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PORTRAIT OF HENRY WOTTON
(From the original at Eton College, by an unknown painter.)
rHE LTF.E AND LETTERS
OF
SIR HENRY WOTTON
BY
LOGAN PEARSALL SMITH
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1907
J) R
SBI
♦I
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 1/ 2.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH
NEW YORK AND TORONTO
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME II
PAGE
Sir Henry Wotton's Letters, 1612-39 .... 1
Appendix I. Chronological List of Prose Works, Poems,
and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton :
A. Collected Works and Letters . . . 412
B. Separate Prose Works . . . . .413
C. Poems 415
D. Letters and Dispatches . . . .417
Appendix II. 'The State of Christendom,' Date and
Authorship 455
Appendix III. Notes on Sir Henry Wotton's Friends,
Correspondents and Associates 460
Appendix IV:
A. List of Italian Authors, Selected and
Censured by Sir Henry Wotton . . 484
B. Character of Kobert, Late Earl of
Salisbury 487
C. Table Talk 489
Glossary 501
Index 505
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Henry Wotton, from the original portrait by an unknown
painter at Eton College Frontispiece
Facsimile of a Letter of Wotton, dated Venice the
U of January, 1622, from the original in the Library
of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. . . To face p. 224
Fra Paolo Sarpi, from the portrait by an unknown painter
in the Bodleian Library .... To face p. 370
LETTERS
200. To Sir Thomas Edmondks.
Stow* MS. 172, f. 224, holograph. Wotton's embassy to Turin.
(Amiens), this 28th of our March, 1612.
My Lord,
Although since my return home from Venice by that place
where you are, and where you used me so nobly, I have lived in
much silence towards you and all others, passing my time more
in mine own private study than in the Court, which is the market
of noise and novelties ; yet being now put abroad again by his
Majesty into some action, I am bound to give your Lordship
a reckoning of myself and of my employment, both out of the
general duty of such correspondence as ought to run between
the servants of one good master, and likewise by mine own personal
and particular obligations towards yourself. It may please your
Lordship, therefore, to understand from me, that I arrived yester-
night as far as Amiens \ on my way towards the Court of Savoy ;
whither I am bearing his Majesty's commandments, who is desirous
to satisfy that Duke about the subject of the two late embassies, in
the first propounding a reciprocal,2 in the second a single match.
It is likewise his Majesty's care not to remain in obligation for
certain rarities that were sent him, and therefore he hath
returned by me unto the said Duke a very rich and royal present,
consisting of ten ambling horses, sumptuously caparisoned in
several kinds, and a jewelled sword.3 And to conduct the horses
he hath sent Sir Peter Saltanstone, one of the four queries 4, whom
1 Wotton wrote to Donne from Amiens, but the letter has not been preserved.
. i, p. 301.)
- The first embassy from Savoy was that of Count Cartignana, early in 1611,
who proposed the double match ; the second, the return of Count Cartignana
in the autumn, with proposals for the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth and
the Prince of Piedmont. {Gardiner, ii, p. 140.)
:; Chamberlain describes these horses as 'ten light ambling geldings, with
I variety of saddles and rich furniture'. They were sent away on Man-b 10
in the charge of Sir Peter Saltonstall, but met Wotton at Lyons. The sword,
Chamberlain wrote, was a rich one, ' with the hilt, pommel, handle, and chape
of gold, set full of fair diamonds, to the value of sixteen thousand pounds,
certain selected sworn jewellers have so valued it.' {C, A T. .las. 7, i, p. 1880
The night before Wotton went away, an attempt was made to steal this tword,
but the thieves made a mistake, and took from his room the ambassador's own
sword by mistake. (P>id., p. 168.) s » Queries,' old form equerries. (X.E.1>.)
WOTTON. II ]{
2 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the King doth well esteem, and five of his grooms with their coats,
which company is gone before me for commodity sake, but is to
stay at Lions till my arrival. I shall have with me, for gentlemen
of quality, Sir Robert Eiche l. whom I find here full of worthy
remembrance of your Lordship, Mr. Francis Haward2, son to my
Lord William, and Sir William Candishe3, son and heir to
Sir Charles his father, and by his mother heir to the Barony of
Ogle, a young gentleman very nobly bred, and of singular expecta-
tion ; some other gentlemen there are of meaner note, whom
I shall not need to describe unto your Lordship. Our whole troop
together, when we shall pass the mountains, will be about fifty
horse. Now, for the substance of mine errand, your Lordship may
(if it please you) assure the Duke of Savoy's Minister there, that
if his master shall not, with those embassies wherewith he hath
so much honoured his Majesty, gain an ally (whereof all the
impediment shall depend upon some circumstances on his side,
and on no disestimation of the offer on ours), yet en tout cas he
hath gained a perpetual friend towards him and his in all just
occasion, as I have very large and particular commission to assure
him. This is that accompt which I found myself tied to give your
Lordship of my present employment. It shall be a new obligation,
1 Sir Kobert Rich (1587-1658), second Earl of Warwick in 1619, Lord High
Admiral 1643. (D. K. B.) Gussoni, the Venetian ambassador at Turin, calls him
• il Barone Rizzo ', and says he was reported to have an income of 60,000 ducats
a year (£15,000). About two weeks after Wotton's arrival, Rich suddenly left
Turin and returned to England. His departure was variously explained ; some
said the King wished to send him as a colonel of infantry to help the King of
Denmark ; others reported that Wotton was displeased with him because he
kept frequenting Catholic churches ; while the more malicious believed that
the ambassador was jealous of the great honours paid him — as great, if not
greater, than those paid to Wotton himself. When about to depart, he found
that his trunks had been forced open, and a large sum of money stolen. The
malicious again accused Wotton of having had this done to prevent Rich's return
to England. (Ven. Arch., Gussoni, June 3, 1612, calendared Cal. S. P. Ven., xii,
p. 368.)
2 Francis Howard, afterwards Sir Francis Howard of Corby Castle, a royalist
colonel in the Civil Wars. Chamberlain on March 11 gives the names of
Wotton's companions ' of note ' as follows : ' a son of the Lord William Howard,
two sons of Sir Charles Cavendish, one Yorke ; and Sir Robert Rich tarries for
him in France.' (C. & T. Jas. I, i, p. 138.)
3 William Cavendish (1592-1676), afterwards the first Duke of Newcastle
(1665). This journey is mentioned by the Duchess of Newcastle, in her life
of her husband. ' When he was grown to the age of fifteen or sixteen, he was
made Knight of the Bath . . . ; and soon after he went to travel with Sir Henry
Wotton, who was sent as ambassador extraordinary to the Duke of Savoy
which Duke made very much of my Lord, and when he would be free in
feasting, placed him next to himself. Before my Lord did return with the
ambassador into England, the said Duke proffered my Lord, that if he would
stay with him, he would not only confer upon him the best title of honour he
could, but also give him an honourable command in war, although my Lord
Was but young, for the Duke had then some designs of war. But the ambassador,
who had taken the care of my Lord, would not leave him behind without his
parents' consent.' {Lives of the. Duke and Duchess of Newcastle, 1872, pp. 3, 4.)
TO SIR THOMAS EDMONDES 3
if I may receive your letters at Lions, and in them any such
advertisement as you may think to concern our master's ends, as
likewise any such news as your Lordship may have received from
England very freshly, especially touching the sickness of my
Lord Treasurer, whom I left in cheerful opinion of himself.1 Unto
my Lady your wife I must remember my very humble service ; of
whose courteous usage of me, and generally of her noble fashion,
I have been a professor in many places, which is all the payment
f van yield her.
Lastly, I recommend unto your Lordship's kindness this gentle-
man, Mr. Philip Worledge2, who having thought to pass with me
into Italy, hath changed that resolution into a better, meaning for
a year or such a matter, to perfect his French tongue in this
kingdom, and afterwards to spend some two or three years in
Italy. He is in himself of noble blend, and of good disposition
and merit, and very nearest kin to my Lady my sister ; which
respects bind me to wish his well doing.
And so committing your Lordship and your whole family to God's
merciful love, I rest,
Your Lordship's faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
201. To the Earl of Pembroke.
Askm. MS. 1729, f. 116, holograph. Wotton sends a copy of his dispatch
to William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke (1580-1630).
From Luniburge, at the foot of the
Mont Senes, this 9th of May, 1612.
Style of the place.
My Lord,
I have sent herewith unto your Lordship the copy of (my
letter) from this place to my L(ord of Salisbury, to)uching our
journey hitherto and the (eve)nts thereof, which I have done in
two respects: first, for that your Lordship was one of those six
1 The Earl of Salisbury was now in his last illness. Rallying from a severe
attack at the end of December, 1611, he began to apply himself to business
in March, but his illness returned in April, and on May 24 he died at
Marlborough on his way from Bath. (Gardiner, ii, pp. 141, 142.) During
Salisbury's illness, and after his death, Wotton was talked of for a while as
his most probable successor in the important office of Secretary of State. On
March 11 Chamberlain, writing to Carleton about Salisbury's illness, said that
those who knew Salisbury's mind best believed that Wotton would succeed him,
' to whom,' he adds, ; in that regard I lent a charity that may chance stand in
some need.' (C. & T. Jas. I, i, 137. wrongly dated 1611.)
2 Probably Woolrich. Lady Wotton's aunt, Anne Wharton, daughter of
Thomas, second Lord Wharton, married William Woolrich, Esq.
15 2
LETTERS OF WOTTON
•h ; next.
whom his Majesty called into council about my dispatch
for mine own particular obligations towards yourself, which make
me single your Lordship from the rest, and bind me to honour you,
not in communi, but in individno. When I have more matter, youi
Lordship shall have more trouble ; and yet, perhaps, this is more
than I shall know how to excuse or to redeem with the next. Our
dear Saviour in the meanwhile, and ever, bless you.
(Your) Lordship's faithfully to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
My Lord, I have taken a presumption (which I hope youi
Lordship will pardon) to pass under your cover a few lines to mj
honest friend.
202. To the Eael of Salisbury.
Ashm. MS. 1729, f. 115, transcript unsigned, extract. No date, but the
dispatch referred to in the previous letter. Wotton's journey to Turin.
(Luniburge, May 9, 1612, N.S.)
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
. . . From Boulogne (where I wrote my last) through Picardie,
Champagny, and a piece of the Duchy of Burgundie, I arrived at Lyons
on Wednesday morning of the Easter week ; and before dinner Sir
Peter Salton stone came likewise thither with his company by the way
of Orleans. Our meeting thus together in the place which we had
determined with the difference of so few hours, we esteemed a good
presagement of the rest. In mine own passage I had here and
there some honour done me by the mayors and eschevins, the
governors of the principal towns being all at the Court by occasion
of the late jollities.1 . . .
From Boulogne to Lyons I spent just three weeks, staying in no
place longer than was meet for some care of our horses, save only at
Troyes, where I rested a day and a half upon a little indisposition
(which) William Candish had contracted, first by the extre(me
of cold) and wind, and then of heats, being loath to leave (behind)
so sweet an ornament of my journey, and a gentleman himself of so
excellent nature and institution. At Lyons we were forced to rest
five days, partly for the refreshing of our own equipage, before we
should climb the hills ; but chiefly upon an unfortunate accident
happened to one of the best horses of the King's present, who had
casually trod upon the sharp end of a pruner's sickle, such as they
use in the vineyards, which ran some two inches into his foot. Our
1 The rejoicings at the conclusion of the treaty for reciprocal marriages
between France and Spain.
TO THE EARL OF SALISBURY 5
itay was to see whether he could be recovered without shedding the
hoof ; whereof, when there appeared small hope, Sir Peter Saltonstone
resolved to leave him behind, and to supply his room with a very fair
ambler of his own, being in truth as careful and zealous a servant as
I think his Majesty could have chosen ; whereof he hath given good
proof, having (except that casualty which could not be prevented by
any discretion) conducted the rest hitherto so as they are in fairer
condition than when they came forth, and are everywhere admired
for delicate beasts.
From Lyons to Chambery we took the longer way, by a day's
journey, to avoid the mountain de la Gibillotta. Our reception there
was full of circumstances of great respect. The Marquis de Lanz
met us some three or four miles out of the town, with about three-
score (horse,) amongst his train some gentlemen of good t(itle.
He) brought me to his castle through the principal (street), where
he had placed all along the ladies in windows, and in the chief view
his own Valentino, (as he called her), of whom he did me the honour
to ask my opinion. In his castle he lodged all the gentlemen of my
company, and disposed the rest in good houses. And the next day
after dinner he conducted me in a coach two leagues on my way to
Mormillian ; the same horse that met us attending us out of the
town. At this fort we first alighted, though seated very high on
a rock, where Mons. de Lodes, captain of the place, after a salutation
of all the small and great artillery, told me he had order from the
Duke to show me more than had been opened even to cardinals.
And so, leading us about (though in truth with concealment (of the)
magazines, which perhaps were not so plentifully provid(ed, he
en)ded with a very delicate banquet and music in a g(reat) fur-
nished room, which he called La Camera di Sua Alt(ezza). After
this, I was brought down to my lodging in the town by the Marquis,
and there feasted that night, and a guard of muskets and harque-
busiers appointed all night before my chamber, with sentinels on
the stairs— nearer pomp than necessity; and so, having the next
day after breakfast accompanied me on foot some quarter of a mile
which could not well be riddeu, we then parted.
These circumstances (which I have been curious to set down) were
much magnified by the greatness of the Marquis, his birth and
present authority, and somewhat likewise by the very propriety of
his nature. By birth he is the Duke's sister's son,1 and his brother
is the Marquis d'Este, a grandee of Spain. His title and present
qualifications are these : Marc/tcse di Late, capo di tutta la nobilitd
1 Pilippo d'Este, March ese di Lans, was a son of Maria, natural daughtol of
Kninianutlf Filiberto, Duke of Savoy.
I, anc
I am
3 best
6 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Piemontese et Savoiarda, Generate della Cavalleria di Sit a Altezza, el suo
Vice-Buca et Governafore Generate nelli stati di Savoia. His nature
seemeth strangely composed, for though he be so popular, that in
the street he will put off his hat to the meanest artisans, and even to
beggars (as we twice noted), yet all men agree that he is otherwis
not very cheap of his person. And he spared not himself to let fal
in good handsome (terms thus) much to me, that he had never met
nor gone with any (ambassador) out of the town, but had indeec
received charge (from the D)uke to exceed any former example
Thus his Majesty seeth that, for his sake, his humblest anc
unworthiest servant hath had an honest entrance into this country
upon which notwithstanding (though the whole fashion hath appearec
very real) I dare conclude nothing, till my second audience with th(
Duke himself. For being sent to a Prince (who is Lerdo nada ]), anc
informed already (as I must presume) of what he shall expect,
bound to leave a certain latitude of believing that he will set the
value that may be upon his own business in the noise of the world.
Of which I shall inform his Majesty better, when I shall arrive
where I desire. In the meantime I have been tedious to your Lord-
ship, and in truth (to myself,) in running over this historical part
of our passa(ge wi)th nothing but visible matter, or little more.
(In my) next I shall endeavour, according to my poor capacity, to
give his Majesty an accompt of the more substantial part of my
employment, ever praying Almighty God to bless his royal person
and estates.
Your Lordship's always bound to honour and serve you.
203. To the Earl of Pembroke.
Ashm. MS. 1729, f. 114, holograph. Albertus Morton returning
to England.
From Turino, this 28th of May, 1612.
Style of the place.
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
This bearer A(lbertus Mort)on2 will, by your favour, ac(quaint
1 So in the MS., but the original is lost, and 'no' may have been omitted
in the transcript. i Lerda nada' means in Spanish 'a dull nothing', which is
the last phrase that Wotton would have applied to Charles Emmanuel.
2 On June 11 Chamberlain wrote that Albertus Morton had newly returned
from Turin. (C. & T. Jas. I, i, p. 172.) And in a letter of June 17 he adds that
Morton * had a thousand crowns given him by the Duke at his coming away ;
and during four or five days that he stayed here, he spake four times with the
Queen, and carried a jewel from her to his uncle, who is willed to make all the
haste he can homeward, whereas it was once resolved he should have taken
the new Emperor in his way, and instructions were drawn for this purpose,
to have gone and congratulated his election'. (Ibid., p. 177.)
TO THE EARL OF PEMBROKE 7
your Lordship) with what commissions (I have charged him.) I most
humbly beseech (you to receive) him into your grace, (for) you
(have an) undisseizable right in him two ways, first, as he is my
nephew, next, as he is an honest man.
And so with a languishing look homewards, even among these
Infinite honours and entertainments, I humbly kiss your Lordship's
hands, and commit you to God's blessed love.
(Your) Lordship's faithful (serv)ant,
(He)nry Wotton.
204. To Adam Newton.
Hurl. MS. 7002, f. 129, holograph. Wotton writes to Prince Henry's secre-
tary, Adam Newton, to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from the
Prince. This note is undated, but endorsed 'Aug. 1612', and was
probably written shortly after Wotton's return to England on
July 27, O.S.
London, this Thursday, towards night (August 1612).
Sib,
I received by my nephew such lines from his Highness as have
bound me for ever, not only to his own grace that gave them life, but
even to that hand which helped him ; therefore, besides my other
obligations to yourself, let me give you particular thanks for this
last, and promise you the service of an honest man, which is most
indubitably
This
Henry Wotton.
205. To Sir Julius Caesar.
hmad. MS. 165, f. 1(J0, holograph. No date; endorsed '16 Sept. 1612'.
Wotton writes to the Chancellor of the Exchequer about the payments
for his embassy to Turin.
(Sept. 16, 1612)
Eight Honourable,
I humbly present unto your Honour here inclosed my accompts
of this last employment, beseeching of you two favours. The one,
that my diet money may run at least till the end of August, although
my return to the King was, as I remember, on the 9th or 10th of
that month : for so the late Lord Treasurer at my coming from
Venice gave me in the entire month ; and I think the case be so
familiar in others that I shall not need to urge mine own example.
The other favour that I beg of your Honour is that I may receive my
demands out of that sum which Signor Filippo Burlainachi is to pay
the King by order out of France : that so the said Burlainachi (upon
8 LETTERS OF WOTTON
whose credit I have lived abroad, and to whom I owe upon the poini
of 1,000 pounds) may be the sooner satisfied, as in truth his honest
kindnesses require. All this is matter of favour and grace, wherein
I am much emboldened by the many assurances of your Honour's
love towards me. The rest of my reckonings I have set down— not
at large, as perhaps some do in the like case, but upon the truth of
my conscience, wherein I will justify that both it hath been spent,
and hath been spent necessarily ; as I am sure will appear to those
that shall examine the way I have gone outwards, and in return,
and the impediments I have had on the way, besides the extraordinary
charge that the very quality of my errand required, which in truth
was to be helped with show; wherewith princes are often fed. There-
fore in that part I call upon your Honour, not as a friend, but as
a judge.
I am hindered myself at the present from waiting upon your
Honour personally, and therefore I have been bold to trouble you
with these lines by Mr. Pey, through whose hands all my former
accompts and pecuniary businesses have passed at home. I will
end with all hearty thanks to your Honour, for your great good-
nesses towards me, and with assurance of all faithfulness on my part,
in whatsoever you shall command me.
Your Honour's, to serve you, alia reale,
Henry Wotton.
206. To the Viscount Rochester.
S. P. Dom. Jas. /, lxxi, no. 33, holograph. Wotton asks that Sir George
Carew's pension may be conferred on him.
(Nov. 14. 1(312, O.S.)
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
In this City of Westminster (where I have a poor lodging)
Sir George Carie, Master of the Wards, died the last night : 1 which
hath occasioned me to take this presumption of writing unto your
Lordship, whose noble favour I humbly beg in procuring from the
King the continuance of that annual pension of 200 pounds unto me,
which the said Sir George Carie enjoyed during his life.
We were both at one time in several places his Majesty's servants
abroad ; and albeit the condition of Italie (as then seeming to threaten
some great and good alteration) drew on my time there to double
the length of his in Fraunce, yet at my return home we had the same
pensions allotted us, through the late Lord Treasurer's representation
1 Sir George Carew, English ambassador in France 1605-9, died on Friday,
Nov. 18. (N. P. Dom. Jas. J, lxxi, n<>. 38.) The date of this letter is therefore
Nov. 14.
TO THE VISCOUNT ROCHESTER 9
of our cases to our good master; perhaps with some disequity, if it
may become me to charge a man at rest so far, to whom otherwise
for his professions I was much beholden. Now (my Lord) although
I know that the bounties of kings are the motions of their own
3, and do not ordinarily pass (to use the law phrase) by way of
Morue from one fellow-servant to a survivor; yet I hope that his
ty (to whom my devotion began before my subjection) may be
pleased, by your Lordship's favourable means, to extend unto me
this effect of his mere grace.
And to your Lordship (by whose mediation I shall gain it) I can
promise no more than a perpetual acknowledgement of you for my
patron, whom I beseech, howsoever, to pardon this unseasonable
boldness in a time of so public grief.1 And so committing your
prosperity to God I humbly rest,
Your Lordship's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton.
207. To Mark Welser2.
lieliq., 1st ed., p. 400. Wotton defends himself against Schoppius.
Londino, Nonis Decembribus Iulianis,
Anno unici Mediatoris nostri, cioiocxii.
Marco Velsero, Duumviro Augustae Vindeliciae, Henricus
wottonius s.o.
Privatim antehac ad tealiquoties scripsi ; nunc causa est utpublice
quoque id faciam : haec, qualis sit, quaeso audias. Prostabat Franco-
fur ti superioribus Nundinis opus quoddam, si molem spectes (quod
fere sit) non sane de infimis, cum hac inscriptione ;
Gasparis Scioppli Ecclesiasticus, authoritati Serenissimi Domini
Iacobi Regis oppositus.
In quo, cum argumento magnam partem novo, turn exemplo
nemini adhuc usitato, et caetera quae eandem modestiam
sapiunt.
lluius operis consutor, cum farraginem reruns undecunque emendi-
caret, videtur nescio quo modo incidere in iocosam Legati defini-
tionem, quam iam ante octennium istac transiens apud amicum virum
1 The death of Prince Henry, on Nov. 6, 1612.
2 Marc Welser or Velserius (1558-1614), a wealthy and learned patrician
of Augsburg, and one of the consuls of that city. Although a Catholic, and
;> patron of the Jesuits, he was a friend of Casaubon, who said of him, 4I1 est
honnete homme, et ne maintiendra les jesuites centre un homnie docte.'
(I'aftison, p. 400.) The above letter was published, as on Dec. 17, 1612,
Chamberlain wrote : ' Sir Harry Wotton hath printed a sheet of paper for an
apology in the matter objected to him by Schioppius, and dedicated it to Welser
of Augusta. I have been promised a sight of it once or twice, but cannot yet
light upon it.' (S*. P. horn., lxxi, no. 65.) This was reprinted in the first
editiou of the Udiquiae, and a translation added in the third edition. A^ far
a^ 1 know, no copy of the original publication has been preserved.
10 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Christophorum Fleckamerum ' forte posueram in Albo Amicorum
more Teutonico his ipsis verbis ; ' Legatus est vir bonus, peregre
missus ad mentiendum Reipublicae eaussa.'2 Definitio adeo fortasse
catholica, ut complecti possit etiam Legatos a latere. Quid hie,
obsecro, facit Scioppius? Reserat familiaritatis scrinia, resuscitat,
post tot annos, obsoletos sales, iam ipsa vetustate ab inquietudine
redemptos ; ornat me, pro humanitate sua, clementissima interpreta-
tione, tanquam id non solum serio sed et iactanter scripsissem ;
neque hoc contentus, conatur quoque intemeratum optimi Regis
nomen per iocos meos in invidiam trahere, quasi Domini praestare
tenerentur etiam servorum lusus ; postremo ad honestandam petu-
lantiam suam locum unum atque alterum ex Esaia et Solomone
lepide intermiscet,3 ut nihil est tutum a profanis ingeniis. Haec in
me fateor cecidisse miro seculo. Quis enim putarat nasciturum
hominem impatientem brevis ioci super Legatorum licentia qui
tantum politica agitant, ubi indies videmus ipsam Sacrosanctae
Theologiae severitatem a quibusdam aequivocationum, mentalium
reservationum, et piarum fraudum magistris tain foede constupratam ?
neque hoc obiter, aut iocose, ant in Albis Amicorum, ubi vana
veraque pari securitate tarn scribi quam depingi solent, sed ex pro-
fesso, et de suggestu, et cum privilegio et authoritate Superiorum.
Verum Scioppius est qui sui*rexit. Et quid expectet me responsurum ?
Sane memini familiam meam cum Venetiis essem anathemate per-
cussam in Paraenesi Baroniana.4 Memini turn etiam a Gomitulo
Iesuita Perusino,5 et ab Antonio Possevino0 eiusdem farinae
quaedam in me iacta ; quae quanquam ab exulceratis animis effluerent
utcunque tacitus ferebam, quippe hi erant viri non indignae existi-
mationis saltern apud suos, et ipsorum authorum qualiscunque
claritudo leniebat iniuriam. Sed cum famelicus transfuga et Romanae
curiae lutulentus circulator scriptitat solum ut prandere possit ; cum
semicoctus grammaticaster, et nulla antehac solidiore disciplina
tinctus, ecclesiastica tractat ; cum vespillonis et castrensis scorti 7
1 Probably Flechammer, and a relative of the Flechaminer of Augsburg,
mentioned in Wotton's letter No. 338.
2 There are several references, in contemporary literature, to this famous
definition of an ambassador, e. g. the phrase 'liegers that lie out' in Ben Jonson's
Staple of News, i. 2 ; Ruggle's Ignoramus (ed. Hawkins, p. 32), and Massinger's
Renegado, i. 1. 3 Ante, i, pp. 126, 127.
4 Paraenesis ad Bemp. Venetam, 1606, p. 49. ' Anglicano conventu qui apud vos
est.'
5 Con/utatione del Libro de' Sette Teologi contra V interdetto Apostolico, composta dal
Revd0 P. Paolo Comitolo Perugino (Bologna, 1607). On Dec. 13, 1606, Wotton
showed this book to the Doge, declaring that it was really by Possevin. (Cat. S. P.
Few., x, p. 442.)
6 Possevino, ante, i, p. 345.
7 'Lege vulgata de vita et parent ibus Sck>p})ii, p. 127 ' (note in margin). This book
was published at Leyden, 1609.
TO MARK WELSEK 11
ipuma ineverenter in regem debacchatur, cuius eximia in divinis
bumanisque sapientia et constans iusti tenor cuicunque vel privato
ranerationem conciliaret ; cum homo Germanus exuta patria probitate
tt modestia nihil aliud per totum opus quam eversionem regum
regnorumque spirat ; cum denique idem os quod Iesuiticam socie-
tatem ' ' parricidalem cohortem ' vocaverat, nunc postquam culinas
Komae olere coepit, eandem 'Praetoriam2 Castrorum Dei cohortem'
rocat, quis iniquae tain patiens urbis (quae istud animal pabulatur)
tain ferreus ut teneat se ? 8 Igitur, semota omni festivitate, te serio,
te ex animo (ornatissime Velsere) in hac epistola convenio: orans,
obtestansque per commune humanjtatis vinculum, per eiusdem
Baptismi, eiusdem symboli conscientiam, ipse velis (pro authoritate
qua to scio valere apud tuos) istos Scioppios compescere ; ut eiectis
e coetu Christiano similibus hominum propudiis, caussarumque sane
vel optimarum dehonestamentis, sua bonis viris existimatio, sua
principibus dignitas maneat : non vexentur nundinae prostitutis para-
sitorum calamis ; non typi (nobile Germanorum inventum) adeo
misere torqueantur ; sequatur denique quantum infirmitas nostra ferat,
ilia regnorum ecclesiarumque requies, quam nobis commendavit
supremus pacis praeceptor simul et exemplum. Quod si impudentem
illam dicacitatem (quam ab infami ortu fxaXa ava\6yu><s traxit) non
deponere poterit sine magno ventriculi incommodo ; saltern dignus
est certe cui curtetur esca ob execrandam argutiam, qua sibi videtur
vel ipsis Tridentinis patribus oculatior. Illi Traditiones et Scripturam
Sacram pari tantum pietatis affectu et reverentia suscipiendas 4 primi
omnium (quod ego sciam) decrevere. At iste novus ecclesiasticus non
in Albo Amicorum, sed pulcherrimi syntagmatis sui 5 p. 485, maio-
rem traditi quam scripti verbi Divini authoritatem blasphemo et
pudendo ore pronunciat. Possem sexcentas id genus Scioppietates
proferre, sed hoc esset ruspari sterquilinium. Yale igitur (vir nobi-
lissime) atque iterum salve.
208. To Sir Arthur Throckmorton.
h li<i , 1st ed., p. 473, no date. Dated ' Feb. 1613 ' in 3rd ed., p. 278. Wotton
invites Sir Arthur Throckmorton and his family to London for the
marriage of the Princess Elizabeth,
(London), Feb., 1613.
Sir,
One reason of my writing now unto you, is because it seemeth
a great while unto me since I did so. Another, to give you many
1 'Ibidem, p. 132' (note in margin).
,J l Ecclesiasticus Scioppii, i>. 871 ' (note in margin).
:: Juvenal, Sat. i. 31.
4 '8. April, Scss. 4' (note in margin .
•"' G. Soioppii Syntagmata it thtiht Adorationii d Uonom.
12 LETTERS OF WOTTON
thanks (which upon the casting up of my reckonings, I find I have
not yet done) for that gelding wherewith you so much honoured
me, which, in truth, either for goodness or beauty, runneth for one
of the very best about this place ; and I have had a great deal of
love made unto me for him by no small ones. After this, I must
plainly tell you, that I mean to persuade you, I am sorry I cannot
say to invite you (for my mind would bear that word better than
my fortune), to bestow yourself and your whole family upon us this
Shrovetide, if it be but for three days, at the conjunction of the
lliames and the Rhene,1 as our ravished spirits begin to call it.
The occasion is rare, the expense of time but little, of money
inconsiderable: you shall see divers princes, a great confluence of
strangers, sundry entertainments to shorten your patience and to
reward your travel ; finally, nothing spared, even in a necessitous
time. I will add unto these arguments, that out of your own store
at home, you may much increase the beauty of this assembly ; and
your daughters shall not need to provide any great splendour of
clothing, because they can supply that with a better contribution,
as hath been well authenticated even by the King's own testimony of
them. For though I am no longer an ambassador, yet am I not so
bankrupt of intelligence, but that I have heard of those rural passages.
Now let me, therefore, with this hobbling pen, again and again
pray you to resolve upon your coming, if not with all the fair train,
yet yourself and my Lady, and my nephew and his wife, or at the
least of leasts, the masculine.
We begin to lay off our mourning habits, and the Court will
shortly, I think, be as merry as if it were not sick. The King will
be here to-morrow : the Friday following he goeth to Windsor, with
the Count Palatine, about the ceremony of his instalment. In the
meantime, there is expected the Count Henry of Nassaw '-, to be at
the said solemnity, as the representant of his brother. Yester-
night the Count Palatine invited all the Council to a solemn supper,
which was well ordered : he is a gentleman of very sweet hope, and
hath rather gained upon us, than lost anything after the first
impression. And so, sir, having ended my paper, I will end my
letter with my hearty prayers for the prosperity of yourself and
yours, ever resting,
Your faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
1 On Feb. 14 the Princess Elizabeth was married to Frederick V, Elector
Palatine, or the Count Palatine of the Rhine, as he was called. The Marriage of
the Thames and the Rhine was the title of the masque devised by Sir Francis Bacon
for the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn.
- Frederick Henry, afterwards Prince of Orange, 1025-47.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 13
209. To Sib Edmund Bacon.
to />., p. 153, undated. Dated * 1612-13 ' in Reliquiat . 3rd ed., p. 401
(for exact date see note 1). News of the Court and London.
<Feb. 23, 1613, O.S.)
Sir,
I must now acknowledge it true which our navigators tell us, that
fchere he indeed certain variations of the compass: for I think there
was never point of a needle better touched than you have touched me,
having ever since I parted from you been looking towards you, and
yet still by something or another, I am put out of my course.
I will therefore hereafter not promise you any more to come unto
you, but I will promise myself it ; because, indeed, I have no other
means to be at peace with myself: for I must lay this heavy note
upon your conversation, that I am the unquieter for it a good
while after.
This is the first part of what I meant to say. After which I would
fain tell you, that I send this footman expressly unto you to redeem
some part of my fault, for not answering your late kind letter by
the messenger that brought it : but the truth is, I had some special
occasion to send to Berry : and therefore I will set no more upon
your account, than his steps from thence to Eedgrave, where
perhaps you now are. See what a real courtier I am, and whether
I be likely to prosper. Well, howsoever, let me entertain you
a little by this opportunity, with some of our discourses. The
King departed yesterday J from hence towards you ; having as yet,
notwithstanding much voice, and some wagering on the other side,
determined nothing of the vacant places.2 Whereupon the Court
is now divided into two opinions ; the one, that all is reserved for
the greater honour of the marriage ; the other, that nothing will
be done till a Parliament, or (to speak more precisely) till after
a Parliament: which latter conceit, though it be spread without
either author or ground, yet as many things else of no more validity,
it hath gotten faith enough on a sudden. I will leave this to the
judicial astrologers of the Court, and tell you a tale about a subject
somewhat nearer my capacity.
On Sunday last at night, and no longer, some sixteen apprentices
(of what sort you shall guess by the rest of the story) having secretly
learnt a new play without book, intituled The Hog hath lost his
Pearl* took up the White-Fryers for their theatre : and having
1 Feb. 22 {Nichols, ii, p. 601). The date of this letter is therefore Feb. 8&
2 The places of Lord Treasurer and Secretary, vacant owing to the death of
Salisbury.
3 By Robert Tailor. See D. X. B., and Fleny's Chronicle History, p. 251.
14 LETTERS OF WOTTON
invited thither (as it should seem) rather their mistresses than thei
masters ; who were all to enter per bullettini for a note of distinction
from ordinary comedians. Towards the end of the play the sheriffs
(who by chance had heard of it) came in (as they say) and carried
some six or seven of them to perform the last act at Bridewel ; the
rest are fled. Now it is strange to hear how sharp-witted the City
is, for they will needs have Sir John Swinerton \ the Lord Mayor, be
meant by the Hog, and the late Lord Treasurer by the Pearl. And
now let me bid you good night, from my chamber in King Street,
this Tuesday, at eleven of the night.
Your faithfullest to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
Francesco 2 hath made a proof of that green which you sent me ;
against which he taketh this exception, that being tried upon glass
(which he esteemeth the best of trials) it is not translucent ; arguing
(as he saith) too much density of the matter, and consequently, less
quickness and spirit than in colours of more tenuity.
210. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
& P. Bom. Ja*. I, lxxii, no. 43, holograph. Wotton in retirement.
From King St., this 25 of Feb., 1612<3>.
My very good Lord,
When this gentleman, your Secretary3, shall arrive there, you
have then with you a living gazzctta of this Court ; where he hath
been retained so long that he can now bring your Lordship an
accompt both of our griefs and our jollities4; which, indeed, have
so contempered each other, that we have been extreme in neither.
For myself, if he chance to speak of me (as in the catalogue of your
affectionate, though unprofitable, friends I may justly claim a room),
then I hope he will tell your Lordship that I am here in Westminster
with a few books about me, more attending the study of truth than
of humour, contented, I thank God, with mine own poor thoughts,
and vichiae nesciu$ urbis 5 ; unto which course, if nature had not
inclined me, I think fortune would have done it, having lost this
fatal year two great patrons/ But let me cease these lamentations ;
for though there be no place so proper to discharge them into as the
bosom of a virtuous friend, yet I am loath to appear unto your
1 Sir John Swinnerton, knighted 1603, Lord Mayor 1612. (Nichols, i, p. 113.)
2 Sir Francis Bacon (?).
3 Isaac Wake, who succeeded Wotton as ambassador at Venice in 1624.
4 The death of Prince Henry, and the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth.
5 Claudian, Carm. Min. xx. 9.
6 Prince Henry and Lord Salisbury.
TO SIB DUDLEY CARLETON 15
Lordship so vain as to remember mine own particular in the midst
of such public losses. Quid superest? In truth, my Lord, only this,
that we learn hereafter to plant ourselves better than upon the grace
or breath of men. And so giving your Lordship many thanks, and
ever resting much beholden unto you for the care it pleased you
to take about those pictures, which I have received by your means
in very good condition, I commit you and your whole family to
God's continual blessing.
Your Lordship's faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
To my good Lady your Wife.
Good Madame, Receive in this little room my hearty remembrance
of your kindnesses, and my continuing desire to serve you.
Henry Wotton.
211. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
iflftere to 13., p. 114 ; Tieliq., 3rd edM p. 403. ' Cambridge, Sunday, at night,'
for date see note 2 on p. 16. News from Venice of war between the
Turks and the Emperor.
(Cambridge, March 21, 1613, O.S.)
Sir,
To divert you from thinking on my faults, I will entertain you
with some news out of a letter which I have here received from
Venice, of much consequence divers ways.
The Bishop of Bamberge1, a practical Almayn prelate (of which
kind there be enough of that coat, though not in that country), was
treating in Rome a league against the Protestant princes of Germany,
with whom his Majesty (you know) was first by articles, and is now
by alliance more nearly confederate : 2 his commission he had from
the Emperor, sotto parole tacite as they call it. Now, while this
matter was there moulding, a Chiaus arrives at the Emperor's Court,
with a letter from the Turk, importing a denunciation of war,
grounded upon a heap of complaints easily found out between
princes that do not intend to agree. And accordingly the Turk
is departed in person from Constantinople into Hungarie, with great
forces (as my friend writeth), on a morning quando nevicava a furia
(by which appeareth the sharpness of the humour), having made
a levy before his going of 5,000 youths out of the Seragli ; a thing
never seen before. He hath left behind him Nasuf Bassa as president
1 Joann. Gottfried von Aschhausen, Bishop of Bamberg from 1609 to 1622.
'2 Wotton refers to the treaty of alliance between James I and the Protestant
Union (March 28, 1612) and the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth.
16 LETTERS OF WOTTON
of his affairs, who told the Baiolo of Venice ', there resident, that his
master was but gone to hunt, and seemeth to have held the same
language with the other ambassadors : whether out of mere wanton-
ness of conceit, or as esteeming a war with Christians but a sport,
in respect of that which he had newly concluded with the Persian,
I know not. Howsoever, this is likely to quash the Bishop's business,
and I fear it will fall heavy upon Germany; which, first in itself
was never more disunited, and besides, the Emperor in small good-
will with those that should help him. It will likewise in my
conjecture hasten the departure of the Count Palatine, or at least
(if it so please him) it may well serve his turn for that purpose.
This is all that I have for your entertainment. To-morrow
morning I depart hence towards London 2, whence I determine to
write by every carrier to you, till I bring myself.
In your last, you mentioned a certain courtier that seemeth to
have spoken somewhat harshly of me. I have a guess at the man ;
and though for him to speak of such as I am, in any kind whatsoever,
was a favour, yet I wonder how I am fallen out of his estimation,
for it is not long since he offered me a fair match within his own
tribe, and much addition to her fortune out of his private bounty.
When we meet, all the world to nothing we shall laugh ; and in
truth, sir, this world is worthy of nothing else. In the meantime,
and ever, our sweet Saviour keep us in his love.
Your poor faithful friend and servant,
H. Wottox.
212. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 5 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 405. The Accession Day festivities ;
Court and foreign news.
(London), March the last, 1613.
Sir,
I returned from Cambridge to London some two hours after the
King. The next day was celebrated with twenty tilters, wherein
there entered four fraternities : the Earls Pembrock s and Mon-
gommery 4 ; my Lord Walden B, Thomas fi and Henry Hawards " ;
1 Christofero Valier.
2 Wotton arrived in London the day before the tilting described in the next
letter. The tilting was on Wednesday, 24th, the King's Accession Day. (Nichols,
ii, p. 609.) The date of this letter is 'therefore March 21.
3 William Herbert (1580-1630), third Earl of Pembroke (ante, ii, p. 3).
4 Philip Herbert (1584-1650), first Earl of Montgomery, fourth' Earl of
Pembroke. (N.^E. J.)
5 Theophilus Howard (1584-1640), second Baron Howard de Walden, second
Earl of Suffolk 1626. {Ibid.)
6 Sir Thomas Howard, second brother of above, created Lord Howard of
Charlton 1622, and Earl of Berkshire 1626.
7 Henry Howard, third brother.
TO SIB EDMUND BACON 17
the two Kiches1, und the two Alexanders2, as tlioy are railed (though
falsely, like many things else in Court). The rest were Lenox ,
Arundel4, Rutland5, Dorcet", Shandowes7, North", Hey', Dingwel '",
Clifford ", Sir Thomas Sommerset l-, and Sir John Harrington l\ The
day fell out wet to the disgrace of many fine plumes. Some
caparisons seen before adventured to appear again on the stage
with a little disguisement, even on the back of one of the most
curious. So frugal are the times, or so indigent. The two Kiches
only made a speech to the King ; the rest were contented with bare
S€, whereof some were so dark, that their meaning is not yet
understood, unless perchance that were their meaning, not to be
understood. The two best, to my fancy, were those of the two
Kails brothers : the first a small exceeding white pearl, and the
words. Solo candore raleo. The other a sun casting a glance on the
side of a pillar, and the beams reflecting, with this motto, Splcndcntc
refulgct. In which devices there seemed an agreement ; the elder
brother, to allude to his own nature, and the younger to his fortune.
The day was signalized with no extraordinary accident, save only
between Sir Thomas Haward and Sir Thomas Sommerset, who
with a counter-buff had almost set himself out of the saddle, and
made the other's horse sink under him ; but they both came fairly
off without any further disgrace. Of the merits of the rest I will
say nothing, my pen being very unfit to speak of lances.
To this solemnity, of the public ambassadors, only the Arch-
dukes' was invited, for the healing of the distaste he had taken
for the preference of the Venetian at the marriage.14 But I doubt
the plaster be too narrow for the sore ; which he seemed not much
1 Sir Robert Rich {ante, i, p. 2), and his brother, Sir Henry Rich (1590-1649;,
first Earl of Holland in 1624. (D. X.B.)
- Sir Robert Alexander, knighted 1603, and his brother Sir Sigismund
Alexander. {Nichols, i, pp. 189, 210.)
3 Ludovick Stuart, second Duke of Lennox (1574-1624). (D. X B.)
I Thomas Howard (1586-1646), second Earl of Arundel and Surrey. (Ibid.)
5 Francis Manners (1578-1632), sixth Earl of Rutland. (Ibid.) It has
r.«« ntly been discovered that the Earl of Rutland's impresa for this occasion
was designed by Shakespeare, and painted by Burbage. (See Mr. Sidney Lee
in Times, Dec. 27, 1905.)
G Richard Sackville (1590-1624), third Earl of Dorset. (D. N. B.)
7 Grey Brydges (1579?-1621), fifth Baron Chandos. (Ibid.)
s Dudley North (1681-1666), third Baron North. (Ibid.)
■ James Lord Hay (d. 1636), Earl of Carlisle 1622. (Ibid.)
10 Sir Robert Preston, Lord Dingwall.
1 1 enry Lord Clifford (1591-1643% fifth Earl of Cumberland in 1641. (Ibid. |
Thomas Somerset, third son of Edward, fourth Earl of Worcester,
knighted 1605, created Viscount Somerset 1626. (Nichols, i, p. 478 n.)
Sir John Harington (1592 1614), second Baron Harington of Exton.
II Their was a quarrel for precedence between tlie Venetian and the Arch-
dukes' ambassador; the Venetian was invited to the wedding feast of tli-
Plinccss Elizabeth, and the Archdukes' ambassador for the tourney on the
following day.
IB LETTERS OF WOTTON
discontented that men should note in his whole countenance tha
day. Towards the evening a challenge passed between Archy 1 am I
a famous knight, called Sir Thomas Parsons, the one a tool ■
election, and the other by necessity, which was accordingly per
formed some two or three days after at tilt, tourney, and on foot
both completely armed, and solemnly brought in before thei 1
Majesties, and almost as many other meaner eyes as were at tin
former; which bred much sport for the present, and afterwards
upon cooler consideration, much censure and discourse, as tin
manner is.
The departure of the Count Palatine and my Lady Elizabeth I
put off from the Thursday in the Easter-week till the Tuesda)
following, which day I think will hold. The commissioners tha-
accompany her have the titles of ambassadors, to give then
precedency before Sir Ralph Winwood at the Hague, and likewise
in any encounters with Almaigne princes. Sir Edward Cecil2 goetl
as treasurer, to keep up that office in the name ; though it b*
otherwise perhaps from a general, rather a fall than an ascent
Before this journey there is a conceit that the' Duke of Lenox wiL
be naturalized a peer of our Parliament, and my Lord of Rochestei
be created Earl of Devonshire. The foreign matter is little increased
since my last unto you from Cambridge. The Savoy ambassadoi
not yet arrived. The Turks' designs hitherto unknown, am
marching slowly, according to the nature of huge armies :!, in whit
suspense the Venetians have augmented their guard in the Guli
enough to confirm unto the world that states must be conserve<
even with ridiculous fears. This is all that the week yieldetl
My Lord and Lady have received those letters and loving salutatioi
which my footman brought. And so with mine own hearty praye
to God for you, and for that most good niece, I commit you both
His blessing and love.
Your faithfullest of unprofitable friends,
Henry Wotton.
I pray, Sir, remember me very particularly to my cousin Nicholas
your worthy brother ; for whose health our good God be thanked.
Sir James Cromer5 is this week dead of an apostem in hi
stomach, and in him the name ; unless his Lady (as she seemeth
1 Archy Armstrong (d. 1672), the King's jester. (D. X. B.)
2 Sir Edward Cecil (1572-1638), son of first Earl of Exeter, created Viscount
Wimbledon 1626. {D. N. B.)
18 This expedition turned out to be merely a hunting expedition toward*
Alrianople.
* Afterwards Sir Nicholas Bacon, Bart., of Gillingbam.
5 Sir James Cromer, of Kent, knighted May 11, 160o. {Metcalfe, p. 141.
TO SIB EDMUND BACON ID
o have intention) shall revive it wilh matching one ot her lour
laughters with a Cromer of obscure fortune, which they .say is
latent in your while.
213. To Sin Edmund Bacon.
>o J>., p. 16U : Ji'eliq., Did ed., p. 40*. Arrest of Sir Thomas Overbury.
From my chamber, this Thursday,
St. I reorge his Eve,
(April 22,) 1618.
Sik,
The last week, by reason of my being in Kent, was a week of
silence ; and this I think will appear unto you a week of wonder.
The Court was full of discourse and expectation that the King,
being now disencumbered of the care of his daughter, would
towards this Feast of St. George fill up either all, or some at least
of those places that had lain vacant so long, and had been in this
time of their emptiness a subject of notorious opposition between
our great Viscount ' and the house of Suffolk. Thus, I say, ran the
opinion ; when yesterday, about six of the clock at evening,
Sir Thomas Overbury was from the council chamber conveyed by
a clerk of the Council and two of the guard to the Tower, and there
by warrant consigned to the lieutenant as close prisoner ; which
both by the suddenness, like a stroke of thunder, and more by the
quality and relation of the person, breeding in the beholders
(whereof by chance I was one) very much amazement, and being
likely in some proportion to breed the like in the hearers, I will
adventure, for the satisfying of your thoughts about it, to set down
the forerunning and leading causes of this accident, as far as in so
short a time I have been able to wade in so deep a water. It is
conceived that the King hath a good while been much distasted
with the said gentleman, even in his own nature, for too stiff
a carriage of his fortune ; besides that scandalous offence of the
Queen at Greenwich,2 which was never but a palliated cure. Upon
which considerations, his Majesty resolving to sever him from
my Lord of Kochester, and to do it not disgracefully or violently,
but in some honourable fashion, he commanded not long since the
Archbishop, by way of familiar discourse, to propound unto him
the ambassage of France, or of the Archdukes' Court ; whereof the
one was shortly to be changed, and the other at the present vacant.
In which proposition it seemeth, though shadowed under the Arch-
1 Rochester.
1 The Queen imagined that she had heard Overbury laugh at her disrespect*
fully while walking with Rochester under her windows at Greenwich Palace.
o. N.B., \ii. \>. :;:'.».
0 2
20 LETTERS OF WOTTON
bishop's goodwill, that the King was also contented some little
light should be given him of hia Majesty's inclination unto it,
grounded upon his merit. At this the fish did not bite ; whereupon
the King took a rounder way, commanding my Lord Chancellor1
and the Earl of Pembrock to propound jointly the same unto him
(which the Archbishop had before moved) as immediately from the
King ; and to sweeten it the more, he had (as I hear) an offer made
him of assurance, before his going, of the place of Treasurer of the
Chamber, which he expecteth after the death of the Lord Stanhop 2 ;
whom belike the King would have drawn to some reasonable
composition. Notwithstanding all which motives and impulsives,
Sir Thomas Overbury refused to be sent abroad, with such terms as
were by the Council interpreted pregnant of contempt in a case
where the King had opened his will ; which refusal of his I should,
for my part, esteem an eternal disgrace to our occupation, if withal
I did not consider how hard it is to pull one from the bosom of
a favourite. Thus you see the point upon which one hath been
committed, standing in the second degree of power in the Court, and
conceiving (as himself told me but two hours before) never better
than at that present of his own fortunes and ends. Now in this
whole matter there is one main and principal doubt, which doth
travail all understandings ; that is, whether this were done without
the participation of my Lord of Eochester? A point necessarily
enfolding two different consequences ; for if it were done withoi
his knowledge, we must expect of himself either a decadence 01
a ruin ; if not, we must then expect a reparation by some other
great public satisfaction, whereof the world may take as mucl
notice. These clouds a few days will clear ; in the meanwhile
I dare pronounce of Sir Thomas Overbury, that he shall returj
no more to this stage, unless Courts be governed every year by
a new philosophy ; for our old principles will not bear it.
I have showed my Lord and Lady sister your letter of the 18th o
April, who return unto you their affectionate remembrances, an<
I many thanks for it. The King hath altered his journey
Thetford, and determineth to entertain himself till the progres
nearer London. The Queen beginneth her journey upon Saturday
towards Bathe. Neither the Marquess di Villa3 (who cometh froi
Savoy) nor Don Pedro di Sarmiento 4 (who shall reside here in the
1 Lord Ellesmere.
2 John Stanhope (1545 ?-1621), Baron Stanhope of Harrington 1606, Treasure!
of the Chamber 1596-1616. (D. K. B.)
3 Marquis di Villa (ante, i, p. 131).
* Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, the famous Spanish ambassador, Count of
Gondomar, which title was given him in 1617.
TO SIB EDMUND BACON 21
room of the present Spanish ambassador *) are yet either arrived, or
near our coast, though both on the way. So as I can yet but cast
towards you a longing, and in truth an envious look, from this place
of such servility in the getting, and such uncertainty in the holding
of fortunes, where methinks we are all overclouded with that sleep
of Jacob, when he saw some ascending, and some descending, but
that those were angels, and these are men ; for in both, what is it
but a dream? And so, Sir, wishing this paper in your hands, to
whom I dare communicate the freest of my thoughts. I commit you
!(. God's continual love and blessings.
Your faithful poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
I pray, Sir, let me in some corner of every letter tell my sweet
niece that I love her extremely, as God judge me.
214. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
AM, MS. 34727, f. 23, holograph; printed Letters to #., p. 10: Reliq.,
3rd ed., p. 411. Court, news; Overbury in prison; departure of the
Elector and Electress Palatine.
London, this Thursday the 29th of
April, 1613.
Sir,
I have newly received your last of the 25th of April, and
acquainted my Lord with the postscript thereof touching your
father's sickness, of which he had heard somewhat before by
Sir R. Drurie 2, who at the same time told him the like of my Lady,
your mother. But we hope now that the one was never true, and
that the other (which you confirm) will be light and sufferable, even
at heavy years.
The long-expected ambassador from Savoy arrived yesternight at
Dover ; so as now I begin by the virtue of a greedy desire to antici-
pate beforehand, and to devour already, some part of that content-
ment which I shall shortly more really enjoy in your sight and
conversation.
Sir Thomas Overbury is still in the Tower, and the King hath
since his imprisonment been twice here, and is twice departed,
without any alteration in that matter, or in other greater.
My Lord of Rochester, partly by some relapse into his late
infirmity, and partly (as it is interpreted) through the grief of his
1 Don Alonzo de Velasco.
1 Sir Robert Dniry (1577 ?-lG15), the patron anil friend of Donne. He married
Anne Bacon, sir Edmund Bacon's sister.
22 LETTERS OF WOTTON
mind, is also this second time not gone with the King. Some argil
upon it, that disassiduity in a favourite is a degree of declination ;
but of this there is no appearance, only I have set it down to show
you the hasty logic of courtiers.
The Queen is on her journey towards Bathe.
My Lady Elizabeth and the Count Palatine, having lain long in
our poor province of Kent languishing for a wind (which, she sees.
though it be but a vapour, princes cannot command), at length, on
Sunday last towards evening, did put to sea, some eight days aftei
a book had been printed and published in London of her entertain-
ment at Heidelberge 1 ; so nimble an age it is. And because I cannot
end in a better jest, I will bid you farewell for this week, committing
you and that most beloved niece to God's dearest blessings.
Your own in faithfullest love,
Henry Wottox.
215. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Lplters to P,., p. 125 ; Reliq., 3rd ed.. p. 411. News from London ;
various imprisonments.
Friday, May 7. <1G13>.
Sir,
Your friend, Sir Bobert Killegrew, hath been committed to the
Fleet, for conferring with a close prisoner 2 in a strange language
which were (as I hear) the two circumstances that did aggravate
error.
Of his case whose love drew him into it, I can yet make no judj
ment ; the humour seemeth to be sharp, and there is wisdom enough
in those that have the handling of the patient to manage the matter,
so that at length his banishment from the Court may be granted as
a point of grace. The nature of his alteration was (as you rightly
judge it) in the first access somewhat apoplectical, but yet mingled
in my opinion with divers properties of a lethargy ; whereof we shall
discourse more particularly when we meet ; which I now long for,
besides other respects, that we may lay aside these metaphors.
This very morning shall be heard at the Star Chamber the case of
Sir Peter Buck 3, an inhabitant at Bochester, an officer (as I take it)
of the navy, who hath lain some good while in prison, for having
1 A Monument of Remembrance erected in Albion, in honour of the hopeful mariage,
magnificent Departure from Brytayne, and honourable receaving in Germanie, at H< idel-
bergh, of the two most noble Prynces, Ffredericl; Elizabeth, &c. Entered at the
Stationers' Registry, March 30^ 1613, by Henrv Bell. (Arber, iii, p. 236 b.)
2 Sir Robert Killigrew, 1579-1633. (D. X. B*) He had been to see Sir Walter
Raleigh, and Overbnrv spoke to him as he passed his window. (Nichols, ii,
p. 641 n.)
3 Sir Peter Buck, knighted July 4, 1604. (Metcalfe, p. 153.)
TO si I! EDMUND BACON 23
written fco n friend of his nt Dover a letter containing this news,
• t lint some of the Lords had kneeled down to the King for a tolera-
tion in religion ; ' besides some particular aspersion in the said letter
of my Lord Privy Seal1, whom likewise of late a preacher or two
have disquieted ; whereby he hath been moved, besides his own
nature and (as some think also) besides his wisdom, to call these
things into public discourse, quae spreta exolescunt*, if ancient grave
sentences do not deceive us.
Iffy Lady of Shrewsbury, my Lord Gray, and the Lady Arabella, '
remain still close prisoners since their last restraint, which I signified
unto you in a little ticket. Sir William Wade4 was yesternight put
from the lieutenancy of the Tower.
I set down these accidents barely, as you see, without their causes,
which in truth is a double fault, writing both to a friend and to
a philosopher ; but my lodging is so near the Star Chamber that my
pens shake in my hand. I hope therefore the ambassador of Savoy
(who hath already had two audiences) will quickly be gone, that I may
fly to you and ease my heart. By the next carrier I shall tell you
all his business. In the meanwhile, and ever, our dear Saviour
Mess you.
Your faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
This Friday morning, May 7, in such haste, that I must leave my
dear niece unanswered, till I can better assemble my spirits and call
the aid of the Muses.
216. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Litters to B., p. IB ; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 412. Killigrew released ;
news of the Court.
The 14 of May, 1613.
Sir,
Your kinsman and friend, Sir Robert Killegrew, was in the Fleet
from Wednesday of the last week till the Sunday following, and no
longer ; which I reckon but an ephemeral fit, in respect of his
1 The Karl of Northampton.
1 Spreta exolescunt* (Tac., Ann. iv. 34.)
3 The Countess of Shrewsbury was imprisoned in the Tower for aiding her
niece, Lady Arabella Stuart, in her attempt to escape abroad in Kill. The
Lady Arabella remained in the Tower till her death in 1614. {Gardiner, ii.
p. 119.) Lord Grey of Wilton had been imprisoned in 1606 with Sir Waltol
Ralegh, for taking part in Watson's plot against James I. He died in the
Tower in L614.
4 Sir William Waad was removed through the influence of the Rochesters, in
order to facilitate the murder of Overbury. His successor, Sir Geivase Helwyf ,
was implicated in the plot, and was tried and executed in 1615. ( D X. 7?.. xxv,
P. 876.;
24 LETTERS OF WOTTON
infirmity who was the cause of it; which to my judgement dotl
every clay appear more and more hectical.1 Yesterday his fathei
petitioned the King (as he came from the chapel) that his son mighi
have a physician and a servant allowed him, as being much damagec
in his health by close imprisonment ; which for my part I believe
for the diseases of fortune have a kind of transfusion into the body,
and strong working spirits, wanting their usual objects, revert upon
themselves, because the nature of the mind being ever in motion
must either do or suffer.
I take pleasure (speaking to a philosopher) to reduce (as near as
I can) the irregularities of Court to constant principles. Now tc
return to the matter, the King hath granted the physician, but
denied the servant ; by which you may guess at the issue. For when
graces are managed so narrowly by a King, otherwise of so gracious
nature, it doth in my opinion very clearly demonstrate the asperity of
the offence. Sir Gervis Elvis (before one of the pensioners) is now
sworn lieutenant of the Tower, by the mediation of the house of
Suffolk, notwithstanding that my Lord of Rochester was the corn-
mender of Sir John Keyes 2 to that charge : which the said Keyes
had for a good while (and this maketh the case the more strange)
always supplied even by patent, in the absence of Sir William Wade.
Upon which circumstances (though they seem to bend another way)
the logicians of the Court do make this conclusion, that his Majesty,
satisfying the Suffolcians with petty things, intendeth to repair the
Viscount Rochester in the main and gross. And therefore all me
contemplate Sir Henry Nevil 3 for the future secretary, some sayin
that it is but deferred till the return of the Queen, that she may
allowed a hand in his introduction, which likewise will quiet th
voices on the other side ; though surely that point be little necessar
for yet did I never in the country, and much less in the Court, s
anything done of this kind that was not afterwards approved by
those that had most opposed it. Such vicissitudes there are here
below, as well as of the rest, even of judgement and affection.
I would say more, but I am suddenly surprised by the secretary o
the Savoy ambassador,4 who I think will depart about the end of tli
:
1 Sir Thomas Overbury is referred to. • Hectical ' is used in its earlier sen
of 'chronic', 'permanent.'
- Sir John Keys, of Yorkshire, knighted May 27, 1607. ^Xichols, ii, p. 131.)
3 Sir Henry Neville (1564?-1615) had been ambassador to France in 1599,
and was at this time the most popular candidate for the post of secretary,
which was still vacant. Sir Ralph Win wood, however, was appointed. Neville
died in 1615. (D. N. B.)
4 Chamberlain wrote to Carleton on May 13, 1613 : * Here is the Marquis de
Villa, come ambassador from the Duke of Savoy ; they say he is a gallant
gentleman, and is well received. . . . He makes no great dainty of himself, but
goes with his troupe to the ordinary plays, to the Exchange, to the pawn, anc
TO SIB EDMUND BACON
Whitsun holidays, for which I languish. With his business lean
icquaint you nothing till the next week, by reason of this surprisal :
and. besides, it hath disturbed my muses so, I must remain still in
to my sweet niece for that poetical postscript that dropped out
of her pen. I do weekly receive your letters, which in truth are
more comfort than I could hope to purchase by mine ; so as whereas
before I had determined to continue this my troubling of you but
till I should see you next, I have now made a resolution to plant
a staple . and whensoever we shall be separated, to venture my whole
stock in traffic with you, finding the return so gainful unto me.
And so committing you to God's dearest blessings, I ever rest,
Your faithfullest poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
217. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
letters to B., p. 17; Beliq., 3rd eel., p. 415. The Savoy ambassador ; the
outbreak of war between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua.
May 21, 1613.
I have not yet presented to my Lord that box which came with
your letter of this week, for he removed on Wednesday with the
King and household to Greenwich, and I still remain here to show
you that the Court doth, like a loadstone, draw only those that are
intra orbem virtutis suae : I mean, within the compass and circle of
profit.
The Savoy ambassador seemeth in his second audience to have
discharged all his commission ; or otherwise he wanteth authority
to proceed further than to a general overture, till the arrival of the
I avalier Battista Gabaleoni, who is hourly expected, and is here to
remain as resident for the said Duke.
With him likewise come certain other gentlemen of title, who
should from the beginning have dignified the ambassador's train ;
but the cause of this straggling was a sudden attempt which the
Duke, immediately after the ambassador's departure (who appointed
those gentlemen to follow him), made upon the Marquisate of Mon-
ferrato, where he surprised three towns with the petard ; the first
time (as one writeth from Venice) that ever that pestilent invention
had been put in practice beyond the Alps.
-hafFers and bargains at every shop. He will leave Gabellione behind him for
a lieger. All this business we may thank Signor Fabritio for, who hath no
other means to uphold himself, nor entertain the King's and the Queen's ear,
but with these priests and devices that have and will cost the King many a fair
penny.' (S. P. Dow. Jos. J, lxxii, No. 129.)
1 • Staple/ a public market where merchandise is regularly exchanged.
26 LETTERS OF WOTTON
The cause of this attempt was, for that the Cardinal Gonzaga (now
Duke of Mantua *) had yielded to send home the Dowager Infanta 2 to j
the Duke of Savoy her father, but would retain her only child, .
a daughter of two years, in whose right the said Duke of Savoy j
pretendeth colourably enough to the foresaid whole marquisate, and j
clearly to all the movables left by the late Duke of Mantua her
father, who died intestate. Into which point of law there entered
besides some jealous}? of state, being unfit for respects that would
have fallen easily into the apprehension of duller princes than the
Italian, to leave a child out of the custody of her mother in his, that
was to gain by the death of it. Yet am I of opinion, who have a little
contemplated the Duke of Savoy's complexion, that nothing moved
him more in this business than the threatenings of the French Queen, •
who had before commanded Didiguires3 to fall into the said Duke's
estates by way of diversion, if he should meddle with the least village
in the Monferrato ; which feminine menacement did no doubt incite
him to do it out of the impatience of scorn ; and withal, he built
silently upon a ground, which could not well fail him, that the King
of Spain would never suffer the French soldiers to taste any more of the
grapes and melons of Lombardie, because V appetit went en mangeant4,
which the issue of the businesses hath proved true ; for the Governor
of Milan5, having raised a tumultuary army of horse and foot, die
with it only keep things in stay from further progress on both sides
till the agreement was made between the Duke of Mantua himself in
person and the Prince of Piedmont, within the town of Milan. Th(
accord is advertised the King from Venice and Paris. The conditions
will be better known at the arrival of Gabaleoni ; and then likewise
we shall see the bottom of this errand, which hath been hitherto
nothing but a general proposition of a match between the same lad}
that was formerly offered 6, and our Prince now living : which the
ambassador hath touched so tenderly, as if he meant 7 to manage his
master's credit. Upon the whole matter, I cannot conceive (though
he seemeth to let fall some phrases of haste) that he will be gone yet
this fortnight or three weeks, till when I languish. And so let me
end all my letters, ever resting,
Your faithfullest poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
1 Ferdinando Gonzaga, born 1587, cardinal 1605, Duke of Mantua 1012-26.
2 Margarita, widow of Francesco Gonzaga, Prince of Mantua.
?- Francois, Due de Lesdiguieres, 1543-1626.
4 Rabelais, Gargantva, v.
5 The Constable of Castile.
■ The Infanta Maria (ante, i, p. 121). 7 < Went ' in Letfers to B.
TO SIK EDMUND BACON 27
218. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
to /?.. p. 72, wrongly dated at the end 'This 18 of April, 1633' ;
/.Y//7/.. 3rd od., p. 417. An accident to Albertus Morton ; the arrest of
Sir Robert Mansell.
From St. Martin's by the Fields,
May tlie 27(1618).
I <lo as unwillingly put my pen to tell you, as I am sure you
will bo to hoar, what hath befallen my nephew Albertus1 this week.
He was going on Friday last towards evening in a coach alone, whose
driver alighting (I know not upon what occasion) hard by Charing
Cross, the horses (being young) took some affrightment, and running
away so furiously, that one of them tore all his belly open upon the
corner of a beer cart ; my nephew (who in this meanwhile adventured
to leap out) seemeth to have hung on one of the pins of the boot,
from whence struggling to get loose, he broke the waist-band of his
hose behind, and so fell with the greater violence on the ground,
hurting only the hindermost part of his head, by what possibility we
cannot conceive, unless the motion of the coach did turn him round
in the fall. The force of the concussion took from him for some
hour or thereabouts, the use of his voice and sense, which are now
well restored ; only there yet remaineth in his left arm a kind of
paralytical stupefaction, and his right eyelid is all black with some
knock that he took in the agitation of the coach, which peradventure
may have been the motive to make him leap out. But these external
evils do not so much trouble us as an inward pungent and pulsatory
ache within the skull, somewhat lower than the place of his hurt ;
which hath continued more or less since his fall, notwithstanding
twice letting blood, and some nights of good rest, and shaving of his
head for the better transpiration : which we doubt the more because
it cometh s'nic ratione, his hurt being only in the fleshy part, and very
slight, without fracture of the skull, without inflammation, without
any fever, and all the principal faculties, as memory, discourse,
imagination, untainted. The King hath in this time much consolated
us both with sending unto him, and with expressing publicly
a gracious feeling of his case ; but we must fetch our true comforts
from Him. who is Lord of the whole ; and so I leave it.
Since my last unto you I am sure 3-011 hear how Sir Kobert Mans-
1 Albertus Morton. On June 10, 1613, Chamberlain wrote to Carleton : 'The
ambassador of Savoy spends his time merrily, and is much with the King. . . .
Sicnor Fabritio is never from him ; indeed, it is all the work he hath to do.
Young Fabritio was almost killed a fortnight since by the running away of
a coach.' (C. <fc T. Jos. I, i, p. '2A:\.
28 LETTERS OF WOTTON
field J hath been twice or thrice convented 2 before the Lords, and
committed to the Marshalsie ; partly for having consulted with
Mr. Whitlock, the lawyer, about the validity of a commission drawn
for a research into the office of the Admiralty, whereof himself is an
accomptant ; and partly for denying to reveal the name of the said
lawyer, his friend, who before had been committed to the Fleet for
another case much of the same nature. The point touched a limb of
the King's prerogative and immediate authority. Sir Robert Mans-
field's answers (by report) had as much of the philosopher or of the
hermit, as of the soldier or courtier ; professing openly his little care
of this world, or of his own fortunes in it, and divers other phrases
of that complexion. Sir Thomas Overbury is still where he was,
and as he was, without any alteration, the Viscount Rochester yet
no way sinking in the point of favour ; which are two strange con-
sistents.
Sir R. Drury runneth at the ring, corbeteth3 his horse before
the King's window, haunteth my Lord of Rochester's chamber,
even when himself is not there, and in secret divideth his obser-
vances between him and the house of Suffolk : and all this (they
say) to be ambassador at Bruxels. So as super tota materia, I see
appetites are not all of a kind ; some go to the Tower for the
avoiding of that which another doth languish to obtain.4 I will end
with my paper, and by the next carrier either tell you precisely when
I shall see you, or prevent the telling of it. And so our sweet
Saviour bless you and my dear niece.
Henry Wotton.
219. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 157; ReJiq., 3rd ed.. p. 419, undated; written apparently
a week after the above letter of May 27, certainly before June 13, when
Mansell was released. News from London ; Irish affairs, &c.
(London, June 3?, 1613.)
Sir,
By the next carrier (for yet I must say so again) you shall hear
when this ambassador will be gone. The meanwhile let me entertain
you with the enclosed paper, which the Duke of Savoy hath pub-
lished in his own defence, joining together the sword and reason.5
1 Sir Robert Mansell (1578-1666), Treasurer of the Navy. For his arrest see
Gardiner, ii, pp. 187-191. 2 ' Convented,' i. e. summoned. Obs. (2f. E. D. )
3 'Corbeteth,' old form of curveteth. (Ibid.)
4 This refers to Overbury's refusal of the embassy to Brussels.
5 ' We have had the Duke of Savoy's declaration here above this fortnight,
and it is putting into English, and they were sold ordinarily for two pence.'
Chamberlain to Carleton, June 10. 1618. (G & T. Jas. I, i, p. 243.)
TO SIB EDMUND BACON 29
sir Robert Mansfeld is still in restraint. Sir Thomas Overbury
nut only out of liberty (as he was) but almost now out of discourse.
We have lately started at a dispatch from Ireland, importing
a variance there about the choice of a Speaker in the summoned
Parliament,1 which came to so sharp a point, that the Deputy was
fain to fetch wisdom from hence. Sure it is that the humours of
that kingdom are very hovering, and much awaked with an appre-
hension taken that we mean to fetter them with laws of their own
making ; which in truth were an ingenious strain of state. My Lord
and Lady are stolen down into Kent for a few days to take in some
fresh air. They go not this next progress, if my brother can get
leave of the King to see his grandchildren, where he intends to
spend some fortnight, and the rest of the time between Boughton and
Canterbury.
A match treated and managed to a fair probability between my
Lord Cook's - heir and the second daughter of Sir Arthur Throck-
morton is suddenly broken ; the said Lord Cook having underhand
entertained discourse about the daughter of the late Sir Thomas
Bartlet :;, who in defect of her brother shall be heir of that name.
I have nothing more to say ; and therefore God keep you and my
sweet niece in His continual love.
Your poor uncle, faithful friend, and willing servant,
Henry Wotton.
Albertus (God be thanked) groweth better and better, and in the
midst of his own pains hath remembered those in Suffolk, whom we
both so much honour.
220. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Add. MS. 34727, f. 25, in part : the whole letter printed Letters to B., p. 21 :
lieliq., 3rd ed., p. 421. The trial of Whitelocke and Mansell ; journey
of the Electress.
The 18th of June, 1613.
Sir,
In my last I told you that the ambassador of Savoy was to meet
the Queen at Windsor ; which pains she hath spared him by her
own coming yesternight to Greenwich, where I think she will settle
herself a day or two before she admit him. Now, seeing the time of
the Commencement at Cambridge so near as it is, and being able to
determine of this ambassador's departure within that space, I have
resolved to take those philosophical exercises in my way to you ;
1 The protest of the Irish Catholics against the election of Sir John Da vies as
Speaker on May 18. (Gardiner, ii, p. 289.)
1 Sir Edward Coke, commonly called Lord Coke or Cooke (1552-1684). His
eldest son married a sister of Lord Berkeley. (G & T. Jas. I, i, p. 859.)
3 Sir Thomas Bartlet, knighted July 28, lo08. (Nichols, i, p. 219.)
30 LETTERS OF WOTTON
hoping in the meantime to see Albertus admitted by oath to a clerk-
ship of the Council, or at least to the next vacancy, for he is now
strong enough again to swear.1
Sir Robert Mansfield and Mr. Whitlock were on Saturday last
called to a very honourable hearing in the Queen's Presence Chamber
at Whitehall, before the Lords of the Council, with intervention of
my Lord Cook, the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer 2, and Master
of the Rolls 3; the Lord Chief Justice 4 being kept at home with some
infirmity. There the attorney and solicitor first undertook Mr. Whit-
lock, and the recorder (as the King's sergeant) Sir Robert Mansfield ;
charging the one as a counsellor, the other as a questioner, in
matters of the King's prerogative and sovereignty, upon occasion of
a commission intended for a research into the administration of the
Admiralty: against which the said Sir Robert Mansfeld (being
himself so principal an officer therein) had sought some provision of
advice ; and this was the sum of the charge, which was diversely
amplified . Whitlock, in his answer, spake more confusedly than was
expected from a lawyer, and the knight more temperately than wras
expected from a soldier. There was likewise some difference noted,
not only in the manner, but in the substance between them ; for
Whitlock ended his speech with an absolute confession of his own
offence, and with a promise of employing himself hereafter in defence
of the King's prerogative. Sir Robert Mansfeld, on the other sid<
laboured to distinguish between the error of his acts, and the integrity
of his zeal and affection towards the King his master ; protesting he
should hold it the greatest glory under heaven to die at his feet, am
that no man living should go before him, if there were occasion to
advance his dominions, with some other such martial strains, whicl
became him well. The conclusion of his speech had somewhat o
the courtier, beseeching the Lords, if the restraint he had endure<
were not in their judgement a sufficient punishment c£ his error, tha
then they would continue it as long as it should please them, anc
add unto it any other affliction of pain or shame whatsoever, pro
vided that afterwards he might be restored again unto his Majesty'
favour, and their good opinions. To tell you what they all severally
said that day, were to rob from the liberty of our discourse when w
shall meet. In this they generally agreed, both counsellors anc
judges, to represent the humiliation 5 of both the prisoners unto the
King in lieu of innocency, and to intercede for ins gracious pardon
1 Albertus Morton was appointed Clerk of the Council in 1614. (Co/. 8. P.Dom.
1611-18, p. 263.)
2 Sir Julius Caesar. 3 Sir Edward Phelips (1560 ?-16U).
4 Sir Thomas Fleming, who died on Aug. 7, 1613. (Gardiner, ii, p. 207.)
5 The rest of the letter from this word is preserved in MS.
TO SIR EDMUND BAOON 31
which was dune ; and accordingly the next day1 they were enlarged
upon a submission under writing. This is the end of that business,
at which were present as many as the room could contain, and men
of tin; best quality, whom the King was desirous to satisfy not only
about the point in hand, but in some other things that were occa-
sionally awaked ; which I likewise reserve to our private freedom.
The King's officers are returned from my Lady Elizabeth, whom
they left at Goltzheime the last of May, where his Majesty's expense
did rease. This place was chosen for her consignment instead of
Harh. rath, suspected of contagion. She was at Andernach feasted
by the Elector of Cullen2 ; at Confluence, or Cobolentz (as they call
it), by the other of Trier"; and at Mentz by the third of those
iastic potentates 4, very royally and kindly, and (which was less
ted) very handsomely. The Count Maurice and his brother,
with troops of horse and a guard of foot, accompanied her to Cullen,
and entered themselves into that city with her (I need not tell you
that though themselves were within, the horse and most of the foot
without the walls) ; which is here (by the wiser sort of inter-
preters) thought as hazardous an act as either of them both had done
in the heat of war, and indeed no way justifiable in foro mpicntiav.
And therefore such adventurers as these must appeal ad forum Vruvi-
dentine, where we are all covered by His vigilant mercy and love, to
which 1 commit you and my sweet niece in my hearty prayers.
Your faithful poor friend, uncle, and servant,
He.nky Wotton,
Sir, I send you a sprig of some flowers, which I have newly
received out of Piedmont, hi winter and summer the same ; and
therein an excellent type of a friend.
1 am bold likewise to keep myself in the memory of my niece, till
I see her. with a poor pair of gloves of the newest fashion.
Inventor* Henkico Wottono,
Sculptore Crocio '.
221. To Sin Edmund Bacon.
m Letters to B., p. 27 ; lieliq., 3rd ed., p. 424. Departure of the tSavoy
ambassador ; Wottons projected journey to Cambridge and Redgrave.
Friday, the 25th of June, lblo.
I told you in my last that I would take the Commencement at
Juno 13, 1613. (Gardiner, ii, p. 191.)
Prince Ferdinand of Bavaria, Elector of Cologne (ante, i, p. 286).
; Lothary, Elector 1599-1623. * John Suicard of Cronberg, 1604-26.
5 Mr. Green suggests that this means Wotton was the designer) 'fmwntore,' of
the gloves, ami • Crocio' (perhaps Crook) the maker.
32 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
Cambridge in my way towards you, where I shall be, God willing,
to-morrow sevennight. This I now repeat, to save the telling of it
again by the next carrier, foreseeing that I shall then be impatient of
so much delay as a line of mine own effusion, which even now doth
torture me, while I contemplate some of those green banks (that you
mention), where when I have you by me (to express my contentment
in the Italian phrase) non scrivero al Papa fratello. The ambassador
of Savoy departed yesterday \ making much haste homewards, or at
least much show of it, where he is likely to come timely enough to
the warming of his hands at that fire which his master hath kindled
whose nature in truth doth participate much of the flint as well as
his State. But is not all this out of my way ? Sir, believe it, my
spirits do boil, and I can hold my pen no longer than till I have
wished all God's blessings to be with you, and with that best niece of
the world.
Your poor uncle and faithful servant,
Henry Wottox.
Albertus was yesterday with me at the Court. And though there
be great disproportion in the space, yet I dare conclude that as much
strength as did carry him to Greenwich will bear him to Redgrave.
222. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 29 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 425. The burning of the
Globe Theatre.
July 2, 1613.
Sir,
Whereas I wrote unto you, that I would be at Cambridge as o
Saturday next, I am now cast off again till the King's return t
London, which will be about the middle of the week following. Th
delay grows from a desire of seeing Albertus his business settle
before we come unto you, where we mean to forget all the work
besides. Of this we shall bring you the account.
Now, to let matters of state sleep, I will entertain you at th
present with what hath happened this week at the Bank's side. Th
King's players had a new play, called All is trite, representing som
principal pieces of the reign of Henry VIII, which was set forth wit
many extraordinary circumstances of pom}) and majesty, even to th
matting of the stage ; the Knights of the Order with their Georges
and garters, the Guards with their embroidered coats, and the like :
1 Chamberlain wrote to Winwood (July 8, 1613): 'The Marquis do Villa,
ambassador of Savoy, went henee some fortnight since ... he stayed at least
three weeks to present certain toys of crystal to the Queen.' (Winwood Mem..
iii, p. 469.)
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 33
sufficient in truth within a while to make greatness very familiar, if
not ridiculous. Now, King Henry making a masque at the Cardinal
Wolsey's house, and certain chambers1 being shot off at his entry,
some of the paper, or other stuff, wherewith one of them was stopped,
did light on the thatch, where being thought at first but an idle
smoke, and their eyes more attentive to the show, it kindled in-
wardly, and ran round like a train, consuming within less than an
hour the whole house to the very grounds.2
This was the fatal period of that virtuous fabric, wherein yet
nothing did perish but wood and straw, and a few forsaken cloaks ;
only one man had his breeches set on fire, that would perhaps have
broiled him, if he had not by the benefit of a provident wit put it out
with bottle ale. The rest when we meet ; till when, I protest every
minute is the siege of Troy. God's dear blessings till then and ever
be with you.
Your poor uncle and faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
I hnve this week received your last of the 27th of June, wherein I
see my steps lovingly calculated, and in truth too much expectation
of so unworthy a guest.
223. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 135, no date ; dated in Reliquiae, 3rd ed., p. 427.
Rochester created Earl of Somerset, &c.
(London, Nov. 5, 1613.)
Now I begin ; but why not before ? That question shall be
answered by the next carrier, or by a special messenger the next week,
at which time you shall have an account of all that hath passed, and
some prognostication also upon the future ; for my pen is grown bold
and eager with rest, as dogs that are tied up.
At the present all my care is to let you know that I have received
your last, with the enclosed ; which although I well understand my-
self, yet I have not had time since the deciphering to acquaint the
party with it. which shall be done as soon as I have sealed this, and
sent it to the carrier's.
I thought now to have said no more ; but lest it lose the grace of
freshness, I pray let me tell you, that yesterday morning the Viscount
Rochester was very solemnly in the banqueting-hall, in the sight of
many great ones and small ones, created Earl of Somerset ; and in
1 ' Chambers,' name given in 16th-17th century to pieces of ordnance. (N.E.D.S
2 The famous Globe Theatre was burnt on June 29. It is generally supposed
tluit an adaptation of Shakespeare's Henry VIII was being acted. {Nichols, i,
]>. 165; Wimoood Mem., iii. p. 469.)
WOTTON. II D
I
34 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the afternoon, for a farther honouring and signalizing of the day, m
Lord Cook (brought in by the said Earl) was sworn a Privy Councillor,
to counterpoise the difference of the profit between the Common Pleas
and the King's Bench.1
I will turn over the leaf though I die for it, to remember the
heartiest love of my soul to that good niece, to that sweet niece, to
whom I have much to say by the next opportunity. Our dear Saviour
keep you both in His continual love.
Your faithfullest servant,
Henry Wotton.
Touching the project of our house, believe it, sir, I boil in it, and
am ready to begin again, that I may tell you how busy I have been
in the matter ; but let this also be put over till the following week,
which is likely to fall heavy upon you.
Written on the day of our great preservation, for which our God
be ever glorified.
224. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B.,p. 109; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 428. dated ' Tuesday, the 16th of
November '. Tuesday fell on Nov. 16 in 1613, and it is otherwise plain
from the context that the letter was written in that year. Wotton
writes to Bacon of some family business he had been negotiating with
his brother and Bacon's father-in-law, Lord Wotton ; also of his own
employment at Court.
(Royston,) on Tuesday, the 16th
of November, (1613).
Sir,
An express messenger will ease us both of the trouble of
cipher, but I was in pain whether I should send another, or be tha
messenger myself, being now as near you as Boyston,2 and scant abl
to obtain pardon of mine own severity for not passing farther ; ye
this may be said for me, that the present occasion required littl
noise ; and besides, I am newly engaged into some business, wherec
I will give you a particular account, when I shall first have discharge
that part which belongeth to yourself.
My Lord my brother, having been acquainted with the matte
enclosed in your last to me, dispatched the very next day Mr. Pe
down to Boughton, for such writings as had passed at your marriage
which having consulted with his lawyers, he found those things t
stand in several natures, according to the annexed schedule.
For the point of your coming up, he referreth that to your own
1 Sir Edward Coke, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1606. was now
by Bacon's advice, and against his own will, appointed to the Chief Justiceship
of the King's Bench, a more honourable, but less lucrative position. {Gardiner,
i
pp. 207, 208.)
■ The King was at Royston on this date. (Nichols, ii, p. 704.)
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 85
li.art. and I have only charge from him to tell yon. that without any
sin -h occasion as this, which seemeth to imply your affectionate
respect of his daughter, your own person and conversation shall be
most welcome and dear unto him.
As for my Lady, through whose knowledge, and myself, through
Hrhose hands, you have passed this point of confidence, if you could
behold us, and compare us with my Lord, you should see, though no
difference in the reality, yet some in the fashion. For to him you
must allow the sober forms of his age and place, but we on the other
side are mad with gladness at the hope we have now taken by this
occasion of enjoying both you and my niece this winter at London ;
and we are contented to profess it as profusely as it is possible for a
better pen to set it down. Nay, for my part (who in this case am 1
somewhat single), I flatter myself yet farther, that the term (whereof
iM»t much now remaineth) will accelerate your coming; which if you
resolve, I pray then let me only by this bearer know it, that I may
provide you some fit lodgings at a good distance from White-Hall, for
the preservation of blessed liberty, and avoidance of the cumber of
kindness, which in troth (as we have privately discoursed) is no small
one. Now touching myself.
It may please you, Sir, to understand that the King, when he was
left at Hampton, called me to him, and there acquainted me with a
general purpose that he had to put me again into some use. Since
which time, the French ambassador2 (and very lately) having at an
audience of good length besought his Majesty (I know not whether
voluntarily, or set on by some of our own) to disencumber himself of
frequent accesses, by the choice of some confident servant, to whom
the said ambassador might address himself, in such occurrences as
did not require the King's immediate ear, it pleased him to nominate
me for that charge, with more gracious commendation than it can
beseem me to repeat, though I write to a friend in whose breast I
dare depose even my vanities. But lest you should mistake, as some
others have been apt to do here, in the present constitution of the
Court (which is very umbrageous) the King's end in this application
of me, I must tell you, that it is only for the better preparing of my
insufficiency and weakness for the succeeding of Sir Thomas Edmunds
in France ; towards which his Majesty hath thought meet first to
endue me with some knowledge of the French businesses, which are
in motu. And I think my going thither will be about Easter. :i
1 • Am,' • have' in Letters to B.
nuel Spifaine des Bisseux.
3 On Nov. 24 Biondi wrote to Carleton that Wotton was appointed ambassador
to Paris, but would not go till April. Biondi expected to go with him. (S. P. Dow.
Jas. T, lxxv. no. 25.)
D 2
36 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Thus you see, Sir, both my next remove, .and the exercise of my
thoughts till then ; wherewith there is joined this comfort, besides the
redemption from expense and debt at home (which are the gulfs that
would swallow me), that his Majesty hath promised to do something
for me before I go.
I should now, according to the promise of my last, tell you many
things wherewith my pen is swollen ; but I will beg leave to defer
them till the next opportunity after my coming to London, and they
shall all give place now to this one question, whether there be
anything in this intended journey that you will command ? Which
having said, I will end ; ever resting
Your faithfullest poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
225. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 32 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 431. The « Undertakers' ' or ' Addled'
Parliament of 1614.
June 8, 1614.
Sir,
It is both morally and naturally true, that I have never been in
perfect health and cheerfulness since we parted ; but I have enter-
tained my mind, when my body would give me leave, with the
contemplation of the strangest thing that ever I beheld, commonly
called in our language (as I take it) a Parliament1, which hath pr<
duced nothing but inexplicable riddles, in the place of laws. F
first, it is aborted before it was born, and nullified after it h
a being ; insomuch as the Count Palatine (whose naturalization w
the only thing that passed in both Houses) is now again an alie
And whereas all other Parliaments have had some one eminem
quality that hath created a denomination ; some being called in o
records mad Parliaments, some merciless, and the like, this, I think
from two properties almost insociable 2 or seldom meeting, may be
termed the Parliament of greatest diligence, and of least resolution
that ever was, or ever will be. For our committees were as well
attended commonly, as full houses (as) in former sessions, and yet we
did nothing, neither in the forenoon nor after ; whereof I can yield yo
no reason but this one, that our diversions were more than our mai
purposes ; and some of so sensible nature, as took up all our reason,
and all our passion, in the pursuit of them. Now, Sir, what hath
followed since the dissolution of this civil body, let me rather tell you,
than lead you back into any particularities of that which is passed.
It pleased his Majesty, the very next morning, to call to examina-
1 Wotton was member for Appleby in this Parliament (ante, i, p. 132).
a ' Insociable,' i. e. incompatible. Obs. (N. E. D.)
:
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 37
t ion l>efore the Lords of his Council, divers members of the House
<>t ( \ >mmons, for some speeches better becoming a Senate of Venice,
where the treaters are perpetual princes, than where those that speak
so irreverently are so soon to return (which they should remember)
fco the natural capacity of subjects. Of these examinants, four are
oommitted close prisoners to the Tower: (1) Sir Walter Chute1;
{2\ John Hoskins?; (3) one Wentworth !, a lawyer; and (4) Mr.
Christopher Nevil 4, second son to my Lord of Apergavenie.
The first made great shift to come thither ; for having taken in
our House some disgrace in the matter of the Undertakers 6 (of whom
he would fain have been thought one) to get the opinion of a bold
man, after he had lost that of a wise ; he fell one morning into
a declamation against the times, so insipid, and so unseasonable, as
if he had been put but out of his place for it of carver (into which
one of my Lord Admiral's nephews is sworn) I should not much have
pitied him, though he be my countryman. The second is in for more
wit, and for licentiousness baptized freedom. For I have noted in our
House, that a false or faint patriot did cover himself with the shadow
of equal moderation, and on the other side, irreverent discourse was
called honest liberty ; so as upon the whole matter, ' no excesses want
precious names.' You shall have it in Pliny's language, which I like
better than mine own translation ; nullis vitiis desunt pretiosa nominal
The third is a silly and simple creature, God himself knows ; and
though his father was by Queen Elizabeth at the time of a Parliament
likewise put into the place where the son now is, yet hath he rather
inherited his fortune than his understanding. His fault was, the
application of certain texts in Ezekiel and Daniel to the matter of
impositions ; and saying that the French King was killed like a calf,
with such-like poor stuff : against which the French ambassador
(having gotten knowledge of it) hath formed a complaint, with some
danger of his wisdom.
The last is a young gentleman, fresh from the school, who having
1 Sir Walter Chute, of Kent, knighted 1603.
- John Hoskins (1566-1638) had been a contemporary ofWotton's at Oxford,
and they were apparently intimate friends. (See the poem Sir Henry Wotton
rjeant Hoskins riding on the way, J. Hannah, p. 6.) He was something
•>l ;, | t. and a friend of Ben Jonson, Donne. Selden, and Camden. (2>. N. B.)
3 Thomas Wentworth. These speeches were made on June 3, after the
King had sent a message to the Commons, stating that unless they proceeded
forthwith to treat of supply, he should dissolve Parliament. The speakers were
examined before the Council, and arrested on June 8, while the King ' was
sitting in a neighbouring room, amusing himself by looking through an opening
in the hangings, in order to see his orders carried out'. (Gardiner, ii, p. 249.)
4 (Sir) Christopher Neville, of Newton St. Looe, Somersetshire.
5 The ' Undertakers ', who undertook to procure a majority favourable to the
rnment. [Gardiner, ii. p 229.)
6 Nat. Hist, xxxvii. 12.
38 LETTERS OF WOTTON
gathered together divers Latin sentences against kings, bound them
up in a long speech, and interlarded them with certain Ciceronian
exclamations, as 0 Tempora, 0 Mores!1
Thus I have a little run over these accidents unto you, enough only
to break out of that silence, which I will not call a symptom of my
sickness, but a sickness itself. Howsoever, I will keep it from being
hectical, and hereafter give you a better account of mine own observa-
tions. This week I have seen from a most dear niece a letter, that
hath much comforted one uncle, and a postscript the other.2 Long
may that hand move, which is so full of kindness. As for my par-
ticular, take heed of such invitations, if you either love or pity your-
selves, for I think there wras never needle touched with a loadstone
that did more incline to the north, than I do to Redgrave. In the
meantime, we are all here well ; and so our Lord Jesus preserve you
there.
Your faithfullest poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, I pray remember my hearty affection to my cousin Nicolas
Bacon, and all joy to the new conjoined.
I shall propound unto you the next week a very possible problem,
unto which, if you can devise how to attain, non scriveremo al I'apa,
fratello.
226. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 38 ; Reliq.. 3rd ed., p. 434. Death of the Earl of Northampton
arrest of Leonel Sharp ; trial of Hoskins, &c.
London, June 16, 1614.
Sir,
The Earl of Northampton 3 having, after a lingering fever, spen
more spirits than a younger body could well have borne, by tin
incision of a wennish tumour grown on his thigh, yesternigh
between eleven and twelve of the clock departed out of this world
where, as he had proved much variety and vicissitude of fortune ii
the course of this life, so peradventure he hath prevented anothei
change thereof by the opportunity of his end. For there went a genera
voice through the Court on Sunday last, upon the commitment o
Dr. Sharp 4 and Sir Charles Cornwallis 5 to the Tower, that he wa
1 For Chamberlain's account of these speeches see C. A T. Jns. I, i, p. 321.
2 Sir Francis Bacon ?
3 Lord Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, made Lord Privy Seal in 160£
died June 15, 1614. (D. N. B.)
4 Leonel Sharp (1559-1631), Chaplain to Prince Henry. He was released fron
the Tower on Juue 15, 1615. Sharp became afterwards the Vicar of Boctoi
Malherb, Wotton's birthplace. (Ibid.)
5 Sir Charles Cornwallis, died 1629, was ambassador to Spain 1605-9.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 80
lomewhai implicated in that business; whereof I will give you
I little account at the present, as far as I have been hitherto able to
penetrate. John Hoskins (of whose imprisonment I wrote unto
you by the last carrier) having at a re- examination been questioned,
whether he well understood the consequence of that Sicilian Vesper,1
whereunto he had made some desperate allusion in the House of
rliament, made answer (and I think very truly) that he had no
more than a general information thereof, being but little conversant
in those histories that lay out of the way of his profession. Where-
upon, being pressed to discover whence he then had received this
information, since it lay not within his own reading, he confessed to
have had it from Dr. Sharp, who had infused these things into
him, and had solicited him to impress them in the Parliament ;
and further, that Hoskins hereupon demanding what protection he
might hope for, if afterwards he were called into question, the said
Doctor should nominate unto him, besides others (whose names
I will spare), that Earl,2 who hath now made an end of all
his reckonings ; assuring him of his assistance by the means of
Sir Charles Cornwallis, with whom the Doctor was conjoined in this
practice. Thus came Sir Charles into discovery ; who being after-
ward confronted with the Doctor himself, though he could not (as
they say) justify his own person, yet did he clear my Lord of
Northampton from any manner of understanding with him therein
upon his salvation ; which yet is not enough (as I perceive among
the people) to sweep the dust from his grave. Thus you see. Sir, the
natural end of a great man, and the accidental ruin of others : which
I had rather you should see in a letter, than as I did on Sunday at
Greenwich, where it grieved my soul to behold a grave and learned
divine, and a gentleman of good hopes and merits, carried away in
the face of the whole Court, with most dejected countenances, and
such a greediness at all windows to gaze at unfortunate spectacles.
The Earl of Northampton hath made three of his servants his
executors, with a veiy vast power, as I hear ; and for overseers of his
will, my Lord of Suffolk3, my Lord of Worcester 4, and my Lord William
treasurer of the Household to Prince Henry in 1610. Cornwallis also remained
in the Tower. (D. N. B.)
1 Hoskins had attacked the King's Scottish favourites, and suggested the
possibility of an imitation of the Sicilian Vespers. (Gardiner, ii, p. 246.)
. cording to the belief of contemporaries Hoskins was set on by persons of
Mgh station, and every indication points to Northampton as the person who
wa> suspected to have been at the bottom of the plot. There is every reason t«»
rappose that the charge was true. An understanding between the King and
t!i> House of Commons would not have suited Northampton.' {Ibid., pp.
246, 247.
Lord Thomas Howard (1561-1626), first Karl of Suffolk. (D. X. B.)
1 Edward Somerset (15.~>:J- 1628;. fourth Karl of Worcester. (Ibid.)
40 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Haward \ To the Earl of Arundel he left all his land (which
will amount to some £3,000 of yearly revenue), besides three or foui
hundred to Mr. Henry Haward, whereof he had before assured him
at the time of his marriage ; but neither of them to enjoy a penny
thereof as yet this eight year ; all which time he intendeth the fruits
of his estate shall be collected and distributed in legacies and pious
uses according to his will, which hath not yet been seen, but thus
much as I have told you was understood before his expiration. To
my Lord of Suffolk he hath left his house, but hath disposed of all
the movables and furniture from him. And it is conceived that he
died in some distasteful impression, which he had taken against him
upon the voices that ran of my Lord of Suffolck's likelihood to be
Lord Treasurer, which place will now assuredly fall upon him ; and
the world doth contemplate my Lord of Rochester for Lord Privy
Seal and Lord Warden of the Five Ports. As for the Lord Chamber-
lainship, it is somewhat more questionable between my Lord of
Pembroke, the Duke of Lenox, and my Lord Knowls a. A few days
will determine these ambitions. In the meantime I commit you,
who have better objects, to the contemplation of them, and to the
mercy of our loving God in all your ways.
Your faithfullest poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, I have (I know not how) mislaid the Character A which I lef
you, therefore I pray send me in your very next a copy. Therefor*
I have deferred the matter which I am to propound unto you till the
next week, because I must send you some ore of lead, and iroi
withal, which I have not yet gotten.
Is there no room left for the remembrance of that dear niece'
God forbid. And I pray. Sir, tell her besides that a certain unch
here (whom yet I will not suffer to love her better than myself) doth
greedily expect some news from her.
227. To Sik Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 137. Dated ' on Midsummer Morning ' ; the year 1614 added
in Belig., 3rd ed., p. 437. Rumours of Court appointments.
On Midsummer Morning (June 24, 1614, 0. S.>.
Sir,
Like ft woman great with child, I have threatened you almost
every week with a proposition of profit ; in which kind of breedings
1 Lord William Howard (1563-1640) of Na worth Castle. (D. X. B.)
2 William Knollys (1547-1632), Lord Knollys 1603, Earl of Banburv 1<>26.
{Ibid.)
3 Perhaps Wotton's Character of Salisbury. -See Appendix IV.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 41
(bethinks I am of hard birth, but I hope to be brought to bed by the
next carrier. This week hath yet yielded in the public .'small effects
to entertain you withal ; only, some change of opinion about the
tut me great officers, which are now thus discoursed.
The Earl of Suffolk is still beheld as a Lord Treasurer, and that
conjecture hath never fainted since the very first rising of it. But
it is thought that the dignity of Privy Seal shall lie vacant, as it
did in the Cecilian times, and that the execution thereof, with the
title of Lord Chamberlain, shall be laid on my Lord of Sommerset.1
For if my Lord of Suffolk should remove from the King's privacy
to a place of much distraction and cumber, without leaving a friend
in his room, he might peradventure take cold at his back, which
is a dangerous thing in a Court, as Ruygomez de Silva was wont
to say, that great artisan of humours. Of the office of Five Ports,
I dare yet pronounce nothing. My Lord my brother will none
of it (as I heard him seriously say) though it were offered him,
for reasons which he reserveth in his own breast ; yet the late
Northampton did either so much esteem it, or thought himself
to receive so much estimation from it, as he hath willed his body
to be laid in the castle of Dover.
Chute, Hoskins, Sharp, and Sir Charles Cornwallis are still in the
Tower, and I like not the complexion of the place. Out of France,
we have the death of Dr. Carrier 2, whose great imaginations abroad
have had but a short period. And so, Sir, commending you, and
that dearest niece, to God's continual blessings and love, I rest,
Your own in faithfullest affection,
Henry Wotton.
228. To James I.
S. 1'. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton's arrival at the Hague.
From the Haghe, this 18th of August, 1614.
May it please your Majesty,
Although your Majesty may peradventure have expected from
me some dispatch before now, yet I am not afraid of any mistrust
in your royal heart, either of my zeal or of my diligence, whereof
I shall ever be able to give your Majesty a better reckoning than
<»f my judgement. I landed at Roterdam the first of this month,
1 Suffolk was appointed Lord Treasurer on July 10 ; Somerset was made Lord
Chamberlain. The offices of Lord Privy Seal and of Warden of the Cinque
Ports were kept vacant for a time. {Gardiner, ii, p. 260.)
1 Benjamin Carier, D.D., a native of Kent, who was presented by the Wotton
family to the living of Paddlesworth in Kent. He was Chaplain to James I,
but became a Catholic, and died in Paris in KJ14. (Z>. N. B.)
42 LETTERS OF WOTTON
towards evening, after I had lain two nights on the sea ; and th
next day I was met by the Count Maurice T, accompanied with hi
brother the Count Henry, and divers other commanders, some tw
miles from the Haghe, where he took me into his own coach, an
so brought me through the fairest of the town, to a house whici
the States had very royally furnished, and had appointed their ow.
officers to attend and defray me, which I accepted for some few day^
At this house (where Mr. Secretary2 before had lain), four of th
Lords, as they are here styled, serving for Gelderland, Holland
Zeeland, and Utrecht, were appointed to receive me in the name o
the whole body ; which they did with much reverent remembranc
of your Majesty, and profession of their great obligations towards you
sacred person and crowns.
The Count Maurice had likewise before inquired very tenderh
of your Majesty's, the Queen's, and the Prince his health ; and then
was in truth in the reception of your unworthy servant no circum
stance wanting of all due respect towards your royal name. . .
I humbly expect to understand from your Majesty your farther wil
in this intricate business, which I hope the Archdukes ? will give II
leisure to handle soberly. For if, after knowledge that your Majest)
and the French King do sincerely concur in procuring by some equa.
measure the quiet of these Provinces (wherein both the crowns have
such interest), the said Archdukes shall disturb our treaty with anj
hostile act; then we must conclude that he 4 is weary of his own ease,
and hath some unrevealed ends of the Pope's hatching, which a few
days will discover. And so with my continual prayers to the God oJ
peace and armies to bless your Majesty in all times with His vigilani
love, I humbly rest,
Your Majesty's faithful and long devoted servant,
Ottavio Ball* i.
1 Count Maurice of Nassau, afterwards Prince of Orange, the famous general,
who had carried to a successful issue the great war for Dutch independence.
Wotton assured Count Maurice that there was no Prince in whom James I
reposed more confidence ; and as a proof of this had ordered the ambassador to
carry on no negotiations with the States without first consulting with him ;
' although your Majesty might be somewhat jealous of his heroical spirits in
a business of peace, but that you knew no man had less reason to desire war
than he, that so well understood the miseries, and had been satiated with the
glories of it. He smiled at my compliment,' Wotton adds, • and after acknow-
ledging how much be was bound to your Majesty for your affiance in him, he
professed that both the States and himself desired an honourable end of this
matter in hand.' (S. P. Holland, Aug. 18.)
2 Sir Ralph Winwood, English agent at the Hague 1603-14.
3 The Archduke Albert (brother of the Emperor Rudolf and his wife
Isabella, daughter of Philip II, whom he married in 1598, were Governors of
the Netherlands, and were commonly called ' the Archdukes'.
4 The Archduke Albert.
TO THE EARL OF SOMERSET 43
229. To the Earl of Somerset1.
i I'. Holland, holograph. Date erased, but sent with above dispatch.
Wotton writes to say that he is sending his dispatch to the King
through Somerset's hands, and mentions that he has been blamed by
the Dutch for delaying their military preparations.
From the Haghe, (Aug. 18, 1G14, 0. S.>.
Ki'.ii i Honourable and my very good Lord,
I have given his Majesty an accompt, partly by my pen, and partly
by this gentleman2, of the present business as it standeth this 18th of
August : which I note precisely, because it is of an intricate and variable
nature, much depending upon accidents. The Archduke Albertus
seenieth, or would fain seem, exceeding eager to do we know not what.
And the States here have very handsomely bestowed the blame of their
backwardness upon my intercession with them3. The truth is
indeed, my Lord, I have done my best to keep them as far as may
\ye from one another, because chances peradventure might kindle
them sooner than either their wills or their wisdoms. What will
become of it I dare not yet pronounce. And I shall not need to tell
your Lordship what hath been done hitherto, for both my papers
to the King, and the honest bearer of them, hath no other way to
pass them (than) through your noble hands, both by my direction
ui< I by my devotion. And so I humbly rest,
Your good Lordship's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton.
1 Somerset, though destined to fall in the following year, was now at the
highest point of his influence. 'Though he had not the official title of
secretary, he was treated as a confidential adviser far more than Win wood,
through whom the correspondence with the ambassadors ostensibly passed.'
(Gardiner, ii, p. 317.)
1 Osbert Mountford, who was drowned in December of this year while carry-
ing dispatches from Wotton to England (see Appendix III). Mountford's
lint of Wot ton's negotiations up to Aug. 18 is among the S. P. Holland.
J Reports had already reached the Hague of the great military preparations
in Brussels, and were beginning to cause considerable alarm. The States sent
H letter to the Archduke asking his intentions, and received an answer 'so
civilly and so peaceably penned ', Wotton wrote, 'as there is nothing that doth
make it more suspected here than the sweetness and calmness of the style.'
Wotton himself sent Francesco Biondi (who was at the Hague in his service) to
Brussels to report on the Spanish preparations, and to beg the Archduke to
await the result of Wotton's intercession. Biondi saw the Archduke and
Spinola and Verrecyken ; they were ' all protesting (and so often that it was
enough to breed some doubt),' Wotton wrote, ' a very religious intent to observe
the truce, but yet still hastening to the field.' (S. P. Holland, Aug. 18.) Wotton
informed Barnevcldt of this, but no one at the Hague seems to have realized
the swiftness of the Spanish preparations.
44 LETTERS OF WOTTON
230. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.
Stowe MS. 175, f. 18, holograph. Partly printed in Birch's Negotiation.'
p. 378. Wotton writes to Edmondes (who had just returned to hi
embassy at Paris) of the negotiations at the Hague.
From the Haghe, this 18th of August, 1614.
My Lord,
I was, the morning of your departure, at your house in St
Bartholomew's to have kissed your hands, and missing you at tha
time, I was returning towards you immediately after dinner to menc
my fortune, when a sudden voice of the King of Denmark's arrival
carried me from your Lordship with the rest of the torrent, to th*
Queen's house, where I was lost all that afternoon among certair
wits, that were glad of new matter to talk on, especially when
kings fall into their hands. Since my coming hither, which was
on the 2nd of August in our style, I have not written so much ae
once to his Majesty ; for I saw nothing until this very day, upon
which might be grounded any material dispatch, notwithstanding
that I had had four public audiences and three committees (as I
may term them), wherein some of the States were deputed to treat
with me apart, besides sundry private conferences with his Ex-
cellency 2 and Monsieur Barneveld, the oracle of the place. I impute
the length of their deliberations, not so much now to the nature
of their government (though I am well acquainted with the lentitude
of common counsels), as to the very distraction of the business itself,
breeding in them apparently enough a loathness to retire, and a
doubtfulness to proceed. They have now finally put the whole
matter touching the sequestration of Juliers into Monsieur du
Maurier's 3 hands and mine, as the representants of our masters ;
which will appear unto you by their decree, which I send herewith
to Mr. Trumbal 4, desiring him, when he hath perused it, to transport
the same or the copy to your Lordship, in the company of these hasty
ragged lines, which may well show you how we are straitened
with time, fearing to be surprised by some hostile act of the Arch-
dukes, which would traverse our treaty. Your ancient creature
1 On July 21. 2 Count Maurice of Nassau.
■ Aubery du Maurier, resident French ambassador at the Hague. ' A Protes-
tant of moderate opinions, of a sincere but rather obsequious character, pains-
taking, diligent, and honest.' (Motley, Barn., i, p. 415.) At his arrival Wotton
had a friendly disagreement about precedence ; and as neither would yield, they
arranged that the Dutch representatives should visit them in separate rooms.
(Relation of Mountford, S. P. Holland.) Du Maurier's son, Loiiis Aubery du
Maurier, published an account of his father's negotiations in his Mcmoires pour
sewir a I'Histoire de HoUande, 1688.
4 William Trumbull, who served under Sir Thomas Edmondes from 1597 in
the Council Chamber, and in 1605 was appointed English agent at Brussels.
;N. Sainsbury, Original Papers concerning Rubens, p. 10 n.)
TO SIR THOMAS KDMONDKS 45
Mr. Trumbal (a very intelligent instrument, as appeareth )>y his
letters, mid right honest, by all reports) hath done many good
offices to mollify the said Archdukes, who seem, or at least would
seem, very eager to do we know not what. And the States here
ry civilly to my charge that I have kept them from marching
towards their frontiers ; which they now begin to fortify with a few
removes of certain companies from the more inland garrisons. The
hope is (and we may hope it very justly) that the expectation of
Monsieur de Refuge1 at Bruxelles will on the Archdukes' side
suspend all action ; the two Kings concurring so sincerely and so
professedly to procure his consentment. The said ambassador shall
find at his coming hither the matter well masticated, or rather
indeed well digested already, whereof your Lordship shall have from
me a more particular accompt as we go forwards. In the meantime,
I must tell you that none of those ways propounded in my written
instructions2 (wherewith your Lordship is well acquainted) can take
place, for in the management of them, there fell out insuperable
difficulties not considered in the beginning. But it pleased the King
to commit unto me verbally some private remembrances which
I hope will determine this business.3 We have a voice, believed
in Amsterdam and almost here, that the Emperor is dead. If it be
true, it is likely to breed great matters. And for my part I do not see
how his mandate, lately executed on the poor town of Aix,4 after his
decease can be of validity. I have scant room left to remember my
humble service to your Lordship and your worthy Lady, and to
desire your pardon for this trouble which I have given you. God
- your whole family, and send us peaceful days,
Your Lordship's faithfully to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
1 De Reffuge was the special French ambassador, sent, like Wotton, to settle
the difficulties about Juliers. He did not arrive at the Hague till Sept. 13,
though he pretended to be travelling in great haste, and to have killed two
coach -horses in his hurry. This delay made Wotton suspect that the French
were not in earnest in their desire to avoid a rupture.
- Wot ton's instructions for this embassy have not been preserved.
3 In Iiis fourth audience with the States-General Wotton proposed that
Juliers should be placed in the hands of the Kings of France and England.
Although not formally instructed to propose this, he knew it would be approved
<>f, as ho had had ' a little breeding in the School of Philosophy, where I have
learned that the actions of Princes are directed by their ends'. (S. P. Holland.
Aug. IS, 1GU.)
4 During the troubles at the end of the reign of the Emperor Rudolf, the
Protestants of Aix-la-Chapelle took up arms, expelled the Jesuits, and re-estab-
lishfd themselves in the magistracy. On Feb. 20, 1614, the Emperor Matthias
revived the ban of the Empire against them, and entrusted its execution to the
Archduke Albert and the Elector of Cologne. Matthias did not die till 1619.
46 LETTERS OF WOTTON
231. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The advance of the Dutch army.
From the Haghe, this Thursday morning,
the 25th of August, 1614. Style
of England.
Sir,
I direct the present unto your Honour through Sir Johr
Throckmorton's1 hands at Vlussing, only to acquaint his Majestj
that the Count Maurice is this very morning departed hence witl
the Count William 2, the Count Henry, and all the captains of horst
and foot, towards the frontiers, where the rendezvous is appointee
at Schenck's Sconse 3 on Sunday next. If they arrive in time the}
are likely enough to prevent Spinola's taking of Wesel, Ries, anc
Emerick ; which if he do, we doubt they will speak big language ir
the treaty. I have kept them asunder as far and as long as may be
and they have very handsomely bestowed upon me the blame o
their backwardness.4 The doubt now is, that coming near together
some chance may kindle them, though perhaps neither of the sides
have much will unto it. I shall dispatch unto his Majesty withir.
these two days an express messenger, with more particular judgemenl
upon the whole matter, which I now begin to think that I under-
stand.
232. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
8. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton defends himself against tl
charge that he was to blame for the delay which allowed Spinola
take Wesel.
From the Haghe, the 9th of September,
1614. Stilo veteri.
... I am very sensible here (as I have just cause) of the voices ol
some people that would impute the loss of Wesel 5, and the back-
1 Sir John Throckmorton, Lieutenant-Governor of Flushing, one of the
cautionary towns still in the possession of James I.
2 William Louis of Nassau, Stadtholder of Friesland, died 1620. Wotton
called him ' our Nestor '. (S. P. HoUand, Dec. 29, 1614.)
3 Schenken's Hans, or Schenk's Sconce, a fort built by the freebooter, Martin
Schenk, a few miles above Nimeguen, where the Waal divides from the main
stream of the Rhine.
4 On August 20 Sir John Throckmorton wrote from Flushing, 'I protest to
God that such is the outcry of these people generally against our minister for
his temporizing in these affairs that so nearly concern them, as that I wish
I were not at all to hear them, seeing that I know not what to answer unto
them. But I am sore afraid that I shall both see and hear worse things than
all these ere it be long.' (S. P. HoUand.) For Wotton's defence of his action
see below, pp. 69-73.
5 Wesel was captured by Spinola on Sept. 7, 1614. (Motley, Bam., i, p. 345.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOO]) 47
Wtrdness of the States, to his Majesty, or at least (when they would
Bpeok more civilly) to his instruments, and in particular to myself1 ;
which ridiculous conception will be easily dispelled, when it shall be
more publicly known (as it is fit it should) that the King my master
did. within the compass of fifteen days (namely, from the 14th of
August till the 29th of the same), voluntarily enter into two royal
• ments of himself in favour of his friends and the cause,
besides an expostulation with the Archdukes for their unsound pro-
ceeding. And all this, while the Protestant United Princes (who are
nearest both the danger and the utility) have looked on, and while
the French King and Queen (who are interested as much as his
Majesty in these affairs) have been very coldly and neutrally disposed,
us appeareth by the steps of their minister. As for myself, I may
affirm with most indubitable truth, and I can directly prove it where
ir shall be questioned, that my intercessions did not detain the
Count Maurice from the frontiers one hour longer than the States
themselves were secretly willing and thought fit that he should be
stayed ; which I speak with good warrant from a mouth of authority,
though I must confess that I studied (till the point of necessity) to
keep the armies as far asunder as might be 2, lest otherwise some
chance might kindle them sooner than either their own wills, or
their wisdoms, as I have written in my former letters. I have
through your Honour's hands discoursed these things unto his
Majesty, more out of zeal to his inviolable name, than any care of
myself; for surely the condition of public servants were most
miserable, if they were bound to be troubled with vulgar voices, and
to gather up all the rumour and breath that is so easily spent.
233. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.
St owe MS. 175, f. 46, dictated, extract. The arrival of De Reffuge ;
movements of the Dutch and Spanish armies.
From the Haghe, on the 10th of
September, 1614.
My very good Lord,
I have received your Lordship's letters by the French captain,
dated the 3 of this month, for which I do heartily thank you, as
1 On Sept. 17 the Rev. Thomas Lorkin wrote, ' Sir Henry Wotton is much
complained of by the States, as having been the chief cause of the loss of Wesel ;
he entertaining them so long with delays, that they came two days short of
the relief. But how justly they censure him I know not.' (0. <t* T. Jos. I, i,
2 On Aug. 22 Count Maurice wrote to William Louis of Nassau, that the States
would assemble on the 25th to deliberate about the marching of Spinola's army.
If he proceeded toward the Rhine, the Dutch army would be sent thither ; but
48 LETTERS OF WOTTON
likewise for your intention of writing sooner, had you not been ml
impressed by the ambassador of the States there, who seemeth no
well acquainted with my commission. It is true indeed that th
King hath deputed me (after the quieting or relaxation of thes
affairs here) to meet his Majesty of Denmark's ambassador at th
Court of Brunswick,1 and there jointly to treat (as I do here wit]
the French) an agreement between that Duke and the town ; so a
your Lordship seeth how pacifical I am in this journey. But tha
German business must sleep a while.
Monsieur de Reffuge at last arrived here on the 13th of the present
From the Archdukes he hath brought little more than generalities
and a kind of reference, for the knowledge of their particular will
unto the Marquis Spinola, who hath been now three or four day:
treating a cessation of action for some limited time, at the vehemen
suit of the provincials, who suffer extremely, while the two general
agree well enough (for aught I see), and while the two Pretendants
Newburg on the one side and Brandenbourg on the other, lend botl
countenance, and as much help as they can to their own ruins
which is a pretty contemplation.
Monsieur de Reffuge hath this morning his first audience. Afte:
which we have determined to make a joint dispatch unto the torn
Princes, and to the two generals, for the understanding of theii
inclinations about the place of our treaty, whereof you shall hai
knowledge by my next. I was glad to understand that whic
de Reffuge had let fall to your Lordship, in his conference with yc
before his coming from Paris, namely, ' that he thought the instanc
and menacings of the two Crowns would do little good with tl
Spaniards, unless they were likely to be followed with the effects
Which, I can assure your Lordship, shall not be wanting, unless thej
fail on the French side ; for the King our master hath within tht
compass of 15 days (namely in his dispatches unto me of the 14tl
and 26th of August) voluntarily entered into two real engagement?
of himself in favour of his friends and the cause ; which made mf
yesterday, at my first visitation of this new ambassador, hold with
him this language, ' that I was a person of small discourse and less
Count Maurice thought they ought to arrive there first. He adds, ' L'Ambassa
deur d'Angleterre insiste forte que Messieurs les Estats ne facent point marchei
leurs troupes, a quoi je vois qu'ilz ont quelque inclination, puisque le dit
Ambassadeur a opinion qu'il accomodera l'affaire.' (Groen van Prinsterer;
Archives . . . de la Maison cV Orange-Nassau, 2nd ser., ii, 1858, p. 446.)
1 The Duke of Brunswick, Friedrich Ulrich, had inherited from his fathei
(whom he succeeded in 1613) a long-standing quarrel with the town of Bruns-
wick, which he besieged in July, 1615. By mediation of the Emperor and other
powers the quarrel was settled in Dec, 1615. (0. von Heinemann, Geschichte von
Braunschiveig und Hannover, iii, p. 34.) Wotton was kept too busy at the Hague
to find time to perform this part of his mission.
TO SIR THOMAS EDMONDES ij
en Qiony, but I did humbly offer him mine own service; and I was
ome to assure him that I had charge from the King my master to
>in with him in a fraternal consultation upon the present affairs,
nd in any resolution whatsoever, either of peace or war according
» the occasion.'
This moved him to tell me at length the passages of his journey.
nd how he was used by the Archdukes. But I could mark no
er heat in his discoursing than he had showed in his marching ;
ml I am of your Lordship's opinion that France is too distracted
t home (whereof the Spaniards are not ignorant) to help us greatly
:234. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
. /'. Holland, dictated, extract, postscript and signature holograph. The
King of Spain's title ; Biondi sent with Du Maurier to arrange for
a treaty.
From the Haghe, this 18th of September,
1614. Stilo veteri.
Sir,
I protest unto you that I am both ashamed and tired with
renting these menudencias unto his Majesty, but withal I coll-
ider that his honour (whereof I am bound to be tender) may suffer
1 the smallest tilings, and therefore I have thought it fit for me to
'iider him an accompt of my carriage even in the most contemptible
ircumstances. I must protest withal that I was glad to see
Jons, de Reffuge so prompt and forward as I yet find him, and
have no fear in the present business lAit to leave him behind me.
Was glad also to see him join so well with Mons. du Maurier, who
i a gentleman of singular piety and clear intentions.
The copies of our credential letters ' sent by the said Mons. d u
[aurier and Francesco Biondi, are sent herewithal, wherein was
ii> nicety2 observed, that to the two generals we used Monsieur and
Excellence, and to the two princes Monsc'tgncur and Altesse. And
iere fell out afterwards between De Reffuge and me, when we came
i seal the letters with both our seals (as we did upon distinct labels),
nd to see them superscribed, a scruple that yielded some sport,
or upon the letter to Spinola, when we came to nominate his titles
nd charges which he held from the King of Spaine, Reffuge willed
is secretary to write ' de sa Majeste Catholique ', which I would not
iffer ; although between jest and earnest, I told him that if these
rovinces now in question were suffered to fall into Spanish hands,
1 These copies are in the Record Office. (S. P. Gei: States, vol. xiii.)
N icesitie ' in MS.
Wot ion. ii K
50 LETTERS OF WOTTON
that King within a while would prove * Catholic ' enough, that i
1 universal ', as the word importeth : after which, with a very littl
ado, he yielded to have Spinola described i Lieutenant- General cle
Armies de sa Majeste d'Espagne '. And this was the end of our tirs
meetings. Mons. Maurier and Francesco Biondi (who will do thi
turn, or a greater, with requisite discretion) departed two days sine
towards the camps.1 We expect them not any time possibly in les
than five days more ; and Mons. Barneveld hath newly sent me wore
that he thinketh, till their arrival, the cessation will not be con
eluded. The rest I will signify after my audience, in a letter t«
his Majesty ; whom for the present I humbly commit, with all his, t<
God's continual blessing, ever resting
Your Honour's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton.
Right Honourable, the time is now > come that I must beseecl
you to prepare his Majesty and yourself to a patience of bein;
troubled both with frequent and long letters, as we grow deeper int<
the bowels of this perplexed business.
235. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, holograph. Wotton and De Reft'uge about
to leave the Hague.
