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t-fp<--fH.^'^--^~ /^
LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHUECH
One vol. 8vo. price 15s. cloth.
WILLIAM LAW,
XOyjUROR AND MYSTIC,
AuTiioii OF 'A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life' &c.
A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE, CHARACTER, AND OPINIONS.
By J. H. OVERTON, M.A.
Vicar of Epworth ; foimerly Scholar of Lincoln College, Oxford.
London : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
IN THE
ENGLISH CHURCH
(1660-17 14)
/ BY
J. H. OVERTON, M.A.
nF.cTon OP EPWORTn and canon non-uesidentiary of Lincoln catiiedii\l,
AUTHOR OF ' WILLIAM LAW, NONJUROR AND MYSTIC,'
JOINT-AUTHOR OP ' THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY,'
FORMERLY SCHOLAR OP LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFOltD.
' Theology is rather a Divine Life than a Divine Knowledge.'
(Bp. Jeuemy Taylor, Fia Intelligent ice.)
LONDON
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1885
All riijhis reserved
I'lUXTED BY
SI'OTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STEEET SQUAIIK
LONDON"
PEEFACE.
The title of this work tells its own tale. All therefore
that is necessary in the way of Preface is a grateful
acknowledgment of the help and encouragement I
have received in the execution of my task. I am
indebted to Dr. E. Garnett, of the British Museum,
who not only lent me cheerfully the aid he was
always ready to accord to students, but took the
pains, unasked, to search out MSS. bearing on my
subject ; to the Kev. Churchill Babington, wdiose
name is well known in connection with the clergy of
tlie latter part of the seventeenth century, and who
kindly assisted me with his valuable advice ; to the
late Bishop Christopher Wordsworth, whose letters
to me on the subject are among my most treasured
relics ; and, last but not least, to my Wednesday
evening Congregation at Epworth Clnirch, who will
recognise in these pages much that they have heard
from the pulpit, and who unwittingly emboldened me
to present the work to the public, by tlie interest
wliich they expressed in what they heard.
CONTENTS.
Introduction .
State of Cliiux'li tlur
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL SKETCH,
nig the Eebellion
Reign of Charles 11. .
„ James II.
„ WiUiam and Mary
„ Queen Anne
1-2
3-6
6-10
10-11
11-14
14-15
CHAPTER II.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD.
THE RESTORATION PERIOD.
Clergy who died just after the Restoration .
„ a little before the Restoration
Gilbert Sheldon
Matthew Wren .
John Pearson
John Cosin
Peter Gunning
George Morley ■
John Earle
John Ilacket
Scth Ward .
John Fell .
17
18-19
19-20
20
21
21-23
23-25
25-26
26-27
27 29
29 30
30 32
VUl
CONTENTS
John Dolben .
Jeremy Taylor .
Other Prelates of the Carohne Age
Herbert Thorndike
Barnabas Oley
Isaac Barrow
llobert South
liichard Busby .
Isaac Basure .
Eicharcl Allestree
Edmund Pocock ,
Thomas Marshall
Parish Priests of the Period
The Cambridge Platonists
PAGES
83-34
34-35
35-86
8G-37
37-38
88-39
40-41
41-43
43-44
44-45
45-46
46-47
47-49
49-53
REVOLUTION AND QUEEN ANNE PERIODS.
William Bancroft 53-57
John Tillotson 57 60
Thomas Tenison 60-62
John Sharp 62-65
Henry Compton 65-67
Gilbert Burnet 67-70
Thomas Ken 70-74
Edward StiHingfleet 74-76
WiUiam Beveridge 76-77
Simon Patrick 77-79
Richard Kidder 79-80
George Hooper 80-81
John Lake .......... 82
Other Prelates of the Period 83-87
Humphrey Prideaux 87-88
Dennis Granville 88-90
Thomas Comber 90
Lancelot Addison ; Jonathan Swift 91
George Hickes 92
John Kettlewell 92-94
Samuel Wesley (the Elder) 94-96
Josei)li Bmgham 96-97
Anthony Horncck 97-99
Tliomas Bray 99 100
Isaac Milles 100 101
Other Clergy of the Period 101-105
CONTENTS
IX
CHArTEll III.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PFIilOD.
(1) MEN.
Peter Barwick
yii' Richard Browne .
John Evelyn ....
Thomas Willis ....
Izaak Walton
Eobert Boyle ....
Sir Matthew Hale .
Sir Thomas Brown .
Sir Edmondsbm^y Godfrey .
John Kyrle (' The Man of Ross ')
Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon
Elias Ashmole ....
Sir Christopher Wren .
Viscoimt Weymouth .
Simon and William. Lords Digby
Heneage Finch. Earl of Nottingham
Daniel ,, »<
Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon
Lavu-ence Hyde, Earl of Rochester
Robert Nelson . . . .
Henry Dodwell ....
Francis Cherry ....
Samuel Pepys (as a Diarist) .
Ralph Thoresby
James Bonnell ....
Other Laymen ....
TAG 108
107-108
108 109
109-111
111-113
113
113-110
llG-117
117
117-118
118
118-119
119-121
121-122
122-123
123-124
124-125
125-120
126-127
127
128-129
129-132
132-133
133
133 135
135-130
13G 138
(2) WOMEN.
Dorothy, Lady Pakington
Margaret Godolphin
Pious Ladies about the Court
Lady Ranelagh
Mary, Countess of Warwick .
Lady Margaret Maynard ; Lady Frances Di
Lady Elizabeth Hastings
Rachel, Lady Russell . . . ■
Countess of Derby ; Lad v Conway
;by
139
140
140-141
141-142
142-144
144
144-140
140 147
147
CONTENTS
PACE?;
MaryAsteU 148-149
Susanna Hoi^ton ........ 149- 150
Damaris Cudworth ........ 150
Misses Kenicysc — Katherine Philips (' The Matchless Orinda ') 151
Mrs. Evelyn "^ 152
Wives of Clergy 153-155
Elizabeth Bumet 155
Susanna Wesley 150-157
CHAPTER IV.
KESTORATION OF ORDER.
Dilliciilties in the Way ....
Fabrics. — Devastation of Cathedrals
„ Parish Churches
Reparation of Cathedrals
„ Parish Churches
Services. — Private Baptisms
Infrequent Communions
Paucity of Communicants
Concessions to Puritan Scruples
Daily Prayers ....
Catechising in Church
Pulpit Prayers
Disuse of Chancels
Irreverent Behaviour in Church
Instrumental Music in Chiu-ch
New and Old Versions of Psalms
Irregularities in Church Psalmody
Use of the Surplice
Churcli Officers. — Lecturers .
Readers
Parish Clerks
Finances. — Briefs ....
The Offertory
liitual and Furniture. — Bowing to the East
Altar Lights
Altar Rails ....
Altar-pieces and Paintings .
King's Arms in Churches
Pews
Notices in Church ,
Services of Nonjurors .
158-159
159
100
lGl-102
1G2-1G3
103-105
105-108
108-170
170-171
172-175
175-178
178-181
181-182
182-183
184-185
185-187
187-188
188-189
190-192
192-193
193-194
194 19()
190
197-198
198
199
200 201
201
202-203
203 -204
204 200
CONTENTS
XI
CHAPTER V.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES.
PAGKS
The Eeligioiis Societies 207-213
Societies for the Reformation of Manners .... 213-21G
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge . . . . 216-218
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel m Foreign Parts . 218-222
Parochial Libraries 222-224
Charity Schools 224-228
Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy 228
Queen Anne's Boiuity 228-230
Hospitals, &c 230
CHAPTER VI.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD.
Love of hearing Sermons
231-232
Complaints of the Lack of Sermons
232
Length and Abstruseness of Sermons ....
233
Quotations from the Learned Languages in Sermons
234
Preachuig of Jeremy Taylor
235-237
„ Isaac Barrow ......
237-238
„ Robert South
238-240
„ Thomas Ken
240-241
„ Edward Stillingfleet
241-242
„ John Dolben
243 245
„ John Tillotson
245-248
„ John Sharp .......
248
„ Francis Atterbury .....
248-249
„ William Beveridge
249-250
„ Simon Patrick
250-251
„ Gilbert Burnet
251
„ Anthony- Horncck .....
251-252
„ W. Smythies— S. Wesley
252
„ Richard Lucas
252-253
Other Preachers ...
253-255
High Standard of Preaching
255-257
Change in the Style and Language of Sermons . . .
257-258
„ Length of Sermons . . . . .
258-259
Written and Unwritten Sermons . • . . . .
259-2G0
Xll
CONTENTS
Commuiii
CHAPTER VII.
DEVOTIONAL AND TRACTICAL WORKS.
' The Wliole Duty of Man ' . . . .
Other Works by the same (?) Author
Jeremy Taylor's Devotional Works
Hammond's ' Practical Catechism ' .
Ken's ' Practice of Divine Love ' (Catechism)
Other Catechetical Works
Lake's ' Officium Eucharisticiim ' .
Patrick's ' Book for Beginners, or Help to Young
cants '.....••
Other Eucharistic Works
Comber's ' Companion to the Temple ' .
Sherlock's ' Discoiu'se of Religious Assemblies
Death'
Scott's ' Christian Life '
Rawlet's ' Christian Monitor ' . . .
Bevericlge's ' Private Thoughts ' . . .
Patrick's Practical Works ....
Reprints of Earlier Devotional and Practical Wor
Lucas's ' Practical Christianity ' .
„ ' Enquu-y after Happhiess ' .
Scougal's ' Life of God in the Soul of Man '
Burnet's ' Address to Posterity,' &c. .
Worthington's ' Great Duty of Self-Resignation to the Divine
Will'
Devotional Works that were originally Sermon
N orris's Devotional Works ....
R. Boyle, W. Melmoth, Sir M. Hale .
Steele and Addison as Practical Writers .
R. Nelson's Practical and Devotional Works
Susanna Hopton's ,, .1
Mary Astell's „ m
Eliz. Burnet's ' Method of Devotion '
Lady Masham's ' Discourse concerning the Love of God
Devotional Works specially intended for Clergymen
Other Devotional Works
•ks
PAGEfl
2G1-264
264
2G5
2G5-26G
2GG-2G7
2G7-2G8
2G8-2G9
2G9
270-271
271-272
272
272-273
273-274
274-275
275-276
276-278
278-279
279-280
280-281
281
281-282
282
282-283
284-285
285
285
286
286 287
287
287-288
288
288
SACRED POETRY.
Ken's 'Poems, Devotional and Didactic ' .
N orris's Poetry
Patrick's „
289
290
290
CONTENTS
XIU
PAOliS
Addison's Poetry 291
S. Wesley's „ 292
Comber's „ 293
Susanna Hopton's Poetry 294
Other Sacred Poetry 294
Dearth of Sacred Poetry 295
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CHUECH AND SOCIAL LIFE.
Social Status of the Clerp;y ....
Great Inequalities among them
The Supply exceeded the Demand
Domestic Chaplains ......
Distinction of Ranks very Marked
Clergy travestied in Light Literature
' Contempt of the Clergy ' . . . .
Poverty of the Clergy
Supposed Ignorance of the Country Clergy .
Reasons for supposing they were not Ignorant .
Prosperity of some of the Clergy .
Clergy practised Medicine ....
Clergy who had seen Military Service .
„ and the Legal Profession
Active Part taken by the Clergy in Politics .
The Church and Amusements ....
Part which the Clergy took in Ami;sements .
Stillingfleet on Clerical Amusements
Church Teaching on the Sunday Question .
Recreation on the Lord's Day ....
Royal and Parliamentary Utterances about Sunday
The Church and the Royal Society .
Extent to which the Clergy mixed in Social Life .
The Dress of the Clergy
ChiU'ch Discipline .
Money Commutations for Penance .
Effects of Church Censures .....
Casuistry and Casuists .....
Fairdly Prayer .......
Boldness of the Clergy in rebuking Vice .
Conduct of the Clergy during the Great Plague
Theology of the Caroline Age too Refined to be Pd}
ular
290
297
297-298
298-300
300-801
301-302
30'i
303-305
305-306
306-308
308-309
309-310
310
310-311
311
311-312
313
313-316
316 317
317-319
320-321
321-322
322-323
323-325
325-330
326
328-329
330-334
334-335
335-338
339-341
341
XIV CONTENTS
CHAPTER IX.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER EELIGIOUS BODIES.
PARES
The English Nonconformists 342-348
Eeformed Churches abroad 348-351
Eomanists 351-353
The Episcopal Church of Scotland 353-354
The Irish Church 354
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 358-368
INDEX 309 37G
LIFE m THE ENGLISH CHUEOH.
1 660-17 14.
CHAPTEE I.
GENERAL SKETCH.
INTEODUCTION.
It is a frequent complaint that Church History has been
too much confined to a history of disputes between Chris-
tians. The complaint is not altogether just. For in any
work which professes to be a complete history of the Church
in any age, a narrative of controversies must necessarily
occupy a very large space. It would, no doubt, be a
blessed thing if the Church of Christ could be built, like
Solomon's temple, without the noise of axes and hammers ;
but this is a beautiful dream which has never been realised
— not even in the Apostohc age. There is, however, some
danger lest the dust raised by the axes and hammers should
hide the real progress made by the builders, and the fair
proportions of the building. And, so far as the Church of
England is concerned, there is no period in her history in
which there is more danger of this than the stormy period
with which these pages have to deal. In this volume it is
proposed, as far as possible, to disentangle the life of the
Church from her controversies; to show how her clergy
lived and worked ; ' how her faithful laity, both men and
' Chap. II.
B
2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
women, were affected by her influence ; ' how her services
were conducted ; ^ how kindred societies were organised to
be her handmaids ; ^ what was the special character of her
preaching * and the books which fed her devotion ; ^ what
was her relation to the social life of the period,'' and to
other Christian communities, at home and abroad.^ This,
though apparently a less ambitious, is in reality a far more
difficult task than to write a history of her controversies.
For in the latter case, though it may be hard to give a
right judgment on the points at issue, it is not hard to
ascertain what those points were, and to narrate faithfully
what was said about them. But it is hard to ascertain
precisely what were the leading features in the Church life
of any period ; the inductive faculty must be most judi-
ciously exercised, for there is the greatest danger of drawing
general conclusions from insufficient data, of mistaking
the exception for the rule. Again, the investigator is
embarrassed by the very abundance of his materials ; if
his work is to be confined within at all reasonable limits,
he must ask his reader to trust him to an extent which few
other authors have to do. And once more, a writer who
desires to present an attractive picture of Church life, is
terribly tempted not to give a due prominence to blemishes ;
the present writer has not, knowingly at least, yielded to
this temptation ; he knoAVS that * the spouse of Christ on
earth is not like His spouse in Heaven, without spot or
wrinkle or any such thing,' ^ but he is strangely mistaken,
if a picture of her life during this period drawn impartially
will not be worth studying, and will not be found to contain
many noble features.
Before entering into details, it is desirable to give a short
general sketch of the Church life of the period, and its
Chap. III.
2 Chap. IV.
' Chap. V.
Chap. VI.
* Chap. VII.
« Chap. VIII,
Chap. IX.
« Dr. Cray.
GENERAL SKETCH 3
relation to the different reigning sovereigns. And it is
really not going beyond the subject if we begin by casting
at least a passing glance upon the position of the Church
during the Eebellion ; for her after-life was largely moulded,
both for good and evil, by the circumstances through which
she then passed. All that the State could do to crush the
life out of her was done ; but that all was really nothing at
all. Never was her life more vigorous than when she was
spoken and thought of as dead and buried ; never was her
liturgy more venerated than when it was proscribed ; never
were her faithful ministers more firmly attached to her
principles than when the profession of those principles
entailed the ruin of every worldly prospect. The very
defacement of her grand old edifices, grievous as the
spectacle must have been to every faithful churchman, was
in one way turned to her advantage ; for it taught church-
men to realise that the Church was not dependent upon
bricks and mortar, or any external support, animate or
inanimate. The bitter antagonism she encountered was
not without its advantages ; it forced men to be decided in
their principles ; the question was not now, as it was a few
years later, between * conforming ' and ' non-conforming.'
A man who professed himself a churchman had drawn the
sword and thrown away the scabbard. In short, the fire of
persecution was, like all fire, a purifying as well as a de-
stroying element. Let us see the sort of life churchmen led
when their cause seemed for the time being hopelessly lost.
In point of fact, it never icas lost, and no true church-
man ever believed that it was ; they all looked forward to
better times ; ' and meanwhile no act of parliament, no
' ' The good doctor [Hacket] advised them better, that tlie Church of
England was still in being and not destroyed, rather refin'd by her suffer-
ings. . . . And in these lowest of times he was full of faith and courage,
that he himself should still live to see a better world one day,' &c. (Plume's
Life of Hacket.) Bishop Brow«rigg collated Seth Ward to the Precentor-
ship of Exeter Cathedral, ' in full confidence that the king would be restored
and the professor confirmed in his office,' though he was laughed at for
B 2
4 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
exercise of military power, could prevent tliem from wor-
shipping God in their own way. The well-known picture
in the hall of Christ Church, Oxford, representing Fell,
Dolben, and Allestree conducting the forbidden services, is
a typical instance. Hacket's house was made a meeting-
place of the clergy. Dr. Hewett performed the Church
services in S. Gregory's church, near S. Paul's. Jeremy
Taylor is found preaching as a churchman to churchmen
in 1G54, and, after his release from the Tower, ministering
in a private house. ^ Peter Gunning ministered in the
chapel of Exeter House, Strand, in spite of the Protector's
protests. One of the weapons of the Puritans was, in a
rather amusing way, turned against themselves. The law
against ministrations in churches did not apply to the
lecturers, who were originally a sort of free lances, inde-
pendent of parochial organisation ; and therefore Pearson
and others were enabled to evade the law by acting as
lecturers, ' the door being left so widely ajar that there was
room for Piutulian as well as Trojan to enter in.' ^ Cromwell
could not even keep his own family from the infection ;
his two daughters were staunch churchwomen, attending
Dr. Hewctt's ministry, and being married according to the
rites of the Church of England.
doing so. {Some Particulars of the Life dx. of Sclh Ward, DisJiop of
Sarum.) Jeremy Taylor looks forward to the time ' when it shall please
God, who hath the hearts of princes in His hands, and turneth them as the
rivers of waters, when men will consider the invaluable loss that is appen-
dant to the destroying such forms of discipline and devotion in which God
was jjurely worshipped, and the Church was edified, and the peojile in-
Btructed to great degrees of piety, knowledge, and devotion.' (Apologjj for
Set Forms of Devotion, 1646.) Bishop Skinner, when he ordained Bull in
1655, would not give him letters of Orders, but ' withal assured him that
when the ancient Apostolical government of the Cliurch should be restored,
whicli he did not question but a little time would bring about, they sliould
bo sent him,' Ac. (Nelson's Life of Bishop Bull, y). 40.)
' Life, by Heber, p. xxxix (3rd ed., 1839).
'■^ Bishop Pearson's Minor Works, ivith Memoir of Author, by E. Churlon
(1844), p. xxxi. Dr. Warmestry was lecturer at S. Margaret's, Westminster,
Anthony Faringdon at S. Mary Magdalene, Milk Street.
GENERAL SKETCH 5
When we turn from town to country, the undiminished
vitahty of the Church strikes us even more forcibly. Many
of the country clergy still held their livings, though of
course on a most precarious tenure. Lewis Atterbury (father
of the bishop) remained incumbent of Milton,' Pocock, of
Childrey,2 Sanderson, of Boothby Pagnell, Stillingfleet, of
Sutton, Bull, of Suddington.3 Usher preached almost
within a stone's throw of Whitehall.'' Salisbury Cathedral
was scrupulously kept in repair by a number of anonymous
churchmen, who employed workmen evidently in sympathy
with the spirit of the work.'^ Many of the clergy officiated
in private houses — Morton, for instance, in the family of
Sir C. Yelverton,'' Juxon at Chastleton House,^ Barnabas
Oley at Exeter House, *^ Hammond at Westwood.^ Many
used the Church prayers without book, and thus seemed to
conform to the Directory.'^ Many held firmly to their
principles, but contented themselves with quietly pursuing
employments not connected with the din of controversy.
Such were many of those who formed the germs of the
Pioyal Society, such were several of the Cambridge Plato-
nists, such were Brian Walton and his learned colleagues,
who utilised their enforced leisure in raising that great
monument of their industry, the Polyglott Bible ; such were
Beveridge and Cave, who were quietly laying in those stores
of knowledge which afterwards took shape in the ' Pandects
Canonum SS. Apostolorum ' and the ' Historia Literaria.'
Many again went abroad, Morley to Antwerp, where he
' Memoirs dc. of Bishop Atterbury, by Folkestone Williams, i. 3.
2 Life of Echvard Pocock (Twells, 1816), p. 140.
^ Nelson's Life, pp. 44, 76. Stillingfleet was actually appointed to
Sutton in 1657, Bull to Suddington in 1058.
■■ Skeat's History of the Free Chtirches of England, p. 61.
^ See Pope's Life of Bishop Seth Ward, pp. 62-3.
^ Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, p. 50.
' Memoirs of Archbishop Juxon, by W. H. Marah.
« Walker. " Life, by Bishop Fell.
'" E.g. Bull and Sanderson. See Nelson's Life of Bull, and Walton's of
Satulerson.
6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
regularly performed all the services of the Church, Cosin to
France, Basire to the furthest regions of the East. Some,
like Matthew Wren and Jeremy Taylor, might have heen
found in prison, still firm to their principles. Many of those
who hecame most famous in after times were ordained by
bishops who were not afraid of performing their episcopal
functions at the most imminent risk to themselves. Bishop
Skinner, sometimes alone, sometimes attended by Dr.
Bathurst, held frequent ordinations. Patrick was ordained
by Hall, the ejected Bishop of Norwich, Tenison by Bishop
Duppa, Stillingfleet by Bishop Brownrigg. In a word, it
was found, to use the language of Sancroft, that ' there were
caves and dens of the earth, and upper rooms and secret
chambers for a church in persecution to flee unto, and there
would be her refuge.' ' Or, at the worst, they could echo
the grand apostrophe of Jeremy Taylor — ' I shall crave
that I may remember Jerusalem, and call to mind the
pleasures of the Temple, the order of her services, the
beauty of her buildings, the sweetness of her songs, the
decency of her ministrations, the assiduity and economy
of her priests and Levites, the daily sacrifice, and that
eternal fire of devotion that went not out by day nor by
night ; these were the pleasures of our peace, and there is
a remanent felicity in the very memory of those spiritual
delights which we then enjoyed, as the antepasts of
Heaven, and consignation to an immortality of joys.' ^
BEIGN OF CHARLES II.
If the life of the Church was so vigorous at the time
when every outward support was withdrawn, and every
effort used to extinguish it, ought not its vigour to have
been increased when the restoration of the monarchy gave
her once more the upper hand ? Ought she not to have
' D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, i. 41.
2 Apolorjy for AutJioriscd ami Set Forms of Devotion.
GENERAL SKETCH 7
substituted at once a sober, rational religion for tbe wild
fanaticism and sour Puritanism which had of late pre-
vailed ? She ought to have done so, and she u-ould have
done so, if she had had a fair field and no favour ; but, as
a matter of fact she did not. And since the immorality of
the Restoration period has frequently been adduced as
a proof that our Church has not the power of leavening the
nation for good, it is necessary to put the facts in a right
light. It should be remembered, then, that she was em-
barrassed on all sides. Consider the colossal difficulty of
the work to be done. It is putting the case far too mildly
to say that the Church had to deal with the reaction against
the overstrained severity of Puritanism. A comparison
has sometimes been drawn between the license of the
Ptegency period in France, when the death of Louis XIV.
had set the Court free from the artificial piety which had
marked the later years of the Grand Monarch's reign, and
the license of the Restoration period in England. But the
cases are not parallel ; for in France the reign of strictness
had not sj^read far beyond the pale of the Court ; it had
pervaded every corner of England. And the Church of
England w'as in a far worse position for stemming the
torrent of impiety than the Gallican Church was. For
this reason. In France it was the Church itself which had
been carried away by the wave of asceticism, and the
Church itself which fell back with the ebb-tide. But in
England the dissoluteness of the period was combined with
a strong, and, in its way, sincere, but at the same time
very embarrassing attachment to the Church.' Austerity
on the part of the clergy seemed like siding with their
enemies and against their friends. It is difficult to realise,
much more to describe, the utter disgust which the great
' ' How is an old Cavalier like me to be known from those euckoldy
Eoundheads that do nothing but fast and pray, if we are not to drink and
swear according to our degree ? ' asks Whitaker, Lady Peveril's old steward,
in Sir Walter Scott's novel. Sir Walter was always true to the s^Dirit of the
times, if not always accurate in details.
8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
majority of the nation had conceived against Puritanism, and
the immense sense of rehef, when the burden, under ^Yhich
they had long been chafing, was removed. It was hke
iEohis removing the mountain which shut in the cavern of
the winds, and it would hardly have been a more hopeful
task to attempt to stay the course of the winds, than to
check the torrent of unbridled license which was the
inevitable result of the release of the long pent-up elements.
And how was the Church prepared to grapple with the
evil ? Badly in every way. In the first place, her relation
to her restored sovereign was most embarrassing. The
fact that the fortunes of the Church and the Monarchy
seemed to be inseparably bound together ; the sad circum-
stances connected with the death of her last king, who,
whatever his faults were, was at least faithful to his Church,
and, in fact, died for her ; ' the contrast with the iron
rule of military tyranny and the utter disorder into which
the nation had fallen, ecclesiastically as well as civilly ; all
this naturally tended to throw a glamour over royalty
and to increase the enthusiasm of churchmen in its behalf.
Royalty in the abstract was, to pious churchmen, the very
incarnation of a lofty purity of mind and morals, a dignity
of character befitting the nursing father of the grandest
and oldest of all English institutions ; royalty in the
concrete was — Charles II ! '^ It is with reluctance that I
even hint at this source of the Church's weakness ; for
enough, and more than enough, has been written about
the bad qualities of this king, while sufficient account has
not been taken of the extraordinary temptations of his
position, both in exile and on the throne, temptations which
were strong enough to ruin a far firmer character than his.
' At least, he may be said so far to have died in her defence, inasmuch
as if he had consented to give up the Church, his life would undoubtedly
have been spared.
* ' Bishop Juxon, who had known the piety of Charles I., was so over-
whelmed by an interview he had with his son that he is said never to have
held up his head again.'— Perry's History of the Church of England, ii. 313.
GENERAL SKETCH 9
Nor shonlcT it be forgotten that English churchmen have
reason to regard his memory, at least on two accounts.
His Church appointments were almost invariably good/ and
he was a steady and intelligent patron of literature and
the fine arts ^ which have ever been favourable to the pros-
perity of a Church which is the natural home of cultured
men. At the same time it is but bare justice, in estimating
the influence which the Church exercised, not to forget the
fatal barrier to that influence raised by her connection with
such a king. The Church and the Monarch, wrote Stilling-
fleet, ' like Hippocrates' twins, rise and fall together.'
What a twin to be bound to ! Besides the indirect injury
he did by his libertinism both in deed and in opinion, he was
dhectly her enemy ; he notoriously disliked her clergy and
set his courtiers against them.^
There was yet another obstacle to the Church's influence,
which is not so obvious, but which, in point of fact, was
perhaps the greatest of all. Much has been written against
the severe laws which were passed to force men into con-
formity; their cruelty and injustice to the conscientious
dissenter has been incessantly and very rightly pointed out ;
but has sufficient notice been taken of their cruelty and
• It will be remembered that Dr. Johnson called attention to this fact.
2 Witness his kindness to the learned antiquary, Elias Ashmole (see
Ashmole's Diary for 1660), his foundation of the Observatory at Greenwich,
and his personal interest in scientific observations.
* See, inter alia, Sir John Reresby's diary:— 'I was at the king's
couch6e. His Majesty was in very good humour and took up some time in
displaying to us the fallacy and emptiness of those who pretend to a fuller
measure of sanctity than their neighbours, and pronounced them to be, for
the most part, abominable hypocrites and the most arrant knaves ; as
instances of which he mentioned several eminent men of our own times,
nor spared to introduce some mitred heads among the rest, whom he pre-
tended to be none of the best, though their devout exterior gave them the
character of saints with the crowd.' {Travels and Memoirs of Sir John
Rercsby, p. 238.) Conceive the results of such edifying discourse coming
from one who was gifted with extraordinary powers of fascination, who was
far above the average in point of intelligence, and who was in the position
of a king !
lO LTFE IN TEIE ENGLISH CIIURCII, 1660-1714
injustice to the Clinrch itself? What pohcy could be more
utterly fatal to the prosperity of any institution than one
which was obviously adapted to drive the conscientious
men out, and to keep men of easy conscience within its
pale ? But that was precisely what the penal laws had a
direct tendency to do, and, as a matter of fact, did. A
large number of the Church's ofificers were not churchmen
at all, but merely ' conformists'^— a very different thing.
"With such a staff how could she do justice to her principles ? "^
The marvel is, not that she did so little, but that she did
so much for good, under these conditions.
mUGN OF JAMES 11.
The influence of the Church had begun to tell largely
upon the morals of the nation some years before the death
of King Charles ; one proof of which is seen in that re-
markable outburst of religious fervour which gave rise to
the ' licligious Societies ' in 1678, of which more will be
said i^resently ; and this influence certainly did not decrease
during the three years that James II. was upon the throne.
Of the many infatuations of that infatuated prince, none
■was greater than his absurd hope that the Church of Eng-
land was about to make way for that Church whose cause
he espoused with all the fervour of a pervert. Unwittingly,
he conferred a very great benefit upon the Church which he
' Not ovon ' conformists ' in the sense of conforming loyally to the
order and discipline of their Cliurch. Archdeacon Basire declares that
• many churches are provided with such as are in effect noe ministers ; and
are soe far from conforming themselves that they preach against those that
are conformed ' &c. (Hunter's Collection of MSS., ii. 08.) Dean Granville
complains of ' the non-conformity, or rather semi-conformity of the clergy
(wlio did with zeale more than enough and sometimes too bitterly inveigh
against non-conformists),' &c. {Remains, Surtees Miscellanea, Part I., p.
130). ' Of all nonconfomiists, I confesso I have most indignation against
those that can accept of a fat benefice and preferment, and yet not con-
form ' ttc. {Ih. Tart II. p. 41. Entry December 1097.)
- Tliis point is well brought out in the Church Quarlcrhj Review, July
1877.
GENERAL SKETCH T I
had abandoned, by giving her the oi^portuniiy of proving
beyond a doubt how utterly irreconcileable her principles
were with those of Eome. The people at large were con-
firmed in the confidence which the well-informed had long
held, when they saw her defending her position on true
Catholic, as opposed to Eoman Catholic, grounds ; and the
nonconformists themselves joined in her praises. Nineteen-
twentieths of the nation were now, nominally at least,
within her fold. Her services were more numerous, better
attended, and more devoutly joined in than they had ever
been since the Eeformation. Her popularity was at its
height ; the memorable episode of the ' Seven Bishops ' was
not a mere fitful outburst of enthusiasm, but the expression
of a feeling which had existed for some years, and which
extraordinary circumstances now called forth. Her internal
dissensions, wdiich had never been great since the Restora-
tion,' were now less marked than ever. And there is an
apologetical tone about the writings of the comparatively
few who dissented from her, which seems to indicate that,
if matters had gone on as they had begun, most of them
would have been won over, and we might have seen realised
the grand idea of a Church truly coextensive with the
nation, and adequately supplying all that nation's spiritual
wants. She hardly realised her own strength ; she could
well have afforded to dispense with those artificial defences
which a mistaken zeal had raised about her ; in fact she
would have been stronger without them. If one had to pick
out a period when our Church was at its strongest and its
best, it would be hard to select a better than when its tem-
poral defender was one of the bitterest foes it ever had.
BEIGN OF WILLIAM AND MARY.
If the progress of Church life was not so much impeded
as one might have expected it to be by the stirring events of
' I am speaking of ' churchmen,' not ' conformists.'
12 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
the Eevolution era, the reason is that, after all, political
changes cannot affect much the work of truly pious men
who are guided by definite principles. Otherwise, the violent
party-spirit which arose must have been simply ruinous to
Church work. The internal dissensions of the Church were
immensely aggravated. The deliberate and undisguised
endeavours of King James to Eomanise the nation had
bound together by a sense of one common danger all church-
men. Minor differences were forgotten, and they worked
together, shoulder to shoulder, in defence of the institution
they all loved. But when the danger was past, and when
they had to answer another question, ' Under which king,
Bezonian, speak or die ! ' the spirit of union was at once
changed for a spirit of discord. Churchmen were placed in
a dilemma. If they threw their vast influence into the scale
of the exiled James, they ran the risk of being unfaithful
to their country as citizens, if into that of William and
Mary, of being unfaithful to their Church, at least as her
doctrines had been all but universally understood and
explained for the last thirty years. Some shrank from one,
some from the other horn of the dilemma, and each tried to
impale the other on the horn which he had himself avoided.
Some tried to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds ;
not intentionally perhaps, but, as a matter of fact, their
attitude can be only so described ; and when compromise
once takes the place of principle, the moral effect on the
character is inevitably damaging. In estimating the loss
which the Established Church sustained from the secession
of the nonjurors, numbers are a very imperfect guide. Say
that they were l)ut a handful in comparison with the vast
majority who took the oaths, yet the loss of a handful of the
best and most conscientious men is no slight loss. The
most healthy organisation can ill afford to be deprived of
some of its best blood. But it was far more than this.
Many of those who nominally acquiesced in the new settle-
GENERAL SKETCH I 3
ment sympathised in their hearts with the nonjurors ;' or
at any rate were far more in sympathy with them than
with those whom the king dehghted to honour. In fact,
there were two hostile camps in the Church, roughly repre-
sented by the two Houses of Convocation. On the one side
were all, or nearly all, the newly appointed bishops, a small
sprinkling of the clergy, and the majority of the middle
class among the laity ; on the other side, the majority of
the clergy, many of the nobility and higher gentry, and the
majority among the lower classes.^ Such a division was
obviously most injurious to the growth of Church life. In
almost every parish there were High Churchmen and Low
Churchmen (it was now that these detestable names first
became general) thwarting one another.^
It did not mend the matter that the ' Defender of the
Faith ' was a Dutch Presbyterian who had no sympathy
whatever with any of the Church's distinctive principles and
practices. The queen, indeed, had been brought up a strict
churchwoman,'* and if left to herself would doubtless have
been a true nursing mother ; she did what she could during
her short life, and a marked alteration for the worse in the
relation of royalty to the Church is perceptible after her
death ; but, at best, she was quite a secondary personage ;
and her painful position as the supplanter of her own father
' Birch says [Life of Tillotson, p. 191), ' The majority of the Lower House
(of Convocation, 1689) had a reserved kindness for the non-juring bishops
and clergy,' and these undoubtedly represented the feelings of their con-
stituents. The same feeling is shown in the petition presented to King
William, in which they ' passionately entreated that the Church might not
suffer so great a loss as to be deprived of them.'
2 See Rapin, vol. xii. p. 256. See also Walter Bagehot's interesting
essay on ' Bolingbroke as a Statesman.' (Biographical Studies, p. 165.)
^ There is a most interesting letter (not published) in the British
Museum, among the MSS. of White Kennet, in which the writer describes
the confusion thus introduced into the parish of Shottesbrook. See also
a letter from Ken to the Dean of Worcester (Hickes), on the same subject.
(Letter X. in Bishop Ken's Prose Works, Round's edition.)
•• At least, so far as the influence of Dr. Ed. Lake, one of her spiritual
directors, went ; the churchmanship of Dr. Compton, her other director, was
of a different type.
14 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
dill not aild to her power. The happiest event for the
Cliurch durmg this reign was the passing of the Toleration
Act ; for the enforced conformity of unwilHng minds, and
the odium which attached to those in whose favour perse-
cuting laws were, hy a most mistaken policy, enacted, were
real drawhacks to her spiritual influence. But on the whole
the Church suffered a severe check to the flourishing pro-
gi-ess she was making during this crisis.
BEIGN OF QUEEN ANNE.
In each of the preceding periods it has been found
necessary to notice the difficulties set in the way of Church
life by the hostility or indifference of the reigning sove-
reigns. These difficulties were now removed, for Queen
Anne was a thorough churchwoman, according to her lights.
But though the Church was now free from one of the em-
barrassments from which she had suffered ever since the
Eestoration, there were still great impediments to her
spiritual progress. Chief among them was the inextricable
confusion which now existed between civil and ecclesiastical
affairs. Politics have constantly been the bane of Church
life, but never more so than in the reign of Queen Anne.
Many of the so-called Church questions which violently
agitated men's minds were really far more of a political
than of an ecclesiastical character. The fact is, that though
it is exceedingly doubtful whether the State was of much
use to the Church, there is no doubt that the Church was
of very great use to the State ; it w'as a name to conjure
with, and it was used accordingly.' Nothing marks more
strongly the popularity of the Church at this period than
tlie evident fact that no one had the least chance of a
luaring unless he professed a friendship for, or at least no
' Archbishop Shaq), with his wonted plain common sense, pointed this
out. See his Life, by his son (ed. by Ncwcome), pp. 25G-7.
GENERAL SKETCH I 5
hostility to her. Those who were her bitterest enemies
assumed an apologetical tone,' If the Church did not take
as much advantage as might have been expected of the
splendid opportunity which now seemed to be offered to
her, the reason was that she was too much absorbed in the
vortex of politics. But this and other points will be brought
out more clearly when we pass from a general view to
specific details.
' See, inter alia, Viscount Bolingbroke's Works, pcassim, and all the
Deistical literature. Perhaps it is hardly fair to rank Defoe as a bitter
enemy, but he was avowedly a dissenter, and his tone is the same.
1 6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 r4
CHAPTER 11.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD.
The hagiology of the Church of England has yet to be
written. Eomanists and all classes of dissenters have
celebrated their worthies far more fully than we have
done ; but our silence has not been for lack of material —
rather from a superabundance of iV Even in dealing with
less than a twentieth part of the period over which the
Church of England extends, the difficulty is enormous.
And so there is need to apologise both for the length, and
also for the brevity, of this chapter and the next. The
number of lives sketched is so great that there is a fear of
confusing the reader and wearying his patience ; and yet
the omissions are so many that he may also have reason
to complain that some favourite is neglected or too curtly
treated. It will add to the clearness of the chapter to sub-
divide it and treat, first, of the clergy of what may be
roughly called the Restoration period, and then, of those
of the Revolution period.
' Even two hundred years ago, a divine wrote : ' The members of the
Church of England have been reputed, of all others, the slackest to celebrate
their own worthies, partly, I conceive, from the humility and modesty of
their principles and education, partly from the great multitude of incom-
parable scholars therein to be commemorated, that such labours would be
almost inlJnile.' (Plume's Preface to the Life of Ilacket.) The labours
naturally increase with increasing years. ' A true and wholesome hagiology,'
remarks Mr. Mozley very truly (ReminisceJices,n.S72), 'may be now impos-
sible ; yet may not that be lamented, and may we not dwell on that which
might have been ? ' See also some good remarks on the very jDcriod with
wliich we have to do, in Rcmai7is of A. W. Haddan, ' Review of Debary's
History,' Ac.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD
THE BE ST OE AT ION PERIOD.
17
At the Restoration, there was obviously but one man
to whom the P]-imacy, vacant since the execution of Laud
sixteen years before, could be offered. If he had any
regard for his father's memory, Charles II. could hardly
have passed over William Juxon (1582-1663). That old
and trusted friend, that most faithful and honest adviser,
who had been with Charles I. to the very end and received
his last commission on the fatal January 30, passed, almost
as a matter of course, from Fulham to Lambeth, to the
universal satisfaction of the nation. • But with the weight
of seventy-eight years upon him — and the last twenty of
them such years ! — the good old man could hardly be
expected to take a very prominent part in Church life. He
lent to the revived Church the halo of a great name round
which clustered many sad and solemn associations, but he
had hardly time to do more than sing his 'Nunc dimittis,'
and then rejoin his lost master. In 1663 he quietly passed
away, beloved and regretted by all.^
Many other great men only just lived to see the
mighty change they had so long yearned for, and must be
regarded rather as survivals of the past, than as actually
belonging to the period with which we are concerned.
Such were Accepted Frewen, who, having been deprived
both of his ecclesiastical and his private fortune, died
' ' This clay (September 20, 16G0) was a day of rejoicing to all that love
order in the Church. For this morning, that Most Eeverend Father William
(Juxon) was translated from London to Canterbury.' [Then follows much
praise]. {Public Intelligencer, No. 39).
'•' ' June 4, 1663.— Heard this day the Archbishop of Canterbury, Juxon,
a man well-spoken of by all for a good man, is dead ' {Pepys' Diary). Lord
Campbell calls him ' a most kind-hearted, pious man, and so inoffensive
that even faction could not find fault \dth. him ' {Lives of Chancellors, vol.
iv. p. 7, n.) Lloyd, ' the delight of the English nation, whose reverence
was the only thing that all parties agreed on ' {Memoirs of those that
Suffered). See also Wilson's Merchant Taijlors, p. 670. Burnet in his
Own Times depreciates Juxon, for which he is taken to task by Nathaniel
Salmon. {Lives of English Bishoi^s &c. p. 7.)
0
iS LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Archbishop of York in 1G64 ; and Brian Walton, the pro-
moter and sole editor of the Polyglott Bible, who, having
been deservedly promoted to the see of Chester, died in
IGGl ; ' and Robert Sanderson, who survived to be placed
at the head of that diocese in which he had been suffered
to live in a humble cure all through the troubles, and
died in 16G3 ; and Archbishop Bramhall, the ' Athanasius
Hibernicus,' who died in the same year ; and Thomas Fuller,
the quaint chronicler of England's Worthies, and a worthy
himself, who died when honours were just beginning to be
showered upon liini, in IGGl ; and Brian Duppa, who had been
the constant attendant upon Charles I. and tutor of Charles
II., and who, if he could not influence the conduct of his
reckless pupil, at least secured his respect, for Charles
kneeled to receive his blessing just before the good Bishop
of Winchester's death in 1GG2 ; and John Barwick, faith-
fullest of faithful churchmen through the Piebellion, who
died Dean of S. Paul's in 1G64.
!Many great churchmen died, Moses like, while the
Church was still in the wilderness, some having received,
and some not quite, a Pisgah view of the promised land.
Such were Joseph Hall (1574-1656), whose beautiful ' Con-
templations ' are still read and admired, and whose * Hard
Measure,' giving a sufferer's account of his sufferings, is
particularly valuable, the ejected clergy not being given
to parade their hardships ; and Henry Hammond (1605-
16()0), a model parish priest before the troubles began,
and during the troubles one of the mainstays of the royal-
ists; and Archbishop Usher (1580-1656), most learned and
conciliatory of divines, who, though inclined to Puritanism
on some points, suffered severely during the Puritan as-
cendency; and Thomas Morton (1563-1659), the venerable
Bishop of Durham, whoso patriarchal age seemed to be
prolonged that he might just see the dawn of better days
' Sec Todd's Memoirs of Walton. The ' Polyglott ' was comiileted in
ir,o7.
CLERGY OF THE TERIOD ig
for the Church he had served so long and faithfully ; and
Ralph Brownrigg (1593-1G59), the brave bishop who dared
to exercise his episcopal functions under interdict. These
and many other famous men, if they did not live long
enough to see the Church restored, contributed greatly
to her reputation. The memory they left behind them,
and the immortal works some of them bequeathed to pos-
terity, gave a tone to the Eestoration period, and contributed
in no slight degree to make the Caroline age what, in one
sense it certainly was, the golden age of English theology.
But it is time to pass on to those who took an active
part in the Church life of the period ; and among them the
most influential was beyond all question Gilbert Sheldon
(1598-1677). He was made Bishop of London ; but, owing
to the age and infirmities of Juxon, he was virtually primate
from the moment of the king's return, and became actually
so on that good old man's death. Taking the prominent
part he did in politico-ecclesiastical matters, there is no
wonder that his character should have been differently
described, according to the different views of the describers.
The discrepancies between the various estimates of him
are almost ludicrous.' But, after all, it is not very difficult
to reconcile them. On certain points all are agreed. His
munificence was unbounded. He gave away, or spent upon
public works, from the time when he became Bishop of
London, a sum which, according to the lowest estimate,
amounted to 6'2,000L, according to the highest 73,000/.,
either of them an enormous sum, considering the value
of money in those days. He was a man of undaunted
• Mr. Bevill Higgon says, Burnet ought not to have ' dared to mention
Archbishop Tenison in the same day with so great a man as Sheldon/
{Remarks on Burnet's Own Times, 1736, ii. 128.) ' This Sheldon, the most
virulent enemy and poisoner of the English Church.' (S. T. Coleridge,
Notes on English Divines, ii. 22.) Burnet {Own Times) says ' he seemed
not to have a deep sense of religion, if any at all.' N. Salmon {Lives of
English Bishops, 1733) calls this statement ' unwarrantable.' ' His piety
was undoubted.' {Carwitlien, iii. 172.)
c 2
20 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
courage ; he sta3'ed manfully at his post at Lambeth all
through the Plague ; he did not shrink from rebuking his
royal master, thereby forfeiting the king's favour, which
he never regained. He was a most generous patron of
learning ; if the prelates of the Kestoration period shed
a lustre on the Church, as they surely did, Sheldon must be
credited with much the largest share in their appointment.'
He had obviously the gift of attaching his friends most
devotedly to him. He was emphatically a strong man,
witti a firm will of his own, perfectly straightforward and
candid, without a particle of cant. A man of whom all
this can be said has strong claims upon our regard. But
on the other hand we can gather, even from his panegy-
rists' accounts and from his own recorded acts and words,
that he was more of a statesman than a divine, that spiritual
mindedness was, to say the least, not a conspicuous trait in
his character, that he took a leading part in the persecution
of nonconformists, and that his disgust at hypocrisy led him,
like many others in the anti-puritanical reaction of the
time, far too much in the opposite direction.
There was one other prelate who seemed at the Restora-
tion likely to rival, and more than rival, the influence of
Sheldon. That one was the venerable Bishop of Ely,
Matthew Wren (1585-1667), who was liberated from his
eighteen years' captivity in the Tower a little before the
king's return. Clarendon, who was of course the most in-
fluential of laymen, seems to have regarded him as the man
to whom the Church had to look for her resettlement.^
But it was hardly likely that a man in his seventy-fifth
' ' Archbishop Shehlonhad the keys of the Church for a great time in his
power, and coukl admit into it and keep out of it whom he pleased, — I mean
disposed of all ecclesiastical preferments.' (Dr. Pope's Lifo of Bishop Seth
Ward, 1697, p. 53.) So Pepys, Dianj, September 3, 1662, ' The Bishop of
London (Sheldon) is now one of the most powerful men in England with
the king.'
^ See Clarendon's ' Letter to Dr. Barwick ' in Rennet's Register. Also
Bishop Pearson's Minor Works, ed. Churton, ii. 81.
CLERGY OF THE TERIOD 21
year, and broken by captivity, would be vigorous enough to
begin to take the helm and steer the ark through such
stormy waters. He seems quietly to have subsided into
his old position, and is known in his later life chiefly for
having brought into notice his nephew, the most original
of English architects.
Very much the same may be said of the eminent prelate
who preached Wren's funeral sermon, John Pearson (1613-
1686). The author of the 'Exposition of the Creed ' added
one more great name to the distinguished roll of Caroline
prelates, but that is all. He may have been ' a much better
divine than bishop,' ' or he may have ' filled the bishopric
of Chester with great honour and reputation ; ' ^ but from
the general course of Church life he certainly stood
ajmrt.
Far different was it with John Cosin (1595-1671),
Bishop of Durham, of whom his biographer says truly
* that he will be ever remembered among the most eminent
. prelates of the English Church.' ^ At any rate, he stands
among the very first of the clergy of the Eestoration period.
Others may have had a wider influence ; for from his
remote northern diocese he could hardly extend his influ-
ence to the centre and south of the land. Others may have
been more learned, or rather, have given more tangible
proofs of their learning ; for Cosin was an eminently
learned man ; but no one left deeper traces of his influence
so far as its sphere extended. The diocese of Durham was
remarkable for its strong churchmanship, in the spiritual
sense of the term, during the whole of our period ; and we
may very clearly trace, directly or indirectly, the marks of
Bishop Cosin's influence. In his own writings, and in the
notices that are left to us, the portrait of the man is brought
' Burnet's Own Times.
- Laurence Echard. See Pearson's Minor Works, ed. Churton, with
Memoir of Author, p. xcvii, antl Diary of Dr. Worthington, ed. J. Cropley,
p. 232, n. Botli editors condemn Burnet and agree with Echard.
^ Vita Joannis Cosini, by Eev. T. Smith.
2 2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
very vividly before us : — a plain blunt man with a definite
end in view, and making straight for that end without
turning to the right hand or to the left ; firm as a rock in
his convictions, but by no means cramped or narrow ;
though a well-read divine, a man of practice rather than
theory ; utterly unselfish, and of undaunted courage, he
was just the sort of man to play the part he did play both
in adversity and prosperity. No thought ever entered Ids
head of disguising in the very least his principles ; and so
he was the very first to suffer for them.' Driven abroad,
he was ' the Atlas of the Protestant religion at one of the
chief seats of Eomanism.' ^ After the Eestoration, while
others, as Pepys says, were ' nibbling at the Common
Prayer,' ^ he was the very first to use it openly in its
entirety. Eemoved from the deanery of Peterborough to
the bishopric of Durham, he at once set about the task of
restoring Church order ; and during the ten years of his
episcopate succeeded in doing so, — at least to a greater
extent than any other bishop did. There was no diocese
where conformity was so general, and where the plain rules
of the Church were more rigorously carried out.* Such
a man could of course brook no obstacles in his way, and
as nonconformity was a very great obstacle, he dealt with
' See Carwithen's History of the Church of England, vol. iii. p. 21, and
Perry, ii. 375, and Collier, viii. 360.
^ See Fuller's Worthies.
* Diary for November 4, 16G0.
^ See, inter alia, Eonains of Denis Granville, Part H., p. 23. Also
Correspondence of Bishop Cosin, Part II. passim, both published by the
Surtees Society, and Basire's Funeral Sermon on Cosin, entitled, The
Dead Man^s Speech. A remarkable instance is given in Mr. Low's History
of the Diocese of Durham (S.P.C.K.),p. 285, note H, quoted from Archdeacon
Spark, who wrote in 1746, ' When, everywhere else, the surplice in the
pulpit was regarded as a badge of party, here, on the contrary, it was the
gown. It is only within the last few years that some zealous clergj-men
have introduced the gown in churches where it was never seen or heard of
before ; ' and the Archdeacon traces the custom back to Bishop Cosin.
The famous Durham cope and other vestments with which the name of
Cosin is associated are another case in point.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 23
nonconformists in far too rough a fashion ; but at the same
time he was a strong advocate of intercommunion with
the Eeformed Churches abroad. His position at Durham
was that of a prince as weh as a bishop ; and his muni-
ficence was princely ; the account of w'hat he spent on
reHgious and charitable works almost takes one's breath
aw'ay.' He was a man of some asperity of temper,
heightened no doubt by a painful disease from which he
long suffered ; and he was somewhat of a martinet, though
evidently able to secure the respect as well as fear of his
fellow-workers. Such was Bishop Cosin, a great prelate, if
ever there was one in the English Church.
Peter Gunning- (1613-1684) had been as conspicuous as
Cosin for his undisguised attachment to the Church during
the troubles, and after the Eestoration he was deservedly
promoted, first to the see of Chichester, then to that of Ely.
If not so strong, he was a more loveable man than Cosin.
Language hardly seems strong enough to express the admi-
ration his friends felt for him. He is ' that learned and
pious man, Dr. Gunning; ' ' Dr. Gunning, who can do nothing
but what is well ; ' ^ ' that excellent man, Dr. Gunning ; ' '
* the incomparable Peter Gunning; ' * ' this apostolical man.
Dr. Gunning ; ' ^ even Pepys, who does not often praise
clergymen, was favourably impressed by him.^
It was not so much by his preaching or his writings,
' Basire says, ' he spent above 2,000L a year in pious uses ' (Dead Man's
Speech ; Zouch, that ' it is scarcely possible to enumerate the many acts
of public beneficence by which Dr. Cosin distinguished himself during the
eleven years he held the see of Durham ' {Life of Sudbury, p. 84). He waa
styled ' the benevolent Bishop of Durham.' For a detailed account of some
of his princely gifts, see his Correspondence, Part II. jMSsim, especially pp.
169-171.
2 Evelyn, Diarij, March 29, 167^, and February 23, 167^.
3 Sir John Reresby, Travels £c'., p. 239.
* Peter Barwick, Vita Joannis Barwick, p. 22.
* Salmon, Lives of Bishops, p. 253. Salmon, of course, belonged to the
next, but only the next, generation. His Lives were i^ublished in 1733.
" Diary for January 1, 16:j5.
24 LIFE IN THE ENGTJSTI CHURCH, 1660-1714
(though he was eminent for both) as by his deaHng with
inchvidual souls that Gunning made the deepest impression.
Thus John Barwiek sent for him to be with him during the
last three days of his life, ' which he gave up entirely to
God and the study of private piety,' and received from his
hands the last viaticum.' Evcljai * carried his son to be in-
structed of him before he received the Holy Sacrament, when
he gave him most excellent advice.' ' And oh,' he adds,
' that I had been so blessed when first I was admitted to that
sacred ordinance ! ' - That admirable lady, Mrs. Godolphin,
received some of her early instruction from Dr. Gunning,
' who thought fit that she should be admitted to the Holy
Sacrament when hardly eleven.' ^ And there is something
really touching in the way in which Denis Granville, when
he was quite a middle-aged man and a dignitary of the
Church to boot, records, 'I did this evening unburthen
my conscience to this good bishop (Gunning), my spiritual
guide, and submitted my soul to his test and examination,'
&c. Gunning took an active part against the Presbyterians
at the Savoy Conference, but his life was so unblamable
that they could find no reproach against him.'' And his
strong churchmanship did not interfere with his Christian
charity in his private capacity, as his kindness to his dis-
tinguished predecessor at Cambridge, Tuckney, proves.^
Like Sheldon and Cosin he was extraordinarily liberal.
•Let the scholars he has supported in the University of
Cambridge, his several large endowments and benefactions
in that place ; let the crowds of poor fed daily at his door,
and from his table, the widow, fatherless and stranger,
indigent foreigners, distressed travellers, publicly fed, clothed
■ Vita Joannis Danoick, p. 237. "■ Diary for March 29, IG7-.
' Evelyn's Life of Mrs. Godolj;,hin. ^
*^ See Athena Oxonienses, iv. 140. Bavwick calls him ' Malleus scliis-
maticorum ' {Vita Joannis Banoiclc). Neale {History of the Puritans, ii.
108-;)) and Baxter of course do not speak so well of him in consequence.
^ Athena Oxonienses, ub. supra, and Granger's Bionraphical History
111. 21!). -^
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 25
and relieved, or privately supplied by him with a plentiful
hand,' ' bear witness.
Another prelate who took a conspicuous part at the
Savoy Conference was George Morley (1597-1684), succes-
sively Bishop of Worcester and Winchester. The active
portion of Morley's life belongs to an earlier period, although
he survived the Eestoration nearly a quarter of a century.
In his later life he is chiefly known as the central figure
of an interesting group at Winchester, consisting of the
children and grandchildren of Izaak Walton (Morley's
benefactor during the Eebellion) and the saintly Ken.^ His
ready wit is still reroembered through more than one bon-
mot, and his discretion was highly valued by Clarendon.
In spite of an idle piece of gossip reported by Pepys,^ it is
clear that Morley was a man of great liberality. When he
was translated to the wealthy see of Winchester, it is said
that King Charles foretold that he would be none the richer
for it.** And judging from the long list of his benefactions
he could not have been.'' Morley in theology occupied the
odd position of a High Church Calvinist, but he was always
a very moderate Calvinist, and rendered still more so by the
arguments of his friend Sanderson, and his Calvinism did
not prevent him from taking as active a part against the
Presbyterians at the Savoy Conference as Sheldon, Cosin,
and Gunning did ; but his antagonism did not interfere
with his showing kindness to some of his antagonists.^ He
was once drawn from the privacy into which he retired, in
his extreme old age, by Sancroft, who persuaded him to join
in the delicate task of attempting to bring back the Duke
of York to the Church of his baptism. Possibly the fact of
' Sermon at Ely by Dr. Gower, Master of S. John's, on Gunning, soon
after his death.
^ See Bowles' Life of Ken, p. 141.
^ See Diary for Christmas Day, 1GG2.
■• Salmon, Lives of Bishops, &c.
* For an account of these (which are too numerous to be inserted in the
text), see Elwes' Sir C. Wren and his Times, p. 300.
" See Stoughton's Church ami State Two Hundred Years Ago, p. 3(34.
26 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
IMorley having been spiritual guide to the late Duchess of
York ma}^ have had something to do with the archbishop's
request, but the terms of Bancroft's letter show that Morley's
high character was the chief reason.'
It is but fair to say that of all the five prelates hitherto
noticed the reader would not derive so favourable impres-
sion from the accounts of nonconformists ^ as he probably
will have done from these pages. Not so of John Earle
(lGOl-1665), Bishop of Salisbury, of whom all men spoke
well, nonconformists as well as churchmen. Not that
Earle was lax in his churchmanship ; for the sake of it he
had suffered the loss both of his preferments and his private
property in the civil wars. He had closely identified him-
self with the royal cause, having been tutor to Prince
Charles, and having attended him abroad as his chaplain.
But he had learnt, what it is hoped most men have learnt
now, that it is impossible to force a religion upon a man by
Act of Parliament ; and so he opposed with all his might
the Five-mile Act, and treated the nonconformists in his
diocese with the utmost courtesy. There is a ring about
the chorus of praise which was lavished upon him which
proves that it was not conventional, and the tenor of it
gives us the secret of his almost universal popularity. ' He
had,* writes one, ' this high and rare felicity, by his excellent
and spotless conversation, to have lived so many years in
the Court of England, so near his Majesty, and yet not
given the least offence to any man alive, being honoured
and admired by all who have either known, heard or read
of him.' 3 < Of Dr. Earle,' writes a contemporary, ' I may
justly say (and let it not ofiend him, because it is a truth
' See Correspondence of Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, and of his
Brother, &c., pp. 465-7.
2 Such as Baxter, e.g.— It is most unfortunate that the only full con-
temporary account we have of the Savoy Conference is from the pen of one
who would naturally take as unfavourable a view as possible of the Church
party, of which the five prelates noticed above were the most distinguished
I'epresentatives.
* White Kennet, Begister,
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 2 7
which ought not to be concealed from posterity, or those
that now Hve and yet know him not), that, since Mr.
Hooker died, none have Kved whom God hath blessed with
more innocent wisdom, more sanctified learning, or a more
pious, peaceable, primitive temper, so that this excellent
person seems to be only like himself, or our venerable
Eichard Hooker ' ' * This Dr. Earle,' writes another, a few
years after Earlc's death, ' was a person certainly of the
sweetest, most obliging nature that lived in our age.' ^
And to turn to a different class of testimony. Pierce, the
friend of nonconformists, declares that ' Dr. Earle was a
person who could do good against evil, forgive much, and
of a charitable heart.' ^ And Baxter writes to him that ' he
had frequently heard that in charity and gentleness and
peaceableness of mind, he was very eminent,' ^ and notes
on Earle's reply, ' Oh that they were all such ! ' What
makes this praise the more striking is that it was written to
and of a man who had the knack of writing in a satirical
vein, than which nothing is more apt to make enemies.^
In reading it all we can hardly help thinking of the warning
to those of whom all men speak well, and so it is almost
with a sense of relief that we read that he died * to the no
great sorrow of those who reckoned his death was just for
labouring against the Five-mile Act.'*' He was a most
intimate friend of Bishop Morley.
Another prelate who was universally esteemed was
John Hacket (1592-1670), Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry,
who is justly described by the latest editor of his life, as
* one of the most illustrious prelates of the great Caroline
age.' "^ His energy, consistency, and courage during the
' Walton, Life of Hooker.
' H. Cressy to a ' Person of Quality ' (Lord Clarendon), written in 1074.
' Conformists' Plea for Noncoyiformity (1G81).
* Letter to Earle, 1662. ^ See his Microcosmography , passim.
" Conformists' Plea, p. 35.
' The Eev. Mackenzie E. Walcott, who, among the many services he has
rendered to the historian of the Church of England, has republished in our
28 LIFF. IX THE ENGUSII CHURCH, 1660-1714
Eebellioii have been referred to. After the Eestoration
he refused tbe bishopric of Gloucester,' but subsequently
accepted that of Lichfield and Coventry, chiefly, it would
seem, because there was an inordinate amount of work to
be done there. No prelate in his prime could have worked
harder than this grand old man. How he restored his
ruined catliedral by ' barefaced begging,' ^ setting a noble
example of liberality himself, how ho stirred up his clergy
to work by going incessantly among them, and preaching
in every part of his diocese, how loyally he defended them
in the ecclesiastical courts, how lavishly he gave of his
substance, being ' resolved to dispense his own in his lifetime
and not be like the whale that affords no oil till she die and
must disgorge it,' how, in spite of liis strong aversion to
nonconformity, ho would help nonconformists and ' persons
with whom he had no Christian communion but in this one
thing of giving,' how he died in harness, his last work Ijeing
the hanging of a great bell in his cathedral, which, as he
himself predicted, first tolled for his own death, all this will
be found recorded in the lively pages of Dr. Plume, his friend
and biographcr.3 But, lest the testimony of an admiring
biographer should be suspected of partiality, it may be added
that the energy and high reputation of the good bishop are
equally admitted by less suspicious witnesses. In 1666 the
Corporation of Lichfield, in a letter to Elias Ashmole, speak
of ' our ruined cathedral, which by the unwearied labour,
prudence, and piety of our good bishop, a second Cedda,
and the charity of yourself and others happily dei^osited in
his hands, is (almost to a miracle) so well and so soon
day (18C5), Dr. T. Plume's Life and Death of John ITackct, etc., prefixed to
his Century of Sermons.
' His answer to the King and the Chancellor (Hyde) was epigrammatic ;
• he had rather,' he said, ' future times should ask why Dr. Hacket had not
a bishopric, than why he had one.'
'•^ Ilogcr North, Lives of the Norths.
' Sec also Browne Willis' Cathedrals, i?. 378.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 29
restored again.' ^ Roger North bears an amusing testimony
to the importunity of the bishop in behalf of his cathedral,
and the admirable order of the services in it, when it was
restored." Perhaps the secret of Hacket's wonderful energy
to the very last may be found in his favourite motto,
* Serve God and be cheerful ; ' ^ the same motto was a
favourite with Sheldon ; no doubt it found special favour in
days when the reaction against Puritanism was so strong.
It certainly might have been adopted by the next eminent
prelate who comes before us.
Seth Ward (1618-1689), successively Bishop of Exeter
and Salisbury, was more fortunate than most of his brethren
during the troubles ; for, though ejected from Cambridge
for refusing to take the Covenant, he found a home at
Oxford as Savilian Professor of Astronomy, not, however,
without taking the oath of allegiance to the existing Govern-
ment. In some respects he resembled Sheldon ; both owed
their advancement not altogether to their theological at-
tainments ; both were eminent for their social qualities ;
both are reported to have been very harsh in their treat-
ment of nonconformists, Ward to the extent of injuring the
trade of Salisbury by driving people away to Holland,*
though it is only fair to add that there is said to be no
evidence of this, either in the episcopal documents or those
of the city of Salisbury, and that the report rests simply
on the authority of some anonymous chroniclers.-^ The
extraordinary story of his promotion to the see of Exeter
through the influence of his lay friends,*^ his hospitable
entertainment of all the hunting field when the hunt was
• See Memoirs of the Life of tJiat Learned Antiquary, Elias Ashmole,
drawn tip by himself by way of Diary (1717).
* Lives of the Norths, i. 144.
=• This maxim was appropriately engraven on liis tomb.
•• Diocesan History of Salisbury, by Rev. W. H. Jones (S.P.C.K.)
^ Hatcher's History of Salisbury, quoted in Some Particulars of the Life,
Habits and Pursuits of Seth Ward, 1879.
^ The story is too long to be inserted, but it ^Yill be found in Aubrey's
30 l-Il-l-: IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
in his neighl)Ourhood, his own fondness for this and other
athletic sports, his freedom and affabihty ' to his meanest
curates,' ' the evidently jovial character of his admirer, bio-
grapher, and avowed imitator. Dr. Pope,^ all tell the same
tale, the tale of a manly, free-handed, lin;ht-hcarted prelate,
rather too much of the secular type, but most acceptable,
if for no other reason, as affording an agreeable relief to
the reign of saints. But there ircre other reasons. His
nnniifici'nce was splendid ; he was largely instrumental in
restoring the cathedral at Exeter, and (so far as it was re-
quired) at Salisbury, where he also founded a ' College of
!\Iatrons ' for the widows of clergymen ; he had a high
reputation as a preacher; his scientific attainments were
undeniable, and in a famous lament over the great dead,
which is attributed to Ken, his name is coupled with the
honoured names of Hall, Usher, Hammond, and Sanderson,
and he is thus apostrophised, * "Where is thy unaffected
modesty, fixed integrity, immoveable fidelity, unerring capa-
city, and extensive charity, 0 bounteous Ward ! ' ^
The last three prelates were all remarkably popular.
Let us turn, by way of contrast, to one who is now chiefly
known as a proverbial instance of unaccountable unpopu-
larity.
' I do not like thee, Doctor Fell,
The reason why I cannot tell,
But this I know full well,
I do not lilie thee, Doctor Fell.'
Everybody knows these lines, but everybody may not know
that the person here gibbeted was Dean of Christ Church,
Letters, iii. "j7 1 •">, ami quotud in Worthington's Diary, vol. xiii. of Chctham
Society, p. 30*2 note.
' ' Tlio meanest curates were welcome to his table, and he never failed to
drink to them, and treat them with all affubiUty and kindness imaginable.'
{Life of Selh Ward, Ac. by Dr. Walter Pope, 1G97.)
* Dr. Pope's Life, though most graphic and amusing, is by no means
trustworthy in all points, — notably in all that concerns Isaac Barrow.
• ETpn.stulutoria,or Complaint of the Church of Enrjland, printed 1711.
The evidence of its being Ken's is not conclusive.
CLERGY OF THE TERIOD 3 I
distinguished even among the distinguished roll of men who
have filled that great post, and Bishop of Oxford. John
Fell (1G25-1686) was son of that Samuel Fell, also Dean
of Christ Church, who together with his wife stood out so
boldly and suffered so much during the civil wars.' He
had therefore an hereditary right on both sides to be a
staunch churchman, and so he was. Next to Dr. Busby, he
had perhaps more to do with the training of rising church-
men than any man living. Christ Church, in his time, rose
to the zenith of its fame and prosperity, and the Dean was
the heart and soul of Christ Church. It is unfortunate for
the reputation of Dr. Fell that his name is inseparably
connected with the expulsion of the greatest man that even
Christ Church could boast, John Locke. But are he and the
canons quite justly blamed for this sad fiasco ? They were
but carrying out the king's mandate, which if they had not
carried out, they would assuredly have been expelled them-
selves. At any rate Fell was a most successful ruler of the
* House.' A successful, but not a popular one. ' The cause
of Fell's well-known unpopularity,' it has been said, * re-
mains a mystery to the present time.' ^ But surely the
cause is not far to seek. The Dean set himself resolutely
to curb within due bounds the wild license of the young
' bloods ' of the Kestoration, It would have been more of
a ' mystery ' if he had won popularity in the execution of
such a task. And the explanation is not a mere conjecture.
It is implied by a contemporary. * He had much zeal,' writes
Burnet, ' for reforming abuses ; and managed it perhaps
with too much heat, and in too peremptory a way. But we
have so little of that among us, that no wonder if such men
are censured by those who love not such patterns nor such
severe taskmasters.' ^ A member of Christ Church to whom
' See Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, and Neal's History of the
Puritans.
^ Diocesan History of Oxford, E. Marshall (S.P.C.K.), p. 150.
^ Own Times, book iv., under 1G86.
32 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
the Dean was most kind, intimates that he did not brook
opposition.' The well-known story of his summoning the
undfr<;radiiatc'S to take up arms for the Crown in the Mon-
mouth rebellion, when Christ Church alone furnished near
a hundred pikcmcn and musketeers,^ is another instance of
his promptitude and resoluteness. But perhaps it would
have been a still more pleasing sight to see him kneeling
by the bedside of that poor penitent libertine, the Earl of
Rochester, whom he helped to snatch as a brand from the
burning.^ When he was made Bishop of Oxford in 1675,
' he had liberty to hold the Deanery i)i commenddm, that so
excellent a governor should not be lost to the college ; ' and
as he appears to have performed his duty energetically in
both offices, we are not surprised to learn that he was said
to Ijave been ' worn out with pains and care employed for
the public' •* Like so many other prelates we have noticed,
he was most liberal, almost lavish, in his benefactions,-^ and
the terms of enthusiastic regard in which he is spoken of
by coiitemporar}^ and almost contemporary writers, prove
that there were many whose good opinion was worth having,
who (lid like thee. Dr. Fell.«
' Sec the most interesting Autobiographu dr. of Wllliaui Taswell, edited
by Ci. P. Elliott. ' The Dean, hearing of my father's ill-treatment of me,
freciucntly made me a present of 21., telling me it was designed as a reward
of merit, but I afterwards offended him by voting against his candidate for
I'ublic Orator.'
'■' See Macaulay's History of England, chap, v., p. 290.
' Sec Life of John ( Wilviot), Earl of Rochester, by Bishop Burnet, p. 315.
* Nathaniel Salmon's Lives of the English Bishops from the Rcstaura-
tion to the Revolution (published 1733), p. 316.
» The biographer of Prideaux says that ' for his buildings and other
bencfuctions he might be esteemed a second founder of Christ Church.' He
• took upon him the whole charge of the impression of Bull's Defensio Fidei
NiciPiuc (Nelson), p. KM, and helped Anthony Wood to bring out his
Jlistvria ct Antiquitatcs Univcrsitatis Oxoniensis. (Life of Prideaux, p. 95.
He rebuilt the Palace at Cuddesdon (Salmon).
• ' Tliat great promoter of learning and piety. Bishop Fell.' (E. Nelson,
Life of Bishop Bull, p. 1(51.) ' In all respects a most exemplary man.'
(J3urnet. Own Times, book iv. of 1686.) ' Deserving a character too great
to be attempted here.' (Salmon, Lives of Bishops &c., 316.) ' An eminent
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD ;^T^
John Dolben (1624-1686), is a name inseparably asso-
ciated with that of John Fell, his fellow-helper in the Church
services at Oxford during the Rebellion. Dolben had a wide
and varied experience of life. He had fought with distinction
in the royal army, had been an ensign at Marston Moor,
was grievously wounded in the siege of York, and was
advanced to the rank of major ; • after the surrender of
Oxford he returned to Christ Church and received Holy
Orders. After the Eestoration his advance was rapid. He
was made successively Canon of Christ Church, Archdeacon
of London, Dean of Westminster, and Bishop of Rochester,
and finally Archbishop of York, Perhaps the fact of his
having married Sheldon's niece was no hindrance to his
promotion, but he deserved it by his merits. He was a
man of great benevolence, generosity, and candour,^ noted
both at Westminster and York as an excellent preacher,
' very conversible and popular, and such every way as gave
him a mighty advantage of doing much good.^ When
Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, was advanced to the
post of High Treasurer, Dolben wrote to him, ' I can saj'
no fine things, and I will say no false ones ; ^ and this exactly
represented the character of the frank soldier prelate.
Taswell gives a curious proof of the retention of his military
instincts, telling us how as Dean of W^estminster he marched
out the Westminster scholars (Taswell himself being one)
encourager of learning, excellent governor of his college, and of exemplary
conduct in his episcopal character.' (Birch, Life of Tillotson, p. 95.) ' Good
Bishop Fell was for his piety, learning and wisdom esteemed one of the
most eminent prelates of his time.' (Life of Dean Humphrey Prideaux,
pubUshed 1748, p. 19.)
' J. Le Neve's Lives &c. of Bishops, &c. ; see also Life of Barivick, with
notes, by Hilkiah Bedford.
'^ See AthencB Oxonicnses, iv. 188.
^ Hickes to Comber, on Dolben's appointment to the archbishopric.
{Memoirs of Comber, p. 189.) Comber himself speaks most highly of him as a
' prelate of great presence, ready parts, grateful conversation, and wondrous
generosity.' {Ihid. p. 212.)
^ Correspotidence of Laurence Hyde, i. 12-4.
D
"4 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 lyU
diirinf? ' the Great Fire,' and did yeoman's service in stifling
the eontiagration.' He died of smallpox, after having held
the archbishopric only three years, but Comber thinks his
death was hastened by his grief at the sad prospect for the
Church under the Romanising efforts of James 11.^
There yet remains to be noticed one, who was in many
respects the greatest of all the prelates of the Restoration
period, Jeremy Taylor (1613-1667), Bishop of Down and
Connor, and afterwards of Dromore. Strictly speaking, he
scarcely comes within our range, for at the Restoration he
was at once removed to the sister Church of Ireland. Why
the Church of England did not keep one of the greatest of
her sons at home is not clear. The fact that he married
Joanna Bridges, who was possibly, but by no means certainly,
the natural sister of Charles 11.,^ seems a very inadequate
reason for his banishment ; if the report be true that
Sheldon was not his friend, that would be a far more
likely cause ; but wherever the fault lay, it was surely a
grievous mistake to send beyond the sea one who is truly
said to have had ' devotion enough for a cloister, learning
enough for an university, and wit enough for a college of
virtuosi.' ' What makes it all the more provoking is that
the people in his remote Irish diocese do not seem to have
appreciated as they ought to have done the treasure that
was thrown away among them, and one can quite under-
stand how his sensitive and refined spirit would recoil from
the coarseness of the Cameronian Presbyterians by whom
he was surrounded. Of course one with whom ' duty was a
delight and piety a passion,''' would fhid work to do for God
' Autobiography of Dr. Taswcll.
• ^^c))toirs of Dean Comber, by his great-grandson, \). 212.
" Tlie relationship is said to rest on the sole authority of the MS. of
Mr. .Tones, a descendant of Taylor's. (See Qnartcrhj Review for July 1871,
art. ' Jeremy Taylor.') Mr. Jones's paper fell into the hands of Heber,
Taylor's biographer.
* Rust's Funeral Sermon on Taylor.
» Ileber's Jjife, prefixed to his edition of Taylor's Works, p. exxvi
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 35
wherever he went. He undertook at his own expense the
rebnildmg of Dromore Cathedral,' or at least the chon- of
it ; he spent almost all his income on alms and public
works ; but for one ' who liked not to be pushed at by herds
and flocks of people that follow anybody that whistles to
them or drives them to pasture,' an Irish bishopric must
have been a sadly uncongenial sphere. He will come
before us again as a preacher, a casuist, and a devotional
writer.
One hardly knows where to draw the line in selecting
typical specimens of the great prelates of the Caroline age.
There is Bishop Wilkins, who, though he certainly cannot
be reckoned among the consistent and heroic type of church-
men, was eminent in many ways : — for his great scientific
attainments, for his tolerance in an intolerant age, for his
liberality, for his general kindliness, and especially for his
kindness to royalists and churchmen in perilous times,
though he did not cast in his lot with them.- There is Bishop
Skinner, conspicuous for his courage in conferring Holy
Orders during the Bebellion,^ who said with truth that he
had sent more labourers into the Master's vineyard than
any other bishop. There is Bishop Henchman, who held
the important see of London for eleven years (1664-1675),
and of whom nothing but good is recorded. There is Arch-
bishop Sterne, whom Swift calls ' a sour, ill-tempered man,'
but Walker * a man of eminent worth,'"* and whom Lord
• Heber, p. cxxviii.
- See Life of Dr. John Wilkins, prefixed to his works (1708) passim. It
was through his exertions that Barrow was chosen Gresham Professor of
Geometry. (See Quarterly Revleio for July 1869.) Newcome (Diary for
November 22, 1G72) calls him the learned, worthy, pious and peaceable
Bishop of Chester ; Bull, ' our excellent Bishop Wilkins.' (Charge to the
Clergy of S. Davids, 1708.) Seth Ward is said to have been ' attracted to
Wadham by the fame of the Warden, Dr. AVilkins, a great favourite with
royalist gentlemen ' (in the Kebellion). (Some Particulars of the Life dc.
of Bishop Seth Ward.)
3 See Nelson's Life of Bishop Btill, p. 89 ; Life of Robert Frampton,
Bishop of Gloucester, p. 11 ; Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, p. 55.
■* Sufferings dc, p. 196.
D 2
36 LlFl- IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Durtmoiith inaignautly vindicates from Swift's aspersions.
Tht-re is Bishop Isaac Barrow, whose fame is echpsed by
that of his more ilhistrious namesake and nephew, but who
has left more than one- monument of his HberaHty,^ and
who, it must he rcmL-mbercd, was for a long time ' the guide,
philosopher, and friend ' of the great Isaac. There is Bishop
Nicolsou of Gloucester, Uuulatus a laudato riw, for Bishop
Bull * was always a singular admirer of that condescension
and familiarity, of that truly paternal care, which he found
in this good bishop, who by his learned writings had
defended and maintained the Church of England against
her adversaries, when she was under a cloud; and after
Hhe had rode out the storm, did not omit to do all that
iK'came an excellent prelate for supporting the Catholic
faith and discipline professed in her communion.' He died
(ltH'2) with the reputation of a truly primitive bishop.^
liut it is high time to remember that there were other
clergy who never rose to the episcopal dignity- — some to
no dignity at all — but yet added lustre to the Eestoration
period.
A native of Louth, Lincolnshii-e, may be pardoned for
giving the first place among them to one who was born in a
iU'ighi)ouring village (Scamblesby). Apart from local pre-
judice, it would i)e hard to Ihid one more distinguished for
learning and piety than Herbert Thorndike (d. 1672). Peter
Barwiek mentions him among his three palmary instances
of men ' who with incomparable sanctity of life have
adorned the worst age, altogether worthy of a better.' * He
was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, but was deprived
at the riebellion. At the Restoration he recovered his
fellowship and was also made Prebendary of Westminster.
Between Cambridge and "Westminster he passed the re-
' Ix»r<l I>artniouth'fl notes on Uurnct's Oun Times.
» lit- iniprovr.1 the C'nlhp.lral mid Palace at S.Asaph, built almshouses, &e.
• Nplwn'n Life of iJiill, p. V.i't.
* I'lta Joatini4 UarwkU, p. 2.'};'>.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 37
maincler of his clays, living in blameless retirement, but still
doing good service to the Church with his jDen, Next to
Walton he had the largest hand in producing the Polyglott
Bible. He was a stiff churchman, but extorted by the
guileless simplicity of his character the respect of his oppo-
nents.' He will come before us again as a writer, though
many of his works, being of a controversial nature, do not
come within our scope.
Another name mentioned by Barwick as a typical in-
stance of ' the best clergy ' is that of Barnabas Oley (d.
1666), who rose to the dignity of President of Clare Hall,
Cambridge, before the Kebellion, but, being a most unflinch-
ing churchman, of course lost his preferment by that event.
After the Eestoration he held the living of Great Gransden
and a prebend at Worcester Cathedral ; he was also for a
short time Archdeacon [of Ely ?] but soon gave it up, find-
ing the work incompatible with his other duties. We have
an interesting instance of the respect and affection with which
he was regarded by the parishioners of Great Gransden, in
the letters of one of them to the Bishop of Ely (Turner).
The bishop had requested a Mr. Cesar to inquire into the
state of affairs in the church of the neighbouring parish of
Little Gransden, which was unsatisfactory, and the writer
replies that he could not attend the church personally
because ' good Mr. Oley hath taught us in Great Gransden
that it is our duty to keep our own parish church.' A little
later he writes again, ' Since the death of our late reverend
vicar we are very sensible of that great and inestimable loss
of Mr. Barnabas Oley.' ^ This testimony is borne out by a
letter from a Mr. E. Burton to Dean Granville. ' I'm told,'
' See Dr. Stoughton's Church of the Restoration, i. 35. May I take this
opportunity of thanking one who differs most widely from my views, for the
fairness which he has always studied to show to chui'chmen? See also
Professor Brewer's edition of Thorndike's Discourse of the Right of the
Church in a Christian Commonwealth.
'' Quoted in Miss Strickland's Lives of the Seven Bishops, &c., pp. 180
and 184.
o
S LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 17 14
he writes, * that this day your friend j\Ir. Barnahas Oley
is to he hiiry'd. His parishioners are akeady extreme sen-
sihle of their loss of that reverend and eminently worthy,
good man,' ' Oley seems to have heen as active at Wor-
cester as at Gransden ; the weekly celebration of the Holy
Communion at the Cathedral was brought about by his
means. He gives us an interesting insight into his own
character in the preface to his third edition of George
Herbert's ' Country Parson,' the first edition of which he
had the courage to put forth in 1652, when such a work
would be anything but acceptable. Altogether, though now
little known, Barnabas Oley was a striking figure among
the clergy of his day, and Mr. Shorthouse has nowhere
shown better his remarkable knowledge of the Church life
of the period than when he introduces him upon the scene
in his famous romance.^
If the clergy of the period were ranged according to
their intellectual eminence, the very first place, — above
archbishops and bishops, — would have to be given to Isaac
Barrow (1630-1G77), who in his comparatively short life won
distinction in various departments, any one of which would
have been sufficient to render a man famous. A Cambridge
man, like the two last we have noticed, he did not, like them,
suiTer from the Rebellion. Being onl}^ an undergraduate
when it l)roke out, he was allowed to remahi at the Univer-
sity though he made no secret of his royalist opinions ; and
80 from his Ijoyhood to his death he made Cambridge his
home, and rose to the highest position which that University
affords — the Mastership of Trinity. His scholarship caused
him to be made Professor of Greek, his mathematical know-
ledge to be the first Lucasian Professor of Mathematics, and
liis general scientific attainments to be Professor of Geometry
at Greshara College, London. But all his other acquirements
were subservient to the study of divinity, to which he
' Rcmaim of Dean Granville (Surtccs Miscellanea), Tart I. p. 212.
'■' Sue John Inglcsant, last chapter.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 39
devoted the whole of the later part of his life, resigning his
professorships one by one for this purpose. His mathe-
matical professorship at Cambridge he resigned in favour
of his still more distinguished pupil, Isaac Newton ; and
among his many merits, not the least is, that he was the
j&rst to recognise and train the extraordinary powers of that
great man, and— hardest task of all, — ^'co own gracefully his
superiority to himself. As a writer of controversial divinity
Barrow ranks in the highest order, and as a preacher, if
possible, higher still. Personally he was the most loveable
of men, modest, retiring, and full of guileless simplicity,
qualities which are not rare in men of the highest intellec-
tual attainments. Scholar-like, he was very absent-minded,
and careless about his personal appearance ; many ludicrous
stories, more or less true, but not worth repeating here, are
told about these points. To complete the account of this
prodigy, it may be added that his physical strength was
almost equal to his intellectual, and his courage equal to
his strength. Short-lived as he was, he was, oddly enough,
a connecting link between two generations, and two utterly
different types of men ; for he was mainly supported in his
youth at college by Henry Hammond, and he lived to be
the friend of John Tillotson, who edited his works. His wide
culture and sympathies, and his amiable temper, enabled
him to live in perfect amity with both ; he took an inde-
pendent and perfectly definite line of his own, so that it is
difficult to label him as belonging to any particular Church
party ; all that one can say is, that he was from first to last
a loyal English churchman, and one of whom the English
Church may well be proud.'
' It would far transcend the limits of this work to enter into any details
of the life and writings of this remarkable man. May I therefore venture
to refer the reader to my article on ' Isaac Barrow ' in the Didionarrj of
National Biography ? It will be seen from that, that I do not agree with
those who make it a reproach to the Church of the Caroline age, that
Barrow was neglected in the distribution of preferment ; and a far greater
authority, Dr. Whewell, takes the same view. By far the best edition of
40 LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
From the great Caiiibridge preacher we naturally turn to
the great Oxford one, Robert South (1633-1716), whose death
broke the last link between the Church of the Caroline and
the Church of the Georgian era. It may seem at the first
glance out of place to notice here rather than in our next
section one who actually outlived the whole period over which
this sketch extends. But the reason is, that South came
into public notice early in life, and retired early into com-
parative obscurity. It was during the reign of Charles II.
far more than during the next three reigns that he was a
prominent figure in Church life. His preaching will of course
come before us again, but the man as well as the preacher
deserves notice. He was the most unselfish and liberal of
men. His wit and eloquence were never used by him as
stepping-stones to preferment. ' Twice at least, and pro-
bably more than twice, he refused a mitre ; ' ' and when he
was rector of Islip he did not spend one farthing of the in-
come upon himself. The living was worth 200L a year ; of
this he gave 100?. a year to his curate, (more than three times
the amount of the ordinary stipend,) and the rest he spent
entirely upon IslijD, clothing and apprenticing the poorer
children of the place, restoring the chancel of the church,
Barrow's Wo7-ks is that put forth for the syndics of the University Press
(Cambridge) by the Rev. A. Napier in 1859 ; and by far the best account of
Barrow himself (as regards his Cambridge life) is Dr. Whewell's ' Notice of
Barrow's Life and Academical Times,' which will be found in the ninth
volume of Mr. Napier's edition ; and by far the best bibliography of Bar-
row's theological works is contained in Mr. Napier's scholarly Preface to
Volume I. A short life was published in the form of a letter to Tillotson by
Al)raham Hill in l(i83, prefixed to Tillotson's edition of Barrow's Works.
The Kev. T. S. Hughes gave an account of his life in 1830, and some
exceedingly interesting notices of Barrow and his family may be found in
the ' Davy MSB.' in the British Museum (unpublished), to which my atten-
tion was kindly dii-ected by the Ilev. A. B. Grosart, D.D. See also The
S. James' Lectures on the Classic Preachers of the English Church, 1877.
' An Irish bishopric, the bishopric of Kochester and deanery of West-
minster (see Life, prefixed to Volume VII. of South's Sermons, pub-
lished 1717), and perhaps the bishopric of Oxford. (See Bancroft's Letter
to King James, 1G80 ; D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, 1. 235.)
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 4 I
building a new rectory house, and ' building and endowing a
school for ever.' ^ It is also said that he resolved to ' lay out
what he had received from his canonry at Christ Church
on poor vicaridges.' ^ The details of his career were as
follows. He was one of the many eminent churchmen who
were educated at Westminster under Dr. Busby, and at
Christ Church under Dr. Fell (father and son). To a
studentship at the latter place he was elected at the same
time as John Locke. He was one of the many who were
ordained before the Restoration by a deprived bishop
(1659) ; and after that event he was appointed Public Orator
at Oxford. He next became domestic chaplain to Lord
Chancellor Clarendon, ' whereby he was on the road to
church preferments.' ^ In 1663 he was ' installed Prebend-
ary of S. Peter's, Westminster,' and soon after made rector
of Islip. In 1670 he became Canon of Christ Church, and
there his advancement ended. Upon the Revolution, after
long hesitation he took the oaths, but refused to accept any
post vacated by a nonjuror, declaring that he would not
' build his Rise upon the Ruines of any one Father of the
Church, who for piety, good morals, and strictness of life
which every one of the deprived Bishops were famed for,
might be said not to have left their equal.' *
From the pupil let us turn to the master. Richard
Busby (1606-1695) is now thought of as the most successful
and severest of pedagogues. Of his success at Westmin-
ster, where he was head-master all through the Rebellion,
there is no doubt ; but the tradition of his severity rests
upon very slender foundations. That he was a most pious
and liberal Christian of the old-fashioned Church of England
type is most certain. He ' built in his lifetime a handsome
' Life, lit supra. Heanie says that ' Dr. South told Dr. Hudson that he
■was resolved never to pocket a farthing of the income of the parsonage of
Islip,' and then goes on to narrate what has been mentioned in the text.
(See Rcliquice Hearniancs, vol. i., entry for November 28, 1705. Also the
entry for July 12, 1716.)
^ Hearne, ut supra. ^ Life, prefixed to Works. * Life, p. 115.
42 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
church at "Willan and a hbrary within the church, and
gave books to the vahieof 150L for the vicar and neighbour-
ing ministers,' ' and his other gifts and bequests shew that
he not only loved the Church, but that he had deeply
considered her spiritual needs.- Dr. Prideaux might well
lament that Busby's offer to found lectures at both Uni-
versities to instruct undergraduates in the rudiments of
religion was declined ; ^ they would not be useless even now.
Dr. Busby was cpiite as anxious to promote the moral and
spiritual as tlie classical training of the young. He em-
ployed his leisure in preparing expurgated editions of the
classics, ' that his pupils might become acquainted with the
beauties of the ancient writers without being tainted by
their immorality,' — another work by no means superfluous
at the present day. Busby's letters to his ft-iend Basire
breathe a sjjirit of the most ardent piety, without the
slightest cant.** Peter Barwick seems to have found in
him a substitute for his brother John, as a spiritual
counsellor.^ From all we can learn. Wood was quite
justified in describing Dr. Busby as ' a person eminent and
exemi)lary for piety and justice,' as well as ' an encourager
of vertuous and forward youth ; pf great learning and hos-
pitality, and the chief person that educated more youth
that were afterwards eminent in Church and State than
any master of his time.' ** If any man ever deserved well
of the Church, surely Dr. Busby did ; and it is therefore a
' See Case of Impropriations and Augmentation of Vicarages (fc, pub-
lislied anonymously ly Dr. White Kennct, 170 1, where a long list will be found
of Dr. Uusby's benefactions, both in his lifetime and by his will. This list
fully disproves Pepys' assertion of Dr. Busby's well-known covetousness.
(Memoirs, iii. 211.) Besides, on Pepys' own showing, the Doctor's covetous-
ness was foi Westminster, not for himself.
* See White Kennet, ut supra.
* Life of Dr. Hximphrcy Prideatix, p. 92.
* See Correspotulence of Isaac Basire dx. Edited by Rev. W. N. Darnell,
l^'Al, passim.
" See Life of Dr. Barwick, with notes by Illlkiah Bedford.
* Athence Oxonienses, iv. 117.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 43
satisfaction to learn that alter the Restoration he was
made Prebendary of Westminster, and subsequently Trea-
surer and Canon Residentiary of Wells.
