bayard. — Delegates call on Grov. Hendricks. 248
— His Address to them.
CHAPTER XV.
MB. TILDEN's and MR. HENDRICK^S LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE.
Gov. Tilden indorses the St. Louis Platform. —Reform in Public
Expense. — How to accomplish it.— The Condition of the
12 CONTENTS.
PAOB.
South. — How to improve it. — Currency Reform. — Bank-note
Besumption. — Liegal-tender Kesumption. — Necessary Cur-
rency. — Proper Time of Resumption. — Preparation for it.- —
Plan for Resumption. — Relief to Business Men. — Civil-Service
Reform. — What he purposes to do if elected to the Presidency. 274
CHAPTER XVI.
THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OF ACCEFJANCE OF MESSRS.
TILDEN AXD HEKDRICES.
New York Express. — Brooklyn Eagle. — St. Louis Republican. —
Philadelphia Times. — Albany Argus. — Eagle again. — Boston
Sunday Times. — Courier. — Traveller. — New York Times. —
New York Herald. — Saturday Evening Express. — New Haven
Register. — Springfield Republican. — Baltimore Gazette. —
Chicago Times. — Cincinnati Enquirer. — New York Journal of
Commerce. — Detroit Free Press. — Portland Argus. — Bangor
Commercial. — Manchester Union. 303
CHAPTER XVn.
MR. TILDEN ON A NATIONAL BANE IN 1840. — HIS MESSAGE
IN 1875.
Causes of Fluctuation in Prices. — Previous Crises and Failures. —
United States Bank and Expansion of Currency the Causes. —
From Mr. Tilden*s Speech in 1868. — Conclusion. 321
ES'TEODUOTIOM';
As by history we are informed what mankind have
been and done in past ages, the character of the best
and worst men in every age, and how nations, empires,
and kingdoms have arisen, flourished, decayed, and
passed away, so by biography we see the benefit which
great and good men have conferred on mankind.
Indeed, no class of writings has had such vast influ-
ence in forming the character of the young, either for
weal or woe, as these. Conquerors have been made by
reading the lives of conquerors that have preceded
them ; heroes, by reading of heroes ; and martyrs, cler-
gymen, eminent business men, and persons in all pro-
fessions, have been inspired with that supreme devotion
and energy to an object, that has enabled them to over-
come all obstacles, aad achieve the same or even more
than those after whj^m they patterned.
The Creator, the fountain of all good, seems to have
acted upon this principle in giving us the Bible, in
which he has set before us, for our imitation, the char-
acters of Abraham, Moses, David, Daniel, and many
other holy men, among the Old Testament worthies ;
13
14 INTEODUCTION.
and we know, indeed, from the New Testament, that
the grand object had in view by the Holy One in
portraying their characters was for our imitation.
Hence we are expressly told, " Whatsoever things were
written aforetime were written for oi^r learning, that
we through patience and comfort of the Scriptures
might have hope ; " hence the writer to the Hebrews
brings before us that host of worthies, till the ntimber
seems to swell beyond his powers of description, and
he exclaims, " And what shall I more say ? for the time
would fail." All these were named, with their heroic
deeds, for what ? " Seeing we also are compassed about
by so great a cloud of witnesses, let us also run with
patience the race that is set before us : " in other words,
seeing, knowing what others have done, taking them
as our examples, let us discharge our duty, as they did ;
" let us press towards the mark for our high calling."
Deeply imbued with this principle of rising, of coming
up to the highest round on the ladder of human per-
fectibiUty, Dr. Young said, —
** All can do what has by man been done."
Having stated these general benefits to the world,
from the biography of men who have rendered good
service to their country, we are now prepared to speak
of the gentlemen nominated at the St. Louis Conven-
tion; namely, Samuel Jones Til den for President, and
Thomas Andrews Hendricks for Vice-President of the
United States.
/
LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
CHAPTER I:
0**'-^ ^ ^
THE ANCESTBY OF GOV. SAMUEL JONES TILBEN",
Any Man may be President. — This Country long Concealed. — •
Settled by the Best Men. — The Mayflower. — The Ancestors of
Gov. Tilden. —Related to Cromwell. — The First Tilden settled in
Scituate, Mass. — Tildens still there. — The Democratic Contract
in " The Mayflower:"
While we firmly believe with Alexander Pope,
that —
" Honor and shame from no condition rise.
Act well your part : there all the honor lies," —
nevertheless a noble and worthy ancestry is by no
means to be forgotten or despised. True, we have no
monarchial descent or house of lords in our Republic ;
and while we glory in the fact that the son of one of
our poorest and most secluded citizens may become
the * president of this great nation, — or the boy
upon a "flat-boat," as Abraham Lincoln did, — still a
descent from worthy and honorable parentage through
15
16 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
many generations is not to be despised, but, on the
contrary, to be held up as worthy of imitation and
" to the praise of those who have done well,"
When it is considered that God concealed this vast
country, stretching from the North to the South Pole
and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, from all
the nations of the Eastern world for ages, and that he
then sifted all the. nations of the Old World for the
choicest of the? vrhieat with which to sow it, the best
inoa/tvjTiSi^^^Jiish'tcf people it, who does not see the
hand of the Almighty Ruler in this grand event ?
Nations had arisen, arrived to maturity, and passed
away ; mighty conquerors had shaken the earth : and
yet this Western Continent remained unexplored,
uninhabited save only by —
*' The poor Indian, whose untutored mind
Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind,*' —
till that little ship, " The Mayflower," landed upon the
barren and rocky coast of Massachusetts, with her
precious freight. Though no one by the name of
Tilden came in that vessel, yet Joseph Tilden of Ten-
terden. County of Kent, England, was one of the
" merchant princes " who fitted out that fine vessel
that brought the Pilgrims to New England ; and, from
the same county in England, Nathaniel Tilden, a
brother of Joseph just named, came over in the " good
shippe, Ann," as early as 1634, and settled in Scituate
in Massachusetts; and in this town many boys have
ANCESTRY OF GOV. SAMUEL JONES TILBEN. 17
since had the Christian name o£ Tilden as an honor.
This same Nathaniel Tilden was an ancestor of Samuel
Jones Tilden; and, what is more, he (the governor)
descended as in a royal line from the stanchest
Puritan blood of Old England. Nathaniel Tilden by
marriage was nearly related to Gov. Winslow, as one
of the governor's brothers married a sister of Hannah
Bourne, who was the wife of Nathaniel Tilden. Fur-
ther still, another sister was married to a son of Gov.
Bradford, thus still in the line of governors. John
TUden, grandfather of Gov. Tilden, settled in Col-
umbia County, New York. The governor's mother
was a descendant of William Jones, once Lieutenant-
Governor of the Colony of New Haven.. This Gov.
Jones is represented in history as one of the regicide
judges of Charles I. This Jones married a sistel: of
OHver Cromwell, " the Protector," and a near relative
of the celebrated John Hampden, Descended from
such an ancestry, may not Gov. Tilden well have
applied to him the epithet, " Blood will tell " ?
If Paul could say of himself, " I was of the strait-
est sect, an Hebrew of the Hebrews," may not the
Democratic candidate for the president in this centen-
nial year of our national existence well say, " I am a
Puritan of the Puritans, of the * Ironsides ' of the Iron-
sides " ? Give us a grander or a more noble ancestry, or
one more " dyed in the wool " for civil and religious
freedom, or one more entitled to the appellation of a
reformer, you who canl The name of Tilden is stUl
18 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
continued and honored in tlie colony. As they were
thus of the good old stock from whence spring all the
liberty of the British Constitution, according to the
testimony of the historian Hume, Elam Tilden was
careful to imbue his sons with the spirit and principles
of that little band, who on board " The Mayflower,"
before landing, entered into the following compact : " In
the name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-
written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord,
King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c.,
having undertaken, for the glory of God and the ad-
vancement of the Christian faith and honor of our king
and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the
northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents sol-
emnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one
another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preserva-
tion; and furtherixiore, to the end aforesaid, and by
virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just
and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and
officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most
meet and convenient for the general good of the colony,
unto which we promise all due submission and obedi-
ence.
** In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed
our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the
year of the reign of our sovereign lord King James
of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and
of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno Domini 1620."
ANCESTRY OF GOV. SAMUEL JONES TILDEN. 19
To this instrument just one hundred names were
subscribed. To this doctrine of pure democracy, the
Tildens were strongly attached; and in this school
Elam Tilden fully and thoroughly instructed his son
Samuel Jones ; and to it he (the governor) has fully
adhered till the present time. As Elam Tilden the
good old New York farmer had as implicit faith in the
fathers of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jack-
son, Martin Van Buren, and their associates, as the sign-
ers of the compact of " The Mayflower " had in King
James, or as the Israelites had in Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, he had literally fulfilled the instruction which
Moses gave to the Israelitish fathers, and had taught
his son these things, " speaking of them when he rose
up, and when he lay down ; when he was in the house,
arid when he was by the way," so that Samuel Jones
Tilden was the best instructed in the national democ-
racy by his ancestors, of any man in the community.
So much for his " Pilgrim " ancestry.
CHAPTER n.
BIBTH AND EDUCATION OP GOV. TILDBN.
Columbia County. — The Cliemists, the Governor's Brothers. — Anec-
dote of the Quaker Druggist. — The Grovemor's Father a thorough
Democrat. — The Anti-Masonic Excitement. — Young Tilden's Arti-
cle. — Mr. Van Buren denies its Paternity. — Samuel enters Yale
College. — The Class. — Leaves on Account of his Health. — Gradu-
ates at the New York University. — Studies Law. — Opens an OflSce.
— Is fairly in the Legal Profession.
Samuel Jones Tilden was bom in New Lebanon,
Columbia County, State of New York, Feb. 9, 1814:
consequently, he is in the sixty-third year of his age.
His grandfather, John Tilden, was one of the early
settlers in this county. Columbia is in the east-south-
east part of New York State, and contains an area of
six hundred and twenty square miles. It is bounded
on the east by the State of Massachusetts, and on the
west by the Hudson River, and is drained by several
small streams which afford valuable water-power.
The surface of the east part is uneven and hilly, but,
in the central and western portions, nearly level. The
soil is generally fertile and well cultivated. Iron and
lead ores, limestone, slate, and marble are among its
20
BIETH AKD EDUCATION OF GOV. TILDEN. 21
mineral productions. The warm springs of New Leb-
anon, in the north-east part, are much resorted to.
The Western Raiboad, the Hudson River Raikoad,
and the Harlem Railroad, traverse this county. Organ-
ized in 1786. Capital, Hudson.
When his grandfather settled in this county, it was
nearly a wilderness. His father, Elam Tilden, was a
stanch farmer. Elam Tilden had three sons : Moses
was the eldest, Henry the second, and Samuel Jones
the youngest. Moses and Henry have long been
engaged as chemists in manufacturing medicine at New
Lebanon, N.Y. Their medicines have long been held
in good repute ; and the writer had employed them in
medical practice in Boston for more than twenty years,
when, about the commencement of the late war, he
removed to Philadelphia. The following incident
shows the pride of the Philadelphia druggists. It is
well known that the *' City of Brotherly Love '*
has long clauned pre-eminence as the medical emporium
of our country. One day, I entered the shop of a
druggist, and inquired if he had Tilden's extracts.
He gave no answer. As he was an elderly man, I
thought he might be hard of hearing, and repeated the
question in a somewhat louder tone, " Do you keep
Tilden's extracts ? " when he screamed, loud enough
to frighten a quiet Quaker, "iVb/ We don't go to
New York to get our medicines. Do you think we go
to New York to get our medicines?" Still I think
Moses and Henry Tilden make quite as good medicines
as the druggists of the " Quaker City."
22 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
Elam Tilden was a thorough Democrat, of the
Andrew Jackson school. He believed in Thomas Jeff-
erson, Andrew Jackson, Martin Van Buren, Gov.
Marcy, the Livingstons, Silas Wright, and their coad-
jutors. The deeds of these men were often spoken of
in the family ; and the present governor, then a lad,
became deeply interested in Democracy.
About thi^" time it was reported that William
Morgan, who had written a book exposing Freema-
sonry, had been abstracted from his home, and mur-
dered by the Masons. The Anti-Masonic fever spread
like wildfire over the country ; and so great was the
excitement that no man who was a Mason, or said a
word in their favor, could be elected to any office, or
allowed to remain a member of any church. Those
who did not join the cry, '* Down with Masonry I "
were called Jacks^ and were as unpopular as the Masons
themselves. An effort was made at this period to
accomplish a coalition between the National Republi-
cans and the Anti-Masons, and thus defeat the election
of Andrew Jackson as President, and Martin Van
Buren as Vice-President of the United States, and
William L. Marcy as Governor of the State of New
York. The contest was a sharp and bitter one.
Young Samuel, then, in 1832, only in his eighteenth
year, collected together the views he had heard
expressed in the family, wrote them out, and showed
them to his father. The father was so well pleased
with the drawing-up of the paper, and the clearness
BIETH AND EDUCATION OP GOV. TILDEN. 23
with which he showed the inconsistency and absurdity
of the Anti-Masonic coalition, that he took it and his
son to Mr. Van Buren. The final result was, it was
published in " The Albany Argus," Oct. 9, 1832, and
used as a campaign document. The argument was so
good, and the reasoning so cogent, that the authorship
was charged upon Mr. Van Buren. This was so gen-
erally believed, that Mr. Van Buren came out with a
disclaimer, denying that he wrote it. This was the
first political effort of Gov. Tilden, when a mere boy, .
and long before his education was completed. Thus
Gov. Tilden inherited a taste for politics from his
father, and early entered this arena.
When eighteen years old, Samuel entered the sopho-
more class in Yale College. This was the class of 1837,
and one remarkable for talent, containing the present
Chief Justice Waite of the United States Court, the
eminent attorney William M. Evarts, Prof. Silliman,
Judge Edwards Pierrepont, and others. Mr. Tilden's
health failing, he left Yale without graduating with his
class. It is somewhat remarkable, that this was the
only failure of his health during his sixty-three years.
He completed his undergraduate studies under Chan-
cellor Mathews, and graduated at the University of
New York.
Soon after his graduation, Mr. Tilden commenced
the study of law, in the office of the late John W.
Edmunds of New York. Here he had peculiar facili-
ties for the study of law, and also of politics, for the
24 LIFE OF SAMTJEL JONES TILDEN.
latter of which, we have already seen, he had strong
proclivities. He had previously selected this as his
profession ; and now his acute and keenly logical mind
was applied with great earnestness to search out all
that could be learned while a student in this profession.
He is said to have made good progress in his studies-
TJpon admission to the bar, he opened an office in Pine
Street, New York.
He was now fairly introduced into the legal pro-
fession, and, as the usual expression goes, had finished
his education ; though in reality a man's education is
but just begun when he commences the practice of his
profession.
Having thus traced the genealogy and studies of Mr.
Tilden, down to this period, and noticed his taste for
political investigations, we are now prepared to speak
of his success in legal practice and as a political man ;
and as for several of the first years in his legal pro-
fession he mingled with politicians, and wrote and
spoke for that party, I shall give his acts with the same
admixture.
CHAPTER in.
FOLITIOAL PABTIBS.
Quotation from Dr. Oapen's Book. — From Dr. Young and Pope. —
Early Origin of Parties in our Country. — Federalists, Eepubli-
cans, Whigs, and Democrats. — Thomas Jefferson. — Political
Lying. — John Quincy Adams. — Andrew Jackson. — Anecdote
of Harrison and John Tyler. — Fame of Gen. Jackson growing
Brighter. — Many Times the Country has been Lost and Saved. —
Deacon's Prayer. — Bev. Mr. Burnham of New Hampshire. — The
Coming Election. — A Warm Canvass. — Mr. Tilden's Experience.
" Paety is the great engine of human progress. It
is a combination of men of similar views and kindred
sympathies, for moral or political supremacy. It leads
to the war of knowledge upon ignorance, the conflict
of holiness against sin, the struggles of freedom
against tyranny. It is to be found in man as an indi-
vidual, swayed by the opposing passions of the soul,
whether for good or evil ; and by the objects of choice,
whether yielding to or resisting the spirit of tempta-
tion. It is to be found in the numerous associations
of society for influence ; controlling customs, forming
habits, advancing fashions, and modifying, limiting, or
extending the social or domestic duties. It divides
the Church in regard to the sacred teachings of the
25
26 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
Holy Scriptures; and sects spring up to defend their
varying creeds, each opposing each, and each opposing
all. The votaries of science have their favorite schools
and classes ; and party zeal is made to quicken the
conceptions of genius. Bold and righteous men rise
up as partisans against the world, pledged as martyrs
to reformation. The people of every nation divide
and subdivide in regard to their national rights and
interests ; and we sometimes have the sublime spectacle
of parties made up of emperors, kings, and presidents ;
of empires, monarchies, and republics, discussing the
great principles of national law, intervention, and the
balance of power.
*' A world without party would be incapable of prog-
ress. In aU ages, parties have been viewed as indis-
pensable to existence."
The above quotation is made from "The History
of Democracy," by Nahum Capen, LL.D.
The author has not such exalted views arising from
the benefit of parties as Dr. Capen has here expressed.
They may be and undoubtedly are beneficial as a
whole, upon the principle that
^< The dread volcano ministers to good:
Its smothered flames might undermine the world;
Loud ^tnas fuhninate in love to man;
Comets good omens are when duly scanned;
And in their use eclipses learn to shine; "
Or, according to Alexander Pope, that
«< All partial evil's universal good.''
POLITICAL PAETIBS. 21
•
Political parties had an early origin in the history
of our country ; and political lying was never carried
to greater perfection than during the days of the
Federalists and Republicans, when John Adams and
Thomas Jefferson were the Presidents of the United
States. The FederaKste represented Jefferson as a
fiend incarnate, in league with Napoleon Bonaparte I.,
who was then in his glory. They predicted that he
would conquer the whole of the Eastern world, and
then set his blood-stained foot on the neck of America ;
that Jefferson, full of French infidelity, and his coadju-
tors, were planning to betray this nation, and deliver it
into the hands of that tyrant.
The Federal ministers of that day fulminated their
political bulls with a zeal and energy well calculated
to rekindle the "fires of Smithfield." The people,
however, contented themselves with quarrelling hand-
somely with each other every time they met; the
leaders having a fight every May-training and town-
meeting-day, and the ladies keeping apart from each
other as much as they possibly could, and having a
hot time whenever they did meet at a tea-party. I
cannot forbear giving my readers one little " tempest
in a teapot," a small affair, which came off at my
grandfather's when I was eight years old. Grandfather
was a Federalist, but not so rampant as some of them.
He was an owner in navigation in a small way with
Capt. S. F. and Capt. D. N. ; the former a Republican,
and the latter a Federalist. They had met in one of the
28 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
short days of December, 1810, sixty-six years ago next
December. That may seem a good while to my readers
who are now young; but I can assure them that it is
very short. These three had met at grandfather's
because he was the oldest of the trio.
Capt. F., who I said was a Republican, and Capt. N.
on the other side, soon got into a squabble. They
were awfully cross, talked loud, looked ugly, gesticu-
lated as though they would hurt each other, and
seemed to me to be very dangerous men. I took
shelter behind my grandfather's chair, lest by some
side blow they should hit me ; and, from a child, I
never liked to be hit. One of them, after the conflict
had lasted from ten in the morning to ten at night
(and grandfather always had some good old Jamaica,
sugar, apple-cider, and pot-luck), Capt. F., seemed
desirous to go home. He would start and go as far as
the door, then come back, with a " No, I won't leave
you [addressed to Capt. N.] ; for, after I am gone,
you will tell Capt. B. more lies than the Devil can
count." Such were the yelpings of politicians from
1808 to 1815. America has seen nothing like that
excitement since.
The Federal party died with the " Hartford Conven-
tion."
As a doggerel poet of that day said, —
"Did twenty lawyers there agree
To form a great conspiracy."
POLITICAL PAETEES. 29
Upon the death of the Federalists, the Whig party
arose, and the Republicans of that day took the name
of Democrats. New phases of old questions, and new
combinations, now took place. No President was
elected by the people ; and John Quincy Adams was
chosen by the House of Representatives. His admin-
istration of four years was the most economical one we
have had since we became a nation.
Gen. Andrew Jackson now came into the field as a
candidate for the presidency, and was elected. The
contest was a very exciting one ; and all kinds of
epithets were heaped upon Jackson. He was a Jaco-
bin, a dueUist, an ignoramus who did not know how to
write his name. The cry of the Whigs was, If he were
elected, the country was ruined ; the nation would run
into anarchy, and be blotted out. But he was elected,
and the nation didn't die.
He was chosen to a second term ; and the nation still
lived. He strangled the United States, technically
called "Nick Riddle's," Rank; and the country was
ruined again. .He removed the deposits, and again
ruined the country. He was an honest, patriotic man,
a true Unionist; and put down nullification by his
proclamation, as soon as they in South Carolina had
read it. Well do I remember when they of that hot
State had got aU ready to go out of the Union, and set
up housekeeping for themselves. The day was fixed ;
and every boy worQ his cockade of independence from
the Union in his hat. Rut they never knew, in that
80 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
State, when the day came that they were to go out of
the Union.
People at the North, who supposed Daniel Webster
was the embodiment of all knowledge and statesman-
ship, said he wrote that proclamation. But no matter
who wrote it, so long as Andrew Jackson signed it.
The whole of it was in a "nut-shell," and simply
this : " If you are not still, down there in South Caro-
lina, I will hang John G. Calhoun high as Haman, and
let loose the dogs of war upon you."
Jackson was an honest man, and, when threatened
with unpeachment for violating the Constitution, could
say with truth, « I have administered the Constitution
as I understand it." The following anecdote shows
the readiness of that old hero to aid the needy and suf-
fering : A graceless official (would there had been no
such swindlers there since Jackson's day !) had boarded
with a poor widow lady until his bill amounted to
several hundred dollars (the old lady not feeling willing
to lose, and expecting she should if he left her), when
he refused to pay her any thing. She thought she would
go and see Pres. Jackson. Accordingly she went to the
White House, rang the bell ; the messenger answered
it, and she inquired if the President was at home. He
said he was. " Can I see him ? " said she. " I will see,"
said the messenger. He informed the President that a
woman at the door wished to speak with him. " Show
her up," said the President. Wh^n she entered his
room, he said, "What can I do for you, ma'am?"
POLEriOAL PABTIBS. 81
" Well, general," said she, " I don't know as you can
do any thing ; but I thought I would tell you my story.
I am a poor woman, and take boarders for a living.
There is a clerk in such a department, who owes me
several hundred dollars; and, though he has a good
salary, he says he will never pay me." — " Well," said
the President, "you go and see him again ; and, if you
can't get any money of him, ask him if he vnll give
you his note ; and, if you get it, come and see me
again." She went and saw him ; and, when he refused
to give her any money, she said, *' Will you give me
your note?'* He said, "Yes," and gave it to her.
When she had left, he said to the other clerks, " That
old fool thinks she will now get her money ; but I had
as Uef give her fi% notes as not." She then caUed on
Pres. Jackson again. "Did you get any money?"
said the President. " No, sir." — " Did you get his
note ? " — " Yes, sir." — " Let me see it," said the Presi-
dent. She gave it to him. He puUed down his glasses,
read it, turned it over, and put his name on the back of
it. Handing it back to the woman, he said, " You stop
at the bank, and perhaps they will give you jthe money
for it. I rather think they will." She obtained her
money. The note became due, and the bank notified
the young rascal of the fact. Hastening to the bank,
in an indignant manner he inquired, " Why did you
discount my note ? Didn't you know that you never
would get your pay ? " The bank man calmly replied,
" We will discount as many notes as you will send us
82 UFB OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
with the same indorser." — " Who ? what fool indorsed
my note ? " He was shown the note ; and, as he read
upon the back of it the name of Andrew Jackson, a
new light broke in upon him. He hastened and paid
the note. But that did not save his neck ; for, when
the quarter came round, he was informed ^' there was no
more work for him to do under the Administration of
Andrew Jackson."
When the late Rebellion commenced, and James
Buchanan was President, many of the old Whigs, who
had turned Republicans upon the death of the Whig
party, and who had been good haters of Andrew Jack-
son, and doubtless could have prayed as did the good
old deacon of Providence, R.I., " O Lord, convert Gen.
Jackson, and take him to heaven, for thou knowest
we don't want him here,** exclaimed, "Oh, we wish
Gen. Jackson was president! for he would soon end this
Rebellion, as he did nullification in 1833." All classes
in the community now join in praising the old hero of
New Orleans, and none more loudly than those who
detested and scandalized him when he was president.
From the day of his death, to the present time, his
name has shone with increasing brilliancy, and his
fame has been growmg brighter.
Again, in 1840, a general excitement took place. The
country was again to be saved or lost. The Democrats
had been in power twelve years; eight under Gen.
Jackson, and four under Mr. Van Buren. The Whigs
now determined to take the country by storm. William
POLTTIOAI* PABTIES. 88
Henry Harrison was their candidate for president, and
John Tyler for vice-president. Hard cider and log-
cabins were the order of the day; and they sung, —
" Tippecanoe
And l>^ler, too."
The ticket was elected, and Gen. Harrison died in
one month;
"And Tyler, too," —
by turning Democrat, handed the government over
again to the Democracy.
Since 1840 the government has been saved or lost
several times. Now, in this Centennial year 1876, it is
to be lost or saved again. These alternate savings and
losings remind us of a little incident which took place
many years ago in New Hampshire. Old Minister
Burnham of Pembroke, in the Granite State, was a
zealous Whig. The State had been ruled by the Demo-
crats for several years ; but, at the time now referred to,
a Whig governor had been elected. Mr. Burnham read
the proclamation for a day of Thanksgivmg, with the
appendage, "God save the Commonwealth of New
Hampshire I " and added ^' God has saved the Common-
wealth of New Hampshire.'*
All the indications are, that a warm canvass is before
us. The men nominated by both parties are all highly
esteemed by those who have put them in nomination.
Mr. TUden has always been, as we have seen, in the
Democratic school. That from his youth up, he has
84 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
been thoroughly posted as to every rope in the Demo-
cratic ship, no one can doubt. Had this not been the
case, he never could have written that famous paper
already named, and charged to have come from the pen
of so learned and shrewd a politician as Mr. Van Buren ;
for, of whatever else Mr. Van Buren may have been
charged, no one ever considered him wanting in good
sense or intellectual vigor. The items in this chapter,
or rather tliis sketch of poUtical history, have been given
to set before our readers the men who have figured
upon our stage, and the views that have been enter-
tained of them by the people, with whom, in the end,
it will be found the truth lies*
CHAPTER IV.
POLmOAL LABOBS OF SAMUEL J. TILDES.
Choice of a ProfessioiL — What is expected of a Professional Man. —
Wiuting in a Profession. — Mr. Tilden's Political Pai>er8. — His
Speech answering Nathaniel P. Tallmadge. — He becomes an
Editor. — Leaves the Editorship, and becomes a Member of the
Assembly.— His Prominence in that Body. — Is elected a Mem-
ber of the Convention to remodel the Constitution of the State of
New York. — Becomes Conspicuous in that Body.
Wb now return to Mr. TQden in his law-office in
Pine Street in the city of New York. He had settled
the most important question that ever presents itself to
a young man ; to wit, the choice of a profession.
In the decision of this question is frequently in-
volved the success or failure of a lifetime. A wrong
choice at this critical period has ruined many an indi-
vidual. He had chosen the profession of the law,
the only one from which, according to Dr. Emmons
and many others, a great public man or statesman can
come ; for, though occasionally such a man arises out
of some other profession, as in the case of Dr. Loring
from the medical profession, and of the late Edward
Everett of the clerical, yet these are exceptions to the
86
86 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
general rule, and happen only in those cases where, as
the phrase is, they are bom with a " silver spoon in
their mouths," or into whose laps nuggets of gold drop
from their ancestors.
Previous to enteiing a profession, we are considered
mere learners or students ; and a mistake made at this
period is pardonable, for it was at least half attribu-
table to the teacher who was our guide. But, once
having taken upon us the responsibility of a profession,
we are "no longer under a schoolmaster," but are
henceforward our own guides, and projectors of our
own fortunes.
Mr. Tilden inherited nothing, or but a small patri-
mony, from his father, who, though a well-to-do New
York farmer with other sons, had .but little to bestow
upon his young lawyer, save the aid which he gave him
in acquiring his education.
Like every young man who enters either the legal
or medical profession, unless he have a " father into
whose shoes," to use a common expression, "he can
step," he had but few clients and but a limited income.
Not one-half of our young lawyers, unless favored as
just stated by a paternal inheritance, earn enough
during several of the first years of their profession to
pay their board. In the medical profession the case is
no better. Prof. Channing, of Harvard Medical College,
was accustomed to relate to each class once a year the
following story : —
" Immediately after graduating, I took an office in
POLTTICAIi LABOBS OF SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 37
Boston, and put out mj^shingle. The first month I had
but one call, and that, to a lady. I gave her an emetic ;
and I did not sleep any that night for fear I had given
her enough to kill her. Not having any more calls, at
the end of the second month I closed my office, left my
name standing, and embarked for Europe, where I spent
two years. Whether anybody called during my
absence, I never knew."
Mr. Tilden, however, had meddled so much with
politics, and had become acquainted with so many emi-
nent men of the Democratic party, that little or no time
was left him for ennui; for he had done much for his
party before entering his profession. In 1837 Martin
Van Buren became President of the United States.
" During that summer appeared the presidential mes-
sage calling for a special session of Congress, and rec-
ommending the separation of the government from
the banks, and the establishment of the independent
treasury. This measure provoked voluminous and
acrimonious debate throughout the country, even before
it engaged the attention of Congress." The Whigs
considered it a radical movement, and one which would
prove the ruin of the country and the failure of all
commercial business ; and the organs of the Whig party
were unsparing in thek criminations of the adminis-
tration, upon whose misdemeanors they charged the
whole financial crisis.
Mr. Tilden, schooled as we have seen in the tactics
of the Democracy, though still a student, came to the
88 I-IMS OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
defence of the President's policy. He wrote a series
of articles, characterized by great strength of argument,
advocating the recommendation of the President's sepa-
rating the government from the banks, and redeeming
the currency in specie. Thus as early as 1837 he
showed his strong proclivities for "hard money."
Like his first article referred to in a former chapter, the
name of Tilden was not affixed to these papers.
We select the following, showing the talent, power,
and adaptability of Mr. Tilden, though so young, to
defend the political party which he had espoused : it is
from an historian of that period. " In the fall of 1838,
Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, a senator of the United States
from New York, who had separated from the Demo-
cratic party and joined the Whigs in opposition to the
financial policy of President Van Buren, was announced
to speak on the issues of the day in Columbia County.
A meeting had been arranged very quietly, at which it
was hoped he might exert an influence upon the doubt-
ful men, and change the complexion of the party. The
Tildens heard of the proposed meeting about noon of
the day upon which it was to be held. They promptly
sent word to all the Democrats of the vicinity; and the
result was one of the largest meetings ever known in
that region. Tallmadge, in the course of his speech,
took great pains to convince his audience that it was
the Democrats that had changed their position, but
that he and his friends were unchanged. At the close
of his remarks, one of the Whig leaders of the move^
POLITICAL LABOBS OF SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 89
ment offered a resolution, which passed without oppo-
sition, inviting any Democrats in the assembly that
might be ^ disposed to reply to the senator. The
young Democrats, who had mostly gathered in the rear
of the hall, regarding this as a challenge to them,
shouted for Tilden. Samuel, yielding to, the obvious
sentiment, came forward, and took the place just
viacated by the senator.
^^ After discussing the main question of the contro-
versy, he adverted to the personal aspects of the sena-
tor's speech, and especially to his statement that the
Democrats had changed position, while he himself had
remained consistent. By way of testing the truth of
this declaration, he turned to the Whigs on the plat-
form, and, pointing to each of them in turn, asked if it
was they, or if it was the senator who had opposed
them in the late contest for the presidency, that had
changed? Finally, fixing his eye upon the chairman,
Mr. Gilbert, a memorable &rmer and almost an octoge-
narian, he said, in a tone of mingled compliment and
expostulation, * And you, sir, have you changed ? *
By this direct inquiry the honest old man was thrown
off his guard, and stoutly cried out, ^ No I ' Mr.
Tilden skilfully availed himself of this declaration of
his old neighbor and friend, and applied it to the
senator in a strain of masterly sarcasm and irony. The
effect was electric ; it thrilled the assembly, and com-
pletely destroyed the objects of the meeting.
" Mr. Tilden, who had watched the financial revolu-
40 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TELDEN.
tion of 1837 from the beginning, and knew its merits as
thoroughly, perhaps, as any man of his time, undertook
a defence of the President's scheme, and to overthrow
the sophistries of his enemies, in a speech which he
delivered in New Lebanon on the third day of October,
1850. No one can read this speech without marvelling
that men like Webster and Nicholas Biddle, to whose
arguments Mr. Tilden especially addressed himself,
could ever have become the champions of a system
imder which the revenues of a nation were made the
basis of commercial discounts. It is more marvellous,
however, that in so short a time our people should have
forgotten, as to a very considerable extent they appear
to have done, the lessons taught in this speech, and
those still better taught by the war then waged by the
Democratic party with the policy of inflation, irre-
deemable currency, and irresponsible credits. At the
time this speech was delivered, the Whigs were medi-
tating the re-establishment of the United States Bank
if they could succeed in dividing the Democrats on the
sub-treasury scheme.
" This effort provoked Mr. Tilden to review the his-
tory of the bank, and expose its ill-founded claims to
be regarded in any sense as what it claimed to be,
' a regulator of the currency.' What he says upon that
subject possesses to the reader of to-day not only con-
siderable historical interest, but is pregnant with les*
sons which we fear will never be out of season."
CHAPTER V.
MB. TIIiDEK AS A LAWYER.
Farther Snccess as a Politician by Mr. Tilden. — Takes the Pahn
from Senator TaUmadge. — He feels the l^eed of Money. — Con-
trast between the Professions of Lawyers, Doctors, and Minis-
ters. — A Hermit. — Mr. Tilden knew his Power as a Lawyer. —
Defeat of Silas Wright, and Political Changes, proved favorable
to him. — He soon becomes eminent as an Attorney. — How he
managed the Case of Mr. Flagg. — Mr. Tilden starts a Kewspaper.
— He is chosen a Member of the Assembly. — His Work there. —
He is elected a Member of the Convention to remodel the Consti-
tution. — His Management of the Canal Case. — Dr. Burdell's
Case. — Case of Delaware and Hudson Company against the
Philadelphia Coal Company. — The Cumberland Coal Company.
Mb. Tilden now had fame. He had written what
had been ascribed to one of the shrewdest politicians
of our country, when he was but eighteen years old.
We all remember Mr. Van Buren, who was represented
as the great magician, or, as Alexander H. Everett
styled him, the "Uttle Dutchman," sitting behind the
screen, and pulling all the wires during the eight
years of the administration of Andrew Jackson. It
was glory enough for Mr. Tilden, that in his teens he
should have written so pungent and logical a paper,
41
\
42 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
that the sage men in the community could have
ascribed it to such a man.
But now, in addition to this, he had written other
strong and powerful papers ; he had defeated so promi-
nent a man as Samuel P. Tallmadge, a senator of New
York in Congress, in an argument at a mass-meeting.
He had taken the lead in the Assembly of the great
State of New York, and in the Ck)nyention to form a
new Constitution. These things, considering his youth,
were fame and glory enough.
But he had discovered that neither all these, nor his
newspaper exploit, had brought him bread or money ;
and, as already stated, he inherited no fortune from
his father, though he had a good name from his ances-
torial record. He now found that a man must have
not only fame, but ononey, to be successful in life.
This was to be made in his profession.
A lawyer is a peculiar man, not only as to becoming
a great man, a statesman, as formerly said, but also in
many other respects. He is a man whom the people
fear. They look upon him with a kind of dread, as
though he had power to do them harm, to bring them
into the courts, to mulch them out of their money, and
to do pretty much as he has a mind to. Thus lawyers
were considered by our Puritanic fathers as, if not a
very wicked and mischievous, at least a useless and
unnecessary class. This was the objection that the good
old Puritanic parish of Weymouth made to John Adams
manying Abigail Smith, their parson's daughter. Per-
ME. TILDEN AS A LAWITEE. 43
haps I can explain the views people generally have
of lawyers by the following episode : In my boyish
days, there lived near the famous Bighton Rock^ on a
little plat of land by '* Taunton Great River," a her-
mit. He was a bachelor, but had several relatives
from whom he kept aloof. But one boy, a nephew,
seemed to get into the good graces of his uncle the
hermit, who invited the lad to come and stop with him.
He did so ; and, for a time, they appeared to live
together in great harmony. People began to say that
Uncle John, who owned a large tract of land notwith-
standing his preference for the life of a recluse, would
make this nephew his heir.
But at length the boy began to learn to write. This
alarmed the hermit, and he declined to keep him any
longer, assigning as a reason, if the boy learned to
write, he would write away all his property. Lawyers
all know how to write.
Then, lawyers are in the way of making money very
fast after they once get started in their profession.
Everybody knows that it is not uncommon for them to
receive a thousand, and often several thousand dollars
for a single plea or speech. I once entered the office
of one of these successful attorneys in Pittsburg,
Penn. ; and, as I went in, he was gathering up a handful
of bills which he had just received for a single case.
Said he, ^^ The law is a profitable business, when a man
gets well started in it." Not unfrequently have such
lawyers as Daniel Webster, Rufus Choate^ Evarts,
44 UFB OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN,
Sargent, and many others, received the enormous sum
of twenty or thirty thousand dollars for conducting a
single case.
It has been truly said by an eminent writer, " There
is no other country where the position of a lawyer
reaches the dignity and power which it possesses here.
He has not here, in front of him, an aristocracy of
hereditary title or of wealth. If a leader in his profes-
sion, he is in the front Himself. If his professional
pursuits carry him, in his career, beyond the investiga-
tion of subjects of mere personal interest, he becomes
versed in constitutional questions, in the principles
that guide the grandest civil interests, and the State
itself."
Just in proportion as he has the power of intellect,
the eloquence of an orator, a profound thinker, and a
logical reasoner, he assuredly goes up to the top of the
ladder, and reaches the place where Daniel Webster
said " there is always room enough ; " to wit, " up
«uch a legal man has every field of usefulness, power,
ci trust open before him; and he may soar to the
W^est oflBce in the gift of the Republic.
9 while this is the favored position of the " gen-
j ^^ the green bag,'' it is vastly different with
that ^^^ clergymen. The case of the physician is
little /I ^ P^^dding» quiet, useful life, usually saying
only a. ^^^ little, and being but little known, save
^^S a few families, — his patients. This is the
ME. TILDEN AS A LAWYEB. 45
general lot of the doctora in medicine. Occasionally
(as there are exceptions to all rules) a few of them
rise aboYe this general routine, which much resembles
the everlasting tramp of the old horse in the tread-
mill; round and round, but making no progress. A
surgeon, an oculist, or perchance a medical practi-
tioner, may get a few cases where he receives a
respectable fee, but not to be compared with those
of the lawyer.
The case of the clergyman is worse, so far as money-
making is concerned, than that of the doctor ; for, as
has been just stated, the doctor does sometimes lay
aside something for a " rainy day." But the preacher
has no means of doing this ; and unless, perchance, he
marries a rich wife, or falls into an aristocratic parish,
that to gratify its own pride, enriches its pastor, he
must be poor. He can be no farmer, mechanic, broker,
or merchant ; for that would spoil him for a minister.
Besides, he can hold no office; be president of no
railroad-corporation at twenty thousand dollars a year ;
or collector of the port of New York, at one hundred
thousand dollars, including the pickings; or in any
other lucrative employment. All these fields he is
debarred from, because he is a clergyman. All this, in
his case, is but verifying what the great apostle said,
" If in this life only we have hope, we are of all men
most miserable."
Mr. Tilden well knew the advantageous position which
he held for making money, though up to the close of 1845
46 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
he had made no special efforts in that direction. He
had shone briUiantly for a young man in poUtics ; but
he now found, as many others have, that this "did not
pay." It was all well enough in its way, but it did not
" keep the pot boiling." In a word, it was. all very fine,
or, as the Philadelphia girls used to say, splendid; but
resulted like the case of a young man who marries a
pretty girl because she is pretty, but has no qualifica-
tion for a good wife or any thing else, save only that
she is pretty. As the old farmer said, " He soon finds
out that pretty won't support a family, nor always
make a good housekeeper."
Mr. Tilden now in 1846 turned his attention more
exclusively to his profession. Perhaps some changes
in the political horizon aided him in this change of
action. Silas Wright had been defeated in his elec-
tion for governor this fall ; a difference of opinion had
created a coolness between the friends of Pres. Polk
and the friends of Mr. Van Buren; and, in many
respects, the poUtical atmosphere had assumed a very
different appearance from what it had presented for
several years.
This was, doubtless, a fortunate circumstance for Mr.
Tilden, as it opened the way for him more readily to
retire from the political arena, and assume, or rather
resume, his professional business.
He well knew he had the head, the intellect, to
make his power felt as a lawyer; and as his services
for the public had not been remunerative, and as he
MB. TILDBN AS A LAWYEB. 47
had no patrimony from Hs father, and as he weU knew
that a pecuniary independence was necessary for the
successful prosecution of a political career, he took hold
of his profession with energy. In a word, he felt the
necessity of having money, and went to work with vigor
and alacrity to make it in his profession ; with what
success, the sequel will show. He knew he possessed
the advantages we have ascribed to the lawyer ; and,
consequently, as long as men would give more for their
wills than they would for their souls and bodies both,
he knew the success that awaited him.
As he had hitherto devoted himself to politics, so
now he did not entirely renounce his former course ;
but he made his profession first, and politics a second-
ary consideration.
Soon he became as well known as a lawyer as he had
been as a politician ; and this was very considerable.
One of the first prominent cases in which he was
engaged was in a municipal election, one of New York
in NoveAber, 1855. Azariah C. Flagg was one of the
candidates for city oomptroUer. A strong and desper-
ate attempt was made to defeat his election by pitting
against him a popular mechanic by the name of Giles.
He was brought forward by the so-called " Know-
Nothing," or American party. Mr. Flagg belonged to
the Democratic ranks, and had been known and praised
throughout the city-^and the whole State for the faithful
discharge of the public trusts that he had received ; and
he was also a friend and co-worker with Mr. Tilden.
48 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
The candidate of the "Kjiow Nothings " was a worthy,
quiet man, against whose character no charge of malfeas-
ance and dishonesty could be brought. He was evi-
dently selected because nobody knew any thing "Against
him, and because the leaders or wire-pullers supposed
he would be as plastic in their hands as clay is in the
hands of the potter. Who has not known many men
elected to important offices, with no other recommenda-
tion save the plastidti/ by which they could, or were -sup-
posed they could, be modelled into any desirable shape?
The great^ tact and shrewdness of Mr. Tilden were
shown in his management of this case ; and no defender
of a beleaguered city was ever more skilful in his de-
fence than this attorney manifested for Mr. Flagg. I
will give the case briefly in the language of another : —
" The returns gave Mr. Flagg the office by a small
plurality of 117, — 20,313 against 20,134 for Giles. His
opponent was to prosecute a quo warranto ; and Mr.
Flagg's title to the office was tested at a Supreme Court
held before Judge Emott and a special jury.
" The claimants seemed to have monopolized all the
proof attainable, and to have left little or nothing for
the defence. Add to this, the original canvass had
been made, as usual, upon distinct papers commonly
called tallies. The split tally comprised three foolscap
sheets, which contained the original canvass of the split
votes, and transfers from the tally of the regular vote
and the aggregate result, showing the number of votes
that each candidate had received. The tally of the
MR. TILDEN AS A LAWYER. 49
regular votes had disappeared, at least could not be
produced ; and its loss was accounted for. The papers
of split tallies, transfers, and summaries, that were pro-
duced, corresponded with the oral testimony, and con-
firmed the relator's theory of the alleged error in the
return.
" Such was apparently the desperate attitude of the
comptroller's case, when Mr. Tilden was called upon
to open for the defence. The defence, if any could be
made, had to be constructed upon the basis of the testi-
mony offered by the relator ; for other testimony there
was none. The return showed, as the law required, the
entire number of votes given in the district ; and the
regular varieties of what are called regular votes
appeared from the prosecutor's own oral evidence.
On this slight basis of actual testimony Mr. Tilden
constructed an impregnable defence. In his opening,
and after reviewing the weak points in the testimony
of the relator which he was enabled to discover by the
light of his midnight researches, he, for the first time,
gives an intimation to tis adversaries of the weapon he
had improvised in a night for their destruction.
" Before Mr. Tilden took his seat, the case was won,
and Mr. Flagg's seat was assured. Within fifteen min-
utes after the case was submitted to the jury, they
returned with a verdict in his favor."
Even after his admission to the bar, Mr. Tilden still
manifested a deep interest in politics ; and in 1844, when
James K. Polk was candidate for the Presidency, and
60 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
Silas Wright for governor of the State of New York,
he in conjunction with John L. O'Sullivan started the
Democratic newspaper called " The Daily News." This
was really a campaign paper advocating the principles
of the Democracy, and the election of Polk and Wright
to the oflfices just named.
Though this was in the main a new field for Mr. Til-
den, it being his first editorial labor, yet it was in
reality, and in a political point of view, just that in
which he had been previously engaged; to wit, writing
political articles. For such a purpose the instruction
he had received from his father and the eminent polit-
ical men with whom he had mingled, such as Martin
Van Buren, William L. Marcy, Silas Wright, and
others, had pre-eminently qualified him for a political
editor. He knew exactly where to begin, what to say,
and how to- end such articles. They had a telling
effect upon the politics of that day, and called forth
from the whole Whig press severe and bitter criticism ;
and, notwithstanding the denunciation they received
from the whole opposing press, both Mr. Polk and Mr.
Wright were elected to the oflfices for which they were
nominated. Though his editorial career was a success,
yet it was not a long one ; and he soon abandoned it for
another field. In 1845 he was chosen a member of the
State Assembly from the city of New York. Though,
as we have already seen, he had long been a prominent,
powerful,,and successful writer in the Democratic ranks,
yet this was the first public office to which he had been
ME. TILDEN AS A LAWYER. 51
elected by his fellow-citizens. Coming as he did from
the city of New York, with the ^clat which accom-
panied him from the articles he had formerly written,
he soon took a prominent place in the legislature, and
was looked upon as an authority in all questions of
moment. In fact, he made a permanent impression
upon the members of that body, and stamped his image
and superscription upon every law that was passed.
That legislature called a convention for the purpose
of remodelling the constitution of the State, and
elected Mr. Tilden a member of that body. In this
convention, which commenced its session soon after the
adjournment of the legislature, Mr. Tilden was as
conspicuous as he had been in the assembly. Indeed,
he was the leading star; and, though one of the
younger members, he was the leader of that body.
He devised and carried through all the constitutional
enactments relating to the finances of the Common-
wealth.
The management of the canals in the State of New
York had been one of great importance ; and between
the conflicting parties the mismanagement of their
finances had been very conspicuous. Through the
influence of Mr. Tilden, articles were introduced into
the new Constitution, providing for the regulation of
these matters, so that the State should be greatly bene-
fited thereby.
It may be safely said that no young man, the first
time he became a member of the Assembly or of a Con-
in
tie
1
' Cbj,
,*s::,s.
leu
> ^^''*' to
.'«,
C, "'> Ih
ei.
'*"*^6*;:°"«»-
^Oj-
0/,
""sig
"» ,
»^/
•^'-da.
ott
and
'"««.;
'«4,
"oioo.
~" *» a,, "*'= Of
«rpj
MB. TILDBN AS A LAWYER. 53
house. Against this array of affirmative evidence, Mr.