From the Haghe, this Tuesday the 20tl
of September, 1614. Stilo veteri.
Right Honourable,
I signified unto your Honour the departure of Mons. du Mauri
towards the armies by Captain Minn 2, and his infirmity on the ws
by Sir David Murray 3 ; whereupon Mons. de Reffuge and myself ha^
resolved, after our audiences here this morning, to pass towards tl
armies. The rest his Majesty shall receive from Utrecht (whert
God willing, I will be to-morrow at night) by your Honour's carefu
servant William Diston 4 : resting in the meantime and ever,
Your Honour's to serve you cheerfully,
Henry Wotton.
The bearer is a servant to Sir Thomas Gates, and I hope hat!
learned some diligence from his master.
1 The object of their journey was to arrange with Count Maurice, Spinoh
and the two Possessionary Princes, a place and date for the negotiation of
treaty which should settle the whole Juliers-Cleves controversy.
2 Perhaps (Sir) Henry Mynne, Paymaster of Gentlemen Pensioners in lt>li
(Col. S. P. Dom., 1611-18, p. 387.)
3 Sir David Murray (1567-1629). (D. N. B.)
* William Diston; see Cal. S. P. Dom., 1611-18, p. 484, 'Warrant for paj
inent of £10 to William Diston for carrying letters to Brussels,' Sept. 14, 1617.
TO JAMES I 51
236. To James I.
91 /'. Ger. States, holograph, extract. Wotton's journey to Rees; Xanten
the probable place of the treaty; motives and desires of the various
parties concerned.
Written at Rees. Sent from Wesel
on Michelmas day, 1614. Stylo
veteri.
... At Utrecht we found Mons. du Maurier much weakened
with some relics of that infirmity which had surprised him on the
way : and there we left him, with intention to follow us when his
igth would bear it. But as yet we hear no more of him.
At Arnehm l I found the Countess of Nassaw2, her Majesty's niece,
in grief for the late loss of a little daughter ; her husband being
absent at the army with double charge at the present of Lieutenant-
General and Marshal, by reason of some infirmity of the Count
William3, the wisest and indubitably the realest gentleman of
his whole house, who is, for his better recovery, retired to
Uroningen.
At Kees we arrived on Saturday the 24th, about four of the clock
in the afternoon, and were met about a mile out of the town by the
Marquis of Brandenburg and the Count Maurice, who, after a few
compliments, put Mons. de Reffuge and me into their coach, and
hatillon with us, the commander of the French.
The young Prince of Brandenburg 4 is a gentleman of very forward
mderstanding for his years, and of good breeding for his nation ;
md hath gotten in the States army, partly by his countenance
which is full of sweetness) and partly for the cause's sake, a great
leal of good opinion. . . .
Touching the place of our treaty (for I have tired your Majesty
00 much about the persons) I think it will be Santen, which the
Marquis Spinola took on the other side of the Rhene, if he may
>e moved (which he cannot deny, neither in reason nor courtesy) to
withdraw his garrison out of it for the time, and to restore the town,
ill the issue of the treaty, to a neutral nature ; which place hath
>een judged the fittest, being between the two armies, and of
oiiin lodious receipt.
Touching the matter, or subject of the treaty, I cannot more
1 Arnlieim.
- Hedwig, wife of Ernest Casimir, Count of Nassau-Dietz. She was a
laughter of the Duchess of Brunswick, sister of Anne of Denmark.
8 Count William Louis of Nassau (ante, ii, p. 46).
1 Markgraf Ernest of Brandenburg, brother of John Sigismund, Elector of
iiaiulenburg.
E 2
52 LETTERS OF WOTTON
note;
distinctly represent it unto your Majesty than by some short
upon certain new articles, which have been propounded on the on<
side and the other, which I have now addressed to Mr. Secretary
being the ground whereon we must build. And your Majesty wil
see by them that the difficulty doth lie rather in the humours thai
in the things. Therefore it is lastly fit for me to speak of thos<
affections that have an influence into it, as I find them either visibb
or by conjecture. The States can hardly hide, with artificial sup
pression, their desire of quietness. And on the other side we ar<
well informed of the imperfections of the Spanish army, and o
Neuburg's wants, by intercepted letters, which he wrote to th«
Bishop of Wormes l, complaining that the clergy had failed him ii
the moneys that were promised. Whereupon doth arise this doubt
that both parties, deeming each other easy to yield unto an accord
may peradventure retard that which they seek by pressing the greatei
conditions. Brandenburge hath about him (as I have said) a verv
various council, full of suspicion and lentitude, according to tin
Almagne natures, and more now than ordinarily for two respects
first, because he is (as they call him) but Mandattwius Patrts, anc
therefore must proceed himself with the more awe ; secondly
because his own resolutions being not absolute, and his agt
deceivable, this doth make his advisers (as we find them) th<
more apprehensive, standing in a kind of obnoxiousness to t
event.
For the Count Maurice (to consider him in individuo) no m
doubts his desire of war, both for benefit and for respect. Reffu
being the instrument of a kingdom distracted in the temporali
divided in religions, and under a child contracted with a late ene
of jealous power,'- hath reason to wish peace, unless it be to engagt
your Majesty and then to look on — which I must confess, to mint
own understanding, is the slipperiest point of my charge. Lastly, the
Provincials groan under the burden of two armies that take towns at
ease, and feed upon the soil that belongeth to neither of them both,
while the pretending Princes lend authority to their own ruins.
which causeth in all corners poverty and clamour. And if none oi
these considerations will help us, I hope the winter will do it.
Thus have I discoursed unto your Majesty a few of mine own free
thoughts about the inward part of the business — I mean, the passions
that lead it ; which lines your royal hand receiveth by an honest and
learned gentleman, who in a little person containeth a great deal of
zeal towards your Majesty and courage to serve you.
1 Wilhelm von Efterm. Bishop of Worms 1604-16.
2 Louis XIII, who married Anne of Austria in 1616.
To JAMES I 53
And so. with my continual prayers to thpfio.l <>! jxace and armies
or I lis vigilant love over your sacred person and estates, I humbly
•est,
Your Majesty's faithful poor vassal,
Ottavio Baldi.
Mi Weekes.1
237. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
R P. Oer. States, dictated, extract. Spinola's army ; a visit from Spinola
and the Duke of Neuburg; the meeting of the envoys at Xanten.
From Santen, the xth of October, 1614.
Style of England.
... To Wesel I came the morning after Mons. de Reffuge ; for I had
bund some inconveniences in arriving jointly with him before at
Rees, and less dignity in it. I was accompanied with divers gentle-
nen of command and quality of his Majesty's subjects 2 in the States'
service, who on this occasion had a full sight of the Spanish or
Imperial army (baptize it how you please) at the fairest distent n and
*how, whereof I shall speak more anon. The next day after my
irrival, Mons. du Maurier came likewise thither, with slighter
eception, and lodged that night in a tent there ; as De Reffuge had
Bone the night of his arrival, and as was offered to me, but refused,
>ecause I thought it more congruous to mine own ends to lodge in
;he town of Wesel, especially his Majesty's agent, Mr. Dickenson4,
jeing then in my company (who was come unto me at the very
point of my departure at Rees), and could not be well accommodated
vithout separation from me in the Spanish leaguer. In Wesel they
md prepared for Mons. de Reffuge and myself distinct partitions in
he same house, which, though very inconvenient, I let pass without
exception, imagining that therein they had contemplated their own
>ase in the visitations of us. Here they found a shift to hold us
*rom Thursday night till the Monday following. . . .
I must not omit to tell your Honour a pleasant passage between
1 Probably the Mr. Weekes mentioned in NicMs (iii, p. 537) as secretary to
Lord Willoughby de Eresby, commander of the English forces in Denmark.
8 One of these gentlemen was Sir Edward Herbert (afterwards Lord Herbert
4 < Iherbury). ' It happened about this time that Sir Henry Wotton mediated
i peace by the King's command, who coming for that purpose to Wezel,
[ took occasion to go along with him into Spinola's army.' (Lord Herbert,
>. 151.)
3 « Distent,' obs. for distension. (N. E. D.)
* John Dickenson, Agent of James I at Diisseldorf to the Possessionary
Princes, Neuburg and Brandenburg. On Sept. 29 Wotton wrote that ho had
ent to Diisseldorf for Dickenson, ' who through his long experience in these
•ountrios (where men's minds are not very transparent) will be of great use to
S. P. Hollawl.)
54 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the Duke of Newbourg, the Marquis Spinola, myself and Mr. Dickenson
at Wesel. They came the night before our departure, very late, to
visit us ; where, after some discoursings interchangeably a la rolee
upon the whole subject now in hand, the Marquis acquainted us (as
it were aliud agens) that the Archdukes had sent thither their
deputies to concur in this treaty ; whereat myself interjecting that
I thought the said Archdukes might spare that charge, because the
two Kings, the Princes of the Union, and the States, would be as
well sufficient to mediate the present accord, as they had been to put
the two Princes into the first possession1, he replied that the face
of the business was now much altered, and so much that himself
and the Count Maurice were Possessioners of the whole ; ' for the
two Princes,' said he, 'tengono niente,' which I think he repeated
some twenty times, laying his arms very familiarly over the shoulders
of Neubourg, and both of them for a good space equally laughing,
though in my opinion not upon equal cause. And we for the present
time bare them company in the humour, reserving our thoughts to
ourselves ; which were these, that perhaps the Duke may be laughed
in that fashion out of a province or two, and contribute his own
mirth to the matter.
From Wesel we brought the answer of Neubourg to Brandenbourg\<
postulata, whereunto the deputies of Brandenbourge have here since
replied with interposition of some little new matter, which movec
Neubourg's commissioners to fetch more counsel and authority froir
the Duke at Wesel, while likewise the Brandenbourgeans did stej
to the Prince at Rees, and one or two of the States to Coun
Maurice.2 Between which answers, and replies, and rejoinders, a
alUes, and venues, and complimental intervisitations, and preparato:
conferences, we have miserably spent the days of this week ; yet
i,
1 The treaty of Dortmund, by which the Condominium was established
1609.
2 Wotton himself visited Count Maurice in his camp, as the Dutch commande
sent his general of artillery to Xanten to invite the English and Frenci
ambassadors and the Dutch representatives ' to good cheer with him in his ten
on Sunday, and to the view of his incomparable army (as I must boldly tern
it) \ Wotton wrote that he had therefore seen both armies, and conversed witl
both the generals. (S. P. Ger. States, Oct. 10.) Eichard Seymer (one e
Wotton's suite) wrote to his brother, Robert Seymer, on Oct. 14, 'Upon Sunda.
last, being the 9th of this October, the two ambassadors of France and Englan-
were entertained by solemn invitation of Count Maurice at his army near Rees
whither being come, to entertain the time until dinner, his Excellency gave th
ambassadors a view of his whole army, drawn forth express for that purpose-
an army sans pareil for their number, excelling Spinola's in all that can com
mend an army, in so much that I have forgot that I ever saw Spinola's, or a
least would exile his tottered regiments from my memory. I am sure (if fore
could gain liberty) they would soon be frighted from these confines. Man;
a volley of shot was spent in honour of the ambassadors. Dinner being ended
we returned to Zanten, where we expect either a conclusion of war or peace
{Add. MS. 29,974, f. 35.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 55
[without thus much fruit, that we have now found the principal
1' differences, which we reckon some advancement towards our purpose.
But before I speak of the subject itself, I will entertain his
jj Majesty with a little discourse touching the body of our assembly.
We are a full Grand Jury, precisely twenty-four, two for his
I 'Majesty, two for the French King, seven for the States, representing
I the Seven United Provinces, three for Brandenbourg, as many for
rNeubourg, two for the Count Palatine Elector, two for the Archdukes,
| and three for the Elector of Coloigne. . . .
Tims after some little debatement about the persons and qualifier-
tions, we are met together with one intent (according to the outward
appearance) in this town : but to bring us here all together in the
same room, in the qualities that we bear, there is no possible means
devisable by the conceit of man, considering the sundry disputes
concerning preseance which distract this body. For neither will
IBrandenbourg give place to Neubourg, being the heir apparent of an
^Electoral House, nor Neubourg to him, being (since the death of his
father) an absolute Prince.1 The States likewise will by no means
.give way to the Archdukes ; and Monsieur Schombergh 2 hath also
^acquainted me (to my no small wonder) that they disputed the
.precedency with the Elector his master, or, to speak more properly,
with the Duke of Deux Ponts 3, his master's representant at the time
of the baptism of my Lady Elizabeth's child ; which doth make the
<said Schombergh now abstain from all intermeetings of the State
deputies here, save at their own lodgings, lest he should call this
point again into question, which cannot be touched without much
indignity. •
Among which puntiglios the French ambassadors and myself
- have likewise our share ; for this very day, being visited at my
lodging by them, and discoursing how and where we and the States
might meet at several times with those of Brandenbourg and Neu-
bourg, his Majesty's agent and myself were contented it should be in
the forenoon with the French, and in the afternoon at my chamber ;
which was by De Reffuge (as I must be bold to say) very presump-
tuously refused ; affirming- that the private assemblies at the time of
1 Owing to the recent death of his father, Wolfgang William was now Duke
of Neuburg.
2 Hans Meinhard von Schonberg (1582-1616), marshal of the Palatinate. Ho
hold an important position at the Court of the Elector Frederick V, whoso
education he had superintended, and whose marriage with the Princess Elizabeth
ho had arranged. (D. N. B. , p. 424.) He was now serving as a colonel under Count
Maurice, but the Princess Elizabeth was anxious for his presence at Heidelberg,
Wotton had instructions from James I to urge him to return. (Everett-
Green, Ptincesses of England, v, p. 267.)
hn II, Duke of Zweibriicken (1584-1686 .
56
LETTERS OF WOTTON
the treating of the truce were all at the chamber of Jeannin l — and
this even in the presence of Mr. Dickenson, who told him he had
been misinformed. And for my part I desired him in fair terms, not
to build so much upon a mere permissive precedence, but to use it
moderately, and to take it (as scholars do oftentimes in their disputa-
tions) pro dato, sed non concesso. And thus we parted without any
more passion.
238. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.
Stows MS. 175, f. 71, dictated. Negotiations at Xanten.
From Santen, this 11th of October, 1614.
Style of England.
My Lokd,
By Captain Blunte, going from hence to Bruxelles, I send this
unto your Lordship, through the honest hands of Mr. Trombal, to
tell you how we stand.
Santen, by the courtesy of the Marquis (who hath withdrawn his
garrison out of it, though with assurance of restitution in default of
agreement), is the seat of our treaty — a place more famous for the
ancient Roman name of Castra Vetera than for any modern commodity
that I see in it.
In propositions, replies, rejoinders, allees and venues (to the Prin
of each side, who are equally distant), complimental intervisitatio
and preparatory conferences, we have miserably spent one week.
The main difficulties are to find an even partition of the litigio
Provinces for the one Prince and the other provisionally, for we
no farther. Juilliers, Berg, and Ravenspurg against Cleves, Marc
and Ravensteyn, are found unequal in the balance : because on th
part of Juilliers there are more fortified places, and more houses foi
the habitation of the Princes.2
This is the principal knot of the whole business. The seconc
difficulty is whether the partage shall be absolute or alternative3
1 Pierre Jeannin, one of the French commissioners for negotiating the true*
with Spain.
2 Many difficulties naturally arose in making this division, and it was evei
seriously brought forward that there were more fish in the rivers of th«
territories of Juliers, and its inhabitants were more obsequious, and therefore
pleasanter to rule. But as Wotton remarked, ' in treaties of this kind (whicl
are incapable of exact equality) we must resort to the Italian proverb that ch
ruol bevere, bisogna inghiottire qualche mosca ' (S. P. Get: States, Oct. 21), and finally
after ' much agitation of brains ', a division was agreed on.
3 The party of Brandenburg, who had the better claim for all the territories
wished for alternative possession, as they feared that absolute possession woul»
end by being permanent, and that they would only obtain half the inheritance
— the whole of which they claimed by right. Neuburg. on the other hand
TO SIB THOMAS EDMONDES 57
which two points evacuated, the rest is very reconcilable. And to
you i Lordship hath all (as God help me) that I can tell yon. Where-
with 1 commit you to God's blessed favour.
Your Lordship's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton.
Bly humble service to your Lordship's virtuous lady and all yours.
239. To Sir Thomas Edmondes.
S/mn MS. 175, f. 87, dictated. Negotiations at Xanten; arrival of
Count Hohenzollern. The affairs of Brunswick.
From Santen, the 25 of October,
1614. Stilo veteri.
My vbby good Lord,
I give your Lordship kind thanks for your letter of the
18th of October, which hath found us still at Santen, where we have
almost spent an entire month. But wTe are now come so far that we
shall conclude within two or three days, ou fakt, on failli.
The personal residence, which did most exercise our brains, is
accorded ; namely, that Cleves, Marck, Kavenstein, and Kavensburg
be on the one side, and the two Dukedoms of Juliers and Berg on the
other, whereof the choice to be put to lot ; but the lots not to be
drawn until a full agreement upon the rest, about which we are now
in travail, and find more difficulty in the humours than in the
tilings, especially for the accommodating of the Barony of Monjoy,
given heretofore by the Elector of Brandenbourg, and confirmed by
his son, to Colonel Ketler, one of his deputies here at the present ;
against which Nieuberg doth very mainly exclaim, saying that no
piece of the inheritance is alienable by either of the parties. And
although Brandenbourg do offer to defalk1 as much from his own
part, if he shall light on the contrary side, yet is Nieuburg not
contented therewith ; having indeed conceived much passion against
the said Ketler, whom he pretendeth to have been the principal
instrument that did traverse his match with the Prince of Branden-
hourg's sister.
I The aforesaid Monjoy doth lie on the part of Juliers : and on the
rt of Cleves, Colonel Schomberg hath gotten Hussen into his
nds, by way of caution for good sums disbursed by him in the
>V1
hed for permanent possession, and alleged the expense and trouble of
vinur troops and changing territories every six months. It was finally
decided that the possession should be absolute.
1 ' Defalk,' i.e. defalcate. (N. E. D.)
58 LETTERS OF WOTTON
service of Brandenbourg ; so as these two colonels, when it shall
come to the drawing of the lots, will solicit the heavens with contrary
prayers.
Between these things the Grave of Hohensolern1 is arrived in
quality of ambassador from the Emperor at Spinola his camp ; and
about the same time, as it were by way of counterpoise, the Grave
of Solms 2 and Mons. von Biivinchousen s are come hither in the
name of the whole Union, but without any purpose to interrupt us
with any new propositions. This is the state of our affairs at the
present, wherein I deal more frankly with your Lordship than
you do with me ; for you say nothing unto me of your own main
business.4
I was destined to Brounswick, and the King wished me to send
my credential letters thither beforehand, as I did by my secretary ;
by whose late return I understand that my own going is suspended,
and the differences between that Duke and the town in likelihood of
an end, through a notable advantage offered the said Duke by the
dissension of the plebeity, who have taken the Duke's part and
imprisoned their superiors, especially a turbulent syndic by name
Roerland, who was the incendiary of that business.
This is all wherewith I can entertain your Lordship at the present,
wishing you more ease, and better cheer for less money than we
have here.
Your Lordship's very affectionate to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
I pray, my Lord, remember my humble service unto your worthy
lady. Tobie Mathew, as I hear, is at Wesel.
1 Count Hohenzellern, or Zollern, had been sent by the Emperor Matthias to
prevent the signature of the treaty, except with the full concurrence of the
Imperial Government. He also renewed the old proposition that the Emperor
should hold the provinces in sequestration until the right of inheritance should
have been settled. (Motley, Bam., i, p. 350.) On Oct. 30 Sir John Throckmorton
wrote to Viscount Lisle, ' Sir Henry Wotton hath carried himself very worthily,
in an answer which he made to the Count of Hohensolern, the Emperor's
ambassador, who, seeing that he was not visited by an ambassador, sent him
word that he was arrived at Weesell. Sir Henry Wotton by the same party
answered, that he had nought to say to him, until he received order from the
King his master; that he was there to agree and compose, by amicable means,
the difference in the business between the two Princes, and that they had done
it, if his legation did not hinder it ; which that he might preserve he would
truss up baggage and retreat to make report unto his master.' {Sydney Pp., ii,
p. 333.)
2 Count Albert Solms, an officer of the Court of the Count Palatine.
3 Benjamin Buwinckhausen de Walmerode, councillor of the Duke of
Wurtemberg.
4 The proposed marriage of Prince Charles to Christina, the daughter of
Henry IV, about which Edmondes was then negotiating. {Gardiner, ii,
p. 314.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 59
240. To Sib Ralph Winwood.
>'. /'. Oer. States, dictated, extract. In this dispatch Wotton repeated the
account of the negotiations given in the above letter to Edmondes.
He then adds that he is sending his apology for the loss of Wesel.
Santen, the 28th of October, 1014.
Stilo veteri.
... I have suspended the sending of my secretary for two or
tin* <> days more, within which term I think we shall see the shore.
And by him, besides the accompt of these things here, his Majesty
shall receive my apology touching the town of Wesel ; of which, as
oft (ii as I think, it reduceth still to my memory a custom in practice
(as I hear) even at this day with some nations, who upon every
public calamity do sacrifice a man ; which seemeth to hold much
analogy with my case, for I have now furnished the altar. But
your Honour shall see that I will present unto his Majesty better
incense — I mean the truth. Till when I humbly rest
Your Honour's faithfully to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
241. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. The treaty signed ; prospects
of ratification.
From Santen, this 18th of November, 1618.
. . . Concerning the present of our affairs here, they stand,
I must confess, somewhat strangely ; for though both the Princes
have signed and sealed the articles 1 (which I sent unto his Majesty
by my servant Cutberd Milborne), yet we dare pronounce nothing
of the issue. Only we are now sure, either to make a quiet end for
these provinces, or an honourable for our masters, and a blameless
for ourselves ; because no mediators can go farther than first to
project an equitable form of agreement, and then to induce the
parties to accept it. This is done ; the execution dependeth rather
on the generals than on the Princes ; wherein, for as much as
belongeth to the States, we find no backwardness, but the deputies
of the Archduke do interject some scrupulous delays, which hath
made the French ambassadors and myself resolve this very morning
to write jointly to Neubourg, and severally to the Marquis, letters of
1 Wotton wrote on Nov. 2, O.S., late at night, that the treaty had been
concluded. The treaty of Xanten, signed by ' Henri Wotton', is printed in
Dumontj v, pt. ii, p. 259.
60 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
round language to retrench all farther procrastination. I reserve
my secretary to bring the event, and all the circumstances from
my last. . . .
I must crave pardon before I end (feeling at the present a little
critical spirit) to set down unto his Majesty an observation of mine
own about our treaty. I note the deputies of the States and the
French ambassadors (especially Reffuge) to be exceeding eager for
a quiet end ; and both for the same reason, or not much different ;
the States, for that if a rupture should ensue upon these distractions,
they were likely, in common opinion, to bear a great part of the
blame, as having given the first occasion by the seizure of Juliers.
The French, for having stayed so long before and after the taking
of Wesel, from assisting with their mediation, while De Reffuge
lingered, that by the loss of a month and more (which would have
done us more good than two months now) we are cast into the
winter, and thereby the Marquis Spinola made the more secure in
his delays and suspensions ; because he may think to make his com-
position as well at the beginning of the next spring as now ; and in
the meantime feed his army upon these provinces, and hearken after
the changes of the world, and the advantages of occasion, which are
the true fountains of military counsel. This is the secret difficulty
of our treaty to my understanding ; wherein his Majesty (whereof
I am inwardly glad) hath no part, having sent me over so timely.
And when the French shall excuse their own fault in it, or th(
States theirs, in expecting them so long, then let me be sacrificed
which yet I beseech his Majesty to receive, not as proceeding froi
any passion in me, or from any despair of a good conclusion. Bui
it was my duty to unfold this point, because in all event it mm
serve for a great argument (if it be well handled) to draw the French
into the quarrel, whose lentitude did difficult ! the accord. And s(
with my prayers to God for his Majesty's happiness, I rest
Your Honour's, to do you very affectionate service,
Henry Wotton.
. . . For conclusion let me give his Majesty more and more prob-
ability of a speedy and good end of this treaty, whereof I have
received some new arguments from the camp at Wesel, since the
subscribing of my letter. And although Mons. de Reffuge did write
some ten days since into Fraunce that all would be accommo-
dated within eight days, yet I dare not, even at this hour, pronounce
either the time or the certainty. So as I am the better politique,
and he the better Christian, because he hath more faith.
1 < Difficult,' i. e. make difficult. Obs. (N. E. D.)
TO THE MARQUIS SP1NOLA 61
242. To the Marquis Spinola.
Egerton Papets, Camden Society, 1840, p. 466. Wotton's English dmfl
for his ' letter of round language ' to Spinola. The letter actually sent
was no doubt in Italian.
Santen, ^l of November, 1614.
Excellent and Illustrious Sir,
Your Excellency knoweth all that hath passed since the time
we have continued here at your request, and therefore (it is) un-
isary to trouble you with the repetition of the circumstances.
You know likewise that this present business is already brought
tto such terms, that there remaineth no mean between peace and war.
Yet for all this, we see that hourly there are new petty scruples
most strangely interposed, either to delay, or absolutely to disannul
that which hath been formally sealed and accorded on both sides.
Whereupon, seeing that eveiy minister (although joined with others)
ought to have a particular reflection upon the honour of him by whom
i he is commanded, I have thought it my duty to put your Excellency
in remembrance, with all due respect, that if it be your intent to
hold the places taken, peradventure it had been better to have done
it, without abusing the dignity of the King my master and his
crowns, with entertaining discourses here, and so many promises
made and reiterated to his royal person. Therefore I pray your
Excellency to deliberate, not only with magnanimity, but with
your wisdom and reality, how much dependeth of that which is
yet to be resolved ; wherewith I heartily rest,
Your Excellency's servant,
Henry Wotton.
243. To Sut Ralph Win wood.
8. P. Ger. States, dictated, extract. The envoys about to leave Xanten ;
the terms of the treaty not carried out.
(Xanten, Nov. 21, 1614, 0. S.)
Eight Honourable,
This is Monday, the 21st of November in our style, on which
day after dinner, the French ambassadors, those of the Union,
the deputies of the States General, and his Majesty's servants, do
depart from Santen (where we have been precisely seven weeks)
to Roes, having, for the honour of our masters and discharge of our
own duties and consciences, done as much as I think could be done (all
circumstances considered) by any mediators of the world. For first,
the articles of agreement (formerly sent unto his Majesty) have been
signed and sealed by the Duke of Neubourg and Prince of Branden-
62 LETTERS OF WOTTON
bourg on the 20th and 22nd of this month, stilo novo ; next, th(
signatures and accords of the said Princes have been reciprocally
accepted by and from each other, though not without some precedent
opposition, even after the signing. And lastly the said articles were
in every point approved and confirmed on the 23rd of the same
month by the States of these provinces of Cleves and Juliers, etc.,
comprehending the gentry and capital towns. Notwithstanding all
which, one single point (and no more in appearance) hath dissolved
our assembly, and hitherto hindered the execution.1
244. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton writes from the Hague (where
he arrived on Dec. 1, O.S.) asking leave to return to England.
From the Haghe, this f7 of December, 1614.
. . . Touching myself, if the King our gracious master shall de-
termine the continuance of me in his service here2 (wherein, or
howsoever it shall please him otherwise to dispose of me I will obey
him cheerfully), yet I beseech your Honour that by your intercession,
I may come home for some little time, when the League of the Union
1 The rest of this dispatch is so torn as to be illegible. The single point,
however, which hindered the execution of the treaty was this — Count Maurice
understood the terms about the Dutch and Spanish withdrawing their troops
and agreeing not to invade the disputed territories, as valid only in reference
the treaty of Xanten, and lasting only while that treaty lasted. Spinola main
tained that the promise was absolute, the parties should bind themselves neve
to send troops into the Juliers- Cleves domains. This would have bound th
States, but not the German Catholic Princes, who were not a party to th
promise, and Count Maurice could not agree to it. Moreover, just as th
ambassadors were leaving Xanten, a courier arrived from Spain, bringing n
a ratification, but a prohibition of the treaty. The articles were not to
executed, and above all Wesel was not to be restored without the concurren
of Philip. This rendered the treaty utterly futile. How this failure wa
regarded in England is shown by a letter of Chamberlain's to Carleton
Dec. 16 : ' Their proceedings in the late treaty in the Low Countries hath bee
so cautelous, that we know not where to lay the fault that no better effects ha
followed. Neither, as it seems, do the actors or ambassadors themselves we
understand how the case stands ; at leastwise, they cannot hitherto make
others understand it clearly ; so that our old friend there hath imputation
enough ; but how he deserves them, God knows ; yet he is generally though
not to be for that turn, the rather for that it seems he is not sufficient!
furnished with French, but negotiates altogether in Italian.' (C. & T. Jas.
i, p. 353.)
2 As resident ambassador. Sir Dudley Carleton, who wished to leave Venice,
was anxious to obtain this post, and in a letter of Dec. 22 Chamberlain, after
discussing his chances, adds, l but the worst I gather is, that Sir Harry Wotton
would build his tabernacle where he is, and labours to put off his extraordinary-
ship for the ordinary place ; for so he hath given out to divers captains, which
I am sure they are nothing willing to hear ; neither do I hope shall he prevail,
especially having given no better taste, either there or here.' (C. & T. Jas. I, i,
p. 355.) On Jan. 5, 1615, he wrote that Wotton wished to remain in Holland,
and on Jan. 6, that the English at the Hague would prefer Carleton there,
rather than Wotton, ' who is not affable, always busy, but dispatching little.'
{Col. S. P. Dom., 1611-18, p. 270.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD
shall be concluded, and so return again in other quality. Wherein
I humbly beg speedy knowledge of his Majesty's good pleasure that
I may settle mine own thoughts and provisions. And so, Sir.
commending the care of me to your noble friendship, I ever rest,
Your Honour's to serve you with all affection,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, it was a wonder unto me to understand, that his Majesty
complained of infrequent dispatches from me, till newly I heard
that three or four of my messengers were at Vlussing together,
having overtaken one another, while the former were there every
day nattered by the hope of a wind.
245. To Sib Ralph Winwood.
Sf. P. Holland, holograph, extract. A League concluded between the
States General and the Union of Protestant Princes.
From the Haghe, this 13th of December,
1614. Stilo veteri.
Right Honourable,
We have concluded the League between the Princes of the
Union and the States General 1 this morning, perhaps sooner than
businesses of such extent are usually determined. I conceive three
causes that did all concur to the hastening of it. 1. His Majesty's
mediation. '2. The precedent preparation of the matter by the
Count Palatine. 3. The quality of the time.
I accompanied the two ambassadors • at this final audience, and
spake first to this effect: that since the said ambassadors were
come to signalize, or rather (as I might well term it) to sanctify
this day with a just and Christian combination between their Princes
and the States, I thought it my duty to accompany them publicly
in (his act, and thereby to declare the sincere conjunction that
Was between our masters and ourselves ; assuring the States that,
as his Majesty my gracious Lord had been the first and only
mediator of this alliance, out of his love to both parties, and out
of his judgement of their good, so he would receive extreme
contentment to understand the conclusion of it. Nay, I told them
that I would pass a little farther and say, that not only good kings
(who are the images and representations of God's visible Majesty
on earth), but even angels themselves (as we may well believe)
1 On March 28, 1612, the Princes of the Protestant Union had entered into an
alliance with James I, and now, by his mediation, they formed a league with
Mates General for mutual succour. {Gardiner, ii, pp. 140, 141, 162, 163.)
- Counts Solnis and 13 uwinckhausen (ante, ii, p. 58).
64 LETTERS OF WOTTON
do rejoice when they see good combinations built, not only upoi
respects of policy and utility, but of conscience and zeal, as I knew
was the scope of this League. And so I ended with my best wishes
unto it. . . .
To me Mons. Barneveld made answer with exceeding reverence
of his Majesty's royal person and name, affirming twice or thrice
and very seriously (if I do yet understand his face) that his Majesty's
mediation had been the principal motive of this League, with many
other words touching their affiance in his royal concurrence and
resolutions, as the nature of the time did require.
246. To Sin Ralph Winwood.
8. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Wotton's secretary drowned
while crossing to England.
Frorii the Haghe, the 23rd of December,
16U. Stilo veteri.
Right Honourable,
In what perplexity I write the present you will easily conceive,
when you have read the enclosed from my nephew, Captain Robert
Morton \ which came unto me but yesternight, touching the untimely
and disastrous loss of my secretary 2 in his passage ; wherein what is
there more to be said by either philosopher or Christian, than that
which our blessed Saviour hath not only prescribed us, in the form o
our daily prayer, but hath likewise exemplified it Himself, and as i
were sealed it in the patience of His own end : Voluntas tua fia
Domine, both in heaven and in earth, and in the deep? . . .
I am little curious of what was shipwracked with him that eon
cerned myself. Transeat hoc quod inter fugacia bona, as he sayeth
Only this doth trouble me, that mine own defence and discharge from
that foul ridiculous bruit about Wesel, which I had reserved til
his coming, hath run the fortune of the rest. But therein I shall
satisfy his Majesty, by his favour, at a little more ease of mind and
body than I find myself at the present. In the meanwhile I am sure
Mr. Dickenson will bear me witness that I have cleared that report,
both at Wesel itself before the magistrates, and at Zanten befo
the States of the Provinces ; not in truth for any respect of myself
(who am contented with mine own conscience), but in regard only
of that qualification which I bear ; although withal I must say that
even the best and wisest of kings should be surely very unhappy
1 Sir Robert Morton, brother of Sir Albertus Morton, and a captain in the
service of the Dutch.
2 Osbert Mountford. On Dec. 22 Chamberlain wrote, ' It is doubted that his
(Wotton's) secretary, Mountford, the doctor of physic's son, is cast away coming
from Flushing/ (C. tfc T. Jas. I, i, p. 355.)
[It!
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 65
n their condition, if their honours were subject to blemishment upon
v. r\ imputation maliciously or fondly bestowed upon their instru-
ii. nts. And so, Sir, for the present I commit your safety to the God
if Heaven, resting,
Your Honour's to love and serve you,
Henry Wotton.
247. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
\ I\ Holland, dictated, extract. No date. Sent with John Dickenson on
Dec. 27. The hindrances in the execution of the treaty of Xanten due
to Spain ; Nicholas de Rebbe ; delay in Wotton's dispatches.
(The Hague, Dec. 27, 1614, O.S.)
. . . Touching that corrupt piece of intelligence wherewith
he Mancecidor1 did abuse the Archdukes' ambassador, and he his
Majesty. I must only say this, that it is vetus ludns for men to beautify
heir own misdealings ; and I have observed in the course of my
ife this maxim (which every day doth confirm unto me), that the
-vorst causes are ever the best defended. This is as much as I find
lecessary to be said in answer of your aforesaid letter, for the matter
>f command in it. Your own private discourse wherewith you
onclude seemeth upon the whole matter very probable, and I do
retily believe that the Archdukes 2 and the Marquis for his particular,
ind much more Newbourge, will be glad to execute the treaty,
>ut I think that the King of Spain (by whose nerves they move)
vill never be brought unto it, without, at the least, the countenance
>f a war both by sea and land ; for it is a feast for him (in my
>pinion) to fight in and for neutral provinces, while his own are at
est.
As for the Emperor's ambassador 3, who doth tempest (as we hear)
n Bruxelles at much ease against the whole treaty, with protesta-
ions of nullity (as protestations are cheap in Germanie), the truth
s we laugh at it. And if his master continue to dispense his
nvestitures and his bands so frankly and so familiarly as he hath
1 Don Juan de Mancicidor, secretary to the Archduke Albert.
2 According to Cardinal Bentivoglio, the Papal Nuncio at Brussels, whose
ne is one of the principal authorities for the history of these negotiations,
he Archduke Albert was (as Wotton believed) anxious to carry out the treaty
>f Xanten. He wrote to the King of Spain reminding him of the advantages they
iad already achieved at Aix-la-Chapelle and Mulheim, and warning him against
ittempting too much. ' Fortune is variable,' he added ; ' she is gone when we
8M( think on't, and hugs herself when she makes the greatest of mortals the
greatest of laughing-stocks.' (A Relation, &c, by Cardinal Bentivoglio, translated
•y the Earl of Monmouth, 1654, p. 149.)
8 The Count of Hohenzollern.
WOTTON. II F
66 LETTERS OF WOTTON
done of late, I will read his fortune that they will shortly run at th
value of my Paulus Quintus his excommunications.
I have been here extremely cumbered with a certain fellow whor
you commended unto me for his passage. What his Majesty ca
distil out of him I know not, but I will be bold to tell you m
opinion of him. He is by name Doctor Nicholas de Rebbe \ b
profession theologue, by misfortune a politician, and by natui
a fool, equally destitute of both those parts which should compos
a man of use, taciturnity, and discretion. Yet I have cherished in hii
his devotions towards his Majesty, which he will express himse
at his return from Utrecht (whither he went yesterday) in persoi
having been either advised or commanded by a late letter froi
Monsieur de Mayern2 (as he telleth me) to come to the King fc
some important piece of service ; and thereupon he would have move
me to some disbursements, which at first I civilly refused withoi
farther order from your Honour, because I would fain have draw
him to pass his advertisements through my hands, and so ha\
saved the King both from the trouble and the charge of his person
but seeing him eager upon it, and imagining that there may I
aliquid sapidum in fungo, I have promised to let him want no goo
means for his conveyance. Lastly, touching myself; I am bot
sorry and ashamed that my messengers, who found the winds f
contrary to them in Vlushinge, had not the wit to pass throug
Flanders, whereby his Majesty was moved to so just impatience. A
ways I am sure, that for every dispatch that the French ambassadc
made, I made four ; and I protest on my troth (whereof I have man
witnesses), that all the while I was at Santen I had, between visi
ing and being visited, no one hour of rest, insomuch as all m
dispatches were noctis opera, and born of tired spirits. This I hoj
will serve for my excuse towards my gracious master, who w«<
never before offended with my indiligence,3 although I am guilt
otherwise of too much imperfection.
And so I humbly rest,
Your Honour's very really to serve you,
Henry Wotton,
1 Two letters from this Nicolas de Eebbe are in the Record Office. In tl
first, which is to Winwood (dated July ?, 1614), he asks for a passport, and sa;
that he wishes to be described as ' Nicolas de Rebbe, Gentleman of Flander
Historiographer of Modern Times '. The other letter is to James I (dated 1614 S
in which he begs for payment of the pension granted him eighteen montl
before, ' as from his experimental knowledge of the science of the greate
Cabinet in Europe he can much aid the King in reducing his enemies.' (Gr
S.P. Dom.j 1611-18, pp. 250, 264.)
2 Sir Theodore Turquet de Mayerne (1573-1655), physician to Que*
Anne. (B. N. B.) 3 l Indiligence,' want of diligence. Obs. (N. E. D.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 67
248. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
>'. P. Yen., holograph. Note sent with John Dickenson.
From the Haghe in Holland, this
27 of December, 1614.
Right Honourable,
This bearer l is a full dispatch of himself, in whose conversa-
ion and erudition we have all taken singular contentment. And
I must give you many thanks (besides other favours) for that letter
»vhich joined him with me, without whom I had been very naked.
Thus much I have likewise professed to the King. And so I humbly
Your Honour's really to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
249. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, dictated, postscript to letter of this date. The
drowning of Osbert Mountford.
From the Haghe, this 29th of December,
1614. Stilo veteri.
I have now more particular advertisement than before of the
•mfortunate perishing of my secretary, who was not cast away upon
;>ny bank or flat, but in a sudden gust, by swagging of corn (as it
vas thought) to the lee side, wherewith the ship was ballasted,
ogether with want of mariners to help in such an extremity ; in
vhich point Flemings are commonly spareful of money, and prodigal
)f life. But the will of the Highest be done in all.
250. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
•". /'. Holland, dictated, extract. Wotton's apology about the loss of Wesel ;
Dr. Sticke ; the German Protestant Princes threatened by the Catholic
League.
From the Haghe, this 12 of January,
1614<5>. Stilo veteri.
... I hope ere this time you have received divers letters from
le, written since the departure of Mons. de Reffuge, rather in truth
or entertainment of my duty than for matter of substance ; for we
re here merely passive, and tied to attend (quod miscrrimum est) the
ving of Spain's humours. . . .
His Majesty receiveth from me at this present a little commentary
pon a letter which the Duke of Neuburg sent him, whereof he sent
1 John Dickenson (ante, ii, p. 53).
F 2
68 LETTERS OF WOTTON
likewise the copy unto me. And I have also opened my bowels unt
my great and gracious master about the matter of Wesel, wherei
I shall never have true rest in my spirit till the King dissoil * m<
I do not mean by his grace, but by his justice, which is his eminer
property.
Sir, I want your favour in the protection of my (office), but I am nc
so unthrifty to beg it in this occasion, because I thank God I nee
it not.
With this dispatch there cometh the Chevalier Sticke 2, amba.c
sador of Brandenbourg, of whom I had a wrong impression give:
me ; for by discourse I find him to be a very moderate person, an
full of good intentions, and one upon whose judgement and integrit
that Electoral House doth much rely ; who professeth great obliga
tion and reverence towards his Majesty, and did use his servants ver
nobly. Thus much I was bound to say in discharge of the trutl
and mine own thankfulness.
Out of Germany we are battered with continual voices of design
upon them,3 which discover themselves more and more ; for our las
news runneth that the Imperial and Popish Electors have demande<
a garrison in Frankfort to contain that town in obedience, which ii
re(spect) of the Count Palatine doth much concern his Ma(jesty)
who, as I have before written, is a principal there, (though) he be ai
accessory here. And this is the hazardest point that I see in but
present state of things.
251. To James I.
S. P. Holland, holograph. Letter sent with Wotton's apology for the 1<
of Wesel, undated, but sent with previous dispatch of Jan. 12.
(The Hague, Jan. 12, 1615.
Sacked Majesty,
I offer at this time unto your Majesty, with an humble and ti
heart, my discharge from that damnable report which was bestow
on me touching the town of Wesel, wherein I am so tender of you:
Majesty's opinion (which I have long sought to gain in some degre<
with my poor travails) that the clearness of mine own conscience cai
give me no rest.
1 { Dissoil,' i. e. assoil ; not in N. E. D.
2 Dr. Sticke, • a little old doctor,' Wotton described him in his dispatch o
Dec. 29, 1614, who was going to England to thank James I for arranging th<
League between the Union and the States.
3 On Dec. 13, 1614, Wotton wrote that if the King of Spain could have peact
with James, and a truce with the States, he could 'swallow up the Germar
Protestants in a week '. He also reported Count Maurice's belief that tht
Spaniards meant to attack the Germans, ' of which country, though descendet
thence himself, I have never heard any man speak more slightingly, being witl
him an ordinary and divulged conceit that those Princes have too much to make
feasts and diets, and too little to make war.' (S. P. Holland.)
TO JAMES I 69
I am not the first whom idle or malicious or casual rumour hath
njured. And I consider it as a point rather of glory than disgrace,
rince therein those mean and unworthy vassals, whom Princes
>mploy in their foreign services, do represent in some sort their
uasters' fortunes, as they do in the rest their wills. For your
Majesty well remembereth the saying of a great monarch, Regium est
(hi bene feccris male audire.1 With thus much I have been bold to
rouble your Majesty, as a little preface to my defence, that cometh
vith.
Touching the public, I received in the time of my late sickness
he copy of the Duke of Neuburg's letter unto your Majesty, upon
vhich I have made a little commentary for your more particular
nformation. And I have now also, through Mr. Secretary's hands,
riven your Majesty an accompt of those formularies which your
visdom conceived proper for the accommodating of this great
msiness2. Wishing your Majesty the fruit of your own excellent
onceptions and intents, and many peaceful and happy years added
o this, wherein we are lately entered,
Your Majesty's most faithful poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
252. To James I.
ICC. MS. 318, f. 12, transcript. Printed in Archaeol, vol. xl. Wotton's
long-promised explanation about the loss of Wesel has not been pre-
served among the State papers ; there is, however, an unsigned tran-
script in the library of Corpus Christi College, which is here printed.
It is undated, but was evidently sent with the above letters of Jan. 12.
(The Hague, Jan. 12, 1614-5, O.S.)
May it please your Sacred Majesty,
Among the papers that we lost in the fatal passage of my
ecretary, there was a letter unto your Majesty, which if I do not
evive, my heart will break, as vessels that are stopped from vent
-hen something boileth in them. The person whom it concerned
t'as myself ; the subject was the town of Wesell ; the essential ques-
1 BaoiKiKov, e<pij, iariv cu iroiovvra ko.kws olkovuv. (Plutarch, Reg. et Imp.
iwphthegmata Alexandri, 32. Cf. Pub. Syrus, 'Regium est ubi bene feceris male
idire.'j
1 The 'great business ' was the withdrawal of the Dutch and Spanish troops
om the Juliers-Cleves territories, in order that the terms of the Treaty of
anten might be carried out. Count Maurice and Spinola having disagreed
>out the meaning of the engagement not to return, neither was willing to
love. The first proposal was that the engagement not to re-enter the disputed
rritories should be made by Count Maurice on one side and Spinola on the
her. As, however, Spinola might be removed, and his successor would not be
mud by his promise, the States refused to accept this proposal.
70 LETTERS OF WOTTON
tion is, by whose default it was lost ? Wherein if I do not satis
your Majesty, I desire never more to behold the face of so just a Kin
nor of any honest man. But before the rest, it shall be fit to repe
these words, which I received in a letter from Mr. Secretary 1 I
your gracious commandment.
'Now' (sayeth he), 'from his Majesty I am to acquaint you wit
a report which your last letters en passant do touch, but which to hi
hath been confidently delivered, that is, the States had with as muc
vigilancy and expedition prevented the surprise of Wesell, as aft
they did of Reez and Emerick, had not you, with much assuranc
often engaged yourself that the Marquis Spinola would not attem
upon that town ; which bruit, though, his Majesty cannot easi
believe,' &c.
First, I was bound unto your Majesty for this particular advertis
ment, for though I had heard before of some such voice bestow*
upon me, yet I could gather it to no head. Next, I yield your Majesi
most humble thanks for the reservation of your belief, which I recer
as an argument of your favour towards me, though it be a piece
your own usual and natural equity. As for the matter itself, I co ,
ceive one special comfort in it, that they who told your Majesty ho
Wesell was lost by my securing of the States, would perchan<
likewise have said that I sold the town to the Archdukes, if n
honesty had been as questionable as my discretion. But these ar
the like aspersions are the proper badges of public servants, especial
in democratical regiments 2 ; whereof both reason and examples mig]
easily be given, if it did not more concern me at the present
rectify my poor estimation with your Majesty, than to search tl
nature of the place. Therefore, for mine own discharge, I do he:
humbly protest unto your Majesty, before the Author of all trut
that I never engaged myself either to the States in general, or to ai
single man, dead or alive, either by probability or conjecture, or
the least imaginable terms, that the Marquis Spinola would n
attempt upon the town of Wesell. So far was I from often assurii
them thereof, as some Vorstian spirit3 hath traduced me. F>
I beseech your Majesty to give me leave to ask a few questions
mine own case. How could I give them any such assurance,
whence should I take it ? Did I bring any such commission fro
your Majesty ? Did I find any at the Haghe ? Did Spinola mal
me his secretary, or the Archduke his confessor ? Had I practist
the world with such simplicity to trust Italians or Spaniards
1 Sir Ralph Winvvood. 2 'Regiments/ i.e. governments. (N. E. D.)
3 i. e. some follower of Conrad Vorstius, the well-meaning Arminian
Leyden, whom James I denounced and persecuted as a ' blasphemious monster
TO JAMES I 71
t point of their advantage ? Have I purchased before so little credit
in the cause of the Keligion ? Have I been bound to your Majesty so
for your confidence (wherein I joy more than in your benefits),
hould I now betray it ? Did I send any letter? Did I receive
my message that might concern the main service, wherewith they
not here particularly acquainted? And is this a State to be
d or stirred so lightly by private conceits ? God let me not live,
if I be not confounded, more with wonder than with other passion,
he monstrous birth of this senseless report.
True it is indeed that, at my second audience !, I wished them by
>f discourse, ten days before there was any doubt of Wesel, and
twenty before it was taken, not to collect their troops till more
evident necessity ; pressing them rather to a resolution about Juliers
which was focus febris), and doubting that if the Marquis should
besiege that place, or seek to block it up, and they oppose him with
a formed army, it might hazard rupture, which was against the
general scope of mine errand ; and Monsieur Barneveld himself (who
tendereth 2 the present quiet) did advise me, the evening before my
said audience, to use some such speech as I did unto them. Some
week after this, or thereabouts (for I do not precisely remember
the day, nor thought I should ever need to record it), Monsieur Barne-
veld. Sir Joachim of Zeland 3, and one Licklama of Friseland, were
deputed to confer at our houses with Monsieur du Maurier and myself.
At which they asked our opinions more respectively than necessarily,
whether we thought it fit for them to march ; the rumours being then
much increased by a bridge4 of boats that was built at Bergh5,
whereby it was concluded that the Marquis intended to pass the
Khene. Did we resist it ? I remit that to themselves. Did they
ask us perhaps too late? We are not soldiers by profession, but
thus much (I) will be bold to pronounce, that Wesel might always
have been saved in one day from any of the nearer garrisons of
Arnhem, Zutphen, Newmegen, or Skincksconce, as well with an
handful of the States' men as with an army (if the question had been
only to save towns and not to take towns) ; or otherwise the Marquis
might have broken the truce, to which point they put him in divers
other places. Was there then no colour of raising this voice? I have
searched my papers and myself, and I find only a letter from
Mr. Trumbal, your Majesty's agent, unto me, in answer of one
which I wrote with knowledge and approbation of the States ;
wherein he speaketh of suspense or intermission of some four or
1 On Aug. 18. 2 'Tendereth,' i. e. hath care of, arch.
3 Albert Joachim of Ter-goes. (Cat. S.P. Col. East Indies, 1518-1616, p. 370.)
4 ; Biedge ' in MS. ■ Rheinberg.
72 LETTERS OF WOTTON
live days, which he had with much ado obtained of the Archdukt
Albertus in a private audience ; which, whether it were performed 01
no (as the Count Maurice by precise computation denieth), is now
a needless inquiry. Mr. Dickenson can inform your Majesty how
far I pressed the Marquis and Monsieur Pechius1 the Archdukes
representant therein. And sure I am, howsoever, that Mr. Trumbal]
did relate hither what he had done with such caution as did noi
stay them in their proceedings here the running of an hour-glass.
There remaineth, therefore, only the question how the town wras lost,
which might easily have been saved, as appeareth by the promises.
Wherein not to keep your Majesty long from the solution of this:
mystery (for so I might call it, the matter being indeed wrapped in
a few clouds of state), what is there more to be said than peccatum
tuum in te Israel ? The town of Wesell, notwithstanding their long
engagement to the Duchy of CI eves, seeking, under pretence of
impartiality between the two Princes, to maintain itself in the nature
of a free and imperial town, or as near as it might be ; much
animated with their new fortifications, and little considering the
difference between the burghers and soldiers; not distrusting their
enemies, and perhaps jealous of their friends, lastly, willing enough
to be helped without, but not within, did not only seek no help from
whence they might best have had it, but likewise refused the assist-
ance of the Colonel Schombergh, who offered very nobly and timel
to levy and to maintain a regiment one month upon his own char§
for their defence, in no other quality than as a gentleman of th(
own entertainment.2
These were the circumstances, and this was the truth of tl
action, on my conscience to God and my faith to your Majesty.
Wherewith I did charge both the town itself at my being there, and
the States of the Provinces, when they came unto us about their
immunities at Zanten, where I acquainted them with your Majesty's
royal declaration of yourself in their behalf, though a little too late
by the fatality of their own folly, which I likewise have made known
in all towns and to all persons where I have passed ; and though
I am ashamed to seek witness for the discharge of so vile an imputa-
tion, and to borrow credit with your Majesty extra me ipsum, yet for
the better* proof of my sincerity (which wras all the inheritance that
my good father left me) I most humbly beseech your Majesty to
inform yourself of the ambassador of Brandenbourg3, now coming
1 Peter Pecquius, Chancellor of Brabant.
2 The town of Wesel had also refused to receive a Dutch garrison which the
States had been most anxious to place there. The presence of this garrison would
have saved them. (Motley, Barn., i, p. 345.)
3 Dr. Sticke, see ante, ii, p. 68
TO JAMES I 73
to your Court, who hath understood from Monsieur Barneveld's own
mouth the truth of this affair.
I am now confident, notwithstanding my disasters, to have per«
formed all my duties to your Majesty ; and I was infinitely comforted
that Mr. Secretary, when by your commandment he acquainted me
with this report, did with the same pen assure me that your Majesty
bad undertaken my cause at home in that poor expectative1 which
I held by your former goodness. It was a double favour in your
Majesty both to do it. and to do it towards one that stood in such
obloquy, by which you have bound eternally unto you, besides my
other natural and long devoted duties,
Your most humble and loyal servant.
253. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
>'. P. Holland, dictated, extract. No date, wrongly endorsed 'about Apr.
1615', but written before Jan. 20 (see note 2). The sending of com-
missioners to settle trade disputes ; Wotton's illness.
<The Hague, Jan. -, 1615).
. . . Touching those commissioners 2 which his Majesty intendeth
to send hither, I will conjoin with them my best endeavours, I hope
with good success, because the time doth well favour it. But,
on the other side, I must humbly deliver my conceit that I
think this open interposition of matter of complaint and difference
between us and the States, at this point of time, when we should
most agree or most seem to agree, will do some hurt to the
general matter, by adding encouragement to the other side upon our
distractions. . . .
And this is all wherewith I will now trouble his Majesty, being
myself at the present under the hands of the physician and surgeon,
upon an extreme torment much like the sciatica, contracted (I know
not how) from cold, and sudden changes of the air, and crudities
1 The reversion of the half of a Six Clerk's place (see ante, i, p. 117).
2 Clement Edmondes, Clerk of the Council (nominated by Wotton), Robert
Middleton, and Maurice Abbot (nominated by the East India Company) were
appointed on Dec. 29, 1614, commissioners to negotiate with the States General
about certain disputed questions of trade, and especially the commerce to the
Spice Islands, which the Dutch merchants wished to keep in their own hands,
to the exclusion of the English East India Company. Grotius, with other
commissioners from the States, had vainly attempted to arrange a settlement in
England in the spring of 1613, and this English commission (which arrived at
the Hague on Jan. 20) was destined to be equally unsuccessful. (See Gardiner,
ii, p. 313.) The commission for these negotiations is printed in Rymer's Foedera,
Hague edition, 1714. vii, part 2, p. 205 ; see also Cal. S. P. Col, 1513-1616,
pp. 348, 369.
74 LETTERS OF WOTTON
of the wine, and neglect of the beginning, till it doth now so much
afflict me that I do even dictate this with pain.1 And so, Sir, I wish
you more ease, and much happiness.
Your Honour's to serve you,
Henry Wotton
254. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, holograph, extract. The negotiations about trade, and
the withdrawal of troops from the Juliers-Cleves territories.
On Shrove Tuesday, stilo veteri
(Feb. 21, 1614-5, O.S.).
Right Honourable,
For the better discharge of our joint commission we have
thought fit to distinguish our labours.
My associates (of whom his Majesty hath in truth made an excellent
choice for men very zealous of his honour, and of their own duties)
have formed the answers and replies hitherto in writing, ex visceribus
causae, which is the part of pain and judgement ; and I have assumed
the other part of representing unto his Majesty an accompt of their
travails, though they have among themselves an abler pen.
Now, touching mine own peculiar charge here. It is the eighth
day since I propounded unto the States that expedient which hi
Majesty had in his wisdom framed for the settling of our presei
suspensions 2 ; in the representation whereof there was no circm
stance omitted that his Majesty's letters of the 24th of Januai
did enjoin his humble vassal.
Monsieur Barneveld, in the name of the rest, and of the Princ
Maurice (who hath been present yet at all my audiences), after man;
thanks for his Majesty's continual care of the public, and of thei
in particular, made answer that it should be put into deliberation,
and such respect had of it as became their reverence and obligations
towards his Majesty, and the gravity of the subject now in hand.
And so he ended his speech with some few preparatives of patience,
as his manner is. And accordingly some three days after, Sir Joachim
1 In a letter to Sir John Throckmorton, Wotton says that the cold weather at
Xanten had caused his illness (S. P. Holland, Jan. 15.)
2 The Dutch having refused to agree to a promise to withdraw from the dis-
puted territories, made in Spinola's name, the Archdukes proposed an engagement
to be made in their own name on the one side, and that of the States on the
other, not to re-enter the pi'ovinces, ' soubs quelque nom ou pretcxte que ce soit.''
James I wrote on Jan. 24 to Wotton, telling him to urge the States to accept this
formulary. He added that the formulary was not to be understood to mean
that the States could not help their German allies, and offered to bind himself,
and attempt to bind the French King, to come to their aid if the treaty were
violated. (S, P. Holland.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 75
of Xeland and Coenders of Gronigen were by public deputation sent
to my house, to tell me that the deputies of the States General
had found it necessary to communicate my proposition with the
Provinces, whence several deputies were expected here the week
following, for other occasions ; and therefore they prayed me not
to attribute the delay of four or five days more or less to any want
of respect towards his Majesty, sithence a point of such weight could
not bo well concluded without the general assent. This was all the
subject of their visitation. The Count Maurice himself hath likewise
been with me at mine own lodging, and I have been with Barneveld
;it his, and there hath passed between us large discourse, sometimes
very calm and fair, and sometimes not without a little passion, or at least
vehemence ; both of them agreeing in the very same objection (which
his Majesty toucheth in his foresaid dispatch), namely, that the
formulary which the Archdukes had sent his Majesty, and which
I now represented unto them, was crambe bis cocta, wherein nothing
had been changed but the persons. I told them (as I had done
before to the whole body) that his Majesty had very well considered
this point, and would never have consented to propound it again
(having been once refused) without very due correctives against
the malignity thereof, which made it (as he conceived) before so
indigestible. I find them upon the whole matter much distracted
between a willingness to satisfy his Majesty, and a fear to be deceived
by the Spaniard.
255. To Nicholas Pey.
C.C.C. MS. 318, f. 10 (printed, Archaeol., xl), dictated, signature and post-
script holograph. Wotton's explanation about the loss of Wesel
accepted by the King.
Haghe, this 20th of March, 1614<5>.
Sir,
I am so tired with public dispatches that I must take the liberty
to ease both you and myself with a better hand. This is only
indeed to thank you for such letters as I have heretofore received
from you, which were full of love and good advertisement. I
was tender to answer them while I stood under black reports ; but
you may now receive my letters without any fear of contagion,
for I am purged of my leprosy, having my assoilment from the King
himself.
So you see how the world is changed with me, that whereas
heretofore, in some man's favourable voice, I was perchance allowed
the pretence of a little merit, I am now fain to brag of innocency.
Well, Sir, I will neither trouble you nor myself any more with these
76 LETTERS OF WOTTON
discourses. The substantial point is to have money ; for without
that bladder we cannot swim. I pray solicit my Lord Treasurer I
for me according to those notes that you shall receive from this
gentleman. And so, Sir, reckoning myself for many kindnesses much
beholden unto you, I rest,
Yours to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
.
I take it unkindly that you, who were wont to make many starts
over unto these Provinces, have stayed that humour since my being
here. Well, God send us anywhere cheerfully together. You will
easily pardon me that I now write no more unto you, for I hear
you officers of the Green Cloth are angry and rebuked.2
256. To Sir Ralph Wtnwood.
& P. Holland, dictated, extract. The negotiations about trade.
From the Haghe, this 20th of March,
1614<5>. Stiloveteri.
... I reserve still in my breast his Majesty's commission, received
from you, touching the fishings on the north side of England and
Scotland 3 ; it is indeed, as you wrote, a tender and dainty piece, and
therefore, though Monsieur Barneveld hath been with me once or
twice, and I sundry times with him, yet I have hitherto forborne
to touch it, first because you gave me the freedom of taking my
time, because there was not periculum in mora ; next, for that I was
willing first to see what language we should have from them con-
cerning the commerce of the Moluccos 4 and the Groenland business 5,
1 Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, Lord Treasurer 1614-18.
2 This probably refers to a quarrel (which was the talk of London at the
time) between Sir Arthur Ingram, Cofferer of the King's Household, and the
officers of the Green Cloth, who had refused him his ' diets '. (C. & T. Jas. I,
i, p. 359 ; D. N. B., xxix, p. 12.)
3 The herring-fishing on the north coasts of England and Scotland had been
almost completely neglected, until it was discovered by the Dutch, who were
now sending fleets every year to fish in English waters. In 1607 James I issued
a proclamation forbidding foreigners to fish off the English coasts without
a licence. This proclamation was disregarded by the Dutch, and Wotton and
the other commissioners were now trying to get the rights of the English Crown
acknowledged. (Gardiner, iii, pp. 172, 173.)
4 i. e. the trade to the East Indies, another disputed point of great importance.
The English claimed free trade to the Moluccas and the East ; but as the Dutch
had conquered this Eastern trade from the Portuguese, they refused to allow
the English to share in it on equal terms, unless England agreed to join with
them in maintaining an aggressive warfare against the Portuguese and Spaniards
beyond the Cape. {Ibid., ii, p. 313.)
5 The whale fishery in the northern seas, to which the English claimed an
exclusive right. The Dutch would not acknowledge this right ; and on this
point, as on the others, no agreement could be reached. The negotiations,
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 77
from whence I might very fitly glance upon that other (as I mean
to take occasion within three or four days), and then your Honour
shall hear from me how the point is tasted.
257. To James I.
L-.liq.. 1st ed., p. 396, no date. Dated ' 1615 ' in 3rd ed., p. 280. Wotton
sends an account of his negotiations with Clement Edmondes and the
two other commissioners, who returned to England about May 6, which
is, therefore, the approximate date of this letter. Wotton repeats the
substance of this letter in another without address or date (C.C.C. MS.
318; printed, Archaeol., xl).
(The Hague, May 6, ? 1615, O.S.)
May it please your Sacred Majesty,
I beseech your Majesty to pardon me a little short repetition,
how I have spent my time since my departure from your royal
sight, because I glory in your goodness.
I have been employed by your favour in four several treaties, differ-
ing in the matter, in the instruments, and in the affections.
The first was for the sequestration of Juliers, wherein I was joined
with the French.
The second for the provisional possession of the two pretendents ;
wherein (contrary to the complaint of the Gospel) the labourers
were more than the harvest.
The third was for a defensive league between the United Provinces
and the United Princes ; who, though they be separate bodies of
state, do now by your only mediation make one body of strength.
The fourth was for the composing of some differences between
your own and this people, in the matter of commerce; which
hath exceeded the other three, both in length and difficulty, for
two reasons as I conceive it.
First, through the sensibleness of the subject, which is private
utility. Next, because it had a secret commixture of public respects,
and those of no light consequence ; for surely, it importeth more
to let the King of Spaine dispense alone the commodities of the East,
than for either of us to want them.
Now of the three former treaties, I have given your Majesty
an accompt in divers dispatches, according to my poor apprehensions.
As for this last, that they have eased my weakness in the conduct
thereof (I mean my good associates, by whose light and leadings
I have walked) will ease me likewise, by your gracious leave, in
therefore, came to nothing, and the commissioners returned to England in
April. {Gardiner, ii, pp. 313, 314.)
78 LETTERS OF WOTTON
•
the relation. By them it may please your Majesty to understand
in what fair terms we have left it, somewhat resembling to my
fancy those women of Nombre de Dios1, who (they say) are never
brought to bed in the place where they conceive, but bring forth
their children in a better air. And so I hope that our travails and
unformed conceptions will take life in your own kingdom, which
will be more honour to their birth.2 For our parts, I dare affirm
of these your commissioners, that now return unto the comfort of
your gracious aspect, that they have discharged their duties and their
consciences with all faithful care of your Majesty's commandments.
I am confident likewise that they will give me their honest testimony;
and we are bound jointly to profess unto your Majesty (from whom
we receive our estimation) the respects and kindnesses that have been
here done us, as your vassals.
And so with my continual prayers to God for your blessed being,
I here remain, till your Majesty shall vouchsafe me again the grace
of your eyes,
Your Majesty's long devoted poor servant,
H. Wotton.
258. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
8. P. Holland, dictated, extract. The negotiations about the
formularies. A duel.
From the Haghe, this ^ of May, 1615.
Right Honourable,
This worthy gentleman in his return this way after a painfu
but (I hope) a fruitful journey, hath found me here not yet altogethe:
free of a fever that I had newly taken, which maketh me now th
more unfit to entertain your Honour with any long discou
besides my late dispatches, since when the face of our business
is nothing changed.3 I must be bold to call it, as astronomers
do some stars, trepidans negotium. Sometimes it appeareth in
constant posture, sometimes it shakes extremely ; and the Coun
Maurice hath lately told me, with much vehemency, that he wi
give me his head, if ever the Treaty of Xanten be executed on th
Archdukes' part. I know it was but a passionate phrase, and yet I am
in
■
1 Nombre de Dios, Panama.
2 In November, 1618, commissioners came from the States to London for the
purpose of settling these disputed points. A treaty was finally agreed upon and
signed June 2, 1619. (Gardiner, iii, p. 179.)
3 The States having refused to accept a promise from the Archdukes only,
James I had proposed on April 27 that the promise should be made to the
Kings of England and France,
above dispatch was written before the answer had arrived
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 79
bound in duty to set it down, of which matters I shall be able to say
more within a few days, for we grow now towards the pressing
season of action, so as we hope to know quickly what hath been
done in Italy,1 and what will be done here, which though they
be distant places, are very connexed affairs. . . .
Sir Walter Kawley's son 2 being come over hither to fight with
one Jaye of his own shire upon a quarrel (which they determined
to end at Utrecht), myself informed thereof (though to cover their
intent they did at Leyden eat together), I have by the Count Maurice
his authority caused the said Rawley to be brought hither by
Quartermaster Gouldinge, who was employed in it : which I think
will rather defer than prevent this evil, for the difference between
them is irreconcilable, Jaye having some four or five months since
been dangerously hurt by the other in a private chamber, and
Rawley being so far from avoiding the challenge, that (as it is thought)
he hath only gotten leave to travel for this purpose. But I will
trouble you, Sir, no longer with these private advertisements ; there-
fore committing you to God's blessed favour I rest,
Your Honour's faithfully to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
259. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, holograph. Wotton recommends Franceso Biondi
to Winwood.
From the Haghe, this first of June, 1615.
Style of the place.
Right Honourable,
I will take the boldness to recommend humbly unto your favour
this Italian gentleman, by name Francesco Biondi, who hath been
long devoted unto his Majesty, and to the service of our State and
Church, and was, in the time of the variance between the Pope
and the Signory of Venice, sent unto the King, by the best persons
of that place, with some good propositions.3 In which business
he carried himself with such discretion and zeal, as I had command-
1 The Duke of Savoy was still at war with Spain, and had sent Count
Scarnafissi to beg assistance from the Dutch. On May 4 Wotton wrote that
the States had not made an answer yet to this request, i but I think it will be
much like that of the virgins in the parable, who would lend none of their oil,
because their own lamps would need it.' (S. P. Holland.) Wotton was instructed
to urge the States to help Savoy ; and, partly to please James I, Count John of
Nassau was sent with a small body of well-disciplined Dutch troops. (Motley,
Barn., ii, p. 37.)
8 Walter Raleigh, born 1593, killed at St. Thome 1618. Ben Jonson, who
accompanied him abroad in 1613, described him as ' knavishly inclined '.
(D. N. B., xlvii, p. 204.)
3 Ante, i, pp. 93, 447.
80 LETTERS OF WOTTON
ment to allow him a yearly provision there of one hundred pounds,
which afterwards his Majesty, very graciously and willingly, and
I may in truth say, not undeservedly, did confirm unto him by
patent for his life. This is all his fortune, for his conscience hath
separated him from his other friends and means. He accompanied
me hither (by his Majesty's good leave) with no intention at first
of so long stay, which hath been drawn on with continual hope
of mine own speedier return, till now his particular occasions recall
him before me. I have here in the meantime (as your Honour
knoweth by my former dispatches) made some public use of his
abilities in employing of him to Bruxells, and other occasions
that have concerned the Duke of Savoy.
I will now deliver him unto your honourable hands. He is
the King's, he is a stranger, he is of sound religion, and can give
a good accompt of it. He is of as clear and trusty conversation
as the world can yield. Lastly, he hath been well seasoned with
learning, and trained in public affairs from his first years of
practice and judgement. By all which attributes he may in some
sort challenge your support and favour, but by nothing more than
by your own humanity ; to which likewise (though with less merit)
commending myself, I ever rest
Your Honour's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton
Sir, I have nothing to say unto your Honour touching the public
till some new matter from the Kings or from the Archdukes.
260. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, dictated. Postscript and signature, holograph. Sent I
Richard Seyrner (ante, ii, p. 54). Wotton asks that a promised suppl
ment to his allowance might be paid him.
From the Haghe, this 7th of June, 1615.
Right Honourable,
I was heartily glad by Mr. Dowriche * to receive so full an as-
surance under your own hand of your affection towards me, which
doth embolden me at the present to make unto you a very serious
request. It is that you will be pleased to authenticate with your
approbation the enclosed demand of 20s. per diem above my entertain-
ment expressed in his Majesty's Privy Seal, which was promised me,
both by yourself and by my Lord Chamberlain, at the time of my
dispatch, upon the urging of other men's examples, and mine own, who
had five pounds a day during my employment to Savoye in the same
1 John Douriche, Appendix IIT.
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 81
quality us I am now here ; and it cannot stand with the equity
of his Majesty's grace to make me inferior to myself.
I ho]>e likewise at my return to obtain some reasonable proportion
far espial money, as I have had in my former journeys. But this other
I now demand, because the year is out since the date of my Privy
Seal. And though the present time be not very abundant at home,
yet I beseech you, Sir, let not that respect hinder your present
charitableness towards me, for I desire only your approbation of
my demand, as an address to my Lord Treasurer, which both you
have power to do by your place, and justice in yourself; and for
the receipt I must have patience, till the exchequer be fuller.
It is but .£365 in all, for as painful and as chargeable a year as
I think was ever spent, except yours of the truce.1
Now, if there did need arguments, I would say, as I may rightly,
that my other extraordinary charge at Santen was set down by
me far under foot,2 in consideration of this supplement, which
I now demand. I could urge more reasons, but I had rather
acknowledge it from his Majesty's mere bounty, and from your
own friendly regard of me. And so, Sir, I commit you to God's
blessed protection and love.
Your Honour's faithfully to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, I beseech you in this case to compassionate a poor man whose
fort unes shall wait upon you.
261. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
/ tters to B., p. 44. Sir Edmund Bacon in London. Wotton's dislike
of his mission at the Hague.
(The Hague,) the 7 of June. Style of
the place, 1615.
Bib,
I hear a little voice that you are come to London, which to
the voice of a nightingale ; for since I cannot enjoy your
>resence, I make myself happy with your nearness ; and yet now,
uethinks, I have a kind of rebellion against it, that we should
>e separated with such a contemptible distance. For how much
love you, mine own heart doth know ; and God knoweth my
♦ •art. But let me fall into a passion: for what sin, in the name
1 In 1607 Win wood had been sent to the Hague with Sir Richard Spenser to
present England in the negotiations for a truce between the Dutch and
pain.
* ' Foot,' i. e. tho sum or total of an account. Obs. (N. E. D.)
WOI ION. II G
82 LETTERS OF WOTTON
of Christ, was I sent hither among soldiers, being by my profession
academical, and by my charge pacifical ? I am within a day or two
to send Cuthberd x my servant home, by whom I shall tell you divers
things. In the meanwhile, I have adventured these few lines,
to break the ice of silence ; for in truth, it is a cold fault. Our sweet
Saviour bless you.
Servidore,
Arrigo Wottoni.
My hot love to the best niece of the world.
262. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Holland, holograph. The omission of the Kings' names
from the formularies.
From the Haghe, this 19 of June, 1615.
Right Honourable,
By the opportunity of this worthy gentleman's passage into
England, I hold it my duty to acquaint his Majesty that as yet
there is no order come (as far as I can understand) to Mons.
du Maurier to join with me about the omission of the regal names
in the promise.2 But they are here advertised that he shall have
commandment to that purpose, and if it arrive, then I am sure that
the States must yield thereunto, or stand alone. In the meanwhile
their General Assembly approacheth, which must be our critical
day. This week we look for our best heads here again, who ha^
been a while in dispersion, and at pleasure abroad. His Excellency
as you may know by the short leave of this bearer, expecteth alan
but in other opinions the year is too forward for to dream of a league
Only I am afraid that if the towns shall remain in the hands of eac
side one winter more, the very sweetness and length of possessic
will increase the appetite. This is all that I have to say at th<
present. When Mons. Barneveld shall return, who (as yoi
1 Cuthbert Milbourne.
2 The Archdukes had proposed to add the Emperor's name to those of th
Kings of England and France. The States refusing this, the Archdukes thei
said they would waive the mention of the Emperor's name, if the States woul«
agree to omit the names of the Kings. James agreed to this, and on May 1
Winwood wrote to Wotton to press it on the States. Wotton had to carry ou
his orders, although he had previously protested against the conduct of th
Archdukes in trying to coerce the Dutch by means of the English King. ' Noa
although I have been here before,' he wrote on April 19, ' little beholden t
some public voices, yet in the conscience of equity I must be bold to say fc
these people where I serve, that having yielded (as they have done) to th
altering of their former promise, the Archdukes shall want moderation an
perhaps integrity, if they press them any further by his Majesty's means
(S. P. Holland.) What made the matter more humiliating for James I was th
fact that he had been deceived into believing that Louis XIII would agree t
the omission of his name.
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 83
know) animate th this place, my matter will increase, and my judge-
ment upon the future. Till when I leave you, Sir, in God's blessed
love.
Your Honour's to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
263. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
8. P. Holland, holograph, extract. Sent by Albertus Morton. No news
yet from France.
From the Haghe, 1° July, 1615.
Stilo veteri.
Right Honourable,
This morning at ten of the clock Monsieur du Maurier came
to my house, and passed with me some words of this kind : that
a good while had run since he was last with me, out of continual
expectation of some new commandment from Fraunce about the
public business; which not yet arriving, he could no longer well
abstain from visiting of me. This was the compliment, at which
in truth I was more amazed than I hope he could spy in my face.
For at my last being with him, he had promised to come immediately
unto me, as soon as he should receive charge about the omission
of his master's name in the promise ; which, by his now coming,
I had well hoped to have been very seasonably sent him, especially
having both by your own last letters, and divers times from Bruxelles,
been advertised that the French King had yielded that point : which
finding now otherwise, doth much trouble my imagination to con-
jecture either the imj>ediment or the reason. True it is (and upon
this I will venture more than ambassadors are wont to do upon
the affirmations of ambassadors) that Mons. du Maurier hath, till
this very day, received no farther from his King, than only to
sound the Count Maurice and Mons. Barneveld how far they would
like of such a proposition.
264. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. 1\ Holland, dictated. Wotton's departure from the Hague.
(Calais?,) this 25th of August,
1615. St. vet.
Right Honourable,
I departed from the Haghe x on our Bartholomew day, very early
in the morning. The Prince Maurice, with his brother the Count
1 On Aug. 3 Wotton was recalled, and Winwood wrote to him telling him
what to say to the Dutch authorities. He was of course to put all the blame for
G 2
84 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Henry and others, accompanying me as far as the bridge of Riswicke,
where he first received me. I bring from him and from the States
many great professions towards his Majesty, and I am bound (foi
mine own particular) upon the whole matter and manner to believe
them. Of this I shall rencbr the King an accompt at mine own
arrival, who finding at Rotterdam the wind very contrary against
us, both for the issuing out of the Mose, and for the passage tc
Zeeland, have taken the other way by Antwerp to Cales, therein
somewhat favouring myself, who am an ill seaman, though I have
much haunted that element.
Now, before mine own coming, I have thought fit to adventure
these lines by this post, who perchance may prevent me. They
are only to tell his Majesty that at the compliments of my departure
with Mons. du Maurier, he touched very earnestly a piece oi
news which had been sent him (as it seemed by express order}
from Paris ; namely, that a certain gentleman of title had beer
dispatched from the Prince of Conde1 to his Majesty, for the im
ploring of his assistance in these broken times there ; which he
said he assured himself his Majesty would not embrace, both
in his wisdom and in his justice, being a direct opposition tc
sovereignty, though otherwise coloured with beautiful pretexts. ]
answered that I had heard nothing of it, and was now more bus}
to collect the accompts of mine own time spent here.
But well I knew that there was no Prince nor private man unde
heaven, of a juster heart than the King my master, as had clearb
appeared unto the world in his whole proceedings ; and so I lef
it. The rest I bring with me ; and in the meanwhile I humbb
commit your Honour to God's blessed love,
Your Honour's affectionately to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
the failure of the negotiations on them, reproaching them for their conduct, whe.
the King had made so many efforts to find media between the States and th
Archdukes, and when he had brought the Archdukes to listen to reason, th
States, although they did not actually refuse, yet delayed the acceptance, whic
seemed the stranger, as the King had engaged himself to the Archdukes the
they would be contented with the omission of the Kings' names. That the
believed that this omission would be to their disadvantage, showed the Kin
that either his counsels were distrusted, or that he held a very poor interest i
their favour. The King blamed them that the countries reciprocally possesae
in Cleves and Juliers were not restored to their proper owners, and declare
that for his part he was resolved not to intermeddle further in the busines:
Wotton was to tell all this plainly to Barneveldt, but in the assembly he was t
4 speak more mildly and sweetly, as your own discretion shall best advise yoi
for I design you should come off with a good relish \ (S. P. Holland, Aug. 3, 1615.
1 The Prince of Conde, Henri II de Bourbon (1588-1646), was now in revo
against the Queen Regent, Marie de' Medici, owing to his opposition to tl
Spanish marriage.
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 85
265. To Sir Ralph Winwoop.
K /'. Holland, holograph, undated, but endorsed ' Sept. 1615 *, and written
after Wotton's return from the Hague, and before his access to the
King on Sept. 10. He forwards a letter from the States to James I.
(Sept., 1615.)
Right Honourable,
If I had not received your favourable letter by my nephew
this night, I had been with you to-morrow ; but I will now take
the ease which you give me, and attend the King on Sunday at
Waynsteade, unless I be otherwise advertised from you.
In the meanwhile I beseech you, Sir, to acquaint his Majesty with
my arrival here, and to present unto his royal hands the enclosed
letter from the States,1 which they hope will give him some
satisfaction, for they have in it set down all the reasons of their
own jealousy, and of the tenderness of their proceedings. And
I have thought fit to send it before the King shall command mine
own access, that his Majesty may be the better prepared to move
any doubts upon the whole matter, wherein I presume that I shall
be able to yield him some contentment. And so I rest
Your Honour's faithfully,
Henry Wotton.
266. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven., holograph, undated. Wotton writes to ask that Winwood would
pass his accounts for his Dutch embassy. As the warrant to pay him
was issued in Oct., 1615, this letter was probably written at about
that time.
From my Lodging in King St., this
Tuesday night, (Oct. ? 1615).
Right Honourable,
Notwithstanding a little febrous indisposition which I have
felt within these three or four days, I had attended you at Royston,
but that I stood expecting when the new Venetian ambassador2
should have access to the King, which himself likewise expecteth,
having therein used Sir Lewis Leukonar 3. If his audience be speedy,
I will accompany him thither as a point of due respect. If not,
I shall wait on you there before him. In the meantime I have sent
this my servant humbly to beseech your Honour to give expedition
there unto my Privy Seals, and to honour me with your attestation
1 Now in the Record Office. (S. P. Holland, Aug. 31, 1615.)
2 Gregorio Barbarigo, Venetian ambassador in England (in succession to
Antonio Foscarini) 1615-16.
'Sir Lewis Lewknor, Master of Ceremonies.
86 LETTERS OF WOTTON
about the 20s. per diem which was promised me, and which I may
very justly demand both by mine own and by others' example.1
And I beseech you, Sir, both in your wisdom and in your love
towards me, to handle it so favourably that his Majesty may not
conceive it to be a suit.
I will study some ways to return you an accompt of your kin(
nesses, and I will ever rest
Your obliged poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
267. To James I.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 447, undated, but written after Wotton's return from t\
Hague (see note 2), and perhaps in the autumn of 1615. Wotton beg
the King to have his grant for a moiety of a Six Clerk's place confirmee
<1615?>
To his Sacred Majesty,
I do humbly resume the ancient manner, which was adire
Caesarem per libellum : with confidence in the cause, and in your
Majesty's gracious equity, though not in mine own merit.
During my late employment, Sir E. P., then Master of the Eolls,
died 2. By his death Sir Julius Caesar claimed not only the suc-
cession of that place, but the gift of all the clerkships of the Chancer}
that should fall void in his own time.
Of these clerkships your Majesty had formerly granted two r(
versions ; the one to the late Lord Bruce, for which Mr. Bom
secretary to my Lord Chancellor, had contracted with him ; tl
second to me. The said Bond got his grant, through the favour
of his master, to be confirmed by Sir Julius Caesar before his
entrance into the Eolls ; but through my absence in your Majesty's
service, and want of pressing it in the due season, my grant remained
unconfirmed, though your Majesty was pleased to write your gracious
letter in my behalf. Which maketh me much bewail mine own
case, that my deserts were so poor, as your royal mediation was
of less value for me, than my Lord Chancellor's for his servant.
The premisses considered, my humble suit unto your Majesty is
this, that Sir Julius Caesar may be drawn by your supreme
1 In Oct., 1615, a warrant was issued to pay Sir Henry Wotton such sums a-
his entertainment of 20s. per day from June 1, 1614, to Sept. 10, 1615, should
amount to. (Docquet Books, vi.) On Dec. 15, 1615, he was paid £4 a day til 1
Sept. 10, being the day of his access to his Majesty; £80 for transportation
£160 for extraordinary expenses. (Issues Ex., p. 182.)
2 Sir Edward Phelips, Master of the Rolls, died Sept. 11, 1614. (G rf- T.
Jas. I, i, p. 349.) Wotton's l late employment ' must therefore have been hu
special embassy to the Hague.
TO JAMES I 87
authority to confirm unto me my reversion of the second clerkship,
whereof I have a patent under your great seal. Wherein I have
just confidence in your Majesty's grace, since your very laws do
restore them that have been any ways prejudiced in servitio regis.
Your Majesty's long devoted poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
268. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Yen., holograph. Wotton's crossing from Dover.
(Dunkirk, March 26, 1616, O.S.)
T7k;ht Honourable,
After we had been beaten back from sea to Dover, and there
imprisoned three days with mists and contrary winds, we arrived
this Easter Tuesday at night in the Roman style1 all well in
Donkercke, where I find four companies remaining of the late
Spanish supply that came by sea, the rest diversely garrisoned in
the country, and all new clothed (as there was good cause) by order
from Bruxelles. Mr. Nevil2, who took the title of Westmerland,
and was wont to hover in this place, is now at Iper.3
There is some curiosity here among the Spaniards (as I understand)
in inquiring after the progress of Virginia and the Bermudes ; and they
have gotten a little vent already of Sir Walter Rawleigh's project.4
' This accompt I thought fit to give you of mine own landing, and these
other menmlencias, till I can charge my paper with some heavier stuff.
I have understood, since my departure from London, that my stay
there was somewhat uncharitably represented unto the King, as
he were a miserable man that should lack an adversary in a Court.
But I rely in this and the rest upon your favourable protection of
me. And I can say this for myself, that after I had moneys, and
the Queen's leave and letters, I lost not the running of an hour-glass.
And so, Sir, I commit you and ourselves to the providence and love
of our good God.
Your Honour's,
Henry Wotton.
I have sent a cipher, according to your Honours direction, to
Mr. Moore, which my solicitor will deliver him.
1 Easter Sunday fell on April 3, N.S., in 1616. The date of this letter is
therefore April 5, N.S., or March 26, O.S.
2 Edmund Neville (1560?-1630?), the conspirator. He claimed the Earldom
of Westmorland after the death of Charles, the sixth Earl, in 1601, but his
petition was not heard, though he may have been the next heir. (D.N. B., xl,
p. 247.) s Ypres.
4 The expedition to Guiana, on which Raleigh started in the following year
June 12, 1617\ To 'get' or ' take vent' is a phrase of Wotton's, meaning to
get news of.
88 LETTERS OF WOTTON
269. To James I.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton's visit to the Court of the Elector Palatin*
Written in a village called Grave,
four miles from Heidelbergh,
this 23 of April, 1616.
Sacred Majesty,
For those things which I have treated with the Count Palatine,1
they will best appear unto your Majesty out of the papers that come
herewith, and shall be from time to time more particularly discoursed,
as I pass or rest in those places where they are to take their effect.
In the meanwhile I am much comforted that I carry with me good
matter to exercise that honest and humble zeal which I owe your
Majesty and the public cause. Touching your particular service,
first, your Majesty doth now likewise receive, among the other
papers, a relation of mine endeavours in Colonia for the discovery
of the author of that execrable libel intituled Corona Begia 2.
Next, having in this Court, for your Majesty's sake, been as kindly
and as confidently used, both in conversation with the Elector and
with your royal daughter, and withal their counsellors and principal
servants, as I think any hath been before me, it is my duty to give
your Majesty an accompt of the place, which I will discharge accord-
ing to my capacity, in all humble freedom. First, it is a Court
great sobriety, and of very regular provision and attendance. Tl
Prince himself had now, for his own entertainment, not above thre
or four titular men of any proportion with his years ; but some wei
for a while retired (as they told us) to enjoy the pleasure of tl
season at their own possessions. I do not find the Count Palatine
in the judgement of my eye, much grown since your Majesty sa^
him, either in height or breadth, though there be a common opinioi
of the first. Par boutades he is merry, but for the most part cogitative
or (as they here call it) malincolique.3 [His chiefest object is money,
and one principal delight architecture.4] My Lady, your gracious
daughter, retaineth still her former virginal verdure in her com-
plexion and features, though she be now the mother of one of the
sweetest children 5 that I think the world can yield.
[Between this Prince and my Lady there do pass in outward view
1 The plan for a League between the Protestant Princes and Savoy, and
a closer friendship with Venice. On April 19 the Elector Palatine wrote to
James I acknowledging the letters brought him by Wotton, and expressing his
approval of the ambassador's propositions, about which he said he would consult
the Princes of the Union. (S. P. Ger. States.) 2 See next dispatch.
3 'Malincolique,' old form of obs. melancholic. (N. E. D.)
4 The words in brackets have been blotted out in the MS.
5 Prince Henry Frederick, born Jan. 2,
grew up, but was unfortunately drowned in 1629.
TO JAMES I 89
father kind than amorous demonstrations, according to the solemn-
of the Court. For I understand otherwise, from the nearest
interpreter's intelligence (which is her Highness' own self), that his
nature is not of itself fro ward and impliable.1] The domestic differ-
ences which, in the beginning and some good while after, grew
by the emulation of servants, seem now to be as well settled as
they can be in a Court, and by no means more than by the severing
of the nations at their ordinary diet ; the English and Scottish eating
together and the Allemans apart. Only of late there fell out (as
I have been here informed) in their invitement to the Court of
Wirtenberg, much disputation about the placing of her Highness,
tor that, according to the severity of the German form, both princes
and others do sit in public feasts above their wives. But having
understood that the Count Palatine did, at that assembly likewise,
as always at home, yield my Lady your royal daughter the best
place, and yet rather by way of convenience for that time only, than
as an example that should stand, I found myself bound in my own
zeal, besides my Lady's commandment, provisionally to sound the
Count Palatine about that point ; telling him byway of collaudation2
that I intended to advertise your Majesty what respect he had
deferred 3 to your royal name, by maintaining your daughter's dignity,
as well in the Court of Wirtenberg, as in his own palace within our
sights, which I assured myself your Majesty would take, though
it were a point otherwise of right, as proceeding from his kindness.
Hereupon he was somewhat troubled, but resuming his spirits and
that resolution which he seemeth to have taken from others' im-
pressions, he fell plainly to tell me that though indeed he had done
it at Wirtenberg, yet he could do It no more ; that it was against
the custom of the whole country ; that all the Electors and Princes
found it strange ; that it would turn to his own diminution, which
he hoped your Majesty would not desire ; that Kings' daughters had
been matched before in his race, and with other German princes,
but still placed under their husbands in public feasts ; that in the
German ground he did compete with the Kings of Denmark and
Sweden ; and some other things of this kind.4 I replied, that as
I conceived your Majesty would have been glad of the contrary
1 The sentence in brackets has been blotted out in the MS.
2 'Collaudation,' i. e. commendation. Obs. or arch. (N.E.D.)
3 ' Deferred,' i. e. rendered. Obs. {N.E.D.)
4 James had extorted from the Elector Palatine, just before he left England,
a promise that Elizabeth, as the daughter of a King, should be given precedence
over all German princes and princesses This claim was not justified by
precedent, but James kept insisting on it, and the question kept continually
cropping up in a vexatious manner. It was finally settled, though in an
unsatisfactory way, by the retirement of Frederick's mother from the Court, and
~ "lizabeth refusing to pay visits to other Courts.
by Elizab
90 LETTERS OF WOTTON
:
resolution, so I feared you would be too sensible of this ; that it
had been better to have denied my Lady her place in the beginning,
than to retrench it, when she had kept the possession both in his
own palace and abroad ; that I thought he could no way prejudice
himself by honouring his wife ; that he might assure himself tha
your Majesty did desire his increase and not his diminution, havin
of your good wishes so dear a pledge about him ; that my Lady
was not to be considered only as the daughter of a King, like the
daughters of Fraunce, but did carry in her person the possibility of suc-
cession to three crowns ; that she had now brought him a delicate
child, and was likely to bring him more, and therefore did merit the
kinder respect. These motives and others I laid before him in the
fairest manner; but in conclusion, seeing him for the present otherwise
resolved, I besought him to represent his reasons unto your Majesty
by Colonel Schonbergh \ who, for this and other causes, was deter-
mined to pass speedily into your Court ; which he said he would do.
And being now fallen upon the mention of that Colonel, I must,
both by my own most assured information here from others, and
by her Highness* particular and serious commandment, give your
Majesty this accompt of him. That he is the only sincere and
resolute friend that she hath found since her being here ; that
without his continual vigilance and power with the Prince, she
had been much prejudiced both in her dignity and the rest ; nol
so much by the Prince his own motions, as by the infusions
of others, and particularly (as I conceive) of the old Electress 2
that your Majesty, as her most dear and loving father, is tied fo
her sake to acknowledge it unto him ; that she will express by
him so much in her own letters, and he will bring your Majesty
sufficient testimony of his own actions in writing : that whereas
he hath written a letter unto your Majesty unadvisedly upon a
mistaking (with which by your commandment I have acquainted
my Lady), she humbly beseecheth your Majesty to attribute it to
his error, and not to any want of zeal in your service, whereof
she had made so singular proofs. This I must repeat again un
your Majesty, that I write by her special direction. In conclusion,
she humbly beseecheth your Majesty in your gracious wisdom, s
to handle him at his arrival in your presence, that he may be
contented, for the settling of her affairs, to abide some longer time
in this Court, though by divers provocations and offence, of the
greatest part for her sake, he hath been moved and in himself
resolved to be gone. There is another likewise, by name Monffi
1 See ante, ii, p. 55.
2 Louisa Juliana, widow of Frederick IV, and daughter of William of Oranse.
TO JAMES I 91
Plessen '. who hath been very ready in all good offices towards
your Majesty and yours, whereof her Highness beggeth that you
will be pleased in your goodness to take notice. And thus stand
the affairs of this Court at the present, as far as in particular concern
your royal service ; which I have delivered with the same liberty
that I conceive to become your humble and zealous vassal.
Touching your Majesty's respect towards your royal daughter, in
giving her the choice of one of those whom you shall be pleased
to nominate for her conversation, she receiveth it as an argument of
your tender affection, and beseech eth your Majesty that she may
be furnished with one of no lesser quality than the former 2, nor
much different in age ; because otherwise she will be unfit to
accompany her in her disports 3 abroad, and perhaps likewise be
the less plausible at home. She also rendereth your Majesty most
humble thanks for your gracious care in providing a secretary for
her. whom she expecteth at your good pleasure.4
And so having discharged my duties in this place, I end with
my continual prayers to Heaven for the glory and safety of your
sacred person and crowns, humbly resting,
Your Majesty's long devoted and faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
270. To James I?
8. P. Yen., transcript, unsigned, no date ; sent with above dispatch.
Wotton's attempt to discover the author of the Corona Regia.
(April 23, 1616.)
A Relation of the Cause of my Stay Four Days in Colonia.
At Antwerp, where Mr. Trumbal5 met me, besides other in-
formations of the common affairs of those provinces, wherein we
had both travailed, I received from him an address to one Bilderbeck
in Colonia, who is a man of confidence with the Count Palatin and
1 Volrad de Plessen, one of the councillors of the Elector Palatine. On April
22, 1616, De Plessen wrote to Winwood to say that Wotton had departed that
morning ; his visit having been very acceptable to the Elector and his wife,
partly on account of Wotton's ' bonnes et louables qualites,' and partly for the good
news he brought of the King's health. (S. P. Ger. States.) In 1619 Frederick sent
De Plessen on a mission to James I. (Gardiner, iii, p. 292.)
2 Mrs. Dudley, Elizabeth's favourite Lady of Honour, married Sch5nberg, and
died in 1615. Lady Harrington, the former guardian of the Princess, was sent
at the end of this year to replace her. (Mrs. Everett-Green, Lives of the Princesses
of England, v, pp. 276, 295.)
5 ' Disports,' i. e. recreations, arch. (N. E. D.)
4 Albertus Morton, Wotton's nephew, was sent by James I as agent to the
Princes of the Protestant Union, with orders to reside principally at Heidelberg
and act as secretary to the Princess. He remained at Heidelberg till 1IH9.
(Ibid., p. 295.)
■ John Trumbull, ante, ii, p. 44.
92 LETTERS OF WOTTON
:
the States, and seemeth to be an instrument of good abilities. From
him I was to inquire after a certain printer lately fugitive from
Louvane, and now inhabitant in that town, by name Christophorus
Flavius. The scope was to draw from him who had been the
author of that base lying pamphlet intituled Corotia Begia.1 Th
difficulty was, how in so short a time, being but a passenger, I migh
work this insinuation. About it were spent four days, in which
time the said Bilderbeck and myself resolved to address Frederick
Gurckfeld my secretary, by nation an High Alleman (as the said
printer is likewise), and thereby to gain some confidence with a tale
unto him to this substance. ' That Monsieur Barcklay 2, at his
departure from London, had consigned unto the trust of my said
secretary ' (who was to pretend much inwardness with him) ' certain
satirical observations of his own touching the Court and Church
of England, which he was desirous to publish in the same character,
and by the same printer who had heretofore printed the works of
Puteanus in Lovane ' (this was Flavius), ' whom missing there, and
understanding from Puteanus of his being in Colonia, he was
come thither with those papers to discharge the trust of his
friend.'
This message was so contrived with mention both of Barcklay
and Puteanus, the two suspected persons, that Flavius, upon the
naming of them, might be drawn to bewray something unto m
secretary, if not in his speech, yet at least in his face. But h
was so far from unlocking of himself, that he fell to a very seriou
dehortation of my said secretary from meddling in any such matte
which for his own part, he had ever abhorred. True it was inde
that he had been slandered to have been the printer of a late boo
against the King of Great Britannie ; but most falsely (said he), as ma;
appear by the very character, which is French, and by the fi
dispersers thereof in Lovane and Bruxelles, which were certai
1 Is. Casauboni Corona Begia . . . in lucent edita, 1615, pro officina Io. Bill Londini.
Written in the form of a panegyric of James I, and ironically ascribed to
Casaubon, the Corona Begia was an infamous attack on the King, and one of the
most outrageous books ever written. It caused great scandal and merriment
throughout Europe, and James I was most anxious to discover the author, who
was Scioppius, although this was not known at the time. Suspicion fell on
Erycius Puteanus, then Professor at Louvain, and as Wotton failed (as described
above) in finding out anything from Flavius, the King sent Sir John Bennet as
special envoy to the Archdukes, to demand the punishment of Puteanus and
Flavius. When Bennet was met by delays and evasions, he was finally
instructed, in case of further delays, to announce the recall of the English agent,
Trumbull, and the rupture of friendly relations between England and the
Netherlands. (Motley, Barn., ii, p. 88.) The Archduke Albert succeeded, how-
ever, in convincing James I that Puteanus was not the author. When Wotton
returned from Venice in 1623 he passed through Cologne, and made a plan for
kidnapping Flavius, and bringing him to England. See dispatch of Nov. 5, 1623.)
2 John Barclay (1582-1621), author of Argenis. (D. N. B.)
TO JAMES I? 98
Frenchmen that sold wafers, and carried some of the copies up
and down in boxes on their backs. That none could be the author
of that book but he that had composed the Euphormionem \ by
congruity of the style. As for Puteanus, he was too discreet and
too modest to put his hand to such things. That for his own person,
lie was not retired to Colonia for fear of that calumniation, having
stayed long in Lovane after the complaint was made against him ;
but he was come to Colonia, where there was more employment
of the press than in Brabant. By this we may see how this rascal's
confessor had sealed and seared his conscience. For that Flavius
was the printer of the book, we have the testimony of Heniy Tailor,
Englishman, who did assist him to compose the letters.
Now touching the author ; Mr. Trumbal thinketh Puteanus to have
done it with the help of the English Jesuits at Lovane. But for my
part, I do almost assure myself that it was Barckley, by collection upon
these circumstances following. First he sold his pension in England
at a very small rate, somewhat like a desperate man. Then he goes
immediately to Kome, and there, before he had been at any inn,
speaketh with the Spanish ambassador and the Cardinal Bellarmine.
By the Cardinal he was the next day brought to the Pope, and hath
a lodging on the back side of Belvedere, which is the Pope's palace,
and an annual pension of a hundred and fifty pound sterling, or there-
abouts. These particulars I have from one who was in Kome at
his arrival, knew him and observed him well, and got good informa-
tion of those passages. Now upon the whole matter ; in a conjectural
subject I must confess I cannot conceive (who am well acquainted
with the fashion of Kome) how he could be so suddenly reconciled
to the Pope, or how he should dare to put himself into his hand
without some work against the King of Great Britannie, to counter-
poise that which his father 2 and himself had written before in defence
of the temporal authority.
271. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. 1'. Yen., holograph. Wotton's journey to Heidelberg and route to Turin.
Written in a village called Grave,
...K,;
four miles from Heidelbergh,
this 23 of April, 1616.
tGHT Honourable,
What I have treated with the Count Palatine, and how well
it hath been tasted by him, will appear unto your Honour out of the
1 Euphormionis Lusinini Satyi'icon (1610), by John Barclay.
- William Barclay (1546 or 7-1608) ; his most important work, Dc Regno et Regaii
Potestate, was published 1600.
94 LETTERS OF WOTTON
>ergh
enclosed to the King. In Colonia I stayed four days, in Heidelberg]
six. In the rest of the journey, we made as much haste as our
horses would suffer in sandy ways and hot weather, besides some
infirmity in ourselves, through which I have left one of my principal
servants behind me sick of a dangerous fever, the want of whom,
because he was a practised man, hath much incommodated me.
When I arrive at Basilea, which will be within these four days,
I intend to dispatch my secretary and my luggage to Venice by the
nearest line, that I may march myself the lighter over the Alps
through the Swissers and the Valesiens. We have met with a voice
on the way, that Piemont is in new motion.1 If I find it so
when I approach nearer, I shall somewhat doubt what course to
take. All the news which I know of Germanie is that Clesel 2, the
negotious 8 Bishop of Vienna, is at last cardinalated, and likely to
prove another Madrutz 4, if the Emperor give him leave to practise
the Roman Court. But of these things hereafter ; I will now end
with my prayers to God for your health and happiness.
Your Honour's to do you faithful service,
Henry Wotton.
I humbly beseech you, Sir, to acquaint my nephew Albertus5
before his coming, with my letter to the King, which will give him
some taste of the Palatine Court. I must likewise remember your
Honour of your promise to this poor man, who hath taken goc
pains with me.
272. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton's journey over the Alps, and arrival at Turii
From Turino, this 22th of May, 1616. St. v.
Right Honourable,
You see by the enclosed to his Majesty how opportunely I cam<
hither, and by these I would fain tell you how painfully, but we
can scant express it. Sure I am that never journey was more
lengthened nor more incommodated by accident. For till I came
to Bassill, I knew not that Beam and Friburg were infected, which
put me to a circuit of two or three days ; and passing forward alia
buona, at last we understand that the plague was dispersed through
the whole Valesia, through which we had designed to pass over
1 Although the war between Savoy and Spain about Montferrat was ostensibly
settled by the treaty of Asti in 1615, the Spaniards, mortified at being compelled
to treat with the Duke of Savoy as an equal, openly violated the terms of the
treaty, and refused to disarm their troops in the Milanese. (Gardiner, iii, p. 49.)
Actual hostilities did not, however, break out until September in this year.
2 Melchior Klesel, Cardinal 1615, died 1630.
3 ' Negotious,' i. e. busy, arch. 4 Ludvig Madrutz, Cardinal 1561, died 1600.
5 Albertus Morton, appointed secretary to the Electress Palatine.
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 95
the Mount St. Bernardo Majore. This was una gran sbrigliata, and
much more, when we understood that Geneva itself and the villages
about it were also infected, which hindered us to pass the nearest
way to Chambery, and forced us to put ourselves and horses at
hazard over the Leman lake, and so to traverse Savoy, by such rocks
and precipices as I think Hannibal did hardly exceed it when he
made his way (as poets tell us) with fire and vinegar.
Now, for public matter, I shall little need to write anything to
your Honour from hence. First, because in the enclosed to his
Majesty I have delivered all that I can yet say.1 Next, because
his Majesty is here served by his ordinary agent2 with great
sufficiency. The contemplation of whose pains and expenses doth,
I protest in very conscience, make me pass farther than his own
modesty in wishing that, by your favourable means (upon which we
all depend), he may have some increase of his entertainment, or at
least some ayuda de costa 3, as they term it.
It were after this uncharitable to forget myself, and therefore
I humbly beseech you. Sir, to be still my noble friend. And so God
keep you in His gracious love.
Your Honour's very faithfully,
Henry Wotton.
I humbly beseech your Honour to acquaint my lord my brother
with this letter, having at the present no time to write to any of my
friends, which shall be redeemed at Venice.
273. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Vai., dictated. Wotton's arrival in Venice. Affairs of Venice.
Dated in Venice, the 7th of June.
St. vet. 1616.
Right Honourable,
This is only to give you knowledge that I arrived here on the
last of May in our style. Of the impediments on the way through
1 For Wotton's negotiations at Turin see ante, i, p. 146.
a (Sir) Isaac Wake, secretary to Sir Dudley Carleton at Venice, 1610-15
(ante, i, p. 501). In 1615 he was appointed to succeed Albertus Morton (on
Morton's recommendation) as English agent at Turin, where he remained with
occasional absences till he took Wotton's place as ambassador at Venice. Like
all James I's envoys, he found it most difficult to get any money from the
Exchequer ; an extract or two from his dispatches in the Record Office will
picture for us the plight of these unfortunate diplomatists. On Dec. 12, 1617,
h< writes that he can maintain himself no longer, adding, 'besides what his
Majesty's service will suffer therein, it will be some dishonour to have a public
minister starve in a foreign country.' March 6, 1618, 'I am now enforced to
s<.ll t lie poor stuff that was in my house to buy bread.' June 15, 1618, ' It is now
sixteen months since I have received one penny out of the Exchequer. ... I have
Lived many months upon my own poor stock, and having sold and pawned all that
little which I had, I do not know how to subsist any longer.' (S. P. Savoy.)
8 Ayuda de costa, a Spanish phrase, meaning a gratification in addition to salary.
96 LETTERS OF WOTTON
businesses and other accidents, I gave his Majesty an accompt from
Heidelbergh and Turino.1 Here I find by sundry private congratula-
tions that I am not unwelcome, though I have yet had no public
reception.2 For the house which Sir Dudly Carleton left me was
not fit for me in many respects, and therefore I have spent these
few days in preparing and furnishing of another ; which done,
I must signify, according to the custom of the place, that I will be
in some of their little islands at a certain hour, and there they will
come to receive me. The affairs of Istria 3 stand yet in termini crudi,
and the issue invisible, so as the season seemeth very proper to
propound the matter which I bring with me touching those outward
collegations. For believe it, Sir, it is a time to knit knots. In my
next and so forward weekly, his Majesty shall receive a better
reckoning of this part of the world. Here I have received your
letter of the 9th of April, sent me in the packet of the State by their
residents with the Swissers ; by which country I had no possible
passage, through the contagion dispersed in sundry of the Helvetian
and Valesien villages, which put us to the most troublesome and
perilous travel that ever I had before, though this be the eleventh
time that I have passed the Alps.4 But touching the business
of your said letter, I hope you have, before the receipt of this,
perceived by my dispatch from Turino, that there the Duke, myself,
and the Venetian ambassador, among other serious discourses, spen
no small time about the matter of the Grisons, which, though i
be a most contemptible and venial State, yet are they surely at th
present one of the greatest vexations of this Commonwealth.5 An
so, Sir, till my next I leave you in God's blessed love.
Your Honour's to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
1 On April 12, 1617, a warrant was issued to pay Wotton £740 for transport
of ' self, company, and horses ' to Venice by way of Heidelberg and Turin.
{Issues Ex., p. 197.)
2 Wotton's public reception was on June 27. {Ante, i, p. 147.)
3 The Uscock war, 1615-17. {Ante, i, p. 148.)
4 Wotton's first crossing the Alps was late in the year 1591 {ante, i, p. 18) ; his
second in 1593, when he went to Geneva (i, p. 22) ; his third early in 1601, after
the fall of Essex (i, p. 36) ; his fourth and fifth, when he went in the summer of
1601 to Scotland, returning in the spring of 1602 (i, pp. 40, 43). The sixth cross-
ing was in 1603, when he travelled to Germany (i, p. 44) ; the seventh in 1604,
when he went to Venice (i, p. 49) ; the eighth, his return in 1611 (i, p. 116) ; the
ninth and tenth, his journey to Turin and back in 1612) i, pp. 120, 123).
5 Owing to Spanish and French bribery, the Grison Republics had broken their
league with Venice in 161 2, and closed their passes to the Venetian troops. The Re-
public was very anxious to renew their alliance, and in 1619 Wotton wrote that
some 'very well affected persons' had proposed to him that by the mediation of
James I steps might be taken ' to glue them ' together again, ' both for the temper-
ing of Spain, and keeping this State in heart, which otherwise, unless the Grison
passage be kept open (and nothing but the former league can do it), will be suffo-
cated for lack of a vent.' {Eton Coll. MS., April 26, 1619, Rox. Club, pp. 120, 121.)
r.
i
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 97
274. To Sir Ralph Win wood.
8. 1\ Ven., holograph. Wotton's illness ; an Italian bishop
imprisoned ; Lord Dingwall.
Venice, this 8th of July, 1616, stil. novo.
Eight Honourable,
I must crave pardon to pass over this week likewise with few
words, having newly buried one of my company, and four or five
of the rest being sick at the present, besides myself, who have been
since my last, till this very day, for the most part in my bed, and
am much weakened with sweats, which are cheap in this air ; yet
unong these domestic distractions I cannot but advertise his Majesty
}f a piece of news that I have from Rome. The Bishop of Civita
tfova of the province of Calabria, having in the expedition of a suit
eceived ill satisfaction from the Pope, and lamenting at his own
louse that he would go serve the King of England, from whom
;ie hoped for more favour, was by some of his servants traduced
or these words, and is cast into the prison of the Inquisition. You
>iee how proditorious l and spiteful that filthy Court is.
Here they have appointed to treat with my Lord Dingwall 2
. senator of the best reputation and of good affections. In my next
lis Majesty shall have a large accompt of these things. And so, Sir,
jod give you the health that we wish ourselves.
Your Honour's faithfully,
Henry Wotton.
275. To James I.
. V. Ven., holograph. Wotton's illness; Dr. Malta's plan for a council
of Greek bishops. Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent. De Dominis
going to England.
Venice, the 30th of July, 1616.
Style of England.
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
As I am confident in your Majesty's pardon, though you have
itherto received nothing but the story of our infirmities, so it is
ow time to yield so gracious a master some fruit of our breathing
•ad being, and of the health that God hath restored us ; having in
1 ' Proditorious,' i. e. treacherous, arch.
3 Sir Richard Preston, a favourite of James I, created Baron Dingwall, and
ft i wards Earl of Esmond, with remainder to Lord Feilding, his intended son-
daw. Lord Dingwall had come to Venice to offer his services in the Uscock
ar. On June 29 Wotton presented him to the Doge. (E»p. Prin.) The terms
Fered him were not satisfactory, and were not accepted.
WOTTOK. II H
98 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the meantime, like the fishermen of these lagune, only prepared our
nets and our hooks to catch somewhat hereafter ; so as I hope your
Majesty shall not want intelligence, either from this place of my
residence, or from Rome itself, where I have planted some good
correspondence, being in truth the centre of all practice. Now
it falleth out at this beginning that I must represent unto your
Majesty a strange proposition, which Dr. Marta x hath put into my
hand, who, upon the first noise of my arrival at Turino, sent a letter
thither to invite me, if I should come by Padoa, to lie at his house ;
which I was willing to attribute rather to his courtesy than vanity,
though it seemed unto me the very direct way to make himsell
unable to do your Majesty any service hereafter; for surely your
Majesty can draw little use from open devotion in this country.
When I was here arrived, in the midst of mine own indisposition,
and of my company (who were almost all decumbents 2), he came
hither with much eagerness to speak with me about some important
purpose, as he let me know. I admitted him, though at that timt
by distemper tied to my bed, when among other things he tolc
me that he was desirous to bring unto me two worthy personages
one Zacharias Bernadoviz, elected Bishop of Leopoli3, and ont
Francesco, Conte of Mnisek, Captain of Sanoka, whose sister wi
married to the Emperor of Moscovia ; with which men he hac
treated, and now well digested, a business of marvellous consequem
and utility for your Majesty in particular, and in general for
other Christian princes. This was a council of Greek bish
(whereof more than a hundred had already subscribed their nam
to be assembled I know not where. But at that assembly was to
concluded the devolution of the Pope's authority to the Patriar
of Constantinople ; there was likewise to be examined the who!
Canon Law and the Councils of Florence and Trente, where th
suffrages were not free, and lastly the new doctrine of deposin:
of kings, &c. My answer unto him was to this substance, 'tha
I found myself at the present unfit to think of so great matters ; an<
besides many eyes being upon me here, and many commentarie
built in men's fancies upon my return, because I had been her
before in time of difference between this State and the Pop*
I desired him to pardon me if I did not speak with those persons
and the rather for that a little rumour was, I know not hov
whispered in the town that Dr. Marta was come to confer som
great thing with me ' Hereupon, being a little troubled, he fell t
1 Dr. Marta, see Appendix IV.
Decumbents,' i. e. lying in bed through illness. Obs. (N. E. D.)
Lemburg in Galicia, the seat of a Greco-Russian bishopric.
TO JAMES I 99
t« 11 me, sometimes that those men would then repair unto your
Majesty, sometimes that he would go himself, and sometimes that
they would join in the journey. Wherein observing him to tumble
up and down with inconstancy of judgement, I yielded for the
present so far as to think it fitter to be handled in your own royal
presence than with me. But yet I wished him first to consult with
your wisdom by letter, what it would best please you to have done in
Vnd in the meanwhile I intended, as I have done, to take the
opinions of Maestro Paulo and Fulgentio, both of the man and
of the matter. Touching the Doctor himself, they say that besides
the ordinary vanity of almost all Neapolitans, he hath his own
natural and peculiar part thereof; that he is full of penury and
projects, whereof the scope is rather gain than zeal ; that he hath
been seldom at any time contented with his present condition ; that
he is a man indeed both of experience and capacity, and applicable
enough to some good uses, but small foundation to be made upon
his promises, and least of all upon this which lie hath now projected,
which they esteem a very vast and idle conception, both for the
impossibility of collecting those Greek bishops into any one place,
and of any fruit that can come of it, being a body of straggling,
j beggarly and most ignorant men, and altogether unfit to handle
i propositions even of common knowledge, besides their addiction and
i contumacy in their own superstitions, as much as the most corrupted
part of the Latin Church. Which things considered, they conclude
that this proposition of the Doctor is a veiy chimera of his own
hatching, and that the names of the bishops which, he sayeth, have
subscribed, are forged in his brains.
Thus I have delivered plainly unto your Majesty their opinions, and
withal I here send the Doctor's letter and the list of his Greeks ; to
which nation, if your Majesty shall but once open your arm of protec-
tion, I must crave the liberty to think that all the colleges and hospitals
of your kingdoms will not hold them. The Doctor seemeth extremely
desirous of an answer, and pretendeth that he hath sweat in this
business these two years, whereof he hath likewise given you some
former accompt by your agent at Turino. I hope by mine own poor
invention, or by the advice of your Majesty's confidence, to employ
him in some things of more use and possibility. In the meanwhile
I do continue unto him your Majesty's bounty, and I have by your
appointment given him good liberty to transport what he shall think
fit, out of any of his own former writings, to a work that he hath
now in hand ; which licence he seemeth to have required from your
Majesty by Sir Dudley Carleton, and he promiseth some notable
thing shortly. This is all that I have to say about the present
H 2
100 LETTERS OF WOTTON
subject. And so, with my humble prayers committing your sacred
person to God's continual protection and love, I rest,
Your Majesty's most faithful and long devoted poor servant,
Ottavio Baldi.
The book of Maestro Paolo touching the Council of.Tre:
is newly finished. It containeth many rare things never di«
covered before, and surely will be of much benefit to the Christie
Church, if it may be published both in Italian and Latin. Where-
unto the author, upon your Majesty's persuasion, doth well incline ;
but I have not yet received his full resolution, which perad venture
doth somewhat depend upon the resolution which he will take about
his own person.1
The Archbishop of Spalatro2 is resolved to endure no longer
the idolatrous fooleries of this Church, but will within a week or
such a matter begin his journey towards your Majesty ; of whose
favour I have given him fresh assurance, and I think his departure
will breed much noise, being a person of such quality, and of singular
gravity and knowledge.
276. To Sib Ralph Winavood.
S. P. Ven.t dictated. Signature and postscript in Wotton's hand. James I
to be cautioned about speaking of Sarpi and Fulgenzio on account
of the Pope's spies.
From Venice, this 30 of July, st. vet., 1616.
Right Honourable,
This enclosed 3 to the King (whether charged with light
1 As I have stated elsewhere (ante, i, p. 150), I believe that Paolo Sarpi entei
tained at this time some thoughts of following (with Fulgenzio in his cor
pany) his friend De Dominis to England. On Jan. 23, 1617, O.S., Winwoc
wrote to Wotton : ' In some of your letters written some months since, you hav<
moved that his Majesty would be pleased with his own hand to write you kno^
to whom ; which his Majesty is well content to do, and had done before this
time, but that he thought it convenient thereof to confer with the Archbishop
of Spallatra. Now his Majesty having divers and sundry times had conference
with him, hath taken this resolution, not to write until he shall understand
how those parties stand resolved, either to continue there where now they live,
or to repair into England ; wherein his Majesty's pleasure is that you carry
yourself with that moderation, that neither by your encouragement they be
invited, nor allured by your persuasions to undertake that voyage, nor yet
disheartened, if out of their own free motion, for the discharge of their
consciences, they shall resolve to retire themselves under the safeguard of his
Majesty's protection. For whensoever they shall come, his Majesty will be
pleased to see them furnished with that complete provision which may give
them cause of satisfaction, and make them acknowledge themselves perpetually
beholding both to his goodness and God's providence.' {S. P. Ven.) Wotton's
letters to which this is an answer have not been preserved, but I do not see to
whom Winwood can be referring except Sarpi and Fulgenzio. 'The party' in
the Venetian correspondence generally means Sarpi, ' those parties ' Sarpi and
Fulgenzio.
2 Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalatro, or Spalato, in Dalmatia.
(See Gardiner, ii, p. 283, and D. N. JB.)
3 The previous dispatch.
TO SIR RALPH WTXWOOD 101
Weighty matter) doth need your explication in transitu by the cipher
Which is in Mr. Moore's hand. I beseech your Honour (as I am
moved by those whom it concerneth) to deal with his Majesty in the
deepest degree of secrecy that may be about these persons. For it is
certain that every time that the King doth name them inter plures, it
is taken up and sent, I know not by what vents and conducts l, to
Rome, and afterwards doth reflect hither. This is most true, even
in the smallest and inconsiderablest things ; and it is easy to be
believed, when, according to a precise and curious piece of advertise-
ment which I have from Rome, there are deputed 50,000 crowns
yearly out of the Apostolic Chamber, as they call it, for spies at the
tables of princes ; besides the particular intelligence of Jesuits and
their lay adherents, for which the Pope payeth nothing. This your
Honour receiveth by a son 2 of Sir Julius Caesar, to whom I have
committed it, rather than to the ordinary conveyance, because it
seemed unto me a packet of some moment. And so wishing his
Majesty and all his the more happily health, by the sense of our own
infirmities, I humbly rest,
Your Honour's,
Henry Wotton.
I humbly beseech you, Sir, to grace this young traveller with his
Majesty, which you know how to do in the best manner.
277. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Yen. Postscript to letter of Sept. 2. Wotton's house in Venice.
From Venice, this 2 of September,
1016, st. n.
My Lord,
I have given that party upon your accompt already 300 ducats,
and will give him the remainder within three or four days, as
you shall then better perceive by his acquittance. He is indeed
a person, as you advised me, to be kept at hard diet, and in my
opinion one of the vainest men of the world.3
I refused (or rather my secretary before my arrival) your house in
Canal Regio, not so much for the greatness of the rent (which the
landlord would unconscionably have increased), as for the farness
from the piazze, wherein, when I was lodged on the other side by
St. Hieronimo, I found in truth much inconvenience. I am now
singularly fitted, having concluded with Signor Gussoni for his
1 • Conducts,' old form of conduits. (.V. E. B.)
2 (Sir) Charles Caesar (1590-1642), Judge and Master of Chancery.
D. N. B.)
3 Probably Dr. Marta.
102 LETTERS OF WOTTON
house on the Canal Grande *, which is one of the fairest in Venice.
and withal for his villa at Noventa2, which I had before. I pay
460 ducats for both ; the villa finely furnished, and the castaldo paid
by him. There your Lordship may imagine me towards the end of
this month, pressing of my grapes.
278. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton's illness ; the affairs of Venice ;
the Duke of Savoy arming.
From Venice, this 9 of September,
1616, st. n.
My very good Lord,
Although I am glad always of your writings, yet I must confe
I should have been much ashamed to receive by this last ordinary
so friendly an alarm, if I had not prevented your Lordship with two
of mine ; for it was my duty to begin, even in the severest court of
punctualists, besides that our love and fellowship are not bound to
those fantastical laws. I do give your Lordship many thanks both
for the vessel and the ballast, having indeed not seen before any
report of that great trial 8, save in pieces. By your letter I see that
as in our reciprocal interchanges of places, and in the beginning of
our journeys (for I was repulsed from sea as I heard you were), so
we conform together likewise too much in infirmities of body. Fo
I have myself, since my coming, been twice a decumbent, and almos
all my family been sick of single and double tertians, or some sue
thing; whereof I have lost two, an old faithful servant, and a physician
whom I took with me rather for conversation than counsel. Fo
your Lordship knoweth that there is otherwise here both sicknes
and physic enough. Those that are gone are with God, and we th
remain are at His gracious pleasure, running our course honestly
which will be our reward, and is our present comfort among thes
tricks of State that we every day contemplate.