Busby's friend Isaac Basire (1607-1677) was one whose
experience during the RebeDion was unique. He was, as
his name implies, a Frenchman by birth,' but came over
to England and was naturalised here before he reached
middle age. He flourished in his adopted country before
the civil war, under the patronage of Bishop Morton, who
made him his chaplain, gave him the rich livings of S.
Conless and Egglescliff, and collated him to the seventh
stall in Durham Cathedral.^ On the breaking out of the
war he set forth on his travels, and spent fifteen years
in various countries of the East, ever keeping in view
one object — viz. the dissemination of the Angio-Catholic
faith.
Ther«»is something grand in the idea of one solitary
missionary making his way boldly into lands into which
few Englishmen had penetrated, and trying to win over con-
verts to his Church whithersoever he went. And it was no
mere Quixotic attempt, bred of a delusion or an overween-
ing estimate of his own powers ; the spiritual knight-errant
was so convinced of the strength of his cause, that he felt
it had only to be fairly presented to reasonable minds to
win them over. And the result proved that he had not
miscalculated its strength. He did produce a very ap-
preciable impression ; he became, in fact, the pioneer of
that remarkable attempt at union with the Greek Church
which was made, mainly by the nonjurors, in the next
generation.^ Evelyn calls him ' that great traveller, or
rather, French Apostle, who had been planting the Church
' According to some authorities, a native of Jersey. (See Low's Diocesan
History of Durham, S.P.C.K., p. 285.) But Mr. Darnell distinctly states
that he was born at Rouen, and gives the full details of his early life.
2 But this was in lG-13, when it was but a barren honour.
3 See Mr. Abbey's paper on Eobert Nelson and his Friends in The
English Church in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. pp. 157-lGl.
44 1 n^E IN THE English church, 1660-1714
of Englrtiid ill divers parts of the Levant and Asia,' ' The
result of his travels was to confirm him in his churchman-
ship ; * I have,' he writes a short time before his death,
' surveyed most Churches, Eastern and Western, in fifteen
years' ecclesiastical pilgrimage (during my voluntary banish-
ment for my religion and loyalty), and I dare pronounce
the Church of England, what David said of Goliath's sword,
" There is none like it," both for Primitive Doctrine, wor-
ship, discipline, and government.' ^ After the Eestoration
he was reinstated in his preferments, and also made Arch-
deacon of Northumberland. In this capacity he exerted
himself to carry out all the vigorous reforms of Bishop
Cosin, whose funeral sermon he preached, and of whose
life he wrote a ' Brief,' which is a model for modern bio-
graphers, condensing, as it does, within a hundred racily
written pages, all that was really necessary to be said. Not
being in advance of his age, Basire was too ready to call
in the secular arm to enforce conformity ; ' I find,' he
writes to his son, ' by sad experience that the Stafie of
Beauty (Zech, xi. 7) will not do the work without the
Staife of Bands ; ' but his correspondence and the whole
tenor of his life shew that he was a s])iritually-minded man,
who valued the ' Staffe of Beauty ' most.^
Richard Allestree (1619-1(580) was a pupil of Dr. Busby,
not at Westminster, but at Christ Church, of which he was
made a student by Dr. Samuel Ecll, the dean. He fought
courageously for the king, and no less manfully assisted his
friends John Fell and Dolben in performing the proscribed
services of the Church. On the king's return he was made
Canon of Christ Church, and undertook gratuitously one
of the city lectureships. He was made king's chaplain,
Biogius Professor of Divinity, and ultimately Provost of
Eton. The vicarage of Ewelmc was attached to the Ecgius
' Diury, July 10, 1001. - The Dead Man's real Speech dx., p. 47.
» For a fuller account of Basire, may I venture to refer the reader to
njy article on liini in tlie Dictioiianj of National Biography ?
CLERGY OF THE TERIOD 45
Professorship, but Allestree ' would not receive a penny
of the income, but left it to a friend whose circumstances
required such an accession.' ' His biographer gives other
instances of his unselfish liberality, quite sufficient to
account for his having died a poor man in spite of his
preferments. As Busby at Westminster, so Allestree at
Eton, did immense good by inculcating, by precept and
example, lessons of piety as well as learning upon the
rising churchmen of the day. For a full account of this
great and good man the reader may be referred to the
lively and easily accessible pages of Bishop Fell.
A still more eminent Christ Church man was Edmund
Pocock (1604-1691), the great Orientalist and first Laudian
Professor of Arabic. He was originally a scholar of Corpus
Christi College ; after having taken his degree he travelled
extensively in Eastern countries, and then settled down
in the college living of Childrey, which he was allowed to
retain all through the Piebellion. But not without difficulty.
The man whose European reputation for learning wa.s per-
haps greater than that of any living Englishman was all
but turned out of his living for ' ignorance and insufficiency,'
on the evidence of the farmers and labourers of Childrey ! 2
Though they did not succeed in ousting him, his pa-
rishioners made themselves so unpleasant that the good
man often wished himself back at Aleppo or Constantinople.
However, at the Piestoration he was transplanted to the
more congenial soil of Christ Church, Oxford, where he was
better appreciated than by the rustics of Childrey. He
was so liberal that Dr. Fell used to complain that he drew
' Fell's Life of Allestree.
- ' Sure,' writes his biographer quaintly, ' there was something odd and
whimsical in the circumstances and situation of the good man, to be one
day caressed by the greatest scholars in Europe, and set up an oracle for
resolving difficulties in the abstrusest parts of learning, and the next per-
haps, convened to answer the articles exhibited against him by his illiterate
parishioners.' {Life of Pocock, p. 185). Not perhaps so very odd after all.
Drs. Seth Ward, Wilkins, Wallis and Owen had the credit of preventing
their University from disgracing itself by his removal.
46 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1 714
all the poor of Oxford to Christ Churc-h. Like many great
SL-holars he was almost morbidly meek and modest. His
dc-atli drew forth the most enthusiastic praise from men
who knew him in his later years at Christ Church, notably
from Dr. Marsh, the Primate of Ireland, and from John
Locke. ' His life,' writes the latter, ' appeared to me one
constant calm. I can say of him what few men can say of
any friend of theirs, nor I of any other of my acquaintance,
that I do not remember I ever saw in him any one action
that I did, or could in my own mind, blame, or thought
amiss in him.' '
Before quitting Oxford we must pass from Christ Church
to the humbler region of Lincoln College, whose rector,
Thomas Marshall (1621-1685), though now forgotten, was
evidently a prominent figure in the Church life of his day.
He had borne arms for the king at Oxford, and at Oxford
he spent the greater part of his ministerial life. Probably
with the desire of having some clerical work, he held with
the rectorship the living of Combe, a living of very small
value, in the gift of the college. Here he visited constantly
the penitent Earl of Piochester.^ The bishop of the diocese
tliought so highly of his clerical character that he desired
him to draw up notes of a catechism to be used by the
ministers of the diocese ; ^ and Robert Boyle felt that his
name would carry so much weight that he persuaded him
to write a preface to the Malayan copy of the Gospels and
Acts which that good man was at the expense of printing."*
All the writers who mention Dr. Marshall mention him in
terms of praise. He is ' the learned and worthy Piector of
Lincoln,' '' a ' painful preacher, a good man and governor,
' See Life of Dr. Edward Pocock, republished in 1816, passim.
'^ See Burnet's Life of John, Earl of Rochester, p. 261.
* Athciuc Oxonienses, iv. 170.
* Bircli's Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle, p. 230. Sec also Anderson's
History of the Colonial Church, ii. 474, where it is said that Boyle consulted
Marshall before publishing the translation.
* Burnet's Life of Rochester, p. 261.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 47
and one every way worthy of bis station in the Church ; ' '
' a truly reverend and learned man, who seemed to have no
other object besides the promotion of piety and literature.' ^
He was ultimately promoted to the deanery of Wells, but it
is as Eector of Lincoln that we hear most about him.
Archbishops and bishops, deans and archdeacons, canons
and professors, naturally come forward more prominently in
connection with church life, than plain parish priests. But
there is abundant evidence that there was no lack of excel-
lent specimens of the latter during the Caroline age. Many
who will appear as dignitaries in our next period were
now most usefully engaged in parish work. Beveridge was,
during a great part of the period, labouring heartily and
most successfully at S. Peter's, Cornhill ; Sharp, during
sixteen years of the time, at S. Giles' in the Fields;
Patrick was at S. Paul's, Covent Garden, refusing other
preferment because his w^ork in that place was so en-
couraging. Ken was occupied with parish work, first at
S. John's Soke, Winchester, where it was literally a
labour of love, for he had no stipend ; then at Brightstone,
then at Woodhay ; Hooper, subsecjuently his successor at
Bath and Wells, was also his successor, and a most
worthy one, at Woodhay ; Bull was still at Suddington,
allowing his energies and tastes the free play which was
denied to them during the Eebellion ; Lancelot Addison
was at Milston, taking, as his practical works show, a high
and sound standard of clerical work; Lloyd (afterwards
bishop) was working the large parish of S. Martin's in the
Fields with great vigour. These all attained to dignities
in the Church ; but there were other estimable and diligent
men who lived and died simple parish priests. Such was
Isaac Milles, the very model of a country parson, whose life
extended into the Georgian era, but who, all through the
Caroline era, was working, first as curate at Barley, then
' Wood, Athcncs Oxonienscs.
- Noble's BlogvapMcal History of England, i. 93.
48 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
as vicar at Chipping Wycombe, as conscientiously as he
afterwards did at High Clere;' such was his less known,
but equally worthy, elder brother, Samuel, vicar of Royston,
who ' succeeded during his residence there, beyond all his
predecessors and those who came after him, in bringing over
nonconformists to the Church.' ^ Such was Eichard Sherlock,
the uncle and the trainer of the saintly Thomas Wilson,
who wrote his life. Win wick, where he lived as rector for
thirty years, and ' was scarce so many weeks absent from
his flock,' was so well worked by its active rector with his
three curates that ' it became a very desirable place for
young divines to improve themselves in the work of the
ministry.' ^ Horneck, first at All Saints', Oxford, then at
the Savoy; Eawlett at Newcastle; Kettlewell at Coleshill —
were all diligent parish priests during the later part of our
era, though their lives more properly belong to the next
period ; and we have many incidental notices of good, hard-
working clergymen, who in this, as in every age, lived and
died in obscurity. Timothy Borage, e.g., ' quitted the re-
tirement of a scholastic life in Cambridge from the convic-
tion of the duty incumbent on him of exercising in the world
the powers committed to him by his ordination,' and was
' an excellent working clergyman at Great Marlow ; ' ^ while
at the neighbouring town of Am er sham was a rector who
is described by the same authority as *in all respects a
pious, learned, and excellent man.' Sancroft's successor
in the rectory of Houghton-le-Spring, Mr. Davenport, is
described as ' a man of most blameless and apostolic life,
and of munificence which is even yet remembered ; ^ and, to
pass from the north to the south. Dr. Granville ' was much
satisfied to find Moreclack [Mortlake] supplied by a worthy
' See the Life of the Rev. I. Milles, republished iu 1842.
2 Ibid. p. 15.
^ See Life of Richard Sherlock, D.D., Rector of Winivick, by Bishop
Wilson, prefixed to Sherlock's Practical Catechism.
* See Life of Isaac Milles, jo. 47.
" See Surtecs Miscellanea, where there is much more praise of him.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 49
person, one Mr. Jones,' ' But it is obviously impossible to
specify all the worthy parish priests, who were scattered,
in no small proportion, throughout the country. Neither
must we dwell upon the work of the clergy in another field,
that of sacred literature. It was in the period with which
we are now dealing that Stillingfleet published his ' Origines
Sacrae ' and many other works ; ^ Timothy Puller his well-
known treatise ' On the Moderation of the Church of
England ; ' ^ Fullwood his * Eoma ruit ' — ' one of the most
important theological productions of the time ; ' Towerson
his standard work on the Church Catechism, which will be
noticed presently ; Comber the first part of his ' Companion
to the Temple ; ' Simon Lowth his admirable ' Catechetical
Questions ; ' Beveridge many of his voluminous and very
popular works ; Patrick some of his earlier treatises ;
Edmund Castel his grand ' Lexicon Heptagiotton ' — most
of these were composed in the retirement of country livings.
The list might be swelled almost indefinitely ; but enough
has been said to show that the clergy of the Caroline era
were not slack in contributing to what has always been the
glory of the Church of England — its sacred literature.
THE CAMBRIDGE PLATONISTS.
Before turning to the clergy of the next period it is neces-
sary to say a few words about a set of men (all clergymen),
whose lives, no less than their writings, form a remarkable
episode in the Church life of the seventeenth century. If
this were a history of religious thought, a considerable
space would have to be devoted to the Cambridge Platonists ;
but their lives, blameless and beautiful as they were, stood
so far apart from the general life of the Church and nation
that a very short notice will suffice. And first, a caution
' Remains of Dean Granville, Part I. (Surtees Miscellanea), p. 174.
^ See Life and Charnctar of Bishop Edward Stillingfleet, published 1710.
' An excellent edition of this has been republished by the Hev. K. Eden,
in our own day.
E
50 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
must be given against being misled by names. The Plato-
nists were called ' Lalitudinarians ' and ' Kationalists,' and
not inappropriately ; but they must not be confounded with
others to whom the same titles were given. Their ' latitude '
was not as against the creed of the Church of England,
but as against the Calvinism and general narrowness of the
Puritans of the Commonwealth ; ' and their ' rationalism '
was rather a levelling up than a levelling down; for by
• reason ' they understood not merel}^ the ratiocinative
faculty but ' the breath of a higher, diviner reason,' ^ ' the
first participation from God,' ^ 'the sacerdotal breastplate
of the \Q<yLov or rationale,' •* ' the candle of the Lord,' ' a
beam of divine light.' ^ Most of them sprang, during the
Commonwealth, from the Puritan college, Emmanuel, and
they evidently caused a sensation quite out of proportion
to then- numbers or to their activity, for they do not seem
to have been at all inchned to proselytise. An Oxford
correspondent writes to a Cambridge friend, in 1662, that
* he can come into no company but he finds the chief dis-
course to be about a new sect of men, called Latitude-men,'
and he begs his friend, S. P. (probably Simon Patrick), to
tell him all about them. S. P. explains that they were
called Latitude-men ' in opposition to that hide-bound,
strait-laced spirit that did prevail' before the Piestora-
tion ; ' that they are so far from being dangerous to the
Church that they seem to be the very chariot and horsemen
thereof,' and that they desired to benefit the Church by
' S. T. Coleridge, who had many points in common with the Platonists,
clearly distinguishes the latitudinarianism of More, Cudworth, &c., from
tlic disposition to explain away the articles of the Church on the pretext of
their inconsistency with right reason. {Notes on English Divines, p. 119.)
Burnet gives a most confused and inadequate account of them, mixing them
up with men of his own way of thinking, from which they were quite alien.
{History of Mij Own Times, book ii. under year 1G61.)
- TuUoch's Rational Theology &c., ii. 135.
• Whichcote, Aphorism 459. ' The spirit in man is the candle of the
Lord, lighted by God, and lighting man to God,' etc. (Sermon).
* Henry More. * John Smith's ScUct Discourses, p. 399.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 5 1
* letting her old loving nurse, the Platonick Philosophy, be
admitted again into her family in place of Aristotle and
the school-men.' ' But their attachment to the Church of
England was of rather a peculiar character. It was based
partly on aesthetic grounds. They admired her decent
grandeur and splendour, and thought ' it would be a sorry
exchange to accept of Presbytery instead ; ' ^ and they also
valued her creeds and formularies as among the greatest
bulwarks against Hobbism, the tendency of which they
perceived earlier than most persons.'^ The lives of the
Platonists are well worth studying. A more elevating
study than the life, say, of Henry More, or of that wonder-
ful young man, John Smith, ' whom it pleased the only
wise God, in whose hands our breath is, to call home to
the spirits of just men made perfect, after He had lent him
to this unworthy world for about thirty-five years,' "* or, in
fact, of almost any of the band, it would be difficult to con-
ceive ; and materials for the task are so abundant, that
we can gain almost as vivid a conception of their life and
character as of that of any of our contemporaries. But the
temptation to pursue the subject further must be resisted ;
for to yield to it would be to transgress our rule, viz. to
select only typical instances of Church life ; for the lives
of the Cambridge Platonists were wholly exceptional. It
' A Brief Account of the Neia Sect of Latititdinarians, together with
some Reflections ujwn the New Philosophy, by S. P., of Cambridge, in answer
to a Friend at Oxford. The whole tract is thoroughly well worth reading. See
also Cambridge Cluiracteristics in the Seventeenth Century, by J. B. Mullinger,
of S. John's (the Le Bas Prize), 1867, and Rational Theology and Christian
Philosopliy in England in the Seventeenth Century, by J. Tulloch, D.D., 1862.
But after all, the most vivid picture of the Platonists is drawn in their own
wi-itings, which are very accessible and most fascinating reading.
- These were the words of Dr. Henry More, but they express the views
of all the Platonists.
^ By far the most powerful treatise that ever was wi'itten against Hobbism
was by a Platonist, Cudworth's Intellectual System.
* These are the beautiful words of another Platonist, John Worthington,
in his ' Address to the Reader,' prefixed to his edition of his friend John
Smith's magnificent Discourses.
E 2
52 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660- 1714
is, however, but just to add one remark. The purity and
saintliness of the Platonists' Hves must in fairness be
regarded as the logical outcome of their system. It would
be doing them a grievous injustice to look upon them as a set
of harmless dreamers whose airy speculations had little or
nothing to do with practical holiness. They taught that
purity of heart and life was the only true way to know-
ledge,' a theory which they worked out with exquisite taste
and beauty, and which they certainly endeavoured to carry
into practice. But their ideas were too refined for general,
working purposes ; they flew above the heads of the
commonplace world. Their admirers became absorbed in
other parties. Patrick, their early defender and disciple,
identified himself with the High Church party ; so did the
excellent John Scott, so did George Piust, the ' iidus
Achates,' panegyrist, and ultimately successor of Jeremy
Taylor, though none of the three ever lost entirely the
Platonic tincture; Edmund Fowler, afterwards BLshop of
Gloucester, a friend of the Platonists and a defender of
them with his pen^ though he never thoroughly entered
into their spirit, became a low churchman of the most
commonplace t^qoe ; Howe, one of the best of the noncon-
formists, who was deeply tinged with Platonism, and was
an intimate friend and ardent admirer of some of the most
eminent Platonists, was quite content to cast in his lot with
the dissenters : ^ while More's ' heroine pupil,' Lady Conway,
' See the whole of Discourse I. of John Smith's Select Discourses, which
insists upon this point with a beauty of language and thought to which
there are few parallels in the English tongue. Cf. also the well-known
Baying of Henry More, ' The Oracle of God is not to be heard but in His holy
temple— that is to say, in a good and holy man,' &c. (See his Preface to
his General Collection of Philosophical Writings, p. G.)
^ See his Free Discourse on the Platonists. Fowler was much more
like Burnet than like the Platonists. I am surprised that so generally
accurate a writer as Von Rankc should assert that ' Burnet allied himself to
the Cambridge Platonists.' [History of England, book vi.) Surely he had
hardly any point in common with them.
' See Life and Character of John Howe, by Henry Piogers, pp. 21, 22.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 53
joined the Quakers, in spite of her tutor's remonstrances ;
as also did a Mr. Archdale, in consequence of reading-
More' s works.'
But if the pecuhar tenets of the Platonists jii-oved a
rope of sand which could not bind any considerable body
of Englishmen in one coherent system, it was not because
they were wanting in definiteness, but rather because the
English mind refused to assimilate such ethereal food. It
may be said of the Platonist that ' his soul was like a star,
and dwelt apart ; ' but it was a peculiarly bright star, and
added lustre to the firmament of the English Church, to
which, in its own peculiar way, it essentially belonged.
CLERGY OF THE BEVOLUTION PERIOD AND IN
THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE.
First in point of dignity and date among the notable
clergy of the Eevolution period is William Sancroft (1617-
1693). He had been of course a prominent man, almost
from the time of the Eestoration ; but as his name is most
conspicuous in connection with the Eevolution, it is, on the
whole, more suitable to group him among the clergy of
that era, though he had passed the allotted span of life
when the Eevolution took place. He was elected fellow of
Emmanuel, Cambridge, before the Eebellion, but lost his
fellowship for refusing to take either the Covenant or the
Engagement. He went forth into voluntary exile, and by
his energy was able not only to support himself, but also to
help his friend Dr. Cosin, who, when he became Bishop of
Durham, lost no time in showing his gratitude ; for he
immediately gave Sancroft the rich living of Houghton-le-
Spring and a canonry at Durham ; and he was anxious
to procure for him the still greater benefit of a good wife,
but could not persuade Sancroft to take advantage of his
kindness in this last point. For a short time Sancroft was
' See Life of Isaac Milles, p. 152.
54 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Master of his old College. He was next made Dean, first
of York, then of Canterbury, and then of S. Paul's, where
he fully kept up the high standard raised by his predeces-
sors, Barwick and Sudbury. On the death of Sheldon,
Sancroft was advanced at a bound to the primacy, to the
surprise of all, and the disgust of some over whose heads
he had been raised.' The contrast between Sancroft and
Sheldon was most striking ; both were staunch churchmen,
but Sancroft had imbibed far more thoroughly the true
spirit of Church principles than Sheldon ever did ; one
natural and happy consequence of which was a marked
improvement in the treatment of nonconformists.'-^ San-
croft knew that spiritual not carnal weapons were the
Church's true defences ; he had far too much faith in the
vitality of the Church to be over-eager in calling in the
aid of the secular arm ; and he was most sincerely anxious
to devise some scheme for comprehending nonconformists
within her pale without compromising any principle. He
was a modest, retiring, contemplative man,^ with little of
the honlwmie and none of the statesmanlike qualities of his
predecessor. His mode of life was most simple and frugal,
and the violent contrast which it presented in this respect
to that of Sheldon naturally caused him to be charged with
' 'December 30, 1677.— This day, Dr. W. Sandcroft [sic]. Dean of S.
Paul's, was declared ArchbishojD of Canterbury, contrary to the expectation of
all the Court, and to the dissatisfaction of many bishops who resented his leap
from the deanery of Paul's over their heads unto the prhnacy. It could not
be imagin'd at Court what or who urg'd the king to promote him, unless (as
'twas most generally suppos'd) a particular esteem and kindness His Majesty
always had for him,' *c. {Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, republished for the
Camden Society, 1816.) White Kennet says, ' The king was under some
difliculty to find a proper person, but at last, by the recommendation of his
brother, the Duke of York, he resolved upon Bancroft, as a person of great
prudence and moderation.' {Historij of England, vol. iii. p. 361.)
- See Wilkins' Concilia, vol. iv., where the original circular letters of
the archbishops show a marked difference of tone on this point, as soon as
Sheldon is succeeded by Sancroft.
• See ' Remarks on his Life,' prefixed to his Occasional Sermons (169-1),
p. xvi.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD
55
avarice. But the charge was most unjust ; ' for his
liberaKty was as conspicuous as Sheldon's, which is saying
a great deal ; ^ but he was not the man of business that
Sheldon was, and hence though his simple habits must have
entailed upon him far less personal expenses than Sheldon
in his sumptuousness incurred, he left Lambeth a poor
man, while his predecessor died a rich one. He was in no
sense a showy man ; he was greedy after all kinds of
knowledge, and is said to have left behind him more
MSS. than almost any man of his time,^ but he shrank from
appearing in print. Perhaps this is not to be regretted, for
he had not the art of setting off his wares to the best
advantage. It was evidently an effort to him, as it is to
most bookish men, to emerge from obscurity ; and this
seems to be the true explanation of one or two passages in
his life which have been construed as proofs of timidity.
It certainly would have been well if in 1686 he had either
joined the Ecclesiastical Commission or distinctly refused to
do so, and not merely excused himself for non-attendance ;
and if in 1689 he had appeared in the House of Lords and
boldly advocated a Eegency, and if he had either joined in
consecrating Burnet to a bishopric, or declined to have
anything to do with the matter, instead of appointing a
commission for the purpose. But over and over again he
showed that he could be bold as a lion, and active far beyond
' ' False as Hell,' wrote Swift in language more forcible that polite, in a
note upon Burnet's accusation of Bancroft as avaricious. (See Lord Dart-
mouth's Notes on Burnet, iii. 102.) Another writer, commenting on the
same charge, writes, ' Viri hujusce sanctissimi vitam recolens, non sine
aliqua indignatione miror, ab historico scriptore, et quidem Episcopo, virtutes
ejus adeo non celebrari, ut parsimonite et avaritias infamia ipsius memorite
inurere videatur.' (Bishop Godwin, Dc PrcESidibus Anglia;.)
' See Bishop God\Yin, ut supra ; D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, i. 146, 149 ;
and Miss Strickland's Lives of the Seven Bishoj^s, pp. 45-50.
' See Collectanea Curiosa, from the MSS. of Archbishop Sancroft, given
to the Bodleian by Bishop Tanner, 1781, Preface, p. xxxiii. On his reluc-
tance to appear in print, see the ' Eemarks on his Life,' prefixed to his
Occasional Sermojis (1694), p. ix.
56 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
what his predecessor had ever been. He was the only
prominent clergyman in the seventeenth century who twice
in his life ' was deprived of all that he could not keep with
a good conscience.' • The young man who went forth
from Cambridge because he could not break his oath of
allegiance to the father, and the old man who went forth
from Lambeth because he could not break his oath of
allegiance to the son, were one and the same from first to
last. He had no hesitation about taking the unusual step
of suspendmg a bishop who was unworthy of his high
office.^ He boldly withstood the second personage of the
realm and strove to bring him back to his mother church ;
and he was the life and soul of that brave band of seven
who stood in the gap when the same man, now the first
personage of the realm, strove to P^omanise the country ; and
he boldly i)rotestcd against the same king keeping the see
of York vacant, truly remarking that he was the only
clergyman in the realm who could do so without being
suspected of interested motives. Surely all this does not
argue timidity; and so far from his being inactive, it
seems to me that the extraordinary activity of the bishops
and pastors of the Church during the eleven years of his
primacy, when churches were better attended and services
more frequent than they had perhaps ever been since the
Eeformation, was in no slight degree the result of the
activity of the Primate. His episcopal brethren clearly
looked up to him as personally no less than officially their
natural leader.-' And he had evidently the confidence of
' Nelson's Life of Bull, p. 189. = Bishop Wood, of Lichfield.
» For proofs of this, see, inter alia, the Bishop of Ely's (Turner) letter to
him in January 1081). ' Without compliment, your grace is better versed
than all of us together,' &c. (See the letter quoted in Correspondence of
Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, &c., ii. 507.) Bishop Lake of Chichester
' always valued as the principal honour and felicity of his life, his friendship
with Archbishop Sancroft.' (See Defence of the Profession of the Bishop of
Chichester, 1C!)0, p. 8.) Bishop Nicolson thinks that ' the main objection '
to the Revolution Government is ' Bancroft's declining to pay allegiance to
it,' and ' confesses that his example ought to carry a great deal of authority
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 57
the nation. Churchmen of the sphitual, not pohtical, type
we might expect to find, as of course we do, among his
admirers. But men like Swift, who was a statesman at
least as much as a churchman, is equally enthusiastic in
his praise ; ' Dryden, the hater of priests of all religions,
makes an exception in favour of ' Zadok,' the priestliest of
priests."^ The Princess of Orange writes to him in 1687,
' Though I have not the advantage to know you, my Lord
of Canterbury, yet the reputation you have makes me re-
solve not to lose this opportunity of making myself more
known to you,'^ — a remarkable testimony from the wife of
William of Orange. Wake, a bishop of quite a different type,
refers to Bancroft as ' that great and wise prelate.' In short,
with the single exception of Burnet, it is not easy to find
one contemporary or nearly contemporary churchman, who
does not speak with tender respect of Bancroft's character ;
and justly. If he had his foibles, he might have said of all
his conduct, what he did say of one memorable incident of
his life, ' What I have done, I have done in the integrity of
my heart.'
If Bancroft was the antipodes of Sheldon, Bancroft's
successor was as unlike the one as he was the other. John
Tillotson (1630-1694) was the son of a Calvinist clothier
at Sowerby near Halifax ; he received the rudiments of his
education from his grandfather, Mr. Dod, a strict Puritan.
At Clare Hall, Cambridge, his tutor, Mr. Clarkson, who had
great influence over him, was also a strict Puritan. He
was elected fellow of Clare in 1651, of course under
Puritan auspices, and was appointed tutor to a son of Mr.
Prideaux, Oliver Cromwell's attorney-general. At the Pie-
storation he lost his fellowship as a nonconformist, but he
with it ' (Nicolson's Correspondence, i. 11), though he himself took a dif-
ferent view.
' Swift's Ode to his Memory is valuable, if not from a poetical, from an
evidential point of view.
^ See his Absalom and Acliitopliel.
^ See letter in the Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 484.
58 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
conformed after the Act of 1662. He married a niece of
Oliver Cromwell, and step-daughter of Dr. Wilkins. Among
his intimate friends were Thomas Firmin, a very benevo-
lent Socinian, Dr. Bates, the Presbyterian vicar of S.
Dunstan's in the West, Mr. Gouge, ahberal dissenter, whose
funeral sermon he preached, the excellent nonconformist
John Howe, to whom he was wont to send a copy of every
sermon he published, William Penn, the Quaker, and finally
William, Prince of Orange. With such antecedents and
such friends, it would have been strange indeed if he had
caught the spirit of the Enghsh Church. It is true that
he also numbered among his friends some of her truest
sons, such as John Sharp, Robert Nelson, Thomas Comber,
and Isaac Barrow; and the fact that he could attract to
him men of such very different sentiments, is a strong proof
of his amiability, no less than of his wide sympathies. It is
not necessary to dwell on the facts of his life, and tell how
he held for a short time the little living of Keddington, wdiere
the villagers were dissatisfied because he did not preach the
gospel ; how he then became preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and
Tuesday lecturer at S. Lawrence Jewry, and not only
satisfied but delighted, and attracted from all parts of the
metropolis, the most critical congregations ; how he was
made Dean, first of Canterbury, and then, on the accession
of his friend King William, of S. Paul's. Higher than
this he never desired to rise ; there is evidently sincerity
and deep earnestness in his letter to the Earl of Portland,
desiring him ' to defend him from a bishopric ' ; and the
reason he gives is a most cogent one.' It would have
' ' I earnestly beg of your Lordship to defend me from a bishopric. Few
can believe me in this, but I hope your Lordship does. ... I do not love
cither the ceremony or trouble of a great place. When men are children
again, it is not fit they should appear in public, but go back into the nursery.
I desire to be as useful as I can ; but I do not affect to be famous. . . .
That little good which I have been able to do has been in the City of London,
which I foresee will be stript of its ablest men ; and if I can be serviceable
anywhere, it is there. ... I think it may be somewhat for the honour of
our religion, and the advantage of the Government, to have one so hearty
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 59
been well for him if his desire had been attended to,
but in an evil hour for his happiness, he was persuaded
by his beloved and loving master to accept the primacy on
the deprivation of Bancroft. It was not without many
misgivings, and much consultation with his friends,^
that he at last consented to fill the invidious position.
Under any circumstances, considering his antecedents, he
would hardly have been the man for the place ; but of all
times, the time when he undertook it was the most un-
fortunate. An angel could hardly have given satisfaction.
Sancroft most assuredly carried away with him to Pressing-
field the sympathies of the vast majority of the clergy ;
many of those who had no scruple about taking the oaths,
had insuperable scruples about accepting sees of which
the bishops had been deprived by the civil power ; among
others, John Sharp, Tillotson's best friend, and Beveridge,
two of the most respected clergy of the day. A torrent of
invectives in the shape of pamphlets, sermons,^ and even
coarser attacks ^ was poured upon the new Primate's head.
And unfortunately neither his temperament nor his train-
ing fitted him for bearing such attacks. He was a man
of a singularly sweet, gentle, and sensitive nature : he
never treated unkindly any living creature, and he felt
most keenly any unkind treatment of himself. The career
of a popular preacher is the worst conceivable career
for training a man to bear heavy blows. Accustomed to
see himself surrounded by a crowd of admiring auditors
who hung breathless upon his words, he felt the rude
shock of assault all the more keenly from the contrast. To
his credit be it said, that he was never intoxicated with the
for both without any expectation or desire of preferment by it.' (Quoted in
Birch's Life of Tillotson, pp. 140-2.)
' Among others, oddly enough, Lady Eachel Eussell. See Account of
her Life, p. 97.
• See Birch, pp. 292, 351.
^ See the story of a mask being sent to him in Macaulay's History of
England, chapter xvii.
6o LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
incense wliicli was offered to him as a preacher, and never
tempted to retahation by any of the abuse with which he
was pelted as a prelate. But there is little doubt that the
latter tended to shorten his life. There is something very
touching in the resolution, recorded in his commonplace
book, and not found till after his death, ' not to be angry
with anybody upon any occasion ; ' and something more
than touching in the story of a packet of papers being also
found after his death, with this endorsement : ' These are
libels ; I pray God forgive the authors, as I do.' He did
forgive, but he could not forget ; the mere fact of his having
kept them so carefully shows what an impression they
made upon him. He only held the primacy for three short
years, dying a few weeks before the young queen, whom he
had loved so well and served so faithfully. Waving the
question of his fitness for the archbishopric, and postponing
to a future chapter any remarks upon his preaching, we
may note that his personal character was most estimable ;
unselfish, exceedingly charitable, both in the popular and
m the higher sense of the term, and containing a happy
mixture of qualities not often found in combination ; for
he was warm-hearted without being in the least warm-
tempered ; a most ardent friend, without being at all a
bitter foe. In fact, there was so much to admire in him
that one can only be sorry that he was ever placed in a
position in which his gentle nature could not fail to be
continually wounded.
Tillotson's successor was Thomas Teiiisoii (1G84-1715), a
iii;tii who for 11 lirty years after the Restoration had been
cngagi'd most energetically and most successfully as a parish
priest, first at S. Andrew's, Cambridge, where he gained
deserved credit by staying manfully at his post and minis-
termg to his distressed parishioners during the Plague, and
then in London, as rector of the large and very important
parish of S. Martin's in the Fields, which he managed
admirably. He was known and admired as a preacher,
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 6 I
but still more as a parish-worker. Evelyn is afraid ' the
paines he takes, and the care of his parish, will weare him
out, which would be an inexpressible loss,' > In the brave
resistance made by the clergy, especially in London, against
the efforts of King James to Eomanise his subjects, the
rector of S. Martin's took a prominent part ; it was largely
through his efforts that Sharp's suspension for preaching
against Popery was removed ; ^ and it was through his
desire to counteract Romanism that he became one of the
originators of one of the most useful and prosperous works
of the period, the charity schools, of which more will be
said presently. He was appointed to S. Martin's on the
recommendation of Patrick, who 'blesses God for having
placed so good a man in the post.' ^ The testimony of so
near a neighbour and so good a worker himself, is more
than sufficient to counterbalance Lord Dartmouth's depre-
ciatory account of his promotion."* But in point of fact
there is a pretty general unanimity, even among his de-
tractors, about his excellence as a parish priest, and perhaps
he would have been thought more highly of if he had lived
and died in that capacity. But in 1691 he was most
reluctantly removed to preside over the unwieldy diocese of
Lincoln, which, according to Kennet, he restored to some
kind of discipline and order, and after three years he was
removed to Canterbury. Here all unanimity of opinion as
to his merits ceases. Whigs like Burnet and Kennet praise
the appointment, and the latter boldly declares it was
universally approved of.^ This most assuredly was not the
case. Apart from his opinions, which were supposed to be
those of Tillotson, and were most unacceptable to the ma-
jority of the clergy, he was not considered strong enough
for the place, and this feeling was emphasised by the fact
' Diary for March 21, lOSf.
- See John Le Neve's Lives dx. of the Bishops, &c., p. 239.
^ Autobiography of Simon Patrick, p. 84.
■• See Lord Dartmouth's Notes on Burnet, iv. 238.
* History of England, vol. iii. 682,
62 LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
that the man who was generally pointed out as the proper
person to fill it was the strongest living clergyman, Bishop
Stillingtleet.' It would probably have been well for the
peace "of the Church if Stillingfleet had been appointed,
even though his bodily infirmities might have impeded his
activity. For in those turbulent times, a prelate with a
great name, a name that would inspire awe, was above all
things required at the helm. Stillingfleet' s was such a
name, Tenison's was not. His friends called him firm and
steady, ' an old rock,' his enemies, dull and heavy ; but
neither called him great. In one respect, however, he was
certainly more fitted for the post than Tillotson, for he was
not in the least sensitive. Abuse, which was showered upon
him as plentifully as it had been upon his predecessor, did
not trouble him at all. He lived to the age of eighty-one,
and left behind him the reputation of an honest and sensible,
a solid and stohd, but by no means brilliant man.
It is a pleasant relief to turn from prelates about whom
there has certainly been a great diversity of opinion to one
about whom there was no diversity at all. John Sharp,
(1644;-1714) is a striking instance of what a plain, straight-
forward, guileless man, with definite principles, but without
very shining abilities, or profound learning, or peculiar
. attractiveness of manner, or extraordinary enthusiasm,
may effect. As rector of S. Giles' in the Fields for sixteen
years, as Dean, first of Norwich, then of Canterbury, and
above all as Archbishop of York for twenty years, he was
respected and beloved in a very remarkable degree. And
the fact that he was so is really very creditable to his con-
temporaries, for from first to last he never once went out
of his way to court the popular applause. In one of his
sermons ^ he has unwittingly given us an exact portrait of
' Tlie queen was most anxious for Stillingfleet's appointment ; Tillotson
had strongly recommended him for the primacy, on the deprivation of
Bancroft.
^ That on ' The Upright Man,' from Psalm cxii. ver. 4.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 6;^
himself. ' He lives as he believes, is ready to endure anything
for rehgious princii^les, is honest God-ward, an Israelite in-
deed, in whom there is no guile ; and with respect to men, is
just in all his dealings, never takes advantage of credulity,
nor abuses confidence reposed in him, hates all mean com-
pliance and dares to speak his mind, is a man of great
simplicity and plainness, open and free. You may always
know where to have him, for his words and thoughts always
go together ;— above all things hates a trick ; so free is both
his heart and actions from all imposture, that he cares not
if all the world were privy to them. With the wisdom of
the serpent he joins the innocency and simplicity of the
dove ; he is not steered by the wind of popular applause,
but the sense of duty ; therefore he is of great courage and
resolution ; nothing can frighten him from his duty, for he
fears none but God. He does not resolve hastily, but after
mature deliberation ; he always considers more what is said,
than who says it. You may as soon draw the sun from his
line, as him from the steady and strict paths of righteous-
ness.' And so forth. If anyone had been preaching
Archbishop Sharp's fmieral sermon, giving, after the
fashion of the times, a full description of the man, he
could hardly have done better than have taken this sermon
verbatim. Being a staunch and uncompromising, though
not extreme, churchman, Sharp was of course often
brought into collision with others, but he always came out
of the struggle with general approval. His famous sermon
in 1686 against Eomanism, just after he had been appointed
chaplain to a Eomanist king, was manifestly called for,' and
though it enraged his royal master, was approved of by the
vast majority of the nation. And his declining to accept
any see vacated by a deprived bishop, though it gave dis-
' He had been applied to anonymously by a parishioner to give some
safeguard against Eomanism, and as the danger of Eomanism was then
most imminent, he could not, without gross neglect of duty, have failed to
preach on the subject.
64 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
pleasure to King AVilliara, was not displeasing to the mass
of his fellow-churchmen. Though, like his friend Tillotson,
he was on terms of intimacy with nonconformists, such as
Baxter, Firmin, and Thoresby, no one ever accused Jiim, of
truckling to dissenters, or being half-one himself, for he
made it perfectly clear that it was their persons not their
principles that he esteemed. Burnet, as a rule, never
praises anyone who differed from himself, but though Sharp
differed widely from him, he makes an exception in his
favour. AVilliam Whiston differed from him still more
widely, and yet it is William Whiston who calls him ' that
very good, that very honest man, Archbishop Sharp,' The
nonjurors w^ere not inclined to regard with a favourable
eye those clergy who took the oaths, but they, too, bear
their testimony to the merits of Sharp. He had the invi-
dious privilege of dispensing a vast amount of ecclesiastical
patronage, first through his friend and patron, the Earl of
Nottingham, who consulted him about all the preferments
he had to bestow as Lord Chancellor, and then through
Queen Anne, who took him for her adviser and spiritual
director ; and yet he never raised against himself any envy,
nor ever caused any dissatisfaction, except in one noticeable
case where he was clearly in the right ' He oj^posed, or at
any rate regarded with some suspicion, the Societies for the
Reformation of Manners ; but no one ever dreamed of sus-
pecting him of being indifferent to the cause which these
Societies had at heart, for be made it clearly understood
that he thought that cause would be better helped by clergy-
men adhering to their proper clerical work, and carrying
out more fuhy the plain rules of their Church. No one
ever told a sovereign more unreservedly of her faults than
' When he prevented the author of The Tale of a Tub from being made
a bishop. Swift, in consequence, gibbeted him in the line :
A crazy prelate, and a r — 1 prude.
The latter refers to the queen, who in this? as in all spiritual matters took
Sharp's advice not to elevate Swift to the mitre.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 65
he told Queen Anne, and yet lie never offended her. The
only blot m his career is an occasional narrowness. Judged
by the standard of the nineteenth century, he certainly
shewed bitterness in his opposition to Dissenters' Seminaries,
but he must be judged by the standard of the times in
which he lived ; it was on Tillotson's advice that he refused
to license a Dissenters' Academy, and no one accused Tillotson
of being narrow-minded according to the standard of his
day. In one sense he was certainly not a narrow man ; he
had tastes quite apart from his clerical functions ; he was
a great reader and admirer of Shakespeare, an extensive
collector of coins, and a good numismatist. These, how-
ever, were strictly bye-works ; his whole heart was in his
proper work ; and a more beautiful picture of active piety
has been seldom drawn than that which his son has left us
in the interesting but by no means highly coloured portrait
of his father. Everything that the biographer tells us is
borne out by what we hear from less interested sources.
We may meet with greater men in the course of this chapter,
but with none more universally and deservedly esteemed.
We next come to a somewhat different type of prelate
from any that have yet been noticed. Henry Compton
(1633-1713) ' was the youngest son of Spencer, Earl of
Northampton. His father and all his five elder brothers
had served the king with conspicuous courage ; ^ nor was
the future prelate a stranger to military service. Indeed,
he is said to have been ' in the field at Edge Hill fight in his
cradle, and to h^ve trailed a pike in Flanders under the
Duke of York.' ^ At the Eestoration he was promoted in
rather a different way from those other clergy with whom
• The short Life of Henry, late Bisliop of London, gives 1711 as the
date of his death, but it is quite clear that John Robinson succeeded him
as Bishop of London in 1713, and Compton died in the see.
- His father was slain at the battle of Hopton Heath.
^ Account of My Oivn Life, by Edmund Calamy, ii. 40. As the battle of
Edge Hill was fought in 1642, he was rather a large baby for a cradle.
F
66 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
he was afterwards brought into contact ; he was made for
his services a cornet of the Eoyal Horse Guards.^ But
soon afterwards he went to Cambridge, and became an
officer in another sort of army, that of the Church Mihtant.
Then his promotion was rapid; he was made Canon of
Christ Church, then rector of Cottenham, then Master of
S. Cross, then Bishop of Oxford, and finally Bishop of
London, over which see he presided between thirty and
forty years. He was also tutor to the two Princesses,
Mary and Anne, both of whom he confirmed and married.
Compton was called emphatically the Protestant Bishop.
Not that any of the prelates, noticed or to be noticed, were
one whit less hostile to the cause of Piome than he was ;
but Protestantism was his specialit3\ He was a great
patron of converts from Popery and a generous friend to
the French Protestant refugees. He manfully resisted the
king's mandate to suspend Sharp for j)reaching against
Eomanism in 1686, and was consequently himself inhibited
from exercising his episcopal functions by the new Eccle-
siastical Commission,'* and he lay under the sentence of
suspension until the Pievolution. This increased his popu-
larity immensely ; * he was the darling,' writes a contem-
porary, ' of the city and parliament because of his great
zeal in the discouragement of Papists and Popery.' ^ But
his Protestantism, combined with the old leaven of his
military training, led him into courses quite unbefitting
his character.'' A prelate fully armed, commanding a
troop of soldiers and escorting a daughter in her de-
' Birch's Life of Tillotson, p. 185.
' Memoirs of the Most Material Transactions in England for the last
Hundred Years precedinrj the Revolution, by James Welwood, p. 175.
" See the Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, 1677-8. In the next generation,
Wchvood (ut S2q>ra) declares that ' this noble prelate by a conduct worthy
of his birtli and station in the Church acquired the love and esteem of all
the Protestant Churches at home and abroad.' (Sec also Sir John Rercsby's
Diary, p. ;^21.)
« He signed an invitation to the Prince of Orange, and then denied it in
the presence of King James. (Lathbury, p. 17.)
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 67
sertion of a father is not an edifying spectacle ; nor was
it becoming his sacred character to appear in arms at
Nottingham, and declare his readiness to fight for the
Prince of Orange. He was much better employed in the
proper work of his diocese, in which he appears to have
been exceptionally active. One part of his system may be
commended (if it be not impertinent in a simple priest to
do so) to the imitation of prelates in our own day. He had
a method of passing every summer in some new part of his
diocese, riding out every day to visit in person the churches
and parsonage-houses.^ Thus seeing with his own eyes
the poverty of many of the clergy, he naturally took a
great interest in the attempt to better the condition of the
smaller cures. He also upheld the Religious Societies, and
his support of them greatly conduced to their success.'^
His ' Episcopalia,' six excellent Letters written to the Clergy
of London in 1680-6, give one the impression of a man
who was personahy well-versed in practical work, and also
of a mail of firmness and independent judgment.^ Li fact
he was a good working bishop, not perhaps strong enough
to be advanced to the primacy, though he is said to have
been twice disappointed at being passed over, but a more
than respectable Bishop of London,
It really requires some little effort in one who desires to
bring out the good points of the clergy of our period to do
justice to the undoubted merits of one, who above all others
is responsible for the evil reputation in which they are some-
times held. Gilbert Burnet (1643-1715) has shewn so extra-
ordinary a propensity to depreciate the clergy in his ' History
' Nathaniel Salmon's Lives of the English Bishops from the Bcslaura-
tion to the Revolution : — Compton.
' See Secretaia's Life of Robert Nelson.
^ And certainly not ' weak, wilful, much in the power of others and
strangely wedded to a party,' as Birch (Life of Tillotson, p. 185), copying
Burnet {Own Times, iv. 388), and adding a little of his own, describes him.
The Fpiscopalia, or Letters of Henry, Bisliop of London, to tlie Clergy of
his Diocese, are well worth reading.
F 2
68 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
of his Own Times,' that it is not snrprising that a host of
wi-iters have entered their indignant protest against his mis-
representations. Lord Dartmouth,' Bevill Higgons,^ Natha-
niel Salmon,'''Dean Swift," Bishop Atterhnry,-^ Roger North,^
in the last century ; Mr. Von Eanke,^ Mr. CarAvithen,^ Mr.
Debary,^ Mr. Palin,'^ and many others in our own, have suffi-
ciently exposed this great delinquency— a delinquency which
is all the more provoking because it has naturally given a
handle to adversaries to cast in the teeth of churchmen the
evil report of the clergy which ' even one of their owai order '
has given." Even Lord Macaulay, Burnet's admirer, ad-
mits that he possessed qualities which are fatal to accurate
writing. A man who is ' boastful, vain, prone to blunder, pro-
vokingly indiscreet, often misled by prejudice and passion,' '^
' utterly destitute of delicacy and tact,' ' viewing every
act and every character through a medium distorted and
coloured by party spirit,' '^ may have many good points,
as Burnet unquestionably had, but surely he mistakes
his vocation when he essays to write history ; and, of all
histories, a history of his own times, where these qualities
are of course brought into most vigorous play. But our
indignation at the historian must not blind us to the merits
' Notes on BtirncVs Own Times, republished at Oxford in 1823.
^ ' Remarks on Burnet's History of his own Times,' in Volume 11. of
Higgon's Historical Works, 1736.
^ An impartial Examination of BisJiop Burnet's History, &c., 1724 ;
and Lives of the English Bishops, &c., passim, 1733.
* See Lord Dartmouth's work, ut supra.
* Works, passim. ^ See Examen, passim.
' History of Emjland, principally in tlie seventeenth Century, passim.
" History of the Church of England.
" History of Church of England from the Accession of James I. to 1717.
'" Church of England, 1688-1717.
" See, inter alia, Edmund Calamy's Account of My Otvn Life, i. 457,
and 2>(issi}n ; William Carstares, a Cliaractcr and Career of the Eevolu-
tiwiary Epoch, by E. H. Story, p. 23 &c. ; History of England in the
Cabinet Cyclopa:dia, a work full of abuse of the Church and clergy, passim ;
and Skcat's History of the Free Churches, p. 97.
'- Macaulay's History of England, i. 413. '^ Jd. i. 593.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 69
of the man. Burnet's greatest detractors have not denied
that he was a most energetic worker, hoth as a parish
priest and as a hishop. No diocese was more carefully
attended to hy its hishop than that of Salisbury during the
twenty-six years when Burnet presided over it. When he
reluctantly consented to become tutor to the Duke of Glou-
cester, it was on the express condition that he should reside
at Windsor, which was then within the diocese of Salisbury,
and be allowed ten weeks every summer for the purpose
of visiting his people : ' with his usual energy he made the
very most of these ten weeks, so that there was hardly a
corner of the diocese which was not well acquainted with
the burly form and loud voice of its bustling bishop.^ Nor
was his energy confined to his own local work. He thought
nothing of going frequently from London to Woodstock to
visit the poor penitent Earl of Eochester, of whose conver-
sion he was to a great extent the human instrument.^ He
found time to write letters of good advice to Lady Kussell;'*
and if he was not the sole originator of that excellent work
Queen Anne's Bounty, as he characteristically claims to
have been, there is no doubt that he deserves a great share
in the credit of it. Though a self-conscious, he was certainly
not a selfish man ; he refused many preferments and was
liberal with his money, as many, both clergy and laity, to
whom he was a kind friend, could have testified.^ His
' Pastoral Care,' ' Discourses to his Clergy,' ' Conclusion to
his History,' and 'Lives of Bishop Bedell, Sir Matthew
Hale, and John, Earl of Piochester,' all breathe the spirit
of sincere piety, though even some of these are provokingly
interspersed with his favourite depreciation of the clergy.
' Life of Burnet, by his son Thomas, p. Ivii. - Id. p. xliii.
8 If this depended solely upon Burnet's own testimony we should have
to take it cum grano ; but Mr. Parsons, in his funeral sermon on Rochester,
admits the Earl's obligation to Burnet.
* Some Account of Rachel Wriothcslcy, Lady Russell, p. 54.
* Life, p. Ixii.
70 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
He frequently Imrt delicate spirits by his utter want of
tact,' and his officiousness sometimes led him to interfere
in matters which he had much better have left alone ; but
in most cases one can see that the offence arose from a
sort of blundering impulsiveness which really meant well,
though it took an odd way of shewing it. He lived in
turbulent times, and he was the very last man to pour oil
on the troubled waters ; he filled a very promment place in
the Church, while both by training and temperament he
was not cnlculatcd to sympathise with its principles. There
is therefore not the slightest difficulty in accounting for his
unpopularity among the clergy, without having recourse to
the utterly gratuitous explanation attributed to Lord Halifax,
that ' his parts were a shame and his life a scandal to
them.' 2
If contrasts be effective, we could not find a more perfect
one than by turning from Salisbury to the neighbouring
diocese of Bath and Wehs. Thomas Ken (1637-1711) is one
about whose career and character there is a charm wdiich
strikes the imagination and kindles the enthusiasm of
churchmen of every shade. So happy a blending of humi-
lity and gentleness with undaunted courage, of firm and
uncompromising principles with large-hearted charity to
others, of homely simplicity with delicate refinement, has
rarely been found in any age. All the details of his life are
interesting, but for these the reader must be referred to his
' E-K. Nonis of Eemerton, Kettlcwcll, DodwcU, Ken, Ealph Thoresby.
^ With these words Thomas Burnet, in the life of his father, concludes a
Ion;,' quotation of abuse of the clergy and praise of Gilbert Burnet, supposed
to liavc been written by Lord Halifax, but of which Thomas had ' mislaid
the original.' Lord Dartmouth boldly declares that Lord Halifax could
never liave said or written anything of the sort, because he had often heard
him oxpriiss anything but a favourable opinion of Bishop Burnet ; ' there-
fore,' he says, ' I believe Tom must have been mistaken, and that it will
apjiear, if ever he finds the original, to be in his father's, not in the mar-
quis's, own handwriting.' Be this as it may, it was surely most injudicious
in tlie son (who appears to have been a fac-simile of his father) to insert so
sweeping and slanderous an accusation of all prelates except Bishop Burnet,
unless lie could inoduce far better authority tlian he does.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 7 1
biographers.' It must here suffice to say that ho was born
at Berkhampstead, and educated at Wmchester. Havmg
lost his parents in early life, he was brought up as a kind
of adopted son by his eldest sister, the wife of Izaac Walton,
with whom he lived in retirement until the Restoration.
One can hardly help wishing that the ages of the two
brothers-in-law had been reversed, for what a fine subject
Ken would have made for one of Walton's ' Lives ' ! Ken
was ordained in 1660, and was soon afterwards presented
by his friend Lord Maynard to the small living of Easton
in Essex, He did not stay there long, for Bishop IMorley
gathered round him in the Close at Winchester those true
friends of his adversity, the whole family of the Waltons,
and among them. Ken, whom he made his chaplain and
to whom he gave the living of Brighstone. He next became
vicar of East Woodhay, and, contrary to the evil custom of
the time, gave up Brighstone on the day of his appointment.
He was next made Prebendary of Winchester, and then chap-
lain to the Princess of Orange in Holland ; his influence
over the Princess was very great, too great to please her
husband, who had no desire that his wife's principles should
be moulded by so staunch a churchman, though Ken's Pro-
testantism was as strong as that of the ' Protestant hero '
himself. We next find Ken accompanying Lord Dartmouth,
as his chaplain, to Tangier. On his return to Winchester
he showed his courage by refusing to receive the king's
• The best known are :—A Short Account of Bishop Ken's Life, by W.
Hawkins, Esq., his executor and connection, prefixed to Ken's Prose Works.
This was the earliest hfe ; it was republished (with the Prose Works) by
J. T. Round in 1838. Life of Bishop Ken, by Canon Bowles (1830), whose
poetical temperament brought him into harmony with Ken's own. Life of
Thomas Ken, Bisliop of Bath and Wells, by a Layman (1851), which is,
perhaps, the best life of all. A brief but well-written memoir by ' G. M.'
(George Moberley) prefixed to the Oxford edition (ISiO) of Ken's Manual
of Prayers for the Winchester Sclwlars, and another by J. H. Markland,
prefixed to his edition of Ken's Prayers for the Visitors at Bcdh (1849), and
a good sketch in Miss Strickland's Lives of the Seven Bishops ; and we are
now promised another biography by the Dean of Wells.
72 LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
mistress into liis lodgings ; and this proved unexpectedly a
stepping-stone to his advancement ; for King Charles, who
knew what was right though he did not practise it, deter-
mined that * the good little black man who refused a lodging
to poor Nell ' should have the next bishopric. He was ac-
cordingly made Bishop of Bath and Wells (1G84) ; and his
sweet simplicity of character, his earnest desire to do good,
his courage to resist evil, and his large-hearted charity w^ere
as conspicuous in this new station as when he was in a
humbler one. He interested himself in the poor at Wells,
who were, he thought, oppressed by their employers, and
vainly tried to improve their condition ; he shewed an equal
concern for the rich but frivolous company who frequented
' the Bath,' and wrote some prayers for their use. He was
wont to question beggars on their knowledge of religion,
and found them so hopelessly ignorant that he thought the
onl}' chance of improvement was in raising up a new genera-
tion who should be better taught ; so he furnished his clergy
with books for the use of children, and became one of the
first pioneers of those charity schools which afterwards
became so prominent a feature in Church life. He boldly
interfered in behalf of the unhappy sufferers in the Mon-
mouth Piebellion, though the damage they had done to his
beloved Cathedral must have wounded him in a tender
point. He attended his royal patron's death-bed, where
even Burnet owns he ' spoke like one inspired.' And as he
had boldly rebuked the licentiousness of one brother, he
reproved no less boldly the bigotry of another, as his famous
sermon at Whitehall, and liis courageous reply to King
James's remonstrance on the subject testify. Strong
churchman though he was, he would take no part in the
persecution of dissenters, saying that the Church itself
tauglit him charity towards those who differed from him.
His munificence to the French Protestant refugees stands
out proniiiicntly even among the munificence with which
tliey w(,'re everywhere treated. In fact his liberality gener-
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 73
ally was so great, that after the Eevolution he retn-ed under
protest from his see, a poorer man than when he accepted
it ; hut he found a supply for his simple wants in the house
of his friend Lord Weymouth at Longleat, where he passed
the remainder of his hlameless life ; when Longleat was
full of company, he fled to Naish House, the quiet retreat
of two pious ladies, the Misses Kemeyse, which he speaks of
as ' his retirement into the desert from the noise and hurry
of the world.' Like Archbishop Sharp, he had the happy
knack of contriving to be friendly with nonconformists
without in the least compromising, or being even suspected
of compromising, his own Church principles. Among his
most frequent visitors at Longleat was a nonconformist
gentleman, Mr. Walter Singer, father of Mrs. Elizabeth
Eowe, the poetess. In his retirement he composed his im-
mortal morning, evening, and midnight hymns ; and in
doing so, the old man's memory had wandered back to the
scenes of his boyhood ; for they were composed, together
with the exquisite prayers with which they were originally
bound up, for the use of the Winchester scholars, who are
recommended to sing the evening hymn every night before
they went to bed. His death was of a piece with his life ;
he awaited it calmly, travelling about with his shroud in his
portmanteau ; and that the poetical charm which invests
his whole life might not be wanting from the last scene of
all, an almost dramatic incident occurred at his funeral.
He was buried under the chancel window at Frome, the
children from the village school which he had established
and taught followed him to the grave ; the funeral, as was
usual in those days, took place before daybreak ; but just
as the last spadeful of earth was cast upon the grave, the
sun rose, and the children sang with their clear young
voices,
Awake, my soiil, and with the siui, &c.
The name of Ken has been universally reverenced. Not
only has he been an object of hero-worship among High
74 I'IFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
Churchmen, but men who had httle sympathy with his
views have sung his praises. Dry den probably took him
as the hving model of his ' Good Parson ' ; the most licen-
tious of kings never ceased to value more highly than any
other clergyman this most severely virtuous of prelates ;
Lord Macaulay, whose way of thinking was certainly very
different from Ken's, declares that ' his character approaches
as near as human infirmity permits to the ideal perfection
of Christian virtue.' ^ The admiring biographer of Arch-
bishop Tenison, who had naturally no fellow-feeling with
nonjurors as such, yet owns Ken's ' sanctity of life and
most approved character in c^'erything else but his want of
submission to the prince whom God had set over him ! ' If
it were the wont of the Church of England to canonise,
Saint Thomas of Bath and Wells would find a place among
the first in her calendar.
If Ken was the saintliest, by far the strongest prelate of
the day was universally thought to be Edward Stillingfleet
(1635-1G99). He was educated at S. John's, Cambridge,
of which college he was elected fellow in 1G53. Having
been privately ordained by Bishop Brownrigg, he was pre-
sented by Sir E. Burgoin, in whose family he had been
tutor, to the country living of Sutton in 1657. Here he
wrote his 'Irenicon' and ' Origines Sacral. ' In 1665 he
was appointed by the Earl of Southampton to the impor-
tant living of S. Andrew's, Holborn. In 1670 he was
made Canon, and in 1678 Dean, of S. Paul's; in 1689,
Bishop of Worcester, in which see he died. The precocity
of Stillingfleet's genius was the wonder of his contem-
poraries. According to Pepys he was recommended for S.
Andrew's by ' the Bishops of Canterbury [sic], London, and
another because they believed him to be the ablest young
man to preach the Gospel since the Apostles.' Pepys
himself was much impressed with * the great Stillingfleet,'
* the famous young Stillingfleet.' "^ When Stillingfleet
' Iliatonj of England, i. 311. '■' See Diary for April 1GG5.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD
75
attencled Bishop Sanderson's Visitation in 1G62, the bishop
could hardly believe that the young man before him was
really the famous Stillingfleet whom he knew only by his
works. And he was not one of those precocious geniuses
whose later performances disappoint their early promise.
He sustained his reputation weh to the end. Burnet
described him in 1688 as ' the learnedest man of the age
in all respects.' ' One of the reasons given why he was not
advanced to the primacy after the death of Tillotson was
' because his great abilities had raised some envy of him.' ^
As a controversial writer against Piomanists, Nonconfor-
mists, and Socinians, Stillingfleet was regarded by church-
men as their strongest champion ; and it is a striking
testimony to his high character that among all the oppo-
nents whom his controversial works raised against him,
not one hinted a doubt of his piety and purity of motive.
Posterity has perhaps hardly endorsed the extraordinary
reputation for mental power which Stillingfleet unques-
tionably had among his contemporaries. Perhaps one
reason may be that circumstances have brought into the
greatest prominence the two works, (oddly enough, the
first and the last he ever wrote,) in which he appears at
the least advantage. The ' Irenicon ' was written when he
was a mere boy ; and it is obviously unjust to tie a man
down all his life to the opinions he expressed at two-and-
twcnty. Most men's effusions at that early age have died
still-born ; and Stillingfleet has to pay the penalty for
being too precocious, by laying himself open to the charge
of inconsistency.^ The ' Irenicon ' has acquired adventitious
celebrity owing to the effect which it produced upon the
mind of John Wesley ; and churchmen owe a grudge to the
' See the letter of Dr. Burnet to the Prince of Orange, in the Hon. H.
Sidneifs Diary, &c.
2 White Rennet's History of England, iii. GS2.
=* Howe unquestionably made a point when he said ' the rector of Sutton
was a very different person from the Dean of S. Paul's ; ' but it should be
added that the rector was at the time too young to be even a curate.
76 I.IFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
juvenile author for having helped to bring about the greatest
secession from the Church that has ever occurred. The
last work in which Stillingfleet employed his pen was
against John Locke ; and in this again the great prelate
does not appear at his best. But to appreciate Stillingfleet's
immense n-putution among his contemporaries, w^e must
not look at these works, nor yet at his chefs-d'oeuvre, the
* Origmes Sacrsi},' and ' Origines Britannic®,' which were
and are more admired than read by any but specialists.
We must look at his letters, his addresses to his clergy, and
his sermons. He had a lawyer-like mind, and a good
knowledge of law, which served him in good stead at a
time when such legal knowledge was of the utmost service
to a clergyman. He also exj^ressed himself in a clear,
nervous style, and was altogether a formidable adversary to
the enemies of the Church and a tower of strength to her
friends.
For plain, homely piety, and practical usefulness in his
generation, no name stands higher on the roll of English
churchmen than that of William Beveridge (1638-1707).
He was born at Barrow in Leicestershire, and was educated,
like Stillingfleet, at S. John's College, Cambridge. He was
like Stillingfleet, too, in shewing extraordinary precocity.
At the early age of twenty he published a learned treatise
on the Oriental tongues, which is said to have been held in
great esteem. And he was only twenty-three when he pub-
lished the work by which he is now perhaps best known, his
'Private Thoughts on Beligion.' Li 1661 Sheldon gave
him the living of Ealing ; and in 1662 he was appointed
by the Lord ]\Iayor and Aldermen of London to the living
of S. Peter's, Cornhill. This was the scene of his suc-
cessful labours for many years. He was a model parish
priest, and was called 'the great reviver and restorer of
primitive piety.' His influence over young men, who
abomi(k-d in that busy centre of trade, was very great.
Tlicy tlirongcd to his weekly Communion and formed
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD "]"]
religious societies under his direction. Denis Granville
(who had been ordained at the same time with him by the
great Bishop Sanderson) ' lal)oured to imitate the pietie and
indefatigable diligence of the renowned Dr. Beveridge,' ' and
told his friend Comber, that ' the devout practice and order
in his (Beveridge's) church doth exceedingly edifie the
city, and his congregation encreases every week.' ^ Beve-
ridge was a retiring, modest man, and ' all the preferment he
was ambitious of was to go from his flock in Cornhill unto
the shepherd and bishop of souls.' ^ But a clergyman
who was eminently successful in so prominent a sphere
could hardly be overlooked. He was made successively
Archdeacon of Colchester, Prebendary of Canterbury, and
finally Bishop of S. Asaph, having refused to take any see
vacated by a nonjuror. In all these spheres Beveridge
shewed the same activity which had marked his long
incumbency of S. Peter's, Cornhill, and when he was dying,
' one of the chief of his order ' said of him, ' There goes
one of the greatest and one of the best men that ever
England bred.' * It depends upon what we mean by
' greatest,' as to whether the first epithet can be accepted,
but few will deny him the title to be one of the best. His
voluminous writings will be noticed in a future chapter.
Much resembling the career of Beveridge was that of
Simon Patrick (1626-1707). He was born at Gainsborough
and educated at Queen's College, Cambridge, where, as we
have seen, he was deeply influenced by the Platonists.
Traces of his Platonic training he certainly retained to the
end, but busy parochial and episcopal work is not conducive
to the Platonic frame of mind, and these traces are only
observable by those who can read between the lines. After
having been chaplain for a while in the house of Sir Walter
' Remains, Part I., p. 236. "- Life of Dean Comber, p. 179.
' Life and Errors of John Dtinton, p. 363.
* Life of Bishop Beveridge, prefixed to Private Thoughts (edition
1825).
78 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
St. John, an Gstimable gentleman with Puritan leanings, he
became vicar of Battersea in 1658, and of S. Paul's, Covent
Garden, in 16G2. What Beveridge was at S. Peter's, that
Patrick was at S. Paul's, one of the most energetic and
successful parish priests of his day. In his ' Autobiography '
he says nothing about his success ; that we learn from other
sources ; but he does tell us how kind his parishioners were
to him, and how this kindness was increased after he had
stayed to minister to the many sufferers in his parish during
the Great Plague. Four services were held every day in
his church, and the offertories were enormous. In 16G9,
the Bishop of Lincoln (Fuller) in vain tempted him with
the offer of the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon, ' which,' he
says, * I declined, thinking myself unfit.' Neither could he
be lured away by the Lord Chancellor's offer of ' the best
living in England,' S. Martin's in the Fields. In 1672 he
received, ' unsought,' a prebend at Westminster, and in 1679
the deanery of Peterborough. Burnet, who could hardly
have agreed with all his opinions, nevertheless recommended
him to King William as ' a man of an eminently shining
life, who will be a great ornament to the Episcopal order,' '
and accordingly he was made Bishop of Chichester in 1689,
and of Ely in 1691. His long experience in parochial work
stood him in good stead as a bishop ; he could speak with
authority on what had been done in London, and encourage
his clergy to go and do likewise.^ He was an uncompromis-
ing churchman, and, like many of his day, was too ready to
call in the aid of the secular arm,^ at least in his earlier mi-
nisterial life. His' Autobiography ' is rather a disappointing
' Letter quoted in Sidney's Diary.
- See his address to the clergy On the Work of the Ministry, 1G'J7, and
other Charges, &c.
3 See his Friendly Debate between a Conformist and Nonconformist,
which, he tells us, he was ' provoked to write by the insolence of many dis-
senters.' It is said, however, that in his old age he regretted having written
this, and had the candour publicly to acknowledge his error. See Williams'
Life of Sir Mattheiu Hale, p. 218, note.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 79
book, inasmuch as it does not give us so vivid a picture
cither of the man or the times as one ho])es to find in such
a work ; but it is negatively valuable as an index of the
writer's character ; we must go elsewhere, and we do not go
in vain, to find a true estimate of his diligence and other
virtues, for he does not utter, directly or indirectly, a
word of self-praise.
Our admiration of Bishop Ken must not prevent us
from doing justice to the merits of his unwelcome successor,
Richard Kidder (d. 1703). His 'Autobiography' gives one
the impression of an earnest, worthy man, and everything
that we hear of him from other sources confirms the
impression, while we may be sm-e that if there had been
anything to be said to the contrary, his unpopularity m his
bishopric would have caused it to be made the most of.
But he was clearly a ' conformist ' rather than a church-
man by conviction. He held the living of Stanground
during the Eebellion, and was ejected from it as a non-
conformist under the Bartholomew Act ; ' but his good
sense overcame his prejudices, and he finally adopted the
National Church.' ' This is not exactly the sort of stuff
out of which a bishop should be made, least of all a bishop
to succeed Ken ; and one can hardly be sm-prised at the
indignation of the latter at the intrusion of the ' Latitu-
dinarian traditor ' into his beloved see. To do justice to
Kidder, it must be said that he shewed the most unfeigned
reluctance to accept the bishopric, and when, in an evil
hour for his own happiness, he did accept it, he strove his
very utmost to do good in his diocese.^ But his position
was most unfortunate. Ken was of course a man to leave
his mark upon his clergy; was it liliely that they would
welcome a bishop of the principles of Kidder ? His charges
are evidently the productions of a man who is thoroughly
' Noble's Biographical Historij of England, ii. 101.
2 ' No man,' he says plaintively, ' could come into a place with a more
hearty desire to do good, than I did.*
So LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
in earnest ; and the anecdote of his boldly refusing to vote
in accordance with the expressed wishes of King William's
ministry, shews that he was no time-server. ^ Eobert
Nelson had so high an opinion of his worth that he pro-
cured for him the important living of Barnes ; and he is said
to have been most kind to his ejected predecessor at Bath.
In short, as in the case of Tillotson, one cannot help feeling
pity for a good man forced into an unsuitable post, and
that pity is heightened by his tragical end. He was slain
with his wife, in bed, by the fall of a stack of chimneys in
the Great Storm of 1703.
It was an intense relief to Bishop Ken,— as perhaps it
will also be to the reader, — to turn from the contemplation
of poor Bishop Kidder to the happy choice which was made
in selecting the next occupant of his see. The relations
between Thomas Ken and George Hooper (1637-1727) had
been peculiarly close. They had been chaplains together
to Bishop Morley; they had been chaplains successively
to the Princess of Orange at the Hague, where both had
incurred the displeasure of the lady's husband by present-
ing to her too strong a type of English churchmanship ;
they had been successively incumbents of East Wood-
hay. Ken therefore had had abundant opportunities of
knowing Hooper's worth, and was more than willing to
resign his claims to his beloved see in favour of ' the
excellent person whom all mankind except these Jacobites
have a high esteem of ; one most able and willing to pre-
serve the depositum.' '^ The good old man was not wrong
' ' The Bishop once received a message from the Minister of Wilham III.,
conveyed by a pert gentleman, requiring him to attend the House of Peers
to vote for a measm'e the Court wished to pass. " You must vote," said the
messenger. " Must vote ! " replied the bishop. " Yes, must vote ; consider
whose bread you eat." " I eat no man's bread but poor Dr. Ken's, and if he
will take the oaths he shall have it again. I did not think of going to the
Parliament, but now I shall undoubtedly go, and vote contrary to your com-
mands.'—A'ofcZe.
^ Ken to the Bishop of Norwich, March 7, ITOjj. See Bishop Ken's Prose
Works (ed. Hawkins, p. 69).
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 8 1
in his estimate. Hooper's career before he was made
bishop had been a singularly promising one. He was one
of the many great churchmen who had been educated
under Dr. Busby, who said that ' Dr. Hooper was the best
scholar, the finest gentleman, and would make the com-
pleatest bishop that ever was educated at Westminster,' ^ —
an almost unrivalled compliment, considering it came from
one through whose hands the very flower of English
churchmen had passed. When he was at Woodhay, his
neighbour Isaac Milles ' had for this excellent person the
greatest respect and honour, as every one had that ever
was acquainted with his rare endowments. He frequently
mentioned him as the one, of all the clergymen whom he
had ever known, in whom the three characters of perfect
gentleman, thorough scholar, and venerable divine met in
the most complete concordance. He used to say ' that he
was a public blessing to that country, whose affection and
esteem he amply repaid by the invaluable example he set
them.' ^ From Woodhay Hooper was appointed Dean of
Canterbury ; and after the accession of Queen Anne was
made Bishop of S. Asaph, ^ and, a few months later, of Bath
and Wells. He was a most successful bishop ; beloved in
his diocese, and so happy there that he refused, first the
bishopric of London, and then the archbishopric of York.*
He died at Wells at the patriarchal age of ninety, leaving
behind him a high reputation for learning and sanctity,
which his printed works fully bear out.'^
The history of the immortal seven who stood in the gap
when King James strove to force his religion upon an un-
' See A Short Character of Bisliop Hooper, from Mr. Mist's Jozirnal of
October 1727, annexed to vol. i. of Dr. Coney's Sermons.
- Life of Isaac Milles, p. 88.
^ The Prince of Orange was so annoyed at his bold attempts to keep the
Princess firm to her Church principles, that he said that if he ever had any-
thing to do with England, Dr. Hooper should continue Dr. Hooper still.
' MS. Life of Hooper, by Mrs. Prowse. .
* See the Works of Bisliop Hooper, 2 vols. 8vo., reprinted at Oxford in
1855.
G
82 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
^Yillillg country is so familiar, that a few words will suffice
for the five out of the seven who' have not been already
noticed.
John Lake (1628-1690), like many others, had fought in
the royal army before he received Holy Orders. He was
conspicuous for his courage in the defence of Basing House
and Wallingford Castle, and the same courage, shewn in a
different sphere, was a conspicuous feature in his character
in after-life. Having been episcopally ordained during the
Commonwealth, he became vicar of Leeds at the Eestoration,
and was shortly after removed by Sheldon to the rectory of
S. Botolph's, Bishopsgate. He was next appointed to a
canonry at York, and characteristic anecdote is told of
his courage while residentiary there. An evil custom pre-
vailed of lounging about the nave of the Minster while
divine service was being performed in the choir. One Shrove
Tuesday the bold Canon walked from his seat in the choir,
pulled off the hats of the people who were walking and
talking in the nave, and, in spite of alarming symptoms of
a riot, insisted upon their either coming to worship God,
or leaving the church. He was made successively Bishop
of Man, of Bristol, and of Chichester. In the latter place it
is said that he was so popular with the gentlemen of Sussex
that * his coming to them after his release from his trial
was like the return from banishment of S. Athanasius or
S. Chrysostom.' • At Chichester he established a weekly
Communion, revived the good old custom of preaching in the
nave, and won over many dissenters to the Church. Though
he boldly resisted King James's illegal acts, he never doubted
to whom his allegiance was due ; in the exciting autumn
of 1688 he bravely went about his diocese, exhorting his
clergy to obey God and the king, and when the oaths to
King William were required he at once threw up his pre-
ferment, ' considering that the day of death and of judgment
' See Prebendary Stci^hens' Diocesan Historu of Selscy — ChicJiester
(S.P.C.K.), p. 237.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 83
were as certain as August 1 and February 1.' ' He died
the next year, making just before his death a remarkable
* profession,' so outspoken and so earnest that we cannot
wonder at its contributing much to settle wavering non-
jurors.^
Francis Turner (1636-1700) was the friend and contem-
porary of Ken at Winchester ; he succeeded Bishop Gunning
at Ely in 1685, and fully maintained the high standard of
efficiency in the diocese which had been bequeathed to him
by his vigorous predecessor. His Letter to the Clergy in
1686 gives one the idea of a man whose whole soul is in
his spiritual work, a man of deeply earnest piety, and of
ripe experience in clerical duties ; and such, if we may
trust Lady Eachel Eussell, was the opinion generally held
of him.^ It is therefore a sad pity that the troubled cir-
cumstances of the times should have diverted him from
spiritual to political affairs. It is quite beside the purpose
of the present work to discuss his supposed share in the
Fenwick plot, but whatever we may think of his conduct
after the Kevolution, justice should be done to his previous
merits as a clergyman and a prelate, and sympathy must
be felt with a man who voluntarily left the affluence of
Ely for the life of destitution in which he died. Thomas
White (1630-1698), was a popular preacher while rector at
All Hallows' Barking ; he was afterwards domestic chaplain
to the Princess Anne, whose Church principles he had no
small share in forming. He was made Bishop of Peter-
borough in 1685, and then set himself to remedy the abuse
of pluralities. Williani Lloyd (b. 1627), Bishop of S. Asaph,
and afterwards of Worcester, had a high reputation for piety
' See A Defence of the Profession of Bishop Lake on his Death-bed, &c.,
February 1690.
2 See Defence &c. tit supra, and Rapin's History of England, vol. xii.
274, note.
^ She writes to Dr. Fitzwilliam, ' Lord Bedford expresses himself hugely
obliged to the Bishop of Ely [Turner], yotir friend, to whom you justly give
the title of good, if the character he has very generally, belong to him.'
{Letters of Lady R. Russell, p. 308.)
a 2
84 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
and learning ; ' he was a friend of Mr. Dodwell, who was
wont to accompany him in his episcopal visitations ; but his
conduct to the nonjurors after the Eevolution was not com-
mendable.^
The last of the redoubtable seven, Sir Jonathan Trelawney
(1650-1721), successively Bishop of Bristol, Exeter, and
Winchester, is now known chiefly as the subject of a verse
too familiar to need quoting, and as the friend and patron
of Atterbury, who has immortalised his name in the preface
to his well-known sermons. According to Atterbury, Tre-
lawney was an excellent bishop ; but it must in fairness be
added that in some of the letters in the ' Trelawney Papers '
he does not appear in a very favourable light.^
There were several other eminent prelates, some of them
more eminent in their way than those already mentioned,
who for various reasons only require a passing notice in a
work like the present. There are few names, for instance,
which stand higher in the scroll of Church worthies than
that of George Bull, who was allowed to continue in the
obscurity of a country living during the greater part of the
time with which this sketch is concerned, and was only
promoted to the distant see of S. David's in his declining
years. But it will suffice to refer the reader to Mr. Nelson's
biography of this great man, which has been republished in
our own day in a very cheap form, and is thus accessible to
all.^ For the same reason it is unnecessary to dwell on the
life of that most estimable of men and bishops, and most
moderate of nonjurors, Robert Frampton, Bishop of Glou-
cester, whose life by a contemporary has lately been given
to the world. -^ Again, during the later part of our period
' See Granger's Biographical History of England, vol. iii. p. 288, and
Lord Macaulay's History of England, vol. i. p. 5G0.
- See Brokesby's Life of Dodtvell, p. 39.
^ The Trelawney Papers were edited by W. D. Cooper for the Camden
Society in 1853. See vol. ii. of the Camden Miscellany.
* Nelson's Life of Bull, price 3s. M., published by J. H. Parker, Oxford,
1845.
^ Price 2s., by the Eev. T. S. Evans.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 85
no man took a more conspicuous part in Church questions
than Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Eochester, who did very
great service to the Church in a direction where it was
much needed, by vindicating her independence as a spiritual
power ; but he can only be noticed in passing, partly because
he will come before us again as a preacher, and partly
because he was too much mixed up with politics to come
within the proper sphere of this chapter.' And there is
George Smalridge, Atterbury's successor in one preferment
after another, the ' Favonius ' of the ' Tatler,' ^ the friend of
Bishop BuU, and ' the great favourite,' says Bishop Bull's
biographer, 'of all learned and good men throughout the
realm ; ' ^ but the period of Smalridge's greatest fame was
the Georgian era. Another friend and patron of Bull
was Bishop, or to give him his latest title Archbishop,
Nicolson, who is also praised highly by Nelson.'' Regarded
on his merits, both moral and intehectual, there is not one
single prelate who more deserves an extended notice than
Bishop Cumberland, the most Platonic of those who were
not actually identified with the Cambridge Platonists, who
combined with the rarest intellectual gifts, which he used
diligently for the enrichment of the worlds of science and
theology, the utmost modesty and unselfishness, and also the
utmost energy in the practical work of his calling. But he
was too much * sui generis ' to be noticed at length as a
typical specimen of his order. Bishop White Kennet's is a
name which ought not, in common gratitude, to be entirely
omitted in a work like the present, for he is by far the
most voluminous of all contemporary writers respecting
the period with which we are dealing ; Bishop Stratford of
Chester, too, should be mentioned as one who in a quiet,
' Another reason why I have not dwelt longer on the lives of Atterbury '
and Bull is because the lives of both these great men have been written by
me for the Dictionary of National Biography.
2 Nos. 72 and 114. ^ Life of Bull, p. 224.
■• Ibid. p. 135. See also Archbishop Nicolson's Correspondence, pub-
lished 1809, passim.
86 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
unpretending way, did much good in liis diocese,' and whose
name is httle known for this very reason, because he was
content to stay at home and attend to his proper work,
mixing very httle in the general life of the Church outside.
Bishop Wake, again, was regarded by his contemporaries in
his early ministerial life as a youthful prodigy of learning
and piety, 2 and in his later advancement (which did not
reach its chmax until a later period than this work embraces)
justified the high expectations he had raised.^ And Bishop
Fowler, Frarapton's successor at Gloucester, deserves men-
tion, who had the honour of being the first to declare his
refusal to read King James's illegal declaration ; and Bishop
Offspring Blackall of Exeter, of whom a brother prelate
says that ' he never met with a more perfect pattern
of a true Christian hfe in all its parts,' and the utterer of
these words himself. Sir W. Dawes, Archbishop of York,
who will come before us again as a preacher ; and the
saintly Thomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, whose
episcopate extended so far into the Georgian era** that
it is difficult to realise that he was actually bishop during
the whole of Queen Anne's reign and a great portion of her
predecessor's; and Bishop Lloyd of Norwich, 'in whose
wisdom and integrity Bancroft placed the greatest con-
fidence,' and ' in whom,' writes one who knew the circum-
' He was a zealous supporter of the Societies for the Eeformation of
Manners in Cheshire (see Churton's Life of Bishop Pearson, prefixed to
Pearson's Minor Theological Works, p. xcv.), and contributed largelj' both
with his purse and personal efforts towards the repairing of Chester Cathe-
dral. (Archbishop Nicolson's Correspondence, pp. 175-6.)
- Burnet calls him ' the wonderfuUest young man in the world, and
the most popular divine now in England ' {Letter to the Prince of Orange,
1688) ; and Evelyn [Diary, i. 638), speaks of ' dining at Dr. Tenison's with
Bishop Ken, and that young, most learned, pious and excellent preacher,
Mr. Wake.'
^ Canon Perry calls him ' a most able and excellent prelate, a good
scholar and divine, and a more distinct and decided churchman than his
predecessor,' i.e., Dr. Tenison, whom he succeeded as Archbishop of
Canterbury. [History of Church of Enjiand, iii. 278.)
■* Forty-oue years.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 8/
stances well, ' the diocese was deprived (when he became a
nonjuror) of a very able and worthy pastor, an excellent
preacher, a man of great integrity and piety, who thoroughly
understood all the parts and duties of his function, and
had a mind fully bent to put them all in execution for the
honour of God and good of the Church on all occasions ; ' '
and Bishop Thomas of Worcester, whom Dr. Hickes, the
dean, terms ' that excellent bishop worthy of everlasting
memory.' ^ And least of all ought we to forget his successor
Bishop Hough, whose firmness did so much to save the
Church of England at a most perilous crisis ; ^ and whose
extreme gentleness and amiability in later years won the
admiration of very different types of men.* But if all
these were noticed at length this work would swell to the
dimensions of a biographical dictionary. We must pass on
to notice some of the many worthy clergymen who never
attained the mitre.
Next to bishops come deans ; and among those who
attained to the latter dignity one of the best known is
Humphrey Prideaux (1648-1724). He was one of the
many eminent men educated under Busby at Westminster
and Fell at Christ Church. His life was mainly spent in
country cures, — Bladon, Saham, and Trowse, until his
appointment to the deanery of Norwich in 1702. He
' Life of Dr. Prideaux, Dean of Norivich, published 1748, p. 73.
2 Preface to tlie Collectioyi of Dean Hickes' Letters, vol. i.
^ When he successfully resisted King James's attempt to thrust a
Romanist president upon Magdalen College. ' I see,' he said, ' it is resolved
that the Papists must have our college ; and I think all we have to do is to
let the world see that they take it from us, and that we do not give it up ; '
and he acted up to his words. (See Life of Bishop Hough, by J. Wilmot,
Esq., 1812, p. 30 &c.)
•• It was long after our period that Pope, speaking of the
Trophies which deck the truly good and brave,
says,
Such as on Hough's unsullied mitre shine,
and that Lord Lyttelton (his neighbour when he was at Worcester), in his
Persian Letters, praised him as worthy to convert a Mahometan.
88 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
might probably have risen liigiier, but he was no preferment-
hunter. Both his own writings and all that we are told of
him give us the impression of a plain, sensible, clear-headed
man, of solid rather than brilliant talents, which he de-
voted with thorough earnestness to the interests of religion.
As a successful pioneer in the great work of Foreign
Missions,' as a would-be reformer of our Universities at
home, as a diligent pastor, archdeacon, and dean, and as a
writer whose works are still valued, he passed a life which
was most useful, but would not be very interesting to the
reader if described in detail.^
It will be more lively if not more edifying to pass on to
Dean Dennis Granville, who was a sort of clerical Pepys, his
' Eemains ' giving us almost as racy and naive an account
of ecclesiastical as the immortal ' Diary ' does of civil life.
Granville began his clerical career rather too prosperously.
As a son-in-law of Bishop Cosin, and a son of the Earl of
Bath, he was loaded with preferments. In the very year
after his ordination he received a stall in Durham and
the archdeaconry of Durham with the rich living of Easing-
ton annexed, and six years later he was promoted to a
golden stall and the rich living of Sedgfield. The conse-
quence was, ' Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked.' The rich
young pluralist, instead of staying at one at least of his
cures, was constantly careering about at Oxford and in
London, to which latter place he was attracted by having
had the questionable advantage of being made chaplain to
Charles II. This of course disgusted so strict a discipli-
narian as Bishop Cosin, who complains of his son-in-law's
non-residence, and still more of the reason he gave for it,
which was in truth the strangest ever given for absenteeism,
' because his wife had taken physic' ^ In 1674 the future
' Mr. Anderson, in his History of the Colonial CJiuixJi (ii. 471, &c. &c.),
does full justice to his efforts in this direction.
- It will be found fully described in his Life, published 1748.
* Correspondence of Bishop Cosin (Surtees Society), Part II. p. 262.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 89
dean received a wholesome check. He was arrested for
debt ; and henceforth his hfe was a much more edifying
one. Indeed, all through, there were the germs of better
things in him. We must not judge of his pluralities and
non-residence by the standard of the present day. Gran-
ville was really a conscientious man, but, ' more temporum,'
his conscience was quite easy so long as he took care to
provide proper substitutes, and he did take care to do this.
His instructions to his curates at Sedgfield and Easington
are most strict in the enforcement of duty, and, it may be
added, most amusing. The curates are to carry out to the
very letter all the rubrics of the Church, and he bitterly com-
plains when they will not do so. He set himself to establish
weekly Communions in all the Cathedrals in the land, and
daily prayers in all the considerable country parishes hi
his archdeaconry. ' Through this work,' he writes, ' will I
go, or I will make a filthy bustle before I dye among the
clergy of the nation, contemptible mushrump and silly
ignoramus as some do make me.' And really he seems to
have had extraordinary success in both attempts. He also
waged internecine war against ' Pulpit Prayers,' and was
considered generally, as he tells us, ' the most exact observer
of rubricks and stickler for conformity.' His directions for
the government of his own household are strict to the verge
of asceticism, and so are the rules he lays down for his
own personal conduct. Hammond among the dead and
Beveridge among the living were the two whom he took for
his models ; Gunning was his spiritual father, and Barnabas
Oley the object of his utmost admiration. The standard he
set before him was thus a high one, and to judge by the
testimony of his contemporaries, he did not fall far behind
it. ' You had an uncle,' wrote Lord Lansdowne to Mr.
Bevill Granville on his taking Holy Orders, ' whose memory
I shall ever revere ; make him your example. Sanctity
sat so easy, so unaffected and so graceful upon him, that
in him we beheld the very beauty of holiness. He was as
90 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
cheerful, as familiar and condescending in his conversation,
as he was strict, regular, and exemplary in his piety ; as well-
bred and accomplished as a courtier, as reverend and vener-
able as an apostle.' Sir G. Wheler bears witness to his
'pious and devout temper,' andB. Oley, we are told, always
spoke of him as ' that truly pious and devout good man. Dr.
Granville.' It is necessary to give prominence to such testi-
mony as this because there is a slightly ludicrous flavour
about Granville's ' Eemains ' which might prevent us from
doing justice to the serious side of his character. It is
hardly necessary to say that the dean refused the oaths and
was much annoyed with his friends who took them. It was
a grievous blow to him when his ideal clergyman, Beveridge,
submitted to the new regime ; but his cup of indignation
was full when another old friend, Thomas Comber, took,
not only the oaths, but also the deanery from which he
himself was ejected. With a grim sort of humour he
addressed Comber as his steward, and directed him how he
might safely send sums of money due from the ' intruder
into the deanery ' to himself the true dean. It made no
difference to Granville's conduct, that on going to St. Ger-
main's he was slighted by the master for whom, as he tells
us, he gave up ' the best deanery, the best archdeaconry,
and one of the best livings in England,' for it was for
a principle, not for a person, that he was contending.
His successor (if, j^ac^' Dr. Granville, we may venture to
call him so) is now better known for his writings than for
his life. But Thomas Comber (1644-1699) was an excellent
man, deservedly held in the highest reputation by his
contemporaries, and by none more so than by Dean Gran-
ville before that unpardonable offence of the deanery. The
early part of his ministerial life he passed in a country cure
(East Newton), where he daily used the common prayer, and
commenced the work on which his fame chiefly rests, ' The
Companion to the Temple.' Of the four years which he
spent as precentor at York, and the ten during which he
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 9 I
was Dean of Durham, little need be said, except that he
quietly did his duty as a sound, moderate Enghsh church-
man. Like Archbishop Sharp he had the happy knack of
gaining not only the esteem but the friendship of men of
the most widely different views, without in the least com-
promising any of his own principles ; he numbered among
his most intimate friends, Tihotson, Hiekes, Sharp, Dolben,
and Hilkiah Bedford.'