Tilden determined by a cross-examination, believing
that that would reveal the truth, to carry the one hun-
dred and forty-two witnesses through such an ordeal as
developed a series of circumstances which struck the
mind of the judge with irresistible force, and led to his
entire satisfaction and conviction that the pretended
marriage had never taken place, and was a tissue of
fabrications to obtain the property of the murdered
man. His penetration of character on this occasion
was a wonder to the court, and the admiration of all
present. He not only demonstrated the falsity of the
pretended marriage, but also produced a general con-
viction that Mrs. Cunningham and her brood were the
murderers of Burdell. Indeed, the case was made so
clear that everybody said, had Tilden conducted the
prosecution when she was indicted for murder, she
would undoubtedly have been convicted.
Another case in which Mr. Tilden showed great
knowledge and tact was that of the Delaware and
Hudson Canal Company against the Pennsylvania Coal
Company. The Delaware and Hudson Canal Company
had a contract with the Pennsylvania Coal Comjiany,
by which among other things it was agreed, in case of
the enlargement of their canal, the coal company
should pay for the use of their canal extra toll equal
to such portion of one-half the reduction in the ex^
pense of transportation as might result from such
enlargement. In due time the canal company put in
54 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
their claim for extra toll. The coal company denied
that the cost of transportation had been reduced, or
that they had derived any advantage whatever from
the enlargement. After tedious and futile negotiations,
suit was instituted by the canal company; and Mr. Til-
den was retained for the defence. The case was tried
before Judge Hogeboom of the Supreme Court sitting
as referee. Seventy-odd days were consumed in the
hearing ; and testimony offered by the plaintiff fills sev-
eral large printed volumes. As in the Flagg case, the
plan of the defence, as advised by Mr. Tilden, was a
surprise both to court and counsel. The sum claimed
was immense, — twenty cents a ton on an annual
transportation of six thousand tons a year for ten years,
and in addition to this a royalty of the same amount.
By a calculation that took years of labor, bringing in
with its just weight every statistic and circimistance of
canal navigation, and by the application of the law of
average, Mr. Tilden established the fact against the
canal company and against the popular opinion; and
settled the fundamental economic principles of canal
navigation for the country.
Among the more important cases in which Mr. Til-
den has been concerned, one in which his strictly pro-
fessional abilities appeared to special advantage was the
case of the Cimiberland Coal Company against its
directors, heard in the State of Maryland in the year
1858. In that case he applied for the first time to the
directors of corporations the familiar doctrine that a
MR. TILDEN AS A LAWYER. 66
trustee cannot be a purchaser of property confided to
him for sale ; and he successfully illustrated and settled
the equitable principle on which such sales to directors
are set aside, and also the conditions to give them
validity. Mr. Tilden's success in rescuing corporations
from unprofijbiable and embarrassing litigation, in re-
organizing their administration, in reestablishing their
credit, and in rendering their resources available, soon
gave him an amount of business which was limited only
by his physical ability to conduct it.
Since the year 1856, it is safe to say that more than
half of the great railway corporations north of the
Ohio and between the Hudson and Missouri Rivers
have been at some time his clients. The general mis-
fortunes which overtook many of these roads between
1855 and 1860 called for some comprehensive plan for
relief. It was here that his legal attainments, his
unsurpassed skill as a financier, his unlimited capacity
for concentrated labor, his constantly increasing weight
of character and personal influence, found full activity,
and resulted in the re-organization of the larger portion
of the great network of railways, by which the rights
of all parties were equitably protected, wasting litiga-
tion avoided, and a condition of great depression and
despondency in railway property replaced by an unex-
ampled prosperity. His relations with these companies,
his thorough comprehension of their history and
requirements, and his practical energy and decision,
have given him such a mastery over all the questions
56 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
that arise in the organization, administration, and finan-
cial management of canals, as well as railroads, that his
influence, more than that of any other man in the coun-
try, seems inseparably associated with their prosperity
and success ; not only in his own coimtry, but abroad.
It is, we believe, an open secret, that his transatlantic
celebrity brought to him quite recently an invitation
from the European creditors of the New York and Erie
Railway, to imdertake a reconciliation of the various
interests in that great corporation, which the proprieties
and duties of his official position constrained him to
decline.
CHAPTER VI.
'MR. TIIJ)EN AS A BEFOBMEB.
Mr. Tilden as an Honorable Man. — Luther a Reformer. — Anecdote
of Alexander Pope. — Aristocratic Gathering at the Fifth Avenue
Hotel. — Robert Colly er's Boat. — Mr. Bristow. — The New York
Ring. — A Whip-row. — Progress of the Ring. — Their vast Plun-
der. — Mr. Tilden' 8 Plan for capturing the Ring. — Mr. Tilden again
in the Legislature. — Nominated for and elected Governor. — His
first Message. — His Objects: first, Reform; second, his Financial
Policy. — Description of his Person. — What he achieved,
Wb now come to a point of the deepest interest in
Mr. Tilden's character. He had become eminent in his
profession, and was respected and honored everywhere.
No whisper of dishonesty had ever been made against
him. His business in his profession was now immense ;
and he stood before the world
"An honest man, the noblest work of God,"
especially in these days of general swindlings, defalca-
tion, and public plunderings.
Reformers have arisen at various times and among
diverse classes. Luther thought to reform the Catholic
Church while in that body in his day ; but he soon found
it was a hopeless undertaking, and that it was easier to
58 ' LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
make a new one ; reminding us of what the postboy told
Pope. The story is familiar to most, but will well bear
repeating about this time. The boy had been in the
habit of taking the great poet out to ride ; and Pope
was accustomed, when any thing came across him
suddenly, to say, " God mend me ! " On one occasion
he asked the boy, how much was to pay for this ride ?
The boy named what Pope thought an exorbitant sum,
and the -poet used his favorite expression. The boy
scanned him from head to foot, little, crooked-backed,
withered-up fellow as he was, and then said, " I should
think he could easier make a new one than to mend
you."
So, no doubt, it is sometimes easier to make a new
church, or a new government, or a new party, than to
mend an old one.
In the commencement of this centennial year of
grace 1876, from some cause or other, a general impres-
sion seemed to pervade all classes in the community,
that a EEFOEM was necessary somewhere in the United
States.
Hence that anomalous gathering was called at the
Fifth Avenue Hotel in the city of New York. A gen-
tleman of the Republican party, when the call for that
remarkable assemblage was made, wrote to one of the
leaders to know more particularly what the design of
the meeting was. He was informed that it was not to
be " a mass meeting, but as far as possible a representa-
tive body ; " that was, a Patrician gathering. Such it
ME. TILDEN AS A REFORMEB. . 59
proved to be in very deed ; yet one of that number had
the hardihood to say in open meeting, " I would vote
for Gov. Tilden for President." For this charitable
suggestion, a party paper in the State of New York
severely, chastised him, stating that, as he lived in
Massachusetts, so far away from New York, he was
pardonable on account of his ignorance of Mr. Tilden's
political manoeuvres in the Empire State. That aristo-
cratic convention had about as much influence upon
the nominations to be made, either at Cincinnati or St.
Louis, as an assembly of sparrows or a bevy of chick-
adees would, to disperse a colony of hawks.
In the Greeley days the cry was, "Go West, go
West." The following story, told by the Rev. Robert
CoUyer at the Bristow meeting last month in Chicago,
gives advice to the reformers, which has the true ring.
Mr. Collyer told this story : "A great many years ago,
on one of our south-western rivers, there was an old
skipper who had a steamboat which was sailing in
shoal water, and got stuck in the mud. She swung
around in the water ; and there was no chance to get her
afloat, do what they would. He was a terribly profane
old fellow, and everybody knew it through the country.
Suddenly an idea struck him. He said to one of his
deck-hands, * You go up to the town, and tell them I
have got religion, and I want them to come and hold a
prayer-meeting on board.' The deck-hand went to the
town, and spread the news around ; and every one, being
interested in the old skipper's conversion, went down
60 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
to hold the prayer-meeting. The old man was standing
ready to receive them; and, as they came down, he
said to every man, ' Go aft ; ' and they all went aft until
the great load was at that end. They all went aft until
there was a great weight, and the end which was in the
mud got loose, and the ship floated off. As soon as the
ship got afloat, the skipper said, * The meeting is over.
Jump ashore ! ' [Loud laughter.] In our Republican
party — I mean those leaders — there are men who get
religion every time there is going to be an election.
[Cheers.] They say, ' Gentlemen, go aft, go aft.' And
we go aft. We are a good-natured crowd in this coun-
try. The best-natured fellows anywhere on this planet
is a crowd of Americans, such as I see before me to-
night. We are good fellows ; and we go aft, and the
old ship floats again, and then we jump ashore. Now, I
don't mean to go into that prayer-meeting any more.
[Cheers and laughter.] I don't mean to have any
thing more to do with that old skipper. I mean to
find, if I can, some man who doesn't get religion once
in every four years."
As Mr. CoUyer is understood to be a versatile man,
3.nd can readily change, either his religious denomina-
tiop or bis pplitijC3.1 party, the curious are now anxious
to know which end of tb^ vp^sel he will be found in,
since his frieud Bristow has been banished from the
cabinet by the President, and thrown overboard by the
Cincinnati Convention ?
The opinion of the writer, he not being a politician^
ME. TILDBN AS A REFORMER. 61
would be of little account as respects the reformers
Bristow and Tilden: hence, instead of giving it, he
proposes to state that of others. While all classes admit
that Mr. Bristow was a practical reformer while in the
Cabinet, and believe that he would continue such had
he been elected President, still, as that is now out of
the question, the Democrats now contend that they have
nominated, in Samuel J. Tilden, the greatest reformer
of the age, that there is now any possibility of placing
in the Executive chair. To demonstrate this, they tell /
us what reforms he has already instituted and carried
through in the State of New York. A historian says, —
A Democratic and Republican ring had been organized
in this State. It originated in an act passed by the
Legislature of the State of New York in 1857 in
connection with a charter for the city of New York,
providing that but six persons should be voted for by
each elector, and only twelve chosen ; or, in simple lan-
guage, that only the nominees of the Republican and
Democratic party caucuses should be elected. At the
next session of the legislature, their term of office was
extended to six years; thus a Board of Supervisors
consisting of six Republicans and six Democrats, to
change a majority of which, it was necessary to have
the control of the primary meetings of both the great
National and State parties for a succession of years.
This was a deeply-laid and well-concerted plan to give
its projectors power and an opportunity, not only to
perpetuate their own offices^ but also to rob the city to
any extent they pleased.
62 LIFE OP SAMUEL JOITES TILDEN.
This was a "ring " in a double sense ; to wit, between
the six Democratic and the six Republican supervisors.
In the assembly there was a Republican majority, and
the half-and-half supervisors had Democratic officials
in the city. In common pariance it was an old-
fashioned " whip-row," by which this combined ring
were to manage and did manage to swindle the city of
New York out of millions of doUars.
This combination of shrewd and unprincipled men
drew in just enough influential men to control the
organization of each party. These men, who in public
hfe pushed to extreme the abstract idea of their respec-
tive parties, secretly joined hands in common schemes
to perpetuate their personal power, and augment their
property. Gradually the ring transferred the seat of
its operations from the city of New York to Albany,
the capital of the State. The lucrative city offices,
subordinate appointments which each head of depart-
ment could create at pleasure, with salaries in his dis-
cretion, distributed among the friends of the legislators,
contracts, money contributed by city officials, assessed
on their subordinates, raised by jobs under the depart-
ments, and sometimes taken from the city treasury,
were the corrupting agencies which shaped and con-
trolled all legislation. Year by year the system grew
worse as a governmental institution, — more powerful
and more audacious. The Executive Department
swallowed up all the local powers, which gradually
became mere deputies of legislators at Albany, on
MR. TILDEN AS A REFORMER. 63
whom alone they were dependent. It became com-
pletely organized on the 1st of January, 1869 ; but its
power was enormously extended by an act passed on
the 5th of April in the following year, giving the
power of local government to a few indivi3uals of the
" ring " for long periods, and freed from all accounta-
bility.
The authoritative record in which Gov. Tilden con-
ducted this masterly and successful reform is given
us as follows by the historian : —
" Within a month after the passage of this Tweed
charter, the Board of Special Audit, one of the fruits
of this Legislature, were making an order for the pay-
ment of over six millions of money, of which it is
now known that scarcely ten per cent in value was
realized by the city. Tweed got twenty-four per cent,
and his agent Woodward seven; the brother of
Sweeny, ten ; Watson, deputy collector, seven ; thirty-
three per cent went to mechanics who furnished the
biUs, though their share had to suffer many abatements ;
and twenty went to other parties. Over two hundred
and fifty thousand dollars were sent to Albany to be
distributed among the members of the Legislature.
" The percentages of theft, comparatively moderate
in 1869, reached sixty-six per cent in 1870, and, later,
eighty-five per cent.
" The senators who voted on the 6th of April, 1870,
with but two dissenting voices, to deprive our great
commercial metropolis, with its million of people, of all
64 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
power of self-government, as if it were a conquered
province ; to confer upon Tweed, Connolly, Sweeny, and
Hall, for a series of years, the exclusive power of ap-
propriating all moneys raised by taxes or by loans, and
an indefinite power to borrow; who swayed all the
institutions of local government, the local judiciary,
and the whole machinery of elections, — did not come
again within reach of the people until the election of
tjie 7th of November, 1871, when their successors were
to be chosen. All hope of rescuing the city from the
hands of the freebooters depended upon recovering the
legislative power of the State, in securing a majority
of the senate and assembly. To this end Mr. Tilden
directed all his efforts.N In a speech at the Cooper
Union in New York, he stated Mr. Tweed's plan, which
was, to carry the senatorial representation from that
city, and then re-elect eight, and if possible twelve, of
the Republican senators from the rural districts whom
he had bought and paid for the previous year, and thus
control all the legislation that might be presented there
which involved his freebooting dynasty."
A party in power is naturally disposed to risk the
continuance of abuses, rather than hazard the extreme
remedy of " cutting them out by the roots." The
executive power of. the State, and all its recently en-
larged official patronage, were exerted against the latter
policy. And since the contest of 1869 the " ring "
had studied to extend its influence in the rural dis-
tricts, and had showered legislative favors as if they
MB. TILDEN AS A EEPOEMER. 65
were ordinary patronage. But fortune favors the brave.
Without an office or a dollar's worth of patronage
in city or State to confer, Mr. Tilden planted him-
self on the traditions of the elders, on the moral sense
and forces of Democracy, and upon the invincibility of
truth and right. That undaunted faith in the harmony
of truth and its irreconcilability with error, which we
have foimd sustaining him at the bar, and carrying him
from victory to victory against more desperate odds,
sustained him here. As always happens to those who
battle for the right, Providence came to his aid. The
thieves fell out, and one of their number betrayed
them. A clerk in the comptroller's office copied a
series of entries, afterwards known as "secret ac-
counts," and handed them to the press for publication.
They showed the dates and amounts of certain pay-
ments made by the comptroller, the enormous amounts
of which, compared with the times and purposes of the
payments and the recurrence of the same names,
awakened suspicions that they were the memorials of
the grossest frauds. Mr. Tilden soon became satisfied
of this, from the futility of the answers received from
city officers when questioned about them, and from
other sources, and reached the conclusion that the city
had been the victim of frauds far transcending any
thing ever suspected. He immediately formed his plan,
for the execution of which, as it involved the control
of the approaching State Convention, the co-operation
of several leading Democrats was first secured. He
66 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
accepted an arrangement by which he was to be sent
to the convention from his native district, Columbia
County, which had always during the " ring " ascend-
ency afforded him that opportunity of being heard.
Early in September he issued a letter to some
seventy-six thousand Democrats, reviewing the situa-
tion, and calling upon them "to take a knife, and cut
the cancer out by the roots." But, before the meeting
of the convention, an event happened which could not
have been foreseen, but which was pregnant with the
most important consequences.
To the eternal honor of the Democratic party of the
city and State, on the issue thus made up by Mr. Til-
den they gave him their cordial and irresistible support.
The result was overwhelming, and not only changed
the city representation in the legislative bodies of the
State, but in its moral effect crushed the " ring."
Mr. Tilden was one of the delegates chosen to
represent the city in the next legislature. In deference
to the views of his principal coadjutors, 'Mr. Tilden
devoted the six-weeks' interval between his election
and the meeting of the legislature to the prosecution
of its investigation in the city departments, and in
preparing the vast mass of accurate information which
was the basis of nearly all the judicial proofs that have
since been employed successfully in bringing the mem-
bers of the " ring " to justice, or driving them into
exile.
Mr. Tilden gave his chief attention, during the
MB. TILDEN AS A BEFOBMER. 67
session of the legislature, to the promotion of those
objects for which he consented to go there, — the re-
form of the judiciary, and the impeachment of the
creatures who had acquired the control of it under the
Tweed dynasty.
Mr. Tilden had thus by his bold acts made himself
prominent in the work of reform, and recognized as
the man to lead in the State. Prominent friends of
reform urged hun to accept the nomination for gover-
nor. • They said he could be nominated without diflft-
culty, and elected- triumphantly ; and in his triumph the
great cause of administrative reform would receive an
impulse which would propagate it not only over the
whole State, buU over the Union.
Mr. Tilden ultimately consented to take the nomina-
tion for governor, his objections to which were over-
come by a single consideration. It was the only way
in which he could satisfactorily demonstrate that a
course of fearless and persistent resistance to wrong
will be vindicated and sustained by the masses of the
people; that honesty and courage are as serviceable
qualities, and as well rewarded in politics, as in any
other profession or pursuit in life. He was unwilling
to leave it in the power of the enemies of reform, to
say that he dared not submit his conduct as a reformer
to the judgment of the people ; to say that his course
v^had ruined his influence; that his name should be a
warning to the rising politicians of the country against
following his example. He felt that, whatever might
68 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
be the result of Iiis administration, the moral effect of
his election would be advantageous, not only in his
own State, but throughout the country. But for these
considerations, Mr. Tilden would have allowed himself
to be made the candidate of the Democratic party for
the Senate of the United States, a position more con-
genial to his tastes, and for which his personal prefer-
ences were well known.
He was nominated and elected ; and whatever lessons
or eloquence could be expressed in big majorities were
not wanting to lend their dclat to his triumph. Mr.
Tilden's plurality over John A. Dix, the Republican
candidate, was 53,315. Mr. Dix had been elected two
years previously by a plurality of 53,451.
The first message of Gov. Tilden foreshadowed with
distinctness the controlling features of his administra-
tion.
Fir%t^ Reform in the administration.
Second^ The restoration of the financial principles
and policy which triumphed in the election of Jackson
and Van Buren, and which left the country without a
dollar of indebtedness in the world, and a credit abroad
with which no other nation could then compete.
In furtherance of his policy of administrative reform,
he recommended a revision of the laws intended to pro-
vide criminal punishment and civil remedies for frauds
by public officers and by persons acting in complicity
with them. These recommendations, during the same
session carefully wrought into the legislation of the
MB. TILDEN AS A BEFOBMEB. 69
State, bore especially upon those forms of administra-
tive abuse which the exposure and arrest of William
M. Tweed had recently revealed, and also upon another
and kindred class of abuses in the management of our
canals, with which the governor was already acquainted,
but of which the public as yet had only au imperfect
realization.
But the feature of the message which produced, per-
haps, the most profound impression, not only upon his
own immediate constituents, but upon the whole nation,
was that which related to the financial policy of the
Federal Government. A generation had grown up
who had never seen or used any other money than a
printed promise of the Government ; and it had become
a wide-spread conviction among the aspiring politicians
of both the great parties, that the current public opinion
in favor of an inflated and irredeemable currency would
overwhelm and destroy any public man who would
attempt to stem it. No convention of either party in
any State of the Union had ventured the experiment :
the active leaders of both had either avoided or yielded
to the current. Mr. Tilden deemed it his duty to lose
no time in advocating the only financial policy which
ever had insured or can insure a substantial and endur-
ing national prosperity.
On the 19th of March, and as soon as he had secured
from the legislature such additional remedies for official
delinquencies as were requisite for his purpose, the
governor in a special message invited^ the attention of
the legislature to the management of the canals.
70 ^ LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
He pointed out in this communication, with consider-
able detail, the fraudulent processes by which for an
indefinite period of years the State had been plundered,
its agents debauched, its politics demoralized, and its
credit imperilled. The fulness, boldness, and direct-
ness of his statements, produced a profound i^papression,
not only throughout the State, but throughout the
country.
The legislature, though containing in both branches
many of the most notorious canal-jobbers, and consti-
tuted largely in that interest, was obliged to yield to
the irresistible public sentiment which the governor's
policy and message had awakened, and granted him the
authority to name such a commission. The results of
the investigations communicated to him from time to
time during the summer of 1875, and to the succeeding
legislature of 1876, arrested completely the system of
fraudulent expenditure on the canals, which he had
denounced at the bar of public opinion.
Through the adoption of various other financial
measures upon his recommendation, and by the discreet
but vigorous* exercise of the veto-power, the governor
was fortunate enough to secure a reduction of the State
tax, the first year of his administration, about seven-
teen per cent ; and to inaugurate a financial policy by
which the State tax, which was seven and one-half mills
on the dollar of the assessed valuation when he came
into office, will be reduced to four mills at least at the
expiration of his term of two years, and at the expira-
MR. TIIiDEN AS A EEPORMEB. 71
tion of the next succeeding year to not exceeding three
mills.
Mr. Tilden is now in the sixty-third year of his age.
He is five feet ten inches in height ; and he has what
physiologists call the purely nervous temperament, with
its usual accompaniment of spare figure, blue eyes, and
fair complexion. His hair, originally chestnut, is now
partially silvered with age.
At the Utica Convention resolutions were passed,
presenting his name as a candidate for the presidency,
and requesting the delegates to vote as a unit.
The Democrats claim, and the Republicans generally
acknowledge, that Gov. Tilden, with the aid of Charles
O' Conor and a few others of both the Democratic
and [Republican parties, achieved one of the greatest
victories, and overthrew the most corrupt ring, that
ever existed in any civilized country. Indeed, so thor-
oughly was the triumph of law, justice, and equity,
over fraud, deceit, theft, that the swindling ring was
not only thoroughly routed, but its fat and sleek and
lordly boasters were compelled to disgorge their " wages
of unrighteousness," and take their flight ; whither to
Canada, Botany Bay, or London, with Winslow, no man
knoweth unto this day.
CHAPTER Vn.
GOVBRNOB TILDEN'S DEFENOE.
Accusers brought to face Each Other. — Mr. Tilden's own Statement.
— He is not responsible for the Controversy with the " Times "
Newspaper. — The Committee of the Bar Association. — He did
not withhold Credit from " The Tunes." — Mr. Tilden*s Relations
to Mayor Havemeyer. — His Speech at the Cooper Institute. —
The Occasion of the Exposition. — Quotations from " The Times."
— Mr. Tilden*s Description of the Origin of the Ring. — Its Har-
mony with the Account given by Others. — The Period of the
Ring-Power. — Formative Period. — Mr. Tilden assumes the Lead
of the Democratic State Organization. — His Speech in the Circuit
Court.
Is the last chapter has been recorded the great and
chief reformatory work of Mr. Tilden. The record
there given has been the one generally received and
believed to be correct by the public. A partisan paper,
" The New York Times," however, made a strenuous
effort, by maintaining that Mr. Tilden stood aloof from
that reform, and took no active part in it until well
assured that the ring would be destroyed, and the
ringleaders brought to justice ; and that, when this had
become a foregone conclusion, then, Mr. Tilden came to
the rescue.
72
GOVERNOR TILDEN's DEFENCE. 73
It will be seen by the reader, that, in Gov. Tilden's
defence against the aspersions in " The Times," some
of the same facts are repeated that were stated in the
last chapter. This has been done to* show that the
origin of the " ring " and its progress are fully " estab-
lished in the mouth of two or three witnesses." Nor
is this of small moment ; for, if the " Times' " state-
ment is correct, then Mr. Tilden is far from having
been the reformer that he has been represented to have
been. But if he is to be credited, as a man of truth,
and the sources from which the facts in the last chapter
were derived were reliable, then he is entitled to the
credit of having been one of the greatest reformers
of the age.
Now, as it was the custom of the Homans not to
condemn any man until he and his accusers had been
brought face to face, and as even in the Jewish San-
hedrim the following pertinent question was asked :
" Doth our law judge any man before it iiear him ? "
so, before Mr. Tilden should be stripped of the honor,
and prominent part which he took in that great
REFORM, he should be tieard in his own defence. The
following is Mr. Tilden's statement in lis own lan-
guage : —
** If one were to attempt to correct every ordinary
error concerning himself which appears in print, the
occasions of controversy would be inconveniently fre-
quent for the avocations of a busy life. It is, therefore,
74 LIFE OF SAJlUEIi JONES TILDEN.
only in a very exceptional case that I should depart
from my habit of leaving such errors to answer them-
selves, or to be refuted by my acts, or by the general
tenor of my life. But articles in * The Times ' for
several weeks past so falsify the history of the events
they discuss, by perverting some facts and suppressing
others, that it is a right, and perhaps a duty, to vindi-
cate the truth.
"I begin by saying that I am in no manner or
degree responsible for this controversy. I have been
concerned in no attempt to appropriate to myself, or to
any set of men, or to any party, the merit of having
overthrown the * ring.'
"As credit with the public was no part of my
motives, but only a sense of duty, founded on the idea
that every personal power is a trust, I have felt no
sacrifice in awarding the most liberal honors of the
victory to others.
" The Committee of the Bar Association will remem-
ber, that, when they came to Albany with their memo-
rial, the winning policy I indicated was to do the
work, bear the burdens, and bestow on others the
*
honors. That policy, and the persistent forcing of
the issue, in the glare of a vehement public opinion,
stimulated by the nearly united metropolitan press, did
much to carry impeachment, by four votes to one,
over corruptions and combinations^ in a body which
* The Times ' has characterized as venal, and in
which nearly every reform failed. Even after the work
GOVEENOR TILDEN's DEFENCE. 75
was completed, and the Bar Association met to dis-
tribute honors, I stood among its members, not to take
any share to myself, but to join in a well-merited tribute
of thanks to Messrs. Van Cott, Parsons, and Stickney.
I believe those gentlemen would avow that there was
no timiB before the final vote in the assembly, when,
without my individual co-operation, they would have
hoped for success, which needed to be organized anew
after every reverse.
" Nor is it true that I was at all disposed to withhold
credit from ' The Times ' for its services in the con-
flict. Its statement that Mr. Hewitt's * civil word'
was the first it had received from any Democrat, is
disproved by my printed speeches ; and when the
project — afterwards abandoned for the best motives —
was entertained of offering it a public testimonial, I
was applied to by its friends to join, and assented.
"INSPIRATION OP ATTACKS ON MB.
"What( is the inspiration of its attacks upon me
during the last month, I was too much out of contact
with all sources of information in current politics to be
able to ascertain. Could it be that its watchful rivals
had discovered a morbid spot on which they delighted
to put their fingers, had found they had only to mention
with commendation a co-worker of the fight, in order
to provoke a column of detraction? I waited. At
last came an article ascribing to me a plan to control
Mayor Havemeyer ; characterizing me as ^ one of the
76 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
most active intriguers of the day ; ' as attempting, ' by
underhand devices, to cheat the Republicans out of
the fruit of their victory ; ' and ascribing to me ' labori-
ous stratagems,' * wonderful mines and countermines.'
It asserted of me, * He has now hatched another mag-
nificent device, and very likely supposes that the mayor
will lend himself to it.' It then added, ' The legisla-
ture will do nothing of the kind.' And it concluded,
* If a party victory is to be claimed, we claim it in
behalf of the JRepublican party ^
" Next comes a proposied charter, containing most of
the worst features of the present, denying Mayor Have-
meyer all substantial power over the workings of the
City Government, of which he is the nominal head ;
putting him under guardians in the exercise of the
scanty authority doled out to him ; and vesting most
of the governmental power and the real influence in
executive oflftces with long terms, practically appointed
by bill at Albany.
" MAYOR HAVEMEYEB.
" Then appears another colimin full of similar allega-
tions respecting me, and of what purport to be state-
ments of facts. Among them is this : * He is said to
have great influence over Mayor Havemeyer, and to be
working hard to drag the mayor into his great reconstrtie-
tion schemes. Do we owe it to his influence, that the
mayor voted for Charles Shaw as counsel to the Board
of Health ? '
GOVERNOB TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 77
" Now, in the whole of this mass of statement, so far
as it relates to me, there is not a single atom of truth.
I have not seen Mr. Havemeyer since December, nor
at any time since his election, except when I met him
on the street, or he called on me to ask my opinion on
some question. I have not recommended or suggested
to him any human being for an office, or any benefit
within his gift. I do not mean to intimate that there
would have been any thing improper in doing so, but
simply to state the fact as it is. I have not sought to
influence Mr. Havemeyer in any thing whatsoever. If
my opinion would have any weight with him, or on
any occasion would be asked by him, it is because in
almost thirty years of mutual knowledge he has looked
into my mind and heart, and in no instance has seen
any thing which was not frank, true, disinterested, and
patriotic. He knows that if I had the power, which I
do not pretend to have, I would not deflect him one
hair's-breadth from the line of fidelity to his peculiar
trust as a non-partisan representative of municipal
reform, for the advantage of any party, clique, or man.
If he had occasion to seek my aid or counsel, he would
begin by apologizing for troubling me, so well does he
know that my thoughts and tastes turn to other objects,
when inclination is not overcome by a sense of duty.
As to Mr. Charles P. Shaw, I do not believe that I
should know that gentleman if I were to meet him ;
and I never heard his name mentioned in connection
with any appointment until I read of his being voted
78 lilFB OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
•
for as counsel to the Board of Health, by Mr. Have-
meyer*
" * The Times' not only assumes to state with abso-
lute positiveness my plans -and thoughts, but also my
arguments to Republicans, and my whispers to my
friends. There is not one word of truth in all these
statements. I have not had any plans of reconstruct-
ing the Democratic party of the city, by any aid of
patronage from Mayor Havemeyer. I do desire that
the organization of the Democratic party, and of all
parties, should be in the hands of a better class of men
than of late years have controlled them. In my
speeches during the last two years, I have constantly
urged the idea, that, without more attention by our best
men to their respective party organizations, good gov-
ernment, especially in a great city like this, is impos-
sible. All my friends know how great is my repugnance
to an active personal connection with city politics, even
in a temporary and exceptional period. After sixteen
months of engrossing occupation, in the various con-
troversies which grew out of the municipal frauds, and
the reform in the judiciary, I consider the work I
undertook, so far as within my power, to be substan-
tially accomplished. Except in such matters as con-
cerned that work, from the day of the election, I have
been totally withdrawn from political action or thought.
In that, I am still ready to co-operate as well as in any
new legislation necessary for the city. But my atten-
tion has been occupied in repairing the long neglect of
GOVERNOR TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 79
my private affairs, and in getting ready to execute a
purpose which, for some years, has been perfectly
settled, and which no vicissitude in State or National
politics could have changed. This is a period of relax-
ation in which to renovate iny health by repose and
travel. The purpose, and the motive for which I have
deferred it for two years, were stated in the following
passage from my speech at the Cooper Institute, Nov.
2, 1871, as it is reported in * The Evening Post : ' —
" ' For myself, I would gladly have escaped the burden
that has fallen upon me. I would have preferred to
pass next year and this winter abroad, to have some
repose after twenty years of incessant labor in my pro-
fession. It was because I could not reconcile myself
to consent that this condition of things should exist
without redress, that I deemed it my duty, before I
should finally withdraw from public affairs, to make a
campaign, to follow where any would dare to lead, to
lead where any would dare to follow, in behalf of the
ancient and glorious principles of American free gov-
ernment.
" ' And by the blessing of God, according to the
strength that is given to me, if you will not grow
weary and faint, and falter on the way, I will stand by
your side until not only civil government shall be
reformed in the city of New York, but until the State
of New York shall once more have a pure and irre-
proachable judiciary, and until the example of this
80 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
great State shall be set up to be followed by all the
other States.
"OCCASION OF THIS EXPOSITION.
" I have deemed this exposition due to Mr. Havemeyer,
to the Committee of Seventy, and the other honorable
citizens who are striving for good legislation at Albany.
It is called for by the elaborate and studied attempt to
alarm the party passions of the Republicans by ascrib-
ing to Ine acts and purposes which I have never enter-
tained ; and to excuse to the consciences of men who
have some hesitating sense of duty, the continuance
and renewal of the system of disposing of the great
trusts of this city by secret arrangements, carried out
by artfully worded legislation at Albany, which is
generally obtained by dividing up oflB.ces as bribes ; of
denying the people of this city any voice in their own
government, by rendering elections nugatory ; and even
refusing to the non-partisan reformer Mayor Havemeyer
any power over the government he is set to reform.
And I now declare, that in all the long diatribes of
' The Times,' so far as they relate to me, my plans,
designs, purposes, or acts, in respect to Mayor Have-
meyer, there is not one word of truth.
" Having resolved to depict me as the Mephistopheles
whose influence over Mayor Havemeyer was to alarm
the Republicans into seizing away from him the legiti-
mate powers of his office, ' The Times ' states a variety
of pretended facts illustrative of its theory.
GOVERNOR TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 81
" In its latest article, it says, * Mr. Tilden having
very carefully held aloof from the contest, and system-
atically thrown cold water upon it, untU he saw it was
practically over,' * he went about declaring that " The
Times" would be beaten, that Mr. Tweed "carried
too many guns for us." '
" The truth is, I never ' declared ' and never said any
such thing, or any thing similar, to any human being.
" Nor did I ' systematically ' or at any time * throw
cold water ' on the contest. How early I took part in
it, will be discussed hereafter.
" It is not true that I had any connection with the
Cincinnati nominations. The statement that no one
has been able ' to extract from me a dime towards '
the Greeley statue, is equally unfounded. I was never
asked but once, and made a subscription on the spot
without a word of objection.
" I mention these cases as specimens of the loose state-
ments affirmed as positive facts with which these arti-
cles abound. I submit to the gentlemen who manage
* The Times,' that they go beyond the license of legiti-
mate controversy.
" Having now disposed of these preliminary matters, I
proceed to reply to the substantial allegations contained
in the numerous articles of ' The Times.'
" They are embodied in the following specimen ex-
tracts : —
" * Mr. Tilden took no part in the battle with the ring.^
" * The public will never forget, that, in the greatest
82 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
battle ever fought with organized corruption in this
country, the old Democratic leaders of New York had
not the courage or honesty to strike a blow.'
" ' In ALL that hitter contest, when at times it seemed
as though this journal [" The Times "] would be over-
whelmed by its enemies, or at least severely injured by
their machinations, we never had a word of open encour-
agement or an act of assistance from the ancient chiefs
of the Democracy.'
" ' Mr, Tilden came in only after the ring was down.^
" ' They denounced when it was no longer dangerous
to denounce. Their indignation concerning the ring
was edifying, after the ring was down.'
" * Mr. Tilden came with his advice when it was very
easy to give it ; and the other leaders hastened to run
fi-om the sinking ship.'
. " ' Mr. Tilden was shrewd enough to see, that, unless
a section of the Democratic party cut loose from Tam-
many, the whole party must inevitably go under with
Tammany. He cut loose in the very nick of time, to
save his own reputation.'
" * HE THB0V7S MUD ON THE GRAVE OP THE RING.
" * Just at present it is a comparatively comfortable
thing for Mr. Tilden to throw mud on the grave of the
Tammany Ring. Capturing the comptroUership from
the ring for the reform movement, wasn't his, and
^as but a trifle. Mr. Tilden's coup d'Stat was not
peculiarly Mr. Tilden's, and was any thing but a won-
derful coup.'
GOVERNOR TILDBN'S DEFENCE. 88
" * MR. TILDEN DID NOT COLLECT PROOFS,
" * We cannot, however, agree with Mr. Hewitt, that
to Mr. Tilden is due the credit of proving charges
vaguely made.'
" * TIME OF TRIAL.
" ' But there was a time, we beg leave to remind these
outspoken denouncers of. the ring, when to attack
Tweed or Connolly meant to attack an enormous and
powerful interest, a gigantic corruption, backed by all
the power of the Democratic party. Office and endow-
ment and honor were on the side of the successful
scoundrels ; every possible promise of money and place
was held out to those who would support them ; and
those who opposed them had to bear a cutting storm of
reproach and obloquy.'
"'MR. TILDEN, WITH MR. O'CONOR AKD MR. HEWITT,
SEEMED TO COVER THE RING.
" * In those days, respectable gentlemen leading the
Democratic party, like Mr. Hewitt and Mr. Tilden,
though despising, from the bottom of their hearts, the
thieves in high places, and believing them thorough
swindlers, yet never ventured to utter a word against
them in public. In fact, to the distant public, their
respectability covered the ring's rascality. Mr. Tilden,
Mr. O'Conor, and others like them, appeared tUe
pillars of Tammany Hall,' .
84 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
" 4 4t rpHjj TIMES " THE ELDEB SOLDIEB.
" ' Our daily incessant attacks upon Tammany began
in the summer of 1870. It was not until a year later,
that Mr. Tilden, or any leading Democrat, could be
induced to lift a finger ot utter a word against Tweed
and his confederates.'
"*ME. TILDEN BAOKWABD AND TIMID.
" * Mr. Tilden was throughout this period as quiet as
a mouse ; or, if he did appear anywhere in public, it was
generally in a position which led people to suppose that
he was on the side of the Tweed gang. . He presided
over their convention at Rochester in September, 1870.
" * We never questioned the fact that Mr. Tilden all
this time in his heart detested the Tammany gang ; but
he took care never to say so.'
"*LAST COMPLAINT.
" ' He came over to our side, and then did his best to
keep up appearances for the Democratic party.'
" * Mr. Tilden generally manages to save himself by
these somersaults at the eleventh hour.'
^' ' When a crafty man is plotting to do you some
injury, he generally becomes your accuser, and charges
you with devising the very mischief he is preparing to
launch at your head. Thus Mr. Tilden and his friends
are already complaining of the rapacity of the Repub-
licans,'
GOVEENOB TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 85
"ORIGIN OP THE BING.
"The 'ring 'had ite origin in the Board. of Super-
visors. That body was created by an act passed in
1857, in connection with the charter of that year. The
act provided that but six persons should be voted for
by each elector, and twelve should be chosen. In other
words, the nominees of the Republican and Democratic
party caucuses should be elected. At the next session,
the term was extended to six years. So we had a body
composed of six Republicans and six Democrats, to
change a majority of which you must control the pri-
maries of both of the great National and State parties
for four years in succession. Not an easy job, certainly I
The individual man has little enough of influence when
you allow him some chance of determining between two
parties, some possibility of converting the minority into
a majority. This scheme took away that little. It also
invited the managers of the primaries to do as badly as
possible, by removing all restraints.
" It IS but just to say that the Democracy are not
responsible for this sort of statesmanship, which con-
siders the equal division of oJB&cial emoluments more
important than the administration of official trusts or
the well-being of the governed. In the assembly of
1857, of one hundred and twenty-eight members, the
Democracy had but thirty-seven ; of thirty-two senators,
it had but four; and had not the governor. In the
thirteen years from 1857 to 1869, it never had a
86 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
majority in the senate, in the assembly but once ; and
had the Governor but once up to 1869. The Repub-
licans had ihe legislative power of the State in all that
period, as they and their Whig predecessors had pos-
sessed it for the previous ten years.
"The ring was doubly a 'ring.' It was a ring
between the six Republican and the six Democratic
supervisors. It soon grew to a ring between the Re-
publican majority in Albany and the half-and-half
supervisors, and a few Democratic officials of this city.
L^The very definition of a ' ring' is, that it encircles
enough influential men in the organization of each
party to control the action of both party machines, —
men who in public push to extremes the abstract ideas
of their respective parties, while they secretly join their
hands in schemes for personal power and profit!)
" The Republican partners had the superior power.
They could create such institutions as the Board of
Supervisors, and could abolish them at will. They
could extinguish offices, and substitute others ; change
the laws which fix their duration, functions, and respon-
sibilities, and nearly always could invoke the executive
power of removal. The Democratic members, who in
some city offices represented the firm to the supposed
prejudices of a local Democratic majority, were under
the necessity of submitting to whatever terms the
Albany legislators imposed ; and at length found
out by experience, what they had not intellect to
foresee, that all real power was in Albany. They
GOVERNOR TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 87
began to go there in person to share it. The lucrative
city offices, subordinate appointments, which each head
of department could create at pleasure, with salaries
in his discretion, distributed among the friends of the
legislators, contracts, money contributed by city officials
assessed on their subordinates, raised by jobs under
the departments, and sometimes taken from the city
treasury, were the pabulum of corrupt influence which
shaped and controlled all legislation. Every year
the system grew worse as a governmental institution,
and became more powerful and more corrupt. The
executive departments gradually swallowed up all local
powers, and themselves were mere deputies of legisla-
tors at Albany, on whom alone they were dependent.
The mayor and common council ceased to have much
legal authority, and lost all practical influence. There
was nobody to represent the people of the city ; there
was no discussion, there was no publicity. Cunning
and deceptive provisions of law, concocted in the
secrecy of the departments, commissions, and bureaus,
agreed upon in the lobbies at Albany, between the
city officials and the legislators or their go-betweens,
appeared on the statute-book after every session. In
this manner all institutions of government, aU taxa-
tion, all appropriations of money for our million of
people, were foimed. For many years there was no
time when a vote at a city election would in any prac-
tical degree or manner affect the city government.
88 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
" PBEIOD OF EINO POWEB.
" The * ring * became completely organized and ma-
tured on the 1st of January, 1869, when Mr, A. Oakey
Hall became mayor. Mr. Connolly was comptroller
two years earlier.
" its power had already become great ; but was as
nothing compared with what it acquired on the 6th
of April, 1870, by an act which was a mere legislative
grant of the oJB&ces, giving the powers of local govern-
ment to individuals of the *ring,' for long periods,
and freed from all accountability, as if their names had
been mentioned as grantees in the bill.
" Its duration was through 1869, 1870, and 1871, until
its overthrow at the election of November, when it lost
most of the senators and assembly-men from this city,
and was shaken in its hold on the legislative power of
the State.
" It will be noticed that the first date in the list of
county warrants bearing indications of fraud, pub-
lished by ' The Times ' in the last of July, 1871, is
Jan. 11, 1869. Of the $11,250,000 embraced in these
accounts, $3,800,000 were in 1869 ; $880,000 in 1870,
before April 6 ; $6,250,000 in 1870, after that date ;
and $323,000 in 1871. The thorough investigation
made by Mr. Taintor, at my instance, shows the aggre-
gate vastly larger, but does not much alter the propor-
tions, except in 1871. The periods of power and
plunder are coincident in time and magnitude.
GOVEBNOR TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 89
"FORMATIVE PERIOD.
"Even before the ' ring ' came into organized^ exist-
ence, the antagonism between those who afterwards
became its most leading members, and myself, was
sharply defined and public. It originated in no motive
of a personal nature on my part, but in the incompati-
bility of their and my ideas of public duty. I dis-
trusted them. They knew they could not deceive or
seduce me into any deviation from my principles of
action. As early as 1863, some of them became deeply
imbittered, because, being summoned by Gov. Seymour
to a consultation about the Broadway Railroad Bill, I
advised him to veto it.
" Some years aifterwards I accepted the lead of the
Democratic State organization. I did so with extreme
reluctance, and only after having in vain tried to place
it in hands in which I could have confidence. I had
seen the fearful decay of civic morals incident to the
fluctuating values of paper money and civil war. I
had heard and believed that the influence of the Re-
publican party organization had been habitually sold
in the lobbies, sometimes in the guise of coimsel fees,
and sometimes without any affectation of decency. I
had left the assembly and constitutional convention in
1846, when corruption in the legislative bodies of this
State was totally unknown, and now was convinced
that it had become almost universal. I desired to save
from degradation the great party whose principles and
90 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
traditions were mine by inheritance and conviction,
and to make it an instrument of a reaction in the
community which alone could save free government.
Holding wearily the end of a rope, because I feared
where it might go if I dropped it, I kept the State
organization in absolute independence, I never took a
favor of any sort from these men, or any man I dis-
trusted. I had not much power in the legislature on
questions which interested private cupidity ; but in a
State convention, where the best men in society and
business would go, because it was for but a day or two,
those with whom I acted generally had the majority.
" 1869,
" I had no more knowledge or grounds of suspicion of
the frauds of 1869, as they were discovered three years
afterwards, than * The Times ' or the general public ;
but I had no faith in the men who became known as
the 'ring,' and they feared me. I had no personal
animosity ; but I never conciliated them, and I never
turned from what I thought right, to avoid a collision.
" The first impulse of their growing ambition and
increasing power was to get rid of me, and possess
themselves of the Democratic State organization.
Their intrigue for this purpose was conceived and
agreed upon in the winter, at Albany. I knew it, but
I did nothing till August. Then I accepted the issue ;
and they were defeated by seven-eighths of the con-
vention. The country papers of the Republican party
GOVEENOR TILDEN'S DEFENCE. 91
were full of the subject. The files of * The Times '
show that the contest attracted public attention. That
these men and I were not in accord, was known wher-
ever in the United States there was the least informa-
tion on such subjects.
" This year was marked by the saturnalia of injimc-
tions and receiverships.
" In April and May, in speeches in the Circuit Court
of the United States I denounced the orders granted
by Barnard to Fisk against the Pacific Railroad Com-
pany, as perversions of the instruments of justice, bear-
ing on their face bad faith. I had reason to believe
that Tweed was a partner in this freebooting specula-
tion, and his son was Barnard's receiver. The contest
excited universal attention. My motive in taking the
case, with great inconvenience to more important
business, was the abhorrence I felt of the prostitution
of judicial power which touched the rights and inter-
ests and honor of every man in the community ; and
the consideration, that, on being applied to by the
company in its extremity, I had advised that the orders
in Barnard's court, for the seven months previous, were
nullities ; and the acceptance of that advice seemed to
impose on me the obligation to maintain it, as was done
successfully..
" I declined retainers from Fisk in matters involving
no scandal, but in which he had not my sympathy, after
he had informed me that he had paid a counsel, during
the year, many times the largest fee I had ever received,
adding, ' We don't want anybody else : we want you.'
92 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
"My open denunciations of the judicial abuses so
frequent at this time, and the general support I had
received from the country delegates, I have always
believed to be the origin of the reaction by which,
instead of a third subject for impeachment. Judge
Brady was nominated.
" In December I signed the call for the meeting at
which the Bar Association was formed. At that meet-
ing, on the 1st of February, upon being called on, I
gave uiilBrance to my unpremeditated thoughts in words
which stand, without any change, as they were reported
in the oflBcial proceedings of that body. They were
generally deemed to breathe a tone of defiant independ-
ence. Among those thoughts were these : —
" * If the bar is to become merely a mode of making
money, making it in the most convenient way possible,
but making it at all hazards, then the bar. is degraded.
If the bar is merely an institution that seeks to win
cases, and win them by back-door access to the judi-
ciary, then it is not only degraded, but corrupt.' "
CHAPTER VIII.
MB. TILDEN'S own BEOOBD CONTINUED, IN WHICH HE
FUBTHBR CONFIEMS THAT OP THE HISTOBIAN.