Some little ease it is to see that politic bodies have their diseases and
distempers as well as natural. For in truth, my Lord, both this State
where I now am and all Italy is at the present very sick. We are
afraid here that the Duke of Savoy will make his peace, and we are as
1 There were at this date two Gussoni palaces on the Grand Canal, the Cavaili
Palace (now Palazzo Franchetti) at St. Vitale, and the present Grimani della
Vida Palace, above the Rialto, opposite St. Stae. This latter was Wotton's
residence, as Asselinau (a French doctor in Venice) writes on June 3, 1616,
that Wotton's secretary has taken a palace on the Grand Canal opposite St. Stae,
and adjoining the Traghetto della Maddalena. (S. P. Ven.) The Grimani (formerly
Gussoni) Palace is near this traghetto, and must be the one Wotton occupied.
2 Noventa, on the Canal of the Brenta, a few miles from Padua.
3 The trial of the Earl of Somerset for the murder of Overbury, May 25, 1616.
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 103
much afraid that he will make war, and so trouble the whole. There
goeth therefore a great deal of skill to keep him with money and other
comforts in a mediocrity. But he is gone so forward already, that
I do not see how he can well be drawn back or stayed. For sure it
is that on the twenty-sixth of the last month, he did at Turino
marborare (as they call it) the general standard, mustered his army
to the number of 18,000 foot and 2,500 horse, dispersed 8,000
of them nnd 500 horse in garrisons, took with him the remainder in
the field, and did publicly protest that he would either iiscirc di viia
o di quest i travagli di Spacfnuoli} His army likewise increaseth every
day with the French, to the wonder of the world how he can feed
them. Between which things it were long to tell your Lordship
how basely, how spitefully, how scornfully, and (as some add) how
heretically he hath received the Pope's extraordinary Nuncio, Arch-
bishop of Bologna and Cardinal in proximo, potentia, being offended
(as I collect by his ambassador here) with two things : first, that
the Pope had let him run on to such expense, even to the point of
drawing the sword2; next, that he finally sent to compose these
differences a person of so abstracted a spirit from worldly matters
that he was ignorant of your treaty of Asti.3 Here we take in
Friuli towns apace 4, under the shadow of that Duke, which is one of
i the opportunest diversions that I think hath ever happened. The
particulars I will send you the next week of the whole face of our
camp how it standeth. We have now the certainty of the young
Cardinal of Mantua 5 his marriage to the Princess of Bozzolo, a crafty
1 The Spaniards refused to carry out the terms of the treaty of Asti. ' The
Marquis of Inojosa, by whom the treaty had been signed, was recalled, and
Pedro de Toledo, a hot-headed youth, was appointed to succeed him. The new
governor had no sooner arrived at Milan, than he openly violated the agreement
to which he was bound by the acts of his predecessor. Although a mutual dis-
armament had been expressly stipulated, Spanish troops were, on various
pretexts, kept on foot in the Milanese, and the Duke's demands for the execution
of the treaty were met with haughty insolence.' (Gardiner, iii, p. 49.) On
Sept. 14 war broke out again, and the Spaniards invaded Piedmont. (Romaniv,
vii, p. 107.)
2 In his dispatch of Dec. 9 Wotton said that the Pope, Paul V, was glad enough
to see Venice and Savoy in trouble. He ' hath been contented silently to laugh
at their expenses and troubles, having not spent so much as a sprinkle of holy
water upon the business till they were ready to fight ; and then employed an
odious instrument in it only per manier cV acquit, as tbey term it'. (S. P. Vm.)
The Pope's envoy was Alessandro Ludovisio, Archbishop of Bologna, Cardinal
in 1610, and Pope (Gregory XV), 1021-3. His reception at Turin moved even
the sober Isaac Wake to wit, who wrote to Carleton Sept. £|y 'his entertain-
ment proved as lean as himself is fat.' (S. P. Savoy.)
3 Sir Dudley Carleton had been largely instrumental in negotiating the treaty
of Asti in the previous year, spending several months at Turin for that purpose.
4 On Aug. 19 Wotton sent news to Winwood of the recapture of Pontebba in
Friuli from the Austrians, on St. Rocco's day, ' upon which here doth run the
more jolly discourse, by happening upon the day of that Saint, which this State
hath canonized long since, but the Pope not yet.' (S. P. Ven.)
5 Vincenzo Gonzaga (1594-1027), Cardinal in 1015, married in 1017 Isabella
:
104 LETTERS OF WOTTON
widow, or I am deceived, of the house of Gonzaga, who hath thre
sons living by her former husband, and doth herself (to use th
phrase in Don Quixote) border upon forty years ; a pretty and logical
match, if a man mark it. Which accident, though little considerable
in itself, is likely to breed much change in the public. For hi
brother the Duke (whose proper infirmities make him apprehensive
conceiveth it to be done in contemplation of the succession, which is
likely to facilitate his reconcilement with Savoy, or to accelerate his
own marriage by the direction of Spain somewhere else. And so
I kiss your Lordship's hands, with my ever remembered service to
my honoured lady your wife.
Your Lordship's in all faithful love to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
My Lord, I shall by the next ordinary send your Lordship the
acquittance of the man you know.1
279. To James I.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton sends the King maps of
Piedmont and Friuli.
Venice, this ^ of October, 161fi.
Most Gracious Sovereign,
I have offered unto your Majesty's excellent wisdom by Mr.
Secretary Winwoode, in an express dispatch 2, divers things to my
conceit of great consequence, wherein I humbly expect your gooc
pleasure. There remaineth no more now but to present unto you
Majesty two maps which I send, that, upon occasion of any new
matter in this broken time, your Majesty may entertain yourself
with some view of the places. The one is of Piedmont and the
confining provinces, which was drawn (as they tell me) upon the
last j^ear's motions, describing and distinguishing the towns o
several princes that lie there more confused than I think upoi
any other part of the globe of the earth. The other is a description
of those parts of Friuli which are now in action, where the Venetians
Gonzaga, daughter of Ferdinando, Duke of Bozzolo. He succeeded his brother
Ferdinand as Duke of Mantua in 1626.
1 On Oct. 12, 1616, « D. M. ' (as Dr. Marta signed himself) wrote to thank
Carleton for money paid him. (S. P. Ven.)
8 This express dispatch was delayed on the journey, and Winwood wrote to
Wotton, ' you that are vieux roturier so well experienced by so long practice,
cannot but know that the safest and speediest conveyance for letters is by the
ordinary. Gentlemen that travel for pleasure, take leisure in their journ.
and oftentimes make so slow haste in the delivery of the letters which, for their
credit and better countenance, they bring from ambassadors, that they will lie
in the town some days after their arrival before they deliver them ; and so
perhaps hath that gentleman to whom you recommended the charge of these
letters, for as yet I have no news of him.' (S. P. Ven., Oct. 24, O.S.) The
dispatch is not preserved in the Record Office, and probably never arrived.
TO JAMES I 105
take almost every week upon the Austrian ground some fort or
town : which, though they l»<i not things of great consideration,
yci it is worthy of wonder, even among sober marvellers, that such
I swelling imperial house cannot keep their own against a single
gowned State, so long unacquainted with arms, and environed on
all sides with distasted minces, both spiritual and temporal. Of
these things I have discoursed unto your Majesty in my foresaid
letter to Mr. Secretary very largely, both the causes and the remedies.
And so I rest, with continual prayers to our blessed God for His
protection of your royal person and estates.
Your Majesty's poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
280. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
>'. P. TV;/., holograph. Undated, sent with letter to James I of Oct. 11 by
•Mr. Godfrey, a Kentish merchant': Gregorio de* Monti; model of
B Venetian dredging machine.
(Venice, Oct. 11, 1616, N.S.)
Privata.
Right Honourable,
In my demands for my transportation and other extraordinaries
(which will be presented to your favourable hand by Mr. Nicolas
Pey, one of the clerks of his Majesty's kitchen, who is my attorney),
the last sum concerneth Gregorio de' Monti, to whom I have continued
the same allowance, wherein I found him invested by Sir Dudley
Carleton, of thirty ducats per mensem ; which amounteth to less
by some forty pounds yearly than is allowed Signor Maggio, who
hath an entertainment from the French King for the same services
here under his ambassadors. And I am bound to say in truth that
he hath merited it, and more, from his Majesty, not only for ten
years' service under Sir Dudley and me, and for those months when
he supplied the place alone during Sir Dudley Carleton's absence
in Savoye, but likewise for some hazards that he hath run here,
besides the spoiling of his fortune for ever in all other places
of Italie by this dependence. In which considerations I have
thought fit to beseech his Majesty to sign a few lines for his better
protection to the effect of the enclosed, which will give him security
and courage in his service.
I sent before, by young M. Cesar, the model of that engine
which will cleanse our river of the softer matter \ and I have now
1 Probably for use in the salt marshes in Sutton and Gedney, Lincolnshire,
uiining 11,400 acres, which on Aug. 23, 1615, were granted to Wotton and
Edward Dymock. {Col. S. P. Dom.. 1633-4, p. 8.) Many allusions are to be
found in Ben Jonson and other dramatists to these projects for draining the
Lincolnshire fens.
106 LETTERS OF WOTTON
directed my solicitor unto your Honour, with a draught of another
new invention for the same end, and likewise with the shape of
that instrument, both in picture and in paper, wherewith the}
void the harder clay and gravel.
With my solicitor, the merchant, Mr. Blunt, will likewise repaii
unto you, with all due information for the business. And so I leavt
it to your wisdom.
I reckon myself to be much interested in your Honour's health,
therefore I have sent you by this bearer two pounds of our best
Theriaca l, and three pieces of such an earth, found about Mondovi,
as the world yieldeth nothing of more precious use in malign or
pestilent fevers, being taken to the weight of a drachm in sorrel
or borage-water ; which I commend unto you upon great ex-
periences. If your Honour, or my Lady your wife 2, take delight
in rare flowers and plants, I will furnish you excellently with
seeds and roots and slips. And I have procured out of Toscanie
some olives for you, which shall be sent by the first opportunity.
You see, Sir, what my fortune is by these easy presents.
I have written to my solicitor to send me one hither whose hand
I shall use in copying of some things ; whom, if it shall please you
to dispatch with a packet in answer of those points that I have now
handled, your Honour shall do me a special favour. And he shall
be brought to receive your pleasure by my said solicitor. An<
so, having worn out my pens and my matter, both public an(
private, I commit your Honour again to God's dear love.
Your Honour's,
Henry Wotton.
My letter that cometh herewith to the King containeth onb
two maps ; the one of Friuli, the other of Piedmont, which an
the stages of our present stirs, whereunto his Majesty may recui
upon any new matter, to view the places.
281. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Yen., holograph. News from Rome ; the proposed alliance
between Venice and the Protestant Union.
The first of November <1616>,
in this place.
Let me acquaint your Honour with the newest things that
I have by secret intelligence from Rome. That which the French
Queen cannot do with this Pope no creature under heaven can
1 Triaca.
2 Elizabeth, daughter of Nicholas Bell of Totnes, and step-daughter of
Sir Thomas Bodley.
TO SIB RALPH WIN WOOD 107
do; insomuch as one writeth unto me pleasantly that he thinks
he will canonize her while she is living. Certain it is that when
the news of the Prince of Conde ' his imprisonment was delivered
unto him by the French ambassador at Frascati, a place of his
Retirement, he fell down on his knee, and with tears in his eyes cried
' urn laudamus. He hath lately also used the ambassador
of this State with extreme kindness in outward forms at his
audiences, which is here interpreted a piece of art. For in this
place we hold Popes inseparable from Spayne ; especially tender
and avaricious Popes as the present. Some told him of late (as
it was indeed commonly voiced in Rome) that the Duke of Savoye
had lost St. Germano 2 by the falsehood of an Englishman ; at which
there was made much sport in that Court, and some of our fugitives
did extremely droop at it ; but it is as true as the rest of their
catechism. Since Tirone's death 3, his widow hath set up the King
of Spayne's arms over her door, which were not there in all her
husband's time: an argument that the pension is continued unto
her. There are lately arrived in Rome thirteen English youths,
all received into the College very privately, whereas heretofore in
Parsons's time (who made a glory of everything) they were wont
to be presented to the Pope and solemnly blessed. These are
'the latest rhapsodies that I have. And so, humbly committing
your Honour to God's blessed favour, I rest ever,
Your Honour's to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, touching the Princes of the Union, I beseech you to acquaint
his Majesty that if we seek to bind them with this Republic either
in league or strait correspondence 4 (which many times is as
1 The Prince of Conde (ante, ii, p. 84) was arrested on Sept. 1, 1616, on account
of his intrigues against Concini.
2 On Oct. 19 Wake wrote of the fall of S. Germano, which surrendered,
although it was well provisioned, and the Duke of Savoy was only six miles
away. (S. P. Savoy.)
3 The Earl of Tyrone, that 'famous rogue', as Wotton called him, died at
1 Rome in July, 1616. * It was thereupon/ Wotton wrote, ' the common discourse
in Roome that the King would much rejoice at it ; of which, being asked here
my opinion, I said, " as much as they do at the death of a fly in Apulia,"
according to our Italian proverb.' (S. P. Ven., July 27, 1616.)
4 On Aug. 1 Wotton had urged on the Venetians the plan of a league with the
Protestant powers, telling them that James I, as the head of the Union, had
already treated with the Dutch, and intended to ask Venice to join with them.
He now offered to travel himself to Germany to negotiate, on the part of Venice,
about this league, adding that his journey would not cost the Republic much,
as he was willing to travel by post. The Republic thanked him for his offer,
but said that they had already sent an ambassador, Vincenzo Gussoni, for this
purpose. (Esp. Prin., Aug. 1, 1616.) On Sept. 14 the war between Spain and
Savoy broke out again, and at the end of October Wotton had two audiences
■boat the affairs of Savoy. He was requested to inform James of the great
preparations of the Spaniards, and the danger of Savoy, and to beg his help for
108 LETTERS OF WOTTON
valuable to all purposes as a league), they must by his Maj(
be somewhat mollified, and brought from their national austerities
For hitherto (as far as I conceive) they have not corresponded in
any due sort to the demonstrations of this State towards them ;
not so much as in answering their letters, nor at the Count Palatine's
Court in admitting Vincenzo Gussoni, the Venetian ambassador, to
his table, which ceremonious circumstances without a good mediator
may hinder the substantial.
282. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. No date (for date see note). The illness
of the Pope ; the imprisonment of Henry Bertie.
(Venice, Jan., 1617?)
Right Honourable,
Since the writing of the enclosed, we have news by an extra-
ordinary courier that the Pope this other morning, rising from
his devotions, fell into a sudden failing of his feet and spirits,
with some distraction of fancy, which bred an opinion in that Court
that it grew from the cumber of his mind about the present affairs,
although naturally not much troubled with thoughts.
I am more sorry for an advertisement brought me by a French
gentleman and a merchant this very day, that Mr. Henry Bartie I
brother to my Lord Willoughby, having viewed the Levant, an(
returning homewards with the Raguzean ambassador by land, whei
he had safely transported himself with a very fine Turkish hoi
(which he had bought in Sophia) cross the gulf from Ancona
Ragusa, was there apprehended by the Inquisition ; some say fc
the love of his said horse, to which the Governor had taken mud
liking ; others by the secret accusation of a servant which he had of thi
religion. Howsoever, I am grieved with this accident, and the mort
for being unable to help him, through mine own small credit with
the Inquisitors, with whom perchance my intercession might rather
do him harm. Yet I will not fail to use the best oblique means
I can ; and my hope is that the merchants there (who much storm
against it, as a thing likely to disturb commercement), will bring
him out. I beseech your Honour to cause my Lord his brother
to be acquainted with it.
that Prince. ' Lastly,' Wotton wrote, 'they besought your Majesty to consider
in your wise heart, how vast and boundless the Spanish designs were, and
what reflection these present motions might have upon other States and
Princes.' (S. P. Ven., Nov. 1 ; Esp. Piin., Oct. 26, 29.)
1 Henry Bertie, brother of Robert, twelfth Lord Willoughby de Eresby. He
was a cousin of the Earl of Oxford. Wotton again mentions Bertie's imprison-
ment on Jan. 26, 1617 ; this dispatch must have been written shortly before
that date.
I
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 109
283. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
8, V. I'm., holograph, extract. The dangerous state of the Duke of
►Savoy's affairs ; Scioppius ; Henry Bertie ; De Doininis.
From Venice, the i# of January, 1617.
... Of the motions in Piedmont, I am desirous to tell his Majesty
with humble freedom my poor opinion. I see that the other Princes
are content to look on, as if they were beholding the fencers, or some
such entertainment in the old Roman theatres ; resolving most
assuredly not to discover their affections, unless the King of Spayne
shall receive some notable blow. For that perchance may dissolve the
common fear, which is yet stronger than the common interest. At
which general stillness, and insensibility of the Duke's case, I cannot
but much wonder; his subsistence being in all confession most
important, and his ruin very probable or (to speak a little more
warily) very possible. For unless he shall be assisted more than
hitherto by the inward Princes with conjunction of arms, I am
of opinion that the silent support of moneys sent him from hence
(which is likely to last no longer than the cause) will but serve the
turn to help him to overthrow himself with his own vigour.1 I wish
I may err in this conceit. . . .
My friend Scioppius is come to Milan and is so castiglionated,
that he hath written a treatise in Spanish de Admirandis Hispamae,
which I send his Majesty herewith.
Between him and Puteanus there passeth ordinary correspondence
of letters, and the said Puteanus hath written unto him (whereof
1 The affairs of the Duke of Savoy seemed almost in a desperate condition
during the winter of 1616-17. In his audience of Dec. 7, 1616, a resolution of
the Senate was read to Wotton, strongly urging James I to assist the Duke, as
his condition was desperate, and there was no hope of peace. (Ven. Arch. Delib.
.. Dec 2 ; Esp. Prin., Dec. 7.) On Jan. 1 Wotton sent the report of a rumour
to the effect that the Pope was forming a league of Italian Princes for the
common defence ; such a sudden change in the Papal policy was, he said, hard
to believe, ' therefore we stand with elevated ears, hearkening what will become
of it.' (S. P. Ven.) l This is pretty boiling stuff,' he wrote on Jan. 1, ' wherein
I hope the Almighty hath some great intendment to teach this wise nation
a higher wisdom than they had before, to purge them of error, and to melt
them anew in the furnace of war.' (Ibid.) On Jan 26 he wrote that the Pope
had drawn back. In February the report was that Venice would make peace on
its own terms and abandon Savoy ; ' I am bound to believe,' Wotton added,
* that this grave and wise State (seldom varying from their own substantial
principles) will not make any scruples about the means of their quietness, if
y may be satisfied in the subject.' Trouble was therefore likely to arise
j "between Savoy and Venice, 'unless charity be grown as well a political as
gical virtue.' (Ibid., Feb. — , Feb. 10, 1617.) But at the end of Lent,
1 in this week when confessors are more busy than ambassadors.' Wotton was
summoned to the Colleyio to hear the it-port contradicted that Venice would
uuik. a separate peace. (Ibid., March 24 ; Esp. Prin., March 22.) In April,
i. a conference was agreed upon, and peace was finally concluded in
ieptember.
110 LETTERS OF WOTTON
.k«.
::
he is nothing dainty) that one was hurt in Lovan by being mistake
for him. Sure Puteanus did feign it to keep him from thence,
because two parasites cannot well live together. Howsoever, this
rascal, by aggravating his own fears, becomes of some value among
men of none, and gets dinners and suppers by it. He hath writte
to the Pope for a pension of 700 crowns, and that he may live i:
Rome securely ; whither I could wish him to return, for the ac-
complishing of that note in Tacitus long since of that place : quo
omnia (saith he) flagitiosa et pudenda confluunt.1
Of Mr. Henry Bartie's imprisonment by the Inquisition at Ancona
I have advertised before ; and am afraid he will perish in it. I am
warned from Rome to keep all my friends thence, for the Pope
is extremely nettled with the Archbishop of Spalatroe's defection,
of whom I must needs say somewhat for his Majesty's entertainment.
They know not how to blemish the matter seriously, and therefore
I think they study how to make it ridiculous. If my memory
do not fail me it is Quintilian's rule, Quod non potes refutare elude.2
To which purpose they have cast out a voice (spread farther than
a man would imagine) that the King intendeth to make him a Pope,
and to erect about him a College of Cardinals, with such other stuff
of this kind ; which by a habit of hearing little truth, they are
made apt to believe. And this is all that I can say to it.
284. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
»S'. P. Ven., holograph, extract. Lord Oxford and Henry Bertie.
From Venice, this 3d of February
(1617), st. n.
. . . My Lord of Oxford 3, having at Florence heard of the irnprisoi
ment of Mr. Henry Barte, his near kinsman, by the Inquisition at
Ancona, went the next day in post to Rome, after he had first
procured the Great Duke's palace there for his own security, and
letters of favour which were to follow him. Since which time
Mr. Barte was removed (perchance upon his intercession) to Rome.
I pray God it may be as profitable for his friend, and as safe for
himself, as it is nobly done. For my part, the best service that
1 Wotton is quoting the famous account in Tacitus of the spread of Christianity :
' Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non modo
per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique
atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque.' (Ann. xv. 44.)
2 Quint, vi. 4 ' Neque enim refutanda tantum, quae e contrario dicuntur, sed
contemnenda, elevanda, ridenda sunt.'
3 Henry de Vere, eighteenth Earl of Oxford (1593-1625). He was travelling
abroad, chiefly in Italy, from 1613 to 1618. He went to serve in the war in the
Low Countries, and died at the Hague in 1625. (D. X. B.)
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 111
I could do him was to do nothing. For though I could heartily \\ i-sh
him tree from those tyrants of consciences, yet I should in good
faith be much ashamed that I were able to help him. Now, having
never yet by any intelligence understood the particular cause of his
restraint, I will set down what I conjecture upon certain bare
circumstances. Mr. Porie ', secretary to the ambassador at Con-
stantinople, took pains to translate the King's book against the
Cardinal Peron,2 out of French into Italian, upon request of the
Venetian ambassador there, who had taken much pleasure at certain
passages thereof, which had been told him. About this time, when
the translation was finished, Mr. Barte was in the Levant, whence he
came over land with the Raguzean ambassador ; whereupon I am
fallen into a conceit that Mr. Porie did send the said book by him
in Italian, and that Mr. Barte's man (who was a papist) did bewray
it in Ancona. To this conjecture I am led by finding in all'
Mr. Porie's letters written hither about that time, a very eager desire
to know whether Mr. Barte were safely arrived in Venice ; which
yet perchance may have proceeded from his particular affection. If
my fancy should be true his case is the very same as Mr. Mole's, and
then I fear it will go hard with him.3
285. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Veu., extract. Reception of Count John Ernestus of Nassau ;
Dutch and English troops at Venice.
Venice, this 14th of April, 1617,
stil. n.
Right Honourable,
The Count John Ernestus of Nassaw4 arrived well here on
Saturday last, and Sir John Vere5, his Lieutenant-General, some two
1 John Tory 1570 V-1035), traveller, geographer, aiid letter-writer, who was in
Turkey from 1613 to 1616 as secretary to the English ambassador, Sir Paul Pindar.
2 Didaratiuii clu . . . Hoy Jacques . . . pour le droit des Eois et independance de lews
Couronnci, cotdre la harangue d' Villustrissime Cardinal du Perron, &c, Londres, 1615.
3 On Feb. 24 Wotton wrote, ' from Rome my Lord of Oxford is returned to
Florence, and riding post, took a fall on the way, which did much endanger his
Itg, whereof he is yet a little lame. His kinsman Mr. Henry Barte he could
not deliver, but hath left things in some good hope, having wrought some of the
English College to favour him, and so came away himself; for his own abode
there was both unfruitful and unsafe.' (S. P. Ven.)
* Count John Ernestus of Nassau (who had served under the Duke of Savoy
in 1615) came to Venice in April, 1617, in command of 3,000 Dutch troops to help
e in the Uscock war. He died in Sept. 1617. Wotton praised him
highly to the Doge, ' If I had to select a Prince of the house of Nassau, he is
1 should choose. I have had occasion to know him familiarly ; he is
brave, good, not rash like some, but prudent and discreet.' (Esp. Prin., Dec 7,
1616.)
4 Sir John Vere, natural son of Sir Horace Vere's elder brother, John Vere of
Kirby Hall. He was serjeant-major in Sir Horace Vere's regiment, and was
knighted in 1607. (Markham, The Fighting Veres, pp. 384, 422.) He came to
112 LETTERS OF WOTTON
days after him, and withal came news (as if they had fitted their
own steps to the wind) that seven of their ships were anchored at
the Cape of Istria. . . . How glad they are of him, they have beer
willing to bewray by his entertainment in their towns, where
I will set down a little taste from his own description, who told me
that at Brescia (and proportionably in the rest), besides infinii
coaches sent out to meet him, volleys of shot, drums beating anc
trumpets sounding, he was afterwards brought by the Rectors to hi*
lodging, through ten well-furnished chambers, and in every one of
them different music.
Here (being the seat of the State) his reception was more temperate,
as to a general of a brave house, but withal, as an entertained
personage.
286. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The Duke of Ossuna's fleet in the Adriatic.
The assassination of Concini ; Lord Oxford at Venice ; Henry Bertie.
(Venice, May 5, 1617, N.S.>
Right Honourable,
I have written before that the fleet of the Viceroy of Naples1
was entered this Gulf; that his ships were first seen under the
Island of Curzuolo, that afterwards two of them had some encounter
in the mouth of the harbour of Lesina, with a galcazza and thr<
Venice with Count John of Nassau in command of six hundred English troops
On Oct. 2 Wotton recommended Vere for promotion after the death of Coun
John. ' He is of the house of Vere, a near cousin of the Earl of Oxford ; an
when I name the house of Vere, 1 mean one of the most famous of families,
which has produced some of the most heroic spirits which have ever made thei:
worth known in the Christian world. He has been for twenty years a captain
and has fought in all the great battles. If this captain draws back from an
occasion of fighting, may I be hanged' (vorrei essere impiccaio). (Ibid.) Th
desired promotion was not, however, given to Vere.
A letter from Sir John Vere to Sir Dudley Carleton, dated Sept. 17, 1617
and written in a scrawling boyish hand, gives a little glimpse of the gallant but
ungrammatical soldier, and his view of affairs. ' The stat here labers harde for
a Peace, I hope they will goe better about that biesnes than Warres ; for
bergening (bargaining) they are harde nouf for any man. They do consume
a greatdell of money to lietell effect, and if it do continu they are lykly to have
a falle, and it is not ondeserved, for ther wicikedness is obomnable. I omble
crave your LPs pardon for my faults and for my ill writinge . . . Jho. Vere.'
(S. P. Ven.)
1 The Duke of Ossuna, Viceroy of Sicily, was appointed Viceroy of Naples,
where he arrived in July, 1616, and began preparing a fleet to threaten Venice.
Wotton first mentioned this fleet in a dispatch of Feb. 24, 1617 ; it was then
being prepared under the well-worn old pretext of an attack on the Turks,
' which yet it shall not be very absurd,' he wrote, ' for the nearer Christians to
suspect. And in those apprehensions this State is commonly not the dullest.'
During this trouble with Ossuna, Wotton, as usual, did all he could to urge on
the Venetians to hostile measures. 'They should not,1 he told the Colleyio, 'allow
people to say of the Venetian Senate what was formerly said of the Athenian,
that it was the most wise Senate in the world, but while the Athenians were
deliberating the Lacedaemonians were acting.' (Esp. Prin., Dec. 13, 1617.)
TO SIR RALPH WTNWOOD 113
ordinary galleys of this State ; since which time they have been
ranging and retiring, sometimes by the places belonging to the
Venetians, sometimes under the promontory of Sabioncello, which
the Raguzeans command. And we yet know not what will be the
issue, nor how we shall baptize this action ; the civilest sort call it
an ' intrusion ', the most part an * invasion \ If it prove ill, it must
be excused by the standard of the Duke of Ossuna ; if it prosper,
the King his master may chance lend it his name. Certain it
is that they be here most sensible of the affront, especially falling out
at this time of the year, when the Republic, by a long foolish
custom, is to marry the sea ; for it soundeth as if the Viceroy had
sent to forbid the banns. . . .
Now while we stand in expectation what the conference in Spain
will breed ; in much trouble at the daily increase in charges, in disdain
of this affront by sea, in shame of the little success of the Grisons
business, in dislike of the present, and in doubt of the future, we are
surprised with a courier from France, bringing hither in six days
advertisement of the death of the Marquis d'Ancre,1 killed by the
King's commandment; which hath extremely eased our hearts. For
upon it we make these consequences: France will be quiet; the Duke
of Savoy will want 2 no help from thence ; the Spaniards will be
mortified, or at least mollified ; the passage of the Grisons will be
open. Et quid non ? Of which things a few days are likely to give
some true judgement. . . . Here, besides the captains and
soldiers, are more gentlemen of our nation at the present than have
^ver been seen before in this place. The chief is my Lord of Oxford,8
1 Concini, the favourite of Marie de' Medici, killed by Luynes and Vitry, at
he command of the young King Louis XIII. ' His death,' Wotton wrote on
Tune 9, ' was universally liked, the form universally discommended, though by
i nation that doth wink at such kind of resolutions, even in private persons/
, S. P. Ven.)
2 ' Want,' i. e. lack.
8 On April 27 Wotton presented the Earl of Oxford to the Doge. ' 1 have no
•usiness to transact with your Serenity,' he said, * every other occasion to come
nd pay my respects is welcome. I have brought hither to the Palace a Lord
f high rank, one of the greatest noblemen of our country. He is the Earl of
>xfurd. the heir of his house, and he bears the title of Grand Chamberlain,
. liii-li for a long time has been hereditary in his family. In other ages his
ncestors have rendered great services, and to-day the general of the forces in
lie Low Countries is of the same family, as well as a colonel under Count Ernest
f Nassau. This Lord has spent some time at Florence, to learn the language,
nd practise equestrian exercises ; and now, in this time of noise, he has come
i till- city, wishing to visit the army, and also to take his sword in hand for
ice of your Excellencies. Your Serenity will oblige me, if he may be
llowed to enter and kiss your hands, and then may visit the beauties of Venice,
) see which, beyond their universal fame, which is an incentive to every one,
has an especial motive in the example of his father, who in former times
ime to Italy, and when he arrived in Venice, took no trouble to see the rest of
ie country, but stopped here, and even built himself a house.' (Esp. Prin.,
pril 27, 1617.)
114 LETTERS OF WOTTON
come newly from the Court of Tuscany ; a gentleman who hath
added much abroad both to his stature and judgement, and kept his
religion very sound, which, with his other civil abilities, make me
hope that he will prove a brave instrument for the honour and
service of his country. His kinsman, Mr. Barte, is at Rome, free
from the Inquisition, and hath scope to walk about, but is still
restrained from departure. In Padua is lately dead old Mr. Willugh-
bie1, an infectious Papist, of a still and dangerous temper, in that
place where our gentlemen make commonly some abode. He hath
left his movables to the seminaries at Rome, Rhems, and Doway,
his body to the Theatini, with one hundred of these lire for as many
masses to be sung for his soul. And is not this a conscionable
religion, where a man may go to heaven so cheaply ? With which
question I will end; committing your Honour to God's continual
love, and resting,
Your humble servant,
Henry Wotton.
Written the morning after the solemnity of the Ascension, 2 which
hath this year been celebrated here with a very poor show of gondolc,
by reason of a decree in Senate against the courtesans, that none of
them shall be rowed con due remi ; a decree made at the suit of all
the gentlewomen, who before were indistinguishable abroad from
those baggages.3
287. To the Lords op the Privy Council.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Duplicate in possession of Mrs. Alfred Morrison
Fonthill, privately printed in Collection of Autograph Letters, 4j
formed by Alfred Morrison, vol. vi, pp. 435-6. Wotton sends to Englai
Tommaso Cerronio, Praepositus of the Jesuit College at Milan.
From Venice, this 30th of May, 1617.
Style of the place.
I do address this dispatch to your Lordships for two respects ;
first, for the height and importance of the subject thereof, which
doth give it a more bold access unto your wisdoms, than it could
otherwise receive from any ability of the writer.
Next, for that in a business of such a nature, as neither greater
1 Richard Willoughby, who was Councillor and Elector for the English nation
at the University of Padua, 1592-3. (Andrich, p. 43.) He entertained Coryat
at Padua in 1608. {Crudities, p. 156.)
2 May 4, 1617, N.S.
3 In another dispatch of this date Wotton explains that the courtesan^
refused to attend this solemnity (the marriage of the Doge to the sea) ir
gondolas rowed with one oar. 'So proud are those baggages,' he adds.
TO THE LORDS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL 115
nor stranger (all considered) hath ever befallen any public minister.
It shall be an ease, and, as I may term it, a quicta est, unto my own
conscience, to give up an accompt of my proceedings into the
trustiest hands, even before the event can appear unto his
Majesty.
Your Lordships may therefore be pleased to understand that, by
the means of the Caponi, a principal Florentine family trading in
this bourse, I received the first letter of the three from Milan (whereof
I now send the very originals, with their several endorsements),
fourteen days after the date thereof, importing, as your Lordships
see, no less in the very front, than the certain death of the King
and subversion of the whole State ; and requiring from me some
gentleman of trust and secrecy, with competent provision, to conduct
the discoverer (under the name of Stanislaus, a Polonian knight1)
unto his Majesty; which said knight was, by his own direction, to be
found with the Pater Pracpositus Sancti Fidelis Iesuitarum at Milan ;
apud quern hospitor (saith he); which I repeat the more curiously,
being indeed the most staggering circumstance of the whole letter.
For though that society be the very true shop where such practices
are forged, and consequently the ablest to open their proper wares,
yet they are commonly sure enough of their own guests and disciples.
But finding it unfit for me in such a case to dispute umbrages with
myself, I dispatched thither by post my secretary, Richard Seamer 2
(being little known out of Venice), with the first of my three letters,
whose copies are adjoined ; providing him both of present moneys,
and of credit for one hundred pounds in Milan or Basil, and as much
in Antwerp or more, if he should need ; and I added to attend him
a German courier, of language and experience in the ways; the
rather that by his company my secretary might somewhat shadow 5
his own nation.
My said secretary, repairing to the assigned place, finds the
Polonian knight converted into the Pater Praepositns himself of
St. Fidelis there ; who had couched the foresaid letter, and did now
assume the whole business; showing my secretary, for his better
-uranee, the seal which he had set upon the said letter, which was
nothing but a bare circle and a centre, without any arms or other
figure. What passed between them at two or three meetings (which
was little other than dilatory discourse), my said secretary will relate
1 On April 17, 1617, Isaac Bargrave wrote to the Earl of Suffolk that Wotton
had received 'a grave serious letter' from one Stanislaus, a Polish knight,
ui \in- information about a plot of immanent danger to the King's life, and
threatening the ruin of the whole land. {Hist. MSS. Com., Montague House MS.,
p. 198.)
- Richard Seymer, see Appendix III. 3 ' Shadow,' i. e. conceal.
I 2
116 LETTERS OF WOTTON
out of his own memorials, when he shall arrive with your Lordships.
Always upon the transformation of the person, and because there
was time enough interjected, he did resolve (though with cold
opinion of the matter) to return thence in post to me for new counsel ;
as having no instruction to treat with a Jesuit, and less with one of
their principals, but only with a Polonian knight. He brought with
him, from this man (if such sportful notes may be imported into so
weighty matter), the measure of his body for a suit of apparel, which
he ordered to be made in Milan, after the French fashion, prescribing
some light stuff di colore fratesco. I cannot deny unto your Lord-
ships but that, after conference with my secretary, I was much
distracted at the dismasking of the person; whereupon I immediately
sent to a close and confident correspondent, which I have in Rome,
to inform me speedily (for thence it was to be fetched) of the name,
of the quality, and of the merits and humours of the foresaid Pater
Praepositus ; intending in the meanwhile to sound by writing what
farther life or truth there might be in the business.
While I stood in this suspension, I was prevented by the second
letter from Milan, sent by an express messenger (a Polonian youth
who had order, so pressingly did he proceed, to take a note from me
of the receipt. Hereupon I resolved to write my second letter
(endorsed 'the second to Milan');1 which, both for expedition and
congruity, I sent likewise by another express courier, and not by
the former which I had employed with my secretary, because
I would not deal by known faces. This courier had a sudden
re-dispatch, and brought me back a few resolute words (as they
stand in appearance), endorsed among my papers ' the third from
Milan '. Now, my most honoured Lords, the very day before the
last courier's return, I received likewise an answer from my friend
at Rome, to the purpose before-mentioned, which in truth did bring
me some amazement. I will, therefore, word by word, translate his
intelligence out of the Italian.
' The Superior of the Jesuits of the St. Fidele at Milan is not
called a rector, but a Praepositus; for they call rectors such as ar<
superiors of their seminaries and houses of probation or novitiates
but those who govern their houses of profession (as that is o
St. Fidele) are called Praepositi ; whereof there are not commonly
above one or two, at the most, in a province. The said Praepositus
at Milan is by name called il Padre Tomaso Cerronio, by birth
a Milanois; a man of good literature, having heretofore professed
1 The letters of the Jesuit Father, and copies of Wotton's answers, are now in
the Kecord Office. (S. P. Ven., vol. xxii.) They are all in Latin, and Wotton's
are signed ' Ottavius Baldus '.
>1
:
TO THE LORDS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL 117
philosophy in Milan.1 About a year since he was here at Rome, in
the Roman College confessor of the students, which charge is not
given but to persons of the best accompt; and in time past the
Cardinal Bellarmino had the same place. He was afterwards sent
rector to Genoa, and thence removed to St. Fidele in Milan.' This
was my friend's information from Rome ; and I must say again
I was much confounded with comparing his merits and the charges
he hath borne, and doth bear, with the present employment and use
of his person, which he offereth so voluntarily, being a great leap
from a confessor to a discoverer; wherein yet the very same con-
sideration, which doth make it most improbable (namely, the person's
quality), did withal bind me most to believe it. Such a riddling
business it is; for though I am far (I thank God) from flattering
myself in the estimation of my own judgement, yet why should he
rate my simplicity so low (being unknown to him) as to think
I would believe a man of his robe and place, unless he knew his own
meaning to deserve it ? And on the other side, what pleasure could
he take in playing with so high matters ? And what glory or benefit
can he build on my deception? For to make me spend a few
miserable crowns in such a case, or to disquiet a post or two, were,
I must profess unto your Lordships, in my opinion a very lean and
barren piece of malice.
These things considered, and withal, that it is the part of no
vassal (as I am) in any case that may concern the dear life of his
sovereign, and the safety of his country, to provide for the reputation
of his own belief, I have, according to the foresaid third letter
from Milan, sent my forenamed secretary to be at Basil within the
assigned day — namely, the last of this month — with due provision
and instruction to conduct the said person, if he shall appear, down
the Rhine, and to let him order his own ways, if he shall suggest in
his discourse and fashion no notable occasion of distrust ; otherwise
to carry him, either ignorantly — being unskilful, as I suppose, of the
way- or at the worst forcibly to the Palatine Court, thence to be
conveyed to his Majesty by the power and direction of that Prince
(whom I shall in the meantime prepare with some general notice
thereof), which was Baldwyn's 2 case. Now, because it might well fall
1 In the Fonthill duplicate is added here, 'To my secretary he denied his
right name, and said he would be called on the way Barnabino.' Isaac Wake
describes him as 'Tomaso Cerronio, by birth a Genovese ; a man of active spirit,
and esteemed in these parts to have very singular intellectual parts, and very
pernicious moral.' (S. 1'. Savoy, Turin, Nov. 7, 1G17.)
2 Win. Baldwin (1563-1632), a Jesuit ; he was ^accused of being accessary
to the Gunpowder Plot, but being out of England, James I was for some time
unable to capture him. Finally he was caught near the territory of the Elector
Palatine, by the orders of that Prince, and sent to England, guarded by twelve
118 LETTERS OF WOTTON
out that my said secretary should need some help on the way, I have
adjoined unto him Mr. Arthur Terringham1 in the present employ-
ment, who was otherwise within a while returning homewards ;
a sworn servant to his Majesty, and a gentleman of known discretion
unto your Lordships. They have instructions (the business pro-
ceeding) to acquaint your Lordships with their observations on the
way, and to bring the person unto you at their arrival ; for, though
the party be likely to speak only in his Majesty's ear, yet peradventure
your Lordships may, upon the general notice of some machination
against the King and the land, conceive some things fit to be
provisionally done before it can come to his royal knowledge.
This is the accompt from step to step of the present business,
which I beseech your Lordships to represent unto his Majesty as it
shall seem best unto your wisdoms.
I will end likewise by humbly beseeching your Lordships not to
value me by my services, but by my prayers for the common, and
your particular, prosperities.
Your good Lordships, in all humble
devotion and service,
Henry Wotton.2
288. To
Reliquiae, 1st ed., p. 436, 3rd ed., p. 345. Unsigned, without date or address ;
sent to one of the Privy Council with the above dispatch about Cerronio.
Wotton sends his correspondent some products of Venice.
(Venice, May 30, 1617.)
Eight Honourable,
Master Nicholas Pey (through whose hands all my businesses
did pass, both in my former employments here, and now) hatl
betrayed your Honour unto me in some things that you would
desire out of this country, which if he had not done he had betrayed
me. For I have long wished nothing more than some occasion to
serve you ; and though this be a kind of intrusion, to insert myself
in this manner into your desires, yet I hope it will please you to
soldiers, and bound with a chain 'twice as long as would have been required to
secure an African lion'. Nothing was proved against him, but he was kept in
the Tower till 1618, when he was released at the intercession of Gondomar.
(D. N. B.)
1 Arthur Terringham, see Appendix III.
2 The above dispatch, sent not as usual to the Secretary of State, or the King,
but to the whole Council, caused great wonder in England. 'The world is
much confused,' Sir Dudley Carleton wrote to Chamberlain from the Hague on
July 17, ' in conjecture at Fabritio's late dispatches, which strangers write
hither out of his letters to his friends, are matters of the greatest moment that
ever legatus peregre missus, &c, sent to his Prince.' (C. A T. Jas. I, ii, p. 15, see also
p. 22.) Albertus Morton, hearing of the affair from Wotton, hurried to Scotland
from Heidelberg to see the King about it. (Ibid., p. 14.)
TO 119
excuse it, because I do it not only with willingness, but in truth with
pleasure : for it falleth out that I have a little skill, or at least an
interest of affection in the things that you wish from hence, and
therefore even mine own nature doth lead me to serve you, besides
my duty. I have begun with a very poor present of strings for
your music, whereof I will provide hereafter better store, and, if it
be possible, of better quality. By the first ship your Honour shall
receive some lutes of Sconvelt and Mango,1 and withal a chest of
glasses of mine own choosing at Murano, wherein I do somewhat
pretend, and those artificers are well acquainted with me. Thus
much in private ; for the public I have made by this bearer 2
a dispatch unto the whole body of his Majesty's most honourable
Council, wherein your worthy person is comprehended; and there-
fore I hope that writing twice to your Honour now at once, it may
serve (by your favour) for some redemption of my former silence.
The subject of my dispatch is as high as ever befell any foreign
minister, wherein, though mine own conscience (I thank God) doth
set me at rest, yet I shall be glad of your honourable approbation if
it will please you to afford it me ; and so I humbly commit your
Honour to God's blessed love, remaining,
At your commandments.
289. To Sib Ralph Winwood.
K P. Ven., dictated, extract. No date ; written after Wotton's audience of
June 10, 1617. The Earl of Oxford wishes to raise troops for the
Venetian service.
(Venice, June, 1617.)
. . . My Lord of Oxford intend eth to employ the intercession of
his friends at home, that he may have leave to contract with them
here, and to transport unto them some voluntary troops,3 wherein
(as I conceive it), the King shall but leave his subjects in their
natural liberty, and yet much oblige this State unto him, without
any charge of his own, or so much as any direct engagement of
himself in the cause. My Lord himself is grown a goodly gentle-
man, of great ability for his years, both of body and judgement,
1 Mango, an Indian tree (Fennell).
- The bearer was Daniel de Montafilan, of French birth, but educated in
England. (Wotton to Winwood, May 30, 1617, S. P. Ven.)
3 The Earl of Oxford planned with Sir Edward Herbert (Lord Herbert of
Cherbury) to raise two regiments in England for the Venetian service. {Lord
Herbert, p. 183.) But Herbert was sent ambassador to Paris, and Lord Oxford's
offers were not accepted. On July 5th Chamberlain wrote to Carleton, ' the
Earl of Oxford hath written from Venice for leave to raise men here for that
State. How he shall speed I know not yet ; but no doubt the Lord Dingwall
will cross it all he can with the King, for the discontent he took in that
business.' (C. & T. Jas. 1, ii, p. 17.)
120 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and hath already taken a way to make both his affection and his
resolution well known to them here, by going in a very noble
manner, both himself and his followers, to the siege of Gradisca,
as the public voice leadeth him. And of this I shall need to say
no more, because he proposeth to write himself unto your Honour,
upon whose friendship he maketh much foundation, as he telleth
me. And in truth, Sir, you run everywhere at the rate of a goo<
friend.
290. To Sir Ralph Winwood.
S. P. Ven.f dictated, extract. The journey of the Praepositus, and Wotton's
speculations about him. The dangerous situation of Venice.
Dated the 14th of July, 1617, stil. n.
Right Honourable,
Upon the knowledge that I have received (though somewhat
slowly) from Basile and Heidelberg, of the party's passage toward
England in their company whom I appointed to conduct him, I am
diversely distracted in mine own conceit touching the event. Some-
times I am ready to think that, upon the discovery of I know not
what foreign or inward practice, he will build a suit for the freedom
of religion. Sometimes I conceive that he may have a secret
purpose, and perhaps commission, to try if he can revoke the Arch
bishop of Spalato (whose desertion the Jesuits take much to the
heart) ; for the working whereof, if that were his scope, it were
necessary by some device to procure first his own security — an
what more plausible than matter of discovery ? Another whil
I am, methinks, in all reason bound to imagine, that either some
notable discontentment (of which there is no apparent cause in his
fortune, being come to a great degree in his own ways) or some
inward feeling of the Truth, hath carried him out of this country
of which he seemeth to have given me some light in his last from
Milan, the day before his departure, whereof I sent the original by
the ordinary post unto the Lords, as I have done the rest by a specia
messenger, doubting of your being in London. And yet this las
conceit is crossed by a letter from my secretary, who informeth me
from Heidelberg that he did stiffly persevere in his own religion
unless perhaps he would not open himself to them till the end of his
journey. These things I must leave to his Majesty's wisdom, to
whose presence he tendeth, and is not likely till then to show the
bottom. For though his natural judgement be (as I hear) not very
deep, yet perhaps his own counsels may be low enough in him. For
myself, and those that I have employed, I hope, by your favourable
f
TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD 121
presenting of my zeal and their pains, we shall merit his Majesty's
approbation.
Now, touching the present affairs of these parts, the more I con-
sider them, the more in truth I wonder to see this sober country
grown at least wild, if not mad, with passion, and a Republic, that
both by their form of government, by the lasciviousness of their
youth, by the wariness of their aged men, by their long custom
of ease, and distaste of arms, and consequently by their ignorance in
the management thereof,1 lastly by the impossibility, or at least great
difficulty, of receiving help (the avenues being stopped) should, I say,
by all these reasons abhor war, is notwithstanding I know not how
engaged, by all appearance, in an endless quarrel or shameful con-
clusion. Wherein if the merit of the cause (being against a nest of
thieves) do not procure them help from heaven beyond the discourse
of man, I know not what will become of them.2
291. To Sir Thomas Lake.
Eton MS., holograph. The first of sixty-five dispatches and letters of
Sir Henry Wotton's, written in the years 1617-20, and preserved at
Eton College, with a number of other documents concerning Wotton's
negotiations during these years. In 1850 all these letters and docu-
ments were printed by the Roxburghe Club. In this letter Wotton
begins his official correspondence with the new secretary, Sir Thomas
Lake.
Venice, this fa of August, 1617.
Right Honourable,
The enclosed is the answer unto his Majesty's letter of the 4th
of July from Falkeland.
1 * I have noted by long observation,' Wotton wrote on Dec. 27, 1610, ' that
no prince in the world can proceed with more caution than this State in the
management of the public issues, but I have noted withal that no prince of the
world is more deceived.' (S. P. Ven.)
2 "Wotton took a gloomy view at this time of the state of affairs in Italy. The
Efocock war was not ended ; the Duke of Ossuna kept threatening Venice with
his fleet ; the treasures of the Republic were becoming exhausted, and in Savoy
tin- uege <>f Vercelli would soon end in the surrender of that fortress; the
Ifonch and the Orisons were bribed by Spain not to help Savoy, and finally
there was the danger that Savoy would come to terms with Spain and abandon
Venice. Vercelli fell on July 26, but the Duke of Savoy did not desert Venice,
and as Philip III, or rather his favourite Lerma, was extremely anxious for
peace, negotiations were begun, which resulted in the treaty of Madrid
(Sept. 26, 1617), by which the Savoy and Uscock wars were practically ended on
terms favourable to Savoy and Venice, although the actual terms of peace
between the Republic and the Archduke Ferdinand were not settled until
lary, 1618.
3 On Jan. 3, 1(510, Sir Thomas Lake, a confidant of the Howards, and a
pensioner of Spain, was appointed secretary to balance Winwood, who was
a bitter enemy of Spain. (Gardiner, ii, p. 369.) For Lake's attempt to discredit
Wotton with the Venetians, see ante, i, p. 158. Lake was soon involved in the
fall of the Howards, and in the disgrace of his daughter, Lady Roos, and in
122 LETTERS OF WOTTON
How much I think myself obliged unto you for those friendly
lines, which your own pen did bestow upon me from so remote
a place, I cannot show with serving you, and therefore I will show
it hereafter with troubling you.
You have torn off the mask of silence from my face, and given
my papers a confident access unto you. And the next week I wil]
begin. This is only to render you most humble thanks for your said
letter, and to pass the enclosed l unto his Majesty through your favour-
able hand ; wherein is as much as I can discourse of the presenl
time ; and so, Sir, committing you to God's blessed love, I rest,
Your Honour's to be commanded,
Henry Wotton.
292. To James I.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The Jesuit Praepositus.
From Venice, this 8th of September, 1617.
Style of the place.
. . . Your Majesty hath now with you not only a Jesuit, but
a Preposito,2 of a professed College of Jesuits in* one of the most
Feb. 1619, he was forced to resign his secretaryship. In October of this year
Win wood died. ' I have lost a friend,' Wotton wrote to Lake, ' whereof a single
loss is much unto me, that have but few.' (S. P. Ven., Dec. fV) For three
months the seals remained in Buckingham's hands, and James tried to act as
his own secretary, making over the foreign correspondence to Lake. Bui
James and Buckingham soon got tired of this, and on Jan. 8, 1618, Sir Roberl
Naunton was appointed secretary. (Gardiner, iii, p. 101.) There was some talk,
however, after Winwood's death, of Wotton being appointed his successor
(C. & T. Jas. I, ii, p. 45.) Sir Thomas Wentworth (Strafford) wrote to Wotton
on Nov. 8 thanking him for some books Wotton had sent him, and expressing
his hopes that Wotton, 'whose deserts are by all men best approved,' might be
recalled to succeed Winwood. {Strafford Pp., i, p. 8.)
1 A long dispatch to the King, describing Wotton's audience of Aiig. 5. The
Venetians before this had asked James I to make an open declaration in their
favour against Spain, which he naturally refused to do, as the Venetians them-
selves were not formally at war with that power. Wotton, however, was
instructed to declare again the friendship of the English King for the Republic,
and to say that James had ordered his ambassador in Spain to remonstrate with
Philip III for his conduct towards Savoy and Venice, and to exhort him to
peace. The Doge in reply begged the ambassador to give James, ' their high
and constant friend and patron, giustissime, realissime et abundantissime gruzie.
And if, Wotton adds, ' there had been more superlatives in the language, your
Majesty had surely had them all.' In this audience Wotton was informed of
the peace negotiations, and the determination of the Venetians not to abandoi
Savoy. (Rox. Club, pp. 2-6, Esp. Prin., Aug. 5, 1617.)
2 The Praepositus was successfully conducted to England by Richard Seymer
and Arthur Terringham ; but when he arrived there the King was in Scotland,
and he at first refused to reveal his secret to any one else. On July 16 Winwood
wrote to Wotton that he was living at Lambeth, engaged in studying Calvin's
Institution. On Aug. 14 he wrote, ' I know not well what to say of that
Italian gentleman who accompanied your secretary Mr. Seymer into England.
He beginneth to lose all patience, having so long attended here, notwith-
standing that he is honourably treated, and entertained with all kindness and
courtesy.' He was then sent to Cambridge, and then to Oxford, to pass the
time, while Arthur Terringham rode to Scotland to consult the King about him.
ur
TO JAMES I 123
famous cities of Europe, conveyed into your kingdom by my
direction, who am otherwise no ordinary transporter of such kind
of merchandise. I wish the fruit may be as great as the noise, and
that being the weakest myself of your creatures, I may by this and
other endeavours be worthy, if not of your Majesty's grace, yet at
least of some part of the Pope's displeasure. In the meanwhile,
whatsoever the event shall be, and what interpretation soever shall
follow it, I am always sure of this comfort, that those who shall
condemn my judgement will absolve my conscience. And so with
my continual prayers committing your dear and sacred person to
God's high preserving hand, I ever rest,
Your Majesty's most faithful and
long devoted servant,
Henry Wotton.
293. To Sir Dudley Carleton.1
S. P. Veit., holograph, postscript. Relationship between
Wotton and Carleton.
From Venice, this 29th of September, 1617.
My Lord,
I cannot omit a private thing that is now under my pen,
fallen into my memory. I have been told by good searchers of
lie was at last induced to write what he had to say in a letter to Buckingham,
but it turned out to be so ' senseless and sleeveless a tale ' that all were
astonished at a man of his learning travelling so far to tell it. He was found to
be a man of by no means a respectable life, and the English authorities, who
regarded him more as a fool than as a wilful deceiver, were glad to get rid
of him by giving him £100 and sending him out of the country. (Winwood to
Wotton, S. P. Ven., July 16, Aug. 14, Sept. 19.) Winwood commended Wotton's
action, and praised his zeal ; such affairs were not to be judged by their results,
and any one would have been deceived by a man of such importance and
position. (Sept. 19.) To this Wotton replied, ' I am singularly comforted by
your assurance that his Majesty doth graciously conceive of my poor endeavours,
whereof now the greatest fruit is this, that we know what kind of men are the
presidents over those societies.' (Oct. 26.) Chamberlain and Carleton naturally
took a more hostile view of the affair. On Aug. 9 Chamberlain wrote to Carleton
that Winwood had told him he did not believe there was any information
of importance to be got from Cerronio. ' So that I doubt,' he adds, ' this legatus
poegre missus will make good his mentiendi causa.' On Oct. 11 he wrote that
the tales Cerronio told were not 'worth the whistling, being certain strange
chimeras and far-fetched imaginations of plots and dangers not worth the
knowing, much less the relating. Whereupon it was thought good to dispatch
him away, the rather for that he grew scandalously debauched. . . . And here
is the end of that play, to tbe small honour of the author '. (C. &. T. Jas. I, ii,
pp. 27, 37, 38.) At his leaving England Cerronio's £100 in gold were taken from
him (under the law forbidding the export of gold), and the authorities did
not know where to send it to him. {Ibid., p. 38.) On Oct. 28, 1617, Seymer
Vms paid £275 for the expense of bringing him to England. (Issues Ex., p. 208.)
Cerronio evidently returned to Italy, for on March 15, 1619. Wotton wrote from
Venice, ' Of Corronio I have heard nothing since his transitory visitation of me
heir ; but I conjecture him to be either retired, or confined into Polonia, about
Which I will better inform myself.' (Rox, Club, p. 111.)
1 On Oct. 12 (before receiving this letter) Carleton wrote to Chamberlain.
124 LETTERS OF WOTTON
pedigrees that your Lordship and I are very near kinsmen by the
Gaynsfords.1 Though the title of friend be the highest that even
our Saviour did ever give, yet let me not lose this other hold of you.
Therefore I pray your Lordship to give me some little instruction
of your interest in the foresaid name, and in the meanwhile t(
remember my humble service to your honoured Lady.
294. To Sir Thomas Lake.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 9. Postscript to dispatch of
this date. Italian converts ; Scioppius.
Venice, this 10th of November, 1617.
Style of the place.
It may please you, Sir, to acquaint his Majesty that I have
been here very closely dealt withal in the behalf of an Italian
bishop, and of another person of great learning (as yet both
unnominated), who as they say, di puro zelo and di certa scienza,
are resolved to leave this Church, and would retire into his Majesty's
protection. I will add to this for entertainment that my friend
Schioppius2 (guarded always with a brace of bravi) hath lately, as
I hear, written and intendeth to print at Eome a Centuria Censurarum,
but about what subject I yet know not.
295. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven.y holograph, extract. Rumour of James Fs leniency to Catholics.
Nov. if <1617).
. . . Sir John Vere is gone to take his leave at the camp. M;
Lord of Oxford (is) in a little course of physic at Padova, against
kind of vertiginousness that doth at some times assail him, and S(
hath done for long time, but the fits are slight.
I will end with telling your Lordship that all the Gazeltanti here
of this week have, in their idle leaves, scattered a report that the
King hath lately much enlarged the liberties of the Papists in
England, with I know not what hope of farther grants unto them.
Whereupon I did privately (because the matter is tender) confer
' Fabritio's correspondence and mine is at present at a stand, for he puts me
still in expectation of his next, and, in answer, I have referred him to my last ;
which I mean shall be my last to him, without greater occasion be offered.'
(C. & T. Jas. I, ii, p. 39.)
1 Sir Henry Wotton's maternal grandmother, Catherine Finch, was the
daughter of Sir John Gainsford. Her brother, Erasmus Gainsford, married
Jane Carleton, Sir Dudley Carleton's aunt. (Surrey Arch. Collections, iii, p. 60.)
2 On Aug. 25 Wotton wrote that Scioppius had recently gone to Rome from
Milan. ' We shall shortly hear,' he adds, ' somewhat more of his venerable
person.' (S. P. Ven.)
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 125
with two of them from what ground they had it. They both agree
that it is come in letters from Flanders, and written hither gagliar*
wamente. 1 have not yet had time to trace the originals, but in
the meantime I mark by it with how many arts the King is
besieged. Sometimes they preach against his persecutions, some-
times they vaunt of his lenities ; being enough to put me in mind
of th.it which I have read in a Schoolman that Diabolus solus suadet
foniraria.
296. To Sir Thomas Lakk.
>'. /'. \'< n., dictated, extract. No date, endorsed '1 Jan., 1617' (i. e. 1618).
A fire in Wotton's house ; Mole in the Inquisition.
(Venice, Jan. 1, 1618.)
Right Honourable.
I have expressly dispatched this young gentleman for some
causes that I shall set down, when I have first acquainted his Majesty
with an unhappy accident fallen here upon my habitation by mis-
chance of fire ; which being kindled first (we know not how) in
a ground room under my kitchen (where certain boards and other old
dry materials were locked up by the landlord) and increasing while
we were all asleep, took such fury before we could get fit things or
help to quench it, that it hath consumed all the roofs and whole
timber works in the best part of my house ; the neighbours and such
assistance as came (though late) to help us, more labouring on each
side to keep the fire from ranging farther, than to save any part of
that which was actually in peril. In the course of which unfortunate
story, nothing befell us of more confusion than this, that the key of
the street door below, having been left upon a table in the kitchen
next his own chamber that made my provisions (who commonly went
first abroad) was swallowed in the flames, which rising with very
violent eruption from the close room before named, took first hold of
the kitchen rafters ; by which mishap we could neither get out our
selves to the channel, nor let in others, till by main force we had
broken the bars of the gate. Whereupon some that saw not our per-
plexity, have formed a malicious voice that we would not open the
door in time, for fear our stuff should be stolen ; whereas in truth
the missing of the key did put the whole in hazard, while we were
forced to neglect the fire and set all our hands to the gate. The
particular circumstances I leave to the relation of this bearer.1
1 In his audience of Feb. 10 Wotton related to the Doge the story of this fire.
• I have, however,' he concluded, ' this consolation in my loss, that it all
happened by no fault of my own, and that the harm was not contagious, as
it did not reach to the neighbouring houses, nor further than to three rooms
126 LETTERS OF WOTTON
The loss which I have sustained myself falls heavy upon so poor
a man, but it is eased with this comfort, that I serve a gracious and
compassionate master. As for the rest, in this and all other accidents,
His supreme will be done, whom earth, and air, and seas, and flames
must obey ; of whose indulgent mercy we want no arguments, even
in the midst of this mishap, as that it fell not out in the depths of
the night, which had been with more horror, but some hour before
morning ; likewise that there was no breath of wind to diffuse it, and
lastly that no hurt hath befallen any man's person, save to a boy, that
had only his head broken with a piece of the ruins.
Now, Sir, lest his Majesty should think me wholly distracted by
mine own damages from all other duty, I will pass through your
hands to his pious consideration two motions worthy of your own
charitable remembrance. The one about a place of sepulture ' here,
the other touching a gentleman who hath been long nothing else but
a living sepulture himself: I mean poor Mr. Mole. . . .
Touching Mr. Mole, I protest before God, that it wounds my heart to
think of him. The poor gentleman hath lain long in the dungeon of the
Eoman Inquisitors. He hath constantly maintained his faith against
all kind of trials by argument, by promises, by threatenings. He hath
(as I am particularly informed) often desired public death, and they
have hitherto denied him the glory of it ; having set their last hope
upon a certain French abbot, whom they hold to have a great powei
of conversion. I take it that Baldwyn the Jesuit2 is yet in the Towei
and I remember I heard his Majesty once let fall out of his royal an<
Christian heart, that he would be content to deliver him for Mr. Mol<
in compassion of his miseries, though the cases be very unequ;
This was long since, when Zuniga 3 the Spanish ambassador did
some priests.
Now, if Baldwyn be living, and that it shall please the King to let
me work upon that exchange, I will hope to handle it so by oblique
in my own house. And then Christian philosophy teaches us that all the four
elements are governed by the will of heaven, and therefore we must acquiesce
in its decrees.' (Esp. Prin., Feb. 10, 1618.)
1 Wotton wrote that he thought the time had now come when the Venetians
should be asked to give the English Protestants a burial place of their own,
with the right of Protestant burial — a privilege they had granted even to the
Jews. Formerly, when Protestantism was new and strange to the Venetians,
this request would have excited alarm, but they were more familiar with it
now ; and just at the present there were a great many Englishmen in Venice,
drawn thither by the war, ' for whom, being Christian and mortal creatures,'
it was right that some place should be given them in which they could be
buried.
■ Baldwin, ante, ii, p. 117.
3£Pedro de Zuiiiga^was resident Spanish ambassador in England after the
accession of James I. ' In July, 1612, he came to England on a special embassy
to propose a marriage between Philip III and the Princess Elizabeth.
{Gardiner, ii, p. 151.)
TO SIR THOMAS LAKE 127
■leans, without appearing therein myself, that <li<> J»-siiils themselves
shall be made the suitors unto the Pope for it, which is the only
Imaginable way to do this pious deed cum decorc publico. If Baldwyn
be not living, there may be some other exchange of priests made, as
valuable by the number, though not in the quality. For the form
of doing it I conceive small difficulty, because the one may be con-
sign- •(! to some ambassador in London, and the other in Rome,
which, though I have often taken into my thoughts, yet did it never
nppoar so seasonable as now, my Lord Rosse l (who was the occasion
of his first captivity) being settled there ; to whom by a third person
(whom I will prepare) the business may be presented as his glory,
and by him to the Jesuits as their benefit. Neither do I see in truth
what better use may be now made of him ; and so I leave it to his
Majesty's most indubitable goodness.
297. To Sir Thomas Lake.
8. P. Vt>n., holograph, extract. The stoiy of Leonardo Mocenigo.
Venice, this 2nd of February, 1617(8).
Style of the place.
Right Honourable,
I shall herein represent unto his Majesty an image of this
Government in a strange example which this week hath produced,
wherein we have seen a gentleman of singular merit and integrity,
absolutely ruined by the greatest honour which his country, under
the princedom, could lay upon him.
This man is by name Leonardo Mocenigo,2 whom in my dispatch
by John Georges 3 1 called (as I might well do) the Cato of this State ;
of age above threescore years, in dignity already one of the Pro-
curatori di St. Marco, which is the seminary of their dukes. Other-
wise of small means, because that was never his study. Standing
thus, he was chosen against his own desire Capitano Generate del
Mare, which, as I have formerly written, is a kind of dictatorship in
that element, never given but in very urgent times, and to per-
sonages of eminent trust, who commonly afterwards prove dukes ;
as the present 4 did, that bare the same charge in the time of the
1 Lord Roos (ante, i, p. 429). In 1616 he was sent on a special embassy to
Spain, and on his return in 1617 he quarrelled with his wife (Sir Thomas Lake's
daughter), and being finally driven to desperation, he fled to Rome and declared
himself a convert. He died shortly afterwards at Naples, and it was rumoured
that he had been poisoned. (Gardiner, iii, pp. 190, 192.)
8 Author of ' Philosophicus Peripateticus, a Leonardo Mocenico patritio Veneto
publicae discussioni propositus, Romae 1615*. (Cigngna. iv, p. 502.)
3 John Georges, see Appendix III.
4 Giovanni Bembo, who died on March 16, 1618.
128 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Pope's Interdict. Notwithstanding which reputation at the present,
and hope in the future, he made as much suit to he rid of it as others
would have done to have it, and three several days (as the custom is)
did propound his excuses ; which having not been accepted, he took
this resolution, rather to undergo the public censure and penalty of
the law, than to assume this charge. Whereupon he hath been first
amerced one thousand crowns, secondly, excluded for the term of two
years from all secret councils, thirdly, banished for the same time from
any residence save only dipassaggio within the compass of theQuarnero,
which is on the farther side of Istria, and the river of Menzo, towards
the confines of Lombardy ; and lastly, having petitioned that by way
of grace his relegation might be converted into the territory of Padova,
where his brother hath a villa, wherein he might entertain himself,
that also hath been denied him ; nothing remaining for him to walk
in, but the cheerful garden of his own conscience.
The outward reason that he alleged to free himself from the foresaid
charge was that his constitution did not comport with the sea ; but the
inward motive of his refusal by narrow searchers is found to be this, that
having while he was Inquisitor of State (which is here a terrible office
proceeding by secret process) offended divers with his conscientious
carriage, and in particular one of the Badovari ! (who was sometime
ambassador in France, now by his means in banishment) and one of
the Calbi (who died in imprisonment), and knowing these irrecon-
cilable families, with all their alliances (which spread far in this body)
to watch continually over him, and to have contributed their balls
even to the dignifying of him with this slippery employment, he
thought it impossible in so jealous a time as the present,2 and upoi
so unstable an element as the sea, especially with his own inexperience
in that service, so to carry himself, but that his enemies at hom<
would not find some way to cut his throat. This is the story, an<
these were the inducements of this poor gentleman's case, whicl
I cannot but much bewail for two respects. First, because he was
a great instrument in the time of the variance with Rome to maintain
the public cause, and to banish the Jesuits, who will now triumph
at his disgrace. Secondly, because I foresee, or at least, I much fear
by the working of the present humours, that this State will more and
1 Angelo Badoer was the Venetian ambassador in France in 1603.
2 The fleet of the Duke of Ossuna was still cruising about in the Adriatic
Gulf, and although peace had been agreed upon by the treaty of Madrid, the
Spaniards showed great reluctance in carrying out the terms of the treaty.
On Jan. 3 Wotton wrote that it was reported that the negotiations which were
being carried on for this purpose had been broken off, and that a renewal of war
was likely to ensue. l If upon it,' he added (referring to the fire in his house),
' shall ensue an eruption of flames while Italy was in a kind of slumber, it will
hold some resemblance with mine own case, and I shall be a poor model of the
public evils.' (S. P. Ven.)
TO SIR THOMAS LAKE 129
[bore tall buck to a stricter correspondence with the Pope : the good
patriots being by this man's fall much disjointed. This last con-
^deration hath made me the longer in setting down his misfortune.
298. To Sir Thomas Laki .
Eton MS., holograph, extract, Ttox. Club, p. 16. Captain Henry Bell ;
Wotton's desire to return home.
Venice, this 4th of May, 1G18.
. . . This bearer, Captain Henry Bell l, was recommended to the
St.it-- by his Majesty's letters, and to me by yours. He hath here
i m leased rather his observation than his fortune. I leave the report
of my endeavours for him to himself. Surely he is a man of great
skill and experience in the military way. and of a right honest compo-
sition in the civil ; but such is the iniquity of fortune, that such
a state as this will make a Wassenhoven * a Colonel (who was before
but a tuner of virginals) and refuse the offers of an able man. I have
here made with him domestical acquaintance, and found his temper
so fair and discreet that I am bound, Sir, to revert these commenda-
tions that you sent by him hither unto yourself, whose love may
more avail him.
He bringeth a letter from me to the King, wherein I have taken
the boldness to beseech his Majesty to grant me leave to return to-
wards this next winter ; 3 by which time I hope this country will be
at ease, and action cease, which is the subject of pens. I shall then
ihave been nine years his Majesty's servant in this place, if I reckon
from my beginning, and three, if I reckon from my last commission ;
so as in respect of the time it is no irregular request. I humbly
beseech you, Sir, that your favourable mediation may make it every
way good. I have in truth here this last time been, though not
often in the state of decumbent, yet seldom in cheerful health, through
distillations from my head into my breast, to which I am naturally
subject, and have found it now more increased by this vaporous air
than before ; perchance because I have less vigour to resist it.
Besides, though my fortune be of so small compass that I can allege
ptain Bell, see Appendix III.
- Giovan Seghens de Yeghem, Lord of Wassenhoven. There is a copy of his
ominission in the S. P. Ven. (May 28, 1616). In a letter of May 4, 1617, Wotton
lescribed him as • a very contemptible person, even when he is sober '. He
aentions his death in a letter of Nov. 17, 1617. {Ibid.)
' There was some talk of Court preferment for Wotton at home. Thomas
jorkin in a newsletter to Sir Thomas Puckering (Dec. 15, 1618) writes :
Sir Henry Wotton, some say, shall be called home this spring, and perhaps
ucceed Sir Henry Carey in the Comptrollership of the King's house, who ia
ike to make way for him, by his remove to the Mastership of the Ward-.*
C. & T. Jas. I, ii, p. 112, see also p. 119.)
WOTTON. II |{
130 LETTERS OF WOTTON
not many private occasions, yet there be some of my friends who do
wish me at home. And, peradventure, I may light upon a widow
that will take pity of me.1 In conclusion, I shall be much bound to
your Honour for your intercession with the King in my behalf. And
so I rest,
With honest desire to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
299. To the Makquis of Buckingham.
Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 485. Unsigned, no address, dated 1618 ; plainly to
Buckingham, and no doubt written at the same time as the above
letter to Lake. A leave of absence from Venice requested,
(Venice, May4?> 1618.
My most honoured Lord and Patron,
My humble suit unto your Lordship is this :
It is his Majesty's usual grace to yield his foreign servants the
comfort of his gracious sight once in three years, as this Republic doth
likewise recall their ministers, which term by my privy seal will end
on the first day of February next.
I do therefore humbly beg that by your Lordship's intercession I
may have leave to return home for a month or six weeks, concurring
two urgent occasions.
The one, for the pursuit of a business depending on a patent long
since granted to Sir Edward Dymock and me,2 whereunto I ai
summoned by his Majesty's attorney, as will appear unto yoi
Lordship by the copy of the said attorney's letter (coming herewitl
written to my brother Sir James Wotton, my feoffee in trust, whereii
my presence is necessary, by reason of some differences betweei
the said Sir Edward Dymock and me. And this is a case whereii
we are to maintain his Majesty's title, as hath been endeavoured witl
our own moneys hitherto unfruitfully spent.
The other, for the re-ordering of my exchanges, which have been
much incommodated by the failing of Signor Burlamachie's credit
here (though it stand well in other places) by a trick that was
played him.
While I shall be at home I will challenge nothing from his
Majesty's exchequer, though perchance I shall bring some observa-
tions not altogether unprofitable as a public instrument. I will like-
wise neither trouble his Majesty as the fountain, nor your Lordship
as the means, with any private suit in the way of mine own fortune.
1 Marrying a rich widow was a recognized method for courtiers and politicians
to repair their fortunes (see Ben Jonson, Epigram xix, &c).
p. 105.
TO TflE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 18]
For by his royal goodness and by your favourable mediation T am
.iliv.uly abundantly satisfied in some expectatives l (as marks of his
grace and of your patronage) which have not only exceeded my
merits, but even quieted mine appetites. Only thus much I humbly
pave, that by his Majesty's toleration of my weaknesses I may still
retain this charge, and live upon his service, without farther burden
unto him, because I see no man hasty at home to die for my benefit.
300. To Sir Thomas Lake.
Eton MS., dictated, Rox. Club, p. 18. The Plot of 1618.
From Venice, this 25th of May, 1618.
Right Honourable,
I gave you in my last some light of a French conspiracy dis-
covered here against this State, in due time, though not long before
the day appointed for the execution thereof. I must require eight
Btys more to make the King a perfect accompt of it, for it hath not
yet been fully communicated even with the Senate itself, the
process having only passed through the Council of Ten and the three
Inquisitors of State, which are here our black magistrates. It is the
foulest and fearfullest thing that hath come to light since the
foundation of the city. Hitherto only two and twenty have been
strangled in prison,2 whereof the first two were hanged all day upon
St. Mark's Place, at public view, between the two fatal pillars. The
bodies of the rest have been drowned by the hangman in the Candle
degli Orfani, one of their deepest channels, in the silence of the night.
Eight more, as we hear, have been hanged out upon the walls of
Marano in Friuli ; and two are executed by the General Barbarigo at
sea in his own vessel, upon special order from the Council of Ten. All
these were French, without mixture of other nation. Many other
that fled upon the first noise (whereof some left their clothes behind
them) are apprehended in Brescia, Bergamo, Verona, and other
towns of this State lying towards Lombardie, which are likely to run
the same fortune ; and all this hath been done in the vacancy of the
princedom. By the next post I will hope to deliver the whole order
of the plot, the extent of their malice, the counsellors and the com-
forters, with all other remarkable circumstances.
The reversion to a moiety of a Six Clerk's place, granted in 1611, and perhaps
be reversion to the Mastership of the Rolls formally promised in 1620 (ante, i,
•;T).
' The number of executions was greatly exaggerated in public report ;
^egnault and the two Bouleaux were strangled in Venice, Jacques Pierre
iiwl his secretary Rossetti were hanged at sea ; there were two other executions
it Venice later in the year, but beyond this (if the secret papers of the Council
4 tlu> Ten are to be trusted) the victims of the plot did not amount to more
han eight or at the utmost twelve. (Romanin, vii, p. 141.)
K 2
132 LETTERS OF WOTTON
1 shall not need now to touch other things, for this, and the Duke's
introduction (which will be on Sunday with great royalty) is
enough for the present to distract us. Therefore wishing his Majesty
all blessings at home, I humbly rest,
At your Honour's command,
Henry Wotton.
301. To the Marquis of Buckingham (?).
Letters to B., p. 45. No address ; probably to Buckingham. Printed in the
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 253. 'An Epistle dedicatory of the following
Discourse.'
Venice, this 25 of May, 1618.
Eight Honourable and my very good Lord,
Having here lately seen the deaths of two and the elections of
two other Dukes within the compass of six weeks, I have been bold
to entertain your Lordship with a little story of these changes and
competitions, though with small presumption that you can take any
pleasure in my simple report thereof, unless it win some favour by
the freshness or the freedom. For the rest, the whole town is here
at the present in horror and confusion, upon the discovering of a foul
and fearful conspiracy of the French against this State, whereof no
less than thirty have already suffered very condign punishment,
between men strangled in prison, drowned in the silence of tl
night, and hanged in public view ; and yet the bottom is invisible.
If God's mercy had not prevented it, I think I might for mine ot
particular have spared my late supplication to the King about
return home towards next winter: for I cannot hope that in tl
common massacre public ministers would have been distinguish^
from other men ; nay, rather we might perchance have had tl
honour to have our houses thought worthiest the rifling. I sh;
give your Lordship a better account of this in my next, having now
troubled you beyond excuse with my poor papers. Our blessed God
keep your Lordship in His love.
Your Lordship's with all true devotion,
Henry Wotton.
302. To the Marquis of Buckingham (?).
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 175 ; 3rd ed., p. 154, really 254. ' The Election of the new
Duke of Venice, after the death of Giovanni Bembo.' No date, but
sent with above letter.
Venice, May 25, 1618, N.S.
On Friday, being the 16th of March, in this year 1618, about an
hour before sun-setting, Giovanni Bembo, the ninety-first Duke ol
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM (?) 183
Venice,1 ended his days in the 75th year of his age:2 his disease was
a fever, occasioned by some obstruction in his reins, that stopped tin-
course of his water. Whether the physicians did hasten his end, by
taking from him more blood than his years could spare, is now too
late a question. His name is one of the ancientest among them.
II i^ father was a gentleman almost of the lowest poverty, till ho
matched with a wealthy citizen's daughter, who afterwards proved
me heir of her father, leaving issue male this Duke Giovanni and
Philippo his brother. Philippo (who only was married, being not
the custom of Venice for more brothers than one to take wife) died
some few months before the Duke, in greater reputation than degree,
for their laws do suppress the brothers of their Dukes. The Duke
himself did arise by employments at sea ; his first action of note was
in the battle of Lepanto, where, besides some wounds that he received
for his own share, the success of that great day, in such trepidation
of the State, made every man meritorious. He was lastly (to omit
his middle steps) while the republic stood under excommunication
by this Pope (the King of Spain likewise then arming) made General
of their maritime forces. This is the solemnest title they can confer
under the princedom, being indeed a kind of dictatorship, to which
they have no charge equivalent on the land, having been content (as
it seems) in honour of their situation to give the prerogative of trust
to that element. To the princedom he was chosen, being none of
the competitors then in voice ; who unable to make themselves, and
unwilling to make their concurrents (as the fashion is), agreed in a
third. He held the place two years, three months, and twelve days,
with general good liking, though indeed his praises were rather
moral than intellectual, as more consisting in goodness of disposition
han any other eminent ability. For he was neither eloquent, pro-
ound, nor learned, only notable in his splendour and economical
nagnificence beyond ordinary example, and perchance in another
lature beyond permission ; for these popularities among them are
omewhat hazardous. To ambassadors he gave small satisfaction,
save with his eyes, which were very gracious and kind. In his
ountenance otherwise there was an invincible weakness, always
►lushing while he spake, and glad when he had done. Whereby his
1 Bembo was the ninety-second Doge of Venice, according to the usual reckoning.
2 On March 18 Wotton expressed in the Collegio his condolences on the death
l 15. mbo, 'a Prince of great power and goodness, and the best of patriots, for
uch was his worthy character. But as human fragility carries within itself
"in birth this necessary misfortune, so the form of this Serene Government
i seated in a lasting place, not subject to the changes and misbaps of the life
f any single man. I pray that heaven may ever preserve it from the plots
f its i nemies, and cause it to prosper to the highest degree of which its merits
lake it worthy.' (Esp. Prin., March 18, 1G18.)
134 LETTERS OF WOTTON
answers were the more scant and meagre. But this did imitate
wisdom, for a duke of Venice that opens himself much will be
chidden. To conclude, he was in his civil course a good patriot, and
in his natural a good man. They that are willing to censure him
further think his whole composition fitter for the quality of the
State than the times. Now being thus passed away, the first public
care was to order his funeral, till when, the custom doth not suffer
that a new can be chosen. This was done the Thursday following
with all due solemnity, and in the meantime was made five Correctors
and three Inquisitors. The Correctors are to consider what laws be
fit to be added or amended touching the future election, or in the
form of the Duke's oath, which they gently call his promise.1 The
Inquisitors are upon complaint (and not otherwise) against the
deceased Prince, especially in matter of extortion, to inquire of the
truth, and accordingly to punish his heirs. Which office doth con-
tinue in authority the term of a year. The Correctors at this time
presented four new laws.
1 . That the brothers and children of the Prince shall take place in
public processions, after the principal magistrates, namely, next to
the censors.
2. That immediately after the choice of any new duke in the next
Grand Council shall be openly rehearsed all former decrees against
defrauders of the public chests. This they call in their diale(
inlaccamento di casse, as unpardonable here as treason.
The other two merit no memory, being only about little increas
of provision for the Duke's attendants, and some enlargement of til
for the Correctors' office, which heretofore did determine as soon
the election began.
These new orders thus made and approved by the Grand Counci
(from whence all authority floweth), they proceeded on FricUj
morning to the election.
About which time were discovered four competitors, Antoni
Priuli, Giaconimo Giustiniano, Augustino Nani, and Nicolo Donato.
The three first all procuration di St. Marco ; who are in number nine,
in degree the second personages of the State, and commonly the
seminary of their princes ; though not of necessity, as well appeared
by the fourth concurrent, who was yet no more than a senator of th(
Wide Sleeve 3, a vesture of eminent gravity and place in then
councils. Of these Priuli and Giustiniano, having before beei
1 La Promissione Ducale. Note in margin.
2 March 23.
3 A maniche large, worn by savii, councillors, ambassadors, and cavaliers
(Romanin, vii, p. 236.)
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM (?) 135
chosen commissioners in the business of the Uscocchi,1 were l>y t
new warning and penalty in the Senate on Friday before (the Prince
pen languishing) commanded to be gone. But this did not prejudice
■heir hopes, for I have noted one singular property in the composi-
tion of this State, that no man's fortunes, without other demerits,
are hindered by their absence.
Now it shall be fit to set down with what foundations, and with
what oppositions, they entered the list.
Priuli had passed through all the principal charges of the State in
the civil way, and had lastly in the military been Generalissimo
(till sickness sent him home) in the Austrian action. His own
family numerous, his alliance strong, himself a man of moderate
nature, of pleasant and popular conversation, rather free than sour
and reserved, of good extemporal judgement and discourse for the
satisfying of public ministers, which is the Duke's proper part.
Lastly, threescore and ten years old (for that must not be forgotten
among his helps). But he suffered two objections, though both
rather within his fortune than his nature. The one that he was the
father of a cardinal 2, which might distract his affection between the
State and the Church. The other that he was poor and somewhat
behind hand. Of which objection on the other side his favourers
made up part of his merit, as having indebted himself in the public
service.
Giustiniano 3 was a gentleman that had likewise passed through
the best places at home, of excellent gravity and judgement, and of
most unquestionable integrity ; not violent, not avaricious, singularly
beloved of the people, to whose satisfaction in a time of this nature
it was perhaps meet to yield somewhat. He was besides one year
older than Priuli ; but his old age did not help him so much, as he
was hindered by the antiquity of his name. For the princedom having
been for the two last successions in the old families,4 it was likely
the new would now strive to bring it back again among their own
blood.
1 Commissioners to carry out the terms of the treaty of peace with the
Archduke Ferdinand.
1 Cardinal Mateo Priuli. 'He works out his own fortunes bravely,' Wotton
wrote of Antonio Priuli on Jan. 26, 1617, * being a man of most cheerful
humours, and most bountiful and popular nature.1 (S. P. Ven.)
3 Giacomo Giustinian, Proweditore of the Venetian galleys, 1604. {Cat. S. P.l'at.,
x. p. 144.)
! In 1 4">0 a conspiracy was formed by sixteen of the ' new ' families to keep out
any members of the twenty-four 'old' families {ante, i, p. 434) from the princedom.
This conspiracy was successful until 1612, when Memmo was elected, the first
of the case vecchie who was Doge since Michael Morosini in 1382. The sixteen new
families were Barbarigo, Doria, Foscari, Grimani, Gritti, Lando, Loitodan,
Malipiero, Marcel lo, Mocenigo, Moro, Priuli, Trevisan, Tron, Vendramin, Wilier,
(Romanin, iv, p. 420 n.)
136 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Nani l had carried himself meritoriously in foreign employments,
particularly against this Pope in the time of the interdict, which
held up his credit among the good patriots. And having been near
the supreme place at the last election, he re-entered now with th<
more hope. Besides being by nature stiff and sensitive, his cunning
friends did mould that to his advantage, the time seeming to need
such a man. But two wild rumours did much oppress him. The one
with the better sort, that he had purchased by close gifts certain of
the poor gentlemen's favours ; the other with the people, that he had
of late been author of some hard decrees ; his age besides was but
63 years, and his complexion durable.
Donato2 (surnamed Testolina, for the littleness of his head) had
been long time conversant in the gravest consultations, was reputed
one of the wealthiest gentlemen of the whole city, of good natural
capacity, and above the rest adorned with erudition. Besides, he
had the commendation of fourscore years, and of a weak body. But it
was thought somewhat presumptuous that he should contend with
persons of higher rank : whereupon some conceived his end, only to
gain a friend by his voices and to make himself Procurator in the
room of him that should be Prince.
With these hopes and with these objections they entered the field,
after they had laboured their friends one whole week, namely, from
the Friday night of the Duke's death to the Friday morning following,
and perhaps a good while before : within which time, at the place oi
their broglio 3 (as they term it) where the concurrents sue for voices
Nani, the youngest of the four, was noted by some vacant searching
wits to tread softly, to walk stoopingly, and to raise himself froi
benches where he sat, with laborious and painful gesture, as argu-
ments of no lasting man. Such a counterfeiting thing sometimes
is ambition. To come now to the election.
The election of the Duke of Venice is one of the most intricate
and curious forms in the world, consisting of ten several precedent
ballotations. Whereupon occurreth a pretty question, what need there
was of such a deal of solicitude in choosing a Prince of such limited
authority ? And it is the stranger, for having been long in use, the
ancient forms being commonly the most simple. To which doubt
this answer may serve the turn, that it was (as the tradition runneth)
a monk's invention of the Benedictine order. And in truth the whole
1 Agostino Nani, ambassador to Savoy 1587, to Spain 1595, to Constantinople
1600, to Rome 1605, to France 1612, Procnratore di S. Marco 1612. (Cigogna, v,
pp. 241, 394.)
2 Nicolo Donato, Doge xciii.
3 The broglio was the side of the Piazzetta, under the Doge's palace, where
only the nobles were allowed to walk, and where canvassing was carried on.
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM (?) 137
mysterious frame therein doth much savour of the cloister. For first
a boy must be snatched up below, and this child must draw iii<
balls, and not themselves, as in all other elections ; then is it strangely
intermingled, half with chance, and half with choice, so as fortune,
as well as judgement or affection, hath her part in it, and perhaps
the greater. One point (as now and then happeneth, even in the
most curious webs of this nature) seemeth somewhat unequal.
Namely, that the forty-one (who are the last immediate electors of the
Duke) must be all of several families, and of them twenty-five at
least concur to his nomination. For hereby the old names (which
are but twenty-four) cannot make a Duke without help from some one
of the new. And that is not easily gotten through emulation
between them, as strong perhaps as any public respect. So as the
two last Dukes, Memo and Bembo, both of the ancient blood, may
upon the whole matter be accounted irregularitives l of fortune, who
ha tli likewise her anomala.
Now to set down the variations of chance in eveiy step of these
scrutinies were tedious. Sure it is that at the enclosing of the forty-one
(for those must be shut up like our jurors of inquest, but that they
are better fed) Donato had fifteen sure balls, Nani twelve, Giustiniano
ten, and Priuli but four. So as no one of them had voices enough to
exclude the other three from making a Duke ; for to this privative
power are required seventeen balls at least. Nor any two of them,
except Donato and Nani, had reciprocally an inclusive power to
advance each other by joining ; for though Donato might have made
Giustiniano, yet he could not be made by him, because their united
strength was but precisely twenty-five, which number indeed would
have served the turn, but that one of them on Donato's part (himself
being of the number) must be abated. For contrary to the form of
election in the Empire, no man here can bestow his ball upon his
own person. So as upon the matter doth arise a kind of riddle, that
Donato was the weaker by his presence.
Thus they stood in their several strengths when they were shut up,
with a guard about the palace, where during this election all inferior
tribunals cease ; only the College of the Preconsultors (as they term
it) is daily open for the hearing of ambassadors, the Senate like-
wise and the High Council of Ten in their ordinary vigour. They
remained close twelve full days, in which time divers false voices
were vented. But none of the competitors arriving to a sufficient
number of balls, they fell (as the fashion is) to ballot some others
that did not concur. Among whom nothing was so memorable as the
1 ' Irregularitives,' not in N. E. D.
138 LETTERS OF WOTTON
ballotation of Lorenzo Viniero,1 who having in the late fight at sea
with the Neapolitan fleet2 preserved his honour, when the rest were
nearer shame, had now eighteen balls for the supreme place of his
country, though otherwise as yet of but small rank himself. At last
these forty-one electors, tired with trials, Nani unable to make himself,
not inclining to Giustiniano, as being of an old house, with Priuli
privately distasted, and generally wishing him best, that was un-
likeliest to live long, on Thursday morning, being the 5th of April,
declared unto his friends that he would join with Donato, which the
rest understanding, they owed though not to him, yet to themselves
more good will, than not to favour that which they could not hinder.
And so Niccolo Donato was made Duke, with thirty-nine balls, his
own exempted (as I have said) by law, and some one of the rest
shrinking, I know not how, per capriccio perhaps rather than despite.
This is the sixth man under the degree of a procurator that hath been
made Duke since the foundation of the city, which makes Nani the
more odious among his own colleagues for advancing an inferior
order, which perchance hereafter upon the example may grow more
familiar. He was published with slight applause and with more
approbation (as it seems) of the stars than of men.3 For it is vulgarly
reported from his own mouth, and here strongly believed, that an
astrologer some years since in Padoua, having cast his nativity, told
him he should die in carcere nobili, which they now apply to so
restrained a princedom, helping it with conceit, as commonly thos
kind of predictions do need.
The Election of the fblloiving Duke after the death of Niccolo Donato.
On Tuesday, the 8th of May, Niccolo Donato died, about two hour;
of the night, as near as the moment could be known, which his
nephews and servants did conceal, and is never hastily published frj
the State. His disease was an apoplexy, wherewith being surprised
after a gentle fit or two of an ague, he had no leisure or no mind to
alter a former will, made while he was but a senator, so miserably,
as if he had meant to be frugal even after his death : for therein he
left but twenty-five ducats to all his servants, and only twenty to
the nuns of Santa Chiara at Murano, where he disposed his body to be
laid. The short time of his princedom (having been but a month
1 Lorenzo Venier 1552-1625, Procuratore di S. Marco, May 30, 1018. (Cigogna. iv,
p. 441.)
2 An indecisive and inglorious engagement, near the port of Spalato. on
July 13, 1617, in which Lorenzo Venier distinguished himself. (Vittorio Siri,
Memorie Recondite, 1677, iv, pp. 152-4.)
3 The election of Donato was unpopular, and when he was carried about the
Piazza in the usual way after his election the populace cheered the names of hi^
competitors, and refused to pick up the money he threw to them.
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM (?) 189
and two days) did yield little matter of observation. One thing was
potable, that entering with small applause of the common men, he
suddenly got their favours upon a false conceit. For a decree taring
passed in his predecessor's time about the reformation of bakers (who
made scant loaves), and being conceived to be his deed, the plebeyity !
(whose supreme object is bread) cried in all corners, viva DomtUk
In his nature there was a strange conjunction of two things rarely
seen together, love of learning and love of money. And this is all
that can be said of him.
Now being gone, the following election was likely to be short, the
same concurrence appearing as before, and the affections having been
so newly sounded and prepared. Therefore (not to extend discourse)
the Duke's funeral rites being performed the Monday after his death,
the Thursday morning following Antonio Priuli was made Duke
with all balls. For Giustiniano having but eight voices among the
last one and forty electors, and Nani (by strange and almost pro-
digious fortune) none, the foresaid eight friends of Giustiniano,
unprofitable for him whom they loved best, did immediately concur
with Priuli's thirty-three voices. And so a solemn ambassage is
preparing out of the body of the Senate to determine his commission
in Friuli, and to recall him to the supreme honour of his country,
when at the very same time, or little difference, one of the two
Austrian commissioners on the other side is dead in the midst of the
treaty. So various are human fortunes and conditions.
303. To Sir Thomas Lake.
Eton MS., dictated, Rox. Club, p. 20. The new Doge; the Spanish Plot;
Ferdinand King of Hungary, &c.
From Venice, this 1th of June, 101b.
Right Honourable,
This week hath been spent in the pompous introducement of
our new duke, Antonio Priuli ; matter of little edification. Of his
election I have given an accompt before. On Tuesday morning,
when he was borne in a(n) open litter upon men's shoulders, and
showed (as the ma(nner) is) to the people, he is said to have thrown
away among them in gold and silver 4,000 crowns, being by nature
no admirer of money, and in truth a wonderful beloved man. The
next day lie fell sick of the gout, which at times doth take him ; so
as yet he hath not been congratulated withal by the public ministers.
But I have performed that office with him in his bed by my secretary ;
for no ambassadors can here personally visit the Prince in private,
1 ■ Plebeyity,' obs. for plebs. {N. E. D.)
140 LETTERS OF WOTTON
without mor(e) jealousy than the estimation of a compliment will
amo(unt) unto. In his oration to the people he was as short (as)
he was large in his munificence ; concluding with a very remarkable
exhortation of them, to a vigilant zeal towards their country, ' by
which,' said he, 'we shall frustrate the insidious malice of our
adversaries' — a manifest allusion to the late conspiracy. He (is)
likely to live long enough (though seventy year old) to receive the
honour of a congratulatory letter from his Majesty, as is of course ;
and therefore (I pray) you, Sir, to hasten it hither, for though he
h(ave) a cardinal to his son, and thereby falleth within (the) rank
of those here which we call PapaMni, in counter-division to the
Patrioti, yet he is a wise, moderate man, and doth both well under-
stand and celebrate his Majesty's merits.
Of the French complot (for which so many have suffered death)
I can yet send no full report ; for to this day the Council of Ten and
the Inquisitors of State (which are our black magistrates) have with-
held the process from the Senate ; with which body when it shall be
communicated, we shall catch a clearer knowledge of all circum-
stances. For the rest, we continue in the same fluctuation of dis-
course, Vercelli not yet rendered, Ossuna not slacking his provisions,
and these discovered practices arguing bad affections. Ferdinando
hath now made himself King of Hungary by denying nothing,1 and
will assuredly by the same means be King of the Eomans. For the
voice that hath run of the Duke of Bavaria (not a little helped by the
Count Palatine's visiting of him) sounds like a dream. And although
by one of your letters unto me, you seem to have been informed of
some difficulties that may lie in his way, I must crave pardon to
think otherwise ; for I have been bred some years in Germany, and
I am too well acquainted with the Almaine princes, to believe that
they will venture a civil war upon the matter. Therefore here we
contemplate him already as Emperor in semine ; and his resident
having within these two days pressed the State to re-establish their
commission in Friuli (which, by the death of one of the other side,
and revocation of one of theirs to the princedom, hath been disturbed)
the instance, as you may imagine, was grateful. I cannot end with-
out relating one of the noblest things, newly done by this State, that
I have ever before seen among them — and yet subject, as all things
are, to diversity of interpretations. The thing is this : as they made
Antonio Priuli duke in his absence, so into his place of Procuratore
(thereby vacant) they have chosen Lorenzo Veniero, likewise absent,
who in the fight with the Ossunian fleet, as we call it, did behave
1 Ferdinand, Duke of Styria 1590, King of Bohemia 1617, of Hungary 1618,
elected Emperor in succession to Matthias, Aug. 18, 1619.
TO STR THOMAS LAKE 1 11
himself as bravely as the rest infamously; so as the State, in his
advancement, hath plain enough affected the disgrace of hit com-
panions. And this maketh the matter the (more) notable, because
h<- had thirty-one balls above any concurrent, and two hundred more
than some of otherwise great (esti)mation, notwithstanding the
silent opposition against him of those families who had of their
friends in (the) foresaid fight. But this only doth overcharge hi(m)
with envy, that he hath borne it from a competi(tor) of the house of
Balbi, who hath more than twenty scars remaining on his body from
wounds received (at) the battle of Lepanto— so as in this there was
a conflict betwixt greatness and freshness of merit.
From Rome they write me that my Lord Rosse doth live so close,
shifting often his lodgings, as it seemeth that none of my correspon-
dents can particularly say to have seen him of late. And so, Sir, for
this week I commit you to God's love. Resting ever,
At your Honour's command,
Henry Wotton.
Posts(cript). — I have newly received from Dr. Marta such assur-
ance of some good services, which he intendeth, as hath made me
resolve to comfort him with moneys ; of both which I will give his
Majesty an accompt by the next post ; I mean both of his use and
his satisfaction.
304. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ve)L, dictated. No date, endorsed by Carleton ' June 1618 '. The
Venetian elections, the Spanish Plot, &c.
(Venice, June 1618.)
My very good Lord,
I have this week received your Lordship's on the eighth of May,
which hath brought me the ill news of your late sickness ; wherein
I have not altogether unsympathized with you, having myself been,
though I thank God not a decumbent, yet often times troubled with
my familiar evil of distillations from my head, which I have more
found in this vaporous air, since my last coming hither than before,
as being less able to resist it than when I had more youth. This
hath made me (to show your Lordship how confraternal we are in all
our motions) supplicate his Majesty for my return towards next
winter ; before which time I hope our noise here (the unhappy
subject of ambassadors' pens) will cease. Now since my last unto
your Lordship what have we done ? We have buried two Dukes, and
chosen two other : we have seen fortune stronger than reason ; for the
142 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Procurator Nani (who in the whole mass had provided most voices)
had among the last forty-one not so much as one. We have seen of
the four commissioners in Friuli one of the Venetian recalled to
a princedom, and at the same time one of the other side called to
heaven.
We have seen Lorenzo Viniero, in hate of the Spaniards, against
whom he fought well, preferred before concurrents of greater place
and age to the vacant procuratorship of the now Duke, and Nicolo
Contarini ■ made commissioner in the said Duke's room before the
Procurator Nani : we have seen our Cato, Leonardo Mocenigo, banished
for refusing the generalship at sea, and this week restored again by
the benefit of a bando, which he bought from the community of Salo.
We have dismissed one Chaus, that hovered here a good while
wrangling for money, and yesternight received another, I know not
yet upon what errand, but your Lordship knows well what unwel-
come guests they are hither. Lastly we have seen some spectacles of
horror between these fatal pillars, by justice done upon those French
conspirators, whereof no doubt the noise hath already filled every
corner of Europe. Some thirty (according to my list) have already
ended their lives, some drowned at sea, some strangled in prison,
and then buried in the Canal degli Orfani by night. Three hanged by
the heels in public view, but likewise first strangled ; which secret
justice upon a foreign nation will force the State to give some
public accompt of it, when the process shall be finished, which yet
dependeth at the Tribunal of Ten, our black magistrates, and it hath
hung so long since the first discovery, that some begin to doubt
(I mean of these malicious commentors) that we are loth to search
too deep. Strange it is that hitherto there is no open appearance of
either outward or inward intelligence, nor no nation but merely
French intermingled in it. Yet we hold it in public voice to have
been forged at Naples, which impression the Spanish ambassador here
hath thought fit to allay with some speech in College : I shall give
your Lordship before your leaving of the Hage (which I heartily wish
may be with your full contentment) some clearer knowledge of these
things. And for the present I leave you in God's blessed love, ever
resting your Lordship's faithful poor friend and brother, as I must
needs call you after so many conformities in our fortunes.
Henry Wotton.
Among these jealousies cast upon the French, he that served
your Lordship has tasted his part, having been two or three days
1 Nicolo Contarini, Doge xcvii, 1630-1.
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 143
restrained by the magistrate Sopra la Biastrmn ' : but freed again,
though with bando to be gone within eight days.
305. To James I.
Eton MS., holograph, Rox. Club, p. 26. Letter sent with Isaac Bargrave.
From Venice, the 4th of July, 1618.
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
The bearer hereof is Mr. Isaac Burgrave 2, my late chaplain in
this place ; of whose discretion and zeal having taken good experience
abroad, I have now been bold to address him unto your Majesty, by
your favourable admittance, with a business not unworthy (as I may
confidently say) both of your goodness and of your greatness ; appear-
ing in ipso semine of singular consequence to the Christian world, as
some well-affected persons here do esteem it. The subject itself,
the motives and the fruit will be presented unto your Majesty in
a few notes that come herewith. And so leaving it to your high
wisdom, I ever humbly rest,
Your Majesty's faithful poor vassal,
Henry Wotton.
306. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, extract, Rox. Club, p. 28. Wotton writes to Naunton
(appointed Secretary, Jan. 8, 1618, in place of Winwood) of Leete's
imprisonment, of Sir Henry Peyton, and of a plan for robbing the posts
at Augsburg.
From Venice, this 5th of July, 1618.
Right Honourable,
I have newly received, by one Mr. Keire, a Scottish gentleman,
j'our letters written by his Majesty's direction more than two months
sithence in behalf of Sir Henry Peyton 3. Whereunto, before I make
my humble answer, it shall be fit to acquaint his Majesty with divers
things, both touching the state of this country, and some other inter-
venient matter ; wherein I will begin first of all with a late accident,
which did keep me some days even from congratulating with this
new Duke; albeit that office had been performed, not only by all
other public ministers here resident, but likewise by one extraordinary
ambassador, expressly sent to that purpose from the Duke of Urbine.
1 The Quattro Esecutori alia Bcstemmia, whose duty it was to keep a watch on
suspected foreigners, gambling-houses, and the sale of prohibited books.
■in, vii, p. 235.)
- Isaac Bargrave, see Appendix III.
s Sir Henry Peyton, see below, p. 14G n.
144 LETTERS OF WOTTON
And therefore you may imagine that the cause of my forbearance
was very sensible ; whereof this is the story.
I sent my steward 1 to invite my Lord of Oxforde and my Lord
Graye to dine the next day with me ; who, returning somewhat lat
home in my Lord of Oxford's gondola, was, not far from the arsem
stayed by a ruffianlike fellow, that calls himself per buffoneria tin
Conte Piero, and was at that time captain of the watch, thougl
otherwise by profession a shipwright, and therein of so singular us
to the State, that they are now and then contented to wink at hi
mad humours. This man, accompanied with a suitable train, takes
my steward then alone and unarmed (after information fairly given
him whose he was, and whither he was going) out of my Lord's
gondola ; carries him to the arsenal ; handles the matter so that he
is kept all night in a filthy room, under guard as a prisoner ; returns
to him again in the morning ; and then, besides other contemptuous
usage, tells him in very distinct language, ' that if he had not the
night before said he did belong to the ambassador of the King of
England, he would have let him go,' which words he repeated three
several times, even after warning to take heed what he said.
This being of itself intolerable, was made much worse by coincidence
with a time wherein a foreign conspiracy having been so newly detected,
and the process thereof as yet unfinished, my man's retention, and
the ensuing words of such pregnant consequence began to breed some
voice that our nation had a hand in those foul businesses, and thei
could not want here fomentors of this conceit ; some for hate of oui
religion, some for diversion from others, and some even upon spoi
ful malice. All which having considered, after the dismission of
my servant by wiser folks than those that took him, I made mj
complaint to the High Council of Ten ; who immediately gave sucl
order that the fellow was snatched up in the open place of St. Mark's
and thence carried to close prison. After this I demanded sentence
against him proportionable to his offence, both for violating the
immunity of my family, and especially for his opprobrious words where-
by the King's honour was touched, and scandal put upon our nation.
The Council of Ten considering my complaint to enfold respect of
State, and their tribunal to be rather judicatory, did remit the matter to
the Senate, which made me recur by my secretary to the Duke for
a speedy and congruous sentence ; protesting that notwithstanding
my master's affection, and mine own particular zeal to this State,
1 Will Leete, steward (see Appendix III), arrested on this occasion, wrote to
Isaac Bargrave an account of his adventure, which is among the Eton College
MSS. (Box. Club, p. 37.) He says that Lord Oxford sent him his ' gundelo ' to
bring him to supper, and that he was arrested on his way thither.
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 1 r,
I could appear no more in the seat of ambassadors (which La at the
right hand of the Duke) after such an indignity and violation, without
><>me public judgement to satisfy the world.1 To be short: after th<-
hearing of my servant's report, the fellow was condemned to perpetual
imprisonment, scnza luce, never to be freed without my assent and
-ire, and then to make a confession of his fault, and submission of
himself at my house. Hereupon I did instantly deliver him, as not
delighting in his misery, though justly incensed with his error. For
in truth an error it was, having mistaken his commission, which
(as I afterwards heard) was to stop the servants of some other public
person, if they should fall within his walk. Thus all parties are
isfied ; the State, to whom I have restored an useful man ; the repre-
tatives of other Princes, who were scandalized with the example ;
our nation likewise, that might have come into some obloquy; and
lastly the fellow himself is perchance not the least contented.2 It
remaineth that his Majesty, by your opportune remembrance, will be
pleased to take notice hereof to the Venetian ambassador, for the
respect which, upon this occasion, hath been here showed towards
his sacred name.
I have now visited the Prince,3 who ^used me with singular kind*
1 On June 10 Wotton sent Gregorio de' Monti to the Collegio with a letter to
the Doge Priuli, signed ' Arrigo Wottoni' giving an account of Leete's arrest.
< »n June 18 de' Monti, with Leete, appeared in the Collegio with a letter from
Wotton demanding a suitable punishment for the offender. ' Concludo,' the
letter ends, ' col supplicar la Serenita Vostra di non meraviglarsi ch' io non
_ l>< -rsonalmente a riverirla, come fd di cuore, perche come privato non
so ; e se dopo una tale violazione della Maesta del mio Re, e delle immunita
della mia casa, senza congruo riparo, io debbo farlo come Ambasciadore, lo
rimi tto alia gravissima prudenza della Serenita Vostra. Della Serenita Vostra
devotissimo servidore, Arrigo Wottoni.' (Esp. Prin.filza, June 18, 1618.)
- 1. ete writes July 9, 1618 : ' I may tell you, whether for affection to me, or
for the cause itself, aggravated much by the troublesomeness of the time, I never
knew him (Wotton) carry business so stoutly and so valiantly, in all my days ;
which hath gained him a great deal of respect of all parts, as well of the
Italians as of his own. This benefit I receive by it, in recompense of my
retention, to have seen the Prince and Senate, with their principal courts and
pagar nientej Eton MS. (Rox. Club, p. 38.) It was the College, not
the Senate, that Leete saw. Wotton afterwards told the Doge good-naturedly,
hat the accident had been caused, 'not by want of good will, but of good wine.'
Wn., June 26.)
J Wotton congratulated the new Doge on his election in the audience of
'unc 26. He feared, he said, that all the figures of speech had been used up
ul dt.-flowered (sverginati) by the other ambassadors, but still he would try to
thing. He praised the prudence of the Venetian government as superior
o that of others, and even to that of the Roman Republic, where abscntium ratio
inn habetur. 'But here the contrary was the custom. For the services of his
>erenity, though absent, have been remembered, the merits of his valour, the
lObility of his soul, which he had shown by sparing neither his life nor his
•urso on all occasions.' He enlarged on Priuli's praises with great fullness, and
aid that his elevation was universally pleasing to men of all conditions. He
• ished him long life and long enjoyment of this supreme rank with peace and
niet, adding that the surrender of Vercelli (which the Spaniards, according to
ins of the treaty, had at last given up to the Duke of Savoy, after long
WOTTON. II L
146 LETTERS OF WOTTON
ness, whereof he hath the true art, and did his Majesty much right in
calling him the most intelligent prince on the earth, and la can
anchora di qiiesta MeimUica nelle occasioni turbulente. Of our nation
he spake honourably, ' though from some others,' said he, ' we have
received small satisfaction.' Whether he meant the French or the
Flemish, I dare not affirm. Of the late practices his discourse was
very tender ; giving me only thus much light, that they were well
informed of the fountain, and willinger that I should rather conceive
it to come from the Spanish side (though the French were the
instruments) than he say so. This wras all that I then drew from
him. . . .
Now touching his Majesty's directions in behalf of Sir Henry
Peyton l, so effectually set down by your pen.
I must first profess that he is my particular friend, and therefore,
besides my duty even in private respect, I shall be glad to press his
advantage ; but having sent me a form of his commission and con-
tract, I find it so deficient, that I wonder in good faith so judicious
a gentleman could love himself so little. I hold that opinion of
bargains with States that Aristotle doth of laws ; of which, as you
well know, those in his judgement are the best that leave least to
the judge.2 And surely those contracts are likewise the wisest which
leave least to favour ; which I fear this worthy knight will find
here ; especially coming when the coffers peradventure begin
delays) might bo esteemed as a sure argument of future repose. (Esp. Prir
June 26, 1618.)
1 Sir Henry Peyton, son of Thomas Peyton of Bury St. Edmunds. Knightt
1606, governor of Brill in 1613. He married a daughter of the Protectc
Somerset. (D.N.B.) He was a favourite officer of Sir Horace Vere, anc
was engaged by the Venetian ambassador in England instead of Sir Held
Mainwaring, who had been first chosen to command the troops engaged fo
the Venetian service. (Corbett, pp. 62, 86.) The terms of his engagement ar
printed by Duffus Hardy. He was to have the title of major, and for pa)
for himself, and his company of 200 men, 1,350 Venetian ducats a month ;
the two other companies of 150 men each were to be paid 980 ducats. (Duffus
Hardy, pp. 84, 85.) The seven English ships arrived in the Adriatic in July, 1618.
A letter from Peyton, dated Curzola, May 17, 1619, is in the S. P. Ven.} as well
as a number of other letters written in the years 1619 and 1620. Another of his
letters is at Eton. (Box. Club, p. 95.) On Aug. 20, 1618, Wotton recommended
Peyton to the Doge, describing him as a person of importance in England, married
to a lady of perhaps the gieatest English family after the Koyal family. He
was much beloved by the King, the ambassador said, and had come to serve
Venice with seven ships, in which there were 500 men, including sixty of
' noble ' (i. e. gentlemen's) families. On Dec. 18 Wotton presented Peyton to
the Doge. (Esp. Prin.) As Wotton anticipated, Peyton was dissatisfied with his
pay, and petitioned for compensation for his losses owing to the rate of exchange.
(Ibid., Sept. 22.) In the meantime some of his soldiers, finding their pay was
less than that of the Englishmen in Sir John Vere's regiment, mutinied, and were
severely punished by the Venetian general. (See below, pp. 152-4.) Sir Henry
Peyton remained in the Venetian service till his death on Oct. 13, 1623. He
' seems to be more lamented ', Branthwaite wrote, ' after his death, than well
rewarded for his service while he lived, for he hath left a great many debts,
and little to pay them.' (S. P. Fen., Oct. 20.) 2 Be Arte Rhet. i. 7.
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 117
sound. Not to trouble you with all particulars, there is in his
contract one unfortunate word * di moncta corrente\ which will irre-
mediably prejudice him at least 8 per 100 in his receipts. This
I speak by way of provision, that no want be imputed to me, if he
mi^s his contentment, which others have not altogether had, even
when they might challenge it. And of mine own endeavours for
hi in when he arriveth (of which we wonder not yet to have heard)
I will render the King, as you require, a particular accompt.
There doth remain for the last part of this dispatch a business or
t wo of secret and important quality ; which have made me commit
it to an honest merchant, and to impose haste upon him. For the
first, it may please his Majesty to understand that there is in
Augusta one Philip Hainhoffer, a Vatricius of that small community.
This man holds correspondence with divers Princes, and doth much
desire to have some relation towards the King. In plainer language,
a pension of about one hundred pounds yearly, promising to entertain
his Majesty with many curious things. I have not with him any
acquaintance by sight, but I find him by his letters and by report
jy to be moulded as we list ; whereupon I have lately conceived
a notable use of him for the King's service. Augusta (his natural
t) is the place where all the letters and packets do weekly concen-
trate, and there they be first severed in the common valigia, and
thence distributed to and fro into sundry parts. Now the thing that
I would wish done is the intercepting of the Jesuits' packets, and
. particularly those that pass ultra citraque between the English priests
in England and Rome, and the intermediate places of Rhemes, Doway,
St. Omers, and other. This can be done nowhere so featly as in
Augusta ; nor by none so easily as himself, who commands there the
| master of the posts, and by his correspondence from divers parts,
j haunts him weekly. So that he hath great opportunity to do this
I thing ; and may transport them continually to his Majesty through
your hands under a new cover. If therefore it may please the King
I to give me authority to handle this business with him, and to promise
him his gracious favour upon such a piece of meritorious curiosity,
I will tentatively propound it unto him in my return homewards
hat way ; * and be provided in the meanwhile, by a friend I have in
Kome, to instruct him under which seals and names those intelli-
gences pass, and with some other circumstances belonging to this
natter, wherewith I was well acquainted in my first ambassage,
\ hen the Jesuits were here, and held their weekly intercourse with
1 Wotton received the necessary instructions, and wrote to Naunton (Aug. 21.
018). 'Touching Philip Hainhoffer, I make no doubt, in iny passage by
tagusta, to settle the matter well in his hands, and to fit him with all due
attractions and preparatives.' (Kox. Club, p. 54.)
l2
148 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Rome. Captain Henry Bell (who is ere this time arrived in England)
was solicited by this man in his late passage by Augusta to represent
his devotion to the King ; from whom (if it please you) you may take
some farther description than I can give of him, without any mention
of this project, which I humbly commit to your closest cabinet— since
the life of it is the secrecy.
The other business is of greater consequence, and worthy of the
King's wise and Christian care ; which I have now committed to
Mr. Isaac Bargrave, my late chaplain, with whom I spent much con-
ference about it here. He hath order from me to repair unto you,
and I hope well, by your favour, to be introduced to his Majesty,
when the matter shall first have passed the file of your own judge-
ment. Now, a wrord touching myself, and so I will humbly take
my leave.
I besought his Majesty by the forenamed Captain Bell to grant
mine own return unto his comfortable sight towards next winter.
Since when I have considered that the summer spends apace ; and,
besides, I would fain see a full end of our noise, which being not
likely to be before the cold weather, I shall be cast into a very
incommodious passage. Therefore, Sir, I humbly beseech you that,
by your favourable intercession, I may return towards the beginning
of next March ; and in the meantime be furnished with his Majesty's
letters of revocation, and with his farther commands about tin
propositions now made.
And in all this, or anything else that may help my poor fortune,
I do heartily beg your love, as I do unenviously wish your prosperity,
having been long acquainted with your worthiness.
Your Honour's, with true devotion,
Henry Wotton.
307. To Isaac Baegeave.
Eton MS., dictated ; signature and postscript holograph, Box. Club, p. 61,
addressed ' To Mr. Isaac Bargrave, my late chaplain and ever loving
friend '. Undated, but plainly the ' business ' referred to in above
dispatch of July 5. The proposed Protestant Seminaries.
(Venice, July 5, 1(518.)
Information touching the Project of Orthodox al
Seminaries to be erected in fit places.
This project, his Majesty will remember to have been at the time
of my first ambassage conceived here by some well-affected persons,
and afterwards among other things, represented unto him by an
TO ISAAC BARORAVK 149
express messenger, namely Sig. Francesco Biondi ', esteeming it
glorious for the King, in the present and future ages, to be the author
of this work, and promover thereof with other religious Princes and
States.
The final scope was to institute many well-chosen spirits for the
instruction and conversion of others, to which end they were after-
wards to be diversely distributed, especially in the Italian provinces,
thereby (through God's blessing) to give the Pope in time as much
business at home, as Gregory XIII hath done to other Princes with
his emissaries. And because it were ignominious that the instruments
of darkness should be more diligent than those of truth, it was hoped
that not only zeal, but even shame itself, would advance this good
intent.2 Towards which, no place was conceived fitter for a be-
ginning, than to plant a seminary in some of the reformed Churches
confining with Italy, particularly in the community of the Grisons.
This part was preferred before other in two respects : first, for the
advantage of vicinity ; next, for that they all for the most part speak
Italian, in which language it was necessary that they should be
nourished, who were afterwards to practise that nation.
Among the first approvers and debaters of this project was the
Cavalier Hercole de Sal ice, as then ambassador from the Grisons to
this Republic, a gentleman of singular piety and experience.
From this Cavalier I was (as you know) advertised the last summer
by two special messengers, of a purpose renewed by himself and some
other good men, to propound at the next general assembly of the
Rhaetian communities, the erecting of a college or seminary in Sunda,
the principal seat of the Valtolina, bordering the Dukedom of Milan.
And after the said assembly, he sent me another messenger, with
information that the said decree had passed, though somewhat different
from the first conception ; for of six classes it was appointed that four
should be of the Reformed Religion, and two of the Roman. ' To
•which ' (said he) 4 we were forced to yield for some satisfaction of
•the contrary side, who began to suspect the issue, contenting ourselves
with the greater part, and that the President should always be of
the Reformed Church.'
Hereupon I made an objection, that the commixture of opposite
religions would both hinder the final scope (because the worse would
1 Ante, i, pp. 94, 447.
2 In another letter about these seminaries (Jan. 18, 1619, N.S.) Wotton wrote
that he couid find, in his 'own poor discourse', only one objection to the plan.
• It will be, and may well be said, that the truth hath been always accompanied
with a kind of natural simplicity and security, which will so disadvantage us,
that we shall not find out such plenty of proper instruments, as the author of
ill untruth doth mould in his own colleges.' But the objection ought rather,
lie thought, ' to awake our spirits, than allay our hopes.' {Box. Club, p. 100.)
150 LETTERS OF WOTTON
serve for spies over the better) find likewise it would cool the charities
of the Princes and States, who had no reason to contribute to such
a medley.
I sent therefore the party back with two cautions : the one
provide by some means that the college might be entire. Second!
that we might be sure of the missions (which is the point that mus
excite Princes) lest it should resolve into private use.
The party returned back, and the business so remained in silence,
till the receipt of a letter annexed hereunto, bearing date the fx°f
June,1 which I received from the forenamed Cavaliere de Salice in
answer of my opposition, whereby will appear that the business is now
in good state, and capable of further advancement.
In the said letter, you find required my poor advice whether I think
it expedient (as they incline) to depute their Gymnasiardia, ac-
companied with some ecclesiastical persons of quality, to inform the
King my master of their intents. In which journey they might
likewise deal with the Count Palatine and other Princes. Where-
unto I have answered I have thought it my duty about that point,
to consult by an express messenger with his Majesty's wisdom and
goodness.2 For though it may be carried so, as if it were only to
move a charitable collection for those reformed Churches (concealing
the main scope), yet I apprehend some doubt that such an open
deputation of persons may perchance raise more noise than at fin
was fit. Besides I conceive that it will pass with less rumour, an
greater honour for his Majesty, if it shall please him to let me handl
this business (about which I have bestowed some study) in his roya
name with the German Princes of the Union in my way as I retun
homewards, and to let me signify so much in the meanwhile to
the Grisons, that so is his pleasure, for the prevention of their pains
1 Now among the Eton MS. (Printed, with translation, in Rox. Club, pp. 22-G.
2 The King's answer was that, for the Gymnasiarcha to come to Englanc
would ' raise more noise than were fit ', and that Wotton himself should consul
the German Princes about the plan on his way homeward, James promising
the meantime to prepare the Archbishop of Canterbury and 'some other goc
bishops for giving furtherance to such collections as shall be made for the setting
forward of that good work '. (Eton MS., Eox. Club, pp. 35, 36.) Naunton wrot
to Wotton on Aug. 5 to say that the King fervently embraced this project
of Protestant seminaries ; and thereupon the ambassador sent his secretary
Richard Seymer to visit his correspondents among the Grisons. ' For if Salust
(as we read) did transport himself into Africa for tbe better description of some
places whereof he was to speak in the Jugurthine war, I thought it my duty,
being fixed here myself, to take at least by one of mine (whose judgement I dare
trust) a sight of that seat which may perchance hereafter breed a better story,
especially my gracious master requiring so fervently all zeal and care from me
in this business.' (Nov. 19, N.S., 1618, Eton MS.,' Rox. Club, p. 75.) Seymer
reported that the conditions were favourable to tbe project, and on his return
home in 1619 Wotton laid the proposal before the Protestant Princes of the
Union. (See below, p. 179.)