Lancelot Addison (1642-1703), Dean of Lichfiold, deserves
a passing notice, if not for his own sake, at least for his
son's, who has left us a graceful tribute to his merits as a
father ; ^ but he will come before us again in connection
with the devotional works of the period.
The name of Addison naturally suggests another and
still greater name, that of Jonathan Swift (1667-1742). It
would of course be absurd to hold up Swift as a model of
Christian piety, but it is equally absurd to represent him
as a hypocrite without virtue or religion. That he really
believed, and, in his own queer wa}^ strove to practise the
religion he preached, becomes the more apparent the more
his life becomes known ; and in more ways than one the
Church owes him a debt of gratitude which she has been
somewhat slow to pay. No clergyman ever strove more
consistently to benefit his order. Though he plunged deeply
into the vortex of politics, he never forgot that he was
a clergyman, and he did more, perhaps, than any man of
his time to raise the social position and improve the strait-
ened circumstances of his less distinguished brethren, and
the great effort to provide for the spiritual wants of London
in Queen Anne's time was largely due to his powerful
pen.
Another dean to whose merits scant justice has been
done, while his weak points have been ruthlessly exposed,
' See the Memoirs of Dean Comber, by his great-grandson.
* See Tlie Taller, No. 2B5, said by some to have been written by Steele,
but more probably by Addison.
92 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
is George Hickes (1642-1715). He may have been betrayed
into intemperate language ' nnder grievous provocation,
and he may have contended intemperately for pohtico-
ecclesiastical doctrines which at one time even Tillotson
and Burnet held as well as himself ; but there are few men
in whose writings can be found a more full and lucid ex-
planation of the position of the Church of England in re-
lation both to the Komanists and the Nonconformists ; and
for his principles he was ready to sacrifice everything. His
many firm friendships show that he was not only a loveable
man, but also no mere bigot. For not only did he maintain
the closest intimacy with the saintly Kettlewell and Robert
Nelson — in itself a strong presumption in favour of his
piety — but he did not break off his friendship with Dean
Comber after the latter took the oaths ; - he was on terms
of visiting with Ealph Thoresby, and lived with White
Kennet at Amersden ' as intimate friend,' after the two
had taken violently opposite sides at the Revolution settle-
ment,^ and the fact of his old pupil, Sir George Wheler,
taking preferment in the Established Church did not in the
least interfere with the mutual respect and affection they
entertained for one another.'' His immense learning, as
displayed both in his works on the Northern languages and
in all his controversial treatises, does not come within our
scope, but the points mentioned above are worth noting as
a proof that even the extremest advocacy of nonjuring prin-
ciples did not cut off the holder from sympathy with those who,
after all, belonged to the same branch of the Church Catholic,
though they were divided by accidental circumstances.
John Kettlewell (1653-1695) has been mentioned as a
most intimate friend of Hickes. A short sketch of his
character will shew how much this speaks for the merits of
• See Life of Comber, p. 3(50.
■■^ See Short Life of Bishop W. Kennet, published 1730, and Granger's Bio-
graphical History of England, p. 120.
3 See the Memoirs of Sir George Wheler, Prebendary of Durham, passim.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 93
the latter. What Ken was among bishops, Kettlewell was
among priests, the sainthest and most fascinating character
which a Church and age rich in such characters produced.
Nature had moulded him in a form which was eminently
susceptible of Christian imi^ressions. ' He was from a child
of a most devout temper, and would frequently retire to
pray by himself and would try to make his schoolfellows
pray. He was blessed with a happy constitution, and the
grace of God begat in him betimes a hatred of sin and the
very appearance of evil.' ^ He went to Oxford, taking his
degree at S. Edmund's Hall, and then being elected fellow
of Lincoln Cohege, mainly through the influence of his
friend Hickes, who was a member of that society. He was
then appointed (1682) vicar of Coleshill, by the excellent
Lord Digby, who first offered the living to Mr. Eawlett of
Newcastle ; but the Newcastle people persuaded their vicar
not to leave them, and then Lord Digby asked him to
recommend ' some one like himself ; one who had at heart
the salvation of souls, and to whom with safety to his own,
he might commit that cure.' ^ Eawlett recommended Kettle-
well, with the happiest results. For seven years Kettle-
well lived at Coleshill, the very model of a country parson,
on the most intimate terms with his patron, and endea-
vouring to present to his parishioners the full system of
the Church, and recommending it to them by his own
> Life of Kettlewell (1719) p. 7. It seems rather base to quote and de-
rive information from a work, and then abuse it, but really this Life is most
disappointing. In the first place it is buried alive, being only published (so
far as I know), together with Kettlewell's works in two huge folio volumes,
which is provoking, because Kettlewell the man is more interesting than
Kettlewell the writer ; but in itself it is not a finished performance. If one
might venture to use a homely adage on such a subject, one would be inclined
to say 'Too many cooks spoil the broth.' It was ' compiled from the collec-
tions of Hickes and Nelson ' by Francis Lee ; a short sketch by any one of
the three (they were all competent men), would have been more acceptable.
What an admirable companion to his monograph on Bishop Bull, Nelson
might have made !
^ A Brief Account of the Life of Rev. Mr. John Rawlet (published
anonymously, but known to have been written by Dr. Bray).
94 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
saintly life. His ^York was most unfortunately interrupted
by the Revolution, for he could not conscientiously take the
oaths, and therefore lost his living. The rest of his short
life was spent in London, where he helped the Church in the
only way left to him — by his pen ; but he was called to his
rest before he quite reached his prime. To praise or quote
praise of Kettlewell would be indeed ' to paint the lily, gild
refined gold.' ' Such,' says his friend Nelson, ' was the lustre
of his eminent sanctity that all parties paid a due venera-
tion to his character ; ' ' and the remark appears to have been
literally true. From the hagiologist's point of view he holds
the very highest place of all among the clergy of his day.^
Kettlewell's life was so calm and uniform, that it will
be perhaps a relief to turn, by way of contrast, to a more
chequered career. Let us take that of Samuel Wesley
(1662-1735), a remarkable man himself, and the father of
a still more remarkable family. He began life as a dissenter,
but no one can accuse him of conforming for the sake of
gain, for his conformity alienated all his relations from
him and rendered him absolutely penniless. He managed,
however, to struggle through his Ox-ford career as a ' poor
scholar ' or servitor at Exeter College, and, having received
Holy Orders, took a London curacy of 28?. a year. He was
next made chaplain to the Marquis of Normanby, and in
1691 ^ rector of South Ormsby in Lincolnshire. Thence he
was transferred, through the influence of Queen Mary, to
the rectory of Epworth, and here he spent the remainder
of his life, nearly forty years. Owing to the extraordinary
celebrity of his sons, we are admitted to a close insight
into this clerical household, and the first thing that strikes
' See Nelson's preface to Kettlewell's Five Discourses on so many very
important points of Practical Religion.
" Higher, I think, even than Ken. There is a little as^jerity (not uni^ro-
voked) in some of Ken's later letters, and he did not do justice to the merits
of his unfortunate successor, Bishop Kidder. Not a trace of such a spirit
can be found either in the writings or the life of Kettlewell.
^ Not 1693, as Dr. Adam Clarke states.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 95
US is the ardent spirit of piety which evidently pervaded it.
Samuel Wesley's sons gratefully own the spiritual ad-
vantages they derived from their training in the Lincoln-
shire rectory. * Such a family,' writes Dr. Adam Clarke,
' I have never heard of, read of, or known.' ' Another
point is the intellectual activity which was a characteristic
of the whole household. Both father and mother and all
the numerous family at Epworth were most highly cultured.
And a third point, alas ! is the pecuniary difiiculties in
which the household was perpetually involved. These were
perhaps inevitable when the rector had no private means,
not a large preferment, but a very large family ; whether
or not they were further increased by his propensity to
rush into print may be doubtful. He began to publish at
eighteen, and was henceforth incessantly enriching the
world with some fresh lucubration in prose or verse. His
poverty did not cripple his energy. We hear of him
frequentl}^ in London, now attending the meetings of Con-
vocation as proctor of the diocese, now preaching most
energetically in behalf of the Societies for the Eeformation
of Manners, now (according to his son John) composing
the famous speech which Dr. Sacheverell delivered at his
trial before the House of Lords. Poverty was not his only
trouble. He was too conscientious to wink at vice in his
parishioners, whatever their rank might be. At Ormsby
he came into collision with the great man at the Hall,'^ who
was living in open sin. At Epworth his troubles thickened;
his parishioners appear to have been a more turbulent set
than those among whom his successor is now ministering ;
they were strongly suspected of having set fire to his house,
and when he voted according to his conscience at a county
' Memoirs of the Wesley Family ; a dull but useful book. A good account
of Wesley at Ejjworth will also be found in The Mother of the Wcslcys, by
the Rev. John Kirk, 4th edition, 1866, and in Tyerman's Life of Samuel
Wesley.
^ That is, not, as has been erroneously stated, the Marquis of Nor-
manby, but the Earl of Castleton, the then tenant.
96 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
election, they all but made the place too hot to hold hhn.'
They did succeed in getting him arrested for debt and sent
to Lincoln gaol. In all his troubles he had one firm friend
who helped him continually with counsel and money, and
the mere fact that Archbishop Sharp, who never counte-
nanced the unworthy, was faithful to him from first to last,
is a proof, if proof were needed, of Wesley's worth. He was
an excellent parish priest, and his efforts gradually told upon
the religious and moral state of his parish. His son Samuel
took him as the model for the portrait of his
Parish priest, not of the pilgrim kind,
But fixed and faithfiU to the post assigned,
Through various scenes with equal virtue trod,
True to his oath, his order, and his God.
His literary performances, good, bad, and indifferent (for
he has left us specimens of all three), do not come within
the scope of this chapter.
Neither the piety, nor the intehectuality, nor the poverty
of Epworth rectory was exceptional. Another instance of
all these will be found in the life of Joseph Bingham (1668-
1723). Like Wesley he was a man of great literary activity,
but, unlike Wesley, he wisely and with eminent success
concentrated his attention mainly on one great department
of Christian literature.^ The story of his life is a sad one.
It is sad to hear of a good and able man struggling with an
infirm and sickly constitution, in want of many necessary
books, which he had no opportunity to see and no ability
to purchase, copying with his own hand pages of ' Pearson
on the Creed ' ' to supply the deficiencies of a mutilated book,
because he could not afford to spend a few shillings on a
• His vote at this election gave offence to his eccentric brother-in-law,
John Dunton, who complains that ' Sam left the Whigs that gave him his
bread to herd with the high-flyers.' {Life and Errors of John Dunton.) He
had previously declared ' I bid him farewell till we meet in Heaven, and
there I hope we shall renew our friendship, for, human fraiUies excepted, I
believe Sam Wesley a pious man.'
- The Antiquities of the Christian Church.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 97
new copy,' and losing at one blow in the South Sea Bubble
all the small and hard-earned profits of his literary work ;
saddest of all, perhaps, to think that the University of
which he was an ornament blighted his career at the outset
by affixing on him a most undeserved stigma of heresy on
the subject of the Trinity. When he was obliged to resign
his fellowship at University College in consequence, the
famous Dr. Eadclifte had the honour of presenting him to
the small living of Headbourne Worthy without solicitation.
Here he lived for fifteen years, when Sir J. Trelawney,
Bishop of Winchester, conferred on him the better living of
Havant. He deserved a better fate, for, besides being one
of the first theological writers of the day, he was a man of
blameless life and a good parish priest ; but the early part
of the eighteenth century is not the only time when a
modest, retiring man, with little worldly wisdom, has been
allowed to live and die neglected. •
Passing from the calm of a country village to the centre
of busy London, we find another clergyman in whom were
combined straitened circumstances with the very highest
reputation and worth. Anthony Horneck (1611-1697), a
German by birth, was educated at Queen's College, Oxford,
and was for two years vicar of All Saints in that city, where
he gave promise of his subsequent fame as a preacher and
parish priest. W^e next find him in the family of Lord
Torrington, and then incumbent of a country livii^ in
Devonshire. But he did not find his proper sphere of work
until he was appointed in 1671 preacher at the Savoy
Church.^ For twenty-six years he retained this post, doing
' See the Life of Joseph Bingham, by Richard Bingham, his lineal de-
scendant, prefixed to the first volume of his works in nine vols.
- That is, the chapel attached to the Savoy Palace in the Strand. The
parishioners of S. Mary-le-Strand, whose church had been i^ulled down in
Edward VI.'s reign to help to build Somerset House, were attached to this
Savoy chapel, and Dr. Horneck regarded them as his parishioners. Hence,
by an odd mistake, when S. Mary's church was rebuilt it was popularly
called the Savoy Church (see Paterson's Pietas Londincnsis, Byrom's
Journal, &c.), which of course it was not and never had been.
n
98 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
incalculable good througliout the whole neighbourhood, for
which he received a very scanty pittance, derived mainly
from the offerings of his congregation. His income was still
further reduced at the Eevolution, many of his supporters
being offended because he took the oaths. But he struggled
on manfully, and ultimately received a little addition to his
income by being appointed Prebendary of Westminster, and
subsequently of Wells. As a hard worker Dr. Horneck would
bear comparison with the most active clergyman of our own
active day. His biographer ' tells us that ' the Doctor had so
much business he had hardl}' time to eat his meat ; ' and we
can well believe it, for the demands upon his time must have
been incessant. Besides the ordinary duties of a town clergy-
man, of which he took a high standard and fulfilled most as-
siduously, he was one of the originators and principal directors
of the Keligious Societies, was constantly resorted to in cases
of conscience, and was a zealous writer in opposition to
Eomanism. He died in harness, his end, no doubt, being
hastened by overwork. His reputation was undoubtedly
very high. Evelyn,^ the second Lord Clarendon,'^ Burnet,^
John Dunton,-'^ Noble,'' and many others, bear witness to his
sanctity and energy. And yet he was clearly not altogether
a popular man. When there was some talk of his being
removed to S. Paul's, Covent Garden, the parishioners
expressed so strong a repugnance that the appointment
' Dr. Kidder, Bishop of Bath and Wells.
2 'A most pathetic preacher, a person of a saintlike life.' [Dlavij for
March 5, lG8f .)
^ ' I would be very glad to have Dr. Horneck here (in Ireland). I know
his piety and course of life, &c.' {Correspondence of Henry Hyde, Earl of
Clareyidon, &c., i. 26-1.
■• ' A very good and pious preacher, and a very popular man.' [Letter
to the Prince of Orange, 1688.)
^ ' A man of that great usefulness that none ever yet saw him without
reverence, or heard him without wonder. A long fixed star in the firma-
ment of the Church.' {Life and Errors dc, p. 163.)
* ' Endeavoured to reform himself and his flock according to the purest
and best model of Christianity. {Biographical History of England, i. 102.)
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD 99
could not even be thought of,' He was the only one of
those recommended by Burnet to King William who never
attained to any high place in the Church ; and his name
was connected more than that of any other man with the
odium which most cruelly attached to the Eeligious Societies.
Lord Clarendon's respect for him only led to his being asked
now and then to sup with his lordship. Perhaps, being a
foreigner, he did not quite understand English ways, or
perhaps he offended people by what White Kennet calls his
zealous flights and raptures. At any rate there was some
bar to his preferment ; his history leaves upon one the sad
impression of a good man worked to death, without having
received on this side the grave, any adequate recognition of
his services.
The name of Thomas Bray (1G56-1730) will come
prominently before us in another connection, but it would
be a grievous omission not also to notice his holy, active,
and self-denying life in a sketch of the clerical worthies of
the period. He was born at Marton in Shropshire. His
first clerical work was in a curacy near Bridgnorth ; he was
then chaplain in the family of Sir T. Price at Park Hall in
Warwickshire, who gave him the donative of Long Marsin.
His exemplary conduct there attracted the notice of a
neighbour of kindred spirit, John Kettlewell, and also of
Kettlewell's patron, Lord Digby, who presented him first
to the living of Overwhitacre (endowing it with the great
tithes), and then to that of Sheldon. But Bray was not
destined to live and die in the obscurity of a country
parsonage. In 1696 he was sent by the Bishop of London,
as his commissary, to Maryland, ' to model that infant
church.' ^ And here commenced that noble work in con-
nection with the Societies,'* to which he devoted not only
' See Tillotson's letter to Rachel, Lady Russell, in her Life and Corre-
spondence.
- Public Spirit Illustrated in the Life and Designs of Dr. Bray (pub-
ished ITifi). ■* See infra, chaiHer v.
H 2
lOO LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1 714
his time and energy, but all his little private fortune. In
1706 he was appointed to the living of S. Botolph-withoiit-
Aldgate, and was as diligent and successful there as he had
been in his other and better known work.' It is pleasing to
know that the virtual founder of our two oldest Church
Societies left behind him a name which was respected by
all parties.
If the lives of all the good clergy who were no further
distinguished than by quietly doing their duty in their own
little corner of their Lord's vineyard were even sketched, 'the
world could not contain the books that should be written.'
Even of those who lived during the short period which this
work embraces, the list has already swelled to a portentous
size, and it must suffice to touch very cursorily upon some who
have not yet been noticed. A typical instance of the good
country parson pure and simple, who was neither a writer,
nor a dignitary, nor in any way connected with the general
course of Church life, may be found in the interesting
biography of Isaac Milles (1638-1720). ^ He was a sort of
George Herbert without his poetry, and passed all his clerical
life in country cures, being for nine j^ears curate at Barley
near Eoyston, six years vicar of Chipping Wycombe, and
nearly forty years rector of Highclere near Newbury. In
every one of these charges he worked with exemplary zeal
and success, winning over nonconformists to the Church,
and gaining the respect of all his parishioners, rich and
poor. Such lives are not much noticed on earth, but they
are not lived to he noticed on earth ; they hare their reward
where it is sought. And we gather from his biograpliy that
' See Paterson's Pietas Londinensis, sub tincm, and Ealpli Thoresby's
Dianj for May 15, 1723 : ' Walked to the pious and charitable Dr. Bray's,
at Aldgate ; was extremely pleased with his many pious, charitable, and useful
objects ; ' and on May 21, 1723, ' At Dr. Bray's church the charity children
were catechised. Prodigious pains so aged a person takes ; he is very mor-
tiiied to the world ; takes abundant pains to ha\e a new church, though he
would lose lOOZ. Ytev annum.'
- Life of the Rev. Isaac Milles, once Rector of Hicjhclcrc. It was repub-
lished at Oxford in 1812.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD IQl
Isaac bad about bim clerical neigbbours equally obscure
and equally exemplary. Some of tbese bave been noticed
in tbe previous section.
Dr. Marsh, vicar of Newcastle-on-Tyne, is said to bave
been ' a person of great wortb and excellency,' and so
famous a casuist tbat be was resorted to as ' a common
oracle ' by all tbe neigbbourbood.' Mr. Cock, vicar of S.
Oswald's, Durbam, was ' unwearied in bis labours as a parish
priest ; ' a sbort life of bim was written by Dean Hickes.^
Dr. R. Lucas, Prebendary of Westminster, ' was one on wbose
character,' writes the editor of bis Sermons (to be noticed
presently), ' it is needless to enlarge, for tbe world has done
bim justice ; ' ^ but alas ! tbe world has a sbort memory and
has quite forgotten him. Mr. Plaxton, the eccentric but
worthy vicar of Woodside near Leeds, ' was,' according to
Ralph Thoresby,'' ' very commendably serious and indus-
trious in his cure and brought his parish into an excellent
order ; ' and, according to the same authority, an equally
high character belonged to two successive vicars of Leeds,
tbe ' learned and pious Mr. Milner,' who became a nonjuror,
and ' the excellent Mr. Killingbeck, a public blessing to this
parish, whose preaching was very affecting and bis life
answerable to bis preaching, truly excellent," ^ William
Burkitt, who is now known, where he is known at all, either
as a devotional writer or as a man who was before his time
in the deep interest which be took in Foreign Missions,*^
was also conspicuous for his blameless life and his self-
denying and successful work as vicar of Dedham in Essex. ^
Charles Leslie is known for his powerful reasoning on every
' See Life of Ambrose Barnes, p. 442.
2 See Remains of Granville, Part II. p. 1G9, and Low's DiOcesan Histonj
of Durham (S.P.C.K.).
^ Sermons on Several Occasions and Subjects, in three volumes, 2nd
edition, 1722.
■• Diary for April 3, 1714. ^ j^i^^.y fg^. jggo.
* See Anderson's History of the Colonial Church.
' See the Life of the Rev. Mr. William Burkitt, Vicar and Lecturer of
Dedham in Essex, by N. Parkhurst, 1704. There is a touching story cf his
102 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
controversial topic, theological and political, of the day, but
almost every page of his writings shews also the intense
earnestness of his Christian convictions, and we are not
sin-prised to learn from his friend the second Earl of
Clarendon, that he was ' a man of incomparable life, who
would well do his duty in whatever he undertook.' ^ Further
information about this very able and good man will be found
in the welcome biography which has been published since
the above was written by his relation, the Eev. E. J. Leslie.
Mr. Smythies, who shares with Dr. Horneck the chief credit
of originating the Religious Societies, and who worked con-
tentedly and most successfully for nearly thirty years in
a London curacy, is said (and we can well believe it), to
have been ' a most humble and hearty Christian, of great
patience and resignation to the will of God, and a most
mortified man to the world.' '^ Jeremy Collier, whose gallant
crusade against tlje most popular amusement of the day
raised against him many enemies who jealously watched
his conduct, but could find no flaw in it, was ' in the full
sense of the word a good man.' ^ John Johnson, of Cran-
brook, who is now chiefly known as an able exponent of
the sacrificial character of the Holy Eucharist,^ was known
also in his own day as an excellent parish priest, equally
successful in a town and a country cure.'^ The name of John
Fitzwilliam, the worthy successor of Ken at Brighstone,*^ and
afterwards Canon of Windsor and rector of Cottenham, is pre-
death. 'There were several persons by his dying bed, who, having declared
that under God he had been the instrument of their conversion, put him
into an extasie of joy.'
' Letter from the Earl of Clarendon to the Bishop of Down and Connor,
May 25, 1C86, in his Correspondence, i. 405. See also the testimony of
Leslie's friend, Dr. Hickes, in the prefaces to Several Letters whicli passed
between Dr. O. Hickes and a Popish Priest, &c., 1705.
- Life and Errors of John Dunton, p. 369.
^ Lord Macaulay's History of England, ii. 106.
'' Johnson's Unbloody Sacrifice ; highly valued by Robert Nelson.
^ See the Life of the Rev. John Johnson, Vicar of Cranbrook, by the
Eev. T. Brett, LL.D., pubhshed 1748.
* See A Layman's Life- of Ken, pp. 73 and 536.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD
103
served from oblivion in the correspondence of Eacliel, Lady
Eussell, where many letters between the two may be found
equally creditable to both. Lady Eussell, who had known
him from her childhood as the honoured chaplain of her
father, the Earl of Southampton, consulted him in her sad
widowhood on all matters connected with religion, used the
prayers he composed for her benefit, and described his life
as a * continual doing good to souls ; ' the fact that the
Doctor became a nonjuror, while the lady of course supported
the Eevolution settlement, did not in the least affect the
confidence between the two.' Thomas Baker was another
estimable nonjuror, who succeeded in securing the good
word of men who had no sympathy whatever with such
views.^ And last but not least, the saintly Nathaniel Spinkes
was a man of whose piety, unselfishness, and culture his
brother nonjurors might well be proud, as they obviously
were (see ' Life ' prefixed to his * Devotions ' ) ; but he will
come before us again in connection with the devotional
works of the period.
Space forbids us to linger on names which are connected
with the Church literature rather than the Church life of
the time, though there is no reason to think that their
lives were unworthy of their writings. Among such were
William Wotton, the great linguist, rector of Middleton
Keynes ; William Wall, author of the standard work on
' See Some Account of the Life of Bacliel Wriotlieslcy, Lady Russell, by
the editor of Madame du Deffand's ieiicrs, 3rd edition, 1820, p. 45, etc. Also
the Letters of Lady Rachel Russell, 3rd edition, 1792, passim.
' Bishop Burnet wrote to him (1714), 'I have so great a regard both to
yourself and your friends that I am exti-emely sorry the Church hath so
long lost the service of so worthy men.' (Quoted in the Memoirs of the
Life and Writings of Rev. T. Baker, B.D., of S. John's College, Cam-
bridge, from the papers of Dr. Zachary Grey, 1784, p. 32.) He is termed by
William Whiston, ' a worthy and learned man,' and by Lord Macaulay, ' the
upright and learned Thomas Baker.' (History of England, i. 694.) It is
curious that both should (quite coi'rectly) apply to him the epithet ' learned,'
as the work by which he is best known [Reflections upon Learning) was
written for the express purpose of showing the insufficiency of human
learning.
I04 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, l66o 1714
Infant Baptism, vicar of Slioreham ; Dr. Grabe, ' the
greatest man,' wrote bis friend Hickes, ' in divine literatm-e,
as well as tbe greatest example of Christian piety of tbis
a-^e. I wisb I may be wortby to sit under bis feet in
Heaven ; ' ^ Henry Wbarton, Bancroft's cba]3lain, and a
writer of considerable repute ; ^ Jobn Strype, tbat useful but
rather heavy chronicler, who lived in a country vicarage
for sixty-eight years ; Dr. Towerson, rector of Welwyn,
whom we shall meet again as a devotional writer, and whom
Dr. Stanhope calls ' a man remarkable for a modest,
gentle, affable temper which gave a lustre to his accom-
plishments ; ' Dr. Stanhope himself, to whom his contem-
poraries were indebted for reintroducing them to Bishop
Andrewes' ' Devotions,' and whose character seems to have
somewhat resembled that of Lancelot Andrewes; Josiah
Woodward, minister of Poplar, the historian of the Eeligious
Societies ; Edward Wells, Eector of Cottesbach, and author
of numerous works, one of which has been revived by
* J. H. N [ewman] ' in our own day; T. Fulwood, Archdeacon
of Totnes, the opponent of Hickeringill ; Thomas Brett,
rector of Bettesbanger, and a keen controversial writer on
the nonjuring side ; and, above all, William Cave, a really
classical divine, whose ' Primitive Christianity ' and ' Historia
Liter aria ' ought to live as long as the English language
lives.
There were many other clergymen who were eminent
men in their way, but for one reason or another hardly fall
within the purview of this chapter ; such e.g. as William
Sherlock, Dean of S. Paul's and Master of the Temple;
> Letter from Dean Hickes to Dr. Charlett, Master of University College,
Oxford, November 20, 1711. Hearne does not think so highly of him (see
Reliciuia Hearnianoi (Bliss), pp. 280 2), but then there were not many of
whom Hearne did think highly. Robert Nelson praises him greatly. (See
Life of Bishop Bull, pp. 219, 221.)
'■^ See Excerpta ex Vita MS. Henrici Whnrtoni a scipso scripta. Also
Wharton's very able and bold Defence of PlnyaUties as now practised in
the Church of England, 2nd edition, 1703.
CLERGY OF THE PERIOD IO5
Joseph Glaiiville, rector of Bath, who has been termed
' the most original thinker of his age ; ' ' Ealph Bathurst,
Dean of Wells and President of Trinity College, Oxford,
and a most successful ruler in the latter capacity ; ^ Dr.
Aldrich, Dean of Christ Church, whose ' Logic ' has tortured
many of our older readers, and who has the rare honour of
being unreservedly and enthusiastically praised in Hearne's
diary ; ^ and Dr. John North, Prebendary of Westminster."
These and others may have been more notable men of
their kind than some who have been noticed, but they
can hardly be regarded as typical specimens of Church Hfe.
But enough, it is hoped, has been said to shew that if any
one were disposed to write a hagiology of the English
clergy, abundant materials might be found between 1660
and 1714, to furnish a perfectly truthful and thoroughly
edifying narrative.
' See Cambridge Characteristics in tlie Seventeenth Century, by J. B.
Mullinger (the Le Bas Prize), 1867.
'^ See Life and Literary Remains, Ac, by T. Wharton.
' See Eeliquics Hearniancc. Diary for December 10, 1710, and for April
24, 1717.
■» See Lives of the Norths, by Hon. Eoger North, vol. iii.
I06 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
CHAPTEE III.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD.
(1) MEN.
The trials tlirougli which the Church passed during the
Eebelhon naturaUy gave a pecuhar tone to the Christian
character of her laity as well as of her clergy. There was
even about the Court itself, and still more through the
country at large, an increasing body of faithful lay church-
people who by their examples were a living protest against
the prevailing profligacy and infidelity ; and these were bound
together to a greater extent than has perhaps ever been the
case before or since by a common bond of churchmanship
which had not yet begun to be separated into ' High and
Low.' • It is purposed to deal with the laity as with the
' That is, the names had not yet arisen. Of course the sentiments
expressed by each existed long before ; but after the Eestoration the common
attachment to the ancient Church of England caused the holders of them
to put their differences in the background. As to the names, it is rather
difficult to learn when they first became general. Eoger North protests
against White Kennet for antedating them {History of England, vol. iii.
881) in terms more vigorous than polite : ' How in the D— I's name he
comes to antedate the distinctions of High and Low Church, I cannot
imagine. There was not any dream then [at the Eestoration] of a distinc-
tion in the Church, but all were Conformists or Nonconformists, Churchmen
or Dissenters, Loyal or Fanatic' {Examen, &c., p. 344.) In 1705, Bishop
Hooper protests against ' the invidious distinction ' (see Tindal's Continua-
tion of Rapin, \o\. x\u. pp. 208-9); and in 1707 Bishop Fowler of Glou-
cester does the same from an opposite point of view (Visitation Charge).
Swift declares in 1703 that ' the very ladies are divided into High Church
and Low.' See also South and Burnet on the subject. At the Revolution
the titles had become common.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 107
clergy, that is, not to conceal their defects, but still to
hriiig into greater prominence the evidences which they
gave of a true spirit of piety.
Mention has been made of the interesting biography
of John Barwick, v^'ritten by his brother. That brother
might have written an equally edifying Autobiography, for
John and Peter were 'par nobile fratrum.' Peter Barwick
(1G19-1705), like his brother John, was a fellow of S.
John's College, Cambridge, but was ejected for refusing to
take the Covenant. He was faithful to the Church all
through the troubles, and at the Eestoration was made one
of the king's physicians in ordinary. He took a house near
S. Paul's for the convenience of attending daily upon God's
service in the Cathedral.^ During the Plague, so far from
shrinking from this duty, he seems to have kept the officiat-
ing clergy up to their work,- and his medical experience
seems to have been useful to them in recommending the
proper recipients of charity.^ But though the brave Doctor
could not be driven out by the Plague, he was forced out by
the Fire which burnt his house down the next year. He
then took up his residence, as the next best locality, in the
neighbourhood of Westminster Abbey. There he lived for
nearly forty years, ' and constantly frequented the six o'clock
Prayers, consecrating the beginning of everyday to God, as
he always dedicated the next part to the poor ; not only
prescribing to them gratis, but furnishing them with medi-
cines at his own expense, and charitably relieving their
' See the preface to the Life of John Baricick, eJ. 1721, translated by
Hilkiah Bedford.
2 See EUis's Original Letters, 2nd series, vol. iv., Letter 310, Eev. S. Bing
to Dr. Sanerolt, Dean of S. Paul's, August 3, 1665. ' Our prayers are con-
tinued three times a day, but not our attendance, for now there are but
three petty canons left ; the rest are out of town. . . . Dr. Barwick asked
me, as all others, if I heard anj-thing concerning the monthly Communion,
the which I could say little to.' (See also August 10, 1665.)
^ Ellis, iv. p. 30, J. Tillison [sic] to Dr. Sancroft, August 15, 1665. ' I
have acquainted Mr. Bing with your intentions of charity towards the poor,
and shall take Dr. Bar^vick's advice before it be disposed of.'
Io8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
other wants.^ Here he drew up the Hfe of his brother ;
and in this useful combination of hterary and practical
work he passed his blameless life until 1694, when his
eyesight entirely failed him. He was of course obliged
then to ' give up his practice, and gave himself to contem-
plation and the conversation of a few friends, particularly
his neighbour Dr. Busby,' ^ until at the great age of eighty-
six, he ' passed from darkness unto light.'
Another fine old veteran who, like Barwick, was staunch
to his Church all through the Eebehion, was Sir Richard
Browne, the father-in-law of John Evelyn. For nineteen
years he was the ambassador of the phantom English Court
at Paris, and there kept up the Anglican services, ' which
were attended by crowds of exiles every Festival and
Lord's Day.' ^ The same informant calls him ' a man never
sufficiently to be praised,' and attributes it to his opening
the doors of the embassy chapel to such men as Bramhall,
Cosin, and Earle, that very few of the exiles, and those of
a vacillating and weak mind, went over to the Papists.'*
Among those who comforted themselves by attending de-
voutly to the liturgy of the persecuted Church of England
in Sir E. Browne's chapel, were the two princes, the Dukes
of York and Gloucester, the former actually forfeiting his
mother's favour by preventing his younger brother from
turning Piomanist ! ■' In fact, so nobly did Sir E. Browne
' Hilkiah Bedford's Preface, ut supra. - Ibid.
' ' Hoc sacellum ' (Sir R. Browne's) ' exules singulis Festis ac Dominicis
diebus frequentes adierunt.' {Vita Joannis Cosini, T. Smith, published
1707.)
■" ' Ecclesia AngUcana, licet domi miserrimum in modum oppressa et sub
jugo ingemiscens, foris in exteris plagis, et praesertim in Gallia sub D.
Ricardi Bruni, equitis aurati, viri nunquam satis laudandi, qui per novem-
deeim annos usque ad restauratam monarchiam ista Legatione ibi summa
cum laude functus est, auspiciis et tutela, quasi triumphos agebat ; et per-
pauci, vacillantis et infirnife mentis, ad Pontificios, ilia, relicta, deficiebant.'
{Ibid.)
* See Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England : Henrietta
Maria, vol. iv. pp. 30G and 308.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE TERIOD 1 09
uphold the Anglican Church that its divines ' in their disputes
with the Papists (then triumphing over it as utterly lost)
used to argae for its visihility and existence from Sir Eichard
Browne's chapel and assemhly there.' ' It is j^leasant to
know that one who so hravely supported the Church in her
adversity lived long enough to enjoy more than twenty years
other prosperity, for he did not die until the spring of 168f.
From the father-in-law we naturally turn to the son-in-
law, John Evelyn (1620-1706). It has heen insinuated that
as Evelyn managed to secure, more or less, the favour of all
parties during the many changes of his long life, he must
have trimmed his sails to meet the popular gale, but there
really is no ground for the insinuation. He was from first
to last true to his principles as a churchman, but he was so
thoroughly amiable, pious, and peaceable a man that he
concihated, without any unworthy compromise, all parties.
He certainly had the courage of his opinions or he would
never have published his bold 'Apology for the King,' at
a time when it was a capital offence to write or speak in
favour of the exiled monarch ; and his ' Account of England,'
written in the person of a foreigner who is disgusted with
what he sees of the state of our country in 1659, though
published anonymously (as the nature of the work required)
must have run the risk of having its true authorship easily
traced. At any rate, a churchman should be the last person
to complain of Evelyn's favour with the usurping powers,
for he invariably used the opportunities which that favour
gave him to help distressed churchmen, of whom he has
been deservedly termed, ' the Mecaenas or the Gains.' - He
had the honour of Ijefriending Jeremy Taylor in more ways
than one ; he cheered him with his company, relieved his
poverty, and when that great divine was cast into the Tower
used all his influence to procure his release. He continued
to worship according to the rites of the Church when such
' Evelyn's Diary for February 12, 1G8'-.
- Quarterly Review for July 1871, ' Jercwiy Taylor.'
no LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, J660-1714
worship was strictly prohibited, and on one occasion at least,
did so with imminent danger to his life.* But he held no
preferment of which he could be deprived ; he was a gentle-
man of private means, and his marriage added to those
means ; in right of his wife he became possessor of Sayes
Court, near Deptford, the place which he has immortalised
in his Diary. He passed the period of his enforced, but
very acceptable, retirement during the Eebellion after the
fashion of many private gentlemen, partly abroad and partly
at home, enriching his mind with varied knowledge. The
author of the ' Silva ' is best known for his skill in horti-
culture, but he also took a lively interest in natural philo-
sophy, and was one of the earliest members of the Royal
Society. He also studied the fine arts, and wrote with
intelligence on sculpture, architecture, and medals. In fact,
it was because loyal gentlemen like Evelyn were thrown
upon their own resources, and took refuge from the storm
of politics and theology in purely intellectual pursuits, that
tjie Restoration period was so remarkable for its intellectu-
ality. On the return of the king it was a sense of public
duty rather than inclination, that drew him from his privacy.
As a Commissioner for the Sick and Wounded in the southern
ports during the Dutch war, he had boundless scope for the
exercise of his Christian charity ; ^ as a Commissioner for
the Rebuilding of S. Paul's he had opportunities of helping
that Church, which he cahs the most primitive, apostolical,
and excellent on earth ; ^ and as Commissioner of Trade and
Plantations he had the opportunity of securing the ministra-
tions of that Church for the colonies.'* His duties often
required him to be in the Court, but he was never of the
Court. After having witnessed splendid vice flaunting
itself there, ' I went home,' he writes, ' contented, to my
• See Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, pp. 30-i-5.
2 See, inter alia, Pepys' Diary, describing Evelyn's scheme for an
Infirmary.
' Diary for October 2, 1685.
* See Anderson's History of the Colonial Church, iii. p. 45.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD I I [
poor but quiet villa. What contentment can there be in the
riches and splendour of this world purchased with vice and
dishonour ? ' ' He found, indeed, even at the Court, patterns
of piety and virtue ; - but under none of the monarchs with
whom he was connected did he find any encouragement of
the type of religion which he loved. When the immorality
of Charles was exchanged for the bigotry of James he alludes
feelingly to the danger which beset the Church from the
side of Eome,^ and when this again was exchanged for the
Presbyterianism of William he refers with evident regret to
' the new oath that was fabricating for the clergy, driven on
l)y the Presbyterians, our new governors.' * One can well
understand with what satisfaction such a man would turn
from all these (to him) unsatisfactory phases of Church life
to his own private life. The entries which contain his pious
meditations on his birthday (October 31), year byj-ear, and
on the days when he received the Holy Communion,^ and
on the religious training of his children, are most touching.
Well may his Diary be termed ' one of the finest pictures of
the mind of a virtuous, honest man, a true patriot, and a
pure Christian, that ever was penned,' ^ and well may his
life be called ' an episode in five reigns, during which he
was known by all parties, and beloved by whomsoever
known.' ^ On the death of his elder brother he succeeded
to the family estate, retired to Wotton, and threw himself
with ardour into the schemes of Christian benevolence
which characterised the early years of the eighteenth cen-
tury.*^
Thomas Willis (1621-1G75) is said to have been ' one of
' Diary for October 4, 1683.
^ See his Life of Mrs. Godolphin, i^assim.
3 See Diary for October 2, 1685. ■■ Diary for April 26, 1G89.
* See Diary for Easter Day, 1673, 1679 ; Ash Wednesday, 1682 ; May 6,
1694, &c.
* Elmes's Sir C. Wren and his Times, p. 371.
' Willmott's Life of Bishop Jeremy Tayhn-, p. 205.
' See Diary for May 3, 1702, &c.
112 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
the most famous physicians of his time,' ' and he was at
least as conspicuous for his piety and moral courage. After
having taken his degree at Oxford, he took up arms for
the king in 1642, but it was on other scenes than the battle-
field that his courage was displayed. In 1646 he took a
medical degree, and began to practise at Oxford, living in
a house opposite to Merton College. This house has
become historical ; for in it he opened a room for divine
worship, where Fell, Dolben, and Allestree ' did constantly
exercise as they had partly before done in Canterbur}''
Quadrangle, the Liturgy and Sacraments according to the
Church of England, to which most of the loyalists in Oxon,
especially scholars that had been ejected in 1648, did daily
resort.' ^ The courage requisite to do this, especially after
the Ordinance of 1655, is obvious. Willis was, no doubt,
well supported by his wife, who was the daughter of
Samuel, and sister of John Fell, and to whom he was
most tenderly attached. Hs was one of that philosophical
coterie at Oxford which formed the nucleus of the Royal
Society, and was one of the earliest elected fellows of that
great Society. At the Restoration he was made Sedleian
Professor of Natural Philosophy ; and in 1666, at the so-
licitation of Archbishop Sheldon, he removed to London,
and was made physician in ordinary to the king. Both at
Oxford and in London he made a point of attending daily
an early church service before visiting his patients ; ^ and
when he lived in S. Martin's Lane he * procured a service
to be performed early in the neighbouring church.' And
being desirous that other busy people like himself should
have similar privileges, * some years before his death he
settled a salary for a reader to read prayers in S. Martin's
Church in the Fields early and late every day to such
servants and people of that parish who could not, through
' Wood's AthenrE OxonieiiKcs, ii. 402.
- Fell's Life of Henry Hammond.
^ See Aidohiographij of Simon Patrick, p. 51 (Oxford edition, 18;^0).
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD II3
the multiplicity of business, attend the ordinary service
daily there performed.' ' And he left in his will 201. a year
for the continuance of these services. He always devoted
his Sunday fees to charitable purposes, and he ' left behind
him the character of an orthodox, pious, and charitable
physician.' '^
Izaac Walton (1593-1683), like Dr. Wilhs, had been
most faithful to the Church through her troubles, during
which he rendered difficult and sometimes dangerous service
to the ro3''al cause and succoured to the best of his ability
distressed churchmen ; in Walton's home on the beautiful
banks of the Dove, Dr. Morley and other loyal gentlemen
found a shelter ; there too he maintained a close friend-
ship with Dr. Sanderson and Dr. King (afterwards Bishop
of Chichester), and there he helped to form the sweet
character of Ken, whose eldest sister became his second wife
in 1647, and whose 3'outh was spent under his eye. Elias
Ashmole, speaking of his services during the Common-
wealth, says that he was ' well known and as well loved
as known by all good men.' After the Eestoration, Dr.
Morley, now Bishop of Winchester, repaid his kindness
by giving him a home in the Cathedral Close ; and there he
passed the last twenty-three years of his quiet and blame-
less life, writing those immortal ' Lives ' which have perhaps
done as much as any single publication to embalm the
memory of the Church's worthies,^
Christian characters may be of very different types, and
except in their agreement on the one essential point, it
would be difficult to find a greater contrast than between
Walton and our next subject. Robert Boyle (162^—1691),
son of the Earl of Cork, is said to have received his first
serious impressions during a terrible thunderstorm in Swit-
' Fell's Life of Hanunond. - Ibid.
' See Life of Izaac Walton, by Thomas Zouch, Prebendary of Durham,
182-5, and Teale's Lives of English Laymen (vol. xxii. of Englisliman's
Library).
I
114 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-T714
zerland ; but as he was piously brought up, and as his
sister, who was many years older than himself, and to
whom he was always most devotedly attached, had been
eminent for her piety long before, it is more likely that the
incident of the storm only served to ripen the good seed
which had been sown at an earlier date. At any rate, from
first to last he led a consistently Christian life, his devotion
to natural philosophy only tending to enlarge and deepen
his religious principles, as it did in many other instances
during our period. Wherever there was any good Chris-
tian work to be done, there was Kobert Boyle ever ready to
speed it on with his purse and his brain and all the social
influence which his name and position commanded. Of
his earlier life he has written an Autobiography in the third
person under the name of ' Philaretus,' but as it ends in
1641, it does not carry us very far. His life, however, was
constantly before the pul^lic, so there is no difficulty in
tracing its course. It was a singularly active life, both in
the intellectual and the practical spheres ; in the intellectual
sphere he divided his studies between theology and natural
philosophy; or rather, with him the two went hand in
hand, for the chief charm to him of his scientific investi-
gations was that they gave him larger and nobler ideas
of the Creator.' His friends thinking that a clerical life
would be most congenial to so deeply religious a man,
urged him after the Eestoration to seek Holy Orders, but
this he declined to do, partly because he did not feel that
he had any vocation for the office, and partly because he
thought that his writings in defence of Christianity would
have more effect as coming from a layman than from
a clergyman. He was not an ambitious man ; he declined
the presidency of the Koyal Society, and, more than once,
a peerage. His aim was to be useful, and he thoroughly
succeeded ; few men of his day did more useful work in the
departments both of science and religion. His Christian
' Sec his Christian Virtuoso, passim.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD I I 5
efforts, though variously directed, all centred in one great
object, the spread of the gospel in all lands. He used
his influence as a director of the East India Company to
induce that society to promote Christianity in the East.
The revival of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in
New England, after the Restoration, was chiefly due to his
efforts ; and both with his purse and his brain he contri-
buted towards the translating of the Holy Scriptures and
other good books into many languages.' In all his pious
labours he was warmly supported by his sister, Lady
Eanelagh, with whom he lived in London after he had left
Oxford, that is, for nearly thirty years. He was a regular
worshipper at S. Martin's in the Fields, under Tenison, and
held we are told much holy converse with the rector, who
ministered to him in his last sickness. His reputation
among his contemporaries was extraordinarily high. Addi-
son calls him 'an honour to his country,' ^ his biographer,
' a man superior to titles, and almost to praise,' ^ Edmund
Calamy, ' one of the two great ornaments of Charles IL's
reign,' ■* but Samuel Wesley the elder reaches the climax
when he compares him to Elijah.-^ Exaggeration apart,
he was an excellent man, and his works do follow him ;
witness the ' Boyle Lectures,' the object and success of
which are too well known to need description. As, however,
it is desired above all things to be perfectly fair, it must be
added that though Boyle was a regular worshipper at his
' E.g., hearing that the learned Pocock was prevented by financial dif-
ficulties from publishing his Arabic version of Grotius' De Veritate dc, he
undertook the whole expense of the j)ublication. (See Anderson's Colonial
Church, ii. 127.) At his own expense he had the Gospels and the Acts of
the Apostles translated into the- Malay tongue ; and he also offered to iDub-
lish at his own expense a Turkish version of the New Testament, but the
East India Company very properly insisted upon relieving him of a portion
of the cost. He contributed largely towards the publication of a Welsh
and Irish Bible, and corresponded with Eliot, ' the apostle of the Indians,'
respecting a translation of the Holy Scriptures into the Indian tongue.
- Spectator, No. 531.
^ Quoted in Diary dx. of Dr. J. WoriJiingion, p. 123, note.
* Account of Ml/ Oioi Life, i. 227. ^ The Athenian Oracle, i. 65,
I 2
Il6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
parish church and no other place, a friend of the clergy,
and in no way out of accord with the Church's doctrine
and discipline, still his Christian character was not so
obviously and distinctively the product of the Church's
system as were those of the laymen noticed above.
The same may be said of the other pious and distin-
guished layman whom Calamy couples with Boyle as a great
ornament of Charles II. 's reign. Sir Matthew Hale (1609-
1676) may fairly be reckoned among the great lay church-
men of the Eestoration period, inasmuch as ' he always
declared himself of the Church of England, and said those
of the separation were good men, but they had narrow
souls, who would break the peace of the Church about such
inconsiderable matters as the points in difference were ; ' '
but the last clause seems rightly to describe the extent
and character of his churchmanshii^ ; that is, it was the
breadth rather than the distinctive doctrines and practices
of the Church that kept him within her pale. Still, it is
clear that his pious instincts found sufficient scope in the
Church of his baptism. He was a regular worshipper at
her altars and a devout communicant, and observed with
particular devotion her festivals. The story of his last
Communion is very touching. ' Not long before his death
the minister told him there was to be a Sacrament next
Sunday at church, but he believed he could not come and
partake with the rest ; therefore he would give it him in his
own house. But he answered, "No ; his Heavenly Father had
prepared a feast for him, and he would go to his Father's
house to partake of it." So he made himself be carried
thither in his chair, where he received the sacrament on his
knees with great devotion, which it may be supposed was
the greater because he apprehended it was to be his last,
' Bishop Burnet's Life of Sir Mattheio Hale, p. 19. To the same effect his
other biographer, Sir J. Wilhams, says ' he believed that the calamity of
the Church and withering of religion hath come from proud and busy men's
additions,' &c.
FAITHFLfL LAITY OF THE PERIOD [I7
and so took it as his viaticum and provision for his journey.' '
In his rehgious, as in his judicial Hfe one would have liked
to see him a little less timid, but still churchmen may
gladly welcome in their ranks one who had deservedly so
high a reputation for integrity and piety.
May they also welcome another distinguished layman,
Sir Thomas Browne (1G05-1G82) ? Surely, if his own words
are to be believed, they may. The author of the ' Religio
Medici ' was called by some a Eomanist, by others a Quaker,
by others an Atheist, but this is what he says of him-
self : ' To difference m^-self nearer, and draw into a lesser
circle ; there is no church whose every point so squares
unto my conscience, whose articles, constitutions, and
customs seem so consonant unto reason, and, as it were,
framed to my particular devotions, as this whereof I hold
my belief, the Church of England. Where Scripture is
silent, the Church is my text, where that speaks 'tis but my
comment.' - Dr. Johnson, to whose interesting biography
of Sir T. Browne the reader must be referred, strongly con-
tends that he was a Christian and a churchman,
A sad mystery, which has never been cleared up, has
drawn attention to another worthy layman, who but for
his melancholy end would have long ago passed into
oblivion. But every one has heard of the mysterious death
of Sir Edmondsbury Godfrey, though every one may not be
aware that he was an excellent churchman, and so firm and
conscientious in the discharge of his duties as a magistrate,
that Charles II. (who could appreciate virtues in others
which he did not practise himself) used to call him the best
justice of peace in the kingdom. During the Great Plague
of London, while others fled, he remained manfully at his
post, tending the sufferers with his own hand, and feeding
the starving and deserted poor. Is it not possible that the
immense concourse of clergy at his funeral, over which
' Burnet's Life, p. 74.
'■^ Works of Sir T. Browne, vol. ii. ; lieligio Medici, § 0, p. 323.
Il8 LIFE IN THE ENGLTSil CHURCH, 1660-1714
Eoger North makes merry, may have been due, not only to
the panic which turned the funeral into a Protestant
demonstration, hut also to the respect which was felt for the
memory of a faithful lay churchman ?
There is another estimable layman who has been rescued
from oblivion by one single incident,— John Kyrle (1637-
1714),' immortalised by Pope as the ' Man of Boss.'
Who taught thcat heaven-directed spire to rise ?
' The Man of Ross ! ' each hsping babe repHes.
But perhaps not only the ' lisping babe,' but many well-in-
formed adults might not be able to reply that it was under
the shadow of that heaven-directed spire that the Man of
Boss was taught to live the life he so nobly devoted to
works of charity and attempts to brighten a little the dreary
existence of the country poor. Such, however, was the
case. When the church bell rang, every day, week-day and
Sunday, he laid ah his occupations aside, ' washed his
hands for seemliness, and went to pray.' The clergyman
of the parish, Dr. Whiting, whose name deserves to be held
in memory, was his dearest friend and spiritual adviser ;
the two went hand in hand in every work of piety and
benevolence, and when John Kyrle died, he was buried, by
his own special desire, at the foot of him at whose feet he
had sat so long during his hfetime.
Hitherto, in these sketches of lay churchmen, we have
been able to keep clear of the tangled web of politics ; the
subjects of them either stood aloof from politics altogether,
or it has been perfectly easy to disengage their religious
from their political characters. But there is one great lay-
man of the Bestoration period, a churchman of churchmen,
in whom the religious and political elements were so inex-
tricably mixed up that it is impossible to separate them.
That one is Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (1608-1674).
Historians whose political bias was the ^ery opposite of
' According to another authority his date is 1G31-17'2-1.
FAITHFUL LArrV OF THE PERIOD II9
Clarendon's have admitted that he was a man of deep
earnestness and sincerity in his rehgious views ; and on the
other hand, those whose bias is in the same direction as
Clarendon's will hardly contend that his Church policy,
which resulted in what has been termed the ' Clarendonian
Code,' ' was altogether a wise or a just one. But it is
utterly unfair to judge either him or it by the standard of
the nineteenth century, and equally unfair to ignore the
fact that he was urged on from below to greater severity
against nonconformists than his own judgment approved
of. His personal character is not here held up as that of
a model Christian. But, after making all deductions for his
haughtiness and irritability, his intolerance and his love of
amassing and spending money, there yet remains much in
him to admire. His strong sense of religion, his devotion
to the Church, his integrity and untainted morals, his dis-
countenance of the immorality prevailing at Court, are surely
features in his character worthy of admiration. At least a
share of the unpopularity which led to his downfall must be
attributed to the tacit reproach which his strict life conveyed
to the laxity of his surroundiiigs. And moreover, ' the
fierce light which beats upon a throne, and blackens every
blot,' beats yet more fiercely upon one who, to the disgust
of multitudes of far higher social standing, came as near to
a throne as a subject, not of the blood roj'al, nor indeed of
gentle blood at all, could well do. An angel in such a
position would find many detractors. Lord Clarendon was
no angel, but he was a man whose defects were to a great
extent the defects of his age, and of the trying circumstances
in which he was placed, while his virtues were his own.
Of the many churchmen who utilised their enforced
leisure during the Eebellion for the purposes of mental
cultivation and learned research, few improved the time
more diligently than Elias Ashmole (1G17-1692), whose
' See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol. iv. pp. 19-97,
where a lull account of the ' Code ' will be i'ouiid.
I20 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 r4
name is still connected with one of Oxford's most useful
buildings. On June 16, 1647, lie records, ' One Hor. post
merid. it pleased God to put me in mind that I was now
placed in the condition I always desired, which was, that I
might be enabled to live to myself and my studies ; and
seeing I am thus retired, according to my heart's desire, I
beseech God to bless me in my retirement and to prosper
my studies that I may faithfully and diligently serve Him,
and in all things submit to His will ; and for the peace and
happiness I enjoy (in the midst of bad times) to render Him
all humble thanks, and for what I attain to, in the course
of my studies, to give Him glory.' ' His prayer was granted,
for his whole life was spent in accordance with the spirit of
the above entry. After the Restoration he was patronised
by the king,^ but not in the least corrupted nor drawn
away from his favourite pursuits. He lived in honourable
retirement at Lambeth, and was on visiting terms with his
neighbour Archbishop Bancroft.' But he did not forget his
native place, Lichfield, and its beautiful little cathedral.
The Corporation of Lichfield write to thank him for ' the
receipt of a silver bowl,— very flowery.' * Nor,' they add,
' have you only given us this great cratera, but you have
largely offered to the repair of his church, our ruin'd
Cathedral . . . and you have annually and liberally refreshed
Christ in his members the poor of this city.' ^ Twenty-two
years later we have a letter from • the Chapter of the
• Memoirs of the Life of that learned Antiquary, Ellas Ashmole, Esq.,
draum vp by himself by way of Diary, published 1717.
■'■ '1060 -Kissed the king's hand.' (Note by editor: 'The king took
great notice of him as a scientific man ; he had never been noticed by any
authorities during the Eebelhon.') ' July 19, 16G0— Mr. Secretary Morris
told me the king had a great kindness for me.' ' 22nd Ditto.— The king
appointed mo to make a description of his medals.' See also the entry for
January 6, 1075, &c.
2 ' August 15, 1679.— My Lord's Grace of Canterbury came to visit me at
my house, and spent a great part of the day with me in my study.' ' July
20, lOSO.^The Archbishop's sister and niece came to visit my wife.'
* Letter, dated ' January 10, ICOO.' (See Memoirs, &c.)
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE LERIOD 12 1
Church of Lichfield,' who speak ' of the honour Lichfield
felt in being his birthplace and the place of his education,'
and ' of his liberal charity to the city,' and ask him to help
them in ' finishing the ring of ten behs,' adding, ' if you
help it will add to your reputation for piety and munificence
already renowned.' Ashmole cannot be regarded as a
pwiniiwui churchman of the period, but he deserves notice
as one out of many instances of the power which the Church
had to attract and keep within her pale, men of varied
culture and accomplishments.
If this were a history of all the great and good men
who lived during the Kestoration period, mention would
have to be made of the religious and liberal-minded
Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, of that staunch and
stainless royalist, James Butler, Duke of Ormond, and of
that honourable statesman, Sir William Coventry. But
these, and men like them, ihough certainly not hostile to the
Church, can hardly be regarded as typical lay-churchmen.
We ma}^ therefore pass on to those who, though most of
them alive during the Restoration period, came into
prominence during the later era which this work embraces.
As a sort of connecting link between the two eras let us
first take Sir Christopher Wren (1032-1723). He is now
known only as the most original of English architects, but
he had achieved distinction in other fields before he even
began to turn his attention to architecture. In very early
years he had shewn a precocious genius for science, and
when he was scarcely twenty- five years of age he was
appointed Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Gresham
College. About six years later he took up architecture as
a profession, and we all know with what success. All
through, he was the pious humble Christian. The son of a
dean and the nephew of a bishop could hardly fail to be a
churchman, but his churchmanship was not merely
hereditary, it was the result of deliberate conviction. His
one defect, so far as his worldly interest and perhaps also
122 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
his usefulness were concerned, really adds to the beauty of
his Christian character. He suffered from an almost morbid
modesty, and on that account is made to i^oint a moral,
under the title of ' Nestor,' by the writers of the ' Tatler '
(No. 52). His latest biographer has remarked with perfect
truth that ' in a corrupt age all testimony leaves Wren
spotless. In a position of great trust and still greater diffi-
culty, his integrity was but the more clearly shown by the
attacks made against him. Among the foremost philosophers
of his age, he was a striking example that "every good gift
and every perfect gift is from above; " no child could hold
the truths of Christianity with a more undoubting faith
than did Sir Christopher Wren,' '
Another eminent layman who is a link between our
two periods was Thomas Thynne, Viscount Weymouth. He
had the inestimable advantage of being directed in his
youthful studies by the great Hammond, at Westwood the
abode of Thynne's aunt, Lady Pakington, and at college
he was the friend and companion of the saintly Ken.^
Brought up amid such surroundings it is no wonder that
he was a staunch and benevolent churchman. In the
many pious and charitable schemes of the later part of the
seventeenth and the earlier part of the eighteenth century,
the name of Lord Weymouth is always promhient. He
helped Dr. Bray liberally in his attempt to found parochial
libraries, contributed 300^. towards his expenses in Mary-
land, sent forth ' an itinerant missionary ' thither at his
own cost, largely and frequently aided the Christian Know-
ledge Society in its home work (judiciously choosing Robert
Nelson as his almoner), and was the supporter of every
good work set on foot in the neighbourhood of his own
home at Longleat. He gave the shelter of his roof to his
• See Christopher Wren, his Family and his Times, by Lucy PhiUimore,
p. 225. See also, Sir Christopher Wren and his Times, by James Elmes,
and Wren's Parentalia.
- See Life of Ken, by a Layman, p. C19.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 23
old friend Ken, and supplemented tlie scanty resources of
the deprived bishop. Nor was Ken the only nonjuror who
experienced the effects of his bounty. Dr. Smith ' speaks
of 'the prodigious bounty of Lord and Lady Weymouth
bestowed on persons in need of such supports,' and Lord
Dartmouth owns that ' he was very liberal to nonjurors '
and that ' his house was constantly full of people of that
sort.' It is fair to add that Lord Dartmouth also ssijs
' he was a weak, proud man ' and that ' he was extremely
pleased to be cried up by the nonjurors for a very religious
man, having affected to be thought so all his life, which the
companions of his youth would by no means allow.' - Lord
Dartmouth gives no proof of all this, while there are strong
presumptions to the contrary. Ken distinctly declares that
'the good lord really does conduct his life by the divine
maxims recorded by S. Paul.'^ A fellow of the Eoyal
Society and one ' who was reckoned a very good judge of
men ' ^ could hardly be without brains ; and a nobleman who
corresponded with and visited a worthy nonconformist who
was socially very much his inferior could not be altogether
proud.
The name of Simon, Lord Digby, is constantly found
associated with that of Lord Weymouth in all schemes of
religion and philanthropy. One is apt to look with a little
suspicion upon proteges' panegyrics of their patrons, but
when those proteges are John Kettlewell and Thomas Bray,
we may safely take their testimony without even the pro-
verbial grain of salt. Both these saintly clergymen of
course knew Lord Digby intimately, and language seems
hardly strong enough to express the admiration they both
felt for his character. ' That most dear and exemplary
saint ; ' 'a bright example and a public good ; ' ' as for
' A learned nonjuror, author of VitcB quorundam Erudltlssimoriim et
Illustiium Virorum ' (Usher, Cosin, &c.), Account of the Greek Church, &c.
'^ See Life of Ken, by a Layman, ii. 6iy. ^ Ibid.
* Life of Mrs. Elizabeth Rowe, daughter of Mr. ^Yalte^ yinger, tlie
worthy nonconformist referred to in tlie text.
124 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
religion, that was the height of all his aims and the most
open of all his professions ; ' ' a sincere and zealous son of
the Church of England, in whose communion he lived and
died ; ' such is the testimony of Kettlewell.' ' That excel-
lent lord, a Luminous Star no doubt now in Heaven, for
few had his equals for good sense and solid piety whilst on
earth,' such is the testimony of Bray.^ The known facts of
Lord Dighy's life fully bear out this testimony. He died at
a comparatively early age, and on his death-bed recom-
mended to his brother and successor, William, Lord Digby,
the carrying out of the good works which he had begun.
The exhortation was not given in vain. William proved a
worthy successor to Simon. It may be added that the two
brothers married two sisters who were both worthy of such
husbands.
Among the eminent laymen of our period none held
higher positions than the two Earls of Nottingham, father
and son. The former, strictly speaking, belongs to the
Eestoration period, but as the two bore a striking resem-
blance to one another, and were linked together as church-
men by their connection with one spiritual adviser, it will
be convenient to take them together. Heneage Finch
(1621-1682) passed from one legal honour to another until
he became Lord Chancellor. He won the very highest repu-
tation as a lawyer and an orator,-' but he was equally dis-
' See Kettlewell's Life, passim. - See Bray's Life of Eawlet.
' He was the ' Omri ' of Diyden's Absalom and Achitophel, and is thus
described :
Sincere was Omri, and not only knew,
But Israel's sanctions into practice drew ;
Our laws that did a boundless ocean seem,
Were cjasted all, and fathom'd all by him.
No Rabbin speaks like him their mystic sense,
So just, and with such charms of eloquence ;
To whom the double blessing does belong.
With Moses' inspiration, Aaron's tongue.
Lord Campbell says, 'AH juridical writers worship him as the first of
FAITHFUL LAFrV OF THE TERTOD 1 25
fcinguisliecl as a staunch and conscientious churchman,
whose spotless morals and unimpeached integrity shed a
lustre upon the Church which he loved so well and served
so faithfully. In the distribution of Church patronage his
services were very great. With a lawyer's discernment of
character he perceived the peculiar fitness of his chaplain
(then comparatively unknown), for advising him upon such
matters, and therefore ' he charged it upon his conscience
to recommend him ' the best man for each post as it became
vacant. This was a serious responsibility for a young man,
but when it is added that the young man was John Sharp,
afterwards Archbishop of York, it will cause no wonder that
the result was eminently satisfactory. Among others whom
he drew from obscurity was George Bull, whose biographer,
Robert Nelson, pays a graceful and well-deserved tribute
both to the Chancellor and his chaplain.' He also strove,
but in vain, to draw into public life the saintly Henry More.^
He wisely made residence on their benefices a condition of
every pre ferment .'' In 1681 he was created Earl of Not-
tingham, and in the following year he died, to the great loss
of the Church, but happily
Uno avulso, laon 'deficit alter
Aureus.
Daniel Finch, the second earl, was as staunch a church-
man and lived as blameless a life as his father, whose
spiritual advisor, John Sharp, he wisely adopted as his own.
Both father and son were remarkable for a gravity of
demeanour which provoked the anger and ridicule of the
wild wits about Court among whom they were thrown.
The son especially was so austere, that though he was a
lawyers,' and quotes many proofs of this. {Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
iv. p. 30l», iSic.)
' See Life of Bull, pp. 155-8.
■ ' A noble person ' (Nottingham) said to More, ' Pray be not so morose or
humoursome as to refuse all things you have not known as long as Christ's
College.' (Ward's Life of More, pubHshed 1710, p. 58.)
3 Carwithen's History of the Church of England, iii. p. 160.
126 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660- 17 14
High Churchman both in the pohtical and the spiritual
sense, he reminded the royaHsts of the hated puritans.
But even those who affected to laugh at his preciseness
could not help respecting the spotless integrity of his cha-
racter. His influence was enormous; he is said to have
done more to reconcile churchmen to the Eevolution than
any other man ; ' and yet, after all, he only half threw the
weight of his vast influence into the scale of the new
dynasty, for he could only be brought to acknowledge
William as king ' de facto.' He professed his readiness to
serve his majesty faithfully, — and whatever Nottingham
professed he always meant, — but he would never call him
the 'rightful and lawful king.' His position of course
brought him into close contact with the political side of
Church history, and here some of his acts were very
questionable, but in judging him we must again beware of
the fallacy of judging men of the seventeenth by the stan-
dard of the nineteenth century. He refused the high office
which his father had held, but his influence was at least as
powerful and extensive as that of the great Chancellor. It
was not until after the period which this work embraces
that his love of the Church led him to enter into the lists
as its defender in the Trinitarian controversy, — much to
the dismay of Dr. Waterland, who of course understood the
whole subject thoroughly, and could by no means join in the
gratitude with which his University (Cambridge) welcomed
this august champion of the faith. '•^
As we are in high company it will be as well, before we
descend to the commonalty, to notice two more noblemen
who were noted churchmen in their way, the two brothers
jjy(je,— Henry, the elder. Earl of Clarendon, and Laurence,
the younger, Earl of Eochester. The second Earl of
Clarendon was not equal to his father, the famous Clian-
' Spe Leopold von Eanke's History of Evgland, principally in the
Seveyiteenih Century, iv. p. 566, and v. p. 342.
^ See Watciland's Works, i. pp. 71, 235, &c., and ii. pp. 379 80, &c.
FAITIIFUT, LAITY OF THE TEKIOD I 27
cellor, bat he was an able man. ^Yith his i^ubhc Kfe we
are not concerned except so far as his very conscientious
distribution of patronage, when he was Viceroy of Ireland,
was of great service to the Church in that island. With
regard to his private life, he was evidently a man with
a strong sense of religion. His diary proves that. He
cultivated the friendship of pious people like Dr. Horneck,
Mr. Charles Leslie (who delighted, his biographer tells us,
in Lord Clarendon's societ}^, and acted as his chaplain),'
Bishop Moore of Norwich, and Lady Eanelagh ; he was
a regular attendant at public worship, and if he cannot be
held as a saint, at any rate he had a very humble opinion
of his own spiritual state.
The younger brother, Laurence, Earl of Kochester, was
a more famous, and perhaps an abler man. A random ex-
pression of Eoger North to the effect that ' he swore like a
sutler and indulged in drinking, but was the head of the
Church party,' has been accepted far too implicitly. North
had a personal animosity against him, and one would have
liked to see the description confirmed by less prejudiced
testimony.^ Certainly his own diary and correspondence
convey a very different impression. There are few things
more touching than his reflections on the death of his
daughter, in which he frankly confesses his own shortcom-
ings, but in the spirit of one who is really desirous of leading
a better life. Of his sincere attachment to the Church
there can be no doubt ; for her sake he sacrificed all his
ambitious hopes, and his consistent regard for her interests
should at least cause his memory to be tenderly dealt with
by churchmen.''
' See Life of Charles Leslie, by Kev. E. J. Leslie.
'' Barillon's testimony is still less trustworthy, seeing that the Earl of
Eochester was one of the chief hindrances towards his carrying out his
plans with Eochester 's royal kinsman, for which every Englishman, and
especially every English churchman, should be grateful to the earl.
^ See the Correspondence of Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, and of his
brother, Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, with tJie Diaries of both, edited
by W. E. Singer, 1828.
128 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Robert Nelson (1656-171*) 1ms been so freqiien% and
so lately portrayed,^ that there is no need to record how,
as the son of a rich merchant he was brought up in
affluence, how he received his training in church principles
from Mr. Bull, how he married the Lady Theophila Lucy,
who, to his great grief, became a Eomanist, how he took
part in every good scheme, originating many and suggesting
more, how stirringly he appealed to the gentry to help in
works of piety and charity ,2 how he became a nonjuror,
and how he returned to the National Church. His cha-
racter was admired by men of all shades of opinion. We
are of course not surprised to hear of Kettleweh's admira-
tion,^ nor of Hickes ' esteeming the honour of his friend-
ship one of the providential blessings of his life,' nor of
Francis Lee describing him as ' a gentleman of that dis-
tinguished merit, as it may well be doubted whether he
has left his fellow behind him in this great island.' But
Tillotson also retained his friendship to the very last, and
actually died in his arms ; Tenison spoke of him as ' a
good and holy man now with God,' ■* Swift, who writes with
the bitterest contempt of the nonjurors as a body,'' calls him
' a very pious, learned, and worthy gentleman ; ' Hearne,
though he was deeply indignant at his return to the
National Church, yet, in the very same breath in which he
expresses his indignation, calls him ' a pious, good man,' '^
and on the occasion of his death, ' a very learned, religious,
and pious gentleman,' ' and many others might be quoted.*
' See Secretan's most interesting Life of Robert Nelson ; Teale's Lives
of British Laymen; and Mr. Abbey's chapter on ' Eobert Nelson and his
Friends,' in The English Church in the Eighteenth Centriry.
- See Ways and Means of Doing Good ; an Address to Persons of
Quality, &c.
^ See Life of Keltleivcll.
* See Life of T. Tenison, Archbishop of Canterbury.
'" See Sentiments of a Chiircli of England Man, p. 275.
« Diary, iii. IIG. ■' Diary for January 23, 171*.
" Dr. Wells [Rich Man's Duty, &c.) says : ' A bishop wrote to me, Mr.
Nelson's death is a loss, to everyone who had the happiness to know him,
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD I 29
Is it attributing too much weight to what some may think
a matter of secondary importance, to suggest that one
reason why Nelson was so universally esteemed was that
he was a thorough gentleman, not only in the conventional,
but in the highest sense of the term ? Some verses at-
tached to his portrait, though not remarkable for poetical
merit, bring out this point so truly and clearly that they
are worth quoting :
Such were the Hues ; such majesty and grace
Chose to erect their tlii'one m Nelson's face.
Where'er that pleasing form did once appear
The world confess'd — The Christian hero's here.
To others mild, as to himself severe ;
Polish'd though learn'd ; obliging, yet sincere ;
Justly with admiration seen and read ;
For all must own the Christian was well bred, &c., &c.^
Dr. Johnson affirms that Eichardson took Nelson as the
model for his Sir Charles Grandison ; if this were so, all one
can say is that the real man was a higher type of gentleman
than the fancy portrait. Nor must we omit another trait
in Nelson's character, which, no doubt, also contributed
to his universal popularity. He possessed in an eminent
degree, that very rare quality, common sense. In this
respect Nelson was, among laymen, what Archbishop Sharp
was among clergymen ; and in this respect he presents a
striking contrast to another good layman whose name is, for
many reasons, naturally associated with his, Henry Dodwell
(1611-1711). Both these good men held, broadly speaking,
irreparable ; and to the Church of God such an one as I doubt will be
sensibly felt, unless God in his great goodness shall be pleased to raise up
some person of the like heroical piety in his room ; but such a blessing I
cannot flatter myself with the hopes of living to see in my days.' See also
Noble's Biographical History of England (Continuation of Granger), i. p. 262,
Birch's Life of Tillotson, &c.
' The verses are attached to the 3rd edition (171R) of Nelson's Practice
of True Devotion, and signed ' T. W.' Query : Is not this a misprint for
' S. W.,' that is, Samuel Wesley?
K
130 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
the same opinions on religion and politics ; they had many
friends in common, and they frequently met in the same
house ; both became nonjurors, and both returned to the
National Church on the same day ; both were men of un-
blemished moral character, of great Christian earnestness,
and of staunch Church principles. But the points of contrast
between them were more marked than those of resemblance.
Dodwell was incomparably the more learned man of the
two ; he had also more originality, not only of genius but
of character ; we can picture to ourselves the man Dodwell
more completely than the man Nelson. On the other hand,
that good sense and that good judgment which were so
eminently characteristic of Nelson, were conspicuous by
their absence in Dodwell, who was at least as embarrassing
to his friends as to his foes ; in spite of the vast learning
which he brought to support their cause, they must alwa3'S
have trembled to think what Dodwell might write or
say next ; whereas Nelson's support, if less striking, was
sure to be unobjectionable. To complete the contrast, the
outward appearance of the two men differed as widely as
their minds. Nelson, to judge from his portrait, was
made in a large mould, scrupulously neat in his dress,
courtly and dignified in his manner, the very pink of pro-
priety ; — in short a Sir Charles Grandison in real life.
Dodwell was of small stature, very negligent about his dress,
eccentric both in thought and expression, and utterly re-
gardless of appearances. He was born at Dublin and
educated at Trinity College, of which he was elected fellow.
But he soon resigned his fellowship, either because he
succeeded to a property, and thought that he ought to
make room for a poorer man, or because he was unwilling to
take Holy Orders, partly as deeming himself unworthy, and
partly as thinking he would be a more disinterested champion
of the Christian religion and of the Christian priesthood
as a layman.' He settled in England, living sometimes in
' See Brokcsby's Life of Dodwell, pp. 21-5, aticl Relijaice Heamicuur,,
vol. i. p. 2i35
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD I31
London and sometimes at Oxford. In 1688 he was elected
Camden Professor of History at Oxford, but was forced to
resign his professorship because he would not take the
oaths. Henceforth he lived in studious retirement in Berk-
shire, first at Cookham and then at Shottesbrooke, being
attracted to the latter place by the fact that his friend
Mr. Cherry lived there. The group at Shottesbrooke has
a peculiar interest for the student of Church life at this
period. It included, besides Dodwell, Francis Cherry,
Francis Brokesby, Thomas Hearne, and White Kennet, all
of whom have been, or will be noticed. Of course with White
Kennet (the complying rector) Dodwell was not on the best
of terms,' but by the rest of the Shottesbrooke party he was
most highly valued. Cherry calls him ' his best and dearest
friend,' ^ Brokesby can hardly find strong enough language
to express his admiration of his vast and varied learning,
his humility, charity, and self-denial,^ and Hearne declares
that though he was the greatest scholar in Europe, he was
humble and modest to a fault, and frequently refers to him
as 'that great and good man.''* In fact, with all the non-
jurors, Dodwell, owing to his vast learning and high
personal character, was a great authority. The contem-
porary author of Bishop Frampton's Life calls him ' that
great lay dictator,'-^ and Edmund Calamy who, in spite of
their very different opinions, was intimate with him at
Oxford, complains that ' he would not brook contradiction; ' "
but Hearne's and Brokesby's testimony shew that he left
a different impression upon those who knew him best.
' There is an interesting letter among the Kennet MSS. in the British
Museum (to which my attention was kindly directed by Dr. Garnett, the
head-librarian), in which Dr. Kennet complains of Dodwell's preventing
people from attending the parish church.
- See Letters f will the Bodleian, ed. by Bliss. Letter to Hearne, April
28, 1713.
' See Brokesby's Life, passim.
* See Life of Mr. Thoviaa Hearne, from his own MS. (1712), j^assim, and
Rcliquioi HearniancE.
^ P. 2O0. ' Calamy"b Account of My Own Life, i. 282.
K 2
132 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Dodwell always bad clerical tastes ; he loved to accompany
Bishop Lloyd on his visitation tours ; • and when he lived
at Shottesbrooke, he regularly attended the clerical meetings
at Marlow, where the clergy much enjoyed his learned
conversation, though they were often startled by his eccen-
tricities.
His friend Francis Cherry (1G68-1715) was an admirable
specimen of a class which has, happily, always flourished in
England, the class of pious, cultivated country gentlemen.
Hearne calls him ' a very learned man, and, which is much
more, a very pious, religious, modest, and huml)le man.'
But we are not to gather from this that he was ' learned ' in
the same sense that Dodwell was. He was simply an in-
telligent, well-educated gentleman ; a first-rate horseman
and devotedly attached to hunting, but not a mere Nimrod ;
he took a great interest in books and the conversation of
learned men, and was himself something of a virtuoso. He
was a staunch clmrchman, and a most liberal friend to
churchmen in distress. Shottesbrooke Park, his residence,
was a perfect harbour of refuge for the nonjurors. But
though he was a nonjuror himself, he deeply deplored the
schism, and it was a real satisfaction to him when he could
return conscientiously to his parish church. He has left
us one of the clearest and most satisfactory accounts which
we possess of the reasons which led men like Nelson,
Dodwell, and himself to stand aloof from the National Church
until the canonical rights of the deprived bishops had lapsed.
It is a credit to the taste of the county that he was so
popular in it as to be called ' the idol of Berkshire.' His
love of sport brought him frequently into contact with
royalty, and several anecdotes are told of him in this con-
nection which are very characteristic of the man, but hardly
belong to the subject of ' Church life.' Among other acts
of kindness, Mr. Cherry entirely educated Thomas Hearne,
to whose Diary we are most deeply indebted for information
* Brokesby's Life, p. 39.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 33
about the Church Hfe of the period, though his own hfe
scarcely comes within the range of our subject.
The same may be said of another, and by far the most
interesting and vivid of ah the diarists of the period, Samuel
Pepys. As a picture of the times from a certain point of
view, Pepys' Diary is unique. But it is far too often forgotten
what that point of view was. It was that of quite a young
man who set down aU his private thoughts, prepossessions,
and prejudices, without the least idea that they would ever
be published. The Diary is not even a fair and adequate
representation of Pepys' own character, for there is little
doubt that he changed greatly for the better in his later
years, perhaps under the' influence of his brother diarist,
Evelyn, whom he highly respected. Still less can the im-
mortal Diary be regarded as an adequate authority on other
matters, and especially on the matter of Church life. Pepys
makes no secret of his dislike of the clergy, and it is simply
absurd to repeat gravely as undoubted facts little scandals
about them which really rest upon his authority alone. Take
the Diary for what it is, that is, as the hastily jotted down
impressions of a rather lax young man, and it is delightful
and invaluable ; but take it as a grave historical authority,
and it is, on the face of it, most misleading. It is an
admirable picture of Pepys between the ages of twenty-seven
and thn-ty-seven, but Pepys between the ages of twenty-seven
and thirty- seven can hardly pose as a pious lay churchman ;
therefore nothing more need be said about him, except that
the writer of such a book as the present owes him both a
debt and also a grudge.
The name of Pepys naturally suggests that of another
diarist, Ralph Thoresby. Thoresby's Diary cannot of course
compare for a moment with that of Pepys in point of
naturalness, vividness, and general interest, but, from
the point of view of this work, it has a peculiar value as
shewing the process by which a strictly conscientious
nonconformist became a strictly conscientious churchman.
134 I-I^f"' I^' THE ENGLISH CTIITRCH, 1660 1714
Thoresby's noiiconformifcj" was hereditary, his father, for
whom he entertained a great respect, having been a Pres-
byterian. The Thoresbys were a very good old family, and
are said to have been aljle to trace back their pedigree to
Canute. The Diary commences in 1677 and ends in 1724,
and thus deals with a later period than Pepys'. All through
the period Thoreshy seems to have attended the church
services at Leeds, as well as at his own place. In 1685,
w4ien the fear of Eomanism was reaching its height, he was
drawn more closely to the Church as the stroiigest bulwark
against Popery.' The very high regard in which he held
the private and the public characters of two successive
vicars of Leeds, Dr. Milner and Mr. Killingbeck, still further
attached him to our communion.- A lay churchman, Mr.
Thornton, who was his personal friend, helped on the work.
And finally, in 1697, a visit to Leeds of Archbishop Sharp,
whose character and preaching he had already learned to
admire enthusiastically,^ completed it. He refers with
delight to the Archbishop's ' incomparable sermon ' and the
crowded congregation ; and the next day when ' his Grace
was pleased to honour me with a visit, attended by my dear
friend Mr. Thornton, and most of the clergy,' the deed was
done."* The not unnatural remonstrances of his old non-
conforming minister were all unavailing. Henceforth he
was a most consistent and staunch churchman ; he made
the acquaintance of such men as Dr. Hickes, Mr. Nelson,
Mr. Hearne, and Mr. Wanley, and, in fact, went rather too
' ' I joined more constantly in the public prayers and worship, as
judging the Church of England the strongest bulwark against Popery.'
{Diary, i. p. 182.)
'•^ See Diary, i. p. 194.
^ ' July 4, 1692. — Had a sight of the best of bishops that ever honoured
this town with their presence in my time, Archbishop Sharp, a most
excellent preacher, universally beloved.' (Diary, i. p. 224.) ' August 1,
1G95. — At Bishop Thorp ; cannot but admire the learning, piety, moderation,
and ingenuity of the Archbishop, and his chaplain, Mr. Pearson.' {Id.
309.
■* Diary, i. p. 313.
FAITHFUL LAITV OF THE PERIOD 1 35
far to meet t]ie approbation of the Low Cliiirclimen.' ITis
life was so blameless that we can well understand the
pleasure with which he was welcomed by churchmen. His
friend the Archbishop suggested that he should seek Holy
Orders, but he preferred working for the Church, to which
he henceforth devoted most of his time, as a faithful lay-
man.
Another excellent layman who, like Thoresby, was in-
vited to seek Holy Orders, was James Bonnell (1653-1699).
But, unlike Thoresby, he was from first to last a staunch
churchman. Having taken his degree at S. Catherine's
Hall, Cambridge, he became tutor in the family of a Mr.
Freeman, who offered to purchase him a living if he would
take Orders, as he desired to do. But the offer deterred
rather than quickened his ardour to become a clergyman,
f()r ' he reckoned it a great unhappiness to the Church that
interest had any share in the disposal of spiritual things.' ^
He spent the last fifteen years of his short life at Dublin in
the responsible office of ' Accomptant-General of Ireland,'
which his father held before him, living as a most exemplary
and energetic lay churchman, taking the deepest interest in
the Religious Societies and other good works which then
flourished at Dublin. 'Would we,' writes his biographer,'
' Ijehold a Church of England man who has all the accom-
plishments she can give him ; who has fully imbib'd her
doctrine, and gives himself up to the conduct of her laws,
who joyns daily in her devotions, who partakes of her
extensive charity and is acted by her primitive spirit ; who
honours her laws, and lives up to her precejits ? Consider
jNIr. Bonnell well, and it is he.' Funeral sermons are not as
a rule to be taken quite literall,y, but there is a ring about
the praise of the Bishop of Killmore and Ardagh, who
' Bishop Burnet severely rebuked him for becoming ' a rank Tory.'
{Diary, ii. 235.)
'•^ Life and Character of James Bonnell, Esq., by W. Ilamihon, Arcli-
deacon of Armagh.
» Id. p. 241.
136 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
preached Bonnell's funeral sermon, ■\vliicli sounds genuine,
and he wisely fortifies his statements by quoting several
unimpeachable testimonies to Bonnell's excellence. ' I sin-
cerely profess,' he writes, ' I know not where, in the present
age, to meet with, every way, the like man. In a word,
a person so accomplisht for the public employments he
sustained, yet no less accurate in his duties to God, his
neighbour, and himself, I fear scarce any age can shew.'
There were many other laymen of whom the Church of
our period may well be proud, but who, for one reason or
another, can only be touched upon very briefly. There is
Joseph Addison, the ' parson in the tye-wig.' The greatest
literary man of his day was, both l)y training and con-
viction, a staunch adherent of the Church of England.
There is Sir Richard Blackmore, who from a literary point of
view stands at the opposite pole from Addison ; but in the
language of his great biographer,' ' as the poet sinks the
man rises.' Kettlewell's biographer describes him as ' a
gentleman who in his zeal for the service of Eeligion and
for Reformation of manners and principles hath not been
surpassed by any of his profession.' '^ In fact, the rhyming
physician wrote his numerous and portentous epics ex-
pressly in the service of religion. Whether they did her
much service is another question ; but his piety, if not his
poetry, is a credit to that Church of which, from first to
last, he was a staunch member. There is Lord Maynard,
Ken's earliest patron, ' a most exemplary nobleman, who,
with his admirable wife, Lady Margaret, lived on most
intimate terms of friendship with Ken, and seconded all his
endeavours for the good of his flock during his two happy
years at Easton.' ^ There is Sir Edward Atkins, the friend
and neighbour of Humphrey Prideaux at Saham, ' a man
' Dr. Johnson. See Lives of Poets.
" Life of Keitlcwcll, compiled from the collections of Hickes and Nelson,
^ Miss Strickland's Lives of tlie Seven BisJtojps, &c., p. 2-iO.
FAITHFUL LAirV OF THE rERIOD 1 37
of great piet}', probity, and goodness.' In the reign of
James II. he was Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and
' acquitted himself in that post with great justice and
integrity, especially towards the clergy, whom he would
never suffer to be oppressed, and of whose rights he
was remarkably careful whilst he presided in that Court.
Eefusing the oaths, he was excluded from all place, and
retired to Pickenham, and there lived quietly, greatly re-
spected by all his neighbours, to whom he was very useful
in reconciling their differences. As his fame spread all over
the country, people came from great distances to lay their
causes before him.' ' He had the honour of being the early
patron and occasional benefactor of that model country
parson, Isaac Milles.^ There is Sir Walter St. John, of whom
Bishop Patrick speaks most highly both in his ' Auto-
biography ' and his ' Mensa Mystica.' There is William
Melmoth (166G-1743), the first joint-treasurer of the S.P.G.,
an eminent barrister, author of a once very popular devo-
tional work,^ one of the good men who protested against
the licentiousness of the stage, a man whom Mr. Anderson
estimates so highly as to term him ' only second to Piobert
Nelson in the ranks of the lay- members of our Church at
this period.' " There is Edward Colston (1G3G-1721), the
merchant prince, whose memory is still celebrated annually
at Bristol, and whose splendid charities shew that he was
not only a most benevolent man, but also that he deeply
valued the system of that Church of which he was a sincere
and worthy member.'^ There is Walter Chetwynd, who at the
' Life of Dean Prideaux (published 1748), p. 7o.
2 See Life of Rev. Isaac Milles, pp. 45, 46, 70.
■"" The Great Importance of a Religious Life. It was rejiublished in
1819, with an interesting memoir of the author.
■* History of the Church of Englatul in the Colonics, dx., by the Rev.
J. S. M. Anderson, ii. 559.
■'' In 1696 he built a schoolmaster's house for forty-four boys, who were
to be clothed and instructed in reading, writing, arithmetic, and the Church
Caicchism. He gave 6Z. a year to the minister of All Saints', Bristol, for
reading prayers every Monday and Tuesday morning through the year, in-
I3S LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
consecration of the new cluivch at Ingestre, of which he
was ' the pious and generous founder,' in 1677 ' offered upon
the altar the tythes of Hopton, a viUage hard by, to the
vahie of 50/. per annum, as an addition to the rectory for
ever.' ' There is Mr. Seymour, a rich goldsmith and banker
of Lombard Street, and most actively zealous in encouraging
every good work, among other good works building a
church in Spital Fields.'^
It will be observed that all the laymen who have been
noticed belonged to the upper or upper-middle class. It is
much to be regretted that no account has been preserved of
any pious laymen of the humbler ranks ; but perhaps such
obhvion was inevitable. ' The life,' writes Dr. Johnson, ' that
passes in penury, must necessarily pass in obscurity.' ^
Just as in the epic, ' the brave Gyas and the brave Cloan-
thus ' are names and nothing more, though they may have
been as gallant heroes as the Trojan leader himself, so it
is in the battle of the faith. The piety of the masses can
only be gathered from the accounts of crowded services and
well -attended Communions, of whijh something wih be said
in the next chapter.
(2) CHUBCHWOMEN OF THE PEFJOD.
The tendencies of the period embraced within the com-
pass of this work were not favourable to the development
of women's work in the Church. It was not the fashion of
the day for women to occupy a prominent position in any
sphere. Though two out of the five sovereigns who reigned
in England were women, it is curious to observe how small
a part women play hi the life of the nation at large. In
stituted Lent lectures, gave 6,000L for the augmentation of sixty small
livings, gave liberally to the repair of the Cathedral, and towards seating
and beautifying All Saints' Church. (See Edward Colston iJie PJdlantlirojnst,
his Life and Times, by T. Garrard, 1852.)
' White Kennet's Case of Improjiriations, Ac, p. 308.
* See Memoir of Sir George Wlieler. '■' Lives of the Poets, ii. 228.
FAITH I- UL LAITV OF TIIK PERIOD 139
none of tlie Societies formed at this period for missionary,
devotional, or philanthropic objects, does any woman occupy
a leading share. The only attempt to form anything like
an organisation of women was, as we shall see, promptly
nipped in the hud. Headers of the ' Spectator ' will re-
member how the two great essayists, the one chivalrously,
tlie other rather contemptuously, strive to raise the status
of women, both agreeing that it was not a high one. The
low estimation in which the intellectual powers of the sex
were held is strikingl}' brought before us in connection with
the first pious churchwoman who demands our notice.'
Dorothy, Lady Pakington (d. 1G79), enjoyed exceptional
advantages all her life long, both for the improvement of
her mind and for her advancement in the spiritual life. She
belonged to a family equally noted for its moral and its in-
tellectual eminence, being the daughter of Sir Thomas
Coventry : and she was educated under the direction of a
very learned man. Sir Norton Knatchlnill. Her marriage
with Sii' John Pakington made Westwood House her home ;
and Westwood House during the Eebellion was to distressed
royalists and churchmen, what Shottesbrooke House after
the Eevolution was to distressed nonjurors. At Westwood,
Henry Hammond found a permanent, and George Morley
a temporary home. The mistress was a friend of Fell,
Gunning, Henchman, Pearson, Thomas, Dolben, Allestree,
— in fact of the most famous churchmen of the period.
Hickes knew her well in his early years, and affirms that
some of the great men mentioned above considered her
knowledge of sacred literature and ethics of all kinds equal
to their own.'^ And yet her sex was considered by many
an insurmountable a jiriori objection to Lad}^ Pakington's
authorship of the ' Whole Duty of Man.'
' ' In tlie female world,' writes Dr. Johnson in his Life of Addison, ' any
acquaintance with books was distinguished only to be censured.'