Contest of 1870.— The Sham.— Opposition.— The Cjonflict. — The
Beal Nature of the Law. — Illustration. — The Means. — Who
Betrayed the City. — Immediate Consequences. — The Summer of
1870. — Court of Appeals. —Winter of 1871. — School System. —
Code Amendments. — Contest of 1871. — Strong Position of the
Bing in the City. — Mr. Tilden's Speech at the Cooper Institute
in 1871. — Crisis of the Contest. — Pivot of the Contest. — Ring
Plan of the Campaign. — Mr. Tilden's Plan of the Campaign. —
How to Overthrow the Bing in the Popular Yote of the City. —
The time when Mr. Tilden acted. — Mr. Keman. — Mr. Oswald
Ottendorfer. — Mr. O' Conor. — Other Preparations. — Substitu-
tion of Mr. Green for Mr. Connolly in the Comptrollership. —
Efforts of the Bing to recover Possession. — State Convention. —
Other Action. — Broadway Bank Investigations. — Mr. Tilden's
Speech at Cooper Institute. —^Democratic Beform Yote in the
City. — Further Collection of Proofs. — Judicial Beform. — Con-
clusion. — Bemarks by the Compiler.
Fob the first* time in four and twenty years, the
Democrats had, in 1870, the law-making power. They
had in the senate just one vote, and in the assembly
seven votes, more than were necessary to pass a bill, if
so rare a thing should happen as that every member
was present, and all should agree.
94 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
This result brought more 'dismay than joy to the
" ring." They had intrenched themselves against the
people of this city in the legislative bodies. But the
Democratic party was botmd by countless pledges to
restore local government to the voting power of the
people of the city. The "ring" could trade in the
lobbies at Albany, or with the half-and-half supervisors
in the mysterious chambers of that Board. They might
even risk a popular vote on mayor, if secure in the
departments which had all the patronage, and could
usually elect their own candidate. But they had no
stomach for a free fight over the whole government, at
a separate election.
Their motives were obvious, on a^ general view of
their human nature. None but the " ring " then knew
that, in the secret recesses of the supervisors and other
similar bureaus, were hid ten millions of bills largely
fraudulent, and that, in the perspective, were eighteen
other millions, nearly all fraudulent.
THE SHAM.
A sham was necessary to the " ring." Moral support
was necessary to sustain their imposture. None of the
" ring " ever came near me ; but Mr. Nathaniel Sands
often called to talk oyer city reform. He sometimes
brought my honored and esteemed friend, Mr. Peter
Cooper. They were convinced that the "ring" had
become conservative, — were not ambitious of more
wealth, were on the side of the tax-payers. There was
MR. tilden's own eecord, 96
thought to be great peril as to who might come in,
in case the " ring " should be turned out. I told Mr.
Sands I would shelter no sham. I would co-operate
with anybody for a good charter. The light and air
of heaven must be let in upon the stagnant darkness
of the city administration. The men to come into
office must enter after a vote of the people. I did not
believe the " ring " would agree to that. I would agree
to nothing else.
The " ring " did not want any conference with me.
They tried their own plan. It failed ignominiously.
After it was defeated, none were so poor as to do it
reverence.
It never had the slightest chance of revival without
a general support of the Republicans. Not only were
three Democratic city senators against it, but enough
Democratic senators from the country would vote
against it, if their vote could be made effective.
OPPOSITION.
During the lull, I had conferences with Mr. Jackson
S. Schultz, then president of the Union League Club,
Mr. Nordhoff of " The Post," Mr. Greeley of " The Tri-
bune," Mr. Marble of " The World," and many others.
I entered into no alliance with the " young Democracy "
for future political power, and for weeks was ignorant
even of their meetings. I did accept from Mr. Marble
two invitations to attend consultations on a draft of a
charter; and certain fundamental ideas, on which he
96 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
and I insisted, were conceded. These were, a separate
municipal election in each spring, a new election before
the executive offices should be filled, the subjection of
all officers to a practical responsibility, and terms of
office which should preserve to each successive mayor
his supervisory powers over the government of which
he is the head. These ideas were concurred in by the
Union League Club, and by the other gentlemen I have
mentioned.
THE CONPLIOT.
Suddenly a charter was sprung by Mr. Tweed, and
rushed forward very fast.
I was convinced it would pass. A clerk in one of
the public offices came privately to tell me " the stuff
had been sent up." There was a movement to resist it.
Mr. Schultz,' Mr. Bailey, and others were in motion.
The Union League Club appointed a committee of fif-
teen to go to Albany to remonstrate. My co-operation
was asked. I had little hope. I expected a large
Republican support of Mr. Tweed's scheme ; .but I
thought it right to do the utmost for those who were
willing to make an effort. I felt more scorn than I
ever remember to have felt for the pusillanimity which
characterized the hour. I had no objection to hang
up my solitary protest against the crime about to be
committed. I made a speech before Mr. Tweed and
his committee of the senate. An unrevised report was
published at the time. It contains the following pas-
sages : —
MB. tilden's own becobd. 97
** By the fivBt appointment of these various offices,
Belf-govemment in the people of the city of New York
is in abeyance for from four to eight years. Sir, by
that bill, the appointment of all these offices is to be
made by a gentleman now in office. It is precisely as
if in the bill it had read: * Not -that the mayor shall
make these appointments, but the individual who
to^ay fills that office.' The act proceeds in the same
way in which the acts creating commissions have done.
A gentleman is designated who makes these appoint-
ments. To all practical intents and purposes^ they abb
GOMMISSIONEBS jiLst as Under the old system. Under
the Republican system of commissioners, the Street
Department and the Croton Board have been reserved
to the control of the city authorities. They stand as
under the old system anterior to the time when these
Commissions began to be formed. The mayor has no
power over these functionaries, except to impeach
them; and all experience has shown that that is a
dilatory and insufficient resource, not to be relied on in
the ordinary administration of the . government. On
the 31st December, by the provisions of this bill, the
term of the mayor's office will expire. Then, sir, what
will be the situation of his successor f For two years
he will have no power whatever over the administration
of the government of which he is the nominal head.
All these functionaries survive him. Theib terms go
beyond his term ; and he has not the power to remove
them^ not the power to enforce any practical responsi-
98 LIPB OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
lility as against them. He is a mere cipher. Then,
sir, at the end of two years, another election takes place,
another mayor is elected. Still these officers extend
their terms clear beyond his^ the shortest of them being
for four years, and the longest of them for eight years,
many of them for ftve. This charter is defective in
another respect, in that it makes the election of charter
officers coincident with that of the State and Federal
officers. The municipal election of a million people is
of sufficient importance to be dealt with by itself ; and
by so doing you avoid mixing up municipal intere8t$ with
State and National interests. What I object to in this
bill is, that you have a mayor without any executive
power ; you have a legislature without legislative power ;
you have elections without any power in the people to
affect the government for the period during which these
officers are appointed. It is not a popular government,
it is not a responsible government : it is a government
beyond the control, and independent of the will, of the
people. That the mayor should have real and sub-
stantial power, is the theory we have been discussing
for the last four or five years. It is the theory upon
which we have carried on our controversies against
our adversaries, and are now here. After a period of
twenty years, for the first time the party to which I
belong possesses all the powers of* the government. I
have a strong and anxious desire that it should make
for the city of New York a government popular in its
form. Mr. Chairman, I am not afraid of the stormy
>
MB, tilden's own eecord. 99
sea of popular liberty. I^stiy^imaLJtlm-^e^^ We, ^ /
no doubt, have fallen upon evil times. We, no doubt,
have had many occasions for distrust and alarm ; but
I still believe, that, in the activity generated by the effec-
tual participation of the people in the administration of
the government^ you would have more purity and more
safety than under the system to which we have been
accustomed. It is in the stagnation of bureaus and
commissions, that evils and abuses are generated. The
storms that disturb the atmosphere clear and purify it.^
It will be so in politics and municipal administrations,
if we will only trust the people."
The bill passed. An intenser animosity than was
excited against me in the men who thus grasped an
irresponsible despotism over this city, cannot be im-
agined. Mr. Tweed threatened to Lieut.-Gov. Beach,
that they would depose me from the State Committee ;
and met the answer, " You had better try it."
EBAIi NATUBB OF THE LAW.
Let us pause a moment to consider the real character
of that law fraudulently called a city charter. Mr.
Tweed's case will illustrate its operation. He had
never been able to become street Commissioner. Charles
G. Cornell was appointed to that office by a Republican
mayor, and Mr. Tweed made deputy. When the office
became vacant, Mayor Hoffman could not be induced
to appoint Mr. Tweed. George W. McLean was ap-
pointed, and Mr. Tweed remained deputy. He had
100 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
now been turned out as deputy, and could not get
back. On the loss of his office, all his political power
turned to dust and ashes.
The Tweed charter vacated the office of street Com-
missioner, and of the functionaries of the Croton depart-
ment, within five days, vesting all their powers in a
Commissioner of Public Works ; and required Mr. A.
Oakey Hall to appoint that Commissioner. It was
known to everybody that Mr. Tweed was to be
appointed. The act passed on the 5th ; and on the 9th
Mr. Tweed was appointed. His term was four years.
The power of the governor to remove him on charges
was repealed, and all powers of removal by the city
government. Impeachment was restricted by the con-
dition that the mayor alone could prefer charges, and
trial could only be had if every one of the six judges
of the Common Pleas was present.
ILLUSTEATION.
In ancient times offices were conferred by grant from
the sovereign. This was conferred by grant from the
State.
^ Let us suppose the act had run in these words : —
" We the people of the State of New York, repre-
sented in Senate and Assembly, do by our supreme legis-
lative authority hereby grant to William M. Tweed
the office of Commissioner of public works ; and annex
thereto, in addition to the powers heretofore held by the
street commissioner, all the powers heretofore held by
^ , .. - - .1 J * v» ^ J
MB. tilden's own BECORD. '' ^ lOl
•»• •» 1' "^ - -J .■•
the various officers of the Croton depkrtin^fitj; la have and
to hold the same for four years, with the privilege of ex-
tending the term by surrendering any remnant thereof,
and receiving a re-appointment for a further new term
of four years ; which office shall be free and discharged
of the power of the Governor to remove for cause on
charges, as in the case of Sheriffs, and of aU power of
removal by the City Government ; and absolutely of all
accountability whatsoever, unless Mayor Hall or some
successor shall choose to prefer articles of impeachment
to the Coiu:t of Common Pleas, and unless all the six
judges shall attend to try such articles."
I aver that such was exactly the operation of that act.
The legal effect and the practical working of the act
were identically the same as if it had been expressed in
these words.
THE BINQ ENTHBONBD OVEB THE dTY.
In like manner, the offices of three of the five heads
of the Parks were granted for five years to Peter B.
Sweeney, Thomas C. Fields, and Henry Hilton, giving
them the control of the Central Park and every park in
the city, and of the boulevards ; suppressing Mr. Green,
and removing Messrs. Stebbins, Russell, and Blatchford.
The office of chamberlain was granted to Mr. John J.
Bradley. The department of police was granted from
five to eight years to Messrs. Henry Smith, B. F. Ma-
niere, Bosworth, and Brennan. The departments of
health, fire, excise, charities, docks, and buildings
• • • • ^ •
102 • '•* iiite. OP SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
' • • • " ••* --*«•• -
I
' " 'were * granted ity others. By an amendment passed
twenty days later, Mr. Connolly and Mr. O'Gonnan
were brought into the same category.
Such a concentration of powers over this city was
never before held by any set of men or any party as
was thus vested in the " Ring."
The true character of this fraudulent measure was
at once fully exposed. The issue was made by Messrs.
Schultz, Bailey, Vamum, Greeley, and others, and by
the Union League Club. All the features of the act
were pointed out in their resolutions, and remonstrated
against. They were discussed, condemned, and de-
nounced in my speech published at the time. They
were ably exposed by '* The World," ** The Evening
Post," " The Sun," and " The Tribune."
THE MEANS.
It would seem incredible that such a violation of the
rights of the people and of all just ideas of government,
even if these extraordinary grants had been to the best
men in the community, could be passed. No such thing
would have been even excusable, unless for a short time
as a temporary dictatorship in a public extremity. It
was adopted as a permanent measure ; and the grant
was to men who were the objects of suspicion, who, in
little more than a year afterwards, were hunted from
human society, as well as from office, some of whom
were or are in exile, and others of whom are now
arraigned by the State in civil and criminal actions.
/
MB. tilden's own eecord. 103
The air was full of rumors of corruption. The great
public trusts, involving the interests, safety, and honor
of a million of people, had been divided up as bribes.
It was everywhere said that the crime had taken a
grosser form, and that Senators and Assemblymen had
been bought with money to vote for this iniquity. A
year later, it was stated in the newspapers, on the
authority of Judge Noah Davis, as derived from a
well-known member of the lobby, that the price paid
to six leading Republican senataes was to each ten
thousand dollars for the ch£»*ter, and five thousand for
the kindred bills of the sessioxt, and five thousand for
similar services the next year.
Shortly after this revelation, while the revolt of
forty thousand Democrats in this city was taking its
representation away from the " Ring," the Republicans
of the interior were re-electing five of these six Senators
as their contribution, with many other similar charac-
ters, to the " Reform " Legislature. Those five Senators
now sit in the highest seats of the Grant Republican
Sanhedrim at Albany.
" The Times " has for a long whUe been as " still as
a mouse " about them.
WHO BETRAYED 1?HE CITY?
There hav^ been two great battles against the " Ring."
The first was in Albany, in April, 1870. That was to
prevent the " Ring," while only objects of suspicion,
from being enthroned in absolute dominion over the
104 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
people of this city. The loss of that battle made no
change possible until the Senate could be changed. The
election for Senators did not come until November,
1871. Then was the second great battle, made neces-
sary by the loss of the first.
Who was responsible for that disastrous day, when
the beginning of the crimes afterwards discovered was
shrouded in darkness, and their larger development
made possible ? Was it Mr. Tilden ? Mr. O'Conor? Mr.
Hewitt? Did their "respectability cover the Ring's
rascality," as "The Times " charges? « The Times "
itself shall answer.
On the 6th of April, 1870, the day after the passage
of the act granting New York city to the " Ring," " The
Times," in an article headed " Municipal Reform,"
hailed this measure as a reform; derided the Union
League Club and Mr. Greeley with their " entire lack
of influence," in that " so pronounced an expression *'
against the charter had not ^^ been heeded ly at least one
Republican Senator ; " and said that, —
'*If it shall be put in operation by Mayor Hall,
with that regard to the general welfare which we have
reason to anticipate, we feel sure our citizens will have
reason to count yesterday^B work in the Legislature as
most important and salutary. ^^
On the 8th it declared, —
" Senator Tweed is in a fair way to distinguish him--
self as a reformer; " that he had put the people of Man-
hattan Island under great obligations, &c.
MB. TILDBN's own RECORD. 105
" We trust that Senator Tweed will man%fe%t ike same ^
energy in the advocacy of this last reform which marked
his action in regard to the charter^ ^
On the 11th it published Mayor Hall's instrument,
dated the 9th, making the appointments to all the
municipal offices. Among them were the following : —
" Department of Pvhlic Works^ — WiUiam M. Tweed.
" Department of Parks^ — Peter B. Sweeney, Thomas
C. Fields, Henry Hilton.
" Department of Police^ — Henry Smith, B. F. Man-
iere, Bosworth, and Brennan.
" Chamberlain^ — John J. Bradley : and so on."
On the 12th it jeered the Union League Club, Mr.
Greeley, and Mr. Tilden. It commented on a remark
in Mayor Hall's paper making the appointments, in
which he said he would have been politically justified
in conferring them all on Democrats; and repUed that
the JRepvhlicans were rather useful to the authors of the
new charter in the recent contest; that, hut for the
JRepvhlicans^ the young Democracy might to-day " be at
the top of the tree ; " that Mayor Hall and his " associ-
ates will doubtless show a proper appreciation of the
assistance rendered them by the Republicans when the
enemy were crying war to the knife, and knife to the
hilt."
On the 13th it said, '^ As a whole, the appointment
of the heads of the various departments of the City
Goyemment, which have been announced by the Mayor,
are far above the average *in point of personal fitness.
106 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDBK.
and should be satisfactory. We feel inclined to be
thankful^ if not entirely satisfied with the result."
It also asserted that the charter and election law
" could not have been secured without the help of the
RepublicanB in the Legislature^ and hence the cbedit
is AS MUCH thetbs as it is of the Tweed Democracy."
The "Ring" having possession of the Tammany
Society, in which Mr. Tilden had not set his foot
during their ascendency, at the election of April 18,
put up a sham ticket on which they placed the names
of persons whom they hated, and gave it. a few of
their own votes to exhibit the appearance of a contest.
On the 19th, " The Times," under a flaming notice
headed, " Now is the triumph of Tweed complete,"
exulted over the prostrate Tilden, A. H. Green, and
others, " heroes of the O'Brien faction."
On the 21st of May, it had a commendatory notice
of Mr. Peter B. Sweeney, presiding over a meeting of
the Commissioners of the Public Parks, and added,
^^That he will hefaithfvl to his word, the meeting yester-
day afforded a fresh guaranty."
IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES.
The 5th of May was a day destined to be famous in
our municipal annals. Some mysterious and insensible
influence seemed to debilitate the tone of "The
Times " in its utterance that morning. It spoke feebly
of " reforms made possible by the recent legislation
at Albany," Was the atmosphere dark and murky
MB. tilden's own eecord. 107
with what was going on in the new Court-House at the
same moment ?
There the single meeting of the Board of Special
Audit was being held. Hall and Tweed and Connolly
were making the order for the payment of the f 6,312,-
600, of which scarcely ten per cent in value was
realized by the city. Tweed got twenty-four per cent,
and his agent Woodward, seven ; the brother of
Sweeney, ten ; Watson, i^even ; twenty went to parties
not yet named in the forms of legal proof; thirty-three
went to the mechanics who furnished the bills, but
their share had to suffer many abatements. Gurney
had advanced, March 30, $10,000 to go to Albany;
and again, April 17, f40,000, making $50,000. Inger-
soll also had to send $50,00© ; Keyser, $25,000 ; Miller,
$25,000; Hall, $25,000; and others their quotas; and
then, they had to do work on city houses and country
houses, and make furniture, and to paint, to supply
safes, and perform miscellaneous services, out of their
third.
As the time advanced, the percentages of theft
mixed in the bills, grew. Moderate in 1869, they reach
sixty-six per cent in 1870, and, later', eighty-five per
cent. The aggregate of fraudulent bills after April 5,
1870, was, in the rest of that year, about $12,250,000 ;
and, in 1871, $3,400,000. Nearly fifteen and three--
quarter millions of fraudulent bills were the booty
grasped on the 5th of April, 1870. Fourteen, perhaps
fifteen millions of it, was sheer plundey.
108 MPB OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
The victory of the 5th of April enabled the " Ring "
to cover up what had been already stolen, and to
go forward on a far larger scale, and commit these
enormous rbbberies.
THE SUMMER OP 1870.
"The Times" is in error in saying that its daily
incessant attacks on Tammany began in the summer of
1870. There is not a word of that kind in its editori-
\ als in aU that summer. Until the 20th of September,
Mt kept " still as a mouse," as it says Mr. Tilden did.
Then it first touched the subject incidentally to an
article on the Democratic State Convention held the
next day.
The stillness of Mr. Tilden left ringing in the ears
of the people his unavaUing protest and his denunciar
tion.
The stillness of " The Times " left echoing in the
public ear its boast that " the credit " of the " Ring *'
supremacy belonged " as much to the Republicans as to
the Tweed Democracy."
Three days later it began a series of elaborate
attacks, not really upon the " Ring," but upon their
foe, Mr. Tilden. It accused him of going to Roches-
ter to preside over Tweed's convention; and it has
repeated the statement many times lately. The truth
is, he dij^ uot preside, and it was not Tweed's conven-
t}ou.
\ It was my official duty to move the appointment of
ME. tilden's owk becobd. 109
the temporary chairman, and it was customary to pre-
cede the motion by an address upon National or State
politics. That I did. The Convention was a body of
honorable and respected gentlemen, except a few mem-
bers of the ^^ Ring," who got in as delegates by means
of the power and prestige " The Times " had helped
them to acquire, and in whom it had expressed its con-
fidence after their then recent public assumption of the
municipal offices.
I had not even the benefit of its first beginning of
retraction. That happened after I had gone to the
Convention, and was not communicated to me by tele-
gr^h.
/To have staid away would have been to abandon
my watch and guard, ^rue men, in Jbhe^.i^tei^^^ on
V^attle^^fis ^ 9^ theiy arma ; they do not run awa^ ^
But " The Times " complains tliat I did not denounce \
the " Ring " in my speech. Neither they nor their
doings were at issue. ^There was no new suspicion of
them after they had been accepted as rulers of the
metropolis by the nearly unanimous vote of both houses
of the legislatur^ aided by " The Times." The gene-
ral public had acquiesced in the disposition to try them
again, v^he whole press assented. Nearly everybody
began to make relations with them. I did not. I
stood aloof.y The Republican State Convention had
been held two weeks before. Senator Conkling, Mt.
George William Curtis, and others addressed it ; but
not one of them had a word to say about the surrender
110 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDBK.
of the metropolis to an autocracy, or of the character
of the men to whom this ignominious betrayal had
been made. How could they ? The " credit " of it
was " as much due to the Republicans as to the Tweed
Democracy.*'
Nothing was left me to do but to await the issue of
the portentous experiment. T As to their frauds at elec-
^ tions, I had no means of knowledge more than other
citizensj but I had sent to Albany a caref uUy prepared
election law, which had been examined and approved
by leading Republicans of this city. The Republican
Senators rejected it, and took Tweed's election law
with Tweed's charter. "The Times" boasted over
this election law as " by far the more substantial reform
of the two." I feel scarcely able to enter into the
comparison of the relative merits of the two measures.
The " substantial reform " known as the election law
was the means by which Mayor Hall acquired such
immense power over the inspectors and canvassers and
all the machinery of the electiojis, that the " Ring "
began to think they could get along without the voters.
It suppressed the opposition of the practical politicians
in the wards, who saw how it was capable of being
worked. In the contest of 1871, it discouraged them
from joining us more than any other power wielded by
the "Ring." In some districts, men of great local
influence openly said it was of no use to run a ticket
so long as that power could be exercised against them.
The Reformers were generally appalled by it. I had
ME. tilden's own recoed. Ill
confidence, because I counted on the intensity of the
popular ferment as likely to permeate and weaken all the
agencies of the " Ring," and to swell the wave of oppo-
sition until it should sweep over all artificial obstruc-
tions.
If the value of a thing is to be measured by what
it costs, we are thrown back to a statement made to
Judge Davis of the price paid to the leading Republi-
can Senators. Five thousand dollars for the election
law, and for Section Four of the Tax Levy under
which the six million dollars of the special audit were
acquired, was, perhaps, as cheap as ten thousand
dollars for the charter. The agents of the Citizens'
Association cost only a few offices. " The Times "
threw itself in gratuitously. My defence, if I need
one, for not stopping the " Ring " from cheating at elec-
tions, is, that I tried to do so, but could not. I was
beaten by the Republican Senators and ^^ The Times."
COUET OF APPEALS.
Soon after the disastrous failure to secure self-
government for our people, a lawyer of this city came
to me, and said that the best thing for me to do was
to endeavor to secure a good Court of Appeals. My
recollection is, that the general term for this depart-
ment, two of the three members, which have since
been expelled for corruption, had at that time just
been constituted. I felt that to make civil rights safe in
the second and last appeal was of great value, and set
112 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
about the work. In the mean time a distinguished
gentleman from the interior came to propose to me to
run as Chief Judge of the new court, and to assure me
of a support which I understood would carry with it
the State administration and every thing jealous of or
hostile to me throughout the State. It was evident
that I was considered less dangerous at the head of the
court than at the head of the State Committee. . I
answered that I thought I should not be dependent on
any such help if I desired the nomination, but that it
was not in accord with my plan of life to desire or take
the office. I did issue a private appeal for the forma-
tion of a good court to nearly all the Democratic
lawyers of the State, and to other prominent men.
Many of the foremost members of the bar came to the
convention ; and we nominated and elected five of the
seven members of a court which has the complete con-
fidence of the bar and the people. After the judicial
election I went on business into distwit States until late
in the summer.
WINTEE OF 1871.
I did not set my foot in Albany during the session
of 1871. « The Times " frequently said, " Such men a»
Samuel Tilden have no real influence:' If " The Times "
meant, no influence in what was then the poUtical and
legislative Sodom of the State, there is no exaggeration
in the assertion. Men who are bought on great ques-
tions are in no situation to disobey on inferior matters
which are reaUy insisted on. Mr. Tweed was never so
MR. tilden's own becobd. 113
supreme over neaxly the whole body of the Republican
members ; and, with their aid, could despise or suppress
and punish every revolt on the Democratic side. And
he had acquired the prestige of successful power. The
Democrats had not, in either house, one vote to spare
from the number necessary to pass a bill. But Mr.
Tweed was no worse off that he was completely depen-
dent on his alliances with the Republicans. Nearly
every bad measure passed without any opposition, or
with only a sham opposition. " The Times " on one
occasion complained that the root of the evil was in the
apathy of the Republican party of that city. There was
force in the statement. The prejudices, the party
passions, the interests of ambitious men, made the oppo-
sition the natural organ of the discontents of society
with the ascendent power, which, at this time, had some
pretext for calling itself Democratic, though, in truth,
it was a ^^ Ring *' of both parties. The combination had
such control over the Republicans at Albany, and in
this city, that a revolution in the Republican party was
necessary to create an opposition ; and, without an oppo-
tion, dissenting Democrats were powerless. In stimu-
lating the hearty animosity of Republicans, even though
by vague appeals, or if for merely partisan ends, " The
Times " rendered valuable service in a preparation for
the future. But time was necessary.
It is wholly untrue, that at any moment I wad
timid, or selfishly reserved, or shrank from any respon-
sibility.
8
114 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
I am not a newspaper, whose business it is to address
the public every day ; whose recurring want, more than
meat or bread, is a topic ; and to whom invective, even
if without facts or evidence, provided it makes a sensa-
sation, is money, — more money, in circulation and
advertisements. Men not of the editorial avocation
have to turn from their ordinary duties and habits
when they appear before the public ; and it is only on
few occasions that they find the forum, or the oppor-
tunity, or the leisure. How many times did Mr. Wil-
liam A. Booth, who is mentioned with commendation
by " The Times," and is truly an excellent citizen, or
Mr. Jackson Schultz, or even Mr. Evarts, appear during
this period? I will not ask about the Chairman of the
Republican State Committee. It is safe to conjecture
that he was running of errands for some branch of the
"Ring," and serving around the legislative halls for
what are daintily termed counsel fees.
I would have had a perfect right to wait until that
" Ring " dominion over our million of people, which "The
Times " boasted was " as much " the work of " the
Republicans " as of the " Tweed Democracy," had ma-
tured its fatal fruits, before I should again renew the
battle which had been once betrayed and lost. But
nevertheless, on some occasions, I did intervene.
SCHOOL SYSTEM.
The revolution in the school system^ in the winter
of 1871, was the favorite scheme of the master spirit of
the " Ring." I publicly condemned it.
ME. tilden's own becobd. 115
CODE AMENDMENT.
The provision of the Code Amendment BUI, which
conferred on the Judges a transcendent authority to
punish for what they might choose to consider as con-
tempts, was the measure which was to apply coercion
to the press, and to speakers who should attack the
" Ring." What the two millions a year of advertise-
ments, open to be given or recalled at the will of Mayor
Hall, should fail to win, this summary power — since
understood to have been devised by Cardozo, and
designed to be wielded by him and Barnard — was to
conquer. It was said — I know not with what truth
— to be specially aimed at " The Times." Probably
many an article of that journal in the spring of 1871,
which seemed to the public to be vague and wanting in
definite facts, had point enough to the men who knew
they had stolen fourteen millions, since it helped them
into power. At any rate, this scheme was the desperate
resource of a denomination bold and blind, as it was
ripening for a fall. In it were concentrated the fears
and hopes of the " Ring." It was passed without a dis-
senting voice in either house. Every Republican mem-
ber voted for it, or staid away. The Chairman of the
Committee of Conference, who manoeuvred it through,
was a Republican Senator, who admitted, last year, the
" borrowing," in. one instance, of ten thousand dollars
from Mr. Tweed, which had not been repaid.
One evening in May, when I was temporarily con-
116 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
fined to my house by illness, Mr. Randolph Robinson
called to ask me to be chairman of a committee of the
Bar Association to go to Albany, and remonstrate
with Gov. Hoffman against his signing this bill. I
declined to be chairman, but assented that the meeting
might put me on the committee, if it chose to do so,
with the knowledge that I could not go ; and said
that I would write a letter against the bill.
On second thought, a hurried note was addressed to
Mr. Evarts, who was chairman, that it might be sure of
publication. It was paraded in the foreground of the
controversy. It and its writer were constantly cited
by " The Times." An issue was publicly declared from
which everybody knew I would not retire. If the bill
had not been vetoed, an open collision must have
spread all over the State. After I had taken my
position, I received assurances of co-operation, in such
a controversy, from Francis Eernan and others.
THE CONTEST OP 1871.
The 7th of November, 1871, was the first day when
a vote of the people could even indirectly retrieve the
results of the legislation of April 5, 1870.
STRONG POSITION OP THE " BING " IN THE CITY.
Mr. Tweed was in his office until April, 1874,
Connolly until 1875, and Sweeney until 1875. - They,
with the mayor, were vested with the exclusive legal
power of appropriating all moneys raised by taxes or
MR. tilden's own rbcobd. 117
by loans, and an indefinite authority to borrow. Prac-
tically they held all power of municipal legislation,
and all power of expending as well as of appropriating
moneys. They had filled the departments with their
dependants for terms equally long.
They wielded the enormous patronage of offices and
contracts ; they swayed all the institutions of local gov-
ernment, the local judiciary, the unhappily localized
portion of the State judiciary, which includes the
Circuit Courts, the Oyer and Terminers, the Special
Terms, and thei General Terms ; in a word, every thing
below the Court of Appeals. They also controlled the
whole machinery of elections. New York City, with
its million of people, with its concentration of vast
interests of individuals in other States and in foreign
countries, with its conspicuous position before the
world, had practically no power of self-government.
It was ruled, and was to be ruled so long as the terms
of these offices continued, — from four to eight years, —
as if it were a conquered province. The central source
of all this power was Albany. The system emanated
from Albany. It could only be changed at Albany.
In my speech at the Cooper Institute in 1871, I
said, " They stripped every legislative power and every
executive power, and all the powers of government,
from us,- and vested them in half a dozen men for a
period of from four to eight years, who held and were
to hold supreme dominion over the people of this city."
I heard my friend Mr. Choate say, that the men in
118 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
power had been elected by your suffrage. I am sure
that was a slip of the tongue. The men m power
were elected by no man's suffrage. They never coidd
have been elected by any man^» mffrage. They were
put in power by the act of the Senate and Assembly
of the State of New York, without consulting us or
any of us. The ground that I had taken is, that as the
State had put these men on us^ the State must take
them off. That is the reason I differ from my Demo-
cratic friends of the rural districts, who say, -
" What 1 will you carry a local controversy into the
State convention ? Will you carry it into the politics
of the State, and distract and disorganize the Demo-
cratic party ? "
I answered, "It is too late to consider that ques-
tion. For ten years the Democratic party has pledged
itself to give back to New York the rights of self-
government ; and when it came into power it betrayed
that pledge, and violated that duty.
" Alone I went to the city of Albany, and recorded
my protest against the outrage. The plan was cun-
ningly contrived and skilfully executed, but owed its
success to a disregard of all moral obligations and all
restraints of honor or principle. How was it accom-
plished ? By taking a million of dollars, stolen from
the tax-payers, and buying in the shambles a majority
in the two houses'of the Legislature.
When I spoke against this charter before a com-
mittee of the Senate, Mr. Tweed sitting in the chair, I
MR. tili)bn's own becord. 119
already knew that not more than one vote of the
Democrats and not more than one vote of the Repub-
licans would be cast against it ; but I felt it to be my
duty to the people of New York and to the Democratic
party, to record my protest against what I then deemed
a crime against us, and a betaiyal of our principles.
The officers composing the " Ring " government of
this city could not be removed, or their power curtailed
or limited, except by new legislation. Such legislation
cotild only be made by the concurrent action of the
Assembly, Senate, and Governor.
If they could hold enough of the Senators to defeat
the passage of a bill changing this state of things, they
could resist public opinion, and defy the vote of the
people of this city, which might spend itself without
results upon Aldermen and Assistants totally without
power, and on a Mayor having little legal authority,
and capable of being nothing more than a subordinate
instrument of the executive departments.
CRISIS OF THE CONTEST.
The Senators who had voted on the 5th of April,
1870, with but two dissenting voices, to create this
state of things, did not come within the reach of the
people until the election of the 7th of November, 1871,
w^ep their successors were to be chosen.
The 6th of April, 1870, and the 7t;h of November,
«
were the two days of battle. ^The intervening
time was but the interval between two battles. The
120 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
period which preceded the election of the 7th of
November, 1871, was important and valuable only as a
time of preparation.
PIVOT OP THE CONTEST.
The objective point of the battle was the legislative
power of the State, the Senators, and Assemblymen.
"ring" plan op the CAMPAIGN.
The "Ring" saw that. Early there came to me
prominent gentlemen from the interior, to propose that,
I should name all the delegates to the State Convention
to be sent by the Tammany organization, and so have
no contest. The object of the " Ring " was, to retain
the prestige of " regularity," in aid of the election of
their nominees as Senators and Assemblymen. If they
could hold the five Senators from the city, they had no
misgivings about holding the Republican Senators from
the country. At last, when I consented to have a con-
ference with one of them on the basis of a resignation
of all city offices, and a withdrawal from the Demo-
cratic city organization and all political leadership, the
surrender on my terms was refused ; and their reliance
on holding the Senate BY means OP eight eepublican
SENATORS already secured to Mr. Tweed was avowed.
A passage of my speech at the Cooper Institute is
reported as follows : —
" Mr. Tweed's plan is, to carry the senatorial repre-
sentation from this city, and then to re-elect eight, and
^ ^
MR. tilden's own becord. 121
if possible twelve, of the Republican Senators from the
rural districts whom he bought and paid for last year,
and to control all the legislation that might be presented
there in your behalf; and it was because I had some
misgivings that this might be done^ that I thought it was
my duty personally to take the field and help you in this
conflict,
*' If I had felt that the Republicans covXd have carried
the thing of themselves^ it would have been pleasanter
and easier for me to have stepped aside^ and let them do
it. I felt it to be my duty to the honest masses of the
Democracy, and still more to the people (for party is of
no value unless it can serve the people faithfully and
effectually), to take my stand with the advanced col-
umns of reform and good government ; to take my
place there, and stand or fall with those who gather
round me."
MY PLAi^ OF ^HB CAMPAIGN, \
My plan of the caHipaigiLj^s in a single id^. It
was to take away from the " Ring '"^ thr^enators and
assemblymen from this city. That was to storm the
central stronghold on which their lines rested, while
they were extending their operations over the whole
State.
Their allies throughout the State in both parties
would be rendered powerless, or be dispersed. I feared
most their allies in the Republican party. As it was,
the Assembly was largely made up of men who had got
^ .>
122 LIFE OV SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
themselves nominated by the Republicans, in the expec-
tation that Tweed wo\ild come back : and such golden,
or rather greenback showers, as he had scattered during
the two previous sessions, would descend upon them.
Offei's of a surrender of all part in the State
Convention, and in the State organization, were contin-
ually made in every form ; and weighty pressure was
brought on me from powerful men all over the State
to accept it, and so " save the party," I uniformly
asked, " Who is to have the Jive Senators and twenty-one
Assemblymen f " In a speech at the State Convention, I
made this issue. I said that the object of endeavoring
to get a recognition of the organization then controlled
by the "Ring," or of avoiding its direct repudiation,
was " to go lack and nominate twenty-one Members of
Assembly and five Senators^ and then to say to the upris-
ing masses of the best intellect and moral worth of the
people, *^ you do not vote this ticket^ you are out of
the Democratic party. ^ " I denied that the system of
organization then in use in the city had any moral
right to be considered regular, or to bind the Demo-
cratic masses. I avowed before the convention, that I
would not vote for any one of its nominees as Assembly-
men or Senators.
In my speech at Cooper Institute, I said, « A great
many times that offer was repeated, and every thing
was tendered me except the Senate and Assembly of the
State of New York ; but I said that every thing else was
of no value for them to give^ and of w) value for me to
MB. TILDEN'S own RECORD. 123
take; that the legislation which should be made in
respect to the City Government, whatever else I would
promise, that I could not compromise^ and I WOULD not,
[Applause.] I told the State Convention, being the
nominal head of the Democratic party of the State, for
the sake of perfect frankness and distinctness, and in
order that I might not be misunderstood, — I told them
that I felt it to be my duty to oppose any man who
would not go for making the government of this city what
it ought to 6e, at whatever cost^ at whatever sacrifice. If
they did not deem that regular, I would resign as Chair-
man of the State Committee^ and take my place in the
ranks of my plundered fellouhcitizens^ and help them to
FIGHT THEIR BATTLE OF EMANCIPATION."
OF EMANCIPATION.
On this issue I staked my political existence and all
my party relations throughout the State. I threw my-
self into the breach in order to inspire courage in the
Democratic masses of the city to break away from the
prestige of a pretended but sham " regularity."
HOW TO OVERTHROW iHE RING IN THE POPULAR
VOTE OF THE CITY.
There was a Democratic majority in the city of at
least forty or fifty thousand, if all the honest and only
the honest votes should be polled. The party organi-
zation in the city, which had been accepted by the State
Convention for years, in preference to the other organi-
124 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
zations that had competed with it, had fallen into the
complete possession of the " Ring," and had been made
a close corporation, within which no contest could be
waged against them, so long as they held so vast oi&cial
power and patronage. All rival organizations, and
nepj^ly all spirit of opposition, had been crushed out
under the operation of the enormous centralized domin-
ion derived from Albany.
The despondency and disbeUef in the possibility of
carrying the election in the city against the nominees
who would be in the interest of the " Ring " was deep,
almost universal, and hopeless.
It is seldom that ten per cent of any party scratch
the regular ticket.
To the Democratic masses it was said, not only
that the accused persons were innocent, but that even
if they were guilty a great organization ought not to be
destroyed for the wrong of a few individuals ; that the
party was not responsible for them ; and that the par-
ticular nominees were good men. How were the votes
of twenty or thirty or forty thousand rank-and-file
Democrats to be detached ?
Nothing short of an organized revolt of the Demo-
cratic masses under the best Democratic lead, with the
most effective measures, and with some good fortune,
could accomplish so difficult a work against such
extraordinary powers as were combined to uphold the
existing system.
The first measure necessary was to break the pres-
/
MR. TnJ>EN'S OWN BECOBD. 126
tige of the organization which the " Ring " controlled as
the representative of the party in the eyes of its masses ;
to do this by the act of the State Convention.
That was no easy matter. To able men who sympa-
thized with me, it seemed impossible. It proved even
more difficult than I expected. A party in power is
naturally disposed to risk the continuance of abuses
rather than to hazard the extreme remedy of " cutting
them out by the roots." The executive power of the
State, and all its recently enlarged official patronage,
were exerted against such a poUcy. And, since the
contest of 1869, the " Ring " had studied to extend its
influence on the rural districts, and had showered legis-
lative favors as if they were ordinary patronage. With-
out having, or having had for years, the power to give
an office in city or State, I stood on the traditions of the
older leaders, and the moral sense of the honest masses
of the Democratic parly.
THE TIME WHEN I ACTED.
The publication by " The Times " of what is called
the " secret accounts " was completed on the 29th of
July. They consisted of copies, made by a clerk, of
entries in a book kept in the office of the comptroller.
They showed the dates and amounts of certain pay-
ments made by the comptroller, with a brief description
of the objects, and the names of the persons to whom
the payments were made.
The enormous amounts, compared with the times
126 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
and purposes, and the recurrence of the same names,
created a moral conviction of gross frauds, though of
course not amounting to judicial proof against anybody
on which a criminal or civil action would lie, or disclos-
ing the real principles in the fraudulent transactions.
I soon became satisfied of the substantial truth of
these statements, by the futility of the answers on behalf
of the city officers, and by cross-examining a financial
gentleman who came to me with a letter from a distin-
guished citizen, and the form of a caU for a public meet-
ing, which he wished me to head. /The statements
made me believe that municipal frauds had been com-
mitted immeasurably transcending any thing I had ever
suspected ; >and they furnished a sort of evidence capa-
ble of acting strongly upon the popular mind. ' I-am a
believer in the potency of definite facts in making an
impression on the public. For that purpose, I had
rather have one fact than a column of rhetoric. The
publication was made just as I was going into the
country. In two or three days there, I formed my
programme.
MB. EIEBNAN.
For so difficult a movement in the State Convention,
co-operation was necessary. The first man I sought
was Mr. Francis Kernan. His freedom from all entan-
glements, — whether personal or political, with corrupt
interests or corrupt men, — his high standard of public
duty, his disinterestedness and independence, his tact
and eloquence in debate, his general popularity, and
MB. tilden's own becoed. 127
the readiness of his district to send him as a delegate,
made him my necessary ally in the State Convention.
After much telegraphing, I found he was in Albany on
professional business. I went there, and passed a day
with him.
It was, I believe, the 4th of August, 1871. That
was within six days of the time when the publication
of the "secret accounts" was completed. It was a
^onth before the 4th of September, when the meeting
^as !^ld, at which the committee of seventy was
cie^ed^ It was three weeks earlier than I had moved,
in 1869, when my own fortunes were involved in a
contest with the " Ring." It was earlier than apolitical
campaign in reference to the November election usually
opens. It was more than three months before the
election. So far from the ** battle " being over, it was
scarcely begun. So far from the '* Ring " being " down,"
as " The Times " alleges, it was confident of holding its
own for months afterwards.
The programme then submitted to Mr. Kernan
embraced every thing which has been done since, except
the impeachment of the judges. He was about to go
to the seashore with a sick relative ; and, while his
concurrence was given, particular measures were left
for his consideration, until his return. Ten days
afterwards, I joined him at Albany, went with him to
Utica, and received the assurance of his co-operation;
and had consultations with Gov. Sejrmour, who was
also in full sympathy with us. Mr. Kerman will recall
128 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
the fact, that at that first interview, — contemplating
the difficulty of the conflict, — I said, and he agreed,
that we ought to make the contest, even if we should
fail in it.
On my way home, I stopped a few days at Saratoga,
There I met Mr. George Jones of " The Times." I liad
known him twenty years. He spoke freely to me. I
saw no indication that he thought the battle was over.
He seemed, rather, to feel its stress. I told him I
should appear in the field at the proper time. Often
afterwards, when I met him, he referred to that casual
interview with apparent satisfaction.
Some five or six weeks later, after Mr.* Green was
in as substitute for Mr. Connolly, I went into the comp-
troller's office. There sat Mr. Jennings and Mr. Jones.
The former said, " We want an interview with you."
Mr. Green kindly gave us a room in the basement.
When we arrived there, and were seated, Mr. Jennings
said, " Do you see any daylight ? " and went on to say,
in words which I may not be able literally to repeat,
that the contest was too exhausting to be continued
very long. I stretched out my hand to him, and said,
" Be of good cheer. We shall win this fight."
MR. OSWALD OTTENDORPEB.
At Utica I had seen some gentlemen who professed
to represent Mr. Ottendorfer's views. I hastened to
see him, as soon as I arrived at New York. He had
accompanied me to Albany the year before, when I
MB. tilden's own becoed. 129
made the speech against the Tweed charter. He was a
very important element in the contemplated movement.
His purity and elevation of purpose made me think he
would join us, notwithstanding the great efforts which
were made to prevent it. He did so.
MB. O'CONOB.
Averse to engaging personally in politics ; at an emi-
nence in professional renown, in social consideration,
and in personal character, which lifted him abovp
rivalries, and disposed everybody to defer to him so
long as he abstained from fresh collision; entitled to
consult his ease, and the comfort of tranquillity, — Mr.
O'Conor was nevertheless in complete sympathy with
the right. I had often communed with him, over evils
which there seemed to be, at the time, no means to
redress. I went out to Washington Heights to see
him. I told him the hour had come. He said he would
help according to his view of what he was best adapted
to, and of what was most fit for him to imdertake.
There were great legal difficulties in the way of
getting investigation or redress.
The Aldermen, who were vested with a statutory
power of compelling disclosure, were allies of the
" Ring." The Legislature was not in session. For a
long time, there was no grand jury, capable of making
the traditionary inquest, which had not been packed.
The local authorities which had power to order
civil actions, if such would lie in their behalf, were in
130 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
complicity with the wrong-doers. The officials who
would conduct such actions were their appointees ; the
juries would be selected in their interest; and the
judges who dominated in the court were their instru-
ments.
Criminal proceedings were equally hampered. Well
might the mayor say to Garvey, — as the latter has
recently testified, — " Who is to sue ? "
As early as August, I had discussed with Mr.
O'Conor, the right of the State by the Attorney-general
to sue ; but even that resource was unavailable, because
we could not then count on the co-operation of that
officer.
When I suggested a new law, appointing one or
three Commissioners, conferring on them full powers of
compelling disclosure, vesting them with the right to
sue, enabling them to lay the venue outside of this
county, giving preference to their actions, with other
provisions to render the remedy speedy and efficacious,
Mr. O'Conor said he would take the head of such a
commission.
It was these conferences which led Mr. Keman
and myself to vote for Mr. O'Conor — without his
knowledge — as Attorney-general. To the gentleman
who was nominated, I sent a message, advising him of
the necessity that he should satisfy the people of New
York that he would exert the powers of his office in
their behalf. He came to my house on the Sunday
morning of October 15, with a letter dated the 14th,
MR. TILDEN'S own RECORD. 131
which was published on the 16th, containing such an
assurance ; and said he would authorize any suit Mr.
O'Conor or I should advise. He had returned to
Albany, and communicated this agreement to Gov.
Hoffman, before the delegates of the committee of
seventy had their interview — on the afternoon of the
17th — at which Mr. Champlain announced his purpose
to depute Mr. O'Conor.
With characteristic disinterestedness and public
spirit, that trust was undertaken by Mr. O'Conor, with
the declaration that he would accept no compensation
for his professional work ; and ever since he has given
his time and his great abilities and acquirements to the
service of the people.
OTHER PREPARATIONS.
'v These conferences were in August, and before the
committee of seventy was appointed. They did not
wait for or depend upon any co-operation. They contem-
plated independent action. Other preparations for the
State Convention were made. I accepted an arrange-
ment to be upon the floor as the representative of my
native district, which had always during the " Ring "
ascendancy provided me that opportunity. I asked a
few other gentlemen to come, but had not time to look
after delegates in detail. I did, however, early in
September, issue a letter to twenty-six thousand Demo-
crats reviewing the situation, and calling upon them to
" take a knife, and cut the cancer out bjr th^ roots,"
132 UFB OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
SUBSTITUTION OF MB. GBEEN FOB MB. CONNOLLY
IN THE COMPTROLLEB8HIP.
Meantime an important event happened, which could
not have been foreseen.
On the 14th of September, Mr. Connolly applied to
me, through a friend, for an interview. Without know-
ing its object, I gave it on the morning of the 15th.
The most artful members of the "Ring" plotted to
save themselves, to come in as parts of a new system,
even as reformers with added power, upon Coimolly's
ruin. In his distrust of them, and fears for himself, he
sought advice.
I began by telling him that I could not be his coun-
sel, or assume any fiduciary relations toward him ; that
he and all the others must surrender all office and all
local party leadership, and recognize the fact that their
careers were ended.
To this he assented, but still wanted my advice. I
counselled him that he had no right to resign his office
into the bands of his confederates, that such an act
would be a new wrong against the public.
To his inquiry, whether if he remained he could get
money to carry on the government, I told him I would
consult Mr. Havemeyer, and we would meet him again
that evening.