TO ISAAC BARGRAVi: 151
In which case I must be furnished from the King with a general, or
with particular letters of credit, to the said Princes and States united.
This business I have committed to your representation, both because
by often conference with you here about it, you are already well
seasoned therein, and for that the experience which I have taken
of your zeal and judgement, doth make me confident, that you will
carry it effectually. And so wishing it may prove that mustard seed
wherein the birds of heaven did afterwards build their nest, I ever rest.
Your affectionate poor friend,
Henry Wotton.
Sir,
I pray you to represent this business as only an essay and
groundwork laid, which must be seconded and prosecuted in other
places. And although at first it appear but slight, yet let us remember
how ourselves have been troubled with those contemptible beginnings
at Rhemes. Who dreamed of a fourth monarchy when those two
outcast babes did suck the wolf ? l
308. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, extract, Box. Club, p. 42. The Spanish Conspiracy ; first
news of the mutiny in the Venetian fleet.
26 July, 1618.
Right Honourable,
If before Friday next (which is the day of our ordinary dispatches)
this State shall publish no declaration touching the French con-
spiracy, which hath been these two months weekly expected, I will
then deliver unto his Majesty mine own private discourse about it
with all humble freedom. Whereof I have hitherto suspended the
full accompt (though I advertised the thing itself long since) for fear
of wronging in so close a business, either the nation that is under
obloquy, or the Government.2
1 A pun on Remus and Rhemes (Rheims), whither the Jesuit Seminary
founded at Douai in 1568 was removed in 1578.
2 The Frenchmen in Venice kept demanding that their national character
should be cleared in regard to the plot, and Wotton wrote that the whole
process ought to be published for 'the satisfaction of the ill-speaking world'.
[Rox. CItib, p. 134.) At last Wotton himself asked that an account of the plot
should be sent to the King of England; James I had sent the news of his
Powder Plot to Venice, showing thereby his confidence in the Republic,
and his affection for it. Why should not the Republic do the same to the King
in similar circumstances? But the Doge replied that 'Venice was governed
in a different manner from other States, some things could be revealed, but
it w.is important to keep others secret ; they carried on their trials according
to the rules of the councils, and the proper laws of the Republic. The crime is
proved ; the plot was against this and certain other cities of our dominion ; the
criminals have been identified, and have themselves confessed their guilt.'
(Esp. P)in., Aug. 20, 1618.) On Aug. 21 Wotton wrote to James I about the
plot 'I am well assured that no public minister resident upon this lake doth
152 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Let me now only acquaint his Majesty, with more certainty than
in my last, that Sir Henry Peyton is, with seven English ships, arrived
in the Gulf, and hath lost many men on the way by sickness, so as
his troops are weak : and I think it were a good piece of counsel to
compose the remainder of the English which came out of Holland,
and these new ones into one body, if both sides could agree upon the
matter. At his first arrival, if we be rightly intelligenced, he hath
seen a severe example ; for part of the foresaid Hollanders, having
found in the territory of the Raguseans, where they went on shore,
a tenable head of land, and being full of discontentment, did fortify
themselves against the General ; till by fair persuasions he drew them
into his power again, and so hanged half a dozen of the principal
mutineers.
309. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, Booc. Club, p. 41. * Further news of the English mutiny.
From Venice, this 26th of July, 1618.
Right Honourable,
Under this date I write two letters unto you ; whereof the
present is the latter, and is written to correct the former. For
whereas in the same I advertised that an execution had been done
upon certain mutinous persons of the Holland troops, that had
fortified themselves against the General on the shore of Dalmatn
(which I took from the first voice) there is now (though I am soi
to express it) fresher advice come from the armata that thos(
mutineers were English, and of the late arrived under Sir Hem-
Peyton's conduct, to the number of some 150, who demanded th(
same pay that the foresaid Hollanders had, and made that the subject
of their division. To which the General made answer, that he wouh
stand to the contract concluded between the ambassador of tin
State and their conductor in England, and therefore wished them to
be quiet ; which they refusing, he landed 200 Albanesi to reduce
them by force, against whom the English turned their pikes and
know more of it than myself; and yet mine own light is so confused that I have
hitherto forborne to give your Majesty more than a general notice thereof.
{Box. Club, p. 53.) His account was finally sent off in October to Sir Robert
Naunton {ibid. p. 84), and although he sent a duplicate to Sir Thomas Lake
(owing to the jealousy of these two secretaries he had to send copies of his
dispatches to each) both these reports seem to be lost.
1 The transcripts of Wotton's dispatches and papers at Eton, printed by the
Roxburghe Club, are not always (it is perhaps worth noting) printed in their
correct chronological order. This letter is printed before the above letter,
though written later on the same day ; the project for the Protestant seminaries,
belonging to the letters of July 5, is placed among the September dispatches
(p. 61), and a dispatch undated, but belonging to July, 1618, is printed after
a letter of June 7, 1619 (p. 132). So also letter on p. 55 belongs before letter
on p. 49, and the dispatch on p. 113 belongs to the year 1618, not 1619, where
it is placed.
To ST1J ROBERT NAUNTON 153
tli.-ir shot, which the General perceiving, h<> laid the pyowfl 61 two of
his galleys against them, and so they yielded. Barharigo upon this
forming their process, did hang eight of them, who are said to be
captains, lieutenants, and corporals, and that three of these did
ilii m the Roman faith. Their names I yet know not, which shall
}>o advertised in my next. God send the success fairer than tho
beginning.1
To this I must add that by the letters of Milan arrived at this
moment, is intimated a secret conjunction between Fraunce and Savoy
against the Genovese, which, if it proceed, will inflame this whole
country. These be resolutions proper for the canicular days, which
are newly begun with us. And so, Sir, wishing us the continuance
of blessed peace at home, I humbly rest,
At your commandments,
Henry Wotton.
310. To Antonio Priuli, Doge of Venice.
Fsp. Vrin.fiJza, July 30, holograph. No date, but presented on July 30, and
probably written a day or two before. Wotton writes to the Doge to
complain of the severe punishment of the English mutineers.
Di Padova (July 29 (?), 1618).
Serenissimo Prencipe,
Se qualch' indisposizione eh' al presente patisco non nr havesse
levato le forze, Io sarei venuto in persona alia Serenita Vostra sopra
1 A full account of this mutiny, written by Mr. Southake, the English
chaplain who came from England with Sir Henry Peyton, is among the
Eton MS., and is printed in the volume of the Koxburghe Club (pp. 78-81.) On
July 9 (N.S.) the seven English ships arrived at Cortsela on the Dalmatian
boast, where they found the Venetian general, Piero Barbarigo. On July 14
the company of 150 men, commanded by Capt. Billingsley, went on shore,
where they met some of the Englishmen of Sir John Vere's company, then in the
service of Venice with the Holland troops {ante, ii, p. 112 n). Hearing these men
boast that their pay was higher than that of the new arrivals, Capt. Billingsley's
men mutinied, and refused to return to their ship unless their pay was made
equal to that of the others. First Capt. Billingsley, and then Sir Henry Peyton,
tried to quell the mutiny, but without success. Finally, however, their own
officers, Lieut. Harwell and Ancient Herbert, induced them to lay down their
arms. Barbarigo did not, however, allow the men to return to their ship, but
distributed them in batches of ten among his own galleys, and arrested the
officers, putting them in chains in his own vessel. The next morning the
officers were examined, with a Dutch pirate, who could speak only about
twenty words of English, for interpreter, and were condemned to be hanged
the morning following. By some good fortune Ancient Herbert was saved
and banished from the fleet, but the others, Lieut. Harwell, Sergeant French,
• Captain ' Stroude, Corporals Fuller and Watchorne, Percival Lumley, Mar-
inaduke Morgan, and John Clotworthy, were all tied to a crossbar, and hanged
together, ' during which execution,' says Southake, ' the general very inhumanly
lay upon his pavilion, laughing at that cruel spectacle.' When some of them
begged to see the chaplain ' for comfort and resolution before death ', Barbarigo
not only denied their request, but 'with scornful gesture putting out his
tongue' asked if they would like to have 'their preacher hanged with them
for company? '
154 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
la notizia di quel sinistra accidente occorso alii nostrali nell' Armata
sua. Et sarei venuto per due fini. Primo, per esprimere quel gran
dispiacere che ho sentito ch' un Rappresentante della Serenita Yosti
fosse in qualsivoglia modo offeso da alcun Inglese, nazione al resto
tanto divota al servizio di lei. Poi, per lamentarmi anchora (pero
con ogni debito rispetto) dell' attrocita estrema usata dall' Eccellen-
tissimo Signor Pierro Barbarigo contra li sudditi d' un Re cosi bene-
merito della Serenissima Republica nelle presenti e nelle passate
occasioni, dove che un caso simile, di fresca memoria, commesso
eziandio alia vista della citta capitale, et continuato piu tempo, et
da piu persone, sia pur passato con magior clemenza.1 Non voglio
dire che ci sia stata qualche passione particulare contra la Nazione
nostra, se ben trattata certo infin de lor prima giunta nel Golfo inhu-
manissimamente in tutte le circonstanze. Ma ben mi fo credere che,
se al detto signor Generale Barberigo fosse compiaciuto di non
stimare cosi vile il sangue Inglese, ma di convertire il supremo sup-
plicio almeno in quello delle Galere, haverebbe forse fatto cosa et di
piu servizio alia Serenissima Republica e di manco gusto e giubelo agli
adversarii d' essa. Io mi reservo di parlarne piu alia Serenita Vostra
quando Dio vorra. Quel ch' e fatto e delle cose irrevocabili registrate
nel libro di Fato.
Resta pur hora che io supplichi la Serenita Vostra di tanto piu
favorire quelli che ne rimangono, e di scancellare 1' immoderate
rigore d'un suo Ministro con la benignita propria, ascoltando grazi<
samente le domande che le saranno rappresentate dal mio Segretaric
Gregorio de' Monti, a nome del Signor Colonello Peyton2 et delli altri.
Delia Serenita Vostra
divotissimo servidore
Arkigo Wottoni.
1 A mutiny in the Dutch fleet in March of this year, instigated by a depen
dent of Bedmar. (Bomanin, vii, p. 128.)
2 Sir Henry Peyton's requests were that the English soldiers might be allowed
to buy food from the land with their own money ; that the sick should be sent
on shore, and that the 'nobles' (i. e. men of gentlemen's families), of whom
there were sixty, might be shown special favour, as they were worth twenty
times more than the base-born. In reply to Wotton's letter the Doge said ' My
Lord ambassador knows what it is to govern armies and fleets, and how great
is the cai*e and responsibility of the commanders to prevent the seditions an
scandals which may disorganize them. We know o\ir captain-general is of sue
great prudence and goodness, and that he would not have acted without great
consideration, and for a just cause, not from any private passion against the
English nation.' (Esp. Prin., July 30, 1618.) Wotton afterwards wrote that
Sir Henry Peyton was being well treated by Barbarigo, and that the Venetians
had given him a salary of 200 ducats a month (about £50) with which he was
completely satisfied. Box. Club, p. 7G.)
TO SIR ROBERT NArXTON 158
311. To Sin Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, Box. Club, p. 55. Undated, but written after Saturday,
Aug. 12, and before Thursday the 17th, on which day Wotton wrote
'M. Southack, the Preacher., .departed hence this week homewards'.
(Ibid, p. 49.) The execution of the English mutineers.
(Venice, Aug. — , 1618.)
Right Honourable,
As I was ready by the last courier to have given his Majesty,
with mine own pen, a particular accompt of the unhappy ends of
eight of his subjects, which was executed in the Venetian Armata,
this bearer, Mr. Southake, who came with Sir Henry Peyton as
preacher to those troops by my Lord of Canterburie's good approba-
tion, and was present at this black disaster, did acquaint me with
his intent of speedy return home. I have therefore committed
unto him this whole report, being the person from whom myself
here took best information thereof. It is surely in all circumstances
a most inhuman piece of justice, and worthy, in my poor opinion,
to be there expostulated with the Venetian ambassador at the
council-table, if the King be absent ; especially the point of the
General's looking on, and feeding his eyes with the blood of our
men, which would scant have become any of Caligula's generals.
But having spent his youth most infamously in the highest degree,
and being by nature weak and base, he seeketh to redeem himself
from contempt by these austerities ; standing not by any virtue of
his own, but by his father's merit, who died in the battle of Lepanto,
being then a commander of note. This is the character of his
manners and of his fortune; to which I must add, that there is
not a more superstitious man in the whole State. So as we may
not unreasonably suspect him in this action, under the countenance
of justice, to have spent some of his spite against our Religion.1
1 The Venetian General showed his opinion of Protestantism when he came
to inspect the English ships. 'Who is that?' he asked, seeing Southake, and
when a common soldier replied that he was the preacher for the whole English
iment, ' what a pope have we to do with preachers?' he said, furiously, and
ordered him to be thrown overboard, adding, however, to the scribe who was
writing the names of the soldiers : ' It makes no matter ; write his name, he
shall serve St. Mark.' ' To whom I replied,' Southake says, ■ that I was an
English preacher, and subject to a religious King, defender of the ancient
Catholic and Apostolic Faith, and that for my part, I would never serve
St. Mark, Peter, nor Paul, but only my God and my King, the King of England,
neither would I take one penny allowance of that State.' (Rox. Club, p. 78.) In
spite of the spirit he showed on this occasion, Southake left the fleet and
n tinned to England, for which, Wotton wrote, he was much blamed, as his
presence was never more needed. (Box. Club, p. 44.) On his arrival in England
with his own and Wotton's account of the execution, the Venetian ambassador
th'iv invited him to dinner, and tried to bribe him to silence. Oth. i-
apparently were bribed, and Southake found it most difficult to bring hi-
story to the notice of the English government. (Ibid., p. 81.)
156 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I shall here urge the immane 1 proceeding upon the subjects of so
well deserving a King, in that sort as becometh my duty and my
natural compassion. But unless it be sensibly prosecuted at home,
my words will be written in the air. And so, leaving it first to your
examination, and then to your better delivery thereof to his Majesty
and to the Lord, I humbly rest,
At your Honour's commandment,
Henry Wotton.
312. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, extract, Rox. Club, p. 55. Affairs in Italy, the
imprisonment of Cardinal Klesel, &c.
Venice, this 21th of August, 1618.
Style of England.
. . . The new Governor of Milan 2 continues still in fair humour,
and I think the wars of Genova will prove but a fit of jealousy.
Of Ossuna we still stand in doubt. I have much to add unto that
which I wrote before, about the Cardinal Klesel 3 ; which hath bred,
to our no small recreation here, a kind of schism between the Italian
and Spanish cardinals, and between the Pope's own creatures and
the elder Piirpurati. But my present disability of spirit and
remainder of weakness will not permit me to entertain his Majesty
with these things till the next week. Howsoever, I cannot end
without rendering you very hearty and humble thanks for those
traces of favour and love, which appear in your lines unto me, and
whereof before my secretary, Richard Seymour, brought me a very
sensible assurance. I protest, sir, before God, you do me right,
I mean not in esteeming me, but in loving me ; for there was none
that did more sincerely rejoice in your promotion, having been tied
unto you, not only by long acquaintance, but by a kind of consocia-
tion in our contemplative course, wherein I must confess is the
highest pleasure, that I conceive in this world. And so, wishing
1 ' Immane,' arch, for monstrous, savage. {N. E. D.)
2 The Duke of Feria, who succeeded Don Pietro di Toledo. His mother was
an Englishwoman, the famous Duchess of Feria (Jane Dormer, 1538-1012),
daughter of Sir William Dormer. {D.N.B.) Wotton told the Doge that he
could promise for the good inclinations of the Duke of Feria, ' at least for half
of him, for he is half English.' {Esp. Prin., Aug. 20, 1618.)
3 Cardinal Klesel {ante, ii, p. 94), minister and favourite of the Emperor
Matthias, who was in favour of dealing mildly with the rebellious Protestants
of Bohemia. The Archduke Ferdinand had him seized and imprisoned in the
Tyrol, and forced Matthias to go to war with the Bohemians. On Aug. 17 the
news had reached Venice, and Wotton wrote that the ' whole city was full
of marvel and discourse about it '. {Rox. Club, p. 50.)
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 157
you long and constant health, because at the preoeni I can m b
it very feelingly, I rest,
At your Honour's commandment,
Henuy WoTTOK.
313. To Sin Dudley Cakleton.
S. /'. Ven . dictated. An expedition to Vicenza ; news in Venice, the
Bohemian revolution, the English mutiny, fte.
From Padua ft of October, 1618.
If? very ciooD Lord,
I have lately received from your Lordship a large and friendly
report of those affairs. Your said letter I found in Padova at my
return from Vicenza,1 whither, it shall be some entertainment to
tell you what occasion drew me. The Conte Paolo Porta (a family
as you know dependent on the crown of France) being this year
prince there of the Olympian Academy, and withal concurring his
marriage with a fair damsel of the house of Tieni, took a fancy to
solemnize this concurrence with some representation on that famous
theatre, built by Palladio, alV antica, which I suppose your Lordship
hath seen. To this he invited the French ambassador, who accepted
the invitation, and before his going would needs capitulate with the
Signory for precedence before the rectors of that place ; which if he
had gone without demanding, it had been yielded him per cortcsiu,
as hath been before to like representants, and as I hear even to
himself, passing that way at other times. But now de rigorc, it was
denied him ; the State alleging (though with what reason I do not
yet see) that the rectors of their towns are not rappresentanti (for
then the representant of the better must have had the better place)
but U Principe stesso. Howsoever it was signified that he might go,
and order should be taken for the avoidance of any affront to his
1 On Sept. 20, Will Leete wrote to Isaac Bargrave : ' To-morrow his Lordship
is going to Noventa with the Duke of Holstayne (who remains in the house
continually) and also my Lord Gray, and my cousin Gouldesburroughe. There
we are likely to spend ten or twelve days in bowling and baloon (at which we
(■rofess ourselves masters), and so from thence to Vicenza to see the theatre
illuminated upon the occasion of a play (whether comedy or tragedy I know
not) in honour of a certain marriage, where I heartily wish you ; from thence
we return to Padoua, and it is not the least of our business to make choice of
excellent wines for our provisions, and so to send them to Venice.' (Rox. Club,
p. 66.) The Duke Joachim Ernest of Holstein (1595-1671) was son of John
Duke of Sonderburg, and grandson of Christian III of Denmark, and cousin
therefore of the Queen of England. He came to Venice wishing to serve in the
Venetian army, but his offer was not accepted. He lived for nearly i year
in Wotton's house, and travelled with him to Germany. On Jan. 21, 1619,
Wotton presented him to the Doge. The Lord Gray mentioned above must
tare been Andrew Gray, seventh Lord Gray, who succeeded to the title in 1612
me a popish recusant, and died in 1668. (b. N.B.)
158 LETTERS OF WOTTON
person ; about which sending to be more clearly informed, he had
answer, that he should sit among the ladies on the right hand of the
rectors, in the principal view before the stage. Upon this he went,
and being there neither received nor visited by the rectors, and
besides understanding that though he should sit somewhat on the
right hand of them, yet it was in pie piano, a great way under them,
he took all this together so distastefully, that he was resolved to be
gone without hearing his own praises from the mouth of Hercules
(the patron of the academy) in the prologue, had not the sposa,
accompanied with divers other choice pieces, made it their suit to
stay him. Who could deny such creatures (whom even kings obey)
the remission of a ceremony or two ? So he stayed, and in truth,
it was a sight of much contentment. The subject was the tragedy
of Toresmondo, composed by Torquato Tasso,1 full of royal personages
of both sexes, and all represented with several attendants, in so
majestical form, as made us think, that there is a wisdom even in
the well-ordering of follies.
We have been troubled of late at Venice with other ceremonious
contentions, about the first visitation between the regal repre-
sentants and the extraordinary ambassadors of Tuscany2 and
Mantova ; who demanding also that point of right, which perhaps
they had had otherwise of courtesy, did return to their masters
without being visited, or visiting any save the Nuncio, with whom
they did not stick who should begin. A thing ill taken, not only
by myself (who consider the Pope very abstractly), but even by the
French ambassador, who well urged that in point of honour there
was no more due to him than to his own master, though in point of
reverence, when that should be the question, he knew his duty.
I have thus entertained your Lordship with these strifes about
ceremonies, as if our substances were at an end. The truth is the
motions in Bohemia give us leave to be wanton, about which
although modus non placet, I mean the throwing of councillors
out of windows, and other circumstances of popular sollevation,
yet considering upon what just causes, and pernicious discoveries
it began, I am sorry the remedies were so violent, that were so
necessary.3
We have here peace in Friuli, and the armata is in all points so
royally furnished, that we need fear nothing in that Gulf, unless the
General be as cowardly as he is cruel, things commonly consociated.
I speak this with just sensibility upon the inhuman execution of
1 Torrismondo, printed at Bergamo 1587. a Albizzi, ante, i, p. 52 n.
3 The famous 'Defenestration' at Prague on May 23, 1618, when Martinitz and
Slavata and Fabricius were thrown out of the window, and the Thirty Years'
War be "ran.
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 159
light of Sir Henry Peyton's men, without distinction of gentry
or baseness, even in his own galley, himself looking on. Wherein,
to make the best use of black chances, was wonderfully remarkable
how the divine justice, in a casual picking out of the foresaid
number, from a 150 tumultuary men, did direct the man employed
about this choice to such, whereof the greatest number should have
been hanged at home, and the rest were by all information the
principal instruments of that disorder. This I do not allege to
excuse the General, who as I have said did little consider the
qualities of the men. Since this fact and my round complaint in
it, which I hope will be seconded at home, he hath been very kind
to the remainder, of whom perchance there may be some use, for
we hear that the Duke of Ossuna resolves to return into the port of
Brindisi. If he do so rebus sic stantibus, he shall by my consent be
called no more il matto, but il bravo Vicere. For, believe me, my
Lord, it is the powerfullest armada that hath ever yet been seen
within the Straits of Gibraltar. The Pope secretly comforteth the
Viceroy in that business, and here we vex him with the execution of
friars, and processing of fugitive bishops,1 whereof I shall give your
Lordship better knowledge in my next. And for the present, with
many thanks for your kind letters, I wish you all happiness.
Remaining,
Your Lordship's with faithful affection to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
314. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 72. Wotton's return home,
9th of October, 1618.
Style of England.
Sir,
I take presumption, upon the assured promise of your love, to
write unto you herein a few private lines about myself; whereof the
scope is this, to beseech you that, as you have obtained leave for my
return home the next spring, to the comfortable sight of my gracious
master, so you will be pleased likewise to deal with his Majesty
in my behalf, that none may be appointed to succeed me here till
my arrival ; because, when I have settled some of my peculiar
1 Fra Honorio, executed for clipping money, and the Bishop of Lesina, who
(•Barrelled with the Venetian authorities and fled to Zara. The Republie
ordered the Governor of Zara to arrest him and send him to Venice. 'What
will follow upon these proceedings,' Wotton wrote on Oct. 29, ■ I cannot affirm,
but I incline to believe that the Pope will revenge himself rather by secret
animating the Viceroy of Naples in the maritime action, than by his own
spiritual sword, of which the edge is extremely dulled.' {Rox. Club, p. 76.)
160 LETTERS OF WOTTON
occasions, I shall rather wish to come hither back again, than to
be onerous to his Majesty at home ; for without his bounty I cannot
live. In the meanwhile, my Italian secretary, Gregorio de' Monti
(who supplied the place all the while that Sir Dudley Carleton was
at Turino, and afterwards till my coming), will discharge it with
fidelity and discretion ; being a person of much sufficiency, and of
twelve years' approvement in the King's service. This is my most
humble and hearty request unto you, about which I have by letter
prayed Mr. Bargrave to intercede with you for me. But having not
heard from him, I thought fit provisionally to move it by mine own
pen ; having with no man else living communicated these thoughts,
about which I shall languish to receive a line or two from you.
And so, again,
Sir, I am yours,
Henry Wotton.
315. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, extract, Kox. Club, p. 91. Wotton's reflections on
the comet of 1618.
From Venice, this 27 of November.
Style of England, 1618.
Right Honourable,
I must crave pardon to be short this week, having taken a very
troublesome cold with the observation of a new comet *, appearing in
this horizon somewhat after midnight, amongst the famous con-
stellations nearest Arcturus, but with some little variety of motion.
It is far greater than the last in 1607, but almost both in the very
same place. When it first began, by reason of the untimely hour
of the apparition, is uncertain ; but it was first noted by one of
mine, the 27th of November 2, coming that night from Padova ; at
which time the blaze was so great, and of such extension, as could
not be obscured by the moon, nor a good while after the light of
the day. This, concurring in a time of such motion in Bohemia,
distraction of opinion in the Low Provinces, divisions in the Court
of Fraunce, and no firm estate yet of Italie, will perchance breed here
the more discourse, though a country in general not much inclined
to presagement, but rather every man busy about himself.8 Only
1 The famous comet of 1618, which some thought to presage the death of the
Queen of England, some to be a warning against the Spanish match, while
others believed it to be connected with the fall of Barneveldt. 2 i.e. N.S.
3 Paolo Sarpi says in one of his letters that there was not much superstition
in Venice, because there no one attained greatness but by the ordinary and
customary steps, and could have no ground for entertaining hopes above or
beyond his condition. But in Rome, where sudden transitions from the lowest
to the highest rank were common, divination was held in great credit. (Lettire,
i, p. 270.)
TO SIR ROBERT NAUXTOX 161
the Pope is likely to be much troubled at it, having in the whole
time, both of his regiment, and private life, been tormented by
astrologers, and such kind of people, no less than the poets feign of
some that were agitated by Furies. ... I will now, Sir, trouble you no
further at the present, being here otherwise little alteration of State,
and intending within short time to send home one of mine own with
all that shall concern our main business l which you know, or mine
own employment homewards ; being in the meantime, upon receipt
of those precious though short lines which came yesterday from you
to my hands, bound to render his Majesty most humble thanks for
reserving this charge unsupplied till my return, and leaving it so
graciously to mine own thoughts ; which doth extremely comfort me,
because I hope the world will construe it as a silent approbation —
though I cannot say of any merit — yet at least of my zeal. And so,
Sir, for your own friendly mediation therein, and affectionate care
otherwise of me, I rest ever bound unto you, and remain,
At your command,
Henry Wotton.
316. To Lord Zouche.
S. P. Ven., holograph, no address, but plainly to Lord Zouche. Wotton's
life since his student days ; news of Italy ; Sir Hemy Mainwaring.
Venice, this 3rd of February, 1619.
Style of the place.2
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
I am very glad of this opportunity, that by the hand of a
gentleman 3 who doth so entirely honour you, both in his continual
speech and in his soul, I may revive also with your Lordship mine
own long devotion, even since the time that I did first contemplate
your noble virtues, when I was a poor student at Altorph ; which
were my happiest days. For what have (I) since observed in my
employments but a few maxims of State too high for my capacity,
and too subtle for my nature, which was cast in a plainer mould ?
Is then at least my fortune mended ? Alas, my dear Lord, let me
not think of that. For when I consider how all those of my rank
have been dignified and benefited at home, while I have been
1 The ' Orthodoxal' seminaries.
2 Really style of Rome, as on February 3. 1619. according to the Venetian
calendar (i. e. 1620) Wotton was in England.
3 Sir Henry Mainwaring, see Appendix III. He had come to Venice to offer
his services to the Republic.
WOTTON. II Bf
162 LETTERS OF WOTTON
gathering of cockles upon this lake, I am in good faith impatient,
more of the shame, than of the sense of want. Yet this is my
comfort, that my gracious Master (as it hath pleased him to let me
know) doth love me. And for the rest, philosophy shall be my
reward, which, though it cannot keep me from need, yet it wil
teach me not to envy those that abound.
It was not my meaning when I took this leaf to make myself th(
subject of my letter unto your Lordship, though the remembrance of
your ancient favours hath, I know not how, made my pen s<
familiar.
For the public affairs, we stand here yet very ambiguously. Th<
land was long since quiet, but the sea, as the more movabh
element, is still in agitation ; and we are artificially kept at excessive
charge by a mad Viceroy and a winking Pope, while the King o
Spayne, in the meanwhile, standeth at the benefit of time and fortune
ready to authorize or disavow the event according to the success
which I take to be the sum of our case. But these things will b(
more particularly delivered to your Lordship by this ' redeemec
Neptune ', as I have baptized him : for they here think him mod
than a man that knows so much more than themselves. And ii
truth, if any place had been vacant worthy of his sufficiency, then
wanted no desire to hold him, as they have expressed by offers t
himself, and declared in their letters by him to their ambassadoi
and most of all in the confident communication of their affairs an<
desires with him, which likewise include some hope of their having
him again, as your Lordship will perceive by the subject of nr
dispatch to the King, which he carrieth.
I must add hereunto for mine own part that I have been gh
of this occasion which hath given me a better taste of him, and
his fair and clear dispositions, than I could take at a transitory viei
when I passed my last duty with your Lordship in Canterburie ; and
I am likewise almost not sorry that I have yet not seen a letter
which he tells me your Lordship wrote by him unto me. For it
would have made me the more ashamed to have done him so little
service here, that had brought me such a favour, though I am other-
wise not poor of your Lordship's gracious lines, whereof I preserve
to this hour a great roll, and especially one, which I long for some
hour to show your Lordship, because I know in your nobleness you
cannot deny it, though in my meanness I could never deserve it.
And here I will end your Lordship's trouble with my prayers to
our loving God for your happiness. Ever remaining,
Your Lordship's with an honest heart to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
TO JAMES I UH
317. To Jamfs I.
>'. P. Ven., dictated, printed, Gardiner, Letteiv, pp. 48-51. The Re-
public's thanks for James I's offer to send ships to the coast of Spain.
Proposals for a nearer connexion between Venice and the German
Princes ; Wotton chosen as ambassador to the Emperor.
From Venice, this 5th of March 1618(9).
Style of England.
Most gracious Sovereign,
I have good occasion to address the present unto your Majesty's
own royal hands. It may therefore please your Majesty to under-
stand that I was yesterday called here to the palace, where, by order
of the Senate, was read unto me (as their fashion is, when they will
speak determinately) such a serious fervent acknowledgement of
their obligations to your Majesty, as I have never before heard any-
thing couched in so sensible and so abundant terms, grounded upon
advice from their own ambassador, that your Majesty had at his
instance (as I conceive them to take it) resolved to send out some
sufficient number of your own ships, as likewise other vessels
belonging to the merchants of your kingdom, towards the coast of
Spaine to invigilate for the common safety over the preparations and
designs of that King, who will thereby, as they well imagine, be so
injealoused, as may, peradventure, keep him from molesting these
nearer seas, which consequently will redound (say they) not only to
the quiet of Italie, but likewise to much advantage of the German
affairs ; as meaning that without some such distraction of the
Spanish power, an attempt perchance might be made to transport
soldiers by the Gulf to Treiste in succour of the house of Austria
against the Bohemians, whom the United Princes do favour. And
therefore for the foresaid resolution in your Majesty, implying directly
or obliquely the good of so many of your friends, they held them-
selves eternally obliged, desiring me likewise in terms of more than
ordinary vehemency to concur with their ambassador in representing
to your Majesty how tenderly and how sensibly they take this great
argument of your love and of your care toward their estate, and
what a deep impression it hath made in the hearts of them all.
This was the substance ; but I must humbly confess unto your
Majesty mine own weakness in the delivery thereof.
Now having newly received an express command from your
Majesty to intercede with this State in your name, about the
breeding of a nearer correspondency between them and the German
Princes1 by reciprocal instruments on each side, and observing by
1 In Nov. 1618, Wotton, by permission of the Venetian government, was
allowed to visit Antonio Foscarini. who had been ambassador in England from
M 2
164 LETTERS OF WOTTON
what they said yesterday unto me, what a feeling they had taken of
your Majesty's late kindness, it moved me this very morning to
return upon mine own demand again to the palace, where, after
I had discharged your Majesty's counsel and desire, I concluded,
that nothing in mine opinion could ever happen more seasonably,
for having but the day before professed unto me how royal and how
true a friend they found in your Majesty in this time of their doubts,
there was now a fair opportunity offered unto them to show likewise
on their parts how much they respected your Majesty's propositions,
and the friendship of your confederates.
The Duke in his answer, after he had again very solemnly
protested their obligations to your Majesty, and their general inclina-
tion to that which I had propounded in your name, fell to ask me
what warrant I had of the like desire in those Princes. I replied
with beseeching him to consider that this motion came not only
from your Majesty as you were King of Greate Britaine, or particular
friend to this State (which were individual considerations), but
rather as you stood in a community of affection toward them with
others, and as you were head of the said German Union, so as your
Majesty in that qualification could not be supposed to have made
a proposition of this kind, without a well-informed foreknowledge
how the whole body did incline, which you had good opportunity to
understand by a late ambassador sent unto your Court, namety, the
Baron of Danahe ■ from the Elector Palatine, your son-in-law,
director of the foresaid Union. Hereupon the Duke told me that it
should be put into speedy consultation, and such care be had of it,
as is due to all your Majesty's wise and Christian motions. Now
touching this matter, to speak with humble freedom mine own poor
conceit, I find by the Count Palatine's letters unto me a good
disposition there, and the like here, by sundry answers from the
1611 to 1615, and now, after a period of disgrace, was enjoying a brief period of
public favour, which ended with his imprisonment and death in 1622. Wotton
visited Foscarini in his own house, who told him that Venice was very favour-
ably inclined to enter into nearer relations with the Protestant Princes.
Wotton sent this news to the Count Palatine by his friend and former guest,
the Duke of Holstein, who was then travelling to Germany. (Rox. Club,
pp. 100-2. ) The Duke of Holstein soon returned to Venice with a letter from
Frederick to Wotton, dated Nov. 24, 1618, in which he expressed his strong
desire to forward this plan, but begged the negotiations might be kept secret.
(Ibid., p. 90.) In Wotton's audience of Jan. 25, 1619, N.S., a resolution of the
Senate was read to him, expressing ' all reciprocal propension ' on the part of
the Venetian government to enter into more friendly relations with the German
Protestants. Wotton, as he states, brought up the subject in a special audience
of March 15, and again on April 20 and April 23. The object was not, he said,
a formal union or league, but the reciprocal sending of ministers to treat of
their mutual affairs. (Esp. Prin.)
1 Baron Christopher von Dohna, who arrived in England in January, 1619. on
a special mission from the Elector Palatine. (Gardiner, iii, p. 285.)
TO JAMES I 165
Senate ; but I doubt it will stick upon who shall begin ; both parties
would be wooed for reputation's sake, and the German Princes, as
being many, seem to expect the first offer from a single Common-
wealth. On the other side they would perchance be glad of such
a civil excuse (if the Pope or the King of Spain should be angry or
jealous at this foreign amity) to be able to say that they were not
the seekers. Between which ceremonious respects the substantial
are drowned, both public and spiritual, I mean, as I know your
Majesty doth as well, the advancement of conscience as of state.
Only now my hope is that your Majesty's intercession will impart
a priority, and so cease * that scruple ; which I will here attend and
pursue in the best manner I can.
I must end with mine own most humble and hearty thanks
unto your Majesty about myself, that it hath pleased you (for so
Mr. Secretary Naunton hath given me knowledge) to design me to
treat in your royal name between the Emperor and the Bohemians ; 2
wherein besides my zeal to your Majesty and to your own glory,
I have likewise a zeal to the cause, which I hope will be some veil
to mine other infirmities. I do therefore with all submission expect
the honour of your Majesty's commandments and instructions, both
in this, and the rest of your good pleasure, according to the long
devoted faith and duty of
Your Majesty's humble poor vassal,
Henry Wotton.
318. To Sir Robert Nauntox.
Tanner MS. 74, f. 198, holograph, extract. Wotton hears of
Doncaster's appointment.
The ftth of March 1618<9>.
Right Honourable,
I am in Padua ; hither retired for a few days to take some
change of air, having been troubled with a little straitness of respira-
tion.
Here I have this day received your letter bearing date the 16th of
February, which revoked his Majesty's first pleasure about mine
employment in the Bohemian cause. And it came in one respect
very seasonably, as I was ready, upon your first provisional directions,
to send an express person about those matters to Prage ; which
I had a while suspended upon a voice that ran very strongly with
1 ' Cease,' i. e. to put a stop to. Obs. in this use. {N. E. D.)
2 In September, 1618, the Spanish government asked James I to mediate in the
Bohemian revolution. James agreed to do so, and early in 1619 decided to send
Wotton, but this appointment was almost immediately cancelled in favour of
Doncaster. {Gardiner, iii, pp. 279, 289.)
166 LETTERS OF WOTTON
us of the Emperor's death or of his approachment unto it, which
in some sort doth yet continue.1 Only in the meantime I have made
some preparations for my journey of more charge than ordinary ; but
therein my Master's goodness will heal me when I come home,
I hope, amongst some of them that his royal hand shall touch.
For the rest, never was there a better charge ; for the public
service will be discharged with more judgement and dignity by
so unexceptionable a personage (as in truth you justly call my Lord
of Doncaster), and on the other side I am fitter for business of more
simplicity.
319. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Rox. Club, p 112. Without address, but almost certainly
to Naunton. Sir Thomas Lake was forced to resign his office as Secretary
in February, 1619. Naunton appears to havj tried to get Wotton
appointed as Lake's successor, and to have written explaining why lie
had failed. Wotton sends him thanks. The post was given to Sir
George Calvert.
From Padova, the l\ of March, 1619.
Sir,
That you meant me, at such a distance from your sight in place,
and from your memory in merit, so great an honour, was a nobler
piece of love than I shall ever be able to acknowledge with due
thankfulness. And yet it is more, both in itself, and in mine own
feeling of it, that you are pleased in your last unto me, to express
some solicitousness about the satisfying of me why I missed it.
For both which I humbly beseech you to receive the private pro-
fession of myself to be.
Ever yours,
Henry Wotton
320. To Sir Rosert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 115. The death of
Queen Anne of Denmark.
(April 12, 1619.)
Right Honourable,
Being returned hither from Padova, where I took some physic for
a kind of sciatical defluxion, I find here your letter of the 4th
of March, touching the Queen's death ; 2 which, according to your
1 The Emperor Matthias died March 20, 1619, N.S., the day before the above
was written.
2 March 2, 1619. In August a warrant was issued to pay Wotton £150 for
the 'provision of black for the funeral of the late Queen Anne, by order from
Secretary Calvert '. (Docquet Book, vi.)
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 167
directions, shall be signified to the State within three or four days,
when I have in the meantime put myself and my family into
mourning weeds, and altered likewise the furniture of my house
for public congruity ; because I expect that the Senate will depute
some principal personages (as is their form in such cases) to condole
with me.
And this is all that I shall need to say at the present, being
to write largely by a gentleman who will prevent the courier
of this 12th of April, 1619. *
Your Honour's— qiud plura ?
Henry Wottox.
Sir, if by chance a voice of the Pope's death should be flown unto
you— which even here had gotten suddenly some credit— let me
assure you by my private intelligence that at the date hereof it
was false ; though the reason of that hasty dispersion will be worthy
of his Majesty's hearing— which I shall deliver in the rest that is
intended.
321. To Sir George Calvert.2
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton's congratulation with Calvert, on his
appointment to the secretaryship in succession to Sir Thomas Lake.
Venice, the 25 of April, 1619.
Right Honourable,
My congratulation with you (which I have deferred till the
dispatch of this gentleman) will I hope appear like some rivers which
run slowly, though their channels be full. For I can very truly
say that the news of your advancement did fill my heart with
gladness, not in good faith out of any reflection upon myself
(though I am the stronger by the strength of my friend), but from
that simple and just delight which every honest mind should
take in the lustre and fortunes of virtuous men ; whereunto our
long acquaintance hath added likewise a peculiar and private con-
tentment ; for the other was rather public. Let therefore Sir,
these poor lines discharge this duty, and receive them not only
from my hand, but from the best affections of my heart, that do
move it. I am preparing as you know homewards, and I shall
1 In the margin is written 'I hear of no such gentleman yet'.
2 The new secretary. ' An industrious, modest man, who might be trusted,
like Naunton, to do his work silently and well, and who, in former times, had
been one of Salisbury's secretaries.' (Gardiner, iii, p. 194.) He became a Roman
Catholic, and in 1625 resigned his office. Shortly afterwards he was created
Lord Baltimore. His successor as secretary was Wotton's nephew. Sir Albei tus
Morton. {Ibid., v, pp. 309, 310.)
168 LETTERS OF WOTTON
come the more willingly, that you may see the truth of these
professions even in mine eyes. Till when, our dear Saviour bless
you.
Your long devoted poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, this gentleman, Mr. John Dowrich1, nephew to my Lord
Carie, hath desired me to recommend him unto your favour, which
I am bold to do, being well acquainted with his worthy abilities and
honest nature.
32.2. To Sib Robert Nauntox.
Eton MS., holograph, extract, Box. Club, p. 117. The Pope and the
imperial election. A report from Rome about the conversion of a
Cambridge professor.
From Venice, this 26 of April, 1619.
. . . Before I pass to a new section, I will a little resume the
consideration of Germany, whose troubles we here contemplate
at our ease for the present.
The main question is whether a new Emperor2 will be made by
the sword, or by election ; in which business, because the Pope is
considerable, it shall be my duty to tell his Majesty how he standeth
affected, for I reckon Rome part of my charge. In the postscript
of my last, I told you of a voice which had here suddenly gotten
some credit that the Pope was dead, which grew thus. Upon Friday
was fortnight, as he was newly set down at dinner, came to him the
news of the Emperor's death ; whereupon he rose from the table,
retired himself to his close chamber, spent that afternoon in deep
silence, and often laid his hand cross his forehead over his eyes,
which seems to have bred that false dispersion, as if he had been
touched with some apoplectical fit. Now, if it be asked whence
might spring so profound a feeling in him upon the news, I am
provided by my intelligencers to satisfy that point, that it came
from a distraction in his affections ; on the one side being ill-conceited
of Ferdinando, and all the cardinals worse than himself, for the
business of Clesel 3 ; and yet on the other side extremely doubting
that the Empire may pass from the House of Austria. For he useth
often to say, that the See of Rome was never better than since
the Empire was lodged in that blood, and can hardly endure to
hear of Bavaria for Ludovicus the last Bavarian Emperor's sake.4
1 John Dowrishe, see Appendix III.
2 To succeed Matthias.
3 The imprisonment of Cardinal Klesel (ante, ii, p. 156).
4 Louis V, 1282-1347.
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 169
If it be true, which is freshly written unto me from Nurreinberg,
that Saxonie inclineth to the Bohemians, it may perchance spoil
the Pope's digestion of another dinner. Here we wish well to
any but the Austrians, and though we hear that the King of Spayne
hath for this year dismissed his African plots, yet is not the State
without reasonable jealousy that he may attempt the sending of
aids by this Gulf. . . .
Lastly I must give the King knowledge of some private things
which I have by close and fresh intelligence from Rome ; whence
one doth write unto me that which followeth in cipher, translated
from the Italian ad verbum.
1 Baldwin ! hath made great instance to the Pope to assign an
honourable provision for an Englishman made Catholic. This is
a very learned person, as they say, especial 2 in studies of humanity,
Greek and Latin. He abideth in the University of Cambridge,
and is called (if I do not fail in memory) Dunio ". He hath published
somewhat upon Demosthenes, and they make much reckoning of
his quality ; but he refuseth to come to Rome without some certain
assignation. The Pope hath answered the foresaid Baldwin, "let him
come, let him come, and he shall be well used." But he is not yet,
for aught we hear, on the way. Here we expect from England
a book, composed by the King, upon the Lord's Prayer, dedicated
to his favourite. The Pope hath given orders to the Jesuits that
it be immediately sent hither : and because the Cardinal Bellarmin
hath printed one to the same purpose, the Pope told him that he
had in his spiritual works, as he heard, a noble concurrent, namely
the King of Great Britannie. Whereunto Bellarmini replied "that
the soil indeed was good, but the seed ill that had been sown in
it. Yet who knows," said he, "but that as the tears of Santa
Monica did gain St. Augustine to the Church, so the tears of
the King's mother may one day bring her son under the obedience
of your Holiness ? " '
Thus much I have verbally translated from my correspondent's
letter, wherein two things are strange unto me. First, that they
should have at Rome news of the King's Meditations4, and of his
purpose in the dedication thereof, before it was known, perchance
unless to very few at home, and to none of us here ; though we
1 William Baldwin (ante, ii, p. 117), released from the Tower in 1618, went to
Rome, where he was received with great favour. Wotton wrote to Naunton on
Feb. 22, 1619, < Baldwine is in so great opinion both with Pope and cardinals,
that he wanteth but 10,000 crowns to be a cardinal himself; for the market
goes no lower at this time.' (Rox. Club, p. 110.)
2 ' Especial,' i. e. pre-eminent. Obs. (N.E.D.)
8 'Surely he meaneth Mr. Downes,' note of Wotton's in margin.
4 A Meditation upon the Lord's Prayer, written by the King's Majestie, &c, 1619.
170 LETTERS OF WOTTON
have since received some copies of that sweet labour. Which point
I thought myself bound in duty to note, because, though it be
not material in this particular, yet the searching of such divulgations
may perchance trench deeper than doth yet appear. Secondly, I
much wonder to retrace in the cipher the name of Dunio, which
by the local description and other circumstances must needs be
the Greek Professor, Mr. Downes 1 ; a man of my knowledge con-
tented with a little, and of age unfit to change countries, and un-
suspected in his religion. But he is poor, and it may be they have
been working to gain him, because he had his hand in the reformed
translation^ the Bible. Howsoever, for my part, I should be sorry
by my private intelligence to cast any blemish upon him ; but
having discharged my part, I leave the inquiry to his Majesty's
wisdom. And so commit you, Sir, to God's dear and blessed
love, ever remaining truly,
At your devotion,
Henry Wotton.
323. To Sib Robeet Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 123. The requested loan of ships.
A pamphlet against De Dominis.
From Venice, the 2d of May, 1619.
Style of the place.
Right Honourable,
I have, before my departure, out of your last, by my secretary.
acquainted this State with those reasons which made his Majest
find it both inconvenient and unnecessary to lend them any o
his own vessels : inconvenient in point of honour ; unnecessary,
for that our gracious Master had received new assurances fro:
the King of Spayne that his intents lay not this way,2 besides thos
1 Andrew Downes (1549 ?-lG28), Regius Professor of Greek at Cambridge
was one of the translators of the Apocrypha for the ' Authorized Version \ In
1621 he published his Praelectiones in Philippicam de Pace Demosthenis. (D. N. B.)
2 In the resolution of the Senate read to Wotton on Jan. 25, 1619, N.S., the
Venetian government not only expressed their desire for closer relations with
the German Protestant Princes (ante, ii, p. 164), but also requested James I to lend
them four ships from his navy to help in their defence. They stated that the
intentions of Spain toward Venice were growing more and more questionable,
and hinted the same of the Pope. Great fleets, they said, were preparing at
Naples and in Spain for the purpose, it was believed, of attacking Venice, the
Spaniards were beginning to question the dominion claimed by Venice over the
Adriatic Gulf, and had demanded a passage across it to Trieste, for troops to be
sent to aid the Archduke Ferdinand in the Bohemian troubles. Venice, there-
fore, asked James I for the loan of these ships for purposes of self-defence, and
to prevent the passage of the troops across the Adriatic Gulf. (Esp. Prin.,
Wotton's dispatch, Jan. 22, O.S., Box. Club, pp. 103-7.) James was not unwilling
to grant their request, but owing to his vigorous action the Spanish designs
against Venice (if they had entertained such designs) were given up. Wotton
TO SIB ROBERT NAUNTON 171
ships which were in preparation with us to be sent out ; from whose
hovering in the Spanish seas this Republic would obliquely receive
no ->mall benefit, as themselves did confess unto me, when they
Inquired me with such vehemency to represent (as I have formerly
done) their infinite thanks unto the King for that purpose.
I had answer that the Republic was not only content with the
foresaid reasons, but posso ben dire (says the Duke) content i~
especially having understood from their own ambassador withal,
as from myself, the continued profession of his Majesty's dear
love towards them. And he added that upon the Spanish promises
made to so great a King, and so much their friend, they would
ground some better hopes than they had done hitherto ; though
there was still an apparent contrariety between the speeches and
the effects, or at least between the master and his ministers, the
Duke of Ossuna leaving nothing undone that may any way tend
to their molestation. And here he took occasion largely to discourse
unto me, with desire that his Majesty at my arrival might be
particularly informed thereof, that all the capitulations accorded
both in the French Court, and in Friuli, had likewise on their parts
been duly executed, and no one thing to this hour had been done
as it should be, either on the Imperial or Spanish side. I reserve
these particulars till mine own coming ; or at least I shall insert
them in a compendious report (which I am framing) of the most
considerable points in matter of State and religion within the
compass of Italie, as I now leave it ; whereinto will enter the
discourses that are made upon the publication here of their defensive
league with Savoye ; l a thing generally condemned. I mean not the
league itself, but the publication. This is all that I need say at
the present, having my head homewards. Only let me entertain
his Majesty with a leaf or two touching the Archbishop of Spalato,
newly published here by a foolish friar, among a catalogue of
' Heretics ' as he calleth them. Whereof I had knowledge before-
hand, and did acquaint therewith some well-affected persons2;
but finding it to contain the praises of his former life and only
told the Doge on April 30 that the King of Spain, ' swearing by his Crowns and
his Faith,' had assured James I that the fleet then preparing was not designed to
attack Venice. (E$p. Prin.)
1 This league was signed March 14, 1619. (Ronianin, vii, p. 245.) Wotton was
informed of it on April 23, 1019. He assured the Doge that James I would be
delighted, 'and all men who loved the good. The angels themselves are
delighted to see union among men.' But the league, Wotton said, should be
larger, and he urged again his plan of closer relations, and the reciprocal
sending of ministers, between Venice and the Protestant Princes. (Esp. Prin.,
April 23.)
Ii'bably Sarpi and Fulgenzio, to whom the phrase " well-affected persons'
in Wotton's letters generally refers.
172 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the dispraise of his present belief, I was not only willing but glad
to let it pass ; and perchance the author for the first part may be
whipped by the Pope. Now, let me commit you, Sir, to God's
blessed love, who ever keep you.
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
324. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, Box. Club, p. 124. Wotton about to depart
from Venice.
From Venice, this 10th of May.
Style of the place, 1619.
Right Honourable,
This is only to signify unto his Majesty that by God's favour,
within two or three days after the date thereof, we shall depart
from hence ; l so as my next will be from Augusta, where there is, as
you know, a feat to be done, for which the party is well prepared.
I leave here (as Sir Dudley Carleton did during the whole time of
his negotiation in Piedmont) Gregorio de' Monti, to supply the service
by continual advertisements ; upon which point I gave a touch, at
my leave-taking to the Prince, desiring him to esteem it as an
argument of clear and disumbrageous 2 friendship, that we serve
ourselves even of his own subjects ; for Gregorio is a natural
Venetian, though now many years as it were Englished, with
singular approvement both of his fidelity, diligence, and discretion.
Whereof he hath likewise a testimony from his Majesty, under his
royal hand, sent him in the time of Sir Ralphe Winwoode, for his
better encouragement, after my predecessor and myself had repre-
sented his good deservings.
Now to return to myself. I carry in my breast, besides that
honest business3 which you know, some important commissions
from this State 4 which have a silent reflection (though not meant by
1 For Wotton's farewell audience on May 5 see ante, i, p. 163. On May 3 the
Senate voted the customary sums of 1,000 scudi for a gold chain for the
ambassador, and 200 scudi for his secretary. {Delib. Senato.)
2 ' Disumbrageous,' not in N.E.D.
3 The • feat to be done ' at Augusta, the ' honest business ', about which
Wotton writes with such zest, was, of course, arranging with Hainhoffer to rob
the posts, ante, ii, p. 147.
4 Wotton was empowered by the Venetian government to suggest to the
German Protestant Princes closer terms of friendship between them and
Venice. The 'main end' was the Protestant seminaries. On Jan. 22 he wrote
to James I, 'It seemeth probable, nay, almost I may say necessary, that this
State must be depend upon a strong party abroad ; and so by degrees, with
your Majesty's cherishment, and with the co-operation of other princes and
their instruments, they may perchance be led into a better light than they yet
mean themselves.' (Rox. Club, p. 106.)
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON 173
them) upon our main end. These I shall particularize in my letter
from Augusta ; and will end the present with mine humble thanks
to Almighty God for the happy news, which we have had this week,
of his Majesty's escape from a painful infirmity. The same good
God yield him long unto us and to the Christian world.
And so I rest,
At your Honours commandment,
Henry Wotton.
325. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 130. Wotton left Venice on May 16
for Padua, and after visiting Munich, arrived at Augsburg about June 1,
whence he wrote the following letter to Naunton.
Augusta, the 4th of June 1619, stil. novo.
Sir,
Being by the next post to write at large unto his Majesty, let
me only by this acquaint you that I have been these four or five
days in Augusta, where I took language1 that the Princes of the
Union and representants of the cities were to assemble at Heilbrunn
about the 10th of this month ; which opportunity seemeth to have
dropped out of heaven upon me. For hereby I shall both shorten
my journey and discharge my errand to the whole body, and receive
a more absolute answer ; which otherwise, if I had treated with
them in severalty, would have been relative to their next meeting.
About this I have provisionally from hence dispatched my secretary
to the Elector Palatine, with order likewise to provide me some
commodity at Heilbrun, where I hope to be on Monday next 2 at
night. God bless our good King and his good intents.
Your servant,
Henry Wotton.
By this place is passed five days since, in post, the ambassador
Donato3, which diligence should argue innocence. God send him
a cheerful arrival at home, whereof I forecast some doubt ; for the
Savoy ambassadors, with whom I spake before my departure, make
the business very foul.
1 ' Language,' i. e. talk, report. Obs. {N. E. J>.
3 June 10, N.S.
3 Antonio Donato, nephew of the Doge Niccolb Donato. Antonio Donato was
ambassador at Turin in 1616 and 1617, and the moneys paid by Venice to
Charles Emmanuel to aid in the war against Spain passed through his hands.
In 1618 he went as ambassador to England, but being accused of embezzlement
while at Turin he was now returning home to be tried. Being convicted, he
escaped from Venice in disguise and fled to England.
174 LETTERS OF WOTTON
326. To James I.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 486. ' A Report of my negotiation in Germany, and of
some particularities occurring in my journey.' Unsigned, dated 1619,
and written before Wotton's return to England at the end of July,
perhaps in June, after the meeting of the Union at Heilbronn.
(June? 1619.)
TO MY MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN AND MASTER,
I came to Munichen, the Court of Bavaria, in the evening1
before the Feast of Corpus Christi, and in my company the Duke
Joachimus Ernestus of Holstein, who since the ceasing of arms in
Friuli had lived with me at Venice ; which I mention as a duty,
having been recommended unto me, and to that State, by your
Majesty's special letters, and in truth likewise by his own worthy
dispositions. Here we thought only to have stolen a sight, in some
private window, of the procession the next day, where we were told
the Princes and whole Court would be ; but in the morning we
were prevented by the Duke Maximilian 2, who, having gotten know-
ledge of our qualities, sent a Baron of his Bedchamber with coaches
to conduct us to the Court ; which gracious surprisal we could not
civilly resist. At the Court we were placed, by the Duke's own
appointment, in a gallery ; where [when] we saw a more solemn and
sober procession than I had beheld even at Rome, under the Pope's
eyes ; as perhaps all superstition is loosest at the fountain. In this
procession, a little after the Duke and his brother Albertus. went
two young sons of one of them that were thrown out of the window
at Prage, who since then have been fostered in Bavaria ; and from
hence we took our first judgement of the affections of that Court.
I cannot omit that at this solemnity were two Jesuits, who otherwise
in Italy do studiously decline the familiarity of such public appear-
ances, for preservation of respect. At which, when I did express
some wonder, I was told between jest and earnest that indeed the
greater Fathers were more reserved of their presence, but these were
only like ushers over the seminary boys, to keep them in awe at
this show.
This done, the Duke of Holstein and myself were led and lodged
in several quarters of the Palace ; and before dinner the Duke
Maximilian (though tired with walking) sent singly for me, and
passed with me more than an hour in private and free discourse ;
falling into it with as serious protestation as mine ears ever heard,
that though he was bred in the Roman Faith, yet no Prince living
did more honour and reverence the great virtues and eminent wisdom
1 May 29, N.S. 2 Maximilian I, Duke of Bavaria 1596-1623.
1
TO JAMES I 175
of the King my master, to whom he had th< honour bo be allied,
}x>th by marriage and by his own descent ; and therefore should
have thought it a disgrace for him to let me go that way without
offering me, after I had passed the Alpes, a little commodity <>i
inpoee in that poor house, as he was pleased to term it ; being other-
prise one of the most capable, magnificent, and regular fabrics of
Christendom, and all of his own device and erection in five years.1
He told me besides how sensible he was of the honour which the
Count Palatine had done him with a personal surprisal,2 and how
ashamed that the times had not yet permitted him to revenge that
favour, which he had vowed to do with the first opportunity ; and
the rather that he might invite your Majesty's most virtuous
daughter (who hath filled these countries with her excellent fame)
to come and take possession in Bavaria of her woods and fields, and to
kill all there that had either wings or feet. This was the complimental
part of his speech. In the rest, he bewailed the present appearance
of unquietness in the Empire ; he lamented likewise the situation of
his own State, which made it hard for him to preserve himself
neutral, though he had studied it. He spake of Ferdinando's person
kindly, of his fortune doubtfully : of the Bohemians with a cool
temper, rather censuring the form of their proceeding than the
cause ; of himself with singular moderation, and without the least
discovery of any ambitious affections, though we found his courtiers
warm enough in their hopes.
After dinner he sent for the Duke of Holstein, and then came
himself with his whole train to visit me on that side where I was
placed (an honour done seldom before, as I heard, to any ambassador),
where he spent with me about half an hour, with new affirmations
of his reverent respect towards your Majesty ; as likewise the
morning following, when, with much ado, we got leave to be gone.
Which noble language he afterwards (as not contented with a verbal
profession) did prosecute in a letter that I received from him on the
way, which I reserve to be shown your Majesty.
This was my entertainment in the Bavarian Court by a Prince
(I am bound to say) every way good, but in that wherein he should
be best ; of noble manner in his hospitality, of sharp conceit, of
great erudition, and both orderly and lovingly served. Which
circumstances I have thought it my part to set down the more par-
ticularly, for that I am certainly informed of much jealousy both
taken and expressed by the Pope at the Count Palatine's reception
1 The Alte Resideiiz, dating from 1601 to 1616.
- The Elector Palatine visited Maximilian at Munich in February, 1618, to
urge him to become a candidate for the imperial throne. (Wolf, Geschichtt
Muxiynilians I, 1811, iv, p. 121.)
176 LETTERS OF WOTTON
in that Court ; and more, for a book written by his Chancellor, and
published by the Duke's direct command (prefixed in the front
thereof) in defence of Ludovicus, the Bavarian excommunicated
Emperor ; which things considered, make his kindness to your
Majesty's servant, and professions towards your royal person, more
notable. Now to proceed.
At Augusta I took language1 that the Princes and States of the
Union had deferred their assembly ten days : which gave me oppor-
tunity to find them together at Heilbrun, wThom I should have
missed at their own homes. And for due respect I gave the Count
Palatine notice of my intent to be there by a gentleman expressly
sent. Of what I did in Augusta for your Majesty's service I bring
with me the accompt. Being arrived at Heilbrun the day after the
first sitting of the Princes, I repaired immediately to the Count
Palatine, as Director, not only of the Union, but likewise of me (for
so I told him was your Majesty's will) ; who, after he had spoken
with his associates, did order the form of my proceeding in this
manner ; with himself, I was to treat in individuo, both for respect
of privacy, being your Majesty's son-in-law, and of dignity, being
then Pro visor of the Empire, as his right style is, and not Vicar.
To the four Princes I went jointly, they agreeing upon a room where
they would assemble, and sending for me their coaches and courtiers ;
namely, the Marquess of Anspach 2 (who hath the precedency, as an
Electoral branch), the Duke of Wirtemberg 3, the Marquess of Baden 4,
and the Prince Christianus of Anhalt5, respondent for his own
House. The Landgrave Maurice of Hassia6 was not there, but
voiced to be sick. The Marquess of Brandenburg 7 was out of th
Empire in Prussia, and his son in the Low Provinces. The repre
sentants of the three united cities, Nurenburg, Strasburg, and Ul:
(which direct the meaner towns) were to come all jointly (as the
did) to my lodging. The Count Palatine met me at the stair head
and did render me the visitation where I lay, in person. The Princes
came all jointly down into the very street to take me from my coach,
and in like manner brought me down again unto it, and did after-
wards visit me altogether ; the Marquess of Anspach then presenting
unto me their answer in writing, with all due commemoration of
their obligations to your Majesty. The representants of the cities
1 Ante, ii, p. 173, n. 1.
2 General of the forces of the Union in 1620. (Gardiner, iii, p. 368. >
3 Johann Friedrich (1608-28).
4 Georg Friedrich, Markgrave of Baden-Durlach 1604-22.
5 Christian, Prince of Anhalt 1568-1630.
6 Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel 1572-1632.
7 George William, Elector of Brandenburg 1619-40.
TO JAMES I 177
did present their answer verbally at my lodging by the Syndic of
Strasburg, with no less zeal and devotion than the Princes had done.
And this was the formal part, full of all just respect that could be
expressed in that place. Now touching the real part : when I had
conferred with the Count Palatine your Majesty's scope in the main
business,1 I found him in truth for himself exceeding forward ; but
for the other Princes and towns he objected two difficulties : the one
was the present distractions of Germany, which made the proposition
ue what unseasonable; the other was the differences between
our Church and those of the Augustine confession ; which, though
but few, yet perchance might a little hinder their concurrence with
us in this excellent work, especially the Lutheran Princes, being
likely to do nothing without counsel of their ministers, and they
being the passionatest men amongst them. These two objections con-
•red. it was thought fit by the Count Palatine (into whose hands
I had delivered myself), after deliberation with his own counsellors,
that I should at this time only dispose the other princes and repre-
sentants of cities in your Majesty's name, towards a concurrence,
with apt lenitives and probabilities ; and that I should endeavour,
by your Majesty's Christian persuasion, to remove all asperity that
might impeach it, leaving a more particular prosecution thereof till
the noise of the Empire were settled ; in which, meanwhile, many
things might be further thought on to advance this purpose, and be
conferred afterwards by letters.
Hereupon I framed my speech to the Princes in the manner
following :
I told them that I brought thither two sorts of commissions, the
one from the Duke and Senate of Venice, sub fide tacita, which
I presented in writing, containing a profession of much goodwill
from that State towards them, and a clear inclination to a straiter
correspondence with them ; in contemplation of whom, the Kepublic
had resolved not to permit the transport of any succours cross their
Gulf into Austria, for the further troubling of Germany. This was
the substance of that I brought under silent confidence, without any
other credit than mine own honesty might bear ; which had been
delivered unto me by order of Senate, whom I acquainted thus far,
that I would take homewards the way of Germany. Wherein
I craved from the Princes and the rest some taste of their inclina-
tions, that these fair offers might be farther prosecuted by your
Majesty's mediation, whom I knew much to desire the further
strengthening of this body with good amities.
1 Wot ton's instructions for dealing as extraordinary ambassador with the
an Princes are printed by Gardiner. ^Letters, pp. 46-8.)
wo 1 1 ox. ii N
178 LETTERS OF WOTTON
My other commission was (as I said) from mine own royal master,
from whom I brought letters of his confidence unto them ; after
presentation whereof, and all other due premises, I told them,
that your Majesty, having long and deeply considered the cor-
ruptions that have grown in your own kingdoms, and in the States
of your confederates and friends, by the secret practices of Jesuits,
did finally observe but one only cause of this creeping mischief,
and but one only remedy ; which you had thought meet to com-
municate with them by an express though a covered legation, under
the colour of my return homewards. The cause of the said evils
was, that we had left the Pope at too much ease in his own
provinces ; the remedy would be, to cut him out so much work
at home, as should force him to gather his thoughts about himself,
and in conclusion to revoke his emissaries for the maintaining of
Italy. To do this, there were but four means : —
1. By the advantage of arms in time of action.
2. By open preaching.
o. By dispersion of books.
4. By secret semination.
For the first, it was true, that the late necessity and calling
French (among whom there were many of our Religion) into
Piedmont, and the Dutch, Flemish, and English into Friuli, had
done some good by freedom of conversation, all Inquisition ceasing
such times. But. this violent way must be left to further occasion.
For the second, although there had been for one whole Lent publ
preaching against the Roman doctrine in Venice ; l yet that liber
and the Pope's excommunication did cease together, and must
abide till new opportunity.
For the third, I acquainted them how greedy the Italians wer
of our treatises in matter of controversy, and of divers ways that
had been used both to excite, and to satisfy that curiosity, both
by the works of the Archbishop of Spalato, since his retirement
into your Majesty's protection ; and of a discourse that was ready
to come abroad, wherein should be discovered by a great intelligent
man, even of their own breeding, all the practices of the Council
of Trent,2 out of the original registers and secret papers ; wherein'
your Majesty had a hand, for the benefit of the Christian world.
For the fourth and last way, of secret semination, wherein wt
had been hitherto wholly deficient and asleep: this, I said. was
the particular scope of my present charge.
1 Fra Fulgenzio's sermons (ante, i, pp. 98, 447-9).
" Paolo Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, first published in London h
Italian in 1619.
TO JAMES I 179
In this your Majesty did exhort them by all fervent persuasion
to join with you their counsels and cares, their diligence and powers,
according to such ways as should be hereafter propounded either
by your Majesty to them, or conceived amongst themselves. Where-
unto your Majesty had been stirred, first by the zeal of God's glory ;
next, by a religious shame and indignation, to see superstition more
active than the Truth ; thirdly, by the instance of divers well-affected
persons, both within the body of Italy, and in the confines thereof.
And lastly, by the opportunity which the present time itself did
yield unto it ; which I did particularly remonstrate ' unto them ;
but being matter of secrecy, I will keep it in my pen till I arrive
with your Majesty.
After which, I concluded with your Majesty's most loving and
Christian persuasions unto them (which they could not refuse,
coming from such a friend) to lay aside our own small differences,
to suppress the heat of passionate divines by civil authority, and
to join together against the common adversary of our Churches and
States. -
And because the free passage into Italy was a point much im-
porting the present purpose, as likewise in other respects very
considerable, your Majesty did intreat them to spend their earnest
intercession by a common letter to the Cantons of Zurick and Bern,
that they would endeavour by all means possible (as being in-
comparably the fittest mediators) to re-establish the League between
the Venetians and the Grisons, to which both parties were well
inclining ; but there wanted a third to break the business, and to
remove the scruple of who shall begin, which had hitherto hindered
the effect.
This was my poor exposition of your commands : whereof I
thought it my duty to render your Majesty this preambulatory
accompt, for your ease at mine arrival, and for mine own discharge :
bringing with me the letters and answers of the Princes, as I hope,
to your Majesty's full contentment."'
1 * Remonstrate,' i. e. demonstrate. Obs. {N. E. 1).)
- Wotton had himself suggested to James I that lie should urge the German
Princes in the King's name to stop the bitter controversies between the Lutherans
and Calvinists, and ' to unite them, if not in opinions, yet at least in a charit-
able consent against the practices of the Roman Church, which work most upon
andal of our distractions'. (Feb. 8, 1619. Box. Club, p. 108.)
3 The answer of the Princes of the Union (the Elector Palatine, the Margrave*
Of Ansbach and Baden, the Duke of Wiirternberg, the Prince of Anhalt) to
*ir Henry Wotton, dated Heilbronn, Juno -|$, 1619, is printed in Gardiner,
Letters, p. 112. The Princes sent their thanks to the Republic of Venice, through
Wotton, for its friendly professions, and its intention to prevent the Spanish
troops from crossing the Adriatic. They also expressed a cautious but polite
willingness to co-operate with James, in his efforts to effectuate an alliance
N 2
180 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I will conclude with my most humble thanks unto your royal
goodness, for this employment above all other ; and with my prayers
to God, that the weakness of the instrument may not prejudic
the excellent intention of the master and director.
327. To the Makquis of Buckingham.
Hart. MS. 1581, f. 212, Beliq., 2nd ed., p. 472, 3rd ed., p. 282. Wotton
writes of his interview with the Venetian ambassador, Girolamo
Lando.
The 25 of January, 1619(20).
My most noble Lord,
I will be bold, by this opportunity, to give his Majesty, through
your Lordship's hands, an accompt of a command which I had from
him at Theobald's, about sounding how the Venetian ambassador
stood satisfied with the late determination touching his predecessor
Donato \
I did visit the said ambassador immediately at my return from
the King, and saluted him, as by express commandment ; interjecting
some words of mine own gladness, that he had received contentment
in this tender point, which would signalize his beginnings. This
I said, because in truth I had found him always before the more '
passionate in it, by some reflection upon himself. His answer
(after due thanks for his Majesty's gracious remembrance of hi]
from abroad) was that for his own part, he was contentisshno, an<
had represented things home in the best manner. He hopec
likewise it would be well tasted there also, though with some doubt,
because the State, out of their own devotion towards his Majesty,
might form a confidence of expecting more.
I replied that the King upon the matter (if we consider disgrace)
had done more than themselves: for he was but once banishec
at Venice, and twice here ; viz. once from the verge of the Court,
and secondly from London ; which was as much as could be done
with preservation of national immunities, and more than would have
been done at the suit of any other ambassador here resident, or
perhaps of any of their own hereafter, if the like case shall occur.
between Venice and the Orisons, and in the plan for the Protestant propaganda
in Italy. ' For such solemn trilling,' says Professor Gardiner, 'the Princes of
the Union had no time to spare. They were agitated by the news which reached
them from various quarters. Silesia and Moravia had thrown in their lot with
the Bohemian Directors, and whilst Mansfeld was keeping Bucquoi in check,
Thurn, at the head of a second army, was thundering at the gates of Vienna.'
{Gardiner, iii, pp. 301, 302.)
1 Antonio Donato {ante, ii, p. 173). He attempted to get Buckingham and the
Earl of Arundel to intercede in his favour, but was banished from the Court and
filially from London. sAdd. MS. 20760, p. 11.)
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 181
For (as I told him) it was the King's express will, that his particular
respect to the Republic, and to him in this business, should not
be drawn into examples. With this point he was not a little
pleased for his own glory, and said that indeed Mr. Secretary
Nanton had told him so. This was the sum of what passed between
us, omitting impertinencies. Let me end (my dear Lord) as I am
bound, in all the use either of my pen or of my voice, with an
humble and hearty acknowledgement of my great obligations towards
your Lordship, which will make me restless, and in good faith
unhappy, till I can some way show myself,
Your Lordship's most thankful and faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
328. To Doctor Samuel Collins1.
Kings College MS., Letters III, f. 28, holograph. Wotton asks of the Provost
of King's College, Cambridge, leave of absence for Thomas Rowe, Fellow
of King's College.
From my Lodging in Westminster,
this 13th of April, 1620.
Sir,
Without any familiar acquaintance with you heretofore, or any
ability of serving you hereafter, I take boldness from mine own
good meaning to beseech you to grant unto Mr. Thomas Rowe 2
license for travelling abroad for some time in my company, without
prejudice of his place in the meanwhile at home ; for which favour
towards him I shall be greatly obliged unto you, being a gentleman
to whose name I am much beholden, and towards whose person
I have much affection.
I was ready about this purpose to procure unto you letters from
greater personages ; but indeed, Sir, besides the suit itself, it shall
be a second obligation if it shall please you to spare me that labour,
and to value my poor lines above the merit of the writer, who will
remain,
Desirous to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
1 Dr. Collins, see Appendix III.
2 Thomas Rowe, or Roe, Fellow of King's College, M. A. 1619, cousinof Sir Thomas
Roe. He travelled into Germany, Italy, and Sicily, spent some time at Venice
and Rome ; upon his return he took Holy Orders ; was Senior Fellow of King's
•College in 1633, if not before, Vice-Provost 1635, became Chaplain to Laud, and
in 1639 was presented to the College living of Fordingbridge in Hants, but died
before his institution. (King's College MS. Catalogue, 1610.) The King's College
chronicler adds in a note, which seems to betray some feeling, that Thomas
Rowe bequeathed £200 to the College to be employed in making fires in the
hall, but his brother and executor ' never had the conscience to pay the same to
the College '.
182 LETTERS OF WOTTON
329. To James I.
Eton MS., dictated, Box. Club, p. 198, Eeliq., 1st ed., p. 365, 3rd ed., p. 283.
Wotton's journey as far as Augsburg.
From Augusta, the y% of August, 1620.
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
From this place I determined to make my first dispatch untc
your Majesty, hoping in such cities and Courts whereunto I hac
address on the way, to take up somewhat that should be considerable,
and till then unwilling to entertain your solicitous mind with im-
material things.
I have hitherto been with five several princes and communities,
the Duke of Loraigne, the Archduke Leopoldus, the town of
Strasburg, the Duke of Wirtemberg, and the town of Ulme, in the
same order as I have set them down ; amongst whom I spent in all
twelve days, and the rest of the time in incessant journeys, whereof
I shall now render your Majesty a free accompt in the substance,
retrenching impertinencies.
Unto the Duke of Loraigne1 I had no credential address from
your royal hand ; and yet to pass silently like a stream through his
land, by a prince of so near conjunction in blood with you,2 and so
interested in the scope of mine errand, as a member of the Empire,
had been some incongruity. Therefore excusing (as I might justly)
the want of letters with my purpose to have taken another way, till
I heard that the French King had cleared the confines of Loraigm
by drawing such forces as lay hovering there, with some hazard ol
passengers, over the river of Marne towards Normandie : I say aftei
this excuse, I told him I was sure your Majesty would be singularb
pleased to understand by me of his health ; and that I had 1
transitu conferred with him your Christian ends, wherein you conk
not but expect at his hands a concurrence both of counsel and
affection. This I said, to draw civilly from him as much as I could,
being a prince cumbered (as I found him) with the German troubles
on the one side, and the French on the other ; and therefore bound
to study the passages of both : especially having a State which
perhaps is harder for him to keep neutral than himself. In the rest
of my- discourse, I possessed him with two main heads of mine
instructions. First, with your Majesty's innocency in the Bohemian
business at the beginning : next, with your impartiality therein,
even until this hour, both which did render you in this cause, the
1 Henri II, Duke of Lorraine (1608-24).
2 Mary of Guise, Mary Queen of Scots' mother, was a granddaughter of
Ren6 II, Duke of Lorraine.
TO JAMES I 188
fittest mediator of the world. And so I shut up all with this, that
God had given your Majesty two eminent blessings ; the one, peace
at home, the other (which was surely the greater and the rarer)
a soul desirous of the like abroad ; which you found yourself tied, in
the conscience of a Christian King, to prosecute by all possible means.
And therefore, though you had before in the beginning of the
Bohemian motions, spent your good meaning by a solemn ambassage
to the Emperor, in the person of a dear and zealous servant of great
quality ; 1 even before any other king had entered into it, which,
through the crudity of the matter as then, took not the wished
effect ; yet now hoping that time itself and the experience of
vexation had mollified the affections, and better digested the
difficulties, you had not refused by several ambassages to both sides,
and to all the intervenient Princes and States, to attempt again this
high and Christian work. Thus much, though in effect extracted
from your Majesty's own directions, I have here once rehearsed, to
save the repetition thereof in my following audiences at other places.
The Duke's answer was more tender than free, lamenting much
the present condition of things, commending as much your Majesty's
good mind, proclaiming his own, remitting the whole to those great
and wise Kings that had it in hand, and concluding (with a voice,
me thought, lower than before, as if he had doubted to be overheard,
though in his private chamber) that the Princes of the Union would
tell me what his affections were in the cause. For which I gave
him thanks, commending in all events to his continual memory,
that your Majesty's daughter, my gracious Lady, and her descendants
were of the blood of Loraigne. ' Yea,' said he, 'and the Elector likewise.'
This was all that passed from him of any moment. After which
he brought me to Monsieur de Vaudemont * whose principal business
(as I hear) at the present, is to work the Duke's assent, and the
Pope's dispensation, for a marriage between his own son and his
brother's daughter ; 3 a thing much affected by that people, and, no
doubt, fomented by France, to keep so important a province from
strangers. In the meanwhile De Vaudemont's son, for improvement
of his merit and fame, is bestowed in the command of those troops
which were suffered to pass the Khine at Brissac upon Whitsun
Monday last. Before I leave Loraigne, I cannot but advertise your
Majesty that at Pfaltezburg, a town in the confines of that province
towards Elsatia (inhabited and built by many good men of the
1 Lord Doncaster (ante, ii, p. 165 n.).
- Count Francis de Vaudemont, brother of the Duke of Lorraine.
:: The Duke's daughter Nicole, was married to the son of the Count de
Vaudemont in 1621 . Kavold. Histoire du Pays de Lorraine, p. 972.)
184 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Religion) the Ministers came unto me. bewailing the case of the
inhabitants, who for some thirty years had possessed that place
quietly, till of late by instigation of the Jesuits at Nancie, the Duke
had given them warning to be gone within the term of two years,
whereof some good part was expired.1 Their request unto me was,
that by your Majesty's gracious mediation, they might be received
into a place within the Palatine's jurisdiction, near their present
seat, which they offer to enlarge, and fortify at their own charge,
upon the grant of reasonable immunities ; which I have assumed to
treat by letter with your Majesty's son-in-law, needing no other
commission from your Majesty in things of this nature, than your
owrn goodness.
The Archduke Leopold 2 I was forced to seek three days journey
from his ordinary seat ; where, being at his private sports of the
field, and no fit things about him, he desired me to return back half
a days journey to Mulzhaim, the notorious nest of Jesuits,3 com-
manding the Governors of his towns in the meantime, to use me
with all due respect ; among whom he made choice of an Italian, by
name Ascanio Albertini (a man of singular confidence with him, and
surely of very fair conditions) to sound me, though in a merry
fashion, and half laughing (as there was good cause) how I would
taste it, if he should receive me in the Jesuits' College : for at
Mulzhaim those were his hosts, being destitute of other habitation.
I answered him, as merrily as it was propounded, that I knew the
Jesuits had everywhere the best rooms, more splendent than true,
fitter to lodge princes than monks ; and that their habitations were
always better than themselves. Moreover, that for mine own p*
though I was not much afraid of their infection, and that Saint
Paul did not refuse to be carried in a ship which was consecrated t<
false gods, yet because on our side they were generally, and n<
doubt justly reputed the true cause of all the troubles of the
Christian world, I doubted it would be a scandalous reception ; and
that besides, those artificers would go near to make it appear, on my
part, a kind of silent approbation of their order and course. This
wTas mine answer, which being faithfully transported by the Italian.
the Archduke made choice of another mean house in the town,
where he received me truly in a noble sweet fashion : to whom
having presented your Majesty's letters and love, he disposed himself
writh sharp attention to hear me. To him, besides that which I had
1 The Duke of Lorraine was a bigoted Catholic, and ordered all the Protestants
to leave his territories. (Ravold, Histoire, p. 968.)
2 Brother of the Emperor Ferdinand, and Bishop of Strasburg 1607-25.
3 The Jesuit College of Molsheim. (Ward, p. 104 n.)
TO JAMES 1 is;,
laid to the Duke of Loraigne, I added two things. The first, that
not only your Majesty was clear of all foreknowledge, or counsel, in
the business of Bohemia ; but likewise your son-in-law himself of
any precedent practice therein till it was laid upon him, as you
knew by his own high affirmations, and most infallible testimonies.
The second, that though your Majesty to this hour did continue as
equal between both parties, as the equinoctial between the poles, yet
about the time of my departure you were much moved, and the
whole land likewise, with a voice, I know not how spread abroad,
that there was great preparations to invade the Nether Palatinate ; l
which if it did fall out, your Majesty should have just reason to
think your moderation unthankfully requited ; the said Palatinate
being the patrimonial lands of your own descendants, and no way
connected with the Bohemian business. Whereupon I persuaded
him fairly, in your Majesty's name, being a personage of such
authority in the present actions, to keep them from any such
precipitous and impertinent rupture as might preclude all mediation
of accord. And because your Majesty had now (which was a second
argument of your equity) sent several ambassadors to the fountains,
for your better information in the merit of the cause, by your own
instruments. I besought him to illuminate me (who was the weakest
of your creatures) as far as he should think fit, and to assist me with
his best advice towards this good end, whereunto, besides the dear
commandment of the King, my master, I would refer mine own
plain and honest zeal.
His answer to all the points (which he had very orderly laid up)
was this. Of your Majesty's own clearness he professed much
surance ; of your son-in-law as much doubt, charging him both
1th close practice with the Bohemians at the time of the Emperor's
action at Franckefurt, and more foully with a new practice, either
himself or by others, to introduce the Turke into Hungarie.
Of any design upon the Lower Palatinate, he utterly disavowed all
lowledge on his part ; yet would not deny but the Marquis Spinola
light perchance have some such aim ; and if things went on as they
do. men would no doubt assail their enemies wheresoever they shall
find them. In such ambiguous clouds as these he wrapped this
point.
Of the Emperor's inclination to an agreement, he bade me be very
assured ; but never without restitution of the usurped Kingdom,
1 In August Spinola, at the head of a Spanish army, marched along the
Bhine as if to invade Bohemia, and then, turning suddenly, he invaded the
Palatinate, and when Weston and Conway arrived at Mentz, on Aug. 19, they
found the place full of Spanish troops. ^Gardiner, iii, p. 368.)
186 LETTERS OF WOTTON
which was not a loss of easy concoction, especially being taken from
him by the Count Palatine his vassal, as he often called him ; and
once added, that he thought he would not deny it himself. Of the
merit of the cause he said he had sent divers of his papers and records
to the Emperor, where I should find them.
Lastly, he acknowledged himself much bound unto your Majesty
for the honour you had done him to take such knowledge of his
person, and was contented to bestow some thanks upon me for mine
honest inclination, which he would present, before mine arrival, at
Vienna. I had almost omitted a point touched by him, that he had
knowledge of some English levies coming towards the Palatinate : |
about which I cleared him, with confessing that your Majesty's
people, and some principals of your nobility, had taken alarm upon
the voice of an invasion there, and meant voluntarily to sacrifice
themselves in that action, but without any concurrence of your
Majesty thereunto, either by money or command. To which he
replied that truly so he had heard, and made no question of your
royal integrity. In the afternoon of this day he took me abroad
with him in his coach, to show me some of his nearer towns and
fortifications, and there descended into many familiarities, and,
amongst other, to show us how to make frogs leap at their own
skins ; a strange purchase 2, methought, at a time when kingdoms
are in question ; but it may be it was an art to cover his weightier
meditations.
Amongst other discourse there was some mention of your Majesty's
treaty with Spain in point of alliance, which I told him was a con-
cluded business ; for that warrant I had from your own royal mouth
in your gallery at Theobald's, having let fall none of your syllables.
Whereupon he said that he did not despair upon so good an occasion
to salute your Majesty in your own Court. The morning following
he sent unto me Signor Ascanio, with express desire that, since
your Majesty's intentions were so clear, I would as frankly acquaint
him whether in mine instructions I had any particular form of
accord to project unto the Emperor : which himself likewise at my
second audience did somewhat importunately press, excusing his
curiosity with a good meaning, to prepare the Emperor in the best
manner he could to accept it. My answer was, that your Majesty
thought it first necessary on both sides to dispose the affections, and
then, by reciprocal intelligence between your servants from Vienna
and Prage, to collect some measure of agreement ; for, otherwise.
1 The English troops, Tinder the command of Sir Horace Vere, embarked from
England on July 22, 1620. Gardiner, iii, p. 365."
- ' Purchase,' occupation. Obs. Century Diet.)
TO JAMES I is;
il we should find both parties fixed in extreme resolutions, it were
a folly to spend any farther the honour of our master. Here again
he told me that I should find the Emperor persuasible enough, if
his reputation may be saved ; and for his own part he thought that
the Count Palatine, being the inferior, might yield without pre-
judice of his. To terms of this height he revolved, and of this
complexion are his letters to your Majesty ' that I send herewith,
of which I must needs say that in some part, olent Patrem Henricum ;
so they call a Jesuit of inward credit with him. Always true it is
that they were couched in the College ; for his secretaries were
absent, as the Italian told me, at his ordinary place of residence.
At my leave-taking he spake with much reverence of your Majesty,
with much praise of your Christian mind, and with much thankful-
ness of the honour you had done him. He is a Prince of good
stature, of fair complexion, inclining to fullness ; his face the very
best, as they tell me, of the House of Austria, and better indeed
than his fashion. No curiosity in his clothing, no affectation in
his discourse ; extreme affable, both to strangers and amongst his
own : patient of labour, and delighting in motion. In stimma, little
of a bishop, save the bishopric and a long coat. With which short
character of his person I have taken the boldness to end, being (as
I conceive it) the duty of servants to represent unto their masters
the images of those with whom they treat, and as well their natural
as artificial impressions.
Of Strasburg and Ulme I may speak conjunctively, being of one
nature ; both free, and both jealous of their freedom, which makes
them fortify apace. Towards me likewise they joined in one point
of good respect, namely, in not suffering me to come to their Senate
House, but in treating with me where I was lodged by deputed
persons, out of the reverence (as they professed) due to your Majesty,
who had done them so much honour with your letters, and with
communication of your ends by your humble servant. They both
highly commended your Majesty's Christian intentions, and professed
themselves hitherto in the same neutrality ; but because it were
uncivil for them to contribute their counsels, where such kings did
employ their wisdom and authority, they would only contribute
their prayers, with the like temperate conceits as these appearing
likewise in their letters, which I send by this bearer.c
' A letter from the Archduke Leopold to James I, dated Molsheim, Aug. 1,
1G20. and referring to the visit of the • Illustris Viri Henrici Wottonii ', is at
Eton. (Rox. Club, p. 191.
- The letter from the city of Strasburg. dated July 2(1, and from the city <>f
Dim, dated Aug. 1, 1<»20, are at Eton. {Rox. Club, pp'. 192. 198.]
188 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
Into the Duke of Wirtemberg's ' Court I was received veiy nobly
and kindly, feasted at his table with the Princess and other great
ladies, and most part of the day led by himself to view his gardens,
buildings, and other delights.
The material points collected here, I must divide partly into my
discourse with himself, and partly into such knowledge as he com-
manded Monsieur Buvinckhausen'2 to give me, which cometh in
a paper apart, being very material.
In his own speech he made great profession towards your Majesty,
wherein no prince of the Empire should exceed him ; and as much
towards the King of Bohemia, as he ever called your son-in-law ;
of whose clearness from all precedent practice, when I fell to speak,
he told me that in that point he would ease me ; for himself visiting
the Elector a little after he was chosen, he found him extremely
perplexed, even to effusion of tears, between these two considerations,
that if he accepted the offer, the world would falsely conceive it
to have sprung from his own ambition ; if he refused it, that people
was likely to fall into desperate counsels, with danger of calling
more than Christian help. In the rest of his discourse I was glad
to hear him often vow that he would defend the Palatinate with
all his power, being tied thereunto, not only by the bond of con-
federacy, but likewise by reason of state, not to suffer a stranger to
neighbour him.
I have now ended for the present your Majesty's trouble. There
remain of my commission the Duke of Bavaria and the Emperor.
The Duke of Bavaria I shall find actually in arms about Lintz in
the upper Austria, and the Emperor at Vienna. From both places
I will make several dispatches to your Majesty, and afterwards
weekly, or more frequently, as the occasion shall rise. Let this in
the meantime end in my humble thanks to Almighty God for the
repose of your own estates, and in my hearty prayers for the preserva-
tion of your dear and sacred person.
Your Majesty's most faithful and
long devoted servant,
Henry Wotton.
1 Johann Friedrich {ante, ii, p. 176;.
2 Benjamin Buvinckhausen de Walmerode (ante, ii, p. 58) had been in England
in February, 1620, as ambassador from the Princes of the Union to demand
help for the defence of the Palatinate. (Gardiner, iii, p. 330.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 189
330. To Sir George Calvert.
S. F. Ger. Emp., holograph. The death of Lord Wharton's son.
From Augusta, the ^ of August, 1620.
Right Honourable,
Although I have written that to some others which I have here
set down, yet it is due to none more properly than to yourself, who
arc a lover of that name whereof we have lost the tenderest branch,
little Mr. Wharton \
His disease was a febrous dysentry, which in three days exhausted
his feeble constitution. He ended his travails at a town called
Blochinghen, some three leagues on this side the Court of Wirten-
berg, whence I caused him to be transported in a coach with
attendants about it to Ulme, and there obtained the burying of
him (though with some difficulty) within their town, contrary to
their custom (as they told me) of 200 years, and to the example even
of an ambassador from the Emperor, who, dying there, was interred
in the common cemetery extra pomoeria.
Thus hath he changed his sweet hopes into a better assurance,
and being the youngest of our company, he hath made us see that
the Lord of the whole is not tied to the order of nature ; therefore
His high and indisputable will be done. Our apology to his
friends that committed the care of him unto us (I mean both
Mr. Braynthwaite 2 and myself) must be that wherewith we should
be glad to satisfy others, as well as our own consciences, that nothing
was omitted which the weakness of human reason could suggest.
And this much I may have written to others, but to you, Sir, I do
besides owe a strange and (to my fancy) a remarkable story of him.
In Strasbourg, some eight days before his end (then as cheerful as
he was in the days of his life), one desired him, after the German
custom, to leave some sentence in his book ; which receiving and
leaning upon his left arm with a pen in his hand, as meditating
What he should write, some of our gentlemen to ease his meditation,
began to offer him certain sentences ; among whom Mr. Thomas Roe,
as most proper for him, would have had him write, Xobilitas sola est
atque vnica virtus? and others somewhat else. • 'No? (said he), 'my
word shall be this,' and immediately wrote, Nascentes mormur,*
which Mr. Braynthwayt notes that he never knew him write before ;
1 Son of Philip, third Lord Wharton, and brother of Margaret, second wife of
Edward Lord Wotton.
' Michael Branthwaite, tutor to young Wharton, and a relative of Sir George
Calvert, see Appendix III.
3 Juvenal, Sat. viii. 20.
1 -Nascentes morimur, iinisque ab origine pendet.' iMauil. Aatron. iv. 16.)
190 LETTERS OF WOTTON
proceeding then from a kind of prophetical spirit, in a soul that was
to leave this evil world before he knew it. I beseech your Honour
to dispense this sad relation among his friends, with your own
discretion, because it shall perchance be unfit for all of them to
know it as soon as some of them ; which is the reason that I have
kept Mr. Braynthwaite from returning immediately home, whom
I intend to send with a dispatch from Lintz on the Danube, where I
shall meet with the Duke of Bavaria ; having in the meantime, under
this date, given through the hands of Mr. Secretary Nantoun, an
accompt of what I have hitherto negotiated with five Princes and
communities ; whereof in good faith I had now sent your Honour
the copy, if I had leisure to transcribe it. But he who is yours shall
bring it with him, and all that may happen in the meanwhile.
God keep you, Sir, in his blessed love.
Your Honours in long and honest devotion,
Henry Wotton.
331. To James I.
Eton MS., dictated, Rox. Club, p. 223. Wotton and the French
ambassadors in Vienna send a proposition to Prague.
Vienna, 7th of September, 1620.
Style of England.
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
When I had ended the letter,1 wherein this cometh to your
1 This dispatch of Sept. 7, O.S., is partly printed in Keliq., 3rd ed., pp. 498-508,
and completely Box. Club, pp. 213-23. A brief summary of this lengthy docu-
ment must suffice here. Wotton states that Aug. 22, O.S., he arrived at Kloster
Neuburg, just outside Vienna, where he remained four days, while suitable
accommodations were being provided for him in Vienna. On the 23rd he had
his first audience with the Emperor Ferdinand II, to whom he submitted in
writing four requests : first, that the Emperor would inform him of ' his
inclination towards a sincere treaty upon the present motions \ Second, that
Wotton should be supplied with ' all fundamental arguments in the merit of
the cause ', which should then be forwarded to James I. Third, that if the
Emperor agreed to treat, a truce, or cessation of arms, should be arranged for
this purpose. Fourth, that there should be liberty of communication for the
couriers of the English ambassadors between Vienna and Prague. To these
requests Wotton added strong protestations ' with high and holy affirmations ' of
the impartiality of James I in the cause, and his complete lack of connivance
in, or foreknowledge of, the election of his son-in-law to the Bohemian throne.
On Aug. 26, O.S., Wotton entered Vienna, where he was received with great
honour and ceremony, and lodged, with ' rich furniture ', in the house of the
Baron di Gabriana, near the Court. The Baron von Harach, a gentleman of
the Emperors Bedchamber, and the son-in-law of the Emperor's favourite
councillor, von Eggenberg, was appointed to wait on him. On the 29th
Wotton visited von Eggenberg, and received the answer to his four requests.
For the first the Emperor declared he was willing to leave the question either
to a meeting of the Electoral Collegepor to four ' interpositors ', one of whom
should be the Elector Palatine himself. Tho truce was refused ; freedom for
the ambassadors' couriers was granted, and the Grand Chancellor of Bohemia,
with two Aulic Councillors, was sent to expound to Wotton the legal aspects
of the case.
TO JAMES I 191
Majesty, the French ambassadors, Duke d'Augolesme, Monsieur
de Bethunes, and Monsieur de Preaux came to visit me.1 At this
conference we jointly agreed upon a dispatch to Prage, addressed
to your Majesty's extraordinary ambassadors in case of their being
there, or otherwise to Sir Francis Nethersole your agent2 (because
the French have none in Bohemia at the present, that doth bear
any qualification), but sent by a gentleman of mine, and another
of theirs, to signify our conjunction, and by us, the conjunction
of our masters in the same good end, which we openly profess here
to others, and with much fraternity between ourselves.
The whole intent, your Majesty will see in the enclosed copy
of my letter a to your own servants, which I humbly submit unto
your high wisdom. For of ourselves we can but hearken what
is fit to propound. It is not our parts to judge what our Sovereign
Master will alter, or the Emperor and the Bohemians accept. This
only I dare affirm (with your Majesty's pardon of my presumption)
that by the next dispatch which I shall send your Majesty im-
mediately after the return of those which the French ambassador
and myself have now sent to Bohemia, I will probably represent
unto your wisdom what time and charge and importunity may be
further spent upon this business ; which, when your Majesty shall
be pleased to consider in the enclosed what hath been written to
your instruments on that side, will not be hard to assume. For
there is in truth but one main knot in the whole business, namely,
the point of succession ; which, if your servants from Prage shall
signify to be insuperable there, or we find it so here, your Majesty
may dispose of us at your pleasure ; for we shall be, in the places
1 Extraordinary ambassadors sent by Louis XIII on a mission like that of
Wutton's (and equally hopeless), to prevent the outbreak of war. When
"Wotton arrived in Vienna all the three French ambassadors visited him
ther, and thereupon arose a nice diplomatic point. The visits being paid
in company, should Wotton return them (as he thought right) in one visit to
all the ambassadors at once, or should he go (as they expected) to the lodgings
of each of the three? The difficulty was settled by the French ambassadors
proving that precedent was on their side, and by their promising Wotton that
if more English envoys arrived, the French would pay them separate visits.
. Club, pp. 215-16, see also Wicque/ort, p. 240.)
- Sir Francis Nethersole (1587-1659), secretary to the Queen of Bohemia, and
for James I at Prague. (£. N. B., xi, p. 229.)
■ This letter to Conway and Weston or (if they had not yet arrived at Prague;
to Sir Francis Nethersole, is printed in the Reliquiae, 3rd ed., p. 509. The
ambassadors proposed that the question in dispute should be remitted to a diet
of German Princes at Regensburg, with the intervention of foreign ambassadors,
and they suggested that the Elector Palatine should give up the kingdom of
Bohemia, which the Emperor Ferdinand should enjoy for life, the Bohemians
being left free after his death, to choose the Elector Palatine or his heir, to
succeed him. They did not insist on this plan, however, leaving it, Wotton
wrote, ' as a bear's whelp, which may be licked into better form.' The bearers
of this letter were Walter Waller for Wotton, and De Segome ^or Sigonie For
the French ambassadors.
192 LETTERS OF WOTTON
where we are, inutiles sera. This is, therefore, the point that we
search in our conjoined message to Prage, of which I have no
more to say unto your Majesty at the present.
It may please your Majesty now, for an end of your trouble
by this courier, to be informed that this very morning, the Emperor
hath sent one of his secretaries unto me with the enclosed paper,
endorsed ' Extractus ex litteris Oratoris Caesarei ' &c, which he seems
desirous to communicate with all Christian Princes — to what end,
your Majesty's wisdom will better judge than I can suggest. Only
methought, by the delivery there was as much desire in the Emperor
to let your Majesty and the other Princes know that the King of
Spain is engaged in his defence, as to express the reason. And
so again with my prayers to Almighty God for your Majesty's long
and peaceful days, I rest,
Your Majesty's long devoted servant
and obliged vassal,
Henry Wotton.
332. To Sik Geoege Calvekt.
S. P. Ger. Emp.t transcript. Wotton writes to Calvert about his dispatch to
the King.
From Vienna, this vii of Sept. 1620.
Right Honourable,
My dispatch now to the King doth contain the manner of
my reception here, my proposition to the Emperor, with his answer
thereunto, my conference with the Baron of Eckenberg l, his
favourite, about the said answer, and with his deputies about the
merit of the cause ; matter of intelligence ; and discourse, a protestation
from Spain of that King's conscientious ends in the assisting of the
Emperor ; lastly, my professed conjunction here with the French
ambassadors, and our joint dispatch to Prage. These are the naked
bones, whereof I shall not need to set down the poor clothing and
ligaments. I know all will pass through your Honour's hands
to the King because you are the lieger secretary.
I wrote to your Honour from Augusta of the death of little
Mr. Wharton. His governor, Mr. Bray nth way te, I retain for my next
dispatch ; by whom, being one of your own, I shall have new occasion
to profess that I am likewise,
Your Honour's unfeignedly,
Henry Wotton.
1 Hans Ulrich, Baron von Eggenberg and Prince (1568-1684 .
TO STB ROBERT NAUNTOX 193
333. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, extract, Jiox. Club, p. 233. The advance of the
Imperial Army on Prague.
Vienna, the 27th of September, 1620.
Stilo veteri.
. . . We wonder and languish for the return of our gentlemen from
Prage, who by the French and myself were jointly dispatched thither
this veiy day three weeks. What passage my letters find homewards
I cannot conjecture, for since my b^ing here I have received
no one line from any friend beyond Augusta. The present I hazard
by the foot-post of Nurreinberge, with address to the Calandrini
there, correspondents (of) Signor Burlamachi. The Emperor's
army in Bohemia have lately taken a few inconsiderable places,
whereof the last was Pitzca ; since when some say they bend
towards Pilzen by advice of the Duke of Bavaria, because, if
they can gain it, the passage will be open from his provinces. Others
say the intent is to march more directly towards the capital town,
and to provoke a battle ; as if between Pitzca and Prage there
lay Salisburie Plain, or some bowling alley ! The God both of armies
and of peace resolve all to His own glory, to whose love I humbly
commit you, Sir, and myself to the continuance of yours, as
Your willing servant,
Henry Wotton.
334. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ger. Em})., holograph. The death of Dampierre ;
Michael Branthwaite.
Vienna, ^ of October, 1620.
Right Honourable,
I send you a draft of Tampier's l death, like one of the Low-
Country pieces, myself the designer, though no Golzius 2 nor Jacques
de Gein, and Mr. Braynthwayte, your kinsman, the sculptor ; with
whose hand and judgement and fidelity and erudition I am so
much in love, that I will not suffer him (as I had once determined
by sending him back with a dispatch) to lose the fruit of foreign
observation and language. Therefore I resolve now to transport
him over the Alpse, when the King shall free us from hence, and
t<> participate with him my studies and intelligences. Mistake
1 Heinrich, Count von Dampierre (1580-1620). killed in an attempt to take
Pressburg, Oct. 8, 1620. Wotton's account of Dampierre's death was printed in
the Reliquiae, 1st ed., p. 467, 3rd ed., p. 293.
2 Golzius, Belgian painter (1526-1583).
WOTTON. II O
194 LETTERS OF WOTTON
me not, Sir, as if I valued either my fortune or discretion at
a rate to be serviceable to one of yours, for though that respect
doth bind me, yet it cannot mend my weakness. Understand
me therefore I beseech you rightly that my ambition is, by such
occasions whereof his own capacity will take hold, within the com-
pass of my employment, to prepare him a little for your service at
home. And so let this end in your love, myself ever remaining,
Your willing servant of long devotion,
Henry Wotton.
335. To Sir Robert Naunton(?).
Eton MS., holograph, extract, Fox. Club, p. 236. No address, but probably
to Naunton, as the letters to him are preserved at Eton, those to Calvert
being in the Record Office. The arrival of Walter Waller and De
Sigonie at Prague ; the advance on Prague of the Imperial army.
Vienna, *\ of October, 1620.
Right Honourable,
At last we understand from Prage the safe, though late, arrival
there of those gentlemen whom the French ambassadors and myself
did jointly dispatch thither full five weeks since ; who, when they
had passed the Emperor's army (which they thought the worst) were
at Tabor arrested some days, their letters there taken from thei
and sent before themselves to the Court, which coming to Sir Fr.
Nethersole's hands, he hath forborne to negotiate upon them til]
the coming of his Majesty's ambassadors, especially standing ii
daily expectation of their arrival. This was the cause of the delay
but now we quickly hope to receive knowledge from thence whethei
the 'Crowned Elector' (for I think that title I may safely giv<
him *) will treat or no ; nay, whether he may treat without precedent
permission both of the Bohemian States, and of their confederates
and likewise whether anything be well tasted in that form of accorc
which we represented from hence, whereof particular accompt was
1 As James I never acknowledged the right of the Elector Palatine to the throne
of Bohemia, or allowed him the title of King, the ambassadors of the English
King were much embarrassed to know how to name or address him. They
generally got out of the difficulty by calling him ' His Majesty's son-in-law ', but
this would not serve when they addressed letters to him, or his wife, as Wotton
did at this time. Wotton's letters have not been preserved, but on Oct. 14, 0. S.,
Walter Balcanquhall, then English chaplain at Prague, wrote, ' Both the King
and Queen seem to be much offended with Sir Henry Wotton, not only because
of this which he adviseth them to, but likewise because the inscription of his
private letters to them give them but the title of Prince and Princess Palatine ;
and his letter to the Queen he beginneth thus, " May it please your Majesty (but
with a solemn protestation that I give you this title not as an ambassador).'"
(S. P. Ger. States, Oct. 14.)
TO SIB ROBERT tfAUNTON (?) 195
-iv.n his Majesty by Henry Balam. by whom I sent the copy of my
letter that went to Prage \ . . .
We say here that the Imperial army is at the present some eight
or ten Dutch miles from Prage, and the Elector personally in the
field ; but those things you have from better commentaries. If it be
as wet weather there as it hath been lately here, they will swim
shortly in their trenches ; and then perhaps we shall obtain the
remitting of this great business to Regensbourg, or some other
well-chosen seat, there to be handled by the ambassadors of German
princes and of foreign kings.
336. To .
BeJiq., 3rd ed., p. 515, no address or signature, dated Octob., 1620 ; probably
Oct. 31, 0. S., as on Nov.. 1st, 0. S., Wotton sent the same news to
Naunton. The return of De Sigonie from Prague ; rumours of a great
hnttle.
Octob. <31?> 1620 <0. S.)
Amico Veteri s. p.
Accepi quas ad me Wormatia dederas Octobris 10, quibus effusius
respondebo per unum ex meis quern isthac in Angliam destinavi
intra triduum.
Iamdiu scis legatos Gallicos et me simul singulos nobiles
utriusque nationis cum totidem famulis in Bohemiam ablegasse,
ad explorandam Coronati Electoris mentem super eadem fere con-
cord iae formula, quam ipsemet mihi Stutgardae inieceras, quamque
commemorati legati, credo, etiam hauserant ex eodem fonte. Ex
nostris nobilibus Gallus, nomine Sigonius, solus rediit: is Anglum
in oppidulo Austriae superioris (quod Freystadt vocant) reliquit sub
potestate morbi. Duo famuli Pragae periere ex febre Hungarica,
quae perexiguo intervallo distat a peste : literae intactae pervenerunt,
per quas incipio coniectare quam operosa res sit circa quam sudamus.
1 See ante, ii, p. 191 n. 3. The proposed settlement was by no means ' well tasted'
at Prague, Balcanquhall (in the letter cited above) said it was thought ridiculous
there ; and on Sept. 20, O.S., the King of Bohemia (who still hoped for victory in
arms) replied that Wotton seemed ignorant of the real state of affairs, which
had changed since Spinola's invasion of the Palatinate. The plan of remitting
Ehe dispute to a diet was 'medicine after death', and moreover Bohemia was
out of the jurisdiction of the diet and the Empire. (S. P. Ger. States, Sept. 20.)
The two English ambassadors, Conway and Weston, arrived at Prague on Oct. 9
after a long delay at Dresden, where the Elector of Saxony had kept them
waiting. On Oct. 18 they wrote to Wotton (Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 512) that
although the King of England's ' son-in-law ' was willing to enter into a treaty,
if a truce could be obtained, yet he was absolutely unwilling to give up
Bohemia. They, therefore, suggested that the Emperor should allow him to
keep the kingdom, accepting a yearly sum, to be fixed by arbitrators, in
compensation for his claims. Such a proposal would, of course, have been
utterly unacceptable to the Emperor, then on the eve of his great victory.
O 2
196 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Nemo te melius novit quantulum legati valeant in turbatis tem-
poribus. Igitur recte videris exuto civili munere militari subiisse.
Utcunque, bene speramus ; et de eventu, qualiscunque demum merit,
te faciam brevi certiorem. Interim hoc scias velim natos hie
rumores per omnium ora de magna Bohemorum strage, super Sigonii
Galli reditu, tanquam ipse id attulisset : quod profecto in hac aula
est familiaris ludus. Somniant quae volunt ; et cuicunque ex castris
advenienti aliquid affingunt ; praecipue paulo ante Mercurii aut
Sabbati diem, quo hinc cursores in omnes oras avolant ; quia falsa
impressio interdum causa est magnorum motuum.
337. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., holograph, Box. Club, p. 246. In this letter (written ten days
after the battle of the Weissenberg, or White Mountain) Wotton writes
of his negotiations, and the arrival at Vienna of rumours of the fall of
Prague.
Vienna, this ,% of November, 1620.
Right Honourable,
I have this week received your letter of the 30th of September,1
and therein the duplicate of a former of the 23rd of the same
month, which seems to have failed on the way, and maketh me
likewise doubt the fortunes of some of mine that have been weekly
written.2
I had audience with the Emperor but one day before the receipt
of these from you, touching our joint dispatch to Prage, and th<
return that we have had from thence, among which things I sprinkle<
some complaint about the invasion of the Palatinate, intending t<
sound whether it were either done by his appointment, or continue<
by his approbation ; but your said letters giving me larger authority,
I have demanded audience again, which I shall have to-morrow. In
the meanwhile I have been at two consultations with the French
ambassadors, the first in mine own lodging, the other in the
Duke's, where they came together ; and at a single debatement myself
with the Spanish ambassador, between whom and them I am the
medium. For upon the punctuality which I signified by Balam
1 This duplicate of Naunton's letter to Wotton is printed in the Reliquiae,
3rd ed., p. 508. Naunton says that the King has ordered him to say that he
is thoroughly satisfied with the ambassador's ' good endeavours * with the
Emperor, and that he was to deal with him in such a manner as should proven
him from publishing too hastily the bann against the Palatinate.
2 On Oct. 25, O.S., Wotton wrote to Naunton of the return of the three French
ambassadors, who had gone to Pressburg to try to induce Bethlen Gabor, the
Prince of Transylvania, and elected King of Hungary (then in arms against the
Emperor), to enter into negotiations for peace. (Rox. Club, p. 239.)
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON V.)7
they never intervisit.1 Of all which, as likewise of the answer that
I shall draw from the Emperor, his Majesty shall have knowledge
by an express messenger.
I am conceiving an address to the Duke of Bavaria, according to
MS Majesty's direction. In my last I wrote that Vacia (alias
Waetsen), lying on a branch of the Danubie which maketh an island
between Gran and Buda, was taken by the Turk, which, besides
other commodities, doth give him (as they say) a passage to the
mineral towns, the most attractive object of that kingdom. This
1 must now confirm, and withal news is come from Constantinople,
by express letters from Caesare Gallo, the Emperor's ambassador
there, of ' greater preparations in the Levant than have been since
the days of Soliman, in voice against Polonia, but in likelihood ' (as
he intimateth) ' against Hungaria, and so forward.' All which I am
apt to believe, though many things here be composed at pleasure.
For if this were artificial, it must only be cast abroad to strike some
doubt into Bethlem Gabor, who lies nearer the truth than the
Emperor himself, and perchance hath as good commentaries in those
parts.
Now, while we stood thus in a posture of affairs (as both the
French ambassadors and myself did conceive) very favourable
towards our common scope, we are surprised with the noise of the
taking of Prage, defeats of regiments, deaths of colonels, seizure of
the castle, retirements of the Princess and Elector towards Silesia,
and the like, which hath been sent hither by Slabada and Meshanski 2
from Passawe, where they lie like lieger-intelligencers for the
Emperor, holding practice by letter with some of their inward party
in Bohemia. This fight (upon which the rest should ensue) is said
to have been on the eighth of the present month, stilo novo, since
when are run ten days. And yet to this hour no gentleman or
courier hath been expressly dispatched to the Emperor from thence,
which is commonly done upon slighter jollities. So as what I should
think I less know than what I wish. Some part of it I am tempted
1 In his dispatch of Sept. 7 Wotton explains the cause of this quarrel. When
the French ambassadors arrived, the Conde d'Ogniate, the Spanish ambassador,
sent his secretary in the morning after their first audience to ask if he might
call that afternoon. They begged to be excused, as they were busy writing
their dispatches. The excuse was accepted, but because they did not send of
their own accord to say when they would be at leisure, the Spaniard was
insulted, and never called at all. Though the Spaniards and French lived
near < ach other for seven weeks they could not communicate, until Wotton
•arrived to act as intermediary. (Rox. Club, p. 215.) The Duke mentioned above
is the Due d'Angouleme.
1 ' Both defenestrated at Prague, and their messenger, a kind of notary,
likewise banished.' Note of Wotton's in margin. The names of the men
'defenestrated ' at Prague (May 23, 1618) are generally given as Martinitz and
ita, with Fabricius their secretary.
198 LETTERS OF WOTTON
to believe by the generalness of the rumour ; and, besides, because
from Snath in Moravia a letter of the 12th of this month doth say
that noise was arrived there of an encounter between the armies,
with loss of some principals on each side. But I am willing to
persuade -myself that it will prove a thing multiplied and magnified
beyond the truth, alia solita. And so, till I can speak out of better
tablets, I will not farther disquiet either his Majesty's thoughts or
mine own. My express dispatch shall bring both the certain of this
and the hope or desperation of the rest.
And so I remain,
Your Honour's to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
I have kept this letter from sealing till the very point of the
ordinary courier's departure, and yet no express messenger is come
to the Emperor from Bohemia.
338. To Sir Robert Naunton (?).
S. P. Ger. Emp.t holograph. Almost certainly to Naunton, as Wotton
mentions his previous letter to him of Nov. ^. The address ' My Lord
and the use of ' your Lordship ' are probably slips of the pen. No certain
news in Vienna of the battle at Prague.
Vienna, the £# of November, 1620.
My Loed,
This is extra ordinem by the fast post of Nuremberg, having four
days since written to your Lordship by the courier of Augusta,
with recommendation of my letter to Signor Gio. Giorgi
Flechammer1 there, a courteous merchant well known unto you
The end of the present is but to tell you that, though this be the
fifteenth day since the date of that victory in Bohemia, which hath
filled all this Court and town with jollity, yet to this hour hath the
Emperor received no confirmation thereof, by any direct address of
either gentleman or courier, which commonly fly hither upon slighter
occasions, and might now be more justly expected, after such
a mortality of colonels on both sides as is voiced, if it were but to
beg vacant places, or at least some confiscable 2 possessions. To which
I must add that the Emperor, some three weeks since, upon hearing
that his army drew towards the capital town, sent a gentleman
thither of his own chamber purposely that he might have fresh
advertisement upon any notable accident ; which gentleman doth
1 A relative no doubt of the John Christopher Fleckamer or Flechammer of
Augsburg, in whose album Wotton, in 1604, wrote his famous definition of an
ambassador (ante, ii, p. 10).
2 ' Confiscable,' liable to confiscation. First instance in N. E. D., 1730.
TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON (?) 191)
not yet compear1, though the way, upon their own suppositions, l>o
laid open by conquest, and the journey not above thirty hour- by
a man of reasonable haste.
Yet doth the noise continue here by the facility of the first
believers, who maintain their own lightness. I would be loth to be
too ingenuous 2 in the collection of circumstances to discredit all this
news, for fear that some part of it should be true ; otherwise I would
tell your Lordship again and again, as I did before, that the first
authors of this report are enough of themselves to discredit the
whole. For it came from Slabada and Messhanski (as I wrote), two
of the defenestrated men, who lie at Passawe as lieger-intelligencers,
fingentes credetitcsque.3 Be it how it will, I will be bold to say that,
though it be true, yet, all things considered, we shall have the
greater glory that do not believe it.
I have not yet mine answer from the Emperor upon the declara-
tion of his Majesty's just and royal resolution to vindicate the
Palatinates from all violent hands,1 which, when I receive, your
Lordship shall hear how handsomely it can be excused or justified.
God send us a cheerful meeting in our own quiet home.
Your Lordship's obedient servant,
Henry Wotton.
339. To Sir Robert Naunton.
Eton MS., dictated, extract, Rox. Club, p. 249. News at Vienna
of the fall of Prague.
From Vienna, the |f of November, 1620.
Right Honourable,
I had indeed many times observed, since my coming hither,
that the Emperor was one of the last acquainted with any of his own
inconveniences ; but yet I thought his good fortunes had made more
haste to his ears than I now perceive, for Prague was twelve days
taken before he had any certain knowledge thereof. At last is come
the Count de Bie, brother-in-law to Bucquoij 8, with the whole
delation. And this very morning the Emperor is gone in an
1 • Compear,' to appear. Obs. {N. E. 1>.)
'Ingenuous,' frequently misused in seventeenth century for ingenious.
(V. E. D.) 3 ' Fingentibus credentibusque \ (Tac. Hist. ii. 8.)
4 James I, roused by the invasion of the Palatinate to a momentary display of
vigour and indignation, wrote to the Princes of the Union (Sept. 29, 0. S.)
declaring that he would defend the Palatinate, the inheritance of his grand-
children, while remaining neutral as far as Bohemia was concerned. The next
day he made a public declaration before the Council to this effect, qualified,
however, by the condition that if the Elector Palatine expected aid, he must
listen to the advice of the English ambassadors at Prague, and give up his
claim to the crown of Bohemia. {Gardiner, iii, pp. 372, 373.^
■ Count Bucquoi, commander of the Imperialist army in Bohemia, defeated
and killed by the Hungarians under Bethlen Gabor July 10, 1621.
200 LETTERS OF WOTTON
eucharistical procession to the cathedral church, accompanied with
all the public Ministers, save the French and Savoy ambassadors
and the Venetian agent ; for I may spare the excepting of myself.
Now for the report of this action, as it is here delivered, and the
commentaries that are made upon it, both by soldiers and politiques,
I shall represent all that unto his Majesty by an express dispatch
suspended till the beginning of the next week.1
340. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ger. Etnp., holograph. The fall of Prague ; Wotton preparing
for his departure for Venice.
From Vienna, 16th of December, 1620.
Style of England.
Right Honourable,
In the room of Mr. Braynthwayte, let the bearer of this bring
you many hearty thanks for the kind letter wherewith it pleased you
to honour me. If mine own lines of some weeks since have not
failed, you know the reason why I retain your kinsman, about whom
I have now adventured to write unto my noble sister, with whose
grief I durst not wrestle in the beginning, for her affections are
strong, and she loved that soul which is in heaven, not only as
a sister, but indeed as a mother, as she had entitled herself unto him
by his education. I hope neither she nor my Lord Wharton will be
offended at Mr. Braynthwayte's stay, whose return would have been
nothing but a visible motive of new sorrow. And more I shall not
need to say of this matter.
By my letter to the King, your Honour will see how controversies
are more easily decided by fortune than by treaty ; yet let not the
Jesuits make that their text which was only the gospel of a poet :
Yictrix causa Deo placuit* for the all-distinguishing eye might per-
adventure be displeased with some affections in the business more
than with the business itself. Sir, I beseech you give me leave to
utter my conceit, though without application to persons, because
they are too great, and by veneration redeemed from censure.
Methinks this whole quarrel hath been like the disputation between
Job and his friends, whereof the divines note that one side did carry
a good cause ill, and the other an ill cause well.
1 Wotton's reason for suspending this dispatch was the departure of
De Preaux, one of the French ambassadors, into Hungary to see Bethlen Gabor,
and find out whether he intended to treat separately with the Emperor for
peace, or would join with the Bohemians in a general treaty. If there was to
be a general treaty Wotton would remain in Vienna, otherwise he intended to
depart for Venice. (Rox. Club, p. 251.)
2 ' Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni.' (Lucan, Phars. i. 128.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 201
I am now preparing for Venice, mine old seat, whence 1 will be
bold to send you news, and then as a long devoted servant some
familiar domestic things— Parmesan, glasses, olives, and such poor
tokens quaefert noster agellusS
In the meanwhile I beg the continuance of your love, and the
particular favour to tell me, by the return of this bearer, how his
Majesty hath accepted the present dispatch, which I know will pass
through your friendly hands as all the former.
And so I humbly, at your Honour's command,
Henry Wotton.
341. To James I.
8. I'. Ger. Emp., dictated, extract, Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 523. De Preaux's
journey to Hungary. Wotton's negotiations with the Emperor, &c.
Vienna, i§ of December, 1620.
To his most sacred Majesty,
Although I had from your Majesty a power in my instructions
to depart hence to my other employment, as soon as this controversy
should be decided, either by treaty or by fortune, yet I have stayed
here a month and a half after the battle, that I might view the final
resolutions, whereof I shall now render your Majesty an accompt,
which I am bound to begin with my humblest thanks for your
benign approbation of my poor endeavours, as I have understood
from both your Secretaries, wherein I see that your Majesty is still
pleased, by the excellency of your nature, and by the indulgency of
your judgement, to accept honest zeal for discretion in your own
creature. Serving therefore so good and so gracious a master, I will
proceed cheerfully to the discharge of the rest, as the affairs stand.
By my last to Mr. Secretary Naunton, your Majesty understood
the cause of Mons. de Preaux his going into Hungary. And by this
you may expect the fruit of his journey.
There arriving after news of the defeat before Prague, he found
much alteration in their faces and much altercation in their councils,
among which he was once publicly admitted, where he understood
passion enough, being the common language of nature, but nothing
else : for they spoke in their own tongue. At last this was the con-
clusion, that a gentleman should be immediately dispatched to the
Elector Palatine (supposed at Preslau 2 in Silesia) to understand
whether he would join with the Hungarians in a treaty with the
Emperor. And in case of either delay or denial, to make a solemn
ii. 31. 8 'Nil nostri, nisi me, ferunt agelli.' 2 Breslau.