-' See Hickes' preface to his Anglo-Saxon and Mceso-Gotliic Grammar,
inscribed to Sir John Pakington, grandson of Dorothy, Lady Pakington.
l/\.0 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
The Court of Charles II. is not exactly the place where
one would expect to find the brightest examples of female
piety ; and yet on that most uncongenial soil blossomed
one of the fairest flowers that ever grew in Christ's garden
on earth. Margaret Godolphin, nee Blagge (1G52-1678),
was before her marriage a maid of honour to the ill-used
Queen Catherine. Her short but lovely life has been
sketched by the sympathising pen of her devoted friend,
John Evelyn ; and it would be almost like sacrilege to
describe it in other than the simple but most touching
language of her biographer ; but as his little work is easily
accessible and ought to be well known to every true church-
man, it is unnecessary to quote it.^ Suffice it to say, in the
language of the accomplished editor, ' she was a true
daughter of the Church of England; Puritanism did not
contract her soul into moroseness, nor did she go to Rome
to learn the habits of devotion.' ^ She observed most
strictly all the fasts and festivals of the Church, and in
fact formed her whole life, which was a blameless and
Christ-like life, on the hues which our Church lays down.
Nor was Mrs. Godolphin's life the only instance.
Lady Sylvius, {nee Howard) was a maid of honour in the
Court of Charles II. ; and Evelyn writes to her, ' When she
(Mrs. Godolphin) left Court, to your ladyship and jom sister
she left her pretty Oratorye, soe often consecrated with her
prayers and devotions, as to the only successors of her
virtues and piety ; and as I am persuaded the Court was
every day less sensible of its losse whilst you both continued
in it, because you trode in this religious lady's stepps, so
the piety it anywhere still retaines is accountable to your
rare example.'^ But Mrs. Evelyn took a more hopeful
view than her husband. ' My wife,' writes the latter, ' would
' See Life of Mrs. Godolpliin, by John Evelyn, of Wotton, Esq., now
first published, and edited by the Bishop of Oxford (Wilberforce), Pickering,
1847.
■■^ Bishop Wilberforce 's Introduction to the above, p. xvii.
^ Life of Mrs, Oodolpliin, p. GO.
FAITIIFUr- LAITY OF THE PERIOD I4I
often reprove the diffidence I was wont to express when they
would sometimes discourse of piety and rehgion, eminent
among the Court ladyes. You (Lady Sylvius) had indeed
a sister there, whose perfections would no longer suffer me
to continue altogether in this false persuasion, but to believe
tliere were many saints in that country I was not much
inclined to.' ' Other contemporary evidence bears out Mrs.
Evelyn's view. Roger North tells us that when his kinsman
Dv. John North resided at King Charles' Court, as clerk of the
closet, ' divers persons,' especially ladies, took him for their
spiritual adviser. And he adds, ' I have heard him say
that for the number of persons that resided in the Court,
a place reputed a centre of all vice and irreligion, there
were as many truly pious and strictly religious as could be
found in any other resort whatsoever. And he never saw
so much fervent devotion, and such frequent acts of piety
and charity, as his station gave him occasion to observe
there.' ^ Possibly this may be rather highly coloured ; Dr.
North's position would naturally make him think the best
he could of his surroundings. But at any rate there were
many ladies of as high rank as those about the Court, whose
piety was as conspicuous as their good breeding. Such were
the two sisters, Lady Eanelagh, and Mary, Countess of
Warwick, daughters of the Earl of Cork, and sisters of the
famous Robert Boyle, already noticed.
Lady Eanelagh, the elder sister (1614-1691), held a promi-
nent position before the world for more than fifty years; and
during the whole of that time ' we never see her name but as
a living principle of good, diffusing blessings and averting
harms.' ^ She went hand in hand in all his good works
with her brother, who lived with her nearly forty-seven years.
' Id. p. 28.
2 'Life of the Hon. and Rev. Dr. John North,' in the Lives of the
Norths, by Hon. Roger North, vol. iii. p. 324.
' ' Diary and Correspondence of Dr. J. Worthington,' from the Baler
MSS; edited by J. Crosslcy, voL xiii. of the pubUcations of the Chetham
Society, vol. i. p. 1('>5, note.
142 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
The second Earl of Clarendon often visited her, especially
on Sunday afternoons, for the purpose of religious counsel.'
Indeed she seems to have heen a spiritual counsellor to
many, preserving all the while the utmost humility and
feminine softness.^ Burnet affirms without exaggeration
that ' she employed the whole of her time, interest, and
estate in doing good,' and that ' she had with a vast reach
hoth of knowledge and apprehension, an universal affability
and easiness of access,' — with much move to the same effect.^
The younger sister, Mary, Countess of Warwick (1625-
1678), was as eminent for her piety as her brother and sister
were ; but it took a somewhat different shape, owing to her
marriage, at the early age of fifteen, with the Earl of Warwick.
This nobleman had a strong leaning towards Puritanism,
and was a great patron of Puritan divines, whose porten-
tously long sermons he was not content with listening to,
but would have repeated at home. The young Countess
quite entered into the spirit of her new home. ' God was
pleased,' she writes, ' to bring me by my marriage into a
noble, and, which is more, a religious family ; where reli-
gion was both practised and encouraged, and where there
were daily many eminent and excellent divines, who
preached in the chapel most edifyingly and awakeningly
to us.' ■* There was ' a famous household chaplain,' Dr.
Walker, ' by whose ministry,' she writes, ' it pleased God to
work exceedingly upon me.' ■' She does not, however, for-
get to own her previous obligations to ' my dear sister
Kanelagh, who did constantly before call upon me to turn
to God,' and now encouraged her in her new course of life.
Thei-e was no actual tinge of Puritanism either in Lady
' See Henry, Earl of Clarendon's Diary, ii. 173, and paasim.
'■* See Worthington's Diary, ut supra.
=" See Burnet's Funeral Saiiioii on Hon. Eobcrt Boyle, appended to
Birch's Life.
■* Auiohiocjraiiliy of Mary, Cumitas of Wanviclc, cd. by T. Crofton
Croker (Percy Society), p. 15.
a Id. p. 20.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 43
Eanelagh or her brother Eobert, though there would be no
violent antagonism to it in either of them ; and moreover,
the Countess of Warwick always professed herself a church-
woman. As her nonconforming biographer ' honestly owns,
' she very inoffensively, regularly, and devoutly ol)served the
orders of the Church of England in its liturgy and public
service, which she failed not to attend twice a day with
exemplary reverence.' She attended the services of the old
Church, Chelsea, and often heard Morley preach there.
Her Christian character showed itself, among other ways,
in unbounded liberality. When the Earl died and be-
queathed to her his property, it was said (as anticipating
how she would employ it), that he had left his estate to
charitable uses.^ ' Such,' we are told, ' was the fame of her
charity and hospitality, that it advanced the rent of houses
in her neighbourhood, where she was the common arbitress
of controversies, which she decided with great sagacity and
judgment, and prevented many lawsuits.'^ Her diary,
which in MS. is of enormous length,^ and of which the
published part is but a fraction, is simply a record of her
religious experience, the only facts which she notices besides
this, being the names of the preachers she heard ; but it
may fairly be called (as it has has been), her ' Auto-
biography,' for religious exercises really made to a great
extent the life of this good woman. It would be wearisome
and unnecessary to quote the many testimonies to her excel-
' S. Clarke, a nonconformist who lost his benefice (S. Bennet Fink), in
iri()2, but it would be most incorrect to call him a dissenter. He expressly
tells us himself, ' After the Black Act, &c., I durst not separate from the
Church of England, nor was satisfied about gathering a private Church out
of a true Church, as I judge the Church of England to be.' {Autobiography
attached to Lives of Sicndnj EiHine)d Persons in this Latter Age, by S.
Clarke.) There will, of course, be nothing strange in this to the well-
informed ; but, in spite of every evidence to the contrary, popular accounts
persist in confounding nonconformists with dissenters.
'^ See Life of Bishop Ken, by a Layman, i. 70.
3 Granger's Biographical History of England.
* The manuscript is in the Brilibh Museum.
144 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
lence which are still extant.^ Let us pass on to another
occasional worshipper at the old church, Chelsea, under
Bishop Morley.
Lady Margaret Maynard has heen rescued from oblivion
chiefly through her connection with Ken, whose pious
efforts at Little Easton she heartily supported. Like Lady
Warwick she has left us a journal which breathes a like
spirit of piety, but is that of a more distinctive churchwoman
than the former, as might be expected from one who had
sat at the feet of Ken, and been deeply impressed by his
preaching.^ Ken, in preaching her funeral sermon, drew
a picture of a most devoted churchwoman.
Lady Frances Digby stood somewhat in the same relation
to Kettlewell at Coleshill as Lady Maynard did to Ken at
Easton. She died however in her twenty-third year, ' but,'
says Kettlewell in her funeral sermon, ' in her green years
she had attained a maturity in goodness.' Kettlewell was
not the man to say conventional nothings, even in a funeral
sermon ; we may therefore fully believe all that he says in
her praise. ' I freely confess to your lordship,' he says in his
dedication of the sermon to the bereaved husband, ' that
my aim has been to speak too little for fear of saying too
much. They who knew her best will say that this is not
only a true, but a modest character.'^
The last two ladies are known rather as worthy help-
mates to pious husbands than as having struck out an
independent line of their own. The same cannot be said
of Lady Elizabeth Hastings, daughter of the Earl of
' See, inter alia, the Funeral Sermon by Dr. Walker. Aubrey's Letters,
ii. 25-5, S. Clarke {ut snpra), &c.
'■^ She writes, for instance, after having heard Ken preach on the Holy
Communion ; ' When the sermon was done, I found my heart exceedingly to
long after this blessed feast ; and when I remembered the sufferings of our
Saviour, I did weep bitterly, and with great earnestness begged of God to
give me Christ. My heart was much carried out to bless God, and I had
then such sweet communion with Him, that I could say it was good for me
to be there.'
^ See Life of Kettlewell, p. 704 &c.
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 45
Huntingdon, who long survived the period with which
this work deals, but who was well known for her many
excellences during the latter part of our period. She suc-
ceeded in winning the deep respect and admiration of men
who were by no means inclined themselves to follow the
strictness of her life. Congreve has immortalised her, in
rather bombastic and conventional language, in the 42nd
number of the * Tatler,' under the singularly inappropriate
title of the ' Divine Aspasia,' and Steele took up the same
subject in the 49th number, in a far more touching and
genuine strain ; but both agree in lavishing upon her the
most enthusiastic praise. But it was not among men like
Congreve and Steele that Lady Betty Hastings (as she was
generally called) sought and found her friends. Being
early left a widow, she settled at Ledsham or Ledstow Hall
in Yorkshire, and, though still young and beautiful, retired
entirely from what is called ' society,' and devoted herself
to works of piety and charity. There she enjoyed the con-
versation of pious churchmen, such as Archbishop Sharp,
Richard Lucas, and Eobert Nelson. The latter applied to
her the text, ' Many daughters have done virtuously, but
thou excehest them all ; ' and Nelson,' like Kettlewell, was a
man who never flattered or exaggerated. Ralph Thoresby
describes with delight a visit he paid to Ledsham Hall, when
he was ' extremely pleased with the most agreeable conver-
sation of the pious and excellent Lady E. Hastings."- She
not only spent her time and money most lavishly in all
sorts of good works in her own neighbourhood, but was
ever ready to lend a helping hand to schemes of piety and
benevolence in all parts of the world. Bishop Wilson found
her a most generous supporter in his various good works
in the Isle of Man ; ^ she contributed nobly to poor Dean
Berkeley's Bermuda mission scheme,'' and not only helped
' See Nelson's Address to Pc7-sons of QualUij. - Diary, ii. 82.
" See SlowcH's Life of Wilson, p. 281, and CruttweU's Life, p. 18.
* 500L See Anderson's History of the Colonial Church, iii. 350.
L
146 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Mrs. Astell most liberally in her design for a ' Protestant
Nunnery,' but had the moral courage to support that
good lady when she was suffering from most unmerited
obloquy.'
Rachel Wriothesley, Lady Russell (1636-1713), was, like
LadyE. Hastings, for many years a widow of blameless life,
and to her widowhood a peculiarly melancholy interest is
attached, owing to the sad circumstances of her husband's
death. She was the daughter of the pious and high-
minded Earl of Southampton, and married first Lord
A'aughan ; after his death she married Mr., afterwards Lord
"William Russell, whose tragic end everybody knows. As
wife, widow, and mother, Lady Russell was a pattern. Read
in the light of after-events, few compositions are more
touching than her letters to her second husband, breathing,
as they do, a spirit of the most tender affection and ardent
piety,^ and presenting a perfect picture of domestic happi-
ness. How that happiness was rudely shattered by the
execution of Lord William, how nobly Lady Russell behaved
at and after the trial, assisting her husband as amanuensis,
and, after the sentence throwing herself at the king's feet
to plead for him whom she loved next to God, need not
here be told. When she was left a second time a widow,
' See infra, pp. 148-9, and Ballard's British Ladies, p. 317. There is a
very poor account, without anything definite or interesting in it, of the good
lady, entitled An Historical Character relating to the holy and exemplary
Life of Lady E. Hastings, by Thomas Barnard, Master of the Free School
in Leeds, pub. 1742.
■^ The following is a specimen. ' God knows best when we have had
enough here ; what I most earnestly beg from His mercy is, that we both
live so as, whichever goes first, the other may not sorrow as for one of whom
they have no hope. Then let us cheerfully expect to be together to a good
old age ; if not, let us not doubt but He will support us under what trial he
will inflict. These are necessary meditations sometimes, that we may not be
surprised above our strength by a sudden accident, being unprepared.' (See
Letters from Lady Russell to her husband, from 1672 to 1682, attached to
Some Account of the Life of Rachael Wriothesley, Lady Russell, by the
Editor of Madame du Deffand's Letters. A fuller collection of the Letters
of Lady R. Russell has also been published, 3rd edition, 1792.)
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 47
she devoted herself to the education of her children, but
did not shut herself entirely out from the world. As to her
religious sentiments, the influence of her father, her second
husband, and her uncle, a French refugee named Ruvigny,
all inclined her to greater liberality towards nonconformists
than was usual among church-people of that day ; ])oth
Tillotson and Burnet (the best side of whose character
comes out in his relation to this noble lady) were also her
friends, and would of course influence her in the same
direction. But personally she was a staunch adherent to
the Church of England; her spiritual director was Dr.
Fitz William, a nonjuror who had been chaplain to the Earl
of Southampton, and retained through life the closest
intimacy with his children, especially Lady Russell. His
letters to her are written in a tone of authority mingled
with deep affection, and her replies clearly imply that she
desired to be guided by his counsel. During the minority
of her son, who had succeeded to the Earldom of Bedford,
great pul)lic responsibilities of course devolved upon her,
among otber ways, in the distribution of church patronage,
and she discharged them as she did every duty of her life,
with admirable conscientiousness and judiciousness.
Before we descend to the commonalt}', two more ladies of
rank deserve a passing notice. The Countess of Derby, whose
memory is embalmed in a prayer written by the saintly
Bishop Wilson,' and whose assistance is said to have been
most valuable to him in his attempts, as chaplain, to reform
the household of his generous but rather reckless patron ;
and Lady Conway, sister of the pious and able Heneage
Finch, Earl of Nottingham. To the latter. Dr. Henry
More's heroine pupil, a prominent place would have to be
' ' Grant that we may all follow her steps in the way which leads to
eternal life. Let her zeal and sincerity encourage the good to persevere,
and her piety provoke the wicked to amend their ways, that at last we may
all meet, and become again one family, in the eternal mansions which Thoa
hast prepared for all that love and fear Thy Name.' ( See Stowell's Life of
Bishop Wilson, p. 28.)
I, 2
148 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1 7 14
given, if this were a record of all the remarkable women of
the period who showed an interest in religion, but as it is
simply a sketch of pious chivrclucomen, no more need be
said about one who turned Quakeress.'
Mention has already been made of Mary Astell (1668-
1731), a lady of very remarkable intelligence, and no less
remarkable piety. She was the daughter of a merchant at
Newcastle, but was educated by her uncle, a clergyman,
who, observing her inteUectual aptitude, devoted himself
personally to the cultivation of her mind. Her devotional
works will be noticed presently, but one of her writings must
be mentioned here in connection with her life. Seeing and
lamenting the imperfect education, and the frivolous, aim-
less lives of many of her sex, she published ' A Serious
Proposal to Ladies, &c.' The proposal was that a sort of
' Protestant Nunnery,' or, ' lest the word nunnery should
frighten people, a Christian Ketirement should be formed,
to which ladies who nauseated the world might retire,' to
improve their minds and cultivate the spiritual life. The
college was to be conducted on strictly Church principles,
and its inmates were to enjoy all Church privileges in their
fulness, but there was not the slightest foundation for the
suspicion, which wrecked it at the outset, that it had a
Romanising tendency.'^ A ' great lady,' supposed by some
to be the Princess of Denmark, afterwards Queen Anne, by
others with more probability to be Lady E. Hastings,^ was so
' In the Baiodon Papers there is rather an amusing sketcli of Lady
Conway's household, written by her husband to Sir G. Rawdon, to dissuade
him from sending his daughter, Lord Conway's niece, to live with them.
• In my family all the women about my wife, and most of the rest, are
Quakers, and Mons. Van Helmont is governor of that flock ; an uni^leasing
sort of people, silent, sullen, and of a reserved conversation, which can be
no ways agreeable to your daughter, nor for her advantage. These and all
that society have free access to my wife, but I believe Dr. More, though he
was in the house all the last summer, did not see her above twice or thrice.'
(p. 254.)
^ See Serious Proposal to the Ladies for the advancement of their true
and greatest Interest, bij a lover of her sex (published 1694.)
3 See Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England : Mary Beatrice
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 49
pleased with the proposal that she purposed giving 10,000L
for the erection of a college in which it might be carried
out. But Bishop Burnet, ' buzzed into the ears ' of this
great lady a sort of 'No Popery' alarm, and so wrought
upon her feelings that, ' as she was zealously attached to
the Chur('h of England,' she abandoned her benevolent
intention. Hence the scheme fell through for want of
funds ; but poor Mrs. Astell was not allowed to rest in
peace. An atrocious libel, reflecting upon her personal
character, and ridiculing her ' Platonic notions ' (she was a
vehement anti-Platonist !) appeared in the 32nd number
of the ' Tatler,' and the attack was renewed in the
63rd number. The papers are manifestly written under
an entire misconception, and Avould not be worth noticing
but for the fame of the periodical in which they appeared.
Everything we hear of Mrs. Astell gives us the idea of
one who lived a most blameless life, and was valued
intellectually, perhaps beyond her merits, by her contem-
poraries. Dean (afterwards Bishop) Atterbury,' her near
neighbour at Chelsea, John Norris of Bemerton,- Dean
Hickes,^ Henry Dodwell,"* all agree in praising her highly,
and it would be difficult to discover a single hint which
would lead one to suppose that her reputation as a most
Christian-minded woman was undeserved.
Susanna Hopton (1627-1709) resembled in many re-
spects Mary Astell. Both were what would now be called
advanced churchwomen ; both were intelligent and learned
beyond the average of women of their day, both had many
friends and correspondents among the clergy, and both
of Modena, vi. 245 ; Ballard's Memoirs of British Ladies : Mary Astell, p. 307.
Also Tatler, No. 37, note in the edition of 1797.
' See Memoirs and Corresi:ondcnce of Bishop Alterhiiry, by Folkestone
Williams, i. 169, containing an interesting letter from Atterbury to Smal-
ridge about Mrs. Astell.
•^ See Letters concerning the Love of God betireen tlie Author of the
Proposal to the Ladies, and Mr. John Korris.
'' See his lietters to Dr. Charlett, Master of University College.
* ' That admirable guntlewoman, Mra. Aslell.'
150 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
wrote devotional works of considerable repute. But
Susanna Hopton was perhaps in rather a higher social
position than Mary Astell ; at any rate, she was more
richly endowed with this world's goods. Dr. Hickes and
Dr. Spinckes have both given us brief, but very vivid,
sketches of her life and character ; and of course she
figures conspicuously in Ballard's ' Memoirs of Learned
British Ladies.' From these sources, and from her own
writings, which evidently reflect the writer's own mind, it
is easy to form a definite picture of the good lady. She is
described by Spinckes as ' a person of quality, estate, and
figure in her country, the ingeniously ini]uisitive, and truly
devout and pious relict of R. Hopton, Esq., who had been
one of the Welsh judges in the reigns of Charles II. and
James IL' ' In her early years she had been allured into
the Church of Rome, but she came back to the Church of
her baj^tism, more strongly convinced of its excellence than
ever, and she never wavered in her opinion again to the
end of her long life. Hickes writes of her as ' one whose
house is a temple, and whose family is a church or religious
society, and whose hands are daily lifted up to Heaven,
with alms as well as prayers ; one who religiously observes
all the orders of the Church, and for the great ends for
which they are enjoyned ; in a word, one who is a great
ornament to our communion in this degenerate age.' -
Damaris Cudworth (1658-1708), daughter of Ralph
Cudworth, the great author of the ' Intellectual System,'
wife of Sir F. Masham, and friend of John Locke, who
died in her house, deserves a passing notice as a pious and
learned lady. As might be expected in a disciple of Locke,
she was a churchwoman of a different tyjje from that of
the last two ladies, but she ivas a churchwoman, and, so
' See Spinckes' Preface to A Collection of Meditations and Devotions,
in three Parts (published 1717).
- Preface to Devotions in the ancient iray of Offices, dc. See also Hickes'
Letters, passim, especially vol. ii. pp. 119 and 129.
FAITHFUL LAITV CF THE PERIOD I5I
far as can be ascertained, a very worthy one. Locke held
her m the highest admiration and esteem, and her kind
attention to that great man is one of the many amiable
traits in her character.'
Ken's ' Good Virgins,' the two Misses Kemeyse, in whose
retreat at Naish House the deprived bishop often sought
refuge when the gaieties of Longleat drove him from that
hospitable seat, or when the rules of his Church suggested
a ' retirement into the desert out of the noise and hurry of
the world,' ^ ought not to be forgotten. Ken was attracted
not only by the solitude of Naish House, but by his esteem
for the good old maiden ladies who owned it. They, in
their turn, had the deepest reverence for Ken, and relieved,
through him, many of the deprived clergy. One of them,
who was a recipient of their bounty, Thomas Smith, has
drawn a pretty picture of their life. ' The private seat,' he
writes to Ken, ' of the good ladyes hath better pretence to
the title of a " Eeligious House" than those so-called in
Popish countries. . . . These good ladyes are happy under
your conduct, and are, by an uninterrupted course of piety,
elevated above all the gaudy pompes and vanities of the
world, and enjoy all the comforts and satisfactions and
serenity of mind, to be wished for and attained on this side
of Heaven, in their solitude.' ^
The ' Matchless Orinda ' may fairly claim a place among
eminent churchwomen, though certainly not so promi-
nent a one as the epithet attached to her name would
imply. The ' matchless Orinda ' was known to prosaic
mortals as Mrs. Katherine Philips, nee Fowler (1631-1664).
Brought up as a Presbyterian, she became a staunch church-
woman and roj'alist by conviction, at a time when such a
change was anything but beneficial to her worldly pros-
' See Professor Fowler's ' Locke,' in the English Men of Letters series,
pp. 62 and 100.
'' Ken's Prose Works, edited by Round, pp. 1)0-99.
' Ken's Prose Works, ut supra.
i=;2
LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
pects. She was born and passed her childhood within the
sound of Bow Bells, but on her mai-riage with a Welsh
gentleman, Mr. Philips (the Antenor of her poems), she went
to live in the more poetical region of South Wales. Here
she made the acquaintance and won the esteem of her
neighbour at Golden Grove, Jeremy Taylor, who paid her
the high honour of dedicating his ' Discourse on the Nature,
Offices, and Measures of Friendship ' ' to the most ingenious
and excellent Mrs. Katherine Philips.' 'Most ingenious
and excellent' we may allow her to have been, though we
cannot admit her to be ' matchless,' and though we may
think her ingenuity to be rather perverted in her high-
flown advocacy of platonic friendship in her poems; but
all her influence, which for a time was very great, was
exercised in behalf of what was pure and good, and she
was an excellent Christian and churchwoman.
Mrs. Evelyn, the wife of John Evelyn, was a wife wor-
thy of such a husband. This is evident from incidental
notices in the famous ' Diary,' and is confirmed by the
lady's own ' Letters,' and by the ' Character ' of her, as
sketched by Dr. Bohun, her son's tutor. ' The memory,'
writes Dr. Bohun, ' of her virtues and benefits made such
deep impression on her neighbours of Deptford and Green-
wich, that if any should bring in another report from this,
or what was generally received among them, they would
condemn it as false, and the effect of a slanderous calumny.'
She herself gives us an excellent sketch of what she con-
sidered to be the province of a pious wife and mother,
though it would hardly satisfy the advocates of women's
rights. ' We are willing,' she writes to Dr. Bohun, ' to
acknowledge all time borrowed from family duties is mis-
spent ; the care of children's education, observing a hus-
band's commands, assisting the sick, relieving the poor,
and being serviceable to our friends, are of sufficient weight
to employ the most improved capacities amongst us.' ' In
' The Letters of Mrs. Evelyn, ■with her Character by Dr. Bohun, will be
FAITHFUL LAITY OF TIIK TFRIOD I 53
these unpretentious but useful duties she was content to
spend her bhuneless hfe, proving a good helpmate to her
famous husband, whom she survived about three years.
There are some ladies whose piety is only known to
us from the fact of their funeral sermons having been
preached by famous divines, and therefore preserved.
Such were Lady Cutts, who died at the early age of eigh-
teen, and of whom a fall biography is given in one of Atter-
bury's famous sermons ; ' and Lady Marow, whose funeral
sermon Bishop Hough preached in 1714. It concludes,
after a long panegyric, thus : ' They who knew the Lady
Marow will subscribe to what I have said concerning her ;
and, I apprehend, will think the character rather short and
defective, than that I have exceeded it ; ' ^ Lady Brooke (1602-
1683), daughter of the famous royalist T. Culpepper, and
wife of Sir E. Brooke ; but, apart from the fact that funeral
sermons are not very satisfactory testimonies, these ladies
are rather too shadowy beings to be adduced as instances
of female piety.
There is, however, one class of churchwomen who must
not be omitted, namely, the wives of clergymen. The popular
opinion that the clergy of this period married, as a ride, wives
of a low social standing, may be incorrect. But waiving
that question for the present, it is clear that the clergyman's
wife, as such, was not so prominent a feature in clerical
life as she is at present. She generally appears, when she
appears at all in clerical biographies, simply as the help-
mate of her husband. Thus, Anne Nelson, daugliter of the
rector of Haugham in Lincolnshire, who married Piobert
Sanderson, is sufficiently described, according to the no-
tions of Sanderson's biographer, as ' such a wife as was
suitable to his own desires ; a wife that made his life happy
found appended to the 4lli volume of Evelyn's Dianj, Bray's edition,
l«5-2.
' Sermon VI. in Atterbury's Sermons, 8th ed., 176G.
" See Life of Rev. John Hough, D.D., successively Bishop of Oxford,
Zjiclifield and Coventry, and Worcester, by J. Wilmot, p. 78.
154 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
by being always content when he was cheerful ; that
divided her joys with him, and abated of his sorrow^ by
bearing a part of that burden ; a wife that demonstrated
her affection by a cheerful obedience to all his desires
during the whole course of his life ; and at his death too, for
she survived him.' ' Mary Caning, who became the wife
of Eobert Frampton, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, is
briefly referred to by Frampton' s contemporary biographer
as one who ' understood the grounds of religion as
thoroughly as most. And as few could talk better of it than
she, so yet fewer there are that so conscientiously reduced
their knowledge to practice, and was thereby a yoke fellow
worthy such an husband.' - Bridget Gregory, who married
Bishop Bull, is described, while yet living, by Bull's bio-
grapher, as ' in all respects a fit consort for a clergyman, as
being in her own nature sufficiently provident, and yet well
disposed to all manner of good works, out of a true principle
of love to God and goodness. Her attire was very plain and
grave ; her chief diversion was the care of her family ; and
her main ambition was to please her husband, to whom
she was always a complying and obedient wife.' ^ He then
proceeds to describe her self-denying labours in behalf of
the temporal and spiritual condition of the poor ; but all
was done in the strictest subordination to her husband's
authority.
It is the same with Mrs. Mary Patten, who was married
to the saintly Bishop Wilson in 1698. During the short
period of her married life, which was barely seven years,
she was the most sympathising and helpful of companions.
The good bishop mentions in his catalogue of ' special
favours,' ' October 27, 1698, I was married to M. Patten, an
exceUent woman;' ^ and then tells us of ' her great modesty
' Izaak Walton's Life of Dr. Robert Sanderson.
'-' Life of Robert Frampton, Bishop of Oloucestcr, edited by Rev. T.
Simpson Evans, from an old MS. Memoir, pp. 109-10.
3 Nelson's Life of Bull, p. (39. * Keble's Life of Bishop Wilson, i. I'il.
FAITHFUL LAFIY OF THE PERIOD I55
and meekness of spirit, her remarkable dutifulness to her
parents and love to her relations ; her singular love to him-
self, her tender affection for her children, in performing all
the offices of a kind and pious mother ; her peculiar care of
her family, and the prudence and mildness with which she
governed it ; the great humility of her conversation with
all sorts of persons ; her great compassion for the poor and
miserable, and her cheerful concurrence with him in re-
lieving them.' ' This is an ample catalogue of virtues, but
it will be observed that they are all of the domestic sort.
Nor do any of the exquisite prayers which, more suo, he
wrote on the occasion of her last illness and of her death,
from which the above description is taken, give us any
other impression.
Still more strikingly is the point we are noting brought
out in the life of Elizabeth Blake (1661-170|), the third
wife of Bishop Burnet, who appears to have been really a
remarkable woman. She was the eldest daughter of Sir
R. Blake, and married at the age of seventeen Mr. Berkeley
of Spetchley, the match being brought about by Bishop
Fell. That distinguished prelate, and the still more dis-
tinguished Stillingfleet, were most intimate with her, and
expressed the very highest opinion both of her intellectual
and moral character. Of her intellectual powers we have
ample evidence in the devotional work which she published
anonymously, and which will be noted in its proper place ;
and her piety, generosity, and humility were equally con-
spicuous during her married life and her seven years of
widowhood. And yet, Thomas Burnet, the bishop's son,
describes the marriage of such a woman with his father in
terms which would be applicable to the selection of a nur-
sery governess. ' The assiduous attention which he was
obliged to, whilst he was preceptor to the Duke (of Glou-
cester), and the tender age of his children, made it requisite
to look out for a proper mistress to his family. He fixed
' See Stowell's Life of Bisliojj Wilson, p. 54.
156 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 16G0-1714
upon Mrs. Berkeley, a lady of uncommon degrees of know-
ledge, piety, and virtue,' &c.^
All these, be it observed, were ladies of gentle birth.
And so was a still more remarkable woman than any of
them, Susanna Annesley (1669-1742), the faithful wife of
Samuel Wesley. She was the daughter of Dr. Annesley, a
near relation of the Earl of Anglesey, and the minister of
S. Giles', Cripplegate, from which he was ejected by the
Bartholomew Act. Thus she was brought up a noncon-
formist, but became a staunch churchwoman by conviction
before she was thirteen years of age. The many readers
of the many lives of John Wesley must have been struck
with the marked individuality of his mother's character.
She impressed herself upon her three famous sons, whose
early education, as, indeed, that of all her numerous
family, was entirely under her charge, more strongly than
their father. The very style of writing which was common
to all three brothers, Samuel, John, and Charles, closely
resembles that of their mother ; plain good sense, expressed
curtly and even bluntly, but in thoroughly pure and idio-
matic language, belongs to them all. Mrs. Wesley was a
well-educated woman, with a strong and even masculine
mind. She showed, too, a masculine spirit in her brave
struggles with poverty ; but there was in her -no lack of
feminine delicacy, and she was ever content to be simply
the rector's wife, though she was clearly the stronger
character of the two. She did not always agree with her
husband, for while lie wrote in defence of the Eevolution,
she sympathised with the nonjurors ; but she was faithful
to her marriage vow of obedience, and was as admirable
a wife as she was a mother. But her life and letters are,
or might be, so well known, that it is needless to dwell
' See Life of Bishop Burnet, by Thomas Burnet, Esq., prefixed to
Burnet's History of his Own Times (edition of 1815). For an account of
Mrs. Elizabeth Burnet, see the Memoirs of her by Thomas Goodwyn, D.D.,
Archdeacon of Oxford [afterwards Archbisliop of Cashelj, prefixed to lier
Method of Devotion (■2nd edition, 1709).
FAITHFUL LAITY OF THE PERIOD 1 57
longer upon her.' But for the fame of her great sons, this
very remarkahle woman would have probably passed into
oblivion. And in other rectories, besides Epworth, may there
not have been Susanna Wesleys ? She is not spoken of
as a phenomenon, and there is no reason to suppose that
in her generation there were not many who followed her,
though perhaps ' baud passibus sequis.'
' See Dr. Adam Clarke's Memoirs of the Wesley Family. The Mother
of the Wesleys, by Eev. — Kirk. Susanna Wesley, by E. Clarke, in the
Eminent Women series. The Wonicn of Mclhodism, by A. Stevens, LL.D.
Southey, Tyerman, &c.
158 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
CHAPTEE IV.
RESTORATION OF ORDER.
A DIFFICULT task, no doubt, lay before the restorers of
Church order after the return of the king. The havoc
which had been made with the fabrics, the long disuse in
pubhc of the order and ceremonies of the Church of England,
the perplexity of men's minds amid the din of contending
parties when there were almost as many sects as worship-
pers,' might well make many feel as Basire felt when he said
* it would take up a whole man to reform the parsons and
repair the churches.' '^ Nevertheless, if the majority of the
nation, clergy and laity, had set themselves, shoulder to
shoulder, to restore order externally and internally, the
work would soon have been done. Unfortunately this was
not the case. Many able and pious churchmen, both lay
and clerical, have been noticed, and many more might be
added to the list, and these men in time made their
influence felt. But there were also many, both clergy and
laity, who were very far indeed from helping to strengthen
the hands of the Church. It has been said, and, it is to be
feared, with great truth, that the Church had to begin her
work with a clergy of whom at least three- fourths were
alien to her doctrine and discipline.^ The penal Acts were a
direct encouragement to men of loose principles to conform,
and a discouragement to men of tender consciences. They
excluded a Howe, a Baxter, and a Bates, and retained a
' See Henry Rogers' Life and Character of John Howe, p. fi4.
^ See Corresiiondencc of Bishop Cosln (Surtces Society), Part II.
' Church Quarterly Review.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 59
Parker, a Cartwright, and a Wood. There were very many
conformists who were not churchmen at all, except in
name.' With such a clergy it was not likely that Church
order would be restored rapidly, even if the laity had been
staunch. But, though doubtless the laxity and viciousness
which belonged to the Court and its purlieus have been
attributed too generally to the country at large, still the
contemporary complaints of a general looseness of morals
are too numerous and trustworthy to be disregarded. The
reader, therefore, must expect to find in this chapter indi-
cations of only a very gradual progress.
To begin with the fabrics. The condition of the Cathe-
drals must have been appalling indeed when the king re-
turned. S. Paul's is described as a loathsome Golgotha.^
The choir had been turned into horse barracks for the
Oliverian troopers, and saw-pits had been dug within its
enclosures.^ When Bishop Hacket went to Lichfield ' he
found sorrow and pity in himself to see his Cathedral
Church lying in the dust. At S. Asaph the postmaster
had kept his horses and oxen in the nave. At Exeter they
made the church a common jakes.'' The accounts of
' Take the following contemporary definition of Latitudinarians :
' Persons that had no great liking for the liturgy or ceremonies, or indeed the
government of this church, but yet had attained to such a largeness and free-
dom of judgment, as that they could conform, though without any warmth or
affection for these things.' (Ajipendix to Birch's Life of Tillotson, by J. B.
[_that is, John Beardmore, Tillotson's pupil at Clave Hall] ). This is not a
fair description of all ' Latitudinarians,' but it is applicable to many 'con-
formists.' Dean Granville complains of ' the nonconformity or rather
semi-conformity of the clergy (who did with zeale more than enough and
sometimes too bitterly inveigh against nonconformists), which engendered
that brood which are the authors of our misery, and their forwardness to
dispense, throughout the nation, with the Church discipline as they pleased,
rubricks of Liturgy,' &c. {Remains of Dean Granville, Surtees Miscellanea,
Part I., p. 136.) See also I'art II., p. 42. Also, Life of Bishop Frampton,
edited by Eev. T. Simpson, p. 133; South's Servians, jxassim ; Life of
Bishop Hackei, &c. &c.
'^ A Character of England, dc, by John Evelyn, published lfio9.
' Sir Christopher Wren and his Times, Elmes, p. 224.
* Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, by Mackenzie Walcott, p. 6.
l6o LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Canterbury,' Chichester,- m fact ahnost all the Cathedrals
except Salisbury are as bad. The parish churches do not
appear to have suffered so severely as the Cathedrals, which
were the objects of the Puritans' special aversion, but the
accounts of them are sad enough. Thus Archdeacon
Basire reports of Northumberland in 1662 : ' The Fabricks
of many Churches and Chappells are altogether ruinous and
in great decay, and cannott be gotten repaired without
visitations. In many churches there be neither Bibles,
Books of Common Prayer, surplisses, fonts, Communion
Tables, nor anything that is necessarie for the service of
God.' '^ In 1665 he does not appear to have found matters
much improved,"* and four years later he ' did visit as many
churches as he could, sundry of which were scandalously
ruinous,' ^ In 1671 the author of the ' Answer to the
Grounds &c. for the Contempt of the Clergy ' writes : * You
might ride through a street remarkable for nothing so
much as that haply the church is not thakt so well as
most of the houses.' In 1677 Evelyn rode through Suffolk,
and found ' most of the Houses of God in this county re-
sembling rather stables and thatched cottages than temples
in which to serve the Most High.' " In 1686 the commis-
sioners appointed by Bishop Lake to inquire into the
condition of parish churches in Sussex report a most
The whole of this work deserves careful attention from those who desire to
know the state of the Cathedrals.
' See Rennet's Register, 162, and Lathbury's History of the Convocation
of the Cliurch of England, p. 298.
•^ Diocesan Histories — Chichester, by W. E. W. Stephens (S.P.C.K.),
p. 221, &c.
' From Hunter's Collection of MSS., ii. 08, quoted in Granville's
Beiiiains, Part I., p. 251. See also Basire's letter to Bishop Cosin, in 1661,
in Correspondence of Bishop Cosin, Surtees Society, Part XL, p. 87.
" At S. Nicholas, the mother church of Newcastle, the roof was so bad
that it rained in upon the aldermen when they were receiving the Holy
Communion. The chancel at Ilderton was ruinous ; at Ingram the body of
the church was ruinous, ' covered with sodds ' ; at ShilboLtle the Minister had
no gown, and the chancel no windows. And so forth.
^ Correspondence of Isaac Basil c, edited by Darnall, p. 280.
« Diary, ii. 113.
RESTORATION OF ORDER l6l
grievous state of things ; ' in the same year Bishop Turner
complains of ' the sordidness of so many country churches '
in the diocese of Ely ; ^ and even so late as 1697, the
Bishop of Lincoln tells his clergy that some chancels ' lay
wholly disused in more nasty manner than any cottager
would keep his own house.' ^ But sad as these accounts
are, it will he observed that most of the things complained
of might have been easily remedied, and in many cases they
certainly were. Thus Bishop Turner, in the letter already
quoted, gratefully owns that ' having found very many of
the churches very sadly dilapidated, or, at least, mightily out
of repair, he had now pleasing accounts from many places of
the care already taken to repair them.' The mere enumera-
tion of Sir Christopher Wren's achievements is sufficient to
shew that the work of church building and restoration was
actively carried on. ' From 1666 to 1711 he designed and
built fifty-three parish churches in London, besides repara-
tions and additions to many others, repaired and added
to the Cathedrals of Salisbury, Chichester, Westminster
Abbey &:c.' * It must of course be remembered that the Fire
of London, in which eighty-nine churches were destroj'ed,
necessitated much of this work ; but on the other hand, it
did not include the most active part of our period, the
latter part of the reign of Queen Anne, when Wren, though
still living, was laid by, while it did include the reign of
James XL, during which church building was almost at a
standstill.'^ Lichfield Cathedral was practically rebuilt,
' See Diocesan History of Chichester, ut sujira, p. 2:^8.
- See Letter to the Clergy of the Diocese of Ely, by Bishop Turner, before
his Visitation, 1086.
^ Visitation Cliarge, lfi97.
* Sec Sir Christopher Wren and his Times, by James Ehnes, p. 265,
and Lucy PhiUimore's, Sir Christopher Wren, Appendix II., p. ;^38, where
a full list of the churches A-c. built by Sir C. Wren is given.
"• ' There are few examples,' writes White Kennet, ' of piety to parish
churches in the reign of James II., because of the just apprehension of
danger, and threats of destruction to the Church bylaw established.' {Case
of Impropriations, &c., published 1704, p. 308.)
M
•l62 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
mainly tliroiigh the noLle exertions of Bishop Hacket,
whom his grateful fellow-citizens therefore called ' a second
Cedda.' ' 25,000L were spent on Exeter Cathedral during
Dr. Seth Ward's short incumbency of the see ; and a large
sum was expended, though with very questionable taste,
on Salisbury, when he was Bishop of Sarum. S. Paul's
was entirely rebuilt, and in fact, most of the Cathedrals
were made more or less decent, and this implies the ex-
penditure of a vast sum of money.
With regard to the parish churches, we can only gather
what was done from incidental notices ; but these are suffi-
cient to show that the work was very considerable. Thus
the two excellent Lords Bigby, Simon and William, spent
large sums in church building and repairing at Coleshill,
Overwhitacre, and Sheldon ; ^ Br. Busby ' built a handsome
church at Willan.' -^ All Saints', Oxford, was built from a
design of Bean Aldrich, and ' esteemed a finished specimen
of his acknowledged skill in architecture.' * The Man of
Boss's liberality in regard to the fabric of his parish church
is historical. We read of a new church at Ingestre built
by the 'pious and generous Walter Chetwynd, Esq.,' in
1677 ; "^ of a new church (Christ Church) near Paris Garden,
South wark, erected in 1670 at the sole expense of Mr.
George Marshall, an inhabitant.*^' But it would be weari-
some to go on with the list ; let us rather observe, that
from what we know of the churches that were built, it is
obvious that there was no stinting of money. Take, for in-
stance, the noblest of all the monuments of the period, new
S. Paul's. Besides the parliamentary aid, which must have
' Letter fi'om the Corporation of Lichfield to Elias Ashmole in 1666.
See Alemoirs of the Life of that learned Antlijuari/, E. Aslimole, Es^-, drawn
tip by himself by tvay of Diary.
'^ See Life of Rawlet (by Dr. Bray).
^ Case of Impropriations &c., p. 345.
* See Life and Literary Remains of Dean Bathurst (1711), p. 71.
^ Case of hnpropriations &c., 297.
^ White Rennet's History of England, iii. p. 286.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 63
been considerable,' Bishop Compton issued an address to
the country at large, Avhich was nobly responded to, espe-
cially by the wealthier clergy. The work was thirty-five
3-ears in progress (1675-1710), and, when completed, was
worthy of a great nation. Other churches built at the
same time in London, such as S. Mary-le-Bow, of which
the Londoners of the time were immensely proud,"-^ and
S. James's, Piccadill}^ were very costly, as, indeed, were
all Wren's churches. We then come to the famous Act of
1710 for the building of fifty-two new churches within the
bills of mortality. The project was cordially recommended
by Convocation ^ and warmly taken up by Queen Anne ;
and the Bill passed Parliament without opposition. The
veteran AVren gave the benefit of his advice, though he was
too old to undertake so vast a work. The Commission was
formed, and everything seemed to be going on in the most
satisfactory manner. But alas ! Robert Nelson shewed a
sad prescience when a year or two later he uttered a warn-
ing voice, reminding his rich fellow-countrymen that the
work was ' only begun, not done.' * It never was done. Of
the fifty-two projected churches, only twelve were built, and
three or four others repaired ; the work languished, and
was quietly suffered to drop altogether ; but on the twelve
that were built no expense was spared.
From the fabrics we pass on to the services which were
performed within them. To begin with the Sacraments.
One of the disorders against which good churchmen waged
incessant war, was the administration of Holy Baptism in
private houses without any urgent necessity. Pejiys con-
' An Act was passed for levying a duty of 3s. a chaldron on all coals
brought into the port of London, half of which was to be applied to the re-
building of S. Paul's and other parish churches from 1670 to 1687.
- ' It lifts up its head,' writes Paterson, ' above and excells most of the
churches in London, and perhaps in Europe.' {Pietas Londinensis, pub-
lished 1714.)
^ See Lathbury's History of Convocation, p. 410.
■• Address to Persons of Quality : Ways and Means of Doing Good
(1715).
M 2
164 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
stantly refers to these private christenings in terms which
intimate that the}^ were the rule, not the exception.^ Bishop
Compton made ' the shameful disuse of puhhc haptisms '
one of the chief subjects of conference with his clergy in
1683.- It is related of Sherlock of Winwick, as a proof of
his exceptional firmness, that he would never baptize in
houses, or except as the rubric directs,* and Bull's similar
conduct at Suddington is spoken of in similar terms/
Dean Granville complains of one of his curates' ' com-
plaisance with the rich about privately baptizing, which,'
he adds, ' was quite the contrary to my method, who, if I
had made an exception at all, would have made it for the
poor.' ^ Articles of Visitation generally include a question on
this subject, as being one of the evils of the day.'^ It was
not an evil easily eradicated. So late as 1703 we find the
Lower House of Convocation complaining of the neglect of
parents to bring children who had been privately baptized
to church. Later still, Bishop Bull warns his clergy in
the diocese of S. David's against private baptisms.^ It
should be noted that it was not mere carelessness on the
part of the minister which caused this irregularity. In the
first place, there was a dil'ticulty in persuading some people
who ' had as mean an opinion of the baptismal waters as
Naamanhad of those of Israel,' ^ to have their children bap-
tized at all, and clergymen might act on the jDrinciple, that
if the mountain would not come to Mahomet, Mahomet
must go to the mountain. Again, the old disputes about
the sign of the cross and sponsors had not yet died out, so
' See Diary, passim.
- Episcojxilia, or Letters of Henry Compion, BisJioj) of London, to tlie
Clergy of his Diocese, 1686.
^ Memoir prefixed to Sherlock's Practical Chrisiiati (6th edition, 1713).
■• Nelson's Life of BisJiop Bull, i^p. 94 and 184.
* Remains, Part II., pp. 159-60.
* See, inter alia, Bishop Hacket's Articles of Visitation in 1668.
' Nelson's Life of Bull, p. 2o9.
*' Representation of the State of Christianity in England ; an interesting
and racy anonymous tract published in 1674,
RESTORATION OF ORDER 165
there was a temptation to cut the Gorclian knot by not
performing the rite in church at all. Dean Sherlock
thinks that this was the origin of the evil custom.' There
was also an encouragement to the practice from quite an
opposite direction. In the time of the troubles, church-
men who desired to liave their children baptized according
to the rites of the Church, were forced to have the Sacrament
administered at home, the churches not being available;
and the habit formed by necessity lived on when the
necessity no longer existed. And finally, there was the
feeling of parents that it was a grander thing to have the
christening at home, that it ' saved charge and trouble,' •^
that consideration was thus paid to ' the softness of mothers
who would not expose an infant to the air, except,' adds
our informant with sly humour, ' it be to send it to
nurse.' ^
There was at least equal disorder to be remedied in the
administration of the other great Sacrament of the gospel.
If in the later days of the Commonwealth public baptism
had fallen into disuse, there was almost a total cessation of
the Holy Communion in churches.'* Indeed, before the
civil war broke out there had been great laxity about the
celebration of the Holy Communion. Even George Herbert's
model country parson, ' touching the frequencie of the Com-
munion, celebrates it, if not duly once a month, yet at
least live or six times in the year, as at Easter, Christmas,
Whitsuntide, afore and after harvest, and at the beginning
of Lent,' and the writer clearly contemplates the possibility
of its being celebrated even less frequently.''' It is obvious
' See his Practical Discourse of Religious Asscinblies, published in
1G81, in which he also says that ' Public baptism is now very much grown
out of fashion, most people looking upon it as a very needless and trouble-
some ceremony,' &c., p. l'J2.
'- Sherlock, ttt supra. ^ Ibid.
* See Perry's History of the Clmrch of England, ii. p. 2'21.
* A Priest to the Temple, or the Coimtry Parson, &c., chap, xxii., ' On
the Sacraments.'
1 66 LIFE IN THE EN(;LISII CHURCH, 1660-17 14
that after the great wave of puritanism had passed over the
country, there would be still greater difficulty in estal)lishing
frequent Communions. And we have abundant evidence
that such was the case. When Bull was at Suddington,
good churchman as he was, ' he could only bring the Holy
Communion to seven times in the year,' ' and this,' adds his
biographer, ' was oftener than was usual in little villages.' '
Dean Granville, who laid the very greatest stress upon
frequency of Communion, could, in his early years at Sedg-
field, only venture to insist upon his curates celebrating
upon the four great Festivals and at least five other times
during the year, though afterwards (1G79), he succeeded
in establishing a monthly Communion." The writer of a
* Eepresentation of the State of Christianity in England,'
gives a most grievous account of the infrequency of Com-
munions and the paucity of communicants in 1674. Anony-
mous tracts are not to be relied on, but more trustworthy
authorities tell a similar tale. Even in 1694 Evelyn
declares that ' unlesse at the four greater Feasts, there is no
Communion hereabouts.' =* He is referring especially to
Wotton, but his language implies that the same neglect
occurred in other parishes. Sir Jonathan Trelawney,
when Bishop of Bristol, says of two vihages in his diocese,
Elberton and Littleton, ' in one the Sacrament has not been
administered since the Eestoration, in the other very seldom.'
This must have been written between 1685 and 1689 ; he
adds, ' I never saw so ill churches or such ill parishioners,'
so let us hope that such extreme neglect was exceptional.'*
But Bishop Turner of Ely is informed in 1686, that, * at
Little Gransden there is but Communion twice a year : ' -^ and
even at a large place like Dedham, in Essex, wdiere there
was a most devoted and hardworking vicar, Mr. Burkitt,
the Holy Communion was administered only once in every
" Nelson's Life of Bull, p. 93.
2 nemains. Part I., p. 129-133. ^ Diary for May G, 1694.
* Trelawney's letter to Archbishop Bancroft.
'' See Miss Strickland's Lives of the Seven Bishoi^s, p. 181.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 67
two months.' Arclibisliop Sancrol't, in his Injunctions to the
clergy of his Province in 1688, is content with requiring that
' in greater towns the clergy should administer the Com-
munion once every month, and even in the lesser too, if
communicants may he procured, or, however, as often as
they may.' - There was, no doubt, a steady improvement
as Church principles hy degrees permeated through the
country. Dean Sherlock, while deploring, in 1681, the
neglect of the Lord's Supper, yet adds, ' With joy we now
observe more frequent and numerous Communions than
have been for many years last past.' ^ In the same year
Dr. Comber wrote to Dr. Granville, ' If we consider how
terribly this Sacrament was represented, and how generally
it was laid aside in the late times, we might wonder how
monthly Communions should be so well attended on by the
people as they are, and this was as large a step as could be
in prudence expected for the first twenty years.'"* Dr.
Comber is referring especially to the Cathedrals, and in these
a further step was soon made very generally. In the same
year, Patrick, then Dean of Peterborough, tells us, ' The
archbishop required, according to the rubric, that we should
have a Communion every Sunday in Cathedral Churches.'
Dean Granville was most persistent and indefatigable in the
matter ; *' and, largely owing to his exertions, the custom
became established, but not without opposition, — and some-
times on the part of those who ought to have been the first to
encourage it.^ The same rule was adopted in several London
' Life of Rev. Mr. William Burkitt, by N. Parkliurst (published 1704).
- Quoted in D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, i. pp. 320-5.
^ Practical Discourse of Religious Assemblies, p. 205.
^ Granville's Remains, Part II., p. 86.
^ Autobiography of Simon Patrick, j). 99.
•^ Comber's biographer calls the ' procuring a weekly Sacrament in all
the Cathedrals throughout the kingdom, Dr. Granville's great affair.'
(Memoirs of Dean Comber, by his great-grandson, p. 180.) See Granville's
Remains, Part I., Introduction, pp. xxxii and xxxiii ; Part II., p. 125, and
jpassim.
' Thus Dr. John Lake, when Bishop of Bristol, met with great opposition
1 68 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
cliurclies. Beveridge, who made S. Peter's, Comliill, a
model parish m every respect, was one of the first to revive
this primitive practice.' S. Martin's in the Fields, S.
Andrew's, Holborn, and several other churches followed the
example, so that in 1714, Paterson, in his ' Pietas Londi-
nensis,' could specify twelve churches which had the weekly
Communion. This does not, of course, include the chapels
of the nonjurors. At the chapel in Great Ormond Street,
which Eohert Nelson frequented, there was a celel)ration,
' every Sunday, Good Friday, and otlier solemn occasions.' -
But, as a rule, the monthly Communion was the limit even
in the London churches. John Scott, Piector of St. Giles'
in the Fields, who would certainly take a high standard of
church iiianship, assumes this. ' It is,' he writes, ' at most
but once a month you are invited.' ^ When there was a
weekly celebration it was frequently due to the private
efforts of the ' Religious Societies.' *
Turning to the number of communicants we have cheer-
ing accounts from several sources. Evelyn tells us of
' neere a thousand devout persons partaking of the Holy
Communion ' in S. Martin's in the Fields, at one service
in 1688.''^ At Dr. Horneck's church (the Savoy Chapel), ' the
number of communicants held a great proportion to that of
from the Dean when he tried to establish the weekly Communion in the
Cathedral.
' He writes to his parishioners, ' God, in His providence hath so ordered
it that you live in a place where this Holy Sacrament is actually celebrated
every Lord's Day, and may be so, if there be occasion, every day in the
year.' {The Great Necessity and Advantage of Public Prayer and Frequent
Comtmmion, p. 538.) Dean Granville, when in London, ' went to Dr.
Beveridge 's for the satisfaction of receiving the Sacrament, which he cele-
brates weekly in his parish church,' {Eentains, Part I., p. 17i.)
■^ See Secretan's Life of Nelson,'' p. 175.
3 Christian Life, vol. i. p. 313.
* See Josiah Woodward's Account of the Rise and Progress of the
Beligiovs Societies in the City of London, &c., 4th edition, 1712.
5 Diary, iii. 252. Let us hope they were all ' devout persons,' but it is
fair to add that S. Martin's was a great church for persons qualifying for
office by communicating.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 69
his auditors,' and those auditors were very numerous, for 'a
vast crowd there was that followed him, and such a collec-
tion of most devout and conformahle persons as were hardly
to be found elsewhere ; it was no easy matter to get through
the crowd to the pulpit.' ' The members of the lieligious
Societies frequented in great numbers the weekly com-
munions which were established by their means.- In a
little village near Leeds we hear of ' above a hundred com-
municants on Good Friday, and near as many on the fol-
lowing Easter Day ; ' -^ and there is an interesting letter,
dated May 25, 1714, from Dr. Hickes to Dr. Charlett,
Master of University College, Oxford, in which the writer
says, ' I think you were wrong not to assist the parish priest
for want of a surplice, the want of a surplice being a sufficient
excuse in foro ecclesiastico et conscientiaB, for administering
the service without one, especially in a large Commanlon ;
icJiere it was charity both to priest and people to assist.' *
In most of these instances, however, especial pains had
evidently been taken.'' On the whole, the frequency of,
and attendance at, the Holy Coinnuinion appear to have
been two of the least satisfactory points in connection with
the restoration of Church order. Facts certainly do not
bear out the theory, held by two of our most eminent
historians,'' that the practice of ' occasional conformity '
' See Life of Eev. Antliony Horncck, by Bishop Kidder.
^ See Josiah Woodward's Account of the Rise and Progress of the Beli-
gious Societies in the City of London.
^ See Kalph Thoresby's Diary, April 3, 1713.
■* Letters from the Bodleian, edited by Bliss, p. 286.
* Horneck, we are told, ' took indefatigable pains on these occasions, but
was encouraged to do so from the great success his labours met with.'
(Kidder's Life.) Mr. Plaxton, the clergyman of tlie village near Leeds was
' very commendably serious and industrious in his cure, and had brought
his parish into an excellent order ' (Thoresby's Diary) ; and the young men
belonging to the Religious Societies would naturally attend the Communions
established at their own expense.
" Earl Stanhope {Reign of Queen Anne, p. 90) and Dr. Hallam {Consti-
tutional History of England, vol. iii. p. 248.) Every recommendation of
bishops and others to hold more frequent Communion clearly implies that
170 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
and the concessions made to conciliate Puritan communi-
cants were conducive, even to the increase of numbers at
that holy rite.
From the very commencement of our period, the ques-
tion of concessions to the scruples of the Puritans had
been a moot point. On the eve of the Kestoration
Peter Gunning refused the Holy Communion to a member
of parliament at S. Margaret's, Westminster, who did not,
and would not, kneel to receive it.' Some years later.
Bishop Frampton stopped a clergyman from taking the
sacred elements round to the pews, but all were not so
strict as Gunning and Frampton.- There were, no doubt,
many nonconformists, as Edmund Calamy told Burnet,^
who desired to shew their friendliness to the Church
by occasionally partaking of the Holy Eucharist, before
the Test Act passed ; but these, for the most part, wished
to do so standing, and remaining in their own pews ; and
many clergy, from an amiable desire to conciliate, connived
at the practice. The Test Act of 1673, which forced non-
conformists either to abstain from seeking any public office
or to become occasional conformists, of course increased
the number. This Test Act is just one of those many
Acts which were intended far more for the convenience of
the State than for the benefit of the Church. It originated
in the panic which arose from the marriage of the Duke of
York with a Piomanist, and his Piomish tendencies generally,
and it may possibly have been good policy to pass a
measure * for preventing dangers which might happen from
popish recusants.' '' Perhaps, also, the measure in question
there were immense difficulties owing to the extreme paucity of attendance.
See, inter alia, Bancroft's Injunctions, quoted above ; Nelson's Life of
Bishop Bull, Life of Dean Comber, tract on The Present State of Religion
in England, &c.
' MS. Journal of an M.P., Saturday, May 25, IGGl, quoted in Latlibury's
History of Convocation, -p. 297.
- Life of Bishop Robert Frampton (Evans), p. 139.
3 Account of My Own Life (1671-1731), by Edmund Calamy, i. p. 473.
■* See Tindal's Continuation of Rapin, vol. xiii. p. 115.
RESTORATION OF ORDER I71
may have been the only one that could be effectual for the
purpose; because, as the doctrine of transubstantiation
was an article of faith, the Pope could grant no dispensation
to Romanists to take such a test.' But all this is looking
at the matter from a purely political point of view. As
affecting Church order, the Test Act had most disastrous
effects ; it tended either to perpetuate disorder, or to place
consistent clergymen in an awkward predicament. It is
recorded, for example, as an instance of the uncharitable-
ness of Dr. Hooke, vicar of Halifax, that ' he would grant
no certificates but to kneelers,' one of the first instances
(1673) of the Test Act being brought to bear against
nonconformists. The rule, it is added, was generally dis-
pensed with by the clergy of that time.- Even a bishop
(Croft of Hereford) boldly advised the clergy to dispense
with the rule, but it should be added that the book in
which he did so called forth much disapprobation.'^ As a
matter of fact, the rule icas dispensed with in towns where
Puritanism was strong ; Bishop Cartwright records with
conscious pride that ' at Northampton, they all came to the
altar at my invitation, who had never done it before, all
but two men, one of whom clapped on his hat and walked
out." ** But the connivance was not successful, even as
regards numbers, while it tended to keep up irregularities
which in reality were much more than formal.
The unsuccessfulness of the attempt to draw people to
Holy Communion by indulging their scruples is all the
more strongly marked when we contrast the infrequency of
celebrations and the paucity of attendance at them, with
the frequency of the other Church services. The number
' History of England, in-incipallij in the seventeenth Century, by
Leopold von Eanke, iii. 339.
- Hunter's Life of Oliver Hcyicood, p. 257.
' The book was called, Tlie Naked Truth, or True State of the Primitive
Church, by an Humble Moderator (Herbert Croft, Bishop of Hereford), pub-
lished 1675.
* Diary of Thomas Cartwright, Bishop of Chester, 1G8G-7 (Camden
Society), p. 42, and note.
1/2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH 1660 1714
of week-day services and the good attendance at tlieni
must have been among the greatest encouragements to the
restorers of Church order. Immediately after the Eestora-
tion Bishop Cosin set himself vigorously to carry out the
rubric about daily prayer in every part of his diocese, and
succeeded, as only a strong man could have succeeded, to
a very remarkable extent.' Archdeacon Basire warmly se-
conded his chiefs efforts : and Cosin's son-in-law, Granville,
also archdeacon, did the same, and set the example by strictly
requiring of his curates at Sedgfield and Easington,- ' that
the Mattins and Evensong shall be (according to the
rubrick) said dayly, in the chancells of each his parish
churches, throughout the year, without the least variation.'
In a curious document respecting the church expenses at
Newcastle, one item is, ' for candles in winter for the daily
prayer.'^ Pialph Thoresby attended church regularly twice
every day at Leeds,"* and we find from incidental notices
that, when he was travelling, he was still able to keep up
his habit, at least in market towns.'' But daily services
were also not uncommon in country places. Isaac Milles
walked every day to read the service in his parish church
at Highclere, and tolled the bell himself.*^ Johnson of
Cranbrook ' read the prayers every morning in his church,
when at home.' "^ At Southwell 'the prayers were said three
times every day,' * ' at Brecknock and Carmarthen twice,' ^
It was not unusual for pious people to leave bequests to
' See Vita Joannis Cosini, among the VitcB quvrnndam Eriiditissimorum
et illustrumi Virorum, T. Smith, 1707.
^ Remains, Part II., pp. 129-133.
^ See Ambrose Barnes' Remains, Appendix.
* See Diary for January 1, 1711, anA. passim.
^ December 30, 1708. ' Stamford ; got to church to forenoon prayers
(Thursday) ; ' and so forth. See Diary, passim.
" See Life, &c.
' See Life of Rev. J. Johnson, Vicar of Cranbrook, by Rev. T. Brett,
17i8.
" Tour of Great Britain (Defoe).
" Nelson's Life of BisJiojp Bull, pp. 273-5.
RESTORATION OF ORDER I 73
parishes, on condition that daily service was performed,
thus shewing that it was a duty that might be fairly ex-
pected to be done. Morley did this for Farnham,' Beveridge
for Barrow and Mount SorrelL- Bishops were in the
general habit of insisting strongly upon the daily service
in their Charges and Pastorals. Bancroft,^ Sharp,* Patrick/^
Stillingfleet,'^' all do so; and Bishop Turner uses terms
which are so forcible that they are worth quoting. ' Have,'
he writes to the clergy of his diocese, in 1686, ' as the
rubrick directs, morning and evening prayer every day of
the week in your church ... if by any means in the world
you can prevail with at least a few of your parishioners,
which sure cannot be wanting in most parishes, where
there are either some devout gentry and persons of quality,
or at least some piously disposed people ; and to all such I
could almost kneel, liegging them to do their parts towards
so good a work, perhaps the best and the most public good
they can ever do in the places where they live ; and where
there are either poor widows, who may well afford to be
at prayers for those whose pensioners they are ; or children
taught by a schoolmaster or mistress, there it is very hard
if some little daily congregation might not be found, would
but the minister attempt and labour at it with as much
application and zeal as the thing itself mightily de-
serves.' ^
The practical and devotional works of the period insist
upon the duty of daily worship in terms which would have
been absurd if opportunities for daily worship had not
' See White Kennet's Case of Iiiipropriations, p. 294.
- Life, prefixed to the Theological Woiks of Williaui Beveridge, in the
Library of Anglo-Catholic Tlieology.
^ See Sancroft's Articles of 1688.
* See Pastoral Letter of Archbishop Sharp.
* See Letter to the Clergy of the Diocese of Ely, 1692.
* See Bishop Stillingfleet's Ecclesiastical Cases, relating to the Rights
and Duties of the Parochial Clergy (161)8), p. 45.
Letter to the Clergy of the Diocese of Ely, before his Visitation, by
Bishop Turner, 1086.
174 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
been general. Beveridge and Patrick, the most popular
devotional writers of their day, assume over and over again
that such worship was accessible,^ and urge it strongly,
as they could do with a particularly good grace, since they
had both, the one at S. Peter's, Cornhill, the other at S.
Paul's, Covent Garden, faithfully carried out the Church's
rule themselves, and with eminent success. Nelson, in his
' Practice of Piety,' gives as one rule, * Attend the daily
services of the Church,' thus implying that they were gene-
rally accessible. And so they were. At S. Martin's in
the Fields (owing to the benevolence of that pious layman,
Dr. Wihis) and at S. Paul's, Covent Garden, besides the
ordinary daily services at 10 and 3, which were well
attended by people of leisure, there were early and late
services at 6 a.m. and 8 p.m., for the benefit of people of
business and domestic servants, both of which were well
frequented.- Chamberlayne tells us that there were ' prayers
thrice every day at the King's Chappell,' ^ and Hutton that
the same custom prevailed at S. Andrew's (Holborn ?) in
1708.'' A great impetus was given to daily worship in the
London churches by the members of the Eeligious Societies,
who not only supported the services with their purses, but
took care that there should be a congregation by their
constant attendance.'^ An anonymous writer in 1709, says
' it is a great ease and comfort to good Christians within
these cities of London and AVestminster and the suburbs,
that in most churches there be constant prayers morning
' See Beveridge's Great Necessity and Adva^itage of Public Prayer.
Patrick's Discourse concerning Prayer ; Work of the Ministry ; Treatise of
Repentance, &c.
- See Autobiography of Simon Patrick, p. 20, and Life of Henry Ham-
mond, prefixed to his Practical Catechism, in the Library of Auglo-CathoHc
Theology, p. ex. note.
* Anglice NotiticB, p. 135.
* Mutton's Neiv View, ii. 118, quoted in Plume's Life of Bishop Ilacket,
Mackenzie Walcott's edition, p. 29, note.
» See Josiah Woodward, ut supra.
RESTORATION OF ORDER I 75
and evening. These are supported by particular benefac-
tions or voluntary contributions.' ' * Most churches ' is rather
too strong an expression ; but when Paterson published
his ' Pietas Londinensis ' in 1714, he could specify sixty-five
out of two hundred and four churches in which there were
daily prayers, while at the great majority of the remainder
there were at least prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays.
The 6 a.m. prayers seem to have been especially well
attended, though, if the ' Guardian ' is to be trusted, not
always in the most reverent fashion.^ Even as early as
1664 they existed, for Pepys records, ' July 14, 1664. In
Fleet Street, hearing a psalm sung, I went into S. Dunstan's
and there heard prayers read, which, it seems, is done there
every morning at 6 o'clock.' This part of our sul)ject may
be appropriately concluded with the words of one who
more, perhaps, than any other man, contributed to the
revival of this pious and canonical practice of daily prayer :
* Blessed be God,' writes Beveridge, ' He hath opened the
eyes of many, especially in this city [London], who now see
the things that belong to their everlasting peace, and
therefore are as constant at their public devotions daily as
at their private Inisiness.' ^
Another point of Church order for the restoration of
which vigorous efforts were made during the whole of our
period was public catechising, according to the lifty-ninth
canon. The Low Church bishops insisted upon this duty as
strongly as their High Church brethren ; Burnet,'* Tenison,''
' Defence of the Church and Clergy of England, p. M.
^ See No. 05, by Steele.
' The Great Necessity and Advantage of Public Prayer and Frequent
Communion, j). 494.
* See A Discourse of the Pastoral Care, pp. 187-8.
^ Among the Injunctions he ckew up in the name of the king (1695), to
be given to the Bishops and rest of the Clergy, No. 14 is that Catechising
be duly xicrformed according to the 5'JtJi Canon, and he enlarges upon the
duty.
176 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
and Compton,' no less than Ken,- Turner,'' Beveridge," and
Patrick.'' But there was considerable difficulty in carrying
it out. The Puritan party in the Church regarded no
service as complete without a sermon, and could by no
means be persuaded that ' catechising is often the best and
most useful sort of preaching,' and that ' the sermon ought
not to jostle this out.' " As a protest against this excessive
love of sermons, others preferred the prayers and nothing
else ; and hence catechising found opponents from opposite
quarters. And then, if the ministers were ready, the people
were not. ' One might,' says a writer often quoted, ' as
well prevail with some masters of families to sacrifice their
charge to Moloch, as to send them to church to be cate-
chised.'^ 'As to catechising,' writes Bishop Stillingfleet
to Archbishop Tenison in reference to the king's Injunc-
tions in 1694, *it would be very well to have a warm in-
junction about it ; but what if people will not send their
children ? ' ^ Dean Sherlock, though he is of opinion that
' no great good can be expected till public catechising be
revived,' admits that the fault lay mainly with the people,
who would not send their children and servants.^ Still there
was clearly a marked advance in this as in other matters,
as time went on. In the early years after the Restoration
' See EpiscojMlia, or Letters oflleunj, Bishop of London, to the Clergy of
his Diocese, 1G8B. In First Letter, 1679, lie says ' the want of catechising
has left the Church without a foundation.'
2 See Hawkins' Life, prefixed to Ken's Prose Works, ed. by Bound, p. 7.
3 Letter to the Clergy of tlie Diocese of Ely before Ids Visitation, by
Bishop Turner, 168H.
^ See Life, prefixed to Private Thougliis ; also Church Catechism ex-
plained for the use of Diocese of S. Asai'Jt. dedicated to the Clergy of the
Diocese.
5 See Work of the Ministry represented to the Clergy of Ely (1(J'J8), p.
52.
c See a tract entitled A true Notion of the Worship of God, or a Vindi-
cation of the Service of the Chtirch of England (published 1673).
' Representation of the State of Christianity in England, 1674;
« Miscellaneous Discourses of Bishop E. Stillingjlect.
9 Practical Discourse of Eehgious Assonblics, p. l',)7 (published 1681).
RESTORATION OF ORDER I 77
the tone of the advocates of catechismg is more de-
spondent than it is later on. Thus, the king's ' Directions
concerning preachers ' in 1662 can only express a faint hope
that ' the afternoon's exercise ' might sometimes be cate-
chetical. A year or two later both Granville and Basire
complain that catechising 'hath been shamefully neglected.' '
Pepys in 1663 records with evident disgust : * Mr. Milles
preached a sleepy sermon on catechising, which, I perceive,
he means to introduce.' Sherlock of Winwick writes in a
desponding tone on the subject in 1661."^ Lancelot Addison
in 167-1 ' cannot but with deep resentment observe that
since the time God turned again our captivity, and restored
this Church to the free use of His ordinances, catechising
has met with but cold entertainment from those by whom
it ought to have been most lovingly caressed.' ^ But eight
years later, Thoresby who still retained the Puritan's love
of sermons, ' could hear of no sermon after dinner through-
out the country,' and so was forced to go and hear ' the
town minister catechise,' and was much pleased with what
he heard ; ■* and in 1704 Beveridge, writing to the clergy of
his new diocese (S. Asaph) to urge catechising, adds,
' not as if I thought this duty had been neglected among
you ; for I have heard to my great comfort that it is
generally practised throughout the diocese every Lord's
day.' -^ Samuel Wesley in 1709 required his curate to
catechise at Epworth every Sunda}'', as a matter of course ; ^
though a few years earlier he had complained that ' the
people had grown too proud, and thought themselves too
wise to be satisfy'd, or " put off," as they'd be ready to call
it, with catechising.' ^ Catechising in Lent had been very
' Granville, Remains, Part IE, p. 17.
'•^ See Catechism of the Church of England paixqihrased, by 11. Sherlock.
^ The Primitive Institution, dc. p. 77. * Diary, Nov. 12, 1682.
^ Dedication of the Church Cathechism explained dc, to the Clergy of
the Diocese.
* See Tyerman's Life and Times of S. Wcdey, p. 387.
' Athenian Oracle, p. o3.
N
178 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
general from the commencement of our period, and it
became more and more usual on every Sunday afternoon,
as years rolled on.
Another point of order to which great attention was
paid was the regulation of what were called the ' Pulpit
Prayers.' If it be thought that an exaggerated importance
was attached to this point, it should be remembered that
a considerable number of the clergy after the Eestoration,
being ' conformists ' rather than churchmen, were inclined
to indemnify themselves for using a service which they
disliked, by expatiating at their own sweet will in ' con-
ceived prayers ' before and after sermon ; they would even
curtail the service in order to gain time for this more con-
genial exercise. One clergyman in the diocese of Gloucester
had the audacity to excuse himself to Bishop Frampton,
(of all men in the world !) for such curtailment on the plea
that ' the length of the service hindered him from praying
in the pulpit so long as he would.' ' It should be remembered,
too, that this was an old grievance, dating from before the
time of the Ptebellion.'^ It \^as evidently a subject that re-
quired.Very delicate handling. We find, immediately after
the Eestoration, the bishops arguing that the liturgy was no
grievance, because ' ministers are not denied the use and
exercise of their gifts in praying before and after sermon,
although,' they add rather feebly, ' such praying be but the
continuance of a custom of no great antiquity.' In 1661
a committee was appointed in the Lower House of Convoca-
tion 'to compile a prayer before sermon ; ' and in the same
year the Upper House unanimously agreed ^ to authorise one
form of prayer before and after sermon ; but the matter,
' Life of Bishop Frampton (Evans), p. 134.
^ See Heylin on Bidding Prayer, written 1637.
' Lathbury (History of Convocation, p. 288), says ' almost unanimously,'
but the Journal of the Upper House says, ' Beverendi Patres 2<)zam«ii consensu
ct assensu in votis dederunt pro unica forma Precum tam ante quam }Dost
Sermonem sive orationem prsedicatam, usitanda et observanda perministros
intra Provinciam Canterburiensem.'
RESTORATION OF ORDER I 79
wi-ites Kennet, was ' afterwards dropped upon prudential
reasons.' • The ' prudential reasons ' were probably a desire
to give scope for what many, both ministers and people,
valued highly, * the conceived prayer.' Sometimes the
prayers before and after sermon were longer than the whole
church service. Even so late as 1675, a published sermon
has a ' prayer before sermon ' prefixed to it, four pages long.
A Dr. Samwaies complains to Dean Granville that many are
* so passionately addicted to a sermon ushered in with a
private prayer, that they will not endure to be present at
our assemblies till that prayer be begun.' ^ There was of
course a strong feeling also on the other side. Bishop
Cosin, who generally managed to carry his point, almost
banished the pulpit prayers from the diocese of Durham.^
Dean Granville calls Bidding of Prayer * the very criterion
of a true Church of England man,' ^ and devoted himself to
substituting it for the pulpit prayers with an energy only
second to that which he shewed in establishing the weekly
celebration in every Cathedral. At his persuasion, Beveridge
adopted the Bidding Prayer at S. Peter's, Cornhill, and
Beveridge's reputation was so great that the precedent was
sure to be followed by many. The Dean of Westminster
(Steward) wrote a tract with the significant title, * The old
Puritan detected,' the object of which was to put a stop to
pulpit prayers, and which made a considerable sensation.
There were, however, many whose churchmanship was
unimpeachable, who regularly used pulpit prayers. For
instance. Bishop Wilson's prayers before sermon were es-
pecially admired when he preached in London, particularly
Avhen he prayed for those who never prayed for themselves.''
Evelyn tells us that Archbishop Sharp's prayer before
sermon when he preached at the Temple in 1696 was one
' Register, 576. - Granville's Remains, Part II., p. 80.
' The Dead Man's real Speech. Funeral Sermon on Bishop Cosin, by
Archdeacon Basire.
* Remains, Part I., p. 179. ^ CruttweH's Life, p. 58.
N 2
l8o LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
of the most excellent compositions he ever heard.' Bishop
Hacket ' never practised Bidding of Prayer before sermon.' ^
Prayers before and after sermon composed by Jeremy
Taylor are still extant. Like almost all Church questions
of the seventeenth century, it became mixed up with
jiolitics. The fifty-fifth canon required that the sovereign
should be prayed for with his name and titles ; and this
frequently became a test of loyalty. In 1687, when the
clergy were alarmed about Eomanism, Bishop Cartwright,
who was a tool of James II., tells us that on one occasion
he admonished the clergyman * to amend his prayer in
which he gave not the king his titles, and to be wary of
reflecting so imprudently as he did upon the king's re-
ligion ; ' ^ and that on another he ' chid Mr. Turner for his
extempore prayer.' In 1695 Archbishop Tenison wrote to
the bishops of his Province that ' they should require their
clergy not to leave out the king's titles ; ' '' and in 1706,
Bishop Kennet, at his Visitation at Himtingdon, hopes the
clergy ' will pray for the Princess Sophia in their pulpit
prayers.' A little earlier a correspondent of the ' Athenian
Oracle ' inquires why, in the pulpit prayers, the name and
titles of the king were neglected, and receives in reply a
snub, to the effect that ' either the gentleman cannot go
to church, or goes where there is a Jacobite minister.' ^
Pepys, in the early part of our period,*" and the ' Spectator,'
towards its close, ^ make some rather captious remarks on
the introduction of other names into the pulpit prayers,
as if it were done for ostentation. In the Church revival
of Queen Anne's days, the Bidding Prayer came more into
use, to the great disgust of more than one Low Church
' Diary for April 26, 1696. 2 Plume's Life, p. 100.
' Diary of Thomas Cartwright, Bisliop of Chester, 1686-7 (Camden
Society), p. 30.
* See Rennet's History of England, iii. p. 714.
* Athenian Oracle, p. 406.
« Diary, March 166§, also Dec. 23, 1666. ' No. 312.
RESTORATION OF ORDER l8l
bishop ; ' but by the close of the reign the custom of using
either a collect, and the Lord's Prayer, or a short prayer
of the nature of a collect, had become pretty general, and
continued to be so all through the eighteenth century.
The disuse of chancels, especially when there was no
celebration, was another disorder which required to be
rectified. From an interesting tract written in 1688,
it would appear that it was ' the custom of most parish
churches to read the second service at the desk.' '^ The
writer combats the reasons given for so doing, among
others the very ridiculous one that ' it is indecent for the
priest to go out of the desk to the altar with his surplice
on.' A furious reply, which makes up by strong language
for weak arguments, immediately appeared, declaring that
the custom was general since the Eeformation, that the
Bishop of London did not disapprove of it, and that ' Pro-
testants were jealous of such needless motions, passes and
repasses,' and thought them * papistical.' ^ Among many
disorders complained of in the diocese of Exeter about the
same time, one was that the ' Communion Service in very
many churches was not read at the Table.' "* The Bishop of
Lincoln (Gardiner), in his Visitation Charge in 1697, implies
that in his diocese the chancels were often not used even
when there was a celebration, for he appeals to his clergy
whether they did not ' find great inconvenience in conse-
crating in so strait a place as an alley of the church,
' See Life of Blslwp White Kenneth p. 127, and Bishoi^ TrimneH's Visi-
tation Charge at Nonvich in 1710.
'^ Parish Chu7xhes turn'd into Conventicles by serving God therein
otherwise than according to the Church of England ; in particular by reading
the Communion Service or any part thereof in the desk ; or Plain Reasons
for the reading of the second service, where there is no Communion, at the
Altar or Holy Table, in an Epistle dedicated to all Clergy who read it at the
desk, by Rd. Hart, 1683.
^ Parish Churches no Conventicles from Ministers reading in the desk
when there is no Communion, by O.U. An answer to the pamphlet [above]
pretended to be written by R. Hart, but really by T. A., Barrister-at-law.
1C83.
* See Tanner MSS., 29, 71.
1 82 LTFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
and delivering the bread and wine in narrow seats, over the
heads, and treading upon the feet of those that kneel.' It
need scarcely be said that the position of the Holy Table
was an old subject of discussion, as the last rubric at the
commencement of our Communion Service still shews. The
Holy Table itself was sometimes treated with painful ir-
reverence. Bishop Cosin, in the Articles of Inquiry at his
Visitation in 1662, asks the churchwardens, ' Are you con-
fident that none sit, lean, or lay their hats upon the
Communion Table ? ' > Dean Granville put two boys in the
Correction-house for playing at cards on the Communion
Table ^ in 1681, and the story of the people who stood upon
the Communion Table at Canterbury to look at the Princess
Mary is another illustration.
This last point is part of a larger subject, — that of irre-
verent behaviour in church generally. But in dealing with
the subject we must be upon our guard against applying the
standard of the nineteenth century to the habits of the seven-
teenth. For instance, it seems very sad to think that the
restorers of Church order had to wage incessant war against
the habit of wearing the hat during divine service, or at any
rate, during parts of it.^ But it must be borne in mind that
the hat was not infrequently worn indoors during the seven-
teenth century. Pepys evidently considered it an unneces-
sary piece of strictness to insist upon the bare head in church,
for he tells us contemptuously how he heard ' a simple
' Bishop Cosin's Works, vol, iv. (Library of Anglo -Catholic Theology.)
^ Remains, Part II., p. 70.
^ One of the articles of inquiry at Bishop Racket's second Triennial Visi-
tation in 1668 is, ' Do your parishioners behave reverently in church, men
and youths with their hats off ? ' Bishop Cosin, in his Primary Visitation
of Durham Cathedral, 1662, speaks of ' some who come into the quire in
their furre and nightgowns, and sit with their hats on their heads at the
reading of the lessons.' In 1689 King William ' gave great offence be-
cause he would wear his hat in church, and if he ever uncovered it during
the Liturgy, always resumed it when the sermon began.' See also Life of
Bishop Lake, who pulled off the people's hats in York Minster during
divine service.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 8
J
fellow [in a sermon], exclaiming against men's wearing their
hats on in chm'ch.' ' Again, in no part of the seventeenth
century was the reverence due to sacred places recognised
to anything like the same extent that it is now. The mere
mention of ' Paul's Walk ' is a witness of this.^ When,
then, we read of ' the ill custom of walking in the body of
York Minster during divine service,' ^ of the vergers at West-
minster Abbey ordering the organs to strike up to put
a stop to Isaac Barrow's inordinately long sermon,'' or of
half the congregation at S. Lawrence Jewry taking fright
at the odd and slovenly appearance of the same great
preacher, and rushing out of church with a loud clatter,'^
or of the Holy Communion at Whitehall being interrupted
by ' the rude breaking in of multitudes zealous to hear the
second sermon by the Bishop of Bath and Wells ' (Ken),^' or
of Burnet ' rising from his knees, sitting down in his stall,
and making an ugly noise with his mouth ' when poor
King James was prayed for, in December 1688,^ or of
Burnet himself being interrupted while preaching by loud
' hums ' of applause, we must not suppose that such
conduct implied the same degree of irreverence that it
would do now. Bad behaviour in church was, however, a
recognised evil ^ which the restorers of Church order en-
deavoured, and not without success, to remedy.
' In Diary for Nov. 17, IGCl. Also Diary for Jan. 21, 1G||^.
^ ' It was the fashion of those times (James I.) and did so continue till
these (1G58), for the principal gentrj', lords, courtiers, and men of all pro-
fessions, not merely mechanicks, to meet in S. Paul's Church by 11, and
walk in the middle isle till 12, and after dinner from 3 to 6 ; during which
time some discoursed of business, others of news.' (Osborne's Traditional
Memoirs of iJie reigns of Elizabeth and James.) See also Microcosmography ,
by Bishop Earle, 1028, on PauVs Walk, pp. 116-9.
^ Life of John Lake, Lord Bishop of Chichester.
* See Life of Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury, by Dr. Pope (1697), p.
148.
^ Id. p. 139. "^ Evelyn's Diary.
' Correspondence of Henry LJycle, Earl of Clarendon, ii. 218.
* See Bishop Cosin's and other prelates' Visitation Charges aiul Articles
of Inquiry, passim ; Atterbury's Sermons ; Diary of Bishop Cartiuright ;
Swift, Sermon on Sleeping in Church, vol. viii. in Scott's edition, &c.
184 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 17 14
Cliurcli Psalmody was naturally a point which attracted
considerable attention in connection with the restoration of
Church order. No part of the church furniture had suffered
more severely in the devastation of the Puritans than the
organs. The erection of an organ in the chapel of S.
John's College, Oxford, was considered a decisive proof of
Laud's popish tendencies,' and Milton was quite an excep-
tion among the Puritans in his love of this species of church
music. ^ Even churchmen were not quite agreed upon the
point. Jeremy Taylor gives but a reluctant permission to
the use of organs in churches.^ Stillingfleet Avas of oi^inion
that ' harmonious voices were sweeter when unaccompanied,'
and that ' fiddles and flutes, and harpsichords even, in some
people's opinion, could never be accommodated to purposes
of devotion.' •* But he adds, ' I see no objection to the thing
itself (instrumental music), and some years later (1698, the
* Dialogues ' were in 1686), he defended * the use of organical
music in the public service against the charge of its being
a Levitical service.' ^ It was more frequently charged with
having a popish tendency. Both charges were answered,
it need hardly be said, with immense learning, by Henry
Dodwell in his treatise ' Of the Lawfulness of Instrumental
Musicli in Holy Offices,' written in 1698, owing to a dispute
' See Dean Hook's Life of Laud, p. 42. - See II Penscroso.
^ See his Ductor Duhitantmm, and Heber's Life, preftxed to his edition of
Taylor's Works, p. cclxxxviii. The passage is quoted and answered in the
preface to Dodwell, Of Instrumental Music, p. 69 &c.
•* See On the Amusements of Clergymen and Christians in general ; three
Dialogues between a Dean and a Curate, by E. Stillingfleet, Lord Bishop of
Worcester, '2nd Dialogue. The Bishop (then Dean) is speaking of singing at
home, but his objections seem quite as applicable to the church.
' Bishop Stillingfleet's Ecclesiastical Cases relating to the Rights and
Duties of Parochial Clergy, p. 382. But even here he speaks rather hesi-
tatingly, and without any enthusiasm in favour of the practice. ' The use of
organical music in the Public Service, if it intends to compose and settle,
and raise the spirits of men in the acts of worship, I see no reason can be
brought against it. They who call it a Levitical service can never prove it
to be any of the Typical Ceremonies, unless they can shew what was repre-
sented by it.'
RESTORATION OF ORDER 155
which had arisen on the setting up of a new organ at Tiverton
in 1696. In the same year Gabriel Towerson preached a
sermon ' concerning vocal and instrumental music in the
church ' at the opening of a new organ at S. Andrew Under-
shaft. The erection had evidently met with opposition, for,
after speaking of vocal music, the preacher proceeds, ' I
must not expect to pass on so smoothly while I deliver my
opinion concerning that singing and making melody which
is attended with that of musical instruments.' ' The reintro-
duction of the organ into churches was gradual. Within a
month of the Eestoration, Pepys records, ' This day the
organs did begin to play before the king ; ' - and on November
4, 1660, ' To the Abbey, where the first time that I ever
heard the organs in a Cathedral ; ' and on April 4, 1667,
' To Hackney. Here I was told that at their church they have
a fair pair of organs which play while the people sing, which
I am mighty glad of, wishing the like at our church in
London, and would give 50/.. towards it.' But the organ
was not the only instrument that was used in churches.
We hear of cornets in Westminster Abbey in 1667, of fiddlers
in red vests in the same church, of wind music at Durham,^
and of the fiddlers being expelled by the queen (Mary) from
5. James' Chapel Eoyal in 1689. By the time of Queen
Anne, the lawfulness, and even the desirableness, of instru-
mental music in church was fairly established ; and we hear
little or nothing on the subject during that reign.
But another difference of opinion in connection with
Church psalmody arose, on the publication of the New
Version of the Psalms, and the quasi-authorisation of its
optional use given by the King in Council in 1696. Of course,
with good churchmen this would be a very questionable
' He also refers to the ' Levitical ' objection. ' Foreign writers, esi^ecially
Calvin, look on Instrumental Music as a rudiment of the Law,' &c.
- Diary for June 17, 1660.
^ See Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, by Mackenzie Walcott,
p. 145.
l86 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, l66o 1714
anthority, Convocation never having been consulted. But
apart from this irregularity, the question was discussed on
its own merits. Beveridge threw all the weight of his very
great authority into the scale of the old Version, partly
because it was old, partly because it was more intelligible to
the common people, and partly because it had been conferred
with the Hebrew, which the new had not been.^ The
struggle between the two Versions lasted far beyond the limits
of our period, but it is curious to observe that few people
found fault with the jwetyy of Tate and Brady. Beveridge
indeed seems to have thought that it was only too good.
' The style,' he says, ' is brisk and lively, and flourished here
and there with wit and fancy,' — an objection in which he will
not carry many modern readers along with him. Samuel
Wesley evidently considered the new infinitely superior to
the old as a composition, but tells his curate at Epworth
that 'they must be content with their grandshe Sternhold.'
He agrees with Beveridge that the common people would
understand it better, ' for,' he adds caustically, ' they have
a strange genius at understanding nonsense.' ^ Tom Brown,
who may be supposed to represent a certain type of lay
opinion, has some doggerel verses on the two versions which
begin with apostrophising Sternhold and Hopkins with
more force than politeness as
Ye scoundrel old bards and a l)race of dull knaves,
and end
I'm not such a coxcomb, 'stead of new psalms to learn old,
Or to quit Tate and Brady for Hopkins and Sternhold.^
The idea of any ' tertium quid ' seems to have entered into
no man's thoughts. With the exception of Jeremy Taylor and
' Defence of the Books of Psalms collected into English Metre, by Stern-
hold and Hopkins, ivith Critical Observations on the late New Version, com-
pared with the old, by W. Beveridge, late Bishop of S. Asaph, 1710.
2 See his Letter to a Curate, inserted in Tyerman's Life and Times of
Samuel Wesley, pp. 382-7.
^ See The Works of Mr. Thomas Brown, iv. p. 04.