Mr. Havemeyer came, but Connolly did not. After
consultation, Mr. Havemeyer went to Connolly's house ;
found him in bed sick, encouraged him; appointed a
MB. TILDEN'S own RECORD, 138
meeting at my house for the next morning at ten^ and
requested, as I had desired, that Connolly's counsel
should come with him. Meantime I had examined the
law, and found a singular enactment by which the comp-
troller was authorized to appoint a deputy, and confer
upon him for a definite period all his own official powers.
Mr. Havemeyer must have been informed of this, and
consulted about the proposed action under it before he
went to Connolly's, for he had agreed to assume the
responsibility of public advice to Connolly to stay in,
as Mr. Green could only hold as his deputy.
Besides Mr. Havemeyer and Mr. Green, the only
human being who had any intimation of the purpose
was Judge Swajme, of the Supreme Court of the
United States, who passed the evening with me, to
whom I confided the matter, with whom I discussed the
question of the right of the State to sue in such
cases under the general rules of jurisprudence, and, in
the intervals of conversation with whom, I prepared
some of the papers.
In the morning, Mr. Havemeyer and Mr. Connolly
and his counsel came. I pressed Mr. Connolly to sur-
render the office into the hands of the reformers, by
deputing Mr. Green to exercise all its powers ; that he
had less to fear from the public than from his confed-
erates ; that if he threw himself upon the mercy of the
public, and evinced a disposition to aid the right, the
storm would pass him, and beat upon the others. His
coimsel said it was a personal question. One of them
1S4 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
stated the opposite view taken by some of Mr. Con-
nolly's friends. It was, that, if he would resign, a man
should be put in his place who would have character
enough to assume the whole duty of investigation, and
would exclude the committee of whitjh Mr. Booth was
chairman ; and that Mr. Connolly should be protected.
It was disclosed that the counsel who presented this
view had come fresh from an interview with Mr.
Sweeney.
At length Mr. Connolly consented, the papers were
executed, Mr. Green sworn in ; and they left my house
only to go to the office of the comptroller, and put Mr.
Green in possession.
" The Times " seems to consider the acquisition of
this office by the reformers at that stage of the contest
as of little value. That was not its opinion at the time.
It is not my opinion.
The possession of the ComptroUership by the re-
formers was a fatal embarrassment to the " Ring." It
involved a publicity of all the expenditures of the
departments, and was a restraint on those expendi-
tures. It created doubt and dismay in all their action.
It was an obstacle to such modes of raising money as
had brought the charter through in 1870, and to the
hope of reimbursing advances for such purposes. It
protected the records on which all civil and criminal
actions must be founded, from such destruction as was
attempted in the burning of the vouchers. Every
investigation, including that of Mr. Booth's committee.
MR. TILDEN'S own RECORD. 136
were fruits of that possession. So also was the dis-
covery of judicial proofs in the Broadway Bank, and
the collection of such proofs, which continued for
eight months afterwards, with important results which
have not even yet become public. It divided the
influence of the city government in the elections, and
broke the prestige of the " Ring."
EFFORTS OF THE "RING" TO RECOVER POSSESSION.
Then began a struggle on the part of the " Ring " to
force Mr. Connolly to resign, in order that Mr. Green's
power might cease. On the 18th, the mayor treated
Mr. Connolly's deputation of Mr. Green as a resigna-
tion ; and then, with singular inconsistency, assumed to
remove Mr. Connolly, though he had lately declared he
had no power of removal. The vacancy thus alleged to
exist, he, on two incompatible theories, each totally
unfounded, proceeded to fill. Early that morning I
sought Mr. O'Conor. The freedom from doubt of the
law was no security. The moral support of his great
legal name, affirming the validity of Mr. Green's
possession, was necessary. He examined the statutes,
and had no doubt. He consented to reduce his opinion
to writing, saying that he would not take a fee, and
inserting the explanation that the opinion was given
at my request. It appeared in " The Evening Post " of
that afternoon.
An attempt, tinder color of judicial process, to forci-
bly eject Mr. Green, was anticipated. A carriage was
186 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
waiting to take me to Judge Brady. If a judge could
be found to vacate fraudulent orders as fast as they
could be granted, it was well : if not, I bad resolved
the next day to open an issue, in advance of the elec-
tion of the new Legislature, — a Convention to revise
the judiciary.
Mr. O'Conor's opinion saved that day. Mr. O'Gor-
man, evading the legal question, advised the mayor,
as a matter of expediency, to acquiesce in Mr. O'Con-
or's opinion. The plot feU to pieces.
But there were men behind the mayor, who would
not give up the struggle. When Keyser alleged that
his name on the warrants was forged, the effort was
renewed. It was in resisting it that I struck on the
clew which led to the revelations of the Broadway
Bank.
STATE CONVENTION.
The contest in the State Convention quickly fol-
lowed. It is but fair to admit that what I asked the
Convention to do was more than any party was ever
found able to venture upon. It was, to totally cut off,
and cast out &om party association, a local organiza-
tion, which held the influence growing out of the
employment of twelve thousand persons, and the dis-
bursement of thirty millions a year, which had pos-
session of all the machinery of local governments,
dominated the judiciary and police, and swayed the
officers of the election. I still think, that, on such an
occasion, the greatest audacity in the right would have
MB. tilden's own reooed. 137
been the highest wisdom, and, in the long-run, the
most consummate prudence. If the Convention could
not reach that breadth and elevation of action, it
nevertheless did help to break the prestige by which
the oiganization expected to inthrall the local masses.
For myself, I at no time hesitated to avow, as my con-
viction of duty and my rule of action, that a million
of people were not to be given over to pillage to serve
any party expediency, or to advance any views of State
or National politics.
OTHEB ACTION.
For more than three months I devoted myself to this
contest. Whatever seemed, on a general survey of the
whole field, necessary to be done, I endeavored to
find the best men and best methods to do, and, at all
events, to have that thing accomplished. I addressed
the Democratic masses. I constantly pointed out to
the public the legislative bodies as the turning-point
of the controversy. I entered into an arrangement
with Mr. O'Conor and Mr. Evarts to go to the Legisla-
ture; and, when events afterwards induced them to
abandon the intention,. I went alone. I invited the
meeting at which the reform delegation to the State
Convention was originated, and helped to form that
delegation.
On the eve of the election, when Mr. Wickham,
who was chairman of the newly extemporized Demo-
cratic reform organization, came to me to say that they
138 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
could not supply booths or ballots without ten thou-
sand dollars beyond what they were able to raise, I
agreed to provide it, and did so. With the aid of Mr.
Edward Cooper, I raised from personal fiiends, includ-
ing my own contributions for the legitimate purposes
of the contest, about the same sum which I understand
the committee of seventy collected from the whole
community for simUar purposes.
BROADWAY BANK INVESTIGATIONS.
These investigations furnished the first, and for a
long time the only, judicial proof of the frauds.
They occupied me, and some four or five clerks and
assistants, about ten days. The analysis of the results,
and their application as proof, were made by myself,
as well as the original discovery of the relation of the
numbers, which was the clew to all the revelations.
" The Times " seems to ascribe the collection of judi-
cial proof to Mr. Booth's committee. This is an entire
error. Nothing of the kind was attempted by that
committee. The value of their report was in its exhi-
bition of the accounts of payments from the comp-
troller's office. It did not trace any share of the
money to any public officer. That Mr. Booth was
allowed to inspect the accounts, was due to the posses-
sion of the comptroller's office by Mr. Green.
This information obtained from the Broadway Bank
established the fact that but one-third of the nominal
amount of the bills had ever reached the persons who
MR. TILDEN'S own RECORD. 189
pretended to be entitled to the payments, and that
two-thirds had been divided among public oflScers and
their accomplices ; and it traced the dividends into the
actual possession of some of the accused parties. It
converted a strong suspicion into a mathematical cer-
tainty; and it furnished judicial proof against the
guilty parties. On this evidence, and on my affidavits
verifying it, the action by the Attorney-general was
founded.
SPEECH AT COOPER INSTITUTE.
At the great " reform " meeting at the Cooper Insti-
tute, I made a speech, advocating a union of all the
elements opposed to the ** Ring," without reference to
Stafe or National politics. This was done while I was
the official head of the State organization of the Demo-
cratic party. My action was regarded as questionable
by some good men who judged it by the ordinary
standard of political parties. . All the secret allies of
the " Ring'* throughout the State were employed, aided
by most of the executive patronage, in accusing me of
sacrificing the success of the State ticket, and the
supremacy of the Democratic party in the State, to my
effort to overthrow the " Ring." Complaints were in-
spired from high quarters, that I had not kept back the
Broadway Bank disclosures, and deferred the action by
the Attorney-general until after the election. This was
the basis of an organized movement against me in the
Assembly, continued and renewed for a whole year
140 LrPB OP SAMUEL JONES TILDBN.
throughout the State. My own opinion was, and is,
that the most vigorous and effective measures were
necessary to overthrow the corrupt dominion over this
city; that if they had not been taken with boldness,
the immense power which had been created by the
legislation of 1870, the whole local government ma-
chinery with its expenditure and patronage, and its
employment of at least twelve thousand persons, and
Its possession of the police, its influence on the judi-
ciary, its control of the inspectors and canvassers of
the elections, would have enabled the « Ring " to hold
a majority in the city, and would have defeated aU
adverse legislation at Albany.
And, while I never hesitated to avow that the eman-
cipation of our milUon of people was not to be made
secondary to any other object by a citizen and elector
of this city, I thought and still think the timid and
talse policy I was assailed for not adopting - if I know
aright the many high-minded and independent gentle-
men of the interior who would not have brooked any
compromise with wrong -would have been far more
wouW have permanently compromised the Democratic
masses of this State, that, on the issues thus made with
vcrwneimmg support
MB. tilden's own eecoed. 141
DBMOCRATIO BEFOEM VOTE IN THE CITY.
How largely the redemption of the city was due to
the Democratic masses, is easily shown. The vote for
Willers, the Democratic candidate for Secretary of
State, was 83,326 : his majority was 29,189. The
vote for Sigel, the Union reform candidate for Regis-
ter, was 82,565: his majority was 28,117. WiUers's
vote was nearly 1,000, and his majority more than 1,000,
the larger.
It follows that 28,653 Democrats who voted for
Willers also voted for Sigel. Even that does not show
the whole Democratic contribution to the reform vic-
tory ; for at least 10,000 or 12,000 Democrats, dissatis-
fied that the State convention had not gone farther
than it did, voted the Republican State ticket. The
whole Democratic vote cast for Sigel was little short of
40,000, against the 42,500 he received from all other
sources. The result, so much more overwhelming than
was expected by the public, not only changed the city
representation in the legislative bodies of the State, but
in its moral effect crushed the " Ring."
So far from true is it that the " battle was over," as
" The Times " alleges, when I entered it, the battle was
not over till the polls closed. Even to the night before
the election, general despondency prevailed. All
through the contest, it was difficult to inspire the local
*
politicians with confidence in our chances of success.
Many whose sympathies, interests, and resentments were
142 LIFE OF SAMVEL JONES TILSEN.
with UB held back; and some abaodoned us at a late
period. The Republicans in the city had little hope.
The belief was general in the city and State, and
among all parties, even to the election, that we should
&0, and that the " Ring " would hold a majority.
FnBTHEB COLLECnOK OF PBOOFS.
After the election it was urged by Mr. O'Conor,
Mr. Havemeyer, and Mr. Green, that I ought to continue
the investigations by which the judicial evidence of the
fisuds should be collected and preserved ; that this
work was more important than even the preparation of
legislation. In deCerence to their views, I gave my
time to the work during all the six weeks until the
legislative session commenced, and in every interval at
my command for many months afterwards. When the
investigations com
which disclosure cc
the hands of the a
whose sessions wei
vast mass of accu
and preserved, whii
proofs that have be
It was the opin
own, that a reform
it was carried on
Supreme Court, v
MB. tilden's own recobd. 148
important to the welfare, safety, and honor of our
community, but was a measure without which every
other reform would prove nugatory ; and that the op-
portunity of effecting it at the last session could not
be allowed to pass unimproved without leaving us, for
an indefinite period, subject to the intolerable evils and
scandals which had recently grown up, and to the
world-wide disrepute they had occasioned. As a
citizen and a lawyer, trained amid better standards, I
had seen the descent of the bench and the bar with
inexpressible concern. I had often questioned with
Mr. O'Conor, whether those of us at the bar, who had
ceased to be dependent for a livelihood upon profes-
sional earnings, ought not feel ourselves under a provi-
dential call, on the first opportunity, to open to the
younger members of the profession a better future than
that which was closing in upon them, — a future in
which personal and professional honor would not be
incompatible with pecuniary success. I had advised a
son of Francis Keman, who came here to begin a
career, to return to Utica, rather than confront the
degrading competition to which a yoimg man would be
exposed. In the heat of an extemporaneous speech at
the Cooper Institute, I had become committed to this
cause.
It seemed to me a paramount duty, to press a move-
ment for that object with all the concentration and
persistence requisite to success ; and there never was a
moment by day or night, during all the session, when
144 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
any thing which it was possible to do could be safely
omitted. There were several periods of general de-
spondency, and frequent crises in which the cause had
to be rescued.
It early came to the knowledge of Mr. Peckham, Mr.
O'Conor, and myself, that a large, fund was attempted
to be raised for the purpose of corrupting the Com-
mittee and the Assembly, in the interest of the accused
judges. Even after the impeachment was adopted by
the Assembly, — when general despair was felt at the
choice of managers, — the lost ground was promptly
recovered by a measure initiated by myself. It was an
arrangement by which the selection of counsel was to
be satisfactory to the Bar Association. .
Attention to the completion of this object, to the
conduct of the suits which had been commenced, to
the gathermg-in of the fruits of the investigations,
and to other accessory work necessary to finish the
original undertakiags, occupied most of the summer.
CONCLUSION.
On the whole, I have given sixteen months of time
to these public objects, with as incessant and earnest
efforts as I ever applied to any purpose. The total
surrender of my professional business during that
period, the nearly absolute withdrawal of attention
from my private affairs and from aU enterprises in
which I am interested, have cost me a loss of actual
income which, with the expenditures and contributions
ME. tilden's own bbcobd. 145
the contest has required, would be a respectable endow-
ment of a public charity. The surrender of two sum-
mers, after I had shaped all my engagements to take
my first vacation in many years, was a serious sacrifice.
. I do not speak of these things to regret them. In
my opinion, no instrumentality in human society is so
potential in its influence on the well-being of mankind
as the governmental machinery which administers jus-
tice, and makes and executes laws. No benefaction of
private benevolence could be so fruitful in benefits as
the rescue of this machinery from the perversion which
had made it a means of conspiracy, fraud, and crime,
against the rights and the most sacred interests of a
great community.
The cancer which reached a head in the municipal
government of the metropolis gathered its virus from
the corrupted blood which pervades our whole country.
Everywhere there are violated public and private trusts.
The carpet-bag governments are cancers on the body
politic, even more virulent than the New York " Ring."
I felt impelled to deal with the evil here, because an
offence which is directly before one's eyes is doubly an
offence, and because it was within our reach ; while to
renovate government throughout the United States is a
work of great difficulty, taking time, large hope of the
future, and long-continued efforts towards reformation.
If the world cannot be changed, it is something to
make one's own home fitter to live in.
A reaction must begin somewhere. I have not lost
146 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
hope that free government upon this continent may yet
be saved. I remember that nations have experienced
great changes for the better, in manners and in morals,
after long periods of decay. There are some good
signs in our own horizon. Last month, when a gigantic
controversy of the stock market reached the courts,
none of the journals inquired, "Which side owns the
judge ? " At any time within the last three years, that
would have been the only theme.
The money articles have ceased to treat their readers
to admiring discussions of the relative dexterity with
which men of colossal capitals, first citizens of the
metropolis, representatives of its moneyed aristocracy,
contend with each other in feats which have a moral
aspect about like cheating at cards. Since the smell of
the paper-money afflatus in 1863, the absence of such
discussions is a refreshing novelty at our breakfasts.
Even on the cheek of a member of Congress begins to
rise a delicate hue of doubt in being discovered to have
had a pecuniary interest in a public question on which
he has voted. Amid the blackness of successful wrong
which overspreads the whole heavens, are these little
gleams of a revival of the public conscience. If its
growth shall be as steady, as rapid, and as persistent, as
has been its decay during the last two years, every-
where throughout the country will come revolutions of
measures and of men.
If the work to which I have given so freely, accord-
ing to the measure of my abilities, shall stand, I will
ME. tildbn's own kegobd. 147
not compete for its honors, nor care for falsehood or
calumny concerning the part I have borne in it.
If it is to fail once more ; if the people of this
metropolis, if the Republican citizens of culture and
property, whose interests axe deeply involved in a good
municipal government, and who are now to show
whether they wUl stand against bad measures in their
own party, shall shamefully consent to a repetition of
the fraudulent devices of the Tweed charter of 1870, —
theirs, not mine, will be the responsibiUty.
S. J. TiLDEK.
Ksw YoBK, Jan. 27, 1873.
•
The preceding long quotations have been made,
first, from the statements of others respecting Mr. Til-
den's work in breaking up the New York " Ring ; " and
second, confirmed by Mr. Tilden's statements given
by himself, under his own signature, at the time. Thus
it wiU be seen by the reader, that what is here written
by him has not been done since he was nominated as
a candidate for the Presidency, nor for campaign pur-
poses. Indeed, it would have been impossible to have
given any thing like a full and fair sketch of his life,
without bringing in the work which he did in destroy-
ing the " Ring " which had cheated the city of New York
out of ten millions of dollars, and was in a fair way to
swindle it out of twenty thousand dollars more.
It will, also, be seen by the reader, that I have given
the statements of ^^ The Times " newspaper, against Mr.
148 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
•
Tilden, and his answers to them, so that the whole sub-
ject is here brought before the reader, and he can form
his own opinion as to whether Mr. Tilden is worthy of
praise and commendation, or of censure and blame, for
the prominent part which he took in this great work.
A biographer or an historian is unworthy of the
trust, if he does not state facts^ let them strike where
they may. This the CompUer of this volume designs
to do, and wiU do, so far as he is able from the record;
and, if he did not do this, his statements would be bat
onesided, and consequently unworthy of credence.
CHAPTER IX.
MB. TILDEN'S WAB EEOORD, AND THAT OP GOVEBNOB
OP THE STATE OP NEW YOBK.
Gov. Tilden believed that Slavery was guaranteed by the Constitu-
tion. — Both Garrison and Phillips believed this. — Charles Sum-
ner differed from them. — Mr. Tilden endeavored to avert the
War. — When it came, he said Pres. Lincoln should have
called out Five Hundred Thousand Men. -^ This was the Opinion
of Many Others, also. — Mr. Tilden believed that the War should
have been conducted upon Sound Financial Principles. — Many
supposed Secretary Chase's Plan for raising Money a bad one. —
Secretary Seward's Prediction that the war would end in Ninety
Days. — Mr. Tilden's Becord as Governor. — Quotation from Sen-
ator Keman's Speech. — The Democrats contend that Mr. Tilden,
placed in the White House, would reduce the National Expenses
One Half.
It has been intimated to me, that Mr. Tilden*s war
record is not good. Well, my business is to give it as
it was. If not good, let him bear the reproach of it.
If good, let him have the praise of it.
That he was one of those who believed that slavery-
was guaranteed by the Constitution of the United
States, is beyond a doubt. Conservative Whigs and
Conservative Democrats both believed this. It was
149
150 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
the creed of Daniel Webster, who was called " the
Defender of the Constitution."
In .this opinion extremes met. William Lloyd
Garrison and Wendell Phillips both believed that
slavery was guaranteed by the Constitution ; and for
this reason Garrison called it " a covenant with death,
and a league with hell," and Mr. Phillips relinquished
his Commission as a Justice of the peace because he
would hold no office under such a government.
The prevailing opinion was, that slavery was guar-
anteed in the Constitution. I am aware that Charles
Sumner took a different view of this matter from others
of his anti-slavery coadjutors. He maintained that
"slavery was sectional, not national."
It is evident from the record, that Mr. Tilden was on
the conservative side of this question. His acts and
his writings showed this.
He endeavored to avert the war. He did all in his
power to preserve peace between the North and the
South.
But the war came. It was evidently, as is now seen,
a blessing in disguise. It accomplished what there was
no prospect of accomplishing when it commenced,-
the abolition of slavery. Slavery was as strong, as
rampant, as boastful, the day Fort Sumter was fired
upon, as it ever had been ; and had the South been
content to fight out their contest in the Union, instead
of out of it, it is believed slavery would have con-
tinued until this day, and how much longer, no man
knoweth.
ME. tildbn's war eecoed. 151
The finger of the Almighty was in that event, as all
now see, both North and South. It is on the record,
that, till the war came, Mr. Tilden made all possible
efforts to avoid it. This is admitted by all. But the
question before us now is, What was his record after
the war was commenced ?
Till the war came. Gov. Tilden labored to avert it.
So did most of the conservatives of the North. Indeed,
after Abraham Lincoln was elected, well do we remem-
ber the efforts put forth at the North to pacify the
South. In Philadelphia, where the writer then lived,
every effort was made, even by the Republicans, to avert
a war, and to please the South. Even Mayor Henry, a
zealous Republican, said to Henry Ward Beecher, " I
advise you not to lecture, for I cannot assure you that
the building will not be pulled down over your head."
It is true, this was not the feeling of everybody. But
it is also true, that it was shared by many, both Repub-
licans and Democrats ; and, from the record, it appears
to have been the view of Gov. Tilden. It was from
such a feeling that it was hoped the war would be
averted.
In the winter of 1860-61, Mr. Tilden attended a
meeting of prominent citizens of both Republicans
and Democrats, to see what could be done to prevent
a civil war between the North and the South. He
urged upon the North reconciliation and forbearance,
having very clear views of the sad consequences that
would follow a war between the Northern and South-
162 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN. •
ern States. Upon the South, he urged submission to
the will of the majority, and respect for the Federal
Constitution, assuring them that their only safety was
in the Union, and not out of it. Had the mad politi-
cians of that part of our country heeded this advice,
it had been for their good, and would have saved a
multitude of precious lives.
But, when the war actually came, where should we
have expected to find Mr. Tilden? He had been
trained in the school of Andrew Jackson ; and who
does not know the Union proclivities of Jackson?
Was there ever a stronger Union man than he ? Was
it not he who quelled the nullification rebellion in
1833?
Now, as Tilden had been brought up in this school ;
as with his mother's milk he had swallowed this doc-
trine ; as, with the earliest instruction of his father, it
had been the meat upon which he fed, — where, it
may be asked,- would one have expected to find
Samuel Jones Tilden, when the first gun had been
fired upon the flag of our Union ? Well, where does
the record show that he was ? " He was ready to main-
tain the integrity of our territory, and the supremacy
of the constitutional authorities." As he had carefully
studied the relations between the Federal and State
governments, and had a perfect understanding of them,
so he never wavered as to preserving the constitutional
rights and government of the nation.
Well do I remember, when Fort Sumter was
MB. TILDEN'S war RECORD. 158
attacked, what an ejffect it produced, as the tidings
rolled up towards the North. It was a yery different
feeling from what the South had expected; and no
people were ever more disappointed than they were, at
Buch an effect.
Undoubtedly, they had been looking for aid and
sympathy from a portion of the people at the North ;
but in this they were greatly disappointed. It must
be confessed, that, here and there, a man was found to
sympathize with them ; but even these deplored their
folly.
From the outburst of that fiery contest, every sensi-
ble man who had any knowledge of the strength of
the North and West, and of the weakness of the South,
knew how it would end. The writer, at the com-
mencement of the war, had under his treatment a
Baptist clergyman from Charlestoix, S.C. About the
time Fort Sumter received the first shot, he left
Charleston for Philadelphia, to be treated for epilepsy
(from which he recovered). His name was Charles M.
Breaker. He said to me one day, "I am a South-
Carolinian, and my sympathies are all with the South.
I own property there, both houses and slaves. I have
travelled through the whole Union. I know the
strength of the North, and the comparative weakness
of the South ; and I know that it is as impossible for
the South to overcome the North, or to gain their
independence, as it would be for a kitten to whip a
Uon.''
154 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
He judged this from what he had seen, and the
judgment was a wise one ; and it was the opinion of
those who knew the strength of the two portions of
the country.
A meeting was held at the house of Gen. Dix in
New York, immediately after Pres. Lincoln's first call
for seventy-five thousand troops, at which Mi;. Tilden
was present, and took part in the discussion. He
expressed the opinion that we were at the beginning
of a great war, and said, Pres. Lincoln should have
called out at least five hundred thousand, instead of
seventy-five thousand, men; that, one-half of them
should be for immediate service, and the other half
put in camps to receive military instruction.
Many others, at the time that call was issued, felt
and expressed a similar opinion. They believed and
still believe, that, if Mr. Lincoln had called for a million
of troops, at that time, the spirit and feeling of the
country were such, that they would have been readily
furnished, and that the war would have been speedily
ended. Who does not remember the alacrity with
which that call for seventy-five thousand troops was
responded to ? Volunteers were so numerous that they
could scarcely be counted, and companies were organ-
ized in many of the States ; and, when informed that
they could not be received, they were greatly chagrined
and disappointed.
But after the war was begun, and blood had been
shed, and the Union army had experienced a ^^BuU
MB. TILDEN's war RECORD. 155
Run " defeat, volunteers did not so readily offer. Had
Mr. Lincoln called for a million troops at that time, it
would have saved all the bounty-money that was after-
wards paid for volunteers, and there would have been
no necessity for the draft. Many then believed, and
still believe, that calling for only seventy-five thousand
troops was one of the greatest mistakes of Mr.
Lincoln's Administration, and that, if Mr. Tilden's sug-
gestion had been complied with, many lives would have
been saved, and much treasure, with a speedier end of
the war. Unfortunately, neither Mr. Lincoln, neither
Secretary Seward, nor, indeed, any of the members of
the Cabinet, seemed to have any adequate idea of the
strength of the South, and the preparations which they
had made for the war. The prediction of Secretary
Seward, that the war would be ended in ninety days,
was believed by many at the time to be that of a false
prophet, as he proved to be, to the great regret of the
Union.
As it was, soldiers were raised and put into the field
just fast enough to encourage and feed the war spirit
of the South. While they would have been frightened
and overwhelmed at seeing a million men flocking to the
standard of Pres. Lincoln, they merely laughed at the
idea of our subduing them with seventy-five thousand.
When the war had been in progress for some two
years, Mr. Tilden was invited by the Administration at
Washington to give his advice as to the further conduct
of the war. He said, —
166 LIFE OP SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
" You have no right to expect a great mUitary geniua
to come to your assistance. They only appear once in
two or three centuries. You will probably have to
depend upon the average military talent of the coun-
try. Under such circumstances, your only course is, to
avail yourself of your numerical strength and your
superior military resources resulting from your greater
progress in industrial arts and your greater producing
capacities. You must have reserves, and concentrate
your forces on decisive points, and overwhelm your
adversaries by disproportionate numbers and reserves."
This advice was not followed ; but, within a year
after it was given, Mr. Tilden had the satisfaction to
hear the Secretary of War acknowledge its wisdom,
and lament his inability to comply with it.
Mr. Tilden believed, and expressed to Secretary
Chase and his friends that belief, that the war ought
to be carried on under a system of sound financial
principles ; and that, if the Grovemment would adopt
4
such a course, the people would sustain it.
Many believed, in harmony with this opinion, that the
financial course pursued by Mr. Chase was a bad one;
that the creation of national banks, and the inflation
of the currency, were all in a wrong direction ; and to
this day there are many stanch Republicans, as well as
Democrats, who feel and express the opinion that direct
taxation would have been a much wiser course for the
Secretary of the Treasury to have adopted. Indeed,
whichever course might have seemed the wiser one, we
ME. tilden's war becord. 167
at this present time are fully assured that our financial
matters could not be in a worse or more unsatisfactory
condition than they now are.
Thus it would seem that Mr. Tilden's opinion
respecting the extent and power of the Rebellion, and
the number of men necessary to put it down, the way
in which the war should have been conducted, and the
finances of the country, were in harmony with that of
many of the wise men, both of the Republican and
Democratic parties.
Latterly, Mr. Tilden has been accused of having been
instrumental in introducing to the Democratic platform
of 1864, the plank declaring the war a failure. But
this charge is stated to be false by Mr. Manton Mar-
ble, who was prominent in that Convention. He says,
" Gov. Tilden opposed in Committee that portion of the
resolution saying, ' After four years of failure to
preserve the war, &c.' He got it struck out, and even
refused to agree with the Resolution as amended. It
was then irregularly restored. Gov. Tilden at all stages
refused to agree to the Resolution, and sent a message
by me to Gen. McClellan, advising him to discard it in
his letter of acceptance. Gov. Tilden, moreover, made
a speech in the New York delegation against an armis-
tice, which was briefly reported by me in ' The New York
World,' and is correctly cited by the ' Courier Journal.'
I was personally present in the New York delegation,
and all meetings of the committee in an adjoining
room."
158 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
The compiler is fully aware that many of the partisan
or Republican papers have made statements derogatory
to a good record of Gov. Tilden's conduct during the
war. He is also equally apprised of the fact that the
Democratic organs have peiiistently denied these allega*
tious. It is by no manner of means incumbent upon
him to attempt to reconcile these diverse opinions. He
has given quotations from Mr. Tilden's statements as
above, and from those of his friends, and they must pass
with the reader for what they are worth ; and every
man is entitled to be believed, until his statements have
been proved false.
Mr. Tilden's record as Governor of the State of New
York here follows as in a few sentences taken from
Senator Kernan's speech, when he nominated Mr. Til-
den for the Presidency in the late Convention at St.
Louis. Senator Keman said, " He [Tilden] was selected
as Governor of our State. He came into office on the
1st of January, 1875. The direct taxes taken from tax-
ridden people in the State of New York were over fifteen
million dollars in the tax levy of 1875. He has been in
office eighteen months ; and the tax levy for the State
of New York in 1876 is but eight million dollars. If
you go among our farming people, among our men who
find business coming down, and their produce bringing
low prices, you will find that they have faith in the man
who has reduced taxation in the State of New York
one-half in eighteen months ; and you will hear the hon-
est men throughout the country say that they want the
MB. tildek's wab becobd. 159
man who will do at Washington what has been done in
New York."
If Gov. Tilden in eighteen months has reduced the
expenses one-half in the State of New York, the Demo-
crats contend with much plausibility, that, if he were
placed in the White House at Washington, he would
reduce the national expenditure of the government in
equal proportion.
CHAPTER X.
TWO QEBAT MEN'S OPINIONS OF MB. TILDBN.
The Work done at St. Louis. — Do the Circumstances of the Country
demand a Change? — Mr. Curtis' s Knowledge of Mr. Tilden. —
If Mr. Tilden is elected, it will be because the People demand it. ^
The Republican Party cannot rescue the Country from its present
Financial Condition. — The Kind of Man wanted. — Mr. Curtls's
Views of the Change for the worse in the Wharves and Docks of
New York. — Where the larger Share of Blame for the War
belongs. — What the Republican Party has to boast of. — What
has the Republican Party done towards resuming Specie Pay-
ments? — Selections from Parke Godwin's Letter. — His Personal
Acquaintance with Mr. Tilden. — His Rank as a Statesman. — His
Administration as Governor of New York. — Gov. Tilden' s Work
in overthrowing the Tweed Ring. — Mr. Grodwin's Advice to his
late Colleagues of the Conference in New York.
Having finished what I have to say of Mr. Tilden
personally, and from what he has written himself, I
now allow two of the most prominent citizens of the
Republic to give their opinion of him and of the politi-
cal parties as now existing : —
A LETTER FROM MR. GEORGE TIOKNOE CURTIS TO
HON. P. O. PRINCE.
Far Rockaway, L.I., July 1, 1876.
My DEAR Sir, — The good work done at St. Louis,
160
TWO GEEAT MBN'S OPINIONS OF MR. TILDEN. 161
which your delegation by their firmness did so much to
promote, imposes upon all Democrats, the duty of labor-
ing for the success of our cause. I do not know what
may be the chances in my native State ; but I feel a
strong desire to see it range itself on the side of that
reformation in our National Government for which the
nomination of Tilden and Hendricks affords so excellent
a promise and so clear a prospect. I suppose that the
contest in Massachjisetts will be a close one, and that
the success of the Democratic ticket, there as well as
here, must depend upon the willingness of voters who
have heretofore acted with the Republican party to lay
aside their prejudices against the name of Democrat,
and to act upon the conviction that the welfare of the
country requires a change, both of measures and of
men. I hear it constantly said by Republicans, in
reference to the public feeling of this State, that New
York is essentially a Republican State ; and that while
many Republicans may have been willing to have Mr.
TUden made governor, and even voted for him because
they expected and* believed he would govern the State
honestly and wisely, yet that they will not vote to
make him President of the United States, because they
will not consent to have the National Government put
into the hands of a Democratic administration. This
kind of prejudice will be appealed to everywhere, by
the leaders and orators of the Republican party, as well
as here ; and, although it is a very intangible sort of
sentiment, it is our duty to meet it and reason with it
162 LIFE 07 SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
as specifically as its nature may admit of, and with
entire candor and directness of purpose. Of course,
no one can expect to reach the office-holding classes, or
to influence by any arguments those whose political
feelings and prejudices are incapable of being softened
by any considerations whatever. But among the
masses of voters who have hitherto voted with th©^
Republican party there are multitudes of men who are
as unselfish and as patriotic in their political conduct
as it is possible for men of average purity and intelli-
gence to be ; and with such men " now is the day, and
now the hour," to reason calmly and candidly.
The question for the consideration of such men is :
Do not the circumstances of the country now require a
change of administration ? and what rational objection
can there be to the accomplishment of that change by
making Gov. Tilden President? The latter part of this
question can be best answered by considering who and
what Mr. Tilden, is and what sort of a President he is
morally certain to be if chosen.
I have known him personally and well for about four-
teen years in that kind of intercourse which enables
one man to measure another; but I am not conscious
that I have ever incurred any considerable obligations
to him. I suppose that I enjoy as much of his respect
as I am entitled to ; but I have not the honor of his
particular friendship. What I say of him, therefore, is
fairly to be considered as impartial. That he is a states-
man of very wide and comprehensive views of public
TWO GBEAT MBN'S OPINIONS OF ME. TILDEN. 163
questions, and that he also possesses great and accurate
knowledge of many subjects belonging to the details of
government, is what no one can hesitate to assert who
has observed his public career as closely as I have. I
hear and see it said that he has never held office of any
kind under the Federal Government. This is by no
means a disqualification for the office of President of
tiie United States. It is possible for a man who has a
natural and an acquired aptitude for public aJBfairs, to
know as much of the nature of our institutions, to
understand as much of the Federal jurisprudence and
legislation, and to appreciate as well all questions that
may have arisen or are likely to arise in the adminis-
tration of the Federal Government, without ever having
held an office under it, as he could if he had gone through
the whole grade of its offices, from that of a postmaster
to that of senator or cabinet minister. I grant that the
class of men in our country of whom this can be said,
and who have reached the age of sixty without having,
held any Federal office, is not a large class ; but that
Gov. Tilden belongs to this class, and that he is an emi-
nent example of such men, I do not hesitate to afi^m.
I should cheerfully have given my vote, if I had been a
member of the St. Louis Convention, to Mr. Thurman,
or Mr. Bayard, or Mr. Hendricks, as candidate for the
office of President, all of whom have held Federal office ;
but, in balancing between either of them and Gov. Til-
den or Gov. Seymour, I should not have been influenced
at all by the fact that neither of the two last named has
164 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
ever held any position in the Federal Government. The
truth is, in my estimation, that any man who is entitled
to be considered a statesman, and who has had the
political experience and followed the political studies
which we know to have been the experience and the
studies of Mr. Tilden and Mr. Seymour, is as well quali-
fied to be President as are any of those who have held
Federal offices. The objection is one that will not have
much weight with the people.
In the next place, let us consider the fact, that, if Mr.
Tilden is elected President, he will be elected because
the public voice demands that the executive branch of
the National Government shall be taken out of the
hands of the Republican party, and be intrusted to one
who wiU use aU its influence and aU its power to purify
it from the abuses and corruptions which the RepubU-
can party has brought upon us. The issue is between
reformation and no reformation ; for all experience of
free governments and all common-sense concur in
teaching us, that, when a political party that has long
had the possession of power has introduced or has
tolerated great abuses and great corruptions, the only
reformation that can be practicably secured is to be
secured by turning out that party, and putting in
another. If Gov. Tilden becomes President, he will be
placed in that position because public opinion demands
a thorough reformation in the Government of the
United States, and because the people have seen that
they have no other means of securing that reformation
TWO GBBAT MBN'S OPINIONS OF MB. TILDEN. 16S
excepting by transferring, the Executive office to a
Democrat. ^Fortunately for the people, and fortunately
for Gov. Tilden himself, the circumstances of his can-
didature make it his highest ambition and his strongest
personal interest to become a patriot President ; to enter
upon and to administer the office with no personal
resentments to gratify, with no friends unduly or im-
properly to reward, and with no one to punish except-
ing those whom public justice may demand shall be
made to suffer for actual crime, or who ought to be
made to give place to better public servants. His
administration, therefore, while it will necessarily be
Democratic, will be bound by every necessity that can
Burroimd and press upon a National administration to
govern the country with a single eye to the public good.
The Democratic party stands before the people asking
their suffrages for this candidate, because he represents
the spirit of reform. The candidate himself, if elected,
must stake all for personal renown, for gratified ambi-
tion, for honorable fame present or future, for peace of
mind and repose of conscience, upon what he can do to
restore our Government to its ancient purity, and the
people to their wonted prosperity and happiness^ With
a candidate so bound in the adamantine chains of virtue,
BO forced to strain every faculty and every nerve to the
demands of patriotism, it would be the idlest folly for
the people to allow a vague distrust of the name of
Democrat to divert their suf&ages from him, and to
continue in power the party that has brought upon ua
166 UFB OF SAMtJEL JONES TILDEK.
all that we now suffer from disgrace, from imbecility,
fr*om corrapt practices, and from a wide-spread financial
distress.
Consider too, my dear sir, or rather ask your Repub-
lican friends, the old Whig friends of my youth and
early manhood, the men among whom I was bom and
reared, and whose habits of thought and action I know
so well, — ask them to consider how is it possible for the
Republican party, if cpntinued in power, to rescue our
country from its present financial condition. That con-
dition has for its root and primary cause the enactment
of the legal-tender provision, and the creation of a
currency that is utterly irredeemable in any thing that
the civilized world or the habits of a commercial people
can receive as a measure of values. It is of no conse-
quence now, what was the real or pretended necessity
for the original creation of this currency, this stupen-
dous violation of all the monetary provisions of our
National Constitution, this huge departure from every
sound principle of public finance. The evil once done,
it was of course to be undone as soon as the pressure
of the real or the pretext for the supposed cause for
doing it was removed. But what has the Republican
party done for its removal ? No sooner had the force of
constitutional truth wrung from a reluctant Chief Jus<
tice of the United States a casting-vote which made a
decision that pronounced the legal-tender law unconsti-
tutional, than the whole force of the Republican admin-
istration was brought to bear to produce a new majority
TWO GBEAT HEN'S OPINIONS OP MB. TILDEN. 167
of the bench, and by that new majority to reverse what
had been once judicially determined ; and not only to
reverse, but to declare that it is competent to Con-
gress, at any time when it shall see fit to assert a
public necessity for so doing, to create the monstrous
fiction of a legal-tender paper currency. The pro-
curing of this fatal decision is the one great achieve-
ment of the Republicans on the subject of specie pay-
ments since the close of the war. Not a single step
has been taken, not a single measure has been adopted,
having the smallest tendency to bring about a resump-
tion of specie payments. Having procured a declaration
by a new majority of the supreme bench, that Congress
has the power to make paper money a legal tender, the^
Republicans have rested content with vague utterances
of the desirableness of a return to specie payments, and
with a sham promise that it shall come about in 1879,
without any mortal man of them having suggested how
that is to be done in 1879 which has not been done or
attempted in any year of the past decade. The conse-
quence of all this imbecility and incapability is, that
business is utterly paralyzed. No man knows what to
do, for no man can tell what the future is to bring forth.
l^as there, then, ever a clearer case for changing the
administration of affairs from one party to another?
What is wanted is a man of sound financial views, and
a clear head, in the office of President of the United
States. He may go on until doomsday, trusting to the
representatives of the people in either house of Congress
168 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TUDEN.
to reconcile the differences of opinion among their con-
stituents, whose opinions they personally reflect, in the
hope that soft-money men will^ see the error of their
ways, and that hard-money men will find the concessions
which they ought to make. It will all come to nothing
until there is a man in the office of President who, raised
above the necessity for conciliatory local opmions, graep-
ing the whole of the great problem with the hand of a
master and the brain of a statesman, aiming at nothing
but the welfare of the whole people, and capable of
understanding what that welfare requires, shall present
apian of financial and revenue reform that will so com-
mand the assent and confidence of the people that Con-
egress will be compelled by the fiat of the nation at large
at once to make it law. Then confidence will return,
and business will revive. If we fail to get such a
President, we shall blunder on and wrangle on until the
poor are starving, and the rich have become the poor,
and new sectional differences and collisions are added
to the social disorganization. I know of no man in the
nation to whom I should more willingly intrust the
financial problem than I should to Gov. Tilden. He is
not a rash man. He is not only comprehensive and
clear-sighted, but he is cautious and conservative. He
will neither ruin men by a great and sudden contrac-
tion, nor will he hazard their welfare by giving way to
schemes of inflation. If any man can solve this problem
of a safe and speedy return to specie payments. Gov.
Tilden may be expected to do it ; and, although the
TWO GEBAT MEN'S OPINIONS OF MB. TILDEN. 169
necessary measures do not call for the exercise of the
one-man power, it is eminently a question that demands
for its first treatment the exercise of the one-braiu
power.
In my daily passages between the city of New York
and my country home, at this season of the year, I am
obliged to pass along the East River, for a distance of
«
about two miles, on a ferry-boat. It is absolutely appall-
ing to contrast the present condition of our wharves
and docks with what it was when I began, fourteen
years ago, to make this passage before one of the noblest
water-fronts in the world. New York had then a com-
merce which it made one's heart swell to behold. Great
hulls, whose enormous bulk betokened what they had
brought or were to take away, lay tier on tier along the
shore. Forests of masts, smoke-stacks, derricks, too
thick for any unpractised eye to count, almost hid the
buildings behind them from sight. The incessant rattle
of the calkers' hammers made a music which any con-
templative man might for a moment prefer to the
orchestral harmonies of an opera-house. Notwithstand-
ing that one feels like an insignificant atom in the
presence of any great manifestation of collective human
power and activity, there is always something exhila-
rating in such a scene. It is nearly all gone. The
traveller on these waters now passes whole stretches
of piers at which no craft whatever is lying. In many
and many a slip he sees no objects bigger than the heads
of boys whom the heat of the day has driven into the
170 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
tide. Skirting, yesterday afternoon, by these melancholy
places, I stood on the deck of the ferry-boat with a
Republican friend, who in an unguarded moment
allowed an exclamation to escape him, which showed
that he felt the contrast as I did. "And yet," said I,
** you are not willing to have us Democrats change the
administration of the government, and try what can be
done to restore our national commerce to its former
prosperity." In an instant all my friend's antagonism
was aroused. " No," he replied : " I will never consent
that the men who made all this desolation necessary by
encouraging, yes,* by making the Rebellion, shall be
intrusted with the government." My friend who
uttered this sentiment is a man of great intelligence
and purity of character ; but, knowing how fixed and
inveterate are his political views, I did not continue
the conversation. There are those with whom one
cannot reason on this subject, because they perpetually
go back from the present to the past, and, illogically
putting the responsibility for the late civil war where
it certainly does not belong, they argue that those who
have caused great pubUc mischiefs are not the persons
to remedy them. But there are others whom one can
possibly reach.
It is singular that men of fair intelligence and com-
mon candor should not be able to see, that, if a balance
of responsibility for the late civil war were to be struck
between the two political parties of the country, the
larger share of blame would not &11 to the Democrats.
TWO GEEAT MEN'S OPINIONS OP ME. TILDEN. 171
But the truth is, that with no show of justice can the
war be regarded as any thing but a sectional coUision,
having its origin in remote causes, th6 existence and
operation of which it is idle to impute to the party action
of any portion of the people. North or South, as if such
party action had produced the attempted separation of
the States into two nations. The war, however, like all
wars of great magnitude and long continuance, has left
behind it a train of enormous evils. It has exhausted
the resources of the country by creating a national debt
that has never yet been so managed as not to press with
a terrible weight upon the industries of the people, and
by the introduction of a currency which, as a medium
for the measure and exchange of values, wastes every
man's labor faster than he can accumulate a profit from
either his labor or his capital. The removal of these
evils was in the hands of the Republicans. They have
had the full power of legislation and government for
a period of sixteen years. If they think that they are
entitled to plume themselves on the fact that they car-
ried us successfully through the war, what can be said
of their success in freeing us from its deplorable conse-
quences ? If they have demonstrated any thing since
it was ended, they have demonstrated their utter inca-
pacity to relieve the people from those consequences, —
a fact that is so glaring and undeniable that it shows, in
its turn, how little of credit is due to them, as a mere
party, for the prosecution of the war, and how much its
successful termination was due to the combined energies
172 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
of the whole people of the North, without reference to
party divisions. The case, then, now really stands thus:
The Republican party, as a political organization, is
incapable of restoring the country to a condition of
prosperity ; and at the same time its leaders and politi-
cians are unwilling to have the people call upon the
Democratic party to undertake that duty.. They expect
by appeals to the merest prejudices to induce the people
to bear longer and indefinitely " the ills they have," lest
they may " fly to others that they know not of." What
are these other ills that they know not of ? All men
everywhere, of all poUtical stripes, have accepted the
national supremacy under the Constitution as it has
been established by the result of the war. All men
everywhere have accepted as final the new social con-
dition of the former slaveholding States. The Demo-
cratic party, discarding all questions on which there
can be any differences of opinion among honest and
patriotic citizens, ask nothing but to be allowed to try
to reform the administration of the Government which
the Republicans have debased, and to rebuild the pros-
perity of the country which the Republicans have laid
waste. Yet the people are to be told that they ought
not to permit this effort to be made, because the South-
em slaveholders, or some of them who attempted to
break up the Union, were formerly called Democrats.
It is very much as if a steward of the name of Smith
were to say to his master, '^ Sir, your affairs are in great
confusion : I am sorry I have not been able to straighten
TWO GREAT MBN'S OPINIONS OF MR. TILDEN. 173
them out. But I advise you not to employ Mr. Jon6s ;
for you remember that it was a man of the name of
Jones with whom you had that great lawsuit about
one of your farms ; and you know that I beat him, and
saved the property for you." — "Yes," replies the un-
happy owner of a great property, mortgaged with an
enormous debt, — " yes : I know, Mr. Smith, that you
were steward when I had that lawsuit j but you made
it cost two or three times what it should have cost, by
your ruinous method of procuring the money. You
have since so squandered and mismanaged my revenues
that I cannot pay my honest debts. You may go. I
shall try what Mr. Jones can do for me. There is
nothing but his name in common between him and my
old adversary in the lawsuit."
I am free to say, without metaphor or circumlocution,
that if the Republican party had any thing to rely
upon but its boast that "its deeds have passed into
history;" if, in other words, it had manifested any
power to relieve the distresses of the people ; if it could
point to any one practical measure as an earnest that it
had found and can be trusted to apply the remedy,
then I should say, " In heaven's name, let it continue
to govern the country I " But it is to be presumed that
it has put forth its strongest claims in what is called
its " platform ; " and I look through that document in
vain for a single recital of any such ground of confi-
dence. I find nothing on the subject of our greatest
difficulty, in this hour of supreme anxiety and distress,
but this vague and indefinite resolution : —
174 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
" Fourth^ In the first act of Congress signed by Pres.