202 LETTERS OF WOTTON
protestation that they would provide for themselves. Of the event
whereof the Prince of Transylvania undertook by the 15th of
this month, aut circiter, to give knowledge hither. I must profess
unto your Majesty that I did little expect for my part so much
formality from the said Prince in hoc statu rerum, as to attend
a return from Silesia, having before (as hath been written) so closely
begun here to practise his own reconcilement. But the truth is
(and well he knows it) that he may be heard when he listeth, by
reason of the Turk at his back, under whose shadow he will fit l
himself.
Now touching mine own peculiar duties, for with Bethlem Gabor
and the Hungarians I have nothing to do in single consideration (as
your Majesty's servant) till we shall hear whether the Elector, your
son-in-law, and that kingdom will treat with the Emperor conjunc-
tively or no.
Before the going of De Preaux I had one only access to the
Emperor, and two others while he was away.
The first, after consultation here with the French ambassadors
about the answer which we had (with no small loss of time and
advantage) so late received from Bohemia, addressed unto me by
Sir Francis Nethersole in French, as it came to him from the camp.
The other two, touching your Majesty's declaration of yourself in
the Palatine cause, and intercession against the Emperor's ban, as
they call it, about which I shall need to trouble your Majesty no
further than with the perusal of such marginal notes as I have added,
both to the foresaid French paper, and to the Emperor's two answers
in Latin which come herewith,2 and contain all that may concern
your latter directions in two letters from Mr. Secretary Naunton.
Yet I must not omit that between the second and third of these
audiences, I was visited by the Baron of Eckenberg (the Emperor's
inwardest counsellor and favourite), who spent an hour or two at
1113'' lodging, with much protestation of his Majesty's respect towards
3Tour Majesty, of his grief that things were gone on to such expense
of blood ; of his wishes that your son-in-law had rather taken your
Majesty's counsel than the Duke of Bouillon's ; of his forgiving
nature, of his desire to recover only his own, and to redeem this
Imperial House from open scorn.
Lastly, that the King of Spain also had written hither how glad
1 'Fit,' provide or supply with what is fit. Obs. (N. E. D.)
2 The two answers of the Emperor, dated Nov. 28 and Dec. 4, N. S.. are
printed in the Reliq. 3rd ed., pp. 517-21). In the first he explains why the
Palatinate was invaded ; in the second he grants, at Wotton's request, a
temporary suspension of the ban against the Elector Palatine. It was finally
issued on Jam 12, 1621, 0. S. (Gardiner, iv, 176.)
TO JAMES T 203
he would be, that your Majesty might have all possible satisfaction.
This was after the Emperor had been informed of hi^ raocc
Prage, whereunto there was, as to all other fair discourse of tins
kind, but one only reply on my part, that your Majesty might
justly promise yourself veiy good respect here, and good offices from
Spain, by the merit of your own moderation in the Bohemian cause,
and by your Christian endeavours for the common quiet, with such
perseverance.
I must not forget likewise to inform your Majesty, that myself
visiting here the Spanish ambassador (as I have usually done after
my audiences with the Emperor) and falling (as I thought might
well become me) into wonder at Spinola's intrusions, enough to
inflame all Christendom, which your Majesty (measuring other
princes by the equity of your own heart) had no reason to expect :
he asked me, after a little deliberation, whether the Marquis of
Buckingham were not a gentleman of honour ? I need not profess
how glad I was of such occasion to do your Majesty's dearest servant
and mine own most noble patron all the right that my voice could
utter, but in truth, on the other side, extremely surprised with so
impertinent a question to my discourse, till he eased me with the
sight of a paper out of his cabinet. It was the copy of a letter
written by my Lord Marquis in your Majesty's name to the Spanish
ambassador residing with you, wherein your Majesty did thus far
justify the Spanish proceedings, 'as never to have made any promise
that they would not assail the Palatinate'; whereupon this ambassador
inferred that the said letter, written by so noble a personage and in
your Majesty's name,1 was a high discharge for Spain in the points of
real dealing. I replied that indeed I had never heard of any direct
promise or denial made about the matter, but that your Majesty's
servants employed therein (whereof I was one myself to the Arch-
duke Leopoldus) did rather complain of answers obscure and
ambiguous and very different from our plain English style. This
was all that passed between the Conde d'Ogniate and me, unto which
I have a little digressed. . . .
We have gotten knowledge that such a letter is come to the
Emperor from the Duke of Saxonie 2 touching the Palatine Elector,
as makes us conceive he will use his mediation rather than ours ; so
as I am preparing towards Venice in this hard season, where (as
your Majesty's servant) I have the honour to be much expected and
1 For this humiliating letter, extorted by Gondomar from James I, see
Gardiner, iii, p. 376.
2 John George Elector of Saxony, to whom the Hector Palatine sent Ml
• inbassy before he left Breslau on Dec. 23. [Ibid,, iv. 176.]
204 LETTERS OF WOTTON
desired, as I hear by their resident in this place, especially the
Republic standing in no small perplexity and solicitude at the present
divers ways. There I shall attend your Majesty's farther directions,
and leave the French (as I found them) upon this stage, till they get
leave to depart, for which they have dispatched home an express
courier, intending in the meantime to deal between the Emperor
and Bethlem Gabor.
342. To Francis Bacon, Lokd Verulau.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 411, 3rd ed., p. 298, unsigned, no date, but evidently written
at about the same date as the above letter. The Novum Organum ;
Kepler's Camera Obscura.
(Vienna, Dec. 19 ? 1620, 0. S.)
Right Honourable, and my very good Lord,
I have your Lordship's letters dated the 20th of October,' and
I have withal by the care of my cousin, Mr. Thomas Meawtis 2, and
by your own special favour, three copies of that work, wherewith
your Lordship hath done a great and ever-living benefit to all the
children of nature ; and to nature herself, in her uttermost extent
and latitude, who never before had so noble nor so true an
interpreter, or (as I am readier to style your Lordship) never so
inward a secretary of her cabinet. But of your said work (which
came but this week to my hands) I shall find occasion to speak more
hereafter ; having yet read only the first book thereof, and a few
aphorisms of the second. For it is not a banquet that men may
superficially taste, and put up the rest in their pockets, but in
truth, a solid feast, which requireth due mastication. Therefore
when I have once myself pursued the whole, I determine to have it
read piece by piece at certain hours in my domestic college, as an
ancient author. For I have learned thus much by it already, that
we are extremely mistaken in the computation of antiquity, by
searching it backwards, because indeed the first times were the
1 Bacon's letter to Wotton, sending him three copies of the Novum Organum
.published 1620) is printed in the Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 297.
My very good Cousin,
Your letter which I received from your Lordship upon your going to sea.
was more than a compensation for any former omission ; and I shall be very
glad to entertain a correspondence with you in both kinds, which you writ of :
for the latter whereof I am now ready for you, having sent you some ore of
that mine. I thank you for your favours to Mr. Mewtus, and I pray continue
the same. So wishing you out of that honourable exile, and placed in a better
orb, I ever rest,
Your Lordship's affectionate kinsman, and assured friend,
Fr. Verulam Canc.
York House,
Octob. 20, 1620.
2 (Sir) Thomas Meautys, third son of Henry Meautys ; knighted 1641,
married Anne, daughter of Sir Nathaniel Bacon. (Correspondence of Jane, Lady
Cornicallis, xxv, vi.^
TO FRANCIS BACON, LORD VTSRULAM 205
youngest ; especially in points of natural discovery and experience.1
For though I grant that Adam knew the natures of all beasts, and
Solomon of all plants, not only more than any, but more than all
since their time ; yet that was by divine infusion, and therefore they
did not need any such Organum as your Lordship hath now delivered
to the world ; nor we neither, if they had left us the memories of
their wisdom.
But I am gone further than I meant in speaking of this excellent
labour, while the delight yet I feel, and even the pride that I take
in a certain congeniality 2 (as I may term it) with your Lordship's
studies, will scant let me cease. And indeed I owe your Lordship
even by promise (which you are pleased to remember, thereby
doubly binding me) some trouble this way; I mean, by the com-
merce of philosophical experiments, which surely, of all other, is the
most ingenuous traffic. Therefore, for a beginning, let me tell your
Lordship a pretty thing which I saw coming down the Danuby,
though more remarkable for the application than for the theory.
I lay a night at Lintz, the metropolis of the higher Austria, but then
in very low estate, having been newly taken by the Duke of
Bavaria,3 who, blancliente fortuna, was gone on to the late effects.
There I found Keplar,4 a man famous in the sciences, as your
Lordship knows, to whom I purpose to convey from hence one of
your books, that he may see we have some of our own that can
honour our King, as well as he hath done with his Harmonica5. In
this man's study I was much taken with the draft of a landscape
on a piece of paper, methought masterly done : whereof inquiring
the author, he bewrayed with a smile it was himself; adding, he
had done it non tanquam pictor, sed tanquam mathematicus. This set
1 ' Ilia enim aetas, respectu nostri, antiqua et maior ; respectu mundi ipsius,
nova et minor fuit.' (Nov. Org. i. 84.)
2 'Congeniality' is a word of Wotton's invention, and he uses it again in the
Elements of Architecture (Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 53), the next use of it noticed in the
N. E. D. is in Boswell's Life of Johnson, 1791.
3 Maximilian of Bavaria invaded upper Austria, then in revolt against the
Emperor, and on July 25 he was at Lintz, where the Austrian nobles submitted
themselves to him. (Gardiner, iii, p. 367.) Wotton passed through Lintz on his
way from Augsburg to Vienna.
4 On Aug. 29, 1620, Kepler wrote to his friend Bemegger : < 111. D. Wotonii
non minor erga me humanitas in visitando fuit ; doluit praeproperus eius
t ransitus. Hortatur ut in Angliam transeam. Mihi tamen haec altera mea patria
propter ignominiam istam, quam sustinet, deserenda non est altro, nisi velim
pgratua haberi.' In another letter he returns to the subject of Wotton's
invitation: ' Flagrare vides incendium belli civilis in Germania, vincere eos,
a quorum stat partibus decus imperii, corripi proxima, grassari flammam. An
igitur mare transibo, quo me vocat Wotonus ? Ego Germanus? Continentis
amans, insulae angustias horrens? Periculorum eius praesagus ? Uxorculam
trahens et gregem liberorum?' (Kepleri Opera, Ch. Frisch, 1870, vol. viii,
pp. 874, 967 ; cited by Rev. W. C. Green, Antiquary, March, 1899.)
5 Kepler's Harmonica ;1619) was dedicated to James I.
206 LETTERS OF WOTTON
me on fire. At last he told me how. He hath a little black tent
(of what stuff is not much importing) which he can suddenly set up
where he will in a field, and it is convertible (like a windmill) to all
quarters at pleasure, capable of not much more than one man, as
I conceive, and perhaps at no great ease ; exactly close and dark,
save at one hole, about an inch and a half in the diameter, to which
he applies a long perspective trunk, with a convex glass fitted to the
said hole, and the concave taken out at the other end, which
extendeth to about the middle of this erected tent, through which
the visible radiations of all the objects without are intromitted,
falling upon a paper, which is accommodated to receive them ; and so
he traceth them with his pen in their natural appearance, turning
his little tent round by degrees, till he hath designed the whole
aspect of the field. This I have described to your Lordship, because
I think there might be good use made of it for chorography : for
otherwise, to make landscapes by it were illiberal, though surely no
painter can do them so precisely. Now from these artificial and
natural curiosities, let me a little direct your Lordship to the
contemplation of fortune.
Here, by a slight battle full of miserable errors (if I had leisure
to set them down) all is reduced, or near the point. In the provinces
there is nothing but of fluctuation and submission, the ordinary
consequences of victory ; wherein the triumphs of the field do not
so much vex my soul, as the triumphs of the pulpit. For what
noise will now the Jesuit disseminate more in every corner, than
victrix causa Deo placuit ; which yet was but the gospel of a poet.
No, my Lord, when I revolve what great things Zisca did in the
first troubles of his country, that were grounded upon conscience,
I am tempted to believe the all-distinguishing eye hath been more
displeased with some human affections in this business than with
the business itself.
I am now preparing my departing toward my other employment ;
for in my first instructions I had a power to go hence when this
controversy should be decided, either by treaty, or by fortune ;
whereof now the worser means have perverted the better.
Here I leave the French ambassadors upon the stage, as I found
them ; being willing (quod solum superesi) to deal between the
Emperor and Bethlehem Gabor, with whom I have nothing to do, as
he is now singled.
Betwixt this and Italy I purpose to collect the memorablest
observations that I have taken of this great affair, and to present
a copy thereof unto your Lordship's indulgence, not to your severe
judgement.
TO FRANCIS BACON. LORD V ERU LAM 207
The present 1 cannot end (though I have too muefa amiped upon
your precious time) without the return of my humble thanks onto
your Lordship for the kind remembrance of my cousin, Mr. John
Meawtis, in your letter to me, and of your recommendation of him
before ; being a gentleman, in truth of sweet conditions and strong
abilities. I shall now transport him over the Alpes, where we will
both serve your Lordship, and love one another. And so beseeching
God to bless your Lordship with long life and honour, I humbly
rest,
Your Lordship's, etc.
343. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., transcript. Wotton's arrival in Venice.
From Venice, the & of March, 1621.
Eight Honourable,
Of my purpose to depart from Vienna, and to leave the Emperor
to the counsels of his own fortune, I gave his Majesty knowledge by
my servant, James Varie \
Of my departure itself, of such important occasion as moved me
to go thence to Bavaria, of my reception and negotiation for three
days in that Court, with all other intervenient matter, I wrote from
Innspruck at large, but being after a long, painful, hazardous, and
chargeable journey, arrived at last in Venice ; and finding here by
letters from Augusta some cause to doubt that my foresaid advertise-
ments from Innspruck may have failed in the passage,2 I intend
by the courier of the next week to iterate an accompt of the whole,
wherein I hope his Majesty will be pleased with my honest endea-
vours.
In the meantime I am not a little cumbered here with the
furnishing of my house : such provisions as should have come before
me by sea being not yet arrived, till when I must live at the mercy
of Jews.
I shall not have my first audience yet in eight days, but I hear
by my scouts that the Senate hath newly resolved to defer all
deliberations which they had in hand, both with Sir Henry Paiton
and with Roquelaure, the French colonel, about fresh levies.
1 James Vary, who remained in Wotton's service after his appointment to
the Provostship at Eton, and is mentioned more than once in the letters of that
period.
1 This dispatch from Innsbruck is not preserved in the Record Office, and
probably was lost on the way. The information about Wotton's visit to Munich
[!, p. 175) is derived from a letter of July 8, 1621. (S. P. Ven.)
208 LETTERS OF WOTTON
First, because they find the new Pope1 wholly averse from the
disquieting of Italy : in summa, di sangue dolce Bolognese. Next,
because from Vienna is signified but small likelihood of any agree-
ment between the Emperor and the Hungarians,2 the continuance
of which division were to this country, even in the time of Lent,
almost a second carnival: so unchristian an art is perchance civil
wisdom, if it were well examined. But of these things I shall give
his Majesty continual advertisement as time shall change the prospect
of this theatre wherein I am placed. For the present, with my
prayers and praise to Almighty God for our own blessed repose at
home under our good and gracious Majesty, I cease, Sir, to trouble
you any further,
Ever remaining with entire affection to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
344. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton writes to Carleton, at the Hague, of his
arrival in Venice, his visit to Munich, the state of Italy, and of the new
Pope, Gregory XV.
From Venice, this £§ of March, 1621.
My very good Lord,
Having left the Emperor to the counsels of his own fortune
(which he was likeliest to follow), I am, after a long, painful, and
chargeable journey by the Court of Bavaria and the Lazaretto of
Verona, well arrived in this place of my ordinary residence, through
God's good blessing, In quo movemur et sumus? Here I have been
two weeks and four days ; and yet it is time enough to give your Lord-
ship knowledge thereof, before the State hath any from me, whom I
intend to acquaint to-morrow morning, that on Monday next, some
two hours before night, I shall arrive at their Island of St. George 4 ;
where I think the Cavalliere Pietro Contarini 8 will be appointed to
comply0 with me, being newly returned from Spain. These silent
1 Paul V died Jan. 28, 1621. He was succeeded by Gregory XV (Alessandrio
Ludovisio of Bologna). The new Pope was reported to be friendly to Venice
and France, and an enemy to Spain. Rome, Wotton wrote, was suddenly
1 uncastiglionated ', adding, however, ' These are the discourses running here,
which I have set down as they flow, though with reservation of mine own
conceit ; having haunted Italy too many years to imagine that a Pope and
a King of Spain can be long in disjuncture.' (S. P. Ven., March %%, 1621.)
2 Bethlen Gabor, elected King of Hungary, was still in arms, and on July 10,
1621, he slew Bucquoi, the Imperial General, and forced his army to retreat.
But in Jan., 1622, he made peace with Ferdinand and gave up his claim to the
Grown of Hungary. (Coxe, ii, pp. 87, 88.)
3 ' In ipso enim vivimus et movemur et sumus.' (Act. xvii. 28.)
4 Wotton' s formal arrival was on March 29 (ante, i, p. 177).
5 Pietro Contarini, ambassador to France, 1619. Romanin, vii, p. 169. N
6 ' Comply,' i. e. to use compliments or ceremonies. Obs. (K. E. D.)
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 209
days have been spent in the trimming of my house, wherein the
rooms of receipt are so vast that I had rather have rigged one of
the King's ships. My going by the Bavarian Court was to sound the
ends of that Prince, whom I found swollen with panegyrics, which
the Jesuits did shower upon him at his return from Prague, though
under the name of Urbano Bavaro lure Consulto \ The true author
was Father Kelser, Rector of the College there and of the Dukedom.
In some four hours discourse with the Prince at several times, he
laboured to persuade me that no ends or aims but mere obedience
to the Emperor had embarked him in the Bohemian action, to the
grief of his soul. This was the external. But believe me, my Lord,
ixt us Nihil sani In my passage towards him I found all the upper
Austria garrisoned with his soldiers ; and questionless he means to
hold it in mergage 2 for his expenses, as he hath done Donawerde 3.
For by all reason he may be as bold with the Emperor as he hath
been with the Empire.
When I came to Rovere, between Trent and Verona, the Governor
of that place made stay of me four days, till he had sent an express
courier to Inspruck for some discretion: both the authority of the
whole province and the wit belike residing there.
In the Lazaretto near Verona we were aired twelve days, and at
our entrance found this oracle on the wall, Hie Locus ct sepulehrum
vivorum, experientia Amicorum, et dissipatio honorum.
In those parts there was much jealousy, either of subjects or
neighbours ; but here in the capital city I find their counsels so
calm, that they have ceased a contract which they had in hand, both
with Sir Henry Peyton and Roquelaure, about fresh recrews4. For
the new Pope hath assured them that he will keep storms out of
Italy, and hath already denied passage both to the Neapolitan
cavalry and infantry through the Ecclesiastical State. In which
humour, if he persevere without warping, I shall think him a well-
seasoned piece of timber. But of these things hereafter. The
present was but to give your Lordship an accompt of my movings
and of my rest. Haladetta sia iiaella scttimana, wherein after this
there shall be silence between us. And so I remain,
Your Lordship's to serve you cheerfully,
Hknry Wotton.
I must give your Lordship many thanks for a large letter received
1 Friedenreich Urban. Panegyrkus . . . Maximiliano Boiorum duci e hello quo hnperium
pacavit . . . revertenti . . . dicatus, Monachii, 1620.
2 ' Mergage,' obs. form of mortgage.
3 Donau worth put to the ban of the Empire in 1007 and occupied by
Maximilian.
11 Recrews,' i. e. recruits. Obs. (N. E. D.)
WOTTOH. II p
210 LETTERS OF WOTTON
here from you by the means of Daniel Nuis1, whose conveyance I
use in the present postscript. This veiy morning being, as your
Lordship knows, the Nuncio's ordinary day of audience, he hath
surprised the Prince and College with the presentation of a jubilee
from his master. Some conceive it is to win favour with an indulgent
beginning. For my part, I think because all things else are dear,
he means to make sins good cheap.2
345. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated, extract, postscript holograph. News in Venice of the
death of the King of Spain ; the illness of the Pope ; Scioppius gone
to Rome.
Venice, this || of a cold April, 1621.
Right Honourable,
The advertisement of the King of Spaine's death3 came not
hither by any direct dispatch, but the ambassador of the Republic
resident at Madrid, having gotten sudden knowledge thereof, would
have sent an extraordinary courier, which being denied him at the
post-office (for they meant to conceal it some while, at least from
us here) he was fain to pass a few lines under the French packet,
which were severed at Bordeaux and sent hither. Thus we came to
know it, and though it be written with circumstance of the time (as
to have succeeded on the last of March) with some other particulari-
ties, enough to make it credible, yet is the Spanish secretary (lei
here by the last ambassador) so far hitherto from averment thereof
to the Duke, or any other silent profession by change of his habit
that he was two days sithence at a public comedy ; which piece of
will yet hardly retard any new counsels that shall be formed upoi
this alteration.
Now, as the past week brought us the departure of that King,
this has seconded the former, with a matter perchance of the moi
consequence at the present within our circle, namely, the dangeroi
indisposition of this moderate Pope, above his ordinary fits, repre-
sented in very private letters as almost irrecoverable, with which, I
hear, doth consent the intelligence of this State. . . . This con-
tingency, wherein we stand in fear of losing a good Italian Pope 4.
1 Daniel Nys was an agent employed by Wotton, Sir Dudley Carleton, and Sir
Isaac Wake to collect pictures. His most important purchase was the Mantua
Collection in 1628. (Original Papers relating to Rubens, Noel Sainsbury, p. 339, Cat,
S. P. Dom., 1635-6, p. 76.)
2 In the Reliquiae (1st ed., p. 508, 3rd, p. 302) is printed what is practically
a duplicate of the above letter, without date or address, but probably written tc
the Marquis of Buckingham, with whom Wotton was in regular correspondence.
3 Philip III, King of Spain, died March 31, 1621.
4 Gregory XV, elected Feb. 2, 1621, was old and in bad health ; the quietnese
of Italy depended, Wotton wrote, ' on the weak thread of the Pope's life.
(Disp., July 27.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 211
doth suspend all judgement about the issue of the Grison troubles.
And our congratulatory ambassadors here, which were making haste
with brave robes of crimson velvet at nine crowns the Venetian
yard, will perchance stand harkening the whole next week. For if
the See should be vacant, and Campori ' succeed (for whom Burghese
hath already renewed, as they write, una rdbbiosa practica), a good
red chamlet a from hence might serve his turn . . .
Sir,
I cannot omit the advertising of his Majesty in this postscript,
that after others, the Governor of Milan hath sent Gaspar Scioppius
to Rome, to inspire into the Pope more zeal towards the Catholic
cause of the Valtolina,3 as it is baptized ; the employment of which
fellow puts me in mind of his like in Tacitus, quern calamitas temporum
fecit partem JieipuUicae,* being in good faith enough to authenticate
my old merry definition of an ambassador.
346. To the Marquis of Buckingham.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 409, 3rd ed., p. 303, dated May 16, and probably written in
this year. Wotton sends two boxes of presents to Buckingham.
Venice, this 16th of May, (1621 ?).
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
I know your Lordship cannot want presents of the best kind
from all countries, if you would be but pleased to bewray your
desire, for your favour is worthy to be studied, both because you are
powerful, and because in the common judgement (of which we hear
the sound, that are far off) you employ your power nobly.
For my part, though I am not able to reach unto anything propor-
tionable to your dignity, nor even of mine own mind, yet I must not
suffer Venice (where I have served the King so long) to be wholly
disgraced. And therefore I have taken the boldness, in a ship newly
departed from this harbour, to send your Lordship two boxes of poor
things, which, because they need a little explication, not so much for
their value as their use, I have desired Mr. Nicholas Pey, one of the
clerks of his Majesty's kitchen, who is my friend of trust at home in
all my occasions, to acquaint your Lordship with a note of them,
wherein my end is plain, only to excite your Lordship with this little
1 Pietro Campori, Cardinal 1016, died 1643.
2 Chamlet or camlet, a cheap stuff of wool and silk.
3 The Spaniards claimed that they were acting in the interests of Catholicism
in freeing the Valtelline from its Protestant rulers ; the Venetians said that they
were making a pretence of religion in order to gain possession themselves of the
territory.
4 Probably a reference to Tac. Hist. i. 70. 19 ' Crescens Neronis libertus (nam et
hi malis temporibus partem se rei publicae faciunt).'
P 2
212 LETTERS OF WOTTON
taste *, to command me further in whatsoever may better please you.
And so I most humbly commit you to God's blessed love,
Your Lordship's with all devotion to serve you,
H. Wotton.
347. To Sir Robert Naunton.
S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. The attempt to procure the readmission
of the Jesuits into Venice.
Venice, the 4th of June sty. novo 1621.
. . . Here we expect perchance to-morrow, or within two or threi
days, the Pope's new Nuncio 2, the voice still continuing that he is k
prime capite to mediate the reception of the Jesuits,3 and it is said
withal, that besides his master's commands, he means to confer 4 unt<
it some zeal of his own. Whether Fraunce will give it any counten-
ance (which hath likewise been strongly spoken) I cannot yet affirm,
but surely all possible means is likely to be employed. For the
canonization of Ignatius 5 (long since beatified), being now in hand al
Rome, it may peradventure seem some blemish to his saintship ii
his progeny, which hath been restored by art into Fraunce, and by
force into Bohemia, should remain excluded from so large a part of
Italie as the extent of this State. Yet on the other side I will say
thus much, because I was here at their extrusion (whereunto I did
contribute at least my prayers), that if the knot then tied shall bt
loosed, no provision of human wit can be fast in any civil govern-
ment of the world.6 And so having cumbered his Majesty too mud
with my other discourses by an express hand, I may be the briefei
at the present, commending humbly herewith your honour to th(
love of our gracious God,
Your Honour's at all command,
Henry Wotto>.
1 ' Task ' in 1st ed. of Reliquiae.
8 The Bishop of Monte Fia scone.
3 Gregory XV took advantage of the fact that the Venetians needed his help
in the Valtelline business to demand the readmission of the Jesuits. He was
seconded by the special French ambassador, the Marquis de Coeuvres, who
arrived in September.
4 ' Confer,' i. e. contribute. Obs. (N. E. D.)
5 Ignatius Loyola, beatified 1607, canonized 1622.
6 In 1657, during the war of Candia with the Turks, the Venetians were
forced to readmit the Jesuits in order to get help from the Pope Alexander VII.
^Rovianin, vii, p. 431.)
TO SIB WALTER ASTON 213
348. To Sib Ww.ter Aston1.
c.c.c. MS. 318, f. 25, holograph, Archaeol. xl. Wotton writes to Aston,
the English ambassador in Spain, to start the customary corre-
spondence.
Venice, this ^ of June, 1621.
My Lord and ever honoured Friend,
Not long before my coming from Vienna (where I stayed till it
was fit to leave the Emperor to the counsels of his own fortune), I
gave your Lordship knowledge by the way of Bruxelles of my tending
Id this place, the centre of all my motions, and withal I sent you a
cipher.2
Here I have been almost four months, hoping still for some com-
mandment from you, which I will now beg again. Besides our own
private friendship, we are now consociates in the public service.
And between the places of our residence there is as much relation as
jealousy can breed— for that is a relative as well as love. This I
bring as an argument to ground a frequent intercourse of letters
between us. Your Lordship shall have from me news enough, the
very disease of this city. At the present (to begin with a pertinent
point) we stand in some hazard about the confines, of an affront or a
rupture. Certain Spanish troops would pass armed from Crema
towards the Milanese over part of this dominion, which the Duke of
Feria seems to pretend they may do, by old agreements between this
State and the said Dukedom. But here the Senate hath strongly
resolved the contrary, and accordingly a camp is collected of English,
French, Flemish horse and foot about Martenengo, as the fittest
place to impeach their passage, near which the said Spaniards stand
hovering what they shall do. In the meanwhile frequent couriers
are sent hither, with lies in their mouths and truth in their packets,
as the fashion is ; whereof the last has filled all this town with a
voice of an encounter, and some slaughter on both sides. But a fresh
letter from Sir Henry Peyten, colonel of the English (who is himself
there) doth correct this vain noise.
I think it will beget more passion than action between these
umbrageous neighbours, and according to the Gospel's phrase,
'treasure up anger till a fitter time".'
1 Sir Walter Aston ^Baron Aston of Forfar in 1627), 1584-1639, ambas^a.l-.,
in Spain, 1620-5, 1635-8. (D. N. B.)
2 On Sept. 24, 1621, Wotton sent a new cipher to Sir Walter Aston, ■ that
I may,' he wrote, 'hereafter without any tender or scrupulous reservation
communicate with you some of my fresh thoughts. The former, which I sent
from Vienna, seemeth to have been swallowed between that place and
Bruxelles.' (G C. C. MS. 317, f. 29.)
:i There is no such phrase in the Gospels ; Wotton may have had in memory
Rom. ii, ~>y ' Treasurest up unto thyself wrath against the day of wrath.'
214 LETTERS OF WOTTON
ieve
loin
I would I had paper enough left to tell you how little we believ
in the execution of your treaty about the Vale Tolina.1 It is plain
that arts are sought to linger the effect till the Pope's end. For the
next, perchance, may be of another complexion. This is French, or at
least a pure Italian. And so, my good Lord, I commit you to God's
love, remaining
Your ever faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
349. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven,, holograph, extract. An oath of obedience to the Pope imposed
on English medical students at Padua.
Venice, the & of July, 1621.
. . . Divers of his Majesty's subjects come to study physic at
Padova ; for the most part Popish before their coming out, or made so
abroad (for of the good I do not speak). Here they take the degree
of doctorship and legitimation for practice ; at which formality, if it be
performed in the College, where for more reputation it is commonly
done, especially by all Papists, there is an oath to be first taken
(which the bishop or his vkario do indispensably minister), wherein
— to omit other corrupt clauses — is in plain terms sworn indefinite
obedience to the Pope, as his Majesty may see by the adjoined copy2
thereof, which, though in print, I could not procure without som
difficulty, being a thing which the parties themselves are desirou
should be smothered as much as may be. After this degree, o:
before, they usually make a step to Eome. What new characte
they bring thence I know not. Priests they may be, and that som
of them have been and are, I make little doubt. Always sure I a
that no kind of men are more wrought upon abroad than these,
being indeed the fittest to work afterwards upon others at home. For
through the generality of their faculty all families, all hours, are at
their command ; and if they have a dispensation to reconcile in Jiora
mortis (as their term is) they can remove all company from the patient,
and clear the room in an instant. Nay, if himself have no such power,
may not his servant be a priest or a Jesuit ? And who will shut ou
the doctor's man, or so much as suspect him ? To this I must ad
a note which many have taken at home, that one of these Popish
physicians shall gain more practice in a month or two, even among
Protestants, than another in a year. Quid ita ? Because those of
1 The second treaty of Madrid, April 25, 1621 {ante, i, p. 179).
2 There is a copy of this oath, dated Id. Nov., 1564, in the Burley Commonplace
Book, p. 102.
t,
I
TO SIB GEORGE CALVERT 215
his own complexion proclaim his sufficiency to more ends than one,
and by putting him in voice, put him in use. This I humbly leave
to his Majesty's most wise and Christian care, having thought it my
duty to represent— as I conceive it— so dangerous, so universal, so
opportune, so close and indiscoverable a means of corrupting his
people. . . . This dispatch is sent by Mr. Thomas Lindsaye, son to
Mr. Barnie Lindsay1 of the King's chambers, and the true heir both
of his father's metal and modesty, whom I commend to your favour
and love.
350. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Vfn., holograph, extract. The proposal of certain pirates ;
the death of Count Bucquoi, &c.
From Venice, this 26th of July, 1621.
Style of England.
... I must relate a piece of noise, sounding like a dream, and
perchance not likely to resolve into more.
A cluster of pirates are said to have offered unto this State for
protection, and some permanent seat, a million of ducats in pure
donative, great sums at five per hundred, depositable in their
exchequer, and moreover some thirty vessels, armed with three
hundred pieces of artillery and able men, at the public service. At
first the voice went that Samson (our renegado) was head of this
offer. Then we fell to remember that the pirates at Tunis (which is
his nest) are not masters of the money which they take, nor of the
very vessels wherein they go, which are commonly overmanned by
Turckes, so that now we know not where to fix this huge oblation.
Yet certain it is that on Tuesday last here in Senate was resolved,
after some debatement, to harken unto a treaty with these men ; and
so I must leave it, till I can see more ground of discourse or belief.
The strife for the passage of soldiers in terra firma between the
Governor of Milan and this Republic is grown milder, and leaning
towards some reasonable end.2
The business of the Valetolina standeth still, depending upon the
Pope's vigour, who, besides his age and other infirmities, hath of late
been troubled with some hydropsical tumour in his legs. . . .
From Vienna we have not only the death of Bucquoye 3, but like-
wise, not long after that, the defeat of the whole army in their retreat
from the siege of Neuhowsen, with loss of the artillery, which makes
me hope that my Lord Digbie* will find faciJes aures ; and perchance
1 Bernard Lindsay, ante, i, p. 41. 2 Ante, ii, p. 218.
3 Count Bucquoi, defeated and slain by Bethlen Gabor.
4 Lord Digby, sent to demand the restitution of the Palatinate, arrived in
Vienna on July 4, 1621, 0. S. (Kardiner, iv, p. 204.)
216 LETTERS OF WOTTON
the Emperor may remember me, who was bold at my departure to
wish him not to follow the counsels of his fortune, whereof the
Baron of Eckenberg demanding my reason, I replied only that
fortune was no good counsellor.
351. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. The expected arrival of the
Marquis de Coeuvres.
From Venice, this 7th of September,
1621, sty. vet.
. . . To-morrow we expect here the Marquis de Coeuvre !, in his
passage homewards from Eome. Before his arrival, Monsieur de
Villiers2, the resident, hath signified that he cometh with express
character of ambassador extraordinary. Some begin to whisper that
the business of the Jesuits (noised before him) is not his scope, but
his veil to cover deeper instructions about sounding the inclination
of this Republic, if the King his master, after the settling of his own
realm, should pass the Alps in person, or send over a fair army to
rectify the Valtolina— so ingenuous, or so corrupt is this country, that
they even suppose the professed part of all negotiation nothing but the
visard 3 of the concealed. About which I shall yield better accompt
by the next courier. Our dear God bless his Majesty and his estates.
And so I remain,
Your honour's with ancient devotion,
Henry Wotton.
352. To Sir George Calvert.
8, P. Ven., holograph. The arrival of the Marquis de Coeuvres.
Venice, this 21th September,
sty. vet. 1621.
Right Honourable,
The Marquis de Coevre (as I wrote in my former) arrived
here on Thursday last at night. On Saturday, after dinner, he was
from the Island di Spirito Santo brought by senators to a house
fitted for him. On Monday morning he had open audience together
with the lieger, which was low in voice, but high in the fashion.
For he was noted not once to stir his hat, nor first posture or gesture
after his sitting till his rising ; no, not when he ended his own speech.
His credential letters were not read, as perchance containing, above
other formality, some light of his errand ; though I do not see how
1 Francis Annibal d'Estrees, Marquis de Coeuvres (1573-1070 , Due d'Estrees,
1012.
2 Courtin de Villars. 3 'Visard,' obs. form of vizor, i.e. mask.
TO SIB GEORGE CALVERT 215
ihat should need any such tender closeness, having been s<> noised
before him.' Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday were partly holy
days, partly days of Grand Council, for accomplishment of the new
Senate, which must always be chosen before the last of September ;
and, being the highest act of the State, all other cares give place
thereunto. So as he could have no private audience before this
Friday, which is the Nuncio's ordinary day, who was heard before
him. They were both of them there not an hour in all, which,
methinks, is too short a time to endue us with new opinion of those
Fathers, whose process cannot be read in the space of one entire
month, though the Council of Ten should do nothing else. Through
these delays of his first audience, I can say little more thereof yet in
substance. Let me, therefore (as is fit), acquaint his Majesty how
the matter of ceremony hath passed between the said Marquis and
me, in a point heretofore of some scruple.
I did visit him on Monday last after his public audience, at an hour
appointed. As I landed at his house, the Nuncio's secretary was
coming from him, who had made way for his master's access ; and
when I departed homewards I saw the Nuncio himself coming towards
him in gondola. Tuesday and Wednesday he passed over without
revisiting me, but on Wednesday night he sent his secretary to desire
I would receive him the next morning. I gave him the disposition
of the day, but withal standing in some doubt that he might in the
meantime have visited the Nuncio (for one whom I had employed to
clear me therein was not yet come back), I told his messenger
that though no man living was more averse than myself from petty
punctualities, which were but idle vexations, yet it became me to
hope that the Marquis, who had received my visitation before the
Nuncio's, had not rendered that kindness to him before me, seeing
the Pope, in point of civil respect, is not considered but as una testa
coromta, and his ministers proportionably. I perceived the secretary
instructed with a prompt reply, that the Marquis his master had
well weighed this point, and therefore had by him expressly desired
to incommodate 2, me the next day before dinner, that he might revisit
the Nuncio in the afternoon. This I have thought it my duty to set
down distinctly, because the very same scruple bred a long strange-
ness between Sir Dudley Carleton and Monsieur de Leon :!, the last
French lieger here ; who yet had less reason than this Marquis,
1 His intention to ask for the readmission of the Jesuits, the report of which,
Wotton wrote, ran before him ' like a contagious wind'. {8. P. Yen., May 16,
1821.
■' Incommodate,' i.e. incommode. Obs. {N.E.D.)
'J De Leon Bruslart, whom, when he arrived in Venice in Dec, 1611, Sir
Dudley Carleton visited before the Nuncio. Bruslart, however, in returning thes.>
visits went to see the Nuncio first. (Disp. of Carleton, Dec. 26, 1611, 8. P, Pi*.)
218 LETTERS OF WOTTON
coming immediately from the Pope's Court, and being here conjoined
with his minister in his present ends. So as the case is now very
remarkably regulated. In the rest, I found the said Marquis full of
reverent respects towards his Majesty, and of joy in the good amity
that runneth between our masters, and generally, a gentleman surely
of very noble nature, of a beautiful personage, and winning counten-
ance, but perchance more nervous and vehement in his resolutions
than in his negotiations.
With my last I sent a cipher, which I shall have good occasion to
use the next week. Till when, leaving you, Sir, in God's love, I rest,
Your Honour's with long devotion,
Henry Wotton.
353. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
8. P. Ven., holograph. The readmission of the Jesuits refused.
Venice, 9th Oct. sty. no. 1621.
My Lord,
Thus much only in general at the present.
The Nuncio here and French ambassadors, extraordinary and
lieger, in their conjoined intercessions for the caterpillars1 of
Christendom, have had an absolute negative, whereof all three did
bewray much sensibility in their very countenances at their issuing
from the College. And, moreover, the French being yesterday invited
to accompany the Prince at our great feast of Santa Giustina 2, they
both refused it, which in the ordinary ambassador is thought some-
what too much humour.
More by the next courier, for by that time the Marquis de Coevres
will be gone, and we shall have seen his final passions.
Servidore,
Arrigo Wottoni.
I will fail no week to write your Lordship, d poco 6 assal
354. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated. Illness of Wotton and his household.
From Padova, this if of October, 1621.
Eight Honourable,
I must excuse the silence of a week or two, with the unhappy
distractions of my mind. Six of my family lie sick at the present of
dangerous fevers, which reign here extremely this season, and yester-
1 Cf. Shakespeare, Rich. II, act ii, scene iii, 165 : —
1 Bushy, Bagot and their complices
The caterpillars of the commonwealth.'
2 Santa Giustina, ' the Venetian patroness, almost equivalent to St. Mark.'
(Wotton to Calvert, S. P. Ven., Oct. 9.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT >l<,
night I had likewise myself a fit, which yet I hope by the symptoms
will resolve into a pure tertian. To these cares all other must give
place, for maximum negotiorum est sanitas. God's good angels be
about us, and His love strengthen our hearts.
Your Honour's as I am,
Henry Wotton.
355. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Yen., holograph, extract. Wotton's illness ; deaths of William Leete
and Gregorio de' Monti.
Venice, this £$ November, 1621.
Right Honourable,
I should have taken pleasure ere now in answering those kind
lines which I had last from you, and in giving you many most
hearty thanks for your long and continual love (whereof almost every
letter that I receive from Mr. Nicolas Paye, my friend, doth bring
me new argument), if I had not wanted strength to do it. Non sum
ambitiosus in mails, but it is no ordinary discomfortable thing that I
shall tell you. I have lain under physic at Padova almost a month,
and at the same time all my family, except four persons, were either
there or here in like manner decumbent of double tertians or con-
tinual fevers, which have abounded this season, whereof we are
willinger to impute the cause to the crudities of the last year's wines,
than to our own immoderation ; for it hath fallen upon so many
Italians, as may excuse the English, whom otherwise they think an
overfeeding nation. Two I have lost, one that was my steward here-
tofore, but at the present a student himself in that art at Padova,
which could not help him. His name was William Leete *, taken
away in the strength of his years by a weak disease which some
fancies did exasperate. The other was poor Gregorio de' Monti ',
who under Sir Dudley Carleton and me had served his Majesty here
some fourteen or fifteen years. Of whom I am to speak more in a
dispatch wherewith I am now in travail. . . .
Your Honour's in long devotion.
Henry Wotton.
Mr. Branthwayte returned unto me a sound man from Padova
1 William Leete, see Appendix III.
2 Gregorio de' Monti (see Appendix III) died on Nov. 22, 1621. In his
audience of Feb. 22 Wotton pronounced a eulogy on the character and faithful-
ness of his late secretary. He told the Doge that he had appointed a Frenchman
as his successor, although a compatriot of his own religion had offered himself
for the post. 'I did not accept this offer, not being here to catechize the
conscience of any one, but to perform the duties of my post. It is enough for
me that those of my household should have some kind of religion, for one often
finds many people who believe nothing at all.' (Esp. Prin., Feb. 27, 1622.)
220 LETTERS OF WOTTON
yesternight, whom I left there a while to recover strength after some
very sharp fits.
356. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. Wotton's recovery ; he is sending some
seeds to the King.
Venice, this fT of December, 1621.
Right Honourable,
I have been a fortnight under the counsel of two physicians for
some bad humours in my stomach, affecting by consent likewise my
head, which I esteem a relic of my last infirmity, but at the present
I am again, I thank God, somewhat jolly. By the last currierc came
your letter of the 4th of November very opportunely, when I was
preparing a dispatch for a gentleman bent homewards, of whom I
made stay upon my last indisposition of body. He shall besides
some strange things (which I mean to couch in cipher) bring with
him the most exquisite choice that can be made of those seeds which
his Majesty desireth ; wherein likewise I intend to examine some of
our best hortolani of Chioggia and other places about the manner of
their cultivation, in what mould they prove best, how they are
ripened by accidental remedies, as reflection T or otherwise, and how
they are sweetened by some adjunct to their seeds, as falleth out in
other plants and fruits. We have here some very curious men in
matter of simples, with whom I am well acquainted, so as though I
can pretend no ability in my other endeavours to satisfy his Majesty's
judgement, yet I hope to content him in this service of his appetite.
357. To Sir Walter Aston.
C. a C. MS. 318, f. 81, holograph, extract, Archaeol. xl. Wotton's illness ;
news of Venice.
Venice, the ^ of December, 1621.
My Lord,
Xon sum ambitiosus in malis. But it is no ordinary case which
I must describe unto your Lordship for the excuse of too many silent
weeks.
I lay myself in Padova more than a month, through an ague
which took me being abroad. And at the same time all my family
(except four persons), Italians, Germans, and English, were either
there or here, in like manner decumbent. A Venetian gentleman
also, who lieth in a severed partition of my house, is at the present
himself, wife, children, maids, and gondoliers all under physic ; so we
1 Reflection,' i. e. reflected lights, as was then not unusual in gardening.
TO SIR WALTER ASTON 221
begin to suspect our habitation, being the most exposed to all weather
pi any in Venice,1 and by violence of the flashing2 winds the waves
have pierced through and powdered our walls, and even tainted our
cisterns. Thus we are contented to rest our curiosity upon these
second causes. But God's indisputable will must be done, which i-,
the last philosophy both of heaven and earth. Two I have lost. The
one with the more grief, because beyond all expectation even of his
physicians, he was carried away in the strength of his youth by ■
weak disease, which some fancies did exasperate. The other was a
Venetian, who had long served under Sir Dudley Carleton and me
here, as secretary of the language or compliments, a place more
easily supplied than when substance is vacant.
This is the accompt of our infirmities, which have made me so
worthy of your Lordship's pardon that I may challenge some part of
your compassion.
Now to proceed in our correspondence, as I will do weekly. For
while God shall spare us upon this theatre, how can we lack subject
of noise and discourse ? . . .
You have heard that the Grisons have renounced the league of
Fraunce. a foul blow to the Treaty of Madrid, and almost enough to
make the French sober at home. Our easy Pope chideth at the
Spanish progressions in the Valetolina,3 and they go forward, being
now able to walk (while they keep a foot in the Lower Palatinat)
from Milan to Dunkercke upon their own inheritances and purchases,
a connexion of terrible moment in my opinion.4 Your Lordship's
letters to Sir John Aires I reserve. The King and the merchants
have dislodged him, and Sir Thomas Roe 5 with his lady are well on
their way thitherwards, between whom and your Lordship I will
mediate a continual intelligence. Yesterday was here in the open
Court of the Palace one Aluigi Querini, a principal gentleman,
apprehended and muffled in a cloak by order of the Inquisitors of
1 I have not been able to identify Wotton's residence during his third
omliassy at Venice; his description of its situation makes it probable that
his house was somewhere on the north-eastern side of Venice, looking over the
lagoons towards the Alps, and exposed to the northern winds.
3 * Flashing,' i. e. dashing. Obs. (N. E. D.)
:t The Duke of Feria was now engaged in the subjugation of the Valtelline.
Wotton wrote (Jan., 1622) of Feria : ' We have a fresh piece of advice that he DTO-
I h, by little and little, after the garrisoning, to the disarming of them, which
is indeed to cut the last knot of liberty. And so hath this half Englishman dono
more in a little time by practice than Charles V, or any of his former Kings
though it hath been a long design), could do with the sword.' {8. P. Vcn.)
4 On Dec. 31 Wotton wrote the above news to Carleton, adding ' and in the
midst of all this, what doth our Pope? He fats his nephew as fast as In .-an.
and he chides at these proceedings, but dolcemente, alia Bolognese.' (S. P. Vcn.)
'J Sir Thomas Roe succeeded Sir John Ay res as ambassador to the Tort' in
1621. He remained at Constantinople till 162& A letter from Wotton to Koe
is printed below, p. 247.
222 LETTERS OF WOTTON
State (one of our blackest magistrates) for a secret journey to
Ferrara, and conference there with the Cardinal Governor. On
Thursday night they chose Aluigi Valeresso to succeed Signor
Girolamo Lando in England.1 Their late ambassador Pesaro sent
into Fraunce, about Poictiers was assailed by certain straggling horse-
men, despoiled, two of his train killed, and himself had a pistol twice
put to his breast, which both times took no fire. But let me enter-
tain you no longer with these menudencias. In my next I shall
have occasion to awake our cipher, which I have yet suffered to sleep.
God bless us and love us, in whose dear protection I leave you,
ever remaining,
Your Lordship's very faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
358. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Veil., holograph, extract. After repeating almost word for word the
contents of his letter of Dec. 18th to Aston, Wotton adds to Carleton
the news from Rome about the Spanish match.
Venice, on the Vigilia of the new year ; of which it
will be time enough to wish your Lordship a pros-
perous course by the next courier.
. . . Your Lordship hath heard of the congregations in Kome about
our match with Spain ;2 shall I make you laugh, or at least smile?
Since those consults there, no Englishman of any fashion (if he be
one of their Catholics) can come thither, but they baptize him straight
an ambassador. And they have voiced that the Archbishop of
Spalatro went into England but to convert, with such other tricks ol
that place, which is as abundant in art as deficient in truth.
This is all wherewith I will now entertain your Lordship, serving
but for a re-entry into those troubles that you shall weekly receive.
By the copies of his Majesty's letters to the Emperor and King ot
Spain 3 I perceive how we stand in the business of the Palatinates,
about which the Emperor intendeth into England the Grave oi
Schwarzenberg 4. I pray God we lose not as much time now witl
1 Lando was ambassador in England 1618-22, Valleresso 1622-4.
2 On Aug. 11, 1621, O. S., Gregoiy XV appointed a congregation of foui
cardinals for the purpose of examining the articles of the proposed treaty foi
the marriage of the Prince of Wales and the Infanta Maria. (Gardiner,
iv, p. 351.)
3 The letter to the Emperor is "printed in Cabala (1654), ii, p. 113.
4 The Count of Schwarzenberg arrived in England on April 3, 1622.
(Gardiner, iv, p. 304.)
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON
their ambassages as we have done before with our own. And in this
good wish I end, remaining,
Your Lordship's poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
359. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. No date. Wotton sends a pasquil
to the King.
(January — , 1622.)
. . . Only to begin the new year l merrily (which the Lord made
joyful unto us) let me <be> bold through your hands to present unto
his Majesty one of the most ingenious pasquils that hath been born
in Rome a long time, found in a morning clapped on the door of the
Pope's chamber, and likewise on the gate of his palace. Upon which
there hath been much rummaging in the studies of certain suspected
wits, but the author is thought to be fled to Modena, by name
Alessandro Torsoni 2, famous enough before in the satirical vein.
And so I humbly rest your Honour's,
Henry Wotton.
360. To Sir Walter Aston.
C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 31, holograph, extract, Archaeol. xl. Discovery of the
secret transference of the Palatine Electorate to Maximilian of
Bavaria.
Venice, the T% of January, 1622.
My Lord,
I shall not need again to tell your Lordship of a certain friar,
by name Hiacintho 3, intercepted in Germanie by the Mansfeldians
in his journey towards you, as he was laden with divers instructions
from the Emperor, and letters to the principals of your Court. By
which many things are opportunely discovered, and among other,
1 On Jan. 18 Wotton, after more than nine months without an audience, came
to the Collegio, to express his wishes for a happy new year, and for the quiet of
Venice, ' although many storms were raging abroad.' He said he had never
I > < a absent for such a long period before, which he regretted, but his illness
was the cause. He was informed of the successes of the Catholic party in the
Orisons, and requested to tell James I of the need of his help in the present
troubles. (Esp. Prin., Jan. 18, 1622.)
- Alessandro Tassoni (1565-1632), author of La Secchia Bapita.
3 Hyacintho, a Capuchin friar, was sent from Rome in 1621 on a special
mission to the Emperor, to urge him to fulfil his promise of transferring the
Electorate from the Prince Palatine to Maximilian of Bavaria. The Emperor
hesitated at first, but on Sept. 12 he gave Hyacintho, in the greatest secrecy, an
act conferring tlxe Electorate on Maximilian. Hyacintho was to go to Spain,
and win, if possible, the consent of the new King to this transft m n M He was
intercepted on the way and his dispatcher stolen. {Gardiner, iv, pp. 202, 219.)
224 LETTERS OF WOTTON
that the said Emperor hath actually conferred the investiture of the
Electorship on the Duke of Bavaria, even without knowledge of
the King of Spayne, as we are yet left to believe. All the papers will
be printed at the Haghe, and copies thereof are already sent to his
Majesty, which will breed you business. For my part upon it I am
ready to turn eremite and to abandon all rules of civil art. For
surely (my Lord) the electorating of that Duke is against the very
alphabet and elements of State.1
I conceive the King of Spayne upon it in a great dilemma. If he
do not maintain the Emperor's resolution, he will perchance want
strength himself to maintain it. If he shall abet him or abone '
him (as your phrase is there) it will be hard to make this age believe,
or any since the time that men did eat acorns, that the said King
was not of his counsel. . . . And now I leave your Lordship in God's
dear love, with the wishing of many happy years unto you.
Your servant,
Henry Wotton.
361. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
8. P. Yen., holograph, extract. English nuns at Rome.
Venice, %\ January, 1621(2).
... I think I said as much as I can yet to your Lordship in my
last of five English gentlewomen 3 arrived in Kome out of the Low
Provinces. They yield there much wonder at their habits, and here
at their purpose ; about which one writes me in a pleasant passion,
al corpo del Mondo questa e gdlante. Haveremo un nuovo ordine di
Giesuitessc. For that seemeth a branch of their vows, that they will
catechize girls as fast as the masculine Jesuits do boys. Their
particular names I know not, but I imagine my Lady Lovel4 to
be the leader, who, as your Lordship knows, hath been hatching
some such thing a long time in her elevated thoughts. How much
better would a Spanish needle and some sleave 5 silk become them ?
1 By making the Dukes of Bavaria more powerful candidates for the Imperial
Crown. • Will the House of Austria/ Wotton wrote, ' make him Elector, who is
as Catholic as themselves, and thereby as capable of the ecclesiastic voices,
besides a brother already in that Septemvirate, and all the practical Jesuits at
his command? ' (S. P. Veu., Aug. 10, 1621.)
1 ' Abone,' to make good ; from the Italian abbonare or abbonnare. (N. E. D.)
3 Mary Ward and her companions (ante, i, p. 455), who arrived in Rome
at the end of the year 1621, and was given permission by Gregory XV to
establish a house for her newly-founded order in Rome. Mary Ward removed
with her community to Munich in 1626. (I). N. B.)
4 Lady Lovel {ante, i, p. 445).
5 ' Sleave,' slayed or slea silk ; silk not twisted, for making embroidery.
Jtwurj
//
isii.-i- £j.(-3jw/-S3 n-
,-fa mad oJy J6*t otwnd >
Centime Jfr/u^ ,
FACSIMILE OF A LETTER FROM HENRY WOTTON
DATED VENICE, JANUARY \% 1622
(From the original in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford )
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 225
And so, being a little distracted at the present, I will commit your
Lordship with these few lines to God's love.
Remaining your Lordship's most affectionate poor friend to serve
you.
Henry Wotton.
362. To Sir Walter Aston.
C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 27, holograph. The transference of the Electorate ;
death of Wotton's nephew.
Venice, the £g of January, 1622.
My Lord,
How like you this? In the copy of the Emperor's letter to
your Don Balthasar de Zuniga (intercepted in the wallet of the
wandering Friar Hyacintho) is expressly affirmed that the said
Emperor had conferred the Electorate upon the Duke of Bavaria
by counsel of the Conde d'Ognate.1
Thus much only I have obtained leave from my present griefs
to tell your Lordship ; my steward and kinsman 2 being this very
day taken from me by the hand of God, after a long infirmity which
had spent his strength. And so I commit your Lordship to the mercy
and love of Heaven.
Certissimo servidore,
Henry Wotton.
363. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Yen., transcript, unsigned, Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 535. * A dispatch by Ralph
from Venice, 1621,' and wrongly dated Feb. Jf. Reports from Rome
about the negotiations for the Spanish match.
Venice, Feb. H, 1621(2).
Sir,
I choose at the present to write thick and small, for the closer
conveyance of that which followeth, first to your faithful hands, and
by them immediately unto our Sovereign Lord the King.
1 The Spanish ambassador at Vienna. The majority of the Spanish Council
(the young King counted for nothing) were opposed to the transference of the
Electorate. But the minister Zuniga (as was discovered just before his death
in Sept., 1622) had been secretly encouraging the Emperor to carry out his
plan. (Gardiner, iv, pp. 330, 377.)
8 Edward Deering ; on Feb. 3 Wotton wrote to Calvert : * It hath pleased
Almighty God to contemper the jollity of this time (the carneval) in my house,
with the late death of my steward and kinsman, by name Edward Deering,
who. after long waitings and weakenings, was on Thursday last, at night,
mrprised with that kind of convulsion which they call the tetanus, wherewith he
languished speechless, yet with comfortable signs of inward devotion, till the
next evening. Voluntas tua fiat Domine, which is the last philosophy, both of
heaven and earth.' (S. P. Yen.)
wottojt. ii O
226 LETTERS OF WOTTON
The deputed Cardinals of the Congregation or Committee in Rome
touching his Majesty's matrimonial treaty with Spaine,1 having re-
solved negatively, even after six assemblies, the Cardinal Ludovisio
and the Spanish ambassador went jointly to the Pope, to pray him,
that by no means the negative resolution should be divulged as yet,
but suppressed for a time, because some turns were to be done by
the concealment thereof. Hereupon the Venetian ambassador, by
name Reniero Zen 2 (the most diving man the Republic hath held
in that Court, and of much confidence with the Pope upon old
acquaintance), observing that the foresaid Congregation had voted,
and that their censures were concealed, comes to the Cardinal
Ludovisio, the Pope's nephew before named, and extracts from him
the whole matter, with the means and reason of the suppression.
This I have received from a credible, and I would say, from an
infallible fountain, if it did not become my simplicity, in a point
so much concerning the eternal dishonour of a great King, to leave
always some possibility of misinformation. Yet thus much more
I must add, not out of intelligence, but from sober discourse, that
although the present Pope hath been hitherto esteemed more French
than any of his predecessors a great while, yet is not the King
of Spaine such a bankrupt in Rome, but that he might easily have
procured an assent in the fore-named Congregation, or at least a
resolution sooner, than after five or six meetings of the deputed
cardinals, unless delays had been studied. Be it how it will ; as
to his Majesty doth belong the sovereignty of judgement, so to his
poor honest creatures abroad, the liberty of relation, and a franker
discharge of our zeal and duties. To which I will subscribe my
unworthy name.
1 The negotiations for the Spanish marriage treaty were now proceeding more
actively than ever, and in March, 1622, Digby went to Spain to arrange the
terms. Wotton's secret sources of information, both from Rome and from the
Venetians, enabled him to hint to James I that the Spaniards were not acting
in good faith, and had no intention of allowing the marriage to take place. On
July 8, 1621, he reported the rumoured death-bed determination of Philip III
to marry the Infanta to the Emperor's son ; on March 22, 1622, he sent news
which came ' ex ipsofonte7, and which he said he was sorry that it was his duty
to deliver, that the Pope, on hearing that the transference of the Electorate
was to be kept secret until the marriage treaty was concluded, ' fell into a
Bolognian passion,' declaring that he had been deceived, as the Spanish
ministers had told him that this treaty was never meant. On Sept. 9 he wrote
that he heard the Pope had referred the conditions of the dispensation to the
King of Spain, to be afterwards approved and ratified at Rome, * which is,'
Wotton said, ' to convert time into eternity.' (S. P. Ven.)
2 Rainieri Zeno, ambassador at Rome in 1622, afterwards famous for his
attempts to reform the government of Venice. (Romanin, vii, pp. 200-37.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 227
3(14. To Sir Gkorok Calvkkt.
S. P. Veti., dictated. The answer of the Senate to James I's request;
the Franco- Venetian alliance ; De Dominis.
Venice, the f6 of March, 1621(2).
Right Honourable,
Herewith come this Duke's letters unto his Majesty in exchange
of his,1 and herein an accompt of the Senate's answer to me, besides
other private matter.
They tell me what a feeling they have of his Majesty's present
troubles, and how much they repute themselves interested in his
ends. They profess a singular well-wishing towards his 8ercm
liencro, even from the beginning of his motions. They pretend to
have prevented his Majesty's desire of their concurrence with his
said son-in-law (the subject of his writing) three several ways. First,
in their late contract with Count Mansfeld, whereof the scope was,
by settling his future fortunes, to fix his present thoughts in the
place where he is, who else might perhaps have been diverted by
the arts and offers of other Princes. Secondly, in their colligation
with the States, and contribution of one hundred and fifty thousand
florins monthly to the charge of their war, whereby they will be
the abler to assist his Majesty's said son-in-law. Thirdly, in a new
engagement of themselves to the French King, and to the Duke
of Savoye in the business of the Grisons, wherein they have promised
to concur with important succours, if the said King shall proceed
di bum pkde. These three things they tie together as it were in
a knot of common interest with his Majesty and with his, either
directly or by way of diversion.2 They conclude with wishes of his
1 Wotton read the King's letter, requesting help for the Palatinate (ante,
i, p. 182), to the Doge on March 1. After this audience Wotton was again ill,
and sent his secretary to inform the Doge of his indisposition, with a message
to the effect that he had lost ten ounces of blood, and was ready to shed what
remained in the service of the Republic. The Venetian secretary then came to
read the Senate's answer. (Esp. Prin., March 1, 11, 1622.)
3 The dispatches of Sachetti, the Tuscan resident at Venice, make it char
that the Venetians attached little weight to these negotiations with James I,
who had fallen into general disesteem and almost contempt by the way he had
allowed himself to be hoodwinked in regard to the Palatinate. Sachetti writes
that in his audience of March 1 Wotton received risposte molto fredde t-> his
request for help for the Elector Palatine, the Venetians being aware that James
Would never help them, as it was known that he was not willing to take part in
tli. . oncerns of his friends when they were likely to give him any trouble. As
to the Elector, one of the senators remarked that they were not bound to
consider his interests more than his father in-law had done, who had allowed
him to be ruined, because he wanted to aid him without danger to himself, and
When it was too late. Wotton, with some alteration of countenance, began to
reply, but some other councillors cried ' l>asta} basta !' and the Vi«. Doge repeated
tli> remarks of the outspoken senator in a more polite form. Arch, Med. 3007,
March 5, 1622.
Q2
228 LETTERS OF WOTTON
tranquillity, and with reverent profession of their own obligations
and love to his royal person. This is the extract of their answer
unto me, concluded in Senate, the week after I had presented his
Majesty's letters and done the part of a poor servant in pressing
his desires. Which said answer, though it did seem unto me very
fairly and friendly couched, with conformable order given to their
own ambassador, yet because it was in general terms, as both his
Majesty's letters and my intercession were, I held it my duty to
reply 'that I did remain satisfied for the present, but with this
hope, that when his Majesty should be more particular in the trial
of their friendship, they would be so also in the demonstration
thereof '.
At their engagement to the French King in the Ehaetian affairs
(which I have now from their own public voice, having before only
advertised the same out of private intelligence) I find cause to
wonder, when I consider the late exhaustion of near twelve millions
in the bangling1 war of Friuli, and subvention of Savoye, without the
purchase of so much as a mole-hill or any other imaginable fruit,
save two experiences. The one that abundance of counsel, and
curious deliberation, by which they subsist in time of peace, is as
great a disadvantage in time of action. The other, that republics,
which administer their moneys by more hands than monarchies, are
by this distribution of their trust the more defrauded. This is all,
for ought I know, that they did learn themselves, or any other that
looked on ; yet necessity of state seems again to have involved
them in a near hazard of new troubles at hand, which, if they pro-
ceed, will without doubt farther and farther enfold them likewise in
the maintenance of foreign diversions.
Thus much in discharge of his Majesty's commands. I must now
represent some secret things for more caution under cipher. The last
week the ambassador of the King of Spaine in Rome at a private
audience, desired from the Pope a safe conduct for the Arch-
bishop of Spalato2 to return to Rome, adding that the King
of Spaine would give him the bishopric of Salerno. The Pope
made him to this, as he thought, meritorious proposition an unex-
pected answer. 'The Church doth shut her bosom to none, but
willingly embraceth the strayed sheep, and therefore the said
party should need for his safeguard no such formality, and that
touching the offered bishopric, it was a point of dangerous con-
1 ' Bangling,' from the obs. verb bangle, to fritter away, squander. (K. E. D.)
2 On Jan. 16, 1622, De Dominis expressed to James I his intention of returning
to Rome, where he expected to be welcomed by the new Pope, Gregory XV,
who had been his friend in his youth. For the history of his life in England,
see Gardiner, iv, pp. 286, 287.
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT
sequence, and might incite others to aim at like promotion by the
same means, and so breed divers apostacies.' This was the
answer in substance ; which yet as it is thought, shall be concealed,
and the party be drawn to Rome under the protection of the King
of Spaine, upon the Pope's bare promise of security, as if the safe
conduct were formally granted, which was the case of Fulgentio
the Franciscan1. The above-named party has written hither
secretly to a kinsman or two, touching the subject of his retire-
ment, practised between him and three others, namely the Conde
de Gondomar, a certain quondam friar who lives with the party
himself, and a musician, servant to Prince Charles, and by birth
a Padua no.3 In his letters to one of his foresaid kinsmen, he
saith that the rumour of a safe conduct already sent him was false,
but that himself was resolved to pass to Rome if he shall see that
the service of God doth require it, whom he perceiveth miraculously
to govern his actions, and therefore hopeth for some great fruit
by his means ; alluding to an imagined reconcilement of the
Religions — as if he meant to ask the banns of matrimony between
yea and no ! By a letter to another kinsman it appeareth that he
had before given order to some one of his to come unto him ; which
order in a later letter he revoketh, saying, he hopeth himself to
come into Italie per gran ncgotii, and that by his return, he shall
recover 500 crowns per annum which his nephew (placed by him
at Spa la to upon that condition) hath been forbidden to pay him,
whilst he is with his Majesty. He concludeth that Sir Henry
Wot ton had given advertisement to his Majesty that he would
depart, ma non ha fatto il colpo clw si credeva.
Of all this it may please his Majesty to rest very assured ; whom
I must most humbly beseech that some course may be taken to
seize all his letters which he hath received from abroad, because
some of the best affected have perchance enlarged themselves
1 Fulgenzio Manfredi, ante, i, p. 496.
2 ' This piece is not out of the party's own letters, but from other intelligence '
(Wotton's note in margin). Fuller's story is to the effect that De Dominis, vrho
'delighted in jeering', had scoffed at Gondomar, who in revenge told James I
that \w had been deceived by De Dominis, in spite of his ability in discovering
witches and possessed persons. Gondomar then arranged a plot to entice the
archbishop back to Rome, getting the King of Spain to procure from Gregory XV
a safe conduct and a promise of pardon and preferment {Church History, ed.
Brewer, pp. 504-30). Prof. Gardiner believes this account to be prejudiced, and
regards it as very doubtful whether Gondomar had anything to do wit h Um return
of De Dominis to Rome (Gardiner, iv, p. 287 n.). Fuller's account, however, is
confirmed by the above 'intelligence ' mentioned by Wotton ; by a narrative of
De Dominis' return, now in the S. P. Ven. (vol. xxiv) ; and by a letter from the
Archbishop of Canterbury to Sir Thomas K<><-, in whieh Abbot writes, 'the
Spanish ambassador did secretly work with him to draw him away.' (Roe.
p. 102.)
230 LETTERS OF WOTTON
farther unto him than would be safe for them, if he should return
with such testimonies in his hand. Besides, there is much inquiring
after the author of the book against the Council of Trent, which
the same party can best discover, and perhaps may have by him
some of the original sheets that were likewise fit to be seized. But
I am only a relater, his Majesty's wisdom will best know how to
obviate all inconveniences. I will conclude with a third confirmation
of what I have formerly written, first, expressly by one of my
servants, and then again under cipher by the ordinary, touching the
marriage of Prince Charles with the Infanta Maria, denied by
practice in Rome ; and these duties I hope his Majesty will graciously
accept from my humble zeal.
The present, with the Duke's letters, I send by one Mr. Hum-
freys1, intending otherwise a speedy return home for his own
occasions, and the willinger to increase his haste for the doing
of this service ; of which cheap opportunity, after your frugal pre-
monition, I was prone to take hold. Only I beseech you, Sir, to
give him thanks, and in any of his own honest necessities at home
to yield him your favourable countenance. And so the Lord's
blessing be with you.
Your long devoted
Henry Wotton.
365. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven , holograph, Reliq., 1st ed., p. 449. Wotton thanks Calvert for
getting his German expenses paid.
Venice, this T% of March, 1621<2).
Sir,
Besides the address of my public duties unto your hands, I have
long owed you these private lines, full of thanks from my heart for
your favour and affection in all my occasions at home, and particularly
in the point of my privy seal, about my German accompts 2 : wherein
(as I am abundantly informed, both by my nephew, and by Mr.
Nicolas Pey, whom I repute my best oracles in the information of
mine own obligations) it pleased you to stand by me, not only da vcro
1 Philip Humphreys.
2 It was more than ever difficult at this time for ambassadors to get the
money paid which was owing to them. In spite of the economies of the new
Lord Treasurer, Cranfield, there was no money in the treasury. In the autumn
of this year a sum of nearly £3,000 was owing to Sir Dudley Carleton at the
Hague. Wotton, however, was more fortunate, as in July, 1621, a warrant
was issued declaring his Majesty's pleasure that Wotton should have the
benefit of £3,000, ' formerly intended to be defalked with his entertainment,
which now his Majesty is pleased to bestow upon him out of his free gift an 1
princely bounty.' (Docquet Book, vii.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 231
amico, but indeed, da vcro cavaliere ; from which, though the benefit
which did remain in my purse, after the casting up of what was lost
by exchange ; by the raising of moneys through the Empire in value ;
by the proportionable rising of all commodities in price ; by interest
that ran before the repayment ; and lastly by my extraordinary charge
in the Bavarian journey, was (as God knows) so little, that I may
justly build some hope of your further charity in the authorizing of
such demands as I now send. Yet on the other side I must confess,
that without your former so friendly and so noble compassion, I had
received a most irrecoverable ruin and shame, beyond all example ;
and my case would have been very strange, for I should have been
undone by the King's goodness, upon assurance whereof (though
almost forgotten) I had increased my train. Now, Sir, this acknow-
ledgement of your singular love I was never more fit to pay you than
at the present, being intenerated in all my inward feelings and affec-
tions by new sickness, which with loss of much blood, even no less
than twenty ounces within these fourteen days, hath brought me low.
In which time, if God had called me from the travails of this earth,
I had left you out of my narrow fortune some poor remembrance of
my thankfulness, which I have now (finding myself by God's pleasure
in a good way of recovery) transmitted to my abovesaid friend Mr.
Pey. Before I end, I must not forget to ease your Honour of such
thanks as in your letters you have been pleased to bestow on me, in
respect of your kinsman, Michael Branthwaite, because his being with
me I do very rightly reckon among my bands to yourself. For in
good faith, his integrity and discretion doth sustain my house ;
besides his fellowship in certain studies, wherein we aim at no small
things, even perchance at a new system of the world : at least, since
we cannot in the practical and moral, I would we could mend it in
the speculative part. But lest these private contemplations (on
which I am fallen) transport me too far, I will conclude as I began,
with humble thanks for all your favours, and with commending your
honoured person to the Author of all blessings. Remaining ever
Your poor servant of long devotion,
Henry Wotton.
366. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
& P. Ven., holograph, extract. The arrest of Antonio Foscarini.
Venice, this fs of April, 1622.
... I must tell your Lordship (and yet in a fit place) that the Cavalier
Anthonio Foscarini, coming from Senate on Friday last, about two or
three hours of the night, was by orders of the Inquisitors of State
232 LETTERS OF WOTTON
muffled, and so carried to a bad lodging. Such examples as these
methinks of late spesseggiano, and refresh the jealousy of conversation
with strangers. Of his case I shall speak more in a postscript. . .
Postscript. The Cavalier Foscarini is said, at his second con-
vention, before the Died, to have feigned some distraction, unless
they mistook the matter, being perchance but a small recess from
his natural temper. Before to-morrow at night I believe he will be
sentenced to some ten years' imprisonment. His fault, by the prob-
ablest voices, seemeth to have been a secret meeting in disguised
habit with the Nuncio and the Emperor's resident ; and so the State
may presume more evil than they can prove. He is said likewise
to have led a courtesan to Monsignor de Leon's 2 house vizarded, and
then calling himself Bernardo Tiepolo ; which change of name doth
stir suspicion ; for otherwise the fact itself se ne va con V acqua santa.
More in my next.
367. To — .
S. P. Ven., transcript. No date ; read at Wotton's audience of April 29.
(April 29 ?, 1622.)
A true report in substance of the reasons that moved the Bight Honourable
and Excellent Lady, Countess of Arandell and Surrie, to demand
access to the Duke of Venice as he sat in College ; ivhich she had the
22th of April, 1622.
Sir Henry Wotton, ambassador for his Majesty with the Republic,
supposing that the forenamed Countess had been at her villa near
Dolo, some ten miles from Venice, on the 21st of the said month of
April sent Mr. John Dyneley 3, his secretary, with a letter of credence
directed unto her Ladyship, with instructions importing three points.
First, that in dutiful respect, both public and private, he had sent
him to acquaint her Ladyship with strong intelligence brought him,
and much published in the city, upon the unhappy case of Foscarini,
that he had suffered in part for certain meetings with some public
ministers in the house of the said Countess on the Canal Grande.
Secondly, that as the said ambassador was informed by credible
means, no longer than that very morning (though the former point
he had heard some good while before) that the State had a purpose
to intimate unto her Ladyship a determinate time of departure.
Thirdly, that therefore for avoiding the affront of such an intima-
tion, and likewise the hazard of some one of her servants, his poor
advice was (under her Ladyship's correction), that she should do well
1 * Convention,' the act of summoning before a judge or other person
authority. (N. E. D.)
3 De Leon Bruslart, the French ambassador.
8 John Dynely, see Appendix III.
TO 233
to stay abroad in her villa, without coming to Venice until the said
ambassador should send her further information.
The ambassador's said secretaiy, not finding her Ladyship (as was
■apposed) at her villa, found her in coach near Fusina, going to
Venice, where he delivered the foresaid letter and his message.
Whereupon her Ladyship did answer the said secretary that she stood
in no fear, but would go on to Venice, where she was pleased to land
at the said ambassador's house, between whom and her Ladyship
there passed, in the presence of her attendants, much discourse upon
her own particular inquiry of all circumstances in this vile report.
In which discourse the said ambassador told her Ladyship (out of
such foresaid credible intelligence as had been brought him) very
warmly this circumstance following : —
That the Pope's Nuncio and the Emperor's resident were said to
have met the late Cavalier Foscarini divers times at her house, at
late hours in the night ; that Foscarini used to come thither disguised
with a broad French hat, a short cloak, and armed ; that her servant,
whom the said ambassador had intimated by his secretary to be in
some unsafety, was Signore Francesco Vercellini, as he conceived of
him, only because he was a subject unto the State ; that the general
report of these meetings had run since Foscarini's first arraignment ;
lastly, that when word was brought to the said ambassador of the
intended warning to be given to her Ladyship, he had made haste
(though without all misconceit of himself) to let her know it, both in
particular duty to her noble person and name, and likewise as his
Majesty's servant, for that no indignity would befall a lady of so
eminent degree, without some reflection upon the public.
Hereupon her Ladyship, after she had declared the notorious false-
hood of this filthy voice, whereunto she had never suggested so much
occasion as the receiving of the least compliment from any of these
voiced persons, nor from Foscarini himself, more than that he had
sent her word, at her first coming to Padova about eighteen months
since, that he would come to see her at Venice ; which yet he never
did, but by a Jew sent his excuse : I say after this declaration her
Ladyship was pleased to consult with the said ambassador what
course she should take to extinguish this report, so scandalous to her
own honour, to her family, and to the nation.
The ambassador was willing to have taken respite, till he might
particularly learn the occasion of this noise, and accordingly inform
her further. But her Ladyship, well weighing that this being so
generally reported, and out of such intelligence conceived (howsoever
the said ambassador was satisfied out of his good opinion of her), yet
it concerned her honour to give some public satisfaction of her inn.-
234 LETTERS OF WOTTON
cency, and likewise to receive some public reparation for so great
a wrong done unto her by those that were the authors, she there-
upon prayed the said ambassador to send immediately for the pro-
curing of audience the next day, which he could not do, being then
near four hours of the night. But the morning following, very early,
her Ladyship did again honour the said ambassador's house, and came
to tell him that upon serious consideration she had resolved to defer
the justifying of herself and family no longer. Whereupon after a
little discourse, the said ambassador (though then ill-disposed, as he
had long been) did fit himself to wait upon her Ladyship. The Duke
and the College of his assistants (which are the principal personages
of the State) received her Ladyship with all possible circumstances
of honour and respect, both in their countenances and gestures,
placing her immediately next himself on his right hand, between
him and the Savii Grandi, and the ambassador on the other side,
who served then only as an interpreter of her noble resentment,
which she had contracted into two requests :
The first, that if according to the aforesaid rumour, her name or
house had been touched in the process of the said Foscarini, the
accuser might be produced. The second, that because the report was
grown public, she might have a public satisfaction. In the delivery
whereof the ambassador did declare it was himself x that had signified
unto her Ladyship that malicious rumour while she was abroad.
When the Duke had heard her and the ambassador with much atten-
tion, he fell into the most passionate and vehement speech, that surely
could proceed from any man in the world ; protesting that there was
never any the least suggestion, thought, or imagination of any point
concerning her Ladyship or her family in the unhappy case of Fos-
carini ; that they then present in the College did repute themselves
honoured with her access, and the city with her abode in so noble,
so decent, and unscandalous a manner amongst them ; that there
was no nation in the world with whom they durst more confidently
communicate the very secrets of their Senate than with his Majesty's
subjects of Great Britain ; that the ambassador (to whom he then
turned a little) had long known them and they him, without any
complaints or jealousies ; that many abominable false reports were
unavoidable in all States, amongst the mass of people ; but if the
sower of this could be found out, it should appear by exemplary
punishment how much they detested the wronging of such a lady,
with whose great qualities and virtuous demeanour they were well
acquainted, and with the true nobleness of the Earl her husband, to
whom the Duke desired to be very kindly remembered. Lastly, he
1 See ante, i, p. 187.
TO 235
grayed her to quiet her own thoughts, and to assure herself that there
w.is nothing but most honourable and worthy conceit of her in this
lUte.
With which full and serious answer her Ladyship was so satisfied,
Unit she thought fit not to trouble them with any further declaration,
and so ended with a fair compliment, that because she had no other
paeans to serve them, she had expressed her affection with living both
herself and her children some good time in this nu nous city, where
she had received all noble courtesy.
Henry Wotton.
368. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Vol, holograph. An earthquake in Venice.
Venice, the day after the feast of
the Ascension, (May 6) sty. no.
1622.
Eight Honourable,
This week hath yielded new motions both civil and natural.
The civil among the Grisons \ who are again in tumult, and as it
should seem to some purpose ; for this very morning the Republic
hath given knowledge thereof in College to the French ambassador
as a material overture ; whereof I shall say more in my next. The
natural have been here : where we were yesterday shaken with an
earthquake about the point of noon ; which was much signalized by
the celebrity of the day and time, happening just when the Duke
and Signory were returned from the solemn espousing of the sea : so
as, in a poetical age, it would have been thought that Neptune in
some anger had stirred these islands with his trident. This was the
fourth that I had felt in my lifetime, and surely in true judgement
of all the most terrible, not for the violence, but for the slow measure
and regularity of the motion, appearing like an orderly thing that
would last : which God be blessed it did not above four or five semi-
breves2. How general it was I cannot yet speak further than
M ura no, where a child or two were hurt with the fall of a marble
table. At Venice one only chimney was thrown down. And this is
all the harm that I yet hear about our lagitne. Three observations
that have been taken are somewhat notable. The first, that different
from other earthquakes, it was as sensible, or rather more, to the eye
than to the feet. Secondly, that contrary to the rules of meteoro-
the Duke of Feria refused to carry out t lie terms of the tnaty of Madrid,
the Orisons again invaded the Valtelline.
Semibreve,' a whole note in music, or the space of time measured by it.
236 LETTERS OF WOTTON
logists it fell out when there was a pretty fresh gale in the air.
And the third observation is that the firmest habitations did feel it
most. In my house, the trencher plates and other vessels that stood
upright in my buttery were all overturned, and one of my gondoliers
(with whom I was talking at the time) was suddenly strucken with a
silent stupidity, his feet going from him : which petty circumstances
I do register, everything being almost considerable in accidents of
such horror. The Eternal Mover bless us, and cover us with His
mercy, and divert all presagements of ill.
Your Honour's at command,
Henry Wotton.
369. To John Williams.1
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 424, 3rd ed., p. 304. Undated (for approximate date, see
note 1). Wotton congratulates the Bishop of London on his appoint-
ment as Lord Keeper, recommends his chaplain, and sends news of the
new uprising among the Grisons.
(Venice, May ? 1622.)
Eight Keverend, and Eight Honourable, my very good Lord,
Having not yet passed with your good Lordship so. much as the
common duty of congratulation 2 (to whom I am so obliged, both for
your love to my dearest nephew, and for your gracious remembrances
of mine own poor name), I thought it even a particular duty to
myself to acquaint your Lordship's secretary 3, my ancient and worthy
friend, with the story of mine own evils, that your Lordship may
know my silence to have been, as I may well term it, a symptom of
my infirmity.
I am now strong again to serve your Lordship, and I know that I
have a friend of trust at home (it is honest Nicholas Pey that I
mean) who hath often leave, by your favour, to wait upon you.
Therefore I could wish, if this place (where I am grown almost a
free denizen) may yield anything for your use or delight, that you
would be pleased, either to acquaint me by my said friend plainly
(which shall be a new obligation) with your commands, or at least to
let him mark your desires. Now in the meantime, because I know
that I can do your Lordship no greater service than to give you
1 In the Reliq., 1st ed. (and also in the 2nd), this letter is given as addressed
' to the Lord Treasurer Juxon ', which plainly is a mistake, as Juxon was at this
time President of St. John's College, Oxford, and did not become Lord Treasurer
till 1636. In the 3rd edition of the Reliquiae the address is given ' To the Lord
Keeper Williams (ut videtur) 162^ '. The address is no doubt correct, the date
some months too early, as the uprising in the Grisons mentioned at the end of
the letter was not till about May.
2 Williams was appointed Lord Keeper in July, 1621, after the fall of Bacon.
3 (Sir) William Boswell. (Cal. S. P. Dom., 1619-23, p. 375.)
TO JOHN WILLIAMS 237
occasion of exercising your own goodness, I will take the freedom
most humbly and heartily to recommend unto your charitable and
honourable affections a very worthy person, whose fortune is no
better at the present than to be my chaplain ; though we are, or at
least ought all to be, the better by his virtuous example, and our
time the better spent by his learned conversation. I shall, I think,
not need to name him to your Lordship, and as little to insist either
upon his moral or intellectual merit. Therefore I will so leave it,
and commit him to your gracious memory, upon some good occasion
that God may lay before you. And now I would end, but that I
conceive it a duty to tell your Lordship first how we stand here at
this date. For ambassadors (in our old Kentish language) are but
spies of the time.
We are studying how we may safely and cheaply countenance the
new motions of the Grisons, with an army on our own borders
pointing that way ; which even reason of State requireth, when
our neighbours are stirring. And therefore yet the King of Spain
can take no scandal at a common wisdom. If the successes shall go
forward according to the beginnings, prosperity, peradventure, may
invite us further to the feast. For my part, if they would have
tasted my counsels, they had been long since engaged, both within
and without Italy.1 But I dig in a rock of diamonds. And so
concluding with my hearty congratulations for your Lordship's pro-
motions, both spiritual and civil, and with my prayers for your long
enjoyment of them, I will unfeignedly subscribe myself,
Your good Lordship's devoted to serve you.
370. To Sir Dudley Cableton.
S. P. Ven.} holograph. Wotton's requests for help for the Palatinate ;
news from Constantinople.
Venice, Junii §£, 1622.
My very good Lord,
When I had found, by a late letter from the King of Bohemia as
then at Hagenouve 2, what honour your Lordship had done me with
him. by those thanks which his Majesty was therein pleased to
bestow on me, I was touched with a conscience to repay them to the
fountain ; but much more when yesterday I received your last of the
1 Wotton's advice was not altogether disinterested. On Dec. 28, 1621, he wrote
about the Valtelline, ' any likelihood of trouble in these parts will facilitate
his Majesty's ends with the Emperor and the King of Spain, and therefore it
shall be my duty to blow this coal \ (S. P. Ven.)
3 Hagenau in Alsace, where the Elector Palatine joined Count Mansftld and
his army.
238 LETTERS OF WOTTON
6th of June, and read therein under your own hand your valuatioi
of my poor endeavours 1 with my most royal and gracious mistress
the Queen ; to whom I am resolved not to write till I have don<
something that may satisfy myself. I had yesterday a new assault
upon this Duke, by occasion of presenting unto him a Scottish gentle-
man by name Reade 2, recommended hither by the King, before whost
introduction I took opportunity to revive the subject of my lettei
from Padova touching the Count Mansfeldt 3 (whereof I sent you]
Lordship thence the copy), and I told the Duke that since my return
I had heard a voice cK io crederei volontieri se cost commandasse, that
they had sent the said Count a good sum, perhaps the better to quiel
his fancies and fix him where he is, according to the Senate's inten
tion, as I was bound to conceive. And if it were not true, yet i
might be as soon as it should please him ; for this State did not wanl
means to pursue neither their direct nor their oblique interests, nor t<
support themselves, nor to oblige their friends. And for my part
besought him, till somewhat were done, to expect little quietness
from me, who could not but represent often to mine own memory
how cheerfully his Majesty did engage himself in their cause, whei
time was, with hazard of his own peace.4 This I said, and mucl
1 Wotton's long dispatch of May £#, 1622, giving an account of his ' endeavours'
is printed in the Reliquiae, 3rd and 4th eds., pp. 536-44. Early in April, when
he was ill at Padua, Filippo Calandrini, an agent of the Elector Palatine
brought him a letter from the Elector to the Doge, begging for money to kee]
Mansfeld's army together. ' I broke my course of physic,' Wotton wrote to
Carleton, 'and flew hither with all the spirit and strength that I have.
(S. P. Ven., April 5.) On April 14 he read the Elector's letter to the Doge
and made a speech pointing out the merit of the cause, and the community
of their interests. On May 4 he made a more determined ' assault ', declarin:
that during the fifteen years he had been in Venice he had never had a moi
vehement commission. . (Esp. Prin.) On this occasion he sent in a copy of hi
speech, instead of relying on the report of the Venetian secretary. On May
the answer of the Senate was read to him. It contained the same three point
(ante, ii, p. 227) with, Wotton said, 'some new beautifying' — their league wit]
the Dutch, the money they were already sending Mansfeld, their negotiation
about the Valtelline. To this they added, as a fourth excuse, the new uprising
among the Grisons. Wotton replied that this answer was but 'naked bon<
without flesh', 'a generality of good will and no direct satisfaction. An<
whereas now, they did desire me likewise to reiterate to the King, my master
their great sensibility of the common interest, I told them ingenuously, con un
stringer di spalle, that I knew not well how to do it, till they gave me moi
subject ; for philosophy, whose naked principles I had more studied than ar
of language, had taught me, even in one of her most fundamental maxims
that ex nihilo nihil fit.' (Esp. Prin., April 14, May 4, 9, Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 542.)
2 Lieut. John Reade, recommended to the Venetians by a letter from James
in case they wished to make new levies in England. Reade had come to Venic
in 1618, and had been promised a commission. He was now given a proinis
of the next captain's place that should fall vacant in the Venetian armi
{Esp. Prin., June 23 ; S. P. Ven., 3rd ed., p. 542.)
8 This letter is now in the Venice Archives. (Esp. Prin., May 23 fiha.
Wotton said that Mansfeld wished to abandon the Palatinate ; he hoped tl
Venetians would send him money to enable him to stay there.
4 During the Interdict.
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 239
more ; which drew from him a great deal of good language, and
reassurance of some effects, when they shall l»« cased of these nearer
- : having sent their foreign commanders and troops towards the
Rhaetian side, though rather (as I am sure your Lordship will under-
stand it) to countenance these new motions than for any actual
engagement. Yet true it is (as he told me withal) that moneys
have likewise been sent, and they want not rhetoric to make it
appear that a well fomented diversion in these parts will do the
King of Bohemia as much good as a contribution. The propor-
tion of moneys hitherto sent your Lordship may imagine to be
small, but I hear more is resolved according to the successes and as
the French King shall stir, from whom they seem, by their ambas-
sador to have some fresh assurance, that he will not be removed from
the first treaty of Madrid, concluded by Bassompierre l, though
certain new articles have been vulgarly spread in Spanish of a later
accord between the two Kings.
From Constantinople we hear the deposition, imprisonment and
death of Sultan Osman,2 the re-establishment of Mustafa, his silly
uncle, for lack of a better, and in short a total and united revolt ,of
all the Janissaries, Spachies and Cadez, with massacre of the principal
officers and eunuchs, not sparing the Aga Bash a, whose person to
the Janissaries was as sacred as the Gran Signor's. Doubtful we are
what humours these Turkish commotions will stir in the Hungarian
Diet. Some fear it may encourage the Emperor, because Bethelem
Gabor in hoc statu rerum can expect small help from Constantinople,
wherewith he wras wont to keep him at least in some awe. Others
hope (of which we have here good store) that the Hungarians, who
little fear the Almaignes alone, being eased of doubt on their back
side, will speak aloft. No small fortune hath the Spanish King in
this time of dangerous distraction in his kingdom of Naples 3 to be
free of all fear from the Levant. And these are our discourses. For
action is in your parts.4
From his Majesty hath been sent me by an express messenger
the whole proceedings with Spalato, to obviate ill reports which
1 Francis Baron de Bassompierre (1576-1646), French ambassador in Spain.
(N. B. Gen.)
2 In 1617 the Sultan Achmet died, leaving a brother, Mustafa, and a son,
Osman, a boy of eleven. Mustafa succeeded as Sultan, but proving to be mad,
lie was deposed, and the boy Osman made Sultan. On March 20, 1622, Osman
Was strangled by the Janissaries, and Mustafa was placed again on the throne,
but was deposed in the next year.
3 The conspiracy of Ossuna to make himself King of Naples.
4 Wotton sent the same news to Calvert in a dispatch of this date, adding
'These are our discourses, for from other places his Majesty must have action.
I am Lrgatus Statarius, as the ancients spake of still personages on their stages.'
. P. Yen.)
240 LETTERS OF WOTTON
grow apace. But let me ask a question and say no more ; who can
hinder Rome to lie, and to flatter themselves with their own fictions ?
The Lord of all Truth love us, and maintain His own cause, to
whom committing your Lordship, I ever rest
Your most unfeigned poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
371. To the Eakl op Arundel and Surrey.
S. P. Ven.y transcript. Undated, but written after Wotton's audience of
July 4. The presentation of Lord Arundel's sons to the Doge.
(July, 1622.)
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
Besides an accompt due unto his Majesty, how tenderly his
letters of thanks * in behalf of my most honoured Lady your wife were
here received, I owe likewise therein a private relation unto your
Lordship, which hath been suspended some few days, in hope of
discharging it by an express messenger, of whom I have some
occasion to make a little stay, and therefore can pardon your Lord-
ship this trouble, nor myself this duty, no longer.
I had the honour, with my Lady's good liking, to present my Lord
Matravers 2 and Sir Hen. Haward 3 to the Duke before I sat down
myself, whom he received according to our Venetian phrase a hraccia
spalancate, and placed them among the Savii di terra ferma. In
mine own speech, after I had told him how kindly his Majesty had
taken the right and the honours that were done upon an unworthy
occasion to so principal a Lady of his kingdom, which herself had
signified home, and with all her own full contentment, even by
a particular gentleman, I then fell to tell him, that your Lordship,
upon whom these contentments did so nearly reflect, would fain have
flown in person hither to thank him and the Senate ; and that even
without this occasion you had a longing to see this famous govern-
ment again,4 whereof myself could witness that you were never
weary of speaking well. But these busy times not permitting your
absence from the King, nor the dignity of your place, your Lordship
had therefore commanded me to present unto him the nearest images
of yourself. So I said, and so indeed I might say. For in truth,
my Lord, I never can behold my Lord Matravers without re-
1 James Fs letter to the Doge dated Greenwich, June 10, 1622 O.S., is printed
by Romanin (vii, p. 194).
2 Lord Maltravers, eldest son of Thomas Howard, second Earl of Arundel and
Surrey. He died at Ghent in the following year.
3 Henry Frederick Howard, born 1608, succeeded his father in 1646 ; died
1652.
4 Lord Arundel visited Venice in 1612 (Cal. S. P. Ven.} xii, p. 452).
TO THE EARL OF ARUNDEL AND SURREY 241
membering Pliny's conceit of one so resembling his father, tanquam
patrem exseripsisset1. The Duke's answer was very tender, taking
new occasion to express how much this city had been honoured with
the noble residence of your Lady here, and how much they hold
themselves obliged unto your Lord and to her Ladyship for such an
argument of your affection as the breeding of your hopeful children
sometime in this dominion ; towards whom withal he turned a
cheerful look, and told me they had kindly visited him the day before
in private, and that he found them well profited in this language.
The rest of his speech was spent in modest extenuation of those
poor demonstrations (as he called them), so due in all justice and
humanity to the honour of a Lady, who had carried herself so
worthily and so nobly among them, and had been so wronged by
malicious voices, void of all imaginable ground ; in whose behalf
they could not expect any such gracious acknowledgement as I had
presented from his Majesty, having but done that which in all
respects was due. In these, and the like terms, he passed this
morning.2
I will end this duty with begging one favour, and another right
from your Lordship. The first, that I may lose nothing by my
weaknesses, in your gracious estimation3 of my plain and humble
zeal to serve you and your noble name. The other, that your Lord-
ship will be pleased to allow me your just defence with Mr. Secretary
Calvert, who in his last expresseth some wonder that I had not
given his Majesty any accompt of that which here had passed touch-
ing your Lady, by whose command, and in love of truth, I had
set down all the circumstances ; whereof I might well suppose
a copy to have been sent home, for the King's information, if it
should need. Although false bruits of the highest personages are
so familiar here, that I am often studying in my poor philosophy
whether the contempt or the resentment be the better cure, yet
I speak not this of my Lady's case, which surely did require both
a brave complaint and a noble reparation. God cover your Lordship,
1 'Totumque patrem mira similitudine exscripserat.' (C. Plin. Ep. v. 16.)
a At the end of this audience Wotton drew nearer the Doge and spoke again
of the King of Bohemia. The occasion, he said, was not a favourable one, but
it was his commission never to come to the Collegio without reminding the
Venetians of the King's cause. (Esp. Prin., July 4, 1622.)
3 On May 12, 1622, Lord Arundel wrote to Lord Doncaster an account of tho
eonduct of Doncaster's 'dear friend, Sir Henry Wotton ', to Lady Arundel. * For
Sir Henry Wotton's part,' he adds, <I will only say this, that if she had either
Men amazed with the suddenness and confidence of his first adv< rtis. ni« nt.and
so have retired herself, as he wished, or afterwards let it rest, as he advised,
Per honour had been destroyed. But I thank Almighty God she was guided by
a better spirit, which protects innocency, and turns tho wickedest intentions
t«> quite contrary effects.' (C. A T. Jan. I, ii, p. 300-11.)
WOTTON. II Ti
242 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and all yours wheresoever they are, with his dear blessings and love.
And so I remain,
Your good Lordship's poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
372. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. Wotton sends a copy of letter written
by the General of the Jesuits.
Venice, this 29th of July, 1622.
Style of the place.
. . . Let me present unto his Majesty a thing which I have hac
long in chase. It is the copy of the letter which Mutio Vitelleschi
General of the Jesuits, did write unto this Duke, when the Marquis d(
Coevre (by whom it was delivered), together with the Pope's Nuncic
took here a notorious repulse.2 I do now entertain his Majesty there
with, though it hath lost the commendation of newness ; because t<
my poor judgement it appeareth a most exact and elaborate piece
and the very character of the whole Society. Never were men more
griping after lands and possessions, more imperious over consciences
and families, when they are in ; never more creeping, more obsequious,
more abject, when they are out. In summa, Iesuita est omnis homo.
Kead, Sir, and you shall see ; and I will keep you from reading it
no longer, having, I must confess, myself taken much pleasure in
the transcription thereof. The Lord of Heaven and earth cover his
Majesty and his estates with the overspreading wings of his love.
And so I rest,
Your Honour's by long devotion,
Henry Wotton.
373. To the Marquis of Buckingham.
Marl. MS. 1581, f. 220, holograph ; Relia., 2nd ed., p. 475, 3rd ed., p. 311 ;
Cabala (1654), i, p. 193. Wotton's reversion to the Rolls ; his nephew
returning to England.
From Venice, this 29th of July, 1622.
Style of England.
My most honoured Lord and Patron,
These poor lines will be presented unto your Lordship by my
nephew (one of your obliged servants) and withal some description,
as I have prayed him, of my long infirmities, which have cast me
1 Mutio Vitelleschi (1563-1645) became General of the Jesuits in 1615.
8 Ante, ii, p. 218. This letter, copied by Wotton, is in the Record Office.
(S. P. Ven., vol. xxiv.)
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 243
behind in many private, and often interrupted even my public duties ;
with which yet I do rather seek to excuse some other defect** <»t "* 1 vi. •. ..
than my silence towards your Lordship. For to importune your
Lordship seldom with my pen is a choice in me, and not a disease,
having resolved to live, at what distance soever from your sight, like
on<> who had well studied before I came hither, how secure they are
Whom you once vouchsafe any part of your love.
And, indeed, I am well confirmed therein by your own gracious
Biles,1 for thereby I see that your Lordship had me in your meditation,
when I scant remembered myself. In answer of which letter, after
some respite from mine own evils, I have deputed my said nephew
to redeliver my fortune into your noble hands, and to assure your
Lordship, that as it should be cheerfully spent at your command, if
it were present and actual (from whose mediation I have derived it),
so much more am I bound to yield up unto your Lordship an absolute
disposition of my hopes. But if it shall please you therein to grant
me any part of mine own humour, then I would rather wish some
other satisfaction than exchange of office ; yet even in this point
likewise I shall depend on your will, which your Lordship may
indeed challenge from me, not only by all humble gratitude and
reverence due to your most worthy person, but even by that natural
charity and discretion which I owe myself. For what do I more
therein, than only remit to your own arbitrament the valuation of
your own goodness? I have likewise committed to my foresaid
nephew some memorials touching your Lordship's familiar service
(as I may term it) in matter of art and delight.
But though I have laid these offices upon another, yet I joy with
mine own pen to give your Lordship an accompt of a gentleman
worthier of your love, than I was of the honour to receive him from
you. We are now, after his well-spent travels in the towns of purer
language, married again till a second divorce ; for which I shall be
sorry, whensoever it shall happen. For in truth, my good Lord, his
conversation is both delightful and fruitful ; and I dare pronounce
that he will return to his friends as well fraught with the best
observations, as any that hath ever sifted this country ; which indeed
1 On Jan. 2, 162£ (O.S.), Buckingham wrote to Wotton that he had tried to
jurrange an exchange of offices between the Master of the Wards (Cranfield) and
[aster of the Rolls (Sir Julius Caesar). He would then have left it to
Wotton's choice whether he would take the reversion to the Wards instead
of that to the Rolls, which had already been granted him. As this exchange
had not taken place, there was nothing for Wotton to do but to stick t-. his
fcrersion to the Rolls. Buckingham adds in a postscript, 'I thank your Lord-
ship for the bed and pictures and other present you sent me, and for
good husbandry in the other pictures you bought for me.' (Fortescue Popart,
Camden Soc, 1871, p. 17.)
K 2
244 LETTERS OF WOTTON
doth need sifting, for there is both flour and bran in it. He hath
divided his abode between Sienna and Rome ; the rest of his time
was for the most part spent in motion.1 I think his purpose be to
take the French tongue in his way homewards, but I am persuading
with him to make Bruxelles his seat, both because the French and
Spanish languages are familiar there, whereof the one will be, after
Italian, a sport unto him, so as he may make the other a labour, and
for that the said town is now the scene of an important treaty,2
which I fear will last till he come thither. But far be from me all
ominous conceit. I will end with cheerful thoughts and wishes,
beseeching the Almighty God to preserve your Lordship in health,
and to cure the public diseases. And so I ever remain,
Your Lordship's most devoted and obliged servant,
Henky Wotton.
374. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. News of Venice ; the Spanish marriage.
Venice, this 19th of August, 1622.
Style of the place.
My very good Lord,
Our Duke hath been newly by a fever near his period, even to
the point (as I hear) of extreme unction ; but having been let blood,
rather as a necessary than a convenient remedy for his years, he is
now said to be in terms of recovery, and may perchance yet live till
the people will be sorrier for his death. This week we have been
visited with dolphins of extraordinary greatness from the sea,
playing in the canal of Giudeca : a thing rarely occurring. I hope
it doth portend a better conjunction between Fraunce and this
Republic in the maintenance of the Grisons3 than we have yet
1 I do not know which of Wotton's nephews was the bearer of this letter. In
the Reliquiae (2nd ed., p. 489, 3rd, p. 332) is printed an undated letter from
Wotton to a certain Nicholas Arnauld at Siena, which may refer to this nephew : —
* Sir, this young gentleman, my very near kinsman, having gotten enough of
Venetian Italian to seek better ; and being for that end directed by me to Siena,
I will take the boldness to commend him to your disposing there, assuring
myself that you have gained much friendship and power wheresoever you are,
by that impression which you have left in us here. And so, with those thanks
which were long since due, for your kind remembrance of me by a letter from
Florence, I commit you to God's dear blessings and love, and I ever rest,
' Your very affectionate poor friend to serve you,
1 From Venice. H. Wotton.'
2 The conference for the pacification of the Palatinate was reopened in June
and brought to an end in September. (Gardiner, iv, pp. 321, 345.)
3 Richelieu had not yet come to power, and the policy of France was still
uncertain. Venice and Savoy were urging Louis XIII to keep to his promise
and to force the Spaniards to restore the Valtelline. It was not till Feb.,
1623, that Louis XIII took any action, when by leaguing himself with Savoy
and Venice, he compelled the Spaniards to hand over the Valtelline to the
Pope.
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 245
seen. And it is indeed high timo, for Leopold will now havo
leisure enough to look this way.' A voice we have had that they
had taken his Fort of Santa Maria, but it wanteth confirmation,
Among other notes of this week, let me tell your Lordship that we
have seen one great solecism, a St. Rocco's day uncelebrated with
music, even their peculiar Saint; which in common discourse is
attributed either to the avarice or the spite of an apothecary, on
whom that confraternity did lay the charge of those rites this year
■gainst his will. This omission to many ears may perchance sound
like a trifle ; but the Pope's instruments work upon it, and say it
is no marvel if his authority be decayed here (as hath been lately
seen in violating the Court of Inquisition, and in a round proceeding
against the Bishop of Padova) when their own saints (for Rocco is
not yet in the Roman Canon) are so slighted.2 The air is full of such
declamations as these, and perchance the apothecary may smart for it.
To speak of that which more concerns us. We have here at
the present a sudden strong noise (derived as they say by express
intelligence from the Court of Spayne) that the Infanta Maria
hath newly upon her knees besought the King of Spain not to
press her any further about the match of Prince Charles.
And this very week I am advertised from home that the am-
bassador of the State of Venice did confidently affirm that
the Infanta Maria was otherwise to be disposed: which voice
had gotten easy credit, but that Mr. Grisley:t came in ipso articulo
from my Lord Digbie with contrary tidings. For my part I am
resolved to let others dispute first, whether it be true, and then
whether it be fit. Always sure it is that from Fraunce (who were
the last believers), by the courier of this week they write thereof as
a concluded thing.
1 The Archduke Leopold, governor of the Tyrol. He 'looked that way' to
some purpose, for he invaded the Grison territory, took their capital Coin-, and
compelled them (Oct., 1622) to give up their claim on the Valtelline, and to
cede the Engadine and eight of the ten Droitures (almost the whole of one of
the three Republics) to Austria. (Romanin, vii, p. 261.)
2 The Bishop of Padua was arrested for making a secret resignation of the
A 1. hey of St. Zen in Verona to the Cardinal Ludovisio. (S. P. Ten., Aug. 12, 1688.)
Tin- Inquisition had been violated by an order of the Senate releasing a certain
Abbate Fulgenzio, whom the Inquisition had arrested and imprisoned. 'They
still ntain an image of such a court,' Wotton wrote of the Inquisition at Venice,
1 much like the Senatus Popidusque Eomanus which the Pope suffers to sit in Rome.'
(Ibid., July 19.) Under Paul V, Wotton wrote of the arrest of this Fulgenzio,
a lesser thing ' caused excommunication ; but those thunderbolts seem out of
• lat. , especially after the violent rapture of the Cardinal Clesel, by the present
Emperor, and the imprisonment of the Cardinal de Guise by the French Kim;
in the Bastille. Examples passed over silently at Rome, but registered lu-iv,
and laid up in lavender for use at some time or other.' (JMdL, Fel». _'», 1C88»)
1 Walsinghani Gresley, Lord Digby's steward.
246 LETTERS OP WoTToN
375. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Reported defeat of Mansfeld ; news of Venice :
convalescence of the Doge, &c. ; Ormuz captured by the English East
India Company.
Venice, Augusti 22°.
Style of England, 1622.
Eight Honourable,
We have here, this very day, taken a sudden alarm upon
advertisement that the Count Mansfeld's army is either vanished
or defeated, and himself in the hands of Monsieur de Nevers, with
some small remainder;1 which doth much trouble this Senate,
even before the certain confirmation thereof, who foresee with what
facility the Governor of Milan, on the one side, and Leopoldo, on the
other, will devour the Grisons and intoyle2 this State, upon the
ceasing of all diversion in Alsatia, unless the French King had more
leisure than his inward distractions will yield him to look abroad.
And now perchance they will begin to wish that they had better
tasted my persuasions in supporting those troops. We have withal
a certain voice out of Lombardie, able to beget new doubts, or to
increase the former. It is said that upon some speech, which grew
at Milan touching the contribution which this Republic doth sub-
minister secretly to the Rhaetians, and professedly to the States, one as
yet unnamed, but as it seems no shallow man, should tell the Duke of
Feria that the King of Spayne may, with more ease and honour, make
war against the Venetians themselves, within their own dominion,
than against their moneys abroad. One thing I apprehend upon
these discourses as almost a visible consequence, that if troubles
grow, we shall close here with the Pope, that we may have leave
to levy within the Marca d'Ancona — which we repute the best
seminary of Italian soldiers, and indeed the only province whence
they can be supplied, except a few straggling Albanesi, or auxiliaries
by sea at great charge, and as much uncertainty.
Our Duke is now again a convalescent, and those that had begun
some secret competition for his place may, till another plunge, quiet
their thoughts. Two things extend his life, a merry heart, and an
issue in his leg. From Aleppo both our own merchants and Italians
have a piece of news which doth subject us to some clamour. It is
said that seven English ships have assisted the Persians to take
1 This report was false. Mansfeld had invaded Lorraine, with the purpose of
marching into France and entering the French service, and the Duke of Nevers,
while pretending to negotiate terms with Mansfeld, collected a force strong
enough to protect the road into France. Mansfeld, thereupon, entered the Dutch
service and marched to Breda. (Gardiner, iv, pp. 341, 342.)
2 ' Intoyle,' i. e. entoil, to ensnare. Arch. (N. E. D.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 247
Ormuz1, which was in the power of the Poitingak lad I necessary
staple to intermediate their trade in the East Indies, which thereby
will no doubt be much incommodated. Whereupon is grown in tliis
discoursing place two opposite opinions, the one that it will break,
the other, that it will rather facilitate, our present treaties with the
King of Spay ne.
In Rome is newly arrived an English gentlewoman of more
garb than the former Jesuitesses, whose desires are at a stop.
Hot name I cannot yet tell, neither is it much material, because
they change them at pleasure; but she aims at a pension. By
this time I suppose Mr. Gage2 to have been at home under your
own inquiry, so as I shall need to speak no more out of my private
intelligence of the Pope's breve. Therefore, Sir, for this week
I humbly commit you to our loving God, remaining,
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
Postscript. The above written intelligence touching Ormuz we
have with this addition, that the castle did yet hold out, but could
not long, for lack of water ; which particularity doth win some credit
to the rest.
376. To Sir Thomas Roe3.
Roe's Negotiations, p. 97, extract. Wotton's illness ; the affairs of Germany ;
the Pope's new edict.
From Venice, the 15 of October, 1622.
Style of the place.
My Lord,
Your Lordship hath reason in one of your letters to chide, and
in all of them to wonder, at my silence ; and therefore I shall need
to begin with some description of mine own evils, that I may bring
myself out of your anger into your compassion ; though the choice
be miserable between those two affections from a friend.
After the fevers of the last autumn (which did lay me, and almost
my whole family all down together, whereof God took three of
nearest use about me into His eternal rest) I found within a while
1 Ormuz was taken from the Portuguese by the Shah of Persia with tho
assistance of the English East India Company. The English pretended that
they had acted under compulsion from the Shah. (Gardiner, v, pp. 237-4 1."*
a George Gage, sent to Rome to watch the course of the marriage negotia-
tions at Rome. He returned to England Aug. 25, 1622 (O.S.), Ho announce
that, if the Pope was to be satisfied, new and unheard-of concessions must bo
made.' i (Ibid., iv, p. 350.)
3 Sir Thomas Roe t!581?-1644), ante ii, p. 221.
248 LETTERS OF WOTTON
my appetite (which had ever been one of my surest friends) quite
overthrown with a strange kind of sweet humour distilling from my
head, which my physicians (though no mineral men) did correct with
the spirit of vitriol. Now whether this left behind it a bad impres-
sion, I know not ; but not long after I fell into such a burning in
the stomach, as hath cast me behind in many private, and often
interrupted even my public duties, having held me from the beginning
of last winter till very lately ; for which, besides frequent vexation
of physic, I was no less than five times let blood. And yet at last
I was more eased with familiar than with strong remedies.
I wish heartily, that as my inward infirmity hath resembled the
external distempers and boilings of the Christian world, so they may
imitate me in the manner of my cure, and yield rather to gentle
treaties than need sharper resolutions. But little can I hope that it
will so fall out in those broken affairs which his Majesty hath
hitherto sought to repair with so blessed a spirit. For let me
discourse unto your Lordship how wre stand at this instant. The
King of Bohemia and Elector Palatin (let me now give him his
titles, for he hath nothing else but Franckendal and Manheime),
after a very venturous passage in disguised form from the Haghe,
through Fraunce into the lower Palatinat, is lately from thence
retired to Sedan, after he had with a formal licence left the Count
Mansfeld, and the brave young Duke of Brownswig, to their own
counsels and fortunes ; who both together have made their way
through the Spanish provinces, and after a battle \ whereof I send
you herewith the truest description, some six leagues from Bruxelles
with Don Gonzales de Cordoa (who quitted the Palatinat to pursue
them) are joined with the Prince of Orange, who hath employed
them together with the garrison of Breda, to intercept the convoys
of victual between Antwerp and Spinola's leaguer before Bergen-up-
Zome ; which action doth now draw all eyes upon it, the Prince
being resolved to unset the siege, and the Marquis not to rise ; so as
the glories of two great chiefs are at the stake. . . .
Let me after this, say somewhat of Italy, which is my more
proper object ; and in truth, my Lord, it is a novelty of great noise
that I shall relate. The Pope hath published an edict, the very
last week, whereby he prohibiteth the Italian Princes to give
reception in their towns and states to any of different religion from
the Roman ; and forbiddeth Italians to inhabit in any country where
his Catholic doctrine is not professed, without exception even of mer-
chants. So as the said edict (as we yet understand it) doth retrench
1 The battle of Fleurus, Aug. |f, 1622> where Mansfeld and Christian of
Brunswick defeated Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordova. {Gardiner, iv, p. 342.)
TO SIR TiloMAS ROE 249
civil commercement 1 ; what it will work elsewhere I cannot say;
but I believe this State (at which it most pointeth) will have the
honour to be the first that shall laugh at it. For my part, to speak
like a plain Kentish man, I only fear that it will not last; for
I observe this Pope to have been transported therein (I know not
yet by whose counsels) to a violent variation from himself; no
times having been hitherto more easy, nor, as I may term it, more
un inquisitive into conscience, than his own. It is yet so fresh, that
I cannot acquaint your Lordship with the inward motives thereof,
but in supcrfick it appeareth a preamble to a war of religion ; in
which case, for my share, let me only repeat the words of our blessed
Saviour himself: Vende tunieam, et erne gladium."1 Of the Grisons
I shall speak in my next, for I fear I have tired your Lordship
already, and my long silence hath so cast me behind that hortns
t&vescit, it will require more weeding than at once to plane the
alleys. Weekly hereafter your Lordship shall be troubled with my
poor discourse, for the times do promise me abundant subject. Yet
I cannot end the present without an humble presentation, through
your Lordship's hands, of my willing service to your most worthy
lady3, if this western world may yield anything for her use or
delight, that the Levant doth miss ; to which offer I am bound
by my long devotion to her own name, and by that noble courtesy
wherewith she was pleased to honour me the day when your
Lordship attended the King to Paules.
And so committing you both, with your whole family, to God's
dear protection, I will remain (as I am confident) in your Lord-
ship's love,
And at your commands,
Henry Wotton.
1 ' Commencement ' in Roe.
* * Sed nunc, qui habet sacculum, tollat, similiter et peram ; et qui non habet,
vendat tunieam suam, et emat gladium.' (Luke xxii. 36.) Wotton sent the above
news in a letter of this date to Carleton at the Hague. He forwarded at the
same time a packet for the Queen of Bohemia with 'a wild address' Ami
Constantinople — letters no doubt from Sir Thomas Roe — ' which,' he wrote,
' with the continual remembrance of mine own humble zeal, I beseech your
Lordship to present unto her Majesty, whose sweet and blessed thoughts mine
inward torment at the indignity of her present fortune will not yet suffer me
t<> trouble with my pen.' (<S. P. Ven., October ,V) The Queen of Bohemia was
living at the Hague, and Wotton's letters to Carleton often contained messages
to her. On June 18, 1621, he wrote, 'Good my Lord, let me humbly beseech
you to remember my vowed zeal to her Majesty of Bohemia, my most gracious
mistress, whom I only can serve with my prayers in Heaven where our God
liveth.' {Ibid.)
* Eleanor, daughter of Sir Thomas Cave of Stanford. (Ante, i, p. 396 n.)
250 LETTERS OF WOTTON
377. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated, extract. The Prince of Conde and Paolo Sarpi;
the Franco-Venetian alliance ; De Dominis in Rome.
Venice, ^ December, 1622.
. . . The third piece of this dispatch shall be an addition to my last,
touching the Prince of Conde \ He ended with us in two of the
contrariest humours that I think hath ever been seen ; in a volun-
tary and extemporal comedy, whereof himself acted the part of the
Spaniard (and singularly well), even upon a public stage, but at an
unusual hour, indeed after a merry supper with certain of these young
gentlemen ; and in a conference before his departure with Maestro
Paolo, which he had with notorious patience sought some days before,
at his convent, but could not obtain it, without public leave, and even
then in the presence of a Savio di terra ferma, namely Angelo Conta-
reni, a man known before in Fraunce. At this private meeting he
came inspired by others rather than by himself (for we have no
great opinion of his morality, much less of his divinity), to ask
these questions : 2 he demanded whether the said person did remain
excommunicated or no at this present ?
It was answered negatively, for the general accord at the time of
the Interdict did include him. Whereupon a second question being
asked, how that generality could serve the turn ? The reply was, that
being admitted to the secrets of this Senate (as he is), he was restrained
from answering to particularities. He was asked whether an excom-
munication of a Prince did dissolve the band of obedience in subjects ?
It was answered, that in the canonical law a wife was not freed from
obeying her husband by excommunication of her husband, and much
less a subject from the obedience of his Prince. He was asked, whether
a Catholic Prince might serve himself of heretics ? It was answered, that
1 Henri II de Bourbon, Prince de Conde (1588-1646), father of the great
Conde". 'A Prince,' Wotton described him, 'dyed by the Jesuits in grain,
I mean, in a deep and bloody tincture.' (S. P. Ven., Nov. 10.) He had come to
Italy for the purpose of making a pilgrimage to Loretto, to give thanks for his
release from the Bastille, and had sent before him a silver model of the Bastille
to that shrine. He stopped in Venice on his way, where Wotton wrote, he went
about in a plain soldier's habit, spending the mornings at the booksellers' shops,
the evenings at the comedy. His demand for the title of Altezza (only accorded
by the Venetians to reigning Princes) caused much discourse • among vacant
and censuring wits ' (Nov. 18). For a witticism of James I on the subject, see
Crumms FaWn from King James's Table, No. cxv, first printed in the Princes Cabala,
1715, and there described as collected by Sir Thomas Overbury. (Works of
Overbury, 1656, p. 274.) This particular ' Crumm ', however, could not of course
have been collected by Overbury, who was poisoned in 1613.
2 Sarpi wrote for the Doge an account (substantially the same as Wotton's) of
this conversation, which is still in the Venice Archives, and is printed in the
1863 edition of Sarpi's letters (ii, pp. 439-48). A translation has been published
by the Philobiblion Society. (N. D.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 25]
a Pope had employed Turckes in his service, and said they were as many
fcngels sent from heaven for the benefii of the Church al that time.1
He was asked whether he wen- author of the CoHC&Q 'in<l< ntiim ?
It was answered, that they know at Koine (whither lie was going)
who was author of that hook; therein holding a m« m l».tween
confession and denial, and yet without equivocation.
He was asked somewhat about the Eucharist, into which, being
unwilling to enter, he made a modest retreat, but yet said a thing
Worthy in truth of singular observation, that he could not but
marvel how the fathers of the Old Testament, having interpreted all
the corporal ceremonies and services of God spiritually, those of the
New Testament should interpret the spiritual things corporally,
even after the coming of the Body, which did cease2 the shadows.
Thus much I was glad to present through your secret hands unto
his Majesty.
The last thing is almost miraculous, at least to me, who have long
contemplated the nature of this State, and observed in them no
facility to move.
The French King, being (as I take it) at Marseilles, dispatcheth
hither an extraordinary courier with letters to his ambassador of the
20th of November. The courier arrived here on Saturday last. The
ambassador hath audience on Monday. On Tuesday late there was
called a Senate, which lasted till eight hours of the night. On
Wednesday the courier was redispatched, the foresaid King requiring
answer before his returning to Lions. Their resolution is this, that
they will concur in the business of restoring the Grisons with 12,000
foot and 2,000 horse, and their half share in the munition and
artillery.3 This I have from the French themselves, who perchance
speak with the most.3 My Italian advertisers name 8,000, and the
rest in proportion. Always sure it is, that the State is resolved not
to change their neighbours from Grisons to Spaniards, which to
them is a wonderful sensible point of state. And this I write
willingly, because I conceive that how much more the King of
Spain shall be distracted in these parts, he will be so much the more
1 Sarpi's words were that Julius II had bands of Turkish soldiers in his army
bl Romagna ; that Paul IV brought to his defence in Rome certain companies of
heretical Grisons, and said they were so many angels sent by God for bis
defence. (Lettere, ii, p. 442.)
8 ' Cease,' i. e. cause to cease. Obs. (N. E. D.)
:! The agreement between Venice and France about the Grisons bad bitherto
1. .n bat a general one, but Louis XIII now asked that the Venetians should
recall Count Mansfeld into Italy, provide an army, and openly declare tl» -m-
s. 1\. s on the side of the Grisons. Venice cautiously refused to make an open
declaration, but offered to supply troops to aid the French army. [8. R
Dec. 12, 1C.22.)
* ' Speak with the most,' i. e. give the highest figures.
252 LETTERS OF WOTTON
easy and manageable unto his Majesty in any occasions that occur at
the present. . . .