RF.STORATION OF ORDER 1 8/
Dean Hickes, no writer suggests the use of hymns, and it is
doubtful whether even Taylor meant them to be used in the
public service ; ' at any rate, his own spiritual songs are not
all adapted for that purpose, though he did write ' eucha-
ristical hymns.' Anthems, of course, were used in the Cathe-
drals and the Chapels Royal, but in the parish churches the
choice lay simply between the old and new versions, and
the balance of opinion was decidedly in favour of the old.
The attachment of churchmen to Sternhold and Hopkins
is curious, considering that the version was the offspring
of Puritanism ; but it was quickly deserted by its parent and
adopted by his foe.
The difficulties connected with Church psalmody which
met the restorers of Church order were not confined to the
introduction of instrumental music, and the choice between
the old and the new versions. Dean Sherlock in 1681
refers with great regret to the ' universal practice of sitting
when we sing the Psalms,' ^ a slovenly habit which it
appears to have been very hard to change. Then, again,
having got their organs and other instruments back again
into church, the performers seem to have been inclined to
run riot with their newly regained treasure. The * Spec-
tator ' complains that the solemn thoughts suggested by the
sermon were driven out of his head by the merry jig notes
which followed on the organ ; ^ and Jeremy Collier is pro-
bably alluding to similar exhibitions when he says, ' Church
Music must have no voluntary Maggots, no military Tattoos,
no light and galliardizing notes. Pieligious harmony must
be moving, but noble withal ; grave, solemn and seraphic ;
fit for a martyr to play, and an angel to hear.' ■* Perhaps it
' Taylor wrote to Evelyn in 1G56, ' It is a thousand pitties but our
English tongue should be enriched with a translation of all the sacred
hymns which are respersed in all the rituals and church bookes,' — and so
forth, but does not directly urge their use in public worship. See Life,
prefixed to Heber's edition of Jeremy Taylor's Works, p. Ivi.
■■^ See .4 Practical Discourse of Religions Assemblies, p. 178. ' No. 388,
* Essays upon Moral Subjects, by Jeremy Collier ; Of Mtisick.
l88 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
is hypercritical to find fault with a voluntary before the
first lesson, which the ' Spectator ' thinks a laudable custom ; '
but it was surely utilising psalmody for purposes for which
it was never intended M^hen ' before sermon a long psalm
was set which lasted an hour while the sexton gathered
his year's contribution through the whole church ; ' '^ and
though Pepys thought it a 'jest ' to hear 'the clerk begin
the 25th Psalm which hath a proper tune to it, and then
the 116th, which cannot be sung to that tune,'^ and
' mighty sport to hear our clerke sing out of tune though
his master sits by him, that begins and keeps the time
aloud for the parish,' * yet one does not go to church
to find jests or enjoy mighty sport. Such contretemps
were perhaps natural on the revival of an unfamiliar prac-
tice ; but one may sympathise more with the satisfaction
with which the other diarist, Thoresby, records on October
13, 1708, that ' a new order of singing was begun this day in
the parish church [Leeds], to sing a stave betwixt the daily
Morning and Communion Service, as has long been done
at London.' Bishop Bull writes to the same effect in the
same year.'^
The restorers of Church order had considerable difficulty
about that old bone of contention, the surplice. In October,
1660, its use in Cathedrals, Collegiate Churches, the Chapels
Eoyal and College Chapels was enjoined by Koyal Declara-
tion, but in parish churches it was left to the option of
incumbents. And even after the Act of 1662, there was
evidently some timidity about adopting it. Pepys tells us,
in October, 1662, how ' Parson Milles has got one to read
with surplice on,' and adds, ' I suppose himself will take it
up hereafter, for a cunning fellow that he is.' Bishop Turner
' No. 630.
^ Pepys' Diary for January G, IG^ j. A similar entry occurs on January
5, IGGi
^ Diary for January 5, IGG^.
* Diary for November 13, 1664. •"* See Nelson's Life of Bull.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 89
is informed that ' the clergyman of Little Gransden, be-
fore Mr. Oley died, never wore the surplice, except on
Communion days, and that was but twice a year.' ' Dean
Granville complains of his curate at Kilkhampton in Corn-
wall ' officiating without the surplice to please the dow-baked
people of that country ; ' ^ and among his archidiaconal ^
articles of visitation one question for the churchwardens
was, 'Doth your minister wear the surplice?' Even a
bishop. Croft of Hereford, wrote in 1675, ' to be zealous for
the surplice is not wise ; ' "• and a far more strict prelate,
Bishop Smalridge, while he defends the use of the surplice,
does so in terms which shew that it was a question on
which there was a diversity of opinion.'^ On the other
hand, the surplice was not unfrequently worn in the pul^Dit.
In the diocese of Durham it was usual from the time of
Bishop Cosin downwards." One of the arguments used in
favour of reading the second service at the desk, was, that
* it was indecent to go to the altar and back, with the
surplice still on, to the homily or sermon (which, being
part of divine service, is performed with the surplice on),'
&c.^ Even as late as 1722, Ealph Thoresby, now a distinct
churchman, has this odd entry : ' Mr. Ehodes preached
well [at Batley], tlioiigh in his snr2)licc.' ^
To turn from the inanimate to the animate. Three
classes of officers, besides the parochial clergy, require
notice in connection with restoration of Church order.
' See Miss Strickland's Lives of the Seven Bisliops, p. 180.
- Eeniains, Part II., p. 159.
^ Granville was Archdeacon of Northumberland as well as Dean of
Durham.
* See TJie Naked Truth, £c. It is fair to add that this work gave great
offence.
'" See Sixty Sermons, by Bishop G. Smalridge, 1719.
* See Low's Diocesan History of Durham (S.P.C.K).
See Parish Churches turned into Conventicles (1683) ; also Parish
Churches no Conventicles, in answer to the above (1683). The latter
argues that ' preaching is appointed to those in Cathedrals, not Parish
Churches.'
* iialph Thoresby's Diary for June 17, 17"-'2.
190 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
Lecturers had been a thorn in the side of the Church
before the Rebelhon. They had been used in fact as the
thin end of the wedge which spht the Church. Dating
from a period anterior to the Reformation, they had ac-
quired additional prominence in the early part of Charles
L's reign by the purchase of a number of lay impropriations
which were legally vested in feoffees ; these feoffees estab-
lished a number of lectures, nominally to form a ' preaching
ministry,' but really to upset the order of the Established
Church.^ These lecturers were practically independent of
the parochial ministers ; Bishop Wren found them in the
diocese of Norwich ' set up without the knowledge of the
Ordinary, and observing no Church order at all.' ^ Arch-
bishop Laud strove to check them ; ^ but this was no easy
task. Among other things, they succeeded in ousting
from many churches the good old custom of catechising
in favour of afternoon sermons, an order of Parliament
in 1641 having allowed parishioners to ' maintain a con-
formable lecturer,' to whom the parson should give way
' on Sunday afternoons, unless he would preach himself.' ■*
In 1630 Heylin, in a sermon preached at Oxford on the
Parable of the Tares, says the ' planting of pensionary lec-
turers in so many places will bring forth those fruits that
will appear to be a Tare indeed ; tho' now no wheat be
accounted fairer,' and declares that their object is ' to cry
down the established clergy, undermine the public liturgy,'
and so forth.''^ From the Articles of Visitation of the
' See Jeremy Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. viii. p. 59. Also
Heylin's Sermon on the Parable of tiie Tares, ut infra.
- See Archbishop Laud's certificate to the King on Bishop Wren's Visi-
tation of the Diocese of Norwich in 1634, quoted in Marsh's Memoirs of
ArchbisJwp Juxon and Ids Times, pp. 24-25.
3 See Life of Laud, in Dean Hook's Lives of tlie Archbishops of Canter-
hurij, vol. xi. pp. 180, 181, 188.
* See Perry's History of the Church of England, vol. ii. p. 132.
* See the sermon quoted in White Kennet's Case of Lnpropriatlons, &c.,
p. 198.
RESTORATION OF ORDER I9I
Restoration period, it is clear that the subject of lecturers
was one that required to be closely looked into. Bishop
Cosin, in his primary visitation (1662), makes, as one \vould
expect from him, very strict inquiries about them.' Bishop
Hacket in his second visitation (1668), asks, 'Doth your
parish maintain a lecturer ? Is he a vertuous and orthodox
divine ? Is he licensed by the bishop ? Doth he read the
full service of Common Prayer once a month at least,
wearing a surplice ? ' - and Sheldon and others made
vigorous efforts to regulate them.^ The extreme love of
sermons which survived the Restoration naturally added
to the popularity of the lecturers. The author of the
' Ladies' Calling ' coraj^lains that ' people will hurry to a
Lecture, though it be at the remotest part of the town, but
let the bell toll never so loud for the canonical hours of
prayer, it will not call the nearest of the neighbourhood.'
Allestree, when he became Canon of Christ Church, ren-
dered most useful service, by undertaking one of the lec-
tures of the city and striving to bring back the people into
the old ways by this popular method, while he gave the
salary of the lecturer to the poor."* Of course the Puritan
party, inside and outside the Church, were anxious to retain
the office of lecturer, and Baxter, among his proposed terms
of union in 1673, required that ' lecturers should not be
obliged to read the service, or at most that it be enough if
once in half a year they read the greatest part of what
is appointed for that time.' ^ Equally of course, strict
churchmen objected to these free lances in the Church,
' See Bishop Cosin's Works, vol. iv. (Library of Anglo-Catholic
Theology.)
- Articles of Inquiry concerning matters ecclesiastical, exhibited to
Ministers, Churchwardens, and Sidesmen of every parish within the Diocese
of Lichfield and Coventry, in the second Triennial Visitation of John, Lord
Bishop, 1668.
^ See Hook's Church Dictionary. Art. ' Lecturers.'
* See Bishop Fell's Life of Allestree.
' See White Kennel's History of England, iii. p. 208.
192 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
who were qiiite independent of lier laws, and were for ever
cavilling at her offices and officers. ' If,' writes Wharton,
' I would recommend myself to a city lectureship, I should
have a chance of success if I inveighed against pluralities,
and accused the clergy of negligence and covetousness.' '
Perhaps we may think that the inveighing against plura-
lities was not in itself an unprofitable or superfluous work,
and certainly the lecturers were sometimes useful. Patrick
speaks with gratitude of his ' congregation at Covent Garden,
and patron, the Earl of Bedford, kindly j^aj'ing a lecturer
for him ; ' ^ and the ' preaching of a lecture on the first
market day of every month in all the great towns in
Cheshire ' ^ must have been, if duly regulated, a very
seasonable exercise. In fact the work of lecturers gene-
rally required to be regulated rather than abolished.
A more humble, but more ancient and regular office
than the lecturer's, was that of the ' reader ' in parish
churches, of whom we hear much during our period.
Eeaders are one of the five minor orders in the Church of
Eome ; in the Church of England they are, of course, no
separate order ; they were simply an inferior kind of curate
who did the mechanical work of reading the service while
the great man reserved his energies for the pulpit. There
seems to have been an odious and ridiculous notion that it
was derogatory to the dignity of a great preacher to read
the prayers,'* and this, it is to be feared, rather than the
real necessity of such help, was the cause of the employ-
ment of so many readers. The office of reader was, in
fact, the lowest rung in the ecclesiastical ladder, and one
can hardly wonder that it was badly paid and lightly
esteemed. Bramhall, in answer to some contemptuous re-
marks of Baxter, declares that he has ' great respect for the
' Defence of Pluralities, p. 7.
- Autobiography of Simon Patrick, p. 80.
^ Archbishop Nicolson's Correspondence, i. 165.
^ See. inter alia, Nclaon's Jjife of Bull, p. bo.
I
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 93
poor readers,' but his attitude is evidently that of a superior
patting an inferior on the back, rather than of a man de-
fending his brother and his equal.' Swift, when he draws
an imaginary portrait of an undeservedly unfortunate
clergyman, makes him begin his ecclesiastical career as
reader in a parish church at 20/. a year,^ and readers are
said to have been so badly paid that they used to combine
the duties of several churches, rushing, when the sermon
commenced, to begin prayers at another church,'^ But,
unlike the present day, there was then so great a superfluity
of clergymen that even a reader's place was eagerly sought.
Thus Dr. Kennet writes to an intimate friend, holding out a
hope, but evidently as a great favour, that he might offer
the post to his son if he was qualified for it ; ■* and Dr.
Willis left a salary for a reader to read the prayers at
S. Martin's in the Fields, evidently under the impression,
which turned out to be correct, that there would be no
difficulty in supplying the place.
The domestic chaplain had no connection as such with
the services of the parish church, and will therefore be
better dealt with in relation to the social life of the period.
But there was another functionary who certainly occupied
a more important and prominent position than he does at
the present day. The parish clerk, who set the psalm, and
often, it would seem, selected it, who was invested in black
gown and bands,'* and who, in point of emolument, if the
' Athenian Oracle ' is to be trusted, had twice as good a place
as the reader,'' might well be thought to hold a desirable
' See Bisliop BvainhalVs Vindication i£c. against Baxter (1672),
pp. lGl-2.
- Essay on the Fates of Clergymen. Swift's Works, Scott's edition,
vol. vii. p. 237.
■•' See Perry's History of tlie Clmrch of England, ii. p. 2-10.
■• 111 the unpublished MSS. of White Kennet, in the British Museum,
to which my attention was kindly directed by E. Garnctt, Esq.
^ ' The stiff i^arish clerks with their bans and their gowns.'
(T. Brown, ' Verses on Sternhold and Hopkins Ax.,' Works, iv. 64),
* See Athenian Oracle, p. 406.
0
194 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
and responsible post which was keenly competed for. An
interesting letter from John Lake (afterwards Bishop of
Chichester) when he was incumbent of Prestwich, to a
friend who ' made interest with him for the appointment of
parish clerk,' shews what a valuable piece of patronage it
was considered.' Swift, in his companion picture of the un-
deservedly lucky clergyman contrasted with the undeservedly
unfortunate one referred to above, describes Corusodes as
' selling the clerkship of the parish when it became vacant.' '^
Stackhouse, in suggesting remedies for the ' miseries of the
inferior clergy,' wishes that ' the ancient custom were
revived of admitting none but men in Holy Orders to be
parish clerks.' ^ Without grudging these functionaries their
comfortable profits, one may be thankful that the odious
custom of supplying what was lacking by means of ' clerk
ales ' was not so common after, as it had been before the
Eebehion.'*
This leads us to the subject of the supply of ways and
means generally. Our countrymen of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries appear to have had a wonderful faith
in the efficacy of ' Briefs.' And yet that faith scarcely
seems to have been justified by results. Now and then the
brief was responded to with extraordinary liberality. AVhen
Mr. Bowyer's printing-house was burnt down in 17l!2, the
brief brought in 1,400/. or 1,5001.' The brief for the
' The letter is quoted in Miss Strickland's Lives of tJie Seven BisJioj^s,
p. 109.
- Essays on the Fates of Clergymen, ut supra.
' Miseries arul Great Ilardships of the Inferior Clergy in and about
London, and, a modest Plea for their Rights and better Usage, in a Letter
to the Bishop of London, by T. Stackhouse, 1737.
'' See Bishop Pierce's curious letter, Canterbury's Doom, pp. 142-3.
' There is great reason for clerk ales for the maintenance of parish clerks ;
for in poor country parishes the people, thinking it unfit that the clerk
should duly attend at the church and not gain by his office, send him in
provision and then come and feast with him, by which means he sells more
ale, and tastes more of the liberality of the peoj)le, than their quarterly
payments would amount to in many years.'
'According to Nichols {Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth Century,
RESTORATION OF ORDER 195
French Protestant refugees in 1682 realised more than
40,000^. But these were exceptional cases. Bowyer was
a very well-known man, and his disaster called forth much
sympathy.' By their generosity to the French Protestants
the English uttered a silent but very emphatic protest
against the Eomanising tendencies of King James and
his creatures. But, as a rule, the briefs were not warmly
welcomed, and one can hardly wonder, for a royal mandate
is not the right instrument for stimulating Christian charity.
Here again, the State stepped in, and in its professed desire
to heli^ the Church, was really a hindrance to her work.
Besides the obvious objection that it was putting charity
upon a wrong footing, the number of briefs became a nui-
sance ; '^ and the objects for which they were issued were
often of a very questionable character. Losses by fire
were perhaps legitimate causes ; but when we find so right-
thinking, and generally, judicious a churchman as Arch-
bishop Sharp, offering to procure a brief for the payment of
Mr. Wesley's debts ; ^ when we hear of a brief being granted
to rebuild a play-house that had been burnt down ; * when we
learn that there were uncomfortable suspicions about briefs
being farmed, and that these suspicions could not be satis-
factorily repelled ; ^ that they ' encouraged parishioners to let
i. 60), ' a clear amount of 1,514Z. 13s. i^d.,' accordingto others, 1,400Z. (See
Secretan's Life of R. Nelson, sub finem.)
' Thoresby, Diary, February 3, 171^. ' Mr. Bowyer's house burned.
Hope he may obtain a brief.' Nichols' Literary Anecdotes, vol. i. p. 60 &c.,
shew that there was strong sympathy with Bowyer on all sides.
- Pepys (Diary, June 30, 1661) ' observes the trade of briefs is come
now up to so constant a course every Sunday, that we resolve to give no
more to them ; ' a not unreasonable complaint, if it be true that the brief was
read for fifteen consecutive Sundays for the same object, the relief of
some persons who had suffered from a fire in S. Dunstan's in the West.
' SeeTyerman's Life and Times of Samuel Wesley, p. 234. Mr. Wesley
had too much self-respect to accept the offer.
* See Noble's Biographical History of England, i. 93.
* All that Dr. Wells [The Rich Man's Duty to contribute liberally to the
Building dx. of Churches) can say in answer to the objection that briefs for the
rebuilding of Churches are farmed, is, ' If they are, do not give liberally, but
give something ; ' and, ' How docs he know it is farmed ? Is it suspicion ?' do.
o 2
196 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
their churches run to ruin in hopes of gettincj a brief at last
for them ; that the costs of repairing churches were much
over-reckoned in briefs ; and that the money was misspent ; ' ^
we need not be surprised at the system not working well.
Briefs for churches, we are told, brought in ' in large
parishes not more than 4s. or S.s-. ; in smaller l.s. or 2.9.
Some rich people give Qd., others think it a piece of mere
imprudence and weakness to give anything. Those who
give nothing or too little to briefs for churches, give likewise
nothing or too little to briefs for the poor ; ' but in justice
to our ancestors, we must admit that the very small sums
generally given to briefs, especially for churches, cannot be
altogether regarded as ' a sad proof of the decay of piet3^' ^
Political causes may explain the suspicion with which
Bishop Ken's efforts to raise a little money for the distressed
nonjurors w^ere received by the Privy Council ; but it
surely shewed a strange confusion between the functions of
Church and State, to object to his appeal as ' an usurpation
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as infringing on the king's rights
and of the nature of a brief.' ^ It is curious that the vigorous
revival of Church feeling did not suggest the adoption of the
weekly offertory, but it is clear that a fair trial was never given
to that system. Nelson speaks of Bull's as quite an excep-
tional case when he established the offertory, ' which is too
much neglected in country villages.' * Bishop Cosin writes to
the Vice- Chancellor of Cambridge about ' the money thrown
into the basons at the church doors ' for the sufferers from
the Plague in 16G5,— a plan v>'ith which the elders among us
were familiar in our youth, but which is now happily very
rare. When the offertory iras adopted, the results were
wonderfully encouraging. Patrick was evidently quite
embarrassed by the large sum it brought in at S. Paul's,
' Rieli Man's Duty dc, ut supra. All the answer given to these objec-
tions is, that supposing they are all true, it is not a good reason for not
giving.
2 Bich Man's Duty dc, ut supra.
' Life of Ken, by Hawkins, p. '61. * Life of Bull, p. 94.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 197
Covent Garden ; ' and the amount of voluntary offerings
for missionary Avork \Yas very large, considering the infancy
of the undertaking.
The ritual of the period varied from a correctness
which would satisfy the most rigid observer of forms in the
present day to a slovenliness Nvhich would shock the most
lax. For instance, the custom of bowing to the East
according to the fortieth Canon was far more usual than
it is now. Churchmen like Laud and Morton had ad-
vocated it before the Kebellion, — the latter having most
clearly distinguished it from the Koman adoration to the
altar, in a phrase which is almost epigrammatic : * We
bow, not to the Table of the Lord, but to the Lord of the
Table.' But after the Restoration it became much more
general than it had been before. Bishop Croft of Hereford
speaks of it as an ordinary use in 1675, and desh'es it to
be given up, only on the same principle as that on which
he would have conceded the surplice, kneeling at the Lord's
Supper, the cross at Baptism Szc.^ The ' Athenian Oracle,'
(that is, Samuel Wesley,) justifies it most sensibly, and in
terms which shew that it was the rule, not the exception.^
An anonymous writer in 1670 promises an objector to all
Church order, that ' he shall not knock his shins when he
bows towards the altar.' ^ An anonymous rhymester of about
the same date, writing of Church customs which were
general, if not universal, says —
I quarrel not with him that bows the knee
Towards the East, although the altars bee
Mere stumbing-blocks to some, they're none to me.^
' ' Having very often great Communions, and sometimes large offerings,
I was very solicitous how to dispose of so much money ; it was too much to
relieve the poor, and I told the churchwardens it was not intended to lessen
their rates, &c.' (Autobiography of Simon Patrick, p. 90.)
- See Naked Truth, ut supra. ' See Athenian Oracle, iii. p. 483.
♦ See A Private Conference between a rich Alderman and a poor Country
Vicar, dc, p. IG. Hickeringill (The Black Nonconformist, Works, ii. p. 87)
objects, among other things, to ' cringing to the east, to the altar.'
'■• An Apology of the Author of The Asse's Complaint against Balaam.
I9S LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660- 17 14
A writer in 1687 tells us that at Carlisle Cathedral ' all
bowed towards the altar,' ' and we have contemporary evi-
dence that this was general at Cathedrals.^ Dr. Edward
Lake, in a devotional work written in 1677, strongly urges
his readers, ' after receiving, to arise and make their feve-
rence to the altar.' ^ Joseph Bingham, who was far from
being an extreme man, is decidedly in favour of the prac-
tice ; '' and White Kennet, in his earlier days, recommends
it to his ' Christian Scholar.' ^ Of course the practice also
met with strong opposition, as the above quotations inti-
mate ; indeed the opponents sometimes invoked the strong
arm of the law; we read of the church of All Hallows',
Barking, being ' presented for innovations, as bowing to
the East ; ' *^ but the custom was still generally retained.
On the other hand there were instances of extreme
irreverence which would now shock all but the utterly god-
less. It has been already told how the Princess Mary
thought she was in a Dutch church because the people of
Canterbury stood on the Communion Table to look at her,
and how Dean Granville sent some boys to the House of
Correction at Durham for playing at cards on the Commu-
nion Table. Among the Articles of Inquiry at Bishop Cosin's
first Visitation at Durham, one is, ' Doth anyone put his
hat on the Communion Table ? ' ^ and Articles of Visitation
shew that similar inquiries were seasonable at a later
period.
At the east end itself we find the same strange con-
trasts. On the one hand altar lights were by no means
unusual. Among the princely gifts which Bishop Cosin
' Story's Journal, p. 4.
^ See Granville's Letters, ii. p. 95. Mackenzie Walcott's Traditions and
Customs of Cathedrals, p. 136.
' See Lake's Officium Eucharisticum. * See Works, vol. ii. p. 545, &q.
'■> See infra. Chapter on Devotional Works.
* Entring Book, March IGSl, quoted in Dr. Stoughton's C luirch of the
Restoration, ii. 183.
' Bishop Cosin's Works (Library of Anglo-Catholic-Theology), vol. iv.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 1 99
presented to the chapels at Auckland and Durham were two
large silver candlesticks, gilded and embossed, three feet
high, to be placed upon the altar ; • Bishop Fuller of
Lincoln says he * will give them [at the Cathedral] a paire
of faire brass candlesticks,' not, be it observed, because
they had none already, but because ' they have a pitiful
paire of ordinary brasse candlesticks upon the Altar, which
(he says,) I am asham'd to see, and can indure no longer.'
He seems however to anticipate a little opposition, for he
adds, ' I find in the Inventory of church utensils, before
they were imbezilled, a paire of copper candlesticks guilt.
Why may I not give the like ? ' ^ Hickeringill's objections
to the church service in 1682 include ' lighted candles
on the altar ; ' ^ and a picture of S. Paul's of about the
same date represents altar lights. In another picture of
the coronation of William and Mary, we see twenty-eight
lights burning on the altar, and eight on the re-table, and
the author of the ' Asse's Complaint against Balaam '
writes of them as of an ordinary use.''
On the other hand it was by no means universal after
the Eestoration to have the altar railed in at the east end
of the chancel. In a picture of IQTO,^ the altar is at the
entrance of the chancel, with the communicants kneeling
round it at some little distance. It is not till 1678 that
Evelyn records, ' now was our Holy Table placed altar-wise ; '
and it was not till 1687 that Bishop Cartwright commanded
the churchwardens at Liverpool to ' set the Communion
' ' Duo magna candelabra argentea et dupliciter deaurata, tres pedes alta,
opere celato fabricata, et super Altare, sive Mensam Dominicam, quotidie
locanda.' {CorrespondeJice of Bishop Cosin (Surtees Society), Part II.,
p. 71.)
- Bishop of Lincoln to Dean Bancroft, quoted in Granville's Remains,
Part I., p. 217, note.
2 The Black Nonconformist (Hickeringill's Works, ii. 87).
■• As for the harmless Tapers, let them burn,
Yet when the bridegroom wakes her from her urn.
These will not serve the sleeper's turn.'
* Frontispiece to The Devout Communicant Exemplified.
200 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
Table altar- wise against the wall.' ' Dean Prideaux, a
cautious but sound churcbman, speaks very doubtfull}^
about altar rails, approving of them himself, but implying
that there was great opposition to them, which in some
cases it might be well to conciliate.^ Bishop Sparrow
speaks of the ' Holy Table or Altar being antiently placed
towards the upper or east end of the chancel,' and strongly
approves of the arrangement, but clearly speaks of it as not
being at that time general.''
' For greater ornament and decency,' writes Dean
Prideaux in 1701, 'are added in many churches, paintings
and altar-pieces.' "* The latter were often very elaborate,
especially in the London churches. At S. Michael Royal,
College Hill, was ' an altar-piece of singular beauty, carved
by Grinling Gibbons in right oak.' ^^ At S. Bartholomew
the Great, Smithfield, when it was ' beautified ' in 1696, ' the
altar-piece was a very spacious piece of architecture,' —
whether it was tasteful or appropriate is another question.^
At the Savoy Chapel the altar was ' beautified with portraits
of the twelve Apostles at large.' '^ Ambrose Barnes, a strong
dissenter, writing from Newcastle, complains of ' new altar-
pieces fitter for the play-house than for the house where
' Dlanj of Thomas Cartwricjht, Blsliop of Chester, for September 21, 1G87.
- Directions to Churchwardens for the faithful Discharge of their Office,
by Humphrey Prideaux, Dean of Norwich and Archdeacon of Suffolk, 1701.
3 See Rationale upon the Book of Common Prayer, pp. 28-9.
* Directions to Churchwardens &c., ut supra.
^ See Sir C. Wren, his Family andhis Times, by Lucy Phillimore, p. 272.
" The reader must judge for himself. ' It was painted of a stone colour
in perspective. It consists of four columns and two pilasters with their
entablements of the Doric order. The intercolumns are the Command-
ments, and lower are the Lord's Prayer and Creed, all done in gold letters
upon black. Over the Commandments, and under an arching pediment is
a glory, with the word Jehovah done in Hebrew characters.' And so forth.
{New View of London, i. p. 142.)
" Paterson, Pietas Londinensis. He calls it ' S. Mary-le-Strand, or the
Savoy.' The present S. Mai'y-le-Strand was not rebuilt till after 1714, when
Paterson wrote, but the Savoy Chapel was used as the parish church for
the parishioners, and hence was sometimes incorrectly called ' S. Mary-le-
Strand.'
RESTORATION OF ORDER 20f
God is worsliipt, some of tliem contrived ^Yith carved work
resembling the lighted tajDers of a mass board.' ' Paintings
were of a most varied description. The sacred monogram, -
the Holy Ghost in the form of a dove, Moses and Aaron,
Moses with horns,^ texts of Scripture, the angel Gabriel,
and, what appears strangest of all to our views. Queen
Elizabeth and King Charles I ; * — the former, no doubt, as
the champion of Protestantism against Eomanism, the
latter as the champion and martyr of the Church of
England against Puritanism. The queen and the king did
not, as might perhaps be the case in the present day,
represent the Low and High Church parties respectivel}^
Hearne, who was of course distinctly a high churchman, re-
cords with evident approval that at ' S. Peter's in the East,
Oxford, on the north wall is painted Queen Elizabeth, lying
at full length in her robes, with a crown on her head.' -^
It was, perhaps, from something of the same kind of
feeling, that is, not pure Erastianism, but as a sort of
symbol of ' our happy establishment in Church and State,'
that the king's arms were ordered to be set up in churches.
Certainly, Bishop Hacket was no Erastian ; and among his
Articles of Inquiry in 1668, one question is, ' Are the king's
arms set up ? ' It is by no means intended to justify the
custom, but we should, in common fairness, strive to place
ourselves ni the position of the churchmen of the period.
To them the sovereign was the common barrier against a
foreign potentate at Piome on the one hand, and against
republicans at home, who had already upset the Church,
on the other ; and the royal arms were the. visible emblem
of this barrier. About setting them up sonieirJier.' in the
church, no question seems to have been raised ; but when
' Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Society). ^ j5/^/_
^ Bishop Barlow's Cases of Conscience, ' Case of setting up images in
churches,' in which much curious information will be found. Moses was
represented with horns, owing to a mistranslation of Exodus xxxiv. 30,
' Facies IMosis erat cornuta,' in the Vulgate.
* See Patersou's Fietas Londuiensis. ' Beliquia Hearnia)i:B, vol. i.
202 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
they formed, as they sometimes did, part of the altar-piece,*
the inappropriateness did seem to strike some. In the
' Athenian Oracle,' there is an interesting protest against
their being ' set up above the Commandments of God in the
place of most holy Christian worship, like the cherubims
in the most holy place of the temple on the ark of God ; '
and it is added that ' at S. Peter's, Cornhill, S. Martin's,
and other churches where there are and were persons as
observant of ceremonial and episcopal order as any, they
have been placed elsewhere.'
Pews cannot certainly be reckoned among the ornaments,
but they were a painfully conspicuous part of the furniture,
of the church during our period. It may be true, as Dean
Hook says,^ that they owed indirectly their height and
general obstructiveness to Puritanism, but it cannot honestly
be said that the restorers of Church order did nuicli to abate
the nuisance. Bishop Hacket complains of 'great men
being content to set up new pews for their own use, but
sticking at all other new (church) building.' ^ Sir Christopher
Wren was so far before (or behind) his age as to * wish that
there should be no pews, but only open benches,' but he
felt that his wish could not be gratified, for he says, ' there
is no stemming the tide of profit of pew-keepers ; espe-
cially since by pews in the chapel of ease, the minister
is chiefly supported ; ' he is therefore content with the very
modest suggestion, in reference to the design of Queen
Anne's fifty new churches, that ' a church should not be so
filled with pews but that the poor may have room enough
to stand and sit in the alleys ; for to them equally is the
gospel preached.' ^ Even such correct churchmen as Cosin
and Granvihe recognise the system. From a letter of the
^ In the description of the altar-piece at S. Bartholomew the Great,
quoted above, the climax is, ' above the pediment are the queen's
arms,' &c.
^ Church Dictionary : ' Pews.'
3 Plume's Life of Hacket (Walcott's edition), p. 88.
* Sir C. Wren, &c., Phillimore, p. 311.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 203
former, we find that lie was sorely exercised concerning his
daughter's seat in Sedgfield church ; ' and among the
offences taken notice of at an archidiaconal visitation of the
latter, one is ' the intruding into Mrs. Hackman's pew.' '^
We read of Bishop Cartwright ' sealing a confirmation of
My. Oldtield's two seats in the gallery at Manchester at 44s.
per annum ; ' ^ and Defoe, in his ' History of the Plague,'
speaks of ' people locking themselves up into separate pews.' ■*
If this ' locking up ' is to he taken literally, it was a sur-
vival from the pre-Rebellion period, for Bishop Earie, in his
amusing ' Microcosmography,' describes the ' she precise
hypocrite as knowing her place in Heaven as perfectly as
the pew she has a key to.' ^ But we must not conclude
that wherever pews are mentioned, precisely the same thing
was meant as w'e mean. Pepys speaks of his wife ' sitting
in Lady Fox's pew at the play,' ^ and Bishop Sparrow of
the * reading pew in parish churches.' '^ What we call
' pews ' simply were called sometimes ' closed pews,' some-
times * privy closets ; ' and there are few, if any, indications
during our period of any serious inclination to return to
the good old plan of keeping churches unencumbered with
these invidious and unsightly appendages.
The regulation of notices in church was a subject which
required and received attention from the restorers of Church
order. There was one pious and interesting custom, the
disuse of which we may regret, viz. the sending in of
' tickets for intercession.' Thoresby frequently refers to
this custom in his diary ; ^ and Tom Browai thus describes
it — ' I peeped into a line church on my way to Fleet Street.
Here, before sermon began, the clerk (in a slit slick con-
trived for that purpose) handed up to the desk a number of
' Bishop Cosin's Correspondence (Surtees Society), p. 273.
'^ Remains, Part II., p. 4.
^ Diary of Thomas Cartivright, Bishop of Chester, for March 26, 1C87.
* P. 81. * P. 96. « Diary, vol. v. p. 111.
' Rationale upon the Book of Common Prayer, p. 28.
» See vol. i. p. 434 ; ii. pp. 19, 42, Ac.
204 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
prayer-Lills, containing the humble petitions of clivers
devotees for a suppl}' of what they wanted, and the removal
of their afflictions.' ' But matters of a more secular nature
than intercession were wont to he noticed in church. The
author of the ' Clergyman's Vade Mecum ' protests with
good reason against the publishing of ' hues and cries and
enquiries after lost goods ' in church ; - and though it
was sanctioned by act of parliament ^ that ' persons newly
come to be inhabitants might at their request be published
after divine service,' the custom was not a very seemly
one. The reading of the king's proclamation against vice
and immorality four times every year was very usual in
churches : and so good a churchman as Bishop Patrick
strongly approves of it, and gives most elaborate directions
to his clergy how they are each time to improve the occa-
sion.'* Dean Granville, who above all things prided him-
self upon his rubrical correctness, yet thought there would
be nothing unseemly in advising the people, between the
Nicene Creed and the sermon, as to how they should vote
at a parliamentary election.''^
This chapter must not be concluded without a word
about the services of those conscientious churchmen who
were only prevented by scruples about the oaths from
worshipping at the national altars. It is difficult to ascer-
tain much on the subject, for the nonjurors were obliged to
keep their meetings secret, since those meetings were liable
at any time to be interrupted, the worshippers brought
before a magistrate, the oaths tendered to them, and a fine
imposed.*^ To prevent the intrusion of any spy, it is said
that a watchword was agreed upon each week by the
* faithful remnant.' It need scarcely be said that the services
' TVorks of Mr. Thomas Brown, iii. p. 69. - Pp. 280-1.
s 3 and 4 William and Mary, c. 12.
* See Letter of the Bishop of Chichester to his Clergy, 1690. Also
Defoe's Account of the Societies for the Reformation of Manners, 1699, p. 68.
^ Remains, Part I., p. 197.
* See English Church in the eigliteentli Century, i. pp. 56-7.
RESTORATION OF ORDER 205
at these nonjuring assemblies were precisely similar to
those at any well-regulated church, with the omission, of
course, of the name of the sovereign. The question about
the ' usages ' was of later date. In London there was, we
know, a chapel in Great Ormond Street, which Robert
Nelson, who lived in that street, regularly attended, as also
did * my neighbour the Dean ' (Hickes) when he was at
home. Here the Holy Communion was celebrated ' every
Sunday, Good Friday and other solemn occasions.' The
minister was Dr. Marshall, to whom Nelson left a small
legacy ' in regard of his constant attendance at the Eucha-
ristical Sacrifice.' ' There was probably also daily service
here, for Thoresby, visiting his friend Dr. Hickes on a week-
day, 'found him at his nonjuring conventicle.' '^ There was
another chapel in Fetter Lane, at which it seems not im-
probable that Nathaniel Spinckes officiated, for ' he lodged
at a glazier's in Winchester Street, near London Wall,' "^ in
the neighbourhood. There was in Broad Street ' a non-
juring congregation to which Jeremy CoUier preached.'
The l)ishop's chapel at Ely House, Holborn, was naturally
used for the services of the nonjurors, so long as Bishop
Turner had the power of opening it to them. Lord
Clarendon attended the service there on January 30, 1690,
and heard ' Mr. Leslie make a most excellent sermon ; '
there were, he tells us, ' about tfiree score people present— a
great auditory at this time.' This does not seem an over-
whelming congregation, but perhaps there were more on
Sundays. At any rate the Bishop of S. Asaph (Lloyd) was
sent to inform Bishop Turner that the king had been told
of the great concourse of people that resorted to his chapel,
and therefore he advised him to shut it up ; the advice
not being taken, the same pi-elate ^\ent the next week to his
brother of Ely, and ' told him plainly he must let no more
' Secretan's Life of Nelson, p. 175.
= Thoresby's Diary or May 18, 1714.
' See an interesting Icitcr from E. Nelson to Tcpys, appended to Pcpys'
Diary, v. 422.
206 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
company come to his chapel,' ' so that I perceive,' adds Lord
Clarendon bitterly, 'all people are to have liberty of conscience
but those of the true Church of England.' The irrepressible
bishop, however, was not so easily put down ; for, some
months later, Lord Clarendon writes, ' I went to the Com-
munion at Ely House, where I found the Bishops of Ely,
Gloucester (Frampton), and Peterborough (White), all non-
jurors.' • There was another place of meeting for the non-
jurors in Goodman's Fields at which Dr. Welton, who had
been rector of Whitechapel, officiated, and where a congre-
gation of 300 or 250 was wont to assemble.'^ In the
country, the nonjurors generally worshipped in private
houses ; and as many of the laymen who sympathised with
them were men of rank and wealth, there would be no dif-
ficulty in finding sufficiently large chapels in their private
houses to accommodate the small congregation that would
assemble in them. This, we know, was the case at Shot-
tesbrook, where Mr. Cherry and Mr. Dodwell maintained
between them a nonjuring chaplain, Mr. Brokesby, who
conducted the services daily at Shottesbrook Park.^ The
private chapel at Longleat, at which Mr. Harbin, the
domestic chaplain of Lord Weymouth, officiated, was de-
voted to nonjuring services until the accession of Queen
Anne, when Lord Wejanouth accepted office, and, to the
great grief of Ken, was obliged to have the prayers for the
sovereign used. At Oxford, Hearne tehsus,^ 'the nonjurors
had the Sacrament at Mr. Sheldon's chambers at Christ
Church, who finds all the necessaries for it.' The same
plan was doubtless adopted in all parts of the country ;
and probably there was no cathedral or parish church in
the kingdom where more orderly services were carried on
than in the private chapels or rooms in which this little
remnant met for the worship of God.
• See Lord Clarendon's Diary, ii. pp. 302, 303, 304, and 425.
' See Palin's History of the Church of England, &c., p. 420, and Lath-
bury's History of the Nonjurors, pp. 252, 256^7.
3 See Life of Mr. Henry Dodwell, by Francis Brokesby, p. 542.
* Diary for September 14, 1705.
207
CHAPTER V.
RELIGIOUS AND rHILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES.
An important feature in the Cliurch life of the period, and
a sure symptom of its vigour, may be found in the many
Societies which were then founded and flourished. Among
the earhest were those which were cahed simply
The Religious Societies. The origin of these was very
huml)le.' About the year 1678, a few young men in London
of the middle class were deeply impressed by the stirring
preaching of Dr. Horneck at the Savoy Chapel, and the
morning lectures of Mr. Smythies at S. Michael's, Cornhill,
which were specially designed for the young. As good
churchmen, these young men consulted their clergyman ;
thus it happened that several met at the same house on
the same errand, and, being kindred spirits, naturally
formed an acquaintance with one another. It is said that
the existence of some clubs of Atheists, Deists, and Socinians
suggested to them the idea of banding themselves together
in what they called ' Societies.' ^ Probably they were
advised to do so by their clergy, especially by Dr. Horneck
and Mr. Smythies, the former of whom is called by one
who knew the circumstances thoroughly their 'father.'^
The Societies were conducted most strictly on the lines of
the Church's teaching. None were to be admitted as
' See A Short Account of the several Societies set up of late years, &e.
published about 1700.
- See Dr. Josiah Woodward's Account of the Rise and Progress of the
Religious Societies.
^ Dr. Woodward, ut supra.
208 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
members except young men above sixteen years of age who
had been confirmed. They were to choose a clergyman to
dh-ect them, and then- meetings were to be strictly devotional.
They were to use no prayers at their meetings except those
of the Church, and ' none that peculiarly belong to the
minister, as the absolution.' The minister whom they
chose was to * direct what practical divinity was to be
read.' After prayer and reading they were ' to have liberty
to sing a psalm,' and after all this was done, if there was
any time left, ' they might discourse with each other about
their spiritual concerns,' but this was ' not to be a standing
exercise which any should be obHged to attend unto.' After
many other excellent practical rules, the last is that they
were to ' love one another, when reviled not to revile again,
speak evil of no man, wrong no man, pray, if possible,
seven times a day, keep close to the Church of England, &c.' '
They were to meet once a week, and at every meeting
' consider the wants of the poor,- and each member was to
brines a weekly contribution proportionate to his means.'
The accession of James II. caused some change in their
proceedings. Owing to the dread of Eomanism, private
meetings began to be suspected. So the Societies changed
for a time their name to 'Clubs,' as having a less sus-
picious sound, and ' instead of meeting at the private houses
of the members, met at some public house.' Some of the
members shrank back for fear of being involved in a charge
of Romanism, but others gave themselves to the work with
all the more zeal, thinking rightly that the best way of
opposing Romanism was by stimulating the zeal and piety of
English churchmen. Seeing ' the daily Mass celebrated at
the Chapels Royal and other public places,' they determined
to provide counter attractions. They commenced by pro-
curing a daily service at S. Clement Danes, ' where they
never wanted a full and affectionate congregation.' They
' See Bishop Kidder's Life of Rev. Anthony Honieck, D.D.
• Woodward, ut supra.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES 209
next set up a monthly evening lecture in the same church
' to confirm communicants in their holy vows,' and at this
lecture ' the most eminent divines about the city used to
preach.' ^ Soon after the Kevolution a new rule was made,
' that everyone should endeavour to bring in one other at
least into the Society.' This tended wonderfully to increase
their numbers. So, also, did the hearty support of the
dignitaries of the Church, who at first, not perhaps unnatu-
rally, looked with some suspicion upon the new movement.
Was it not like setting up a Church within a Church?
Would it not lead to schism — to faction — to spiritual
pride ? Such rumours were in the air ; in fact the case
was so misrepresented to the bishops, that the Societies
wisely determined ' to address an Apology to the Bishop of
London ' (Compton), that is, they sent what we should
now call a ' deputation ' to his lordship, for we are told that
he dismissed them with ' God forbid that I should be against
such excellent designs.' There is no doubt that the coun-
tenance given by the Diocesan, and by the Archbishop of the
Province (Tillotson), greatly increased the popularity of
the Societies, and this was further promoted by the interest
which the queen took in them ; ^ but the credit of leading
them into, and keeping them in a right channel, must
unquestionably be given to those clergymen who personally
directed them ; first and foremost to Dr. Horneck, who
was not only their chief originator, but also, as his bio-
grapher tells us, ' had the care of several societies of young
men ; ' ^ then to Dr. Beveridge, whose great name was of
itself sufficient to keep any scheme afloat ; then to Mr,
Smythies, and a little later, to Dr. Bray, ' to whose memory-
most of the Religious Societies in London owed grateful
' Woodward, ut supra.
' ' Our late gracious queen,' writes Defoe, ' took great satisfaction in
these Religious Societies.' {Account of the Societies for tJic Reformation of
Manners, y>. 1(3.)
' Kidder's Life of Ilorncck.
P
2 10 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
acknowledgments, being in a great measure formed on the
plans he projected ' ; ^ and finally to Dr. Woodward, who
defended and helped them with his pen. These were the
men who prevented enthusiasm from degenerating into
fanaticism, and kept it well within the sober limits of the
Church of England. In 1710 there were no less than forty-
two Religious Societies in London and Westminster, besides
a great number in the various large towns in the kingdom.
One of their most ardent supporters was Robert Nelson,
who took them as a text for one of his appeals to ' Persons
of Quality,' arguing that ' if a few persons, on no account
considerable, and whose names are hardly known,' could
do so much to promote the life and spirit of Christianity,
' Persons of Quality ' might surely do much more.^
Let us see what the Societies had done. Their con-
temporary historian is fully borne out by other testimony
when he affirms that ' it is evident even to demonstration
that their zeal hath in many places given new life to the
celebration of the Lord's Supper, pubhc prayers, singing of
psalms &c.' ^ The experiment- commenced at S. Clement
Danes was extended far and wide. Daily public prayers,
celebrations of the Holy Communion every Lord's day and
other festival, and preparation sermons or lectures for the
Holy Communion, were, with the permission of the incum-
bent, established in very many churches at the cost of the
Societies. A very common notice in ' Pietas Londinensis '
is, ' prayers &c. provided by a Religious Society.' Great
stress was laid upon the Holy Communion, not only as the
central service of the Church, but also as ' the best means
to prevent men from apostatising by confirming their vows
and relieving their spiritual strength.' ^ Not only did their
members not apostatise themselves, they also prevented
' Public Spirit Illustrated in the Life and Designs of Dr. Bray (puli-
lislied 174()).
- See A Representation of the Ways and Methods of Doing Good, ap-
pended to An Address to Persons of Quality (published 1715).
3 Woodward, ut supra. ' Woodward.
RELIGIOUS AXD PHILANTHROriCAL SOCIETIES 2 11
many others from doing so. We learn from quite an inde-
pendent source that they ' promoted family religion ' (which
in the reaction against Puritanism had rather fallen into
disuse in favour of public prayer), brought many Quakers
to Holy Baptism, and preserved many from Popery.' Their
works of charity were various and extensive. They ' visited
the poor at their houses and relieved them, fixed some in a
way of trade, set prisoners at liberty, furthered poor scholars
in their subsistence at the University,'^ contributed largely to
Dr. Bray's missionary projects, and were greatly instru-
mental in establishing nearly one hundred charity schools
in London, as well as others in the country. But all was
subservient to the extension and improvement of public
worship, and so successful were they in this, the main part
of their work, that, in the language of a historian who
wrote a little time after their collapse, ' Prayers were set up
in so many places and hours [in London] that devout
persons might have that comfort every hour of the day, and
there were greater numbers and greater appearance of devo-
tion at prayers and sacraments than had been observed in
the memory of man.' ^
Of course their success was to a great extent owing to
the fact that they harmonised thoroughly with the general
feeling. They had not to create the demand before they
offered the supply. There was a strong devotional spirit
abroad, which could find vent only in one direction. The
nation's experience of Puritanism on the one hand, or
Eomanism on the other, was too recent to allow it to tolerate
for one moment anything that savoured of either. The
Religious Societies supplied additional opportunities of de-
votions of a purely Anglican type, and therefore they carried
the town, we may almost say the nation, along with them.
But none the less is it to their credit that they alienated no
' Anglice Notifies, by John Chamberlayne, Tart III., continuation of
Edward Chamberlayne's (the father's) work, p. 340.
^ Woodward. ' Tindal's Continuation of Rai>in, vol. xiv. pp. 437-B.
212 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
one by their extravagance or inconsistency. After they had
been thirty-two years in existence, their historian could call
attention with perfect truth ' to the humble and inoffensive
behaviour,' as well as ' to the blooming piety of the orthodox
and sober persons ' who composed them.' They did luliat
they did, and enough has surely been said to show that
it was very considerable, without the slightest ostentation,
without even letting their names be known. They were
content to work quietly on under the direction of their
clergyman, looking for, and finding their reward, not in the
praise of men, but in the really useful results which they
achieved. Among their warmest supporters was the rector
of Epworth, Mr. Wesley, A ' Letter concerning Religious
Societies ' (1699),- and a ' Sermon preached to one of the
Eeligious Societies ' (1698), full of most seasonable advice
to its members, are still extant. There is no doubt that the
father handed down his sentiments on the subject to his more
famous son, and that John Wesley intended his Societies to
be an exact repetition of what was done by Beveridge,
Horneck, and Smythies sixty-two years before,^ — in fact he
himself constantly refers to his * going to a Society.' How
it was that the Methodist Societies took a different course
is a very interesting, and, to a churchman, a very sad
question, but it does not come within the scope of this
work.
One word must be added on the causes of the collapse of
the Eeligious Societies. One cause was that old, old trouble
which has so often interfered with the progress of Church
life, and never more than during the period with which this
work is concerned, the mixing up of politics with religion.
The Societies came to be suspected of Jacobite tendencies.
They were especially charged with using their influence over
' Woodward.
* This letter is appended to his Pious Communicant rightly Prepared,
and the sermon is among a collection of Spital Sermons and others of the
date bonnd up in one volume.
3 Tycrman's Life and Times of Samuel Wcslcij, p. 226.
RELIGIOUS AND rilll.ANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES 213
the charity schools for poHtical purposes ; the charges against
them on this score were very vagne, hut they were cjuite
sufficient, in the sensitive state of men's minds, to cast dis-
credit upon them. Then, again, it is to he feared that the
clergymen of the second generation of the Societies' exist-
ence were not men of so high a type spiritually as their
predecessors, and as it was of the essence of the Societies
to take their tone entirely from the clergy who had the ex-
clusive direction of them, this told sadly to their disadvantage.
But the chief cause of all was that the}^ hecame confused
with another class of Societies, from which they were in
reality perfectly distinct, though the same individuals wer«
often memljers of hoth, and though the two kinds are fre-
quently grouped together, not only hy later historians, hut
also in contemporary records.' This latter class of Societies
we have now to consider.
The Societies for the Reformation of Manners were first
formed in 1692 with the laudahle aim of checking the
prevalent immorality hy hringing offenders under the arm
of the civil power. They were set on foot by five or six
gentlemen of the Church of England, and these were soon
joined by others, both churchmen and dissenters. They
proceeded upon the principle of a division of labour, one
Societ}'', composed of law}' ers and magistrates, devoting itself
to the work of putting the laws into force and of getting
subscriptions to the expenses of prosecutions, another, com-
posed of tradesmen, to the suppression of debauchery in
the streets, another, to the somewhat invidious task of
informers, and so forth. In 1691, before the Societies were
formed, the gentlemen who had the design in view, induced
the queen, through the medium of Bishop Stillingfleet who
had great influence over her, to issue royal letters
' Even the title of Woodward's work is confusing: An Account of the
Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies, and of their endeavours for
the Reformation of Manners. Of course he clearly distinguishes between
the two in the body of his work.
2 14 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1 7 14
admonishing the magistrates to do their duty. Magis-
trates' orders were sent all over the kingdom, and ' blank
warrants lodged for the ease of informers ' &c.'— a very
hazardous proceeding. Archbishop Tihotson took the matter
up warmly, and so did his successor. Archbishop Tenison,
who issued a circular letter to his suffragans, begging
them to urge their clergy to help on the good work. The
contemporary evidence is too strong to permit us to doubt
that a considerable effect was produced. Within ten years
from their formation, a contemporary declares that they
• had prospered to a degree exceedingly great, beyond what
human wisdom did or could expect ; ' that ' more than
twenty thousand persons had been convicted of swearing,
cursing, and profanation of the Lonl's day in and about
London and Westminster,' and that ' about three thousand
lewd and disorderly persons had been punished within the
same limits.' - In 1705 Bishop Compton publicly testified
in the House of Lords to the beneficial effects they had
produced in the suppression of vice.-'' Defoe affirmed in
1699 that 'they had proved so exceedingly serviceable in
the work of Eeformation that they might be reckoned a
chief support to it.' * Dr. Woodward writes to the same
effect. Mr. Disney, about 1708, writes in rapturous terms
about the ' glorious success ' of the Societies.'^ Mr. Brad-
ford, rector of S. Mary-le-Bow, afterwards Bishop of
Carlisle, declared in a sermon in 1709 that ' they had not
been without considerable effect.'"^ Eobert Nelson writes
' Woodward.
2 A Short Account of the several Kinds of Societies set up of late years,
&c. This must have been written about the close of the seventeenth cen-
tury, for it speaks of the rise of the Religious Societies ' about twenty years
since.'
» See Eapin {TindaVs Continuation), vol. xvi. p. 208.
* Account of the Societies for the Reformation of Manners, &c.
* Essay upon the Execution of the Laws against Immorality and Pro-
faneness, by J. Disney, Esq. (afterwards the Eev.). Robert Nelson thought
this work ' unanswerably convincing.'
" The sermon is in a volume containing a collection of Sjntal Sermons
RELIGIOUS AND PIIIT.ANTIIROPICAL SOCIETIES 215
strongly about their effectiveness, and so does Bishop
Bull.'
It has been thought desirable to quote this contemporary
evidence (which might have been multiplied to a much
greater extent), because some later historians have given a
different impression, and they are borne out by one great man
at least, Dean Swift,^ and by several anonymous writers,^'
but the weight of contemporary evidence preponderates over-
whelmingly in favour of their effectiveness.
That they should have raised great opposition is cer-
tainly not surprising. It is one thing to promote religion
and virtue by moral persuasion and example, quite another
to call in the strong arm of the law. From the time of
the Athenian ' sycophants ' downwards, the very name of
* informer ' has had an odious sound about it. Defoe is
most unjust in insinuating that the great men wdio held
aloof from the Societies were instigated by mere timidity
and over-caution.^ This certainly was not the case with
Archbishop Sharp, who tells us plainly enough his reasons
for hesitating about joining the Societies, and very weighty
reasons they are. Bishop (afterwards Archbishop) Nicol-
son, again, who is much less guarded in his opposition to
the Societies, cannot possibly be suspected of timidity ; ^ and
still less can Dr. Sacheverell, one of their most vehement
opponents, whose faults lay in quite a different direction.
The fact is, the Societies, well meant and probably effective
as they were, seem to have committed the converse of an
error which was very prevalent at the time. The penal
laws against nonconformists are an instance of the State
and Servians for the Charity Schools, preached in the first few years of the
eigliteenth century.
' See Nelson's Life of Bull, pp. 208 and 290.
^ See S\vift's Project for the Advancement of Religion and Reformation
of Manners. (Swift's Works, Scott's edition, vol. vii. p. 99.)
* See, inter alia, Reformation of Manners. A Satyr. 1702.
* Account of the Societies for Reformation of Manners.
* See Archbishop Xiuolson's Correspondence, pp. 140, 171-7, &c.
2l6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
interfering in the province of the Church, these Societies are
an instance of the Church interfering in the province of the
State. No such objection can be raised against the other
Societies which were formed at this period.
The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge is the
mother of several of these, but she herself may be called
the daughter of the Rehgious Societies, inasmuch as it
was the spirit awakened by these Societies which, more than
anything else, called her into existence,' and moreover these
Societies interested themselves largely in procuring sub-
scriptions for her. 2 The Society however would never have
been established but for the indefatigable and self-denying
efforts of one man. Dr. Bray. He it was who first
endeavoured, in more ways than one, to gain help from
public sources, and failing this, determined to set on foot a
voluntary Society. He it was who drew up the plan of the
Society, and on March 8, 169| (a memorable date), met
four other Christian men, all laymen, and virtually es-
tablished it. Tlie names of these notable five were, Francis,
Lord Guildford, Sir Humphrey Mackworth, Justice Hook,
Colonel Maynard Colchester, and, last but not least. Dr.
Thomas Bray. The first resolution at this first meeting
had reference to the design of ' erecting catechetical schools in
every parish in and about London ; ' then Dr. Bray was re-
quested to lay before the Society his scheme for promoting
religion in the Plantations ; then the five members agreed to
contribute 12/. towards the printing of good books to be circu-
lated among the poor, steps having been previously taken for
founding lending libraries in America. In 1701 the Earl
of Marlborough applied for and received from the Society
books for the troops under his command ; and about the
same time Admiral Benbow and Sir G. Piooke began to
distribute the Society's books in the fleet. But it was not
until 1705 that the Society agreed to sei apart a portion of
' See Perry's History of the Church of England, iii. p. 90.
^ See AnglicB Nolltice, Part III., pp. 340-5.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES 2 1/
its funds to furnish the poor in the country with Bibles and
Prayer Books at a cheap rate.
It will thus be seen that the Society at first embraced
within its province what afterwards became the work of
several other associations ; and nothing shews the courage,
let us rather say the faith, of this little band of men more than
the contrast between the magnitude of their designs and
the smallness of the company engaged in them. The sixth
member elected was John Chamberlayne, the first secretary
of the Society; then others quickly followed; but at the
first eight meetings (which were held weekly), only five
members were present. Well may the Jubilee Tract, pub-
lished 150 years later, be entitled ' Great Success from
small Beginnings.'
To this tract (which gives a full account of the rise and
progress of the Society), and to other easily accessible works,
the reader must be referred if he desires to fill up this
very meagre sketch of the first beginnings of this grand
old Society,' It can here only be noticed in connection with
the Church Hfe of the period ; and one point strikes us
especially in this connection. It is pleasing to observe the
names of men of all parties in the Church among the
earliest and warmest supporters of a Society which was
designed for the whole Church, not any one section of it
exclusively. We hear of Tenison and Burnet and Kidder
and Fowler and Kennet joining with Patrick and Lloyd and
Thomas Wilson and E. Nelson and S. Wesley, all apparently
in perfect harmony. In fact, one of the most interesting
features in the early history of the S.P.C.K. is the varied
characters and tastes of its supporters. Though of a strictly
Church type, it was not composed of a clerical clique, that
is, of clergymen who had no interests beyond what may be
' Jubilee Tract ; Great Success from small Beginnings. An Account of
the five original Members of the S.P.C.K. T. B. Murray, 1849 ; Anderson's
History of the Colonial Church ; Public Spirit Illustrated in the Life and
Designs of Dr. Bray ; Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of
England, dc, E. Hawkins, 18-15, &c. Ac.
2l8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
termed the technicalities of their profession, and of laymen
rather more clerical than the clergy. Both clergy and laity
were men of wide and general interests. Among the first
five members were a famous lawyer, a knight and a soldier ;
and among the earlier supporters were William Melmotli, a
bencher of the Temple, Blackmore, the physician, Strype,
the antiquary, Gilbert White, the naturahst, John Evelyn,
of ' Silva ' fame, and Ernest Grabe, the universal scholar.
As another instance of the width of their sympathies, it
may be mentioned that they opened a correspondence with
some foreigners distinguished for their active piety, — ,
Francke of Halle, Osterwald of Neufchatel, Jablonski of
Berlin, and others.'
it is difficult to describe the early work of the Society
(which, by the way, for the first ten years of its existence
was called the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge),
without entrenching upon provinces which originally belonged
to it, but afterwards became the work of separate organi-
sations. By slow degrees the work which is now specially
connected with the Society became its chief work. In 1709
a preacher places first of all among the objects of the Society,
to ' dispense plain and useful books among the common
people.' 2 How its other work was deputed to other associa-
tions will be seen when we notice its various daughter
Societies.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts was the eldest and most important of them. On Dr.
Bray's return from Maryland in 170'/, he found that the
various designs of his newly-founded Society were too exten-
sive for any one association. He therefore proposed the
establishment of a separate Society whose object should be
to propagate the Gospel throughout the foreign possessions
' See Anderson's Hlstonj of the Colonial Church, ii. p. 409.
2 Sermon at S. Sepulchre's Church, preached June 16, 1709, being the
Thursday in Whitsun-week, the anniversary meeting of children educated
in Charity Schools in and about the cities of London and Westminster, by
S. Bradford, liector of S. Mary-le-Bow.
RELIGIOUS AND PIIILANTHROriCAL SOCIETIES 2ig
of the British Empire. The work had ah-eady engaged the
attention of Convocation, and would prohahly have been
carried out by that body ; but, as a matter of fact, the
credit of procuring a royal charter for constituting the new
Society a body corporate, belongs primarily to Dr. Bray,
and then to Archbishop Tenison and Bishop Compton, who
pressed on the matter in a way that perhaps no private
clergymen could have done. These three names. Bray,
Tenison, and Compton, are the three which stand foremost
in the floating of this great missionary effort ; and to these
we may add a fourth, that of Humphrey Prideaux, whose
weighty appeals to the primate six years earlier, no doubt
contributed to secure Tenison's hearty services.' The
27th of June, 1701, is a memorable date, as the date of the
first meeting of the Society at Lambeth under the Arch-
bishop's direction ; the names of those present shew how
closely it was connected with the S.P.C.K., of which it was
simply an offshoot. The self-same men were the supporters
of both ; the older Society deputed some of its functions to
a separate corporation ; that was all. It is necessary to
bear this fact in mind, when estimating the significance of
what seems a grievous oversight in these early missionary
efforts. From a churchman's point of view, a Church
without a bishop is a body without a head. What were our
pious forefathers about when they established this sort of
acephalous organisation for propagating the Gospel on dis-
tinctly Church principles, for they certainly dtd intend to
act on Church principles ? We hcive ample evidence that the
originators and first workers clearly recognised the necessity
of providing episcopal supervision. ' 'Tis a dismal thing,'
writes one of the earliest missionaries in Pennsylvania,
' to consider how much the want of a bishop amongst us
has retarded the progress of the true religion in America.' ^
' Letter to Archbishop Tenison on his first promotion to the Arch-
bishopric, January, 109^ , quoted in Life of Dean Prideana:, p. 159.
■-■ Memorial on the State of the Church in Pennsylvania, moat humbly
2 20 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
' I am very glad,' writes another, in 1709, ' to find that the
members of the Honom-able Society are convinced that a
head is necessary to the body, but, if he don't make haste
he will come too late.' ' ' You can neither well believe,'
writes another missionary in the same year to the secretary
of the Society, ' nor I express, what excellent services for the
cause of religion a bishop would do in these parts [Rhode
Island]. These infant settlements would become beautiful
nurseries, which now seem to languish for want of a father
to oversee and bless them.' ^ Governor Nicholson of Vir-
ginia wrote to the same effect to the Archbishop of Canter-
bury. And the subject was, almost from the very first,
mooted at home. In 1703 the question of a suffragan
bishop for America was discussed. In 1709 a plan was half-
formed for sending a bishop to Virginia, Dean Swift, of all
men in the world, being the man destined for the post. A
memorial was presented to the queen on the subject in
1709,^ and another in 1713. At the May meeting in 1712
it was formally resolved that ' it is very expedient to estab-
lish bishops and bishoprics in America.' In fact it has been
truly said that ' the Church seemed on the point of attain-
ing the object at which she had so long aimed, but the
queen's death soon afterwards put an end to arrangements.' ''
If it be thought that the founders of the Society were some-
what slow and dehberate, considering the importance of the
matter, it should be remembered that a Society which was,
(as has been said) simply the offshoot of another Society,
would naturally be tentative in its efforts at first ; that
thirteen years are, after all, not a very long period in the life
of a Church which already numbered nearly as many cen-
offered to the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, by Kev.
E. Evans, who was sent by the Bishop of London as missionary to Phila-
delphia in 1700.
' Rev. — Talbot, quoted in Hawkins' Historical Notices of the Missions
of the Church of England in the North American Colonies, p. 144.
- Kev. J. Honeyman, quoted by Hawkins, p. 166.
3 See Anderson, iii. 73-4. ■* Hawkins, p. 380-3.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTIIROPICAL SOCIETIES 22 1
tiiries ; and that the earnest churchmen who founded the
Society and meant to found bishoprics in connection with it
had not the faintest conception of the change that was
coming over the spirit of the Church. On the contrary,
many of them anticipated halcyon days when the long talked-
of ' Protestant succession ' became an accomplished fact.
Even after the accession of George I., Archbishop Tenison
had so much faith in the project that he left 1,000/. towards
it in his will. Little did the originators dream that what
they had all but accomplished would have to wait not very
far short of another century l)efore it took a tangiljle shape !
Our concern, however, is with what the Society did, not
with what it did not do. From the beginning its work was
twofold, viz., as the charter expresses it, ' to provide learned
and orthodox ministers for our loving subjects,' and ' to make
other such provision as may be necessary for propagating
the gospel in those parts ; ' or, as Dr. Willis, the preacher
of the first anniversary sermon, in 1702, more fully states
it : ' the design is, in the first place, to settle the state of
religion as well as may be among our own people in the
foreign Plantations ; and then to proceed, in the best
methods they can, towards the conversion of the natives.'
Bishop Burnet spoke to the same effect in his sermon in
1703. A singular interest is attached to these early anni-
versary sermons. We letirn from the first of them, that
the Romanists had made capital out of the apathy of the
English Church as contrasted with their own vigour in the
Plantations, and Dean Willis ' wishes we could give the best
answer by denying the matter of fact.' Bishop Wihiams
of Chichester refers to the same subject in the sermon of
1706. In 1707 Bishop Beveridge speaks most hopefully
of the work of the Society in his very eloquent anniversary
sermon ; but the sermon which appears to have produced
the greatest effect was that of Bishop Fleetwood, in 1711,
which was circulated far and wide.
The income of the Societv during the first thirteen
222 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
years of its existence did not exceed 1,000Z. a year on an
average. As to the proportions contributed in different
parts of the country, a Lincolnshire man may be pardoned
for noticing with some pride that Lincohishire held the first
place, with Devonshire not far behind. A Lincolnshire
landowner, Sir E. Turner, and a Lincolnshire clergyman,
Mr. Adamson, vicar of Burton Goggles, were mainly instru-
mental in introducing the system of ' deputations,' that
term meaning, not, as now, persons deputed to advocate
the claims of the Society, but persons deputed to receive
subscriptions. Among laymen who took an active part in
the working of the Society, besides those mentioned in con-
nection with the S.P.C.K., were Sir John Chardin, the great
traveller, and Nicholson, Governor of Virginia ; and among
the clergy, Simon Patrick, Bishop of Ely, whose deep interest
in the Society was, it has been suggested,' one reason why
all Bishops of Ely are ex officio constituted members by
charter. Bishop White Kennet, and Mr. Burkitt, vicar of
Dedham. Queen Anne ' put new life into its work ' at
her accession,^ and continued to interest herself greatly
in it all through her reign. She appointed a day (Trinity
Sunday), when ' a general collection should be made every
year for the funds of the Society,' and issued a Royal
Letter in 1713, which brought in the goodly sum of 3,060?.^
Parochial Libraries sprang directly from the missionary
zeal of the indefatigable Dr. Bray. When he was appointed
the Bishop of London's commissary for Maryland in 1696,
his first effort was to procure books for the clergy who were
to serve abroad, for he thought that as these clergy ' were
likely to be of the poorer sort, they would be ill able to
jirocure even the most necessary books for themselves.'
The reasonableness of his appeal was generally recognised,
' Anderson, iii. 30. ^ See Anglia Notitlm, Part III., p. 340.
3 It has not been thought necessary to give authority for all the facts
mentioned in the sketch. They may be found in any popular history, such
as Anderson's, Hawkins', &c.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTIIROPICAL SOCIETIES 223
but some objected that the poor clergy in England were in
equal need of books, and that their wants ought to be
supplied first. This objection only opened out a fresh field
for Dr. Bray's activity. Without in the least relaxing his
efforts in behalf of the Plantations, he ' thought it well
to hit the nail that would drive,' and threw himself with
characteristic energy into another scheme, the object of
which was to establish parochial and lending libraries in
every deanery throughout England and Wales, libraries for
students about to take Holy Orders, and libraries for
schools poorly endowed. In 1697 he published a tract which
shewed that he was ready with his plan in all its details. ^
This was quickly followed by another especially addressed to
the clergy,'^ and in 1702 he again returned to the charge.'"'
The tracts were so effective that it is worth while quoting a
passage or two. ' For our younger gentry,' he writes, ' I
cannot but think it would tend extremely to furnish their
minds with that useful knowledge as will render 'em ser-
viceable to their families and countries, and will make 'em
considerable both at home and abroad, and will keep 'em
from idle conversation and the debaucheries attending it,
to have choice collections of such books dispersed thro' all
the kingdom, and waiting upon 'em in their own parlours,
as will ennoble their minds with i^rinciples of virtue and
true honour, and will file off that roughness, ferity, and
barbarity which are the never-failing fruits of ignorance
and illiterature.' * Addressing the clergy he writes : * The
truth is, there are a sort of writers which are traditionally
handed down from one old study to another, who are not
such a good-humoured and inviting society as to make one
delight much in their conversation. But what man of
spirit or education, had he a Justin Martyr, a Tertullian
' An EssaTj toiuards promoting all necessary and useful Knowledge, both
divine and hnman, in all parts of His Majesty's Dominions.
^ Bibliothcca Parochialis ; or a scheme of such theological heads as are
requisite to be studied by every Pastor of a Parish.
^ Bibliotheca Catcchctica. < An Essay dx., ut supra.
224 LIFE IN THE EN(iLISII CHURCH, 1660-1714
or Cyprian ; a Sanderson, a Hammond or Tillotson come
to visit him, would leave such men of sense for the society
of the sons of Belial ! ' '
The good man's efforts were not in vain. The names of
Lord Digby (Bray's faithful friend and patron),"^ the Earl
of Thanet, Viscount Weymouth, and, of course, Eobert
Nelson, are conspicuous among those who helped both with
money and counsel.^ One of the first to recognise the
usefulness of the scheme was Bishop Wilson, who as early
as 1699 began to found, with the help of Dr. Bray, lending
libraries in the Isle of Man, and succeeded in establishing six-
teen in that small island.^ The success was not quite so great
in proportion in the neighbouring island of Great Britain,
but it was fairly encouraging. Sixty-seven libraries are said
to have been established, and the matter assumed such im-
portance that in 1709 a Bill was passed in Parliament ' for
the better preserving of parochial libraries ; ' and before
Dr. Bray's death, a Society was formed under the title of
the ' Associates of Dr. Bray,' which still exists.^
Charity Schools. It will be remembered that the very first
object specified as the design of the S.P.C.K. in 1698 was
the education of the poor ; and most nobly was this design
carried out by the Society during the sixteen years of its
history with which this work is concerned. But though the
Society gave a most powerful stimulus to the work, it cannot
be said to have originated it, nor even the particular form
• Bibliothcca Parochialis.
2 He founded two libraries, at Coleshill and Overwhitacre. (See Life of
Baivlct.)
' SeoAccomd of the Designs of the Associates of the late Dr. Bray, 1769.
Nelson recommends the scheme to ' persons of quality ' in his Ways and
Means of Doing Good.
•• Cruttwell's Life of Bishop Wilson, p. 69.
* Tenison, when rector of S. Martin's in the Fields, was a precursor
of Bray ; he founded there the first free library in the kingdom in 1684,
and, with the help of Sir C. Wren, raised a suitable building for it. The
valuable library was sold in 1861, and the money applied to middle-class
education. (See Evelyn's Diary for Feb. 15, 168| ; Phillimore's Life of
Sir C. Wren, p. 226 and note.)
RELIGIOUS AND THILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES 225
of it which comes under the denomination of chanty schools.
The Christian education of all classes had been recognised
as a duty before the S.P.C.K. called attention to it. Tillot-
8on, for instance, frequently enforces it in his sermons.
And charity schools in which children w^ere not only educated
gratis, but maintained and clothed in uniform, and put out
as apprentices, were not unknown before 1698. It is diffi-
cult to determine the parish to which the honour of having
the first charity school belongs. Bishop Smalridge main-
tains that ' the Blue Coat School belonging to the new church
in Westminster [S. Margaret's], erected in 1688, being the
first of its kind, may modestly challenge some sort of pre-
cedency by right of primogeniture.' ' Bishop White Kennet
declares ' it is no small honour to the Parish of S. Botolph,
Aldgate, that here was first laid the foundation of these
charity schools.' ^ The school at S. Martin's in the Fields,
founded by the joint exertions of Tenison (then rector of
the parish) and Patrick (then at S. Paul's, Covent Garden),
because the Piomanists had founded a free school in the
precincts of the Savoy, also puts in a claim to the honour.^
And, passing from London to the country, we find Bishop
Ken setting up many schools in all the great towns of his
diocese for poor children," which must, of course, have been
before the Eevolution. Without settling the question of
precedency, it is clear that several charity schools were set
up '^ before the S.P.C.K. was even thought of. But the
whole credit of turning an exceptional into a very common
' The Rorjal Benefactress ; sermon preached at S. Sepulchre's on the
Thursday in Whitsun-week, at the Anniversary Meeting of the promoters of
Charity Schools.
^ The Christian Scholar.
« See Narcissus Luttrell's Brief History of State Affairs from September,
1678, to April, 1714, i. 437. Also Bishop Patrick's Antobiography, p. 128,
and Sccretan's Life of Nelson. It appears that the schools in S. Martin's and
at S. James', Westminster, were opened on the same day (April 23, 1688).
* Hawkins' Life, prefixed to Ken's Prose Works.
^ See Survey of the Cities of Lomlon and Westminster, by E. Seymour,
Book I., chap, xiii.' (published 1734).
Q
226 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
case belongs to the Society. The members at once began to
set themselves to this branch of their work with wonderful
energy and success. In 1704 the happy thought occurred of
assembling all the children of the charity schools in and
about London for an anniversary service, on the Thursday
in Whitsun-week. This service was at first held at S. Sepul-
chre's, till the church became too small to hold them all.
The procession of the children in their uniforms, and the
active part they took in the service, were new sights and
proved very attractive. But here again there had been
previously isolated instances of such services, for Kennet in
1701 writes of the S. Botolph schools, 'These pretty
children in walking by pairs and singing by consort, do
naturally strike upon the eyes, and win upon the hearts of
good-natured Christians.' ' The anniversary preachers
frequently allude to ' this pleasing sight of this beautiful
assembly,' 'the comely order of this procession,' and so
forth ; 2 and readers of the ' Spectator ' will remember the
weU-known passage in which Steele speaks of ' the gentle-
man in the pulpit pleading movingly in behalf of the poor
children, and they for themselves much more movingly by
singing a hymn.' ^ Steele thinks that the scheme was not
so well taken up as it deserved to be ; •* but others thought
differently. Atterbury, e.g., speaks of it as ' an admirable
design which had met with deserved success.' Bishop Bull
told the clergy of S. David's ' that the plan had been blest
with great success in many parts of the kingdom, especially
London ; ' ^ and the general tone of the anniversary
preachers is that of thankfulness, not despondency. And
surely with reason, if statistics may be trusted. In 1704
there were fifty-four schools in and about London, and 2,131
' The Christian Scholar.
2 See a collection of Anniversary Sermons of Charity Schools in the
British Museum.
=* No. 430. There are three papers (294, 380, 430) advocating the cause
of charity schools, all by Steele.
■• Spectator, No. 294. ■' Nelson's Life, p. 284.
RELIGIOUS AND PIIILyVNTHROnCAL SOCIETIES 227
children present at the first anniversary service.^ In 1707
there were about 3,000 children at the anniversary, and in
1709 between three and four thousand, while in 1712 there
were 117 schools in London and Westminster. When the
Georgian era set in, the progress was less rapid, owing
partly to the general sluggishness of the time, and partly
to the fact that the schools began to be suspected of
being nurseries of Jacobitism.
The scheme extended to all parts of the country. At
Cambridge it appears to have been particularly successful.
It was set on foot in 1703, and was so warmly taken up by
the University authorities that before the end of the year
enough money had been gathered to give a free education
to 260 children, and the number quickly rose to 300.^
Oxford was far behind her sister University. In 1707 we
find E. Nelson, in a letter to the Master of University
College, expressing himself ' much concerned that charity
schools were not yet set up in the University,' and a few
weeks later ' hoping to find a way of addressing the Vice-
Chancellor about the charity schools.' ^ In 1705 Thoresby
tells us ' the new charity school in this town [Leeds] was
finished and furnished with forty children decently clothed
in blue, and wholly maintained.' ^ Bishop Bull strongly
urged his clergy to ' set up charity schools in their several
parishes.' ■' And, not to weary the reader with further de-
tails, it will suffice to add that at the close of 1712 there
were 500 such schools in different parts of the country.'^
An interesting feature in the scheme is the connection
between the promoters of the charity schools at home and
' Jubilee Tract, S.P.C.K.
- See An Account of the Charity Schools at Cavihridrjc, appended to a
Sermon preached on S.PaiiVs Day, ITOi', by W. Whiston, Professor of
Mathematics.
3 See Letters from the Bodleian, edited by Bliss, 1813, pp. 168 and 170.
The first letter frona Nelson to Dr. Charlett is dated Ascension Day, 1707 ;
the second, July 12, 1707.
' Diary, i. p. 4C3. s Nelson's Life, p. 283.
* See Sccrctan's Life of R. Nelson.
Q 2
22 8 LIFE TN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
men of kindred spirit abroad. At first England was the
receiver. Professor Francke sent over t\YO Germans from
Halle ' to help in establishing catechetical schools in Eng-
land ; these two men attended, by special request, one of
the earlier meetings of the S.P.C.K., and the result was
that several pious foreigners became masters of our first
charity schools.'-^ Presently, however, England became
the giver. English charity schools won such a reputation
that an account of them was translated into German, and
schools were founded, to some extent on their model, in
Hesse, Sweden, Denmark, Eussia, and Switzerland.-''
The Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy is a Society
■which may be fairly said to have been founded during our
period, for though the institution dates back as early as 1655,
it was not incorporated by charter until 1678. It received
its name because sons of clergymen were its earliest pro-
moters, and its object was, and is, to relieve the necessities
of clergymen and their families, especially their widows
and orphan children. The well-known ' Festival,' still held
annually, dates from the time of the Eebellion, and the
royal charter was granted twenty-three years later, in con-
sideration of the great sufferings of many of the clergy for
their loyalty and adherence to the Church. Nelson recom-
mended it among his ' Ways and Methods of Doing Good,'
and Atterbury preached on its behalf one of his most
eloquent sermons, from which it would appear that the
congregation was then exclusively composed of sons of the
clergy.*
ftueen Anne's Bounty. On February 6, 170^, Qireen
Anne signalised her Ijirthday by announcing to the House
of Commons that she had been pleased to remit the arrears
' See Pietas Hallensis.
2 Anderson's History of the Colonial Church, iii. p. 565.
3 See Perry's History of the Church of England, iii. p. 135.
* Sermon before the So7is of the Clergy at their Anniversary Meeting at
S. Paul's, Dec. 6, 1709. Several paragraphs begin, ' Ye are the sons of the
clergy,' &c.
RELIGIOUS AND PHILANTHROPICAL SOCIETIES 229
of Tenths to the poor clergy, and that she would henceforth
make a grant of the whole of her revenue from First Fruits
and Tenths to the augmentation of poor livings. The gift
was a very handsome one, amounting to sixteen or seventeen
thousand a year, and the henevolence of the bountiful
queen is none the less because it would be more correct to
call it 'Queen Anne's justice,' than 'Queen Anne's bounty.'
But it was unquestionably an act of justice, for the appro-
priation of the money by the crown was, in plain words,
downright robbery. In the days of the crusades, the
Popes exacted the first-fruits of every living (that is, the
Avhole of the first year's income), and the tenth of every
succeeding year, towards the expenses of those costly ex-
peditions. When the crusades came to an end, the tax did
not come to an end with them, it being still found useful
for the papal exchequer. When Henry YIII. threw off the
papal yoke, he calmly appropriated this source of revenue
to the use of the crown ; Queen Mary restored it to the
Church, but it was resumed by Queen Elizabeth in the very
first year of her reign, and to the crown it went ever after.
The fact that it was used as a convenient fund out of which
' to gratifie servants and friends ' by no means mended
matters, especially if, as Burnet intimates, these servants
and friends were sometimes of a very questionable character.
Piobbing Peter to pay Paul is bad enough, but robbing
Peter to pay people who were the very reverse of Paul is
worse. Burnet may be pardoned a little boastfulness in
his account of the matter, if he really had the large share
to which he lays claim in bringhig about the gracious and
graceful act.' At any rate, the royal sacrifice was not
made in vain, if the gratitude of the people counts for
anything. White Kennet declared that it ' redeemed our
' Mr. Palin {History of the Clmrch of England, chap. xi. p. 2G0), to whom
the very name of Burnet is like a red rag to a bull, will not admit Burnet's
exclusive claim ; and it cei'tainly would be odd if Archbishop Sharp, at any
rate, the queen's unfailing counsellor, had not some hand in the matter.
230 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1G60-1714.
happy Eeformation from the only reproach that had been
cast upon it,' — and much more to the same effect.' Atter-
bury, ' that it was an act unequalled by any prince since
the Reformation,' '^ — and this was the general tone in which
it was spoken of.
The same spirit of charity which led Christian church-
men to found these various Societies, also led to the founda-
tion of hospitals and other kindred institutions. The two
great retreats for our veteran soldiers and sailors date from
this period, Chelsea Hospital being founded by Charles II.,
carried on by James II., and perfected by William III. ;
Greenwich by Wilham and Mary in 1694. Trinity College
Hospital near Mile End was founded in 1695 ; Aske's
Hospital, by E. Aske, haberdasher, who died in 1681 ;
Morden's College, Blackhcath, was founded by Sir John
Morden in his life-time, ' for merchants fallen into decay,
being honest, sober, and discreet members of the Church of
England.' Its ' generous and truly Christian founder was
present at its consecration,' and died in 1708. Ironmongers'
Hall was founded by Sir Eobert Geffryes in 1681 ; he died
in 1703 ; ^ and Edward Colston, whose memory is still
deservedly honoured every year at his native Bristol, and
who was a staunch churchman (as indeed were all the
others above mentioned) formed most of his charitable
schemes before the close of our period.
' See Case of Impropriations iCc, p. 35G.
2 Sermon VIII., on the Queen's Accession, March 170^.
^ See a S^irvey of the Cities of London and Westminster, by R. Seymour,
1734.
2;i
CHAPTEE VI.
PKEACHING OF THE PERIOD.
The reaction against Puritanism which marked the Piesto-
ration era did not extend to one reHgious exercise. The
people still loved to hear sermons. The mania for sermons
is one of the commonest complaints of Church writers during
the first twenty years of our period. The sermon 'jostled
out catechising ; ' people ' began to learn at the wrong end,
and ran to the Lecture before they had been at the
Catechism ; ' and ' so they have been very opinionative, ac-
cording to the impression which the affectionate noise of the
last sermon has made upon their minds. ' ^ ' That erroneous
and superstitious conceit of sermons which obtains so much
among the vulgar has almost cast all other religion out of
doors.' ^ ' This last age has brought in such a partiality for
preaching, that prayer seems comparatively (like Sarah to
Hagar) despicable in their eyes ; so that if they can but
come time enough for sermon they think they have dis-
charged the weightier part of the law and of their own
duty.' ^ Without a sermon * the worship of God is counted
lame.' ^ * Preaching is now thought to be the principal
part of a clergyman's duty ; nay, so infatuated are the
people of this nation with reference to this ordinance, that
' Lancelot Addison's Primitive Institution &c., p. 152 (published 1674).
- Ealph Bathurst to Seth Ward, soon after the Eestoration. (See Life
and Literary Remains of Ralph Bathurst, p. 56.)
= The Ladies' Calling, p. 269 (published about 1605).
* A True Notion of the Worship of God, or a Vindication of the Service
of the Church of England (published 1673).
232 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
they seem to imagine tliat the main, if not the whole of a
parish minister's business is to preach, and that the people
have little else to do besides to sit in great ease and state,
and to hear and judge how well the parson preaches.' '
Even so late as 1(381, Dean Sherlock declares that ' a great
man}^ who have little other religion, are forward enough
to hear sermons ; ' and complains that they ' come to church
when the service is half over, and think there is no great
hurt in it neither, if they do not lose the sermon.' -
When we read of ' the lack of sermons,' it is fair to re-
member that this crusade against the excessive craving for
them was going on. Sir T. Browne, for instance, records in
16G2 that ' he had the luck to meet with a sermon at Buxton,
which he could not have done half a yesiv earlier.' ^ Howe
speaks in 1671 of 'finding there was no sermon in the parish
church at Holyhead,' and being ' allowed to occupy the pulpit
morning and afternoon, to the great delight of a crowded
congregation.' * Thoresby tells us that Dolben was ' much
honoured as a preaching bishop,' ^ as if such a being were
rare ; and as late as 1689 Patrick found there was ' but one
sermon in the afternoon in all the churches in Cambridge.' •"'
But we must not too hastily infer that this lack of sermons
was due simply to laziness or incompetence ; it is quite as
likely tliat it may have sprung from an unwillingness to
pander to a morbid taste. It is clear that the many
remonstrances against the excessive craving for sermons
were not without effect. Glanvill of Bath wrote a ' Defence
of Sermons,' in which he complains that people had run
into the opposite extreme to that of the puritanical sermon-
lovers ; and one of the indictments of White Kennet (1710)
' A contemporary of Isaac Milles (who was born in 1638), quoted in
Life of I. Milles, p. 24.
2 Practical Discourse of Religious Assemblies, pp. GG and 18G. (See also
South's Sermons, vol. iii. p. 522.)
3 Tour in Derbyshire (Sir T. Browne's Works, i. p. 30).
•■ Life and Character of John Hoiue, by Henry Kogers, p. 172.
' Diary, i. p. 172. ** Autobiography, p. 164.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 233
against the High Church movement is, that ' people had
begun to think that Common Prayer ^Yithout sermon (at
least in the afternoon) was the best way of serving God.' '
The love of sermons, however, survived the Eestoration
for many years. And the sermons that people loved were
both long and abstruse. A sermon then ivas a sermon, not
like the brisk little sermonette of our degenerate days, but
a solid affair, of at least an hour's duration, and plentifully
interspersed with Greek and Latin, and even Hebrew quota-
tions. These scraps of the learned languages were valued,
not simply on the ' omne ignotum pro magnifico ' principle,
but as marks to distinguish the scholarly and authorised
divine from the illiterate and amateur preacher. Whether
the latter had ever been really popular seems very doubtful.
Of course no open objection could be made against the
military preacher who had a remarkably effectual way of
enforcing attention, when he stood with his little pocket
Bible in one hand and his sword in the other. But there is
evidence enough to shew that, when the people could have
their way, they preferred a preacher who was learned and
who would display his learning. "Wlien poor Pocock, one
of the first scholars in Europe, strove to adapt himself to
the capacities of his rustic congregation at Childrey during
the Piebellion, he only won contempt for his pains. ' Our
parson,' they said to one of the vicar's Oxford friends, * is
one Mr. Pocock, a plain, honest man, but, master, he is no
Latiner.' - No exception seems to have been taken against
the erudite discourses which Jeremy Taylor delivered to
the villagers at Golden Grove during the same period.
And when the Church was restored with the Monarchy,
the people looked upon it as their positive right to be
regaled, if not edified, with sermons which had a good
sprinkling of foreign languages in them. ' If,' complains
Eachard in 1670, 'the minister's words be such as the
' See Life of Bishop White Kennct, p. 127.
* Life of Dr. EJccard Pocock (Twells), p. 95.
2 34 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14 -
constable uses, his matter plain and practical, such as
comes to the common market, he may pass possibly for an
honest, ^Yell-meaning man, but by no means for any scholar,
whereas if he soars aloft in unintelligible huffs, preaches
points deep and mystical, and delivers them as dark and
fantastical ; this is the way, say they, of being accounted a
most able and learned instructor. Others there be, whose
parts stand not so much towards tall words and lofty
notions, but consist in scattering up and down and be-
sprinkling all their sermons with Greek and Latin ; neither
will they rest here, but have at the Hebrew also to a
company of farmers and shepherds.' • And his opponents
justify instead of denying the facts. Barnabas Oley, who
held a country living where he constantly preached and was
most popular, doubts ' whether we do ill, although it be in
our country churches, to sprinkle a little Latin and Greek
sometimes about our sermons.' - Another answer says ' it
may be convenient for the minister to quote out of the
learned Greek or Latin, though nobody understands it, to
distinguish himself from such who preach in English alto-
gether at Conventicles.' ^ Bo late as 1711, Addison speaks
of ' the natural love of Latin which is so prevalent among
our common people,' and tells the amusing story of the two
rival preachers in a country town, ' one of whom being
well-versed in the Fathers, used to quote every now and
then a Latin sentence to his ilHterate hearers, who found
themselves so edified by it, that they flocked in greater
numbers to this learned man than to his rival. The other,
finding his congregation mouldering every Sunday, and hear-
ing at length what was the occasion of it, resolved to give his
parish a little Latin in his turn, but being unacquainted with
any of the Fathers, he digested into his sermons the whole
book of " Qme Genus " and " As in Pra^senti ; " and the result
> Contempt of the Clergy, p. '61.
^ AnsiDer to EacliariVs Contempt of the Clergy (published 1G71), p. GO.
3 Vindication of the Clergy, in ansiver to Eachard.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 235
was that in a very little time this thickened his audience,
filled his church, and routed his antagonist.' • But Addison
was describing a thing of the past ; Swift, writing about
the same time, says correctly, that ' he had outlived it.'
In fact so marked a change took place in the character of
sermons in this and other respects during our period, that
they really might be divided into two heads, ' the old style '
and ' the new style.' This will appear when we enter into
details.
It is remarkable that the very time when church
writers were inveighing against the excessive love of sermons
was the time when the reputation of church preachers
was highest. Never has the Anglican pulpit been more
nobly filled than it was when Jeremy Taylor, Isaac
Barrow, Eobert South, Thomas Ken, and other modern
Chrysostoms of the same date occupied it. Let us begin
with the first mentioned.
Jeremy Taylor, strictly speaking, hardly comes within
the category of English preachers during the Ptestoration
period : for his sermons in England and Wales were preached
before that event. The return of his sovereign from exile
only led to his own splendid exile. But the Englishman
in Ireland was an Englishman still ; and we cannot afford
to give up to our sister Church one of the greatest of all
our English preachers. May we not say, the greatest ?
Where can we find an equal combination of copiousness of
matter, tenderness of piety, richness of illustration, majestic
dignity and sweet melody of language ? It has been
objected that he is too gorgeous in his language, too
abundant in illustration, above all, too profuse in his
quotations from the learned languages. That is a matter
of taste ; but it should be noted that though Taylor's
language is gorgeous, it is never tawdry or bombastic, —
though his illustrations are numerous and varied, being
drawn from all sorts of sources, from classical history and
' Spectator, No. 221.