Grant, the National Government assumed to remove
any doubts of its purpose to discharge all just obliga*
tions to public creditors, and solemnly pledged its faith
to make provision, at the earliest practicable period, for
the redemption of the United States notes in coin.
Commercial prosperity, public interests, and national
credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a con-
tinuous and steady progress to specie payment."
A period of nearly eight years has elapsed since this
uncertain promise was put forth. What one thing has
been done which shows that " a continuous and steady
progress to specie payment " has even been begun ? It
seems as if the wisest heads of the party had been
employed in framing a palpable condemnation of their
own inefficiency. They assert a promise to do some-
thing, and a public duty to do it ; but in no single line
of the whole document do they undertake to show that
they have made any " provision " to fulfil the promise,
to discharge the duty, or that they know or have
conceived of any means of meeting what they say the
public interest demands. Yet upon them has been the
burthen, upon them has been the responsibility, in their
hands has been the power, year after year, through the
long and dreary period in which we have waited and
waited for their action; and now that they have noth-
ing to show, and the time has come for the people to
determine whether they will gfrant to this party a new
lease of power, the people are to be cajoled with a
TWO GREAT MEN'S OPINIONS OP MR, TILDEN, 175
" continuous and steady progress " in that which has
had no beginning, which in the nature of things can
have no continuity, of which neither steadiness nor
unsteadiness can be predicated, and which, in the place
of progress, gives us blank vacuity and nothingness.
The promises of the Republicans to restore specie pay-
ment are like the promises of the currency itself. You
present a greenback for payment, and you get another
promise to pay. You ask for a fulfilment of pledges,
and you get another pledge. Where and how is this
to end ? I see no end that is possible, but to put the
power and responsibility of legislation and government
into other hands. Whether. the people Mrill see it in
the same light, we shall know when they have acted.
In the mean time, we who advocate the change have a
very plain duty to perform.
With gfreat regard, and many congratulations on the
results at St. Louis, I remain yours sincerely,
Geo. Ticknor Curtis.
Frederick O. Prince, Esq., Boston, Mass.
The following quotations from a letter written by one
who was a prominent member of that singular body of
reformers that met at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in May
last, speak for themselves. It is, as will be seen, from
the able pen of Parke Godwin, who was. also one of
the executive committee of that convention. I omit
what he says of Gov. Hayes, — as I am not writing
the life of that gentleman, — and take what he states of
Gov. Tilden 2 —
176 LIFE OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEN.
Who, then, is Samuel J. Tilden ?
In reply, good friends of the conference, let me
speak to you from my personal knowledge. I have
been intimately acquainted with Mr. Tilden for nearly
forty years ; and though I have often differed with him
politically, sometimes even lamenting his strong reli«
ance on party agencies, I have never had the sUghtest
occasion to suspect his absolute integrity of purpose
and sincerity of conviction. In all the relations of
private life, he is purity itself. At the same time he
has always been a publicspirited citizen, taking an
active part in whatever concerned the welfare and
progress of the community in which he lived. His
devotion, indeed, to public affairs, began whUe he
was stiU a youth ; and his early discussions of intricate
questions of finance attracted the attention of maturer
minds by their singular penetration and judgment.
Professionally, he has taken rank with Van Buren,
Brady, O'Conor, Graham, Evarts, Eirkland, and other
foremost lawyers; and in a peculiar class of cases, —
heavy and complicated railroad litigations, — he is ad-
mitted to he facile prtnceps. His counsel, when impor-
tant and decisive action was involved, has been deemed
invaluable. In still higher relations Mr. Tilden seems
to me to combine more than any man now before the
public, hardly excepting Mr. Adams of Massachusetts,
the two great kinds of quality, theoretic and practical,
which form the true statesman, — a profound under-
standing of the philosophic grounds of political opin-
TWO GREAT MBN'S OPINIONS OP MB. TILDENI 177
ion, and the sagacious tact and energy of the man of
business.
This union of theoretic insight with practical capacity
has been singularly shown in his administration of the
affairs of this State. New York is the largest Com-
monwealth of the Union, — the largest in population,
in agricultural products, in manufacturing enteii)rise,
in commercial capital ; in a word, in the diversity and
importance of its business relations. And the governor-
ship there is not a mere clerical function, confined to
the appointment of notaries and the signing of com-
missions, as in many of the newer Western States, but
an onerous, intricate, and responsible trust. The gov-
ernor is invested with the veto^ which makes him a
part of the legislative power ; while his executive coti-
nection with the complicated business of the quaran-
tine, the salt-works, the State prisons and charities,
and an immense system of canals, imposes upon him
the most varied and difficult duties. Mr. Tilden, in
his short tenure of the place, has evinced a masterly
fitness for all its duties. He has defeated a multitude
of ill-considered • and improper bills, rectified many
minor errors of administration, overthrown a fraudu-
lent and gigantic conspiracy, and reduced the taxation
from over $15,000,000 in 1876 to less than $8,000,000
in 1876, with an assurance that, if the changes he has
suggested are followed, the decrease will be two or
three millions more in 1877. A part of this reduction
is due to the extinction of the bounty debt, but the
178 LIFE OF SAMITEL JOKES TILDEK.
rest to Gov. Tilden's direct efforts and influence. I
have said that Mr. Tilden was more of a partisan than
suited my own temperament; but I ought in justice to
add that he was never so much of a partisan as to
render him insensible to the higher duties of the citizen.
He separated from the bulk of his own party in this
city, with other Free-Soilers of this State, when we
thought it advisable to protest against certain encroach-
ments of slave power. He separated from the bulk of
his party in this city when he undertook to beat down
the infamous Tweed gang, intrenched by the laws, and
possessed of an almost overwhelming force. It was
against the advice of many of the most eminent men
of his own party, that he assailed the Canal Ring,
whose ramifications extended through nearly every
county in the State, and whose wealth and influence
were supposed to be invincible. And it was against a
large and well-combined faction of his own party, that
he lifted it at St. Louis out of the quagmires of doubt
and error in which it was floundering, and placed it on
the high ground of its ancient traditions. Mr. Tilden
is cautious and wary, and never acts until assured of
foothold on truth and right ; but then he is as tena-
cious in pursuit as a sleuth-hound, and absolutely
inflexible.
CONCLUSION.
And now, appealing to every impartial member of
the conference to dismiss his ancient party animosities
and prejudices, I ask him to consider the words of our
TWO GREAT MEN'S OPINIONS OF MB. TILDEN. 179
address describing the political situation, as quoted and
often published; I ask him to consider the demands
it made of the conventions, and the character of can-
didate it presented as a 9ine qua non^ — and then say
which of the parties has most nearly met the require-
ments. The Republican party, which is responsible
for the greater part of the widespread demoralization,
is substantially unchanged. It will be for the next
four years what it has been for the past eleven years,
A candidate chosen expressly for his neutral qualities
will not direct its tendencies, or infuse vigor 0¥ con-
sistency into its councils. Its leadership will continue
to be, as heretofore, in the hands pf its Blaines, its
Conklings, its Mortons, its Camerons, its Logans, and
its Kelleys. On the contrary, the Democratic party,
abjnring its former errors, and rising to the full de-
mands of the situation, puts itself into essentially new
hands. Its standard-bearer, a sagacious, prudent, most
accomplished statesman, inured to management, and
fre^h from desperate conflicts with the enemies of pure
government, has lifted it to a higher plane of faith,
and will also lift it to a higher plane of practice. But
he must be sustained by good men everywhere who
sympathize in his objects. He has brought us the re-
enforcement of a mighty organization ready to adopt
our cause, and to fight our battle: can we turn it
away? Can we, sinking back into the blindness of
mere partisan feeling, neglect this glorious opportunity,
which puts an overwhelming vote at our disposal, for
180 UFB OF SAMUEL JONES TILDEK.
the rescue of the Government ? I do not well see how
there can be two answers ; but, be that as it may, I
who have for many years stood by this noble man, and
been the eye-witness of his gallant fights with *^the
beasts at Ephesus,'* would be recreant to the labor and
aspirations of my whole life, not to lend him my
heartiest support
Pabkb Godwin.
BosLTN, JjJL, July 18, 1876.
« # « «
« I* « > •■ rp
<« «. tf M
a/7 cVv y^^/^^-^^c^^^ — <^^^\^^
/.
f -CETCll • F THB IJFB AND PIT-!/! ; •¥}:Xl^r:i
OF
H'JMAS ANDREWS RE^DIliCEa
X-<v., r/v ^r A /
SEEIGH OF TEE LUX AND PUBLIC SESYICE3
«»
THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
THOMAS ANDEEWS HENDEICKS.
CHAPTER XL
8KBTCH OF THE UFB AND PUBLIC SEBVICBS OF
THOMAS ANDBEWS HENDBIOKS.
Birthplace of Gk>y. Hendricks. — Education. — Graduates at Hanover
College. — Studies Law in Pennsylyania. — Settles in Indianapolis.
— Is chosen to the State Legislature. — Also to the State Conven-
tion. — Is elected a Member of Congress. — Also Senator. — Be-
turns to the Practice of Law. — Is chosen Govemor. — His Views
on the Finances. — A Hard Money Man. — Description of His Per-
son. — He is Married, but has no Children.
It is well known that Mr. Hendricks is now Gov-
ernor of the State of Indiana. He was born in Mus-
kingum County, O., Sept. 7, 1819 : consequently he is
nearly fifty-seven years old. His father removed to
Shelby County, Ind., when the present Governor was
but three years old. Though he was bom in a neigh-
boring State, this fact has not affected his popularity in
Indiana ; for, indeed, many of the citizens of this State
originated in Ohio, and Mr. Hendricks, having spent
his childhood and youth in the younger Commonwealth,
163
184 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
has been identified with all its interests, whether pros*
perous or adverse.
The following account of the services of Gov, Hen-
dricks is from the pen of one who has known him weU,
and seems so far correct that it has passed under the
inspection of his Excellency virith approval : —
No man in the State is now more generally loved,
and certainly no one is less hated. His youth was not
a season of hardship ; and he received a liberal educa-
tion, graduating at Hanover College in 1841. He then
studied law at Chambersburg, Penn., and was admitted
to the Bar at that place in 1843, He returned to
Indiana immediately after, and entered upon the prac-
tice of his profession. His success was rapid and well
earned. There was a charm about him that won him
hosts of friends. He was pure in morals, and not
merely upright in character, but solicitous to preserve
himself from even the appearance of evil. He was
careful in money matters, and slowly accumulated his
present moderate fortune, although his practice was
often interrupted by political service, and his expenses
increased to meet the social requirements of official
station. At the bar he was distinguished for learning,
subtlety, and eloquence. His temperament is such that
at times he flings aside his habitual courtesy and cau-
tion, and gives free rein to his aggressive impulses.
He was ever on such occasions a dangerous opponent.
In comparing him as a lawyer with his rival Morton,
it is common to say that Heodricks was apt to be
SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND PtJBLIC SERVICES. 185
worsted before a jury, and his rival had no chance
before a judge.
In 1848 Mr. Hendricks was chosen a member of the
State Legislature ; and in 1850 he served in the State
Constitutional Convention. During the next five years,
he represented the Indianapolis district in Congress,
and for four years afterwards was Commissioner of the
Greneral Land Office. In the memorable campaign of
1860, he ran for Governor against Henry S. Lane, and
was defeated. Lane was chosen United States Senator
immediately after his inauguration, and Oliver P. Mor-
ton succeeded to the governorship. In the election of
1862, there was a political revulsion, and Indiana elected
a Democratic legislature. Mr. Hendricks was then
chosen Senator for the term ending in March, 1869.
This was a period during which the Democratic party
in the Senate was represented by a weak minority.
J^othing was possible sav« an able protest against the
various reconstruction measures adopted ; and this was
to be made in the face of strong popular prejudice
throughout the country, as well as strong opposition in
the Senate-Chamber. Mr. Hendricks at once took the
lead aimong the Democrats, and made for himself a
national reputation. It is a common criticism upon
him, that he is timid and cautious : let those who think
80 read the debates during his term of office, and they
will be astonished to find the Indiana Senator ever
active and aggressive.
It is a sufficient proof of the ability and success of
V
186 THOMAS ANDBEW8 HENDRICKS.
Mr. Hendrieks in the Senate, that towards the close of
a single term he had placed himself among the fore-
most men of his party, and become a prominent candi-
date for the Presidency. In the Convention of 1868, he
was brought forward, and one time led all other candi-
dates, receiving the solid vote of New York and the
North-west. Ohio, however, which had been compelled
to abandon its own candidate, was determined to defeat
all other Western men; and the delegates from that
State threw their vote for Horatio Seymour persist-
ently, and finally produced a stampede of the whole
Convention to his support.
In Indiana that year, he fan for governor a second
time, and was a second time defeated. His opponent
was Gov. Conrad Baker ; and so close was the contest,
that Mr. Hendricks only fell nine hundred and sixty-
one votes behind.
After his retirement from the Senate in 1869, Mr.
Hendricks returned to the practice of his profession at
Indianapolis ; and, although he had not been successful
in his candidacy before the National Convention, he
was at least well before the country, as a man to be
considered on all occasions when a Presidential nomi-
nation was to be made. He himself never lost the
consciousness that the eye of the public was on hinii
and always acted with circumspection, as if anticipating
the blaze of a national canvass, and desirous of keeping
his record clear. The unfortunate nomination of Gree«
ley in 1872, and the fusion with the so-called Liberal
SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES, 187
Republicans, postponed the day of ambition ; and Mr.
Hendricks, acquiescing in what appeared to be the
popular wiU, gave in his hearty approval to the new
departure. He was not allowed to remain idle during
the canvass. Against his earnest protest he was again
nominated for the Goyemorship. The campaign was
a bitter one, and almost disastrous to the Democracy
throughout the country. The result in Indiana was
bad, but feur better than in mo^t other localities. The
Bepublicans carried the legislature, and elected all of
their State ticket except the Governor and the super-
intendent of public instruction. The majorities were
very small, but they were enough. The personal popu-
larity of Gov. Hendricks carried him through. As a
man, courteous in social intercourse, an influential
member of an influential church, clean and respectable
in all his walks and ways, he was fortunate to have for
his opponent Gen. Tom Browne, a man who had served
creditably in the war, but who had brought into civil
life the recklessness and dissipation which are forgiven
to the soldier, but make the statesman distrusted. It
was to Browne's further disadvantage, that the temper-
ance sentiment was at that time, as it has since been,
very strong in Indiana ; and the first stirring of that
spirit which afterwards broke out in the temperance
crusade was then felt. As the fanatics on this subject
are mostly Republicans, it was a severe trial to their
allegiance to be compelled to vote for a man whom,
had he been a Democrati they would have described as
188 THOMAS ANDBEWS HENDBIGKS.
a drunkard. Browne hardly mended the matter by
saying, in his speech before the Convention which
nominated him, that, if by eating meat he had hitherto
offended his brother, he would eat meat no more.
^'Eating meat" became a cruel piece of campaign
slang. With these circumstances in his favor, Gov.
Hendricks won by a majority of 1,148. In general
terms, it may be said of his Administration, that it has
been able, conscientious, high-minded. He has aimed
fairly to do his duty, and his official conduct cannot be
criticised.
The whole legislative session of 1875 was a struggle
between the House and the Senate for partisan advan-
tage ; and the decisive stroke by which the Governor,
who had watched the contest impartially, stepped in, in
behalf of the public good, and put an end to the strife,
was admirable. The session was limited by law ; and
the Republican Senate, adopting the tactics which the
Senate at Washington is now pursuing, refused con-
currence in the measures adopted by the House, and,
although conference Committees had agreed upon all
vital questions, delayed action until after midnight on
the last day, hoping in this way to block the business
of the State, or force the Democrats into a long and
expensive extra session, which would condemn the
party in a Granger community. The session closed on
Saturday night ; and the Governor issued his Procla^
mation on Monday, re-assembling the Legislature on
Tuesday, without giving the members a chance to
SKETCH OP HIS UFB AND PUBLIC SE&VICES. 189
scatter, and politely suggesting, that, although they
had a right to stay forty days, it would be much
healthier for them to do their work and go home
before the close of the week. They gathered together
like little lambs. The whole scheme of making party
capital, one way or the other, was abandoned. They
took up their work where they had laid it down,
finished it, and were gone by Saturday, much to the
gratification of all good citizens.
Since the action of the Cincinnati Convention refus-
ing to indorse the resumption act, the financial issue
will not be likely to play an important part in the
campaign; but it may be weU to give some facts in
regard to Gov. Hendricks's course during the great
currency agitation of the last two years. At the begin-
ning of the clamor for more money, in the Fall of 1873,
he was not in any way called upon to express his
opinions on financial questions ; and, although his con-
victions on those topics were based on sound old Demo-
cratic principles, it was his nature to "sympathize with
the distress which he saw about him in every direction,
rather than set out to preach to the people the narrow
and difficult path to salvation through self-denial .and
suffering. The strength of 'the popular conviction, that
relief was possible through inflation, could hardly be
over-estimated. Some believed firmly that unlimited
quantities of paper money, issued on the faith of the
Government, was the true American theory of finance.
Others knew that such an issue of irredeemable paper'
190 THOMAS ANDBEWS HENDBICKS.
would only afford temporary relief, to be followed by
greater disaster ; but they hoped to be safe before the
next storm, if they should weather that which was on
them. All advocated the inflation of the currency with
a fierceness which brooked no resistance ; and the old-
fjEushioned leaders, who might have thrown themselyes
across the course of popular opinion, had they imagined
what way it was tending, found the tide grow too strong
and furious to withstand ; and most of them went with
it. Whoever was recognized as a hard-money man
was considered in some sort as a traitor to the West^
and a public enemy. The feeling on this point has
been modified to a great extent during the past year ;
and the objective point of the paper-money men has
changed. The purpose now avowed is not an increase
of the currency so much as the maintenance of the
present standard, and the substitution of greenbacks for
national bank-notes. The movement has ceased to
be wholly aggressive. Under the circumstances, the
course of Gov. Hendricks, when it became his duty to
take an active part in the discussion of the issues of
the day in the canvass of 1874, was wise and manly.
To be sure, he did not advocate the sound theories of .
finance with the vigor of Kerr, or proclaim his convic-
tions with the good-tempered firmness of McDonald ;
but he maintained his opinions none the less effectively
because he adopted a conciliatory tone. He presided
over the Democratic Convention held in July at Indian*
apolis, as we have akeady said ; and, in his address on
SKETCH OP HIS LIFE AND PUBLIC SEB VICES. 191
taking the chair, argued that gold and silver were the
true basis of our currency, and that the proper method
of returning to specie payments was through the grow*
ing-up process, —the development of the resources of
the South, the increase of production, and the retrench-
ment of public and private expenditures. The platform
adopted by the Convention was an essentially unsound
one, so fax as the financial planks are concerned ; and in
the subsequent canvass Mr. Hendricks took occasion to
define distinctly the points of difference between its
doctrines and his own opinions. How many of the
politicians who have been so glib in censuring him
would have done as much? It is common, among
Republicans in the East, to pretend that in this canvass
the currency issue was drawn between the two parties.
The fact is, both were stron^y for inflation ; and the
victory of the Democrats was won on the general record
of the Administration, of which the panic of 1874 had
broken the prestige. In illustration of Mr. Hendricks's
teachings at this time, we give an extract from his
address to the Democratic Convention. After arguing
against the hasty contraction of our paper circulation,
checking labor and paralyzing enterprise on the one
hand, and against undue inflation, which would lead to
depreciation and a reckless spirit of speculation and
adventure on the other, he said : —
^^ We desire a return to specie payments. It is a seri-
ous evil, when there are commercial mediums of differ*
ent values, -when one description of money is for one
192 THOMAS ANDBEWS HENDBICKS.
elass and purpose, and another for a different class and
purpose. We cannot too strongly express the impor-
tance of the policy that shall restore uniformity of value
to all the money of the country, so that it shall be al-
ways and readily convertible. That gold and silver are
the real standard of value, is a cherished Democratic
sentiment, not now nor hereafter to be abandoned. But
I do not look to any arbitrary enactment of Congress for
a restoration of specie payments. Such an effort now
would probably produce widespread commercial dis-
aster. A Congressional declaration cannot make the
paper currency equal to gold in value. It cannot make
a bank-note equal to your dollar. The business of the
country alone can do that. When we find the coin of
the country increasing, then we may know that we are
moving in the direction of specie payments. The im-
portant financial question is, How can we increase and
make permanent our supply of gold? The reliable solu-
tion is by increasing our productions, and thereby redu-
cing our purchases Skud increasing our sales abroad. He
can readily obtain money who produces more than he
consumes of articles that are wanted in the market; and
I suppose that is also true of commxmities and nations.
How can the Republican party atone to the people for
its evil policies, which have driven gold from the coun-
try, and rendered a return to specie payments more
difficult, and made its postponement inevitable ? "
. In reality Gov. Hendricks is probably a more genu-
ine hard-money man than Gov. Hayes, and would
SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND PUBLIC SEEVICES. 198
perhaps differ from him on financial policy only in his
opposition to national banks, and his willingness to sub-
stitute Government notes for bank circulation.
On questions of State policy Mr. Hendricks has
shown masterly knowledge; but there is one matter
upon which he has been especially solicitous, namely,
the 'School question of Indiana. As a member of the
Constitutional Convention, he was active in securing
ample provision for popular education, and placing its
support beyond the vicissitudes of politics. Impressed
with the value of the work then accomplished, he has
since repeatedly insisted upon the most anxious watch-
fulness over the growth and perfection of the system,
and relaxed in its favor his Democratic prejudices
toward strict construction and economy.
Gov. Hendricks is a man of medium height and
symmetrical form. He is erect, active, and vigorous.
His face is manly and handsome. The features are
large and expressive ; and while there is a soft, good-
humored expression in the large blue eye and in the
mouth and dimpled chin, the brow, forehead, and full,
heavy jaw, show wisdom and resolution. His com-
plexion is florid ; and his hair and side-whiskers are
yet untouched with gray. He looks like one who has
lived a happy life, encountered no great sorrow, and
yielded to no great vices. Though he has for years
been taught to regard the Presidency as within his
grasp, his ambition has been rather a sort of rational
longing for the honor, than an insatiable thirst for
194 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDEICKS.
power. His disposition is as sunny as his complexion ;
and in social life he is a great favorite. To acquaint-
ances he is affable and easy, to close friends warm
and lovable, to political partisans courteous but cau-
tious. He would rather conciliate an enemy» than
oblige an ally. His habits are such that he found five
thousand dollars a year ample for his expenditures
during his senatorial term at Washington. He has
always trusted to doing the work which he had in
hand well, as in the highest recommendation, in the
long-run, before the people ; and the many honors
which have come to him seem to have been conquered
without great effort. His voice is a rather thin tenor,
and has nothing imposing in its tones, but is audible
to great distance when he speaks with earnestness.
He appears to the best advantage before a crowd, for
then he kindles with the excitement of the occasion ;
and an interruption or a jest from some dissenting
auditor is all that is necessary to make him forget his
habitual deliberative cast of thought, and fling himself
into dashing and aggressive argument. One of the
features of his career has been the long rivalry between
him and Morton, — a rivalry in which the bitterness
was all on one side. In all combinations in his behalf,
his friends have taken the possibility of the continuance
of that rivalry for the highest prize in the nation into
account. Now that Morton is out of the field, they
can probably promise, without a mental reservation,
to carry Indiana for their favorite.
SKETCH OP HIS UFE AND PUBLIC SEE VICES. 196
Mr. Hendricks is an Episcopalian in religion. His
wife is a woman of great culture, and force of character,
— one formed to be a man's comrade in the path of
honor, rather than a source of temptation. They have
no children.
CHAPTER Xn.
SPEECH OF HON. THOMAS A. HENDBICEIS, AT ZANES*
VILLB, O., SEPT, 3, 1875.
Beference to Gk>y. Allen. — Gov. Hendricks on the Bepublican Fi-
nancial Policy. — Specie Payments. — Bepublican Obstructions to
Besumption of Specie Payments. — Extravagant Expenditures. -~
Vices in the Public Service. — District of Columbia. — Change the
only Bemedy.
As I gave Gov. Tilden's life, first by the historian,
and then let him speak for himself, so I have given a
sketch of Gov. Hendricks in the last chapter, from
another: I now allow him to speak for himself. It has
been said of some of the papers that have published a
single sentence of his financial creed, " They dare not
publish one of his Speeches entire : " I here give the
whole of one of his Addresses, verbatim et literatim: —
Fellow-Citizens, — I think the re-election of Gov.
Allen very important ; and therefore, upon the invita-
tion of your State Executive Committee, I stand before
you to-day. f I understand that it is quite customary
to confer upon your governors, whose administrations
are acceptable to the people, the honor of a re-election,
196
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLB, O, 19T
Such a custom seems to be consistent with the public
interest. The official term is so short, that within its
limit an important policy or work can hardly be estab-
lished or completed^ The honor of a re-election was
conferred upon Grov. Hayes : why shall it be denied to
Gov. Allen? I think I am safe in saying that his
administration is acceptable to the people. It* has been
true and faithful to them. And towards its political
opponents it has been liberal, if not generous. Avoiding
their spirit and practice of proscription and partisan
hatred, it has not treated them as unworthy citizens,
and unfit to be trusted, but has allowed them to share
in the responsibilities and honors, as they do in the
burthens, of the public service. Does Gov. Allen not
possess the personal qualities which you admire ? Is
he not clear in his judgment to discern the right, and
sincere to approve it, and strong and bold to maintain
it? Do you not know and feel that he is a fit repre-
sentative of the giant greatness of your State, as he is
of the stalwart statesmen in whose association most of
his public life was spent? You distrust neither his
judgment, nor the purity of his motives. Why, then,
shall he not receive the honor, and the State the bene-
fit, of his re-election ? There is but one answer. The
Republican leaders cannot afford it. It will endanger
their hold upon power, and will loosen the grasp of the
eighty thousand office-holders upon their rich emolu-
ments. Abeady, from every quarter, they are upon
you. Did you not see the circular address of Mr.
198 THOMAS AKDBEWS HENDBIGES.
Edmunds, the postmaster at Washington City, to the
office-holders throughout the land, for money ? I sup-
pose the Congressional Committee did not expect it to
become public. The sums thus realized are enormous.
A levy upon eighty regiments of office-holders wiU fill
the party coflFers to overflowing. To what uses is it to
be applied? No national contest calls for universal
bribery. Ohio is the object of attack, because she is
powerful and influential, and will stand almost alone
in October. To the full extent of the influence which
your election will exert, you are in the midst of the
national contest. So this question is precipitated upon
you : Is it for the good and welfare of the people to
continue the managers of the Sepublican party in
uninterrupted and permanent control? For many
yearS they have held absolute control. In the spirit of
cruel proscription they have excluded Democrats and
Liberals from all participation. They have had their
own way absolutely. And, according to all fair judg-
ment, they carry the entire responsibility for our
present condition. Our country is unsurpassed, if not
unequalled, in material resources, — in the elements of
great wealth. Our people are, in an eminent degree,
energetic, intelligent, and industrious. Yet every
interest languishes, and the people suffer. Frightened
capital is concealed, and labor stands upon the street-
corners begging employment. Month by month, the
shadows grow and darken over the land.
When evils become intolerable, the remedy of the
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 199
people is in a change of administration. That is your
policy, even in private life. You do not continue an
agent under whose management your capital disappears,
and your debts increase ; and even when you do
not see the causes, and cannot locate the fault, you
will organize a change before your loiin is complete.
Your physician is not continued, although he may have
had your confidence, after you see that he is not
prepared to contend with the calamities that threaten
your family. You will not sacrifice all your little flock
to a former devotion.
Of course you know that the leaders propose no
reforms. The present policies and conduct of public
affairs, in their judgment, reach the summit of human
wisdom ; and Gen. Grant's administration furnishes the
world and coming generations the model to .be imitated
and the example to be followed. In their speeches
this year, they say, that, in respect to its efforts to
promote the purity of the public service, it eclipses all
Democratic administrations, and that no President has
come out of the office clearer than Gen. Grant. If so,
it is plain that no change should be made. In their
State platform they declare to you that," " because of
the distinguished success of his administration," Pres.
Grant is entitled to the gratitude of his countrymen.
If, indeed, that be sincerely stated, and you really
regard his administration as separated from all others
by its superior qualities and extraordinary excellence,
then, as true men, you want no change in the conduct
200 THOMAS ANDEEWS HENDEICKS.
of public affairs, but you desire that, as this adminis-
tration is, so its successor shall be.
EEPUBMCAN FINANCIAL POLIOY.
But before striking a blow at Gov. Allen, only to
perpetuate the present conduct and policies, will you
not carefully consider the same, and decide whether
that be your real judgment ? Upon finance, what do
you want your vote to mean ? Do you wish it to be an
approval and indorsement of the policy of the Repub-
lican party on that subject ? That policy is found in
the act of the 14th of last January. Gov. Morton
informed the people of Ohio that it was the result of
consultation and compromise, and that every Republi-
can Senator, save one, voted for it, as did all the
Republicans in the House, except a few from the
Eastern States. No Democrat in the Senate voted for
it ; and I am not aware that it received any Democrat's
support in the House. In the speech at Marion, Mr.
Senator Sherman declared that he reported the measure,
advocated and voted for it, and heartily defends and
approves it ; that it was the result of the most careful
deliberation ; that it definitely declares a public policy ;
and that it is the fixed policy of the Republican party,
"and no step backward." And now, as that act
declares the deliberate purpose and fixed policy of that
party upon a most important question, it should be
accurately and generally understood. The first section
provides for the substitution of silver coin for the frac-
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLB, O. 201
tional currency. The silver is not in the treasury, and
must be purchased. The special despatch to "The
Cincinnati Commercial" of the 14th, last month, says
that the Secretary of the Treasury will be obliged to sell
between thirty and forty millions of five per cent bonds
for that purpose. The direct effect is to increase our
interest-bearing debt about forty millions, and the annual
interest two millions ; in other words, it is the conver-
sion of a domestic debt which bears no interest, into a
foreign debt bearing interest. The silver coin, when
80 issued, will not be a legal tender beyond five dollars ;
and its depreciation below gold will be nearly if not
quite as great as that of the currency which it is to
displace.
The second section repeals the law which allows a
charge for coining bullion, and is proper. The third
and remaining section removes legal restrictions and
limitations, so as to allow free banking. It also pro-
vides, that, upon the issue of bank-bills to the banks,
the Secretary of the Treasury shall redeem legal-tender
treasury-notes to the extent of eighty per cent of the
bank-bills so issued, until the volume of the legal-
tender treasury-notes outstanding shall be reduced to
$300,000,000. The effect pf that provision is to sub-
stitute national bank paper for legal-tender notes to
the extent of about $82,000,000 of the latter. The
section then provides that " on and after the first day
of January, Anno Donuni eighteen hundred and sev-
enty-nine, the Secretary of the Treasury shall redeem
202 THOMAS ANDBEWS HEKDBIOKS,
in coin the United States legal-tender notes then out-
standing, on their presentation for redemption at the
office of the Assistant Treasurer of the United States,
in the city of New York, in sums of not less than fifty
dollars." Thus, by the process of redemption and sub-
stitution, all the legal-tender notes are to be taken from
circulation, and the currency of the country is to be
coin and bank-bills. In other words, it was intended
to give the national banks the entire field, notwith-
standing the same Congress, in the month of June
before, had given the country the assurance that the
legal-tender circulation should remain at $B82,000,000.
Such was the construction given to the act of June,
1874, whilst it was pending in the Senate. I have
given you the language of that provision of the act
requiring the Secretary of the Treasury, on the first day
of January, 1879, and thereafter, to redeem the legal-
tender notes ^^ then outstanding ; " because it had been
stated to the people of Ohio, that " the bill provided
that the greenbacks should not be retired so as to leave
less than $300,000,000 in circulation." From the lan-
guage of the law, you will perceive that all the legal-
tender notes that are not displaced by bank-bills are
to be redeemed and taken out of circulation. Do you
wish your vote to approve this measure, and fasten it
upon the country ? I was called upon to preside over
the Democratic convention of Indiana, last year. In
my address to that body, upon this subject, I said, " Our
paper currency consists of treasury-notes, declared by
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 203
Congress to be lawful money, and national bank-notes.
I am not in favor of the policy that proposes to retire
the treasury-notes, to make room for an increase .of
national banks and their paper. The treasury-notes
are the cheaper currency to the people, and command
public confidence. They are not irredeemable. For
their value they rest upon the pledge and conscience
of the country. The relation between the holder and
the government is direct. The people are not required
to pay interest upon national bonds deposited as the
basis of their security and value, as in the case of bank-
notes. Passing everywhere, and without question,
they are the favorite and popular currency."
I ask your very careful consideration of the last
provision of the act. It would have been idle, as well
as vicious, for Congress to direct the Secretary of the
Treasury to redeem the legal tenders in coin without
making provision for the same. To meet the necessity
the act provides : " And, to enable the Secretary of the
Treasury to prepare and provide for the redemption
in this act authorized or required, he is authorized to
use any surplus revenues from time to time in the
treasury not otherwise appropriated ; and to issue, sell,
and dispose of, at not less than par, in coin, either
of the descriptions of bonds of the United StatCLs,
described in the act of Congress approved July 14,
1870, entitled 'An Act to authorize the Refunding of
the Public Debt,' with like qualities, privileges, and
exemptions, to the extent necessaiy to carry this act
204 THOMAS ANDEEWS HENDEICKS.
into full eJBfect ; and to use the proceeds thereof for the
purposes aforesaid. And alf provisions of law inconsist-
ent with the provisions of this act are hereby repealed."
At the passage of this act, there was outstanding, as I
suppose, $382,000,000 of legal-tender notes, as provided
in the act of June, 1874. Should the $82,000,000 be
retired by the substitution of bank-notes under the
first section, then there will remain $300,000,000 to be
redeemed with gold. It is not probable that the
$82,000,000 will be entirely displaced by bank-notes :
if not, an excess of the $300,000,000 will remain for
redemption in gold. That excess will probably equal
the surplus revenues in. gold that the secretary will
find available for the purposes of the act. I suppose
it may therefore be assumed that the secretary will
be required to sell five per cent bonds to meet
$300,000,000 of treasury-notes. The immediate and
direct effect of the measure will be to increase our debt
bearing interest $300,000,000, and an annual interest
of 15,000,000 in gold. If we add the $40,000,000
of bonds that must be sold to buy silver to displace
the fractional currency, we have, in this measure, an
increase of the interest*bearing debt of $340,000,000 ;
and, of the annual interest, of $17,000,000 in gold. The
bonds will be sold In Europe. This administration
conducts all such transactions through a European
syndicate, or combination of banks. Thus the debt
will be a foreign one, and will add $17,000,000 to the
enormous annual exportation pf gold to mpet interest.
SPEECH AT ZAliTESVILLE, O. 205
What consideration of obligation or of good policy can
support this measure? In the midst of a financial
crisis so serious as to disturb the foundations of our
prosperity, we are to add this large sum to our foreign
debt. Why is it dojie ? The $382,000,000 of treasury-
notes are held exclusively by our own people. It is a
domestic debt. The holders are not asking its redemp-
tion. For the present they want it to remain circu-
lating among them as " lawful money," The treasury-
notes were issued as legal tenders at a time when they
were supposed to be essential to the maintenance of
the pubUc credit. It was deemed expedient to issue a
portion of the government's credit in the form of
currency ; and therefore the treasury-notes bear a
double character. They are at once the evidence of
a government debt, and are a medium of commerce ;
a debt to be paid, and legal tenders to be used. They
were so issued by the government, and so accepted by
the people. No time was fixed for their redemption.
The people received them, leaving that to the pleasure
and conscience of the government. In the mean time,
they have been used as money. Then, in accordance
with the purpose of their issue, should they be with-
drawn so as to injure business and labor until as good
or a better currency can take their place? Every
obligation of the government must be met and dis-
charged. Whoever questions the fidelity of the Democ-
racy to the country's honor, in that respect, speaks
without regard to truth. I fully recognize the obliga-
206 THOMAS AiTDBEWS HBNDBICKS.
tion for the redemption of the treasury-notes ; but I
cannot feel that it must be discharged at a time when
it may seriously add to our embarrassments, and when
the people who hold them do not desire it. In our
present condition, any addition to our foreign gold
obligations is a calamity. Will you vote to convert
this domestic, non-interest-bearing debt, into a foreign,
interest-bearing, gold debt ? In this statement, I have
made no estimate for the sale of bonds, and increase
of interest-debt, which may be necessary to enable the
secretary to redeem the $82,000,000 legal tenders, which
are to be displaced as bank-bills issue.
It is now my duty to call your attention to other
probable consequences of this measure, more frightful
than those which I have exposed. As the time for the
redemption of the treasury-notes in gold approaches,
and the Secretary prepares for their redemption by the
sale of bonds and the accumulation of gold in the
treasury, they will rapidly advance in value. During
the period of two years before the redemption com-
mences, persons who are able to hold money out of
active use will accumulate and retire the treasury-
notes for the profit of their increasing value. The
banks are permitted by law to redeem their bills in
treasury-notes. So long as the bills and notes are
about the same value, the bills are not presented to the
banks for payment. But, as soon as the treasury-notes
advance in value, they will be presented for payment.
The banks will anticipate that probable result, and
SPEECH AT ZANE8VILLB, O. 207
wiU prepare for it by hoarding the treasury-notes for
the redemption of their paper. The probable conse-
quence will be, that under these influences the treas-
ury-notes will, for a considerable period of time, be
withdrawn from circulation, and our currency will be
contracted to nearly one-half its quantity. As rapidly
as the treasury-notes are used in the redemption and
retirement of the bank-bills, they will be presented at
the treasury for redemption in gold, and will disappear
forever. I know it is said, that, as soon as it is estab-
lished that they are redeemable in gold, they will not
be presented, as they will then be as good as gold. To
some extent that would be true in a time of established
composure and confidence; but that will not be the
condition of our country whilst this law is being
executed. Do you not present your negotiable paper
at maturity, merely because you have confidence in the
ability and willingness of your debtor ? How long do
you think the gold paid out in the redemption of the
treasury-notes will remain in the country? Will it
pass along the veins and arteries of business, and give
life and energy? In a time of general confidence
it might be so, but not whilst this law is being exe-
cuted. Public confidence and financial stability cannot
be made to rest upon borrowed gold. This measure
will increase our gold obligations abroad, and, because
of contraction, will reduce production at home. This
flow of gold abroad wiU continue, and the borrowed
gold will soon be gone.
208 THOMAS ANDEBWS HENDRICKS.
In this presentation of the subject I have not con-
sidered the possibility of any extraordinary foreign
demand. Any great financial crisis abroad, or disturb-
ance of the peace of Europe, would cause our bonds to
be thrown upon our market in large quantities, and a
corresponding draft upon our supply of gold. I do
not believe we can rely upon this measure for any
supply of gold to our domestic currency that will be
permanent or useful. Substantially our reliance for a
currency must, then, be upon the banks. Will they be
in a condition to supply it? The retirement of the
treasury-notes will leave them under the obligation to
redeem in gold only. Can they meet that obligation ?
And, with the known uncertainty in the supply of gold,
will they venture to throw their paper upon the cur-
rents of trade in quantities at all adequate to the
demands of legitimate business? The act permits
free banking; and the bills are yet redeemable in
treasury-notes. What has been the result? The
statement of the comptroller, made on the 6th of July,
shows that since the passage of the law, Jan. 14, 1875,
to the 1st of July, nearly half a year, the increase
of bank currency is but $7,558. Does this statement
justify the opinion, that, after the treasury-notes have
ceased to be available for redemption, the banks will
venture their paper upon the disturbed currents of
business ? I believe the financial policy of this admin-
istration, and of the party which supports it, as
expressed in this act of Congress, will so contract the
SPEECH AT ZANBSVILLE, O. 209
currency as to paralyze all legitimate business, and
leave labor in rags begging for employment. I know
the opinion is entertained, — for I have heard it
expressed by many, — that the law is so clearly impoli-
tic that its execution wUl not be attempted.
Did the President, in his first inaugural, not say that
all laws should be executed, whether they met his
approval or not ? But the law is now being executed.
Many millions of dollars of the bonds have abeady
been sold to provide the means for the retirement of the
oustanding currency. Is this terrible blow to fall upon
the industries of the country ? Ohio stands in the van.
She should make her great strength so felt that even
Senator Sherman, who reported the measure, will re-
spect it in a movement for repeal. If Grov. Allen be
elected, I believe it will be repealed, so great is the
power of the people. But Senators Sherman and Mor-
ton, in their keynote speeches, declared to the people
of Ohio that this is the party policy to be approved
and stood by. May it not well be claimed that Gov.
Allen's defeat is its approval and indorsement by the
people ? Will you, then, expect the Senate to consent
to its repeal ? However earnest we may be for a return
to specie payment, we cannot wish to reach it through
universal bankruptcy, and a frightful increase of our
foreign public debt. Because of my strong belief that
this measure is fraught with calamity to the commercial
interests, to the industrial pursuits, and to the labor of
the country, I have responded to the committee's invi-
210 THOMAS ANDEEW8 HENDRICKS.
tation, without reference to many other questions that
may be discussed among you. Have you considered the
reasons which Senator Sherman says controlled his
party in passing this law ? He himself wanted another
measure ; whether better or worse than this, I need not
consider. He wished to fund the treasury-notes until
the residue should be at par with gold ; by how great
a contraction, neither he nor I can say ; how destruc-
tive to business, no one can say. Probably the country
would become strewn with broken fortunes, and the
highways filled with wretched men seeking employ-
ment. His party friends would not agree to it. He
says they had gone into the canvass of last year with
divided counsels; and the result was defeat. When
they met last winter, they were taught by the defeat
that the party in power must agree upon some measure ;
and the result was the passage of this law. It is a
strange statement, — confession, I may say, — that a law
affecting every interest of the people was the child of *
party necessity. Will you adopt it and rear it, that it
may destroy you? Your decision will be in your vote.
SPECIE PATTMENTS.
Having stated my objections to the last-developed
financial policy of the administration and its party, I
ask your permission to read what I said to the people
of Indiana last year, in respect to specie payments:
" The expression in favor of a return to specie pay-
ments is very general ; but the real question is, When
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 211
and how can that be accomplished? So long as the
supply of coin is so small as compared with the paper
money, it is impossible. The effort now would probably
result in commercial disaster. The people so believe.
No sentiment attributed to Mr. Greeley in 1872 was
more hurtful to his political fortune than the demand
for immediate specie payments. To render it possible,
without hurt to the country, coin and paper must come
nearer together in quantity. They will then be nearer,
if not uniform, in value. How shall that be brought
about ? By reducing the paper currency ? With the
present burthen of National, State, and local taxation,
and the large volume of other indebtedness to be pro-
vided for, that cannot be borne. It would cramp busi-
ness, and paralyze labor. No one desires a return to
specie payments more earnestly than myself; for I
believe gold and silver are the real standard of values,
universal and permanent. As I had occasion once
before to say, the existence of commercial mediums of
different values — one description of money for one
class and purpose, and another for a different class and
purpose — is too serious an evil to be long endured.
All the money of the country should be of uniform
value, and readily convertible. But we are not in that
condition. Our paper money exceeds the coin by
nearly five dollars to one. How shall we bring them
nearer together in quantity, that they may approach
and meet in value ? Shall we commence at the top, and
tear down, or at the bottom, and build up ? Business,
212 « THOMAS ANDBBWS HENDRICKS.
enterprise, and labor, every important interest of the
country, demand that the volume of the currency be
maintained to meet their requirements; but every
interest will be strengthened by increasing the supply
of coin. How is that to be accomplished ? By encour-
aging an increased production of our great staples that
command the foreign market, by reducing our expen-
ditures in foreign purchases, and by reversing the fatal
policy which has sought to make our debt a foreign
debt. When we purchase less of foreign goods, and
sell more of our productions abroad, and cease to pay
so much of the interest on our debt abroad, and pay it
to our own citizens, the current of gold will turn
toward our shores ; and then specie payments will be
certain, natural, and permanent, and will become the
basis of an enduring prosperity." As soon as the busi-
ness of the country, and the condition of our European
trade, will justify the opinion that gold is accumulating,
and is likely to remain. Congress may safely fix the
time, and provide for the redemption of the treasury-
notes.
When I addressed these sentiments to my fellow-
citizens of Indiana a year ago, it did not occur to me
tliat there was a statesmanship beyond and above all
I had thought to be found simply in borrowing gold,
increasing our national debt, and the ever-recurring
payment of interest abroad. I had supposed that our
ability at all times to redeem the paper currency in
gold depended upon a permanent as well as a sufficient
SPEEOH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 213
supply. I had thought that gold brought into the
country under the influences of increased production
and commerce would remain, but that borrowed gold
would not stay. My confidence is in the development
of the resoiirces of the country, in its increasing and
extended productions, and in the stable laws that regu-
late trade and commerce, rather than in temporary and
arbitrary devices by Congress. More than once during
the war, under the lead of Senator Sherman, Congress
undertook to regulate transactions in gold, with a view
to controlling its price ; and you recollect how foolish
and abortive all such attempts proved to be.
BEPTTBLIOAN OBSTRUCTIONS TO BESUMPTION.
The party that now seeks continued power is respon-
sible for the two great impediments in the way of
resumption. By strange and questionable devices they
have sought to make our debt a foreign instead of a
domestic debt. The consequence is, that every pay-day
large sums in gold are sent abroad to pay interest
coupons. The red blood flows from the veins and
arteries of the country. Ireland was impoveriBhed by
her landlords, who expended their rents abroad. Cheap
Chinese labor eats at the vitals of our prosperity on the
Pacific coast, so long as their wages are sent back in
gold to China. The farmer grows poorer every year,
who returns no nourishment to his fields. To our
State convention last year, I made this statement of the
second impediment ; ^' Cotton and tobacco are the most
214 THOMAS ANDBBWS HENDRICKS.
important staples in our exports, at some times exceed^
ing all other commodities. Since the close of the war,
it has been the suggestion of wisdom to encourage their
production in the largest possible quantities, as it had
been the dictate of humanity, Christianity, and patriot-
ism, to promote reconciliation and harmony between
the sections. But political and partisan interests have
been made paramount to humanity, and the welfare of
the country. Bad governments have been established,
and as far as possible maintained, in the South. Intel-
ligence and virtue have been placed under the dominion
and servitude of ignorance and vice. Corruption has
borne sway ; public indebtedness has become frightful,
and taxes too heavy to carry, and development crushed,
and enterprise manacled. In a word, it has been the
government of hatred; and all this, that party might
bear rule." They have nourished the noxious plants of
corruption, violence, and fraud, in Louisiana and other
States, rather than the cotton-plant and sugar-cane.
Agriculture cannot flourish under bad laws, corrupt
administration, and cruel taxation.
I suppose it is entirely clear to your observation, that,
had State authority been respected in accordance with
the Constitution, and the people been left in the con-
trol of their domestic affairs, without prejudice or
denial of right to any class, in accordance with the
Constitution, greater harmony would have prevailed*
between the races, prosperity would have returned to
those communities more rapidly, and the production of
SPEECH AT ZANESVIIiLE, O. 215
the great staples would have been much more abun-
dant. Then our valuable materials of export would
have been in larger supply, and, as a consequence,
our supply of gold more reliable and permanent, and
specie payments nearer a possibility. Individual hap-
piness, and the general interests of the country, have
been sacrificed to party policy. Harmony based upon
justice, and the protection of the rights of all classes,
must be restored. Prosperity will follow, as pure
water flows from a pure fountain.