Postscript. Now touching Spalato, further letters are come from
him than those which I "send, after his access to the Pope, who
received him with singular embracement ; and he writes of himself
more and more confidently.1 But he addeth that these kindnesses
and absolutions, and habilitations to any ecclesiastical dignity, & c.
are conferred upon him propter quaedam quae intrinsecus latent — those
are his own words, though the rest of the letter be Italian. Upon
which our commentaries here are very various, for the question is, at
what use the Pope aims at of this man, that should thus increase his
cherishments ? Awhile there was a conceit (as I say in my letter)
that he came with business from England ; but that is absolutely
vanished. The next was, that by his observations taken there of
persons and humours, he might serve to direct well the young
Koman emissaries. And this opinion increased by his going to the
English College immediately after his having been with the Pope ;
but that was but to borrow a book out of their private library, pre-
tending he had lost it by the way, namely Befensio Ecclesiae Angli-
canae, which was either the Enchiridion of Bishop Jewel, or perchance
some of Dr. Parrie's 2 translations. A third plainer sort of men there
are, that think he shall only be employed in writing, and that therein
both his use and himself shall end. For if they put him not only to
a general palinodia, but to a punctual refutation of his own works, he
will sink under that labour. Lastly, there is a conjecture made (and
in this I dare concur upon the wager of my life, by circumstances
nicely examined) that the scope of the Eoman Court is, by his good
treatment, and by his former familiarity with Maestro Paolo and
Fulgentio, to bring them likewise into the net — which, though by
an admirable letter3 (which I send herewith) from one of them
unto him before he left England, it will appear a vain hope. Yet
who can hinder their practical imaginations ?
1 ' Of the final issue of this Prelate I hear wise and wary men very doubtful.
His beginnings are jolly, as it seemeth by his own description. But I remember
a proverb which I learned at Lythe (Leith) " That it is young Yule at Yule's
Eaven".' (S. P. Ven., Dec. i?2.) 'Yule is young on Yule even, and auld on
Saint Steven/ (Hislop, The Proverbs of Scotland, p. 228.)
3 Henry Parry, D.D., 1561-1616, Bishop of Worcester, translated the Cate-
chism of Zach. Ursonius, Oxford, 1587, 1589, 1591, 1595, 1601. (D. N. B.)
3 This letter, which is of great length, is now in the S. P. Ven. (vol. xxiv \
It is undated and unsigned, but the Italian is not Sarpi's, and the authorship
may therefore be ascribed to Fulgenzio. De Dominis is warned in the most
solemn manner against returning to Rome, and told how all those who have so
returned have finished their wretched lives there ' o col laccio, o col fuoco. o col
veleno \
TO JAMES I 253
378. To James I.
S. /'. Yen., holograph, lieliq., 3rd ed., p. 247 (postscript omitted), where
it is wrongly dated Dec. 9, 1622. Wotton sends melon seeds to the
King, also the preface of a history of Venice he was planning to
write.
Venice, the second of December.
Style of England, 1622.
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
By this right honest and learned gentleman, by name Adolfus
ftepplingam (who hath spent some time abroad in the best observa-
tions), I send your Majesty more melon seeds of all sorts, which have
been diligently chosen, and will, I hope, take better than the former.
In my letter to Mr. Secretary Calvert, I have discharged divers
other duties, among which some will come very seasonably unto
your Majesty about Christmas time, to increase your recreation ; for it
is indeed a merry piece of service that I have sent your Majesty,
a testimony of your conscience from Kome.1
Now, for this letter I have reserved a private and voluntary sub-
ject, which I have taken the freedom most humbly to present unto
your Majesty's benign censure. It is the preface to one of mine own
poor labours, comprehending the argument thereof and the motives.
In which as yet unfinished lucubration (for so I may justly call it,
having been for the most part born in the night) I have had occasion
to fall upon some mighty considerations of Church and State, while
I did search the progress of this Kepublic among the clouds and
confusions of the Middle Age. Between which times it was a kind of
refreshment, and yet withal but a miserable pleasure, to contemplate
how the Empire grew lank, and the Popedom tumourous proportion-
ably, till superstition, like a wild and raging fire, could at length be
contained neque suis terminis neque alienis. These remarkable heads
I have now touched, to procure from your Majesty some pardon for
a bold invocation therein of your royal name, being confident that
this high theorem of state which I handle (though myself but a poor
student in meaner speculations) may prove not unworthy, in the
subject itself, to receive some lustre from your gracious countenance.
To conclude the trouble that I have given your Majesty, instead of
some present more valuable to inaugurate the new approaching year,
I do humbly submit the death or life of this work to your only doom.
And though that ancient conceit was well commended when it was
first born, Mallem Augusti judicium quam Anthonii bmtfickm* yet
1 In a report of the conversion of James I to Roman Catholicism. (S. P. Ven.t
Dec. A-)
2 ' Crispus Passienus solebat dicere quorumdam se iudicium malle quam
254 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I must crave leave to think it somewhat ignoble, and, for my part,
to assure your Majesty that I shall more rejoice in the approbation
of your judgement, than in the fruition even of your own benefits.
And so I most humbly commit your most dear and royal person to
God's continual love, remaining
Your Majesty's faithful vassal and long devoted poor servant,
Ottavio Baldi.
Postscript. Your Majesty will be pleased to give me leave to
hope that the professing of mine own name and country in the front
of my labour will not be attributed to any vain estimation of myself,
having therein imitated the Greeks and Arabians, as they did the
ancient Hebrews before them.
379. To James I.
S. P. Ven., holograph, Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 249. Pmefatio in Historian*
Venetam.
(Venice, Dec. 12, 1622, N. S.)
Henricus Wottonius, Anglo-Cantianus, postquam quatuordecim
fere annorum spatium legationibus apud Venetos exhauseram, anno
unici Mediatoris supra millesimum sexcentesimum vicesimo secundo,
aetatis meae quinquagesimo tertio iam labente,1 de illorum imperio
scribere sum aggressus ; ut si non satis vigilasse foris pro publico
munere, at saltern vixisse videar. Quippe levi profecto distant dis-
crimine silentes a defunctis ; nee multum interest, nos terminet fatalis
dies, an praestinguat inertia.2 Igitur libido saepius sopita, nunc arden-
tior rediit, revolvendi Vetera, novaque ; ut ex radicibus eliciam quo
Fati ductu, queis maxime institutis, quibusque artibus, tam inclyta
Christiani orbis Civitas tot saecula superaverit, inter varias mari
terraque tam cladium quam victoriarum vices, nee minora fortasse
ipsius otii quam belli mala. Huius felicitatis progressus et fulci-
menta retro quaerenti, duo praecipue (si recte aestimo) fontes reclu-
dent : historia temporum et imperii forma. Quae quam potero
beneficium, quoruindam beneficium malle quam iudicium, et subiciebat exem-
pla : malo, aiebat, divi Augusti iudicium, malo Claudii beneficium.'' (Seneca, De Beneficiis,
i, c. 15. 5.)
1 As the Kev. J. Hannah points out, Wotton's above statement about his age
must be a mistake, if the accepted date of his birth is the correct one. If
Wotton was born March 30, 1568, his fifty-third year would end March 30, 1621,
more than twenty months before the date of this letter to the King. (J. Hannah,
p. xix ; ante, i, p. 1.)
2 Wotton afterwards made use of this phrase in his fragment on Henry VI :
■ Inter honestam requiem quam Etonense Collegium vergentibus iam annis
nostris indulget, subinde me invasit haec cogitatio, haud multum distort
silentes a defunctis/ &c. (Reliq., 4th ed., p. 108.) Cf. Horace, Od. iv. 9. 29 : —
' Paulum sepultae distat inertiae
Celata virtus.'
TO JAMES I
brevissime et quasi delibatim expediam, ut hoc qualecunque conce-
ptum opus delectu magis rerum quam ubertate gestiat. Simul eiiam
ne in alienae Reipublicae arcanis longius haerendo hospitis verecun-
diam violarem.
Te vero sapientissime Iacobe Rex et Domine (sub cuius indul-
gentis iudicii praesidio imbecillitas nostra civilibus ministeriis
incubuit, quam quidem natura potius ad simpliciora studia damna-
verat) : Te, inquam, Clarissimum saeculi Lumen, in exordio praesen-
tium curarum invocare liceat, ut tanti nominis velut adflatu quodam
alacrius incoeptum peragam. Sed quia non levia meditamur, quod
Mite ingressum ingenui authores solent, id quoque profiteor, me sine
obtrectatione, sine blanditiis, sensus quos per omnem laboris partem
res ipsa suggeret, liberrime prolaturum, ne argumenti dignitatem
dehonestet servilis oratio.
lam urbem Venetain. &e.
380. To the Marquis of Buckingham (?).
Bdiq.f 2nd ed., p. 484 (among other letters to Buckingham), 3rd ed., p. 250,
inscribed ■ A Letter Concerning the Original of Venice \ No date or
address, but printed after the above Latin epistle in the 3rd ed., and
perhaps a draft of the beginning of the history of Venice, which Wotton
apparently never finished. For lack of other indications I place this
letter here.
(Venice, Dec. 12, 1622, N. S. ?>
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
I owe your Lordship, even by promise, some account of my
foreign travels, and the observations which I have taken touching
this city and Republic, are these.
The general position of the city of Venice, I find much celebrated,
even by the learnedest of the Arabians *, as being seated in the very
middle point between the equinoctial and the northern Pole, at
45 degrees precisely, or next hand, of latitude. Yet their winters are
for the most part sharper than ours, though about six degrees less of
elevation ; perchance by vicinity to the chilly tops of the Alps, for
winds as well as waters are tainted in their passage ; and the conse-
quence which men make in common discourse, from the degree of
the place to the temper is indeed very deceivable, without a due
regard to other circumstances.
The circuit thereof, through divers creeks, is not well determinable,
but as astronomers use to measure the stars, we may account it a
city of the first magnitude, as London, Paris, Gaunt, Millain,
Lisbon, &c.
1 ' Averhoes,' note in margin.
256 LETTERS OF WOTTON
How they came to be founded in the midst of the waters I could
never meet with any clear memorial. The best and most of their
authors ascribe their first beginnings rather to chance or necessity,
than counsel ; which yet in my opinion will amount to no more than
a pretty conjecture intenebrated by antiquity, for thus they deliver
it : they say that among the tumults of the middle age, when nations
went about swarming like bees, Atylas, that great captain of the
Hunnes, and scourge of the world (as he was styled) lying along with
a numerous army at the siege of Aquileia, it struck a mighty affright-
ment and confusion into all the nearer parts. Whereupon the best
sort of the bordering people out of divers towns, agreed either
suddenly, or by little and little (as fear will sometimes collect, as
well as distract) to convey themselves and their substance into the
uttermost bosom of the Adriatick Gulf, and there possessed certain
desolate islets, by tradition about seventy in number, which after-
wards (necessity being the mother of art) were tacked together with
bridges, and so the city took a rude form, which grew civilized with
time, and became a great example what the smallest things well
fomented may prove.
They glory in this their beginning two ways. First, that surely
their progenitors were not of the meanest and basest quality (for
such having little to lose had as little cause to remove). Next, that
they were timely instructed with temperance and penury (the nurses
of moderation). And true it is, that as all things savour of their first
principles, so doth the said Republic (as I shall afterwards show)
even at this day ; for the rule will hold as well in civil as in natural
causes.
Caetera desunt.
381. To THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Harl. MS. 1581, f. 222, holograph, Reliq., 2nd ed., p. 478, 3rd ed., p. 314;
Cabala (1654) i, p. 194. Mole in the prison of the Inquisition. Pictures
sent from Venice.
Venice, Dec. &, 1622.
My most honoured and my most dear Lord,
To give your Lordship occasion to exercise your noble nature is
withal one of the best exercises of mine own duty ; and therefore I
am confident to pass a very charitable motion through your
Lordship's hands and mediation to his Majesty.
There hath long lain in the prison of Inquisition a constant
worthy gentleman, namely Mr. Mole ; in whom his Majesty hath not
only a right as his subject, but likewise a particular interest in the
cause of his first imprisonment. For having communicated his
TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 257
Majesty's immortal work ] touching the allegiance due unto sovereign
princes, with a Florentine of his familiar acquaintance, this man
took such impression at some passages, as troubling his conscience,
he took occasion at the next shrift, to confer certain doubts with his
confessor ; who out of malicious curiosity, inquiring all circumstances,
gave afterwards notice thereof to Rome, whither the said Mole was
gone with my Lord Rosse, who in this story is not without blame,
but I will not disquiet his grave.
Now having lately heard that his Majesty, at the suit of I know not
what ambassadors (but among them the Florentine is voiced for one),
was pleased to yield some releasement to certain restrained persons
of the Roman faith, I have taken a conceit upon it, that in exchange
of his clemency therein, the Great Duke would be easily moved by
the King's gracious request, to intercede with the Pope for Mr. Mole's
delivery : to which purpose, if it shall please his Majesty to grant his
royal letters, I will see the business duly pursued. And so needing
no arguments to commend this proposition to his Majesty's goodness
but his goodness itself, I leave it (as I began) in your noble hand.
Now touching your Lordship's familiar service, as I may term
it, I have sent the complement of your bargain, upon the best pro-
vided and best manned ship that hath been here in long time,
called the Phoenix. And indeed the cause of their long stay hath
been for some such vessel as I might trust. About which, since I
wrote last to your Lordship, I resolved to fall back to my first
choice ; so as now the one piece is the work of Titian, wherein the
least figure (namely the child in the Virgin's lap playing with a bird)
is alone worth the price of your expense for all four, being so round,
that I know not whether I shall call it a piece of sculpture, or
picture, and so lively, that a man would be tempted to doubt
whether nature or art had made it. The other is of Palma 2, and this
I call the speaking piece, as your Lordship will say it may well be
termed. For except the damsel brought to David, whom a silent
modesty did best become, all the other figures are in discourse and
in action. They come both distended in their frames, for I durst not
hazard them in rolls, the youngest being twenty-five years old, and
therefore no longer supple and pliant. With them I have been bold to
send a dish of grapes to your noble sister, the Countess of Denbigh n,
presenting them first to your Lordship's view, that you may be
1 The Premonition. For Mole's arrest see Appendix III, under Mole.
8 Palma Giovane, 1554-1628.
3 Susanna Villiers, wife of Sir William Fielding, created Earl of Denbigh 1682,
Wotton in The Life and Death of Buckingliam describes her as i that right ch;n
of a good lady '. (Reliq., 4th ed., p. 237.) I have made inquiries about thi> pic-
ture, and am informed that it has been found and identified at Newnham PfeddOX,
WOTTON II 8
258 LETTERS OF WOTTON
pleased to pass your censure, whether Italians can make fruits as
well as Flemings, which is the common glory of their pencils. By
this gentleman 1 I have sent the choicest melon seeds of all kinds,
which his Majesty doth expect, as I had order both from my Lord of
Holderness, and from Mr. Secretary Calvert. And although in my
letter to his Majesty (which I hope by your Lordship's favour, himself
shall have the honour to deliver, together with the said seeds) I have
done him right in his due attributes ; yet let me say of him farther,
as architects use to speak of a well-chosen foundation,2 that your
Lordship may boldly build what fortune you please upon him, for
surely he will bear it virtuously. I have committed to him for the
last place a private memorial3 touching myself, wherein I shall
humbly beg your Lordship's intercession upon a necessary motive.
And so, with my heartiest prayers to heaven for your continual
health and happiness, I most humbly rest,
Your Lordship's ever obliged, ever devoted servant,
Henry Wotton.
My noble Lord, it is one of my duties to tell your Lordship that I
have sent a servant of mine4 (by profession a painter) to make a
search in the best towns through Italy, for some principal pieces,
which I hope may produce somewhat for your Lordship's contentment
and service.
382. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated. A difficulty about visiting the newly arrived Dutch
ambassador.
Venice, |f December, 1622.
Eight Honourable,
Never was man so vexed as I have been with a punctuality,
importing no less hitherto than a civil schism between the regal
ambassadors here and the new arrived ambassador from the States,5
1 Adolphus Ripplingham, ante, ii, p. 253.
2 • If the foundation,' Wotton wrote in the Elements of Architecture. ' happen to
dance, it will mar all the mirth in the house.' (Reliq., 4th ed., p. 17.)
3 Wotton wrote asking for leave to return to England. (See below, p. 267.)
4 Daniel Nys? {Ante, ii, p. 210.)
5 In the autumn of 1622 Berg arrived in Venice as ambassador from the
United Provinces, and claimed the title of Excellenza, and the right of the
first visit from the regal ambassadors. Wotton and the French ambassador (at
that moment the only regal ambassadors in Venice) were unwilling to grant his
claim to equality with themselves. In his audience of Dec. 31 Wotton men
tioned his scruples to the Doge ; the only Republic, he said, whose ambassadors
had a right to be called Excellenza was Venice, the ' Crowned Republic ' he
called it, because of its possession of the ancient kingdom of Candia. (Esp.
Prin., Dec. 31.) Wotton, however, being friendly with the Dutch, arranged
some kind of a compromise. What the compromise was he does not tell, but
Sachetti writes that Wotton decided after some difficulty to visit Berg, and give
him the desired title, though the French ambassador refused. (Arch. Med. 3009,
Jan. 7, April 15, 1523.)
t
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 259
who hath not been yet visited, though lie had his public audience
on Tuesday was sevennight. It were long to tell what forms I have
propounded to accommodate this point, what discoursings, what inter-
messages, how I have played the advocate for him, not only with
the French ambassador, but even with myself. And it had been
quickly done, if the subject had been as pliant as my affections.
Howsoever, at last I have lighted upon an expedient to the ambas-
sador's own good liking, which yet hath been retarded five days by
our Duke's indisposition ; so long hath he kept his chamber, either
through infirmity of body (which in so heavy years he may make us
easily believe), or some inward distaste, upon a desperate distraction
fallen out between him and the Senate, in the cause of his son the
Cardinal1, elected Bishop of Bergamo by the Pope. The full story
shall come by the next ordinary, for a New Year's gift, being as strange
an accident as this government hath yielded for many years. And
hoping in the meantime to clear all clouds, at least between the
ambassador of the States and myself, though I cannot promise for
the French, I will then yield a full accompt of my proceeding, wherein
mine own conscience in the sight of God doth warrant me that I have
carried myself with all equanimity that the matter would bear.
From France, touching the Rhaetian business, we have yet no
reply. And so I humbly commit your Honour to God's continual
blessing and love. Remaining ever,
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
383. To James I.
S. P. Yen., holograph, extract. The death of Paolo Sarpi.
Venice, 10° January,
Sty. Vet., 1622 <3>.
. . . The last duty in this paper is the uncheerfullest, namely, an
accompt of the death of Maestro Paulo.
About the beginning of Christmas, in our style, he was taken witli
a trembling and sudden succussion, which yet he passed over with
little retirement, till it resolved into a slight fever, increasing with
signs of malignity from almost an insensible beginning. At last he
sent for a grave physician, whom, in the presence of Father Fulgentio,
he besought to tell him freely his judgement. The doctor, as plainly
as he was required, told him that by all natural discourse (though
reserving the event to the highest Will) his time was come. Here-
1 Piero Priuli, ante, i, p. 468. Doges of Venice and their sons and Mjphewa
were forbidden by the laws of the Republic to accept any benefices from the
Pope. (Romanin, vii, pp. 205-6.)
S 2
260 LETTERS OF WOTTON
upon he asked him a second question, whether he thought his disease
would be lingering or speedjT. In that likewise he dealt as plainly,
that he found him to decline apace. The next day morning, which
was Saturday the 11th of our January,1 he asked him again the
second question, and then the doctor told him that he thought he
could not pass the night following, which he took as he did his
former judgements, without any manner of trouble to his mind, but
thereupon fell with a quiet and reposed countenance to commit in
private some memorials to the foresaid Fulgentio, his inwardest
friend, which are yet not known. And so more and more fainting,
at the break of morning on (the) 12th day he rendered his spirit
to God : a man consumed in his whole life with meditation and
study, and in his age with public business ; having been the first,
I think, whom they ever admitted to their secrets without a sena-
torious habit, and least of all in a monastical. Profound almost in
all kind of knowledge, but singularly versed, as his place did require,
in the subtleties of the Canon Law, as the forge (for so he often said)
of all the Eoman corruptions. By which inspection he was more
terrible to the Pope than by his spirits, which were meek, and so were
his counsels. And to parallel him briefly with two great instruments
of light, he had surely much of the Melancthon, but little of the Luther.
His funeral was, by public order and expense, very honourable for
his degree : his corpse was carried a good circuit about the town, and
not as vulgar friars, about their own convent only. Before all
went some thirty torches borne by laymen, between whom and the
body were interposed four orders of monks, his own and three other
of nearest resemblance in habit, two by two, with their stole hanging
down, and their heads and faces almost covered ; and about the hearse
were a hundred torches carried by hospital men all in new habits.
Thus was laid into the earth the ornament of all cloisters.2
And so having entertained your Majesty with these poor descrip-
tions, I ever rest,
Your Majesty's most faithful and long
devoted poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
1 Saturday fell on Jan. 11 in the old style, Jan. 14 in the new. Sarpi died on
Sunday, Jan. 15, N.S. Wotton is confused here in his dates.
8 Sarpi was buried at the foot of an altar in the Servite Church, and the
Senate decreed that a monument should be erected to his memory. Owing,
however, to the hostility and threats of the Pope, the monument was not
erected. Branthwaite (whom Wotton had left behind him as English agent in
Vienna) wrote on Dec. 29, 1623, l The most which is spoken of here this week
is the disgust the Pope hath taken at this State that they do not, according to
his demand, take up the body of Fra Paolo, and throw it to the dogs, and cease
to proceed with his monument, being a man that died in excommunication.'
(S. P. Yen.)
TO .IA.MKS I 261
•ssi. To James I1.
i, sent wi
io Foscai
(Venice, Jan. 27th, 1023, N. S.)
N. /'. Ven., transcript, unsigned, no date, sent with letter ol January \\.
The case of Antonio Fofcarini,
To HIS MOST SACRED MAJESTY,
For that the case of the late Cavalier Antonio Foscarini hath
been diversely misreported, and perhaps not the least even by those
that were his judges, to cover their own disgrace, I have thought
a little curiosity not ill spent in research of the whole proceeding,
that your Majesty, to whom he was so well known, may have a more
due information of this rare and unfortunate example. There is
amongst the partitions of this government a veiy awful magistracy
under title of inquisitori di Sfato, to which are commonly deputed
three gentlemen of the gravest and severest natures, who receive all
secret delations in matter of practice against the public, and then
refer the same, as they shall judge the consequence thereof, to the
Decemviral Council, as the supremest tribunal in criminal inquiries,
of which body they are usually themselves likewise a part.
To these Inquisitors, about the beginning of April last, came two
fellows of mean condition, born about the Lago di Garda, but inhabi-
tants in Venice, by name Girolamo and Dominico Vani ; as some say,
uncle and nephew, certainly near of kin, which in this report is a heavy
circumstance, for thereby they were the likelier to conspire, and con-
sequently their united testimony (to be) of the less validity. These
persons capitulate with the Inquisitors of that time (whose names I
will spare) about a reward, which is usual, for the discovery of some
gentlemen who, at undue times, and in disguised forms, did haunt
the houses of foreign ministers, and in particular of the Spanish
agent, who is the most obnoxious to public jealousy ; and therefore
these accusers were likeliest upon that subject to gain a favourable
hearing. In the head of their list they nominate Antonio Foscarini,
then an actual senator, and thereby upon pain of death restrained
from all conference with public instruments, unless by special per-
mission. To verify this accusation, besides their own testimonies,
they allege one Gian Battista, who served the foresaid Spanish agent,
and had acquainted them with the accesses of such and such gentle-
nun unto him. But first they wished that the Inquisitors would
proceed against Foscarini upon their testimonies, without examina-
tion of the said Gian Battista, l>ecause that would stir some noise,
1 A duplicate of this dispatch, without date or address, is printed in the Iicliq.,
1st cd., p. 459, 3rd ed., p. 306, beginning, 'Sir, having not long written unto
you, whose friendship towards ine hath given you a great inter, m in me, 1 i ad
you a report of the late transaction, even for a little entertainment, lest you
should think me to live without observation.'
262 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and then perhaps those others, whom they meant to delate, would
take fear and escape. Thereupon Foscarini, coming from the next
Senate at night down the palace,1 was by order of the Inquisitors
muffled, and so put in close prison, and after usual examinations, his
own denial being not receivable against two agreeing witnesses, he
was, by sentence of the Council of Ten, some fifteen days after his
imprisonment, strangled in prison, and on the 21st of the foresaid
April according to their accompt, was hanged by one leg on a gallows
in the public Piazza, from break of day till sunset, with all imaginable
circumstances of infamy, his very face having been bruised with
dragging on the ground ; though some did consider that for a kind of
favour rather than disgrace, that he might be the less known.
After this the same accusers pursue their occupation, now animated
with success, and next they name Marco Miani, likewise a senator.
But one of the Inquisitors, either by nature more advised than the
rest, or intenerated with that which was already done, would by no
means proceed any further without a pre-examination of the foresaid
Gian Battista, which now might the more conveniently and the more
silently be taken, because he had left the house of the Spanish agent,
and was married in the town to a goldsmith's daughter.
To make short, they draw this man to a private accompt, and he
doth not only disavow the ever having seen any gentleman in the
Spanish agent's house, either by day or by night, but likewise all
such interest as the accusers did pretend to have in his acquaintance,
having never spoken with any of them, but only some three words
once by chance with the elder, namely Girolamo, upon the Piazza di
S. Stephano. Thereupon the Inquisitors confront him with the
accusers, and they confessing their malicious plot, had sentence to be
hanged, as afterwards was done.
But now the voice running of this detection, the nephews of the
executed cavalier, namely Nicolo and Girolamo Foscarini, make haste
to present a petition (in all opinion most equitable) to the Decern viral
Tribunal, that the false accusers of the said Marco Miani might be
re-examined likewise about their uncle, between their sentence and
their death. The Council of Ten, upon this petition, did assemble
in the morning, as had not been seen perchance in a hundred years
before, and there they put to voices whether the nephews shall be
satisfied. In the first ballotation the balls were equal ; in the second
there was one ball more in the negative box, either because the false
witnesses, being now condemned men, were disabled by course of
law to give any further testimony, or for that the Council of Ten
thought it wisdom to smother an irrevocable error. The petition
1 April 8, 1622, N.S.
TO JAMES I 268
being denied, no possible way remained for the nephews to clear the
defamation of their uncle (which in the rigour of this State had l>« < n
likewise a perpetual stop to their own fortunes) but by means of the
confessor, to whom the delinquents should disburden their souls before
their death ; and by him, at importunate and strong persuasion of the
said nephews, the matter was revealed. Whereupon did ensue the
annexed declaration of the Council of Ten * touching the innocency
of the foresaid Antonio Foscarini, eight months and five-and-twenty
days after his death. Whether in this case there were any mixture
of private passion, or that some light humours, to which the party
was subject, together with the taint of his former imprisonment, did
precipitate the credulity of his judges, I dare not dispute ; but surely
in 312 years that the Council of Ten hath stood, there was never cast
a greater blemish upon it. Which being the supremest piece of this
government, and on the reputation of whose grave and indubitable
proceedings the regiment of manners hath most depended, is likely
to breed no good consequence upon the whole. Since the foresaid
declaration the nephews have removed the body of their uncle from
the church of SS. Giovanni et Paolo, where condemned persons are
of custom interred, to the monument of their ancestors in another
temple 2, and would have given it public and solemn burial ; but
having been kept from increasing thereby the scandal, at the persua-
sion rather of the Prince than by authority, they now determine to
repair his fame by an epitaph 3. It is said that he left by will 6,000
ducats to him that should discover his innocency. It is likewise said
that at the removing of his body his heart was found whole. But
this, and the like circumstances, either altogether vain or not much
considerable, I leave at large.
385. To the Earl of Holderness4.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 407, unsigned, no date, 3rd ed., p. 317, with date ' 162$'
Written some weeks after the dispatch of Dec. 12th, 1622, and prob-
ably, therefore, in January, 1623. Wotton sends a rose plant to Lord
Holderness.
(Venice, Jan., 1623.)
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
In a late letter from your Lordship by my servant I have, besides
your own favours, the honour of employment from the King, in
1 Jan. 16, 1623. On the following day this declaration was read before all the
nobles of Venice, assembled in the Gran Concilio. (S. P. Yen., Jan. 20.)
- The church of the Frari.
3 ' The last of miserable remedies,' Wotton adds in the account printed in the
Reliq. Foscarini's epitaph in S. Eustachio (S. Stag), near the Foscarini palace,
is printed in Romanin (vii, p. 198).
4 John Ramsay (1580? -1626), who protected James VI in the Gowrie Con-
spiracy by killing the Earl of Gowrie and his brother. Created Viscount
Haddington in 1606, and Earl of Holderness 1621. (D. N. B.)
264 LETTERS OF WOTTON
a piece of his delight : which doth so consort with the opportunity
of my charge here, that it hath given me acquaintance with some
excellent florists ! (as they are styled), and likewise with mine own
disposition, who have ever thought the greatest pleasure to consist in
the simplest ornaments and elegancies of nature, as nothing could
fall upon me more happily. Therefore your Lordship shall see how
I will endeavour to satisfy this command. I had before order by
Mr. Secretary Calvert to send his Majesty some of the best melon
seeds of all kinds ; which I have done some weeks since,2 by other
occasion of an express messenger, and sent withal a very particular
instruction in the culture of that plant. By the present bearer I do
direct unto your Lordship, through the hands either of my nephew
or Mr. Nicholas Pey (as either of them shall be readiest at London),
for some beginning in this kind of service, the stem of a double
yellow rose of no ordinary nature ; for it flowereth every month
(unless change of the clime do change the property) from May till
almost Christmas.3 There hath gone such care in the manner of
the conveyance, as if at the receiving, it be presently put into the
earth, I hope it will prosper. By the next commodity I shall send
his Majesty some of the rarest seeds.
Now for mine own obligations unto your Lordship (whereof I have
from some friends at home very abundant knowledge), what shall
I say? It was in truth, my Lord, an argument of your noble
nature to take my fortune into your care? who never yet made it any
great part of mine own business. I am a poor student in philosophy,
which hath redeemed me not only from the envying of others, but
even from much solicitude about myself. It is true that my most
gracious master hath put me into civil practice, and now after long
service I grow into a little danger of wishing I were worth some-
what. But in this likewise I do quiet my thoughts, for I see by your
Lordship's so free and so undeserved estimation of me, that, like the
cripple who had lain long at the pool of Bethesda, I shall find some-
body that will throw me into the water when it moveth. I will
end with my humble and hearty thanks for your favour and love.
386. To Sir Albertus Mortox.
C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 39, holograph. Printed in Archaeol. xl. No date, but
sent with above letter to Lord Holderness. Message to the Queen oi
Bohemia ; the plants for Lord Holderness.
(Venice, Jan., 1623,)
Mi Alberte,
Your commendation of this bearer unto me hath made me the
1 ' Florist \ from the Italian fiorista, was first used as an English word by
Wotton. (N. E. D.)
2 See ante, ii, p. 253. 3 No such monthly yellow rose is now known to florists.
TO SIR ALBERTUS MORTON 265
willinger, in liis return, to set upon him ■ mark of trust in thr>
carriage of an important dispatch coincident with his departure, of
which one piece doth nearly concern you, namely tin foil professions
of this Republic in the business of our royal mistress : whose con-
currence hath been solicited both by his Majesty's own letters (which
are the best interpreters of his affection) and by his commands to me.
Let me pray you in your next to the Haghe to do me the right of
informing how glad I was of this employment here. James 1 hath
quenched all my wonder at your silence. Now, because I foresee
that hereafter there will grow more matter of discourse between us,
I have thought fit to furnish you with a larger cipher, whereof
I must entreat you to consign a fair copy to the Dean of Paules.2
You receive herein the copy of my letter to the Earl of Holder-
nesse, upon occasion of a new command from the King. Let me
trouble you with the presentation thereof unto him, and likewise of
the plant, which I send in a little long box inscribed to his Lordship.
I have adventured also to address another box unto you, with inscrip-
tion to my Lady Fielding, which I pray retain silently till the
receipt of my letter, which shall follow this within two days by the
ordinary ; and therein I shall exercise the present cipher, which hath
made me now send it solitarily. Till then, therefore, no more. The
Lord's love be with us.
Thine own poor uncle,
Henky Wottoh.
God's pity, I had almost forgotten to thank thee for thy tine
tokens. Never was man so brag of anything. And now I am in
pain what I shall return for them. Orsii, qualchc cosa sara.
387. To Sir George Calvert.
8, 1\ Vol, dictated, extract. The new league with France and Savoy.
Venice, this 23th of February,
Sty. Vet., 1622 <3>.
. . . We are newly here out of our carnival. Never was there
in the licensing of public masks a more indulgent decemvirate.
never fewer mischiefs and acts of private revenge 8 ; as if restrained
passions were indeed the most dangerous. Now, after these anniver-
sary follies have had their course, and perhaps their use likewise, in
diverting men from talking of greater matters, we begin to dis-
course in every corner of our new League * ; which having first been
1 James Vary?
1 John Donne, who was made Dean of St. Paul's in Nov., 1621. (/>. N. B.)
:; The carnival, Wotton wrote (Feb. 3, 1(>22), was the 'usual killing timr *.
(•$. P. Vm.)
4 Negotiation* had been proceeding for MOM time at Ariel between the
266 LETTERS OF WOTTON
signed by the Venetian ambassador, at Paris hath been ratified by
a late extraordinary courier from hence. That shall be the subject of
my next, for it is now time to judge of it. And so I rest,
At your Honour's commands,
Henry Wotton.
388. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., dictated. Wotton's illness and recovery.
Venice, §j} March, 1622 <3>.
Right Honourable,
I send this only to excuse the silence of some weeks, having
been confined to my chamber with much distemper in my stomach
and in my head, and with extreme sweatings in the nights, that have
troubled my rest and weakened my body, which my physicians
attribute to certain fumes arising from that kind of melancholy,
which they call hypochondriacal, whereof either by nature, or by
diet, or by age, or by the very inclination of this watery seat, I have
gotten my share.
I am now, I thank God, growing cheerful again, with a hope to
return unto my ordinary duties by the next post. In the meantime
I see no such preparations here for the pursuit of our new League
that is likely to breed much employment for either swords or pens ;
but of this I shall discourse more at a little better ease. Wishing
your Honour that which I want, and resting,
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
389. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton asks for a letter of recall.
Venice, T*- April, 1623,
Right Honourable,
I have by my servant James Varie, in a letter from my Lord
Admiral 1 (whose intercession I had entreated) understood the King's
representatives of Venice, Savoy, and France, for the formation of a League to
compel the Spaniards to give up the Valtelline. Wotton did not believe that
the French were in earnest about it. ' The more I contemplate this collegation,'
he wrote on Jan. 27, ' the more I am tempted to think that all which they
meant to do was by way of noise ; having in truth been carried from the very
beginning like those which would, according to a proverb of their own, prendre
cles lievres au son clu tabourin.' On Feb. 16 he wrote that there was more noise of
the League, but it 'was all noise'. (S. P. Ven.) However, on Feb. 7, the treaty
was actually signed ; France was to furnish an army of from fifteen to eighteen
thousand men, Venice was to add ten to twelve thousand, and Savoy eight
thousand, and each two thousand cavalry as well. Mansfeld was to be engaged
to make a diversion in the north, to keep the Austrians occupied. The
Spaniards, alarmed at this, offered to place the Valtelline in the hands of the
Pope until the differences about it were amicably settled, and Louis XIII, who
had no desire to go to war, accepted this offer, and made Venice and Savoy
accept it. {Romanin, vii, pp. 262-3.) 1 The Marquis of Buckingham.
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 267
good leave touching mine own return home far i whih- : which yet
his Majesty doth wish may be after some resolution about the business
of the Valtolina, the steps whereof I can now contemplate (for we
are yet here no farther than contemplation) with more cheerful
health than I have had of late.
In the meantime, I humbly beseech you, Sir, to procure me a
letter from his Majesty to this Duke, conveying his pleasure for my
n\ '.ration in the usual form. And if in the said letter the King
■hall be likewise pleased to intersert a few lines to this sense, 'that
his alliance with Spain shall not hinder his Majesty to maintain all
offices of former friendship and amity with this Republic as well
as with his nearer confederates,' I think it will in present very
seasonably comfort them, and may perhaps hereafter, according to
the productions of time, turn to some public use.
The enclosed transcript from a letter which I have freshly received
from Rome will acquaint his Majesty with as much in substance as
this week yieldeth. And so I humbly rest.
At your Honour's commands,
Henry Wottox.
390. To Sir George Calvert.
n. V. Ven.y holograph. A private letter to Calvert about the letter of recall.
Venice, T\ April, 1623.
Right Honourable,
I will say nothing of the subject of your letter brought me by
James Varie, which is unsearchable.1 These private lines are there-
fore only intended for mine own defence, aiming at no public duty.
The occasion is this. My said servant telleth me that you were
unacquainted with my suit to the King about mine own return
home. Sir, I know I have with you the credit of a poor honest man.
Let me spend it all, and lose both your faith and your love for ever,
if I did not give especial charge to Mr. Replingam (who carried from
me my desire to my Lord of Buckingham) to make his first address
unto you, and besides those papers (which were directed to yourself) to
put the copy of my request to my said Lord into your hand, and all
other remembrances that might concern either the public or my
particular ; which I told him was to be done both out of duty to your
place, and out of my long obligation to your friendship. And when
my servant, after you had bewrayed unto him that you knew nothing
of it, did gently expostulate the matter with the said Replingam,
his answer was, that he had been once or twice at your chamber,
1 Calvert had probably written about the journey of Charles and Buckingham
to Spain.
268 LETTERS OF WOTTON
but finding you (as he might easily enough) busied, he thought after-
wards you would know it either from the Marquis or from the King
himself, and so seems to have transmitted what he should have done at
first, as now grown stale. This is the simple truth, wherein I beseech
you let it be punishment enough for me that by this means I yet
want the King's letters for my revocation, which upon the least
remembrance to yourself I could not have lacked in due form. But
the recourse unto your love is not too late : whereunto I commit
myself, and your honourable person to God's dear blessings,
Remaining, your ever willing servant,
Henry Wotton.
391. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Yen., holograph. The Pope's illness, &c.
Venice, }2{ April, 1623.
Right Honourable,
Although the Pope's 1 physicians did conjecture upon the state
of his body that he could not pass the last eclipse, yet no extra-
ordinary courier being arrived from Rome this week, we conclude
him still alive. But the truth of his case is known to few, for his
nephew2 being Camarlingo, no other can enter into his stanzc
ex officio, and it is sure enough that in such a time none shall enter
ex gratia except sealed lips. In the meanwhile, his brother Duke of
Fiano is again hastened to take possession of the forts in Valtolina,8
(allowed) even by the Spaniards themselves, as presupposing that
the French King will yield thereunto, and not much regarding the
other two parties colleagued ; whereof this Republic can yet by no
means brook that depositation. Quid refert an mulieres praesint, out hi
qui praesunt mulieribus ooediant ? 4 said our old master in his Politics,
censuring the Lacedemonian government. And the Venetians now
seem to ask a question much like it ; quid refert, whether the King
of Spayne do possess the Valtolina himself, or the Pope, whom he
possesseth ? This is the theme of our Senate at the present.
I now send you the Palinodia of Antonius de Dominis, 5 a wretched
thing, God knows, and written in my opinion with as poor a spirit
1 Gregory XV. On Feb. 16 Wotton wrote that there was a report of the
Pope's illness, but that he 'was one of those chi sempre muoiono et sempre vivono\
2 Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisio, who administered the Papal government in
the name of the old and feeble Pope.
3 Gregory XV had accepted the offer of the French that he should take
possession of the Valtelline, and had sent several companies of troops for this
purpose, under the command of his brother, the Duke of Fiano. (Ranke,
Popes, ii, p. 103.)
4 Aristotle, Pol. ii. 6.
5 ' M. A. de D. sui Reditu* ex Anglia consilium expo nit? printed at Rome in 1623.
An English translation is in the S. P. Ven. (vol. xxv), another was printed at
Douai, 1623.
TO SIB GEORGE CALVERT 269
as false. I humbly beseech you, Sir, to remember the King's letters
Which I did beg in my last. And so without farther trouble by
this courier, I commit you to God's dear love, remaining,
At your Honour's commands, and your long devoted,
Hinry Wot i
392. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. The English Jesuits; the Propaganda;
the Duke and Duchess of Mantua.
Venice, this ^ of May, 1623.
... The Congregation de fide Propaganda (whereof I have hereto-
fore said somewhat unto your Lordship) have newly decreed that all
the alumni of Jesuits in the Roman colleges, both English, Scottish,
and the rest, shall hereafter before their emissions be examined and
approved by the said Congregation. Which counsel is said to have
proceeded from Santorio, Archbishop of Cosenza1, reputed there a
great politique, but no friend to those prowling Fathers, whose glories
are somewhat clipped by subjecting them to superior censure, who
before did absolutely dispose of their own nurselings.
Here we are preparing very royally for the reception and entertain-
ment of the Duchess of Mantova2, who together with the Princess of
Guastalla s, intendeth to visit this town at the feast and fair of the
Ascension ; the Duke, her husband, having been here some days
already in private manner as her harbinger, who at her arrival will
resume his state. They come wTith a train of some three hundred,
and from hence will pass by sea to Loreto, as it were compounding a
journey of pleasure and devotion. What inventions we shall have
to delight them I will describe in due time. And now I rest,
Your Lordship's ever faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wottox.
393. To Sir George Calvert.
8, P. Ven., holograph. The Duke and Duchess of Mantua in Veni«.
the Valtelline.
From Venice, 9th of June, 1'
Style of the place.
Right Honourable,
While our Prince is received in Spayne with all honours due to
so noble a guest, let me entertain his Majesty with the fashion of
1 Paolo Santori, Archbishop of Cosenza 1017-24.
2 Catherine, daughter of Ferdinand I of Tuscany, manic]. HUT, F« nlinand
Oonzaga, Duke of Mantua.
s Vittoria, daughter of Prince Doria, and wife of Ferdinand i"i..nz:iga, Friinv
of Guastalla.
270 LETTERS OF WOTTON
this Republic in a like though less occasion. We had here ten days
the Duke and Duchess of Mantova, Prince and Princess of Guastalla,
with a train of as many as three great houses and the foresterie of
two convents could harbour, at the public charge of some 1,500 crowns
a day for their table. The Duke himself had spent some while with
us in private quality as a mere gentleman of Venice,1 giving his ball
in grand council with their usual habit on his back, which was a
popular preparative. When he returned to fetch his lady, and
resumed his state, they were met at the confines with six young
gentleman, who yet had been all Savii del Mare, an order or degree
in this government which we may term the seminary of their
ambassadors ; and so these were now qualified, going all in well
garnished barges of the same livery, and attended with as many
more furnished with all kind of provisions. At their meeting, they
delivered a letter of credence from this Duke to authorize their
compliment, but therein no more than the title of Excellenza, though
afterwards, in the personal visits and revisits that passed between
them, he had given him the style of Altezza ; such a difference they
make between committing a small matter more or less to paper or
to the air.2 At their approaching, they were attended in one of the
nearer islands (having been first well feasted at Chioggia) with a
great troop of the gravest senators to second the former reception,
and to conduct them through the whole length of the Canal Grande.
I may pass over in cumulo their journal 3 entertainments, as a sight
of the public rarities, a solemn dinner in the Arsenal, a banquet on
a gilded galley of command, a regata or race of all kinds of boats,
with forty gentlemen of the freest spirits and ablest purses, appointed
to adorn that show with sundry liveries and inventions, and lastly a
1 The Duke of Mantua, Sachetti wrote, remained some time in Venice as
a private gentleman, without an official reception, because he demanded that he
should be met by the gilded barges (piatte dorate) used for the reception of
sovereign princes. The Republic demurred to this, and long negotiations
ensued, during which the Duke went about Venice on foot or in a gondola,
dressed in Spanish costume, with a few followers, and his buffoon, ' whose jests
were so dull that they made the listeners more inclined to weep than to laugh.'
It was finally arranged that the Duke should be met by one gilded barge, and
that the other barges should be covered with brocade. Sachetti describes at
length the reception of the Duke and Duchess at the island of S. Spirito,and all
the festivities of this visit, and his dispatches are full of the splendour of
Venetian fetes as we see it in Venetian pictures, gilded barges, liveries of crimson
and silver, gondolas covered with velvet and flowered brocade, and music on the
waters. {Arch. Med. 3009, May 3, 6, 10, 13, 20, &c.)
2 This difficulty about the title of Altezza was arranged, when the Doge
formally received the Duke of Mantua, in a curious and characteristic fashion.
The Doge made a speech of welcome, to which the Duke replied ; but both spoke
in such low voices that no one could hear them, and so it was not known
whether the Duke was addressed as Altezza or Excellenza. (Dispatch of Sachetti,
May 27, Arch. Med. 3009.)
3 ' Journal,' i. e. daily. Arch. (N. E. D.)
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 271
f.sfu of 100 ladies, all in new gowns as rich as the season would wattm \
It shall be more proper for me to report what disputes have fallen out
upon the present occasion ))etween the said Duke and the regal repre-
sentants, comprehending the Nuncio, of whom none did visit him. For
the State sending unto him, the next morning after his arrival, one
of their principal personages both in merit and degree, namely the
Pmciiratorc Simone Contareni, to give him the welcome in his own
lodging, the Duke both received and dismissed him on the left side ;
upon which example we took the alarm to provide for the dignity of
our masters, and the Nuncio did first sound the water, informing
himself of the Duke's meaning to yield no ambassador whatsoever
the hand, which the French took both with distaste and wonder,
having had it in his own Court, but myself with much more, having
had it here from the Duke Vicenzo, his father. For the difference of
giving it at home and denying it abroad might perhaps admit some
reasonable defence. To be short (for I am tired amongst these
niceties), we found upon farther search that the Baron of Eckenberg,
when he was sent to Mantova by the Emperor, to desire the sister ■ of
this Duke, would by no means during his ambassage there receive
the hand, though in his own Court ; which the said Duke, being now
honoured with that great alliance, would fain pass into example even
abroad, forgetting the due distinction between the representants of
princes in love, and of princes in amity, or in other terms, between
visiting and wooing. But the State hath revenged our cause. For
the Duke of Mantova had neither the hand of this Duke in the palace
nor in his own rooms. And so I will end this short description of
our jollities and controversies.
Of the Rhaetian business I forbear to speak, till I may tell some
effects. All men contemplate what will become of the Valtolina,
and we are yet indeed no farther than contemplation. The Pope's
airy promise, that he will satisfy the two crowns, is thought here fit
food for chameleons. And yet whether the French King will press
him any farther, till the season of action be spent for this year, I
find even his own ambassador very doubtful. In the meanwhile
advertisement is come from Milan that the Duke of Feria hath order
to reserve Chiavenna out of the depositation ; a piece of such
importance as were enough, if this point prove true, to resolve all
the rest into a plain maschemda. But I will stay for the noise ot
the next week.
At your Honour's command,
Henry Wotton.
1 The Emperor Ferdinand II married Eleanor Gonzaga, daughter of Vincenzo I,
Duke of Mantua. Baron of Eggenberg, on/e, ii, p. 192.
272 LETTERS OF WOTTON
394. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph, extract. Deaths of Gregory XV and the Prince
of Urbino.
Venice. £ July, 1623.
Right Honourable,
At length the Pope is gone.1 He died on Saturday last, some
two hours before sunset, of a fit of the stone, of long disappetency 2
and exhaustion, of unrest, or in fewer words, of age ; no discontent-
ment hastening his end, for never man left his house in more
apparent felicity, having within two years and little more drawn
into it by matches the entire wealth of two rich names, Aldobrandini
and Gieswaldi, and stretched out by lingering preservatives his own
life, till he saw the end of the Cardinal Montalto, whereby the vice-
chancellorship of Rome was open for his spiritual nephew. Of his
decease this Republic was not advertised till the Wednesday morning
following, whereby the courier ran some hazard of the strappado, but
he excused himself con mancamento di cavalcatura, the Cardinal
Borghesi having employed all the post-horses to every quarter for
his own creatures, and in particular one hither to the Cardinal
Priuli, the Duke's son, who is gone in all haste ; and being desirous
to take with him one of his brothers, that could not be done without
a special license balloted in the Council of Ten, which I have touched
by the way to show the jealousy of this government. . . .
At the present a more important accident of a like nature doth
divert my pen, namely the death of the young Prince of Urbin 3, in
the nineteenth year and sixth month of his age ; having left an only
daughter, and his father, the Duke, long since past children ; where-
fore that estate, except Monte Feltre (which is an imperial fealty), is
likely (as Ferrara did) to fall to the Roman See, and so the popedom
will ad uno ad uno swallow the dukedoms. Against which there are
but two hopes remaining ; the one, that the Princess may perhaps
be with child, and so yield a posthumous heir to the house of
Rovere ; the other, that some ambitious Pope may reinvest one of
his nephews in that Dukedom, and so again disjoin it from the
Church. To which he will find peradventure an easier consent
among all the Italian Princes, and especially with this Republic
(who think Popes too great already) than among the cardinals.
The public grief for so untimely a loss of this young Prince is
much aggravated by the manner thereof, having been found dead of
an apoplexy, in his private chamber, at a late hour of the morning,
occasioned by some precedent disorders, into which he was drawn by
1 Gregory XV died July 8, 1623.
2 ' Disappetency/ i. e. want of appetite, not in N. E. D.
3 Federico della Rovere.
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 273
the love of a baggage commediante, for whose sake he had himself
the night before, till near morning, acted the zany and other j.u t ,
which the Prince of Conde, in his Italian progress did authenticate
for a princely virtue. And so, Sir, I humbly rest,
At your commands,
111 NRY WoTTON.
Sir, I have received, together with your last, his Majesty's
gracious letter to this State, which I am sure will be dearly welcome.
And I need say no more.
395. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S /'. Fen., holograph. The conclave for the election of a new Pope. Wotton's
return home.
Venice, the ifth of July, 1623.
My very good Lord,
It is now ten days since the cardinals have been enclosed in the
conclave, with some danger that the Church may be headless a good
while, and no small doubt that the matter at last may resolve into
a schism, through the extreme professed rancour between the two
great conclavists, Borghese and Ludovisio, and the difficulty of
uniting by secret scrutiny (according to the late reformation) so
many voices as must concur to make a Pope ; which must now
be near forty, especially the concurrents, or suggietti papabili, being
more than have ever before, or very seldom, (been) known ; in some
lists seventeen, in other, twenty-two. So as, the business drawing into
length, and the season as hot as the affections perchance, the point
of maintaining or reversing the reformatory bulla may divide the
whole College. This is the wisest conjecture that I can take up
here in discourse. Certain it is that Borghese, at his entering of
the conclave, turning to a prelate of his confidence, let fall this
farewell: A Bio, Monsignore, said he, a rivedcrci al Xatale. And
again when he looked upon his cell, one wishing it more airy,
sc non c buona (quoth he) per la state, sard buona per Vinverno:
which, though they were but pleasant ejaculations, yet peradventure
they may prove oraculous.
While there is no Pope, and consequently no peace, the eccle-
siastical soldiers disband apace in the Valetolina, and are successively
supplied by Spaniards ; so as that business will be brought back
again as it was before gratiosissimamente, the League in the mean-
while making a ridiculous noise, with Mansfeld as their instrument
of diversion, when the principals stand still.
I have been of late abroad to seek a little fresh air ; but I found
no more ease in it than those that being sea-sick, shift out of the
WOTTON. tl T
274 LETTERS OF WOTTON
ship into the cockboat. So as now I am meditating on a stronger
remedy, preparing myself for a short return home ; whereof I have
given this State warning already, and withal I did present them
a welcome letter from the King, wherein his Majesty doth assure
them (against all unjust imaginations, wherewith certain idle
censurers of princes' actions do fill the air) of the continuance of
his constant amity, never violated on his part, and of his care to
maintain the common interest which runneth between his Majesty
and this Republic, and with the confederates of both, wheresoever
he shall dispose of the Prince his dear son, be it in Spayne or else-
where. This was the substance of his royal letters.1 Before I go
hence I shall acquaint your Lordship farther with my course. And
wheresoever I shall be, there is
Your faithful poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
My Lord, It would be against a great many of duties if I should
leave these lagune (where I have been towards those that might
most command my pen as silent as the very fishes) without a few
lines unto her Majesty ■ : therefore they shall come with the next
ordinary, humbly now beseeching your Lordship to prepare for them
a gentle passage unto her most sweet and gracious hand.
396. To Sir Dudley Carleton.
S. P. Ven., holograph. A mock election of a Pope at Rome ; diplomatic
punctilios.
Venice, the 4th of August, stil. loci, 1623.
My very good Lord,
As yet Papam noti habemus, save one whom the palafrenkri of
the cardinals have made among themselves, while their masters are
shut up ; whom on St. James his day they chose by secret scrutiny,
according to the reformation of Gregory XV, and so put him in
a seat, and after they had carried him into St. Peter's Church
cantando Te Deum, they would have made him sit (as the fashion
is) before the Sacrament at the high altar, but being resisted by
the sacristano, they carried him to an hostcria and there made him
pay the schott 3 for his election, in imitation of the donative, which
the new chosen Popes use to distribute among the cardinals. For
1 The King's letter was dated May 20, and was presented to the Doge by
Wotton in his audience of July 19. The ambassador made a speech affirming
the friendship of James for Venice (Esp. Prin., July 19) ; but the speech and
letter, Sachetti wrote, produced little effect on the Venetians, owing to their poor
opinion of James I. (Ante, i, p. 181.)
3 The Queen of Bohemia.
3 ' Schott,' i.e. shot, scot, reckoning,
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETOX 275
which piece of mirth, though perchance, they may have sour sauce1,
it may well show us how near derision those things are at
hand, on which superstitious conceits do bestow veneration afar
off. And this is all wherewith I will entertain your Lordship
this week. The conclusion of your last hath left me with wonder,
wherein you say that you had long had no letters from me. In
truth, my Lord, I have written weekly, save when I was taking
some fresh air abroad. That which you add under your own hand
of our new Venetian ambassador with you, I have read not without
just indignation : reducing to my memory what the Duke d'Angou-
lesnie- both did and said in the like case at Vienna. He had
visited the extraordinary ambassador of Parma (a bishop and
a contc) before the Conde d'Ognate, but the ambassador did first
revisit the Spaniard, remitting so much to the propinquity in
blood between the King of Spayne and his master. Whereupon the
Duke, concealing his passion, appointed him an hour to do him
the like honour, and gave precise order to his gentlemen, first to
let him descend from his coach, and then to shut the gate against
him. And afterwards speaking with me of this passage, and flaming
like a furnace, he said (as a man might say of Signor Morisini) that
his master might have done well to teach him manners with a rod
before he sent him abroad. By the next courier I shall tell your
Lordship by what point I mean to pass homewards. And so
committing you to God's blessed love, I ever rest,
Your Lordship's with true affection to serve you.
Henry Wotton.
If your new Captain of the League3 ever do any good, my
prognostics are naught.
397. To Sin Dudley Carletox.
S P. Yen., holograph. The new Pope, Urban VIII. Illness of the 1'
Venice, x\ August, 1828.
My very uood Lord,
We have at last a new Pope4, after many scrutinies, and
♦ nclosure of the cardinals almost three weeks. He hath assumed the
name of Urbanus VIII, out of an affectionate remembrance (as
1 ' Sour sauce,' of. Fletcher's Lover's Progress, iv, 3 :
'Must I now
Have sour aaaee, altar sweet meats?'
: <>n< .{'the three French ambassadors at Vienna in HWO (/<#•'■. ii, i>. I'M .
J Prince Christian of Brunswick.
1 Urban VIII, Maffeo Barbarini, elected Aug. <>, died 1044. Aj bfl WM kM
candidate of the French party, and opposed to Spain, his election made a great
change in the political condition of Italy.
T 2
276 LETTERS OF WOTTON
some say) of much friendship that passed between him and the
Cardinal Fachinetti, who was Urbanus VII. By birth a Florentine,
of no great parentage. His own name is Barbarini, about which I
cannot omit a pleasant note. They have taken a belief in Rome that
Popes must have an R in their names alternatively, uno si,
Valtro no, which having so fallen out for a good while \ some vacant
wit did take it up for a rule. And it hath gotten such credit that
Borghese, before his entering into this last conclave, would needs
consult with certain astrologers (who as your Lordship knows abound
in that Court) whether some of his uncle's creatures, and in particular
Gimnasio 2, might spuntare at this time. Now Barbarini, who hath
two R's, having preceded Ludovisio, who had none, will mightily
authorize that foolish conceit amongst them, and put Campori (the
darling of Borghese) out of all hope for the next time likewise.
Methinks your Lordship should read this with a smile, to see them
choose Popes as we do oysters at home, when the month hath an R
in it. But to return to some more serious consideration of this man.
He was long since four years Nuncio in France, and got his cardinal-
ship by commendation of Henry IV ; so as the French have an
interest in his fortune, as no doubt the Spaniards will have in his
person. He was made by the concurrence as well of Ludovisio as
Borghese, not as the most confident to both or to either, but as the
least distrusted by Ludovisio among the Borghesians, having been a
kind of retired unmeddling man. A good humanist, a great Canonist,
and one of the best poets that since Nicolaus V 3 hath been in that
chair : so as his times are likely to be somewhat elegant, and his
humours tractable; and yet one of the most poetical spirits that
we have amongst these gentlemen here is the harshest man.4 He
hath three nephews and two brothers, of whom he is likely to
dispose before he think of the Valtolina. And therefore your
Count Mansfeldt may march towards Burgundy at leisure. From
hence they have deputed four to congratulate with him, two
Procurator}, Erizzo and Barbaro, and the other two are Saranzo and
Zen, already at Rome. But here we are suddenly called to a greater
business. For yesternight the Duke, after some few days' retirement
upon his usual indispositions, was surprised with so sharp a catarrh
1 Since the election of Paul IV (Caraffa) in 1555. When, in 1655, Fabio
Chigi (Alexander VII) succeeded Innocent X (Giovanni Pamphili) this series
of coincidences, or as Wotton considered it ' oyster ' system of electing Popes,
came to an end, after lasting exactly 100 years.
2 Domenico Ginnasi, cardinal 1604, d. 1639.
■ Nicholas V, 1417-55.
4 Wotton wrote to Calvert in the same words of the new Pope in a letter
of this date. An extract from this letter is among the MSS. of All Souls College
(ccxviii, f. 95).
TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON 277
as took from him his speech ; so as they have given him the extreme
unction, and his physicians yield him gone. This will hold me here
till the election of a new, and give me occasion to entertain your
Lordship a week or two more with the state of our hmt/lio, when the
candidati shall appear. And for the present I rest,
Your Lordship's ever affectionately to serve you,
Hi I ry Wotton.
398. To Sib Gkoroe Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Death of the Doge, Antonio Priuli.
Venice, T7r August, 1623.
Right Honourable,
I wrote in my former of this Duke's infirmity, and now of his
death. He was assailed on Thursday night of the last week with a
violent catarrh, taking from him suddenly his speech, and almost his
breath. And so languishing all the next day and night, on Saturday
morning between 10 and 11 of the clock after this reckoning, he
finished five years and three months of his Princedom, and 75 years,
3 months, and 2 days of his life, with as open and as universal joy
of the people as they had expressed at his election to the place. For
his times were penurious and (as I remember myself to have written
heretofore unto you) the common man in this town hath no other
marks of a good prince but big loaves.
At first there did appear eight competitors, which are now shrunk
to four. Of the course of which broglio (as we here call it, and as
by the intricateness thereof we well may) I shall give his Majesty
an accompt by the next ordinary, as likewise some judgement upon
the new Pope's beginnings, and with that I intend to end your
trouble per unpezso, and to make haste to the gracious sight of my
Sovereign, being almost by this accident cast into the winter.1
God send us a cheerful meeting. And so I rest,
At your Honour's commands,
Henry Wotton.
399. To James I.
S. P. Yen., holograph. Election of the new Doge, Francesco Contarini.
On the 30th of August, 1623.
Stilo vetere.
Most Sacred Sovereign,
I have formerly advertised your Majesty of the death of Antonio
Priuli, late Duke of Venice, intervenient between the delivery of your
1 On Aug. 25 Wotton wrote to Carleton : ' I languish for this new Duke, that
I might be gone, and gain Kent before the winter.' (S. P. Ven.)
278 LETTERS OF WOTTON
royal letters (which were the last he did publicly read) and my
leave-taking, which did suspend my going till the choice of a new,
and hath paid my patience with the contentment which I assure
myself your Majesty will take in the conclusion. For after eighteen
days spent without effect, sithence the forty-one final electors (as they
term them) were first shut up, the counsellors of State and others,
which in the meanwhile do represent the Signory, being pressed with
necessity of the season (for in this month of September the whole
Senate and Council of Ten are yearly renewed, for which the time
doth scantily serve, even when there is nothing else to be done):
I say, moved with this urgent consideration, and seeing the voices
so divided, and the ambition or passion between the concurrents so
strong that none would yield unto the other, they resolved to intimate
unto them that, if before Saturday next at night a Duke were not
chosen, on Sunday they would call a Grand Council, and by the
power thereof dissolving the authority of these forty-one who had
been chosen, they would proceed to a new election. This intimation
and the foresaid necessity of the time hath ended the business, not
by any reconcilement between the three competitors, Barbaro, Nani,
and Nicolo Contareni (whose friends remained constant to them, and
they constant to their own affections), but they have agreed in
a fourth, who would neither concur now nor heretofore at other
vacancies ; namely, in the person of Francesco Contareni 1, commonly
surnamed Porta di Ferro, a gentleman of singular integrity, and
besides many other public employments, particularly signalized with
his extraordinary ambassadge to Paulus V in time of the Interdict,
and not long after with another to your Majesty, of whom he hath
ever since spoken with much reverence and devotion ; so as I shal
boldly tell him without commission that your Majesty will receive
great contentment at the news of his promotion, which was concludec
yesternight two hours after sunset. Of the whole election, which
hath yielded some observations of moment, I shall bring your Majesty
mine own private commentary ; and I purpose to pass through th<
Grisons (though that way be none of the safest), that in transiti
I may likewise gather for your Majesty's information some bettei
judgement upon those affairs ; commending in the meanwhile, anc
ever, to God's dearest love and protection your sacred person an<
estates, and humbly resting,
Your Majesty's most faithful vassal and long devoted servant.
Henry Wotton.
1 Francesco Contarini, Doge XCV, elected Sept. 8, 1623, and died on Sept. 12
1624, special ambassador to England in 1610 {ante, i, p. 106).
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT
400. To Sm George Calvikt.
S. P. Ven., holograph. Wotton's leave-taking.
Venice, this 23d of September, 1623.
Style of the place.
Right Honourable,
I am now near the point of my departure homewards, from my
third employment with this Republic, which in what state I leave it
and the rest of Italie shall be represented unto his Majesty in a par-
ticular discourse. At my last compliments1 with the new Duke
Francesco Contareni, I told him that I durst anticipatively assure
him of most singular contentment which his Majesty would take
when he should hear of his promotion. And he answered with
much asseveration and gravity, that having been raised to the place
by the mere goodwill of others, without any ground of merit on his
own part, he was thereby the more bound to study now the service
of his country, which he thought to consist in nothing more than in
the maintenance of all due correspondence with such princes as were
their friends, and most especially with his Majesty, of whose wisdom
and splendour and royal integrity, and all virtues belonging to a good
and great king, he had himself been a particular witness when time
was, unto the Senate here, and had ever retained a reverent impres-
sion thereof in his own memory, since he first returned from his
Court with many marks of his bounty. This was his speech as far
as I could bear it away, almost word for word, and uttered so seriously
that he seemed to fetch it out of his bowels.
Here I leave till mine own return again (for I am confident in his
Majesty's goodness, that till I have some means to live at home he
will tolerate my weakness abroad), here I say I leave Mr. Michael
Braynthwayte 2 to supply the service for his approved honesty and
discretion, besides a great deal more learning than he will need
among these senators, unless I mistake them. And I have already
to the same purpose presented him here to the Prince at my leave-
taking, with due testimony of his good birth, and of his well-affected
mind to this State, which is a point that they use to search to the
quick in all ambassadors and agents. And having now no more to
say (for the Rhetian business and the League depending thereon
1 On Sept. 13, see ante, i, p. 192.
3 Michael Branthwaite remained as English agent in Venice from 0. t
to Dec. 1624 when Sir Isaac Wake arrived, and lii- li-pat.h.- and Utters for
this period are in the Record Office. His salary was thirty shillings a day.
(R. 0. Sig. Man., xxi, p. 62.)
280 LETTERS OF WOTTON
which made so full a cry is, methinks, at a squat '), I will commit
you, Sir, to God's blessed love, and ever rest,
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
This new Duke begins bountifully, having on Sunday next invited
all his electors and the principal of his own kindred to a sumptuous
dinner in the palace, and afterwards to a feast (as they here call it) of
150 ladies that will dance away that day, and so end in a banquet.
401. To Sir George Calvert.
S. P. Ven., holograph . Wotton's arrival at Cologne ; the printer Flavius.
From Colen, this 5th of November, 1623.
Style of England.
Sir,
After a miserable passage over the Alpes2, and no very pleasant
down the Ehene, I am come as far as Colonia : whence I send before
me this and another servant with my stuff by water, while myself
am forced to refresh my provision at Antwerp, whither I have some
address by exchange. For I have found on the way the treatment
in inns raised beyond all expectation and example ; in the most
places an Hungarian ducat 3 for a man's meal, and you are welcome.
Now by this opportunity of mine own messenger I have occasion to
represent unto his Majesty a little piece of service. I have here met
with Monsieur Bilderbeck, agent for the States, a well-affected and
well-intelligenced man. Among other discourse he fell with me to
talk of Flavius, who printed long since that filthy false libel de
Corona Begia : about which I had been heretofore employed in my
passage this way.4 To retrench impertinencies, I find thus much
clearly discovered by this Bilderbeck, and as it should seem but
lately, that Puteanus did correct the print at the first, setting by
certain marginal notes under his own hand, well known to one that
did manage the press. But whether that be sufficient to conclude him
to have been the author (as the said Bilderbeck would infer) I dare
not determine, inclining rather (as I must confess) in mine own poor
conceit to think that Puteanus was chosen here and there to amend
the style with some of his grammatical elegancies, and that in the
end there will be found some other author, who is yet the son of
1 'At a squat,' cf. Pope, Moral Essays, i, 55, 56 :
'And ev'ry child hates .Shylock, tho' his soul
Still sits at squat, and peeps not from his hole.'
2 Wotton left Venice on Oct. C, and crossed the Alps by the Spliigen Pass.
3 About Is. 9d.
4 In 1616 (ante, ii, p. 92).
TO SIR GEORGE CALVERT 281
darkness. For the detection whereof I have projected a course wh id.
Monsieur Bilderbeck doth think will sound the bottom. The fore-
said Flavius is at this present not far hence at Confluentia1, where
the Rhene and Mosella do meet. There he exerciseth his art of
printing certain pamphlets wherewith the Jesuits do feed him ; but
he is extreme poor, and kept in fear. Hither he starteth divers
times to one Hyrat, a great stationer, who sometimes was hk master.
Now the means that I have propounded is this, that his Majesty
(if the matter be any longer worthy of his thoughts) will be pleased
to send hither a pardon in Latin, under his royal hand and seal, for
the said Flavius, containing likewise some promise of maintenance,
and withal a commission to the foresaid Bilderbeck to deal expressly
with him in his Majesty's name, who doth promise to pursue this
business very closely and carefully, and conceiveth much hope of the
effect, because the fellow doth live in continual need and horror.
In all event, if my Lord of Chichester 2 shall be re-employed into
these parts, and particularly to this town, I should think it no hard
matter to snatch up this Flavius, and to convey him against his will
in a covered boat down the Rhene to the confines of the States, and
so into England, or at least with his own will, though in that manner
which may have some appearance of violence for his excuse.3
This is the subject of my present writing, wherein having dis-
charged my humble zeal, I must submit the rest to his Majesty's
higher judgement.
In Basil the Senate there, at my request, did instruct me out of
their original memorials in all the inwardest passages of the Rhetian
business by their Chancellor, and another who had been employed
sundry times therein. About which I have taken some notes,
which I shall present in due time to his Majesty, whom I hope to
find with that health which his devoted servants do continually beg
from heaven. And so, Sir, with my best wishes likewise unto your-
self, I ever rest,
At your command,
Henry Wotton.
1 Coblentz.
2 Sir Arthur Chichester (1563-1625), Lord Chichester (1618), was sent to
tli. Palatinate in 1622, to take money to the King of Bohemia, and to negotiate
for peace. (T). N.B.)
3 ' Of this we have a pattern committed by the House of Austria in the person
of the Baron of Typenbach, who was violently carried from the Baths of Helvetia
int.. Tirole.' Note of Wotton's in margin.
282 LETTERS OF WOTTON
402. To the Duke of Buckingham.
Karl. MS. 1581, f. 216, holograph. Wotton's journey to Cologne ; con-
gratulations to Buckingham on his new honours, and his return from
Spain.
(Cologne,) this 5th of November, 1623.
Style of England.
May it please your Grace,
After a miserable passage over the Alpes, and no very pleasant
down the Rhene, I am come as far as Colen, whence I send before
me this my servant by water, while myself am forced to refresh my
provision at Antwerpe ; being exhausted on the way with extreme
prices of everything beyond all expectation or example, insomuch as
I am almost quite out of hope to find Conscience any more, since
there is none among the very hills and deserts, whither I thought she
had been retired.
Now, by the opportunity of mine own messenger, I have advantage
to salute your Grace with a few perambulatory lines, and to congratu-
late with you, in the true and bounden zeal of my heart, both for
your honours received from home while you were abroad,1 and for
your return again to the gracious and never -failing fountain thereof ;
humbly beseeching your Grace, among the acclamations and joys of
your servants, to give me leave to express mine, with a poor present
in matter of art which I have gleaned on the way — I hope not alto-
gether unworthy, for the kind of handling2, of some little corner
among your nobler delights.
And so I ever rest,
Your Grace his most faithful and most obliged servant,
Henry Wotton.
403. To Lord Zouche.
S. P. Dom. James /., cliv, No. 80, holograph. Wotton on his arrival at Sand-
wich writes to Lord Zouche, at Dover Castle, of his journey from Italy.
From Sandwich, this 25th of November, 1623.
My ever honoured and ever most dear Lord,
Though I am fresh from the sea and my brains out of tune yet
because my heart is sound, I will tender it unto your Lordship as
that which you have long possessed. It is in truth your own, and all
the best affections that it can conceive. Gladder I should have been
to have done this duty in person,8 and withal to have offered unto
1 Buckingham was created a Duke on May 18, 1623.
3 'Handling,' i.e. artistic treatment.
3 At Dover ; Lord Zouche was Warden of the Cinque Ports, and resided at
Dover Castle.
TO LORD ZOUCHE vs.",
your most noble Lady1 the humble devotion of a poor and, I think,
an eternal traveller. But the master of the ship seems to have had
more fancy to land me in the harbour of his own town.
My journey from Italie may be resolved into a riddle. For we
have been long on the way that we might be the sooner at home ;
having been forced to take some very indirect lines for the avoiding
of freebooters and straggling parties, and I am overspent with it,
both in my spirits and in my purse, having found everywhere the
price of things raised beyond all expectation and example ; so I am
almost quite out of hope to find Conscience any more, since there is
none among the very rocks and mountains whither I thought she
had been retired.
I have seen no novelty on the way fit to entertain your Lordship
withal, save the English Jesuitesses at Liege,2 who, by St. Paule's
leave, mean to have their share in Church service, as well as in
needlework.
Fain I would make your Lordship and myself merry if I knew
how ; but indeed the consideration of things abroad as they stand is
nearer infelicity than sport. God bless His own cause and business
and keep your Lordship in His particular love,
To whom I most humbly remain a long devoted poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
My Lord, this bearer doth speak so much honour of your name, as
I was therefore the gladder to pass mine own duty through his
hands.
404. To the Duke of Buckingham.
Bart. MS. 1581, f. 224, holograph, Beliq., 2nd ed., p. 482, 3rd ed., p. 320;
Cabala (1654), i, p. 196; undated, but written after hearing that
Sir Isaac Wake had been appointed ambassador to Venice (see note,
P' 284)* (January, 1624?)
May it please your Grace,
Having some days by sickness been deprived of the comfort of
your sight, who did me so much honour at my last access, I am
bold to make these poor lines happier than myself; and withal,
to represent unto your Grace (whose noble patronage is my refuge,
when I find any occasion to bewail mine own fortune) a thing which
seemeth strange unto me. I am told (I know not how truly) that
his Majesty hath already disposed the Venetian ambassage to
1 Lord Zouche's second wife, Sarah, daughter of Sir James Harinston of
Ex ton.
a Mary Ward's order (ante, i, p. 445), a subordinate community ot whi.-h was
established at Liege in 1617.
284 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Sir Isaake Wake1, from whose sufficiency if I should detract, it
would be but an argument of my own weakness. But that which
herein doth touch me, I am loth to say in point of reputation,
surely much in my livelihood (as lawyers speak) is, that thereby, after
seventeen years of foreign service in continual employment, either
ordinary or extraordinary, I am left utterly destitute of all possibility
to subsist at home ; much like those seal-fishes, which sometimes,
as they say, oversleeping themselves in an ebbing-water, feel nothing
about them but a dry shore when they awake. Which comparison
I am fain to seek among those creatures, not knowing among men
that have so long served so gracious a master, any one to whom
I may resemble my unfortunate bareness.
Good my Lord, as your Grace hath vouchsafed me some part of
your love, so make me worthy in this, of some part of your care and
compassion. So I humbly rest,
Your Grace his for ever devoted and most faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
405. To Charles, Prince of Wales.
Elements of Architecture, British Museum, C. 45, c. 6, holograph on fly-leaf.
Printed in edition of 1904. No date, but written on the publication of
the book, which was about the beginning of April (ante, i, p. 199).
(April? 1624.)
May it please your Highness,
I fear I shall much surprise your Highness with a pamphlet of
this subject under my poor name, which I undertook since my return,
for some diversion of my mind from my infirmity, which I was
troubled with, a miserable stopping in my breast, and defluxion
from my head.
It was printed sheet by sheet, as fast as it was born, and it was
born as soon as it was conceived ; so as it must needs have the
imperfections and deformities of an immature birth, besides the
weakness of the parent. And therefore I durst not allow it so
much favour, even from myself, as to think it worthy of any
dedication ; yet as I have presented the first copy thereof to the
King, so is the second due to your Highness. And the rather,
because you have taken a view of foreign structure, and have made
yourself, besides your civil observations, a good judge of arts. But
that which particularly doth make me bold to entertain you there-
1 Sir Isaac Wake (ante, i, p. 501). Chamberlain mentions his appointment
as ambassador to Venice in a letter of Jan. 17, 1624. (Cal. S. P. Dom., 1623-5,
p. 150.) His credentials were dated March 31, 1624. (Cal. S. P. Ven., i, p. cxlvii.)
For his journey, see ante, i, p. 48 n. He arrived in Venice on Dec. 16, 1624.
(S. P. Ven., Dec. 20.)
TO CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALK 880
with, is that I have noted in your gracious eyes some favourable
Nipeci towards me, whereby I stand in hope from your Highness
of (lie more indulgent censure of my little pains. And so I rest,
Your Highness hii true devoted servant,
Henry Wotton.
406. To the Eakl of Mipdlkskx.
./. Hannah, p. xv, 'The original is in Mr. Pickering's possession; but the
signature has been cut away by the binder' (note by Hannah). Wotton
sends the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Middlesex, a copy of the Elements
of Architecture.1
(April? 1624.)
My Lord,
I humbly present unto your Lordship this pamphlet, printed
sheet by sheet as fast as it was born, and born as soon as it was
conceived ; so as it must needs have the imperfections and deformities
of an immature birth, besides the weakness of the parent. And
therefore I could not allow it so much favour, even from myself, as
to think it worthy of dedication to any. Yet my long devotion
towards your Lordship, and your own noble love of this art which
I handle, do warrant me to entertain you with a copy thereof.
And so I rest,
Your Lordship's ever devoted servant.
407. To Nicolas Pey.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 510, 3rd ed., p. 359. Undated, but written, Isaak Walton
says, just before Wotton's installation at Eton (Walton's Life). I place
it here on Walton's authority, although several of the phrases in thi-
letter occur in a letter of July, 1639 (see below, p. 409).
(July, 1624?)
My dear Nic,
More than a voluntary motion doth now carry me towards
Suffolk, especially that I may confer by the way with an excellent
physician at B.2, whom I brought myself from Venice, where (as
either I suppose or surmise) I first contracted my infirmity of the
spleen, to which the very seat is generally inclined, and therefore
their physicians (who commonly study the inclinations of places) are
the likeliest to understand the best remedies.
I hope to be back by .
It wrinkles my face to tell you, that my (settlement at Eton(?)>
1 Another copy of this book, presented to Archbishop Abbot, is preserv. d m
the library of Lambeth Palace, inscribed, 'To the Most Reverend Father h
the Archbishop of Ganterburie, etc., I humbly present this poor pamphlet, with
the author's long and true devotion. Henry Wotton.'
3 Bury St. Edmunds, where Dr. Despotine {ante, i, p. 500: was living.
^86 LETTERS OF WOTTON
will cost me £500. That done, my thoughts are at rest, and over
my study door you shall find written, Invidiae Reme Hum. Let me
end in that word, and ever rest,
Your heartiest poor friend,
H. Wotton.
Postscript. I forbear to write further, having a world of discourse
to unload unto you, like those that weed not a garden till it be
grown a wood.
408. To Sir Albertus Morton.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 544. No address, but plainly to Morton. Dated Tuesday,
1624, and probably written about December (see note 3). Wotton
forwards a letter to Buckingham, and sends architectural plans.
S. P. This Tuesday morning (December ?> 1624.
I send you both the inclosed, unclosed, and my seal withal, that
when you have perused them, you may seal them ; for because they
contain a recommendation of yourself, it were somewhat incongruous
to present them open.
You had yesterday received them, but that I suspended my hand
too long in expectation of James ! ; about whom we are yet in much
doubt of some misadventure by his stay. You see that in the post-
script to the Duke, I mention the design of Caprarola 2, which I have
left out of his letter, that you may not come unto him with empty
hands.
It shall be fit for yourself to offer him your service abroad ; 3
which I have (as you see) offered the Prince through Mr. Thomas
Carie's 4 hands, who, I hope, will let his Highness see my letter.
And so, languishing to hear somewhat from my nephew, with all
my duties remembered to all, I rest,
Your ever true friend,
Henry Wotton.
Upon the design you must play the mountebank. And tell the
Duke, that the one paper containeth the plant or ground-lines, the
1 James Vary.
a Caprarola, the Farnese villa between Viterbo and Rome, built by Giacomo
Barozzio da Vignola (1507-73).
3 On Feb. 9, 1625 Morton was appointed Secretary of State in succession to
Sir George Calvert. He accompanied Buckingham to Paris in May, and was
sent on a mission to the Hague in June. (Gardiner, v, pp. 310, 330, 335.)
4 Thomas Carey, one of the grooms of the Bedchamber to Charles, Prince of
Wales, and son of Robert Carey, created Lord Leppington, 1622, Earl of
Monmouth, 1626. (D. N. B.) On Nov. 10, 1624, the treaty for the marriage
of the Prince of Wales and Henrietta Maria was signed : on Dec. 4 Chamberlain
writes to Carleton, ' Tom Carey is sent to France, with a love-letter and a jewel
for the bride.' (Cal S. P. Dom.; 1623-5, p. 400.)
TO SIR ALBERT! s MORTON i>87
other, the reared work, in perspective with all the dimensions so
exactly, as if it please him, he may easily have a model made thereof
in pasteboard.
If Mr. Thomas Cary should by chance have been sent away again
into France, then deliver, with my humble service, the letter to my
Lord of Lepington his father, and beseech him to show it to the
Prince.
409. To the Duke of Buckingham.
Hurl. MS. 1581, f. 212, holograph, Reliq., 2nd ed., p. 487, 3rd cd., p. 331 ;
Cabala (1654), i, p. 197. Undated. (For conjectural date see note 1.)
Wotton thanks Buckingham for some preferment, possibly the Provost-
ship of Eton.
(Dec. 1624 ?l>
My most noble Lord,
When like that impotent man in the Gospel, I had lain long by
the pool's side, while many were healed, and none would throw me
in, it pleased your Lordship first of all to pity my infirmities, and
to put me into some hope of subsisting hereafter. Therefore I must
humbly and justly acknowledge all my ability, and reputation from
your favour. You have given me encouragement, you have valued
my poor endeavours with the King, you have redeemed me from
ridiculousness, who had served so long without any mark of favour.
By which arguments being already and ever bound to yours, till
either life or honesty shall leave me, I am the bolder to beseech
your Lordship to perfect your own work, and to draw his Majesty
to some settling of those things that depend between Sir Julius
Cesar- and me, in that reasonable form which I humbly present
unto your Lordship by this my nephew, likewise your obliged
servant, being myself, by a late indisposition, confined to my
chamber, but in all estates such as I am.
Your Lordship's,
Henry Wottox.
1 The date of this letter is difficult ; it is addressed • To. . . my singular good
Lord, the Earl of Buckingham, Lord High Admiral of England', and as
Buckingham was created an Earl on Jan. 5, 1617, and a Marquis on Jan. 1,
1618, it would appear by the address to belong to the year 1617. On the other
hand, the last sentence seems toshow that it was written in England, and probably
London, and Wotton was in Italy all of the year 1617. On the whole I am
inclined to believe that this is the letter mentioned in the above letter to
Albertus Morton, and that the address is a slip of the pen.
3 In regard to Wot ton's former reversion to the Mastership of the Kolls.
288 LETTERS OF WOTTON
410. To Nicolas Pey.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 506, 2nd ed., p, 462. No date. Dated ' 1626 ' in 3rd ed.,
p. 321, which is a mistake, as the letter was written shortly after the
death of Sir Albertus Morton (see note 4). Wotton at Oxford and
Redgrave ; death of Morton.
(Redgrave, September ? 1625.)
My dear Nic. Pey,
This is the account of me since you saw me last.
My going to Oxford was not merely for shift of air, otherwise
I should approve your counsel to prefer Boughton before any other
part whatsoever ; that air best agreeing with me, and being a kind
of resolving me into my own beginnings, for there was I born.
But I have a little ambitious vanity stirring in me, to print
a thing of my composition there : which would else in London run
through too much noise beforehand, by reason of the licences that
must be gotten, and an eternal trick in those city stationers, to
rumour what they have under press.1
From Oxford I was rapt by my nephew, Sir Edmund Bacon,
to Redgrave, and by himself, and by my sweet niece, detained ever
since : so I say, for believe me, there is in their conversations, and
in the freedom of their entertainment, a kind of delightful violence.
In our way hither we blanched2 Pauls Perry3, though within
three miles of it, which we are not tender to confess (being indeed
our manifest excuse) ; for thereby it appears, the pains of the way
did not keep us thence.
In truth, we thought it (coming immediately from an infected
place) an hazardous incivility to put ourselves upon them ; for if any
sinister accident had fallen out about the same time (for coincidents
are not always causes) we should have rued it for ever.
Here, when I had been almost a fortnight in the midst of much
contentment, I received knowledge of Sir Albertus Morton 4 his
departure out of this world, who was dearer unto me than mine own
being in it. What a wound it is to my heart, you will easily
believe : but His undisputable will must be done, and unrepiningly
received by His own creatures, who is the Lord of all nature, and of
all fortune, when He taketh now one, and then another, till the
1 Wotton did not publish anything in this year.
2 'Blanched,' i.e. passed without notice. Obs. (N.E.D.)
3 Paulerspury in Northamptonshire, the seat of Sir Arthur Throckmorton,
belonging, after his death, to Mary, Lady Wotton, his daughter. (Cat. S. P. Dom.,
1638-9, p. 627.)
* Sir Albertus Morton died on Sept. 6, 1625. {Gardiner, vi, p. 9, see ante, i,
p. 209.)
TO NICOLAS PEY M9
expected day wherein it shall please Him to dissolve the whole, and
to wrap up even the heaven itself as a scroll of parchment.
This is the last philosophy that we must study upon the earth.
Let us now, that yet remain, while our glasses shall run by the
dropping away of friends, reinforce our love to one another, which
of all virtues, both spiritual and moral, hath the highest privilege,
because death itself shall not end it. And good Nic. exercise that
love towards me, in letting me know, &c.
Your ever poor friend,
H. Wotton.
411. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 47, Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 439. The death of Lady Bacon.
From Westminster, this 16. April, 162*,.
Sir,
Among those that have deep interest in whatsoever can befall
you, I am the freshest witness of your unexpressible affections to my
most dear niece ' ; whom God hath taken from us into His eternal
light and rest, where we must leave her, till we come unto her. I
should think myself unworthy for ever of that love she bare me, if in
this case I were fit to comfort you. But it is that only God who can
reconsolate 2 us both ; who, when he hath called now one, and then
another of His own creatures unto Himself, will unclasp the final book
of His decrees, and dissolve the whole ; for which I hope He will
rather teach us to thirst and languish, than to repine at particular
dissolutions. I had in a peculiar affliction of mine own (all within the
compass of little time) much consolation from you, which cannot but
be now present with yourself; for I am well acquainted with the
strength of your Christian mind.
Therefore, being kindly invited by the good Master of the Kolls 3 to
write by his express messenger unto you, let me (without further dis-
course of our griefs) only join in this with him, to wish your
company divided between him and me.
We will contemplate together when we meet our future blessed-
ness, and our present uncertainties, and I am afraid we shall find too
much argument to drown our private feelings in the public solicitude.
God's love, wherein is all joy, be with us.
Your ever true and hearty servant.
Henry Wotton.
1 Philippa, daughter of Edward, Lord Wotton.
■ 'Reconsolate,' i.e. reconsole. The above is the only instance given in th.
J Sir Julius Caesar.
WOTTON. XX
290 LETTERS OF WOTTON
412. To the Duke of Buckingham.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 549. Inscribed,' ' The copy of my letter to the Duke
about the same examination.' Wotton sends Buckingham the account
(dated May, 1626) of his inquiries in regard to an alleged poisoning
plot,
(Eton College, May, 1626.)
I send unto your Grace by this bearer, Mr. Michael Branthwait.
the examination of the Lord of Oldebare's daughter l, touching the
roll of names said to be found in Westminster of great personages,
which were to be poisoned here while you were in Spain.2 In the
delivery whereof, I have been careful, as an examiner and relator, to
set down nothing but her bare and free report, which is the historical
part. The critical now remaineth ; for after the examination of
circumstances there is a liberty of judgement.
I have seen many defamatory and libellous things of this nature,
abroad and at home, though for the most part always without truth,
yet oftentimes contrived with some credibility. But this appeareth
in the whole contexture utterly void of both, even though we had
never known your Grace ; nay, I will say more, though we had
known you to be as bad and as black as this author would paint )Tou.
For first, the main ground upon which he would raise this defama-
tion, is the foresaid roll of names, found, forsooth, not in a cabinet,
but in a dirty street. Now, when we come to hunt it home, the
authentical instruments that should give it credit are a carman and
a footman ; till at last it came to Mr. Alexander Heatley, a gentleman
indeed (as I have conceived of him) of sound abilities. Then what
does he with it ? Marry, he thought it so frivolous, that albeit it
had passed to him through the hands of a noble gentlewoman of his
own country, yet he would not once trouble the late Duke of
Richmond 3, his master, so much as with a sight of it, though his said
master was one of the enrolled. Then, it comes back again, and the
gentlewoman conveyeth it by another hand to the late Marquess
of Hamilton4. What doth he with it? It sleeps in his pocket.
There, we are not only at a fault 5, in the hunter's term ; but at a
1 Anne Lyon, daughter of Sir Thomas Lyon of Auldbar, Master of Glamis.
{Peerage of Scotland, Douglas, ed. Wood, ii, p. 564 ; D.N. B., xxxiv, p. 351.)
2 In 1626 a Scottish physician and poet, George Eglisham, published a pamphlet
called Prodromiis Vindictae, in which he accused Buckingham of having poisoned
James I, and said that he had the intention of poisoning many others. He
mentioned as evidence a list of names which had been in the possession of
Anne Lyon. As Anne Lyon lived at Windsor, Wotton was instructed to make
inquiries about the matter. (D.N. B., xvii, p. 166.)
3 Ludovick Stuart (1574-1624), second Duke of Lennox, created Duke of
Richmond 1623.
* James, second Marquis Hamilton (ante, i, p. 487).
5 ' Fault,' a break in the line of scent, a check caused by failure of scent.
(N.E.D.)
TO THE DUKK 01 BUCKINGHAM 291
rest1, as if we were but playing at tennis. I am sorry to charge the
memory of that worthy gentleman, to whom I was much bound for his
favour, so far as this doctor hath laden him, that, if he thought it more
important than Mr. Heatley did, either by want of charity he would
smother so horrible a practice against the lives of at least a dozen of
his colleagues in privy council, or for want of courage not prosecute
liis own cause ; especially, your Grace (whose power this pamphleteer
doth allege for the impediment of all prosecution), being then (as
appeareth by the examination) in Spain.
Much more might be said upon the matter : but I value, not only
your Grace's, but mine own time, at a greater price. Yet I have
committed a remembrance or two to this bearer, for whose sincerity
I am bound to answer, because I did choose him for a witness in the
examination. One scruple only I had in point of formality, whether
I should address this accompt or no to the council table, whence I
received the commission. But considering that it came unto me,
though by order from thence, yet under the King's trust, I have
directed it to your hands, whom it most concerneth.
I had waited with it on your Grace in person, but that, in truth,
some straitness by distillations in my breast makes me resolve to
enter anew into a little course of physic. And so having discharged
this duty according to my conscience and capacity, I humbly leave
your Grace in God's blessed love, remaining,
Your Grace's ever devoted and professed servant,
Henry Wotton.
413. To the Duke of Buckingham.
IMiq., 3rd ed., p. 545. Report mentioned in above letter.
May, 1626.
The Copy of my Keport after the Examination of the
Lord of Oldebare's Daughter.
According to his Majesty's good pleasure, signified unto me by an
order from his council table, under the 19th of May, and delivered
by an express messenger on Monday morning, the 22nd of the said
month, at his Majesty's College of Eton, that I should examine the
Lord of Oldebare's daughter, now resident in the town of Windsor, in
the circumstances of a business which his Majesty had committed to
my trust ; videlicet, concerning a certain roll of names mentioned in
a late malicious defamatory pamphlet, which one George Eglisham
had scattered in print ; pretending therein that it was a roll of divers
1 ' Rest/ in court-tennis a quick and continued returning <>f the ball from one
player to another. (Century hi
U 2
292 LETTERS OF WOTTON
great personages which were to be poisoned by the now Duke of
Buckingham, and among those great ones, the said George Eglisham
himself for one ; which said roll (as the said Eglisham affirmeth) the
foresaid daughter of the Lord Oldebare had brought to the late
Lord Marquess of Hamilton, her cousin, who was one of the enrolled
to be poisoned ; grounding this defamation upon the testimony of
that roll, brought by the said gentlewoman to the foresaid Marquess :
I say, according to his Majesty's command herein, I repaired, when I
had first inquired out her lodging, the next day after the receipt
thereof, to the said Lord of Oldebare's daughter, by name Anne Lion
(though not nominated by the foresaid Eglisham, but under her
father's title), at her lodging in Windsor, where I found her accom-
panied with her younger sister, and a gentlewoman of her attendance,
who were all three in the room while I spake with her. And I
brought in with me Mr. Michael Bran th wait, heretofore his Majesty's
agent in Venice, as a gentleman of approved confidence and sincerity.
At my access unto her, because I was a stranger, and the business
somewhat harsh and umbrageous, I laboured to take from her all
manner of shadow touching herself ; which in truth I found very
needless. For after I had showed her my commission, and the places
in Eglisham's book wherein she was traduced for a witness of this
foul defamation, she was so far from disguising or reserving any
circumstance, that she prevented all my inquisitiveness in some
questions which I had prepared, making a clear, a free, and a noble
report of all that had passed, which she did dictate unto me, as I
wrote in her window, in her own words, without any enforcement
or interruption, as followeth :
' At his Majesty's being in Spain, a carman of one Smith, a wood-
monger in Westminster, found a paper, as he said, and gave it to my
mother's footman to read, whose name was Thomas Allet, who
brought it immediately to me. It was half a sheet of paper laid
double by the length, and in it was written in a scribbled hand, the
names of a number (above a dozen) of the Privy Council ; some words
had been written more, which were scraped out. The names were
not writ in order as they were of quality. In it, next to the
Marquess of Hamilton, was writ, " Dr. Eglisham to embalm him."
No mention of poisoning, or any such thing, but very names. I, not
knowing what it might import more, the Marquess of Hamilton
not being at that instant in Whitehall, sent for James Steward,
servant to the Duke of Richmond, and desired him to show his Lord
that paper, wherein was his name. He said he would not present it
himself, but would give it to Alexander Heatley, his secretary. So he
took the paper from me ; and within a day or two after he brought it
TO THE DUKK OF \\V( KIXciH AM
Lack to me, and said, the secretary thought it not necessary to trouble
his Lord withal, for as he did conceive, some that had a cause to be
heard before the Privy Council, or in the Star Chamber, had written
these names to help his own memory, to reckon who would be with
him or against him. Immediately then I sent the said Allet to
David Strachen, servant to the Marquess of Hamilton, and bade him
give that to his lord from me immediately ; which he said he did,
and that his lord read it, and put it in his pocket.'
These are the very express and formal words, which this noble
gentlewoman, with a very frank and ingenious l spirit, as I am bound
to testify of her, did dictate to me, in the presence of the above-
named. Whereby may appear to any reasonable creature, what a
silly piece of malice this was, when Mr. Alexander Heatley, a gentle-
man of sober judgement, to whom the roll was first sent, though
that be concealed by Eglisham, did think it too frivolous to be so
much as showed to his master, howsoever named therein. At this
first conference, as I was ready to depart, my Lord of Oldebare's
daughter desired of me a view of the book, out of which I had read
her some passages, wherein her name was traduced ; which could in
no equity be denied. So I left it with her till the next day, praying
that I might then have her full judgement of it ; when repairing
again unto her, she told me as freely as the rest, in the hearing of
the same company as before, except her gentlewoman, that Eglisham
had gone upon veiy slight grounds in so great a matter.2
414. To the Queen of Bohemia.
Iitliq., 1st ed., p. 494, in part, the whole letter 3rd ed., p. 551. Although
the printer of the third edition must have had the MS. of this letter to
print from, I give the (as far as it goes) text of the first edition (except
certain words that were omitted) as the earlier transcript seems more
correct. The letter is endorsed ' The copy of my letter to the Queen of
Bohemia \ It is undated, but was written during the Parliament of
1626 (Feb. 6 to June 14), and after all the charges of impeachment
against Buckingham had been presented to the House of Lords on
May 10. Wotton writes of Buckingham's impeachment, and offers
consolation to the Queen, who was now living with her husband in
exile and straitened circumstances at the Hague.
(May? 1626.)
Most resplendent Queen, even in the darkness of fortim .
I most humbly salute your Majesty again, after the longest
silence that I have ever held with you, since I first took into mine
1 ' Ingenious/ often used at this time by confusion for ' ingenuous \ (N. E.L.)
- Proceedings were instituted against Eglisham, who fled to Brussels. The
place and date of his death are unknown.
^94 LETTERS OF WOTTON
heart an image of your excellent virtues. My thoughts indeed, from
the exercise of outward duties, have been confined within myself,
and deeply wounded with mine own private griefs and losses ' ; which
I was afraid, if I had written sooner unto your Majesty, before time
had dried them up, would have freshly bled again. And now, with
what shall I entertain your sweet spirits ? It becomes not my
weakness to speak of deep and weighty counsels, nor my privateness
of great personages. Yet because I know your Majesty cannot but
expect that I should say somewhat of the Duke of Buckingham,
whom all contemplate, I will begin there, and end in such comfort*
as I can suggest to your present estate, which shall be ever the
subject both of my letters and of my prayers. But before I deliver
my conceit of the said Duke. I must use a little preface. I am two
ways tied unto him ; first, for his singular love towards my never
forgotten Albertus ; therein likewise concurring with your Majesty's
inestimable affection.2 Next, for mine own particular, I hold by his
mediation this poor place, as indeed I may well call it, for the benefit
though not for the contentment. But if it were worth millions, or
worlds, I protest unto your Majesty (to whom I owe the bottom of
mine heart) I would not speak otherwise of him, than I conceive. I
will therefore spend my opinion (which is all my freehold) without
fear of Parliaments or hopes of Court.
And truly (my most gracious and royal mistress) I cannot weigh
his case without much wonder, being one of the strangest (all con-
sidered) that I ever yet took into my fancy. Not that the Commons 3
now should sift and winnow the actions even of the highest of the
nobility ; not that an obscure physician 4 then among them (where
that profession is very rarely) should give the first onset on so
eminent a personage : not that such a popular pursuit once begun
by one, and seconded by a few other, should quickly kindle a great
party. These are in their nature no marvels nor novelties. Neither
can I greatly muse, that in a young gentleman, during the space of
thirteen years of such prosperity and power, the height of his place
exposing him to much observation and curiosity, the Lower House
likewise opening the way to all kind of complaints (as they did),
and examining nothing upon oath (as they never do), there should
1 The deaths of Lady Bacon and Sir Albertus Morton.
- Sir Albertus Morton was Secretary to the Queen of Bohemia from 1616 to
1618. (Ante, i, p. 145 ; ii, p. 94.),
3 'Commons.' omitted Belig., 1st ed.
* Samuel Turner, M.D., member for Shaftesbury. (C. A T. Charles I, i, p. 280 n.)
On March 11 Dr. Turner, 'a man otherwise of no note, told the House that the
cause of all their grievances was M that great man. the Duke of Buckingham ".
{Gardiner, vi, p. 76.)
r> ' Lower House/ omitted Belkj., 1st ed.
To THE QUEEN 01 BOHEMIA 296
be matter enough gleaned to make up thirteen objections, and none
of heinous degree. Therefore I can pass all this over with easy
belief. For where there are such boltings to the quick, there mil
needs be some bran everywhere. But there is a consideration which
doth much confound my judgement. First, for the matter itself:
that this very nobleman, who at the Parliament of 1623 was so
universally applauded, and celebrated in every corner, as a great
instrument of the public good (insomuch as for my part I conceived
him then to be that which few or none had been in all ages before,
no less favourite, I mean, to the people, than to the King) should be
now pursued with these dislikes, when for the most part the very
same objectors were in the foresaid Parliament, and the veiy same
objections (except one or two) might as well then have been alleged :
this is,1 I must confess, to my understanding a labyrinth. Again,
when (from the matter turning to the person) I view the fairness and
equality of his temper and carnage, I can in truth descry in his own
nature no original excitement of such distaste, which commonly
ariseth, not so much from high fortune, as from high looks. For I
most ingeniously avow unto your Majesty, that among all the
favourites which mine eyes have beheld in divers courts and times,
I never saw before a strong heart, and eminent condition, so clearly
void of all pride and swelling arrogancy, either in his face or in his
fashion.
These are partly the reasons that make me wonder how such
offence should grow like a mushroom in a night. But there is one
thing above all other that hath strucken deepest into my mind, and
made me see how the greatest men have this unfortunate adjunct in
their felicity, to be sometimes obnoxious to the foulest and falsest
reports ; whereof in the person of this very Duke himself, I shall lay
a monstrous example before your Majesty, out of mine own particular
knowledge and employment.
It pleased my sovereign now being, to direct unto me hither a
commission to examine my Lord of Oldebare's daughter, by name
Mistress Anne Lion (I think sometimes not unknown unto your
Majesty), then resident at Windsor, about an abominable pamphlet
published and printed towards the time of the last Parliament, in
divers languages, by one Doctor Eglisham, a Scottish physician, who
therein chargeth the Duke of Buckingham with such trifles as these :
the death of the Marquess Hamilton, his near friend and ally ; the
death of our late King, of ever blessed memory, his most dear master ;
the intended deaths of divers councillors of estate, his associates :
1 In the first edition of the Reliquiae the letter ends here with ;< note, *Th.
rest is lost.' The remainder is from the third edition.
296 LETTERS OF WOTTON
painting, in effect, a nature far beyond that of Richard the Third, when
he was Duke of Glocester. And for a witness hereof he traduceth the
foresaid gentlewoman, or rather as the main ground of his whole
book ; which occasioned her examination, at the Duke's pursuit against
himself ; whereof I send your Majesty a copy herewith, as I took it
from her own free delivery. Wherein you shall see a bare note of a
few councillors' names, found at first, not in the Duke's cabinet, but
in the very kennel of King-street by a carman, servant to a wood-
monger : secondly, by him brought to a footman ; by which honour-
able degrees it came to the gentlewoman all dirty. And at last, it is
turned by this doctor into (a) bill of personages to be poisoned, out of
a very charitable interpretation then reigning in him. I am doubtful
what passion it will most stir in your Majesty, when you read the
circumstances, whether mere laughter at such a ridiculous slander,
or a noble indignation at so desperate impudency. And so not to
stay any longer upon this cobweb, I will end with such comforts as
I propound to myself in contemplation of your present being.
The first shall be a general impression which we have taken of
his Majesty's nature. And it is this, that he is not only (to consider
him absolutely in his own composition) of singular virtue and piety,
and resolution in good ; but likewise (to consider him relatively) he
is an excellent husband, brother, and friend. I call favourites the
friends of kings, as your Majesty (who is so well versed in the best
of books) knows I may do with very good warrant: for was not
Hushai the Archite so styled to David, and after him Zahud to
Solomon? Nay, had not the highest of all examples, in the time
of His human lowness, both among the living a beloved that lay on
His bosom, and another also whom He calls His friend, even when
He called him from the dead ? Thus much I could not abstain to
let fall from my pen, by the way, against all murmurers at any
singularity of affection, which abound both in states and families.
But of these three relations, I will now only contemplate that which
respecteth your Majesty ; which indeed is as clear and visible as the
rest. For surely all the parliaments that our most gracious Sovereign
hath hitherto assembled, and all the actions that he hath undertaken
abroad, either of himself or by combinations, and his private
counsels at home, have principally levelled at your support and
restorement ; as the deliberations likewise that went before, in the
latter time of your most blessed father. So as your Majesty, in
the justness of your cause, and in the sweetness of your nature,
doth stand firmly invested in both the titles of as beloved a sister
as you were a daughter. And I am confident that our living and
loving God, who did accept the zeal of your royal brother, and bless
TO THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA 207
his own and the public devotions at home, with almost a miraculous
conversion of the infirmity which raged, into health, and of the
sterility which was feared, into plenty, will likewise find His own
good time to favour our pursuits abroad.
Your Majesty's second comfort, is the universal Jove of all good
minds. To which I may justly add, a particular zeal in him who
is nearest his Majesty, to foment his best desires towards you ; which
he hath expressed sundry times within my hearing.
The last and inwardest consolation that I can represent unto
your Majesty, is yourself, your own soul, your own virtues, your
own Christian constancy and magnanimity: whereby your Majesty
hath exalted the glory of your sex, conquered your affections, and
trampled upon your adversities. To conclude, you have showed the
world, that though you were born within the chance, yet without
the power of fortune.1
And so having sought to redeem so long a silence, I fear, with too
long a trouble, I will promise your Majesty to commit no more of
the former fault, and humbly beg your pardon for the other ; ever
and ever remaining,
Your Majesty's poor servant,
with all humble and hearty devotion,
Henry Wottox.
415. To Sir Robert Bruce Cotton2.
Cotton MS, Jul. C. Ill, f. 410, holograph, no date, dated 1626? in
catalogue of Cotton MS.
<1626 ?>
Sir,
If it may please you to lend me for a day your Scottish treatise,
you shall command me and anything that I have worth your
desiring.
Your very willing friend,
Henry Wottox.
1 • A Princess resplendent in darkness, and whose virtues were born within
the chance, but without the power of Fortune.' (Life and Death of Buckingham .
4th ed., p. 222.) 'Quae mihi semper visa est sola sui sexus omnibus
malis maior, et ipsa obscuritate illustrior, et quidem intra Fortunae sortem, sed
f.rtra imperium posita.' (Plausus et Vota. ibid., p. 129.) The portrait of the Queen of
Bohemia, bequeathed by Wotton to Prince Charles, and now at Hampton Court
. i, p. 217), is inscribed Inter Fortunae Sortem, Extra Imperium.
- sir Robert Bruce Cotton (1571-1631), the famous antiquary, whose library
was a great resort of the learned men of the time, and from which they often
borrowed books.
298 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
416. To Charles I.
Rdiq.j 1st ed., p. 359, 3rd ed., p. 243. 'A character of Ferdinando di
Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, dedicated to the King.' Undated,
probably written not long after Wotton's appointment to Eton, but
subsequent to the death of James T. For lack of any other indication*
I place it here.
(1626?)
Being desirous, albeit I dare promise little fruit or pleasure to
others by any use of my pen, yet at least to record unto myself
some such observations as I picked up abroad in the time of my
former travels and employments, I stand obliged in grateful memory,
to say somewhat of a prince long since at rest, namely, Ferdinando.
Grand Duke of Tuscany, which was the ancient Hetruria ; whose
Palace of Piti at Florence [when] I came often to review, and still
methought with fresh admiration ; being incomparably (as far as
I can yet speak by experience, or report) for solid architecture, the
most magnificent and regular pile within the Christian world.1 It
pleased him by means of the Cavalier Vinta 2, his principal secretary
of estate, to take some notice of my person, though no intruder by
nature, and (God knows) of little ability.
The said Duke Ferdinando was reputed a wise and wary Prince ;
and it was a solid wisdom rather than a formal. He had been long
a Cardinal, and at two or three conclaves (as they call them) or
elections of Popes ; so as he came to the Dukedom well seasoned
before with practice, and well broken to affairs, and with such an
impression of his first tincture (as falleth out naturally in all things
else) that he always maintained a great interest in the Roman
Court ; as indeed was necessary for a near and jealous confiner.
He was in his civil regiment of a fine composition between frugality
and magnificence ; a great cherisher of manual arts, especially such
as tended to splendour and ornament, as picture, sculpture, cutting
of crystals, ambers, and all of the softer gems ; inlaying of marbles,
limning of birds, beasts, and vegetables, embossing, and the like. In
all which he drew to him from all parts the most exquisite artificers
with a settled pension, and placed them in several compartments of
his palace, where he would come oftentimes to see them work for
his own delight ; and so he did furnish his cabinets with rarities
at an easy rate, being, in truth, one of the greatest economists of his
age. And as he had much at first of the Deacon, and more of the
Prince, so he did now and then not disdain to have a little of the
1 See ante, i, p. 21 n.
2 ' Vietta' in Reliq. Belisario Vinta {ibkl., p. 40).
To CHARLES T 2OT
Merchant : 'twas as well as fighting with his galleys. After the
death of the Duke Francesco his brother, it was a while somewhat
an ambiguous deliberative, whether he should divest the cardinal-
ship, or rule with a double greatness, ecclesiastical and civil. But
the hope of posterity overbalanced the scale ; and so he took to wife
the daughter of Loraigne l, as it were to interest himself now in the
borders of France, whereas his name before had spread itself in
the body.
He was by nature more reserved than popular, and had virtues
fitter to beget estimation than love ; yet he would duly in his coach
take almost every day a review of the city, and receive petitions
willingly. Besides, I have been showed a strange device of state,
namely, an outward hole, like a trunk2, in a wall of one of his
galleries, the bottom whereof was under lock and key, into which
any one might let forth any secret intelligence, and convey it closely
to the ears of the Prince: enough to disquiet all the days of his
life. He was served by able instruments of state, and diligently
attended in Court ; but rather by choice than number, and with
more neatness than noise. He had a close and intrinsical favourite,
by birth a stranger, being born in Piedmont, but by his favour made
Archbishop of Pisa :!, a notable screen between him and his subjects :
upon whom the Duke would handsomely bestow all manner of
complaint, and he as willingly bear it. He was unquestionably
the powerfullest of all the Italian Dukes: and being centred in the
very navel of Italy, thereby the furthest from invasion on all sides,
and the most participant of the common interest, which, I believe,
among other causes, hath much preserved that State in busy times ;
yet surely a little overawed or overlooked by the King of Spain,
who holdeth in actual possession Pont Hercule, Telemene, and
Piombino, which we may perchance not improperly call the fetters
of Hetruria. Of stature he was somewhat above the mean, a gross
body, not apt to motion, and as quiet a countenance. His moneys
were the purest and least corrupted within the Italian bounds, and
his markets the best ordered for prices of comestible ware ; where,
in all his towns, a man might have sent out a child for any flesh,
or fish, at a rated price every morning. To which temper more
septentrional unlimber nations have not yet bent themselves. On
the other side, there was nothing brought into Florence from the
field, to the least sale, but by a long insensible servitude paid
somewhat. This was the civil and natural habit of that Prince:
1 Ferdinand! married in 1589 Christine of Lorraine, grand-daughter of Lath, rim
'If' Medici, and cousin of James I.
- 'Trunk,' obs. name for speaking-rul>r. n Del Pozzo (an'> . I, ]■■ HI
300 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and more might be said, if I were not pounded * within an epistle.
This Duke, while I was a private traveller in Florence, and went
sometime by chance (sure I am, without any design) to his Court,
was pleased, out of some gracious conceit which he took of my
fidelity (for nothing else could move it) to employ me into Scotland
with a casket of antidotes, or preservatives (wherein he did excel all
the princes of the world), and with a dispatch of high and secret
importance, which he had intercepted touching some practice upon
the succession to this crown. So as I am much obliged to his
memory (though it was a painful journey) for that honour, and
other favours and beneficences ; and especially because I came
thereby first into the notice of the King your father, of ever blessed
memory, when your Majesty was but a blooming rose, which after-
wards drew on my employment to the Republic of Venice.
417. To Charles I.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 382 ; 3rd ed., p. 323. The text of the 1st edition is incom-
plete, and I therefore j>rint that of the 3rd ed. This letter is dated
1627 in the 3rd edition, and was apparently written about April (see
note 2). Wotton's intention to take orders.
(April?) 1627.
May it please your Majesty,
The gracious aspect which I have ever observed in your Majesty
towards me, doth bind me (though there were no other reason) next
under God, to approve all my actions to your judgement. Let me
therefore most humbly make known unto your Majesty, that it hath
pleased the fountain of all good thoughts to dispose my mind, by His
secret providence, to enter into the sacred orders of His Church 2 :
having confirmed in me (for which His high Name be ever blessed)
the reverence and love of His truth, by a large experience of the
abuses thereof in the very seat and sink of all corruption, Rome
itself ; to which my wandering curiosity carried me no less than four
times in my younger years, where I fixed my studies most upon
1 ' Pounded,' i. e. impounded, confined.
'-' On April 7, 1627, Joseph Mead wrote to Sir Martin Stuteville, that he learned
from a letter of Mr. B. (William Boswell?) 'that Sir Henry Wotton Will be
shortly in holy orders, having for that purpose leave of the King ; which
because heretofore he hath been so oft and so long a public person, he was in
duty to ask'. {C. & T. Charles I, i, p. 214.) On May 11 an anonymous corre-
spondent writes to Mead, ' Sir Harry Wotton, now a clergyman, is like to be
Dean of Canterbury, if not Bishop of Exeter, if he can bring off my Lord Wotton
to match his daughter and only child with Lord Denbigh's son.' (Ibid., p. 224, see
also p. 267.) This, however, is plainly the vaguest and most inaccurate gossip ;
Sir Henry was not yet in orders ; Edward Lord Wotton died in 1626, his
successor Thomas had five daughters. Lord Feilding married Anne, daughter of
the Earl of Portland.
TO CHARLES 1 301
the historical part, in the politic management of religion, which
I found plainly converted from a rule of conscience, to an instrument
of State, and from the mistress of all sciences, into a very handmaid
of ambition. Neither do I repent me of bending my observation
that way. For though the truth perhaps may more compendiously
appear in online doctrinae ; yet never more fully, than when we
search the original veins thereof, the increase, the depravations, and
decays, in online temporum.
This is the point wherein I have travelled most, and wherein
I will spend the remainder of my days ; hoping that the all-sufficient
God will in the strength of His mercy enable my weakness, either
by my voice or pen, to celebrate His glory. Now though I was thus
far confident in myself (with all humility be it spoken) that neither
my life, nor my poor erudition, would yield much scandal to others,
and likewise might well have presumed, that this resolution could
no ways offend your Majesty's religious heart, but might rather be
secure in your favour and encouragement ; yet having been employed
so many years abroad in civil use, I thought it undutiful to change
my calling, without the foreknowledge and approbation of my dear
sovereign. This is the humble message of these few lines unto your
Majesty.
The Almighty, who hath endued your Majesty with excellent
virtues, and so early taught you the rare consort between greatness
and goodness, long protect your royal person and estates under His
singular love.
Your Majesty's most faithful and devoted vassal,
H. Wotton.
418. To Charles I.
Jieliq., 1st ed., p. 422, 3rd ed., p. 329. Wotton's recommendation of William
Bedell for the Provostship of Trinity College, Dublin (for date see note 1).
(May?) 1627.
May it please your most gracious Majesty,
Having been informed that certain persons have, by the good
wishes of the Archbishop of Armach \ been directed hither with
1 James Ussher (1581-1656). On the death of Sir William Temple, Provost of
Trinity College, in Jan. 1627, Ussher recommended Bedell to the Fellows as
Temple's successor. On March 15 Bedell wrote that Ussher had asked him if
he would accept the position, adding on May 8 that the Fellows had petitioned
the King to nominate him. {Two Biog., pp. 266, 270.) This letter (dated
J 1627 ' in the Reliquiae) was probably written early in May, after Wotton
had heard of the Fellows' petition. Bedell's son, William Bedell, in his life
of his father says that Charles I ' was graciously pleased, upon the testimony
of sir Henry Wotton, toassentto the Fellows' petition'. {Ttro Bio<j.. p, _l.
30.2 LETTERS OF WOTTON
a most humble petition unto your Majesty, that you will be pleased
to make Mr. Wil. Bedel (now resident upon a small benefice in
Suffolk l) Governor of your College at Dublin, for the good of that
society ; and myself being required to render unto your Majesty
some testimony of the said William Bedel (who was long my
chaplain at Venice in the time of my first employment), I am bound
in all conscience and truth (as far as your Majesty will vouchsafe to
accept my poor judgement) to affirm of him, that I think hardly
a fitter man for that charge could have been propounded unto your
Majesty in your whole kingdom, for singular erudition and piety,
conformity to the rites of your Church, and zeal to advance the cause
of God ; wherein his travails abroad were not obscure in the time of
the excommunication of the Venetians. For it may please your
Majesty to know that this is the man whom Padre Paulo took, I may
say, into his very soul ; with whom he did communicate the
inwardest thoughts of his heart ; from whom he professed to have
received more knowledge in all divinity, both scholastical and
positive, than from any that he had ever practised in his days ;
of which all the passages were well known unto the King your
father of most blessed memory. And so, with your Majesty's good
favour, I will end this needless office ; for the general fame both of
his learning, and life, and Christian temper, and those religious
labours which himself hath dedicated unto your Majesty, do better
describe him.
Your Majesty's most humble, and faithful vassal,
H. Wotton.
419. To John Dynely.
Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 325. ' To my dear Dynely.' The first of sixteen letters
to John Dynely (see Appendix III) all printed in the third edition of
the Reliquiae. A foreigner at Eton ; delay in Wotton's ordination.
From the College, this 10th of July, 1627.
S. P. 'Os rj^LCFTa.
Pauca meo Gallo, sed quae legat ipsa Licoris.'1
It were an injury to use a cipher by a friend so warmly and so
justly commended hither by you, nay almost, to write a letter ; but
that I am tender to trouble him and lade him with our privacies.
Of himself, first let me say thus much, that I think surely he is
the fittest stranger that could have been chosen to overcome, among
1 Homingsheath, now called Horringer.
2 Virg., Ec. x, 2.
TO JOHN DYNBLY 800
our academics, the envy of a stranger. For he hath a fair carriage
and very discreet temper, and by the prompt use of our language is
almost naturalized already. And I cast no doubt of the inward
furniture, per quel gusto saporito that we have taken in a short
conversation with him : wherein, you that procured us the benefit
of his company, must answer for the poorness of his entertain-
ment.
Now, for myself, I have not yet entered into the iirst order of the
Church, by a strange accident, upon which there lies likewise some
civil note. The Bishop of Lincolne (sometimes Lord Keeper) is the
prelate from whom I resolved to take it ; not for any personal
respect, but because he is our diocesan, and visitor at this College,
and to whom I acknowledge a kind of homage for the place I hold,
Which fell into his disposing formally by lapse. This Bishop (you
must know) on this very day sevennight, came to London about ten
of the clock in the morning, to perform an election of the scholars
at Westminster (whereof he is Dean) usual at this time of the year,
as with us. In the evening of that day, Sir John Cooke l, secretary,
visits him, with command from his Majesty to be presently gone.-
What questions thereupon passed between them upon such a sur-
prise I omit. Basta. He went away the next morning at eight of
the clock ; and so I am put upon another means, which before my
next unto you will be done. For I abound in choice, but I am
a little curious3, and I will tell you hereafter the reasons of my
curiosity. You will note (as I touched before) upon this, that the
Duke's power is great even in his absence,4 and that he hath in
Court very vigilant instruments, both spiritual and temporal. I want
time to explain myself ; but it shall follow.
Of the present voyage let me venture to say a little. I am afraid
we shall unite all France, if it be thither ; yet the provisions are fair,
and the Duke resolved, and he is departed, with the soldier (s), and
from the coast, as beloved a man, and with as many acclamations
there, as imprecations within the land. Such a floating thing is the
vulgar. Of this more at leisure.
Tuus,
H. Wotton.
sir John Coke ^1563-1644 who succeeded Sir Albertus Morton as one of the
principal secretaries of state.
a John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, was dismissed from his office of Lord
Keeper in 1625, and was now in disgrace.
' I urious,' i. e. particular about manner of action. Obs. N. E. D.)
4 On June 27, 1627, Buckingham sailed in command of the fleet to attack the
island of Rhe. Wotton describes this unfortunate expedition in his Life and
■h of Buckingham, (fteliq., 3rd ed.. pp. 226-8.^
304 LETTERS OF WOTTON
420. To Charles I.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 384, 3rd ed., p. 327, unsigned. Wotton's reasons for taking
orders. Undated.
<1627.)
My most dear and dread Sovereign,
As I gave your Majesty foreknowledge of my intention to enter
into the Church, and had your gracious approvement therein, so
I hold it a second duty to your Majesty, and satisfaction to myself,
to inform you likewise by mine own hand, both how far I have
proceeded, and upon what motives ; that it may appear unto your
Majesty (as I hope it will) an act of conscience and of reason, and
not of greediness and ambition. Your Majesty will be therefore
pleased to know that I have lately taken the degree of deacon ; and
so far am I from aiming at any high flight, out of my former sphere,
that there I intend to rest. Perhaps I want not some persuaders,
that measuring me by their affections, or by your Majesty's goodness,
and not by mine own defects or ends, would make me think that
yet before I die, I might become a great prelate. And I need no
persuasion to tell me, that if I would undertake the pastoral
function, I could peradventure by casualty, out of the patronages
belonging to your royal College, without further troubling of your
Majesty, cast some good benefice upon myself ; whereof we have one,
if it were vacant, that is worth more than my provostship.1
But as they were strucken with horror, who beheld the majesty
of the Lord descending upon the Mount Sinai, so, God knows, the
nearer I approach to contemplate His greatness, the more I tremble
to assume any cure of souls even in the lowest degree, that were
bought at so high a price. Preniant torcular qui vindemiarunt 2 : let
them press the grapes, and fill the vessels, and taste the wine, that
have gathered the vintage. But shall I sit and do nothing in the
porch of God's House, whereinto I am entered ? God Himself forbid,
who was the supreme mover. What service then do I propound to
the Church ? Or what contentment to mine own mind ? First, for
1 Probably the living of Petworth, severed from the Manor of Petworth at the
attainder of the Earl of Northumberland, after the battle of Shrewsbury, and
included by Henry VI in his endowment of Eton College. In 1693 the Duke
of Somerset obtained it from the College, in exchange for the livings of Farnham
Royal, Clewer, and Worplesdon. On Sept. 1, 1635, Garrard wrote to Wentvvorth
that Richard Montagu, Bishop of Chichester, who held the living of Petworth,
wished to succeed Richard Corbet, Bishop of Norwich, ' so he could get a son-
in-law of his into the parsonage of Petworth, it being worth £600 a year, and in
the gift of the College of Eton ; but Sir Henry Wotton hath a great mind to the
parsonage.' {Strafford Pp., i, p. 462.)