2^6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
■0
mythology almost as often as from the Fathers and the
early history of Christianity, — they are never inapposite ;
though his quotations ahound, they always seem to flow natu-
rally from his almost inexhaustihle fountain of knowledge,
and are never dragged in to parade his erudition. He very
often translates them, and, when he does not, they may
always be passed over by the unlearned reader without
losing the thread of the discourse.
The subjects of his sermons are almost always the plain
practical duties of daily life. ' If any man will do His will,
he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of God,' — this,
the text of one of his greatest sermons, really furnishes the
key-note to his teaching ; and it would be difficult to select
a better specimen of his style and matter and general
tone of mind (though not of his richness of illustration
and quotation), than the following passage from that
sermon, which was preached before the University of
Dublin : ' I am in a school of Prophets and Prophets'
sons, who all ask Pilate's question, What is Truth ? You
look for it in your books, and you tug hard for it in your
Disputations, and you derive it from the Cisterns of the
Fathers, and you enquire after the old wayes and sometimes
are taken with new appearances, and you rejoyce in false
lights, or are delighted with little umbrages, and peeps of
Day. But where is there a man, or a Society of men, that can
be at rest in his enquiry, and is sure he understands all the
truths of God '? Where is there a man but the more he
studies and enquires, still he discovers nothing so clearly
as his own Ignorance ? This is a demonstration that we
are not in the right way, that we do not enquire wisely,
that our Method is not artificiall. If men did fall upon the
right way, it were impossible so many learned men should
be engaged in contrary parties and opinions. We have
examined all wayes but one. All but God's way. Let us,
(having missed in all the other) try this : let us go to God
for Truth ; for Truth comes from God only, and his wayes
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD. 237
are plain, and his sayings are true, and his promises Yea
and Amen ; and if we miss the Truth, it is because we will
not find it : for certain it is, that all that Truth which
God hath made necessarie, he hath also made legible and
plain, and, if we will open our eyes, we shall see the Sun,
and if we will walk in the Light, we shall rejoyce in the
light ; only let us withdraw the curtains, let us remove the
impediments and the sin that doth so easily beset us ; that's
God's way. Every man must in his station do that por-
tion of duty which God requires of Inm, and then he shall be
taught of God all that is fit for him to learn ; there is no
other way for him but this.
Isaac Barrow ranks next to Jeremy Taylor among the
great preachers of the Caroline period, — in some respects,
perhaps, even above him. * Barrow,' writes Hallam,
' was not so extensively learned as Taylor, who had read
rather too much, but was inferior perhaps, even in that
respect, to hardly anyone else, and was above him in close-
ness and strength of reasoning.' • And again, * Barrow's
sermons display a strength of mind, a comprehensiveness
and fertility which has rarely been equalled.' ^ His mathe-
matical training, no doubt, gave an argumentative turn to
Barrow's sermons, which make them very different from
Taylor's, but they are wanting in that exquisite tenderness,
and that almost musical rhythm of language which render
Taylor's so fascinating. Like Taylor, he dwells chiefly on
the plain, practical duties of life, and avoids deep questions
of controversy, sharing the reaction from the controversial
spirit of Puritanism. Those who blame Barrow for being
too cold and ethical a preacher should make allowance for
this reaction. Le Clerc calls his sermons rather treatises
and disputations than harangues ; and perhaps there is
some truth in the remark. But in their way they are
wonderful productions. It is said that he would write and
re-write them three or four times : and perhaps what they
' Literature of Europe, iii. 2G9. '' Id. p. 295.
238 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
gain in carefulness and accuracy, they may lose in fire
and energy by the process. Even in those days of long
sermons, they sometimes provoked rebehion by their inordi-
nate length ; and a prejudice against the uncouth and
slovenly appearance of the preacher had to be overcome
before they could be appreciated by the hearer.' The
reader of them should be warned that in the popular edition,
the editor, Tillotson, has altered, modernised,^ and sul)-
divided to such an extent that we do not get Barrow as he
was in the pulpit. This, however, has been rectified in
Mr. Napier's excellent edition.^' It is impossible to give a
fair specimen of Barrow, for his strength lies in his con-
secutive train of powerful reasoning, to which no detached
passage can possibly do justice. It would necessarily be
but a Ijrick from Babylon.
Widely different from either of the above is the third
great preacher of the Eestoration period, Robert South.
He was like them both in this respect; that he sought
to turn men's attention from the discussion of profound
questions and the analysis of their own experiences to the
plain, practical duties of life. But here the resemblance
ends. He purposely avoided the ornate style of Taylor.
In fact it is probable that he actually alluded to Taylor in
this passage : "'I speak the words of soberness," said
S. Paul; and, "I preach the Gospel, not with the enticing
' It is needless to quote the story of the vergers at Westminster Abbey
causing the organs to blow him down, because he preached so long that they
would have no time to shew the chapels ; of the stampede at S. Lawrence
Jewry, when he appeared in his untidiness in the pulpit ; of his Spital sermon
which lasted three and a half hours,— especially as some of these stories
are not quite accurate.
- E.g., ' avoce ' is changed into ' divert,' ' meliorate ' into ' improve,'
' oscitant ' into ' heedless,' ' extund ' into ' invent.'
^ Published in 1859 by the Cambridge University Press, with an admirable
notice of Barrow's life and academical times, by Dr. Whewell. This was
the first appearance of Barrow as he was; his MSS. were found at Trinity
College, and were most competently edited by Rev. A. Napier. May I venture
to refer the reader to my article on Barrow in Tlie Dictionary of National
Biorjraj^hy for furUicr inforuiatioa '?
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 239
words of man's wisdom." Nothing here of " the finger of the
North Star; " nothing of "nature's becoming unnatural; "
no starched simihtudes introduced with a " Thus have I
seen a cloud rolling in its airy mansion," and the like.
The Apostles, poor mortals ! were content to take lower
steps, and to tell the world in plain terms that he who
believed should be saved, and he who believed not, should
be damned.' And so far from avoiding controversy, he
sniffed the battle from afar, and, let his text or subject be
what it might, hardly ever preached a sermon without
dealing some shrewd blows to his adversaries on the right
hand and on the left. He hits hard, but he hits fair, and
straight from the shoulder ; and, if some of his utterances
startle us, we must remember that our forefathers were not
so mealy-mouthed as we are, and that congregations were
used to hear a spade called a spade, even in the pulpit.
Let us take as a specimen his sermon on * The Scribe
Instructed unto the Kingdom of Heaven,' which naturally
calls forth his racy wit against the illiterate preachers.
The gospel scribe ' was not to be inspired, or blown into the
ministry, but to come to it by mature study and labour.' ' He
was to fetch his preparations from Industry, not Infusion.'
' All were took up and busied, some in pulpits, and some in
tubs, in the great work of preaching.' ' Whosoever pretends
to be a preacher, must know that his business is to persuade,
and that without the helps of human Learning, this can
hardly be done to any Purpose. So that, if he finds him-
self wholly destitute of these, and hns nothing else to trust
to, but some groundless, windy, and phantastick notions
about the Spirit, he would do well to look baek, and taking
his Hand off from this Ploiirfh, to put it to another, much
fitter for him.' ' This was in 1660 ; and thirty years later
he returns to the charge : ' Amongst those of the late
Reforming Af/e, all learning was utterly cryed down, so that
with them the best Preachers were such as could not read,
' Sermons, vol. iv. Sermon I.
240 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
and the ablest Diiincs such as could hardly sijell the letter.
None were thought fit for the Ministry but Tradesmen and
Mechanicks, because none else were allowed to have the
Spirit. Those only were accounted like St. Paul, who could
tcork with their Hands, and m a Literal Sense drive the Nail
home, and l^e able to make a Pidpit before they Preach'd in
it . . . Latin was with them a mortal Crime, and Greek
instead of being owned for the Language of the Hohj Ghost
(as in the New Testament it is) was look'd upon as the Sin
against it, so that, in a word, they had all the Confusions
of Bahel a.mongiit them, without the Diversity of Tongues.' '
Before quitting South, it is only fair to shew how hard he
could hit on the opposite side. Thus of pilgrimages : ' A
man, it seems, cannot be a Penitent, unless he also turns
Vagabond, and foots it to Jerusalem, or wanders over this
or that part of the world to visit the shrine of such or such
a pretended Saint ; Thus that which was Cain's Curse is
become their religion. He that thinks to expiate a sin by
going barefoot, does the penance of a goose," &c. . . Of scourg-
ings : ' Let them Lash on never so fast they are not at all the
nearer to their journey's end ; they may as well expect to
bring a cart, as a soul to Heaven by such means.' ^ He is
equally severe against the Freethinkers,^ against Trimmers,*
against Covetous persons ; ^ but as our quotations have
already run to a great length, it must suffice to refer the
reader to the sermons themselves for proof of this.
The sermons of the three above-named divines rank
among the standard works of our literature, which can be said
of very few sermons of any era ; l)ut the preachers were not so
much sought after in their life-time as several others. The
reputation of Ken as a preacher stood at least as high as
any of the three. We hear how ' the Bishop of Bath and
• Sermon on 1 Cor. xii. 4, ' Now there are diversities of gifts, but tlie
same Spirit,' preached at Westminster Abbey, 1692.
- Vol. i. Sermon I., on Prov. iii. 17, ' His ways are ways of pleasantness.'
8 See Sermons, vol. ii. pp. 43-4 ; i. p. 560.
•• Vol. vi. p. 35. ^ Vol. i. p. 464.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 24!
Wells preached at S. Martin's to a crowd not to be ex-
pressed, nor the wonderful eloquence of this admirable
prelate ; ' ' how ' the Holy Communion at Whitehall was in-
terrupted by the rude breaking in of a multitude zealous to
hear the second sermon by the Bishop of Bath and Wells ; ' ^
how 'Ely Chappell in Holborn was mightily thronged
when Dr. Kenn preacht ; ' ^ how ' he made almost all who
heard him preach weep ; ' ^ how Charles 11. (who knew a
good sermon when he heard it, though he did not take
much heed to practise what he heard) would say, ' I must
go and hear Ken tell me of my faults ; ' how the Princess
Anne wrote to Bishop Turner to keep * a place for her at
his chapel in Holborn,' when Ken preached, as she ' had a
great mind to hear him.' There are (so far as I know),
only three of Ken's sermons extant ; but they are enough
to shew that his popularity as a preacher was well-deserved.
They are very plain, but very eloquent, and make us wish
that we had more specimens of the preaching of this most
saintly and courageous man.
Another preacher whose reputation was deservedly high
was Bishop Stilling-fleet. Pepys, who was by no means inclined
to overestimate preachers, speaks of ' walking to the EoUs
Chapel to hear the great Stilliugfleet preach,' and of 'going
to Whitehall to hear the famous young Stillingfleet who did
make a most plain, honest, and good grave sermon in the
most unconcerned and easy, yet substantial manner that ever
I heard in my life.' He also informs us that ' the Archbishop
of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and another, believe
he is the ablest young man to preach the Gospel since the
Apostles.' ^ His sermons are but little known now, but they
are well worth studying. There is a fire and energy about
them which one would hardly have expected from the cool,
lawyer-like mind of the great prelate. As a specimen of
' Evelyn's Diary, i. p. 638. "- Id. i. p. 647.
' Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for March 1686-7.
* Samuel Wesley's Letter to a Curate. « Pepys' Diary for April, 1665.
242 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
his style, let us take a passage from his singularly powerful
and seasonable sermon preached before the House of
Commons at S. Margaret's, Westminster, immediately after
the Great Fire of London. He personifies London, and
makes the city appeal to his congregation. ' Can you look
upon my ruines with hearts as hard and unconcerned as the
stones which lie in them ? If you have any kindness for
me or for yourselves, if you ever hope to see my breaches
repaired, my beauty restored, my glory advanced, look on
London's ruines and repent. Thus would she bid her in-
habitants not weep for her miseries, but for their own sins,
for if never any sorrow was like her sorrow, it is because
never any sins were like to their sins.' ' Or take again
the following passage from his sermon preached before the
* merry monarch ' and his scoffing courtiers in the spring of
1667, on the text, ' Fools make a mock of sin ; ' in which one
hardly knows whether to admire most the eloquence or the
moral courage of the preacher. ' Is the chair of Scorners
at last proved the only chair of infallibility ? Must those
be the standard of mankind, who seem to have little left of
humane nature, but laughter and the shape of men ? Do
they think we are all become such fools to take scoffs for
arguments, and raillery for demonstrations ? . . . Me-
thinks, among persons of civility and honour, above all
others, religion might at least be treated with the reverence
and respect due to the concernments of it ; that it be not
made the sport of entertainments, nor the common subject
of plays and comedies. For is there nothing to trifle with
but God and his service ? Is wit grown so schismatical and
sacrilegious that it can please itself with nothing but holy
ground ? Are prophaneness and wit grown such inseparable
companions, that none shall be allowed to pretend to the one
but such as dare be highly guilty of the other ? ' "^
' Ttvelve Sennons by Bishop Stillingflect, published 1696. Sermon I.,
text, Amos iv. 11.
^ Id. Sermon XL
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 243
Archbishop Dolben almost rivalled in popularity the two
last-named preachers. When he preached at Westminster
Abbey as dean, people crowded to hear him, and he was im-
mortalised by Dryden in his ' Absalom and Achitophel,' as :
Him of the Western Dome, whose weighty sense
Flow'd in fit words, and heavenly eloquence ;
and after he had attained the mitre, Thoresby tells us that
he ' was much honoured as a preaching bishop.' • The dis-
interment of the few sermons he has left from their graves
in the British Museum, thoroughly accounts for their po-
pularity. There is one that was preached before the king,
August 14, 1666, ' the day of Thanksgiving for the late
victory at sea,' which is a most admirable one ; it is very clear
and plain, with no quotations, written in a pure and terse
style, without a word of flattery to his royal hearer, and
with something of the downright abruptness of the soldier
about it, and gains considerable force by utilising the
preacher's military experience. Witness the following ex-
tract. * Courage ! break off your sins by repentance ; live a
Christian, devout and holy life, and pray earnestly for God's
gracious favour and succour, so shall you serve the king as
considerably as any Volontier in the Fleet. Here is a pro-
ject to raise an army easily, speedil}^ without charge or
trouble, and such an one as, could I see formed, I should
be much tempted to despise all our enemies.^ No age or
sex but are fit to be listed in it. The impotent old man on
his couch, the lady in her closet, the sick and weak upon their
beds, without danger or fatigue at'sea, every one in their own
station, where infirmity or tenderness hath ranked them, may
fight, and certainly be victorious. Whoever can but mortifie
a lust, forsake a sin, kindle an ardent love to God in his
heart, shed a tear, send up a prayer, a sigh, or a groan to
Heaven, may thereby without any other Artillery, reach and
' Diary, i. p. 172 (May 1, 1684).
2 Observe the seasonable allusion to the much-vexed question as to the
maintenance of a standing army.
R 2
244 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
gall the enemy at what distance soever. By the secret,
invisible influence of your devotions, you may strengthen
the hearts and hands of your friends. While your hearts
are right with God, and you hold up pure hands in Prayer,
(like Moses in the Mount), theirs will be victorious in
battail. . . . Truly you are too unkind, if, while your
countrymen fight for you, you will not pray for them.
While they patiently endure toil, sickness, wounds, nay
lose their lives, you will not amend yours,' &c. Dolben's
sermons are so striking and so little known that another
specimen may not be superfluous. The following is from a
Good Friday sermon at Whitehall 1666, from S. John xix.
19. The preacher's purpose is ' not to lament the shame
and cruelties, but to celebrate the triumphs and glory of
Christ's Passion, to do Homage to the King of sufferers and
adore the majesty of our Lord's abasement.' The subject
is argued out most admirably at great length, and in a very
racy and practical fashion. ' Do you own and accept
Christ for your King? I know you are apt enough to
admit his other relations to you ; everyone hearkens will-
ingly to the tidings of a Mediator and Saviour. 'Tis pleasant
enough to think of a Sacrifice considerable enough to atone
for our sins. Of such a High Priest entered within the
vail, interceding in our behalf at God's right hand, who
will surely be heard when he prays, and who liatli already
obtained eternal redemption for us. Nay, we can take well
that he be a King too, provided that his kingdom is not of
this world, so he trouble us not with it in this world, pretend
not to govern us till we come to Heaven. 'Tis not amiss
that he be pow^erful enough to overcome our enemies, &c.
Tell me now, I pray you, what temptation had the Jews,
why they should not be as good Christians as we upon
their own grounds, if this be all ? What carnality of theirs
would have resisted the proposition of such a sacrifice to
expiate their sins ? Why should not a Pharisee be content
that he might have an Advocate always pleading fur him at
PREACHING OF THE TERIOD 245
the Throne of Grace ? What could move the grossest
dreamer in the Sanhedrim to refuse a reversion of eternal
glory in Heaven, after the enjoyment of those present
felicities which he desired on earth. There is something
surely more than this, in the accepting and acknowledging
Christ for our king, or else the Jews would have accepted him
too. The duty of a suhject to a Prince is expressed in one
word, Ohedicnce ; ' and he works out the idea in every detail.
There are few more striking instances of the fickleness
of fame than may be found in the fate of Tillotson's
sermons. From 1664, when he was made preacher at
Lincoln's Inn, and shortly afterwards, Camden Lecturer at
S. Lawrence Jewry, for at least a century his fame as a
preacher was unrivalled. He was ' wonderfully admired
and loved as preacher at Lincoln's Inn ; ' and his ' Tuesday
lectures at S. Lawrence were much frequented by all the
divines of the town, and a great many persons of quality
and distinction.' ' The clergy came to form their style, and
in fact ' his sermons were so well heard and liked, and so
much read, that all the nation proposed him as a pattern,
and studied to copy after him.' Indeed, ' he was not only
the best preacher of the age, but seemed to have brought
preaching to perfection.' - What is especially remarkable
is that the intense odium which he incurred by taking San-
croft's place does not seem to have in the least diminished
the value which was set upon his sermons. High church-
men as well as low swelled the chorus of praise. Bevill
Higgons, whose dislike of the whole school to which Tillotson
belonged was extreme, yet owns that ' by the study of the
ancients and the classic authors, whom he had made his
models, he had form'd a stile and acquired a just way of
thinking, with a simplicity and easiness of expression before
his time unknown in England. This justly gave him the
' Lives mid Characters of the Protestant Bishops of the Church of Eng-
land, by J. Le Neve (published 1720), p. 223. Also Birch's Life of Tillotson,
pp. 28-9.
- Tindal's Coiilinnation of RajLiiii's History of England, vol. xiv. p. l-l-l,
246 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
character of an excellent preacher. I wish from my heart
I could speak as well of him in respect to his religion and
politics.' ^ Atterbnry, who was the very antithesis of
Tillotson, says that ' in his poor opinion Dr. Tillotson wrote
and reasoned as justly as any man of his time ; ' ^ and as
Tillotson wrote nothing but sermons, it is to these that the
remark must apply. Bishop Bull, a moderate high church-
man, recommended Tillotson's sermons ' as well-known and
approved of all ' to the attention of the clergy of S. David's
in his Charge of 1708 ; ^ and Bull's biographer, whose
opinions need not be specified, recommended tliem to his
nephew. Samuel Wesley affirms in good prose that Til-
lotson ' brought the art [of preaching] near perfection ; '
and in bad verse :
'Twas music, i)oetry and rapture all,
The sweets of his orac'lous words to share ;
As soft they fell as balmy dew-drops fall,
As smooth as undisturb'd ethereal air,
One word you cannot take away ;
Complete as Virgil's, his majestic sense,
To twenty ages of the world shall stay
The standard his of English eloquence.'*
The writer of a contemporary biography is of opinion
that Tillotson ' taught by his sermons more ministers to
preach well, and more people to live well, than any since the
Apostles.' ^ The copyright of the sermons after Tillotson's
death fetched the (for that time) enormous sum of 2,500/.,"
and for about half a century they seemed likely to verify
' Remarks on BurncVs History of his Own Times, vol. ii. p. 125 of the
Historical Works of Bevill Higgons, Esq.
=■ Preface to vol. ii. of Atterbuvy's Sermons, p. xli.
s Bull's Works (published 184G), vol. ii. p. 21.
•• Quoted in Tyennan's Life and Times of Samuel Wesley, p. 192.
* Life of the Rev. William Bwrkitt, p. 32.
« See Tatler, No. 101. The writers (Steele and Addison) describe Tillot-
son as ' the most eminent and useful author of the age we live in,' and say
' the sale of his immortal writings brought her ' (his widow) ' in a very con-
siderable dowry ; though it was impossible for it to be equal to their value.'
rREACIIING OF THE PERIOD 247
the proi)hecy of immortality which the two great essayists
uttered concerning them ; ' whereas ' now,' as Hallam says,
' they are bought ahnost as waste paper, and hardly read at
all.' 2 What is the cause of this utter collapse ? Hallam
seems to attribute it to a want of vigour and vivacity in his
style ; but surely that would have injured their effect in the
delivery more than in the perusal of them in cold blood.
The defect seems to me to lie at least as much in the matter
as in the style. Let anyone purchase the two huge folios
(they can be bought uncommonly cheap) and carefully read
the sermons, and he will probably wonder, not that the
virtue has gone out of them, but that it was ever supposed
to be in them. Sermons, of all compositions, can never be
immortal when the preacher seems to have no particular
message to deliver. And beyond a general impression that
it is more prudent on the whole to believe the Gospel, in a
modified sort of way, than not, what impression does Til-
lotson convey ? No one would ever dream now of quoting
him as an authority on any point of divinity ; among other
reasons, because it is extremely difficult to ascertain what
his precise views were. His popularity appears to me to have
arisen, partly from the fact that he hit the popular taste for
a simpler, a smoother, and above all, a shorter style of
sermon than had been customary, partly from the well-
earned reputation of the man for piety, charity, and general
amiability, and partly perhaps from the charm of his delivery,
about which he evidently took great pains, for he was in the
habit, as he told Dr. Maynard, his predecessor at Lincoln's
Inn, of ' writing every word before he preached it, and then
getting it by heart.' ^ Be this as it may, the prediction of
his admiring biographer, that the sermons would be * the best
model for all succeeding ages ' has proved singularly incorrect.'*
In fact the simple villagers of Keddington who ' did not
' Tatler, ut supra. ^ Literature of Europe, iii. p. 297.
3 See Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical BiograjjJiy, vol. iv. p. 718.
' Birch's Life of Tillotson, p. 20.
2 4-8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
relish ' the sermons and complained that they did not hear
the Gospel, showed that the}^ had greater insight than these
learned London clergy who flocked to ' form their minds '
on the model of the popular preacher.
A similar fate has overtaken another admired preacher
in his day, TiUotson's great friend. Archbishop Sharp.
Samuel Wesley ranks Sharp as a popular orator ahove
even Tihotson and Stillingfleet.' Burnet descrihed him to
the Prince of Orange on the eve of the Revolution, as ' one
of the hest preachers in England.' - His ' incomparable
preaching ' as well as his high character evidently helped
to win Ralph Thoreshy over to the Church.^ When rector
of S. Giles' in the Fields, still more than when Dean or
Archbishop, he was generally known as an excellent popular
preacher.* And his fame was not quite ephemeral. The
published sermons had passed through nine editions before
the middle of the eighteenth century ; and they are still
extant and well worth reading ; they are, like himself, plain,
practical, thoroughly real and earnest, rather than brilliant ;
and there is more definiteness about them than there is
about TiUotson's ; but there is no particular reason why
they should take a place among the standard sermons of our
literature —and they have not.
The great preacher in the later part of our period was,
of course. Dean Atterbury. His sermons have not fallen
into the oblivion to which TiUotson's, Sharp's, and Stilling-
fleet's have been consigned. They still occupy a place in
the shelves of most theological libraries, — whether they ever
come down from those shelves is another question. By
the year 1766 they had reached an eighth edition, a con-
' See Letter to a Curate.
* Letter to the Prince of Orange, quoted in Diary of the Times of
Charles II. , ed. by Blencowe. Correspondence of the Times of James II. and
William III., vol. ii. pp. 281-7.
3 See Diary, i. p. 313 &c.
* See Life of Kettleicell, p. G9, and Carwithen's History of the Church
of England, iii. p. 281.
rREACIIING OF THE PERIOD 249
sideraLle success when it is remembered that with the
advent of the Georges, the preacher's theological and poli-
tical views went completely out of fashion. But, oddly
enough, some of the most fervid panegyrics of Atterbury's
sermons come from people who differed most widely from
his politics and theology. It was a dissenter (Doddridge)
who called him ' the glory of English orators.' It is in a
paper of which the editor was a pronounced Whig that
' the oratory, the soft and graceful behaviour, and captivat-
ing person ' of the Tory dean is immortalised.' It is
poor John Dunton, — a very erratic churchman, if a church-
man at all, — who celebrates Atterbury's ' eloquence and
mighty sense of the worth of souls.' - It is Stackhouse,
certainly not a high churchman, who remarks, ' Among
the great preachers of our age no one that I ever knew had
happier talents than Dr. Atterbury.' ^ And yet Atterbury
is perfectly outspoken ; all his sermons are those of a strong
churchman, but they are also those of a polished man of
the world, not of a mere theologian. They are not for one
moment to be compared with those of Taylor, Barrow, and
South, the great preachers of the earlier part of our period,
but in their way they are finished performances.
Another famous preacher, whose sermons are still known,
was William Beveridg-e. ' Beveridge,' writes his contem-
porary, E. Nelson, ' had a way of touching the consciences
of his hearers that seemed to revive the spirit of the
Apostolic age.' And Beveridge's biographer in our own
day takes a similar view of his sermons. ' Their great
beauty,' he writes, ' is a tender and pathetic earnestness, a
strong and affectionate appeal to the heart and conscience ; '
and then, after contrasting him with Barrow, he adds epi-
grammatically, ' it is not every reader who can reason and
investigate with Barrow, but all can feel with Beveridge.' '^
' Tatler, No. 00. - Life and Errors of John Dunton, p. 308.
' Life of Bishop Atterbury.
* Hartwell Home's Me))iuir of BisJioj:) Beveridge.
250 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
All this is perfectly true ; but there is also another excel-
lence in the sermons which, combined with great simplicity
and earnestness, gives them a peculiar value. No preacher
sets forth better in their full and due proportion, evangelical
doctrine and apostolical order. ' Evangelicals ' (in the tech-
nical sense of the term) claim Beveridge as their own ;
and his sermons are truly evangelical, with much more of
the gospel in them than many of his day ; at the same
time they have a most distinctly Church tone, and in fact
insist far more strongly and far more persuasively than,
say, Atterbury's do upon all those observances on which
high churchmen lay most stress.' He who would catch
the spirit of the English Church could not do better than
read and digest the sermons of Bishop Beveridge.
The name of Beveridge naturally suggests that of Simon
Patrick. Dunton says that he was called par excellence
' the preaching bishop,' a title which, if it was really
applied to him, conveys a most undeserved reproach upon
his brother prelates.- Burnet especially recommended him
to the Prince of Orange as ' a great preacher ; ' ^ and when
he was at S. Paul's, Covent Garden, his preaching was
almost as attractive as Beveridge's at S. Peter's, Corn-
hill. But we have to take Patrick's preaching power
very much upon trust, for his sermons which are extant
are not fair specimens. The first is that which he preached
while hardly more than a boy, over the grave of his guide,
philosopher, and friend, John Smith, the Platonist, and is
appended to the magnificent discourses of that extraordinary
young man- Almost any sermon would suffer from such a
' See, e.g., his Sermons on the Ministry and Ordbumces of the Church
of England, in which he dwells strongly on the doctrine of the Apostolical
Succession, on the duty of fasting in Lent, in the Ember Weeks, and on
every Friday throughout the year.
■^ Life and Errors of John Dunton, p. 363. He adds that ' were all
others like Patrick in that respect, the dissenters would have no colour to
complain that " these bishops sermonize so seldom." ' They had certainly
no colour to complain as it was ; the bishops preached incessantly.
s Letter to Prince of Orange &c., ut supra.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 25 T
juxtaposition ; much more one which bears evident traces
of the rawness of youth. Mr. MulHnger thinks ' there is no
more pathetic production in all literature ; ' ' but the pathos
(as Mr. Mullinger himself seems to intimate) is due rather
to the circumstances of its delivery than to its own intrinsic
merit ; several of Patrick's sermons only come down to us
as they have been digested into devotional treatises ; and
sermons transmuted into treatises are obviously no fair
specimens of sermons.
Bishop Burnet is another famous preacher whose powers
we must take mainly upon trust. Everyone knows Lord
Macaulay's vivid description of the preacher being often
interrupted by the deep hum of his audience, and, when
he had preached out the hour-glass, of the congregation
clamorously encouraging him to go on until the glass had
run off once more.^ His sermons were, as a rule, preached
without note, but there are at any rate four sermons still
extant, which certainly do not read well. They are mainly
political, and the whole style as well as tone is not elevated,
nor are they by any means free from gross flattery to his
royal master.^
Judging by results. Dr. Horneck must have been one of
the most effective preachers of his day ; for to him above all
others the remarkable movement resulting in the Eeligious
Societies already described is due. Evelyn heard him, and
calls him ' a most pathetic preacher.' * Wood tells us ' he
was a frequent and florid preacher, and very popular in
London and Westminster ; ' ^ Kidder that ' he preached
' Cambridge Clutracteristics in the sevent eenlli Cenhiry, p. 91, note.
^ History of England, i. p. 413.
3 In a sermon preached before King William at Whitehall on December
2, 1697, the day of Thanksgiving for Peace, he compared William ot
Solomon, and shows how superior the former is. In another he writes :
' The reign of Saul and the charms that were in Jonathan had, no doubt,
given the family a great root. But the divine design that was upon David
had broke through all that, and had turned the hearts of the whole nation
as one man to him.' Then William is shown to be as David, James and
his son as Saul and Jonathan.
* Diary for March 18, 1G8|. * Athence Oxonimses, iv. p. 111.
252 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
with great vehemence and ardour, with mighty force and
conviction. He spake the sense of his soul, and entered
into the hearts of his people. ... His fame grew, and
among his auditors were some of the highest rank, and a
very great number of truly devout and pious persons.' '
Birch speaks of ' his prodigious popularity on account of
his reputation for piety and his pathetic sermons, his church
at the Savoy being crowded by auditors from the most
remote parts, which occasioned Dean Freeman to say that
Dr. Horneck's parish was much the largest in town, since it
reached from Whitehall to Whitecliapel.' ^ The samples of
his sermons which remain fully bear out this reputation.
The ' Happy Ascetic ' is a most powerful set of sermons.
The name of Mr. Smythies as a preacher is naturally
associated with that of Dr. Horneck, on account of the
great effect which the preaching of both produced upon
the young men of the metropolis. His sermons give one
the idea of a most impressive preacher ; the way in which
he analyses his text, picking his subject to the very bone,
reminds one a little of Bishop Andrewes, but his style is
essentially modern.^
Perhaps an adventitious interest is attached to the
preaching of Samuel Wesley from the fact of his being the
father of the man whose preaching w^oke up England, and
the father was not unworthy of the son. Among a batch of
sermons preached before the Religious Societies, by far the
most racy and energetic is the one preached by the rector of
Ep worth. ^
Dr. Richard Lucas was a very popular preacher in his
day, and his sermons, when hunted out from the shelves
' Life of Rev. Anthomj Horneck, D.D., by Bishop Kidder.
2 L'ife of Tillotson, p. 213.
3 See a Sermon by William Smythies, Curate at S. Giles', Cripplegate,
on Galatians vi. 2.
* A Sermon concerning the Reformation of Manners, preached at S.
James' Church, Westminster, and afterwards at S. Bride's, to one of the
Eeligious Societies, by S. Wesley, 1G98.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 253
on which they have accumulated the dust of many genera-
tions, shew that his reputation was thoroughly well deserved.
In fact they are so good that a specimen must be given.
The following is from a sermon on ' I will not fear what
man can do unto me.' ' For what can he ? His tongue can
wound our reputation or his arm our body ; he can plunder
and rifle us of our estate and fortune, he can deprive us of
our liberty, and of life itself. Not to take notice that he
can do none of these things unless God permit, what doth
all this amount to ? " He can wound our reputation ; " i.e.
he can fight with the air, for reputation is but a popular
breath ; he can fasten imaginary words upon an imaginary
man, for reputation is generally nothing else but the picture
of a man drawn by the fancies and opinions of the vulgar.
" He can rob us of our estates ; " i.e. he can clear our way to
Heaven of all that rubbish which doth but trash and clog
ns on our journey. " He can deprive us of our liberty ; " i.e.
he can confine us to the happy necessity of entertaining
ourselves with wise and holy thoughts and of being enter-
tained by Heaven. Finally, " he can kill the body ; " i.e. he
can throw down these mud walls which will be built up of
marble ; he can deliver us from the troubles and evils of
this life and send us the speediest way into the joys and
glories of a better ; this is all vain man can do.' ' All the
rest are in the same quaint, racy style ; both matter and
language very plain, but the subjects all argued out most
exhaustively.
Bishop Hooper of Bath and Wells is another preacher
whose sermons, when disinterred from their graves, give one
a most favourable impression ; they were republished in
1855, and are, therefore, it may be presumed, better known
than Dr. Lucas'. They fill two large volumes. Many of them
were preached before royalty, but there is not the slightest
' See Twenty-four Sermons preached on several Occasions, by R. Lucas,
late Vicar of S. Stephen, and Prebendary of Weslmijisier. Sermon YI.,
preach"t before the Queen, hciw^ the Monthly Fast, June 14, 1693.
254 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
taint of flattery in them. As might be expected from the
friend of Bishop Ken, their tone is markedly chmxh, but
they are written in a most charitable spirit.'
The sermons of Bishop Smalridge, the ' Favonius ' of the
* Tatler,' have also been republished in om- own day. They
somewhat resemble Hooper's, but are not of so distinctly a
church type nor yet so evangehcal ; their great merit is the
singularly luminous and smooth style in which they are
written. 2
Sir William Dawes, Bishop of Chester, and afterwards
Archbishop of York, had the reputation of being the best
preacher of his day.^ Two large 8vo. vols, of his sermons
are still extant ; they are very good, plain sermons, their
plainness being evidently studied. In many respects they re-
mind one greatly of Archbishop Sharp's, and exactly corre-
spond to his biographer's description of them ; * plain and
unaffected, adapted to every common comprehension, and, as
much as possible, divested of all appearance of learning ; '
but they must have required the ' majestic appearance and
melody of voice ' which the biographer also notices, to make
the preacher what he is called on the same authority, ' the
most compleat Pulpit Orator of his age.' "
Zachary Cradock, Provost of Eton and Canon Kesiden-
tiary of Chichester, ' was admired in his own time for his
uncommon talents of discoursing from the pulpit with the
greatest copiousness and vivacity, without notes or pre-
paration.'^ It is therefore scarcely fair to judge of his
powers by his only two printed sermons, which are well
' See The Works of the Bight Rev. G. Hooper, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
new edition, Oxford, 1855.
2 Sixhj Sermons by G. Smalridge, sometime Bishop of Bristol and Dean
of Christ Church (new edition, 1852). Also Tivclve Sermons by Bishop
Smalridge on different Occasions (published 1717).
s See Perry's History of the Church of England, iii. p. 198.
■• See The whole Works of Sir William Daives, late Archbishop of York,
in 3 vols. Bvo., with preface giving an account of the life of the author,
published 1733.
5 Birch's Life of Tillotson, p. Gl.
TREACHING OF THE TERIOD 255
enough expressed and argued out, but not very remark-
able.'
Bishop Frampton had the rare honour of meetmg with
the approbation of Pepys, who speaks most enthusiastically
of his preaching ; - but I do not know of any of his sermons
being extant.
The Cambridge Platonists stood as far apart in their
preaching as in their lives from their contemporaries.
The greatest preacher among them, John Smith, died,
at an early age, before the Eestoration. But Whichcote
preached to appreciative audiences in London for more than
twenty years after that date. Worthington was preaching
his thoughtful and exquisitely worded sermons at S. Bennet
Fink, ' till the church and parish were laid in ashes ' ^ by
the Fire of London, and in 1670 was lecturer at Hackney ;
Bust was carried off to L^eland by his friend and patron,
Jeremy Taylor, whose pulpit eloquence he almost rivalled ;
Norris of Bemerton, the last survivor of the band, published
sermons on the 'Beatitudes' which were so popular that they
passed through fifteen editions by 1728. But, as a rule,
the sermons of the Platonists must have been ' caviare to
the general ; ' they are far too subtle and refined for the
popular taste ; none but the most highly educated could
have appreciated their almost unrivalled beauty.
The general impression derived from a careful study of
the sermons of the period is that the standard was high ;
and on the whole it certainly seems to have been so re-
garded by contemporaries. * We have,' writes Glanvill of
Bath in 1678 ' (blessed be God), plenty of learn'd and most
excellent preachers, as many, I believe, as any age or
nation ever had ; ' * Edward Chamberlayne writes of the
London clergy about the same time : ' These have for a
' See Two Sermons fircached before King Charles IL, by Z. Cradock.
- Diary for January 20, 166^.
' Preface to Worthington's Great Duty of Self-Resignation to the Divine
Will, by E. F. (that is, no doubt, Edmund Fowler).
* A Reasonable Defence of Preaching, ami the way of it,— a Dialogue.
256 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
long time had the most excellent way of sermonising in
Christendom ; insomuch as divers divines of foreign Re-
formed Churches have come hither on purpose to learn
their manner of haranguing in the pulpit ; ' ' and John
Chamberlayne, son of the above, wrote in 1707 : ' The
English are a people that are extremely taken with oratory,
and they have the best sort of it in the greatest perfection,
that of the Pulpits.' ^ Eachard, while ridicuhng some
kinds of preaching, admits that ' it is nothing but perfect
madness, ignorance, and stupidity not to acknowledge that
the present Church of England affords as considerable
scholars and as solid and eloquent preachers as are any-
where to be found in the whole Christian world.' ^ Addison
calls the sermons of his day ' the best sermons in the world,'
though he thinks they are spoiled by the apathetic delivery
of them ; * and further testimony might be quoted to the
same effect.-^ Of the three best known diarists of the
period, Pepys, Evelyn, and Thoresby, two give a most
favourable account of the sermons they heard. Thoresby
always speaks of them with approbation ; and Evelyn,
besides constantly referring to the excellence of individual
preachers, affirms roundly, that ' of plain, practical dis-
courses, this nation, or any other, never had greater plenty
or more profitable, I am confident.' ^ Pepys, on the con-
trary, gives us but a very indifferent account of the sermons
' AnglicB Notitics, Part II., p. 201. ^ Anglice Notitim, Part III., p. 310.
' Observations upon the Ansiver to the Grounds and Occasions of the Con-
tempt of the Clergy.
* Spectator, No. 407.
* E.g. the anonymous writer of A Serious Enquiry into the Present State
of the Church of England, &c., in a letter to Dr. Atterbury, 1711, says : ' We
are famed all over the world for this talent in the pulpit.' Lady Masham,
whose testimony ranks high, owing to the very superior minds with which
she was brought into contact, wrote in 1696 : ' There cannot anywhere be
found so good a collection of discourses on moral subjects as might be made
of English sermons written by divines of our Church.' (Discourse concern-
ing the Love of God.)
" Diary, July 15, 1683.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 257
he heard. But then it miTst be remembered (1) that he had
a way of going about from church to church, hearing part
of a sermon here and another part there,' so that the im-
pression he carried away with him must have been that of
a mosaic rather than a sermon ; (2) that when he did keep
his seat at one church, he frequently slept all through the
sermon ; and (3) that when he kept his eyes open they were
not always fixed upon the preacher, but wandered about
to see what beauties there were among the congregation.'-^
All this, to say nothing of the minor distraction of see-
ing Lady Batten or some one in the seat which his wife
ought to have had,^ detracts a little from the value of his
evidence, though, as he is by far the most racy diarist
of the three, it is much better known than that of the
other two.
Dr. Birch claims for Tillotson the credit of having
* brought back both purity of language and force of reason-
ing in place of the older style of sermon,' which he is
pleased to describe as ' oppressed with an unnecessary
mixture of various languages, affected wit, and puerile
rhetorick.' The honour, however, of having brought about
a change which was thought to be so much for the better
was attributed to others besides Tillotson. Salmon de-
clares it was ' the justness of the king's (Charles II.) taste
that occasioned that Reformation in Pulpit Oratory which
• ' November 9, 1662, Lord's Day.— Called in at several churches.'
' June 26, 1664. — Called at several churches.'
- ' May 26, 1667.— At S.Margaret's, Westminster. Did entertain myself
with my perspective glass up and down the church, by which I had the great
pleasure of seeing and gazing at a great many very fine women ; and what
with that and sleeping I passed away the time till sermon was done.' ' De-
cember 25, 1661. -To Mr. Rawlinson's church, and a very great store of fine
women there is in this church.' ' April 17, 1664. — Slept soundly all the
sermon.'
5 ' March 15, 1663. — Up with my wife first time to church, where our
pew was so full that I perceive we shall be shut out.' ' March 3, 1662. My
wife and I to church and seated ourselves, she below me, and by that means
the precedence of the pew which my Lady Batten and her daughter takes is
confounded,' &c.
S
2:;8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 -i 714
O
Burnet so justly admires ; ' ^ Granger affirms that Bishop
Lloyd of S. Asaph ' was a principal reformer of the language
and method of sermons ; ' - and as a matter of fact, South
preached in the plain style long before Tillotson's influence
could have permeated through the country. But at any
rate, Tillotson may be taken as a typical representative of
the new style, as his predecessor at Canterbury was of the
old. Or rather, both were extreme specimens of their
respective styles. It would be difficult for a mere reader
of the sermons of both to reahse that Bancroft and Tillotson
were contemporaries. Whether the change was so entirely
for the better as the jubilant tone in which contemporaries
speak of it would imply, may be doubted. If the new
fashion was, as Evelyn declares it was, ' a far more profit-
able way,' ^ there is no more to be said, for the design of
all sermons is to be profitable. But assuredly, if we regard
them from a purely literary point of view, the sermons of
the old style were far superior to those of the new. No
names are so great as those which were noticed first in this
chapter ; the descent from Jeremy Taylor to the best of the
Queen Anne preachers is great;" and there is reason to
think that the desire to be plain sometimes led the preacher
to be grovelling.
The change, also, in the length of the sermons was
not altogether to their advantage as compositions. The
required brevity no longer admitted of the exhaustiveness
of a Barrow and an Andrewes, or the splendid elaborateness
of a Jeremy Taylor. The ancient canonical measure of the
hour, of which the hour-glass in the pulpit was the visible
reminder, is spoken of, almost as a matter of course, as
the proper length for the sermon, both before the Eebellion
» An Impartial Examination of Bisliojy Burnet's History of liis Oivn
Times, i. p. 544 (published 1724).
'^ Biographical History of England, iii. p. 288.
3 Diary for July 15, 1683.
■• This, at least, is my opinion ; Prof. Mahaffy (Decay of Modern Preach-
ing, p. 83) seems to rate the Queen Anne preachers as the highest of all.
PREACHING OF THE PERIOD 259
and after the Restoration.' But there was afterwards a dis-
position on all sides to shorten it. Tillotson's sermons
could not have taken more than half an hour to deliver.
Burnet, in his 'Pastoral Care,' advises clergy not to preach
for more than half an hour.^ Granville, who was the very
antipodes of both, desires his curate to shorten the sermon
to half an hour rather than miss one iota of the prayers.'
Atterbury's sermons were much within the hour, and so
were Sharp's.
Another change which met with doubtful, or at least
with varying success, was the substitution of unwritten for
written sermons. The latter were usual at the Eestora-
tion, being the natural result of the reaction from the
Puritans, who trusted to the immediate inspiration of the
Holy Spirit ; they were also necessary when it was thought
expedient to compose learned sermons to accentuate the
contrast between the trained divine and the ihiterate
amateur. But by degrees they became less common.
Dean Comber hardly ever wrote out any sermons, having
always adhered to the plan of preaching from notes which
he began as soon as he took priest's orders.'' There are
conflicting accounts about Tillotson,^ but there is no doubt
that Burnet preached without book, and recommended the
practice very strongly— in fact, rather offensively — to all
clergymen.'"' Samuel Wesley, among his instructions to his
curate at Epworth, tells him, instead of reading his sermons
' ' Here I might spend the hour with much delight.' (Sancroft.)
' The parson exceeds not an hour in preaching.' (George Herbert.)
' We sit an hour at a sermon.' (Art of Contentment, by Lady Pakington.)
' I did purposely contract my meditations, and express them under the
ancient canonical measure of an hour.' (Isaac Basire.)
■' Pages 222-3.
^ Directions to the Curates of Sedgficld and Easington, 1609. Gran-
ville's Remains, Part I., pp. 129-133.
* Memoir by his great-grandson, p. 361.
^ See V^ordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biographj, sub nomine.
* See Pastoral Care. Where he tells those who read the sermon that
' this would not be endured by any nation but ours.'
s 2
26o LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 17 14
to repeat them from memory. In 1674 the Duke of
Monmouth, as Chancellor of the University of Cambridge,
censured ' in the king's name ' the use of the MS. in
the pulpit, and the Duke of Ormond, as Chancellor, did
the same at Oxford, being strongly supported by Dr.
Bathurst, President of Trinity, among others.' But in his
charge in 1695, Bishop Sprat is bold enough to protest
against extempore preaching. On the whole there was
then as now, and as always ought to be, no general rule for
a duty which some can perform best with, and some with-
out a MS.
' See Dr. Stoughton's Church of the Restoration, ii. p. 255. See also Life
of Isaac Milles : 'Extempore preaching was then (about 1674) the practice of
the generahty of the clergy ' (p. 32). Also Swift's Letter to a young Clergyman.
26l
CHAPTER YII.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS.
From the beginning to the end of our period there was one
work which was valued far above all others by churchmen
of every type. That was T]ie Wliole Duty of Man. It
was published about three years before the Restoration,
anonymously but under the sanction of the great name of
Dr. Hammond. Mr. Garthwait, the bookseller, with whom
the sealed MS. had been left, consulted Dr. Hammond
about its publication, and requested him to write a preface
if he approved. Dr. Hammond replied in a letter full of
commendation, which is usually printed with the book in
lieu of a preface. The aim of the work is expressed in the
title which is rather an ambitious one. It runs thus : ' The
Whole Duty of Man laid down in a plain and familiar
way, for the use of all, but especially of the meanest
reader.' It contains seventeen chapters, ' one whereof being
read every Lord's Day, the whole may be read through
thrice every year ; ' and then follows a remark which has
now a slightly ludicrous sound, reminding one of an
advertisement of patent pills — ' Necessary for families.' An
author who expects his book to be read through three times
every year, must indeed rate its value highly, but the
result proved that he did not overrate it. The book very
soon took its rank next to the Bible and Prayer Book,
indeed it was frequently coupled with the two in a way in
which no one would have dreamed of coupling any other
book. Nelson, in his ' Ways and Means of Doing Good,'
262 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
' recommends Persons of Quality to disperse Bibles, Prayer
Books, and " The Whole Duty of Man." ' It was a common
requirement from teachers of the newly founded charity
schools that they should teach ' Church principles of
religion as laid down in the Catechism, and by the help of
" The Whole Duty of Man." ' One item of Dodwell's ' Advice
to a young Man on his susception of Holy Orders,' was to
' persuade every family in his parish to read " The Whole
Duty of Man " according to the method of the partition
therein prescribed,' that is, three times through every year.
Bishop Bull advised ' poor ministers in his diocese who were
incapable of preaching in any tolerable manner, to read now
and then a chapter or section out of " The Whole Duty of
Man " in lieu of a sermon.' ' It was sometimes chained in
churches to be read aloud there.^ The ' Athenian Oracle '
thinks it ' the best book in the world that ever was printed,
next to the Bible, and the authors the best writers next to
those who writ by inspiration ' (p. 64). William Whiston
says that his father often told him that after the Eestora-
tion all profession of seriousness would have died out but
for Hammond's ' Practical Catechism ' and ' The Whole Duty
of Man.' Eachard advises readers of books about * expe-
riences, getting of Christ, and the like, to change them all
away for " The Whole Duty of Man." ' ^ This last quota-
tion points, no doubt, to one cause of its appreciation. ' It
was popular,' says Canon Bowles, ' as succeeding to the
Fiduciary system,' and for the same reason it was ' vitu-
perated by a certain class of pietists ; ' ^ — that is, by the
Evangelical school in the eighteenth century. One can
quite understand the objections which were raised by them
against it, but it cannot be fairly said that a holy life is not
' Charge to the Clergij of S. David's, 1708. Nelson's Z/i/e, pp. 102 and 244.
2 A chained copy is still to be seen in the interesting library at Wimborne
Minster.
* Observations upon the Answer to Grounds for the Conteiiqjl of the
Clergy, p. 240.
* Bowles' Life of Ken, i. p. 48.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 263
recommended on Christian motives in ' The Whole Duty of
Man.' The doctrine of the Atonement, e.ft-., is most dis-
tinctly stated, though of course it is not put so prominently
forward as it afterwards was by the Evangelical school.
After the Eestorntion its popularity extended beyond the
limits of rigid churchmen. Thomas Gouge, a benevolent
nonconformist, ' procured it to be translated, with the Bible,
Liturgy, and other good books into Welsh ; ' ' and Armstrong,
a friend and supporter of the unfortunate Duke of Mon-
mouth, and therefore presumably favourable to Protestant
dissent, read it on his way to Tyburn. ^
When one turns from what was said about the work to
the work itself, a feeling of disappointment is, perhaps, in-
evitable. In beauty of thought and expression it is not for a
moment to be compared with Taylor's ' Holy Living,' and
' Holy Dying,' nor, in strength of argument and general
intellectual power, with Law's ' Serious Call.' It is simply
a well-written, old-fashioned statement of Church doctrine,
and a recommendation of a Christian life based on strictly
Church principles, with occasionally a dignified, but never
scurrilous, reflection on the modes of religious life during
the Eebellion. The three branches of man's duty, ' to live
soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world ' are the
main burden of the work.
The interest in the book was probably increased by the
curiosity which prevailed respecting its authorship. In this
respect it rivalled the ' Junius" Letters ' of the next century.
Dorothy, Lady Pakington, Archbishop Sterne, Archbishop
Bancroft, Archbishop Frewen, Bishop Fell, Bishop Hench-
man, Dr. Allestre, Dr. Hammond, Dr. Chaplin, Mr. Fulman,
Mr. Abraham Woodhead, have all been mentioned as probable
authors, the first two, especially the former, having the
most suffrages ; but the opinion of the elder Disraeli is pro-
bably correct, that ' the modesty of the author made him
' Birch's Life of Tillotson, p. 89.
^ See Von Eanke's History of England, iv. p. 197.
264 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1 7 14
(or her) effectually conceal all the possible clues to iden-
tity.' ■
The question became further complicated by the pub-
lication of several other works under the name of ' the
Author of the Whole Duty of Man,' which it is all but
certain were not written by that author. These are, Tlie
Causes of tlie Decai/ of Otristidn. l^icti/, a severe diatribe
against the immorality of the Eestoration period, which
was evidently a bitter disappointment to the anonymous
author who had expected halcyon days when the cloud that
had hung over the Church w^as rolled away ; TJie Gentle-
man s Calling, which combats the odious but fashionable
notion that immorality and irreligion were characteristics
of the fine gentleman ; The Ladies' Calling, a much needed
protest against the levity which prevailed, especially in the
higher circles ; and The Art of Contentment, which, in
its latest edition, is boldly attributed to Lady Pakington,
though the evidence of the authorship is by no means
complete. Judging from internal evidence, none of these
works appear to be written hy the same author as the
' Whole Duty ' ; none of them, certainly, attained anything
like the same popularity, tliough they were, no doubt, all
extensively read in their day.
Infinitely superior to ' The Whole Duty of Man,' but
' Those who wish to pursue the curious question of the authorship of
the work may be referred to the following works : — The Art of Contentment,
by Lady Pakington, ed. Rev. W. Pridden ; Editor's Preface, vol. xvii. of Encf-
lisliuian's Library; Bishop Eell's Life of Henry Hammond, prefixed to the
edition of the Practical Catechism (Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology,
Part LI.) ; Carwithen's History of the Ch^irch of England, m.^i- 18 ; lieliqiiue
Hearniance, Diary for February 0, 170^ , August 5, 1706 ; Notes and Queries
for January 21, 1882; Life of Dr. Humphrey Prideai(x,^. 19; Granger's
Biographical History of England, iii. p. 258 ; Ballard's Memoirs of British
Ladies (Dorothy, Lady Pakington) ; Hickes' Vveisice to his Anglo- Saxon and
Mceso-Gotldc Gramnmr ; Athenian Oracle,!, pp. 63-4 ; The Christian Religion
as professed by a daughter of the Church of England (Mary Astell) ; Bowles'
Life of Ken. Most of these take diiferent views. The British Museum
Catalogue mentions the work under the heads of Lady Pakington and Arch-
bishoiJ Sterne, and no others.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 265
not nearly so popular as that or several other books which
will come before us, were Jeremy Taylor's devotional works.
Bishop Heber, indeed, thinks that they were universally
popular, ' and so they were in comparison with the ' Ductor
Dubitantium,' with which he is contrasting them ; but if
either the warmth and abundance of testimon}', or the ex-
tent of sale is a criterion, they scarcely held the place they
ought to have held, viz. in the very foremost rank of their
kind. Highly educated men no doubt rated them at their
proper value. John Scott, e.g., refers to the ' Holy Living
and Dying ' as * an incomparable treatise,' '^ but the very
beauty of their style was a hindrance to their general accept-
ance. We have seen in the matter of j)reaching that there
was a strong and growing tendenc_y to value plainness and
even homeliness of style, and the same tendency is observable
in regard to that kind of literature which approaches
nearest to sermons. Posterity however has duly redressed
the balance, and while the ' Whole Duty of Man ' and many
other immensely admired works in their day are now almost
forgotten, Jeremy Taylor is still read by thousands. Indeed,
he is so well known that it is not necessary to dwell on
him. Tlie Golden Grove, or Prayers for every day in the
Week, the Holy Living and the Holy Dying, The Great
Exemplar, or Life of Christ, and The Marriage Ring, are
deservedly the most popular of his devotional works ; and it
is creditable to the taste of the English nation that it has
shown and still shows a due appreciation of one who was
the greatest of English devotional writers as he was the
greatest of English preachers.
The reaction against the excessive love of sermons, and
in favour of catechising, naturally produced or revived a
large number of catechetical treatises. First among these,
both in date and importance, was Hammond's Practical
' Heber's Life of Jeremy Taylor, prefixed to his edition of the Works,
p. xcvi.
■ Preface to The Christian Life.
266 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
CatecJiism, which the writer drew up ' for his own private
convenience out of those materials which he had made use
of in the catechetic institution of the youth of his parish.' '
He happened to shew the MS. to Dr. Potter, Provost of
Queen's College, Oxford, who was so impressed with its
value that he persuaded him to publish it anonymously,
and generously offered to undertake the whole care and
charge of the first edition (1644). Thus we owe to a
kind of accident one of the most valuable works on the
subject which has ever been published. The work came
into great request after the Piestoration, and is still well
known.
A more original, if not a more valuable treatment of
the same topic, may be found in Bishoj) Ken's Exposition
of the Church Catechism, or Practice of Divine Lore. It
was composed for the benefit of the diocese of Bath and
Wells, and its object is to shew that the love of God is the
central thought of the whole Catechism. The argument of
the whole work is thus ingeniously summed up : ' If I
seriously desire the love of God, I must first expel all
contrary loves out of my heart, and then consider the motives
and causes that excite it ; the former is taught in the row
of baptism, the latter in the Creed. When divine love is
once produced my next care is to put it in practice, and that
is, by bringing forth the fruits or effects of love, which are
all contained in the Ten Commcmdments. When the love
of God is produced in my heart, and is set on work, my
last concern is to preserve, and ensure, and quicken it ; it
is preserved by prayer, the pattern of which is the Lord's
Prayer ; it is ensured to us by the Sacraments which are the
pledges of love, and more particularly it is quickened by the
Holy Eucharist which is the feast of love, so that the plain
order of the Catechism teaches us the rise, the progress,
' Bishop Fell's Life of the Author, prefixed to the sixteenth edition of
Hammond's Practical Catechism (Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology),
p. xxxi.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 267
and the perfection of divine love, which God of His great
mercy give me grace to follow' (p. 4).
Another excellent treatise on the same subject is Simon
Lowth's Catechetical Questions, &c. (1673). The author
was vicar of Tylerhurst, near Beading, and his little book
is evidently the production of a working clergyman who
knew what was wanted in a parish. It is simply an ampli-
lication of the Church Catechism, and is plain, clear, and
definite in its Church principles. For practical purposes it
is one of the best, if not the best, that will come before us.
The Catechism, of the Church of England 'paraphrased,
by R. Sherlock, Rector of Winwick (1661), like the pre-
ceding, clearly grew out of the exigencies of a hard-working
parish priest. The author was encouraged to publish it by
the commendation of the great Hammond, whose judgment
was certainly not at fault ; it is an excellent paraphrase,
and passed through ten editions in as many years.
Dean Comber's Exptlanation of the Church Catechism
(1666) is not now so well known as his ' Companion to the
Temple,' but his biographer seems to imply that it was con-
sidered his chef-d'oeuvre in his own day.' The plan of it
was ' so laid that all the answers are " Yes " or " No " ' —
not a very happy plan, one would think, for eliciting youth-
ful intelligence.
Lancelot Addison's Primitive Institution, or a Season-
able Discourse of Catechising (1674), deserves notice, if
for no other reason, as the work of the father of one who
was the greatest prose writer of our period. It is not a
catechetical treatise, like the others, but an earnest recom-
mendation of the duty of catechising, and is interesting,
among other reasons, because the father's quiet humour
frequently reminds us of his greater son. ' Religion began
when God was Adam's catechist.' ' The penmen of dis-
putation seem to have intended rather the Defamation than
the Conviction of each other ; and to have been of opinion
' Memoirs of Dean Comber, by his great-grandson, p. 215.
268 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
that men were to be refuted, as Mercury of old was worsliipt,
by throwing dirt and stones in their face.' ' Catechising
has met with but cold entertainment from those by whom
it ought to have been most lovingly caressed. In most
places it has been looked upon rather as a Foreigner than a
Native of the Church, and as fruits of their mouth never in
season but for a few days in Lent ; ' and so forth. Was not
Lancelot the true father of Joseph ?
Dr. Thomas Marshall, rector of Lincoln College, Oxford,
drew up at the request of his diocesan, Bishop Fell, Notes
of Catechisiii, to be used by ministers of the diocese in
catechising children,' but the work does not appear to be
extant.
And last, but not least, we have Bishop Beveridge's
Church Catechism Explained (1704), which has the ad-
vantage of having been written by one who had had one
of the largest and most successful experiences as a parish
priest of any clergyman in his day. It was dedicated to
the clergy of the diocese of S. Asaph, for whose special use
it was drawn up by their new bishop ; but it has been found
most useful to the whole of that National Church of which
its writer was a distinguished ornament.
This is by no means an exhaustive list of the catecheti-
cal treatises of our period, but it may suffice to shew that
the subject was one which occupied a very important place
in the minds of churchmen.
Another effect of the restoration of the Church with the
Monarchy was a demand for practical works on the Sacra-
ments, especially on the Holy Communion, and the demand
was met with a corresponding supply. Perhaps the most
remarkable of these treatises was Br. Edward Lake's
' OJicium Eucharistic'um, &c. ; A Preparatory Service to a
Devout and Worthy Pieception of the Lord's Supper, with
a Meditation for Every Day in the Week (1673).' Dr.
(afterwards Archdeacon) Lake had been tutor and chaplain
' Hee Athcnce Oxonie7ises, iv. p. 170.
DEVOTIONAL AND TRACTICAL WORKS 269
to the Princess Mary, and chaplain to the Duke of York.
Perhaps his connection with two successive sovereigns may
have lent an adventitious interest to his little work ; but
its intrinsic merit was great, and so was its popularity. It
passed through fifteen editions in twenty years and fifteen
more in the next fifty, so that the Oxford republication of it
in 1843 is the thirty-first edition. The editor of Lake's
' Diary ' is surprised that the tutor of the future Queen
Mary, and the friend of Dr. Compton, ' the Protestant
Bishop,' should have put forth a work which certainly ad-
vocates advanced Church views without compromise or
disguise. But surely there is no need of surprise. The
Princess Mary, left to her own inclinations, was one person ;
the Queen Mary, under the influence of King William, quite
another. And Dr. Lake was as truly 'Protestant,' that is,
anti-Roman, as Dr. Compton, — or, say. Dr. Littledale. In
no one point does he go beyond the fair limits of the
English. Church. He does not profess to be original. * I
cannot,' he says to the reader, ' say it is mine, but a col-
lection, and recommends itself unto thee, clothed in the
language, not of any private conception (of such the world
is already full enough), but of primitive Liturgies ; ' but the
directions for self-examination are Dr. Lake's own, and they
are very searching and very striking.
The next most popular treatises on the Sacraments were
those of Bishop Patrick. One of these is called A Book for
Beginners, or a Help to Young Communicants, which gives
one the impression of having been written, as of course it
was, by a man of great experience in parochial work. Its
elementary nature may l)e gathered from the fact that the
first chapter contains ' directions for such as cannot read,'
and the writer desires ' their masters or mistresses, or some
good neighbour or relation, to be so charitable as to read to
them their duty about the matter.' The little work is
thoroughly adapted for such very rudimentary intelligences,
and reminds one of Bishop Oxenden's simplest works, which
270 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
many parish priests have found so very acceptable among the
poor and uneducated in our own day.
It is characteristic of the transition through which
Bishop Patrick's mind passed, that this elementary work
was the product of his later days. When much younger
he had written a far more elaborate treatise on the same
subject, entitled Mensa Mystica (1660). It is full of
Greek and Latin and even Hebrew quotations, and a strong
vein of Platonism runs through it. It is written in the
quaint style of the earlier part of the seventeenth century.
I'atrick also wrote a Baptismal treatise, entitled Aqua
Genitalis, a Discourse concerninrj Baptism, which is the
substance of a sermon preached at All Hallows' Church,
Lombard Street, but much enlarged. This too, especially
the preface, is full of Platonism.
That deservedly popular writer on practical subjects
Eobert Nelson, published a sacramental treatise, entitled
The Great Duty of frequenting the Christian Sacrifice, in
1706. Like everything which this good man wrote it is
plain and to the point, and contains some good ' Practical
Devotions for the Altar.'
Another exceedmgly good Sacramental treatise is Lance-
lot Addison's Christian s Manual. It consists of two parts
(1) ' The Catechumen, or the young Person's account of
his knowledge in Eeligion, before his admission to the
Lord's Supper. (2) An Introduction to the Sacrament, or
a short, plain, and safe way to the Communion Table.' It
is as plain and practical as Patrick's ' Young Beginner,'
but indicates (what one would have hardly expected) a
more advanced type of churchmanship, and it contains,
what is indeed rare, some really well-written prayers.
Tlie Pious Communicant rightly 2>t'(T'^ircd, by Samuel
Wesley, Eector of Epworth (1700), is chiefly remarkable for
a very spirited rendering of the whole of the Great Hallel
(Psalms 113-118), ' which,' says the writer, 'was the Paschal
Hymn sung by the Jews at the Passover, and by our Saviour
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 27 I
and ]iis apostles at the Institution of the Lord's Supper ;
and any of them, as they are here turned into metre, may
be sung, either in private, or by a family, before or after the
Sacrament.' This work is also notable for its marked
Church tone, which is also conspicuous in an ' Appendix on
Baj^tism.'
William Smythies' Unworthy Non-Communicant (1683),
is a work that deserves the most respectful consideration,
owing to the extraordinary success which the writer met
with in drawing young men to the Holy Table. Its main
object is to shew that ' there is generally more danger in
unworthy neglecting than in unworthy receiving.' It is all
addressed to non-communicants, and is practically a long,
plain, stirring, but rather stern sermon.
Gabriel Towerson published in 1686 a book Of the
Sacraments in general, which was really a part of his
' Exposition of the Church Catechism,' but was published
separately. It is of the old-fashioned High Church type,
strongly anti-Roman, and full of references to the Fathers.
It is too learned for a popular treatise, at least in the present
day.
If this professed to be an account of all the Sacramental
treatises of the period, many others would have to be
noticed, and, above all others, Johnson of Cranbrook's
Unbloody Sacrifice ; but books like this, immensely valuable
as they are, would come more properly under the head of
controversial, than of practical and devotional writings.
Of course the Sacraments hold a conspicuous place in
those practical works which treat of public worship generally.
By far the most popular of these was Dean Comber's
' Companion to the Temple, or An Essay on the Daily
Offices of the Church ' (Part I., 1672). It is a sort of
paraphrase of the Liturgy, and, as its alternative title
indicates, strongly recommends daily service. Without
disparagement to an excellent book, one cannot but feel
that its seasonableness, as coming soon after the Rcstora-
2/2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
tion of the Common Prayer, accounts for its extraordinary
popularity. It is said that a London clergyman purposed
having the three volumes chained in his parish church, and
that the Dean of S. Paul's was accustomed to ' buy a dozen
at a time to bestow, as it is believed, on the ministers he
prefers in the citie.' ' Comber's biographer complains that
' Wheatly borrowed his best parts from hence.' '^ Be this as
it may, the later has now practically superseded the earlier
work.
William Sherlock's Discourse of EeligioHs AssfmhUes
(1681) is not a paraphrase or explanation of, but a persua-
sive to attend the Church services. It is a particularly
sensible and interesting work, and well deserved to be
republished, as it has been in our own day. Still more
popular was the same writer's Practical Discourse concern-
ing Death, which went through thirty editions in a very
short time, and has lately been republished.^ In spite of
the enthusiastic praise which Addison lavished upon it,"* it
does not seem to me to be so powerful a work as the one
noticed above.
John Scott's Christian Life is also extolled by Addison
as one of the finest and most rational schemes of divinity
that is written in our tongue or any other.-^ The praise is
not exaggerated, but when this work is termed a * rational
scheme,' we must remember what Scott meant by ' reason.'
It was ' the noblest principle of our nature, that by which
we are raised above the brutes, yea, by which we are allied
to angels, and do border upon God Himself (vol. i. p. 49).
' He that follows this reason sits above the clouds in a calm
and quiet sether, and with a brave indifferency hears the
rowling thunder grumble and burst under his feet' (p. 68).
* That light of reason which shineth in human and angelical
' Memoirs of Dean Comber, by his great-grandson, p. 93. - Id. p. 67.
' "Under the able editorship of Eev. H. Melville, Vol. XL of the English-
jMon's Library, 1840.
« Si^ectator, No. 289. * Spectator, No. HT.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 273
minds, being rayed forth and derived from Him, He must
have it in Himself in perfection ' (ii. p. 247). In fact, Scott
meant by reason what the Platonists meant by it, and he
differed as widely as possible from those who were afterwards
called ' rationalists ; ' he was, indeed, distinctly a high
churchman. What a beautiful description this is of the
baptized Christian : ' In our Baptism, wherein we gave up
our names to Christ, we became denizens and freemen of
Heaven. All the difference between them and us is only
this, that we are abroad, and they at home ; we are on
this, and they on the other side of Jordan ; we in the
acquest and they in possession of the heavenly Canaan, . . .
Shame will it be to us not to copy their behaviour, we who
are below stairs in the same house ' (i. p. 174). We are
strongly reminded of the refined thoughts and exquisite
language of the Cambridge Platonists all through this
treatise. Only Scott was more practical. The exigencies
of his position brought him down from the clouds. A
resident fellow of Christ's or Emmanuel can afford to dwell
in sublime abstraction; a hard-working parish priest cannot.
Scott was rector of S. Giles' in the Fields at a time when
religious controversy seemed likely to put in the background
the importance of a religious life, and ' he thought a discourse
of the Christian Life, which is the proper sphere of Christian
zeal, might be a good expedient to take men oft" from these
dangerous contentions.' ' He succeeded in drawing a very
beautiful and attractive portrait of such a life ; in fact, next
to Jeremy Taylor, no writer has expressed such refined
thoughts in such refined language as Scott has in his
' Christian Life.' The only drawback is that it is too long ;
the three thick volumes might with advantage have been
condensed into one.
If the ' Christian Life ' is too long, another and still
more popular work on the same subject, Eawlet's Chris-
tian Monitor, falls into the other extreme. Its compass is
' Epistle dedicatory to the Bishop of London.
T
2 74 T^'fl'E ^^' ^^^^ ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
rather that of the modern tract than of the solid vohimes of
the seventeenth century. But it ^Yas specially written for the
poor, whose limited capacity for reading the writer knew
well from his experience in his parish in Newcastle. It is
admirably adapted for its purpose, being written in the
simplest of simple language. Its circulation was enormous.
It passed through twenty-five editions before the close of
the seventeenth century. Granger tells us that ' it had been
oftener printed than any other tract of practical divinity,'
and that ' one clergyman at Beading had distributed near
ten thousand copies, chiefly among soldiers.' Eawlet wrote
several other devotional works, but none of these require
special notice.
While Scott's ' Christian Life,' and Bawlet's ' Christian
Monitor,' are almost forgotten, a work which is infinitely
inferior to both, but especially the former, is still well
known and sometimes read. Beveridge's Private Tlionghts
really consists of two works, written at different times;
but they are now generally published together as two parts
of the same work. The first is entitled in full, * Private
Thoughts upon Eeligion, in twelve articles, with practical
resolutions grounded thereupon ; ' it was written when the
author was only twenty-three years of age, and was intended
simply for his own satisfaction and establishment in the
Christian faith. The second is called 'Private Thoughts
upon a Christian Life.' Both, but especially the former,
bear evident traces of having been written by a very young
man. There is a positiveness about all things human and
divine, an airy way of settling the most difiicult questions,
which is characteristic of youthful enthusiasm before it is
toned down by age and experience ; but it should be added
that there is the freshness as well as the rawness of youth
about the work ; and this, together with the evident
earnestness and reality of the writer, may have tended
to keep it alive. Indeed it is the best known of all
Beveridge's writings, and the author has suffered in const-
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 2/5
quence ; for those who depreciate Beveridge as a writer (and
they are many) are probably thinking especially of this, his
juvenile effort. This is rather hard upon this really good
writer, because neither part of the ' Private Thoughts ' was
published until after his death ; and it is doubtful whether
he ever intended to give them to the world.
Bishop Patrick's sacramental treatises have been noticed,
but these by no means exhaust the list of his practical
works. His Discourse concerning Prayer (1686) quite
accords with the spirit of the times in urging the daily
service of the Church as of greater obligation and efficacy
than family, or even private prayer. It was reprinted
in 1840 under the editorship of the Eev. F. Paget. The
editor calls it an appropriate comjjanion to Patrick's
Treatise of Repentance and Fasting (1686) ; and rightly
describes both as ' characterised by the same dutiful love
to the Church, and the same desire to inculcate a strict
obedience to her ordinances,' and as ' designed to lead
men to the " old paths " of Catholic truth and Scriptural
antiquity.' ' Patrick's Work of the Ministry represented to
the Clergy of Ely (1698), also re-edited in 1841 by W. B.
Hawkins, is particularly interesting as giving the experience
of a veteran in ministerial work who had been one of the
most successful clergymen of his day. The Devout Chris-
tian instructed how to pray, is simply a book of family
prayers, with private prayers for almost every conceivable
occasion appended, and does not require much notice ; but
the Advice to a Friend, published under the initials ' S.P.'
in 1673, is a singularly beautiful tract in Patrick's early
style, before his Platonic tincture had worn off, and is
really worthy of being bound up, as it has been, with Jeremy
Taylor's ' Contemplations of the State of Man in this Life
and in that which is to come.' ''' But perhaps the most
■ Paget's preface to Discotirse concerning Prayer.
2 They arc bound together in one volume in Pickering's Christian
Claaaics, 1817.
T 2
276 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
notable of all Patrick's practical works is The Parable of
the Pilgrim, the idea of which is exactly the same as that
of ' Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress,' only of course it is con-
ceived and worked out from a churchman's point of view.
But for the fortunate insertion of the date ' 1663 ' in the
original letter to the friend to whom it was written, it might
have been suspected that the rector and future bishop had
condescended to borrow from the tinker ; for the work was
not published until 1668, by which time the 'Pilgrim's
Progress ' had probably appeared. But there is no need
for supposing that either Patrick borrowed from Bunyan
or Bunyan from Patrick. The idea is sufficiently obvious
to have occurred spontaneously to both. It must be ad-
mitted that the unlettered Bunyan is far more successful
than the lettered Patrick. The latter makes the fatal mis-
take (for an allegorist) of giving us all moral and very little
story. He also confuses the allegory with the application,
and, truth to tell, is utterly deficient in fancy.' One can as
little wonder that Patrick's ' Pilgrim ' is, from a literary
point of view, dead, as that Bunyan's is alive, and likely to
live as long as the world lasts. And yet Patrick had some
of the elements of successful writing in this department.
His style is quaint, easy, and clear, and his mode of telling
his story is very pleasing.
Among the devotional works of our period, a con-
spicuous place belongs to reprints of earher works which
had, of course, found no favour during the Kebellion, but
now came into demand again. To this class belong many
of Jeremy Taylor's works, and also the exquisitely beautiful
' Contemplations ' of Bishop Joseph Hall. George Herbert's
' Country Parson ' re-appeared in 1675 with a most inte-
resting preface by Barnabas Oley. Oley, indeed, had been
• The defects are pointed out with a kindly hand by Thomas Scott in
his ' Introductory Essay ' to his edition of the Pilgrim's Progress (1828),
p. xviii., &c., where the writer also discusses the question of the dates of the
two works.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 277
brave enough to write a preface to the edition which was
put forth in 1652, when the sentiments must have been
odious to the dominant party. But his later preface is
pecuharly interesting as ilhistrating the immense vahie
which was set upon the immortal picture by the clergy
of the time.' Bishop Cosin's Devotions fahs under the
same category, for tliough the writer survived the Piestora-
tion several years, it was originally published in 16"27, and
during the Eebellion met not only with neglect but vitupe-
ration. Its author's name afforded scope for a vile pun ;
it was called * cozening devotions,' and was accused of
cheating the devout reader out of the truth. But after the
Eestoration it was widely read.^ Bishop Brian Duppa's
Holy Hides and Helps to Devotion is another book of the
same sort, but it does not appear to have been so popular
after the Piestoration as any of the above mentioned, for it
did not reach a second edition until 1818. It is a plain,
and very spiritual little work, full of Latin quotations, and
contains some good prayers, and questions for self-examina-
tion. Christian Consolations really belongs to the same
class ; for, though it was not published until 1671, it was
w^ritten many years earlier. Bishop Heber attributes it to
Jeremy Taylor, but Alexander Knox plainly shews that this
is wrong. The writer was probably Bishop Hacket ; it is
boldly attributed to the latter in the new edition which
appeared in 1840. The book is written in the quaint style
of the early part of the seventeenth century; it is purely
practical, but has a more decidedly Church tone than
Bishop Duppa's work. Broadly speaking, we may place
Sir Thomas Browne's Eeligio Medici among the reprinted
practical works of the Piestoration period. Plow far Sir T.
' ' All the clergie of mine acquaintance, and, I verily believe, all the old
clergie of the nation, as well as my poor self, do long to see ourselves and
our younger brethren conform to that idea of a clerk which the noble, holy
Herbert hath pourtraied in this book.'
'^ See Vita Joannis Cosini, by T. Smith, p. 8. Also Granville's Remains,
pp. ii., 05, 6.
278 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Browne may be regarded as a chin-climan has been seen
in the sketch of his life.' At any rate the work found
favour among churchmen, and disfavour among the puri-
tans; for it was written in 1633-5, passed into neglect
during the Rebellion, and became extraordinarily popular
after the Restoration ; at least if imitation be the best test
of popularity as well as the sincerest form of flattery,^
Another reprint which found favour was Bishop An-
drewes's Devotions. They were re-translated out of the
original Greek and Latin ^ and published by Dean Stan-
hope in 1675, and the original translation of 1648 by
' R.D.' [Richard Drake] was republished in 1692. They
are too well-known to require notice.
To return to the works which were actually written
during our period. Dr. Richard Lucas was as eminent for
his devotional writings as for his preaching. His Prac-
tical Christianity, or an Account of the Holiness which
the Gospel enjoins, is a plain, earnest work, in w^hich all
controversial topics are carefully avoided. The reason given
for their avoidance is the converse of that usually given ; it
was not that he thought, as Nelson, for instance, thought,
that the love of controversy drew men away from practical
religion, but that the want of practical religion betrayed
men into the errors wdiich provoked controversy. Feeling
that ' no kind of discourses contribute more to the peace
and welfare of Church and State than those practical ones
which aim at implanting real goodness in the minds of
' See supra, p. 177.
- These are some of the imitations -at least of the title : De Religione
Gentilmm, 1663 ; Religio Stoici, 1665 ; Religio Clcrici, 1681 ; Eeligio Laid
(Dryden), 1682 ; Religio Laid (Blount) ; Religio Jurisprudentis, 1685 ;
Religio Militis, 1690 ; Religio Bibliopolce, 1694 ; Religion of a Prince,
1704 ; Religion of a Gentleman, 1710. It is fair to say that two of the
imitations appeared before the Eestoration : De Religione Laid (Lord
Herbert), 1645; Religio Jarisconstdti, 1649.
^ The first part was originally in Greek, the second in Latin. The
Manual of devotion for the sick was in Greek ; large portions of the Greek
were transcriptions from Liturgies of the Eastern Church.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 279
men,' he keeps this object steadily in view, and shews (1 )
'the necessity of being reHgious,' (2) 'the motives which
the Gospel proposes to Hohness,' (3) ' the temptations to
sin, and their remedies,' (4) ' the three general instruments
of hohness, or preservatives against sin,' these being Sacra-
ments, prayers, and fastings. The whole subject is system-
atically worked out in very well-written language.
Another little work of Dr. Lucas' is called Christian
Thoiig](ts for- even/ dafj of the Month, which gives first the
thought (e.g. for the first day ' Of faith'), then the applica-
tion, then two sentences, one from the Bible, another from
a Christian Father. Divine Breathings of a Pious Soul
thirsting after Christ, in a Hundred Pathetical Meditations,
is attributed to Dr. Lucas ; but if it be his, it is singularly
unlike his acknowledged writings, being ornate and rap-
turous, while they are particularly plain and calm.'
But a far more interesting and finished work than any
of the above is Dr. Lucas' last composition, An Enquiry
after Happiness, The circumstances of its composition
lend a peculiarly melancholy interest to it. They cannot
be better stated than in the writer's own touching words
' To the Reader ' : — ' It has pleased God that in a few years
I should finish the more pleasant and delightful part of
life, if sense were to be the judge and standard of pleasure ;
being confined (I will not say condemned,) by well-nigh
utter blindness, to retirement and sohtude. 1 thought it
my duty to set myself some task which might serve at once
to divert my thoughts from a melancholy application on
my misfortune, and might be serviceable to the world.
Like one that truly loves his country, when no way else
' All the three works are bound together in a single volume, in the
edition of 1746 (the 7th) ; but the last with a separate pagination. It is
published anonymously but signed ' Chi-istopher Perin, who gave them [The
Divine Breathings] as being found among the writings of an eminent
divine.' How the eminent divine was identified with Dr. Lucas is not
shewn, but in the title to the whole volume it is boldly said that the
Breathings are by the same author as Practical Christianity, which was
beyond question the comi)osition of Dr. Lucas.
28o LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
is left him, he fights upon his stumps ; so will I ever, in
the remains of a broken body, express, at least, my affection
for mankind, and breathe out my last gasp in their service.'
The good man's labours in the midst of his infirmity were
not in vain. His book is an exceedingly well-written book,
full of plain truth plainly stated in an easy, scholarly style.
It is conspicuous as much for its marked good sense as for
its earnestness. It takes three different kinds of life, (1)
the gentleman's, (2) the tradesman's, (3) the contemplative,,
and shows how religion can give happiness in each ; it then
dwells on ' the ways of prolonging life, viz. (1) by cheerful-
ness, (2) by asking God to do so.' The second volume,
which seems originally to have been a separate publication,
is entitled ' Religious Perfection,' and it is particularly
refreshing to those who have studied the fierce but very
feeble controversies which raged some years later respecting
' perfection,' ' assurance,' ' final perseverance,' &c., to turn
to a work which was written before these painful disputes
broke out, and which deals with its sul)ject in a less pre-
tentious but more satisfactory way. We can well under-
stand how the whole work should be admired (as it was) by
such competent judges as Dean Stanhope, Alexander Knox,
and Bishop Jebb.
In the interesting corresj)ondence between the two last-
named eminent men, several other devotional works of our
period are highly commended. Scougal's Life of God in
the Soul of Man, is said by Mr. Knox to ' contain perhaps
the finest view of practical religion, the most removed from
coldness on the one hand and overheat on the other, that
is to be found in the Christian world.' ' The reader who is
first introduced to the work with such a flourish of trumpets
will probably feel a little disappointment when he reads it.
' See a letter from Knox to Jebb (1801), quoted in Bishop Jebb's Intro-
duction to his edition of Bishop Burnet's Lives, Characters, and an Address
to Posterity (1833), p. xxii. The work is also recommended by Susanna
^Y(^bley to her son John.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 28 1
Not but what it is a \Yell-\vritten, well argiied-out piece, but
it bears evident traces of having been written, as it was, by
a very young man ; ' and devotional works, of all works,
require the experience which nothing but age can bring.
Bishop Burnet's Conclusion to the History of his Own Times
is also recommended by Mr. Knox as ' containing in a small
compass as fine a view of Christianity as almost ever was
composed,' '^ and Jebb to whom the recommendation was
given, quite endorses it, declaring that ' Bishop Burnet's
short but exquisite conclusion to his " Address to Posterity "
can never be antiquated. So long as the English language
lasts, it will be read and re-read with fresh improvement
and delight.' ^ It is fully admitted that there is much that
is earnest and excellent in the practical writings of Burnet,
which are infinitely more valuable than his History, but
even these are defaced by that unfortunate propensity,
wdiich amounted in Burnet almost to a mania, of depre-
ciating his brother clergy. Nothing of this kind can be ob-
jected to the next two writers whom Mr. Knox commends.
He does not exaggerate when he declares that ' Archbishop
Leighton's writings, in sublime piety, and often in genuine
strokes of natural but most exalted eloquence, are not ex-
celled but by the sacred writers ; ' but they scarcely fall under
the category of what is popularly meant by devotional works.
So far from exaggerating, he might have praised even more
highly than he does, Worthington's Great Duty of Self-Re-
signation to the Divine Will, a perfect little gem of twelve
pages, which for beauty both of thought and language, is
equal to the best of the Platonists" writings. Though it now
appears in the form of a single devotional work, it is really
the substance of several sermons preached for the most part
at S. Bennet Fink's ; one of the most striking of these, that
on the resignation of Job, was preached there on the very
' Scougal was a Scotch Episcopalian clergyman, who died in 1G75, at
the age of twenty-eight.
- Introduction (ut supra), p. xxi. ^ Id. p. ii.
282 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
Sunday when the Great Fire broke out which laid both the
church and parish of S. Bennet Fink in ashes.'
Several other devotional works of the period were origi-
nally sermons. Such were several of Bishop Patrick's works
already noticed. Such was Mr. Smythies' Benefit of Early
Piety, recommended to all young Persons. It is addressed
chietiy to young men, and one reads it with special interest
owing to the extraordinary success which the author met
with in dealing with this most important class. Like all
Mr. Smythies' writings, it takes rather a severe view, but it
is eminently practical and good, and became so popular
that it reached a fifteenth edition in 1729. Such was
Dr. Horneck's Happy Ascetick, a siiigularly powerful
appeal in behalf of a Christian life, which one also reads
with peculiar interest owing to the peculiar success of
the author in dealing with souls. Such too was Bishop
Gunning's Paselial or Lenten Fast, which is a sermon
preached before King Charles II., with enlargements.
We have touched upon the devotional work of one
Platonist ; let us turn to another, a far more voluminous
writer, of the same school. Norris of Bemerton almost rivals
Patrick in the number of works, all more or less practical,
which he put forth. All, judging from the number of
editions through which they passed, were popular in their
day ; but it must suffice here to notice the most famous.
His Letters concerning the Love of God, ' a correspondence
between himself and a gentlewoman ' [Mrs. Astell], are inte-
resting as representing in miniature the famous controversy
between Fenelon and Bossuet. And though the gentleman
is not a Fenelon nor the lady a Bossuet, the letters are
well worth reading. Norris is a worshipper of Malebranche,
and presents the great French idealist's thoughts on ' pure,
disinterested love ' in an English dress, but it must be con-
fessed that the comparison is not in favour of our own
' See the Preface to the Great Diitij, rfc, signed ' E. F.,' that is, no
doubt, Edward Fowler, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 28
J
countryman. He had previously (16S9) addressed a letter
to another lady, ' the excellent lady, the Lady Masham,'
which is practically a devotional work, and a very good one.
It is entitled Reflections upon tJie Conduct of Human Life^
in which he argues, after the maimer of his master, against
the too great love of human learning, and advises ' the
renunciation of all studies merely curious,' fearing, na.
doubt, that ' the excellent ladj^'s ' connection with two such
master minds as Cudworth and Locke would lead her
to value intellect too highly. In 1702 Norris published
a treatise On Religious Discourse in Common Conversa-
tion, in which he argues in an earnest, sensible manner
against the avoidance of religious conversation for practical
and not controversial purposes, even among good people.
But perhaps the most striking of all his works is that
entitled Reason and Religion, or 'Grounds and Measures of
Devotion considered from the nature of God and the nature
of Man, in several Contemplations, with exercises of Devo-
tion apply'd to every Contemplation.' He tells us in the
preface that it was ' intended for the pious entertainment of
more refined and elevated understandings, so many ex-
cellent works having been written lately for the use of the
ordinary and unlearned.' He certainly knew his own
powers when he addressed himself to the more educated ;
for, like all the Platonists, his thoughts were too subtle
and his language too refined for the multitude. His mind
was elegant rather than strong ; but more conspicuous even
than his elegance is the deep vein of earnest piety which
runs through all his writings.'
Most of the writers hitherto mentioned have been clerg}^-
' They fill no less than thirteen 8vo. volumes. Among his other practical
works are (1) A Discourse concerning Worldly and Divine Wisdom ; (2)
Tlie Importance of a Religious Life considered from the happy Conclusion
of it ; (3) Religious Singularity displayed : shewing the Necessity of
Practising that great Christian Virtue ; (4) Practical Treatise concerning
Humility ; (5) Treatise concerning Christian Prudence ; (6) Account of
Reason and Faith.
284 LII'E IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
men ; but it has been seen that the part which laymen
took in the Church hfe of the time was large, and some of
the best practical works come from the pens of the laity.
In the very year of the Eestoration, Robert Boyle published
Some Motives and Incentives to the Love of God, pathe-
tically described in a Letter to a Friend, which passed
through many editions and was translated into Latin. In
1G90 the same pious layman published The Christian
Virtuoso, shewing that by being addicted to experimental
philosophy a man is rather assisted than indisposed to
be a good Christian, — a seasonable work calculated to
dispel the foolish prejudices which some had conceived
against the Eoyal Society on the ground that it tended to
irreligion or popery. TJie Practice of Piety was another
practical work written by Boyle.
If circulation be a test of merit, few practical works
rank higher than The Great Importance of a Religious
Life, by the pious lawyer, William Melmoth. It was first
published in the commencement of the eighteenth century,
and before the century closed had passed through twenty-
eight editions. Its latest edition (1849) aftirms that no
less than 150,000 copies were sold in the first forty years
of the present century. The work itself hardly seems to
account for this extraordinary demand. It is simply a
plain, sensible appeal in behalf of a religious life, written,
as one would expect from a lawyer, in an argumentative
style. Its theology is that of Tillotson, whom the author
frequently quotes with approbation.
Strictly speaking, perhaps one ought not to reckon the
great judge, Sir Matthew Hale, among the devotional writers
of the period, because his Contemplations M'ere designed
solely for his own use, and were never intended to be pub-
lished. But as a matter of fact, this posthumous work is
one of the most touching devotional works of the time. The
' Tractate on Afflictions and True Wisdom ' and that 'On Hu-
mility,' in especial, have hardly been surpassed by any writer.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 26 5
Nor must we forget to notice the great names of Joseph
Addison and Richard Steele among the la,ymen who wrote
on practical religion. Those, however, who are only ac-
quainted with their exquisite ' Saturday papers ' in the
* Spectator,' which in one sense must certainly be accounted
as devotional pieces of a very high order, will be sadly dis-
appointed when they turn to the works of the same writers
on exclusively religious topics. Two more trite and vapid
treatises than Steele's Christian Hero, and Addison's
Evidences of Christianity, were never written. The latter
was composed when Addison was failing, and Tickell tells
us he ' was more assiduous than his health could well allow.'
If the loss of a valuable life was hastened for so unsatis-
factory a result, it is all the more provoking, but the fact
is, both Steele and Addison mistook their vocation when they
attempted this kind of work.
The most famous and useful of all the lay writers on
practical subjects was Robert Nelson. It is hardly necessary
to describe his Festirals and Fasts, with which everybody
is, or ought to be, familiar, and which has never been
superseded by any other work of the kind. Equally ex-
cellent in its way is his Practice of True Deration, which
was written because the author thought the prevalence of
religious controversies drew men away from ' the solid and
substantial part of religion, the spirit and life of devotion.'
The good man, therefore, treats his subjects entirely from a
practical point of view, carefully avoiding all controversy.
His Address to Persons of Quality, and his Eeiyresentation
of the Ways and ISIeans of Doing Good, which is a sort of
supplement to it, are two of the most stirring and sensible
addresses ever published, and doubtless contributed in no
slight degree to help on the many charitable and religious
enterprises which adorned the reign of Queen Anne quite as
much as the literary masterpieces and military successes
which shed a lustre upon that era. The merits of Nelson
as a writer are not due to any particular genius, but simply
286 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-T714
to his thorough reaHty, his earnest piety, and his plain,
practical common sense. The works thoroughly reflect the
character of the man, and it is to he hoped that they will
never pass into oblivion so long as true religion of the true
Church of England tjpe is valued by Englishmen.'