The general paralysis of business and employment,
and the distrust of useful investments because of
shrinkage in values, as well as the condition of our
currency, have brought about differences of opinion
among Democrats. I think these differences may be
adjusted. I have heretofore expressed the opinion
that a wise statesmanship may avoid the extremes of a
contracted currency, cramping enterprise and labor, on
the one hand, and of an inflated and depreciated cur«-
rency on the other; that they are the extremes of
gluttony and starvation, and that health and strength
will come of neither. I have an unshaken confidence
that the national council of our party will so adjust
these differences as to maintain our ancient doctrine in
favor of a sound and staple currency, and of policies in
accordance therewith, and with a return to specie pay-
ments always in view, and at the same time avoiding
the disasters which would inevitably follow contrac-
tion.
216 THOMAS ANDBEWS HENDBIGKS.
EXTEAVAGAKT BXPENDITUBES.
As connected with and having a very important
influence upon the business and financial condition of
the country, it is my duty to call your attention to the
eittravagant expenditure of money by the General Gov-
ernment. The last report of the Secretary of the
Treasury shows that for the year ending June 30,
1874, the " net ordinary expenditures, exclusive of the
public debt," amounted to $285,738,800.21. The
interest paid that year on the public debt was $107,-
119,816.21 ; the amount paid on pensions, $29,038,414.-
66,— making together $136,158,229.87. Deduct the
interest and pensions from the net expenditures, and
there remains $149,580,571.34. That sum represents
the ordinary payments for one year, after deducting
every thing that resulted from the war. I have seen it
stated that the expenditure for the same purposes
during the last year amounted to about $145,000,000 ;
but I am not able to speak accurately, as the Secretary
has made no report of that year. Before the war the
ordinary expenditures were from fifty to sixty millions ;
sometimes going above that, because of extraordinary
demands. Do you not think two dollars for one, or
about one hundred millions, ought to be sufficient?
Yet they now require nearly three to one. Favoritism
always costs the people heavily, but it seems strange
how pretexts can be found for $150,000,000. Will you
vote to indorse such expenditures ?
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLB, O. 217
VICES IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE.
Closely connected with the extravagance is the im-
morality which pervades the public service. This, too,
calls for your attentive consideration, and your sincere
efforts at reform. It impairs your revenues, and dis-
turbs public confidence. Need I particularize? It is
known to you, at least in part. What department is
free from taint ? In the Post-Office Department, it ex-
tends from the conspiracy to defraud the Government in
the mail lettings, involving immense sums, down to the
petty pilfering in the repair of man-bags in the neighbor-
hood of the Post-Office at Indianapolis. The Treasury
Department has been singularly unfortunate. During
the four years in which Mr. Guthrie was at its head,
there were no defaults, and there was no money lost ;
but of late years long lists of defaulting officers have
been published ; and recently large numbers of officers
in the Internal Revenue Service have been detected in
complicated and enormous frauds. The Department of
Justice, under the management of the late Attorney
General, became the instrument of injustice. Cruel in
its political prosecutions, and unscrupulous in the use
of the public money for political purposes, it became
the object of general suspicion and distrust. Arkansas
and North Carolina were the scenes of its most auda-
cious misappropriation of money.
Will it be proper for me to speak of the Interior
Department ? An Ohio man is at its head. I will
218 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
speak of the Indian service only. In former adminis-
trations the entire cost of that service was but about
$3,000,000, when the Indians were more numerous
than now. During Mr. Lincoln's administration, that
was about the cost of the service. In his message of
December, 1863, he says that for the prior year the
payment on account of pensions and Indians amounted
to $4,216,520.79. I suppose the pension-list was then
something above $1,000,000, leaving the Indian expen-
ditures $3,000,000. The last official report shows the
expenditure for the Indian service alone $6,692,462.09.
It has more than doubled. For improved administra-
tion you would pay more money ; but where are the
fruits of the large expenditure ? Both the Govern-
ment and the Indians are cheated in the quality and
quantity of clothing and food furnished, and in the
false accounts that are allowed and paid. An army
officer stationed last winter at the Red Cloud agency
thus describes the situation and scene : " The Indians
are all quiet now. The ^ poor wretches have been
several times this winter on the verge of starvation,
through the rascality of the Indian ring. They have
been compelled to eat dogs, wolves, and ponies." Did
you read the description of the dramatic scene in the
Interior Department on the first day of last June, as
given in the despatches ? It illustrates the policy and
style of the department. They wanted the Black
Hills country. The Indians were brought in for nego-
tiation. On that day they were in the Secretary's
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLB, O. 219
room. The Secretary was there. A bishop was by his
Bide. The Indian Commissioner was there also. $25,-
000 were offered them for the Black Hills. They
did not want to leave that hunting-ground. They
were reminded of the desire of the whites for the
country, and of the diflBculty in keeping them out.
The Secretary then told them, that, if they did not take
the $25,000 in thirty days, they might not get it at all.
In the agony of his soul, the chief, Red Cloud, cried
out, " Great Spirit, hear me I Have mercy upon me !
Pity me I " Was ever such a prayer uttered within
those walls before ? In these years of Indian misman-
agement, too corrupt and cruel to be described, the
Indians are becoming more treacherous, and the borders
more insecure. What say you, my countrymen, to a
return to such a policy as Jackson maintained, when
the Indian was made to obey the authority of the
country, and the white man to respect the rights of the
Ihdian ? I will only refer to the late shame brought
upon the departments by the developed frauds con-
nected with the marine corps. These are all recent
transactions. They yet remain for Congressional inves-
tigation.
THE DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA.
I will not weary you even by a reference to the
notorious and enormous frauds that have been investi-
gated during the past few years, except that in the
District of Columbia. That cannot be omitted,
because it was in our national capital, and brought
220 THOMAS ANDBBWS HENDRICKS.
special disgrace upon the whole people, and because, in
respect to it, the party has entered a plea of guilty.
In 1871 the District of Columbia was placed under a
new form of government. The governor and many
officers, and one branch of the legislature, were ap-
pointed by the President ; and the other branch was
chosen by the people. The opportunity to maintain
good government was most favorable. It was immedi-
ately under the eye of the President and his cabinet,
with a party so strong as to exclude all opposition.
They had their way, and developed their tendency.
Corruption and favoritism soon had sway ; and in three
years the debt of the District exceeded $20,000,000.
The burthen became too great for the party. Before
the world it was admitted, that with officers appointed
by the President, and elected by the party, they could
not maintain free and pure government. They aban-
doned it ; and, in the spirit of Rome's government of
her conquered provinces, they placed the District of
Columbia under the control of three commissioners
chosen from distant parts of the country. Free and
representative government fell before corruption in the
capital of our country ; and it stands as a humiliating
admission to the world. What answer is made to the
people when they complain of this most extraordinary
condition of the service ? Will this plea for the party
be received, that, considering the magnitude of the
service, there "never has been a period in the history
of the government, when there has been less fraud or
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 221
peculation, or as little as now " ? There are old gen-
tlemen who hear me to-day, whose memories go back
to a better time, — to a period when there was such
pure statesmanship and such exalted official integrity
as inspired the world with a higher confidence in free
republican institutions; to a period when one single
case of default aroused the indignation of the whole
country, and precipitated the downfall of an adminis-
tration.
What say you to the oft-repeated apology that they
are active and zealous in detecting, pursuing, and pun-
ishing criminal officials ? Their zeal and activity may
be admitted, for there is so much to do; but, when
they suppress fraud in one quarter, it breaks out in
another. In that respect, the body politic, under their
treatment, seems to be like the body of a man whose
follies and vices have brought upon him disease which
pervades hi^ whole system. If, by the skill of the
physician, it be subdued in any part, it soon appears in
another. But the statement that they punish their
guilty must be denied. Who has been punished?
There was the case of a paymaster at Washington
City, who, for the embezzlement of above four hundred
thousand dollars of the public money, was tried by
•
court-martial, and sentenced to the penitentiary; but
Pres. Grant pardoned him within a year, and the money
was never returned. On the contrary, how many par-
tisans, implicated in transactions which the people have
condemned, have been promoted to high offices ? The
222 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS.
Tweed defence has served them well. It matters not
how many official criminals there may be : Tweed is set
off against each. Tweed's mantle has fallen over and
covered from sight more crimes than any mantle that
ever fell from human shoulders. Are you, honest gen-
tlemen, not tired of that trick? Why not let every
man, rogue or saint as he may be, stand in his own
shoes, and be judged by his own conduct ?
CHANGE THE ONLY REMEDY.
Do you not perceive, my fellow-citizens, that for all
public evils your only remedy is in a change of admin-
istration? This you know, — that when a party has
been long in power, and controls great patronage and
large sums of money, all adventurers, and those who
seek to make money out of politics, work their way
not only within its ranks, but into positions of influ-
ence and party control. Naturally enough they become
active managers, giving their money liberally ; and, by
taking charge of primary elections and conventions,
they control, in many instances, the nominations. Their
hold is hard to break; and it becomes the interest of
politicians to conciliate rather than fight them. That
is the reason, as I suppose, why it is so difficult, if not
impossible, for a party to correct abuses and evils
within its own organization.
That you are convinced there should be a change
of national administration, I cannot question. Such
SPEECH AT ZANESVILLE, O. 228
changes are made upon assurances of better conduct,
and of measures more consistent with the interests of
the people. You may be misled ; but in all efforts at
reform we must trust each other somewhat. Deceived,
disappointed, and dissatisfied, will you avail yourselves
of your only remedy? I appreciate the fact that for-
mer convictions, prejudices, and associations, stand in
the way of thousands of good men whose sympathies
are with the Democracy and Liberals upon the pending
questions. I cannot doubt that their present convic-
tions in respect to the welfare of the country will
control their action. They know that even in times
' of the most bitter conflict they respect many of the sen-
timents of our party, especially those in earnest sympa-
thy with the interests of the masses of the people.
They can not and will not remain separate from the
organized body of men that will give* these sentiments
practical force and meaning. They know that our
principles will endure, and bring practical results. May
I quote myself in saying that " organizations may be
broken, and pass away, but Democracy cannot die. It
is endowed with the immortality of truth and right.
Wherever, in all lands, men aspire to higher, freer,
better government, and purer liberty ; wherever there
is the sentiment that government is made for man, and
not man for government, — there is the spirit of De-
mocracy that will endure, and yet achieve man's enfran-
chisement and elevation"? . He was a great man who
224 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDBICKS.
Baid, "There can be no free government without a
Democratical branch in the Constitution." May I not
add, " There can be no free policies or administrative
measures, promoting popular rights, without the Demo-
cratical element and sentiment " ?
CHAPTER Xni.
THE DEMOCBATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION, AND ITS
WORK.
The Conyention Opened. — Permanent Organization. — The Plat-
form. — Nominations. — Mr. Tilden nominated by Senator Keman.
— His Address and Resolution. — Mr. Hendricks nominated by
Mr. Williams. — His Speech. — Mr. Fuller's Speech. — Mr. Camp-
bell's Speech. — Samuel Jones Tilden the Nominee for President.
— Thomas Andrews Hendricks nominated for Vice-President.
This body assembled in St. Louis, June 27, 1876,
for the purpose of nominating candidates for President
and Vice-President of the United States. The Conven-
tion was called to order by Hon. Augustus Schell,
chairman of the National Democratic Committee.
Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, was chosen temporary
chairman, and Gen. John A. McClemand of Illinois
was chosen permanent president. Various addresses
were made, but no special business was transacted the
first day.
THE PLATFORM.
I
The Convention re-assembled at a quarter past two
o'clock.
The President. — The sergeant-at-arms will clear
the aisle, and see that order is preserved.
225
226 THE DEMOCBATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION.
The Committee on Platform, I am informed, is ready-
to report.
Mb. Mebedith, of Virginia. — Mr. President, and
Gentlemen of the Convention: The Committee on
Resolutions have finally agreed upon their report. It
is but fair to them to state that a great many resolu-
tions were laid before them, on the subjects likely to
engage the attention of the Convention ; that those
resolutions have been read, examined, considered, delib-
erated upon, and discussed; and they have finally
agreed upon the following declaration of principles,
which I am instructed to report. I will ask Lieut.-Gov.
Dorsheimer to read the resolutions for me.
Gov. Dorsheimer then read as follows : —
Firsty We, the delegates of the Democratic party
of the United States, in National Convention assembled,
do hereby declare the Administration of the Federal
Government to be in an urgent need of immediate
reform ; and we do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of
this Convention, and of the Democratic party in each
State, a zealous effort and co-operation to this end, and
do hereby appeal to our fellow-citizens of every former
political connection, to undertake with us this first and
most pressing patriotic duty.
Second^ For the Democracy of the whole country,
we do here re-afl&rm our faith in the permanence of the
Federal Union ; our devotion to the Constitution of the
United States, with its amendments, universally accept-
ed as a final settlement of the controversies that
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 227
engendered civil war : and do here record our steadfast
confidence in the perpetuity of Republican self-govern-
ment; in an absolute acquiescence in the will of the
majority, the vital principle of the Republic; in the
supremacy of the civil over the military authorities;
the total separation of Church and State, for the sake
alike of civil and religious freedom; in the equality
of all citizens before the just laws of their own enact-
ment; in the liberty of individual conduct by sump-
tuary laws ; in the faithful education of the rising
generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit
these best conditions of human happiness and hope, we
behold the noblest products of a hundred years of
changeful history ; but while upholding the bond of
our Union, and the great charter of these our rights, it
behooves a free people to practise also that eternal
vigilance which is the price of liberty.
Thirds Reform is necessary to rebuild and estab-
lish in the hearts of the whole people of the Union,
eleven years ago happily rescued from the danger of a
secession of States, but now to be saved from a
corrupt centralism, which, after inflicting upon ten
States the rapacity of carpet-bag tyrannies, has honey-
combed the offices of the Federal Government itself
with incapacity, waste, and fraud, infected States and
municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and
locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in
the paralysis of hard times.
Fourth^ Reform is necessary to establish a sound
228 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
currency, restore the public credit, and maintain the
national honor. We denounce the failure of all these
eleven years to make good the promise of the legal-
tender notes, which are a changing standard of value
in the hands of the people, and the non-payment of
vsrhich is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation.
Fifths We denounce the improvidence which in
eleven years of peace has taken from the people in
Federal taxes thirteen times the whole amount of the
legal-tender notes, and squandered four times this sum
in useless expense, without accumulating any reserve
for their redemption.
Sixths We denounce the financial imbecility and
immorality of that party, which, during eleven years
of peace, has made no advance toward resumption, and
no preparation for resumption ; but, instead, has ob-
structed resumption by wasting our resources, and
exhausting all our surplus income, and, while annually
professing to intend a speedy return to specie pay-
ments, has annually enacted fresh hinderances thereto.
As such a hinderance, we denounce the resumption
c}.a|iise of the act of 1875, and we here demand its
yepe^,!.
Sevenths We de^aand a judicious system of prepa-
ration by publip econpmies, by official retrenchment,
and l^y finance, whici^ sh^ll enable the nation soon to
assure the whole world of its perfect ability and its
perfect readiness to meet any pf -its promises at the call
of the creditor entitled to paypaent. We believe in
THE DEMOCRATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION. 229
such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted to
competent hands for execution, creating at no time an
artificial currency, and at no time alarming the public
mind into a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of
credit by which ninety-five per cent of all business
transactions are performed, -a system open to the
public, and inspiring general confidence, which would,
from the day of its adoption, bring healing on its wings
to all our harassed industries, set in motion the wheels
of commerce, manufactures, and the mechanic arts,
restore employment to labor, and renew in all its natu-
ral sources the prosperity of the people.
Eighth^ Reform is necessary in the sum and mode
of Federal taxation, to the end that capital may be set
free from distrust, and labor lightly burdened. We
denounce the present tariff-levies upon nearly four
thousand articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, in-
equality, and false practice. It yields a dwindling, not
a yearly rising, revenue. It has impoverished many
industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that
might purchase the products of American labor. It
has degraded American commerce from the first to an
inferior rank upon the high seas. It has cut down the
sales of American manufactures at home and abroad,
and depleted the returns of American agriculture, an
industry followed by half our people. It costs the
people five times more than it produces to the Treasury,
obstructs the process* of production, and wastes the
fruits of labor ; it promotes fr*aud, fosters smuggling,
230 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest mer-
chants. We demand that all custom-house taxation
shall be only for revenue.
Ninths Reform is necessary in the scale of public
expense, Federal, State, and municipal. Our Federal
taxation, has swollen from 160,000,000 in gold in 1860,
to $450,000,000 in currency in 1870; our aggregate
taxation from $154,000,000 in gold in 1860, to $730,-
000,000 in currency in 1870, — or, in one decade, from
less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen
dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid
to their tax-gatherers more than thrice the sum of the
national debt, and more than twice that sum for the
Federal Government alone. We demand a rigorous
frugaUty in every department and from every officer of
the Government.
Tenths Reform is necessary to put a stop to the
profligate waste of the public lands, and their diversion
from actual settlers by the party in power, 'which has
squandered 200,000,000 acres upon railroads alone,
and out of more than thrice that aggregate has disposed
of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil.
Eleventh^ Reform is necessary to correct the omis-
sions of a Republican Congress and the errors of our
treaties and our diplomacy, which have stripped our
fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race, re-
crosing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizen-
ship, and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific
Coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the
THE DEMOCEATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION. 231
same great parent stock, and, in faet, now lately denied
citizenship through naturalization, as being neither
accustomed to the traditions of progressive civilization,
nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We de-
nounce the policy which thus discards the liberty-loving
German, and tolerates the revival of the coolie trade
in Mongolian women imported for immoral purposes,
and Mongolian men held to perform servile labor-
contracts ; and demand such a modification of the treaty
with the Chinese Empire, or such legislation by Con-
gress within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent
the further importation or immigration of the Mongo-
lian race.
Twelfth^ Reform is necessary, and can be effected
only by making it the controlling issue of the elections,
and lifting it above the two false issues with which the
office-holding class and the party in power seek to
smother it, — the false issues with which they would
enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools,
of which the establishment and support belong exclu-
sively to the several States, and which the Democratic
party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved
to maintain without partiality or preference for any class,
sect, or creed, and without contributing from the Treas-
ury ; the false issue by which they seek to alight anew
the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred
peoples, once unnaturally estranged, but now re-
united in one indivisible Republic and a common
destiny.
232 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTIOK.
Thirteenth^ Reform is necessary in the civil service.
Experience proves that the efficient, economical conduct
of the governmental business is not possible if its civil
service be subject to change at every election ; if it be
a prize fought for at the ballot-box ; if it be a brief
reward of party zeal, instead of a post of honor assigned
for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the
public employ ; that the dispensing of patronage should
neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men,
nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again,
professions falsified in the performance attest that the
party in power can work out no practical or salutary
reform.
Fourteenth^ Reform is necessary even more in the
higher grades of the public service. The president,
vice-president, judges, senators, representatives, cabi-
net-officers, — these and all others in authority are the
people's servants ; their offices are not a private perqui-
site : they are a public trust. When the annals of this
Republic show the disgrace and censure of a yice-presi-
dent, a late speaker of the house of representatives,
marketing his rulings as a presiding officer ; three sena-
tors profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers ; five
chairmen of the leading committees of the late house
of representatives exposed in jobbery ; a late secretary
of the treasury forcing balances in the public accounts ;
a late attorney-general misappropriating the public
funds; a secretary of the navy enriching his friends
by percentages levied off the profits of contractors with
THE DEMOCEATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 233
his department ; an ambassador to England censured
in a dishonorable speculation ; the president's private
secretary barely escaping conviction upon his trial for
guilty complicity in frauds upon the revenue ; a secre-
tary of war impeached for high crimes and confessed
misdemeanors, — the demonstration is'complete that the
first step in reform must be the people's choice of honest
men from another party, lest the disease of one pblitical
organization infect the body politic, and lest, by making
no change of men or party, we can get no change of
measures and no reform. All these abuses, wrongs,
and crimes, the product of sixteen years' ascendancy
of the Republican party, create a necessity for reform
confessed by the Republicans themselves; but their
reformers are voted down in convention, and displaced
from the cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is
powerless to resist the eighty thousand officers, its lead-
ers and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful
civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a
change of administration, a change of parties, that we
may have a change of measures and of men.
Nominations were now in order. Our limits do not
allow of all the speeches that were made for the several
candidates; but, as is proper, we give those of the
gentlemen who nominated the successful candidates.
NOMINATION OF MB. TILDEN BY SENATOR KEBNAN.
The secretary called the State of New York. Senator
Eeman spoke as follows : —
284 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Mr. President, and Delegates of the Democracy of
the United States, I desire to say to you that I rejoice
and feel a pleasure in every word which has been said
in commendation of the distinguished men who have
been presented to you for your support. They are my
countrymen; they belong to the glorious party with
which I act ; and no man would repel with more indig-
nation any word or insinuation to their detriment, and
no man feel more pride in all their glorious fame, than
I do. But, while, fellow-Democrats, I appear before
you to address my words, feeble though they may be, to
your judgment, swayed by nothing but your love of
country, the election which we are to have this fall
rises far above the ordinary elections which we have
had. It is one, in my judgment, that touches the wel-
fare and the prosperity of our people throughout the
entire Union. It is not a mere question of whether
honorable, honest, and upright men shall be elected, but
whether we shall select those men who are more sure
to carry the election, that we may have reform and
changes which are essential to our prosperity and our
happiness. Don't we heed change and reform, you
warm-hearted men from the South, who have been
trampled down under this Constitution, and who have
been wronged as no people ever have ? Don't we need
a restoration of proper administration, by which you
men in those States shall be allowed to manage your
own affairs, and shaU be freed from plundering adven-
turers who are eating up the substance of your people.
THE DEMOCBATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION. 285
and taking from you all real republican government?
Don't we need change and reform, you men through-
out this fertile and glorious West ? Your industry does
not get its just reward ; your labor goes without that
which labor should always win ; your industry is para-
lyzed, and your capital even is too timid to aid enter-
prises. Don't we need it in my own section of the
Union, where our closed factories and where our dis-
pirited laborers seek in vain for that which shall give
bread to their wives and children? Ah, we need re-
forms that shall strike taxation, which shall lighten our
burden, which shall give us the prosperity which an
economical and honest administration will give. We
need reforms which shall bring back purity and honesty
and economy in the administration of your public
affairs. And, my fellow-Democrats, I appeal to your
intelligence. The great issue which is in the minds of
our people, the issue on which this election will be lost
or won, is that question of needed administrative reform
where we can get it ; and in selecting our candidates,
without any disrespect to others, we should select men
who will command the entire confidence of our people,
as much as we can, in reference to these questions of
reform and economy, and reduction of taxation. We
all know the Republican party has resolved in 1868 and
in 1872, in language which we cannot excel, that they
would give us reforms, and they would lighten the
burdens of taxation. My friends, I know that any
Democrat that comes into the administration will work
286 THE DEMOCEATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION.
out these reforms ; but, if we are wise, we will take a
man, if we find him, who has done reforms when in
office. I have no disrespect for the Democrat who in
this Convention can utter dissent to the good repute of
any candidate. I honor them all. I am addressing
your judgment. I have said, that if we had a man that
had been so fortunate as to be placed in public position,
who had laid his hand on dishonest officials, no matter
to what party they belonged, who had rooted out
abuses in the discharge of his duty, who had shown
himself able and willing to bring down taxation, and
inaugurate reform, — if we are wise men, and have such
a man, it is no disparagement to any other candidate to
say that this is the man that will command the confi-
dence of many who have not always been with the
Democracy, and make our claim strong, so that it will
sweep all over this Union a triumphant party vote.
Now, there is, in the State whence I came, a Democrat
who has the good fortune to be placed in position where
these qualities have been exemplified. There had
grown up in our great Democratic city, men who called
themselves Democrats, who, under the guise of Democ-
racy, dishonored our party by plundering the people
whom they were bound to protect and serve ; and, citi-
zens, there the one I shall name, connected with others,
overthrew these corruptionists in their own party, and
they restored honesty and economy; and these men
have flown to other lands, lest they should be punished
for their crimes. He was selected as governor of our
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 287
State. He came into office on the 1st of January, 1875.
The direct taxes taken from our tax-ridden people in
the State of New York were over fifteen million dollars
in the tax-levy of 1875. He has been in office eighteen
months; and the tax-levy for the State of New York for
1876 is but eight million dollars. If you go among
our farming people, among our men who find business
coming down, and their produce bringing low prices,
you will find that they have faith in the man who has
reduced taxation in the State of New York one-half in
eighteen months ; and * you will hear the honest men
throughout the country say that they want the man who
will do in Washington what has been done in New York.
Now, do not misunderstand me. We have other
worthy men and good men in the State of New York,
who, if they had had the chance to be elected, and had
a chance to discover the frauds in our State administra-
tion along our canals, which were thus depleting our
people, would have done the work faithfully, I doubt
not ; but it so happened that Samuel J. Tilden — It so
happened that the great Democratic party of the State
of New York reaped this great benefit for our people,
and this great honor for our party, because they elected
Samuel J. Tilden. When they found, in the State of
New York, that he had been thus active in reforming
abuses, it happened that he was the man that, by his
measures — I want to add one word, my friends, and
it is this. I do not come here to vouch for my opinion ;
but I read from the resolutions passed by the Convention
238 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
of the State of New York, with their three delegates
from every congresBional district in the State, which is
a part of the credentials which I laid before this Con-
vention — I want to give you what the representatives
of the Democracy of New York said in their judgment
was the position of the gentlemen I have named.
After passing by their commendation of other things,
they
liesolved. That the Democratic party of New York,
while committing to their delegates the duty of joining
with the feelings of their fellow-Democrats in all the
States in the momentous deliberation of the National
Convention, decree their settled convictions that a
return to the Constitutional principles of frugal expen-
diture, and the administrative purity of the founders
of the Republic, is the first and most imperative neces-
sity of the times. This is the commanding issue now
before the people of the Union, and they suggest, with
respectful deference to their brethren of other States,
and with cordial appreciation of other renowned Demo-
cratic statesmen, faithful like him to their political
convictions and public trusts, that the nomination of
Samuel J. Tilden to the office of President would
insure the vote of the State of New York.
Mb. Williams of Indiana. — Mr. President, and
Gentlemen of the Convention, In the name and in
behalf of the united Democracy of the State of Indiana,
I put in nomination Gov. Thomas A. Hendricks, of
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 239
Indiana, as your candidate for President of the United
States. He is a man that is known to the whole nation.
There is no spot or blemish on his public or private
character. He is presented as the unanimous choice of
the Democracy of a Democratic State. He comes here
backed up by his delegation and by every Democrat in
Indiana. There is no fire in the rear here. We believe
that if he is our nominee we can carry the State of
Indiana by from twelve thousand to twenty thousand.
You delegates in this Convention must determine
for yourselves, by your votes, whether you want
Indiana to remain Democratic, or not. We propose
to support the nominee of this Convention, whoever
he may be. There is no diversity among us on that
subject ; but we would like to have a man for our candi-
date that we know that we can carry the State for. In
conclusion, Mr. President, I desire to read the resolution
that was adopted by the Democracy of the State at its
last convention ; and with that, sir, I will close : —
Resolved^ That the people of Indiana recognize with
pride and pleasure the eminent public services of the
Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks. In all public trusts he
has been faithful to duty, and in his public and private
life pure and without blemish. We therefore declare
that he is our unanimous choice for the Presidency of
the United States.
Mb. Puller (Illinois), — Mr. President, and Fellow-
Citizens of the Convention, Depressed under the
240 THE DEMOCBATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
weight of debt and taxation, universal corruption,
general demoralization, and all the evils that inevitably
flow from a persistent disregard of fundamental law,
and the long and uninterrupted retention of unlimited
power in the same hands, the country demands a return
to the principles and practices of the fathers of the
Republic, in the one hundredth year of its existence,
and a restoration of a wise and frugal government that
shall leave to every man the freest and purest of his
avocations or his pleasures consistent with the rights of
his neighbors, and shall not take from the mouth of
labor the bread he has earned. Dissatisfied with bare
respectability, which, though it may tend to retard,
cannot stay the downward progress, the country turns
to the Democracy assembled in convention, and asks
this great party to put in nomination the next Presi-
dent of the United States. That nominee must be
intrinsically honest, that he may be the cause of honesty
in others ; capable himself, that he may be quick to dis-
cern and to appropriate the capacity of others, fis well
as to exert his own; lofty in thought, and pure in
spirit, that he may drag up drowning honor by the
locks, bring governmental administration from the
depths into which it has descended, and elevate and
purify the moral tone of the nation. He must be a
statesman of breadth of mind, and such grasp of infor-
mation as to be enabled to embrace the whole country
within the compass of his judgment, and so to act that
he will secure the greatest good to the greatest num*
THE DEMOCBAtiC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 241
ber, and so the good of all. Such a man, Mr. Presi-
dent, and gentlemen of the Convention, is presented in
the name of Thomas A. Hendricks. Endowed with
that capacity for continuous effort, that fixity of pur-
pose, that simplicity of habit, which characterized his
hardy ancestry, and whose progenitors, centuries ago,
wrested from the sea the land on which they live ;
taught by an education, acquired by the use of the axe
and the sword, the value of economy which the world
seems to spurn, while it honors and does homage to its
fruits ; and schooled by thirty years of eminent and
honorable practice at the bar, and twenty-five of con-
current activity in both public stations; of stainless
character, with a record which needs no explanation, as
it lies out in the sunlight without a blot to mar its
beauty; conversant with the interests of the entire
country, though particularly those of the Great West
in which his Revolutionary sires were pioneers, and of
that South linked to it by a thousand ties of intercom-
munication, common interest, and mutual affection;
added to all, possessed of those qualities of heart that
contract friendship, and never disappoint,— Thomas
A. Hendricks would realize the wishes of the people,
and would at least deserve success ; and, if deserved,
what better leader to insure it? Here on the fertile
plains of the West, here in the great empire, the
seat of empire, beneath that star which, so long leading
the way, now shines resplendent above the Valley of the
Mississippi, — here the decisive battle of the campaign
242 THE DEMOCBATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
•
is to be fought ; for here are to be waged those great
contests which precede the main engagement, and
determine it. 'JVhat better leader than he to meet the
advancing hosts of the enemy at their first onset, send
back their wavering forces to the centre, and mingle all
in indistinguishable ruin ? What better leader than he,
who, believing odium incurred by the practice of virtue
is honor and not odium, in the disastrous days snatched
victory from defeat, and lighted up with the splendor
of his achievements the darkness which lasted from
1860 to the dawn of 1876 ? Already, in the expectation
of his candidacy, the people are conscious of approach-
ing victory ; already thousands upon thousands are lis-
tening to catch the blast upon that bugle-horn, well
worth a million men ; already the enemy recoil at the
suggestion of his name, for they know by that sign we
can conquer. Mr. President, on behalf of many dele-
gates from Illinois, on behalf of thousands of Demo-
cratic voters of that State, on behalf, I believe, of
myriads of my fellow-citizens of the West, the thunder-
ing tramp of whose feet as they rush to the encounter,
and the sound of whose voices as they rise in tri-
umphant refrain, as they march from the smoke of bat-
tle, I have the honor to second the name of Thomas A.
Hendricks of Indiana.
Me. Williams of Indiana. — I desire, with the per-
mission of the Convention, that Gen. Campbell of Ten-
nessee shall occnpy five minutes of my time.
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 243
Gen. Campbell of Tennessee. — Mr. President, and
Gentlemen of the Convention, I am instructed by dele-
gates from the State of Tennessee, wh© received their
authority from the largest Convention that ever assem-
bled in their State> to second the nomination of the
great and distinguished statesman of Indiana, the Hon.
Thomas A. Hendricks ; and I pledge the State of Ten-
nessee, that if this Convention, in its wisdom, shall see
proper to approve the nomination which is made here
to-day, that in Noveaiber next we will carry him at the
polls by a majority of sixty thousand votes. I would
not be doing the great State of Tennessee justice, nor
myself justice, nor the other distinguished gentlemen
whose names have been and will be presented to this
Convention, did I not say to you that all of them have
many devoted followers and admirers in the grand old
volunteer State. There are many there who would
like to follow the lead of the great statesman-governor
of New York, who has cleansed the Augean stables in
his State, and driven the hydra-headed monster of
corruption into exile. There are many, very many,
in that State, who would be glad to follow the distin-
guished soldier of the State of Pennsylvania ; and it was
when the black clouds of subjugation hovered over our
heads, that he was the first to produce a rift in the
clouds, and to hold up the bow of promise to our
people. It was he of whom our distinguished chairman
once said he was like a sword wearing a jewel in its
belt. But there is one consideration that has more
244 THE DEMOCBATIO NATIONAL CONVENTION.
influence with Tennessee than any other ; and that is
the simple consideration of success. We feel that we
must conquer in the battle that is to be fought in
November next ; and, in casting around among many
of the distinguished men of the nation, whom Tennessee
will follow, she is of the opinion that under the leader-
ship of the great statesman of Indiana we are more
certain to conquer than any other. And, when we
look at his character, we find that his whole history is
the very best and most eloquent* sermon on political
integrity and reform, that was ever written by man.
We find that his Democracy is as catholic as the Con-
stitution itself. We find that he lives in a locality
where there are no dissensions in his ranks. We find
that his own people come up here in solid phalanx for
him, like the Macedonian phalanx, with their lances
all pointed outward, and none toward their friends. I
thank you, gentlemen of the Convention, and give you
now assurance of the hearty support that the State
of Tennessee will give the distinguished statesman of
Indiana in November next.
On the second ballot, Samuel Jones Tilden was
nominated.
His nomination had been opposed by Mr. John
Kelley, a remnant of the Tammany Democracy ; but to
no avail. Indeed, many of the Democrats say Kelley's
or the Tammany opposition to Tilden, and Grant's
telegram congratulating Hayes, will pretty surely elect
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAIi CONVBNTIOK. 245
Tilden. Indeed, some who profess to believe that
Mr. Tilden is a greater " magician " or wire-puller
than Mr. Van Buren ever was, affect to say and
believe that Mr. Tilden hired Kelley to go to the
Convention, and fight against his nomination. Well,
Tammany's opposition to him is a pretty good evidence
that he is an honest man ; and therefore, if Mr. Tilden
did spend a " barrel of money " to get nominated, he
might have put some of it " where it would do the
most good," even if he gave it to Kelley. Some do
not hesitate to say that Grant's expelling Mr. Bristow
from the cabinet, and Postmaster Jewell, and, indeed,
all who sympathized with Bristow, will secure the
election of Tilden and Hendricks.
Indeed, the Republican organs are about as severe
upon Pres. Grant, on this subject, as are the Demo-
<;ratic. " The Boston Advertiser " of July 13 said, —
" Meantime, the public are sick of hearing of inces-
sant interference, on the part of the President, with
petty appointments aU over the land."
« The Daily Globe " of July 12 said,—
" He [Grant] shows, as he has so often before shown,
that he has no comprehension of lofty principles of
action, and little sympathy with men of moral convic-
tions and purity of character. The Republican party
is responsible, in a certain sense, for his administra-
tion, and cannot free itself altogether from association
with it ; and he is using the time left to him, to make
the burden and the disadvantage as heavy as possible.
246 THE DEMOCBATIO NATIONAIi CONVENTION.
" It [the Republican party] must cut loose from
Grant and Giantism, and show that its new departure
is genuine, and will lead to the proposed goal ; or it
cannot continue in power."
The next day the same paper had the following : —
"Mr. Grant is catching it this time, not only from the
independent press, but from the organic, which shows
that the Republicans are inclined to cut loose, as we
suggested yesterday they must, from the administra-
tion wing of the party. In Boston, * The Advertiser'
advises turning the cold shoulder upon it ; and here
comes even the timid * Journal ' with this suggestive
little paragraph : —
^^ ^ Let us see : less than eight mo&ths more of this ^
peculiar administration. Let us brace up I ' "
" The Evening Transcript " of July 12, a strong
Bristow paper, is still more severe upon Pres. Grant.
It says, —
" Gov. Tilden talks bravely about entering the cam-
paign for reform, with all the consecration of a soldier.
Considering the composition of his reforming army,
such a style of comment appears ridiculous enough.
And so it would be, were it not that the administra-
tion of Gen. Grant is beginning to hold itself up as
a warning against Republican rule. The President,
after Gov. Hayes's nomination, congratulated him on
the fact, and hailed him as his successor, very much in
a Pickwickian sense, we should think, considering the
support the Executive is now rendering the Demo-
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 247
cratic party. Perhaps the crowd, headed by Boss
Shepherd at Washington, who has now too much of
the President's confidence, don't fancy Gov. Hayes's
unmistakable utterances respecting civil-service reform.
Their influence is gone if Hayes becomes an occupant
of the White House, and the Republican party again
succeeds. They know it, feel it, and are acting from
motives of revenge accordingly. It is the intrigues
of this corrupt cabal, whose advice now exercises too
I
much sway in the national councils, which place the
administration directly in the face of the best Repub-
lican sentiments of the country. When Gen. Grant
echoed the sentiment of the Secretary of the Treasury,
that no guilty man should escape, the people ap-
plauded. Now, under a different inspiration, he is
pardoning the revenue thieves with indecent haste.
Nay, more than that : he has dismissed almost all the
officers who detected and punished the committers of
fraud, and saved millions of dollars to the national
treasury. By this course, he virtually says to crooked-
whiskey venders, ' The Government rejects its former
attitude, under faithful and honest officials, and here-
after will turn its blind eye towards your misdeeds.' "
The Convention nominated Thomas Andrews Hen-
dricks for Vice-President, with great unanimity.
CHAPTER XIV.
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
General Enthusiasm. — Despatches to Grov. Tilden. — How he received
the News. -^ His Remarks. — A Serenade. — Opinion of Hon.
Charles Francis Adams. — Opinion of Hon. Charles G. Davis. ^
Opinion of Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury. — Of Hon. Edward
Avery. — How the News was received in New York. — " The New
York Times." — " The Sun." — " Chicago Tribune.^' — Enthusi-
asm at Concord, N.H. — At Biddeford, Me. — Gov. Tilden's Ward
in New York. — The Committee to announce to Gov. Tilden the
Nomination perform that Duty. — Gov. Tilden's Reply to the Com-
mittee. — Selections from the Speech of Senator Bayard. — Dele-
gates call on Gov. Hendricks. — His Address to them.
The enthusiasm was general. The common expres-
sion among the delegates was, that the hour and the
man had now met. In the mean time, Gov. Tilden had
passed the day quietly at the Executive Mansion in
Albany. He received but few despatches from St.
Louis, and returned none'. In the evening, the " Asso-
ciated Press Bulletin " was received, and sent up to him,
annoimcing simply, " Tilden nominated on the second
ballot." When this was read to him, he simply said,
without a smile or a frown, " Is that so ? "
The following despatch was then received and read,
to him: —
218
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 249
St. Louis, June 28.
Gov. Samuel J. Tilden, — I congratulate you on
your enthusiastic nomination. Kentucky will most
heartily indorse you with her forty thousand majority.
(Signed) John C. Underwood,
Lieutenant-Governor of Kentucky.
Then he inquired, if any one knew what the vote
was, and what the platform contained ?
He then said to a few of his friends around him, in a
very low tone, —
" I can tell you what has been done. This nomina-
tion was not made by the leaders of the party : it was
the people who made it. They want reform; they
have wanted it a long while ; and, in looking about,
they have become convinced that it is to be found
here [pointing to himself]. They want it; that is
what they are after. They are sick of the corruption
and maladministration of their affairs; they want a
change, and one for the better, — a thorough reforma-
tion. You will find there will be a larger German vote
polled next fall than ever ; and it will be largely cast
for the Democratic ticket. I know that."
Other despatches were then received, conveying
congratulations from all parts of the country, in the
midst of which the Governor maintained an almost
stolid imperturbability. Among them were the fol-
lowing : —
250 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
Bausioh, N.O., June 28.
Cordial congratulations. North Carolina is good for
ten thousand majority.
(Signed) W. H. Bledsoe,
President of Tilden and Vance Club.
Lakcasteb, Pemn., June 28.
Congratulations. Tilden and Reform will carry-
Pennsylvania.
(Signed) A. J. Steinman,
Member of State Committee.
It was determined early this evening that the Gover-
nor should be tendered a serenade to-morrow evening
after the completion of the ticket ; but a large number
of the citizens could not wait till then, so they secured
the services of a band of music, and at twelve o'clock
proceeded to the Executive Mansion. The Governor
received them, shaking hands with a large number,
and receiving their congratulations. The crowd then
retired to the grounds in front of the mansion, when,
after repeated calls, the Governor stepped to the door
and said, —
" Citizens of Albany, I thank you for this impromptu
expression of your kind regards. During my resi-
dence in your city the past two years, I have received
many like gratifications, and I assure you that I feel
grateful to you. At some other time I will be glad to
give you a more formal reception, and now will only
say good-night."
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 251
The Governor received congratulations from almost
every part of the country, which there is no necessity
for repeating in this place, and which, if stated, would
fill a volume. One or two statements from prominent
gentlemen, may, however be given.
The following is a newspaper report (presumed, and
said to be correct), from —
CHABLES FBANGIS ADAMS.
In a brief interview with the Hon. Charles Francis
Adams at his Quincy home, immediately after the
reception of the news of Gov. TUden's nomination,
the veteran statesman very frankly gave his opinion
of the nomination. Mr. Adams expressed his surprise
at the Convention's arriving at so speedy a decision.
That Mr. Tilden had secured the necessary two-thirds
on the second ballot, showed his great strength in his
party. Mr. Tilden, said Mr. Adams, is a formidable
candidate, especially on a hard-money platform. With
Mr. Tilden and this platform the Democratic party
stands better, morally, before the people, than does the
Republican party. Hayes is nothing; respectable, no
doubt, but without any record as a reformer. Tilden
is in himself a platform. He has made his record.
Of the two, said Mr. Adams, very decidedly, I would
infinitely prefer to see Mr. Tilden in the Executive
chair.. Mr. Adams further said that he had feared
Tilden's enemies would stab him in the back. His
foes were jobbers and corrupt men. He will have hid-
252 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
den enemies to encounter in the coming campaign.
The traditionary discipline of the Democratic party,
the party pride and inclination, will cause all Demo-
crats to fall into line for Mr. Tilden. Mr. Adams also
said he thought Mr. Tilden would carry his own State,
although Thurlow Weed and others think differently.
The independent vote wiU probably divide, those
voters with Republican predilections going for Hayes.
However, Gov. Tilden will secure the support of the
opponents of corruption who desire to see real work
accomplished. The Republican platform is weak,
especially in its financial plank. This was an endeavor
to catch both the '^ soft " and " hard " money men. As
to the other candidates before the St. Louis Conven-
tion, Mr. Adams thought them all weak. Hancock
would have been beaten on account, partly, of his
being a military man. There is a reaction, perhaps
temporary, against military men, owing to the dissatis-
faction with Gen. Grant. Thurman would have been
a fair candidate, but not strong. It wiU be a hard
fight. Tilden's war record is a good one. He is all
right there. As President, Mr. Tilden would sweep
away corrupt men and abuses.
Another individual's opinion must be given, as it
comes from the " Old Colony," Mass.
HON. CHARLES G. DAVIS OF PLYMOUTH.
Hon. Charles G. Davis was interviewed last evening
upon the nomination at St. Louis. *♦ You know very
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIOKS. 258
well," said he, " if you have taken any pains to learn,
my reasons for abandoning the Republican party : that
I consider it an historical and philosophical impossi-
bility for any political party, dynasty, corporation, or
sect, to reform itself after its organization has once be-
come corrupt, so long as it is in power. Men in power
do not reform themselves. Individual character is
seldom, perhaps never, changed after its characteristics
are bedded by time, and never in the full flush of
power or success. In such cases, to reform the person
or power or class, it must be put in Coventry for a time.
For these reasons I have long been of the opinion that
it would take more than a Hercules now to cleanse the
Augean stables of Republicanism. The nomination
and election of the best man on earth by the Republi-
can party, unless he had superhuman power, could
avail nothing. If elected, such a nominee must come
into power with a Republican Congress elected at the
same time, and with an army of office-holders who have
agisted in his election. How can he effect his object,
even if he has the will to do it ? Such a Congress will
protect the office-holders' rings, and he cannot know
where corruption wasteth at noonday. He will be
practically impotent. How much more must this be
the case with a weak man, howsoever honest? We
want, to-day, a man of will, of honest intent, who has
long dealt with men acquainted with affairs, who dares
to say " Yes," and also dares to say " No," — a positive
man, brought up in the principles of Democratic sim-
254 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
plicity and economy; and such a man is Tilden. I
feared that the Convention and politicians might be
tempted to nominate a military hero, who, of however
good report, character, and ability, was not versed in
public affairs and civil life. The people to-day ask not
only for an honest man, but a statesman. So far as
New England is concerned, if elected, Tilden will
awaken the blinded eyes of our infatuated manufactur-
ers, who are to-day losing the foreign market by their
own tariff, and allowing all the coarser manufactures
to move to the West, nearer the only market which
Republican rule has left to us. The party North and
South has shown its loyalty by avowals and protesta-
tions which present a moral spectacle, seldom, if ever,
seen after a civil war. And what we want now is not
professions only of pleasure that the South and the
North shake hands at Bunker Hill, but acts which
show that we mean what we profess. It was the South
which came to Bunker Hill ; let the North now show
that she means what she professes. The political death
of Blaine has, to some extent, washed the bloody shirt ;
but it is still flaunted before our eyes."
One more prominent citizen expressed himself as
follows : —
HON. CHAELES LEVI WOODBURY.
This is a regular reform ticket; and its effect through-
out the United States will be to arouse every honest
man who desires to keep his country in the paths that
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 265
the founders laid out for it. I regard it as the strongest
nomination the Democrats could have. It brings the
issues of the campaign back to the questions of the
day which really concern the weU-being of the Repub-
lic. With Tilden we shall have a country where the
laws will be obeyed by the Executive Department, and
the liberty of the citizen will be protected at home and
abroad. Mr. Tilden's talent for carrying out economy
in the administration of the Government will insure a
reduction of expenses, and by the consequent decrease
of taxation will bring back prosperity to all the indus-
tries of the country. Labor now will have a chance
of obtaining a fair reward for its industry, and the con-
fidence of capitalists will be restored so that enterprise
will have fair prospects of success. I think every in-
dustrial department of the land will feel a fresh stimu-
lus from this nomination. I regard it as the key of
returning prosperity to our manufactures and to our
mining and agricultural interests. To the South it
promises a stable currency, a market for her products,
and a renewed prosperity. Thus the South will again
become a great market for the mechanical products of
the Eastern and Middle States. In a purely political
aspect Mr. Tilden wiU be the embodiment of peace and
renewed confidence between the sections of the Union
lately dissevered. JSia nomination is the true emhodi-
ment of that spirit of love and loyalty which found its
first public demonstration at the Centennial celebration
of Bunker Hill last year in Boston^ and which in this
256 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
centennial year is destined in a wider field to bring the
whole country into a union of harmony, equal rights,
and liberty to all. The North has this assurance in
Tilden's record as an old Barn-burner, that he is neither
wedded to pro-slavery affiliations, or desirous of yield-
ing any thing to the South not clearly her right. This
nomination presented the remarkable fact that Gov.
Tilden on the first ballot had more than a majority of
the whole number of votes in Convention. When we
reflect that this has not happened in any Democratic
Convention since the nomination of Martin Van Buren,
it affords a striking evidence of the great respect which
the representatives of the thirty-seven States have for
the character and ability of Gov. Tilden. He is thus
well known throughout the Union, universally re-
spected, and will command the entire strength of the
Democratic party, with every prospect of carrying all
the floating vote, including both the German, European,
and American population, who look to honesty and
ability as the true requisites for a useful President.