2 ' Et quasi qui vindemiat, replevi torcular.' (Ecclesiasticus xxxiii, 17.)
TO CHARLES I 305
the point of conscience, I can now hold my place canonically, which
I held before but dispensativelv ; And withal I can exercise an
archidiaconal authority ' annexed thereunto, though of small extent,
and no benefit, yet sometimes of pious and necessary use. I comfort
myself also with this Christian hope, that gentlemen and knights'
sons, who are trained up with us in a seminary of Churchmen (which
was the will of the holy Founder), will by my example (without
vanity be it spoken) not be ashamed, after the sight of courtly weeds,
to put on a surplice.
Lastly, I consider that this resolution which I have taken is not
unsuitable even to my civil employments abroad, of which for the most
part Religion was the subject ; nor to my observations, which have
been spent that way in discovery of the Roman arts and practices,
whereof I hope to yield the world some account, though rather by
my pen than by my voice. For though I must humbly confess that
both my conceptions and expressions be weak, yet I do more trust
my deliberation than my memory. Or if your Majesty will give me
leave to paint myself in higher terms, I think I shall be bolder
against the judgements than against the faces of men. This I con-
ceive to be a piece of mine own character ; so as my private study
must be my theatre rather than a pulpit, and my books my auditors,
as they are all my treasure. Howsoever, if I can produce nothing
else for the use of Church and State, yet it shall be comfort enough
to the little remnant of my life to compose some hymns2 unto His
endless glory, who hath called me (for which His name be ever
blessed), though late, to His service, yet early to the knowledge of His
truth and sense of His mercy. To which ever commending your
Majesty and your royal actions, with most hearty and humble
prayers, I rest.
Your Majesty's most devoted poor servant.
1 Almost immediately after the foundation of the College Eton was exempted
from the jurisdiction of the Archdeacon of Bucks, paying £1 2s. lid. to the
Archdeacon for this privilege. 'It may be noticed as an instance of the con-
tinuity of ecclesiastical institutions in England, that the money is still paid to
the Archdeacon year after year. The Provost exercises archidiaconal jurisdiction
over the whole parish of Eton, and it is perhaps on this account that he and his
predecessors have been considered entitled to a seat in the lower house of the
Convocation of the Province of Canterbury.' (Maxicell-Lyte, p. 19.)
3 Three hymns remain of Wotton's composition. (1) A hymn priuted by
Izaak Walton in the first edition of the Reliquiae, p. 529, and there described
'This hymn was made by Sir H. Wotton, when he was ambassador at Venico,
in the time of a great sickness there.' Possibly in 1609, see ante, i, p. 4">J n.
(2) 'A translation of the civ Psalm to the original state.' {Reliq., 1st ed., p.
A Hymn to my God, in a night of my late sickness.' Sent with letter to
1/ iak Walton of Feb. ? 1638. (Printed Reliq., 1st ed., p. 515 ; see below, p. 376.)
306 LETTERS OF WOTTON
421. To Sir Thomas Wentworth, Bart.
Strafford Pp., i, p. 45. Wotton sends Wentworth (Earl of Strafford,
1640) a book on fish-ponds, asks for news of Parliament, and invites
him to Eton.
From the College, Apr. 8, 1628.
Noble Sir,
Promises are to be kept even to adversaries, then much more
to friends, and most to such a friend as I am now saluting ; nay, it
will abide yet another gradation, that they are to be performed though
at an unseasonable time. I did promise you, when we were last
merry together at Medley's1, a piece of rural philosophy, Dubravius2
his book de Piscinis ; which I now send you, having borrowed it of
Mr. Hales3, one of our bursars. And therefore when you have
perused it at full pleasure, I shall desire it again. One thing will
appear perchance strange unto you, that a Bohemian gentleman therein
named should in one year gather Duodecies Sestertium out of his
ponds, which, resolved into our money, I take to be about 6,000
pounds sterling ; and that, for ought I conceive, only by carp and
pike — for so I understand his Cyprinos and his Lucios. True it is,
that Bohemia and Moravia are the most mediterranean countries of
Christendom, and their farness from sea hath taught them the
skill of nurturing land-fish to an incredible increase ; insomuch that
they will tell you that an acre of pool there is more worth than an
acre of saffron in Austria — who yet say, they have the best of the
world. But enough of this subject.
Sorry I am not to be at London, when my noblest friends are
there. And yet what should I, that am of so small influence, do at
those great conjunctions ? We poor cloistered men are best in our
own cells ; quae dam plantae, saith Pliny, gaudent umbra4. Yet there
do still hang, I know not how, upon me, some relics of an hearkening
humour; and if I could, in a line or two, be favoured with your
1 Medley's, a fashionable eating-house, or 'ordinary ', in Milford Lane. (('. & T.
James J, ii, p. 403). See Ben Jonson, Staple o/Xeios, Prologue : —
Alas ! what is it to his scene to know
How many coaches in Hyde Park did show
Last Spring ; what fare to-day at Medley's was ;
If Dunstan or the Phoenix best wine has?
2 John Dubraw, or Dubrawski (died 1553), the historian of Bohemia. His De
Piscinis was published at Zurich in 1557. Izaac Walton quotes from Dubravius
in the Compleat Angler (Part I, chap, viii), an English translation of which was
published by George Churchey in 1599.
3 The 'ever-memorable' John Hales (1581-1656), Fellow of Eton College
1613-49.
4 'Unibraque gaudent et aqua ac fimo.' Nat. Hist. xxi. 35.
TO SIR THOMAS WENTWORTH, BAHI
judgement of the event of this Parliament \ I should think myself
better resolved than if I had gone to ask that question at Delphos ;
though I could rather wish this turned into a greater favour, and
that my ever-honoured Lord Clifforde2, yourself, and Sir Gervase
Clifton '—that is, the Medley Triplicity— would at some of your
playing and breathing days, take in some of this fresh air. A little
interposing of philosophical diet may perchance somewhat lighten the
spirits of men overcharged with public thoughts, and prevent a surfeit
of state. In the meanwhile, the next time you see the last of the
three above-named, I pray tell him that when he sent his son *
hither he honoured, and when he took him away he wounded us.
For in this Royal Seminary we are in one thing, and only in one,
like the Jesuits, that we all joy when we get a spirit upon whom
much may be built. Sir, I have usurped upon too great a part of
your time. Pardon me this light diversion, continue to love me,
and God's love be with us all.
Your ever vowed poor friend and servant,
Henry Wotton.
422. To Sir Gervase Clifton (?).
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 499 ; 3rd ed., p. 373. Without date or address, but plainly
written at about the same time as the above letter to Wentworth, and
probably addressed to Sir Gervase Clifton.
(Eton College, April 8, l«2Bt)
Sir,
Although I am now a retired and cloistered man, yet there do
still hang upon me, I know not how, some relics of an hearkening
humour.
The easiest way for you to quench this appetite in your poor
friend is to empty yourself into my servant, whom I send to salute
you, and to know two things.
First, whether you be of the Parliament yourself? Next, whether
I should be sorry that I am not of it ? You can by this time resolve
me of both. We are here only fed with certain airs of good hope,
chamelion's food.
More I will not say now ; and you see by this little how tender
I am to usurp upon your time. Yet before I end let me ask a third
1 The Parliament of 1628, which met on March 17, passed the Petition of
Right, the Remonstrance attacking Buckingham, and was prorogued on Jun
Iner, vi, p. 325.)
• Henry Lord Clifford (1591-1643), fifth Earl of Cumberland.
sir Gervase Clifton ; see Appendix III.
* In 1629 Sir Gervase Clifton's son was sent to France with Hobbes as his
tutor. (Aubrey's Lives, edited by Clark, 1898, i, p. 396.)
X 2
308 LETTERS OF WOTTON
question : have you no playing and] breathing days ? If you be of
the House, might you not start hither for a night or two? The
interposing of a little philosophical diet may, perchance, lighten
a man's spirits, surcharged with public thoughts, and prevent a surfeit
of state. Howsoever, hold me fast in your love : and God's mercy
be where you are.
Your poor friend and servant,
alia sviscerata.
Henry Wotton.
423. To John Dynely.
Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 557. ' To my most dear and worthy friend, Mr. John
Dynely, at the Hague.' Dynely was now tutor to the eldest son of the
Queen of Bohemia ; Wotton sends a message to the Queen about the
Eton elections ; writes of Dynely's nephew at Eton, &c.
From the College at midnight,
the 12 of August, 1628.
My ever most dear Jack Dinely,
The Queen's last letter (wherewith her Majesty did too much
honour me), coming when my voices of any value were no more in
mine own power, was nearer a torment than a surprisal. It shall
teach me to reserve myself, as wiser men do, for such supervenient
temptations, I must confess, above all strength, if the least possibility
had been left. It is true, I could have given him a latter place ;
but in that I should have disgraced the suitor ; and disrespected the
commander. I have therefore rather chosen to put him in the
vanguard the next year, being the son of a soldier, than now in the
rear.1 And this is the sum of my humble answer to her Majesty,
though in other terms.
Your Anthony 2 (who is my guest every Saturday night) is well
grown in stature, and more in knowledge. I verily believe he will
prove both a wise and learned man, and certainly good. We have
passed over quocwique modo the most troublesome election that
I think was here ever seen. Wherein, according to my usual
fashion, I have lost four or five friends, and yet, I thank God, not
gotten the value of one Harrington ; : so as they are angry at me on
the one side, and they laugh at me on the other. If my most gracious
mistress will, in her goodness, be pleased to drown her displeasure till
1 The Queen had evidently written recommending a boy for an Eton scholar-
ship, probably the son of Sir George Knevett. placed by Wotton at the head of
the list at the election in the following year.
2 Anthony Dynely, John Dvnely's nephew, then a boy at Eton ; see below,
pp. 311, 326.
3 ' Harrington/ a brass farthing token, coined by John Lord Harington under
a patent granted him by James I in 1613. Obs. {N. E. D.)
TO JOHN DYNELY
the next turn, I shall cheerfully in the meantime bear the weight of
mine own simplicity.
I have gotten, with much ado, some of the Psalms translated by
my late most blessed master1 for the young Prince of Bohemia ■
(which is one of your memorials that have slept too long by me), and
I have ransacked mine own poor papers for some entertainment for
the Queen, which shall be sent together ; though it be now
a misery to revisit the fancies of my youth, which my judgement
tells me are all too green, and my glass tells me that myselt .tin
gray. Till my next, let me trouble you no farther. The love of God
be with us, and we are well.
Your poor true friend,
Henry Wottox.
I hear that one hath offered to the Prince of Orange an invention
of discoursing at a great distance by lights. Is it true ?
A noble lady, who is desirous to bestow her son at Leyden, would
fain be first informed what commodity for education the place doth
yield, wherein you shall do me and her a great favour.
424. To Lord Weston.
lU'Hq., 3rd ed., p. 561. 'Part of a letter to the Lord Treasurer, Earl of
Portland (ut videtur).' Sir Richard Weston (1577-1635), Lord Weston
1628, was appointed Lord Treasurer in July, 1628, and the following
undated letter of congratulation was probably written during Wotton's
illness in 1628, mentioned in the next letter.
(Sept. (?) 1628.)
This is the reckoning of my unpleasant time, whereby your Lord-
ship sees that my silence hath been a symptom (as I may term it)
of my infirmity, from all outward respects and duties, contracting my
thoughts about myself. But can that serve my turn ? No, in troth,
my good Lord, for I should, while myself was in contemplation, have
remembered that I was bound to congratulate with your Lordship
even for mine own sake, especially when I found by the long use of
two or three physicians, the exhaustion of my purse as great as other
evacuations. It would breed wrinkles in my face if I should stay
any longer upon this point. I will cheer myself that your Lordship
did love me, even before I was so worthy of your compassion. I have
tasted the benefit of your discourse, I have enjoyed your hospitality,
I have been by your favour one of your familiar guests, I have had
1 The Psahnes of King David translated by King James, printed 1681. These Irani
lations of the Psalms into English, though attributed to Janus L wore almost ill
made by William Alexander, Earl of Sterling. (D. N. £., i, p. S7&
■ Prince Henry Frederick, eldest son of the King of Bohemia. ^A><
310 LETTERS OF WOTTON
leave to interchange some good tales and stories in your company,
and to exercise my natural freedom. Besides, we have been con-
joined in a serious business 1, wherein I do even yet hope for some
good by your means. So as I have had in your Lordship the interests
both of earnest and of pleasant conversation, which gives me the
boldness to assure myself that I am still not only within your Lord-
ship's remembrance, but likewise within your loving care.
But I dig in a rock of diamonds.
425. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 559. ' To my very worthy and ever dear friend, Mr. John
Dynely, at the Hague.1 Dynely had hopes of a piece of preferment, the
reversion to the place of one of the Six Clerks in Chancery ; the Queen
of Bohemia had written in his favour, and Wotton advises him to get
the Queen to write to Lord Weston and Lord Conway.
From London, ready to return to my College
at Eton, this 13 of Nov., 1628.
My ever dear Jack Dinely,
Your last of the 6th of October were welcome, beyond all
expression, intimating a hope that I shall see yourself shortly ;
which will be mille epistolae. I do not see how you can fail of the
thing whereof you write, if you come quickly. The letter in your
behalf from our royal mistress to his Majesty here is too faint,
being moulded in your own modesty ; therefore, I have a little
invaded it, with some violence unto you. When you consult with
me about the personage that should first, or second, or tertiate your
business with the King, I must answer as Demosthenes did of
action : my Lord Treasurer2-, my Lord Treasurer, and so again. We
contemplate him, not only in the quality of his place, but already in
some degree of a privado8; and even the fresh introducement of
Sir F. Cottington 4 to the council table is no small argument of his
strength, though otherwise a subject of merit.
I hear likewise that his own foreign employments have given him
a great taste of things abroad ; so as you will not find him incurious
to discourse with you. And I verily believe that he will take an
address of you from the Queen unto him, as the principal personage,
to the heart ; wherein, methinks, it were fit and proper that her
Majesty would be pleased likewise to favour you with some lines to
1 In 1620, when Wotton, Weston, and Conway were sent out by James I to
pacify Europe and avert the Thirty Years' War. (Ante, i, p. 169.)
2 Lord Weston. s ' Privado,' a favourite {Fennel).
4 Sir Francis Cottington (1578 ?-1652), Privy Councillor 1628, Lord Cottington
1631, died a Catholic exile in Spain. (Z>. N. B.)
TO JOHN DYNELY 311
my Lord Conaway *, because they were joined in ambassage unto
her at Prage. This is all that I shall need to say, till your own
coming. Your little Anthony ■ prospers extremely well ; and I dare
now say he will prove a good scholar. And so being in truth in no
very cheerful disposition at the present, but newly come out of two
or three fits of an ague, I will trouble neither of us both any further :
ever resting.
Your poor professed friend,
Henry Wotton.
If the Queen have not heard the epitaph of Albert us Morton and
his lady, it is worth her hearing for the passionate plainness :
He first deceas'd. She for a little tried
To live without him : lik'd it not and died.3
Authoris Inccrti.
Postscript. — In a letter under this date to her Majesty I conclude
with a supplication, that she will be pleased to receive a page, at the
joint suit of the House of Bacons, a boy 4 of singular spirits, without
aggravation of her charge ; for he shall want no means to maintain
himself in good fashion about so royal a mistress. I pray heartily
further this motion, and be in it yourself nuncius laetitiarum.
426. To the Queen op Bohemia.
Letters to B., p. 151 ; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 442. ' The beginning is wanting '
(note in Beliq.). Wotton asks that Francis Bacon might become one of
the Queen's pages. No date, but evidently the letter referred to in the
hist.
(London, Nov. 13, 1628.)
Yet my mind and my spirits give me, against all the com-
bustions of the world, that before I die I shall kiss again your
royal hand, in as merry an hour as when I last had the honour to
wait upon your gracious eyes at Heidelberge/'
I will now take the boldness to conclude my poor lines with
a private and humble suit unto your Majesty, which I bring with
1 Sir Edward Conway (died 1631), Secretary of State 1623-30. Created Viscount
Conway in 1627. (D. N. B.) In 1620 Conway and Weston were sent together on
nn embassy to the King of Bohemia at Prague (see ante, i, p. 169).
2 Anthony Dynely, ante, ii, p. 308.
3 This epitapli is published in the first edition of the Reliquiae with the
signature ' H. Wotton ', and there is little doubt that Wotton was the author,
though the reserve he affects about his writings, especially his poems, kept him
from claiming it as his own.
4 Francis Bacon, son of Sir Robert Bacon, brother and successor of Sir Edmund
Bacon. Francis Bacon became a page to the Queen of Bohemia, took military
lervice under the Prince of Orange, and died not long after.
5 In 1616, ante, i, p. 145 ; ii, pp. 88-91.
312 LETTERS OF WOTTON
me out of Suffolk, from Sir Edmund Bacon's house and that whole
family ; among whom your Majesty's name and virtue are in
singular admiration.
There is of that house a young plant of some sixteen years, well
natured, and well moulded both for face and limbs, and one of the
bravest-spirited boys in Christendom. It is their joint ambition,
and they have made me their intercessor, that your Majesty would
be pleased to take him for one of your pages. They want not means
otherways to bestow him, but their zeal towards your Majesty, and
their judgements guide them to this humble desire, for his most
virtuous and noble nurture. And lest the ordinary number of your
Majesty's attendants in that kind, being perhaps full, might retard
their hope of this high favour, I have commission to assure your
Majesty that their meaning is not to aggravate your charge ; for he
shall have yearly a competent provision allowed to maintain him in
good fashion. If my niece Bacon, of dearest memory, were alive
(whom God took, not long after my nephew Albertus, into his
eternal bliss), I am sure she would join in this suit unto your
Majesty, that all sexes might enter into the obligation. But it is
your Majesty's own goodness from which only we can hope for
a favourable answer. And so with all our prayers, and with my
particular obliged devotion, I most humbly commit your Majesty to
God's reserved blessings, and continual love, ever resting.
Your Majesty's poor servant,
In all truth and zeal,
Henry Wotton.
427. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 49 ; Keliq.. 3rd ed., p. 440. Marriage of Wotton's niece. &c.
From the College, the 14th of Decemb., 1628.
Sir,
I have received from London the favourable lines wherewith
you honoured me, then near your departure ; which you have some-
what allayed with the promise of your return at the beginning of
the next term, which consorteth well with a change of my purpose
to Christmas in Kent, born in me as I was reading your letter. For
what should I do there in such haste after the nuptials1, when
1 Catherine, daughter of Thomas Lord Wotton, married Dec. 4, 1628 Lord Stan-
hope, son of the first and father of the second Earl of Chesterfield. Lord Stanhope
died in 1634, and his wife, after refusing Van Dyck, married John Polyander
a Kerckoven. She was governess to Mary, Princess Royal, daughter of Charles I,
and accompanied the Princess to Holland when she married the Prince of
Orange. In 1651 Catherine Kerckoven was arrested for complicity in a royalist
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 313
I shall come so as well in Lent ? Much ado there hath been toward*
the point of conclusion, like that aphorism of Hippocrates, Nox
unif < rishi est molestissiniit. Loves being in this like fevers, as well
as in the rest ; for one definition will serve them both, O&fik
*Mo.
Jack Dinely is not yet arrived, but we expect him daily, as
messenger from the Queen his mistress of her late happy delivery \
after a foul report that had been maliciously thrown albroad of her
miscarriage by a fall. The doctor likewise as yet hath given me no
answer ; but I will quicken him, and put life, I hope, into the
business.
Now, let me tell you, that the noble Sir Gervase Clifton (as in
good faith he is in ipsis visceribns) hath been lately here with us, at
a time when he hath been content to be entertained with the
pastimes of children ; a Latin and a Greek Hyppolitus. How often
you were remembered between us is harder for me to tell you than,
1 hope, for you to believe. Among other discourse, he showed me
a little excrescence that he hath beginning upon the uttermost ball
of his eyes, a filmy matter, like the rudiment of a pin and web, as
they call it. Whereupon fell into my memory a secret that
Mr. Bohan had told me his mother knew, how to take away that
evil in growth, and perchance much more in the infancy, with
a medicine applied only to the wrists. And I have heard yourself
likewise speak of a rare thing for that part. I beseech you, Sir, be
pleased with all possible speed to entreat that receipt from Mr. Bohan,
to whom we shall both be much beholden for it. And Sir Gervase
Clifton is already so possessed, that he both says and thinks that
nothing will cure him better than that which any way shall come
through your hand unto him. No peace as yet with either of the
Kings : the more wished I think with France, the likelier perchance
with Spain.2 No offices disposed in Court, no favourite but the Lord
Treasurer. More news in my next. For the present, God keep you
in bis dear love.
Serridorc.
H. WOTTON.
pl.»t, ami at the Restoration was created Counter of Chesterfield for life.
D.X.B.)
1 Charlotte, fourth daughter of the Queen of Bohemia was born in Dec. ICW,
and died in 1631. (Everett-Green, v, pp. 469, 485.)
Peace with France was concluded by the treaty of Susa, April 14, loi'l). with
Spain by the treaty of Madrid, Nov. 5, 1630. (Gardiner, vii. pp. 100, 175. N
314 LETTERS OF WOTTON
428. To Viscount Wentworth.
Strafford Pp., i, p. 48, where this letter is dated • Nov. or Dee. 1628.' If this
date and the address to Viscount Wentworth are correct, it must have
been written after Dec. 10, 1628, when Wentworth (created Lord
Wentworth, July 22, 1628) was made a Viscount. Wotton sends
Wentworth a present of a cane.
(December, 1628.)
My most Honoured Lord,
I was coming this morning to take my humble leave of your
Lordship, before your own departure and mine, when I understood
that you were at Roehampton. But I will not miss my second
intent, which was to beg this favour of your Lordship, that you will
take a poor cane into your service, who of a long time hath been
used to wait upon Privy Councillors, and in my hands is quite out
of countenance.1 Seriously, my noble Lord, there is no man living
to whom it doth more justly appertain than to your Lordship, by
late descent from his love, whose memory you so often revive in
your affectionate discourses. For myself, I go away guilty of having
in this town ill cultivated your neighbourhood, which yet, beside
a certain uncompletiveness 2 that is in my nature, did proceed in truth
from a good real respect towards your Lordship, that there was more
reason I should consider the distance between our businesses than
our lodgings. Howsoever I am, in all places,
Your Lordship's at all commands,
Henry Wotton.
429. To Dr. Samuel Ward3.
Tanner MS. 72, f. 307, holograph. Some difficulty about
Ward's nephew ; Dr. Dorislaus.
(February 8, 1629.)
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 10th of December, this 8th of
February at Eton, which at the first reading did much amaze me,
till consulting better with my memorials, I find your complaint
fallen upon a strange controversy yet pendant, I know not where.
The case seemeth unto us here as rare as it doth to you, and perhaps
more, because by our nearness, both of place and interest, we see it
sub maiori anguJo.
1 The cane had probably belonged to Edward, first Lord Wotton, who became
a Privy Councillor in 1602, and died in 1626.
2 ? Uncompletiveness,' perhaps uncompetitiveness.
3 Samuel Ward (died lt>43), Master of Sidney Sussex College. (I>. N. B.)
TO DR. SAMUEL WARD 315
For my part, I am yet merely but intellects pattens in the whole
business. And till farther information I can say no more but this,
that your brother's son can receive no wrong in this College wfaili
I am in it. I will give you some farther account of the matter, as
I hope, within little while.
Since the lingering of your letter on the way, I hear (and in truth
with much compassion) that Doctor Dorislaus ■ is slipped into some
trouble with you ; at which I wonder extremely, being acquainted
with his discretion and temper. I will not espouse his cause,
though I love his person, but I hope he will wind out of it among
so fair interpreters. If he be with you again when you receive this
(the choice2 of which conversation doth increase his value with
me), I pray return unto him my very hearty remembrance. And so
I rest.
Your ever affectionate poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
1 was infinitely taken with your Concio ad clerumz, upon a bor-
rowed perusal of it from Mr. Hales, and shall think myself famished
till I get a copy thereof in my own power.
430. To Charles I.
ll> /i<j., 3rd ed., p. 562. Wotton hears that he is to be appointed to write the
History of England, and asks the King for money or preferment to
• 'liable him to pay his debts contracted in the public service.
Whitehall, Feb. 12. Styl. vet., 1628<9).
May it please your most sacred Majesty,
It is more to be bound to your Majesty's judgement than to be
bound to your favour. Therefore I do not only joy, but glory
(though still with humble acknowledgement and feeling what myself
am) that you have been pleased (as I understand from my Lord of
Dorchester ') to apply my pen to so noble an end : being confident
1 Isaac Dorislaus (1595-1649), appointed by Fulke Greville, Lord Brooke, to his
newly-founded lectureship of history at Cambridge in 1627. At first Samuel
Ward ' extended to him a sympathy and hospitality which contrasted strongly
with the treatment which that eminent scholar received from the academic
authorities.' D.N. B. He seems now, however, to have fallen into disfavour with
Ward, and shortly after date of this letter he retired from Cambridge. In 1649 he
went to Holland as special envoy from the Commonwealth, and was then-
murdered by royalist assassins.
2 'Choice' ('choise' in MS.), in obs. sense of special value, estimation.
X. E. D.)
■ Qratia discriminans : Concio ad clerum habita Ccuitabrigiae . . ., Jan. 12. I •>-•">.
Londini, 1626.
* Sir Dudley Carleton (Lord Carleton in 1626; became Viscount Dorchester in
•July. 1628, and was appointed chief secretary of state on Dec. 14, 1628. (Gardiner,
\ i. i». "572). On Feb. 16, 1629, a pension of £500 was granted Wotton, for which he
surrender his former pension of £200 {ante, i, p. 117). He was to ' compose
tin English History, and bestow £100 upon such amanuensis or eh-rk M bfl
316 LETTERS OF WOTTON
that the very care not to disgrace your Majesty's good pleasure and
indulgent choice of me will invigorate my weakness. But before
I enter into the description of others' actions and fortunes (which
require a free spirit) I must present at your royal feet, and even
claim from your natural equity and goodness, such compensation
(as it shall please you) in that which followeth.
I served the King your father of most blessed memory, from the
time he sent for me, at the beginning of his reign, out of France
(retaining then some gracious remembrance of my service with him
in Scotland), twenty years, that is almost now a third part of my
life, in ordinary and extraordinary emploj^ments abroad. I had
many comfortable letters of his contentment, or at least, of his
gracious toleration of my poor endeavours, and I had under his own
royal hand two hopes in reversion. The first, a moiety of a Six
Clerk's place in Chancery. The next, of the office of the Rolls itself.1
The first of these I was forced to yield to Sir William Beecher2,
upon the late Duke of Buckingham's former engagement unto him
by promise, even after your Majesty had been pleased to intercede
for me with your said ever blessed father. And that was as much
in value as my Provostship were worth at a market. The other of
the reversion of the Rolls I surrendered to the said Duke in the
gallery at Wallingford House, upon his own very instant motion
(the said Duke then intending it upon the now Attorney, Sir Robert
Heath3), though with serious promise, upon his honour, that he would
procure me some equivalent recompense, before any other should be
settled in the place.
The truth of my humble claim, and of his sincere intentions
towards me, I present herewith unto your Majesty, in a letter all
under his own hand.
I could likewise remember unto your Majesty the losses I have
sustained abroad by taking up moneys for my urgent use at more
than twenty in the hundred ; by casualty of fire, to the damage of
near four hundred pounds in my particular ; 4 by the raising of
moneys in Germany, whereby my small allowance (when I was sent
to the Emperor's Court) fell short five hundred pounds, as Signor
Burlamachi too well knoweth ; and other ways.
shall employ therein. By order and power of Lord Viscount Dorchester.'
Docquet Book, ix.)
1 The moiety of a Six Clerk's place granted Feb., 1611 (see ante, i, p. 117). The
reversion of the Mastership of the Rolls promised 1620 (ante, i, p. 167).
3 In exchange for the Provostship of Eton, promised by Buckingham to
Beecher.
3 Sir Robert Heath (1575-1649), Attorney-General from 1625 to 1631. In 1621
he was promised a grant of the reversion of the Mastership of the Rolls,
expectant on the death of Sir Julius Caesar. (D. N. B.t xxv, p. 347.)
* In 1618, see ante, ii, p. 125.
TO CHARLES I 813
Now for all this (that I may not press your Majesty with
immoderate desires) I most humbly beg from your royal equity,
and I may say, from your very compassion, but two things; first,
that your Majesty will be pleased, in disposing of the Rolls1 (to
which I was assigned), to reserve for me some small proportion
towards the discharge of such debts as I contracted in public
service, yet remaining upon interest. Next, that you will bo like-
wise pleased to promise me the next good Deanery that shall be
vacant by death or remove : whereof I also had a promise from your
blessed father then at Newmarket, and am now more capable thereof
in my present condition. And thus shall your Majesty restore me
both to the freedom of my thoughts and of my life, otherwise so
intricated that I know not how to unfold it. And so with my
continual prayers to the Almighty for his dearest and largest
blessings upon your royal person, I ever rest,
Your Majesty's most faithful poor subject and servant,
Henry Wotton.
431. To Sib Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B. 52 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 443. The Short Parliament of 1629.
Foreign news.
On the 6 of March, 1628<9>.
Sir.
I beseech you let these lines with as much affection, though
with less civility, convey my good wishes after you, which I should
myself have brought before your departure.
You seem to have left the town somewhat prophetically, not to be
near the noise of a very unhappy morning on Monday last 2 ; at
which time the Parliament assembling again (which you know had
been silenced till that day) was then re-adjourned by the King's
special command till Tuesday next. Whereupon the Lower House
fell into such heat (one passion begetting another) that the Speaker 5
(who, as discharged by the royal power, did refuse to read a kind of
remonstrance which Sir John Eliott 4 had provisionally set down in
paper) was forced into the chair. It is strange to consider the
lubricity of popular favour : for he that before during this whole
1 Sir Robert Heath seems to have resigned the reversion to the Rolls at
about this time, for in 1630 it was granted to Sir Dudley Digges. (D.N.B..
xv. p. 69.)
3 Mareh 2.
3 Sir John Finch 1584-1660), Baron Finch of Fordwieh in 1640. (D. N. B.)
His father, Sir Henry Finch, was Sir Henry Wotton's first cousin.
4 Sir John Eliot, 1592-1632 (ibid.). This famous scene is described in Gardiner
(vii, pp. 67-76 . On March 10 Parliament was dissolved and did not meet again
for eleven years.
318 LETTERS OF WOTTON
session (if so we may call it) and the former was so highly com-
mended, and even in this very act, by some of the soundest and
soberest of the House, yet with the general body is so stript of all
his credit in a moment, that I have hardly seen in any chemical
work such a precipitation. What hath ensued will be better told
3tou by this good captain. Some think the Parliament doth yet
hang upon a thread, and may be stitched again together. But that
is an airy conceit in my opinion ; yet the peace of Italy, and the
preparations of France against us.1 are voiced so strongly, that
I verily believe we shall have a new summons.
The States of the Low Provinces have since their western great
prize2 newly taken a carrack out of the east of huge value: so as
their acts are sub utroque sonantia Phoebo?
I have not yet sent those verses to Mrs. Katharine Stanhope 4, that
she may rather have them in the second edition. For the author
hath licked them over, and you shall have a new copy sent you by
the next carrier. We have met together once or twice since your
going, loco solito ; but like a disjointed company, wanting one of our
best pieces. God send us often cheerfully together ; and so I rest,
Your hearty servant,
Henry Wotton.
When Jack Dinely shall return out of Lincolnshire, I will give
you an account what I write by him to the Queen of Bohemia about
your spiritous nephew. And I will not forget to rouse the Doctor
at Cambridge5 in the charitable intention. I pray remember my
service to your whole name, and to my noble cousin Sir Drue c. to
whom I will write the next week.
432. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 564. ' To my most Worthy Friend, Mr. John Dynely, Esq.,
at Boston in Lincolnshire.' Parliament dissolved ; foreign news.
March 11, 1628<9>.
My dear Jack Dinely,
You see I keep my familiarity, though you be the governor of
Princes. And I see by your letter that I am everywhere in your
remembrance, even where so many natural pledges divide you.
The Parliament is since your going dissolved by the King upon
1 On March 5, Richelieu, who had marched into Italy with Louis XIII.
forced the Spaniards to raise the siege of Casale. The war of the Mantuan
succession did not end until Oct. 3, 1630, but peace between England and France
was concluded on April 14, 1629.
2 Peter Hein?s capture of the Plate Fleet in 1628. (Gardiner, vi, p. 374.
3 ' Sub utroque iacentia Phoebo.' (Ovid, Met. i. 338.) * See ante, ji, p. 312 n.
5 Dr. Collins (?) f' Sir Drue Drurv, Bart,, of Kiddlesworth Hall, died 1632.
TO JOHN DYNELY 819
such reason as in good faith all sober minds must approve, even
while they wish it otherwise. Never was there such a morning as
that which occasioned the dissolution since Phaeton did guide his
father's chariot.
We are now cheered with some foreign news : but I am still sorry
that we must fetch our comfort from abroad, and from the discords
of Italy, instead of the harmony of England. Our Lords sit often,
and were never more close ; insomuch as it is as hard to get anything
out of the council chamber as out of the Exchequer.
Sir Henry Vane1 is suddenly sent extraordinary ambassador to
the Hague, with the more wonder, because Sir Robert Carr 2 is yet
there, omni par negotio. The other's having been cofferer breeds some
conjecture that the business is pecuniary. Nothing is yet done
about the Rolls, and those other places in sequence : and my Lord of
Bristow's3 re-entry into the Court (who the last week earned the
sword before the King) filleth us with new discourse, as if he should
be restored to the Vice-Chamberlainship, which yet lieth amortized 4
in your noble friend \
Mine own businesses stand as they did ; and the best is, they are
rather stationary than retrograde. I pray remember my hearty
affection to your worthy brother, and give him the best hope of his
Anthony. And so languishing for you again. I commit you all to
God's dear love.
Your faithfullest poor friend,
Henry Wotton.
433. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Add. MS. 34,727, f. 53, holograph. 'To my honoured Nephew, Sir Edmund
Bacon, Knight and Baronet, at the Roles, London.' Printed Letters
to B, p. 53 ; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 445. Written shortly before Wotton's
journey to Kent in June. Frank Bacon ; foreign news.
This Monday night late,
(June ?> 1629.
Sir.
I know that between us there needs little compliment ; for
which I am for my part so unproper and so unmoulded, that I often
1 Sir Henry Vane the elder (1589-1655), Cofferer of the Household 1625. In
Feb., 1629, Charles I sent him to the Hague to find out from the Prince of Orange
and the States what they thought of the Spanish offers of peace. (Gardiner, vii.
p. 101.)
1 Sir Robert Ker (1578-1654), Earl of Ancrum 1<J3:3. {D. X. B.)
3 The Earl of Bristol, who had been in disgrace since his return in 1624 from
Spain, was restored to favour in 1628. (Ibid., xv, p. 59.)
4 ' Amortized,' held in commission. (X. E. D.)
s Viscount Dorchester, made Vice-Chamberlain of the King's Household in
1625, an office to which the Earl of Bristol (then Sir John Digby) was appointed
in 1616.
320 LETTERS OF WOTTON
neglect even civil duties, as well appeared by my coming from
London without taking leave of you. But yet I cannot be wanting
unto yourself, nor to the least of your name, in any real service, for
that were too much violence to my nature : therefore before my
coming from Westminster I wrote such letters to the Queen of
Bohemia about your spiritous Franck, as I hope (together with the
good offices of the bearer thereof) will place him with the Prince of
Orenge when he hath taken the Busse \ I could have wished that
his lively blood had been a little fleshed at that siege. But Jack
Dynelye's long stay at London for his dispatch, and at Gravesende for
a wind, hath lost us time. We hear that the King of Spain, upon
the peazing - of his affairs in Italy (where a palm of ground importeth
him more than a province abroad), was resolved to make the Marquis
Spinola Governor of Milan, and that the Count Henry Vanden Berge !
should command the armies in chief under the Infanta. If this be
so, there will be there bella plusquam civilia*, for you know he is
near of blood to the Prince of Orenge, though he hath some a little
nearer ; for he hath one or two by his own sister, as I remember
they told me in his town of Maestrick. The other employment of
the Marquis is a counsel plainly taken rather from necessity than
reason : for otherwise jealousy of state would hardly commit so
much power to a Genouese in the confines of his own country, unless
I have forgotten my foreign maxims.
I have my head towards Kent, with a hope to see you first there,
and afterwards at our election, which will be the third of August.
And so with my humble and hearty remembrance to that best of
men, and noblest of ladies, I rest
II svisceratissimaniente vostro,
Henry Wotto>\
434. To the Viscount Dorchester.
6'. P. Dom. Charles I, cxliv, No. 86, holograph. Wotton troubled by his
creditors, and perhaps arrested for debt, writes to the Secretary of
State, Lord Dorchester.
From Canterburie this 16th of June, 1629.
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
I most humbly beseech your Lordship that the presenter hereof,
my worthy friend 5, may acquaint you with an occasion befallen me.
1 Hertogenbosch (Bois-le-Duc), besieged by Frederick Henry Prince of Orange
in June. 1629, and captured after a memorable siege. (Gardiner, vii, pp. 103, 170).
2 • Peazing,' from pease, to pacify. (N. E. D.)
3 Count Henry van den Berg suffered a check at the siege of Bois-le-Duc. and
retired from the Spanish service. (AT. B. Gen.)
* 'Quatuor autem sunt genera bellorum, id est iustum, iniustum, civile et plus
quam civile.' (Isidorus Hispalensis, Etym. xviii. 2.)
5 Mr. Griffith, see below, p. 322
TO THE VISCOUNT DORCHESTER 321
wherein I must implore your favour to unsoil ' me. And so com-
mitting your Lordship to God's dear blessings and love, I humbly
rest,
At your Lordship's commands,
Henry Wotton.
435. To the Viscount Dorchester.
S. P. Dom. Charles I, cxlv, No. 64, holograph. Thanks for promises
of help.
From Canterburie, this 27 of June, 1629.
Right Honourable and my very good Lord,
I am fully informed by Mr. Griffithe how sensible your Lordship
hath been of that rude affront which was lately done me. And in
that information he did not omit your noble intentions towards me,
as well in curing the cause as in plastering the symptom ; for which
I must render you most humble thanks, and ever live,
Your Lordship's obliged servant,
Henry Wotton.
I have now sent up Mr. Harison2, the bearer hereof, who was
a witness of the whole proceeding.
436. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., 565. Undated. For date see note. Messages for
the Queen of Bohemia, &c.
(July 26, 1629.)
My sweet and dear Jack Dinely,
I am come newly from those ladies3, who think themselves
more lovely than before, and perhaps than they are, ever since
I showed them your character of their beauties, in your letter from
the ' Gally-Gravesend \4 Never was a town better epitheted. They all
remember themselves extreme kindly unto you. While I was there
I should have written letters provisionally to go with Mr. Griffith ;
but my brains are even yet in some distraction among good ideas,
whereby I am put now to write these, and other that go with them,
in haste ; for my said friend hath given me warning that he shall be
gone to-morrow morning from London.
1 'Unsoil,' i.e. assoil.
2 John Harrison, Head Master of Eton, ante, i, p. 216.
3 At Bocton Malherbe.
4 Dynely had sailed for Holland from Gravesend. ' Gally-Gravesend,' cf.
gally-beggar, gally-crow (scarecrow), from gaily, obs., to frigbten, scare
IfT.E. D.).
W OTTON. II Y
322 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I have written to our royal mistress, upon a touch in your last
(which found me at Bocton), that I had now sent her my niece
Stanhop's picture in little, if an express messenger sent for it, the
very night before I came away, by my Lord of Chesterfield l (to whom
it was promised) had not ravished it out of my pocket. But I shall
have it in a greater form at my return thither immediately after our
election, which will begin to-morrow sevennight2: and the Friday
morning following Sir George Kevet's son3 is in the head of our
list ; for lentum est to say he shall be, after your late refreshment of
the Queen's commands. Sir Edmund Bacon was likewise with me
at Bocton, when your letter so overjoyed him that he called in the
very instant for some paper to send for the spiritous Frank Bacon
from Kedgrave. And sene viene volando, as fast as he can trick him
up for the soldier. Of whom I will write more by himself. For to
discharge the thanks that are due for him is no sudden business.
To return to Mr. Griffith ; no man living ever took a kinder
impression than he hath done of his obligations towards you, and it
is indeed a piece of his character to take the least kindness to heart.
He knows all news. You have him now in your hands. And God
be between you both.
Your poor friend svisceratissimamente,
H. WOTTON.
437. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 60 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 447. Wotton writes of his journey
to Eton after parting with Bacon at Dartford ; of Frank Bacon, &c.
From the College this Wednesday night
<July29?>, 1629.
Sir,
The very truth is your love hath prevented me, for I meant by
Giovanni to give you some account of what hath passed since our
divorcement. When I had slept half an hour after you were gone
from Darford I found myself fresco come una rosa : but I awaked in
a strange dream that had seldom before befallen me in an inn,
finding nothing to be paid, not so much as for mine own horses ;
whereby the reason was plain of the paleness of my water which you
observed. For none of the tincture of my gold was gone into the
reckoning of the drink, as you had handled the matter.
1 Philip first Earl of Chesterfield (1584-1656), whose son married Catherine
Wotton (ante, ii, p. 312).
■ The election was fixed for Aug. 3 (ante, ii, p. 320), the date of this letter is
therefore July 26.
3 Sir George Knevett, or Knyvett, knighted 1626. (Metcalfe, p. 187.)
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 323
At the top of Shooter's Hill my footman stayed, as if he had been
watching the beacon rather than for me ; and told me there were
good provisions made at Sir Adam Newton's ' for you and me, with
kind expectation of us both. But myself being desirous to reach
Eton that night, as I did (for my horses, I see, travel best upon
another man's purse), I blanched 2 the house, and sent thither by
Giovanni a fair excuse. True it is, we are much of a humour:
cento buoi will hardly draw us in a journey to any strange place.
At that time likewise Will brought me a letter from Mr. Griffith,
which had been expressly sent to Gravesend the night before,
whereby I saw Giovanni had taken a false alarm, for he was not to
be gone till the Monday morning following, so as I have had time
to ballast him with letters. And I have intimated beforehand to
your Jack Dinely your purpose to pass over the spiritous Frank
as soon as you can trick him. We are now towards the festival
of our election, wherein annually I make a shift to lose four or five
friends, and yet do myself no good ; so as they are angry with me on
the one side, and they laugh at me on the other.
I apprehend this year a great poverty of venison with us : for
I came too late to exchange your warrant3, and my Lady Throg-
morton's will not serve my turn.
Since my coming, Mr. Turvil, a French practical man of good
erudition, hath passed a day or two with me, from whom I hear
a shrewd point, that the oath of peace (which should have been
taken between the two neighbouring Kings upon the same day) is put
off for a month : I believe the stop to be in France, to gain time to
disturb our treaty with Spain.4
Mr. Pirn 5 (a man whose ears are open) told me likewise yesterday
a strange thing, that the Queen of Bohemia hath newly, being hunt-
ing, been chased away herself with some affrightment from Rhenen
by certain troops of the enemy that hath passed the Isel,G with
whom it was feared the Count Henry Venden Berge would join, and
ravage the Velow. Yet withal were come tidings that the Prince
of Orange at the Buss had had parley offered him. But my intelli-
gences are cistern waters ; you are nearer the fountain. And not
1 At Charlton House, near Shooter's Hill, built by Sir Adam Newton {ante,
ii, p. 7), and still in existence.
2 ' Blanch,' to pass without notice. Obs. (N. E. D.)
3 Warrant for venison from the King's parks and chases.
4 Ante, ii, p. 313. 5 John Pym (?).
6 The King and Queen of Bohemia had a country house at Rhenen, not far
from the Hague, where they spent a good deal of time. On July 14, 1629, the
council of the Prince of Orange (who was then besieging Hertogenbosch)
requested the Queen to move further from the seat of war, as the enemy had
crossed the Yssel, and they feared a sudden attack on her person. The Queen
went to Vianen on the road towards Rotterdam. {Everett- Green, v, p. 47l\)
Y 2
324 LETTERS OF WOTTON
only dulcius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae,* but verms too : for both
will stand in the verse.
Before I end, let me beseech you to remember my humble and
hearty devotion (in the very style of Seneca to his Lucilius, and
I shall need to say no more) Optimo Vivorum.2 I envy your enjoy-
ments and conversations, and most when they are privatest, for then
they are freest. I hope the noble Lady will return quickly again
to her Hesperian Garden ; to whom, I pray, likewise let my humble
service be remembered. And so I rest,
Excepto quod non simul esses caetcra laetus*
H. WOTTON.
438. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 58 ; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 446. Dated ' Tuesday 1629 ', probably
Tuesday, Aug. 15, from the reference to the two following letters about
Frank Bacon.
From the College, this Tuesday
(Aug. 15?>, 1629.
Sir,
Although I intend to write again speedily, and at a little more
ease unto you by James 4, and then to send you and Sir Gervase
Clifton the copy of a letter 5 which Giovanni tells me you both
desire ; yet lest you should send over your Frank (who hath from
you all his sails and fraught G) without part of his ballast from me,
I have hastened the enclosed letters unto your hand, with the copy
of mine to the Queen of Bohemia : the others are ad lianc formam.
I could wish that he would begin with Jack Dinely and slide first
unseen to Leyden, who will bring him thence to the Queen, and
acquaint him with all due respects.
I have written to the Countess of Levistain ' to cherish him also ;
a great and assiduous lady with the Queen, and by title, my noble
secretary. This is all that I need say at the present. Doctor Sharpe 8
and I do threaten you the next Christmas. In the meanwhile,
Your humble servant,
Henry Wotton.
OpHmo vivorum, and to his most worthy lady, S.
1 'Gratius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae.' (Ovid, Ex Pont. iii. 5. 18.)
2 Sir Gervase Clifton. 3 Horace, Ep. i. 10. 50.
4 James Vary. 5 See below, p. 32S.
6 « Fraught,' i. e. freight. Obs. (N. E. D.)
7 Countess von Levenstein, Lady in Waiting to the Queen of Bohemia. {Cal.
S.P. Dow?., 1639-40, p. 537.)
8 Leonel Sharpe (ante, ii, p 38), Rector of Bocton Malherbe.
TO THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA 826
439. To the Queen of Bohemia.
Letters to B., p. 64; Retiq., 3rd •■<!., p. 449. Printed from the copy sent
to Bacon. Wotton introduces Frank Bacon to the Queen.
Aug. 16, 1629.
May it please your Majesty,
This bearer is that lad, by name Franck Bacon, for whom your
Majesty's intercession with the Prince of Orange hath bound so
many unto you here. It is your goodness that hath done it, and
therefore he is addressed by his friends (and by me who am the
meanest of them) first through your gracious hands, and laid down
at your .royal feet.
There is in him, I believe, metal enough to be cast into good
form ; and I hope it is of the noblest sort, which is ever the most
malleable and pliant. Only one thing I fear, that coming from
a country life into the lustre of courts, he will be more troubled
with it than with the hissing of bullets.
Now when I consider (as I do at the present) that besides your
Majesty's ancient favours towards me, and to them that have been
and are so dear unto me, some gone, and some remaining, you
have lately received the child of my very worthy friend, Mr. Griffith,
about the Prince your son, and honoured this other with your especial
recommendation, in such a forcible and express manner as you were
pleased to do it : I say, when I consider all this, I cannot but fall
into some passionate questions with mine own heart. Shall I die
without seeing again my royal mistress myself? Shall I not rather
bring her my most humble thanks than let them thus drop out
of a dull pen ? Shall such a contemptible distance, as between Eton
and the Hague, divide me from beholding how her virtues overshine
the darkness of her fortune ? I could spend much paper in this
passion, but let it sleep for the present, and God bless your
Majesty,
As I am yours,
H. Wotton.
After this humble and just acknowledgement of my obligations
unto your Majesty, it were a miserable thing for me to tell you that
at our late election I have remembered your commandment ' in the
first place ; I should indeed rather ask what your Majesty will have
next done.
1 About Sir George Knevett'a son (mite, ii. p. 322).
326 LETTERS OF WOTTON
440. To John Dynely.
Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 567. ' To my most worthy dear Friend, Mr. John Dynely,
Attendant on the young Prince at Leyden.' The Eton election ;
Frank Bacon.
From the College the 16 of August, 1629.
My sweet Jack Dinely,
We have newly concluded our anniversary business, which hath
been the most distracted election that I verily believe had ever before
been seen since this nurse first gave milk, through no less than four
recommendatory and one mandatory letter from the King himself ;
besides intercessions and messengers from divers great personages,
for boys both in and out, enough to make us think ourselves shortly
Electors of the Empire, if it hold on. Among which confusions I did
not forget (as I have written to your royal mistress) to put Sir G.
Kevet's son in the head of our list.
After this which I have truly told you, you cannot well expect
many lines from me ; for as the seas require some time to settle,
even when the winds are ceased, so need our brains after such
an agitation. Yet somewhat I must say by this bearer. You have
gotten a great interest in the whole family, and in all that touch
upon it, by the pains which you have taken ; and yet they reserve
themselves not to be more beholden to you for the introduction
than they hope to be for your direction of him there ; though he
comes, I can tell you, with severe advice from his uncle, that if ever
he be an inch from the eye of the Prince (unless with the Queen),
either in time of security or danger, actum est between them. We
leave him now to your moulding, as if he were (as he is indeed) to
be melt in a new furnace. There is spirit enough to work upon,
though perchance overshadowed with some rural modesty. But that
among camps and courts is now and then too soon divested. I shall
be glad to hear how he appeareth di prima vista ; as likewise of little
Griffith, after whom I hearken with no less affection.
Bum versor in hac materia: I could wish you at some times to
quicken your Anthony here with a line or two, which in Persius
phrase, patruum sapiant ' : not truly that I perceive any slackness in
him, but you know what our Italian horsemen say, un caval del
Regno vuol anche gli sproni.
We are divided by sundry reports from you, between hopes and
fears, both great ; your next will ease us, which will find me in
Kent, whither I am turning my head again for a while, that I may
be present at my niece Stanhop's good time.
My niece Hester2 is absolutely reclaimed from those foolish
1 'Quum sapimus patruos.' (Persius, i. 11.)
2 Hester, daughter of Sir Henry Wotton's nephew, Thomas second Lord
TO JOHN DYNELY 327
impressions which she had taken, God's name be ever blessed for it ;
and it is none of the least ends of my going to rivet that business.
I hope at the next term to do some wonders for myself ; so I call
them, and so they must be if I do them : for among courtiers I am
a wonder, as owls are among gay birds. Now farewell for the
present ; let us still love one another, and our dear God love us both.
Your truest poor friend,
H. W.
I had made it a resolution to myself never to write to the Queen
without somewhat likewise to the King ; but understanding that
they are now separated, I have this time forborne to trouble him
in so noble an action.1
441. To Sir Gervase Clifton.
Lansd. MS. 238, f. 157, transcript. ' To my much and ever honoured friend,
Sir Ger. Clifton, Knt. and Baronet.' The Eton election, &c.
From the College, 17 of August, 1629.
Noble Sir,
I may easily borrow too much of your time, but I can do no
violence to my own nature in writing to you, because I honour you
in cisceribns. I came some while since out of Kent, where I divided
between Canterbury and Bocton almost six weeks, which methought
was a courteous portion of time from my contemplations. And yet
thither I am turning my head again in this vacation. Your name
was there often remembered, and I have part in that music. Since
my return hither, we have passed the most distracted election that
I verily believe had ever been seen since this nurse first gave milk,
through no less than four recommendatory and one mandatory letter
from the King himself, besides messengers and intercessions from
divers great personages ; enough to think ourselves great. After
this you can expect no long letter from me ; for as the seas require
some time to settle, even when the winds are ceased, so perchance
need our brains after such an agitation. Yet it ended well, truly
I think in the best choice of scholars that hath been made of a long
time. We have nominated boys of singular hopes for Cambridge.
If they prove otherwise there, we must ask an old question,
Amphora coepit
Institui, currente rota, cur urceus exit?2
Wotton. Hester Wotton was baptized Jan. 11, 1616. (Transcripts from Registers
of Bocton Malherbe, X. «{• Q., 7th ser., x, p. 310.) She afterwards married the third
Viscount Campden, and died in 1649.
1 The King of Bohemia was serving as a volunteer in the army of the Prince
i Orange at the siege of Hertogenbosch. {Everett- Green, v, p. 472.)
2 Horace, Ars Poet. 22.
328 LETTERS OF WOTTON
My noble nephew f lets me know the joy of your meetings ; I hear
it with an envious ear, and wish myself in your company for two
ends ; first for the benefits and pleasure of your conversations, and
next that I might so long forget myself. My servant Giovanin tells
me you desire the copy of a certain letter written from a kinswoman
of mine to her husband,2 which I owe you for a better. And yet
truly this is such an one as I have often much admired, though
I must withal say (without disquieting her ghost) more than I have
approved. It is howsoever sent you for your entertainment, and to
mollify the trouble of this which comes with it. And so I remain
Your poor faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
Sir, I have been cast behind (not knowing till of late where you
were) in the office of congratulation with yourself and your son in
your new complements 3. Let me do it in the delicatest piece of all
antiquity,
JSfo(n) murmur a vestra 4 columbae,
Brachia non hederae, non vincant oscula conchae.5
442. To the Viscount Dorchester.
S. P. Dom. Charles I, cxlviii, No. 84, holograph. Dated 'Wednesday
night, 1629 ', probably Aug. 19. The Eton election.
From the College this Wednesday night
(Aug. 19?), 1629.
Eight Honourable and my very good Lord,
I must beg a favour of your Lordship, that you will be pleased
when the Court shall be here tueri absentiam meam — that was the
ancient phrase. I am summoned into Kent to be there at my niece
Stanhope's good time.
We have passed over the most troublesome election I believe hath
ever been since this nurse first gave milk, overcharged indeed with
1 Sir Edmund Bacon.
a A copy of this letter is preserved among Sir Gervase Clifton's papers in the
British Museum, where it is inscribed, ' A copy of a letter from a wife voluntarily
resolved to leave her husband upon a sudden envy, yet were (they) afterwards
so well reconciled that she died of childbirth by him.' (Lansd. MS., 238, f. 153.)
3 ' Complements,' i. e. compliments, in the obsolete sense of ceremonies,
formalities ; here marriages. Sir Gervase Clifton's second wife, Frances, sister
of Lord Clifford, died in Nov. 1627. His third wife was Mary, daughter of John
Egiock, and widow of Sir Francis Leek. She died in 1631. It was no doubt on
this marriage that Wotton congratulates him in the above. His eldest son
Gervase married Sarah, daughter of Timothy Pusey, of Selston, Notts.
4 ' vestrae ' in transcript.
5 From the AUocutio ad Sponsos of the Emperor Gallienus (died a. d. 268).
(Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores, iv, p. 103.)
TO THE VISCOUNT DORCHESTER 329
our dutiful desire to satisfy all the King's letters, which wore no less
than four recommendatory and one mandatory, ln-sidos im
and intercessions from divers great personages, for boys both in and
out, enough indeed to make us almost think ourselves great. Of
this I must sadly discourse with your Lordship for the good of the
College (which I know you tender) when the Court shall be fixed,
for it is opus quietis. In the meanwhile we have contented all his
Majesty's desires, one way or other, the most actually, the rest by
promise ; and one thing we can say (which is strange in such
distraction), that I think there was never made a better choice. We
have nominated to Cambridge boys of singular hope. If they prove
not afterwards secondo la perfezione del saggio, we must ask the old
question —
Amphora coepit
Institui, currente rota, cur urceus exit ?
Your Lordship after this cannot look for any long letter from me ;
for as the seas require some time to settle, even when the winds are
ceased,1 so perchance need our brains after such an agitation. You
have now with you this bearer, a compendium of colleges and
libraries,2 and therefore I shall need to say no more. God bless
your Lordship, and in that me, for I have an affiance in your love.
Your Lordship's, with a very true heart,
Henry Wotton.
443. To Lady .
Itrli'q., 1st ed., p. 444 ; 3rd ed., p. 350. No date or address. Written before
April, 1630 (see note 1, p. 330). Negotiations about the marriage of
one of Wotton's nieces.
(1629?)
My most Honoured Lady,
Your young kinsman shall be welcome hither at your pleasure,
and there shall want no respects on my part to make the place both
fruitful and cheerful unto him.
Touching the other part of your last, wherein I am so much
obliged by your confidence, which in truth is the greatest of
obligations, let me assure your Ladyship, by all the protestations of
1 The chance that has preserved these three letters, written at about the same
time, in three different collections (the Reliquiae, the British Museum, and the
Record Office) has exposed Wotton's habit (which he shares with most good
letter-writers) of using the same happy phrase to more than one correspondent.
The phrase itself was Sarpi's : 'con tutto cio un' acqua turbata dalli venti,
cessati quelli, ancora si muove.' (Lettere, i, p. 36.)
■ Probably John Hales, whom Wotton called ' Bibliotheca ambulans ' (below,
p. £95). Hales had been chaplain to Lord Dorchester (then Sir Dudley Carleton)
at the Synod of Dort 1618-19. His letters to Carleton are printed in his
Gulden Remains, ii, pp. 1-97.
330 LETTERS OF WOTTON
a Christian man, that I never heard before the least whispering of
that whereof you write concerning my niece : neither, in good faith,
did I know so much as that there was a Lord T. Your Ladyship
sees in what darkness, or with what incuriosity, I live.
I shall, ere it be long, be myself in Kent among my friends ; but
I will write more speedily, according to your command.
In the meanwhile (if I may be pardoned so much boldness)
I could wish your Ladyship would take some hold of one well
known in Court on both sides, namely master Nicolas Pey : he is
a right honest and discreet man in himself, and of great trust with
my Lady T. the grandmother \ under whom my niece was bred, and
likewise with her father and mother ; and I am not tender that your
Ladyship should tell him you have understood so much from me, if
it please you to send for him. And so I most humbly rest,
Your Ladyship's with all devotion to serve you,
H. Wotton.
444. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letter to B., p. 66 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 451. The election of scholars
at Eton ; the landing of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany.
From your College this 27 July, 1630.
My noble Nephew,
I am sorry that your cast of Bucknames 2 cannot be served at
this election ; for to choose one of them (and that must have been
in a low place) had been discomfortable ; they will fly best at ease
together. Yet I have thought of a way the next year, in all event
not to fail, which is, to divide them between Westminster and
Eton. Their election precedeth ours some three weeks ; and truly
upon my late observation there I must needs say that school
mouldeth good scholars, and of certainer preferment to either of the
universities (for some go to Oxford, and some to Cambridge) than
this, out of which the issue is always hard, and the entrance not
always easy. Glad I am to hear by your letter that you have
gotten so good a schoolmaster, that they may be well mued * in the
meanwhile. Betwixt this and the next turn I shall lay you down
an infallible course for them. And this must content their good
father at the present.
1 Lady Throckmorton, wife of Sir Arthur Throckmorton, and mother of Mary,
wife of Thomas Lord Wotton. Lord Wotton died April 2, 1630.
2 This probably refers to the election to scholarships at Eton of the sons of
Captain Bokenham, a friend of Sir Edmund Bacon's, to whom in his will he left
ten pounds and a damask sword. (Wills and Inventories from the Registers of Bury
St. Edmunds, &c, Camden Soc, 1850, p. 217.) ' Cast ' is the term in hawking for
a couple. (N.E.D.)
3 'Mued,' i. e. mewed, moulted.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 331
If your Mason's brother1 (who was here on Sunday) had stayed
till the next morning, there was some practicable hope to have sped
the boy this year to Cambridge ; but some unfortunate haste, and
despair of so many places as fell open, carried him away.
If you had not intimated your own coming to London, you might
perchance have been troubled with me in the country. But I will
now languish for the hour you promise this place of seeing you here ;
where your venison (which we enjoy by exchange from Master Vice-
Chamberlain)2 hath given us all occasion to remember you thankfully
as a benefactor to this board. I will entertain you with no home
novelties, but let me tell you a fresh piece of no small noise from
abroad. The King of Sweden 3 hath landed with 200 ships a great
army of some 40,000 in Germany, wTith intention (if the party of our
Religion be not all drowsy) to redress the common cause ; or at
least, to redintegrate his near kinsman in Meckleburge,4 confiscated,
you know, by the Emperor. And the opportunity is fair, while the
Austrian power is diverted for the help of Spain into Italy.5 God
bless it, and cherish it as His own business ; and in His dear love
I leave you, ever remaining,
Your faithful servant,
Henry Wotton,
as intricate as a flea in a bottom of flax.
Sir, I will write to you at large after our election, when my brains
are settled.
445. To Charles I.
S. P. Bom. Charles 1, cclxxxi, No. 105. Dated there [1630]. A letter
sent with the first part of Wotton's Philosophical Survey of Education,
or Moral Architecture (ante, i, p. 207).
<1630.)
Mallem Augusti iudicium quam Antonii beneficium.6
Most gracious Sovereign,
It was an ancient rule of state (as your Majesty I am sure hath
read) that every particular man should yield otii sui rationcm,1 which
1 Perhaps Charles Mason, who was elected to King's College in 1632. (Har-
icood, p. 232.)
2 Viscount Dorchester.
3 Gustavus Adolphus landed on the coast of Pomerania June 24, 1630.
4 The Duchy of Mecklenburg was given to Wallenstein by the Emperor in 1629.
(Gardiner, 30 Yrs., p. 116.)
5 In the war of the Mantuan succession. (Ibid., 121.)
6 Seneca, de Benefic. i. 15. 5. {Ante, ii, p. 254.)
7 'Etenim M. Catonis illud, quod in principio scripsit Originum suarum,
semper magnificum et praeclarum putavi, u clarorum virorum atque magnorum
non minus otii quam negotii rationem exstare oportere."' (Cic. Pro Cn. Plancio,
27. 66.)
332 LETTERS OF WOTTON
pointed at a great natural principle, that the vacantest thoughts are
everywhere the worst. This hath moved me to present unto your
Majesty a little foretaste of a work, long intended, and much pressed
by my friends, who overween ' my weakness ; which, if it may
receive from your royal judgement the least encouragement, will be
so far from fearing vulgar censures, that your Majesty may easily
make it bold enough to be dedicated to yourself, as the subject thereof
will well bear ; for your Majesty is the common parent in your
regal capacity. And you are in your natural (I speak it from my
soul and conscience) one of the virtuousest examples in the highest
place that ourselves or any other nation hath ever had. So as that there
cannot but stream from your sovereign person many sweet beams of
goodness into the public nurture, which is the theme that I handle.
And truly (if mine own conceit doth not hang in my light) I hope to
do my country as much service therein as in whatsoever else my poor
pen and declining years could be employed. After this (if God pro-
duce2 my time) I will wholly apply myself to the story of our
Church and State, from the beginning of Henry VIII (which my Lord
of St. Albons left imperfect) and so forward. And thus your Majesty
hath an account both of what I am doing and what I mean to do.
The Lord cover your Majesty with His continual love, according to
the continual prayers of
Your poorest servant,
Henry Wotton.
446. To Charles I.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 311 ; 3rd ed., p. 75. ' Epistle Dedicatory' to the Survey
of Education. No date.
(1630?)
May it please your Majesty,
I need no other motive to dedicate this discourse, which fol-
loweth, unto your Majesty than the very subject itself, so properly
pertaining to your sovereign goodness: for thereby you are pater
patriae. And it is none of the least attributes wherewith God hath
blessed both your royal person and your people, that you are so. On
the other side, for mine own undertaking thereof, I had need say more.
I am old and childless ; and though I were a father of many, I could
leave them nothing, either in fortune or in example. But having
long since put forth a slight pamphlet about the Elements of Archi-
tecture, which yet hath been entertained with some pardon among my
friends, I was encouraged, even at this age, to assay how I could build
a man : for there is a moral, as well as a natural or artificial compile-
1 ' Overween,' i. e. to think too highly of. Obs. (K. E. D.)
2 ' Produce,' i. e. prolong.
TO CHARLES I 333
ment, and of better materials : which truly I have cemented together
rather in the plain Tuscan (as our Vitruvius termeth it) than in the
Corinthian form. Howsoever, if your Majesty be graciously pleased
to approve any part of it, who are so excellent a judge in all kind
of structure, I shall much glory in mine own endeavour. If otherwise,
I will be one of the first myself that shall pull it in pieces, and
condemn it to rubbage ! and ruin. And so, wishing your Majesty (as
to the best of Kings) a longer life than any of the soundest works of
nature or art, I ever rest
Your Majesty's most devoted poor subject and servant,
H. Wotton.
447. To Sir Gervase Clifton.
Clifton Hall MS. Undated (for date, see note 2). A new play.
<1631?>
Bib,
I should have seen some pictures and other rarities in the house
of Robinson -, one of the King's players, as to-morrow, who an hour
since sent me word that he cannot be at home to receive me, by
reason of a new play which they are to repeat to-morrow in the after-
noon, and which they are publicly to act on Wednesday — the rarest
thing, as he conceiveth, that hath ever been seen on a stage, called
The Italian Night Masque? Now, if any other occasion shall put off
your departure so long (for I have too much logic to reckon this inter
eausas per se), I will countenance myself that day with your company,
and be ever glad of the least motive to pick a quarrel for a new
meeting.
Your vowed servant,
Henry Wotton.
448. To Lord Weston (?).
Reliq.y 1st ed., p. 451 ; 3rd ed., p. 355. Unsigned, no date or address. This
and the following letter occur in the Reliquiae immediately before
a letter dated 1633, and for want of other indications I place them here.
Wotton writes to some important personage (probably Lord Weston,
see note) about a scholarship election.
(July, 1632.)
Most dear Lord,
While I had your Lordship (as I am always bound) in my
meditation, and somewhat under my pen (wherewith I hope in due
1 'Rubbage,' i. e. rubbish. Obs. {N. E. D.)
3 Richard Robinson, one of the King's players 1611-42, died 1648. (F. G. Fleay,
Chronicle History of the lAm>i<t,i Stage, 1890, p. 375.)
5 Probably The Unfortunate Piety, licensed June 13, 1631, and entered in the
Stationers' Register, Sept. 9, 1653, with the additional title of Jlie Italian Night
Piece. Fleay identifies this play with Fletcher and Massinger's Double Marriage.
F. G. Fleay, Bioyaphical Chronicle of the English Drama, 1891, i, pp. 210, 215.)
334 LETTERS OF WOTTON
time to express how much I honour your noble virtues ]), I am (as if
I had not been overladen before) surprised with a new favour (for
that is the true title of your commands) touching a fine boy of this
College, whom I perceive by your letters of the thirtieth of the last
month to pertain to your care. Quid multa? It shall be done : only
in one thing I must crave pardon to pass a little gentle expostulation
with your Lordship. You are pleased in your letter to except my
inconveniences, as if in the nobleness of your nature (notwithstanding
your desire) you would yet allow me here a liberty of mine own
judgement or affection. No, my good Lord, that privilege comes too
late even for yourself to give me, when I once understand your mind.
For let me assure your Lordship that I have such a conscience
and real feeling of my deep obligations towards your noble person,
as no value nor respect under heaven can purchase my voice from
him on whom you have bestowed it. It is true that the King him-
self, and no longer than three or four days before the date of your
letters (so nimble are the times), did write for another. But we shall
satisfy his Majesty with a pre-election 2, and yours shall have my first
nomination ; which, howsoever, will fall timely enough for him
within the year. For there belongs (after they are chosen) a little
soaking, as well as a baking before, into our boys. And so not to
insist any longer upon such a poor obedience, I humbly lay myself,
and whatsoever is or shall be within my power, at your Lordship's
feet, remaining
Your Lordship's in the truest and heartiest devotions.
449. To the Lord Treasurer Weston.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 388 ; 3rd, p. 333. Undated ; written after July 23, 1628,
when Weston was made Lord Treasurer, and before Feb. 17, 1632-3,
when he became Earl of Portland ; probably in January of 1633. (See
note 1, p. 336.) Wotton sends Lord Weston a nattering portrait of his
character, and hints at his own claims on the Treasury.
(Jan., 1633.)
My most honoured good Lord,
I most humbly present (though by some infirmities a little too
late) a strange New Year's gift unto your Lordship, which I will pre-
sume to term the cheapest of all that you have received, and yet of the
richest materials. In short, it is only an image of yourself, drawn
by memory from such discourse as I have taken up here and there
of your Lordship, among the most intelligent and unmalignant men ;
1 This may refer to Wotton's eulogy of Lord Weston (see next letter).
3 ' Pre-election,' i. e. boys nominated extra numerum by the request of the King.
(R. A. Austen Leigh, A List of Eton Collegers, 1661-1790, p. xi.)
TO THE LORD TREASURER WESTON 335
which to pom-trait1 before you I thought no servile office, but in-
genuous and real. And I could wish that it had come at the day, that so
your Lordship might have.begun the new year somewhat like Plato's
definition of Felicity, with the contemplation of your own idea.
They say that in your foreign employments under King James your
Lordship won the opinion of a very able and searching judgement,
having been the first discoverer of the intentions against the
Palatinate, which were then in brewing, and masked with much art.
And that Sir Edward Conway got the start of you both in title and
employment at home because the late Duke of Buckingham wanted
then for his own ends a martial secretary. They say 2 that under our
present Sovereign you were chosen to the highest charge at the lowest
of the State, when some instrument was requisite of indubitable
integrity and provident moderation ; which attributes I have heard
none deny you. They discourse thus of your actions since, that
though great exhaustions cannot be cured with sudden remedies, no
more in a kingdom than in a natural body, yet your Lordship hath well
allayed those blustering clamours wherewith, at your beginnings, your
house was in a manner daily besieged. They note that there have been
many changes, but that none hath brought to the place a judgement
so cultivated and illuminated with various erudition as your Lord-
ship, since the Lord Burghley under Queen Elizabeth, whom they
make your parallel in the ornament of knowledge.
They observe in your Lordship divers remarkable combinations of
virtues and abilities, rarely sociable. In the character of your aspect,
a mixture of authority and modesty. In the faculties of your mind,
quick apprehension and solidity together. In the style of your port
and train, as much dignity, and as great dependency, as was ever in
any of your place, and with little noise or outward fume. That your
table is very abundant, free and noble, without luxury. That you
are by nature no flatterer, and yet of greatest power in the Court. That
you love magnificence and frugality both together. That you entertain
your guests and visitors with noble courtesy, but void of compliment.
Lastly, that you maintain a due regard to your person and place, and
yet are an enemy to frothy formalities.
Now, in the discharge of your function, they speak of two things
that have done you much honour ; namely, that you have had always
a special care to the supply of the navy, and likewise a more worthy
1 'To pourtrait,' i. e. to portray. Obs. {Century Did.)
2 This repeated use of 'they say' may have been borrowed by Wotton from
Shakespeare {Henry VI, Part II, act iii, scene ii) : —
They say, by him the good Duke Humphrey died ;
They say, in him they fear your Highness' death ;
They say, in care of your most royal person, &c.
336 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and tender respect towards the King's only sister, for her continual
support from hence, than she hath found before. They observe your
greatness as firmly established as ever was -any in the love and (which
is more) in the estimation of a King, who hath so signalized his own
constancy, besides your addition of strength (or at least of lustre) by
the noblest alliances of the land.1
Among these notes it is no wonder if some observe that between
a good willingness in your affections to satisfy all and an impossibility
in the matter, and yet an importunity in the persons, there doth now
and then, I know not how, arise a little impatience, which must needs
fall upon your Lordship, unless you had been cut out of a rock of
diamonds ; especially having been before so conversant with liberal
studies and with the freedom of your own mind.2
Now after this short collection touching your most honoured person,
I beseech you give me leave to add likewise a little what men say of
the writer. They say I want not your gracious good will towards
me according to the degree of my poor talent and travails, but that
I am wanting to myself. And in good faith, my Lord, in saying so,
they say truly ; for I am condemned, I know not how, by nature to
a kind of unfortunate bashfulness in mine own business, and it is
now too late to put me in a new furnace. Therefore it must be your
Lordship's proper work, and not only your noble, but even your
charitable goodness, that must in some blessed hour remember me.
God give your Lordship many healthful and joyful years, and the
blessing of that text, Beatus qui attendit ad attenuatum.3 And so
I remain with an humble and willing heart, &c.
450. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 69 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 452. Wotton thanks Bacon for
some bounty, probably a loan of money.
Feb. 13, 1632 <3>.
Noble Sir, and my most dear Nephew,
We were for three weeks together so besieged at your Eton,
first with an overflow of water from the west, and then with a deep
snow out of the east (contrary quarters conspiring against us), that
our ordinary boats, which usually go and return twice a week, could
not pass under the bridges ; whereby such a letter from you as never
man received lay silent at my chamber in St. Martin's Lane, till
1 Weston's eldest son Jerome married June 25, 1632, Frances, daughter of the
third Duke of Lennox. His daughter Elizabeth married the second Viscount
Netterville, Mary the second Lord Aston of Forfar, and Anne the second Earl
of Denbigh. (D.N.B.)
2 For Wotton's real opinion of Lord Weston, who 'made a scorn of his poverty
and a sport of his modesty ', see below, p. 375. 1's xli, 1.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 337
mine own coming to London, to the utter condemnation of my
ttnthankfulness in tho meantime; which truly I should fear, but
that it is the natural property of the same heart, to be a gentle
Interpreter, which is so noble an obliger.
Now, Sir, after I had received and read your letter, I took some
days to deliberate what I should do, and to let my judgement settle
again, which was distracted with so kind a surprisal. Should I use
a feathered quill to write unto you, or fly myself to Redgrave ? For
you had given me wings. At last I resolved upon both. First, to
make this true protestation by writing from my very bowels, where
it is engraven, that though your bounty (considered in all the
circumstances, as well the form as the matter, and the very oppor-
tunity of the time wherein it came, and especially without any
imaginable pretence of desert in myself) hath been such as never
befell me before, nor can ever befall me again, yet have you there-
with not enriched, but stripped and despised me for ever ; nothing
that was before, either in my power or possession, being after this
mine own, for it is all yours, if it were both the Indies. So as your
kindness, howsoever flowing from a tender affection, yet is with me
like hard wax dropped and sealed together.
The next after this shall be to follow it myself: but therein
(after the Spanish phrase) I will take language at the Rolls *, where
I shall understand more punctually about what time you purpose to
be here. For I aim at the convoying of you up to your Eton ; about
which I will write more by the next carrier, and prepare yourself,
Sir, with patience while we live, to be troubled weekly with my
letters, wheresoever I am ; even when I shall have no more to say
than this, which is the least that can be spoken, that I am,
Yours,
Henry Wotton.
451. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Mtten to B., p. 72 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 454. (The holograph MS. of the
latter part of this letter is in Add. MS. 34727, f. 59.) Medical experi-
ments ; news of London.
(From St. Martins by the Fields,
this 18 of April, 1633.
To my Noble Nephew long and cheerful Years.
Sir,
By beginning first with philosophy I will discover the method
my nature, preferring it before the speculations of State.
The house of Sir Julius Caesar, Master of the Rolls. A letter of Sir Edmund
Bacon's to his sister-in-law, Jane, Lady Bacon (Lady Cornwallis) is dated 4 Ro^ lis.
Kay I I. 1628 . {Letters of Jane, Lady Cornwallis, p. 191.)
WOTTON. II Z
338 LETTERS OF WOTTON
Take any vegetable whatsoever (none excepted in the effect,
though some difference in the degree), express the juice ; put that in
any vessel of wood or stone with a narrow neck and mouth, not
closed at the top, but covered with anything, so as it may work out
above ; set it afterwards in some cold hole in a cellar, let it stand
there some three weeks or a month, till by fermentation it have
both purged itself upwards and by sediment downwards. Then
decant from it the clear juice and put that in a limbeck in Balneo
Maris, or in Balneo Boris. The first that riseth will be aqua aniens,
useful perchance according to the quality of the plant, as of worm-
wood for the stomach, of succory, or any of those incubae, for the
liver : and on the sides of the limbeck will hang a salt ; this is the
extracting of salt without calcination, which otherwise certainly
must needs consume all the active powers of any vegetable and
leave nothing but a plastick and passive virtue.
For the point of preserving that salt afterwards from resolution
by air into water, I hold it impossible, notwithstanding the proper
examples that you allege ; which yet must of necessity yield to it.
For as your excellent uncle says, and says well, in not the least of his
works (though born after him) of his experiments, 'air is predatory1'.
I have forgotten (for memoria primo senescit) whether I told you in
my last a pretty late experiment in arthritical pains ; it is cheap
enough. Take a roasted turnip (for if you boil it it will open the
pores and draw too much), apply that in a poultice to the part
affected, with change once in an hour or two as you find it dried by
the heat of the flesh, and it will in little time allay the pain.
Thus much in our private way, wherein I dare swear, if our
medicines were as strong as our wishes, they would wrork extremely.
Now, for the public, where peradventure now and then there are
distempers, as wrell as in natural bodies.
The Earl of Holland2 was on Saturday last (the day after your
post's departure) very solemnly restored at council table (the King
present) from a kind of eclipse, -wherein he had stood since the
Thursday fortnight before. All considered, the obscuration was long,
and bred both various and doubtful discourse ; but it ended well.
All the cause yet known was a verbal challenge sent from him by
Mr. Henry Germain 3 in this form to the now Lord Weston 4, newly
1 Francis Bacon. Mr. C. C. J. Webb has kindly supplied me with the following
note : 'aer enim communis tanquam res indigens est, atque omnia avide arripit ;
spiritus, odores, radios, sonos et alia ' (Historia Vitae et Mortis, canon vii ; Ellis-
Sped ding, ii, p. 217) ; ' depraedatur ' is used in the immediate context (p. 216) in
similar sense, not of air but of ' spiritus ' : cf. infra, canon ix (p. 217).
2 Henry Kich Earl of Holland (ante, i, p. 218), a rival and enemy of the Lord
Treasurer Weston, now Earl of Portland.
3 Henry Jermyn first Earl of St. Albans, d. 1684. (D. N. B.)
* Jerome Lord Weston (1605-63), succeeded his father as second Earl of
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 889
returned from his foreign employments, that since he had already
given the King an account of his embassage he did now expect from
him an account of a letter of his, which he had opened in Paris, and
lie did expect it at such a time, even in the Spring Garden (close
under his father's window), with his sword by his side.
It is said (I go no farther in such tender points) that my Lord
Weston sent him by Mr. Henry Percy ' (between whom and the said
Lord Weston had in the late journey (as it seems) been contracted
such friendship as overcame the memory that he was cousin-german
to my Lord of Holland) a very fair and discreet answer : that if he
could challenge him for any injury done him before or after his
embassage he would meet him as a gentleman, with his sword by
his side, where he should appoint. But for anything that had been
done in the time of his embassage he had already given the King
an account thereof, and thought himself not accountable to any other.
This published on Thursday was fortnight, the Earl of Holland was
confined to his chamber in Court, and the next day morning to his
house at Kensington, where he remained without any further cir-
cumstance of restraint or displeasure Saturday and Sunday. On
which days being much visited, it was thought fit on Monday to
appoint Mr. Dickenson, one of the Clerks of the Council, to be his
guardian thus far, that none without his presence should accost him.
This made the vulgar judgements run high, or rather indeed run low,
that he was a lost and discarded man, judging as of patients in fevers
by the exasperation of the fits. But the Queen, who was a little
obliquely interested in this business, for in my Lord of Holland's
letter which was opened she had one that was not opened, nor so
much (as they say) as superscribed ; and both the Queen's and my
Lord of Holland's were enclosed in one from Mr. Walter Mountague 2
(whereof I shall tell you more hereafter)— the Queen, I say, stood
Portland 1635. (D.N.B.) In July, 1632, he was sent to France and Italy
for the purpose of paving the way to a better understanding between Charles I
and Louis XIII. On his return through France he intercepted and opened
a letter of Holland's addressed to a French minister. With it was a letter from
the Queen, which he did not read. The letters proved to be harmless, but
showed that the Queen's faction, who were enemies of Portland, were in
correspondence with the enemies of Richelieu in France. Charles I supported
Weston, and commanded him to refuse any challenge which might be sent him.
Holland challenged Weston, and Charles ordered him, with Henry Jermyn
(who carried the challenge), to be placed in confinement. The Queen's followers
and the enemies of Portland crowded to the house where Holland was confined,
in order to show their dislike of the Lord Treasurer. This was stopped by
Charles, and Holland was summoned before the Star Chamber. It was thought
that he would be deprived of his offices, but owing to the entreaties of the
Queen he escaped with a reprimand from the Lord Keeper. {Gardiner, vii,
pp. 217, 218.)
1 Henry Percy, son of the ninth Earl of Northumberland, created Baron Percy
of Alnwick 1643. (D. N. B.)
■ Walter Montague (1603 ?-1677), son of first Earl of Manchester. (D. N. B.)
340 LETTERS OF WOTTON
nobly by him, and as it seems pressed her own affront. It is too
intricately involved for me so much as to guess at any particulars.
I hear generally discoursed that the opened dispatch was only in
favour (if it might be obtained) of Monsieur de Chateau Neuf ' and
the Chevalier de Jarr (who had both been here) ; but written with
caution (and surely not without the King's knowledge), to be delivered
if there were hope of any good effect ; and perchance not without
order from his Majesty to my Lord Weston afterwards to stop the
said letters, upon advertisement that both Chateau Neuf and de Jarr
were already in the Bastille. But this I leave at large, as not
knowing the depth of the business.
Upon Monday was sevennight fell out another quarrel, nobly
carried (branching from the former) between my Lord Fielding 2 and
Mr. Goring 3, son and heir to the lord of that name. They had been
the night before at supper, I know not where, together ; where
Mr. Goring spake something in diminution of my Lord Weston,
which my Lord Fielding told him it could not become him to suffer,
lying by the side of his sister. Thereupon these hot hearts appoint
a meeting next day morning, themselves alone, each upon his horse.
They pass by Hide Park, as a place where they might be parted too
soon, and turn into a lane by Knightsbridge, where, having tied up
their horses at a hedge or gate, they got over into a close ; there
stripped into their shirts, with single rapiers, they fell to an eager
duel, till they were severed by the host and his servants of the Inn
of the Prince of Orange, who by mere chance had taken some notice
of them. In this noble encounter, wherein blood was spent, though
(by God's providence) not much on either side, there passed between
them a very memorable interchange of a piece of courtesy, if that
word may have room in this place: says my Lord Fielding,
1 Mr. Goring 4, if you leave me here, let me advise you not to go
back by Piccadilia Hall 5, lest if mischance befall me, and be suddenly
1 The Marquis de Chateauneuf came to England as French ambassador in
1629, and the Chevalier de Jars apparently came with him. Chateauneuf
gained the favour of the Queen, and when on his return to France he and De
Jars were discovered to have joined in the intrigues against Richelieu, and were
imprisoned, the Queen is supposed to have written (in the letter intercepted by
Weston) to intercede in their favour. (Gardiner, vii, pp. 104, 217.) De Jars
remained in prison until 1638, when Richelieu released him in order to oblige
the Queen. (Ibid., viii, p. 378.)
2 Basil Lord Feilding (died 1674), son of the first Earl of Denbigh. His first
wife was daughter of the Earl of Portland. (D. N. B.)
3 George Goring (1608-57), afterwards the Royalist general who commanded
the left wing at Marston Moor. (Ibid.)
* Here the holograph in Add. MS. begins.
5 Piccadilly Hall, or House, built about this time on the present site of
Panton St. out of Haymarket. (Knight's London, i, pp. 300, 301.) Clarendon
describes it as 'a fair house for entertainment, and gaming, and handsome
gravel walks with shade, and where were an upper and lower bowling-green,
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 341
noised (as it falleth out in these occasions now between us), you
might receive some harm by some of my friends that lodge there-
abouts.'
1 My Lord ' (replies Goring), ' I have no way but one to answer
this courtesy : I have here bjr chance in my pocket a warrant to pass
the ports out of England, without a name \ (gotten, I suppose, upon
some other occasion before), ' if you leave me here, take it for your
use, and put in your own name.' This is a passage much commended
between them, as proceeding both from sweetness and stoutness
of spirit, which are very compatible. On the solemn day of Satur-
day last, both this difference and the original, between the Earl
of Holland and the Lord Weston, were fairly reconciled and forgiven
by the King, with shaking of hands and such symbols of agreement ;
and likewise Sir Maurice Dromand \ who had before upon an uncivil
rupture on this part, between him and my Lord of Carlisle2, been
committed to the Tower, was then delivered at the same time ; and
so it all ended, as a merry fellow said, in a Maurice. But whether
these be perfect cures, or but skinnings over and palliations of Court
will appear hereafter: nay, some say very quickly; for my Lord
Weston's lady being since brought to bed of a daughter, men stand
in a kind of suspense, whether the Queen will be the godmother
after so crude a reconcilement ; which by the King's inestimable
goodness I think may pass in this forgiving week.
For foreign matter, there is so little and so doubtful as it were
a misery to trouble you with it. The States' confuted treaty ■ is put
to the stock ; and the Prince of Orenge (by account) gone to the
field two days since, having broken the business (as they say) by
three demands: the resignment of Breda and Guelder, the dis-
mantling of Rheynberg, and the equality of free exercise of religion
on either side. The States are strong in arms, weak in money,
owing above six hundred thousand pounds sterling in bare interest
besides the capital. The enemy hath neither money, nor men, nor
agreement. Arena sine calce 4, yet I hear (and ex bonis codicibus) that
the States are absolutely resolved to besiege no town this year, unless
it be some such place as may haply fall gently into their lap. They
will range with divided troops.
whither very many of the nobility and gentry of the best quality resorted, both
for exercise and conversation.' (History, ed. Macray, 1888, i, p. 318.)
1 Sir Maurice Drummond, knighted 1625. (Metcalfe, p. 185.)
2 James Hay first Earl of Carlisle (died 1636). (D. N. B.)
3 After the victory of Gustavus Adolphus at Leipzig, and the capture of
Maastricht by the Prince of Orange in 1632, the Archduchess Isabella began to
treat for peace, but these negotiations came to nothing. (C. M. Davies, History of
Holland, 1841-4, ii, p. 590.)
* 'Arena sine calce,' said by Caligula of the works of Seneca. (Suetonius,
lg. 53.)
342 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I will have a care in my letters to the King's only sister ! (for that
is now her published style, even in sermons) so to commend your
Franke 2 unto her (whom she was wont to call, when he went first
over, her little pig) that he may speedily have a captain's place.
God bless him, and bless your whole name ; to which I am
so much tied, both by the alliance of the sweetest niece that ever
man had, and by your own kindness since her departure to heaven.
And so I rest,
Your indissoluble servant,
Henry Wotton.
Your Hester 3 is re-entered into the green sickness, faulte de je scay
quoy.
I pray burn this hasty letter when you have read it.
Sir,
If you have (as I remember once you told me) the will of Sir
William Pickering 4, I pray favour me with a copy of it for a certain
purpose ; out of which if I pick any good you shall be partaker
of it,
I have been for the most part sick since I wrote last unto you, but
am now cheerful again.
452. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 88 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 460. Another duel ; the King's
journey to Scotland ; foreign news.
From my Lodging in St. Martins-lane
by the Fields, April 25, 1633.
To my Noble Nephew many cheerful years.
Sir,
It is worth the noting how commonly the casual firings of
houses in towns do follow one another ; and so (methinks) do the
inflammations of spirits in courts. For after the solemn quenching
of our late quarrels there is fallen out a new, and shrewdly pursued,
between Mr. Harbert Price, a sewer to the Queen, and Mr. Eliot,
page to the King.
The beginning, they say, was upon very slight occasion ; but
because a young lady is an ingredient in the story I will pass
it over. To field they went two days since upon hot and hasty
1 The Queen of Bohemia, who was now a widow ; her husband, Frederick V.
died at Bacharach, Nov. 19, 1632.
2 Frank Bacon, ante, ii, p. 311.
3 Hester Wotton, ante, ii, p. 326.
4 Edward Lord Wotton's first wife was Hester, daughter of Sir William
Pickering.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 343
blood (which somewhat saves it from a deliberate duel), both shooting
the bridge in several boats ; yet the matter being before suspected,
my Lord Chamberlain sent one Mr. Haies (a Scottish man, and
a good surgeon, though of late an ordinary courtier on the Queen's
side) in quest of them, who found them both on the Surry side,
a mile or two below bridge, closed, and (I hear) on the ground, but
Mr. Price already hurt in three places, in one of his sides, in his face,
and in three of his fingers : the other is come off untouched. This
Price hath been formerly bred a soldier, and sometimes (they say)
a lieutenant in the Low Provinces. Mr. Eliot scarce yet a man
in years ; but for height and strength at his full prime, and in both
above the common scantling. The King is herewith highly offended,
succeeding so freshly upon the late reconcilements : and it is doubted
they will at least lose their places.
The journey to Scotland ■ continueth hotly, and his Majesty
removeth house to Theobalds, that way, on Saturday come fortnight.
But first must be censured the Bishop of Lincoln2 for too many
words, and the citizens of London in their undertakings in Ireland ■
for too few deeds ; which, I believe, will both trench deep. I shall
stay long enough in London (not intending to be gone before the
King's remove) to tell you the event : and truly without your
beneficent courtesy I had been wrapped in a strange riddle, for
I could neither have stayed nor departed.
I received the Communion in St. Bartholomew's on Sunday last
(being Easter Day) in the same pew with your Hester and her
mother 4 ; your Hester either becomes a little tincture of the green
sickness well or that becomes her well : well she looks, I am sure,
and in my fancy draws towards the countenance of her sister
Stanhop more and more, but stealingly. My niece Margaret5 is
come home from her artisan 6 in Southwark, with some pretty amend-
ment. The manner of his cure in those imperfections is somewhat
strange ; he useth no bindings, but oils and strokings, of which
1 Charles I went to Scotland this year, entering Edinburgh on June 15.
2 John Williams, who was still in disgrace with Charles I. In 1628 a charge
was brought against him, before the Star Chamber, of having betrayed secrets
entrusted to him as a Privy Councillor. In 1633 this case came up again.
(Gardiner, viii, p. 251.)
3 The county of Londonderry had been granted to the principal companies of
the city of London, on the condition that they should colonize it with
Protestants. The conditions of their charter were not fulfilled ; and in 1635
the sinr Chamber condemned the city to a fine of £70,000 and to the forfeiture
of the land. (Ibid., p. 59.)
4 Mary, daughter of Sir Arthur Throckmorton of Panlerspury, and wife of
Thomas second Lord Wotton.
s Margaret Wotton. sister of Hester, born 1617, married Sir John Tufton, Kt.
6 'Artisan,' in obsolete sense of one who practises an art ; here physician.
344 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I take him to be (in all my reading) both the instrument and the
author. My niece Ann ■ will prove one of the handsomest creatures
of the world, being much grown, and having rectified a little squint-
ing or oblique look which she had in one of her eyes, so far as the
remainder will turn to a beauty. Her mother hath of late been
much troubled (and I think as much in her fancy, which is the
greater cure, as in her body) with a pain in her right side, which
changeth place, and therefore is sure but a flatuous 2 infirmity : yet it
hasteneth her removing to better air.
From my Lady, my sister 3 at Canterbury, we hear nothing ;
I believe she is in travail with her own thoughts, about defacing
the inscription of the tomb, as far as CatJwlico and Catholica amount
unto. And I could wish, as she took your advice in the intention
and word upon the marble, she had done so in the rest : but in that
you were no apt counsellor.
Now for foreign matters. We have fair tidings from Germany
that the Princes hold fast together, and things go well 4 ; and I am
of opinion that when those parts have learnt as well as the lower
provinces to spend a summer upon the siege of a town, the war will
nestle there as well as below. For they abound in strong places ;
and war itself is a great refiner of spirits in little time.
The States are in the field earlier than heretofore ; and in all
judgement it importeth no less than the countenancing and covering
of a general revolt of the Geheerten Provinces 5, as they call them : oi
that more in my next. And so, Sir, leaving you in our blessec
Saviour's love, I rest,
Your sviscerato servidore,
H. WOTTON.
Sir,
When I have sent you (as I will do by the next carrier) a new
character I will open my files.
1 Anne Wotton (sister of Hester and Margaret), born 1622, married Sir
Edward Hales, Kt., of Tunstall, Kent.
2 ' Flatuous,' i. e. flatulent. Obs. (JV. E. D.)
3 Margaret, daughter of Lord Wharton, and second wife of Edward first Lord
Wotton. 'The Lady Wotton was fined £500 the last week in the High Com-
mission Court for an inscription she put upon her deceased lord's tomb, viz.
that he died a true Catholic of the Roman Church ; and for removing the font
to set up the said tomb, he having desired to be buried as near the place he
received his baptism as he might.' Feb. 6, 1633. (C. & T. Charles I, ii, p. 227 ;
see also Foley, i, p. 206.)
4 The League of Heilbronn was signed on April 23. ' The four circles of Swabia,
Franconia, and the Upper and Lower Rhine formed a union with Sweden for
mutual support.' (Gardiner, 30 Yrs., p. 164.)
5 There was a certain amount of discontent in the Flemish Provinces at this
time, and a general revolt against Spain was expected. But the disaffection was
confined to the nobles, and the lower orders remained faithful. (Davies, History
of Holland, pp. 589, 590.)
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 345
453. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 94; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 463. Foreign news; some new
inventions, &c.
St. Martin's lane by the Fields,
the 3 of June, 1633.
to my noble nephew long and cheerful years.
Sir,
This other day at the Cock-pit in Shoe-lane (where myself am rara
arts) your nephew Mr. Robert Bacon1 came very kindly to me, with
whom I was glad to refresh my acquaintance, though I had rather it
had been in the theatre of Redgrave.
I asked him of his brother, your Frank ; and he told me he had
been so hindered by winds as he thought he was not yet gotten
over ; at which I was sorry, for he hath lost the honour of taking
Rheinberge2. He may come yet timely enough to see Guelders
yielded, and after that to have his share in Juliers, which they write
from the camp will be the next piece ; and so the States will be
masters of all the tract that lies between the Maese and the Rhene,
and backed with one of the fattest provinces of Christendom.
Besides, we hear they have recovered their former footing in Brasil 3,
and beaten the Spanish fleet. It is hard to say into what these
prosperities will run out ; for surely, if they can establish a right
correspondency with the upper armies of Germany, and either both
hold out or neither agree without the other, even this summer will
breed notable effects, and among other, I hope, the restitution of the
Palatinate, where, as much as the Swede had taken is offered for
16,000 dollars ; whereof the half is paid already by the Duke of
Simmern 4, administrator to the young Palatine in his minority, and
the other moiety is expected from hence. One thing I must not
omit to tell you, that the said young Prince was at the siege of
Rheinberge to initiate him in action. The young Cardinal Infante 5
is come, you know, to Milan, and they say will there reside as
Governor till he can recover Casale and Pignerolo and purge Italy of
the French : so as I believe he will come to Bruxels (for thither he
finally tends) in the Spanish pace. Having thus a little skimmed
over our foreign news, give me leave now to entertain you with
1 Robert Bacon, son of Sir Robert Bacon, Sir Edmund Bacon's brother.
2 Rbeinberg and Fort Philippine in Flanders were the only places taken by
the Prince of Orange in this year. (Davies, History of Holland, ii, p. 591.)
3 At Olinda in Pernambuco. (Ibid., p. 578.)
4 Uncle of the young Count Palatine, Charles Louis; the Swedes agreed to
h.unl over to him the strong places they held in the Palatinate for a small sum
of money, which was paid by Charles I. (Gardiner, vii, p. 34.'$.)
5 Ferdinand, brother of Philip IV. He succeeded the Infanta Isabella (who
died Nov. 22, 1633) as Governor of the Flemish Provinces. (Ibid., p. 346.)
346 LETTERS OF WOTTON
some novelties of art. I send you herewith two printed caps,
a triangular salt-cellar, and the top of an amber ring. The caps
is a pretty fresh invention ■ of a very easy rate, for they will run
shortly at some sixpence apiece, and they say the sale is monopolized
by a woman at Amsterdam ; which may come to some pretty per-
fection in the ornament of curtains and valances of beds, or in some
fine historified table-cloth for a banquet, or the like. In the inven-
tion of the salt-cellar you have an interest yourself; for I remember,
Sir, you showed me a whole furniture of marble salt-cellars for
a table of your bespeaking. But there is one that hath only gone
beyond you in the cheapness of the material ; for this which you
now receive is but of seacoal, and it is strange to see what a polish-
ment so base a stuff doth take, like the ennobling of a clown. To
the broken ring there belongs a little more discourse. I bought
it for a trifle in Lombard Street long since, because it had a fly
entombed in the sealing part ; which, if it had been precisely in the
middle, would have showed like the sculpture of the signet itself.
Now a while since, by a fall from a table to the ground it brake,
though in a boarded room ; whereupon there fell a conceit into
my mind that the ring was artificial amber, and not natural ; as
indeed my servant Giovanni and I have since plainly discovered.
Now I cannot choose but smile when I think how much more the
first seller of it might have had from me for the falsehood (if he
would have said so) than for the truth : for surely many rare things
may be made of this composition, and entire insectiles 2 of any great-
ness, and in any posture be enclosed therein ; which I am sure will
inflame you, as it hath set me on fire already, to find the way how
to clarify the pasta, which seems to be of rosin, and perchance some
dust of true amber. And thus you see what easy ways I take to
please myself, while I am conversing with you. Let me add
to these a strange thing to be seen in London for a couple of pence,
which I know not whether I should call a piece of art or nature :
it is an Englishman, like some swabber of a ship come from the
Indies, where he hath learned to eat fire as familiarly as ever I saw
any eat cakes, even whole glowing brands, which he will crash with
his teeth and swallow. I believe he hath been hard famished in
the Terra de Fuego, on the south of the Magellan strait.
Sir, I have heard (I know not by whom) that you had a purpose
to be here this "Whitsuntide 3 ; but imagining that at least Mr.
Chitock may meet you by the way, I have ventured the trouble
1 Calico printing, first invented in Holland at about this date.
2 ' Insectiles,' i. e. insects. Obs. (2f. E. D.)
3 Whitsunday fell on June 9 in 1633.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 347
of these lines unto you. For mine own estate, I must acquaint you
(because whether well or ill, I am yours) that of late I have been
much troubled with certain splenetic vapours, mounting to the top
of my stomach when it is empty, for which I am in a course of
gentle physic at the present, remembering that of Galen, ego soleo
hortari awicos mcos, ut in melancholias affectionibus abstincant a vali-
dioribus remediis. My best physic will be your company,
To whom there is none bound in truer service than
Henry Wotton.
454. 'Doctis Advenis.'
Tychonis Brahe, Astronomiae Instauratae Mechanica, Vandesburgi, 1598.
Bodleian Archives, D. 32. Holograph on reverse of title-page. In this
rare and beautiful book, bought by Wotton from the library of the
Doge Marino Grimani (see ante, i, p. 78) and presented to the Bodleian,
are two holograph Latin poems of Tycho Brahe addressed to the Doge
Grimani, and a MS. list of fixed stars, besides many coloured plates of
astronomical instruments.
Anno unici Mediatoris inter Deum et homines,
CIOIOCXXXIII,
Ipsis Augusti Mensis
Eidibus.
(Aug. 13, 1633.)
Henricus Wottonius,
Doctis Advenis
S.
Sciat lector hunc librum complecti partim Mechanica typis excusa
coloribusque depicta : quibus Ticho Brahe, Nobilis Danus, usus
est ex sua propria inventione, sumptuque Regio in rimandis Coeli
arcanis, partim, prosphonetica duo epigrammata cum inerrantium
Stdlarum octavi orbis accurato Canonc propria eiusdem manu exarata
(quern Cimbricum Ptolemaeum merito vocemus), Et ab ipso Scri-
ptore Marino Grimanno Venetorum turn Principi oblata, haud dubie
hoc consilio ut Bcssoriana Venctiis Bibliotheca conderentur ; quae
quum postea inter alios MS. codices casu coempta in possessionem
meam devenissent, ex Musaeolo nostro Etonae, Oxoniitm Almam
olim Altricem meam transferri curavimus, eiusdemque Praecelebri
Bibliothecae perpetuo consecrari volumus 1 : KcifxrjXiov ob Authoris
Memoriam ingentis Pretii,
Ob Donatoris, Nullius.
1 In 1604 Wotton had presented to the Bodleian a MS. of the Koran. {Annals
of the Bodleian Library, Macray, 1890, p. 31.)
348 LETTERS OF WOTTON
455. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 569. 'To my most dear and worthy friend, Mr. John
Dinely, Secretary to the Queen of Bohemia.' Written while on a visit
to some friends of Dynely's. Foreign news ; Wotton's Plausus et Vota.
From you know where, Dec. 10, 1633.
My dear J. Dinely,
(For I am loath to lose the possession of our familiarity) you left
me here your letters and your love in deposito, and I have since
received other from you, somewhat of a sad complexion, touching
the affairs of Germany as then they stood. But more newly we
hear that Barnard of Weinmar doth miracles upon the Danuby, the
river sometimes of our merry passage.1
We wish in this house (where you have placed me with much
contentment) that every molehill that he takes were a province ;
and that the Duke of Bavaria were not only fled to Saltzburg (as is
voiced), but even to the capital of Rome, and all others with him
that adore the purple Beast.
Here we live in daily (sed hoc lentum est), let me say, in hourly
(quin et Mud frigidum) 2, nay, in continual remembrance of our royal
mistress, the very triumph of virtue. I have at the present written
to her Majesty, as I shall do often, being now in the proper place of
her addresses, and of such opportunity to express our zeals as hath
left a lazy pen no imaginable excuse hereafter.
Through your hand I now send her my late panegyric 3, which
I blush to tell you how well it takes here with some indulgent and
merciful readers.
The interpretation to her Majesty of as much therein as concerneth
herself4 I can commit to no spirit more sweetly than to yours, who
are so conversant with her virtues.
With us here things stand as you left them. Most indubitably an
infinite affection in the King towards so precious an only sister ; but
I know not well how our times will sort with your propositions.
Yet I hope well, as Abraham did when he wanted a sacrifice, Dens
providebit.* And so for this time, in confused haste I rest,
Your ever vowed poor friend,
Henry Wotton.
I have written to the Queen touching James Vary, who commits
1 In 1620, when Dynely went with Wotton to Vienna. (Ante, i, p. 170 n.)
Bernhard of Weimar captured Ratisbon in November 1633.
2 ' Nimis ille quidem lentus in dicendo, et paene frigidus.' (Cicero, Brut. 48.)
3 Ad Regem e Scotia Reducem Henrici Wottonii Plausus et Vota (ante, i, p. 206). On
Dec. 6, 1633, Garrard wrote to Wentworth that it had been published that week.
{Strafford Pp., i, p. 167.)
4 See ante, ii, p. 297. 5 Gen. xxii, 8.
<Dec? 1633.)
TO JOHN DYNELY 349
himself to your affectionate memory. And we languish for a return
from you.
I pray remember my humble service to his Majesty's most worthy
resident1 with you, to whom and to my noble secretary3 I will write
by the next occasion.
456. To .
7iV//,/., 1st ed., p. 456 ; 3rd ed., p. 357. Sent with a copy of Wotton's
Plausus et Vota, dated ■ 1633 ', probably written in December, when
the book was published.
Right Honourable,
I received such a letter from you touching my poor pamphlet of
Architecture, which I yet preserve among my preciousest papers,
as I have made it a resolution to put nothing forth under my name
without sending one of the first copies unto your indulgent hands.
There is borne a small welcome to the King from Scotland 3 (whom
I have not yet seen since his return), I know not how, out of a little
indignation. They have sent us over from Leiden, from France,
from Polonia, &c, a tempest of panegyrics and laudatives of their
Princes ; whereupon I debated with myself : What ? Have we not
as good a theme and theatre as they ? Or do we want sense, or zeal
to express our happiness ? This stirred my very bowels, and within
a while my pen, such as it is. I confess the subject is so high
as I fear may condemn my obscurity to have undertaken it ; but
withal so true as I hope will not misbecome mine ingenuity.
Howsoever, I submit it to your judgement : and if in charity you shall
be pleased to like anything in it, I humbly beseech you that you
would be pleased to take some occasion of speaking favourably of it
to the King himself; for though I aim at nothing by it, save the
very doing of it, yet I should be glad to have it impressed by better
judgements than my own. And so I must humbly rest,
At, &c.
457. To .
Beh'q., 2nd ed., p. 488 ; 3rd ed., p. 332. No date or address ; perhaps to the
same person as the letter above. Wotton sends a present of pictures,
and asks for news.
Sir,
I send you by this bearer (to keep you in mirth) a piping
shepherd, done by Cavalier Bassano 4, and so well as may merit some
1 Sir William Boswell.
2 Countess von Levenstein (ante, ii, p. 324).
3 Charles I left Edinburgh on July 18, on his return home. (Gardiner, vii,
1>. 290.)
* Cavaliere Leandro Bassano (1560-1023).
350 LETTERS OF WOTTON
place in your chamber, which I hear is the centre of good music ;
to which, out of my pieces at home, I have commanded James1
to add a Messara playing upon a timbril, done by Allessandro
Padovano 2, a rising Titian, as we esteem him.
Good Sir, let us know some true passages of the plight of the
Court. I have laid about for some constant intelligence from foreign
parts, being strangely relapsed into that humour in my old age.
Shall I tell you why ? In good faith, for no other use that I mean
to make of news, but only that when God shall call me to a better
I may know in what state I leave this world.
Your affectionate friend to serve you,
H. Wotton.
458. To .
S. P. Dom. Charles 1, cclxvii, 85, dictated. Recommendation of
Lawrence Lister, Scholar of Eton. •
At his Majesty's College of Eaton,
this 14th of May, 1634.
Being requested to deliver my opinion of Lawrence Lyster s,
at the present one of the scholars of his Majesty's College at Eaton,
for the comfort of his friends, who are desirous to be truly informed
what they may conceive of him for his future application, I must in
all truth testify that for outward behaviour and proficiency and good-
ness of disposition he is one of the hopefullest and fittest boys
of the said school to be chosen at the next election of this year
for Cambridge, being already of our highest form, and the last year
nominated for preferment if place should fall out, and every way so
qualified as is worthy of the best commend or.
459. To Sie Francis Windebank4.
S. P. Dom. Charles I, cclxxxiv. No. 68, holograph. Wotton arrested for
debt. Dated 'Thursday morning', and endorsed March 12, 1634-5
(March 12 fell on Thursday in 1634-5 O.S.).
From my chamber and prison, this Thursday morning,
(March 12, 1635).
Eight Honourable and Most Worthy Sir,
I humbly beseech you to receive into your tender and generous
heart (for those attributes are indissociable) a feeling of my miserable
1 James Vary.
2 Alessandro Varotari, it Padovanino (1580-1640).
3 Lawrence Lister, son of Sir William Lister, Kt., Fellow of King's College,
elected to King's College, 1635, died 1639. (King's College Catalogue.)
4 Sir Francis Windebank (1582-1646) succeeded Lord Dorchester (Sir Dudley
Carleton) as secretary of state in 1632. He was in Venice in 1607, where he
made Wotton's acquaintance, and Wotton bequeathed to him some pictures
{ante, i, p. 217). He fled abroad in 1640, and died in Paris in 1646. (I>. N. B.)
TO SIR FRANCIS WINDEBANK 351
case in a point, if not of life, yet of liberty, which is next to life, and
of honour, which is above life. Thus it hath befallen me. On
Friday of the last week, coming homewards from Wallingford
House, where I had been to attend my Lord Treasurer's leisure and
health, I was, in the midst of St. Martin's Lane, arrested on the way
in my coach, like a stroke of thunder, by a number of Westminster
bailiffs, upon a debt driven to an execution for £300 in the principal,
besides some other pretended interest and charge in the pursuit.
They would have carried me immediately to the Gatehouse, or to
some alehouse ; but being too stubborn to yield to that, I got them
to attend me gently to my lodging, where I have lived ever since
under the custody of some of those rude and costly inmates. But
they stick not to let me know that this cannot last ; for unless the
party at whose suit it hath been done be some way satisfied, I must
within a while train my chain after me into some dungeon. Which
would be strange both to myself and perhaps to the world ; especially
being due unto me out of his Majesty's exchequer, partly upon my
foreign accounts, and partly upon my pension (granted first by
King James of blessed memory, and augmented by my present
Sovereign2), some hundreds above three thousand pounds, as truly
as this hand wherewith I write it is mine own. I have stood
suspiring and languishing for the recovery of my noble Lord
Treasurer ; but his infirmity lingereth, and mine can endure no truce
of time. And my Lord Cottington 3 sends me word that he, in this
interim, can do nothing. Therefore, dear Sir, in honour, in love, in
pity, and in all the affections of humanity, be pleased to convey my
case unto my most dear and most gracious Sovereign, who, I am
confident will not suffer me out of his royal and excellent nature,
after more than twenty years of public service abroad, both in
ordinary and extraordinary ambassages to great Princes and States,
to be smitten in mine old age (according to the prophet's expression)
into the place of dragons.4 And so, Sir, I heartily commit you
1 The Earl of Portland (Lord Treasurer), who had been ill for some time, died
on March 13. After his death the Treasury was put into commission, and
Windebank was one of the commissioners, with Laud, Cottington, Manchester,
and Coke. (Gardiner, vii, pp. 378, 379.) On March 12 Garrard wrote to Lord
Wentworth, ' Sir Henry Wotton is at this time under an arrest for three
hundred pounds upon execution, and lies by it. He was taken coming from
the Lord Treasurer's, soliciting a debt of four thousand pounds due to him
from the King/ (Strafford Pp., i, p. 338.)
a Pension of £200 a year granted in April, 1611, increased to £500 in 1629
(ante, p. 316 n.).
3 Sir Francis Cottington, Lord Cottington (1578?-1652), Chancellor of the
Exchequer 1629-42. (D. N. B.)
4 • Though thou hast sore broken us in the place of dragons, and covered us
with the shadow of death.' (Ps. xliv, 19.)
352 LETTERS OF WOTTON
to all cheerful joys, and myself to the meditation of mine own
misery.1
Remaining all yours that remains of me,
Henry Wotton.
460. To Sir Gervase Clifton.
Clifton Hall MS. Sir Gervase Clifton at Eton ; letters of Francis
Bacon ; the fleet ; foreign news.
From your College,
This 6th of June 1635.
Right noble Sir,
I shall yet, before the expiration of this short-lived term, make
a start to London, to give you many many thanks for furnishing my
poor rooms in my absence with as absolute a master of them as
myself. Nay more indeed ; for I am only so by the Fellows'
election, and you shall be even so, both by theirs and mine, whether
I be here or not. If there were nothing else to be said, you have
paid richly for your lodging with a letter which you left behind
you. In answer thereof I have sent you a rhapsody of the late
Lord of St. Albans' letters 2 ; for any of mine are too weak an
exchange. I shall bring with me (though that be not the proper
humour of cloistered men) some curiosity to know what will become
of our fleet 3. That business was hatched in an eagle's nest, above
my reach. And I confess it is not fit for me at this age to climb for
aeries, yet there hangs still upon me, since my foreign vagations,
I know not how, a little concupiscence of novelty. I am glad to
hear that the late success of Chatillion4 hath soldered again the
1 On March 16, 1634-5, a ' Protection ' for the space of a year was granted to
Wotton by Windebank (Bocquet Book, xl), and he was no doubt released. The
money owing him from the Government was never paid, but possibly his
friends helped him with his debts. A. Clogie, Bedell's son-in-law, in his Life
of Bedell, says : ' in his adversity D. B. was much afflicted for him, and not un-
mindful of him when his potent friends forgot him, to let such an able states-
man die in prison, having superexpended himself for the public, as many
public ministers of State often do to their own ruin.' (Two Biog., p. 91.)
Wotton, of course, did not die in prison, but it is possible that Bedell helped
him at this time.
a In the British Museum (Lansd. MS. 238) is a collection of letters ■ to and
from persons of eminence in the reigns of Elizabeth, James I, and Charles I,
made by some person in the service of Sir Gervase Clifton '. Besides the copy of
a letter from Sir Henry Wotton (ante, ii, p. 327), this collection contains
eighteen of Bacon's letters, none, however, to Wotton, and all printed by
Spedding from other sources.
3 The Ship Money fleet sailed June 6, 1637, and after accomplishing nothing
of importance was dispersed Oct. 8. (Gardiner, vii, pp. 384, 390.)
4 On May 20, 1635, Marshal de Chatillon, in command of a French army,
defeated the Spanish troops under the Prince of Carignan at Avein in the
Ardennes. (Martin, Histoire de France, xi, pp. 431, 432.)
TO SIR QERVASE GLIFTON 353
Princes of Germany, who were tied before together but with
mouth-glue.
I do contemplate the Pope (according to the Italian comparison)
as perplexed now as a flea in a bottom of flax ; and I believe we
shall have black consistories shortly, I mean till midnight, as they
call them. God make them (in the wish of the prophet) like
a wheel,1 full of agitation and giddiness ; and give us rest in His
love.
Your poor hearty servant,
Henry Wotton.
461. To Sir Gervase Clifton.
Clifton Hull MS. Addressed ' To the right noble Knight, my ever honoured
Friend, Sir Gervas Clifton, knt., Baronet, in St. Martin's lane by the
fields.' Wotton unable to come to London ; ■ a rustic evasion '.
From his Majesty's College,
this eve of Midsummer Day, 1635.
Most dear Sir, and ever much honoured,
I fear my letters will appear unto you like the births of vipers,
wherein they say the latter always devours the former. For whereas
I verily thought (as I wrote before) to have fallen at least upon the
skirts of the last term, I am sorry to tell you in this that I can
hardly be in London before your going— and when you are gone,
for me let the streets be paved with grass. I must here moulder
and fence out2 my time, lacking indeed a little wanton money to
move ; for that is the organ of agitation. But wheresoever you
shall be, noble Sir, give me leave, as often as I can find opportunity,
to excite with somewhat your unvaluable lines, wherein there is
such a spirit of life and love as methinks they set back mine yet
while I read them ; contrary to that notorious passage of Aristo-
phanes, who, I remember, in his comedy of the Frogs, upon some
cold expression, makes one cry out that he was a year the older for
hearing it." Believe it, Sir, your friends whom you will favour are
far from that danger.
Now for your last entertainment of this retired place, what shall
I return unto you ? You shall see our emptiness. Instead of more
substantial matter I am fain for exchange to send you a fresh
apothegm, or at least freshly brought to me from Windsor by one
who perchance had noted me to take some delight in such ware.
1 ' 0 my God, make them like a wheel ; as the stubble before the wind.'
;Ps. lxxxiii, 13.)
2 ' Fence out,' to spend or lay out money ; old slang. (N. E. D.)
urav ti tovtwv twv oo<piancna)V i5o>,
it\(iv fj \iavrw npffffivTfpos diripxoficu. (Frogs, 17. 18.)
wotton. ii X a
354 LETTERS OF WOTTON
In that town is a good hearty old gentleman, by name Mr. Hudson,
who charitably employed a plain poor man to cleave his wood, and
in such other mean offices about his house. This man hearing that
the gentleman was not well, asked one of his nearer servants how
his master did, who told him he kept his bed. 'Marry? quoth he,
* I am glad of tliat ' ; whereupon the poor fellow being called to some
account as an unthankful and ill-natured person that had sustenance
from him, maintains his saying with such an apology as was enough
to make him well, though he had not been so before. For being
questioned by Mr. Hudson himself why he should bear him such
bad affection, 'truly Sir,' said he, 'I am mistaken; for when your
servant told me you kept your bed, I must confess I said I was glad
of that, for I can assure you I was fain to sell mine the last week.9
And so with this not unpleasant rural evasion, I commit you to
your journey with your whole family, and to God's dearest blessings
over you all, remaining,
Your faithful poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
Sir,
If before your going I might press upon you so much favour,
I would beg your opinion in a line or two whether we shall have
a single Lord Treasurer shortly, and if so, whether spiritual or
temporal ; which is a providence that may concern a poor man in
his arrearages.
462. To William Juxon (?).
S. P. Bom. Charles I, ccxcix, No. 14, holograph. Wotton congratulates his
correspondent (probably Jaxon a) on his prospective appointment to the
Lord Treasurership.
From his Majesty's College at Eton,
this 4th of October, 1635.
Right honourable and my very good Lord,
Since I saw your Lordship I have been sick two or three times,
but I am (God be praised) well and cheerful again, save some
weakness in my legs, which like pillars and posts are the first
parts that yield in an old fabric.
I have another infirmity in my fortune, almost stronger than the
care of my health, wherein, under his Majesty (who hath lately
given me great assurance of his gracious love), I chiefly depend on
your Lordship. Therefore, good my Lord, give me leave to con-
1 William Juxon (1582-1663), Bishop of London 1633, was at this time Laud's
candidate for the Lord Treasurership in opposition to Cottington. He was
formally appointed on March 6, 1636. {Gardiner, viii, p. 141.) In 1660, at the
Restoration, Juxon was made Archbishop of Canterbury.
TO WILLIAM JUXON(?)
gratulate your assumption to tho Trensnrership of this kingdom
)>efore I actually hear it ; for we that have been long students in
philosophy use to anticipate effects in their causes, and to foresee
promotions latent in liabilities. I make the more haste, because
I have occasion herein to congratulate with myself for the good
which I expect from your Lordship, out of your noble feeling of my
necessities, after so long employments abroad. And when his
Majesty shall have promoved your Lordship to the said high place
and charge, I will give him (how obscure soever I am) most humble
thanks for that act of his judgement and goodness, because I find
within my readings that qui honorcm aut beneficium digno clat onines
oblic/at.1 God bless your Lordship,
v To whom a poor humble devoted servant,
Henry Wotton.
463. To the Earl of Cork.
Lismore Pp., 2nd Ser., iii, p. 219. Endorsed '13 January, 1635' (date of
receipt). Wotton recommends a tutor for the sons of Lord Cork.
(London, November 24, 1635.)
Right honourable and my very good Lord,
I write this unto your Lordship on Monday morning, the 24th
of November, from London, whence I am returning to-morrow,
after three weeks absence, to my poor cell again at Eton, where
I hope to find your sweet children 2 as well as I left them.
I have for my part been in this fumy city with little contentment,
having, except very few days, been for the rest confined to my
chamber with an extreme defluxion from my head, which is a
familiar that ever haunteth me here, especially in winter. Yet
I have had your Lordship's commands in my meditation, touching
your two designed travellers 'A ; wherein I will deliver my opinion
1 ' Beneficium dignis ubi des, omnes obliges.' Pub. Syri Mimi Sententiae
(ed. Otto Friedrich, 1880, p. 33).
2 Richard Boyle first Earl of Cork (1566-1643) sent in Sept. 1635 two of his
sons, Francis (afterwards Viscount Shannon) and Robert (1627-91) (afterwards
the famous physicist and chemist) to be educated at Eton. With them went
Robert Carew, as attendant and tutor, and they were conducted to England
by Thomas Badnedge, Lord Cork's favourite gentleman. Under the date of
Oct. 2, 1635, Lord Cork notes in his diary, ' Badnedg delivered my two
youngest sons Francis and Robert at Eaton College unto the charge of my
worthy friend and countryman Sir Henry Wotton, Provost of Eaton, and to the
tuition of Mr. John Harrison, chief schoolmaster there. God bless and prosper
them in true religion and learning.' (Lismore Pp., 1st Ser., iv, p. 129.) For
details of Wotton's reception of the Boyles at Eton, see ML 2nd Ser., iii,
pp. 215-45, and Dorothea Townshend, The Great Earl of Cork, pp. 310-23.