It was not the fashion of the day for ladies to appear in
print. But several devotional works published anonymously
are known to have been written by ladies. Susanna Hopton
was one. Three of her works were edited by Nathaniel
Spinckes, under t\w title of A Collection of Meditations, in
Three Parts. They were originally all publishefl separately,
and consist of — (1) A TIexamcron, or ' Meditations on the
six days of Creation,' (2) Meditations or Devotions on
the Life of Jesus Christ. (3) Daily Devotions and Thanks-
givings, which first came out in 1673, ' by a humble peni-
tent.' But the most notable of her works is Devotions in
tJie ancie7it way of Offices, with psalms, hymns, and prayers
for every day of the week, and every Holiday in the year.
It was published in 1701 by Dr. Hickes, who tells us that
' it had four editions unreformed from Pioman Catholics,
five as it was reformed by Dorrington, while this is a second
in a new reform.'
Mary Astcll's anonymous practical works were much
admired. Her Cliristian Religion as professed by a
daughter of the Church of England (1705), is exactly de-
scribed by its title. It is a book of the old-fashioned Church
type, advocating strongly, but temperately, all the doctrines
of the Church, including non-resistance, and is very em-
phatic against Eomanism. Her Serious Proposal to Ladies
has been, noticed in the sketch of her life ; and the Letters
concerning the Love of God have been mentioned in the
account of her correspondent John Norris' works. They
are full of pertinent inquiries, showing that the writer must
certainly have been a very intelligent lady ; but they are
' An excellent account of all his works will be found in Sccretan's Life
of Nelson. His sacramental treatises have already been noticed.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 287
not quite so extraordinary productions as her enthusias-
tically admiring antagonist would have us believe.'
Elizabeth Burnet, third wife of the Bishop of Sarum, was
the author of one devotional work which is well worthy of
notice. It is entitled, A Method of Devotion, or Rules of
Holy and Devout Living. As one would expect from the
wife of Bishop Burnet, she writes from a Low Church point
of view ; but as one would ??0(5 expect from that relationship,
she writes with the most unaffected diffidence. The Method
' was put together for private use, and is very defective from
the low capacity of its compiler, and was published to excite
such as are better qualified to do something more perfect of
this sort, and in the meantime to give a little assistance to
young and ignorant persons.' Strange language from a
Mrs. Burnet ! and quite an unnecessary apology for her
publication. The book is an excellent one ; full of plain,
practical rules, those on the employment of time being
particularly good. It was intended for the writer's own sex,
and two of the meditations in especial — one ' for the Beau-
tiful,' the other ' for the Deformed,' are most interesting.
The whole work strikes one as being remarkably real and
natural, and gives a most favourable impression of the
writer. After her death 'it was thought fit,' says the editor,
Archdeacon Goodwyn, ' to put the name of the author, which
her modesty did not suffer her to consent to while she
lived.'
Another lady who wrote on devotional subjects was
Damaris, LadyMasham, the daughter of Cudworth and friend
of Locke. In 1696 she published A Discourse concernini/
the Love of God, which she probably wrote under the in-
spiration of Locke, and which took the opposite view from
' ' Madam,' he writes, ' I should never be able to express the value I set
upon your letters, either as to their ingenuity or their piety. The former
of which might make them an entertainment for an angel, and the latter
surticient (if possible) to make a saint of the blackest devil ; ' with much
more in the same extravagant stvle.
28S LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
that of John Norris. In 1705 she pubHshed another devotional
work, entitled Occasional Thoughts in reference to a Virtuous
and Christian Life— hoth anonymously.
Devotional works specially intended for clergymen were
not very numerous during our period. Burnet's ' Pastoral
Care,' and Herbert's ' Country Parson,' of course fall under
this head. The only other two that need be noticed are
Nathaniel Spinckes' Sick Man Visited, and Samuel Wesley's
Advice to a young Clergyman. The former is in the form of a
dialogue, and describes six visits from the minister to his
sick parishioner, followed by some meditations, and no less
than sixty-three prayers, ' proper for the use of the sick on
different occasions,'— the whole work being written in a very
touching and homely style. The latter was addressed by
Mr. Wesley to his curate at Epworth, and gives advice as
to the conduct of Church service, parish work, books for
private reading, which any young clergyman might study
with advantage in the present day.
If this professed to be an exhaustive account of devo-
tional works, several others would require notice. ' The
Poor Man's Help and Young Man's Guide,' by Wilham
Burkitt, the excellent incumbent of Dedham ; ' The Pdch
Man's Duty to contribute to the Building of Churches,' by
Dr. Wells, rector of Cottesback, which has been republished
at Oxford with a preface or advertisement by J. H. N. ;
' The Duties of the Closet,' by Sir Wihiam Dawes, a mar-
vellous performance considering that the author was only
twenty-one years of age when he wrote it ; ' Fair Warnings
to a Careless World,' by Dr. Josiah Woodward; ' A Discourse
concerning Lent,' by George Hooper, afterwards Bishop of
Bath and Wells ; and perhaps also those biographies which
were plainly written for a practical object, such as Bishop
Burnet's Lives of Justice Hale, John, Earl of Piochester,
and Eobert Boyle, and many others, would demand atten-
tion. But as this only professes to be a typical sketch, it
must suftice to add a few words on a form of literature in
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 289
which devotional writers frequently express their thoughts,
viz. Sacred Poetry.
A few words will be all that is required ; for, to say the
truth, sacred poetry did not rise to a high level during our
period. Even from those from whom great things might
be expected, great things have not come. For example,
whose expectations would not be raised high, if they heard
for the first time of four volumes of ' Poems Devotional and
Didactic ' by the writer of the immortal Morning, Evening,
and Midnight Hymns ? But such expectations would be
doomed to disaj^pointment. Abstract the dross, and the
residuum of true poetry in Bishop Ken's four volumes would
shrink to a very small compass. They were published post-
humously, and the sanguine editor hopes that ' while it is
found valuable as a collection of sacred poetry, it may add
something to the popularity even of the author of the three
hymns.' It certainly does nothing of the kind. The
majority of the poems are tame and flat, without anything
distinctive or even quaint in them. There is no unreason-
ableness in the complaint of ' the absence of all discrimi-
nation on the part of the editor who committed most
impartially to the press the entire unsifted mass of the
bishop's poetical papers.' One of the best pieces is * The
Christian Pastor,' a few lines of which may be quoted :
Give me the priest these graces shall possess,
Of an ambassador the just addi-ess,
A father's tendei'iiess, a shepherd's care,
A leader's courage which the Cross can bear,
A ruler's awe, a watchman's wakeful eye,
A pilot's skill the helm in storms to ply,
A hsher's patience, and a labourer's toil,
A guide's dexterity to disembroil,
A prophet's inspu'ation fi'om above,
A teacher's knowledge, and a Saviour's love.
The true spirit of poetry which breathes in Jeremy
Taylor's prose writings might have made us regret that he
had not turned his attention to verbe, had he not unforlu-
u
290 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
nately done so. Certainly the ' Festival Hymns ' appended
to the ' Golden Grove ' should rather make us thankful that
the best preacher and devotional writer of his day, — almost
of any day, — did not exhaust his energies in work which
was not congenial to him. The irregular Pindaric metre
in which they are written is not, perhaps, suited for
hymns. But that is not all. The divine afflatus is
wanting, — that indescribable something which every person
of taste recognises when it is there and misses when it
is absent, which is necessary to constitute true poetry.
George Herbert's rhythm is as rough and irregular as
Taylor's, but in reading the slightest fragment of the former
one feels ' that is a true poet,' in the latter one does not.
It is hardly necessfiry to quote extracts, for the world has
not ranked Taylor among its poets, and the world in this
respect has not done him injustice. His prose is most
poetical, his poetry most prosaic.
The same may be said in a minor degree of John Norris,
but the contrast is not so violent ; for his prose is im-
measurably inferior, and his poetry perhaps a little superior
to Taylor's. It can, however, scarcely be called devotional
poetry, being mostly dedicated to the praise of a retired
hfe.
Bishop Patrick, whose prose, curiously enough, does
not give the slightest indication of a poetical mind, wrote
sacred poetry which is by no means contemptible. There
is unquestionable merit in some of his poetical translations
from the ancients. Let us take as a specimen the follow-
ing translation from Aquinas * Upon the Morning we are to
receive the Holy Communion : ' —
0 wondrous night ! Strange Supper of the Lord !
1 come, said He, to do thy will,
I must all Eites, all Promises fulfill.
For his selected twelve the Sacred Board
With his own type, the Paschal Lamb, was spread.
All He their dark Forefathers woidd afford,
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 29 1
With a plain saEad, and no pleasant bread.
When on the dusky type the twelve had fed,
With his own hands he deals his body for a dole,
So deals it to them all, that each receives the whole.
The following original * Hymn before Lent ' has been
borrowed and adapted, but neither acknowledged nor im-
proved, in modern collections.
Hallelujah to our King !
That's the song good angels love !
Hallelujah, sweetly sing
All the souls of saints above ;
There they sing, and singing, stay
In God's Coiu'ts an endless day.
In eternal hjinns of praise
Great Jerusalem on high
Tunefully her voice does raise,
All her sons in bliss reply ;
Thus they sing, but we must weep,
Exiles, whom the heathen keep.
Ah ! unworth}' we, unfit !
Hallelujah should not sing.
Guilty souls must intermit.
And no Hallelujahs bring.
Now the solemn time comes in,
To lament for every sin. '
O Bless'd Tluree One ! then let us pray,
And beg Thy mercy now we may.
Beg that we may observe one high
Perpetual Easter in the sky.
And to Thy praise the song may sing
Of Hallelujah to our King.^
Addison's hymns are too well-known to need quoting ;
but Samuel Wesley deserves mention, if for no other reason,
for his sheer industry in the department of sacred poetry.
* The noted poet, Mr. Wesley,' as Thoresby calls him,^ did
• See Poems upon Divine and Moral Subjects, original and translations,
by Bishop S. Patrick, and other eminent hands (1719).
^ Diary for September 10, 1724.
TJ 2
292 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
not reach a very high level. His heroic poem on the Life
of Christ, which gained him the living of Epworth, can
only be called a ' great work ' in point of size. Perhaps
the best of his numerous poetical performances is the
spirited translation of the Great Hallel appended to his
' Pious Communicant.' The following rendering of a part
of Psalm 116 is a fair sample : —
Yes, all those vows which in my straits
Unto the Lord I made ;
Shall now be at his Temple Gates
Before his People paid.
His Priests shall mix then- Hymns with mine
His goodness to record,
And aU Jerusalem shall joyn
With me to praise the Lord.
The following, from Psalm 118, is surely superior to either
the Old or the New Version : —
Blessed be he who'll Blessings bring,
Pardon and Grace from Heaven's high King.
We, who from his high Altar bless,
Will for his people ask success ;
He fi-om the confines of despair,
Has rais'd us to the Lightsome Air.
Let the crown'd victims haste away,
And thousands after thousands slay,
Wash the broad courts with sacred gore,
Till Bashan's Fields can send no more, &c.
Much of the rest of his sacred poetry rises to this level,
and it is a little too severe upon his literary work to say,
* he made ample amends for his bad poetry by his good
life.' '
William Piawlet published in 1687 ' Poetic Miscellanies,'
which are at any rate not contemptible. Witness the follow-
ing * Hymn on the Ascension Day : ' —
Art thou ascended, blessed Lord, on high ?
And do I on this earth still groveUing lye,
' Granger's Biographical Hiatory, vol. ill. p. 330.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 293
In miitldy, sensual, fading pleasures drown'd,
^^'hel•e pain and grief, liorrors and hell are found ?
O pity, dearest Lord, some pity take
On a i^oor, fainting soid, for thy Name's sake.
Help, Lord, Lord help, to Thee I lift mme eyes.
Stretch forth thy helping hand, and make me rise ;
O raise my sinking soid above the mud
And dirt of low delights, which flesh and blood
Belisli and crave ; let my exalted mind
Its pleasui'e in thy love and service find.
Keep my soul mindful of its heavenly birth,
That it may Heaven-ward tend, wean'd from this Earth.
By all my falls upon this slippery ground.
Grant that I nearer may to Heaven rebound,
And let all streams of comfort here below.
Up to the Foiintain lead me, whence they flow.
Dean Comber also sacrificed to the Muses. His best
piece, the ' Elegy on the Death of Mary, Queen of England,'
is most pathetic and striking, but it can hardly be ranked
among devotional poetry, ■ Susanna Hopton wrote at least
one hymn, which is so quaint and so little known that
it may be quoted in full.
Sweet Jesu, why, why dost Thou love
Such worthless things as we ?
Why is thy Heart still towards us,
Who seldom thinli on Thee ?
Thy Bounty gives us all we have,
And we thy gifts abuse,
Thy bounty gives us e'en thy Self,
And we thy Self refuse.
My soul, and why, why do we love
Such worthless things as these ?
These that withdraw us from the Lord,
And His pure eyes displease.
Break off, and be no more a child,
To run and sweat and cry ;
Wliile all this stir, this huge concern,
Is only for a Fly ;
Some silly Fly that's hard to catch.
And nothing when 'tis caught ;
Such are the Toys thou striv'st for here.
Not worth a serious thought.
294 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
Break off, and raise thy manly eye
Up to the joys above ;
Behold all those thy Lord prepares
To woo and crown thy love.
Alas ! dear Lord, I cannot love
Unless Thou draw my heart,
Thon, who thus kindly mak'st me hnoiu,
O make me do my part.
Still do thou love me, 0 my Lord,
That I may still love Thee,
Still make me love Thee, O my God,
That Thou may'st still love me.
Thus may my God, and my poor soul,
Still one another love.
Till I depart from this low world
T' enjoy my God above.
To Thee, Great God, &c. (Doxology).i
Dean Hickes inserted several hymns in the ' Devotions
in the ancient way of Offices ' noticed above, some of which
are good. John Mason's ' Songs of Praise ' (1683) were
deservedly most popular. Henry Vaughan wrote sacred
poetry of very great beauty, but it scarcely comes under
the head of ' devotional works.'
Other good Christians essayed to write sacred poetry,
which it would be cruel to their memory to quote. Sir
Eichard Blackmore had entered upon his career as the rival
of Milton in the domain of Christian epics before our
period closed ; Sir Matthew Hale poured forth his soul
every Christmas day in verse which speaks more for his
piety than for his poetry ; Henry More wrote pious verses,
which are, of course, like everything that emanated from
that refined mind, full of beautiful ideas ; but these would
have been better expressed in prose. In short, it is hard
to find any addition worth mentioning to the exceedingly
meagre list given above of the devotional literature pro-
duced in a metrical form. A low, or rather a false,
' Hymn aiDpended to The Sacrifice of a Devout Christian, or his Pre-
paration for, and Reception of, the Blessed Sacrament, at the end of the
Hexameron.
DEVOTIONAL AND PRACTICAL WORKS 295
standard of sacred poetry prevailed, a curious illustration of
which may be found in the fact that Tate and Brady's
version of the Psalms, much as it was criticised, never
seems to have been objected to on the ground that it was
deficient in poetical inspiration; on the contrary, it was
more than once objected to as being only too good. The
lack is all the more remarkable because the prose of the
period is full of the poetical spirit ; and also because the
preceding half- century was singularly rich in sacred poetry.
Whom can we place on a level, or anything near on a
level, with George Herbert, John Donne, Francis Quarles,
Eichard Crashaw, Abraham Cowley, Robert Herrick,' or
any of * that serried throng of poets militant who gave in
their allegiance to Laud, and became ornaments, and then
martyrs, of the High Church party,' 2— to say nothing of
the great Puritan poet who towered far above them all ?
Indeed, an apology would be needed for touching upon the
devotional poetry at all, were it not obviously necessary, in
common fairness, to point out the barrenness as well as
the fertility of the soil.
' I am aware, of course, that the three last survived the Restoration, but
their poetry, both in date and spirit, belongs to the earlier era distinctly.
2 E. W. Gosse, in a most interesting article on 'Richard Crashaw,' in
the Cornhill Magazine for April 1883, and since republished in his Seven-
teenth Century Studies. See also Professor Henry Morley's admirable
little selection of Cavalier and Puritan Song, ' The King and the Conamons,'
especially his Introduction.
296 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CHrECri AND SOCIAL LIFE.
In discussing the relation of the Church to social life, an
obviously important but exceedingly difficult question occurs
at the threshold of the inquiry. What was the social
position of the officers of the Church, — the clergy ?
The most contradictory answers have been given both
by contemporaries and by writers of our own day to the
question. Everybody knows Lord Macaulay's description
of the social position of the clergy in the latter part of the
seventeenth century ; and everybody ought to know that
the accuracy of that description has been much dis-
puted.' But is it possible to generalise at all about the
social position of a body of men drawn from such widely
different classes, and possessed of such widely different
talents, as the English clergy have always been ? Let any-
one attempt to make such a generalisation about the clergy
of our own day, concerning whom he has, presumably,
access to far more information than he can have concern-
ing the clergy of any past generation, and he will soon find
what a hopeless task he has set himself. But in dealing
with the case of the clergy of the period we are considering,
the difficulty is increased tenfold, not only by the distance
of time, but also by a combination of circumstances which
have now ceased to exert anything like the same influence
which they exerted then. The far greater prevalence of
' See Mr. Macaulay's Character of the Clergrj in the latter part of the
Seventeenth Century, &c., by Rev. Churchill Babington ; also Mr. Glad-
stone's Ileview of Trevelyan's Life of Macaulay (Gleanings, vol. ii.).
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL I IFE 297
pluralities vastly widened the gulf between different classes
of clergy, and that in a twofold way. It made the great
prizes of the Church better worth having, but on the other
hand, when two or three pieces of preferment were held by
one man, those left open were of course proportionately
fewer, and a vast number of clergy lived and died without
the slightest chance of rising above the rank of stipendiary
curates. Those who were taunted with the plebeian rank
of the clergy could retort, with perfect truth, by enumerat-
ing a whole host of patrician names. The Granvilles, the
Comptons, the Breretons, the Booths, the Montagues, the
Crewes, the Norths, the Bathursts, the Annesleys, the
Finches, the Grahams, the Femes, the Trelawneys, and
many other noble families, all had their representatives
among the clergy. ' In short,' writes Jeremy Collier most
truly, ' the Priesthood is the profession of a gentleman. . . .
The honour of the family continues, and the heraldry is
every jot as safe in the Church as 'twas in the State.' • So
also Wood speaks of Holy Orders as ' the readiest way
for preferment for the younger sons of noblemen.' ^ Very
probably ; but the selfsame reason which made the ministry
an eligible profession for these sprigs of nobility made it
an ineligible one for vast numbers of the clergy.
Again, the law of supply and demand will, of course,
always affect the social status of the clergy. The complaint
noii' is, that the demand exceeds the supply ; it then was,
that the supply exceeded the demand. Eachard affirms
that ' we are perfectly overstocked with professors of divinity,
there being scarce employment for half of those who under-
take that office ; ' ^ and his adversaries, who demurred to
' Short Vieiv of the Profaneness and Immorality of the English Stage,
p. 88. See also Zachary Cawdrey's Discourse of Patronage, published
1675. 'The nobility and gentry have dedicated some of their own sons to
the ministry.' Also Chamberlayne's AnglicB Notitice, Part I., p. 246, and
Part III., p. 249, where lists of patrician clergy are given.
•■^ AtliencB Oxonienses. Account of Bishop Compton.
s Grounds and Occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy etc., p. 105.
29S LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
almost all his statements, never attempted to deny this.
Tenison, when he was rector of S. Martin's in the Fields,
found * thirty or forty young men in Holy Orders in his
parish,' more or less at a loose end.' These superfluous
clergy found employments which have now all but dis-
appeared, and which, while they were exercised, tended to
increase the number of clergy of a lower grade. * Eeaders '
in parish churches are a thing of the past ; ' lecturers '
are now merged in incumbents or stipendiary curates ;
' governors ' of young men of quality are exchanged for
private tutors, who are not necessarily clergymen, or who,
if they are, generally combine parochial with their tutorial
work ; and finally, the domestic chaplain pure and simple,
except as an honorary officer, has well-nigh disappeared.
But the domestic chaplain was so conspicuous a feature
in the period we are dealing with, and exercised so much
influence on social life, that he must not be so summarily
dismissed. It has been customary to represent him as
having been little better than a menial servant. Everybody
knows the story in the 'Tatler' (No. 255) of the chaplain
who, instead of retiring when the sweetmeats came in,
' continued to sit out the last course, and was informed
the next morning by the butler that his lordship had no
farther occasion for his services ; ' and of the chaplain in
the ' Guardian ' (No. 163), who was bold enough ' to maintain
his post at the dessert, and every day to eat tart in the face
of his patron.' Oldham's lines are supposed to represent
the normal condition of the domestic chaplain :
Diet, an horse and thirty pomids a year
Besides th' advantage of his Lordship's ear.
The credit of the business, and the state
Are things that in a youngster's sense sound great.
Little the unexperienced wretch does know
What slavery he oft must undergo :
Who, though in silken scarf and cassock drest,
Wears but a gayer livery at best.
' See Evelyn's Diary for February 15, 168|.
THE CIIURCIT AND SOCIAL LIFE 299
"When dinner calls, the implement must wait,
With holy words to consecrate the meat,
But hold it for a favour seldom shewn
If he be deign'd the honoiu' to sit down.
Eachard places him still lower, implying that for 101. a year
he might be expected to do the work of a groom as well as of
a chaplain ; ' and an execrable doggrel of the period entitled
' The Chaplain's Petition to the Hon. House for Eedress of
grievances ' (1693), gives us, if possible, a still lower opinion
of the office. From these and such like sources Lord Macaulay
and others have drawn their familiar descriptions of the
domestic chaplain. Yet surely there is another side to the
picture. When we turn from satire to history, it is remark-
able to observe how many clergymen of the very highest
standing and character were at some period of their lives
domestic chaplains. Ken was chaplain to Lord Maynard,
Wilson (Sodor and Man) to the Earl of Derby, Sherlock of
W^inwick to Sir E. Bindlosse, Bray to Sir J. Price, Kettlewell
to the Countess of Bedford, Parsons to the Countess of
Eochester, Hough to the Duke of Ormond, Samuel Wesley to
the Marquis of Normanby, A body which numbered such
men as these among its ranks could not necessarily be con-
temptible. And why should they be ? Surely the domestic
chaplains had opportunities of doing good among the upper
classes which few other men possessed. And that they did
sometimes do good, the noble and courageous remonstrances
which Wilson and Sherlock made to their respective patrons
prove. When they combined the cure of the patron's
parish with their chaplain's duties, as Ken for example
did at Easton, there was no fear of their becoming idle.
Moreover, the office of domestic chaplain gave a chance,
even now much needed, to young men who had taken their
degrees at the University (which they did earlier than they
do now), to study divinity and perform quasi-clerical
' Grounds and Occasions for the Contein])t of the Clergy, p. 18.
300 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1 660-1 7 14
functions before they attained the canonical age for ordi-
nation, or when, for other reasons, they desired to put off
that all-important step.^ Chaplains also often instructed
the sons of the family, and hence gained an influence over
the young squire which lasted through life. In fact, for
many reasons, for the last more than all, it is by no means
an unmixed advantage that the office of chaplain has fallen
into disuse.
Of course the abuses of the office were very sad. It
was, for instance, an utterly unreasonable custom and one
fruitful of great abuses, that a man should be able to quahfy
for being a pluralist by becoming a nobleman's chaplain.^
And when chaplains were treated as satirists tell us they
were (and there is doubtless some truth in the accounts),
the result inevitably tended to degrade the clerical office.
But though it was a delicate post to fill, it might be, and
often was, filled with great advantage to social life. Let
anyone read Jeremy Collier's most admirable treatise on
' the Office of a Chaplain,' ^ or Barnabas Oley's answer to
Eachard, quoted above, or, if he prefer a layman's view,
Addison's description of Sir Eoger de Coverley's chaplain,
and he will see what noble work such a man might do.
In estimating the social position, both of chaplains and
of the clergy generally, one circumstance which has con-
stantly been overlooked ought to be carefully taken into
account. The difference in the external treatment of various
ranks was far more marked than it is at the present day.
The upper and the upper middle classes were then divided
from one another by a very distinct line of demarcation ;
and on the other hand the tradesman was far less distinctly
divided from the professional man than he is now. It was
no want of appreciation of his merit which caused Lord
' See some excellent remarks on this point, probably by Mr. Barnabas
Oley, in the Ansiver to Grounds and Occasions for the Contempt of the
Clergy, pp. 87-8.
'^ See a very painful instance of this in Pepys' Diary for May 29, 16G7.
' Published in Essays iipon Moral Subjects, by J. Collier.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 3OI
Ashburnham to set Locke to take his meals at a side table.
It was merely the custom of the day. There was nothing
remarkable in the fact that of the two brothers Barrow, one
should be a linen-draper and the other a bishop. Nor was
it regarded as a very extraordinary rise for the son of a
barber, like Jeremy Taylor, to reach the ej)iscopal bench.
When, therefore, we read of ' a shopkeeper or artisan ' being
hardly ready to change places with a clergyman,' or of the
disgust of a fussy alderman at a clergyman's wife ' by a
wilful mistake getting the upper hand of a shopkeeper's
wife, whose husband may, within a little time, be an alder-
man of the town,' ^ we must not suppose that such stories
imply as much social degradation of the clergy as they
would at the present day.
And least of all must we be misled by the travesties of
the clergy in the light literature of the day. Of all the
refutations of Lord Macaulay's famous description, none is
so damaging as his own explanation of the sources from
whence he derived his information. He did not, he says,
pay much attention to his censors, because no one was fit
to judge of such a question except those who had soaked
their minds with the transitory literature of the day. If
one who, in the course of business, certainly Jias gone
through that edifying process, may venture to give an
opinion, it is, that no one is more unfit than those who have
derived their impressions solely or even mainly from such
sources. Let us apply the test to our own times. Will any
competent person contend that Mr. Slope, Archdeacon
Grantley, Bishop Proudie, Mr. Charles Honeyman, Dr.
Crump, and Mr. Hugby are anything but caricatures'?
And yet Mr. TroUope and Mr. Thackeray are fairness itself
when compared with the Wycherleys, the Otways, and the
Congreves of the seventeenth century. Why, these latter
' See AfiglicB Notitia;, Part L, p. 242.
2 See^ Private Conference between a ridt, Alderman and a poor Country
Vicar, published 11370.
302 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
writers had the very best of reasons for decrying the clergy,
for, if they were right, the clergy's teaching was obviously
wrong.' But even supposing that the wading through the
filth of the Kestoration dramas was the best mode of en-
abling the mind to judge of so serious a subject, still sufficient
facts are not furnished from which to draw an induction.
For, after all, the allusions to the clergy are very slight and
sparse and vague. The ' Saygraces ' and the ' Crapes ' are
mere shadows ; you cannot draw any tangible conclusion
from their unsavoury characters.
It is, however, admitted that there is other evidence far
more satisfactory and conclusive of the ' contempt of the
clergy,' a phrase so incessantly repeated that it almost
becomes a stock phrase of the time. In fact contemporary
testimony is almost unanimous on the point. Complaints
come from the most opposite quarters. Burnet, the low
churchman, bewails ' the contempt the clergy are generally
fallen into.' ^ White Kennet, of the same school, declares
that ' the contempt of the clergy is the sin and shame of
this latter age.' ^ Defoe, the dissenter, affirms that ' the
ecclesiastical power has lost its credit.' * High churchmen
all take up the same sad tale. Atterbury laments that
' the clergy are made a by- word and a reproach,' and
frequently repeats the lament in different forms in his
sermons and charges.-^ Barnabas Oley, while demurring
' ' The contempt of religion is ofttimes both the cause and the effect of it
[contempt of the clergy]. It is not at all to be wondered at that those who
hate to be reformed should hate those whose duty and business it ought to
be to endeavour to reform them. Woe be to us if those who are enemies
to religion speak well of us ! ' — Stillingfleet's Ecclesiastical Cases (tc,
p. 176.
- A Discourse of the Pastoral Care, Preface, p. xxvi.
* Letter from Kennet to Stillingfleet (1698), in Collectanea Curiosa,
the Tanner MSS.
* Account of the Societies for Reformation of Manners (1699), p. 118.
* See especially his 'Fast Sermon at S. Paul's,' April 9, 1707, Sermons,
vol. ii. p. 129. Also his sermon before the Sons of the Clergy, Dec. 6, 1709
ii. 265.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 303
to most of the assertions of Eachard, fully admits that his
assertion that the clergy are contemned is too true.' Peter
Barwick complains bitterly of the ' contumely with which
even the best clergy are treated ; ' ^ Bramhall that it has
' become gentile and fashionable for every man who has
wit and pride enough, to despise a parson.' ^ Lancelot
Addison assumed it as a fact not to be disputed, and wrote
a treatise on * the reasons of the present contempt of the
clergy.' "* Stillingfieet (perhaps the highest living authority
on such a point), declares that 'the contempt of the clergy
is too notorious not to be observed.' ^ Dr. Bray grounds
his appeal for clerical libraries on ' the contempt of the
priestly office.' Henry Dodwell, as his biographer tells us,
' resented warmly contempt cast on clergymen.' Edward
Chamberlayne, himself a great respecter of the English
clergy, affirms that ' they are less respected generally than
any in Eurojic ; ' ^ and Dean Swift not only protested
against the contempt of the clergy,^ but did more than he
has been generally credited with towards removing it.
What were the grounds for this ' contempt of the
clergy?' Eachard specifies two, 'the ignorance of some,
and the poverty of others.' Let us take the latter point,
which was most frequently dwelt upon and certainly the
best established, first. In estimating what was a com-
petency for a clergyman, we are helped by the Eoyal Letter
issued to the Bishops, Deans, and Prebendaries in 1660,
bidding them ' take due care to provide sufficient mainte-
nance for Vicars, or for Curates where vicarages were not
' Answer to Grounds and Occasions dx., ut supra.
^ Vita Joannis Barwick, -p. 235.
•' Vindication <£-c. against Baxter (1672).
* The full title is : A modest Plea for the Clergy, rvherein is briefly con-
sidered the Original, Antiquity, and Necessity of that Calling ; together
toith gemiine and spurious Reasons of tJieir present Contempt.
' Bishop Stillingfleet's Ecclesiastical Cases relating to the Rights and
Duties of the Parochial Clergy (1G98), p. 176.
* AnglicE Notitite, Part I., p. 252.
' See Essay on the Fates of Clergymen, and ]\or'ks passim.
3o4 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
endowed, before granting new leases of rectories, &c.' The
amount specified as a sufficient maintenance is ' 100/.
or 801. per annum, or more if it will bear it.' ' AVhite
Kennet, nearly half a century later (1704), specifies the
same amount.'^ Multiplying this by four, to allow for the
altered value of money, we have from three to four hundred
a year, about the same as we should now judge a competent
average income for a beneficed clergyman.
Now let us see hoAV the case is reported to have stood.
Swift estimates the average income of a vicar at 401. a
year, declaring ' the maintenance of an Incumbent in most
parts of England ' to be * contemptibly smah.' ^ Henry
Wharton affirmed, at the beginning of the eighteenth cen-
tury, that ' in this nation are some benefices not exceeding
the value of 51. per annum, many hundreds not exceeding
20/., and some thousands not exceeding 30/. ; ' "* Bishop
Burnet, that ' some hundreds of parishes in England pay
not 10/. a year to their pastors, and perhaps some thousands
not 50/.' ^ If these statistics be correct, it is no wonder
that Chamberlayne wrote in 1684, ' at present the revenues
of the English clergy are generally very small and insuffi-
cient ; ' ^ Hickes in 1705, ' there are about ten thousand
parish priests, whereof at least two-thirds live meanly or
miserably ; ' ^ White Kennet in 1704, ' of nine thousand
benefices, near seven thousand are beneath a competency ; ' *
Glanvill in 1678, ' the livings in corporations are generally
fallen from what they were before our unhappy troubles a
third part at least in their value ; ' ^ Eachard in 1670, ' I'll
* See Case of Impropyiations dx. (White Kennet), p. 254.
- Id. p. 405. ^ On the Bill for Clerical Residence (Ireland).
* Defence of Pluralities, p. 185.
* History of the Reformation, I'art II., Preface.
« State of Britain, p. 269.
' Several Letters which passed between Dr. George Hickes aitd a Popish
Priest.
8 Case of Impropriations, p. 405.
" Letter to an M.P. on the present State of Ministers in Corporations and
great Towns, appended to his Essay concerning Preaching.
THE CHURCH and social lh'e 305
assure you that 201. or 301. a year is the portion of liundrecia
of the clergy of this nation ; ' ' B, Oley in his reply to
Eachard, ' I wish I could confute that part of your letter
Avhich concerns our poverty, but . . . there is too much truth in
it to be contradicted,' — and many other contemporary writers
to the same effect.- Most of what has been quoted relates
to the beneficed clergy, but when we turn to the unbeneficed,
from the stipendiary curate at 30Z. a year to the hack
chaplain at 10s. a month, the matter is certainly not
mended. It may be perfectly true that ' of the aggregate
national income the clerical order had, not a smaller, but
a larger share than now,' ^ but pluralities now abolished,
large livings now divided, bishoprics now greatly reduced
in value, and many other causes, make this statement quite
compatible with a vast amount of clerical poverty. This
ought not to have been a cause of contempt, for, as
Barnabas Oley finely says, ' an holy man in a poor living
is in a kingdom, if there be a kingdom of Heaven upon
earth, as I believe, I know there is ; ' but, as a matter of
fact, it is to be feared that Juvenal's dictum is true for all
ages and all classes :
Nil habet infelix Paupertas duriiis in se,
Quam quod ridiciilos homines facit.
Eachard's second point, the ignorance of the clergy, is
by no means so apparent. It is admitted on all hands that
the clergy in London and at the Universities were, as a
rule, men of great learning and literary industry ; and, as
Mr. Churchill Babington shews unanswerably, a vast amount
of excellent literary work came from country parsonages.
He specifies Beveridge, Patrick, Fullwood, Kettlewell,
' Contempt of the Clergy, p. 85.
- See, e.g., Dean Granville's Remains, Part II., p. 45 ; Dean Sherlock's
^Discourse of Heligious Assemblies, p. 173 ; A Dialogue between two Oxford
ScJwlars, in Works of Mr. Thomas Brown, i. 1-13.
' Mr. Gladstone : Eeview of Trevelyan's Life of Macaulay— Gleaning.^,
vol. ii.
306 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17:4
Towerson, Fuller, Puller, Sherlock of WinAvick, and John
Norris, as proofs of his assertion.' And many more might
be added. Thomas Comber wrote his treatise on the
Catechism in the country living of Stonegrave, and the first
part of his ' Companion to the Temple ' in the country
living of East Newton ; ^ Joseph Bingham ' completed in
his country retirement, besides several single volumes, his
" Origines EcclesiasticBe"; '^ Lancelot Addison wrote several
works, of repute in their day, in the country living of
Milston ; Simon Lowth wrote his admirable catechetical
treatise in the country living of Tylehurst ; Edward Pocock
continued his learned labours with greater zest than ever
after the Piestoration in the country living of Childrey ; John
Flamsteed prosecuted his invaluable astronomical researches
in the country living of Barstow ; George Bull wrote all his
immortal works in the country livings of Suddington and
Avening ; Edward Stillingfleet wrote his exhaustive ' Origines
Sacrae ' and several other works in the country living of
Sutton ; Samuel Wesley was most active in literary work in
the country living of Ep worth ; William Beeves made his
useful translatii)ns of Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and other
Fathers in the country living of Crawford.
Of course the mere fact of the literary industry of in-
dividual country clergy does not disprove the ignorance of
the general mass ; but there are other circumstances which
may lead us to doubt whether their ignorance was a fair
ground for contempt,
(1) We have general testimonies disproving the general
ignorance of the clergy. Eachard admits that ' the ordinary
sort of our English clergy do far excel in learning the com-
' Mr. Churchill Babington on Mr. Macaulaifs Cliaracter of the Clergy
in the latter part of the seventeenth Century. The fact that Beveridge and
Patrick were afterwards transferred to London cures does not, of course,
affect the fact that much of their literary work was done while they were
still country parsons.
"^ Memoirs of Dean Comber, p. 67.
^ Life of Bingham, prefixed to vol. i. of his Works in 9 vols., p. ix.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 307
mon priests of the Church of Eome.' ' Atterbury asserts
that ' for depth of learning, as well as other things, the
English clergy is not to be paralleled in the whole Christian
World.' ^ Burnet, who is by no means inclined to over-
estimate the clergy, admits ' the high reputation for learn- '
ing of which the clergy of this Church has been so long
possessed ; ' ^ and an anonymous opponent of Burnet points
to * the general character of the order as to parts and
learning, which ' he thinks ' was never better than at present '
(1713)."
(2) It is clear that, as a rule, a University degree was
always required before a man was admitted as a candidate
for Holy Orders ; ^ and though a degree might not imply
quite so much as it does in these days of examinations, it
did imply a certain amount of culture ; for the Universities
were in a better position then than they were in later
times when Gibbon, Gray, and others complained of their
inefficiency.
(3) Though it may seem inconsistent with what has
been said above to appeal to ' transitory literature ' as a
proof of anything, there is one kind which may at any rate
bear out the assumption that the clergy were not such
ignoramuses as to deserve the contempt of the nation. The
fugitive pamphlets on theological and ecclesiastical topics
were written to a very great extent by clergymen ; they are
' Observations upon Ansicer to Contempt of Clcrgij.
- Sermon before Sons of Clergy, vol. ii. p. 269 of Sermons.
^ See his Introduction to FoiLr Discourses delivered to the Clergy of
Saruni, 1694, p. x.
■• The Clergy and present Ministry defended— a Letter to the Bishop of
Sarum, occasioned his new Preface to the Pastoral Care.
^ Bishop Turner publicly announced to the clergy of the diocese of Ely
in 1686, ' I will ordain none who hath not taken some degree in one of the
Universities of these realms, except by faculty from the Archbishop.'
{Letter before his Visitation.) Wharton plainly assumes the necessity of
a University degree for Ordination. (Defence of Pluralities, p. 187.) See
also CardweU's Documentary Annah, ii. p. 304, and Mr. Churchill Babington's
criticism on Macaulay (ul bupra) p. 92.
o
08 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
very numerous, and in point of literary merit, they will
certainly bear comparison with a similar class of literature
in the present day.
(4) The education of the upper classes was almost ex-
clusively in the hands of the clergy, who must therefore
be credited with the training of the refined writers of the
Augustan period of English literature.
It sounds like a paradox to assert that contempt for the
clergy arose partly from their poverty, but partly also from
their prosperity. There is, however, no doubt that such was
the case. Owing to the very unequal distribution of Church
revenues, both grounds for contempt or dislike existed.
' The envy and malignity,' writes Wharton, ' wherewith al-
most all sorts of men look upon the possessions of the clergy
is unaccountable.' ^ Oley specifies ' envie and the affecta-
tion of gallantrie ' as two occasions of contempt of which
Eachard took no notice.- Pepys' strictures on the clergy
clearly imply the same spirit.^ Nor is it to be wondered at.
The sudden change from adversity to outward prosperity
was sure to provoke such a feeling. And perhaps there
was some ground for it in the demeanour, especially of
some of the younger divines, who could not carry corn.
Swift, staunch defender of his order though he was,
complains of ' the pert, pragmatical demeanour of
several young stagers in divinity upon their first pro-
ducing themselves into the world.' " Stillingfleet writes in
1676, ' I have lately been much in the country, where I
have heard sad complaints of some disorderly clergymen.
... I heartily wish our bishops would not admit such raw
persons to live on the Church.' ' People,' he adds, ' are
' Dpfcnce of Pluralities, p. 181.
2 A friendly Prosopopceia to the Autlior of Grounds and Occasions of
the Contempt of the Clergie, in Oley's Preface (1675) to Herbert's Coimtnj
Parson.
=* See Diary for November 0, IfifiS, andpassun.
♦ Argument against abolishing Christianity, vol. viii. p- S5, of Scott's
edition of Swift's Works.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL lAVE 309
ready to believe anything against the clergy they do not
love.' ' And many other testimonies might be given. -^
And finally, the immorality and scepticism of the Ee-
storation period naturally tended to make those whose very
profession was a tacit rebuke to both, objects of contempt.
Stillingfleet preached a most powerful and courageous
sermon ^ on the subject in 1666 before the king, who sorely
needed such plain speaking, which has already been quoted.
'Drolling on serious things,' writes Scott in his 'Christian
Life ' (ii. p. 99), ' is a humour of the age.' Hobbism was
partly the cause, partly the effect of this scoffing spirit.
' Hobbes was,' in the language of one of the most thoughful
of our modern historians, ' one of the greatest opponents of
hierarchical influences in the State who has ever existed.' *
The stage both reflected and kept alive the hostility to the
clergy.
But notwithstanding all this, the clergy beyond doubt
exercised a considerable influence on the social life of the
period. Their circumstances during the Eebellion had
forced them into positions in which they were able to
learn more of the real mind of the laity than clergymen in
ordinary times can do. Many had actually engaged in
lay professions. Some, like Dr. Bathurst, had practised
medicine,-^ nor was it at all unusual to combine the clerical
and medical professions after the Eestoration.'^ The bishop
of the diocese had, in fact, the power of granting licenses
to the clergy to practise medicine. A frequent question in
' ' Letter to the Bishop of ' in Stillingfleet's Miscellaneous Discourses.
• See, inter alia, Answer to Grounds and Occasions of Contempt of the
Clergy (1671), p. 42, and Evelyn's Diary for May 20, 1681.
=• Sermon II. of Twelve Sermons by Bislwp Stillingfleet, published 16'JG.
Text : ' Fools make a mock at sin.'
^ Leopold von Ranke : History of England, princi'paUy in tlie seven-
teenth Century, iii. p. 573.
* See Life and Literary Bcviains of Ralph Bathurst, Dean of Wells dc,
passim.
" See e.g. Diary of Rev. John Ward, Vicar of Stratford-upon-Avon,
arranged by C. Severn, '^l.I>.,passivi, and especially the Lite prefixed, p. 12.
310 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
the Articles of Visitation of the period is, ' Are there any
[clergy or laity] who practise Physic, Chirurgery, or Mid-
wifery without license of the Ordinary ? ' '
Many had seen active military service. Dolben had
entered as a volunteer into the royal army and had risen
by his merits to the rank of major. ^ Compton had been a
cornet in the Koyal Horse Guards,^ and ' is said to have been
in the field at Edge-Hill fight in his cradle, and to have
trailed a pike in Flanders under the Duke of York ; ' ■• Thomas
Marshall, Eector of Lincoln College, had borne arms for the
king at Oxford ; ■' Bishop Lake had also ' accepted a com-
mission in the army of Charles L, and acquired military
reputation in defence of Basing House and Wallingford
Castle ; ' *^ Allestree ' thought it no disgrace to carry a musket
and perform all the duties of a common soldier, till the
end of the war ; ' " Mew, Bishop of Winchester, had been a
soldier for Charles I. in 1642, and afterwards in Scotland
for his son ; had fought under the Duke of York in Flanders,
and had so far retained his military instincts after he had
received the mitre, as to engage at Sedgmoor in the thickest
of the fight. ^
Nor was the legal profession one to which the clergy
were entire strangers. Bishop Seth Ward, ' for his great
skill in the Civil Law and laws of the land was designed by
King Charles IL to be Keeper of the Great Seal ; ' ^ and
Bishop Eobinson of Bristol actually was made Lord Privy
Seal. Bishop Stillingfleet was on all sides confessed to
' See, i7iter alia. Articles at the BishoiD of Chichester's (Patrick's) Visi-
tation, 1C90.
- Granger's Biographical History of England, iii. p. 24G.
=< Birch's Life of Tilloison, p. 185.
" E. Calamy's Account of his Own Life, ii. p. 40.
* Wood's Athena Oxonienses, iv. p. 170.
6 Bowles' Life of Ken, ii. p. 148. ' Fell's Life of Allestree, p. G.
« Life of Ken, by a Layman, i. p. 251.
5 See a curious Essay on the great Affinity of the two Professions of Law
and Divinity, dx. dsc—a Letter from a Clergyman to a Lawyer; published
about 1714.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LH-E 3II
be as good a lawyer as a divine. ' It does not at all mis-
become the clergy,' says the writer of the curious essay quoted
above, — a high churchman, — * to study, and be acquainted
with the common law.'
The extremely active part which tlie clergy took, — and
were expected to take, — in politics, however undesirable
we may think it, unquestionably tended to give them
influence over the social life of the day. In the general
election of 1690 we are told that in some places the parish-
ioners appeared, with their clergyman at their head, to vote
unanimously for the Episcoj)alian candidates, who were
generally successful, and that in London ' the Presbyterian
or sectarian candidates failed ' mainly owing to the influence
of Bishop Compton.' Dr. Granville proposed to tell his
people how to vote in church.'^
Another circumstance which brought the clergy into
close relation with social life was the thorough harmony of
the spirit of the Church's teaching with the popular feel-
ing on the subject of amusements. Nothing had served
more to disgust the majority of Englishmen with the
Puritans than their discountenance of those recreations
which had made England ' merrie England.' The Church
had always been a friend to innocent recreation, and the
experience of twelve years of Puritan rule naturally tended
to emphasise her teaching on this point. One of her
greatest preachers thoroughly represented her spirit when
he said, ' Christianity is not so tetrical, so harsh, so envious
as to bar us from innocent pleasure.'^ Those who wrote
against the selfish, frivolous, and pleasure-loving spirit of
the time are most careful to guard against the supposition
that they disallowed amusements, — even some which would
now be regarded as questionable. No one, e.g., will accuse
' History of England, principally in the seventeenth Century, L. von
Kanke, v. p. 90.
'^ See Granville's Remains, Part I., pp. 196-7.
° Isaac Barrow — Sermon Against Foolish Talking and Jesting.
312 LIFE TN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660^1714
the pious Eobert Nelson of being over-lax, either in his
principles or his practice ; and yet, under certain restric-
tions, he admits the lawfulness of gambling.' Mary Astell,
though she was accused of encouraging asceticism in her
proposed Protestant Nunnery, declares that her institution
would ' not only permit but recommend harmless and
ingenious diversions, particularly such as might refresh the
body without enervating the mind.' Dr. Wells, in his
stirring appeal to rich idlers to divert some of the money
they spent upon their pleasures to the building of churches,
is careful to add, ' I desire the reader well to observe that
I do by no means go about to affirm that a gentleman
ought not to please himself at all with horse-racing or
hunting &c. They are all very innocent and allowable,
when used with due moderation.' ^ Dean Granville, in
drawing up the most strict and even austere rules for his
household, allows ' playing at cards between All-Hallow
Day and Candlemas.' ^ John Scott, who certainly took a
very high standard of Christian duty in his ' Christian
Life,' admits that * we are not obliged to be so industrious
in our calling as to deny ourselves any moderate refresh-
ments or recreations, which are not onl_y useful, but some-
times necessary to breath our spirits after they have been
almost stifled in a cloud of business, and divert our w^earied
thoughts, which, like the strings of a lute, by being slack-
ened now and then, will sound the sweeter when they are
wound up again.' "* Whether right or wrong, there was
certainly a general opinion that the Puritan objection to
amusement was founded on other grounds besides those of
Christian duty — an opinion which found a vivid expression
in the mock controversy on bear-baiting in ' Hudibras ' (Part
II., Canto I.).
' See Preface to the Practice of True Devotion.
" The Rich Man's Duty to contribute liberaUy to the Building dc. of
Churches, p. 14-4.
^ Remains, Part II., p. 153. ^ Christian Life, i. p. 279.
THE CITURCII AND SOCIAL LIFE 313
The part which the clergy themselves might lawfully take
in the amusements they did not condemn was a point on
which opinions differed. Some even of the higher clergy felt
no scruple about joining heartily in recreations which would
now be generally considered unclerieal. Bishop Juxon, wdio
was universally respected, not only much delighted in hunt-
ing, but 'kept a pack of hounds, and had them so well ordered
and hunted, chiefly by his own skill and direction, that they
exceeded all other hounds in England for the pleasure and
orderly hunting of them.' ' Bishop Seth Ward's partiality
to the same amusement is described in a most lively fashion
by his biographer. ' Sometimes we by chance chopt upon
the dogs, and sometimes by my contrivance, knowing where-
abouts they intended to hunt, but however and whensoever it
happened, the bishop would ride a ring or two very briskly,
but when it came to picking work, or cold hunting, he would
leave them and proceed in his Promenade ; but first I was
sent to invite all the gentlemen to dine with him, whether
he knew them or not ; and this not once only, Init toties
quoties, as long as his health permitted.' ^ But the great
Stillingfleet thought differently. There is a most interesting
pamphlet by Josiah Frampton, expressing Stillingfleet's
views on clerical amusements, which, as it is little known,
and as the opinions of such a man as Stillingfleet on any
subject are valuable, is worth quoting at some length. In
1686, Stillingfleet, then Dean of S. Paul's, was staying at a
country house at which Frampton, then a young curate, was
also a visitor. ' We were sitting one day,' writes Frampton,
* together after dinner, and the dean began to rally me a
little on my attachment to countr}' diversions, on which he
knew I had a weak side. I had Ijrought him two young
' Wliitelocke's Memorials, p. 24, quoted in Marsh's Memoirs of Arch-
bislwp Juxon and his Times. See also Dean Hook's Lives of the Arch-
bishops of Canterbury, ' William Juxon,' vol. vi. p. 421 ; also Lord Campbell's
Lives of the Lord Oiancellors, iv. p. 7, note. Juxon's hunting days were over
before the Restoration, but he clearly represented the mind of that period.
' Life of Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury, by Dr. Walter Pope, p. 74.
314 I-IFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
partridges that day for bis dinner, and he began by express-
ing his obHgation to me for my attention to him, and then
asked me some questions ^Yhich led me to give him an
account of my day's exploits. I did not see his drift, and,
in the spirit of a sportsman, told him that the late rainy
season had made game very scarce, that the two covies from
which I had shot the brace I had brought to him were the
only birds I had seen the whole day though I had been out
from five in the morning till twelve noon, and had walked
upwards of fifteen miles. ' Well,' said the dean, with an
affected gravity of countenance, ' I only wished to know the
extent of my obligation to you ; and I find your philan-
thropy has done more for me in giving me seven hours of
your time than I could have done (even were I able to walk
as you can) for any man in Christendom I have
often thought that the clergy have rather impaired the re-
spectability of their character by mixing too much with the
amusements of lajaiien. They not only get into a trifling
way of spending their time, but by making themselves cheap
they diminish the weight of their instructions.' After dwell-
ing on this point, the dean thus limits clerical amusement :
' It should intend the exercise of the body and the recreation
of the mind, and should be suited to the genius of the pro-
fession.' By these limits, ' riotous and cruel amusements are
excluded, and among these I give the first rank to hunting,
which is both, and the next to shooting. To sj^eak plainly,
I cordially allow no amusement to a clergyman that has
anything to do with shedding blood.' He is then asked
about fishing. ' I am afraid,' replied tlie dean, ' I shall be
thought too rigid if I abridge a clergyman of this amusement.
Only I absolutely enjoin him not to impale worms on his
hook, but to fish either with an artificial fly or a dead bait ;
if he like fishing with a net I approve it more, but still I
cannot bring myself to recommend any amusement to him
which arises from destroying life.' Cock-fighting and horse-
racing he absolutely taboos. He does not object to card-
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL lAVE 315
playing in itself, but fears * the lust of it is so great that a
clergyman should dread to sanction what has certainl}^ so
bad an effect on the manners of the people.' He is next
asked about the playhouse. ' What a noble institution,'
said the dean, ' have we here ! I know of nothing that is
better calculated for moral instruction, nothing that holds
the glass more forcibly to the follies and vices of mankind.
I would have it go hand-in-hand with the puli)it. I should
encourage comedy more than traged}^ inasmuch as I should
have more hope of curing such vices and follies as require the
lash than such as require the gibbet. In my Utopia I mean
to establish two theatres, one for the higher, the other for
the lower orders of the community. But the drama of the
present age has nothing less in its ^ iew than good morals ;
and clergy cannot well, I think, be innocent spectators
as the stage is now managed.' The curate then asks him
about ' Dancing Assemblies and cheerful meetings of other
kinds.' ' As they are at present managed,' said the dean,
' so far as I am acquainted with them, I should hardly allow
a clergyman to attend any of them. Put them under my
regulations and he may attend them all. Summon an as-
sembly when you please, at some private house. Public
houses always lead to promiscuous company and intem-
perance. Let the meeting consist of well-educated and well-
disposed young people of both sexes, and when the music
strikes up and the dance begins, send for me, and I will
hobble away as fast as my gouty feet will allow, and if I may
be permitted quietly to occupy a corner of the room in an
elbow chair, I shall enjoy the scene as much as any of you.
To see youth and innocence made happy amidst such amuse-
ments as are suitable to them alwaj^s gives a new joy to my
philanthropy ; which is as suddenly injured when I see
them entangled in pleasures which I cannot but look upon
as secret snares for their innocence.' Eiding he strongly re-
commends. * The very trot of a horse is friendly to thought.
It beats time as it were to a mind engaged in deep specula-
3l6 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
tioii.' Carpentering and turning are also advised, and then
follows a remark which should gladden the heart of clerical
tennis-players, as it stamps b}' anticipation this favourite
recreation with the approval of one of our greatest divines.
' Curate : I am afraid, sir, you will laugh at me for being fond
of shuttlecock. Dean: Laugh at you ! Mo! I respect the
man who invented shuttlecock.' '
The Sunday question was another matter on which the
teaching of the Church harmonised with popular feeling.
There was a very marked difference between the stand-
points of churchmen before and after the Eebellion. No
attempt was made after the Eestoration to reintroduce the
Book of Sports ; and such books as Heyhn's 'History of the
Sabbath,' or Bishop White of Ely's ' Treatise of the Sabbath
Day,' Dr. Prideaux's (Eegius Professor of Divinit}^ at Oxford)
' Doctrine of the Sabbath,' Dr. Sanderson's ' Case of the Sab-
bath ' in his ' Cases of Conscience,' were succeeded by works
which were certainly written from a very different point of
view. Not that Sabbatarianism pure and simple was advo-
cated in any of them. They all admitted that the Christian
Lord's da}^ was a different thing altogether from the Jewish
Sabbath. Worship, not rest, was the key-note of their
teaching ; but for worship rest was needed, and therefore
thc}^ pleaded for rest on the weekly Christian festival,
rightly associating it (though putting it on a higher level)
with other Christian Holy-days. This is the line taken by
Jeremy Taylor : ' The Jews had a divine commandment for
their day, which we have not for ours ; but we have many
commandments to do all that honour to God which was
intended in the fourth Commandment, and the Apostles
appointed the first day of the week for doing it in solemn
assemblies The Gospel Sabbath or rest is but a
circumstance and accessory to the principal and spiritual
' On the AmiiscDients of Clergymen and Christians in general. Three
Dialogues betireen a Dean and a Curate. From the MSS. of Dr. Josiah
Frampton, bonglit by Dr. Edwards.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 317
duties.' ' To the same effect, John Scott : ' As for the
Lord's Day, it is instituted, and ever since the Apostles'
time hath heen observed in the Christian Church as a day
of pubhc worship and weekly thanksgiving for Our Saviour's
Eesurrection. And certainly it must needs be of vast ad-
vantage to be one day in seven sequestered from the world
and employed in divine offices.' ^ So, Bishop Stillingfleet
charges his clergy in 1698 : ' The religious observation of
the Lord's Day is no novelty started by some late sects
and parties among us, but hath been the general sense of
the best part of the Christian world, and is particularly en-
forced upon us of the Church of England, not only by the
Homilies but by the most ancient ecclesiastical law among
us.' ^ Dean Comber in reply to a clergyman who had con-
sulted him in 1673, gives four sensible ' reasons for observing
the Lord's day, though no Sabbath.' * Great stress was
laid upon the interpretation of the fourth Commandment in
the Church Catechism, * and serve him truly all the days of
my life.'' Thus Hammond, who, though he wrote a little
before the Eestoration, closely represents the post-Eestora-
tion teaching, interpreted the Sabbath rest as ceasing the
whole life from sin, and devoting one day in the week to
worship.-^ Bishop Sparrow, while carefully distinguishing
between the Sabbath and the Lord's day, maintains that
there was at least an analogy between the two days, though
he rightly lays stress upon the festival character of the
latter day, and treats of it in close connection with other
Christian festivals. **
Without entering into any controversy with one another
on the point, different divines clearly held different opinions
about the lawfulness, or rather the expediency, of any
recreations on the Lord's day, though all agreed that they
' Holy Living. Wortis, vol. iv. pp. 214-5. ^ Christian Life, i. p. 293.
^ Ecclesiastical Cases dc, p. 197.
^ See Memoirs of Dean Comber, p. 70.
^ Practical Catechism, p. 186.
' A Batio)ialc upon the Book of Common Prayer, p. 07.
31 8 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
were absolutely unlawful during the hours of divme service.
Beveridge, at least in his early years, maintained that the
Lord's day was profaned by any recreation ; ' Lancelot
Addison teaches his catechumen to say, ' The fourth Com-
mandment requires me to keep holy all such days which are
separated from a common to a religious use. On the Lord's
Day I have been taught that I am forbidden all worldly
undertakings and employments, vain sports and recreations,
and all actions but those of piety, mercy, necessity, and
decency.' ^ Dean Hickes protests against the ' profaners of
the Lord's Day, which is set aside for public worship,' and
does not limit the profanation to the times of worship.^ One
of Bishop Hacket's questions in his Articles of Visitation in
1668 is, ' Do they engage in bodily labours on Sundays and
Holy days ? ' without any mention of the hours of divine
service. Bishop Atterl)ury recounts with evident approval,
that Lady Cutis made the whole of the Lord's day a day of
rest."
On the other hand, we have the great name of Bramhall
strongly, almost indignantly, on the side of those who per-
mitted Sunday recreations,-** though he insists upon aposto-
lical, if not divine, authority for the observance of the Lord's
day.'' Two other great names, those of Thorndike and
' Private Thoughts (vol. viii. of Works, in Library of Anglo-Catliolic
Theology), Part I., p. 35(3.
- The Christian's Manual, p. 33.
3 Posthumous Discourses by Dean G. Hickes, published by N. Spinckes,
p. 341.
^ Atterbury's Sermons, vol. i. p. 210. Sermon VL, on the Death of Lady
Cutts.
■■• ' If Mr. Baxter think that no recreations of the body at all are lawful,
or may be permitted on the Lord's Day, he may call himself a catholic if
he please, but he will find very few churches of any communion whatsoever,
old or new, reformed or unreformed, to bear him company. No, no, even
among the churches of his own communion, &c.' (Bishop Bramhall's
Vindication, &c.' (1672), p. 155.)
«* ' What was the authority by which this change from the seventh day
to the first was made? If not by our Lord's authority, at least by that of
the Apostles. It is undeniable the Lord's Day is an apostolical tradition.'
(See Dr. Hessey's Bampton Lcdurcs., 1860, Sunday, Lecture I., p. 11.)
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 319
Cosin, are on the same side, both also basmg the authority
of Lord's day observance on apostolical custom. Simon
Lowth only stipulates that there shall be no secular work
' at the appointed times of God's service.' ' Dr. Edward Lake
advised his spiritual protegee, the Princess of Orange, to
abstain from card-playing on Sunday, but ' I told her,' he
adds, ' I could not say 'twas a sin to do so, but 'twas not
expedient, for fear of giving offence.' - In fact, it was as a
matter of expediency, not as a matter of principle, tliat most
of the Anglican divines, whether pre-Eestoration or post-
Eestoration, regarded this vexed question ; they agreed on
some sort of observance of the Lord's day ; they agreed in
thinking that the day was utterly different from the
Jewish Sabbath. But they naturally gave prominence to
one or other side of the Church's teaching, according to
the circumstances by which they were surrounded. When
Puritanism was in the ascendant, they protested against
Sabbatarianism ; when the reaction set in, and the Court
and its purlieus set the bad example of Sunday desecration, of
which the ghastly account of Charles, II.'s last Sunday on
earth gives so terrible a picture, they dwelt rather on the
positive side of the Church's teaching on the subject.
And Puritans themselves, or at any rate nonconformists,
modified their utterances on the Sunday question. Dr.
Watts takes exactly the same line as the Anglican divines ; ^
while Chillingworth actually found some difficulty in con-
forming because the ante-Communion service implied that
* the fourth Commandment was a law of God binding upon
Christians.' *
The most striking contrast between the earlier and later
Stuart periods in regard to Sunday is to be found, not in
' Catechetical QiLcstions, 1673.
« Diary of Dr. Ed. Lake (1677-8), p. 22.
3 See youthey's Memoirs of Dr. Watts, prefixed to the Lyric Poems.
On the Sabbath, p. xxxv.
■' See Dr. Tulloch's Batlonal Theology, i. p. 285,
320 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
the writings of divines, but in royal and parliamentary
utterances. James I. insisted on manly exercises on the
Sunday, among other reasons, ' lest the youth should
grow up unfit for warriors.' ' Charles I. reissued his
father's Book of Sports, ' out of pious care for the service
of God,' &c.- But Charles II. had hardly been three years
upon the throne when a Bill passed both Houses of Parlia-
ment ' for the better observance of the Sabbath,' but was
mysteriously missing when it should have received the
royal assent.^ Pepys tells us, on September 14, 1662, that
' the Bishop of London had given a very strict order
against boats going on Sundays,' and on September 20,
1663, that a proclamation had been read against Sunday
travelling. In 1690 Queen Mary ' forbade all hackney
carriages and horses to work on Sundays, and had con-
stables stationed at the corners of the streets to capture all
puddings on tlieir way to bakers' ovens on Sundays,'^ but
this was outrunning public opinion, and an embryo riot
caused the law to be immediately suspended. In 1677
a parliamentary statute prohibited all travelling and trading
on the Lord's day, and all through the latter part of our
period, magistrates, goaded on by the Societies for the
Eeformation of Manners, were very active in putting down
Sunday desecration.-^ As in many other cases, our divines
were more liberal than their lay brethren. The general
position taken up by them was more tenable than that
either of the Puritans or their antagonists in the early part
' See Hook's Lives of ArcJibisJiops of Cantevhury : Laud. Vol. xi. p. 40.
- Collier's Ecclesiastical History, viii. p. 77.
' History of England cant i)ii(ed from Sir James Mackintosh's (Cabinet
Cyclopfedia), vii. p. 31.
•■ Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England: Mary II. Vol. vi.
p. 33.
■^ See Disney's Essay apon the execution of tJie Latvs against Immorality
and Profaneness. ' Seldom,' writes an anonymous pamphleteer in 1711,
' has greater vigilance been used by the civil magistrate to secure a reli-
gious observance of the Lord's Day.' {The Nation vindicated from the
Aspersions cast upon it in Bcprescntation of the present State of Bcligion.)
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 32 1
of the seventeenth century. They steered clear of the
Scylla of confounding the Lord's day with the Sabhath,
and of the Charyhdis of making too light of the sacred
character of the weekly Christian festival.
The connection between the clergy and the Royal Society
was another point in which the Church very decidedly
affected one section at least of the social life of the period.
Different writers differ a little as to the origin of this great
institution," but all are agreed about this, that distinguished
churchmen, lay and clerical, were among its earliest sup-
porters and brightest ornaments ; the names of the two
Wrens (Matthew and Christopher), John Wilkins, Seth Ward,
Eobert Boyle, Ealph Bathurst, Thomas Willis, John Pearson,
Joseph Glanvill, and Wallis, need only be mentioned to shew
this. Indeed, Eachard's opponent did not exaggerate when
he affirmed that * a great part of the discoveries of the
Society up to that time (1671) were owing to ecclesiastical
persons.'
It is true that there was also some opposition on the
part of some churchmen to the new institution. One is
sorry to know that the great name of Eobert South must
be counted among its opponents ; he ridiculed it in that
very character in which he ought to have been its pane-
gyrist, viz. as Public Orator of the great University where
the Society had been nourished in its infancy, if not actually
born. 3 The author of ' Hudibras ' also, who in his way was
' Bishop Sprat {History of the Royal Society, 1667) traces its rise to
' some space after the end of the Civil War at Oxford, in Dr. Wilkins his
Lodgings in Wadham College.' Dr. Birch thinks ' we may go still farther
back for the origin, on the authority of Dr. Wallis, one of its earliest and
most considerable members. About 1045, several worthy persons residing in
London met weekly,' &c. (See Diary and Correspondence of Dr. J. Worthing-
toH, p. 2-46, note. Also Von Eanke's History of England dc, iii. p. 582, Weld's
History of the Royal Society (1848), i. p. 3G.) Professor Craik is no doubt
correct in saying there were two Societies, one at Oxford, one, earlier still, in
London, during the Commonwealth. The Charter for the Eoyal Society
proper was given in 1672. (See Craik's Compendious History of English
Literature, ii. p. 158 A-c.)
' See South's Latin Oration at the opening of the Shcldonian Theatre,
Y
32 2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
a very strong churchman, reserved some of his shafts of
ridicule for the new Society, and the most vehement and
extravagant of all its opponents, Henry Stubbs, a Bath
physician, grounded his opposition partly on the absurd
assumption that the Society * intended to destroy the estab-
lished religion, and introduce Popery in its stead.' ^ But
these were exceptional cases. The preponderance of Church
opinion was certainly on the side of the rector of Bath, Mr.
Glanvill, who demurred to the dismal anticipations of his
parishione]', and agreed with the thesis of Eobert Boyle's
' Christian Virtuoso,' shewing ' that by being addicted to ex-
perimental philosophy, a man is rather assisted than indis-
posed to be a good Christian.' In short, the Church was
abreast if not ahead of popular opinion in regard to natural
science.
The same cause which rendered it difficult to appraise
the social position of the clergy, renders it also difficult to
determine the extent to which they mixed in social life.
The vast gap which divided different classes of clergy pro-
bably accounts for the fact that we have complaints of a
diametrically opposite character on this point. On the one
hand, e.g., Granville complains in his Visitation Charge,
1G75, that * clergy make themselves too cheap and con-
temptible by mean conversation at feasts &c., without doing
or receiving spiritual advantage, by handling the plough
and spade more than the Bible, by frequenting markets
and fairs, horse-races and hunting ; ' ^ and an anonymous
writer in 1714 thinks ' it is a thing altogether undecent to see .
so many preachers of the Gospel haunting and crowding the
Parliament Lobbies and Ante-chambers of Lay Assemblies,
whispering here and buzzing there, and as busie as bees.' ^
July 9, 1669, of the members of the Eoyal Society he says ' Miraiitur nihil
nisi pulices pedicnlosos— et se ipsos.'
' See Birch's Life of Robert Boyle, p. 189 &c.
^ Remains, Part II., p. 20.
' A Letter from one Clergyman to another concerning Ministers inter-
mcddluig witli State affairs.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE
O^O
On the other hand Swift ' cannot but think that through a
mistaken notion and practice, the clergy prevent themselves
from doing much service which otherwise might lie in
their power, to religion and virtue, by affecting so much
to converse with each other, and caring so little to mingle
with the laity. They have,' he says, ' their particular clubs
and particular coffee-houses, where they generally appear
in clusters ; a single divine dares hardly shew his person
among numbers of fine gentlemen, or if he falls into such
company is silent and suspicious, in continual apprehension
that some pert man of pleasure should break an unmannerly
jest and render him ridiculous.' ' To the same effect one
of Burnet's opponents writes : ' The clergy would be better
qualified for their office if they were more acquainted with
the laity and with secular affairs. It is their herding together
and not conversing enough with the world, that makes
many of them often judge and act so oddly as they do.
"Where should the Physician be but with the sick?' &c.^
These absurdly contradictory indictments may easily be
reconciled by supposing that the writers were thinking of very
different classes of clergy.
One circumstance which would draw attention alike to
the banding together of clerical cliques and the mixing of
clergy in unclerical assemblies, was the fact that clergymen
were wont to wear in public the canonical habit ; that is,
the habit prescribed by the 74th Canon. It was of course
disused during the Eebellion, but resumed at once on the
Eestoration, and though at first, as Bramhall complains,
' those who wore canonical habits and walked in cassocks
and girdles, were taken for pensioners to his Holiness,' ^
the prejudice soon wore off; laxity, not Protestantism, was
' Project for the Advancement of Religion and Ucformation of Manners.
- An Impartial Examination of BisJiop Burnet's History of his Oion
Times, by Mr. Salmon, ii. p. 733.
^ Vindication of himself and the Episcopal Clergy from Presbyterian
charge of Popery by Baxter dc. (1672). Preface.
y 2
324 LIFE IX THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
the cause why the dress was sometimes abandoned. Gran-
ville mentions as a proof of the seciilarity of some of the
clergy, that they were ' scarcely distinguished from the
laity so much as by their habit.' ^ Stillingfleet thinks
'it argues lightness for a clergyman to wear a lay habit,'
and wishes * he could be obliged to wear a short cassock
under his coat.' The canonical dress was clearly the
rule. Among some visitation inquiries in 1678, are :
' Doth your parson wear such apparel as is prescribed by
the Canon, that is, a gown with a standing collar, and
wide sleeves strait at the hands, and a square cap ? or
doth he go at any time abroad in his doublet and hose ?
or doth he use to wear any light-coloured stockings ? in
his journeyings, doth he usually wear a cloak with sleeves,
commonly called the priest's cloak ? ' &c. Eachard com-
plains of ' the young spark tossing his head at a clergyman
because he is obliged to wear the same canonical habit.' ^
The custom naturally lingered on longer and was more
rigorously observed in London than in the country. Thus,
while Trimmell, Bishop of Norwich, declared in 1710 that
' the habit particularly recommended by the Canon was out
of use,' ^ Swift, writing about the same time of the London
clergy, says : ' the clergy are the only set of men among us
who constantly wear a distinct habit from others ; the con-
sequence of which (not in reason, but in fact), is this, that
as long as any scandalous persons appear in that dress, it
will continue in some degree a general mark of contempt.
Whoever happens to see a scoundrel in a gown reeling home
at midnight (a sight neither frequent nor miraculous), is
apt to entertain an ill idea of the whole order.' He thinks
it would be ' infinitely better if all the clergy (except the
bishops) were permitted to appear like other men of the
graver sort, unless at those seasons when they are doing
' Remains, Part II., p. 45.
- Groimds &c. of Contempt of the Clcrr/ij, p. 576.
^ TJid Bisliop of NorivicJi,'$ Visitation Charge, 1710.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 325
the work of their function.' ' At the same time Swift him-
self, ' whenever he went abroad, or gave audience to a
stranger, was careful to appear in cassock and gown.' ^
The nonjuring clergy usually walked in the London streets
in full canonicals. Dress may seem a slight matter, but it
is a straw which shews which way the wind blows ; and,
especially in connection with social life, it is by no means
without significance.
But to pass on to a graver subject. The relation of the
Church to social life is obviously affected most deeply by
the state of Church discipline . The efforts to revive this
powerful engine after the Eestoration were evidently made
in a not very hopeful spirit ; but still the mere fact that
efforts u-ere made, and even the constant iteration of com-
plaints about the decay of discipline, are proofs that it was
not entirely dead. And facts prove that it was not. Pepys
heard on July 16, 16G5, ' a declaration of penitence of a
man that had undergone the Churche's censures,' at a
church near London. In the church accounts of Gateshead
for 1666-7, one entry is, 'A white sheet for pennance,
Is. 6(Z.' ^ Samuel Wesley gave most strict directions about
discipline to his curate at Epworth, telling him to direct
the churchwardens to enforce the 90th Canon, and declaring
that he had always brought to public penance ante-nuptial
and no-nuptial fornicators.'' ' In the parish register of
Wadhurst,' writes the accomplished historian of the diocese
of Chichester, ' there is a notice in 1677-8 of an account of
ecclesiastical discipline, which is the latest example of the
' Project for the Advancement of Religion cfc, pp. 95-96.
■-' See Quarterly Review, No. 306, for April 1882. Art. Jonathan Swift.
See also Swift's Argument against abolishing Christianity : ' I am very
sensible how much the gentlemen of wit and pleasure are apt to murmur
and be shocked at the sight of so many daggle-tailed parsons, who happen
to fall in their way and offend their eyes.'
=• See Appendix on the History of Newcastle and Gateshead, in Memoirs
of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Society), p. 401.
* See Tyerman's Life and Times of Samuel Wesley, p. 337.
o
26 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
kind I have noticed in this diocese.' ' Bishop Hacket pub-
licly excommunicated the Dean of Lichfield in 1667." One
point was very generally insisted upon ; that is, the payment
of commutation money for penance. This was rather an
evasion of, than a submission to, strict discipline ; but
still the fact that money was parted with, even to evade it,
is a proof that discipline was not quite dead. Archbishop
Sharp wrote to a clergyman in 1704 about the money com-
mutation for a penance : * I would have it entirehj applied
to the use of the Church, and as notorioush/ as her offence to
it hath been. If you are of opinion that this fault of hers
ought not to be commuted, but that it is for the interest
of religion that she should do a personal penance, 1 pray
signify it to me.' -^ Among the articles of inquiry at the
Visitation of the Bishop of Worcester (Llo3'd) in 1705 are
these : ' Are any Commutations of Penance made by any
ecclesiastical officer ? By whom ? For what offences ?
For what pious uses hath the money been employed ? '
Bishop Frampton of Gloucester enjoined his clergy ' if any
were so obstinate as to refuse to hear the church, to let them
know he had authority to deliver such a one to Satan that
he might learn not to blaspheam,' and was not afraid to act
up to his determination in the case of a powerful peer, Lord
"Wharton, whom he compelled to pay commutation money.''
Among the practical agenda of Convocation in 1710 one was :
• The regulating the proceedings in excommunication and
reforming the abuses of commutation money.' ^ In 1714
the subject had assumed so definite a shape that a form of
' Diocesan Histories (S.P.C.K.) Selsey —Chichester, by W. E. W.
Stephens. The notice is, ' July IG. Eleanora Woodgate et Sarah Moore in
ecelesia parochiali inter divinorum solemnia palam, public^ et solemniter
denunciata> et declaratfe fuerunt pro excomniunicatis.' And then ' E. W. et
S. M. in ecelesia &c. iJoenitentiam agebant.'
^ See Pepys' Diary for January 17, 16GX.
^ Life of Archbishop Sliarj), by his son, i. p. 213-4.
■* See Life of Bohert Frampton, ed. Evans, p. 105 and 168.
^ See Lathbury's History of Convocation, p. 408, and Wilkins'
Concilia Maijiue Britannia', iv. jj. 623.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL UFE 327
excommunication was drawn up by Convocation ; ' but the
matter, like many other matters, fell through, owing to the
death of the queen.
The tone of Church writers on the subject of discipline
during our period is not sanguine, but it is not hopeless.
Bishop Wilson, indeed, scouts the very idea that it cannot
be enforced : — ' Discipline impracticable ! This cannot be,
when it was practised for so many years in the Primitive
Church. The commands of Christ cannot be impracticable.
That would be to tax him with ignorance or weakness.' ^
The good bishop's regimen in his own diocese shewed that
discipline could be made a very real thing indeed ; but
then, of course, the circumstances of the Isle of Man
differed from those of the adjacent Isle of Great Britain.
Bishop Turner, in his admirable ' Letter to the Clergy of
the Diocese of Ely ' (1686), bids them ' labour in sermons
and private conferences to make their parishioners deeply
apprehend the great and heavy load which the just censures
of the Church do lay upon grievous offenders in any
kind,' and advises them to read ' my reverend friend Dr.
Comber's excellently learned and no very long Treatise of
Excommunication.' Dr. Comber has no difficulty in
shewing in this work, (1) The divine original of Excom-
munication; (2) The universal Practice; (3) The ends
for which it was instituted ; but he complains that ' the
Schismatics and Profane, the Atheistical and those who are
of most profligate conversations, do all conspire to make the
Church's discipline weak and ineffectual,' and his general
tone gives one the idea that he thought the conspiracy was
successful.^ Atterbury, in the dedication of his Sermons to
his staunch friend Bishop Trelawney, hopes * by your Lord-
' The title of the Form was : 'An Exhortation to be read in the church,
when the person decreed to be excommunicated is present.' Passages in
brackets to be omitted when the person is absent. (See Lathbury, p. 436.)
'-' Sacra Privata : Thursday's meditations.
^ See A Discourse, concerning Excommunication, by Thomas Comber,
Precentor of York (1686), passim.
328 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, l66o 1714
ship's means, and within the circle of 3'our power, to see all
proper steps taken towards reviving decayed discipline, and
restoring Church Censures to their due forc^ and credit.'
The wish for the restoration of discipline was by no
means confined to high churchmen. Archbishop Tenison
suggested to King Wihiam the necessity of preserving and
restoring the discipline of the Church, urged the clergy to
have recourse to ecclesiastical censures, and enjoined, in
the king's name, ' that no commutation for Pennance should
be made but by the express order and direction of the
bishop himself, which should be declared in open Court ;
and that the commutation money should be applied only
to pious and charitable uses.' ' Compton, the Protestant
bishop, made Church discipline a subject of one of his very
practical letters to his clergy ; ^ and, grotesque as it may
sound, Defoe, the dissenter, desires, evidently in all sincerity,
the restoration of Church discipline.
Of course the efficacy of Church discipline depends upon
the value men set upon Church privileges. ' Penances,
suspensions, and excommunications,' whites Dean Hickes,
* ought to have no other than spiritual effects ; ' ^ and Dr.
Comber strongly insists upon the same point. Here
lay the real difficulty ; and the churchmen of our period,
being practical men, felt it keenly. Bishop Stillingfleet,
who generally contrived to hit the right nail on the head,
replied to Archbishop Tenison's Injunction quoted above :
' Suspension and Excommunication doth but drive them out
of the Church, and they care very little for coming at it.'"*
Dean Sherlock puts the matter still more strongly : ' Con-
sider wherein the power of the keys consists, which Christ
committed to S. Peter and the rest of the Apostles, or what
' See Life of Tenison.
■^ Episcopalia, or Letters of Henry, Bisliop of London, to the Clergy of
his Diocese. Letter 3.
' Constitution of tlie Catholic Chnrch, p. 93.
* Letter to the Archbishop about the King's Injunctions, 1G94, in
Stillingfleet's Miscellaneous Discourses.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 329
is the true ancient discipline of the Christian Church. The
power of the Church, which is truly spiritual, consists only
in letting into the Church, and shutting out. What would
those men value Church censures who excommunicate them-
selves ? ' ' ' The Church,' writes Bishop Barlow to R. Boyle,
' having no power to punish any save those of her own body
(by Penance, Excommunication, &c.), therefore Papists and
Sectaries are not liable to Church censures.'^ A correspon-
dent of Bisiiop Nicolson goes a step further. 'As to joining
with Dissenters in this specious matter [the Pieformation
of Manners], I must always look upon them as the real
cause why our Church discipline is not powerful enough at
present to correct the vices they now complain of. It is
they that have taught the people to slight the ecclesiastical
censures.' ^ Disney, who took exactly the opposite view from
that of the above writer on the Societies for Reformation
of Manners, agrees with him as to the fact : * The discipline
of the Church and terror of Penance and Excommunications
are at a very low ebb, seldom exercised and little feared.' *
Robert Nelson, who always took the practical view of things,
instead of lamenting the decay of disciphne, suggests that
as ' the discipline of the Church is at so low an ebb among
us, we ought to tak6 the more care to exercise it upon our-
selves.' And finally, Johnson of Cranbrook, a very strong
churchman, roundly asserts that ' no wise man has any
reason to hope that Church discipline can be restored in
such an age as this.' ■' On the whole, though there were
isolated cases of the enforcement of discipline, it can hardly
' A Practical Discourse of Religious Assemblies, p. 8'i.
• Cases of Conscience. ' Case of Toleration in Matters of Religion '
(1G92).
3 Archbishop Nicolson's Correspondence dx., p. 1G5. Letter from Mr.
Yates to Bishop Nicolson, March 1C99.
■* Essay upon the execution of the Laws against Immorality Ac.
^ The Clergyman's Vade Mecuni, p. 274. It was published anony-
mously, but it is pretty clearly ascertained that the author was Mr.
Johnson.
330 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
be regarded as having exercised much real influence upon
social life.
All through our period we hear much of the now obso-
lete office of ' casuist.' The term ' casuistry ' had not then
acquired the evil meaning which now attaches to it.' It
meant, as it is still defined in dictionaries to mean, the
dealing systematically and exhaustively with delicate cases
of conscience. Such cases must constantly arise ; and it is
a misfortune that the science which dealt w^ith them — (for
it is a science ^ demanding great acuteness, thoughtfulness,
and training for its acquirement) — should have fallen into
disuse. It has been said that casuistry became extinct after
the Eestoration ; and as a proof of its extinction is adduced
the flatness of the reception of Jeremy Taylor's ' Ductor
Dubitantium,' the work on which he ' bestow^ed more anxiety
and prayer ' than on any of his works ; the work on which
he was content that his fame should rest.^ But does it
quite follow that popular distaste for the subject was the
cause of the comparative failure of the work ? The treatise
is obviously far too long. The grand and florid style, both
of language and thought, wdiich made Taylor's sermons
and devotional works so impressive, is quite out of place in
casuistry, in which lucidity is the one thing needful. Mr.
' At least it was not generally used in a sinister sense, though the works
of the Jesuits which probablj^ caused Enghshmen to regard it as an ' evasive
perversion of reason,' ' a quibbling with God,' ah'eady existed. See the
excellent ' Note ' of Dr. Whewell to his introductory Lecture, in his Lectures
on The History of Moral Pliilosophy in England. He ajDpositely refers to
Pope as giving instances of both uses of the word :
In a good sense :
Who shall decide when doctors disagree.
And soundest casuists doubt, like you and me ?
In a bad sense
Morality by her false guardians drawn.
Chicane in furs, and Casuistry in lawn.
See also Hallam's Literature of Europe, chap. iv. § 1, passim.
■ At least in the po^Dular, if not in the technical sense of the term.
Hallam's Literature of Europe, ii. p. 495, defines it rightly as the instru-
ment for applying the science of ethics.
^ See Heber's Life, i^refixed to Taylor's Works, jj. xcvi.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 33 1
Hughes is surely right when he pronounces the ' Ductor
Dubitantium ' ' too compHcated, overlaid with words and
metaphors ; full of overstrained arguments on both sides.' •
It is, no doubt, as Dr. Whewell calls it, ' a noble work ; '
any work to which a mind like Taylor's gave its deepest
attention could hardly fail to be ; but there is no wonder
that it was not very popular.'^ The author wrote it, not
because he felt that he had a vocation for this kind of
waiting, but to supply a want. ' Though,' he says, * in all
things else the goodness of God hath made us to abound,
and our cup to run over ; yet our labours have been hitherto
unimploied in the description of the Rules of Conscience
and Casuistical Theology.' ^ His countrymen were ' wholly
unprovided with casuistical treatises, and were forced to go
down to the forges of the Philistines, to sharpen every man
his share and his coulter, his axe and his hammer.' This
is not quite accurate ; the great names of Joseph Hall and
Robert Sanderson among writers of casuistry suffice to shew
that English churchmen were not ' wholly unprovided with
casuistical treatises ; ' * but, of course, in comparison with
the Romish Church, the English Church was very scantily
provided. And on the other side, the Puritans had paid at .
least as much attention to casuistry as Anglican churchmen.
One of the first Englishmen who ' reduced the science of
' Hughes' Biographical Memoirs of Jeremy Taylor, prefixed to his edition
of Taylor's Sermons.
'^ See Dr. Whewell's Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy in
England, Lecture I., and Hallam's Literature of Europe, iii. p. 381 &c., for
accounts and criticisms (more favourable than those in the text) of the
Ductor Duhitantixim.
3 Dedication to the king.
■• Bishop Hall's Resolutions and Decisions of divers Practical Cases of
Conscience in continual Use among Men, was published in 1649. Bishop
Sanderson's Cases of Conscience were first published in 1634 ; there are
only eleven cases altogether in this volume. Bishop Sanderson also pub-
lished two treatises which, at least, bear upon casuistry ; De Obligatione
ConscienticE and De Juramcnti Obligatione. The latter has been edited in
our own day with excellent notes by Dr. Whewell, himself Professor of
Casuistry at Cambridge.
332 IJFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 16601714
casuistry into some kind of form and explained it with some
accuracy,' ^ was William Perkins, a Puritan in the time of
Elizabeth.^ He was followed by his friend and pupil,
William Ames,^ who says of his master, ' he [Perkins] left
many behind him affected by that study [the study of
cases of conscience] who by their godly sermons (through
God's assistance) made it to run, increase, and be glorified
throughout England.' These of course would be Puritans.
When Owen was Dean of Christ Church, a ' regular office
for the satisfaction of doubtful consciences was held in
Oxford,' which irreverent undergraduates called ' the
scruple shop.' ■*
After the Eestoration there is abundant evidence that
the Anglican divines fully appreciated the value of casuistry.
Bishops strongly recommended its study to their clergy.
Bishop Stillingfleet advised the clergy of the Worcester
diocese ' to have a care to qualifie themselves for resolving
cases of conscience.' '' Bishop Gardiner charges the clergy
of the Lincoln diocese to the same effect ; while his prede-
cessor, Bishop Barlow, was himself ' eminent for his know-
ledge of casuistry,' ^ as is proved by his admirable * Cases
of Conscience,' a work well worthy to be placed on a
level with the ' Cases of Conscience ' of his great predecessor
Bishop Sanderson. Bishop Sprat, in his advice to the
clergy of the Eochester diocese about the sick, says : ' I
would persuade you to have some good, sound body of
Casuistical Divinity to be always at hand. You can scarce
imagine, unless you have try'd it, as, I hope, some of _you
have, of what unspeakable use this Divine Science of Cases
' See Hallam's Literature of Europe, i. p. 554.
- The title of his work is, The whole Treatise of Cases of Conscience,
distingtiishecl into three books, taught and delivered by Mr. W. Perkins, in
his Holyday Lectures (at Cambridge). See Whewell's History of Moral
Philosophy, Lect. I., p. 2.
^ De Conscieyitid, ejus jure et casihics, published 1C30.
-■ See Heber's Life of Jeremy Taylor, p. clxx.
^ See Life and Character of Bishop E. Stillingfleet (published 1710).
* See Diary die. of Dr. Worthington, ■p. 126, note.
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE
ooo
of Conscience will be to you upon any sudden unforeseen
emergency in such ghostly visits. Indeed, the being a
sound and well-experienced casuist is also a most excellent
qualification towards all the other ends of your ministerial
office ; there being no kind of skill or proficiency in all your
theological studies that more becomes a divine of the
Church of England, whose highest spiritual art is to speak
directly from his own conscience to the Consciences of those
under his Pastoral care.' '
So far was the study from being out of date, that in 1683
a professorship was founded by Dr. Knightbridge and his
brother at Cambridge, ' of Moral Philosophy or Casuistical
Divinity,' the holder of which was usually called the ' Pro-
fessor of Casuistry ' ; and its usefulness so commended
itself to the first professor, Dr. Smoult, that he augmented
the endowment.^ Dr. Horneck ' was frequently addressed
to with Cases of Conscience, and sometimes with cases that
were very extraordinary.' ^ Archbishop Sharp was referred
to ' by many Peers as a faithful Casuist.' '^ Of Mr. Marsh,
vicar of Newcastle, who died in 1692, we arc told that ' his
known abilities in resolving cases of conscience drew after
him a great many good people, not only of his own flock,
but from remoter distances who resorted to him as to a
common oracle, and commonly went away from him entirely
satisfied in his wise and judicious resolutions.'^ And to
quote a layman as well as the clergy, Henry Dodwell
advises his young minister on the necessity of skill in
Casuistical Divinity. * For,' he writes, ' if you must particu-
larly apply, you must particularly know the state of the
conscience you have to deal with.' •' If Bishop Barlow's
' Visitation Charge, 1695.
^ See Lectures on the History of Moral PJiilosojiJuj (p. 12), by Dr.
Whewell, when he was the worthy holder of the Casuistry chair.
3 See Bishop Kidder's Life of Anthony Horneck.
* Life, by son, i. p. 268.
5 Preface to Marslr's Sermons, by John Scott (author of the Christian
Life). See also Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Society), p. 442.
•* Dodwell's Letter of Advice for the Suscci<tion of Holy Orders, p. 56.
334 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
* cases ' may be regarded as typical instances, casuistry
certainly took a most practical form ; and in this form it
bears so obviously upon social life, that it is hoped too
much will not be thought to have been said about it in that
connection.'
Among the heterogeneous matters which are grouped
together in this chapter, as all bearing upon social life, may
be placed Family Prayer. ' The Puritans,' says a writer
of the eighteenth century, ' by long extempore prayers,
stuffed with absurd cant &c., brought family devotion into
disrepute with many, who instead of reforming the abuse,
omitted it altogether.' ^ The proceeding was not a logical
one, nor was it at all intended by those who were really
anxious to keep alive a religious tone, though of a different
kind from that of Puritanism, Thus ' The Whole Duty of
Man,' which more than any other work both represented
and directed the course of feeling on matters of religion
after the Piestoration, provided a number of private prayers,
but none for families ; not because the writer would have
family prayer neglected, but ' because the Providence of
God and the Church hath already furnished for that pur-
pose infinitely beyond what my utmost care could do. I
mean the Publick Liturgy or Common Prayer, which for all
publick addresses to God (and such are Family Prayers), are
so excellent and useful that we may say of it, as David did
of Goliath's sword, " There is none like it." ' Pious men
of all parties in the Church perceived the danger of neglect-
ing family prayer. Pridcaux, when Archdeacon of Suffolk,
' being well-informed that in many families of the clergy
Prayers were wholly omitted, morning and evening, made
1 These are some of the titles of Bishop Barlow's cases: The case of
Toleration in matters of Religion. The case of Mr. ColUnrjton concerning
the validity or nullity of his marriage ivith Gallicia, her former hnsband
then living. The case ' De Jnclais in Bepuhlicd Christiand tolerandis vcl
de novo achnitteiidis.' They are addressed to Hon. B. Boyle, the most
practical of men.
- Life of Dean Humphrey X'ridcaiix (published 17-18), p. 62.