HON. EDWARD AVERY
said last night : " The way the thing struck me from
the beginning was, that this whole contest had got to
be fought out on the proposition of governmental reform,
and simply upon that ground. It became apparent to
me some time ago, that Tilden was the only Democrat
in the country who had the opportunity of practically
showing his ability and willingness to carry out reform,
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 257
irrespective of political friends, and that therefore he
was the only proper person upon whom the party could
centre as the candidate in this contest ; and after Hayes's
nomination it became more apparent than ever. Before
that, if we desired success, it was absolutely necessary
that we should nominate him ; and I cannot see, from
the investigation I have made, any thing to indicate that
he will not be able to carry the greater part of the Ger-
man vote, the Middle States, and the West, or that he
is not acceptable to the Democratic Central States. If
we are wise in the nomination of vice-president we shall
have a chance to carry Indiana in October." In regard
to the platform Mr. Avery, who was on the committee
on resolutions, says, " We dissented, in connection with '
several other gentlemen from Maine, Connecticut, New
York, and New Jersey, from that portion of the platform
that calls for the repeal of the resumption laws ; but in
every other respect the platform was entirely satisfac-
tory to the Massachusetts delegation, and we only
dissented from that proposition because it might be
misunderstood. I consider the nomination and the plat-
form the triumph of hard money and reform."
AT NEW YOEK.
New York^ June 28. — The nomination of Tilden
was well received by the Democrats. The so-called
aristocratic members of the Democratic party here
have for a long time been disgusted with John Kelley's
iron rule, and it is considered that Tilden's nomination
268 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
is his (Kelley's) funeral. It is predicted, that he
(Kelley) will be forced to resign his leadership, and
that Tammany Hall will commence the campaign under
a new leader. The question of Tilden's election is seri-
ously discussed by politicians on both sides ; but the
drift of their sentiment is, that, if the Republicans put
up their best man for Governor, " Uncle Sammy "
cannot carry this State.
A hundred guns were fired in Madison Square, and
several thousand persons were present. The German
element indorsed the nomination by a salute of a
hundred guns in Tomkins Square.
[The New York Times.]
New York, June 28. — " The Times " says, " The
Democrats have no cause to find fault with the nomina-
tion of Tilden." It considers his defeat inevitable,
but there should be no belittling of his strength in
New York. His candidacy forces upon us a campaign
of hard, earnest, and systematic work. " The Times," in
another article, says, " The platform must be regarded
as a clear, unqualified declaration for the repudiation of
the resumption pledge."
[The New York Sun.]
New York, June 28. — " The Sun " is grateful for the
nomination, because it is in the interest of the country.
It is as a reformer that Mr. Tilden is selected to lead
the opposition in this Centennial year. Such a nomi-
nation cannot fail to excite in every part of the coun-
try a most hearty and hopeful enthusiasm. We admit
no doubts of its success.
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 259
[The Chicago Tribune.]
Chicago^ June 28. -r- Of Tilden's nomination " The
Tribune " says, " The nomination was by such an over-
whelming majority that it leaves no doubt that the
Convention deemed him the only man having a possible
chance of success. The nomination is a warning of
the desperate struggle that is to be made.
[The New-Yorker Staats-Zeitung.]
New Yorh^ June 28. — " The Staats-Zeitung " is en-
tirely satisfied with the platform and nomination, and
will support Tilden cordially.
IN OTHEE PLACES.
" The Evansville Courier " rejects Tilden, and calls
for a greenback ticket, with William Allen at its head.
[The Indianapolis Sentinel.]
" The Indianapolis Sentinel " awaits the final result
of the Convention before defining its position.
[The Nashville American.]
*'The Nashville American" regrets the defeat of
Hendricks, and supports Tilden.
THE ENTHUSIASM AT CONCOBD, N.H.
Concord^ JV.-Er., June 28. — The nomination of Gov.
Tilden at St. Louis sent a thrill of enthusiasm through
every Democratic heart in this city to-night, on the
reception of the news, confirmed by the " Post " bulle-
tins. Cheers fiUed the air, and in a few moments the
260 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
city was alive with excitement. Guns were fired,
bombs and rockets, and every description of celebration,
quickly followed, and a perfect rush of enthusiastic
men filled the streets. In the House of Representatives,
the announcement was made by Mr. Hatch, in the
midst of a spirited debate ; and business was for a
moment suspended, as applause, wild and tumultuous,
filled the hall. The most prominent Democrats were
interviewed by the " Post " reporter, and not one was
found who was not thoroughly in unison with the action
of the Convention. Every one said, " It is a winning
ticket." Such a marked difference between the over-
whelming reception of to-night's news and that of the
nomination of Hayes and Wheeler was so apparent,
that even Republicans paled at the contrast, and were
obliged to admit that the spontaneous action to-night
was a more perfect and satisfactory ratification than
any other that could be given, and more to be sought
than the drummed-up and cold meetings they held
several days after the Convention. No such feeling
has been manifested here since the days when Frank
Pierce led the Democrats to victory.
BEJOICINGS AT BIDDEFOED, MB.
Biddefordj ifcTe., June 28. — A Tilden flag was flung
to the breeze in this city at 11 o'clock this evening.
Bands and processions paraded the streets amidst the
wildest enthusiasm. Many Republicans admit that the
ticket will win, and the Democrats are confident of
victory next November.
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 261
UNQUALIFIED APPEOVAL OF THE PEOPLE AT
NASHUA, N.H.
NaBhua^ ff.H.^ June 28. — The news of the nomi-
nation of Tilden was received with great enthusiasm
by the Demobrats of this city this evening. Large
numbers of them kept up the feeling till a late hour.
The choice of the Convention receives the unqualified
approval of all.
DEMONSTRATIONS OF JOY AT MANCHESTEE, N.H.
Manchester, N.H., June 27. — The announcement, at
10, P.M., of Samuel J. Tilden's nomination by the St.
Louis Convention was received with three hearty cheers
by the large number of Democrats in attendance at the
telegraph oj£ce.
A SALUTE FIEED AT RUTLAND, VT.
Rutland, Vt., June 28. — The Democrats of Rutland
fired a salute this evening, in honor of the nomination
of Tilden.
THE GREAT WORK OF REFORM BEGUN IN NEW
YORK.
The Eighteenth Ward, and, indeed, the entire Six-
teenth Assembly District, in which is the home of Gov.
Tilden, were ablaze last evening ; and more than two
thousand persons gathered in Academy Hall and on the
sidewalk to participate in a great ratification meetings
262 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
and the unfurling of a magnificent TUden and Reform
banner. Hundreds of rockets buzzed through the air,
blue and red and' white tinted lanterns illuminated the
street, and for many blocks in all directions*a multitude
traversed the pavements, and shouted for Tilden and
Hendricks. A large outdoor stand had been erected in
front of Academy Hall, and around its sides were
wreathed the folds of the American flag. In Academy
Hall eloquent speeches were delivered by Judge Spen-
cer, James Daly, Senator (Grross, Major Haggerty, the
Hon. James E. Morrison, the Hon. Thomas Cooper
Campbell, Mr. James Fitzgerald, and others. Mr.
Campbell and Major Haggerty spoke in ringing words
of the corruption and worthlessness of the Republican
party, and their speeches were received with repeated
cheers. A large and very handsome picture of Gov.
Tilden was swung at the back of the platform. A
hopeful letter was received from the Hon. Abram S.
Hewitt.
New Yorkj July 11. — The Democratic Announce-
ment Committee, consisting of one member from each
State in the Union, met to-day in secret session in the
Fifth Avenue Hotel to arrange for the notification of
Gov. Tilden of his nomination by the Democratic Con-
vention at St. Louis-. Gen. McClemand presided, and
a quorum of the Committee was present. The commit-
tee decided to proceed to Albany in a body, and notify
Mr. Tilden of his nomination. A suitable address was
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 263
drawn up, to be delivered by the chairman of the com-
mittee to-morrow in Albany. The committee also
decided to notify Mr. Hendricks ; and a sub-committee,
consisting chiefly of Western men, was appointed to
call on the candidate for Vice-President, and notify him
of his nomination.
A long discussion ensued between the members of
the committee, on the question of whether they should
go to Albany to wait on Gov. Tilden, or await his
arrival here. Finally a telegram was sent to the Gover-
nor, notifying him of the committee being in session,
and stating that his presence was desirable ; to which
he replied he would be pleased to meet the committee
at his home in Grammercy Park at nine this evening.
AT THE governor's RESIDENCE.
The committee waited on the Governor at the time
appointed. Delegates from nearly every State in the
Union were present. The Governor gave the commit-
tee a cordial greeting. Gen. McClemand addressed
the Governor, and outlined the work of the St. Louis
Convention. It was august in character, patriotic in
sentiment, and met at a time when civil authority was
exposed to fresh encroachment from the miUtary ; when
hard money was dishonored, and virtually banished from
circulation by vicious legislation ; when peculation and
corruption were sapping the foundations of the govern-
ment. The Convention determined to save the coimtry,
and chose for its standard-bearers, tried, true, and
trusted men.
264 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
Gen. McClemand then read the address of the com-
mittee conveying the official information of his nomina-
tion to Gov. Tilden. It stated that he was nominated
because his name was prominently identified with
reform, reduction of taxation, and the maintenance of
the rights of the laboring masses ; and his record is one
of untarnished purity in the eyes of his countrymen.
•
A BBPEESENTATIVE INDIANIAN SPEAKS HIS SENTI-
MENTS.
Hon. Bayless W. Hana of Indiana, in addressing
Gov. Tilden, alluded briefly to the struggle of that
State to secure the first place on the National ticket for
her favorite son, whom he eulogized in fitting terms,
and then said, —
" But, sir, when the Democratic party, speaking
through its delegates assembled in the National Con-
vention, in its faultless wisdom, and with a unanimity
and determination unparalleled in the history of the
Democratic Conventions, elected to commit, if possible,
this precious charge to the hands of another, Indiana
responded " Amen." And to-day her people, not only
with great cheerfulness, but with great enthusiasm, all
say amen to the nomination of Samuel J. Tilden, the
acknowledged chief among chieftains of the devoted
reformers who have battled for the overthrow of rings
and conspiracies, in office and out of office, for the
restitution of honest and economical government every-
where. Indiana, sir, gladly and joyfully accepts the
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 265
situation. In the nomination of Samuel J. Tilden and
Thomas A. Hendricks she beholds again the complete
unification of the Democratic party, re-established upon
those sound and abiding principles which gave it so
much strength and renown in the golden days of its
ancient ascendency. They feel that reason, justice, and
economy are to be once more re-instated throughout the
land, and that madness, cruelty, and prodigality must
be swept away.
New York^ June 12. — The following is a full report
of the remarks of Gov. Tilden to the Democratic Com-
mittee of Notification : —
Gen. McClernand and Gentlemen of the Com-
mittee, — I shall at the earliest convenience prepare
and transmit to you a formal acceptance of the nomina-
tion which you now tender to me in behalf of the
Democratic National Convention, and I do not desire
on this occasion to anticipate any topic which might be
appropriate to that communication. It may, however,
be permitted to me to say that my nomination was not
a mere personal preference between citizens and states-
men of this Republic, who might very well have been
chosen for so distinguished an honor, and for so august
a duty. It was rather a declaration of that illustrious
body, in whose behalf you speak, in favor of adminis-
trative reform, with which events had associated me in
the public mind. The strength, the universality, and
the efficiency of the demand for administrative reform
266 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
in all goyemments, and especially in the administration
of the Federal government, with which the Democratic
masses everywhere were instinct, have led to a series of
surprises in the popular assemblages, and perhaps in the
Convention itself. It would be unnatural, gentlemen,
if a popular movement so genuine and so powerful
should stop with three and one-half millions of Demo-
crats ; that it should not extend by contagion to that
large mass of independent voters who stand between
parties in our country, and to a portion of the party
under whose administration the evils to be corrected
have gro^ up. And perhaps in what we have wit-
nessed there may be an augury in respect to what we
may witness in the election about to take place through-
out our country ; at least, let us hope so and believe so.
I am not without experience of the dijficulty and the
labor of effecting administrative reform when it requires
a revolution in policies and in measures long established
in government. If I were to judge by the year and a
half in which I have been in the State government, I
should say that the routine duties of the trust I have
had imposed on me are a small burden compared with
that created by the attempt to change the policy of the
government of which I have been the executive head.
Especially is this so where the reform is to be worked
out with more or less of the co-operation of public offi-
cers, who either have been tainted with the evils to be
redressed, or who have been incapacitated by habit or
toleration of the wrongs to be corrected, to which they
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 267
%
have been consenting witnesses. I, therefore, if your
choice should be ratified by the people at the election,^
should enter upon the great duties which would fall
upon me, not as a holiday recreation, but very much in
that spirit of consecration in which the soldier enters
battle. But let us believe, as I do believe, that we now
see the dawn of a better day for our country, and that
dijficult as is the work to which the Democratic party,
with many of the allies and former members of other
parties, has addressed itself, the Republic is yet to be
renovated to live in all the future, and to be transmitted
to future generations as Jefferson contributed to form it
in his day, and in which it has been ever since, until a
recent period, a blessing to the whole people. Gentle-
men, I thank you for the very kind terms in which you
have made your communication, and I extend to you
collectively and individually a most cordial greeting.
AN ABLE SPEECH BY SENATOE BAYARD.
At the grand ratification in Philadelphia, Senator
Bayard of Delaware was introduced, and received with
long and continued cheering. He expressed his satis-
faction at finding, in such weather, so large a gathering
of devoted Democrats, met to discuss the interests of
the people. He hoped they would understand that
the fate of the people was in the hands of the people ;
that there is no abuse they cannot end, and no reform
accomplished, unless they demand it. If this Govern-
ment is to go down, it will be either from the indiffer-
268 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
ence or the ignorance of the people, or because they
lack the courage to stand up for their rights. In
Europe a dynasty may be overthrown, and the country
go on. Here, however, if the principles of freedom,
which enable us to enact our wishes into law, fall, that
faU will be by the hands of the people who should have
sustained them; and it must be remembered, that,
while we have great liberties, there accompany them
the gravest responsibilities. There will be a chance,
this fall, for the people to change the administration of
affairs, if they so will it. Until then, it is the mission
of the Democracy to lay before the people facts con-
cerning the two great parties to be considered in con-
nection with the election. Is business in this great
city prosperous? Have mechanics work? Are capi-
talists willing to lend their money ? Do the mills teem
with industry ? Do the foiges resound with the voice
of the hammer? The knowledge and hearts of the
people must answer this. If they are satisfied, then
the party in power should reap the benefit. But he
could only see the greatest cause of apprehension for
mechanic and capitalist. Taxes increase on the capi-
talist, and his rents decrease. He fears if he lends,
that his money will return decreased in value, if re-
turned at all. Everywhere was public debt, and private
debt seems like a terrible ocean which has covered the
land with mortgage. All this was a matter for Demo-
crats and Republicans alike to consider. He denounced
the Republican party for having governed on promises
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 269
of economy, reform, and reconciliation that have not
been performed. He did not believe that people wanted
four years more of a departure from specie basis and
resumption. When Gen. Grant became President,
it was promised that bonds and notes would speedily
be paid in gold, and yet to-day we are farther off from
this than ever. The laboring man does not get what
he should for what he gives, value for value ; and the
workingman should never rest until a system of gov-
ernment is inaugurated that will accomplish this. It is
absurd to believe that a government or a people can get
rich by prmting its own notes.
EECONCILIATION.
Reconciliation is a dear thing to the American peo-
ple. This was promised. Like a leg badly set, that
needs to be broken again to be set right, the Republi-
cans had broken the fifteen Southern States. The man
who had the effrontery, in order to catch votes, to say,
** Let us have peace," had done every thing that could
distress, annoy, and calumniate the Southern States,
in order to tear the American people farther apart.
The tariff laws were unfair and ill-advised, and were
crippling the country ; and under all laid a system, a
corner-stone of general official dishonesty, which robs
the Treasury of one-half of what honest toil contrib-
utes. The corruption of the last eight years is
terrific. Where is the voluntary punishment of fraud
by the President ? and where is any Republican, who
270 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
has unearthed fraud, who has retained his place and
power in the party? Only during the present session
of the House of Representatives has light been let in ;
and where, in either House, was there a Republican
who had not opposed when the ploughshare of investi-
gation turned up fraud? When Heister Clymer
exposed the fraud of the War Department, one would
have been in doubt, to read the Republican newspapers,
which was the rogue, Clymer or Belknap. Under aU
this arraignment, if the American people again put
this party in power, God help the people that have
failed to distinguish between honesty and dishonesty,
and forgotten the prayers learned at the knees of
their mothers. The Republican majority in the Senate
is responsible for the corrupt and obnoxious appoint-
ments of the President. The speaker demanded
whether Hayes and Wheeler will make the needed
reform. What influences nominated them ? Personally
they are respectable third-rate men. Would they not
be governed by the influences that nominated them ?
Both men are obscure and of no weight ; and it is very
doubtful whether, if they wished, they could inaugurate
reform. How little was known of them he had seen at
a Republican meeting in Jackson, Miss., composed
nineteen-twentieths of negroes, where cheers were
given for "Wheeler and Wilson." Criticising the
action of the Cincinnati Convention, the speaker asked
whether Sherman and Cameron, who made the nomina-
tions, could be called honest reformers.
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 271
THE POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT
has been turned over to the unscrupulous Morton, and
all know what this means. The candidates of a party
cannot rise above their party; and, if Hayes and
Wheeler are elected, they will do precisely as Grant
aiid Wilson. Tilden and Hendricks are known as hon-
est Governors and profound Statesmen. By his reform
measures in the administration as Governor of New
York, Tilden has gained the confidence of the people ;
and there was no spot on the character of Hendricks
in any part of his career. As Vice-President he will be
capable and dignified, and if Tilden should die his
place wiU be worthily filled. In these nominations the
Democracy have economy, ability, and statesmanship,
against incompetency and insignificance.
Speaking of the prospects of the Democrats carrying
Pennsylvania, Mr. Bayard said that Philadelphia un-
doubtedly contains a large Democratic majority, which
is always counted out. He urged the Democrats to
detect the scoundrels, and, if necessary, to hang them.
The State is counted Republican because there is a
corrupt system of scoundrelism in Philadelphia that
always overcomes the Democratic majority in the State.
He called on the people to amend this. All that is
needed is to cast the vote, and keep an eye on those
who count the votes, and this great State will without
doubt be carried by Tilden and Hendricks.
272 WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS.
DELEGATES EETUENING FROM ST. LOUIS CALL ON
GOV. HENDRICKS.
Indianapous, Iin>., June 30.
Several of tlie New York delegates, returning from
St. Louis, remained over one train this evening, to call
upon Gov. Hendricks, who met them at the Occidental
Hotel, where the party were serenaded. Augustus
Schell, John Kelly, William Roberts, W. H. Quincy,
and others, addressed the audience from the balcony of
the hotel, pledgiug hearty support to the ticket, and
exhorting the Democracy of Indiana to renewed efforts
for victory at the coming election. After these gentle-
men had spoken, loud and persistent calls were made
for Gov. Hendricks, who appeared on the balcony, and
was received with the most vociferous and protracted
cheering. Quiet being restored, he said, —
REMARKS OF GOV. HENDRICKS.
My Fellow Citizens, — It is impossible for me to
make an address to you this evening. I am here to pay
my respects to the distinguished citizens from other
States, who are on their way home from one of the great-
est political conventions that ever held a session in this
country. These distinguished men sympathize with us
in the interest which we intend to protect by the
change which is to take place at the coming election.
I believe at the next election that the people are going
to express what is written in the platform adopted at
WHAT FOLLOWED THE NOMINATIONS. 273
St. Louis, and what is written in the history of the dis-
tinguished man that leads the ticket, and what is
thorough reform in public service. There is but one
other thought that I will express to you. That the
platform adopted at St. Louis declared that the
resumption clause of the act adopted in 1875 shall be
repealed ; and the repeal of that clause carries with it
every feature of the law which is bringing about the
contraction so hurtful to the interests of the country.
I thank you for the compliment which you have paid
me by this call. I repeat, I cannot undertake to make
you an address. It is my duty to pay my attention
and respects to the gentlemen who have addressed you.
Again I thank you, gentlemen.
After dining with the Governor, the party left in
their special car for the East.
CHAPTER XV.
MB. TILDEK'S Am> MB. HENBBICKS'S LETTEBS OF
AOOEPTANOB.
Crov. Tilden indorses the St. Louis Platform. -^Befonn in Public
Expense. — How to accomplish it. — The Condition of the South. —
How to improve it. — Currency Beform. — Bank-note Besumption.
— Legal-tender Besumption. — Necessary Currency. — Proper Time
of Besumption. — Preparation for it. — Plan for Besumption. —
Belief to Business Men. — Civil-Service Beform. — What he pur-
poses to do if elected to the Presidency.
New Torky Aug. 4.* — Gbv. Tilden's letter, accepting
the Democratic nomination for President, is as follows : —
AiAANY, N.Y., Jrdy 31, 187a
Gentlemen, — When I had the honor to receive a
personal delivery of your letter, on behalf of the Demo-
cratic National Convention held on the 28th of June at
St. Louis, advising nle of my nomination as the candi-
date of the constituency represented by that body, for the
office of President of the United States, I answered that
at my earliest convenience, and in conformity with usage,
I would prepare and transmit to you a formal acceptance.
I now avail myself of the first interval in imavoidable
occupations to fulfil that engagement. The Convention,
274
MR. TILDEN'S letter OF ACCEPTANCE, 27f
before making its nominations, adopted a declaration
of principles, which, as a whole, seems to me a wise
exposition of the necessities of our country, and of the
reforms needed to bring back the government to its
true functions, restore purity of administration, and to
renew the prosperity of the. people ; but some of these
reforms are so urgent, that they claim more than a pass-
ing approval.
REFORM IN THE PUBUCO EXPENSE.
The necessity of a reform in the scale of public expense,
— Federal, State and municipal, — and in the modes
of Federal taxation, justifies all the prominence given to
it in the declaration of the St. Louis Convention. The
present depression in all the business and industries of
the people, which is depriving labor of its emplojonents,
and carrying want into so many homes, has its princi-
pal cause in excessive governmental consumption.
Under the illusions of a specious prosperity, engendered
by the false policies of the Federal government, a waste
of capital has been going on ever since the peace of
1865, which could only end in universal disaster. The
Federal taxes of the last eleven years reach the gigantic
sum of $4,500,000,000. Local taxation has amounted
to two-thirds as much more. The vast aggregate is not
less than $7,500,000,000. This enormous taxation
followed a civil conflict that had greatly impaired oui
aggregate wealth, and had made a prompt reduction of
expenses indispensable. It was aggravated by the mosi
276 MB. tilden's letter of acceptance.
unscientific and ill-adjusted methods of taxation, that
increased the sacrifices of the people far beyond the
receipts of the treasury. It was aggravated, moreover,
by a financial policy which tended to diminish the
energy, skill, and economy of production and the
frugality of private consumption, and induced miscal-
culation in business and an unremunerative use of
capital and labor. Even in prosperous times, the daily
wants of industrious communities press closely upon
their daily earnings. The maxgin of possible national
savings is at least a small percentage of national earn-
ings. Yet now for these eleven years governmental
consumption has been a larger portion of the national
earnings than the whole people can possibly save, even
in prosperous times, for all new investments. The
consequences of these errors are now a present public
calamity. But they never were doubtful, never invisi-
ble. They were necessary and inevitable, and were
foreseen and depicted when the waves of that fictitious
prosperity ran highest. In a speech made by me on the
24th of September, 1869, it was said of these taxes,
" They bear heavily upon every man's income, upon
every industry and every business in the country ; and
year by year they are destined to press still more
heavily, unless we arrest the system that gives rise to
them. It was comparatively easy, when values were
doubling, under repeated issues of legal-tender paper
money, to pay out of our growing and apparent wealth
these taxes ; but when values recede, and sink toward
MB. TILDEN'S letter OP ACCEPTANCE. 277
their natural scale, the tax-gatherers take from us not
only our income, not only our profits, but also a portion
of our capital. I do not wish to exaggerate or alarm.
I simply say that we camiot afford the costly and ruin*
ous policy of the radical majority in Congress. We
cannot afford that policy towards the South. We can-
not afford the magnificent and oppressive centralism
into which our government is being converted. We
cannot afford the present magnificent scale of taxa-
tion." To the Secretary of the Treasury I said, early
in 1860, there is no royal road for a government more
than for an individual or a corpomtion. What you
want to do now is to cut down your expenses, and live
within your income. I would give all the legerde-
main of finance and financeering, I would give the
whole of it, for the old honesty maxim, " Live within
your income." This reform will be resisted at every
step, but it must be pressed persistently. We see to-
day the immediate representatives of the people in one
branch of Congress, while struggling to reduce expen-
ditures, compelled to confront the menace of the Senate
and the Executive. Unless the objectionable appropria-
tions be consented to, the operations of the government
thereunder shall suffer detriment or cease. In my
judgment, an amendment of the Constitution ought to
be devised, separating into distinct bills the appropria-
tions for the various departments of the public service,
and excluding from each bill all appropriations for
other objects and all independent legislation. In that
278 MB. tilden's letter of aoobptancb.
way alone can the revisory power of each of the two
Houses and of the Executive be preserved and exempted
from the moral duress which often compels assent to
objectionable appropriations rather than stop the wheels
of the government.
THE SOUTH.
An accessory cause, enhancing the distress in busi-
ness, is to be found in the systematic and unsupport-
able misgovemment imposed on the States of the
South. Besides the ordinary effects of an ignorant and
dishonest administration, it has inflicted upon them an
enormous issue of fraudulent bonds, the scanty avails
of which were wasted or stolen, and the existence of
which is a public discredit, tending to bankruptcy or
repudiation. Taxes, generaUy oppressive, in some in-
stances have confiscated the entire income of property,
and totally destroyed its marketable value. It is
impossible that these evils should not re-act upon the
prosperity of the whole country. The nobler motives
of humanity concur with the material interests of all,
in requiring that every obstacle be removed to a com-
plete and durable reconciliation between kindred pop-
ulations once lumationaUy estranged, on the basis
recognized by the St. Louis platform of the *^ Consti-
tution of the United States, with its amendments uni-
versally accepted as a final settlement of the con-
troversies which engendered civil war." But in aid
of a result so beneficent, the moral influence of every
MR. TILDEN'S letter OF ACCEPTANCE. 279
good citizen, as well as every governmental authority,
ought to be exerted, not alone to maintain their just
equality before the law, but likewise to establish a cor-
dial fraternity and good-will among citizens, whatever
their race or color, who are now united in the one
destiny of a common self-government. If the duty
shall be assigned to me, I should not fail to exercise
the powers with which the laws and the constitution of
our country clothe its chief magistrate to protect all
its citizens, whatever their former condition, in every
political and personal right.
CURRENCY REFORM.
Reform is necessary, declares the St. Louis Conven-
tion, to establish a sound currency, restore the public
credit, and maintain the national honor ; and it goes
on to demand a judicious system of preparation by
public economies, by ofiQcial retrenchments, and by
wise finance, which shall enable the nation soon to
assure the whole world of its perfect ability and perfect
readiness to meet any of its promises at the call of the
creditors entitled to payment. The object demanded
by the Convention is a resumption of specie payments
on the legal-tender notes of the United States. That
would not only restore the public credit and maintain
the public honor, but it would establish a sound curren-
cy for the people. The methods by which the object
is to be pursued, and the means by which it is to be
attained, are disclosed by what the Convention de-
280 MB. tildbn's letter of acceptance.
manded for the future and by what it denounced in
the past.
BANK-NOTE RESUMPTION.
The resumption of specie payments by the govern-
ment of the United States, on its legal-tender notes,
would establish specie payments by all the banks on all
their notes. The official statement made on the 12th
of May shows that the amount of bank-notes was
$300,000,000, less 120,000,000 by themselves. Against
these $280,000,000 of notes the banks held $141,000,000
of legal-tender notes, or a little more than fifty per cent
of their amount. But they also held on deposit in the
Federal treasury, as security for these notes, bonds of
the United States worth in gold about $860,000,000,
available and current in all the foreign money markets.
In resuming, the banks, even if it were possible for all
their notes to be presented for payment, would have
$500,000,000 of specie funds to pay $280,000,000 of
notes, without contracting their loans to their customers,
or calling on any private debtor for payment, Sus-
pended banks undertaking to resume have usually been
obliged to collect from needy borrowers the means to
redeem excessive issues and to provide reserves. A
vague idea of distress is therefore often associated with
the process of resumption ; but the conditions which
caused distress in those former instances do not now
exist. The government has only to make good its own
promises, and the banks can take care of themselves
without distressing anybody. The government is,
therefore, the sole dehnquent.
MB. TILDEN'S LETTEB OF ACCEPTANCE. 281
LEGAL-TENDER RESUMPTION.
The amount of the legal-tender notes of the United
States now outstanding is less than $370,000,000, be-
sides $34,000,000 of fractional currency. How shall the
government make these notes at all times as good as
specie? It has to provide, in reference to the mass
which would be kept in use by the wants of business,
a central reservoir of coin adequate to the adjustment
of the temporary fluctuations of international balances,
and as a guarantee against transient drains artificially
created by panic or by speculations. It has also to
provide for the payment in coin of such fractional
currency as may be presented for redemption, and such
inconsiderable portions of the legal-tenders as Individ-
uals may, from time to time, desire to convert for special
use, or in order to lay by in coin their little stores of
money. To make the coin now in the treasury avail-
able for the objects of this revenue, to gradually
strengthen and enlarge that revenue, and to provide
for such other exceptional demands for coin as may
arise, does not seem to me a work of difficulty. If
wisely planned and discreetly pursued, it ought not to
cost any sacrifice to the business of the country. It
should tend, on the contrary, to a revival of hope and
confidence. The coin in the treasury on the 30th of
June, including what is held against coin certificates,
amounted to nearly $74,000,000. The current of pre-
cious metals which has flowed out of our country for
282 MB. tilden's letteb op acceptakcb.
the eleven years from July 1, 1865, to June 30, 1876,
averaging nearly $76,000,000 a year, was $832,000,000,
in the whole period of which 1617,000,000 was the
product of our own mines. To amass the requisite
quantity by intercepting from the current flowing out
of the country, and by acquiring from the stocks
which exist abroad without disturbing the equilibrium
of foreign money markets, is a result to be easily
worked out by practical knowledge and judgment.
With respect to whatever surplus of legal-tenders
the wants of business may fail to keep in use, and
which, in order to save interest, will be returned for
redemption, they can either be paid, or they can be
funded. Whether they continue as currency, or be
absorbed into the vast mass of securities held as invest-
ments, is merely a question of the rate of interest they
draw. Even if they were to remain in their present
form, and the government were to agree to pay on them
a rate of interest making them desirable as investments,
they would cease to circulate, and take their place with
government. State, municipal, and other corporate and
private bonds, of which thousands of millions exist
among us. In the perfect ease with which they can
be changed from currency into investments lies the
only danger to be guarded against in the adoption of
a general measure intended to remove a clearly ascer-
tained surplus ; that is, the withdrawal of any which
are not a permanent excess beyond the wants of busi-
ness. Even now mischievous would be any measure
MB. TILDEN's letter OP ACCEPTAKCB. 283
whicli affects the public imagination with the fear of
an apprehended scarcity in a community where credit
is so much used. Fluctuations of values and vicissi-.
tudes in business are largely caused by the temporary
beliefs of men, even before those beliefs can conform to
ascertained realities.
THE AMOUNT OP NECESSABY CURRENCY
at a given time cannot be determined arbitrarily, and
should not be assumed on conjecture. That amount is
subject to both permanent and temporary changes.
An enlargement of it, which seemed to be durable,
happened at the beginning of the civil war by a sub-
stituted use of currency in place of individual credits.
It varies with certain states of business ; it fluctuates
with considerable regularity at different seasons of the
year. In autumn, for instance, when buyers of grain
and other agricultural products begin their operations,
they usually need to borrow capital or circulating
credits by which to make their purchases, and want
these funds in currency, capable of being distributed
in small sums among the numerous sellers. The addi-
tional need of currency at such times is five or more
per cent of the whole volume ; and if a surplus beyond
what is required for ordinary use does not happen to
have been on hand at the money centres, a scarcity of
currency ensues, and also a stringency in the loan-
market. It was in reference to such experiences, that,
in a discussion of this subject in my annual message to
284 MB. tildbn's lbtteb of acceptance.
the New York Legislature of Jan. 5, 1875, the sugges-
tion was made, that the Federal Government is bound
to redeem every portion of its issues which the public
do not wish to use. Having assumed to monopolize
the supply of currency, and enacted exclusions against
everybody else, it is bound to furnish all which the
wants of business require. . . . The system should
passively allow the volume of circulating credits to ebb
and flow, according to the ever changing wants of
business. It should imitate as closely as possible the
natural laws of trade, which it has superseded by arti-
ficial contrivances. And in a similar discussion, in my
message of Jan. 4, 1876, it was said that resumption
should be effected by such measures as would keep the
aggregate amount of the currency self-adjusting during
all the process, without creating at any time an
artificial scarcity, and without exciting the public
imagination with alarms, .which impair confidence,
contract the whole large machinery of credit, and
disturb the natural operations of business. Means of
resumption, public economies, official retrenchment,
and wise finance are the means which the St. Louis
Convention indicates. As a provision for reserves and
redemptions, the best resource is a reduction of the
expense of the government below its income ; for that
impdses no new charge on the people. If, however,
the improvidence and waste which have conducted us
to a period of falling revenues oblige us to supplement
the results of economies and retrenchments by some
MR. TILDEN'S letter OF ACCEPTANCE, 285
resort to loans, we should not hesitate. The govern-
ment ought not to speculate on its own dishonor, in
order to save interests on its broken promises, which
it still compels private dealers to accept at a fictitious
par. The highest national honor is not only right, but
would prove profitable. Of the public debt, $985,000,-
000 bear interest at 5 per cent in gold, and $712,000,-
000 at 6 per cent in gold. The average interest
is 5.58 per cent. A financial policy which should
secure the highest credit availed of ought gradually
to obtain a reduction of 1 per cent in the interest on
most of the loans. A saving of 1 per cent on the
average would be $17,000,000 a year in gold. That
saving, regularly invested at 4i per cent, would, in
less than thirty-eight years, extinguish the principal.
The whole $17,000^000 of the funded debt might be
paid by this saving alone, without cost to the people.
«
PROPER TIME FOR RESUMPTION.
The proper time for resumption is the time when
wise preparations shall have ripened into a perfect
ability to accomplish the object with a certainty and
ease that will inspire confidence and encourage the
reviving of business. The earliest time in which such
a result can be brought about is the best. Even when
the preparations shall have been matured, the exact
time would have to be chosen with reference to the
then existing state of trade and credit operations in our
own country, the course of foreign commerce, and the
286 MB. tilden's letter of acceptance.
condition of the exchanges with other nations. The
specific measures and the actual date are matters of
detail, having reference to ever-changing conditions.
They belong to the domain of practical administrative
statesmanship. The captain of a steamer about starting
from New York to Liverpool does not assemble a coun-
cil over his ocean-chart, and fix an angle by which to
lash the rudder the whole of the voyage. A human
intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting
forces of the water and the winds. A human hand
must be on the helm to feel the elements day by day,
and guide to a mastery over them.
PEEPABATIONS FOB BESUMPTION.
Such preparations are every thing. Without them
a legislative command fixing a day, an official promise
fixing a day, are shams. They are worse : they are a
isnare and a delusion to all who trust them. They
destroy all confidence among thoughtful men, whose
judgment will at last sway public opinion. An attempt
to act on such a command or such a promise, without
preparation, would end in a new suspension. It would
be a fresh calamity, prolific of confusion, distrust, and
distress. IJJie act of Congress of the 14th of January,
1875, exacted that on and after the first of January,
1879, the Secretary, of the Treasury shall redeem in coin
the legal-tender notes of the United States on presenta-
tion at the office of the Assistant Treasurer in the city
of New York. It authorized the Secretary to prepare
ME. TILDEN'S LETTEB OF ACCEPTANCE. 287
and provide for such resumption of specie payments, by
the use of any surplus revenue not otherwise appropri-
ated, and by issuing, in his discretion, certain classes
of bonds. More than one and a half of the four years
have passed, and Congress and the President have con-
tinued ever since to unite in acts which have legislated
out of existence every possible surplus applicable to
this purpose. The coin in the treasury, claimed to
belong to the government, had, on the 30th of June,
fallen to less than $45,000,000, as against $59,000,000
on the 1st of January, 1875 ; and the availability of a
part of that sum is said to be questionable. The reve-
nues are falling faster than the appropriations and the
expenditures are reduced, leaving the treasury with
diminishing resources. The Secretary has done nothing
under his power to issue bonds. The legislative • com-
mand and the ofl&cial promise fixing a day for resump-
tion have thus far been barren. No practical prepara-
tions toward resumption have been made. There has
been no progress. There have been steps backward.
There is no necromancy in the operations of the
government. The homely maxims of every-day life
are the best standards of its conduct. A debtor who
should promise to pay a loan out of his surplus income,
yet to be seen every day spending all he could lay his
hands on in riotous living, would lose all character for
honesty and veracity. His offer of a new promise, or
his profession as to the value of the old promise, would
alike provoke derision. .
288 ME. tilden's letter op acceptance.
THE RESUMPTION PLAN OP THE ST. LOUIS PLATFORM.
The St. Louis platform denounces the failure for
eleven years to make good the promise of the legal-
tender notes. It denounces the omission to accumulate
any reserve for their redemption. It denounces the
conduct, " which during eleven years of peace has
made no advances towards resumption, no preparations
for resumption ; but, instead, has obstructed resumption
by wasting our resources and exhausting all our sur-
plus income, and, while professing to intend a speedy
return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh
hinderances thereto ; " and, having first denounced the
barrenness of the promise of a diay of resumption, it
next denounces that barren promise as a hinderance to
resumption. It then demands its repeal, and also
demands the establishment of a judicious system of
preparation for resumption. It cannot be doubted that
the substitution of a system of preparation without the
promise of a day, for the worthless promise of a day
without a system of preparation, would be the gain of
the substance of resumption in exchange for its shadow ;
nor is the denunciation unmerited of that improvidence
which in the eleven years since the peace has consumed
forty-five hundred millions of dollars, and yet could
not afford to give the people a sound and stable curren-
rency. Two and a half per cent on the expenditure of
these eleven years, or even less, would have provided
all the additional coin needful to resumption.
ME. TILDEN'S letter OF ACCEPTANCE. 289
RELIEF TO BUSINESS DISTRESS.
The distress now felt by the people in aU their busi-
ness and industries, though it has its principal cause in
the enormous waste of capital occasioned by the false
policies of our government, has been greatly aggravated
by the mismanagement of the currency. Uncertainty
is the prolific parent of • mischief in all business.
Never were its evils more felt than now. ' Men do noth-
ing, because they are unable to make any calculations
on which they can safely rely. They undertake noth-
ing, because they fear a loss in every thing they would
attempt : they stop and wait. The merchant dares not
buy for the future consumption of his customers ; the
manufacturer dares not make fabrics which may not
refund his outlay : he shuts his factory, and discharges
his workmen. Capitalists cannot lend on security they
consider safe, and their funds lie almost without inter-
est. Men of enterprise, who have credit or securities to
pledge, will not borrow. Consumption has fallen be-
low the natural limits of a reasonable economy. Prices
of many things are under their range in frugal, specie-
paying times before the war. Vast masses of currency
lie in the banks unused. A year and a half ago, the
legal tenders were at their largest volume, and the
twelve millions since retired have been replaced by
fresh issues of fifteen millions of bankruotes. In the
meantime, the banks have been surrendering about fowr
millions a month, because they cannot find a profitable
290 MB. tilden's lbtteb of acceptance.
use for so many of their notes. The public mind will
not longer accept shams. It has suffered enough from
illusions. An insincere policy increases distrust ; an
unstable policy increases uncertainty. The people
need to know that the government is moving in the
direction of ultimate safety and prosperity, and that it
is doing so through prudent, safe, and conservative
methods, which will be sure to inflict no new sacrifice
on the business of the country ; then the inspiration of
new hope and well-founded confidence will hasten the
restoring processes of nature, and prosperity will begin
to return. The St. Louis Convention concludes its
expression in regard to the currency by a declaration
of its convictions as to the practical results of the sys-
tem of preparations it demands. It says, —
" We believe such a system, well devised, and, above
all, intrusted to competent hands for execution, creating
at no time, an artificial scarcity of currency, and at no
time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of
that vaster machinery of credit, by which ninety-five
per cent of all business transactions are performed, a
system open, public, and inspiring general confidence,
would, from the day of its adoption, bring healing on
its wings to all our harassed industries ; set in motion
the wheels of commerce, manufactures, and the me-
chanic arts ; restore employment to labor ; and renew in
all its natural sources the prosperity of the people."
The government of the United States, in my opinion,
can advance to a resumption of specie payments on its
MB. TILDEN'S letter OP ACCEPTANCE. 291
•
legal-tender notes by gradual and safe processes, tending
to relieve the present business distress. If charged by
the people with the administration of the executive
office, I should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers
vnth which it has been, or may be, invested by Congress,
as best and soonest to conduct the coimtry to that bene-
ficent result.
CIVTL-SERVICB REPOBM.
The Convention justly affirms that reform is necessary
in the civil service ; necessary to its purification ; neces-
sary to its economy and its efficiency ; necessary in
order that the ordinary employment of the public busi-
ness may not be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, a
brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor,
assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in
the public employ. The Convention wisely added that
reform is necessary even more in the higher grades of
the public seiTice. The President, Vice-President,
judges, senators, representatives, cabinet officers, these,
and all others in authority, are the people's servants,
their officers. They are not a private perquisite. They
are a public trust. Two evils infest the official service
of the Federal government. One is the prevalent and
demoralizing notion, that the public service exists, not
for the business and benefit of the whole people, but
for the interest of the office-holders, who are in truth
but the servants of the people. Under the influence
of this pernicious error, public employments have been
multiplied, the number of those gathered into the ranks
292 ME. TILDEN^S LBTTEE OP ACCEPTANCE.
of office-holders Have been steadily increased beyond
any possible requirements of the public business, while
inefficiency, peculation, fraud, and malversation of the
public funds, from the high places of power to the
lowest, have overspread the whole service like a leprosy.
The other evil is the organization of the official class
into a body of political mercenaries, governing the
caucuses and dictating the nominations of their own
party, and attempting to carry the elections of the
people by undue influence and by immense corruption
funds, systematically collected from the salaries or fees
of office-holders. The official class in other countries,
sometimes, by its own weight, and sometimes in alliance
with the army, has been able to rule the unorganized
masses, even under universal suffrage. Here it has
already grown into a gigantic power, capable of stifling
the inspirations of a sound public opinion, and of
resisting an easy change of administration, until mis-
government becomes intolerable, and public spirit has
been stung to the pitch of a civic revolution. The
first step in reform is the elevation of the standard by
which the appointing power selects agents to execute
official trusts. Next in importance is a conscientious
fidelity in the exercise of the authority to hold to
account and displace untrustworthy or incapable subor-
dinates. The public interest in an honest, skilful
performance of official trust must not be sacrificed to
the personal interests of the incumbents. After these
immediate steps, which will insure the exhibition of
MR. TILDEN's letter OF ACCEPTANCE. 293
better examples, we may wisely go on to the abolition
of unnecessary offices, and finally to the patient, careful
organization of a better civil-service system, under the
tests, wherever practicable, of proved competency and
fidelity. WhUe much may be accomplished by these
methods, it might encourage delusive expectations if I
withheld here the expression of my conviction that no
reform of the civil service in this country will be com-
plete and permanent until its chief is constitutionally
disqualified for re-election, experience having repeatedly
exposed the fallacy of self-imposed restrictions by can-
didates or incumbents. Through this solemnity only
can he be effectually delivered from his greatest tempta-
tion to misuse the power and patronage with which the
Executive is necessarily charged.
POLITICAL PROMISES.
Educated in the belief that it is the first duty of a
citizen of the Republic to take Jiis fair allotment of
the care and trouble in pubhc affairs, I have, for twenty
years as a private citizen, fulfilled that duty. Though
occupied in an unusual degree, during all that period,
with the concerns of government, I have never acquired
the habit of official life. When a year and a half ago
I entered upon my present trust, it was in order to
consummate reform, to which I had already devoted
several of the last years of my life. Knowing as I do,
therefore, from fresh experience, how great the differ-
ence is between gliding through an official routine, and
294 GOV. HENDEIOKS'S LETTER OP ACCEPTANCE.
working out a reform of systems and politics, it is
impossible for me to contemplate what needs to be
done in the Federal administration without an anxious
sense of the difficulties of the undertaking. If sum-
moned by the suffrages of my countrymen to attempt
this work, I shall endeavor, with God's help, to be the
efficient instrument of their will.
Samuel J. Tilden.
To Gen. John A. McClernand, Chairman; Gen. W. B. Franklin,
Hon. J. G Abbott, Hon. H. J. Spannhorst, Hon. H. J. Redfield,
Hon. N. S. Lyon, and others, committee, &c.
GOV. hendeicks's LETTEE.
The following is Gov. Hendricks's letter accepting
the nomination for Vice-President : —
Indianapolis, July 24, 1876.
Gentlemen, — I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your communication, in which you have for-
mally notified me of my nomination by the National
Democratic Convention at St. Louis, as their candidate
for the ofl&ce of Vice-President of the United States.
It is a nomination which I had neither expected nor
desired, and yet I recognize and appreciate the high
honor done me by the Convention. The choice of
such a body, pronounced with such unusual unanimity,
and accompanied with so generous expression of esteem
and confidence, ought to outweigh all merely personal
desires and preferences of my own. It is with this
feeling, and, I trust also, from a deep sense of public
GOV. ElENDRICKS'S LETTER OP ACCEPTANCE. 296
duty, that I accept the nomination, and shall abide the
judgment of my countrymen. It would have been
impossible for me to accept the nomination if I could
not heartily indorse the platform of the Convention.
I am gratified, therefore, to be able, unequivocally, to
declare that I agree in the principles, approve the
poUcies, and sympathize with the purposes enunciated
in that platform. The institutions of our country have
been secretly tried by the exigencies of civil war ; and,
since the peace, by a selfish and corrupt management
of public affairs which has shamed us before civilized
mankind. By unwise and partial legislation, every
industry and interest of the people have been made to
suffer; and, in the executive departments of the
government, dishonesty, rapacity, and venality have
debauched the public service. Men known to be
unworthy have been promoted, whilst others have
been degraded for fidelity to ofl&cial duty. Public
office has been made the means of private profit ; and
the country has been offended to see a class of men
who boast the friendship of the sworn protectors of
the State amassing fortunes by defrauding the public
treasury, and by corrupting the servants of the people.
In such a crisis of the history of the country, I rejoice
that the Convention at St. Louis has so nobly raised
the standard of reform. Nothing can be well with us
or with our affairs until the public conscience, shocked
by the enormous evils and abuses which prevail, shall
have demanded and compelled an unsparing reforma-
296 GOV. HBNDEICKS'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
tion of our national administration, in its head and in
its members. In such a reformation the removal of a
single officer, even the President, is comparatively a
trifling matter if the system which he represents and
which has fostered him is suffered to remain. The
President alone must not be made the scapegoat for
the enormities of the system which infects the public
service, and threatens the destruction of our institu-
tions. In some respects I hold that the present Execu-
tive has been the victim rather than the author of that
vicious system. Congressional and party leaders have
been stronger than the President. No one man could
have created it, and the removal of no one man can
amend it. It is thoroughly corrupt, and must be swept
remorselessly away by the selection of* a government
composed of elements entirely new, and pledged to
radical reform. The first work of reform must evi-
dently be the restoration of the normal operation of
the Constitution of the United States, with all its
amendments. The necessities of war cannot be pleaded
in a time of peace. The right of local self-government,
as guaranteed by the Constitution of the Union, must be
everywhere restored, and the centralized (almost per-
onal) imperialism which has been practised must be
done away with, or the first principles of the Republic
will be lost.