THE CHURCH and social life 335
this the subject of a Visitation charge.' ^ Burnet records,
evidently as a hint to those who neglected the duty, that
Sir M. Hale * used constantly to worship God in his family,
performing it himself if there were no clergyman present.' ^
Henry Dodwell urges his young minister to ' persuade
masters of families to keep up morning and evening prayers.' ^
* The first thing,' writes Bishop Bull to the clergy of S.
David's, ' that I would recommend to you, and which I do
earnestly exhort you to, is. To apply yourselves with great
diligence to establish the practice of family devotion in all
the families of your respective parishes. ... I must with
some warmth beseech you, to make a particular application
to every housekeeper in your several parishes,' &c. He
dwells at some length on the point, and gives them a list of
tracts urging the duty, which shews that the need of stirring
up householders on the matter was keenly felt.* In addition
to the efforts of individuals, the matter was taken up by
public authority. In 1688 ' there was provided a family
book to be authoiised by Convocation ; it contained directions
for family devotions, with several forms of prayer,' com-
piled probably by Tillotson ; ^ and in the Ptoyal Injunctions
of 1G94 one article w'as * concerning family devotion.' How
far these various efforts were successful we have no means
of knowing.
Before concluding this chapter, one very important
question must be discussed. Did the Church use that in-
fluence which she possessed over social life to stem the
torrent of immorality which swept over the Court and its
purlieus, and, to a less extent, the whole nation, when the
revulsion against Puritanism was at its height '? The over-
whelming difficulties she must have met with in the attempt
have been noticed in the introductory chapter ; but did she
' Life, p. 69. '' Life of Sir M. Hale, p. 92.
3 Letters cfc, ut supra, p. 98.
* Nelson's Life of Bishop Bull, pp. 279-283.
' Lathbury's History of Convocation, p. 333.
336 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
set herself boldh' to overcome those difficulties ? True
churchmen did, but mere conformists did not, and alas ! the
latter abounded. But it ^Yas fixedness of principle rather
than courage that was lacking, where there was a lack. Want
of moral courage does not appear to have been a besetting
sin of the Church of our period. Indeed, it was not a
temptation to which her circumstances rendered her pecu-
liarly liable. Outward prosperity, with all its drawbacks,
does not tend to make men sycophants. We have abundant
instances of courage in high places.' Sheldon, whatever
his defects may have been, at any rate set an excellent ex-
ample in this respect. He remonstrated with King Charles
in very strong, not to say rough, language on the irregu-
larity of his life, and l)y his honest expostulations lost all
favour at Court and never regained it. Ken ' was brought
into relation with three kings, and had the Christian bold-
ness to rebuke them all.' ^ He replied to the application to
receive King Charles' mistress into his lodgings at Win-
chester, ' Not for his three kingdoms ' ; he was so notoriously
in the habit of uttering plain truths from the pulpit without
fear or favour, that King Charles was wont to say, ' I must
go and hear Ken tell me of my faults.' He faced the brutal
Kirke in his drunken rage and remonstrated with him on
his cruelties after the Monmouth rebellion ; on the same
occasion he met Lord Faversham at Bridgwater, and plainly
told him that his doings were * murders in law ' ; and he
wrote to King James to expostulate with him on ' Jeffreys'
campaign.' ^ He bravely preached at Court on the duty of
obeying God rather than the king, when the duties con-
' Mr. Hunter, in his Life of Oliver Heyivood, says that ' we are not able
to judge at this distance of time whether the clergy about Court, or conform-
ing clergy generally, may have been justly chargeable with not having raised
the warning voice ' (p. 190), but surely the instances cited in the text may
enable us to form an approximate judgment.
- Life, by a Layman, i. p. 403,
=* See Sir James Mackintosh's Review of tJic Causes of tJie Ec volution of
J(588 (Misccllcmcous Works in 1 vol., p. 289).
THE CHURCH ANTJ SOCIAL LIFE 2)C)7
flicted, and when the sermon was reported to James as being
a premeditated insult, and Ken had to give an account of
himself to the king : ' If,' he replied, ' his Majesty had not
neglected his own duty of being present, my enemies had
missed this opportunity of accusing me.' ' The oft-told
tale of the glorious resistance of the Seven Bishops to King
James' arbitrary demands, and that of the bold stand of
the Fellows of Magdalen generally, and of their President,
Hough, the meekest of men, in particular, need only be
alluded to, to shew that courage was not lacking when
occasion required it. John Sharp, when he was rector of
S. Giles' in the Fields, preached boldly against Romanism,
in contravention of the express orders of King James, and
Bishop Compton refused to suspend him for so doing, at
the expense of being suspended himself. The vast majority
of the London clergy, Edward Fowler, to his credit, leading
the way, and Simon Patrick following next, refused to read
the king's illegal Declaration ; the clergy of the diocese of
Durham refused, almost to a man, to obey the injunctions
of their servile bishop, Lord Crewe, on the same matter ;
indeed, the vast majority of the clergy throughout the
kingdom acted in the same bold spirit - out of ten thousand
clergy only two hundred consented to read the Declaration.
Samuel Johnson sat in the pillory, and was whipped from
Newgate to Tyburn for warning ' Protestant officers and
soldiers against being instruments of the Court for the
destruction of their religion.' Sancroft, feeble and irreso-
lute as he has been termed, had no fear of expostulating
with James, when Duke of York, on his change of religion.-^
Courage, too, in boldly rebuking vice in the vicious days of
Charles II. was certainly not lacking. Pepys, who is very
' Bowles' Life, ii. p. 138. See also Ken's sermon on the Reformed Church
0/ Jwrffi/i [England^, preached at Whitehall in King James' reign against
popery.
- It is not thought necessary to give authorities in proof of these facts,
as they will be found in every popular history, and have never been dis-
puted.
Z
2,S^ LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660- 17 14
chary of recording anything good of the clergy, specifies at
least two occasions on which he heard bold sermons preached
against adultery in the presence of the king, who must have
felt that the preachers' shafts were aimed against him.'
On the latter occasion the preacher was Dr. Creighton
(Pepys spells him Creeton), who is said by a writer of the
next generation to have been one who ' preached boldly
against the vices of the times.' ^ Stillingfleet's noble sermon
before the same mocking king and his mocking courtiers
on the suggestive text, ' Fools make a mock of sin,' has
already been noticed, and he was no less bold in his sermon
before the House of Commons on the kine of Bashan. A
less known man, one Mr. Nuggett, King Charles' chaplain,
was not afraid to beard the lion in his den, preaching at
Windsor Castle itself a sermon against adultery which must
have made the royal adulterer's ears tingle (August 15, 1675).
Many of Bishop Hooper's published sermons were preached
before royalty, and are full of the most courageous and out-
spoken utterances without the slighest tincture of flattery.^
Archbishop Sharp, in his sermon at Queen's Anne's Corona-
tion, April 23, 1702, began well his important office as her
spiritual director, by pointing out her duty most fully and
bravely,^ and all through her reign he pursued the same
bold course.
' ' April 6, 16f)2. To Whitehall, and there heard a very honest sermon
before the king. He did much insist upon the sin of adultery, which me-
thought might touch the king.'
' July 29, 1667. Dr. Creeton before the king preached against the sins of
the Court, and particularly against adultery, over and over again instancing
how for that single sin in David, the whole nation was undone.'
- Lives of the English Bishops from the Eestauration to the Revolution
[by Nathaniel Salmon], published 1733.
3 The second was before the king at Whitehall, November 5, 1681, in
which he avers it was not the part of the Church to flatter the Civil Power ; the
third before the queen at Whitehall, January 25, 169 J ; the fourth before the
king and queen at Whitehall, January 14, 169| ; the fifth before the king at
Kensington in 1695. (See Works in 2 vols., new edition. Oxford, 1855.)
* The subject is, ' The duty of Princes to be Nursing Fathers to their
subjects.' ' Arbitrariness,' says the preacher, ' is a word lit for none but
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 339
Courage of rather a different kind was called for from
the clergy on one memorable occasion which, even after this
lapse of years, cannot be recalled without a thrill of horror.
Conflicting statements may be found as to their behaviour
during the Great Plague of London in 1665. On the one
hand we are told that ' the English clergy, with a benevo-
lence and a fortitude above all praise, resolved to remain in
their stations, and to supply the wretched sufferers with
spiritual consolations ; ' ' on the other, that * whilst the
Anglican clergy fled, the Presbyterian preachers mounted
once more the pulpits.' ^ Defoe, who lived nearer the time,
and whose testimony will not be suspected of unduly
favouring the clergy, writes, more correctly than either of
the above : ' It is true some of the dissenting turned-out
ministers stayed, and their courage is to be commended
and highly valued, but these were not in abundance ; it
cannot be said that they all stayed and that none retired
into the country, any more than it can be said of the Church
clergy that they all went away ; neither did all those that
went away go without substituting curates and others in theix
places to do the offices needful and visit the sick as far as it
was i^-acticable.' ^ Indisputable facts bear out this statement.
It is certain that in some cases the Church pulpits were de-
serted by their proper occupants, and occupied by the ministers
who had been ejected by the Act of Uniformity — all honour
to the good men who filled the gap when their services were
so sorely needed. But it is ecpially certain that there were
many instances of noble self-sacrifice on the part of the
clergy. Archbishop Sheldon again set an excellent example.
God ; for all his creatures are under laws by which they must be governed.'
(See Archbishop Sharp's Se^inons, voh ii. pp. 75-85.)
' History of the Church of England, by J. B. S. Carwithen, iii. p. 114.
- History of England, prmcipalhj in the seventeenth Century, Lcopokl
von Eanke, iii. p. 447.
« History of the Great Plague, p. 272. Mr. Maddox (Examination of
NeaVs 4.tli vol. of History of the Puritans by Grey and Maddox, 1739) gives
a similar account (iv. pp. 345-^6).
92
340 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
He firmly continned at Lambeth all the time of the greatest
danger,' and used his vast influence to procure aid for the
sufferers and ' preserved numbers who but for him would
have perished.'^ 'Stayed,' writes Patrick with artless
simplicity, ' in my parish during the Plague. "Wlien my
parishioners returned, they were wonderful kind to me, and
I found myself much endeared to them by my stay among
those who remained.' ^ There is a most interesting set of
letters in the ' Ellis Correspondence ' from the Eev. Stephen
Bing to Dr. Sancroft, Dean of S. Paul's, * upon the ravage
of the Great Plague.' Mr. Bing was one of the clergy who
stayed at his post, and we find in his letters such entries
as these : ' The Prayers of the Church are continued, and
persons attending.' ' On the last Holy-day we had a
sermon, and shall have another on the Fast Day.' ' The
Cross [S. Paul's] sermons are continued, and we had on the
Fast Day a laudable sermon by Mr. Eisden, minister in
Bread Street.' * Mr. Portington [one of the S. Paul's
clergy] lies at the point of death, whose turn being to
officiate this week, I supply.' ' Dr. Barwick is a constant
frequenter at our church, sometimes three times in a day.'
' It is said that my Lord Bishop of London hath sent to
those pastors that have quitted their flocks by reason of
these times, that, if they return not speedily, others shall
be put into their places.' There are also letters from
Tillotson to Sancroft in the same collection, shewing that
the former was in London during the Plague, and most
active in behalf of the sufferers. All the letters are written
in July and August, when the Plague was at its height.''
This was just one of those occasions on which there is no
medium between pusillanimity and heroism ; those who
seized the golden opportunity and shewed the martyr-spirit
' Grey and RLaddox, Examination of NeaVs History of the Puritans,
iv. p. .S46.
'' C^i.xw\i\\en, nt supra. . " Aiitobiograplnj, ]i. 51.
■* Hee Ellis' Ori(jiiuil Letters, second series, vol. iv. pp. 24, 25-27, 28, 30, &c
THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL LIFE 34 1
gained such an influence as few can acquire; those who
fled were branded with a stigma of cowardice which must
have seriously impaired their influence when, the danger
over, they returned to their posts.
One great hindrance to the influence of the Church on
social life arose from a cause the very opposite to one of
the two reasons alleged by Eachard for the ' contempt of
the clergy.' The Caroline age is rightly called the golden
age of English theology, but that theology would have
affected the masses more if it had been of a less precious
metal. Jeremy Taylor, Barrow, South, Thorndike, Ham-
mond, Sparrow, Gunning, Stillingfleet, and the rest are
constantly quoted as authorities, but I doubt whether their
worlis could be placed with advantage in the hands of ' the
general reader.' At a later date the nonjuring divines were
mostly refined and cultured men, and their influence was
chiefly among the refined and cultured. It is not that the
great Caroline divines are difficult to understand, or that
they loved to deal with abstruse doctrines. On the contrary,
they strove of all things to be practical, but practical, in
the sense of influencing the practice of the multitude, they
were not. Who would hope to convert a vulgar drunkard
or debauchee from his evil ways by putting into his hands
a volume of Barrow or Jeremy Taylor ? Such writers
would be, to use a modern phrase, quite out of touch with
him. The difficulty here hinted at has been a difficulty of
the Anglican Church, more felt by it than by either the
Komanists on the one hand or any of the sects on the
other, but never more so than in the latter half of the
seventeenth centurv.
342 LIFE IN THE EXGLTSII CHURCH, 1660-17 14
CHAPTER IX.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES.
The relation of the Chuix-h to other rehgious bodies is too
important a feature in the Church Kfe of our period to be
altogether ignored ; though, as it more concerns religious
thought than religious life, and is therefore in some points
more suitable for a controversial treatise than for a work of
this kind, it will suffice to touch upon the subject lightly.
The first point which naturally suggests itself in this
connection is the relationship between the Church and the
English nonconformists. And, at the outset, let us frankly
acknowledge that, so far as the Church in general, and in-
dividual churchmen in particular, fostered or sanctioned
that spirit of persecution which unquestionably existed more
or less during the whole of our period, and especially the
earliest and latest years of it, a grievous fault was committed.
But in common fairness several points must be taken into
full account, which are far too apt to be overlooked.
(1) It is obviously most unfair to judge the seventeenth
century by the standard of the nineteenth.' At the earlier
date the true principles of religious toleration were most
imperfectly understood on all sides. It was generally
thought that it was nothing less than a most culpable crime
to tolerate error; and error was, of course, any set of
opinions with which the holders of power did not happen
to agree. How rigorously the Presbyterians, when they
were dominant in England, acted upon this principle, and
' I must apologise for so often repeating this warning ; but tlie necessity
meets one at every turn when reading modern histories of that period.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 343
how bitterly tliey deiioanced any attempt to ignore it, need
not here be specified. The Independents — to their honour
be it recorded— were more tolerant, Init they made several
exceptions to their toleration, and as the Church was one of
these exceptions, it was more likely that the remembrance of
their toleration would exasperate than conciliate churchmen.
(2) The question as to how to deal practically with the
nonconformists was by no means a simple one. It is all
very well to suggest in an airy way that they should have
been suffered to worship God after their own fashion, while
we worshipped Him in ours. But would they have been
content with this sort of 'happy family' arrangement?
The vast majority, who were Presbyterians, assuredly would
not.' A very smah number of the nonconformists at the
Eestoration were dissenters. Most of them were as strongly
in favour of one National Church as the strictest churchman
in the kingdom.
(3) The enormous provocation which the Church had
received ought surely to be taken into account. True, it is
no sufficient excuse to say that the persecution was only
retaliation,'^ for one has yet to learn that revenge is a
Christian virtue. But churchmen may at least claim that
some ahowance should be made for the natural exasperation
of men who had seen the most cherished objects of their
veneration rudely destroyed and insulted ; damage done
which was simply irreparable, principles outraged which
were in their eyes sacred. When the turn of the wheel
again gave them the upper hand, it would have been more
than human nature if they could have regarded with favour
the claims of those to whose principles they attributed all
these disasters.
(4) It ought not to be forgotten that there was a very
' For example, the Presbyterians repudiated the ' Declaration of Indul-
gence.'
■'■ This was said. See the Brief Martyrology dx. of the London Clergy in
the Harleian Miscellany, with the suggestive motto 'Nee lex est requior
uUa.'
344 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
real and widespread feeling that both the Church and the
Monarchy were still in danger. Whether there were any
sufiicient grounds for the alarm is another question ; but
that it was quite genuine, no one who studies impartially
contemporary documents can for a moment doubt.
(5) It is most necessary to distinguish between the
legitimate results of Church principles, and the acts of
politicians whether ecclesiastical or lay, — two things which
have been often confounded. A very striking case in point
may be found in the marked change for the better in the
treatment of nonconformists which resulted from the
succession of Bancroft to Sheldon in the primacy. Bancroft
was a true English churchman, Sheldon was a statesman in
a mitre. When the churchman took the place of the states-
man at the helm, the spirit of persecution was arrested.'
And, as a rule, it was those who were conformists rather
than churchmen who were most cruel. One of the most
violent writers against nonconformity was the recreant
Samuel Parker, whom no one will accuse of being a strong
churchman. The prelate who (next to Sheldon) is x^opu-
larly supposed to have been the most harsh in his treatment
of nonconformists, was Bishop Seth Ward, whose church-
manship was of a very lax type. Bishop Sanderson, on the
other hand, a model churchman of the very best type,
* signified his concern that some things were carried so high
in the ecclesiastical settlement, which,' he said, ' should not
have been if he could have prevented it,' ^ and was uniformly
mild in his treatment of nonconformists.^ So was Juxon, a
true son of the Church.* So was Bishop Ken, the very best
representative, j^erhaps, of Church principles in his own
or any age. ' The Church of England,' he said, ' teaches
' See Wilkins' Concilia for a proof of this ; a proof all the more striking
because it is given by a mere dry statement of facts, without pointing out
the significance of them.
- See Calamy's Account of My 02on Life.
" See Perry's History of the Church of England, ii. p. 370.
■* See Hook's Lives of Archbishops : ' Juxon,' xi. p. 436.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 345
me charity towards those who dissent from me,' and in
accordance with that teaching he ever acted. So w-as Bishop
Earle, perhaps the most popular of all the bishops of the
Restoration era, and a thorough churchman in the spiritual
sense. But the fact is, it was popular feeling that was so
strong in favour of suppressing nonconformity. All that
was done, was done in accordance with the national will,
and was at least as welcome to the laity as to the clergy.
It is a well-known fact that the Act of Uniformity and the
rest of the ' Clarendonian Code ' would have been far less
rigorous if they had been framed solely by the House of
Lords, where the bishops in the flush of their regained
power must have had great weight in such matters. It was
in the House of Commons that the greatest intolerance
prevailed. We have curious instances of the feeling of
bitterness against nonconformity in the diaries of such
men as Pepys and Sir John Reresby,' upon both of whom
the true principles of the Church exercised very small
influence. At the same time it is not denied that some
churchmen of an unquestionably high type, such e.g. as
Cosin, and Patrick in his earlier life, were in favour of harsh
dealing with nonconformists. And it is deeply to be re-
gretted that this was the case. The Church could well have
afforded to dispense with the aid of the secular arm ; nay,
as the results of the Toleration Act abundantly proved, her
position would have been positively strengthened if it had
rested purely on moral and intellectual grounds, not on force.
It is a more pleasing task in dealing with this question
of the relationship of the Church to nonconformists, to turn
to the many instances of kindness which occurred. As is
' Sir John calls King Charles' ' Proclamation for the indulgence of
tender consciences (1C71) the most violent blow that had been given to
the Church of England from the day of the Restoration. All sectaries,' he
adds in dismay, ' now publicly repaired to their meetings and conventicles ;
nor could all the laws afterwards, and the most rigorous execution of them,
ever suppress these separatists or bring them to due conformity.' (Memoirs,
p. 174.)
34^ LIFE IN TJIE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 1714
SO often the case, individuals were far more kindly and con-
siderate when acting in their individual capacity than when
acting as part of a mass. In the Savoy Conference, for
instance, according to Baxter, no two men were more bitter
against nonconformity than Morley and Gunning ; and yet
both showed personally great kindness towards noncon-
formists. Morley, we are told, ' stopped proceedings against
Mr. Sprint, an ejected minister, and invited him to dinner,
endeavouring to soften down the terms of conformity ; and
drank to an intermeddling country mayor in a cup of
canary, advising him to let dissenters live in quiet, in
many of whom, he was satisfied, there was the fear of God,
and he thought they were not likely to be gained by rigour
or severity.' ^ Mr. J. Farrol, the ejected minister of Selborne,
' was frequently desired to visit his Lordship ' (Bishop
Morley, in whose diocese of Winchester Selborne lay),
' and upon repeated assurances of being welcome to him,
he went, and was very courteously and respectfully enter-
tained by him several times at his table.' ' His Lordship,'
it is added, ' was free in discoursing with him upon past
times ; and he observed that when he spoke of Mr. Dod
(the Puritan) who taught him Hebrew and was otherwise
helpful to him, he made this addition, " who is now in
Heaven." ' ^ When Gunning succeeded the eminent Dr.
Tuckney in the Mastership of S. John's and Begins Pro-
fessorship of Divinity at Cambridge, he allowed the ejected
divine ' a very considerable annuity for his whole life.' ^
Archbishop Sharp, the one blot in whose character was his
advocacy of some of the harsh measures against noncon-
formity at the close of Queen Anne's reign, was, when rector
of S. Giles', so intimate with the nonconforming Baxter, who
lived in the parish, that Baxter consulted him on the delicate
' Stoughton's Church of the Restoration, i. p. 478.
^ E. Calamy's Account of the Ejected Mmisters dc, ii. p. 344.
^ AthencB Oxonienses, iv. p. 140, and Granger's Biograjjhical History of
England, iii. 'p. 49.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 347
question of taking a wife.' Stillingflect, wlio in his public
capacity was no friend of nonconformity, yet ' sheltered
in his rectory at Sutton one of the ejected ministers, and
took a large house which he converted into a school, for
another.' ^ Even Archbishop Sheldon, that arch-enemy of
nonconformity, presented to the living of Ashwell Ralph
Cudworth, who, ' all through the Commonwealth was in
some ways peculiarly associated with Cromwell and his
friends,' ^ and ' often treated very kindly ' Thomas White,
the ejected lecturer of S. Bride's, whom he ' protected at
the chappel at Ludgate.' * Bishop Seth Ward, another
violent opponent of nonconformity, ' always retained a
grateful sense of John Howe's kindness,' and on one occasion,
if not more, did him substantial service. ' Howe, having
preached at the house of a gentleman whom he had been
visiting for a few days, found on returning home that an
officer from the bishop's court had been to apprehend him,
and, not finding him, had given notice that citations were
out against Howe and his friend. But the bishop received
Howe with the utmost politeness, and treated him as an old
acquaintance. Neither Howe nor his friend, after the inter-
view, heard anything more about the process.' ^ Howe also
continued to be on intimate terms with Bishops Stillingfleet,
Wilkins, Kidder, Sharp, Tillotson, and other eminent
clergymen.'^ Dr. Watts ' lived on terms of good-will and
friendship with some of the most eminent of the clergy,' ^ and
a greater man, Lightfoot, was allowed, in spite of his non-
conformity, to continue Master of S. Catherine's, Cambridge,
after the Eestoration.^ Dr. Wrench, fellow of S. John's,
' See Tyennan's Life of Samuel Wesley, p. 230. " Stoughton, i. p. 292.
^ Dr. Tulloch's Rational Theology dx., ii. p. 204.
* Calamy, Account of Ejected Ministers dc, ii. p. 31.
^ Life d-c. of John Howe, by Henry Rogers, p. 180 etc.
*" Eogers, p. 215 d'C.
' Memoir of Dr. Isaac Watts, by E. Southey, prefixed to his Lyric
Poems.
"* See Worthington's Diary, i. p. 54, note.
348 I^TFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660 17 14
Cambridge, finding at the Eestoration a worthy man in his
place, would not disturb him.' Bishop Laney of Peter-
borough, in his primary visitation before S. Bartholomew's
Day, said very significantly to the assembled clergy, ' Not I,
but the law,' and though he had sufi'ered considerably from
the Presbyterians at Cambridge in 1644, he could, in the see
of Lincoln, 'look through his fingers,' and he sufi'ered a
worthy nonconformist to preach publicly very near him
for some years together.^ Edmund Calamy tells us that
' several ministers of the Established Church used to visit
at his father's house, and at his grandfather's,' ^ — both, of
course, dissenters, and that Mr. Gilbert, an ejected minister,
was not only friendly with, but received substantial support
from several of the most eminent clergy at Oxford. "• Ambrose
Barnes, a strong dissenter, records how at Newcastle ' Vicar
Marsh would step out privately by night, and make him
respectful visits, throwing the blame of the rigorous pro-
ceedings upon the misfortunes of the times.' ^ Dr. Bridgman,
rector of Worthembury, ' acted kindly to Philip Henry, and
showed no sympathy with the ruling powers,' ^ and several
instances are given of the kindness and forbearance of
Bishop Nicolson of Gloucester to nonconformists in his
diocese.'^ Of course, those who love to fan the flame of
discord may easily find instances of a different mode of treat-
ment • but on the whole it is abundantly clear that the
leniency in carrying out the laws against nonconformists
forms a pleasing contrast to the harshness of those laws
themselves.
When we turn to the Anglican Church's relationship
to the Reformed Churches abroad, which were certainly
more in sympathy with her home nonconformists than
with herself, all is changed. A very marked distinction
' See Zouch's Life of Dean Siidb7m/, p. 73. - Stougliton, i. p. 488.
^ Account of My Own Life, i. pp. 74 and 89. ■• Ibid. p. 270 itc.
^ Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes (Siu'tees Society), p. 9.
■^ Stoughtou, i. p. 207. ' Ibul. pp. 291-3.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 349
was drawn between those who lacked episcopal ordmation
because they could not help themselves, and those who de-
liberately rejected it, when it was to be had, and by none
more than by high churchmen. Bishop Cosin, for instance,
whose severity toAvards nonconformists at home was a blot
upon an otherwise fine character, laid great and frequent
stress upon this difference. ' I never,' he said, ' refused to
join with the French Protestants at Charenton or anywhere
else, in all things wherein they join with the Church of
England.' ' He expressly declared his opinion for commu-
nicating with Geneva rather than Rome ; ^ and drew a
synopsis, in parallel columns, of the divergent views of the
Eoman Catholics and the Eeformed Churches, summing up
in favour of the latter on every point.^ In this he strictly
followed in the lines of his great predecessor at Durham,
Bishop Morton, who was also a churchman of a very stiff
type. But ' as for our brethren,' he says in his will, ' the
Protestants of foreign churches reformed, the most learned
and judicious of themselves have bewailed their misery for
want of bishops. And therefore God forbid that I should
be so uncharitable as to condemn them for no churches for
that which is their infelicity, not their fault. But as for
our perverse Protestants at home, I cannot say the same of
them, seeing they impiously reject that which the other
piously desire.' '' Dean Granville and Archdeacon Basire
naturally followed the lead of Bishop Cosin. ' I would
not,' writes the former, * unchurch the Foreign Protestants.
They must conform with us here, and I with them there ; ' ^
while the latter enters more at length into his reasons for
' See Remains of Dean Granville, Part II., p. 37.
- See Bishop Cosin his opinion, tvhcn Dean of PeterboroiigJi and in
exile, for conimunicating rather xcith Geneva than icith Rome £c., in ttco
Letters, 1684.
* See Tiie State of us that adhere to the Church of England, by John
Cosin, Bishop of Durham. Also liis letter to Dr. Eichanl Watson in Bishop
Cosin's Works, vol. iv. (Lib. of Angl.-Cath. Theol.), p. 386 etc.
* Quoted in Lathbury's History of Convocation, p. 203.
* See Granville's Remains, Part II., p. 36 Ac.
350 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-1714
' a moderate connivance at inordinate ordinations.' ' Arch-
bishop Bramhall indignantly denies that ' all or any con-
siderable part of episcopal divines in England do unchurch
either all or the most j^art of the Protestant Churches,' and
elucidates the whole matter in his own powerful style.^
John Scott, in his ' Christian Life,' clearly explains that
' whenever the Divine Providence doth by unavoidable ne-
cessity deprive any Church of its episcopacy, it thereby,
and for the 'present at least, and whilst the necessity con-
tinues, releases it from the obligation of the institution of
episcopacy ; and therefore so long as it doth not renounce
episcopacy, but still continues in communion with other
churches that enjoy it, it ought to be looked upon and
communicated with as a true member (though a maimed
one) of the church catholic ; ' and then he contrasts this
case with that of those who wilfully separate themselves.^
And Bancroft, in a letter to Dr. Covel, chaplain to the
Prince of Orange at the Hague (1678) declares that he will
never abandon his efforts in behalf of an union with Foreign
Protestants.'' The above, it will be observed, were all high
churchmen ; the low churchmen, of course, found no diffi-
culty about the matter.
The sentiments in favour of foreign Protestants found a
very practical expression in 1685, when the Ke vocation of
the Edict of Nantes flooded England with French Pro-
testant refugees. The extraordinary sympathy which was
shewn with these poor sufferers has already been de-
scribed ; and here, again, none were more active than the
high churchmen. Bishop Ken gave them a fine of 4,000^,
' See The Dead Man's Speech dx.
- See Bishop BramhalVs Vmdication of himself and the Episcopal
Clergy from the Presbyterian cliarge of Fopery by Baxter, in his Treatise of
the Grotian Religion dx., 1672. Baxter was one of those good men who
never know when they are beaten ; otherwise this extraordinarily powerful
work would have crushed his not very powerful adversary.
^ Christian Life, iii. pp. 312-3.
' Letter quoted in Molesworth's History of the Church of England,
p. 123.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS CODIES 35 I
which happened to fall in at the time ; boldly preached in
their behalf at the Chapel Koyal before James II., who of
course had no real sympathy with them, though he was
forced to receive them favourably ; and wrote to his clergy
a touching appeal ' to be brotherly kind to strangers, to
Christian strangers, whose distress is very great, and is
in all respects worthy of our tenderest commiseration.' '
Turner, Bishop of Ely, high churchman though he was,
actually provided for the refugees a chapel at Thorney
Abbey, where they might Avorship without conforming to
the Church of England ; '^ and Lloyd, Bishop of S. Asaph,
undertook, so long as he held the see, to allow a French
Protestant 201. a year and his board.^
It was, however, not unnatural that in time churchmen
began to feel that the refugees, by their settlement in
England, virtually swelled the ranks of nonconformists,
and hence the learned Bingham addressed to them a charac-
teristically exhaustive argument in favour of their joining
the Church of England.'*
The French refugees, havhig thriven so well, were fol-
lowed a quarter of a century later by a swarm of ' poor
Palatinates ; ' the sympathy in behalf of the latter, however,
was by no means so unanimous, and an outcr}^ arose that
the influx of so many foreigners (chiefly Lutherans), would
endanger the Church of England."* Stih, on the whole,
the feeling in favour of foreign Protestants was a marked
feature of the whole of our period.
The relation of the Church to Eomanists, whether at
home or abroad, may be very briefly described. It was
from first to last, and from the highest of high churchmen
to the most latitudinarian of low, one of deep, uncompro-
' Ken's Prose Works (Eound's edition), p. 484.
^ See Miss Strickland's Seven Bishops : ' Turnei-.' ' Ibid. : ' Lloyd.'
■* A serious Address to the Refugees of the French Cliurch to join in
constant and full Communion with the Church of England. (Bingham's
Works, vol. ix.)
^ Sec Earl Stanhope's lieign of Queen Anne, p. 209.
=;2 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, l66o 1714
o:)-
mising hostility. In the reign of James II., when the most
systematic and not altogether unsuccessful efforts were made
to bring men over to the king's religion, it is computed
that for every one that was lost to the Church through
Komanism, ten were gained from the ranks of noncon-
formists who appreciated the zeal of the clergy against
popery. And by none was Rome more heartily opposed
than by high churchmen generally and nonjurors in parti-
cular. Collier, LesHe, Hickes, Ken, Brett, Turner, Bancroft,
Fell, Nelson, and countless other names of high churchmen,
appear in print as strong anti-Romanists. Perhaps the
most powerful body of anti-Roman literature that has ever
been pubhshed, is that which was written by divines of the
Church of England during this period, and afterwards
collected by Bishop Gibson for his valuable ' Preservative
against Popery.' The few converts who were won over to
Romanism were so feeble and for the most part so obviously
led by other motives than those of conviction, that they are
scarcely worthy even of being termed exceptions that proved
the rule. It is true, indeed, that there were periodical and
utterly unreasonable panics during which the clergy were
suspected of Romanising, notably in 1673 when the Test
Act was passed, in 1678 when the infamous Gates Plot was
at its height, and in 1680 when the bishops very properly
voted against the Exclusion Bill ; ' but the suspicion was
never seriously entertained for any length of time.
In fact, all through our period the danger lay quite in
another direction ; Romanists were cruelly persecuted, and
most of all when latitudinarianism was in the ascendant.^
' ♦ They tore out,' it was said, ' the very bowels of the Church of Englantl.'
A lampoon entitled The Bishops and the Bill was very popular. Each
verse ended, ' The bishops, the bishops, they threw out the bill,' and the
last, ' To throw out the bishops who threw out the bill.'
••= ' After the Bevolution,' writes Lord Campbell {Lives of the Chancellors,
vol. iv.), ' the penal code against Eomanists was made far more severe and
revolting than it had ever been under Elizabeth or any of the four kings of
the Stuart line.' The excellent Lord Somers, a Whig and a latitudiuarian
in Church aftau's, was largely responsible for these laws.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 353
The same excuse, indeed, may be made as was made for the
persecution of nonconformists, viz. that poHtical causes
contributed far more than theological to bring about the
harsh treatment of Romanists, but the fact remains that
persecution of, not toying with Eome, was a blot of the
period.
There is yet another Church whose chequered fortunes
stirred up a deep interest in the breasts of English church-
men. At no part of our period was the Episcopal Church
of Scotland in a satisfactory state. After having been
cruelly persecuted during the Eebellion, it was re-estab-
lished under Charles 11. on a radically wrong basis, and
cruel persecutions were instituted, rather in its name and
on its professed behalf, than by the Church itself. The
political element was at this time too strong in the Church
of England, but it was far stronger in that of Scotland.
The bishops who were forced upon Scotland (always except-
ing the saintly Leighton), were not churchmen at all in the
spiritual sense of the term, while the chief instrument in
the persecution, Lauderdale, was not a churchman even in
name. When the turn of the wheel brought the Presby-
terians again into power after the Revolution, the Episcopal
clergy were cruelly used, and the sj^mpathy of their English
brethren w^as strongly awakened in their behalf. The
' rabbled ' ministers gratefully acknowledged that many of
them were saved by the charity of their English brethren
from actual starvation ; and when Anne succeeded William,
it was through the intervention of English churchmen,
especially Archbishop Sharp, who used his great influence
with the queen, and almost insisted upon her taking the
matter up,' that the persecution by very slow degrees
abated. William III. could hardly be expected to give
' ' He spoke earnestly to the Queen about the Episcojial clergy in
Scotland, and charged her again upon her conscience (when she made some
excuses) with some warmth to take care to put a stop to these persecutions.
She said she would.' This was in 1708. {Life of ArcUbislwp Sharp, by
his son, vol. ii.)
A A
354 LIFE IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH, 1660-17 14
much power or privilege to the Scotch Church, for the clergy
were Jacobites almost to a man ; but this does not in
the least account for its persecution by Presbyterians, who
made no secret of the fact that their object was to destroy
Prelacy, root and branch. Sympathy with their distressed
brethren across the Tweed was of course felt most keenly
by nonjurors such as Ken and Nelson, but even low
churchmen, like Burnet, were not insensible to their suffer-
ings. A large consignment of Bibles and Prayer Books,
chiefly, it would seem, at the instance of Eobert Nelson,
was sent, both as a practical aid and as a token of inter-
communion. The political question does not appear to
have had much to do with the sympathy of the English
with the Scotch Church ; it was the generous sympathy of
a prosperous with a distressed sister, with whom she was
in the fullest terms of communion ; for there does not
appear to have been the slightest trace of any doubt about
the EngHsh and the Scotch Churches being bound closely
together all through our period.
The relationship between the English and the Irish
Churches need not be dwelt upon. They were in fact one,
* the United Church of England and Ireland.' Several great
names form connecting links between the two branches, —
John Bramhall, Jeremy Taylor, George Eust, Charles
Leslie, Jonathan Swift, and others among the clergy,
Eobert Boyle and James Bonnell among the laity. The
harmony between the two bodies does not appear to have
been ever interrupted ; but there are no traces of that
warm sympathy — circumstances did not occur to bring it
out — which, as we have seen, existed between England and
Scotland.
In conclusion the reader must be reminded that this
only professes to be a sketch of certain phases of Church
life. Had it professed to be a complete history of Church
life, much would of course have had to be said upon matters
which are here touched upon very lightly or not at all.
THE CHURCH AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BODIES 355
The work of Convocation, for instance, the schemes of com-
l^rehension, the pohtical acts in which the Church was
concerned, the controversial writings of the time, are all
parts of Church life in its broadest sense, but not in the
narrower sense in which the term is used here. But even
of what the work professed to do the performance is woe-
fully imperfect. Perhaps, however, it may stimulate some
other literary workman to explore the same mine ; such an
one will find a rich vein of ore which will amply repay his
toil.
LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED
OR REFERRED TO.
No author is included lolio Ms been qtiotcd at second Imnd. The, dates of
the editions used have been given for the convenience of those who
desire to verify the quotations.
Account of the Societies for Eeformation of Manners, (Defoe) 1699
Addison, Joseph, Life of, by Lucy Aikin, 2 vols. 1843
„ „ Evidences of Christianity, about 1715
Addison, Lancelot, Primitive Institution, &c. 1674
„ „ Christian's Manual, 5th ed. 1700
Advice to Clergy of Diocese of Lincoln, by Bishop Gardiner, 2nd ed.
1697
Advice to the Clergy in six Sermons, by J. Cock, 1664-88
Allestree, Dr. R., Life of, by Bp. FeU, new ed. 1848
Amusements of Clergymen and Christians in general, new ed. 1820
Anderson, J. S. M., History of the Colonial Church, 3 vols. 1856
Anglise Notitiae, E. and J. Chamberlayne, 16th ed, 1687
Animadversions on ' The Naked Truth,' 1676
Amiiversary Sermons preached before S. P. G. 1845
Answer to Grounds, &c., for Contempt of Clergy (B. Oley ?), 1671
Apology of author of ' Asses complaint against Balaam '
Art of Contentment, by Lady Pakmgton (?) Ed. W. Pridden, 1841
Ashmole, Ehas, Memours of, &c., by way of Diary, 1717
Asses complaint against Balaam, L. Griffin, 1663
Astell, Mary, The Christian Rehgion as professed by a Daughter of the
Church of England, 1705
„ „ Serious Proposal to Ladies, 1694
„ „ Letters concerning the Love of God. Pub. by J. Norris,
2nd ed. 1705
AthensD Cantabrigienses, from Cole MSS. in British Museum
Athemc Oxonienses, Anthony a Wood, new cd. Bliss, 1813
Athenian Oracle, 1706
358 LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Atterbury,Bp-) Memoirs and Correspondence of, G.Folliestone Williams,
2 vols. 18G9
„ „ Life by Stackhonse
„ „ Sermons, 3 vols. 8th ed. 17G6
Babington, Eev. Churchill, Character of Clergy in latter i^art of 17th
centiu-y, 1849
Bagehot, W., Biograpliical Studies, ed. E, H. Hutton, 1881
Baker, T., Memoks of life and writings, fi-om Papers of Z. Grey, 1784
„ „ Eeflections upon Learning, 6th ed. 1727
Ballard, George, Memoirs of British Ladies, 1775
Barlow, Bp. T., Cases of Conscience resolved, 1692
„ ,, Genume Eemams of, 1693
Barnes, Ambrose, Memoirs of, Sm-tees Soc. 1867
Barrow, Dr. Isaac, Works, with Life by Whewell, ed. Napier, 1859
Barwick, Vita Joannis, by P. Barwick. —
„ „ Translation with notes (by Hilkiah Bedford ?) 1724
Basire, Dr. Isaac, Correspondence of, ed. Darnell, 1831
Bathurst, Dean Ealph, Life and Literary Eemains of (T. Warton)
Beveridge, Bp. Life of, prefixed to Private Thoughts, ed. of 1825
„ Life pref. to ed. of Works by C. Bradley, 1828
„ „ Private Thoughts, vol. viii. of Works, Lib. Angl. Cath.
Theol.
„ Theol. Works., Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol. 1842
„ „ Defence of Sternhold and Hopkins' Book of Psalms.
„ „ Sermons on Ministry and Ordinances of Church of
England, new ed. 1837
Bino'ham, Jos., Works, in 9 vols, with Life preiixed, 1840
Bonnell, James, Life and Character of, by Archdeacon Hamilton,
1707
Boyer's Amials of the Eeign of Queen Anne, 2 vols.
Boyle, Hon. E., Birch's Life of, 1744
Bramhall, Abp., Vindication &c., from tlie charge of Popery, 1672
„ „ True Notion of the Worship of God, 1673
Bray, Dr. Thomas, Essay towards promoting aU necessary and useful
knowledge, 1697
,, Bibliotheca Catechetica, 1702
„ „ Bibliotheca Parochialis, 1697
„ ,, Public Spirit illustrated in the Life and Designs of, 1746
Brewer, J. S. A., English Studies, 1881
Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitudinarians, by S. P. 1669
Brokesby, F., Life of Mr, Henry Dodwell, 1715
Brown, Works of Mr. Thomas, 3 vols. 9th ed. 1760
Bull, Bp., Works, ed. 1846. esp. Charge to clergy of S. David's, in 1708
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 359
BuU, Bp., Life by R. Nelson, Oxford ed. 1845
Burnet, Bp., History of my own Times, in 4 vols. 1815
„ „ Lives of Sir M. Hale, Earl of Eocliester &e. new ed. 1829
„ „ Four discom-ses delivered to clergy of Sarum, 1G94
,, „ Discoiu"se of Pastoral Care, 1G92
„ „ Four Sermons by, (preached before the liing &c.)
„ „ Lives, Characters, &c. and an Address to Posterity, ed. Bp.
Jebb, 2nd ed. 1853
„ „ Visitation Charges, 1704, 1708, 1714
„ „ Elizabeth, Methods of Devotion, with Life by T. Goodwyn,
2nd ed. 1709
Burton, Jas. Hill, History of the Eeign of Queen Anne, 1880
Calamy, Edmimd, Account of my own Life, 2 vols. 2nd ed. 1830
„ „ Account of Ejected Ministers, 2nd ed. 1710
Campbell, Lord, Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol. iii. 1845
Carstares, William, — Storey, 1674
CartwTight, T., Bishop of Chester, Diary of, Camden Soc. 1843
Carwithen, J. B. S., History of the Chm-ch of England, 1833
Causes of Decay of Chi'istian Piety, ed. of 1705
Cave, Dr. Wm., Primitive Clu-istianity
Cawdi-ey, Zachary, Discourse of Patronage, 1G75
Chaplains' Petition to the Hon. House for redi'ess of grievances, 1G93
Character of England in 1G59, (John Evelyn)
Chichester, Life of John (Lake), Bishop of, 1690
Christian Monitor (Eawlet's), 25th ed. 1699
Clarke, Dr. Adam, Memou's of the Wesley Family, 1823
Clergyman's Vade Mecum, 3rd ed. 1709
„ Advocate, Accoimt of Ill-treatment of Church and Clergy,
1711
Coleridge, S. T., Notes on English Divines, 1853
Collectanea Cm-iosa fi-om MSS. of Abp. Sancroft (Tanner MSS.), 1781
Collier, Jeremy, Ecclesiastical History in 9 vols., vol. viii. 1841
„ „ Essays upon Moral Subjects, 7th ed. 1732
„ „ Life of, by F. Barham, Pref. to Eccl. Hist. 1840
„ „ Short Account of the Profaneness and Immorality of
the Stage, 1730
Comber, Dean Thomas, Companion to the Temple and Closet, 1G73
„ „ „ Discoiu'se concernmg Excommunication
Compton, Life of Bishop, (undated)
„ Ej)iscopalia, Letters to clergy of London diocese, 1G83 &c.
Correspondence of Henry, Earl of Clarendon, and Lawrence, Earl of
Rochester, ed. Singe, 1828
Cosin, Bishop, Correspondence of, Surtees Soc, 1872
360 LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Cosin, Bishop, State of us that adhere to Church of England
„ „ Works of, vol. iv., Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol. 1851
Cradock, Zachary, 25 Sermons preached before King Charles II. 1742
Dartmouth, Lord, Notes on Burnet's ' Own Times '
Dawes, Sir W., Abp. of York, Whole Works of, with Life of Author,
1733
' Dead Man's Eeal Speech,' Funeral Sermon on Bishop Cosin, with a
Brief of his life by I. Basii-e, 1672
Debary, T., History of the Church of England from accession of
James II. to 1717, 1860
Defence of Plurahties as now practised in the Church of England
(H. Wharton), 2nd ed. 1703
Devotions in the Ancient Way of Offices, 2nd ed. 1701
Discourse of profiting by Sermons, 1683
Disney, J., Essay on execution of Laws against Immorality, 2nd ed.
1710
Dodwell, H., Treatise concerning Instrumental Music in Churches, 2nd
ed. 1700
„ ,, Letter of Advice for the susception of Holy Orders, 2ud
ed. 1680
Dolben, Archbishop, Sermons of
Dunton, John, Life and Errors of, 1818
Duppa, Bishop Brian, Holy Eules and Helps to Devotion, 2nd ed. 1818
Eachard, John, Works of, in 3 vols. 1774
Earle, Bishop, Microcosmography, new ed. P. Bliss, 1811
Echard, Lawrence, History of the Eevolution, &c. 1725
Edwards, W. E., Sermon before the Grateful Society (on Colston),
1783
Ellis's Original Letters, 2nd series, 1837
English Poets from Chaucer to Co\vper, Chalmers, vol. viii. 1810
EpiscopaUa, or Letters of Henry (Comptou), Bishop of London, to
clergy, 1686
Essay concernmg Preaching (Glanvill of Bath ?), 1678
Essay on the Great Affinity of the two Professions of Law and Divinity,
1714
Evelyn, John, Diary, 5 vols. 1827
FouLis, H., History of the Plots and Conspiracies of our pretended
Saints, 1662
Fowler, Bishop of Gloucester, Visitation Charge, 1707
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 36 1
Fox, C. J., History of the early part of the reign of James II., 1808
Frainpton, Bishop of Gloucester, Life, ed. by T. Simpson, 1876
Fuller's Worthies, Nichol's ed. in 2 vols. 1811
Gentleman's Calling, ed. of 1765
Gladstone, Kt. Hon. W. E., on Macaulay, Gleanings, vol. ii.
Godolphin, Mrs., Life of, by J. Evelyn, pub. by Bishop of Oxford, 1847
Government of the Tongue, by author of Whole Duty of Man
Granger, J., Biographical History of England, vol. iii. 1804
Granville, Dean, Remains of, 2 vols. Surtees Soc, 1865
Grey, Zachary, and Maddox, Examuaation of Neal's History of
Puritans, 1737
Gunnmg, Bishop P., The Paschal or Lent Feast, Lib. Angl. Cath. Theoh
1845
Hacket, Bishop, Memoirs of Life of Archbishop Williams, 1715
„ „ Ai-ticles of Enquiry at Visitation of 1668
„ ., Christian Consolations, New ed. with account of
Author, 1840
„ „ Life and Death of, T. Plume, ed. by Mackenzie
Walcott, 1865
Haddan, A. W., Remains, ed. by Bishop Forbes, 1876
Hallam's Constitutional History, 8 vols. 1854
„ Literature of Europe, 3 vols. 1843
Hammond, Hem-y, Practical Catechism, with Life of Author, Lib.
Angl. Cath. fheol. 1847
Happy Ascetick, by Dr. Horneck, 1681
Hastings, Lady Ehzabeth, Historical Character of, by T. Barnard, 1742
Hawkins, E., Historical Notices of Missions &c., 1845
Hearne, Life of Mr. Thos. from his own MS. copy in Bodleian, 1772
Henry, Philip, Diary, ed. by M. H. Lee, 1882
Herbert, George, Priest to the Temple, with Pref. by B. Oley, 1675
Hey wood, Oliver, Hunter's Life of, 1842
Hickes, Dean G., Posthmuous Discourses, pub. by N. Spinckes, 1726
„ „ ,, Apologetical Vindication of Church of England, 1686
„ ,, „ Constitution of the Catholic Cluu-ch, 1716
„ „ „ Letters with a Popish Priest, 2nd ed. 1715
Higgons, Bevil, Remarks on Burnet's Own Times, Works, vol. ii. 1736
Histoire de la Revolution de I'Angleterre par M. Guizot, 1841
History of England continued fi'om Sk J. Mackintosh, Cab. Cycl. 1836
History of England under House of Stuart, Soc. Dif. Useful Know-
ledge, 1840
History of the Great Plague, (Defoe), 1756
Holy Time of Christmas defended agamst Nonconformists, 1676
362 LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Hook, Dean, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury.
Hooper, Bp. of Bath and Wells, Short Character of, from Mist's
Joitrnal, 1730
„ ,, AVorks of, new ed. in 2 vols. 1855
Hopton, Susanna, A collection of Meditations and Devotions, pub.
by N. Spinckes, 1717
Horneck, Dr. A., Life, by Bp. Kidder, 1698
,, Dr. A., Siunmary Account of, in a letter to a friend, 1697
Hough, Bp., Life of, by J. Wihuot, 1812
Howe, John, Life and Character of, by H. Rogers, 1836
Impartial Vindication of the Clergy of the Church of England, 1680
Johnson, John, of Cranbrook, Life of, by T. Brett, 1748
Jubilee Tract, S.P.C.K., Great Success from Small Beginnings, Murray,
1849
Jura Cleri, Apology for the rights of the long-despised clergy, by Philo-
Basileus, Philoclerus, 1661
Juxon, Abp., and his Times, Memoirs of, by W. H. Marsh, 1869
Ken, Bp., Prose Works, with Life by Hawkins, (J. T. Round), 1838
,, „ Life by Canon Bowles, 1830
„ ,, Life by a Layman, 1851
„ „ Manual of Prayers for use of Winchester Scholars, ed. G. M.
(George Moberly), 1840
„ „ Prayers for the use of all persons who come to the Bath for
cure, (Markland), 1849
„ „ Poems, devotional and didactic
Kennet, Bj). White, Life of, 1730
„ ,. History of England, vol. iii. 1706
„ „ Case of Improjariations and Augmentation of VicarageS)
1704
„ „ The Christian Scholar, 5th ed. 1710
,, „ Unpublished MSS. in British Museum
Kettlewell, John, Life of, 1719
Kidder, Bp. Charge to clergy of Bath and Wells, 1092
Lake, Bp., Account of the Profession made by, 1690
Lake, Dr. Edward, Diary, ed. P. EUiott, Camden Soc. 1846
„ „ „ Oflicium Eucharisticum, 31st ed. 1843
Lathbury, T., History of Convocation, 2nd ed. 1853
,, ,, History of the Nonjurors, 1845
„ „ History of the English Episcopacy from the Long Par-
liament to the Act of Uniformitj', 1836
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 363
Lathbm-y, T., A History of the Convocation of the Chiirch of Eng-
land, 1842
Le Neve, John, Lives and Characters of Protestant Bishops of the
Chm-ch of England since the Eeformation, 1820
Leslie, Charles, Life prefixed to Theol. Works m 7 vols.
„ „ Life, by Eev. R. J. LesHe, 1885
Letter from a minister in the comitry to a gentleman in London on
the Eeformation of Mamiers, 1701
Letter from one clergyman to another concernmg ministers inter-
meddling with State affairs, 1714
Letters fi-om the Bodleian, ed. Bhss, 1813
Life of James II. late king of England, 2nd ed. 1703
Lingard, Dr., History of England, vols. ix. and x. 1854
Lives of the English Bishops from the Eestam:ation to the Eevolution,
1733
Lloyd, Bp. of Worcester, Ai'ticles of Visitation, 1705
London Parishes in 1824
Lowth, Simon, Catechetical Questions, &c. 1673
Lucas, Dr. Richard, Enquiry after Happiness, new ed. 1803
„ „ „ Practical Christianity &c. 7th ed. 174G .
„ „ „ Sermons m 3 vols. 2nd ed, 1722
„ „ „ Twenty-four Sermons, 3rd ed. 1735
Luttrel, Narcissus, Brief Historical Eelation of State Affairs, in 6 vols.
(1078-1714), 1857
Macaulay, Lord, Eng. Men of Letters, J. C. Morison, 1882
„ History of England, 2 vols. 1873
„ „ Essays, 1 vol. 1872
Mackintosh, Sir J., Miscellaneous Works in 1 vol. 1851
Macpherson, J., Original Papers containing Secret History of Great
Britain (1660-1714), 1775
„ History of Great Britain (1660-1714), 1775
Mahaffy, J. P., Decay of Modern Preaching, 1882
Mehnoth, WiUiam, Great Importance of a Religious Life, new ed. 1849
Milles, Isaac, Life of, new ed. 1842
Miscellanies of the Fuller's Worthies' Library, Dr. Grosart, 1871
Miseries of the Inferior Clergy, by T. Stackhouse, 1737
Molesworth, W. Nassau, History of the Chm-ch of England from 1660,
1882
More, Dr. Henry, Life of, by R. Ward, 1710
Mullinger, J. B., Cambridge Characteristics in the 17th Century, 1867
Naked Trutli, The, Herbert Croft, Bishop of Hereford, 1675
Nelson, R., Addi-ess to Persons of Quahty, 1715
3^4
LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Nelson, R., Great Duty of frequenting the Christian Sacrifice, 5th. ed.
1714
„ „ Life of Bishop Bull, 1845
„ „ Secretan's Life of, 1860
„ „ Festivals and Fasts, S. P. C. K. 1823
„ „ Practice of True Devotion, &c., 3rd. ed. 1716
Nichol's Literary Anecdotes of the 18th Century, vol. i.
NicoU, John, Diary of Transactions in Scotland, 1650-67, 1836
Nicolson, Abp., Correspondence, 1809
Noble, Mark, Biog. Hist, of England, 1806
Norris, John, of Bemerton, on Religious Discourse in Common Con-
versation, 1702
„ „ Theory and Regnlation of Love, 1688
„ „ Reason and Religion, 7th ed. 1724
„ „ Of Hiuxian Life, 1689
„ ,, Practical Discom-ses
North, Roger, Examen
„ „ Lives of the Norths (Life of Dr. John North) new ed. 1826
Owen, John, Orme's Life of, in Pref. to Owen's works, 1826
Palin, W., History of the Church of England, 1688-1717, 1851
Parish Chiu'ches turned into Conventicles, by R. Hart, 1683
Parish Churches no Conventicles, by T. A. 1683
Parker, Samuel, De rebus sm temporis, 1726
Parkhm-st, N., Life of Rev. Mr. Biu-kitt of Dedham, 1704
Paterson, James, Pietas Londinensis, 1714
Patrick, Bishop, Autobiogi-aphy, new ed. 1839
Ai'ticles of Inquiry at Chichester, 1690
Advice to a Friend, new ed. 1847
Book for Begiimers, or Help to young Communicants,
17th ed. 1713
Consolatory Discourses, 10th ed. 1783
Christian Sacrifice, 5th ed. 1079
Devout Clu'istian instructed how to pray, 1672
Letters to his Clergy of Chichester Diocese, 1690
Mensa Mystica, 6th ed. 1702
Discourse concerning Praj'er, 1686
On the Work of the Ministry, new ed. by Hawkins,
1841
Fast, 1686
Parable of the Pilgrim, 6th. ed. 1687
Poems, 1719
Treatise of Repentance and Fasting, esp. of the Lent
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 365
Pearson, Bishop, Minor Theol. Works, with Memoirs of Author,
Churton, 2 vols, 1844
Pepys, Samuel, Diary and Correspondence, ed. by Lord Braybrook,
3rd ed. 1848
Perry, Canon, History of the Chm-ch of England, 3 vols, IBGl
Peterborough, Diocesan History, S. P. C. K., E. A, Poole
Pocock, Dr. E., Life of (Twells), repub. 1726
Practical Christian, The, a Devout Penitent, Sherlock, Gth ed. 1713
Prideanx, Dean Humphrey, Life of, 1748
„ „ Du-ections to Chm-chwardens, 3rd ed. 1713
Private Conference between a Rich Alderman and a Poor Vicar, 1G70
Eanke, Leopold von. History of England principally in 17th Century,
Tr. 1875
Bapin, Hist, of England, Tr., with continuation, by Tindal, 5th ed. 17G0
Rawdon Papers, 1819
Bawlet, J., A Brief Account of (Dr. Bray), 1728
„ „ Christian Monitor
„ „ Poetic Miscellanies by, 1687
Reformation of Manners, A Satyr, 1702
Religio Medici, vol. ii. of Works of Sir T. Browne, Bohn's ed. 1852
Remains of T. Hearne (Reliquiae Hearnianae), P. Bliss, 1869
Representation of Present State of Religion, 1711
Representation of the State of Cliristianity in England, 1G74
Reresby, Sir John, Travels and Memoirs of, 3rd ed. 1831
Royal Society, History of, by Bishop T. Spratt, 1G67
„ „ Weld's History of, 1848
Russell, Rev. M., History of the Chiirch in Scotland, 2 vols. 1834
Russell, Rachael, Lady, Life of, 3rd ed. 1820
„ „ „ Letters of, 3rd ed. 1792
Salisbury, Diocesan History, W. H. Jones, S. P. C. K.
Salmon, N., Impartial Examination of Burnet's Own Times, 2 vols. 1724
„ „ Lives of the English Bishops, from the Restoration to the
Revolution
Sancroft, Abp., Life of, by Dr. G. D'Oyly, 2 vols. 1821
„ Famihar Letters of, to Mr. North, 1757
Sanderson, Bishop, Works, ed. Jacobson, 1854
Scoones, W. Baptiste, English Letters, 1880
Scott, Dr. John, The Christian Life, 3 vols., 10th ed. 1739
Scougal, H., Works, with Life of Aiithor, new ed. 1763
Secretan, C. F., Memoirs of the Life, &c., of the pious R. Nelson, 18G0
Selden, John, Life of, by J. Aikin, M. D. 1812
Selsey— Chichester, Diocesan History, S. P. C. K., Preb. Stephens, 1881
366 LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Serious Enquiry into the Present State of the Church of England, 1711
Seventeenth Centiuy Studies, E. W. Gosse, 1883
Sharp, Abp. John, Life of, by his son, ed. T. Newcome, 2 vols, 1825
„ „ Sermons, 2 vols., 9th ed. 1754
Sherlock, Dean W., Practical Discoiu-se of Religious Assemblies, ed.
H. Melville, Eng. Lib., vol. xi. 1840
„ „ ,, Practical Discourse concerning Death
Sherlock, R., of Winwick, Catechism &c. paraphrased, 10th ed. 1G72
Short Accotmt of several kinds of Societies, 1700
Sithiey, Hon. H., Diary of Times of Charles IL, ed. Blencowe, 1843
Skeat's History of the Free Chm-ches
Smalridge, Bishop, Sixty Sermons, new ed. 1852
,, ,, Twelve Sermons, on different occasions, 1717
Smith, John, Select Discourses, 4th ed. (H. G. WiUiams), 1859
Smythies, W., Benefit of Early Piety, 15th ed. 1729
„ „ Sermons (detached).
„ ,, Unworthy Non-communicant, 4th ed. 1707
Somers' Tracts, vol. xii.
South, Dr. Robert, Sermons in 6 vols, with Life of Writer (1697-1717)
Sparrow, Bp. A., Rationale upon the Book of Common Prayer, 7th ed.
1722
Spinckes, N., The Sick Man Visited, 4th ed. with life of author, 1731
„ „ Manual of Private Devotions collected by, 15th ed. 1772
Spital and Charity Schools Anniversai-y Sermons, A Collection of, in
the British Museiun
Spratt, Bp., Charge to Clergy of Rochester Diocese, 1695
„ „ History of the Royal Society, 1667
Stanhope, Earl, Reign of Queen Anne, 4th ed. 1872
Steele, Richard, The Christian Hero, 1700
Stillingfleet, Bp., Life and Character of, 1710
,, „ Ecclesiastical Cases relating to Rights and Duties of
the Parochial Clergy, 1698
„ ., Primary Charge to the Diocese of Worcester
„ „ Miscellaneous Discoiu'ses, 1735
,, „ RationalAccount of Grounds of the Protestant Religion,
new ed. 1844
„ ,, Twelve Sermons by, 1696
Stoughton, Dr. J., Church and State 200 years ago, 1862
„ „ The Church of the Restoration, 2 vols. 1870
Strickland, Miss A., Lives of the Queens of England
„ ,, Lives of the Seven Bishops, 1866
Simday, Dr. Hessey's Bampton Lectures, 1860
Survey of Cities of London and Westminster by R. Seymour, 1734
Swift, Works of, in 8 vols. ed. Scott, 2nd ed. 1824
„ by Leslie Stephen, Eng. Men of Letters, 1882
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 367
Taswell, Dr. W., Autobiography (1651-1G82) ed. G. P. Elliott,
Taylor, J. J,, Eetrospect of ReUgious Life in England, 2nd ed. 1876
Taylor, Bp. Jeremy, Whole Works with Life, R. Heber, 3rd ed. 1839
„ Life of, by R. A. Wilhnot, 1847
,, „ Contemplation of State of Man in this Life and that which
is to come, new ed. 1847
Teale, W. H., Lives of English Laymen, Eng. Lib. vol. xxii, 1842
Tenison, Abp. Life of, (imdated)
Thoresby, Ralph, Diary (1677-1724) ed. J. Himter, 1830
Thorndike, H., Discourse of Eight of Chiu'ch in a Chi'istian State, new
ed. J. S. Brewer, 1841
TiUotson, Abp., Life by Dr. T. Birch, 2nd ed. 1758
,, ,, Sermons, 2 vols. 10th ed. 1735
Tom: of Great Britain by a gentleman (D. Defoe), 1724
Towerson, Gabriel, Of the Sacraments in general, 1686
„ Sermon concerning vocal and mstrumental music in chm-ch,
1696
Trelawney Papers, ed. by W. D. Cooper for Camden Soc. 1853
Trevor's Life of WUHam III.
Trimmell, Bp., Charge to clergy of Norwich, 1709
„ Visitation Charge, 1710
True Notion of Worship of God, Vindication of Services of Clim'ch &c.
1673
Tulloch, Dr., Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in 17th
CentiTry, 1862
Tiurner, Bp., Letter to clergy of Ely Diocese before his Visitation,
1686
Tyerman, L., Life and Times of Samuel Wesley, 1806
UsHEE, Abp., Life of, by J. Aikin, M.D. 1812
Vindication of the late Abp. Sancroffc from the Reflections of Mr.
Marshall, 1717
Vita Joannis Barwick, by Peter Barwick, 1671
Vita Joannis Cosini, T. Smith, 1707
Wake, Bp. of Lincohr, Primary Visitation Charge, 1707
Walcott, Mackenzie, Traditions and Customs of Cathedrals, 2nd ed.
1872
Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy epitomised, 1862
Walton, Bp. Brian, Life of, by H. J. Todd, 2 vols. 1821
Walton, Izaak, Lives of Herbert, Sanderson, &c. new ed. 1845
„ „ Life of, by T. Zouch, 1825
368 LIST OF AUTHORITIES
Ward, Bp. Seth, Life of, by Dr. W. Pope, 1697
„ Some Particulars of the Life, Habits, and Piirsxiita of, 1879
Ward, J., Vicar of Stratford-on-Avon, Diary arranged by C. Severn,
1839
Ward, A. W., History of Dramatic Literatin-e in Eeign of Queen Aiine,
1875
Warwick, Mary, Comitess of. Autobiography, ed. Croker, Percy, ed.
1848
„ unpublished MSS. of, in British Musemn
Watts, Dr. L, Memoirs of by Southey, prefixed to Lyric Poems, 1840
„ Voh vi. of Works in 9 vols. 1813
Weld, C. E., History of the Royal Society, 1848
Wells, Dr. E., of Cottesbach, Eich Man's Duty &c. 1840
Welwood, Jas., Memoirs &c. for 100 years preceding 1688, 7th ed.
1736
Wesley, Samuel, the Elder, Sermon concerning the Eef. of Manners,
1698
„ The Pious Commimicant rightly prepared, 1700
Whole Duty of Man, ed. of 1763
Wilkins' Concilia Magnae Britannise, vol. iv. 1737
Wilkins, Bp. Life of, prefixed to his works, 1708
Williams, J. B., Life of Sir Matthew Hale, 1835
Wilson, Bp. Thos., Sodor and Man, Life of, by J. Keble, 2 vols. 1863
„ Life of, by Hugh StoweU, 1827
I „ „ Life of, by C. CruttweU, 1782
,, „ „ Sermons in 4 vols. 1785
Wood, Anthony h, Life of writer by himself and pub. by T. Hearne, 1772
Woodward, Josiali, Account of Eise and Progress of Eel. Socs. 4th ed.
1712
„ Fair Warnings to a Careless World, 1717
Women of Methodism, by A. Stevens, 1866
Worcester, Diocesan History, S.P.C.K. Gregory Smith and Onslow,
1883
Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, vol. iv. 1853
Worthin^ton, Dr. J., Great Duty of Self-resignation to the Divine Will
„ Diary and Correspondence, Chetham Soc. 1847
Wren, Sir Christopher, and his Times, by J. Elmes, 1852
„ His Family and his Times, Lucy Pliillimore,
"iss'i
ZoucH, T., Life of Dean Sudbury
„ „ Memoirs of Sir George Wheler
„ Life of J. Walton and notices of his Contemporaries, 1825
INDEX.
ACT
Act of Uniformity, 345
Addison, Dean Lancelot, 47, 91,
177, 267-8, 303, 306
— Joseph, 136, 267-8
' Address to Persons of Quality '
(E. Nelson), 285
' Address to Posterity ' (Bp. Burnet)
281
' Advice to a Friend' (Bp. Patrick),
275
Aldrich, Dean, 105, 162
Allestree, Dr. R., 4, 44-5, 191, 310
All Saints' Church, Oxford, 162
Altar Lights, 198-9
— Pieces, 200
— position of, 199
Amusements of clergy, 311-6
Anne, Queen, 14, 64, 83, 163, 222,
338
— state of Church under, 14-15
Andrewes' Devotions, Bi?., 278
Anniversary Sermons of S. P. G.,
221
' Answer to Grounds and Occasions
for Contempt of Clergy,' 300 et
seq.
'Aqua Genitalis' (Bishop Patrick),
270
' Art of Contentment, The,' 264
Ashmole, Elias, 9 n., 28, 119-121
Aske's Hospital, 230
Associates of Dr. Bray, 224
Astell, Mary, 146, 148-9, 312
Athenian Oracle, The, 193, 197,
202, 262
Atkins, Sir Edward, 136-7
Atterbury, Bp. F., 85, 248-9, 302,
318, 327
— Lewis, 5
BRAMHALL
B.iBiNGTON, Rev. Churchill, 305
Baker, Thomas, 103
Baptisms, Private, 163-4
Barlow, Bp., 329, 332, 333
Barnes, Ambrose, 200, 348
Barrow, Bp. Isaac, 36
— Dr. Isaac, 38-9, 183, 237-8,
311
Barwick, Dean John, 18
— Peter, 36, 42, 107-8, 303, 340
Basire, Archd. I., 6, 42, 43-4, 172,
177, 349
Bathurst, Dr. Ralph, 6, 260
Baxter, Richard, 191, 346
Bedford, Hilkiah, 91
' Benefit of early piety ' (Smythies),
282
Beveridge, Bp., 5, 47, 49, 76-7, 89,
90, 173, 174, 177, 179, 186, 209,
221, 249-50, 274
Bidding Prayer, 179
Bingham, Joseph, 96-7, 198, 351
Bishops for the Plantations, 219-
221
Blackall, Bp. Offspring, 86
Blackmore, Sir Richard, 136, 218
Bohun, Dr., 152
Bonnell, James, 135
' Book for Beginners, or Help to
Young Communicants ' (Patrick),
269
Borage, Timothy, 48
Bowing to the East, 197
Bowyer, the printer, 194
Boyle, Hon. Robert, 46, 113-6,
321
Bradford, Bp. of Carlisle, 214
Bramhall, Abp., 18, 192, 303, 318,
323, 350
B J!
370
INDEX
Bray, Dr. Thomas, 99, 209, 21G,
2i8, 219, 222-4, 299, 303
Brett, Thomas, 104
Briefs, 194-7
Brokesby, Francis, 206
Brooke, Lady, 153
Brown, Tom, 203
Browne, Sir Eichard, 108-9
^ Sir Thomas, 117
Brownrigg, Bp., 3 n., 6, 19
Bull, Bp., 5, 36, 47, 84, 125, 128,
164, 166, 246, 262, 306, 335
— Mrs., 154
Burkitt, \Vm., of Dedham, 101,
106, 222
Burnet, Bp., 67-70, 149, 183, 251,
) . 302, 304
— Elizabeth, 155
— Thomas, 70 n.
Busby, Dr. Ed., 41-3, 44, 87, 108,
162
Calamy, Edmund, 170
Card-playing, 312, 314
Caroline Age, Theology of, 341
Cartwright, Bp. Thomas, 171, 180,
199, 203
Cases of oonseience, (Sanderson),
316, 332
(Barlow), 332
Casuistry, 330-4
' Catechetical Questions ' (Simon
Lowth), 267
Catechising, Public, 175-8
' Catechism of Church of England
paraphrased ' (Sherlock), 267
— explained' (Comber), 267
(Beveridge), 268
Cathedrals, condition of at Eestora-
tion, 159-160
• Causes of Decay of Christian
Piety,' 264
Cave, Dr. Wm., 5, 104
Chamberlayne, Edward, 255, 303
— John, 217, 256
Chancels, disuse of, 181-2
Chaplains, domestic, 193, 298-300
Charity schools, 224-8
Charles II., 8-9, 257, 319,
— — state of Church under, 6-10
Chelsea Hospital, 230
Cherry, Francis, 132-3
Chetwynd, Walter, 137, 162
Chillingworth, 319
CONFORMISTS
'Christian Consolations ' (Hacket?)
277
— Life, The' (John Scott), 272-3,
331
— Monitor, The ' (Eawlet), 273-4
— Virtuoso, The ' (Boyle), 284,
321
— Hero, The ' (Steele), 285
' Christian's Manual, The ' (L.
Addison), 270
Christ Church, Oxford, 4
Church services. Attendance at,
171-5
Clarendon, Edward, first Earl of,
41, 118-9
— Henry, second Earl of, 126-7,
205, 206
' Clarendonian Code,' 345
Clergy, of Eestoration Period,
16 et seq.
— social position of, 296-302
— superfluity of, 297
— light literature on, 301-2
— conduct of, in Great Plague,
339-341
— contempt for, 302-3
— envy of, 308
— learning of, 305-8, 342
— and amusements, 311-6
— and immorality, 335
— courage of, 336-8
— and Legal Profession, 309
— and Medical Profession, 310
— and Military Profession, 310
et seq.
— scoffers on, 309
— and politics, 311
— poverty of, 303-5
Clerk Ales, 194
Cock, Vicar of St. Oswald's, Dur-
ham, 101
Colchester, Col. Maynard, 216
' Collection of Meditations ' (Hop-
ton), 286
Collier, Jeremy, 102, 187, 205, 297
Colston, Edward, 137, 230
Comber, Dean Thomas, 90, 259
317, 327
Communicants, Number of, 168-
171
' Companion to the Temple '
(Comber), 271, 306
Compton, Bishop, 13 7?., 65-7, 209,
214, 219, 269, 310, 311, 328, 337
Conformists not Churchmen, 159,
336
INDEX
371
CONTEMPLATIONS
'Contemplations' (Bishop Hall),
276
Convocation, 13, 326, 335
Conway, Lady, 52, 147
Corporation of the Sons of the
Clergy, 228
Cosin, Bishop, 6, 21-3, 53, 88, 172,
179, 182, 191, 196, 198, 319,
349
' Cosin's, Devotions, Bishop,' 277
' Country Parson, The ' (G. Her-
bert), 276
Country parsons, Literary work
from, 305-6
Cradock, Zachary, 254
Creighton, Dr., 338
Crewe, Lord, Bishop of Durham,
337
Croft, Bishop of Hereford, 197
Cromwell, Oliver, 4
Cumberland, Bishop, 85
Cutts, Lady, 153, 318
Daily Pkayer, 172-5
Dancing, The Clergy and, 315
Dartmouth, Lord, 61, 71, 123
Dawes, Sir W., Archbishop of York,
86, 254
Declaration, James II.'s, 337
Defoe, Daniel, 203, 214, 302, 339
Derby, Covmtess of, 147
' Devotions in the ancient way of
offices ' (Hopton), 286
' Devout Christian instructed how
to pray' (Patrick), 275
Diaries of the Period, 132-3, 256-7
Digby, Lady Frances, 144
Digby, Simon, Lord, 93, 99, 123-4,
162
Digby, William, Lord, 124, 162
Discipline, Church, 325-330
' Discom-se concerning tlie Love of
God ' (Lady Masham), 287
' Discourse concerning Prayer '
(Patrick), 275
'Discourse of Eeligious Assem-
blies ' (Sherlock), 272
Disney, J., 214, 329
Dodwell, Henry, 84, 129-132, 184,
206, 262, 303
Dolben, Archbishop, 4, 33-4, 44,
243-5, 310
Dress of the Clergy, 323-5
Dryden, John, 57, 74, 243
' Ductor Dubitantium ' (Jeremy
Taylor), 330
Duppa, Bishop Brian, 6, 18
Eachard, 256, 262, 303, and pas-
sim
Earle, Bishop, 26-7, 203, 345
' Ellis Correspondence,' 340
' Enquiry after Happiness, An '
(R. Lucas), 279
Epworth Eectory, 95
Evelyn, John, 24, 109-111, 166,
199, 218, 256
Evelyn, Mrs., 140, 152-3
' Evidences of Christianity ' (Addi-
son), 285
Exclusion Bill, 352
Excommunication, 327, 329
' Exposition of the Church Cate-
chism ' (Ken), 266-7
Family Prayer, 334-5
Fell, Bishop, 4, 30-32, 44, 45, 87
Fell, Dean Samuel, 31, 44
' Festivals and Fasts ' (Nelson), 285
Fifty-two new churches, Project
for, 163, 202
Fire of London, 161, 242, 282
Fishing, Clergy and, 314
Fitzwilliam, Dr. John, 102, 147
Flamsteed, John, 306
Fleetwood, Bishop, 221
Fowler, Bishop, 52, 86, 337
Frampton, Bishop, 84, 170, 255,
326
Frampton, Josiah, 313-6
Frampton, Mrs., 154
Frewen, Archbishop Accei^ted, 17
French Protestant Refugees, 195
350-1
Fuller, Bishop of Lincoln, 199
Fuller, Thomas, 18
FuUwood, Archdeacon, 49, 104
GARmNER, Bishop of Lincoln, 181,
332
' Gentleman's Calling, The,' 264
Glanvill, Joseph, of Bath, 105,
255, 322
Godfrey, Sir Edmondsbury, 117
Godolphin, Mrs., 24, 140
' Golden Grove, The,' 265
Grabe, Dr., 104
%1^
INDEX
GRANVILLE
Granville, Dean Denis, 88-91,
164, 1C6, 167, 177, 182, 189, 311,
312, 322, 321, 349
' Great Duty of frequenting the
Christian Sacrifice ' (Nelson),
270
' Great Duty of Self-Resignation
to the Divine Will ' (Worthing-
ton), 281
• Great Exemplar, The ' (Taylor),
265
' Great Importance of a Religious
Life ' (W. Melmoth), 284
Greek Church, 43, 218
Greenwich Hospital, 230
' Grounds and Occasions for the
Contempt of the Clergy,' 299 et
seq.
' Guardian, The,' 298
Guildford, Francis, Lord, 21G
Gunning, Bishop Peter, 4, 23-25,
89, 170, 346
Hacket, Bishop, 3n., 4, 27-9, 162,
180, 201, 202, 318
Hale, Sir Matthew, 116-7, 335
Hall, Bishop Joseph, 6, 18, 331
Hammond, Dr. H., 5, 18. 39, 89,
122, 261, 317
Hastings, Lady Elizabeth, 144-6
Hat worn in church, 182-3
Hearne, Thomas, 132-3, 201, 206
Henchman, Bishop, 35
Herbert, George, 38
Hewitt, Dr., 4
Hickes, Dean, 87, 91-2, 169, 187,
304, 318, 328
Higgons, Bevill, 245
Hobbism, 51, 309
Holy Communion, Infrequency of,
165
Weekly, in Cathedrals, 167
Kneeling at, 170
' Holy Living ' and ' Holy Dying '
(J. Taylor), 265
' Holy Rules and Helps to Devo-
tion ' (B. Duppa), 277
Hook, Justice, 216
Hooper, Bishop (Bath and Wells),
47, 80-1, 253-4, 338
Hopton, Susanna, 149-150
Horneck, Dr. Anthony, 48, 97-9,
168, 207, 209, 251, 333
Hough, Bishop, 87, 299
Hourglass in Pulpit, 258
LEIGHTON
Howe, John, 52, 347
'Hudibras,' 312, 321
Hunting, Clergy and, 313
Hymns, Want of, 186-7
Incomes of the Clergy, 303-5
Independents, The, 343
Instrranental Music in Church,
184-5
' Irenicon ' (Stillingfleet's), 75
Irish Church, 354
Ironmongers' Hall, 230
Irreverent behaviour in church,
182-3
James II., 337, 351 andi passim
state of the Church under,
10-11
Jebb, Bishop, 280
Johnson, John, of Cranbrook, 102,
172, 329
Johnson, Samuel, 337
Juxon, Archbishop, 5, 17, 313,
344
Kemevse, The Misses, 151
Ken, Bishop, 47, 70-74, 80, 92,
183, 196, 240-1, 299, 337, 344,
350
Kennet, Bishop Wliite, 85, 92, 180,
193, 198, 222, 302, 304
Kettlewell, John, 48, 92-4, 144,
299
Kidder, Bishop, 79-80
Killingbeck, Vicar of Leeds, 101,
134
King, Bisho]! of Chichester, 113
King's arms in churches, 201
Knightbridge, Dr., 333
Knox, Alexander, 280
Kyrle, John (' Man of Ross,'), 118-
162
' Ladies' Calling. The,' 191, 264
Lake, Bishop, 82-3, 150, 194, 310,
319
Lake, Dr. Edward, 198, 269, 278-
80, 319
Laney, Bishop, 348
Latitude-men, 50
Lecturers, 4, 190-2, 298
Leighton, Archbishop, 281, 353
INDEX
73
LESLIE
Leslie, Charles, 101-2, 205
' Letters conceruing the Love of
God ' (Norris), 282, 286
' Life of God in the Soul of Man,'
(Scougal), 280
Light Literature on the Clergy,
301-2
Lloyd, Bishop of Worcester, 47,
83, 205, 326, 351
Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich, 86
Locke, John, 31, 46, 76, 301
Lowth, Simon, 49, 30G
Lucas, Dr. Richard, 101, 252-3
Nonconformists and Church, 342-8
Nonjurors, 12, 41, 354 and passim
— , Services of, 168, 204-6
Norris, John, of Bemerton, 255,
282-3
North, Dr. John, 105, 141
North, Hon. Eoger, 141
' Notes of Catechism ' (Marshall)
268
Notices in church, 203-4
Nottingham, 1st Earl of (Heneage),
64, 124-5
— , 2nd Earl of (Daniel), 125-6
Macaulay, Lord, 68, 74, 299, 301
Mackworth, Sir Humphrey, 216
Magdalen College and James II.,
337
Marow, Lady, 153
' Marriage King, The ' (J. Taylor),
265
Marsh, Dr., Vicar of Newcastle,
101, 333, 348
Marshall, Dean, Eector of Lincoln
College, 46-7, 310
Mary IL, Queen, 94, 185, 213, 269,
320
Mary-le-Bow, Church of S., 163
Masham, Lady, 150
Maynard, Lord, 136
Maynard, Lady Margaret, 144
Melmoth, William, 137, 218
' Mensa Mystica ' (Patrick), 270
' Method of Devotion, A ' (E. Bur-
net), 287
Mew, Bishop of Winchester, 310
Milles, Isaac, 47, 100, 172
Milner, Vicar of Leeds, 101, 134
Morden's College, Blackheath, 230
More, Dr. Henry, 51, 126, 147
Morley, Bishop, 5, 25-6, 71, 80,
113, 173, 346
Morton, Bishop, 5, 18, 349
' Motives and Incentives to the
Love of God ' (Boyle), 284
Nelson, Eobert, 80, 92, 128-9, 168,
205, 210, 312, 329
Newton, Sir Isaac, 39
Nicholson, Governor of Virginia,
222
Nicolson, Abp., 36, 85, 215, 329,
348
Gates' Plot, 352
Offertory, The, 196
' Office of a Chaplain ' (J. Collier),
300
' Officium Eucharisticum' (E.
Lake), 268
Oley, Barnabas, 5, 37-8, 89, 276,
300, 302, 305
Orange, Mary, Princess of, 71, 80,
182, 198, 269, 319
— , William, Prince of, 81 77.
Organs in churches, 184, 187
' Origines Ecclesiastics ' (Bing-
ham), 306
' Origines Sacrfe ' (Stillingfleet), 306
Ormoud, Duke of, 260
Paintings in churches, 201
Pakington, Dorothy, Lady, 139,
263
Pamphlets of the period, 307-8
' Parable of the Pilgrim ' (Patrick),
276
Parish churches, condition of, 160
• , Restoration of, 161-3
Parish clerks, 193-4
Parker, Samuel, 344
Parochial libraries, 222-4
Patrick, Bp., 6, 47, 50, 52, 77-9,
167, 174, 192, 196, 222, 250-1,
337, 340
Paul's S., Cathedral of, 162-3
Pearson, Bp. 21, 321
Penance, 325
— , Money commutation for, 326,
328
Pepys, Samuel, 74, 133, 180, 185,
187, 188, 203, 256, 308, 320
Pews, 202-8
;74
INDEX
' Pietas Londinensis,' 1G8, 175,210
' Pious Communicant rightly pre-
pared ' (S.Wesley), 270
Plague of London, 78, 339-40
Platonists, The Cambridge, 5, 49-
53, 255, 283
Plaxton, Vicar of Woodside, Leeds,
101
Pluralists, 297, 300
Pocock, Ed., 5, 45-6, 306
Polyglott Bible, 5, 37
Poor Palatinates, 351
Poverty of the clergy, 303-5
' Practical Catechism ' (Hammond),
265-6
' Practical Christianity ' (R. Lucas),
278
' Practice of Piety, The ' (Boyle),
284
' Practice of True Devotion, The '
(R. Nelson), 285
Presbyterians (England), 342, 343
— , (Scotland), 354
' Preservative against Popery '
(Gibson), 352
Prideaux, Dean Humphrey, 42,
87-8, 200, 219, 334
' Primitive Institution, or Season-
able Discourse of Catechising '
(L. Addison), 267
' Private Thoughts ' (Beveridge),
274-5
Protestants, Foreign, 349, 351
Psalmody, Church, 184-8
Psalms, — New and old versions,
185-3
Puller, Timothy, 49
Pulpit prayers, 178-81
Puritans and amusements, 311,
312
— , Devastation of, 184, 343
— , Prayers of, 334
Queen Anne's Bounty, 228-230
Quotations from learned languages
in sermons, 234
' Rabbled Ministers ' (Scotland),
353
Radcliffe, Dr., 97
Ranelagh, Lady, 141-2
Rationalists, 50
Rawlet of Newcastle, 48, 93
Readers, 192-3, 298
SERIOUS
' Reason and Religion ' (Norris)'
283
Rebellion, State of Church during
the, 3-6
Recreations, Clerical, 311-6
— , Sunday, 317-9
Reeves, William, 306
' Reflections upon the conduct of
human life ' (Norris), 283
' Reformation of Manners, Societies
for the,' 213-6, 320, 329
Reformed Churches abroad, 348-
351
'Religio Medici' (Sir T.Browne),
277-8
' Religious discourse in common
conversation' (Norris), 283
' Religious Societies, The,' 168,
174, 207, 213, 216
Reresby, Sir John, 9, 345
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes,
350
Riding, The Clergy and, 313, 315
Ritual of the period, 197-9
Robinson, Bp. of Bristol, 310
Rochester, John Wilmot, Earl of,
32, 46, 69
— , Lawrence Hj'de, Earl of, 127
Romanism, Dread of, 208
— , Relation of Church to, 351-3
Royal Society, 5, 321
Russell, Rachel, Lady, 103, 146-7
Rust, Bp. G., 52
Sacheveeell, Dr., 215
Sacred Poetry, 289-295
, Addison's, 291
, Comber's, 293
, Jeremy Taylor's, 290
, Ken's, 289
, Patrick's, 290
, Rawlet's, 292
, S. Wesley's, 291
, S. Hopton's, &c. 294
, Lack of, 295
Bancroft, Archbishop, 6, 53-57,
167, 337, 340, 344, 350
Sanderson, Bishop, 5, 18, 113, 331,
332, 344
Sanderson, Mrs., 153
Savoy Conference, 346
Scotch Church (Episcopal), 353-4
Scott, John, 52, 168, 309, 312, 317
' Serious Proposal to Ladies ' (M.
Astell), 148, 286
INDEX
375
Sermons, Love of, 231
— , Lack of, 232
— , Length of, 233, 258-9
— , Learnedness of, 233
— , Old and new style of, 235, 257-8
— , High standard of, 25G-7
— , Written and unwritten, 259
• — , Boldness in rebuking vice,
337-8
Seven Bishops, The, 11, 337
Sharp, Archbishop of York, 14 n.,
47, 62-5, 96, 134, 179, 195, 215,
248, 333, 337, 338, 346, 353
Sheldon, Archbishop, 19-20, 54,
339, 344, 347
Sherlock, Dean W., 104, 1G7, 170,
328
Sherlock of Winwick, 48, 164, 177,
187, 299
Shooting, Clergy and, 314
Shottesbrook, The group at, 131,
206
' Sick man visited, The' (Spinckes),
288
Sitting during singing in church,
187
Skinner, Bishop, 4, 6, 35
Smalridge, Bishop, 85, 254
Smith, John, (Platonist), 51, 250
Smith, Thomas, (Nonjuror), 151
Smythies, William, 102, 207, 209,
252
South, Robert, 40-1, 238-240, 321
Sparrow, Bishop, 200, 203, 317
S. P. C. K., 216-8
Spectator, The, 180, 187, 285
S. P. G., 218-222
Spinckes, Nathaniel, 103, 205
Sprat, Bishop, 260, 332
Stage, The, 301-2, 309, 315
St. John, Sir Walter, 137
Stanhope, Dean, 104, 280
Sterne, Archbishop, 35
Sternhold and Hopkins, 186, 187
Stillingfleet, Bishop, 5, 49, 62, 74^
6, 176, 184, 213, 241-2, 308, 310,
313-6, 317, 324, 328, 347
Stratford, Bishop, 85
Strype, John, 104
Sunday, Church teaching on, 316-
21
— , Parliament and, 320
Surplice, contentions about, 188-9
Swift, Dean, 91, 193, 215, 220, 303,
304, 308, 323, 324
Sylvius, Lady, 140-1
WEYMOUTH
Taswell, William, 32 n., 33
Tate and Brady, 186, 295
' Tatler, The,' 145, 149, 298
Taylor, Bishop Jeremy, 4, 6, 34-5,
109, 152, 184, 187, 235-7, 316,
330-1
Tenison, Archbishop, 6, 60-2, 176,
180, 214, 219, 328
Test Act of 1673, 170-1, 352
Thomas, Bishop of Worcester, 87
Thoresby, Kalph, 92, 133-5, 145,
172, 177, 188, 256
Thorndike, Herbert, 36-7, 318
Tickets for intercession, 203
Tillotson, Archbishop, 39, 57-60,
209, 214, 245-6, 257, 340
Toleration Act, 14, 345
Towerson, Gabriel, 49, 104, 185
' Treatise of Repentance and Fast-
ing ' (Patrick), 275
Trelawney, Sir J., Bishop of Win-
chester, 84, 97, 166, 327
Trimmell, Bishop of Norwich, 324
Tuckney, Dr., 346
Turner, Bishop of Ely, 37, 83, 166,
173, 205, 327, 351
Turner, Sir E., 222
' Unbloody Sacrifice ' (Johnson),
271
Unequal distribution of Church
revenues, 308
University degrees, 307
' Unworthy Noncommunicant '
(Smythies), 271
Usher, Archbishop, 18
Wake, Bishop, 86
Wall, William, 103
Walton, Bishop Brian, 5, 18
— Izaak, 71, 113
Ward, Bishop Seth, Bn., 29-30, 310
313, 344, 347
Warwick, Mary, Countess of, 142-4
Waterland, Dr., 126
Wells, Dr., of Cottesbach, 104, 312
Welton, Dr., 206
Wesley, John, 212
— , Samuel, the elder, 94-6, 177,
195, 212, 246, 252, 259, 299, 306,
325
— , Samuel, the younger, 96
— , Susanna, 156-7
Weymouth, Viscount, 73, 122-3,
;76
INDEX
Wharton, Henry, 104, 192, 304,
308
Wheler, Sir George, 92
Whewell, Dr., 206, 331
Whichcote, Dr. B., 255
Whiston, William, 04
White, Bishop of Peterborough,
83
— Gilbert, 218
' Whole Duty of Man,' 139, 261-4,
334
Wilkins, Bishop, 35, 58
William and Mary, state of Church
under, 11-14, 199
William III., 353 and jjr/ss»)i
Williams, Bishop of Chichester, 221
Willis, Dean of Lincoln, 221
Willis, Dr. Thomas, 111-3, 174,
193
Wilson, Bishop T. (Sodor and
Man), 86, 145, 179, 224, 299, 327
— Mrs. (Mary Patten), 154
Woodward, Josiah, 104, 210, 214
' Work of the Ministry represented
to the clergy of Ely ' (Patrick),
275
Worthington, Dr. John, 255
Wotton, Wm., 103
Wren, Sir Christopher, 121-2, 161,
163, 202
— Bishop Matthew, 6, 20-1, 190
YoKK, Duke of (James II.), 170
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