THE FINANCIAL PEOBLEM.
Our financial system of expedients must be re-
formed. Gold and silver are the real standard of
GOV. HENDEICKS'S LETTEE OP ACCEPTANCE. 297
values ; and our national currency will not be a perfect
medium of exchange until it' shall be convertible at
the pleasure of the holder. As I have heretofore said,
no one desires a return to specie payments more ear-
nestly than I do ; but I do not believe that it will or
can be reached in harmony with the interests of the
people by artificial measures for the contraction of the
currency, any more than •! believe that wealth or per-
manent prosperity can be created by an inflation of the
currency.
The laws of finance cannot be disregarded with
impunity. The financial policy of the Government,
if, indeed, it deserves the name of policy at all, has
been in disregard of those laws, and therefore has dis-
turbed commercial and business confidence, as well as
hindered a return to specie payments. One feature of
that policy was the resumption clause of the Act of
1875, which has embarrassed the country by the antici-
pation of a compulsory resumption, for which, no
preparation has been made, and without any assurance
that it would be practicable. The repeal of that clause
is necessary, that the natural operation of the financial
laws may be restored, that the business of the country
may be relieved from its disturbing and depressing
influences, and that a return to specie paynjents may
be facilitated by the substitution of wise and more
prudent legislation, which shall mainly rely on a judi-
cious system of public economies and efficient re-
trenchments, and, above all, on the promotion of
298 GOV. HENDRICKS'S LETTEB OF ACCEPTANCE.
prosperity in all the industries of the people. I do not
understand the repealof the resumption clause of
the Act of 1875 to be a backward step in our return
to specie payments, but the recovery of a false step ;
and, though the repeal may for a time be prevented,
yet the determination of the Democratic party on this
subject has now been distinctly declared. There
should be no hinderances put in the way of a return
to specie payments. " As such a hinderance," says the
platform of the St. Louis Convention, "we denounce
the resumption clauses of the Act of 1875, and
demand its repeal." I thoroughly believe that by
public economy, by official retrenchment, and by wise
finance, enabling us to accumulate the precious metals,
resumption at an early period is possible, without pro-
ducing an artificial scarcity of currency, or disturbing
public or commercial credit ; and that these reforms,
together with the restoration of pure government, will
restore general confidence, encourage the useful invest-
ment of capital, furnish employment to labor, and
relieve the country from the paralysis of hard times.
With the industries of the people there have been
frequent interferences. Our platform truly says that
many industries have been impoverished to subsidize a
few. Our commerce has been degraded to an inferior
position on the high seas ; manufactures have been
diminished, agriculture has been embarrassed ; and the
distress of the industrial classes demand that these
things shall be reformed. The burdens of the people
GOV. Hendricks's lettee of acceptance. 299
must also be lightened by a great change in our system
of public expenses. The profligate expenditures,
which increased taxation, from five dollars per capita
in 1860 to eighteen dollars in 1870, tells its own story
of our need of reform.
FOEEIGN affairs. — THE COOLY TEADE.
Our treaties with foreign powers shouid also be
revised and amended, in so far as they leave citizens of
foreign birth in any particular less secure in any coun-
try on earth than they would be if they had been
born upon our own soil. And the iniquitous cooly
system, which, through the agency of wealthy compa-
nies, imports Chinese bondsmen, and establishes a spe-
cies of slavery, and interferes with the just rewards of
labor on our Pacific coast, should be utterly abolished.
CIVIIi-SERVICE EEFOEM.
In the reform of our civil service, I most heartily
indorse that section of the platform which declares
that the civil service ought not to "be subject to
change at every election," and that it ought not be
made the " brief reward of party zeal," but ought to
be a reward for proved competency, and held for
fidelity in the public employ. I hope never again to
see the cruel and remorseless proscription for political
opinions which has disgraced the administration of
the la^t eight years. Bad as the civil service now is,
as all men know, it has some men of tried integrity
300 GOV. Hendricks's letter of acceptance.
and proved ability. Such men, and such men only,
should be retained in office; but no man should be
retained, on any consideration, who has prostituted his
office to the purposes of partisan intimidation or cor-
pulsion, or who has furnished money to corrupt the
elections. This is done, and has been done, in almost
every county of the land. It is a blight upon the
morals of the country, and ought to be reformed.
the schools. — SECTIONAL CONTENTIONS.
Of sectional contentions, and in respect to our com-
mon schools, I have only this to say: That, in my
judgment, the man or party that would involve our
schools in political or sectarian controversy is an enemy
to the schools. The common schools are safer under
the protecting care of all the people than under the
control of any party or sect. There must be neither
division nor misappropriation of the funds for their
support. Likewise I regard the man who would arouse
or foster sectional animosities and antagonisms among
his countrymen 'as a dangerous enemy to his country.
All the people must be made to feel arid know that
once more there is established a purpose and policy
under which all the citizens, of every condition, race,
and color, will be secure in the enjoyment of whatever
rights the Constitution and laws declare or recognize ;
and that, in any controversy that may arise, the gov-
ernment is not a partisan, but, within its constitutional
authority, the just and powerful guardian of the rights
GOV. HENDEICKS'S LETTER OP ACCEPTANCE. 801
and safety of all. The strife between the sections and
between races will cease as soon as the power for evil
is taken away from a party that makes political gain
out of scenes of violence and bloodshed, and the con-
stitutional authority is placed in the hands of men
whose political welfare requires that peace and good
order shall be preserved everywhere.
GOVERNOR TILDEN COMMENDED'.
It will be seen, gentlemen, that I am in entire accord
with the platform of the Convention by which I have
been nominated as a candidate for the office of Vice-
President of the United States. Permit me, in con-
clusion, to express my satisfaction at being associated
with a candidate for the Presidency who is first among
his equals as a representative of the spirit and of the
achievements of reform. In his official career, or as
the executive of the great State of New York, he has,
in a comparatively short period, reformed the public
service, and reduced the public burdens. so as to have
earned at once the gratitude of his State, and the
admiration of the country. The people know him to
be strongly in earnest. He has shown himself to be
possessed of powers and qualities which fit him in an
eminent degree for the great work of reformation which
this country now needs ; and, if he shall be chosen by
the people to the high office of President of the United
States, I believe the day of his inauguration will be
802 GOV. HENDBICKS'S LETTEB OP AOOBPTANCE.
the beginning of a new era of peace, purity, and
prosperity in all departments of our government.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
Thomas A. Hendbiges.
To the Hon. John A. McGlernaxd, Chairman^ and others of
of the Gommittee of the National Democratic Gonvention.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE PBESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE OF
MESSBS. TILDEN AND HENDRICKS.
Kew York Express. — Brooklyn Eagle. — St Louis Republican.—
Philadelphia Times. — Albany Argus. — Eagle again. — Boston
Sunday Times. — Courier. — Traveller. — New York Times. —
New York Herald. — Saturday Evening Express. — New Haven
Begister. — Springfield Bepublican. — Baltimore Gazette. — Chica-
go Times. — Cincinnati Enquirer. — New York Journal of Com-
merce. — Detroit Free Press. — Portland Argus. — Bangor Com-
mercial. — Manchester Union.
It has been seen that the news of their nomination
was received with rejoicing : so it may be well to look
at the reception of their letters of acceptance.
[From the New York Express.]
The coast is now clear. Candidates, platforms,
acceptances, and arguments are all before the country ;
and the electors must prepare to make their choice. If
made wisely, the people will be greatly blessed in their
Government and in their business ; and, if unwisely,
then again we shall be doomed to the terrible repeti-
tions of the past. The letter of Mr. Tilden is marked
with all the peculiarities of the man. It is instructive,
terse, timely, and complete in the discussion of topics
803
804 THE PBESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE.
which now interest the public. Withal, too, it is full
of faith and hope as to the capabilities of the country
and people to be brought out of their present Slough of
Despond ; and the way is pointed out by making such
changes of administration and of principles as will
insure the desired end. . . . The letter of Gov. Hen-
dricks generalizes where Gov. Tilden condenses upon
an enlargement of the topics discussed. Both are in
hearty accord with the platform. Both agree as to the
need of repealing the act defining the date of resump-
tion. Both are clear as to the right private and public
remedies for great public diseases. It is folly, or worse,
to attempt to point out any great difference of opinion
between the two men, as to conclusions. The style in
the letters is the only difference, and Mr. Tilden has
weighed his^ words, perhaps, with more care than his
associate ; but in both letters there is the plainest
honesty of purpose, the most sincere love of country,
and a healthful desire to save the country from further
inflictions of evil.
[From the Brooklyn Eagle.]
Reform is the keynote, watchword, and basis, the
Alpha and the Omega, of Mr. Tilden's letter. His
treatment of the subject is characteristic. He is noth-
ing, if not practical ; he is nothing, if not intrepid,
cogent, and candid. The reader will find no gushing,
and no schoolboy twaddle, in his letter. It is crammed
with statements of facts and propositions. He does not
THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE. 805
try to tickle the ear: he goes straight to the under-
standing. He reposes on truth, and borrows nothing
from rhetoric. He makes out a case for the people, not
as an attorney for one side, but he delivers a judicial
summary that is just in its views, complete in its nar-
rative, profound, simple, and practical in all its recom-
mendations. Mr. Tilden does not pen half a column of
jejune and pretty small-talk, nice with genteel hopes
and innocuous observations. He tells what is the mat-
ter with the country ; and he exhibits definitely what
•would be the way out of our distresses if the guidance
were left to him. A President with a policy has been
the longing of the nation for years. A candidate with
a policy is presented by the Democrats ; and he himself
discloses his policy to-day with a detail, a largeness, a
clearness and learning, that are excellent. We merely
want that letter read ; and we will risk the effect of it
on any mind that discovers for itself just what the
letter is.
[From the St. Louis Republican.]
No abler exposition of the currency question is
extant. Of that portion of the letter which refers to
reform, " The Republican " says, " It is drawn in terras
that must arouse every reader to a realizing sense of
the truly perilous condition of the country. The
whole document is couched in very vigorous, plain, and
simple language. K longer than such letters usually
are, it may be said that the occasion and the oppor-
tunity justify an elaborate presentation of views and
806 THE PBESS OK THE LBTTBBS OF ACCEPTANCE.
sentiments. The letter is such a one as could emanate
only from a statesman worthy to be President of a
Great Republic." In connection with Mr. Hendricks
and his letter, " The Republican " remarks, " Those
who have been woriying themselves, as to any disagree-
ment of the views of Gov. Hendricks with the senti-
ments expressed by the St. Louis Convention, will find
in his letter accepting the nomination for Vice-Presi-
dent that there is no such disagreement. Mr. Hen-
dricks starts out with a full, unequivocal, and emphatic
indorsement of the Democratic platform in its entirety ;
and in all its parts this document is a most admirable
one."
[From the Philadelphia Times.]
As all expected from Samuel J. Tilden, his letter is
replete with rare good sense and sound conclusions;
and it will be difficult for carping criticism to find good
foothold for its work. It is somewhat circumlocutary
and stubbornly mathematical in reaching its conclu-
sions on the financial issue ; but men of diverse theo-
ries as to resumption will read it, and wonder why they
find so little in it to dissent from. Both Tilden and
Hendricks, although presumed to represent antagonistic
convictions on the financial question, plod on smoothly
and pleasantly, each in his own way, until they find
themselves as " two souls with but a single thought "
on the vexatious issue of specie payments. . . • On
but a single other point does Mr. Tilden depart from
the plain lines of the St. Louis platform. His brief
THE PBESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE* 807
but cogent argument in favor of a single Presidential
term is one of his happieiSt and strongest declarations,
and bears upon its face the impress of sincere con-
viction. On the true relations of the North and South
to each other, he utters the views of every patriot ; on
the question of civil-service reform, his positive and
practical pledges contrast sublimely with the high-
sounding word-painting of Gov. Hayes ; and his con-
eluding paragraph, which of itself would have made
a complete and appropriate letter, has the ring of an
earnest man whose terse sentences are inspired by an
earnest purpose.
[From the Albany Argas.]
Gov. Tilden's letter, accepting the nomination of the
St. Louis Convention for the office of President of
the United States, will attract universal attention, and
cannot fail to win the hearty approval of every Ameri-
can patriot. In this admirable State paper, the subject
of the currency is exhaustively discussed, and in a
style so clear and simple as to readily and permanently
familiarize the mind of every reader with all the bear-
ings of the question. All sections have a common
interest in a staple policy such as shall insure general
confidence, and work the earliest return to specie pay-
ments. Gov. Tilden shows the way out of the present
depression, and conclusively demonstrates that specie
payments can be speedily resumed, not only without
embarrassment to business, but in such a manner as to
afford it great and permanent relief.
808 THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCTB.
No subject upon which the public welfare depends is
overlooked by the Governor ; nor is there an evasive
or doubtful phrase in its whole composition. In it the
wisdom of the statesman and the candid simplicity of
private citizenship are blended.
The letter of Gov. Hendiicks, accepting the nomina-
tion of Vice-President, is a cogent and convincing
enforcement of the principles and purposes enunciated
by the Convention. His cordial and emphatic approval
of the platform was to be expected ; for it is in entire
harmony with all his public utterances and official acts.
[From the Brooklyn Eagle.]
Earnest, manly, hearty, and courtly Thomas A. Hen-
drfcks writes a letter which, in one act, raises the states-
man of the West above the misrepresentation of the
homoncules of the East. Read it through, and then
read it again. He shows even Grant to be better than
the system he is hemmed in by. How much more
would Hayes, the merely petty man of politics, be mal-
formed by that which has wrought mayhem of charac-
ter to the grim and stolid Grant ! Every line of Mr.
Hendricks is worth a dollar in specie, so hard money
are liis words. His review of our case as a people fits
the fame of the leader of the Senate, in times when
sciolism and hate could outvote him, but could not
reply to him. The campaign is now open. Room for
th» reformers, the patriots, and the statesmen, who have
been selected by the party of the people, to head the
THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 809
crusade against the intrenched plunderers, a libel on
the term Republicanism, a scandal on the name Ameri-
can!
[From the Boston Sunday Times.]
The difference is about this : The letter of Gov.
Hayes is the enunciation of an ideal statesman ; that
of Gov. Tilden, the giving-tut of a practical reformer.
Both men mean well ; but the question is, which can
perform best ? The nation is wandering in a financial
wilderness; but, before it engages a guide to get it out, it
wants some assurance of his ability. So the case simply
resolves itself into this : Who is the mcjt capable of
being the American Moses, Hayes or Tilden ? Viewed
simply in the light of their letters of acceptance, we
should say, most decidedly. Gov. Tilden, as his epistle
shows him to be one of the most consummate masters of
finance, and political economists, which the country has
produced. Both he and Hayes are thoroughly honest
men, and both promise to bring every thing all right
if elected. So the country has not to choose between
their desire to accomplish th^ needed reforms, but,
rather, between their abilities. Judged by this standard,
with all possible respect for the capacity of Gov. Hayes,
we hadly think he can compare with Samuel J. Tilden.
The first has expressed his preference for honest govern-
ment, and no one doubts it ; but the second has smitten
thieves right and left, wherever he found them, and not
only injured his popularity in his native State, but even
imperilled his Presidential nomination.
810 THE PBESS ON THS TJCTTTCKB OF ACGEFTAKCE.
[From the Boston Sunday Courier.]
There has been a good deal of unnecessary and irrel-
evant talk about the delay in the appearance of the
Hon. Samuel J. Tilden's letter of acceptance of the
Democratic nomination for the Presidency. Mr. Tilden
is not a gentleman of leisure, but the Governor of the
most important Commonwealth in the Union ; and the
duties of that office, if properly performed, naturally
occupy every hour that a man of Mr. Tilden's years
and habits can devote to business. He has simply
taken proper and necessary time in which to frame an
epistle whose importance he recognizes by the time he
has taken in preparing it for the public ; and no unpre-
judiced person will believe that the so-called delay has
been a misappropriation of time.
The two following selections, one from the " Boston
Traveller," the other from " The New York Times,"
show through what different glasses people see, or
think they see.
[From the Boston Traveller.]
This letter has much that is good ; but its good recom-
mendations can be found in the messages of Pres. Grant,
in the Republican platform, and in the letter of Gov.
Hayes. He makes no new suggestions ; and after read-
ing it the country will know no more of his financial
views, no more of his opinions in relation to practical
measures for the pacification of the South, no more of
what he would recommend to restore activity and pros-
THE PBESS ON THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 311
perity to business, than it did before. He is definite
enough when describing evils that every one is aware
of, and in recommending measures that everybody is in
favor of, and he is enthusiastic when describing himself
as a reformer ; but, on all questions upon which there
are differences of opinion, he is wordy, non-committal,
and unsatisfactory to those who seek to know what his
opinions are.
[From the New York Times.]
Gov. Tilden's letter of acceptance, so far as it relates
to finance and ^'reform,'* is a mere rehash of his last
Annual Message. The St. Louis platform was also a
rehash of the same document by the same hand. Here
we have three documents, all from the same pen, all
containing the same barren ideas, and overflowing with
cant about reform, and exaggerated and untruthful
charges against the Republican party. For that organi-
zation, as our readers well know, we do not claim per-
fection ; but we are ready to defend it from slander, and
slander is the weapon with which Gov, Tilden assails
its financial record and policy.
[From the New York Herald.]
On the currency question, Gov. Tilden and Gov.
Hendricks are in accord. If any thing, the expressions
of Gov. Hendricks on this subject are stronger than
those of his colleague, because they are more intelli-
gible. He desires the repeal of the Resumption Act, as
the retracing of a false step. Gov. Tilden virtually
812 THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE.
takes the same ground, although at some length and
with consummate ability he points out the blunders in
our whole financial legislation since the close of the
war. This part of Gov. Tilden's letter will bear careful
study, and should be read over and over again by those
who care to comprehend his scheme for a reform in our
currency. First, the Governor would repeal the Resump-
tion Act, because it means nothing ; then he would save
enough money to redeem the legal-tenders ; and, when
we had that " central reservoir of coin," he would resume.
He indicates no time when this resumption will take
place, although he thinks the sooner the better. He
has no faith in statutes fixing certain days for resump-
tion, because they are not respected. This whole busi-
ness, he proceeds to say, " belongs to the domain of
practical administrative statesmanship. The captain
of a steamer about starting from New York to Liverpool
does not assemble a council over his ocean-chart, and fix
an angle by which to lash the rudder for the whole
voyage : a human intelligence must be at the helm to
discern the shifting forces of the waters and the winds."
This figure of rhetoric expresses the position of the two
statesmen, and it may be thus expressed: "Repeal
resumption, save your money, and allow the President
to resume when he is ready." The clear and gratify-
ing fact, however, is, that Mr. Tilden, if elected, will,
whether the Resumption Act is repealed or not, use all
the powers of the administration to secure resumption.
He is for hard money and paying the national debt.
THE PBESS ON THE LBTTBB8 OF ACCEPTANCE. 313
[From the Boston Saturday Evening Express.]
As documents, they are marked by remarkable
statesmanship, high-toned sentiment, lofty principles,
and unanswerable logic. We doubt if any similar
papers that ever emanated from public men in the
country, since the organization of our Government,
have been more admirable in statement, more sound
in argument, or more true and philosophical in their
conclusions. They have already met, and will continue
to meet, the heartiest welcome and approval of not
only the entire Democracy of the country, but of thou-
sands of honest, independent men, who have hitherto
acted with another political organization. The letter
and the platform constitute a ground upon which all
men who desire to have, and can assuredly get, a good
administration of affairs, may stand shoulder to shoul-
der, and go forward in a common and glorious cause, —
the re-organization and restoration of the Government.
On for Tilden and Hendricks I
[From the New Haven Begister.]
No American citizen should lay down his paper,
until he has perused carefully the grand letters of
acceptance of Messrs. Tilden and Hendricks. To say
they are what every Democrat expected, would not
be expressive of the satisfaction which all feel at
marching to victory under a banner that so fully em-
blazons the cardinal doctrines of the Constitution, and
under a leader who boldly rides at the head of his
314 THE PBESS OK THE LBTTEBS OP ACOEPTAKCE.
attacking columns. It is seldom, in a century's time,
that such a forcible document as Mr. Tilden's letter
bursts upon a people, putting to flight all the foul
birds that have built their nests under the cornices
of the American Capitol, and defiled its interior with
a corruption unimaginable to the great body of the
people.
[From the Springfield Bepublican.]
Mr, Tilden illustrates his just sense of proportion in
devoting so large a part of his letter to the economical
questions now pressing so urgently for solution, — to the
problem of specific resumption, and the cognate topics
of public expenditure, taxation, and revenue. These
questions are not new to him. They have occupied
his thoughts for years. In treating them, he is on
familiar and favorite ground. He brings to their dis-
cussion a well-trained and well-stored mind. At once
a student, and a man of affairs, he discusses these
questions in a practical, impressive, illuminating way,
which the plain people, at all events, will appreciate.
Even those who dissent, in whole or part, from his
conclusions, will recognize the intelligence and cogency
of his reasoning. ... The vigorous sentences in which
Mr. Tilden discusses the abuses of our partisanized
civil service, points out the plain and accepted reme-
dies, avows his purpose to use them, and commits
himself definitely to the policy of embedding the one-
term principle in the organic law, are full of the intelli-
gence, as well as the spirit, of reform. Hardly less
THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 815
satisfactory is his brief but explicit and strong treat-
ment of the Southern question. The pledge, that, if
elected, he will use all his Constitutional powers to
protect every citizen, white or black, in the enjoyment
of his political and personal rights, seems to cover the
ground. . . . Taken together, the letters undoubtedly
increase the chances of their writers. They are letters
for independent voters to rejoice in, and " edify by."
They give occasion for general congratulation and
encouragement.
[From the Baltimore Gazette.]
The letter of acceptance, which has been so eagerly
awaited, has come at last, in a form that repays us for
all delay. It is clear, earnest, and forcible, and carries
with it a weight of conviction that will sink into the
minds of the people. Its style is somewhat cumbrous,
but it is not in the least ambiguous. It has a hearty
ring, a statesmanlike breadth, a fulness of detail, an
aggressive tone, and a decided and definite policy, in all
of which respects it differs from the timid and faltering
letter of Mr. Hayes.
[From the Chicago Times.]
So clear, cogent, and masterful a condensation of the
financial question has never been presented in so small
a space. Never since the foundation of this Govern-
ment has there been a man selected for the great
station to which Tilden is nominated, who has had so
accurate a knowledge of the fimctions of the ofiice ;
816 THE PBESS ON THE LETTBES OF ACCEPTANCE.
never, sinee Jefferson, a man who could embody, with
such irresistible cogency, the very essence of practical
administration. Of the South, he speaks with thorough
manliness and discretion. He will administer the law
in behalf of white and black, irrespective of color, and
enforce penalties for murder with swift and heavy
stroke. He speaks throughout Uke a man impressed
with the weight of the wx)rk that is slowly descending
upon him. There are none of the fine phrases of
the ordinary candidates. Ruggedness, force, intensity,
work, stand out in every line and syllable. If Franklin
or Jefferson, or any of the more eminent of the frugal
fathers, were called upon, they would have written just
about such a letter as Mr. Tilden sends out to his
countrymen, invoking their confidence, and revealing
his desires. As a campaign production, the letter pre-
sents all the issues with a cogency of argument, a com-
pactness of statement, a brilliancy of illustration, which
take it far out of the literature of its class, and stamp its
author a statesman. The position of Hendricks on the
currency question may be accepted as a sign of im-
provement in the political condition, since it virtually
removes the head and front, and disrupts the whole
regimen, of inflationism. Hendricks does no discredit,
in this utterance, to the company he is in. Substan-
tially in accord with the hard-money men, and greatly
in advance of Hayes on civil-service reform, he should
no longer be an impediment to the overpowering per-
sonality of our Uncle Samuel.
THE PBESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE. 317
[From the Cincinnati Enquirer.]
The keynote of the letter of Mr. Tilden is, as was
expected, a demand for reform, giving the reasons why.
It is a potent plea for economy, for the lessening of
taxation, for sunplicity in government, for reHef. . . .
We opposed the nomination of Mr. Tilden. When
nominated, we gave him support. With his letter
before us, we cordially call upon our friends everywhere
to give him an earnest support. He has left no excuse
for a third party. He has left no excuse for rebellion
or " bolting " among Democratic ranks. He has made
noble and statesmanlike concessions to the Democracy
of the West, by reason of which he deserves their
support.
[From the New York Journal of Commerce.]
Gov. TUden, if elected President, could not hope by
his influence to control or sensibly shape the course of
Congress in most matters ; but he has exhibited great
cleverness at Albany in impressing the necessity of
certain reforms on an adverse majority in the State
Senate, and might perhaps do the same at Washington.
A Republican Senate voted with a Democratic House,
in 1876, all the resolutions and bills for ferreting out
and punishing the canal thieves. The Governor's
recommendations to the Legislature were so wise and
good that neither party dared to refuse them. All of
his reform projects of that year passed the Legislature,
not necessarily because both parties liked them, but
because they feared to vote them down, and face the
818 THE PRESS ON THE LETTBBS OP ACCEPTANCE.
public wrath. Mr. Tilden's tact in this line might be
operative on the larger scale at Washington, and the
two branches be morally compelled to agree in support-
ing him in some reforms. ... It is now in the power of
the people, by the election of Mr. Tilden for President,
to realize and enjoy some of those reforms for which
they so eagerly long. Nothing but a change of admin-
istration can do the good work.
[From the Detroit Free Press.]
The letter speaks for itself ; and it is clear, bold, and
refreshing in its utterances. It touches upon the vital
questions before the people, with a directness that must
convince every reader of the downright earnestness of
the writer, and, as we believe, confirm a large majority
of the people in the judgment they had already formed,
that Samuel J. Tilden is pre-eminently the man to be
placed at the helm of the Ship of State. Gov. Hen-
dricks's letter is an admirable companion-piece to that
of Gov. Tilden. It is not so elaborate ; but it is. inci-
sive, pertinent, and statesmanlike, and in every way
worthy of the pure and able Governor of Indiana.
[From the Portland (Me.) Argus.]
The letters speak for themselves, and will richly
repay careful perusal by every citizen. That of Gov.
Tilden presents the causes of the present palsy of busi-
ness, and the methods of certain and complete recupera-
tion, in a masterly manner. Gov. Tilden is a statesman.
He is endowed by Nature for that r81e, and he has
THE PEESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE. 319
improved well his extraordinary natural gifts. The
financial policy of the Government, at every step, has
received his careful study, making plain its errors and
the consequences, as well as the true methods from
which there has been so wide a departure. The letter
of Gov. Hendricks is able, frank, and sound, — fit com-
panion for that of Gov. Tilden. Both will receive the
unhesitating approbation of eveiy true Democrat,
while fair-minded Republicans will concede to both a
breadth and elevation of statesmanship of which any
party might well be proud.
pBVom the Hartford Times.]
This letter is a text-book of truthful and wise
sentiments ; and it will be accepted as the letter of a
statesman, ranking with the writings of the " Fathers "
whose wisdom and foresight are so universally
applauded in this centennial year. The letter needs no
review or praise. Nothing can be said to strengthen
its impregnable positions, or its broad and wise propo-
sitions. We can only most earnestly commend it to
the careful perusal of every reader, with the assurance
that it is not too lengthy, for in all its parts it is richly
laden with the truths and sentiments for which the
whole country is thirsting.
[From the Bangor Commercial.]
No better, no more refreshing, no more statesmanlike
document, has been laid before the American people
820 THE PRESS ON THE LETTERS OP ACCEPTANCE.
since their drooping hopes were revived by the first
inaugural address of Thomas Jefferson, seventy-five
years ago.
[From the Manchester (N.H.) TTnion.]
These letters will be read with lively interest by the
people. They show the Democratic candidates to be
thoroughly and earnestly enlisted in the reforms de-
manded by the people. Their election by a good
majority — as now appears probable — would give the
work of reform a start that would soon change the
present sad state of affairs for the better. The people
must look to their interests in this matter.
CHAPTER XVII.
MB. TILBEN ON A NATIONAL BANK IN 1840. — HIS
MESSAGE IN 1875.
Causes of Fluctuation in Prices. — Previous Crises and Failures. —
United States Bank and Expansion of Currency the Causes. — From
Mr. Tilden's Speech in 1868. — Conclusion.
Of the United States Bank, teclinically called " Nick
Biddle's Bank," which Gen. Jackson strangled, and of
the " deposits " which he removed, the present genera-
tion know nothing but what they have leai^ned from
history, or from a few of us old fellows who remain,
and whom it is as imcommon' to see as a mole above
ground. Mr. Tilden has always been a " hard-money "
man. Even Thomas H. Benton, whom the country
named " Old Bullion," was scarcely more so. I quote
the following from Mr. TUden's speech at New Leba-
non, Oct. 30, 1840 : —
CAUSES OF THE RECENT FLUCTUATION IN PRICES.
The first and chief cause is a fluctuation in the
currency. The price of an article is the amount of
money for which it will exchange. If, with the same
articles in the market, the amount of money to purchase
321
822 SPEECHES OF MB. TILDEN.
them be increased, they will exchange for more money ;
in other words, their prices wiU rise. Or, if the amount
of money be decreased, they will be exchanged for less
money ; in other words, their prices will fall. I do not
mean that the price of each article will vary just
according to variations in the amount of money ; for
circumstances will always exist, peculiar to particular
articles or classes of articles, to make them rise and fall
more or less than the average. But, in regard to the
mass of articles taken together, the principle is not only
obviously true, but is verified by all experience.
HOW A NATIONAL BANK BBGULATED THE CUB-
BENCY.
How could a large bank, constituted on essentially
the same principles, be expected to regulate beneficially
the lesser banks ? Has enlarged power been found to
be less liable to abuse than Umited power ? Has con-
centrated power been found less liable to abuse than
distributed power ?
If any entertained an exception so contrary to all
human experience, the experience ought to satisfy them
of its fallacy.
The United States Bank commenced its operations in
January, 1817. Although a nominal resumption of
specie payments by the State banks took place, the
currency was dangerously extended. The bank urged
its notes into circulation with unprecedented rapidity ;
SPEECHES OP MR. TILDBN. 823
and, the excess causing a constant exportation of specie,
it sought to counteract that effect, not by reducing the
currency to its proper amount, but by forced importa-
tions of specie, which it made to the extent of seven
millions, and at a great loss. It continued these opera-
tions till July, 1818, when its circulation amounted to
nine millions, and its loans to forty-nine millions. A
revulsion then commenced; and the bank began a
rapid contraction. But its affairs grew every day
worse. In February, 1819, Mr. Jones, its president,
resigned; and Mr. Cheves of South Carolina was
appointed in his place. In ai;^ exposition made several
years after to the stockholders, that gentleman states,
that, as he was about to commence his journey to Phila-
delphia, he was apprised that the bank would soon be
obliged to stop payment; and, when he "reached
Washington, he received hourly proofe of the probabil-
ity of this event ; " that " in Philadelphia it was gener-
ally expected." He also states that on the 1st of April
the specie in its vaults was reduced to aeventy^ne
thou%and dollars, while its balances to the Philadelphia
banks were one hundred and twenty^aix thousand dol-
lars. By a rigorous contraction of its issues, and the
cutting-off of all its exchange business, by the whole
aid of the Government, and a loan in Europe, it barely
weathered the storm, but was for years in a sickly con-
dition. The prostration of business and prices during
this period was without a parallel ; and the bank was
universally regarded as the main agent of the mischief.
824 SPEEGHBS OF MB. TILDEN.
The reduction of the whole currency from the height
of the expansion to the Ist of January, 1820, was one-
third; that of the circulation of the bank was nearly
two'thirda.
The next great crisis was in the fall of 1825. Mr.
Biddle, in his testimony before a committee of Congress,
describes it as " the most disastrous period in the finan-
cial history of England," when the " wild speculations
in American mines, and wilder speculations in Ameri-
can cotton, recoiled upon England, and spread over it
extensive ruin ; " and says that " the very same storm
passed over this counti^ a few weeks before," and
"was on the eve of producmg precisely the same
results." He also states, that this " panic, which would
have been fatal to the country," was averted by his
hurrying to New York, and prevailing on a gentleman
to accept drafts, " who was preparing to 'draw specie
from the banks of Philadelphia," to establish a bank in
New Orleans. It has been intimated that Mr. Biddle's
private night-journey was occasioned by an emergency
more peculiar to his own institution than he would
have the public suppose ; but he admits enough. He
shows how near, even on the most favorable account
of the matter, the whole system of currency, with its
regulator, came to a total overthrow, and by how slight
and common a circumstance it was alternately jeop-
arded and saved. Turn now from the account of this
hair's-breadth escape, to what Mr. Biddle did not so
frankly relate, — the source of the peril. The returns
SPEECHES OF MB. TILDEN. 325
»
of the bank show that its circulation increased in the
tTfo years previous to July, 1825, more than a hundred '
and five per cent ; and, in the six months previous to
that time, more than fifty-seven per cent. I have not
the means of ascertaining the increase in the circula-
tion of the State banks during this period ; but there is
abundant reason to believe that it was in nothing like
the same proportion. The subsequent reduction fell
mainly upon them ; the United States Bank succeeding
in substituting, to a considerable extent, its notes for
theirs. Its success, however, in the competition for
private profit, was a poor consolation to the public, who
were victims to the process. Mr. McCulloch states
that, during the same two years, the country banks of
England extended their circulation fifty per cent; and
he exclaims against such an increase as ^^ extravagant
and unprincipled," — an increase less than half as great
as that of our " regulator."
A revulsion rather less severe occurred in the com-
mencement of 1832. The United States Bank was
greatly embarrassed. It procured the payment of the
three per cents, for which the Government had pro-
vided the means, to be postponed ; and, when the time
to which it had been postponed approached, it sent a
confidential director abroad to make an arrangement
with the holders of the stocks, not to present them for
payment, while it held and used the money Govern-
ment had provided for their redemption. The form in
which the transaction was first attempted, the bank
826 SPEECHES OP MB. TILDEN.
was obliged to disavow as constituting a violation of
its charter, that in which it was consummated being
merely a breach of trust. The increase of its circula-
tion during the two yeai*s previous to the 1st of Janu-
ary, 1832, was sixty-four per cent ; and its reduction in
the summer after, about twenty per cent. The circula-
tion of the New York banks increased, during the same
period, twenty-nine per cent ; that X)f the Pennsylvania
banks, from February, 1829, to November, 1831, about
twenty-one per cent. It is difficult to procure returns
from the banks sufficiently near the dates to afford a
just comparison ; but such as are procured show that
the average increase, even if it were larger than that
of the New York banks, was very far short of that of
the United States Bank.
In the fall of 1833 the removal of the deposits was
made ; and the panic of 1834 followed. The bank, by
October, 1834, had contracted its circulation nearly
twenty per cent, and its loans more than fourteen
millions, as it alleged, in consequence of that measure.
When its attempt to coerce a restoration of the de-
posits and a renewal of its charter failed, it commenced
an expansion ; and by July, 1835, extended its circula-
tion sixty-two per cent, and its loans nineteen millions,
or five millions more than all the reduction which it
pretended it had been forced to make by the removal
of the deposits ; and that when its charter had but
eight months longer to run. The great expansion
which produced the disastrous excesses of 1835 and
SPEECHES OF ME. TILDEN. 327
1836 occurred mainly in the former year; and the
whole enlargement of the currency during that year
was thirty-four per cent, or, if we take the net circula-
tion, thirty-one per cent ; and during that year and the
next, less than forty-four, and, if we take the net cir-
culation, thirty-six per cent. The ratio of expansion
of its net circulation by the United States Bank, to
July, 1835, was from November, 1834, sixty-two per
cent ; from January, 1835, when the currency had
reached at least a level, forty-six per cent ; and, from
its last return previous to the removal of the deposits,
thirty-seven per cent. The bank is justly responsible
for the whole amount of its expansion from the lowest
point of contraction in 1834 ; for it had made that con-
traction under the pretence that such a diminution of
its business was rendered'^necessary by the removal of
the deposits ; and the vacuum in the circulation, being
created under favorable exchanges, was necessarily
filled by the notes of other institutions ; and the sub-
sequent addition to the currency was as inexcusable as
it was dangerous. Such an addition could not fail to
create a most injurious excitement in banking and
trade, and, with a tithe of the power which its friends
claimed for this bank over the smaller institutions, to
stimulate them to the utmost extravagance. And,
when the time of this expansion is considered, no fair-
minded man can doubt that it communicated the main
impulse to the disastrous excesses which followed.
We have thus seen this institution, which was
328 SPEECHES OF MB. TILDEN.
established to " regulate *V the others, twice, according
to the statements of its own presidents, on the very
verge of bankruptcy, and a third time extricating
itself from its embarrassments by a breach of trust
which would subject an individual to a criminal punish-
ment ; and, looking at its returns, we find each of these
occasions preceded by an extension of its business,
unparalleled in any similar institution. We have seen
that, in every great expansion of the currency which
has occurred during the whole period of its -existence,
it increased its circulation in a far larger ratio than
the expansion of the whole currency. And these suc-
cessive expansions, and the revulsions which followed
them with short intervening seasons of quietude, have
filled the whole history of business during that period.
The extraordinary powers of this bank, and its freedom
from competition, while organized on the same prin-
ciples and therefore subject to the same impulses as
other institutions, have only encouraged it to embark
on the most hazardous adventures to extend the profits
of its business ; from which it has been repeatedly
extricated only by the credit of the Government, or the
direct assistance of the Treasury.
Such was ^he manner in which the United States
Bank " regulated " the currency while it was a national
institution. For the benefit of those who think the
loss of such services the cause of the recent commer-
cial disorders, and their restoration by the estabKsh-
ment of a similar institution the sovereign panacea, I
pursue its subsequent history.
SPEECHES OF MR. TILDEN. 329
On the 20th February, 1836, Mr. Biddle presented
a meeting of the stockholders with the new charter
from the State of Pennsylvania, congratulating them on
the dissolution of their connection with the General
Government, which he pronounced to be an unnatural
connection, beneficial neither to " the bank nor the Cf-ovem-
ment^^^ and declaring that " the bank was now SAFEB,
STBONGEB, and more prosperous than it ever was."
On the 11th November, 1836, in a letter to Mr. Adams,
Mr. Biddle declared that the revulsion, which had then
become severe, was owing to the " mere mismanage-
ment " of the Government ; denied " that the country
has over-traded, that the banks have over-issued, and
that the purchasers of public lands have been very
extravagant;" and concluded his long argument to
sustain these positions thus triumphantly : ^^ Exchange
with all the world is in favor of New York : how, then,
can New York be an over-trader ? Her merchants have
sold goods to the merchants of the interior, who are
willing to pay, and, under ordinary circumstances, able
to pay; but by the mere fault of the Q-ovemment^ as
obvious as if an earthquake had swallowed them up,
their debtors are disabled from making immediate pay-
ment. It is not that the Atlantic merchants
HAVE SOLD too MANY GOODS, but that the Q-ovemment
prevents their receiving pay for anyT
And this in the face of sales of public lands during
that year, to the amount of twenty-four millions of
dollars, and an excess of imports over exports of sixty^
880 SPEECHES OF MB. TILDEN.
one millions 1 But even this great financier, who was
competent of himself to regulate all the business of the
country, could at last be made to learn what every man
of common-sense had known long before.
On the 13th May, 1887, two days after his bank had
suspended, in a second letter to Mr. Adams, Mr. Biddle
said : " We owe a debt to foreigners by no means large
for our resources, but disproportioned to our present
means of payment. We have worn and eaten and drunk
the produce of their industry ^ — too much of all^ perhaps;
hut that is our faulty not theirs^ No doubt. But when
had we done so ? Even Mr. Biddle would not say that
it was after the writing of his previous letter.
He also said that, ^' had the bank consulted merely
its own strength, it would have continued its payments
without reserve." Certainly. He suspended for the
sake of the other banks, just as he made his night-jour-
ney in 1825, and his fraudulent arrangement as to the
three per cents in 1882, for their sake. These facts all
rest upon the same testimony. He promised also to
" take the lead in an early resumption of specie pay-
ments."
In the fall of 1887, when a convention was proposed
to bring about a general resumption, the United States
Bank at first refused to join in it ; and afterwards sent
delegates, who opposed resumption, and succeeded in
voting down the measure through its associates and
dependants. And when the New York banks were
about to resume alone, on the 5th of April, 1888, in a
SPEECHES OF MR. TILDEN. 331
third letter to Mr. Adams, Mr. Biddle argued at great
length that the resumption then was " premature,"
threatened them in an insolent tone with the conse-
quences of the attempt, and told them to appeal to the
legislature " to rectify their mistake," and legalize a
further suspension. The New York banks resumed
about the 1st of May; but the United States Bank
remained suspended until the latter part of the year,
when it nominally resumed by substituting post-notes
for its ordinary circulation ; or, in other words, notes
bearing on their face a promise of payment a year after
date, for notes bearing on their face a promise of pay-
ment on demand.
In the spring of 1839, Mr. Biddle resigned the presi-
dency of the bank, announcing, that having brought it*
safely through all the difficulties, and leaving it in a
sound and prosperous condition, he could now retire
from its management. Through the summer, it strug-
gled with the embarrassments daily thickening upon it ;
and in October it failed, inflicting upon the commercial
affairs of the country the extensive mischief under
which they have been suffering for the year past, but
from which, thanks to the beneficent regulation of the
laws of trade, they are now rapidly recovering.
FROM SPEECH OF HON. SAMUEL J. TH-DEN AT CHAT-
HAM, N.Y., ON THURSDAY, SEPT. 24, 1868. ^
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, it is with a high
pleasure, not untinged with something of sadness, that.
332 SPEECHES OP MB. TELDEN.
after a long interval, I stand once more among the
assembled Democracy of the county of Columbia.
I feel like a man revisiting the spot where cluster
the dear and tender associations of home, and looking
about him to see his friends and his kindred. It
was here, in one of the loveliest of your beautiful
valleys, that my eyes first opened upon the light
of heaven; and here, after a period of many years
of various experiences, come back upon my heart all
those interesting and never-to-be-forgotten associations
which belong to our youth. I am here to-day in
response to the appeal of my young friend [Mr. E. X.
Gaul], himself a son of my long-esteemed friend,
that you had a right to claim my obedience to your
'call. I recognize your Chairman [Mr. Van Schaack],
a friend of my boyhood, whom I am glad to meet here,
though I can scarcely do it without emotions that over-
whelm me. It was here that I first learned to take an
interest in the great concerns of our common country ;
and was taught, in precept and example, — by him to
whom I owed my existence, and largely whatever
endowments of intellect I possess, — that it is the first
of social duties for a citizen of a republic to take his
fair allotment of care and trouble in all public affairs.
It was amid these scenes that I formed an acquaintance,
at the house of my father, with the great statesmen of
the Jacksonian era, who did so much, so wisely and so
well, for our country, in their day and generation. At
his house I met Martin Van Bur en, Silas Wright,
SPEECHES OF MR. TILDEN. 833
William L. Marcy, Azariah C. Flagg, and many others
whose names are familiar to you all. I also saw in his
society Edward Livingston, an ornament of this coun-
ty, in which he was born, as was also his great brother
Chancellor Livingston ; and I saw here also Albert
Gallatin, who, although of foreign birth, was an Ameri-
can in all his ideas and tastes. Gentlemen, I have
come back among you to-day to plead for those institu-
tions which here in my childhood I learned to revere,
— which are the great traditions of American free gov-
ernment, and which I fondly hoped in my early years
would prevail everywhere upon this continent, and
secure prosperity and happiness to our people evermore.
These are times that give concern to us all. They are
times that create anxiety and disquietude as to the
future of our country ; and it is because, when most of
the illusions of life are past, my mind still clings to that
illusion, if it be (I would fondly believe that it is no
illusion), of the greatness and glory of my country as
the home of a prosperous and happy people, and as
the promised land of the toiling millions, that I have
come again among you to present to you the views
which I entertained when I left you, and which I still
cherish, as to what are our duties in respect to the
public affairs of our country. I am glad to see that so
many of you have gathered on this occasion. I am
glad to be informed that in this audience there are so
many farmers. It was among the farmers in Columbia
that I took my first lessons in politics. It was in the
834 coNCLtrsiON.
dmple habits, moderate tastes, and honest purposes of
the rural community, that I was accustomed in my
youth — and I have not got over that habit — to trust
for the welfare of our country. I am glad once more
to address an audience composed of farmers. It is
from these populations that we must largely hope for
whatever of future is reserved to our country ; and I
am rejoiced that I have to-day the pleasure of meeting
so imposing a representation of them.
CONCLUSION.
I have now given the record of Messrs. Tilden and
Hendricks, the candidates of the Democracy for the
offices of President and Vice-President of the United
States. I followed out the record of both these gen-
tlemen as sketched by others, and also, in part, by
themselves. That they are men of education and
talent must be conceded by all. That they are of some
account in the States in which they severally reside
seems to be evident from the fact that each of them is
now Governor of one of these States, which by no
means are small among our " tribes " of States. That
each of them has held other offices of trust and high
responsibility is also true ; and, further, that they have
filled these offices with fidelity to the public and credit
to themselves, no man saith to the contrary.
Now, I have given, also, the opinions of some of our
most prominent men of them ; and more especially of
him who is nominated for the first place in the gift of
CONCLUSION. 835
this great nation, Charles Francis Adams, George
Ticknor Curtis, Parke Godwin, and others.
Of the religious proclivities of these candidates I
have had no personal knowledge ; and, as the Consti-
tution of the United States does not specify that the
President and Vice-President must be either Methodists,
Baptists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, or something else,
I have not felt called upon to enter into any minute
inquiry as to their religious creeds. I may, however,
close with the following quotation from a New York
Presbyterian journal, —
" Some of our Methodist contemporaries are making
more than is meet of Gov. Hayes's relation — by the
membership of his wife — to their church. Perhaps
they see in it a continuation of sundry consulships and
other special favors, touching which they have not been
too engaged about the Master's business to make known
their wishes and claims. Gov. Hayes is rather of
Presbyterian than of Methodist antecedents. His
mother was at the time of her death a member of the
Westminster Presbyterian Church, of Columbus, O.
We may add, while on the subject, that our respected
townsman, Gov. Tilden, is an exemplary attendant
upon the services of the Madison Square Presbyterian
Church, when at his home in New York ; and what is
more, he is fairly well seasoned against the perverted
wiles which have led his opponent astray. Reverting
to the *next in rank,' we are told that Gov. Hen-
dricks, of Indiana, is the son of a Presbyterian elder ;
886 CONCLUSION.
but there is a woman in the case again, and she has led
him into the Episcopal Church. The Hon. William A.
Wheeler, however, is a worthy elder of the Presbyte-
rian Church of Malone, N. Y. He stands firm ; and it
thus falls out, that he and Gov. Tilden are about right
as to their ecclesiastical relations ; while the other two
baptized children of our church have been beguiled,
as was their father Adam years ago."
It would seem, then, that Gov. Tilden, not being
specially under the influence of any one of Eve's
daughters, should he be elected President, may be ex-
pected to stand firmly against temptation.
14 DAY USE
RBTUEN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED
LOAN DEPT.
This book u due on the last date stamped below, Ot
on the date to which lenewed.
Renewed books are subjea to inunediate lecalL
I
»ECD LD
•'^"7 mn
JAN 5 1968 8 7
REC-D
DEC13'65-11
m
LOAN DEF
T.
LD alA-SOm 4,'BB
(AlTZ4.iO)476B
U.J.'SmoSS,.!.
YB 374
/ f