3 Lord Cork was sending two of his elder sons, Lewis (1619-42), Baron of
Bandon Bridge and Viscount Boyle of Kinalmeaky 1627, and Roger (1681-79),
treated Baron Broghill 1627, Earl of Orrery 1660, on the foreign tour, and had
asked Wotton to recommend a tutor to accompany them.
A a 2
356 LETTERS OF WOTTON
with Kentish freedom (for that your Lordship knows is our proper
attribute) that I think (it) is verily your good fortune to have missed
Monsieur Batier (who, I hear, besides his present engagement abroad,
is more engaged if he were nearer in a wife) ; in whose room I shall
humbly present unto your Lordship one (as I conceive after a careful
and strict examination of all circumstances) born for your purpose,
namely this bearer, Monsieur Marcombes1. He had been, if not
himself with your Lordship before now, yet at least my letters had
been with you on his behalf, but that we have stood, I know not
how, in a kind of hovering conceit that your Lordship would be
shortly here in person. And divers in vulgar voice have entitled
you (though I believe against your own mind) to the vacant
Treasurership of this kingdom ; of which, though I saw no perfect
ground, yet I was content to be carried with the current of that
noise ; till of late Mr. Perkins 2 having kindly visited me, and
conferring together of your Lordship (as became your devoted
servants), I found him in discourse not forward to believe that
you would be here before the spring, or at least not before
Christmas. Which the foresaid Monsieur Marcombes hearing (for
he was present at our conference, being well known to us both).
I fell to ask him (and in a manner to wish him) whether he would
not be content to transport himself immediately to your Lordship
in Irelande, which he very willingly entertained, according to some
speech that I had before had with him : which, though I liked well
as an argument of his zeal and good affection towards your service,
yet if I thought him not every way unexceptionable, I would rather
first have treated with your Lordship by letter about him, that your
acception3 or refusal might have been the freer, though God
forbid your Lordship should be bound either way by my judgement.
For I hold it both good manners and good caution, in such a case as
this of trust, to make choice of such a person as I dare recommend
to your wisdom and reason, as well as to your favour.
He is by birth French, native in the Province of Auvergne, bred
seven years in Geneve, very sound in religion, and well conversant
with religious men ; furnished with good literature and languages,
especially with Italian, which he speaketh as promptly as his own,
and will be a good guide for your sons in that delicate piece of the
1 Monsieur Marcombes, who accompanied the two Boyles abroad. On Jan. 14.
1635-6, Lord Cork writes : ' Monsieur Macroby us arrived at Dublin, and brought
me commendatory letters to be tutor and guide to my sons Lewis and Roger in
their foreign travels from Sir Henry Wootton, Sir Thomas Stafford, Philip
Burlymachie, and Mr. Wm. Parckins.' (Lismore Pp., 1st Ser., iv, p. 149.) For Robert
Boyle's character of Marcombes, see Philaretus (Boyle's Works, 1744, i, p. 10\
2 William Perkins, Lord Cork's tailor.
3 'Acception,' i. e. acceptance. Obs. (X. E. D.)
TO THE EARL OF CORK 357
world. He seemeth in himself neither of a lumpish nor of a light
composition, but of a well fixed mean. He hath given good proof,
both of his discretion and fidelity, in my Lord of Middlesex1 his
house, and is well reported. And I do not merely take him upon
credit, for I have had sundry meetings with him, and find him in
his discourse very apposite and sweet, and indubitably of good
observation in civil nurture. Lastly, I believe my Lord of Dungar-
van 2 will afford him his good word; or his good opinion with your
Lordship ; for he hath had the honour to be known unto him, as
both he himself and Mr. Perkins tell me. I cannot conclude with-
out acquainting your Lordship with one circumstance for mine own
discharge in this great obligation of confidence wThich you have laid
upon me. That before I would yield to be the recommender of him
for the disposing and moulding (as it were) of your two sons abroad
(in whom I hear there are such hopeful seeds already of virtue and
nobleness) I took from him (though truly without any imaginable
distrust of his integrity) a solemn vow and oath that he would be
faithful and diligent in this employment. And so leaving your
Lordship and all yours (whether they be fixed or planetary) in God's
dear love, I humbly rest at your commands,
Henry Wotton.
I shall give your Lordship in my next an account of your
Etonians, when I have seen them again and more and more tested
their spirits.
464. To the Earl of Cokk.
Lismore Pj).t 2nd Ser., iii, p. 226. Endorsed 'Eaton 19 January, 1635 (date
of receipt) from Sir Henry Wotton, Eaton, the 5th of December, 1635.'
(Eton College, Dec. 5, 1635.)
Right honourable and my very good Lord,
While the bearer, Monsieur Marcombes, was fitting himself to
post into Ireland with a letter from me unto your Lordship, and
another to my truly noble Lady of Dungarvun 3 (dated both on the
24° of November from London), myself being the next day after
returned to mine own privacy, I was surprised with a fresh assault
of obligations from your Lordship in divers kinds. First, in making
me so quickly partaker of your own joys touching the said lady ; to
whom God send many such pretty cheerful troubles as she is likely
to have shortly. And I wish from a grammatical College not im-
1 Lionel Granfield (1575-1645), created Earl of Middlesex IOl'-'.
- Richard Boyle (1612-98) second Earl of Cork and first Earl of Burlington,
eldest son of the first Earl and called Viscount Duugarvan.
1 Elizabeth, daughter of Wotton's friend, Henry Lord Clifford [ante, ii, p. 307 :
•>n July :>. 1635. she married Lord Dungnrvan.
358 LETTERS OF WOTTON
properly that the most of them may be of the masculine gender.
Next, I must return to your Lordship many humble thanks for
continuing your trust upon me, which is as much to my nature as if
you bound me in fetters of diamonds. Thirdly, I find myself more
and more fastened unto your Lordship by your provident advice
concerning some casual discourse which fell out here between Mr.
Badnage1 and me, who, according to that impression which I took of
his fair nature, seemeth to have informed your Lordship much more
of my poor demonstrations towards your sweet children than I, and
much less than they deserved. Touching that business, I shall
immediately after this wait on your Lordship with another letter ;
having as much to do at the present as is possible for a man to have
that loves to do so little.
As for this gentleman the bearer, though your Lordship in the
conditional clause of your last, beginning thus: 'If you have not
already made choice of a fit tutor to travel with my two other sons,'
had not left me at large, yet I have such a grounded opinion in the
choice before settled as by your favour is unremovable without
your own express dislike upon the view, which I dare venture. I have
not entered into any particular covenants with him, which might
prejudice your goodness and his ingenuity. For I find him not
greedy, save as far as decent respects will require, which will be best
proportioned by your own honour and wisdom. I would wish your
Lordship on that point not to trust me, but rather in the valuation
of men than of moneys.
I had now written again to my most honoured Lady of Dungarven,
but that I was loath to tell her (though alterations are not strange in
natural bodies, either young or old) that your sweet-spirited Francke,
and her favourite, hath been, since my return hither, somewhat
troubled with a flux ; the frequent infirmity (as I remember) of
that kingdom where he was born. But he hath taken by my advice
a little physic, both to purge the acrimony of that stimulating
humour, and withal to fortify his stomach, where the cause lieth.
Of which potion, though he threw out the half as soon as he had
taken it, and the remainder some half an hour after, yet the virtue
of the medicine had first got into his veins, and gave him so quiet
repose this last night as we hold him free.
Let me assure your Lordship that (by these mine own and the
schoolmaster's solicitude in such cases, as belong both to our duties
and to our affections) you have placed about your children one of the
most loving and zealous servants 2 that I have ever observed in life.
And so God bless your Lordship again and again, to whom I
1 Thomas Badnedge (ante, ii, p. 355}. % Robert Carew {ibid.).
TO THE EARL OF CORK 359
remain in my poor ways an humble, devoted servant in the old
Kentish plainness,
Henky Wotton.
(Postscript). From the College this 6th of December, 1635.
My good Lord, I have commended seriously, and with promise of a
good reward, your spirity Robin to the master of our choristers here,
who maketh profession (and hath in one or two before given good proof
thereof) to correct the errors of voices and pronunciation ; for which he
shall have fit hours assigned him.1 And you shall hear likewise from
their servant that your Lordship, in your last unto him, hath given
him commissions to provide here for your children (if there be any)
one to initiate them in the French tongue. It may be done time
enough at your pleasure ; but I will pray your Lordship to ponder
some reasons that I shall, in my next, present unto your judgement
touching that point, of which I have a little discoursed with Monsieur
Marcombes.
465. To the Earl of Cork.
Lismore Pp., 2nd Ser., iii, p. 259. Endorsed '4 Julii, 1636, from Sir Henry
Wotton by Richard Carew of Kerry \ The Boyles in Sussex ; misconduct
of their tutor, Robert Carew.
From the College, this 6 of June, 1636.
Right honourable and my very good Lord,
I had from your Lordship a letter on Wednesday last by this
very bearer, in six days from Dublin. How soon should I have had
it if (as our poets say) his knees had been green ? So far as I cannot
but observe, as I began in Mr. Badenage, that all which comes from
your Lordship are indued with a strange spirit of diligence — unto
which said letter before I yield you my humble answer I am desirous
to say somewhat of your travellers and of your Etonians.
I was thirsty to hear from Monsieur Marcombes how the two
noble brothers did sort with a foreign air, when the last week I
received a letter from him of the 12th of April— so long it had slept
on the way from Paris, whence the next morning they were pre-
paring towards Geneve, all in perfect health.
They had, from their first landing at Diepe, seen no marks of war
in their journey but dearth. And I hope shall find it forwards no
worse. One thing I must not forget to tell your Lordship, that the
King of Fraunce hath so raised all the moneys, as the French crown
doth run at full eight shillings sterling through his kingdom ; which,
1 Robert Carew wrote to Lord Cork, Nov. or Dee., 1035, 'Sir Harry Wotton hat h
made choice of a very sufficient man to teach them to play on the viol and to sing ;
he doth also undertake to help my Master Robert's defect in pronunciation."
nore Pp., 2nd Ser.. iii, p. 225.)
360 LETTERS OF WOTTON
for such provision as they had taken up before the edict, will do
them no harm ; but in these fresh supplies, upon dormant bills of
exchange or of credit, which perchance they took from London
with them, not deeming of any such alteration, I do not see how
some loss will be avoided. The best is they have at home a wise
and loving father, which is a sure mint. God have them in his
blessed custody, for they are as hopeful plants as the world can
yield. Next, concerning the two nearer pledges of your trust under
my care, I received some days since from my Lady Goring, their
sister l, some few lines expressing a desire to have them with her at
this time of our vacation, when our school annually breaketh up two
weeks before Whitsuntide, and pieceth 2 again a fortnight after ;
which just and kind motion was to me an absolute command. And
so I sent them to her at Lewes in Sussex, together with the captain
of our school, a well-learned and well-tempered boy, whose friends
dwell in that shire, so as he may serve them both for a good guide
and companion. It will be a solace for my Lady, and for them a
fine refreshment. And I am glad to tell your Lordship that she will
see Franck in better health and strength than he hath been in
either kingdom before. And Robert will entertain her with his
pretty conceptions8 now a great deal more smoothly than he was
wont. We expect them both again, under God's favour, on Saturday
come sevennight.
Now, touching the private subject of your Lordship('s) last tome.
Truly, my good Lord, I was shaken with such an amazement at the
first percussion thereof, that, till a second perusal, I was doubtful
whether I had read right. For we are all here so well persuaded of
young Mr. Carie's discretion and temper and zeal in his charge, and
in the whole carriage of himself, as it will be hard to stamp us with
any new impression. Yet because your Lordship's letter was so
confident, I bestowed a day in a little inquisitiveness, and found
indeed that between him and a young maid, daughter to our
under-baker, and almost (like fathers), I do not altogether (I must
confess) (think) unhandsome, nor so far otherwise as she thinks her-
self, there had passed long since certain civil, which she was content
1 Lettice, third daughter of the Earl of Cork, married 1629 George Goring
v1608-57), son of George Goring, Lord Goring 1028, Earl of Norwich 1644.
2 ' Pieceth/ from the obs. use of piece, to unite, come together, assemble.
{N. E. D.)
3 Robert Carew writes of Robert Boyle Oct. 19, 1635 : < Sir Hary Wutton was
much taken with him for his discourse of Ireland and of his travels, and he
admired that he would observe or take notice of those things that he discoursed
of. He is mighty courteous and loving towards them, and lent a chamber
furnished until we could furniture so their own chamber (we enjoy it yet,
which is a great favour) ; and did invite my masters to his table several times.-*
Lismore Pp., 2nd Ser., iii, p. 217.
TO THE EAKL OF CORK 861
to cull amorous language. But it is near half a year that he hath
not been with her — time enough, I dare swear, to refrigerate more
love than was ever between them. So as in that point your Lord-
ship may quiet your thoughts. Yet glad I am for the letter you were
pleased to write, because it will give me an apt occasion, at his return,
to warn him how careful and vigilant he ought to be in preserving
his person from scandal, when such a levity as this (whether serious
or sportful) is flown over so suddenly to your Lordship, of whose
good opinion it behoveth him to stand in much awe. When I have
spoken with himself, I shall write again to your Lordship, beseeching
you in the meanwhile to keep him in your favourable conceit.1 For
truly there cannot be a more tender attendant about your sweet
children ; insomuch as when Franck was sick of no deep infirmity
he was (never) out of his sight, nothing but tears, distilling no doubt
from a good nature. I am glad to see your Lordship casting an eye
towards England, and yet I could have wished that you should settle
in that soil upon which the conqueror's foot did never tread. But I
shall not need to despair that your Lordship will be there likewise
ready for any fair temptation, notwithstanding those few thousands
which Dorsetshire must swallow with the envy of Kent.2
I had now done for the present, but that I must first deliver an
unfortunate misadventure which hath befallen this good-spirited
gentleman Mr. Carie, who, bringing back letters to your Lordship
from your two Etonians at Lewis, and from their sweet sister, and
from his own son, hath by a shallow pocket lost them on the way,
together with one of mine (the least of the whole loss), which I had
written provisionally to your Lordship for fear he should not return
this way, but might perchance light on some shipping in the Sussex
harbours. It were injustice in your Lordship to be offended with
this mishap, for he hath sufficiently tormented himself. But now
the last hope is, that peradventure they may fall into the hands of
some person of humanity, and so be sent over, according to their
addresses. I have troubled your Lordship too long. Let me end in
your love, and ever rest your faithful poor servant.
Henry Wotton.3
1 Wotton was deceived in Carew, whom Robert Boyle describes as 'one that
ranted neither vices nor cunning to dissemble them'. (Philaretus, p. 7.) He
was a gambler, and either through him or an Italian servant of Wotton's
Francis Boyle was induced to back a bill. In Nov., 1638, the Boyles were
removed from Eton ; the bill for their diet, apparel, tutelage, and the keep of
< iarew came to £914 3s. 9d. (Lismore Pp., 1st Ser., v, p. 64.)
- Lord Cork was born at Canterbury. He had recently purchased from the
ul of Bristol the estate of Stalbrnlge, near Sherborne, in Dorsetshire.
:{ In the R< liquiae, 1st ed., p. 197, 3rd, p. 372, is Minted the following : ' Extracted
prom a letter of the Earl of Cork to Sir Henry "Wotton, Dec. 82, 1636.
'Honourable sir.- For this time, I pray yen, ftooepj in good part from me
362 LETTERS OF WOTTON
466. To the Queen of Bohemia.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 393, undated; dated 'July, 1636', 3rd ed., p. 336. The
new Lord Treasurer, Juxon.
(July, 1636.)
Most resplendent Queen, even in the darkness of fortune,
That was wont to be niy style unto your Majesty, which you see
I have not forgotten. For though I have a great while forborne to
trouble you with any of my poor lines, yet the memory of your
sweet and royal virtues is the last thing that will die in me. In
these months of my silence I have been busy (if any work of my
brains may be termed a business) about certain compositions of mine
own, partly imposed, and partly voluntary, whereof some would
fain be struggling into the light ; but I do check their forwardness,
because I am afraid they will be born before their time. In the
meanwhile, I have gotten a subject worthy to exercise my pen unto
your Majesty, which is the choice of the new Lord Treasurer ; upon
which place your Majesty hath always some dependence in your
domestic affairs. I believe your Majesty hath never personally seen
him, therefore I will take the boldness to paint him before you ;
though I must speak, as yet, more out of the universal opinion than
from my own experience, for your Majesty knows my nature ; I am
always one of the last intruders. Now the best and the shortest
draft that I can make of him will be this: there is in him no
tumour, no sourness, no distraction of thoughts, but a quiet mind,
a patient care, free access, mild and moderate answers.1
To this I must add a solid judgement, a sober plainness, and
a most indubitable character of fidelity in his very face ; so as there
needs not much study to think him both a good man and a wise
man. And accordingly is his family composed ; more order than
noise, and his nearest instruments carefully chosen, for he wanted
no offers. But above all, there is a blessed note upon him, that his
Majesty hath committed his moneys where he may trust his con-
a bottle made of a serpentine stone, which hath the quality to give any wine
or water that shall be infused therein, for four and twenty hours, the taste
and operation of the spaw water, and is very medicinable for the cure of the
spleen and the gravel, as I am informed ; but sure I am, that Sir Walter
Rawleigh put a value upon it, he having obtained it amongst the spoils of the
Governor of St. Omy (St. Thome), in his last fatal expedition, and by his page
understood the virtues thereof, and that his captain highly esteemed it. And
surely, some good cures it hath wrought since it came into my hands, for those
two infirmities, &c.'
1 ' The Bishop was modest and unassuming, and had shown himself to be
possessed of habits of business in his management of the property of St. John's
College during the time of his Presidentship. He had neither wife nor family
to tempt him to amass wealth, and his honesty was beyond dispute.' (Guniiiur.
viii, p. 141.)
TO THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA 363
science. Upon the whole matter, it is no marvel that the charge
lav a full year under commission.
For the King himself (as we hear) did openly profess that he had
spent the most of that time, not in deliberating whom he might
choose, but in wooing of him whom he had chosen to undertake it :
for it is a hard matter indeed (if so good a King had not been the
orator) to draw a man out of the settled repose of a learned life into
such an ocean of public solicitude, able to swallow an ordinary
spirit. But God, who hath raised him to it, hath made him fit
for it.
This is all that I was in travail to advertise your Majesty upon the
present occasion ; my next will be touching the two sweet Princes l
your sons, whose fame I have only hitherto enjoyed in the common
voice, having by some weakness in my legs and other symptoms of
age, and by mine own retired studies, been confined to privacy.
But I hope to make known unto them how much I reverence my
royal mistress, their mother, and the images of her goodness, at the
solemn meeting the next month in Oxford. For an academy will
be the best Court for my humour. And so I humbly rest,
Your Majesty's ever faithful, ever devoted poor servant,
H. Wotton.
467. To William Juxox.
Ji'/iq,. 1st ed., p. 427 ; 3rd ed., p. 338. Undated, probably written in 1636,
after Juxon became Lord Treasurer (March 6). Wotton sends a copy
of his Elements of Architecture.
<1636?>
May it please your good Lordship,
I was in hope long since to have waited on your Lordship with
an account, I dare not say of any fruit, yet at least of some use of
my private time : but through certain fastidious fumes from my
spleen (though of late I thank God well allayed) I have been kept in
such jealousy of mine own conceptions that some things under my
pen have been born very slowly. In the meanwhile, remembering
an old pamphlet of mine, of the Elements of Architecture, which
I cannot in any modesty suppose that your Lordship had ever seen,
though it hath found some vulgar favour among those whom they
call gentle readers, I have gotten such a copy as did remain to
present unto your Lordship ; and because my fortunes were never
able to erect anything answerable to my speculations in that art,
1 The Queen's two sons, Charles Louis (who succeeded his father as titular
Elector Palatine in 1632) and Prince Rupert, came to England in Nov., 1635.
In August, 1636, they visited Oxford with Charles I, and the degree of M.A.
vras conferred on Prince Riqiert. {Gardiner, viii. p. 151.)
364 LETTERS OF WOTTON
1 have newly made, at least an essay of my invention, [at least] in the
structure of a little poor standish1, of so contemptible value as
I dare offer it to your Lordship without offence of your integrity.
If I could have built some rural retreat worthy of your reception,
according to the six precepts of my master Vitruvius, I would have
invited and entertained your Lordship therein, how homely soever,
yet as heartily as you were ever welcomed to any place in this
world ; and I would then have gloried to have under my roof as
worthy a counsellor and treasurer as ever served the best of kings.
But as I am, I can say no more for your Lordship's gracious respects
and goodness towards me than that I live in a tormenting desire
some way to celebrate the honour of your name, and to be known
Your most humble, professed, and obliged servant,
H. Wottoa.
468. To .
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 453 ; 3rd ed., p. 356. No date or address. (For conjectural
date see note 2.) Advice on foreign travel.
<1636?>
Worthy Sib,
All health to yourself and to yours both at home and abroad.
Sorry I was not to be at Eton when Mr. B. 2 your nephew, and un-
friend, came thither to visit me, being then in procinct3 of his
travels. But I had some good while before, at another kind visita-
tion, together with your sons and Mr. S. 2, given him a Catholic rule,
which was given me long since by an old Eoman courtier with
whom I tabled in Siena, and whose counsels I begged for the
government of myself at my departure from him towards the fore-
said Court, where he had been so well versed. * Signor Arrigo ' (says
he), 'there is one short remembrance will carry you safe through the
whole world.' I was glad to hear such a preservative contracted
into so little room, and so besought him to honour me with it.
1 Nothing but this ' (saith he), ' gli pensieri stretti, et il viso sciolto ' : that
is, as I use to translate it, ' Your thoughts close, and your countenance
loose.'4 This was that moral antidote which I imparted to Mr. B.
1 ' Standish/ inkstand.
■ ' Mr. B.' and ' Mr. S.' probably refer to Michael Branthwaite and James
Scudamore. Branthwaite went to Paris as tutor to James Scudamore, son of
John first Viscount Scudamore, who was English ambassador in France 1635-9.
This visit from 'Mr. B.' and ' Mr. S.' which Wotton refers to was probably before
their journey to Paris in June, 1635, as Wotton says the visit was ' some good while
before'. I place this letter here for want of other indications as to date. Much
of the advice in this letter was repeated by Wotton in his letter to Milton in
1638 (see below, p. 382).
3 'In procinct,' i.e. in preparation for.
4 Advice of Scipione Alborti (ante, i, p. 22). George Herbert included t Ii«-
translation of this saying in his lacitla Prudcntum. [Remains, 1848 p. 296.
TO 868
lad his fellow travellers when they were last with me, having
;i particular interest in their well-doings, both as they are yours and
as they have had some training under my poor regiment ; to which
ties of friendship you have added a third, that they are now of the
College of Travellers, wherein, if the fruit of the time I have spent
were answerable to the length, I might run for a Deacon at least.
If I had not been absent when Mr. B. came last I would have
said much more in private between us, which shall be supplied by
letter if I may receive a safe form of address from you. I continue
mainly in the same opinion which I touched unto them, that after
their impriming in France I could wish them to mount the Pirenies
into Spaine. In that Court (as I hear) you have an assured friend ;
and there they may consolidate the French vivacity with a certain
sosiego (as they call it), till they shall afterwards pass from Barcelona
over to Italy, where lies the true mean between the other two
humours. You see, Sir, by this discourse that I am in mine own
country at leisure ; I pray pardon it, whatsoever it be, because it
proceedeth from hearty goodwill. And so I rest,
At your commands,
Henry Wotton.
Sir,
My servant, the bearer, hath somewhat to say unto you about
a piece of painting, which I would fain send to your house in the
country, covered till it come thither, because it is soberly naked, and
ready to be set up, being in a gilded frame already.
469. To Thomas Johnson.
K P. Dam. Charles I, ccclxiii, No. 14, dictated. Addressed, ' To my very
loving and learned friend Mr. Johnson, apothecary, at his house on
Snowe Hill, London.1
2nd of July.. 1637.
My good friend Mr. Johnson1,
I have addressed this my servant unto you at the present with
two or three requests. First, that you would direct him where he
may buy one of your Gerrards 2, well and strongly bound ; next,
where I may have for my money all kinds of coloured pinks to set
in a quarter of my garden, or any such flowers as perfume the air.
Thirdly, I pray let me consult with you whether you know any sick of
that fastidious infirmity, which they call melancholia hypochondnaca,
wherewith I have been troubled of late, but more with a symptom
1 Thomas Johnson (d. 1644), botanist and royalist soldier, M.D. Oxford 1648,
died from the effects of a wound received at the defence of Basing House.
(D. N. B.)
■ Gerard's IlerbaV, of which Thomas Johnson published an enlarged and
corrected edition in 1 «'»:}:{. {Ibid.)
366 LETTERS OF WOTTON
very frequent in that passion (as the great Fernelius l describes it),
namely, with certain very noisome odours, which the spleen sends up
with offence of my scent and taste, and yet without any imaginable
taint of my breath or anything perceivable by another. I go seeking
and begging examples to comfort my fancy, wherein you will do me
a singular pleasure, either with your own former observation or
inquiry of the like case, especially if withal you shall please to add
what has done any such patient most good. These are the troubles
that I am now bold to give you.
Your willing and well-wishing friend,
Henry Wotton.
470. To Archbishop Laud.
Rellq., 1st ed., p. 440 ; 3rd ed., p. 347. Negotiations about an Eton Fellowship.
From the College this 30 of July, 1637.
It may please your Grace,
We very humbly acknowledge that your Grace hath made us
confident in your favour, both by your former letters (which are the
true images of your mind) and by that report which Mr. Weaver2
and Mr. Harrison 3 brought us from your most reverenced person ;
yet, till after the term, when we might suppose your Grace some-
what freer than before (though ever environed with more honour
than ease), we were tender to trouble you with any prosecution on
our parts of your good intents towards this collegiate body, about
the yet unperfected though well-imprimed business of New Wind-
sor4. But now, after due remembrance of our humble devotions, I
am bold to signify unto your Grace in mine own, and in the name
of the rest, that having (according to the fair liberty which you were
pleased to yield us) consulted with our counsel at law about some
convenient form for the settling of that which his Majesty hath
already granted by your Grace his intercession, we find the King
can no way be bound but by his own goodness, neither can we wish
his Majesty in better or in safer bonds ; therefore we hope to pro-
pound an expedient, which, to my understanding, will (as astrono-
mers use to say) save all appearances, namely, &c.5 (...).
1 John Francis Fernel, or Fernelius (1497-1558), French medical writer. His
Universa Medicina, ed. 5, was published at Frankfort, 1592.
2 Thomas Weaver, elected Fellow of Eton 1612, Vice-Provost. (Harwood, p. 63.,
3 John Harrison (ante, i, p. 216).
4 The parishioners of Windsor had petitioned Charles I to increase the value
of the living of Windsor by annexing to it some ecclesiastical benefice. It was
decided that a Fellowship of Eton should be reserved for this purpose, and
the Rev. John Cleaver, Vicar of Windsor, was elected at the next vacancy.
\MaxiceU-Lyte, pp. 234, 235.)
5 So in 3rd edition of Reliquiae, the paragraphs are run together without any
break in the 1st ed., but this is corrected in the Errata.
TO ARCHBISHOP LAUD 367
Master Cleaver's election shall be the more honoured, by being a
single example ; in whose person we are sorry for nothing, but that
he needs not thank us for his choice. And so doubting as little of
your Grace his favour as we do of your power in the consummat-
ing of our humble, and as we hope they will appear, of our moderate
desires, I ever with most hearty zeal remain
At all your Grace his commands,
H. Wotton.
471. To Archbishop Laud.
ft r. Dom. Charles I, ccclxv, No. 56. Dictated ; no date, endorsed ' Recev.
Aug. 10, 1637 '. The Provosts of Eton and King's Colleges write to their
acting Visitor about a disputed election. (See next letter.)
(Eton College, August, 1637.)
After all due reverence, and our most humble duties remembered,
May it please your Grace,
There is fallen out a difficulty, at this time of our annual election,
in the case of a boy, by name Dudley Avery, otherwise of good hope
and desert, which doth arrest our proceeding till we shall receive
from your Grace an interpretation of our power, which we most
humbly beg by this bearer *, father of the said child, whose brother 2
is the King's agent at Hamborough, and he himself an instrument
of singular use to the Queen of Bohemia in her domestic affairs ; for
which respects we are the more desirous to gratify him. The case
itself will best appear to your Grace by the enclosed draft of a
counsellor-at-law. And so, with our joint prayers most heartily
committing your Grace to God's dearest love, we rest,
Your Grace his in humblest devotion,
Henry Wotton.
S. Collins.
472. To John Dynely.
Ueliq., 3rd ed., p. 570, dated ' August 18 ' ; written in 1637, as the endorsement
of the letter above shows. The case of Dudley Avery.
Dictated from my bed, Aug. 18 (1637).
Sir,
I am glad of this opportunity to acquaint you, before your going,
with the cause why Mr. Avery's son did fail at our late election.
When the boy came before us, being asked the ordinary questions,
1 Probably Samuel Avery, Alderman of the City of London. (Cat. S. P. Dom.,
1625-49, p. 681.) Laud was now acting as Visitor to Eton in the place of the
Bishop of Lincoln, Williams, who was suspended from the exercise of his func-
tions and imprisoned by the Star Chamber on July 11, 1637. {Gardiner, viii,p.254.)
2 Joseph Avery, the King's agent at Hamburg, and deputy of the English
Merchant Adventurers there. (Cal. S. P. Dom., 1639, p. 54.)
368 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
Quod est iibi nomen? Quot annos natus es? Quo mini tempore? Quo
comitaht ? Quo oppido ? Quave villa ? (To all which his answers
must remain upon record in our indentures of that year, if he be
chosen), he stopped a little at the two last ; and then (as if he had
meant to suffer like a martyr for the truth) he told us flatly that he
was born in the Low Countries at Delft. This retrenched all farther
examination of him ; for thereby he was ineligible, our statutes only
admitting the English shires, with exclusion, not only of Ireland
and Scotland, but even of Wales, and much more of any foreign
province. Hereupon we called in his father, who handsomely skir-
mished in his behalf that children born of English parents in the
Staples of Merchants abroad were by an Act of Edward III
habilited1 to all purposes at home as well as the inward natives.
And thereupon he went and took counsel of Mr. Newbury, steward
of Windsor, and no obscure lawyer, who did set down his judgement
in writing clearly for him, that all local statutes are void which are
either against the common law or against a general precedent
statute, as he said this was. Now although we could have been glad
all to be left as free as your Arminians leave our will ; yet consider-
ing that our local statutes were long after the foresaid Act of
liabilities, and that how invalid soever they may appear to some
other man, yet that they bind us at least in conscience, especially
after so long custom. These points I say considered, the last good
will we could express towards the father was to offer him (as I did)
to propound the case to my Lord of Canterbury, our Visitor para-
mount, and now in ordinary (the Bishop of Lincoln being in an
unvisitable case himself), that so his Grace might relieve him with
his interpretation : wherein I got the Provost of King's to concur
with me, and so I drew a letter with all possible advantage on his
side, enclosing therein the favourablest branch of our statutes. This
letter Mr. Avery carried to Croydon with paternal affection and
haste, and brought us back an answer2 to this substance: that
though his Grace should be heartily willing, in respect of the father's
relation to her Majesty of Bohemia (as I had represented him), to do
anything for the child, yet being a binding precedent against custom
he could not suddenly determine the point, being at that time with-
out civil lawyers, by whose advice his court was guided ; and there-
fore, if we would defer our election till Michaelmas, he would then
orderly decide it. But we being by other statutes bound not to
1 ' Habilitated/ i. e. qualified. Obs. (AT. E. B.).
a A transcript of this letter of Laud's (dated Aug. 10), preceded by Humphrey
Newbury's judgement, is in the Record Office. (S. P. Dom. Chas. I, ccclxv,
Nos. 56, 57.)
TO JOHN DYNELY 369
prolong our election an hour after such a time as was already near
spent, and to tell you in sin a, being loath to leave ourselves so long
upon interpretation we gave it over. I understand since a circum-
stance that must needs trouble Mr. Aveiy more than the business
itself: that it failed by his fault, and not the boy's. For after our
usher (the child's tutor) had instructed him that by no means he
should confess his foreign birth, his father, whom the boy had not
acquainted with his tutor's instruction, not knowing our statutes,
bade his son answer, when he should be asked the last question, that
he was born in comitatu Hollandiae ; and so the child trusting his
father more than his tutor fell through the basket.1
With this story I have entertained you at large, because, besides
my zeal towards anything that our royal mistress can wish to be
done, I was engaged in a promise to yourself, whom I will follow
with letters to her Majesty by the conveyance of Sir Abra.
Williams5, and with a little nuptial present to yourself, which you
had had with you if a friend of mine, who should have made it
ready, had not been scared from London.3 And yet (to show you
my poverty) it is only a pair of sheets which I mean to send, with
this mark at the corners, pro Dinleianis. In the meanwhile, God hold
you and your love in His love, wherein, after the uncertain traverses
of courts below, dwelleth all abundance and infallibility above.
By your ever the same affectionate poor friend,
Henry Wotton.
473. To Sir Richard Baker4.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 445 ; 3rd ed., p. 351. Wotton thanks Sir Richard Baker
for his Meditations on the Lord's Prayer. As this book was published
in 1637, Wotton's letter probably belongs to this year.
<1637 V)
Sib,
I conceive that you have been pleased, out of our ancient
friendship (which was first, and is ever best, elemented in an
academy), and not out of any valuation of my poor judgement, to
communicate with me your Divine Meditations on the Lord's Prayer,5
in some several sheets, which have given me a true taste of the
1 The name ' Averie' appears among the names of the Eton Commensals in
1M7. (Wasey Sterry, A List of Eton Commensals, 1904.)
* Sir Abraham Williams, agent for the Queen of Bohemia in England.
3 Perhaps Izaak Walton, who is believed (though on no positive evidence) to
dave kept a haberdasher's shop in Fleet Street near Chancery Lane. Wotton
s not likely to have had many friends among haberdashers, and the above
nay perhaps be taken as some slight confirmation of this belief. London was
avaged by the plague in 1637.
* Sir Richard Baker, see Appendix III. Baker was now in the Fleet Prison.
3 Meditations and Disquisitions upon the Lord's Prayer, ln3<><7).
WOTTON. II B ])
370 LETTERS OF WOTTON
whole ; wherein I must needs observe and much admire the very
character of your style, which seemeth unto me to have not a little
of the African idea of St. Augustine's age, full of sweet raptures and
of researched conceits, nothing borrowed, nothing vulgar, and yet
all flowing from you (I know not how) with a certain equal facility :
so as I see your worldly troubles have been but pressing-irons to
your heavenly cogitations.
Good Sir, let not any modesty of your nature, let not any obscurity
of your fortune, smother such an excellent employment of your
erudition and zeal ; for it is a work of light, and not of darkness.
And thus wishing you long health, that can use it so well,
I remain your poor friend, to love and serve you,
H. WOTTON.
474. To Samuel Collins1.
ttetiq., 3rd edition, unpaged. ' To the right Worthy Provost and Professor
Regius of Divinity in Cambridge.' Books of controversy ; Wotton sends
Dr. Collins a portrait of Sarpi.
From the arms of your good nurse, who led you
with her best milk. Jan. 17, 1637<8>.
Sik,
Though my feet cannot perform that counsel which I remember
from some translation in Syracides, Teras limen sensati viri,2 yet I
should at least have often visited you with my poor lines. But on
the other side, while I durst not trust mine own conceit in the power
of my present infirmity, and therefore have seldom written to any, I
find myself in the meantime overcharged with divers letters from
you of singular kindness, and one of them accompanied with a dainty
peaceful piece, which truly I had not seen before ; so as besides the
weight of the subject it was welcome even for the grace of newness.
Yet let me tell you, I could not but somewhat wonder to find our
spiritual Seneca 3 (you know whom I mean) among these reconcilers,
having read a former treatise of his (if my memory fail me not) of a
contrary complexion. Howsoever, now let him have his due praise
with the rest for showing his Christian wisdom and charity. But I
tear, as it was anciently said by a Koman General, that helium sese
alit,4 so it will prove, though in somewhat a different sense, likewise
1 Dr. Samuel Collins, Provost of King's College ; see Appendix III.
2 Ecclesiasticus vi. 36 'Et si videris sensatum, evigila ad eum, et gracilis
ostiorum illius exterat pes tuns.'
3 Dr. Joseph Hall (1574-1656), Bishop of Exeter 1627, of Norwich 1641. ' He
was commonly called our English Seneca for the purencss, plainness, and
fullness of his style.' ^Fuller's Worthies, 1811, i, p. 566.)
'■ Marcus Porcius Cato ; '^Bcllum" inquit " se ipsuni alct."' (Livy, xxxiv.
\K 12.)
PORTRAIT OF FRA PAOLO SARPI
(From the picture, by an unknown painter, in the Bodleian Library.)
TO SAMUEL COLLINS 371
as true of this Church warfare, that the veiy pleasure of contending
will foment contention till the end of all flesh.
But let me leave that sacred business to our well-meaning Fathers.
And now. Sir, having a fit messenger, and not long after the time
when love tokens use to pass between friends, let me be bold to send
you for a New Year's gift a certain memorial, not altogether unworthy
of some entertainment under your roof ; namely, a true picture of
Padre Paolo the Scrrifa. which was first taken by a painter whom I
sent unto him from my house then neighbouring his monastery. 1
have newly added thereunto a title of mine own conception, Concilii
Tridcut'iiti Eviscerator ; and had sent the frame withal if it were
portable, which is but of plain deal, coloured black like the habit of
his order.1 You have a luminous parlour, which I have good cause
to remember, not only by delicate fare and freedom (the prince of
dishes!, but above all, by your own learned discourse ; for to dine
with you is to dine with many good authors. In that room I beseech
you to allow it a favourable place for my sake. And that you may
have somewhat to tell of him more than a bare image, if any shall
ask, as in the Tabic of Cebes, TiVos cVn t68* ayaXfxa ; °~ I am desirous
to characterize a little unto you such part of his nature, customs, and
abilities, as I had occasion to know by sight or by inquiry. He was
one of the humblest things that could be seen within the bounds of
humanity ; the very pattern of that precept, quanto doctior tanto
sabmissior.3 And enough alone to demonstrate that knowledge well
digested non utflat. Excellent in positive, excellent in scholastical
and polemical divinity. A rare mathematician, even in the most
abstruse parts thereof, as in algebra and the theoriques 4 ; and yet
withal so expert in the history of plants as if he had never perused
any book but nature. Lastly, a great canonist, which was the title
of his ordinary service with the State ; and certainly in the time of
the Pope's interdict they had their principal light from him. When
he was either reading or writing alone his manner was to sit fenced
witli a castle of paper about his chair and over head : for he was
of our Lord of St. Alban's opinion, that all air is predatory, and
especially hurtful when the spirits are most employed. You will
find a scar in his face, that was from a Koman assassinate, that would
have killed him as he was turned to a wall near to his convent : and if
there were not a greater Providence about us it might often have
1 For the history of this portrait see Appendix III, under Sarpi.
3 A reference to the Tliva{ of Cebes ; Wotton is quoting from memory ; ri wort
ionv 6 {iddos ; are the words of the stranger in the dialogue. (ILVa£ iii.)
3 ' Ut reetc praecipere videantur qui monent, ut, quanto superiores simus,
tanto nos geramus submissius.' (Cic. dc Offic. i. 2(5.)
4 'Theoriques.' i.e. theories, theoretical branches of knowledge.
Bb 2
372 LETTERS OF WOTTON
been easily done, especially upon such a weak and wearyish body.
He was of a quiet and settled temper, which made him prompt in
his counsels and answers ; and the same in consultation which
Themistocles was in action, avToa-x&ia^tLv Ikolvotcltos \ as will appear
unto you in a passage between him and the Prince of Conde. The
said Prince, in a voluntary journey to Kome, came by Venice, where
to give some vent to his own humours he would often divest himself
of his greatness, and after other less laudable curiosities, not long
before his departure, a desire took him to visit the famous obscure
Servita ; to whose cloister coming twice, he was the first time denied
to be within ; at the second it was intimated that by reason of his
daily admission to their deliberation in the j)alace, he could not
receive the visit of so illustrious a personage without leave from the
Senate, which he would seek to procure. This set a greater edge on
the Prince when he saw he should confer with one participant of
more than monkish speculations. So after leave gotten he came the
third time ; and then besides other voluntary discourse (which it were
a tyranny over you to repeat) he assailed him with a question enough
to have troubled any man but himself, and him too if a precedent
accident had not eased him. The question was SiapprjSrjv this ; he
desired to be told by him before his going who was the true
unmasked author of the late Tridentine history ?
You must know this, that but newly advertisement was come from
Rome that the Archbishop of Spalato being then re-arrived from
England, in an interview between him and the Cardinal Ludovisio,
nephew to Gregory the XV, the said Cardinal, after a complimental
welcoming him into the lap of the Church, told him by order from
the Pope that his Holiness would expect from him some recantation
in print 2, as an antidote against certain books and pamphlets which
he had published whilst he stood in revolt. Namely, his first Mani-
festo 3 ; item, two sermons preached at the Italian Church in London : 4
again, a little tract, entitled his Scogli,5 and lastly, his greater
volumes about Church regiment and controversies.6 These were all
named. ' For as touching the Tridentine history, his Holiness ' (says
1 Kpariaros 8t) qvtos avToax^iafav T<* Seovra eytvtro. (Thuc. i. 138.)
2 ' Memorandum, that the recantation was to my knowledge never printed at
Kome or elsewhere, through more haste belike to his death, or otherwise upon
further consideration that things extorted with fear carry no credit, even by
the Praetor's Edict.' (Wotton's note in margin.) This recantation, however, was
printed at Rome in 1623 ' M.A. de D. . . . sui Reditus ex Anglia Consilium expoiiit'.
and an English translation was published at Douai, in the same year.
3 Marc. Ant. de Dominis . . . suae profectionis consilium exponit, London, 1616.
4 Predica Rom., xii. 12, k La prima Domenica dell' Avvento 1617.' I cannot
find a reference to any other sermon published by De Dominis.
8 Scogli del Cristiano Naufragio, &c, 1616.
6 De RepuUica Ecdesiastka, London, 1617 and 1620, 3 vols.
TO SAMUEL COLLINS 373
the Cardinal) ' will not press you to any disavowment thereof ', though
you have an epistle before the original edition, because we know well
enough that Friar Paolo is the father of that brat.' Upon this last
piece of the aforesaid advertisement the good father came fairly
off ; for on a sudden laying all together, that to disavow the work
was an untruth, to assume it a danger, and to say nothing an
incivility, he took a middle evasion, telling the Prince that he
understood he was going to Rome, where he might learn at ease who
was the author of that book, as they were freshly intelligenced from
thence.2
Thus without any mercy of your time I have been led along from
one thing to another, while I have taken pleasure to remember that
man whom God appointed and furnished for a proper instrument to
anatomize that pack of reverend cheaters, among whom (I speak of
the greater part, exceptis sanioribus) religion was shuffled like a pair of
cards and the dice so many years were set upon us. And so wishing
you very heartily many good years. I will let you breathe till you
have opened the enclosed, remaining,
Your poor friend to serve you,
Henry Wotton.
475. To Lord Coventry3.
Iieliq., 1st ed., p. 442 ; 3rd ed.. p. 349. Unsigned ; no date, but probably the
letter mentioned in the postscript of No. 476, and written therefore
early in 1638. A letter to the Lord Keeper with a petition about
College business, from the Provost and Fellows of Eton.
(January ? 1638).
Right Honourable and our very good Lord, the Lord
Keeper,
It is so open and so general for any that fly unto your Lordship's
tribunal to receive there a fair and equitable measure as it hath (we
know not how) wrought in us a kind of unnatural effect ; for thereby
we have been made the sower to render your Lordship our most
humble thanks in our own proper case, because we knew not how to
single it from the common benefit which all find in your goodness.
But we can now forbear no longer to join among ourselves, and with
the universal voice, in a blessing upon your name.
And as we bring a true and humble acknowledgement in our
1 ' Quod metus causa.' Note of Wotton's.
2 Ante, ii, p. 251.
Sir Thomas Coventry (1578-1640), Lord Keeper 1625, Lord Coventry [68&
'A X. B.)
374 LETTERS OF WOTTON
particular, that this College is bound to celebrate your honour for
that charitable injunction wherewith you have sustained a great and
important portion of the livelihood of so many young plants of good
literature, till a farther discussion of your right, so we likewise most
humbly beseech your good Lordship, in the sincerity of our own
desires of quietness, and in the confidence of our cause, that you will
be pleased to entertain with favour a petition which our Counsel will
present unto your Lordship for some day of hearing that shall best
sort with your great affairs. And so with all our joint and hearty
prayers, both of young and old, for your long preservation, we rest,
Your most humble and devoted servants.
476. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 100 ; Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 466. Wotton's health, prospects
and literary plans.
From your College, this Ash-Wednesday.
(Feb. 7), 1637<8>.
Oh my most dear nephew (for so I still glory to call you, while
Heaven possesseth her who bound us in that relation), how have I of
late, after many vexations of a fastidious infirmity, been at once rent
in pieces by hearing that you were at London. ' What ! ' said I, ' and
must it be at a time when I cannot fly thither to have my wonted part
of that conversation wherein all that know him enjoy such infinite
contentment ? ' Thus much did suddenly break loose from the heart
that doth truly honour you. And now, Sir, let me tell you both how
it hath gone with me and how I stand at the present. There is a
triple health, health of body, of mind, and of fortune ; you shall have
a short account of all three.
For the first ; it is now almost an whole cycle of the sun since,
after certain fits of a quotidian fever, I was assailed by that splenetic
passion, which a country good fellow that had been a piece of a
grammarian meant when he said he was sick of the flatus, and the
other hard word ; for hypochondriacus stuck in his teeth. It is the
very Proteus of all maladies, shifting into sundry shapes, almost
every night a new, and yet still the same ; neither can I hope that
it will end in a solar period, being such a saturnine humour ; but
though the core and root of it be remaining, yet the symptoms (I
thank my God) are well allayed. And in general I have found it of
more contumacy than malignity. Only since the late cold weather
there is complicated with it a more asthmatical straitness of respira-
tion than heretofore : yet those about me say I bear it well, as
perchance custom hath taught me, being now familiarized and
TO SIB EDMUND BACOH 875
domesticated evils : in the tragedian's expression, Iain manxurta
nuila.1 And thus much of the habit of my body. On the other side,
my mind is in a right philosophical estate of health, that is, at an
equal distance both from desire and hope, and ambitious of nothing
but of doing nothing and of being nothing. Yet I have some employ-
ment of my thoughts to keep them from mouldering, as you shall
know before I close this letter. But first, touching the third kind of
health. My condition or fortune was never better than in this good
Lord Treasurer's2 time: the very reverse of his proud predecessor,
that made a scorn of my poverty and a sport of my modesty, leaving
me in bad case, and the world so, as though we now know by what
arts he lived, yet are we ignorant to this hour by what religion he
died, save only that it could not be good, which was not worthy the
professing.3 This free passage let me commit to your noble breast,
remembering that in confidence of the receiver I have transgressed a
late counsel of mine own, which I gave to a young friend, who, asking
me casually of what he should make him a suit, as he was passing
this way towards London, I told him that, in my opinion, he could
not buy a cheaper nor a more lasting stuff there than silence. For
I loved him well, and was afraid of a little freedom that I spied
in him.
And now, Sir, I must needs conclude (or I shall burst) with letting
you know that I have divers things in wild sheets that think and
struggle to get out of several kinds, some long promised and some of
a newer conception. But a poor exercise of my pen (wherewith I shall
only honour myself by the dedication thereof unto your own person) is
that which shall lead the way by mine and your good leave, intend-
ing (if God yield me His favour) to print it before it be long in Oxford,
and to send you thence, or bring you a copy to our Redgrave. What
the subject is you must not know beforehand : for I fear it will want
all other grace if it lose virginity.4 And so the Lord of all abundant
joy keep you long, con quetta bnona ciera, which this my servant did
relate unto me.
Who live, at all your commands,
Henry Wotton.
Postscript. — Mr. Clever5, one of the now Fellows of this College
1 The phrase ' mansuetum id malum ' occurs in Liry, iii. 16.
3 Juxon.
3 The Earl of Portland (ante, ii, pp. 334-6). He professed himself a Catholic on
his death-bed. {Gardiner, vii, p. 378.)
4 Wotton did not publish anything in this year, but is referring perhaps to
his unfinished essay ' The Great Action behceen Pompey and Caesar, extracted out
of the Roman and Grecian miters by H. W. Kt. for an Historical exercise.'
' The dedication to Sir Edmund Bacon, Knight and Baronet,' was printed in the
Reliquiae, 1st ed., p. 337 ; 3rd ed., p. 239. 5 Clever {ante, ii, p. 3fiC>\
376 LETTERS OF WOTTON
(where have been divers changes since it had the honour and the
gladness to receive you), being this day returned hither from the
excellent Lord Keeper, to whom we had addressed him about a business
that concerneth us, tells me even at this instant in the account of his
journey that it pleased his good Lordship to inquire of him twice or
thrice very graciously touching my health. I beseech you (my noble
nephew) let his Lordship see, if it please you, this whole letter (for I
dare trust his indulgent goodness, both with my liberties and with
my simplicities) and that will tell him my present estate, which, by
making it any part of his care, is for ever at his most humble service.
477. To Izaak Walton.
Beh'q., 1st ed., p. 513 ; 3rd ed., p. 361 ; no date, but probably written at about
the same time as No. 476. as the description of Wotton's illness is the
same. A hymn sent to Walton.
(Eton College. Feb. 1638 ?)
My worthy Friend,
Since I last saw you I have been confined to my chamber by a
quotidian fever, I thank God of more contumacy than malignity. It
had once left me, as I thought ; but it was only to fetch more com-
pany, returning with a surcrew of those splenetic vapours that are
called hypochondriacal ; of which most say the cure is good company ;
and I desire no better phjTsician than yourself. I have in one of
those fits endeavoured to make it more easy by composing a short
hymn ; and since I have apparelled my best thoughts so lightly as in
verse, I hope I shall be pardoned a second vanity if I communicate
it writh such a friend as yourself, to whom I wish a cheerful spirit
and a thankful heart to value it, as one of the greatest blessings of
our good God ; in whose dear love I leave you, remaining
Your poor friend to serve you,
H. Wotton.
A Hymn to my God in a night of my late sickness.
Oh thou great Power! in whom I move,
For whom I live, to whom I die,
Behold me through Thy beams of love,
Whilst on this couch of tears I lie ;
And cleanse my sordid soul within
By Thy Christ's blood, the bath of sin.
No hallowed oils, no grains I need,
No rags of saints, no purging fire,
One rosy drop from David's seed
Was worlds of seas to quench Thine ire.
TO rZAAK WALTON 377
0 precious ransom ! which once paid.
That Consmmwttuni M was .said ;
And said by Him that said no more,
But sealed it with His sacred breath.
Thou then that hath disponged my score,
And dying wast the death of death,
Be to me now, on Thee I call,
My life, my strength, my joy, my all.
Hen. Wotton.
478. To Doctor Castle1.
Av//7.. 1st ed., p. 458; 3rd ed., p. 358. The first often letters to Dr. Castle.
all undated save one. For lack of other indications of date or order
I place these letters to Castle in the sequence in which they were printed
in the Reliquiae. Wotton refers to a report of his death.
(Eton College. February. 1688 ?)
Worthy Sir,
Till the receipt of your last, and the like from others of both
universities and one from Bruxels, chisdcm argumenti, I thought,
in good faith, that as I have lived (I thank God) with little ambition,
so I could have died with as much silence as any man in England.
But I now see that the most unvaluable things may serve to make a
noise.
And I have now no more to say, but that while the foresaid report
shall be false the underwriter is
Truly yours,
H. Wotton.
479. To Doctor Castle.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 476; 3rd ed., p. 362. 'To Doctor C No date, but as
Wotton repeats in this letter the anecdote in No. 476, and the same
description of his illness, it was no doubt written at about the same
time. Wotton asks for news, and writes of his illness.
(Eton College. February 1638?)
Worthy Sir,
I cannot (according to the Italian phrase, at which I have been
often ready to laugh, among a nation otherwise of so civil language)
accuse 2 the receipt of any letter from you since your remove from
these parts, save of two by this bearer, my servant and yours, as all
mine shall be. Neither can I satisfy my imagination (so far I am
1 Dr. John Castle, see Appendix III.
2 Acwsare una lettera, to acknowledge the receipt of a letter.
378 LETTERS OF WOTTON
from quieting my desire) where a third (which you intimate in your
last) may yet lie smothered in some pocket, for which I should have
made a great research if that were not the diligentest way to miss
it. The truth is, as I do highly estimate every line from your pen,
so on the other side I am as jealous that any of them should stray.
For when a friend of mine, that was lately going towards your city,
fell casually into some discourse with me how he should clothe
himself there, I made some sport to tell him (for a little beguiling
of my melancholy fumes) that in my opinion the cheapest stuff in
London was silence. But this concerneth neither of us both, for we
know how to speak and write safely, that is, honestly ; always, if we
touch any tender matter, let us remember his motto that wrote
upon the mantel of his chimney, where he used to keep a good fire.
optimus secretariorum.
I owe you abundant thanks for the advertisements in your last, so
clearly and judiciously delivered. You cannot do me a greater
favour, for though I am a cloistered man in the condition of my
present life, besides my confinement by infirmity, yet having spent
so much of mine age among noise abroad, and seven years thereof in
the Court at home, there doth still hang upon me, I know not how,
a certain concupiscence of novelties.
I am sorry I have nothing in that kind at the present to inter-
change with you.
In mine own sickness I had of late, for one half night and a whole
day following, a perfect intermission, like a truce from all symptoms.
But some of them are returned again, and I am afraid it will be hard
to throw out altogether this same saturnine enemy, being now
lodged in me almost a full year.
In your way of applying the leeches I have found sensible benei
If I could get a lodging near Paul's Church I would fain pass
week there yet before the great festival.1
Pardon me, good Sir, this communication with you of my domest
purposes ; and pardon me likewise the use of another man's hand
this letter, for a little ease of mine own head and eyes. And so I res
Your hearty friend and servant in all occasions,
gIR H. Wotton.
Your subscription of Aldrovandus2 putteth me in mind of
a mishap which befell me in the time of my private travels. I had
been in a long pursuit of a much commended author, namely Johannes
1 Probably Easter, which fell on March 25 (O.S.) in 1638, though Wotton
is possibly referring -to the creation of Prince Charles (Charles II) as PriiMI
of Wales, which was celebrated with considerable pomp at Windsor in May.
1638; see below, p. 387.
2 Ulisse Aldrovandi (1527-1607\ author of a famous Natural History.
TO DOCTOB CASTLE m
Britannicus dc re Meidllica, and could never sec him hut in the
library of the brave monks of Mont' Oliveto in the ConUido di Siena ;
where, while I had taken order to have him transcribed, Aldrovando
passing that way borrowed him from the monastery, and I sending
not long after unto him in Bologna my friend found him newly
dead. And this was the period of my fruitless curiosity.
480. To Doctor Castle.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 479 ; 3rd ed., p. 365; 'to Doctor C The third of the
letters to Dr. Castle.
(February, 1638?)
Worthy Sir,
I see by your letters, by your discourses, and by your whole
conversation, that you are a friend of great learning, and (which are
commonly consociated) of as great humanity ; which shall make me
study by any means, within the narrowness of my fortune and
judgement, to deserve your love.
The rest I leave to this bearer, my servant, as I am yours,
H. Wotton.
481. To Doctor Castle.
Rrliq., 1st ed., p. 484 ; 3rd ed., p. 365. Wotton describes his illness in the
same phrases as in Letter 476.
(Eton College, February, 1638?)
Worthy Sir,
Henceforward no complimental forms between us. Let others
repute them according to the Latin denomination, fine civil fillings
of speech and letters,1 for my part, in good faith ex diametro,
I ever thought they were mere emptinesses. Yet they may chance
serve between some natures to kindle good will : but I account our
friendship no longer in fieri.
You have so represented unto me as methinks I see him
walking, not like a funambulus upon a cord, but upon the edge
of a razor.2 What shall I retribute to you from hence? Nothing
but a pretty accident in a sad subject. There was, you know,
inhabitant in , a young widow of value, who lately dying at
London, whither she went to solace with some of her friends, left
1 Complementa.
2 Possibly John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, who being still in disgrace with
the Court, put himself on the side of the Puritans, and was attempting to
mediate between them and the High Church party. His H<>hi Tnhle, Name, and
Thing, published in Nov. 1637, advocated a compromise of the controversy
about the position of the Communion Table. He was now in the Tower, where
he remained until 1640. (Gardiner, viii, pp. 253-6 ; Strafford P)>., ii, p. 149.)
380 LETTERS OF WOTTOX
order by will that her body should be buried in her dwelling parish,
as it was this week, where made the funeral sermon, who had
been one of her professed suitors : and so she did not want a passionate
elogist, as well as an excellent preacher.
For the estate of mine own body, it is not so well as my servant
seems by your letter to have laid it before you. It is true that the
symptoms are well allayed, or otherwise peradventure custom hath
taught me to bear them better, being now familiarized and domesti-
cated evils, iam mansueta mala. Yet still the hot fumes continue in
the night, and the salivation by day, but in somewhat a lesser
measure, besides a straitness of breathing, which I should be
glad to know whether you observe in other hypochondriacal patients.
And if you can advise me of a good erynum1, I have a strong
fantasy, ex Fernelio 2, that it will discharge my head : but such juices
and expressions3 as he appointeth are not now to be had. Sir,
pardon me this trouble, and God have you in his love.
Your affectionate friend to serve you unceremoniously,
H. W.
482. To Doctor Collins.
King1 8 College MSS. Letters, IV, No. 6, transcript. A formal letter from the
Provost of Eton to the Provost of King's College, about the election of
a scholar from Eton to King's College.
From the King's College in Eton,
this 4th day of April <1638>.
Sir,
Having lately notice from you of a Scholar's place now voi<
in your College (the which within certain days is to be filled) I have
therefore, according to your notice given, and the statutes of botl
our Colleges, sent you the name of the Scholar lately elected for tlu
place (that is to say), John Akester4 actas xvii, Fest. Nativit. Cot
Surrey, Villa, Putney. And so with my very hearty commendatioi
I commit you to God.
Your very loving friend,
Henry Wotton.
1 ' Erynum ' or ' Eryngium ', sea holly, formerly used as a diuretic. (Feiinel
2 Ex Fernelio, see ante, ii, p. 366 n.
3 ' Expressions,' i. e. things pressed or squeezed out. Obs. (N. E. D.)
4 John Akester, or Alcester, elected from Eton to King's College 1638. ' We
away Scholar.' (Harwood, p. 238.) Another similar formal letter from Wott<
to Collins (dated 1637) is preserved at King's College. (Letters, iv, No. 8.)
TO JOHN MILTON 881
483. To John Mii/ion.
fotm of Mr. John Mi/ton, 1645. 'The copy of a letter writt'n l»y Sir Henry
Wootton, to the author, upon the following Poem.' Reprinted, Reliq.,
1st (Hi., p. 482, To Master ' ; 3rd ed.. p. 842, -To Mr. Milton.'
Wotton thanks Milton for sending him Comits. and advises him about
his Italian journey.
From the College, this 13 of April. 1638.
Si,;.
It was a special favour when you lately bestowed upon me
here the first taste of your acquaintance, though no longer than to
make me know that I wanted more time to value it and to enjoy it
rightly ; and in truth, if I could then have imagined your farther
^tay in these parts, which I understood afterward by Mr. H.1, 1 would
have been bold, in our vulgar phrase, to mend my draught (for you
left me with an extreme thirst), and to have begged your conversa-
tion again jointly with your said learned friend at a poor meal or
two, that we might have banded 2 together some good authors of the
ancient time: among which I observed you to have been familiar.
Since your going you have charged me with new obligations, both
for a very kind letter from you, dated the sixth of this month, and
for a dainty piece of entertainment 3 that came therewith. Wherein
I should much commend the tragical part if the lyrical did not
ravish me with a certain Dorique 4 delicacy in your songs and odes ;
whereunto I must plainly confess to have seen yet nothing parallel
in our language, ipsa mollifies. But I must not omit to tell you
that I now only owe you thanks for intimating unto me (how
modestly soever) the true artificer. For the work itself I had viewed
some good while before with singular delight, having received it from
our common friend Mr. R. in the very close of the late R.'s poems5
1 No doubt John Hales, whose name was added in old handwriting in a copy
If the Reliquiae (1672) in the possession of Henry Todd. (Todd's Milton, 1806,
vi, p. 180 n.) Warton first suggested Samuel Hartlib, but omitted this suggestion
in the 2nd ed. of his Comus.
- Banded,' i.e. bandied. Obs. (.V. E. D.)
3 A Maske presented at Ludlow Castle, 1634, &c. The anonymous edition of
Comus published by Henry Lawes.
* 'Dorique,' i.e. Tbeocritan or pastoral, of. Lycidas, 189, 'With eager thought
warbling his Doric lay.' Paradise Regained, iv. 257, 'Aeolian charms and
J)<>rian lyric odes.' Wotton, as far as we know, was the first person of eminence
who recognized Milton's genius.
5 These initials are somewbat puzzling, and have given rise to considerable
<li>cussion among Milton's commentators. Warton's explanation is almost cer-
tainly the correct one. ' Mr. R.' was probably John Rouse, Bodley's Librarian.
t<> whom Milton wrote a Latin Ode in 1647. Milton was incorporated M.A. it
Oxford in 1635, and had probably made the acquaintance of Rouse at the
Bodleian. But Humphrey Robinson, by whom the first edition ofCbmm waa
printed, and Robert Randolph, the younger brother of Thomas Randolph,
haw been suggested. [N. it Q., 1st Ser., vii, pp. Ill, 140.) 'The late
382 LETTERS OF WOTTON
printed at Oxford ; whereunto is added (as I now suppose) that the
accessory might help out the principal, according to the art of
stationers, and to leave the reader con la bocca dolce.
Now, Sir, concerning your travels, wherein I may challenge a little
more privilege of discourse with you. I suppose you will not blanch
Paris in your way ; therefore I have been bold to trouble you with
a few lines to Mr. M. B.1, whom you shall easily find attending the
young Lord S.2 as his governor, and you may surely receive from
him good directions for the shaping of your farther journey into
Italy, where he did reside by my choice some time for the King,
after mine own recess from Venice.
I should think that your best line will be through the whole
length of France to Marseilles, and thence by sea to Genoa, whence
the passage into Tuscany is as diurnal as a Gravesend barge.
I hasten, as you do to Florence, or Siena the rather, to tell you
a short story from the interest you have given me in your safety.
At Siena I was tabled in the house of one Alberto Scipioni, an
old Roman courtier in dangerous times, having been steward to the
Duca di Pagliano, who with all his family were strangled, save this
only man that escaped by foresight of the tempest. With him I had
often much chat of those affairs, into which he took pleasure to
look back from his native harbour, and at my departure toward
Rome (which had been the centre of his experience) I had won
confidence enough to beg his advice how I might cany myself
securely there, without offence of others or of mine own consciem
i Signor Arrigo mio' (says he), li pensieri stretti e il vlso sciolto will
safely over the whole world.' Of which Delphian oracle (for
I have found it) your judgement doth need no commentary;
R.'s poems printed at Oxford ' can hardly refer to anything but Thorn;
Randolph's Poems with the Muses Looking-glass and Amyntas, Oxford, 1638.
Thomas Randolph died in 1635 ; there is no record of any other volume of
poems by an author whose name begins with R. having been printed at Oxford
in this period. The difficulties in the way of this explanation are two : no
copies of Randolph's Poems bound up with Comics have ever been found, and the
book was certainly not published in this form. Rouse, in sending the book to
Wotton, must himself have had Lawes's edition of Comus stitched up at the end.
The books are of the same size — both small quartos. The second difficulty is
more serious. It was on April 6 that Milton sent Comus to Wotton, who replies
that he had seen it ' some good while before '. But Randolph's Poems bear the
date 1638, which would generally mean after March 24. How then could
Wotton have received the book some good while before? Either Rouse had
procured some advance sheets to send to Wotton, or else the printer of
Randolph's Poems dated them, not according to the legal year ^beginning
March 25), but according to the ecclesiastical reckoning, by which the year
began on Jan. 1. Mr. P. Madan kindly informs me that books were occasionally
so dated at this time, and Randolph's Poems may therefore have been published
as early as January, 1638, more than three months before the above letter,
1 Michael Branthwaite.
2 ' Lord !S.' This must be Mr. James (not Lord) Scudamore {ante, ii, p. 364 u.,.
TO JOHN MILTON 888
therefore, Sir, I will commit you with it to the beet of all seem
God's dear love, remaining,
Your friend as much at command a* anv of longer date,
Henry Wotton.
Postscript. — Sir, I have expressly sent this my footboy to prevent
your departure without some acknowledgement from me of the
receipt of your obliging letter, having myself through some business,
I know not how, neglected the ordinary conveyance. In any part
where 1 shall understand you fixed, I shall }>e glad and diligent to
entertain you with home novelties, even for some fomentation of
our friendship, too soon interrupted in the cradle.'
484. To Doctor Castle.
Ueiiq.j 1st ed., p. 486; 3rd ed.; p. 366. 'To Doctor C Undated, but
written in the spring of 1638. (Sec note '2.)
(April ? 1638)
Worthy Sir,
I now return unto you your secret papers again ; whereof, lest
I should violate the communications of such a friend, I have not so
much as reserved a copy (though I might have done it, by your
leave), but I have perused them so often as I think I can say them
without book. The scene 2 seemeth since then much changed to the
worse ; yet I hope all will resolve into nothing, and that when
things appear most tempestuous, they will be nearest a calm,
according to your great aphorism in physic, nox ante crisin cat
molestissima.
I beseech you, Sir. not to conceive by the tardity of my answer
unto you any faintness in the acknowledgement of your favours,
put to prosecute your friendly intelligence upon occasion, even when
1 shall be on the other side of you,a as perchance I shall be shortly
in my genial soil ; for I will teach the footposts of that place to find
your lodging. And so leaving you in God's dear love, I rest.
Your professed poor friend and servant,
H. Wotton.
1 Milton evidently set a high value on the above letter, printing it in his first
volume of collected poems, and speaking of it as follows in his Defensio Secunda,
published in 1654, 'Abeuntem, vir clarissimus Henricus Woottonus, qui ad
Venetoa Orator Iacobi regis din fuerat, et votis et praeceptis, eunti peregre
sane utilissimis, eleganti epistola perscriptis, me aniicissime persequutus est.'
is Miltoni . . . Defensio Secunda, 1654, p. 83.) Humphrey Moseley, who
printed the first edition of Milton's poeuis, mentions this letter, in his 'Address to
tbe Reader', as ' that unparallel'd attestation of that renowned Provost of Eaton.
Sir Henry Wuotten '.
-' The scene in Scotland. The ' Covenant ' against the Prayer Book and the
Bishops was issued on Feb. 27, and practically the whole Scotch nation united
in opposition to Charles I.
In Kent, and therefore on the other side of London.
384 LETTERS OF WOTTON
485. To Doctor Castle.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 487 ; 3rd ed., p. 367. Undated ; printed after above letter.
Wotton recommends his cousin. John Gainsford, to Dr. Castle.
(Eton College, April, 1638 V)
Sir,
Let me pray you that the subject of these lines may be only to
recommend unto your counsel and good affection the bearer of them,
Mr. John Gainsford ', the nearest kinsman on my mother's side that
I have living, and yet my nearer friend, so as I have more than
a single interest in his health: he is much travailed with an
exorbitant effusion of , which, though it be a natural preventive
to some evils, yet surely, without either stop or moderation, must
needs exhaust his spirits. He hath had heretofore some taste of
your acquaintance at large, and you have left in him illos aculeoa,1
which you do in all that (after the Scottish phrase) get but a gripe
of you ; for you are indeed a wounding man, as my servant Nicholas a
saith, to whom I showed your last letter. This my dear cousin in
one thing especially is capable of good hope from your advice, that
he believes in it by my discourse with him, who truly must confess
that I have received much benefit by yours, touching my splenetical
infirmity ; which differeth from his no more than the stopping or
running of the same spout. Besides this, he is the fitter for you to
work upon because he hath yet tried no remedy, not so much as
the ordinary diversion of opening another vein. Sir, I commend
him most heartily into your hands ; and because you have two
capacities (as our lawyers speak), a political and philosophical,
from both which I draw much good, give me leave to entertain
you with a letter of some few novelties from Oxford, received as
I was thinking to shut up the present, which shall end in ever
professing myself,
Your very hearty poor friend,
H. Wotton.
1 Probably John Gainsford, third son of Richard Gainsford, of Cosens Manor,
Kent. (Berry's Kent, p. 451.) Wotton's maternal grandmother, Lady Finch,
was Catherine, daughter of Sir John Gainsford {ante, ii, p. 124).
2 Cicero says that Eupolis wrote of Pericles ' cum delectatione aculeos etiain
relinqueret in animis eorum, a quibus esset auditus '. {Brut, ix.)
3 Nicholas Oudart (d. 1681), brought to England by Wotton from Brabant,
Latin Secretary to Charles II 1666-81. (D. N. B.)
TO
486. To
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 504; 3rd ed., 376. Without date or address— perhaps to
Doctor Castle. For conjectured date see note 1. News from Scotland, &c.
<May ? 1638.)
Sir,
I had sooner given you an account of your two last kind letters,
even for mine own sake, upon whom otherwise you should have had
just cause to bestow no more of your excellent intelligence, but that
I have had this my servant (and I can assure you as much yours)
every day upon his wings towards you a pretty while.
To abbreviate compliment, which never agreed with my nature,
in a few plain words both myself and all about me are yours.
Sir, I was glad by your last to see in the Scottish ruptures
a thread of hope yet left. It is like an instrument wholly out of
tune, but yet not all the strings broken or cut ; especially if it be
true, which is here voiced with us, that my Lord *, a popular
orator, is sent thither to smooth the way towards a pacifical treaty
between certain of the King's deputation and others of the Covenant.
This bearer will tell you what we hear of certain rumourous
surmises at N.2 and the neighbouring towns. God (who is Himself
the true centre of rest) make us all quiet and have you in His love.
By your affectionate, professed poor friend,
H. Wotton.
487. To Sm C. C.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 498 ; 3rd ed., p. 372. No date or address, but plainly to
' Sir C. C, to whom the next letter is addressed.
(May ? 1638.)
Sir,
First, I must thank you for the fruition of your L. at life here ",
though it was too short. Next, for your pictures, whereof I return
one by this first boat and retain the other longer by your courtesy.
Thirdly, and most of all, for a promise which I receive from you
by my servant, or at least a hope, that you will send me some of
your own rural poesy 4 : that will be a nearer image of your inward
1 In May, 1638, Charles I resolved to negotiate with the Covenanters, and the
Marquis of Hamilton was appointed Commissioner to go to Scotland for this
purpose. (Gardiner, viii, p. 339.) If, as is probable, Wotton's reference is to
this mission, the above letter was written about May, 1038.
a Newcastle (?).
8 ' L. at life.' I am unable to explain this phrase, which seems to refer to
a visit to Eton. Possibly ' late life'.
4 Sir C. C. may possibly stand for Sir Clipsby Crewe, knighted 1620, Herrii k's
friend. Herrick mentions his verses. (Herrirk's Poems, 1859, p. 279.)
WOTTON. II q q
386 LETTERS OF WOTTON
self, especially when you were retired into yourself. I do therefore
expect it greedily by this, for I well remember to have seen some
lines that flowed from you with much strength and grace. When
you have any great piece of news, I pray now and than candidus
imperti 1 to
Your professed servant,
H. Wotton.
488. To Sir C. C.
Beliq., 1st ed., p. 503; 3rd ed., p. 375. Undated (for approximate date see
note 2). Wotton thanks his correspondent for his poems, and sends
his lately composed hymn in return.
<May, 1638.)
Sir,
Let me first thank you much for that rural communication with
your own thoughts, the best of all companions. I was first taken
with the virginity (as I may say) of the inscription in our vulgar.
Next, with a natural suavity in the elocution ; which, though it be
lyrical, yet it shows you can put on the buskin when you list; and
when you are tempted again to solicit your own spirits, I would fain
have you venture upon some tragical subject, though you borrow it
out of Arabia ; for I am glad our England cannot yield it. I hear,
for matter of novelty, that Sir Thomas Roe 2 (a well chosen instru-
ment) is to take his leave on Sunday next at Court, being designed
to be one of the great synod of Protestant ambassadors that are to
meet at Hamborough ; which to me sounds like an antiphone to the
other malign conjunction at Colen 3. And so, Sir, committing you to
God's dear love, I rest,
At your commands,
H. W.
Sir
I retain your poem for a pawn that I shall have the rest,
and I send you a few poor lines 4, which my pains did beget :
I pray keep them under your own favourable judgement, and impart
them tenderly to others ; for I fear that even the best of our
thoughts may be vainly clothed.
1 Horace, Epist. i. 6. 68.
2 Sir Thomas Roe {ante, ii, p. 247) was sent by Charles I in 1638 to meet the
plenipotentiaries of France and Sweden at Hamburg, to negotiate for a new
alliance. In a letter of May 10, 1638, Garrard mentions his departure. (Strafford
Pp., ii, p. 167.)
3 The assembly of the envoys of the Catholic powers at Cologne.
4 Wotton's Hymn to my God in a Night of my late Sickness (see ante, ii, p. 376).
TO DOCTOR CASTLE 387
489. To Doctor Castle.
gfeftg., 1st ed., p. 491 ; 3rd ed., p. 370. 'To Dr. C Undated, but written
about June, 1638 (see note). Wotton regrets that he cannot procure
a scholarship for the son of a friend of Dr. Castle's.
(Eton College, June, 1638.)
Worthy Sir,
I have received your last of the 24th of May, through the hands
of Mr. Jones of Windsor, immediately upon my return to mine
ordinary cell ; whence I made a short retirement during the late
solemnities1, with intention, in truth, to have visited the city of
Bat h, and to see whether among all kind of affected persons confluent
thither I could pick out any counsel to allay that sputative symptom,
which yet remaineth upon me from my obstructions of the spleen.
But that journey is laid asleep.
Now, Sir, in answer to your said letter, it grieves me to tell you
a truth, which this my servant well knoweth, that I am for the
future election of this year so engaged already to four Privy Council-
lors (and three of them of the highest), and moreover to a friend of
great interest, in all the breath that I have to bestow, that, in good
faith, I know not how to struggle for a voice for a child of rare and
almost prodigious hopes, who is one of my poor scholars, and much
less for any other propounded so late as your friend's son. For it is
now more than a month since the day of our election was proclaimed
on our College and Church gates ; the world is nimble in the
anticipating of voices, and for my particular, according to my
•improvidence in all things else, I am in this likewise no reserver of
my good will till the last. I must therefore heartily beseech you, as
I have delivered myself at your disposal, so to dispose of me when
I am myself, which I am not now. And so I rest,
Unquiet till I shall some way serve you,
Henry Wotton.
490. To Doctor Castle.
R'liq., 1st ed., p. 501 ; 3rd ed., p. 374. Written just before Wotton's visit to
Canterbury in August, 1638 (see No. 492). News from Scotland ; the
proposed marriage of one of Wotton's nieces.
(August? 1638.)
Worthy Sir,
I find in the bowels of your last (which I received yesternight,
diall I say by your or by my Nicholas) much harsh and stiff matter
?rom Scotland, and I believe insusceptible of any farther concoction,
1 The creation of Prince Charles as Prince of Wales, at Windsor, the end of
May, 1638.
cc 2
388 LETTERS OF WOTTON
unless it be with much time, quod concoquit omnia. But let me lay
all public thoughts aside for the present, having now with you
a bosom business, which may perhaps fall out to concern us more
here. Our Nicholas (for I account him at least halved between us)
tells me that you have good means to know when will be in
town. About whom you may perhaps have heard of certain (as
I think for my part) well conceived wishes (though but yet in the
air) touching a virtuous conjunction between him and , so dear
unto me, both in my affection and judgement, and in all respects,
that if our nearness in blood did not make me more tender to violate
mine own modesty than I need to be with such a friend as you are,
I would boldly say that there are few better matches in this
kingdom for the endowments of her person and fortune, nor in the
whole world for the sweetness and goodness of her mind. And on
the other side, albeit I have no acquaintance with the gentleman,
yet I hear likewise so much good of him as makes me wish I had
more interest in his familiarity. I write this from whence I wrote
my last unto you, being on my wings towards Canterbuiy, whence
I shall (crw ®ea) dtrftv) return hither again within six or seven days.
And this bearer, my domestic friend (a German gentleman of value),
will from London meet me at Canterbury, by whom I shall be glad
to hear from you about what time the foresaid is expected of
return to the city, and anything else that you shall think fit to be
told me. But I pray let this privacy which I have passed with you
sleep between us,
As I rest in your love,
H. Wotton.
491. To Sir Balthazar Gerbier(?)1.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 438 ; 3rd ed., p. 346. Without date or address, but written
shortly after the August election of 1638, and probably addressed to
Sir Balthazar Gerbier, the English resident at the Court of the Cardinal
Infant. Wotton writes of the Eton election, and of the bearer, Nicholas
Oudart.
(Eton College, August, 1638.)
Much Honoured Sir,
Since I had the favour and the delight of any letters from you
you have had the trouble of two or three from me, besides the
present, which I hope will find you, according to my continual
wishes, in perfect health, though you live in a theatre of tragical
actions this year. I am here newly delivered of one of the most
fastidious pieces of my life, as I account for my part the week of
1 Sir Balthazar Gerbier (1591 ?-1667) was a native of Middelburg ; for his
career in England as painter, architect, diplomatist and traitor see D. N. B.
TO SIR BALTHAZAR GERBIER(?) 389
our annual election of scholars, both into this seminary and out
of it for King's College in Cambridge ; whereunto hath been a
marvellous concourse, and much distraction in our votes through
letters from Court. Pardon me, Sir, a question by the way. Have
you no child of your own, or at least of some of your friends, whom
you could wish trained in this course? I would fain beg some
employment from you, which makes me offer you this, or any other
of those poor services which lie within my circumference, as this
bearer hath particular charge from me. This is that Nicholas
Oudart, for whom you did a great favour in procuring the Cardinal
Infante's1 letters to Mechelen in his behalf: which took so good
effect as he is now personally flown over to consummate that
business2, having information from his correspondents there that it
is ripened for him. He hath served me from a little page, and of
late years hath managed the chief part of my domestic affairs ; so as
if it were not for his own urgent occasion I could hardly miss him
that short time within which I expect his return. You will find
him, I hope, worthy of your love— I am sure of your trust. His
profession is physic, towards which he is very well grounded in the
learned languages : but his scope now is business, not knowledge.
If there shall by chance remain anything to be added unto your
former honourable courtesy, for the expedition of his cause and
return, you have given us both good cause to be confident both in
your power and friendship. And so, Sir, leaving him in your loving
arms, I rest for ever,
Your obliged and faithful friend to serve you,
H. Wotton.
/ «
492. To John Dynely.
Wk&iq., 3rd e<l, p. 575. Dynely often came to England on errands from the
Queen of Bohemia, and was evidently going to Court. Wotton asks
for news of his reception, and writes of his own visit to Canterbury.
From the Palace 3 by Canterbury, this
St. Bartholomew's day (Aug. 24),
1638.
Sir,
Next your own and your dear consort's health I languish to
hear of your first reception at Court. For though I suppose it was
1 The Cardinal Infant Ferdinand, brother of Philip IV of Spain, succeeded
Archduchess Isabella as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands in 1633.
1 Nicholas Oudart wrote to Wotton from Brussels on Aug. 22 (Sept. 1, N. S.)>
and was to go to Mechlin that afternoon (see below, p. 391). On Sept. Jfi
Wotton wrote to Dynely in considerable anxiety about him, as he had heard no
further news of him (ibid.). By November he was back at Eton (p. 392\
3 St. Augustine's Palace, Canterbury, residence of Edward first Lord Wott<-n,
and at this time still in the possession of his widow.
390 LETTERS OF WOTTON
short, yet we philosophers say that pr'mclpia plus vcdent virtute qitam
mole. Next that, I pray let me know your opinion of the prodigious
escape of the Queen mother of France * out of the Spanish clutches
to the Hague, and whether she be traiectura, as our right worthy
friend Dr. Dorislaus2 writeth me. I am come hither in a very
benign constellation and silent conspiracy of my chiefest friends
that have met here at the same time, Sir Edmund Bacon, Sir
Francis Barnham 3, and Sir Thomas Culpepper 4 : all men of
singular conversation, and some of them, though of the same
county, yet that had not been here in seven years before. Of
which, my nephew, Sir Edmund, and myself are to pass this next
week under the roof of my Lord Chief Justice Finch 5, at his house
of Mote close by, through his noble and unresistible importunity.
God keep us in His love, wherein is all joy and abundance,
Your ever most affectionate,
Henry Wotton.
493. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 574. ' To Mr. John Dinely at Westminster.'
Dynely 's reception at Court, &c.
From the Palace by Canterbury,
August last, 1638.
Sir,
I understand by your last kind lines that you were to be at
Court as to-morrow ; so as I hope by our next foot-post to hear the
crisis of that day : and am sorry to hear in the meantime that your
dreams were impropitious 6. We had here taken a voice and strong
belief, coining from a recusant (who know manj' things, and quickly),
that the Infanta Queen of France was brought to bed of a dolphin 7,
and not of a distaff. But your letter saying nothing either of the
one or of the other I have suspended my faith.
1 Marie de1 Medici. Having failed in a plot to overthrow Richelieu she was
imprisoned, but escaped to the Netherlands in 1631. On Aug. 4, 1G38, she
crossed the Dutch frontier, and soon set sail for England, where she arrived
on Oct. 19. (Gardiner, vii, p. 184 ; viii, pp. 379, 380.)
2 Isaac Dorislaus, ante, ii, p. 315.
3 Sir Francis Barnham (died 1646 ?) of Boughton Monchelsea. (D. N. B.)
* Sir Thomas Culpepper, of Leeds Castle and Greenway Court, Kent. (Wood's
Alhenae, Bliss, iii, p. 533.)
5 Wotton's cousin, Baron Finch of Fordwich (ante, ii, p. 317). His residence.
1 the Mote,' came afterwards into the possession of the Cowper family, and was
destroyed in the eighteenth century.
6 Dynely's dreams were naturally enough unpropitious, as he was still in
disgrace on account of the Nethersole affair (see Appendix III), and apparently
never recovered the favour of Charles I.
7 A premature report, as the Dauphin (Louis XIV) was not born until
Sept. 16, 1638 N. S.
TO JOHN DYNELY 391
London is the ocean of novelties ; here we speak of nothing but
t certain new aguish disease, which invadeth many families, but with
little mortality.
The plague at Dover is, by God's blessing, ceased, and their tents
taken down. At Boughton the small-pox, fallen first upon a
chaplain, and after upon one of the fair faces, but a Deering1, will
leep me, I doubt, from that place : not that I apprehend any
contagions whatsoever (as I think you know), but the winter coming
on. and the place bleak2, a small excuse will serve my turn. God
send you all comfort in your first and second self: to whose goodness
I leave you, resting,
Your most affectionate,
Alia sviscerata,
Henry Wotton.
494. To John Dynely.
Beliq., 3rd ed., p. 576. No address, but among the letters to Dynely.
Wotton's anxiety about Nicholas Oudart.
From the College, Sept. 26, 1638.
Sir,
I send you enclosed the preparation of guaiacum, as I have
found incomparable benefit thereby. I expect in exchange the letter
touching the Duchess de Chevreuse 3. I am in great perplexity by
hearing no news of Nicholas Oudard since the first of September
stylo novo from Bruxels, being that afternoon to go to Mechelen
with a letter of authority for his present dispatch ; so as he wrote,
he would either send me word, if any impediment should intervene,
or bring the first news himself. Besides, Monsieur Gerbier thought
his business in so fair a way as he left a maid there to come over in
the company of himself and his mother. When I lay these things
together, I can make no good interpretation of it: yet I will not
anticipate and prejudge mine own mishaps, as I should account the
loss of him, whom I have trained from a child. God grant all be
well. If you could meet with Monsieur Gerbier and inquire
whether he hath heard anything, it would much ease my heart one
pay or other. And so leaving you in the Lord's protection, I rest,
Your true friend,
in omni fortuna,
Henry Wotton.
1 Wotton's sister Elizabeth married John Deering, of Egerton, Kent.
2 ' Bleat ' in Reliquiae.
3 The famous Duchesse de Chevreuse had been exiled from Paris for intriguing
against Richelieu. In April, 1638, she came to England 'to plot against the
Cardinal from the secure distance of the English Court'. (Gardiner, viii, p. 378.)
392 LETTERS OF WOTTON
495. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Add. MS. 34727, f. 65, holograph. Letters to B., p. 106 ; Reliq., 3rd ed.,
p. 469. Bacon's illness, &c.
From the College, Nov. 6, 1638.
Noble Sib, above all the most Honoured and Loved,
Upon the receipt of a letter from you (which came late, and
I know not by what misadventure, half drowned, to my hands) with
advertisement that you had been at Sudburie, in your passage home-
wards, assailed with a quartan, I resolved immediately to visit you
by this bearer, the best of my flights,1 and lately well acquainted
himself with farther travels, who yet hath been kept here after
my said resolution, that he might bring you a full account of the
business touching my inviolate niece 2, so dear unto us both, which
was a part of your foresaid letter, and wherein I am confident you
will receive very singular contentment out of the very originals of
some and true copies of other letters, which I send you by this my
said inward servant ; and if he were not so, I would not have
entrusted him with so tender papers. The rest of his stay was only
that I might collect among my poor memorials and experiments
something conducible to the recovery of your health, wherein
I reckon myself as much interested as in any one thing of this
world. I will not say unto you, ' courage,' as the French use to speak :
for you have enough of that within yourself, nor, 'be merry!' in our
English phrase, for you can impart enough of that even to others in
the incomparable delight of your conversation. But let me give
you two comforts, though needless to the serenity of your spirits.
The first, that I hope your infirmity will not hold you long, because
it comes (as I may speak, according to the barbarous translators of
Avicenna) in complexionatu suo: that is in the very season of the
revolution of melancholic humours, for omnis morbus contra com-
plexionatum patlentis vel temporis est periculosus aid longus. The
other, that it hath not succeeded any precedent caustic disease,
because those quartans are of all the most obstinate which arise out
of the incineration of a former ague. The rest I have committed to
the instructions and memory of this bearer, being himself a student
in physic ; and though I dare not yet call him a good counsellor,
yet I assure you he is a good relator. With this dispatch I will
intermingle no other vulgar subject, but hereafter I will entertain
1 Nicholas Oudart {ante, ii, p. 389), who had now returned from Flanders.
Wotton uses the word ' flight ' in the old sense of one able to go or run swiftly.
(N. E. D.)
2 Apparently Hester Wotton (ante, ii, p.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 393
you with as jolly things as I can scamble ' together. And so, Sir, for
the present commending you into the sweet and comfortable
preservation of our dear God, I rest,
Your faithful poor servant,
Henry Wotton.
496. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
lers to B., p. 118 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 471. Francis Bacon's Confession
of Faith ; news from Cambridge ; Scottish affairs, &c.
From your College, Dec. 5, 1638.
My Noble, Honoured, Loved, ever Remembered, ever Desired
Nephew,
I shall give to-morrow morning Matthew Say2, our boatman,
before his going, a shilling, and promise him another at his return,
to deliver this small packet with his own hands at the Green Dragon
in Bishopsgate Street, according to the form of your address ; not for
any value of mine own papers, but for some things therein contained,
which I wish may come safely and quickly to you. And first, I send
you your immortal uncle's Confession of his Faith*, which I did
promise you at Canterbury, solidly and excellently couched, as
whatsoever else had the happiness to fall under his meditation and
pen. Next, you receive a letter freshly written me from Cambridge,
with mention (God bless us) of a Jesuit 4 of your name, who seems
(as all that comes from any of you is piercing) to have sent over
lately some pretty insinuative book in matter of theological contro-
versy, perchance better dressed than any before, and with more
relish commended to the vulgar taste ; but I believe it will be the
same to the stomach. For well they may change their form, but it is
long since we have heard their substance over and over, still the
same ad fastidium usque. I shall languish to know how he toucheth
upon your name and stirp. The name of my friend who writ me
the said letter I have defaced, for the censure of some other things
therein, which I should be sorry to adventure at large ; but you shall
know him from me hereafter, and believe it, he will be worth your
knowing.
1 'Scamble,1 old form of ' scramble '.
3 The name of Matthew Say, waterman, appears in the Eton Audit Books for
6, 18s. being allowed him for 'a coate of blew azure', and 12s. for a plate
of silver for his cognizance with the College arms. (Maxicell-Lyte, p. 232 n.) ' The
College waterman,' adds Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte, 'wears a costume scarcely
alt red since the time when Sir Henry Wotton used to fish in the Thames.'
3 Francis Bacon's Confession of Faith, written before 1603, and first published in
the Remains in 1648.
4 Thomas Bacon, alias Southwell (1592-1637), Jesuit controversialist. The
book was probably his Regula Viva, published at Antwerp in 1638. (D. N. B.)
394 LETTERS OF WOTTON
I cannot forbear to tell you a thing (I know not whether I should
call it news, because it is nearer you than to us), but strange in truth,
written me from the said university at the same time by the Provost
of King's College there, between whom and me doth pass much
familiar correspondency. It is of a weekly lecture there performed
heretofore by the person of Mr. Christopher Goad *, and lately deposed
with severe commandment (as it should seem) from above ; whereupon
the women especially, by way of revenge for that restraint, do flock
to St. Mary's in such troops, and so early, that the Masters of Art
have no room to sit, so as the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Houses
were in deliberation to repress their shoaling thither. Methinks it
is a good thing when zeal in a land grows so thick and so warm.
But soft, if I launch any farther I may perchance run (which yet
were a great mistake) into the name of a Puritan. For that very
lecturer which is now deposed did live heretofore with me at my
table upon especial choice, being in truth a man of sweet conversation,
and of sober solidity.
Now, for other things, Nicolas Oudard brought me, the Friday
after his departure from you, the glad tidings of your ague's dis-
charge, as you then conceived it would be at the twentieth access,
according (as you seem to have told him) to a common observation
with you there ; so as in Suffolk, I see you count quartan fits, as
you do your sheep, by the score. I could heartily wish you would
take for some time after it, alternis diebus, my preparation of the
Lignum sanctum, with addition likewise of the roots of China, Enula
Campana, and a sprig of tamarisque, all in the decoction of barley
water, and quickened with a little sprinkling of a lemon : a rare
receipt to corroborate 2 the viscera, and to keep the stomach in to no.
My said Nicolas tells me likewise that you began to chirp upon
being in London the next term. I should be glad, with your favour,
to know that point precisely: for having a purpose (by God's dear
blessing) to visit you at Redgrave (which will be the best cordial
I took in long time), I would shape my course circularly, either from
Suffolk to Kent, or from Kent to Suffolk, as I shall hear of your
motions towards the beginning of next Lent. For novelties of
Court and State, all men's minds at the present with us seem
magnetical, looking towards the north.3 Order is come down this
day to the justices of this shire about a general muster at Alisbury
1 Christopher Goad (fifth son of the Provost of King's College, Koger Goad),
elected from Eton 1607. (Harwood, p. 212.)
2 ' Corroborate,' i.e. to invigorate, refresh. Obs. (N.E.D.)
3 Scotland. The National Assembly met at Glasgow on Nov. 21. •(Gardiner,
viii, p. 368.)
TO SIR EDMUND BACON
tin- next week, and for especial watch at the beacons; so as any
burning of a bush by chance near one of them would set the whole
province in an alarm. But notwithstanding these good providences
we hope well of the issue, and the rather for that a pretty strong
conceit runneth that the Deanery of Durham is reserved for
Doctor Belkanquel \ as a reward of his travels to and fro in this
great business. While we are uniting our ceremonious breaches,
the Kings of France and Spain abroad treat hard this winter about
a peace *, as one writeth (and I believe very truly), without considera-
tion of any other Prince or State but themselves. If this be so, and
take effect in that manner, then is Charles de Lorain exutus Lepidus 3,
stripped to his shirt, the Count Palatine left at large, and the Swede
must stand upon his own feet. But brevibus momcntis summa vcr-
tiOitur4: all depends upon the taking or not taking of Brisach5, the
Helena of Germany, and though a town indeed of great strength
and advantage, yet a poor price for so much blood as hath been lost
about it. While I am talking of war, let me tell you what I hear,
that your Sir Jacob Ashley 6 is grown a great man at Court in private
introducements to the King, together with the Earl Marshal7: our
good Sovereign will feel a sufficient man quickly. The States lie
still and close -oppressed with the adversities of the last year ; and
with nothing more than the late ruin of forty well-laden ships by
the Texel, wherein, with deploration of the whole province, were lost
1,000 mariners.8
Touching the subject whereof I sent you an account by Nicolas,
I have heard nothing since to increase my hope, and much less my
faith. You shall have more the next week. Till when and ever our
sweet Jesus have you in His love.
Your servant, alia sviscerata,
Henry Wotton.
Sir,
Since I concluded this, Mr. Hales (our Bibliotlicca amhulans,
1 Walter Balcanquhall (1586 ?-1645), Dean of Durham, 1639.
2 These negotiations came to nothing.
3 ■ Exutus Lepidus,' a reference to Tacitus, Ann. i. 2 'Pompeius apud Siciliam
oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio . . .'
* ' Disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti.' (Tac. Ann. v. 4.)
5 Breisach, surrendered to Bernhard of "Weimar on Dec. 17, 1638, after a siege
of about seven months. (Gardiner, 30 Yrs., p. 191.)
6 Wotton must mean Sir Jacob Astley (1579-1652), a veteran who had served
in the Netherlands, and was sent to the North by diaries I to muster the trained
bands. He was afterwards a Royalist commander in the Civil War, and was
created Baron Astley in 1644. (D. K. B.)
7 Thomas Howard, second Earl of Arundel and Surrey (ante, ii, p. 240), appointed
general of the army against the Scots in 1639. (Gardiner, viii, p. 385.)
8 Edward Nicholas to Sir John Pennington, Nov. 14, 1638. ' We hear of the
loss of near thirty sail of Hollanders, and other vessels in the Tassell during the
last great storm.' (CaL S.P. Dom., 1638-9, p. 103.)
396 LETTERS OF WOTTON
as I use to call him) came to me by chance, and told me that the
book of controversies issued under the name of Baconus hath this
addition to the said name, alias Southwel, as those of that society-
shift their names as often as their shirts ; and he says it is a very
poor thing, only graced with a little method.
497. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 128, among some undated letters ; reprinted in the
Reliquiae, 3rd ed., p. 475, immediately after above letter, to which it
may be a postscript. Experiments in natural philosophy.
(Eton College, Dec. 5, 1638 ?>
Sir,
After the rest of your trouble, at the present there remaineth
a proposition to be consulted with you, about which I should esteem
the charge of an express messenger not ill expended, though you
were at Jerusalem. And both Mr. Harison and myself think no
man living more proper to solve it than our Sir Edmund Bacon.
The question is this, whether there may not be found some natural
philosophical way to determine the measure of a minute, or quarter,
or half, or entire hour, or any portion of time more precisely and
uniformly and infallibly, than hath been yet invented by any
mechanical and artificial motion ? And particularly, whether it
may not be done by the descent of drops through a filter, either in
manica Hijppocratis, or in a tongue of cloth equally thick, with con-
sideration likewise of all circumstances in that liquid substance
which must sink through it? If this may be done, there will be
a mighty point obtained in the rectifying of the longitudes of the
earth, which depend upon the moment * of the lunar eclipses, and
more 2, upon the exact determination of the beginning and ending of
an hour ; for which purpose the great Tycho Brach composed divers
horologies and hour-glasses, some running with simple water, some
with distilled spirits, some with pulverized metals, and some with
crude mercury, but never to any infallible satisfaction of the point
propounded ; which likewise would be of singular use in divers
astronomical observations, if it could be once justly regulated. This
we commend to your curious judgement. My servant Nicholas and
I hope to send you some good flints to be agatized by your miraculous
invention.
I pray, Sir, if you have any of those Island stones3 which you
1 ' Thoment ' in Letters to B. and Beliq. 2 ' Mose ' in Letters to B. and Beliq.
3 Sir Thomas Browne, in his account of Iceland in the year 1662, says, ' They
have some large, well-grained white pebbles, and some kind of white cornelian
or agath pebbles, on the shore, which polish well. Old Sir Edmund Bacon, of
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 397
mentioned unto me at Canterbury, bestow a few upon me. But
above all, forget not to let me know where you will be about the
beginning of Lent.
Iterum et iterum vale.
498. To Charles I.
Iitliq., 1st ed., p. 429 ; 3rd ed., p. 340. Wotton asks to be appointed Master
of the Savoy, in case Dr. Balcanquhall is made Dean of Durham. This
letter is dated 1637 in the 3rd edition of the Reliquiae, which must be a
mistake, as the Dean of Durham, Richard Hunt, did not die till Nov. 1,
1638. It was probably written about the date of the above letter to
Bacon.
(Eton College, December, 1638 ?>
May it please my most gracious Sovereign,
. If I were not more afraid to break the laws of that humble
modesty, which becometh the meanness of my desert, than I am to
exceed the bounds of your Majesty's royal goodness, I should be
a poor suppliant unto your Majesty to confer upon me the Mastership
of the Savoy, in case Dr. Belcanquel (my good friend) shall (as the voice
goeth) be removed to the Deanery of Durham ; wherein the remove
and the substitution are but one stroke of your benignity.
God knows, and the value of the thing itself may speak as much,
that I do not aim therein at any utility ; only it may be some ease
of expense, and commodity of lodging, when I shall come (as I am
afraid shortly) to oversee certain poor things of mine own at press,
wherewith yet I hope your Majesty, whose honour only I study, will
not be displeased. I have further considered with myself that the
said place is not incompatible with that which I now hold by your
Majesty's intercession with your ever blessed father, as it may please
you to remember, though you forget nothing so easily as your own
bounties ; which place here never before subsisting in the memory of
man without some addition \ I have now near fourteen years sus-
tained in that integrity as I found it, and with as good scholars sent
annually to your royal College at Cambridge, of my particular choice,
as have gone thither since the foundation ; whereof I could show
your Majesty a published testimony out of that university, in Dr.
Winterton's Dedication of Dionysius de Situ Orbis2, unto me, if it
these parts, made use thereof in his peculiar art of tinging and colouring of
stones.' Works of Sir Tliomas Browne, ed. Wilkins, 1835-6, iv, p. 255.)
1 Sir Thomas Murray, Wotton's predecessor, was secretary to the Prince of
Wales ; Sir Henry Savile was Warden of Merton as well as Provost of Eton ;
William Day, elected Provost in 1561, was Dean of Windsor.
2 Ralph Winterton (1600-36), Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and Regius
Professor of Greek in 1635. (D. N. B.) In 1633 he published an edition of the
Greek poem of Dionysius, De Situ Orbis in usum scholae Regiae Etonensis, with
a dedication in Greek verse to Sir Henry Wotton.
398 LETTERS OF WOTTON
were not a miserable thing for me to make up so slight a merit even
with a vanity. Besides this, I most humbly confess that though my
fortunes are poor and my studies private, yet I cannot deny certain
sparkles of honest ambition remaining in me, whereby I desire the
world should know that my most virtuous and most dear and royal
master hath not utterly forgotten me. And so I most humbly rest,
Your Majesty's most humble, faithful, hearty subject
and servant,
H. W.
499. To Archbishop Laud.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 431; 3rd ed., p. 341. 'To the Archbishop ' ; no date, but
printed immediately after the above letter to Charles I, and probably
sent with it.
(Eton College, December, 1638 ?>
May it please your Grace,
Emboldened by your favour I humbly present herewith to your
Grace, and through your only hands (which in our lower sphere is
via lactea), my letter to his Majesty, and the copy thereof. If it shall
pass the file of your judgement my poor lines will have honour
enough ; but if they take effect by the virtue of your mediation
I shall be sorry that I cannot be more
Your Grace his than I am, and will ever be,
H. Wotton.
500. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 143; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 478. Bacon's illness; Scot
affairs ; foreign news. Dated New Year's Eve, and plainly written
1638.
From the College on the eve of the
New Year, through which Goc
send you a blessed passage, anc
many more.
My dearly and worthily ever honoured Nephew,
This is that saturnine time of the year which most molesteth
such splenetic bodies (as mine is) by the revolution of melancholic
blood, which throweth up fastidious fumes into the head, whereof
I have had of late my share. Howsoever, this trusty fellow of our
town, being hired by one about some business to Cambridge (as he is
often hither and thither) and acquainting me commonly with his
motions, I have gladly stretched his present journey as far as the
Eedgrave ; hoping by him to have an absolute account of your well
being, which Nicholas my servant left in a fair disposition.
TO SIR EDMUND BACON
Let me therefore by this opportunity entertain you with some of
our newest things, but briefly, for I dare not trust my brains too much.
First, for the affairs of Scotland : Est bene non jx>tuit dicere,
<lirif, Erit. The wisest physicians of State are of opinion that the
ttriais is good ; and I hope your Sir Jacob Ashley and my Sir Thomas
Morton ' will have a fine employment upon the borders, honour by
ike choice of their persons, money by their journal pay, little pains,
and no danger. Our Court mourneth this whole festival with sad
frugality for the untimely death of the young Duke of Savoy 2, our
Queen's nephew, hastened they say by the Cardinal his uncle, who
would first have illegitimated him, and that not taking effect by the
supportment of Spain he fell to other Roman arts ; so as the said
Cardinal, to decline this black report, is gone a wandering, and, as it
is thought, will visit barefoot the Holy Land. In the meantime,
methinks I.see him with a crew of banditti and bravi in his company,
and his own conscience a continual hangman about him.
The Queen Mother stirreth little between majesty and age. She
hath published a short manifesto 8, touching the reasons of her recess
from Bruxels, wherein is one very notable conceit : ' That she had long
borne silently the affronts done her by the Prince Cardinal's coun-
sellors and under officers, upon no other reason than the very shame
to have received them.' Of himself she speaketh with good respect,
but I know not how the character of humility (which she giveth him)
will be digested ; for perchance he had rather have been painted like
a lion than a lamb. Our Queen's delivery approacheth, in a good
hour be it spoken. There is newly sworn her servant a lovely
daughter of Sir Richard Harison4, our neighbour in Barkshire, to
answer Madamoiselle Darci on her mother's side. The Count Pala-
tine5, since his late defeat, is gotten in disguised habit to Hamborough,
1 Sir Jacob Astley, see ante, ii, p. 395. Sir Thomas Morton was a brother of Sir
Albertus Morton. On Aug. 6, 1638, our old and still unassassinated friend,
Amerigo Salvetti (now resident for the Grand Duke of Tuscany at the English
Court), wrote, l Si e spedito il Colonello Morton a Barvicke, frontiera di Scotia,
per vedere se sia possibile di rimettere in piedi quelle fortificazioni, che il Re
Jacobo fece demolire quando venne a questa Corona, pensando con 1' unione
delle due Corone di non havere piu bisogno di simili fortezze alle frontiere.'
{Arch, Med., 4199.)
2 Francis Hyacinthe, the young Duke of Savoy, son of the Duke Victor-
Amedee I and Christina of France, sister of Henrietta Maria. He died Oct. 4, •
1638.
8 A Declaration of the Queene, Mother of the Most Christian King, Containing the reasons
of her departure out of the Low-Countreys, &c, 1639.
4 Sir Richard Harrison, of Hurst, Berks. (N. & Q., 3rd Ser. i, p. 52.)
5 In the summer of 1638 Charles Louis, the young Count Palatine, marched
from the Netherlands at the head of a small force to join the Swedes. He was
intercepted and defeated by General Hatzfeldt, and his brother Prince Rupert,
with Lord Craven and others of his principal officers, were taken prisoners.
Charles Louis himself escaped to Hamburg. (Gardiner, viii, p. 376.)
400 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and, as they say, hath been there visited by the King of Denmark,
amidst that cold assembly of ambassadors.1 But in his passage
between the said town and Bremen was like to have been taken by
ambush of freebooters, who no doubt would have made sale of him.
Certain it is that his brother Prince Rupert fought very nobly before
he yielded ; whereof such notice was taken, even by the Count of
Hatfield2 himself, that he hath ever since been kept by him in
a strong place, rounded day and night with a guard of naked swords.
Yet in the tablets of one that had leave to visit him the Prince made
a shift to comfort the Queen his mother with a line or two to this
sense, i that whatsoever became of himself, he would never change
his religion nor his party.' We hear my Lord Craven3 hath made
his composition under £20,000. As for Ferents4, I believe his own
head must ransom him, or his heels. The Pope's treaty at Colen
goes il passo del gambero, rather backward than forward. And all
deliberatives of state seem to depend much upon the event of Brisach,
which I use to call the German Helena, long wooed, but, for aught
I hear yet, an Imperial virgin.
These are our foreign rhapsodies : I will end in somewhat nearer
us. You receive herewith the copy of my last or second letter to
Mr. Carie Raleigh 5, and his answer thereunto. Believe it, Sir (what-
soever conceit his actions shall breed), that he is a gentleman of
dexterous abilities, well appearing in the management of a business
so tender and delicate as that which now runneth between us,
which for my part I resolve to press no farther : for (to depose my
mind as plainly as I may safely in your breast) I never could
observe any great good effect to ensue upon violent dissuasions in
businesses of this nature, but rather an obduration than an abversion.
Howsoever, I would fain (as the occasion suggesteth) propound unto
your judgement a pretty moral doubt, super tota materia, which I have
heard discussed and resolved affirmatively among some skilful
humourists 6 who knew the world well. The question was this,
' Whether in such a case precisely as ours of mere scandal, without
apparent truth, some inclining to think the worst and some the best,
there be left room for any middle imagination between good and ill ? '
1 The ambassadors of England, France, and Sweden, who were negotiating the
terms of an alliance. The result of the Congress of Hamburg was a fresh alliance
between France and Sweden. (Gardiner, viii, p. 381.)
2 General Hatzfeldt.
3 William, Earl of Craven (1606-97), the devoted friend of the Queen of
Bohemia. He was taken prisoner with Prince Rupert, and purchased his liberty
in the autumn of 1639. (J). N. B., xiii, p. 43.)
4 Sir Thomas Ferentz, colonel in the service of Charles Louis. {Cal. S. P. Dom.,
1637-8, p. 47.)
5 Carew Raleigh (1605-66), son of Sir Walter Raleigh. (Z). X. B.)
6 ' Humourists,' i. e. students of • humours ' (not in N. E. D. in this sense).
TO SIR EDMUND BACON 401
In the solution of which point I will crave pardon to reserve a secret
till we meet, at which I believe you will smile.
We are here (God be blessed) all well : our audit ended a little
before Christmas Day, more troublesome than fruitful, after the
fashion. The same officers as the year before, every man of them
your servant, or otherwise they had wanted my voice. Mr. Harison
hath been of late somewhat more than heretofore troubled with certain
iK'phritical fits ; but they are transient and light, et iam mansiwta
nuihi. Mr. Powel speaketh of you with much devotion, as all other
whom you have once touched with your magnetical virtue. In the
conclusion let me, as with a box of marmalade, close up your stomach
with one of the genialest pieces that I have read in my lifetime, of
the same unaffected and dishevelled kind (as I may term it), sent me
newly from London ! ; which if you have seen before I am out of
countenance. And so, Sir, wishing you (for I cannot wish you better
on earth), after the sweet apprehension of God's continual favour, the
fruition of yourself, I rest, at what distance soever,
Your unseparable servant,
Henry Wotton.
501. To John Dynely.
Itctiq., 3rd ed., p. 577. Dated Thursday, 1638, and, from the reference to
the defeat of Charles Louis, written at about the same time as the
above letter to Sir Edmund Bacon. Wotton writes of foreign news,
and sends a hogshead of beer to Dynely.
From the College this Thursday morning,
1638.
Sir,
I was glad for all the private (matter) in a late letter from you, and
sorry for the public, both foreign and inward : but I like Plato's counsel
well, in adversities to compress murmur ; for our providence (saith
he) is too short to judge, whether there may not lie, under the outside
of an apparent evil, some inimaginable good. The last philosophy is,
Voluntas tua fiat Domine. Upon hearing, some good while since, of
the misadventures in the Palatine house, his loss of Meppen 2 before
he had it, the defeat of his troops as soon as he had gathered them,
the taking of his brother, &c, I fell upon a conceit that perchance
these unpleasant things might call over Sir K. Cave 3 ; the Prince
1 Sir C. C.'s poem (see ante, ii, p. 385).
3 Shortly before his defeat by General Hatzfeldt, Charles Louis had purchased
the allegiance of the garrison of Meppen with money sent him by Charles I.
Rfepp n was thereupon attacked by the Imperialists in the neighbourhood, who
by surprise without any serious resistance. {Gardiner, viii, p. 376.)
3 Sir Richard Cave, an officer in the service of Charles Louis (Bromley, Royal
Letters, pp. 93, 101, 115, &c). Sir Richard Cave was still in England in June,
1039. (Cal. S. P. Dom.} 1639, p. 266.)
WOTTON. II D d
402 LETTERS OF WOTTON
being destitute of counsel, and of proper instruments of action (for
they say Ferentz l is likewise prisoner). And so there would be
room here for your employment : which I would wish you to press
extremely. But of this more in my next. I now send you an
hogshead of more than soror tonantis2, and very willingly, though
so long after March you take us sul basso. But one thing I must
tell you, that for your wife's splenetic infirmity there is nothing
worse in the world than either strong or stale beer. Now that we
have you out of the straits and in the ocean (as you call it), both of
novelties as well as of other things, Matthew Saye shall have order
to call upon you at least once a week. And for the present I leave
you in His love that never faileth, remaining,
Your very truly affectionate,
Henry Wotton.
502. To Doctor Castle.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 492; 3rd ed., p. 371. 'To Doctor C Undated. The
reference to the troubles in Scotland, and to the receipt of a letter of
Dec. 19, makes it probable that this letter was written in January, 1639.
(January, 1639?)
Worthy Sir,
It is one of the wonders of the world unto me how your letters
come so slowly ; which if either themselves or their bearers knew
how welcome they are would fly. I speak this, both by some other
before, and by your last of the 19th of December, which was almost
nine days on the way: and I hope the scene of Scotland much
changed in the meanwhile to the better.
But to let go exotic matter, if that may be so termed, I must con-
gratulate with you your actual possession of the place in the .
For although your own merit was (before you had it) in their judge-
ments that understand you, a kind of present investure, yet I learned
long since of our old master at Oxford, that actus is better than
potentia 3 : which yet, I hope, will not divert you from your philoso-
phical profession, wherein I know no man of sweeter or soundei
ability. And so, sir, I rest,
Very truly and affectionately at your command,
H. Wotton.
1 Sir Thomas Ferentz. (Ante, ii, p. 400.)
2 One of the perquisites of the Provost of Eton was ' i hogsheads of March beei
every year paying nothing' (Rawl. MS., B268, f. 131). I can only explain th<
phrase ' more than soror tonantis ' as meaning an especially strong brew ; Wottor
taking cervisia as meaning the wine of Ceres (so7-or tonantis) ; the Cerealis liquo
of Plautus.
3 Aristotle, Metaphys. viii. 9.
TO JOHN DYNELY 403
503. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 578. No address, but among the letters to Dynely.
Wotton asks for the news in London.
This Epiphany (Jan. 6), 1638(9).
JSlK,
Between you and me complimental letters are as needless and
improper as, I hope, the provisions of armour in the Tower will be.
As for novelties of State, you are in the centre, and we rural wights
in the circumference and skirts, entertained with nothing but some
cold icicles and droppings from you Londoners : imagine us therefore
to stand gaping for the return of the Lord Marquis '. In the mean-
while I should be glad to know in what quality my nephew Colonel
Morton is employed towards the north ; for I hear of one Serjeant-
Major Thelwel 2 in more noise. And so intending (as soon as it can
be ready) to entertain you with a strange collar of brawn, I rest,
Ever your own,
Henry Wotton.
504. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 579. No address, but among the letters, to Dynely.
Wotton's plans for Easter ; foreign news.
From the College, Feb. 21, 1638(9).
Sib,
My pen hath not conversed with you for certe gite of our boat
a pretty while ; not wanting affection, but matter. You are in the
centre of novelties. God send all well, as I have no doubt it will be
at last. I am within some few weeks tending to my genial soil
at Boughton Malherb, and thence about by Kedgrave I shall make
a circle hither again, taking perchance both universities in my line
homewards. You married men are deprived of these evagations \
While we stand in a little suspense touching the event of inward
affairs, I am glad to hear from abroad in the High Dutch gazette,
that there is a treaty of exchange in hand between Prince Rupert
I The Marquis of Hamilton, who had been negotiating with the Covenanters
in Scotland. He returned soon after this letter was written, and on Jan. 15
■Hve an account of his mission, and its failure, before the English Privy Council.
<r, viii, p. 382.)
- Anthony Thelwall, sergeant-major in Col. Richard Feilding's regiment,
serving under the Earl of Northumberland in 1640 (Peacock's Army Lists, 2nd ed.,
p. 90). Thelwall and Sir Thomas Morton are mentioned in a letter from Sir
Francis Willoughby to Went worth as being engaged in raising troops near
Whitehaven in April, 1639. (Strafford Papers, ii, p. 315.)
II Evagations/ diversions. Obs. (N.E.D.)
D d 2
404 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and Prince Casimer of Poland, whom the Swedes have in custody.
Methinks it is a pretty balanced intention, and of no improbable
issue ; the King of Hungaria (alias Emperor ]) growing every day
lower and lower. I desire much to know how your virtuous
consort standeth in her health, and how yourself proceedeth in your
hopes ; resting,
Semper, semper tuus,
Henry Wotton.
505. To Izaak Walton.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 511 ; 3rd ed., p. 360. 'To Iz. Walton, in answer of a letter
requesting him to perform his promise of writing the Life of Dr. Dunne.'
No date, but written some time after Feb. 6, in the spring of 1639 (see
note 2, p. 405).
(April, ?1639.)
My worthy Friend,
I am not able to yield any reason, no, not so much as may
satisfy myself, why a most ingenuous letter of yours hath lyen
so long by me (as it were in lavender) without an answer, save this
only, the pleasure I have taken in your style and conceptions,
together with a meditation of the subject you propound, may seem to
have cast me into a gentle slumber. But being now awaked, I do
herein return you most hearty thanks for the kind prosecution of
your first motion, touching a just office, due to the memory of our
ever-memorable friend.2 To whose good fame, though it be needless
to add anything (and my age considered, almost hopeless from my
pen), yet I will endeavour to perform my promise, if it were but
even for this cause, that in saying somewhat of the life of so deserv-
ing a man I may perchance overlive mine own.
1 Ferdinand III, who succeeded his father, Ferdinand II, in 1637. Being
elected Emperor without the concurrence of the titular Elector Palatine, many
Protestants refused to acknowledge his title, but continued to call him the King
of Hungary.
3 At the beginning of his life of Donne (published in 1640 in a volume of
Donne's Sermons), Izaak Walton writes as follows, referring to this letter : ' II
that great Master of Language and Art, Sir Henry Wootton, Provost of Eaton
College (lately deceased), had lived to see the publication of these Sermons, he
had presented the world with the Author's life exactly written. It was a Work
worthy his undertaking, and he fit to imdertake it ; betwixt whom and our
Author there was such a friendship contracted in their youths, that nothing but
death could force the separation. And though their bodies were divided, that
learned Knight's love followed his friend's fame beyond the forgetful grave,
which he testified by entreating me (whom he acquainted with his design) to
enquire of certain particulars that concerned it : not doubting but my knowledge
of the Author, and love to his memory, would make my dilligence useful. I did
prepare them in a readiness to be augmented, and rectified by his powerful pen ;
but then death prevented his intentions.' {LXXX Sermons preached by that Learned
and Reverend Divine John Donne, London, 1640.)
TO TZAAK WALTON 405
That which you add of Doctor King ' (now made Dean of Rochester,
and by that translated into my native soil) is a great spur unto me ;
with whom I hope shortly to confer about it in my passage towards
Boughton Malherb, which was my genial air, and invite him to
a friendship with that family where his predecessor 2 was familiarly
acquainted. I shall write at large to you by the next messenger
(being at present a little in business), and then I shall set down
pertain general heads, wherein I desire information by your loving
diligence ; hoping shortly to enjoy your own ever-welcome company
in this approaching time of the fly and the cork. And so I rest
Your very hearty poor friend to serve you,
H. Wotton.
506. To Sir Edmund Bacon.
Letters to B., p. 131 ; Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 476. « A late Letter written towards
the end of Lent by Sir Henry Wotton, Provost of his Majesty's College
of Eton,' addressed 'To the Right Worthy his ever truly Honoured
Sir Edmund Bacon, Knight and Baronet, touching the loss of friends,
and final resignation of ourselves '. No date, but apparently written
some years after the death of Thomas Lord Wotton in 1630. As the
letters to Sir Edmund Bacon are printed with some attempt at
chronological order, and as this letter follows next but one to a letter
dated Dec. 5, 1638, I place it, for want of any better indication, in
April. 1639, before Easter Sunday, April 14.
(April, 1639 ?)
Sir,
All the faculties of my mind (if they had ever been of any value)
and all the strength of my body, must yield to the seigniory and
sovereignty of" time over us ; but the last thing that will die or
decay in me is the remembrance how, amidst that inestimable
contentment which I enjoyed (as all others do) in the benefit and
pleasure of your conversation (being then with you at Redgrave in
Suffolk, both your delightful mansion and philosophical retreat,
where you are best, because there you are most yourself, though
everywhere well imparted to your friends), I was then surprised with
advertisement from Court of the death of Sir Albertus Morton,
my dear nephew, in the vernality (as I may term it) of his employ-
ments and fortunes under the best King and master of the world.
And how no great time after (as adversities are seldom solitary)
there succeeded in the same place the departure of my no less dear
niece, your long, and, I dare say, your still beloved consort (for lovo
1 Henry King (1592-1669, made Dean of Rochester, Feb. 6, 1C39. King was
appointed Bishop of Chichester in 1642. (D. A'. B.)
■ Walter Balcanquhall. (See ante, ii, p. 395.)
406 LETTERS OF WOTTON
and life are not conterminable), as well appeareth by your many
tender expressions of that disjuncture, and by that monument of
your own excellent invention which you have raised to her memory.1
This, Sir, ever freshly bleeding in me, and withal revolving often
in my retired thoughts how I have long since over-lived my loving
parents, all mine uncles, brothers and sisters, besides many of mine
especial friends and companions of my youth, who have melted
away before me, and that I am now myself arrived near those years
which lie in the suburbs of oblivion, being the sole masculine branch
of my good father's house in the county of Kent, so as that poor name
(and) reputation which my ancestors have heretofore sustained by
God's permission must expire and vanish in my unworthiness : I say,
Sir, again and again debating often these circumstances with myself
(and truly not without the common weaknesses and passions of
humanity, from which I am of all men least exempted), an extreme
desire did lately assail me to entertain, between my other private
studies, some such discourse as might work upon mine own mind,
and at least abstract a while, if not elevate my cogitations above all
earthly objects. Whereupon, towards the end of this last Lent
(a time of contracted thoughts) I fell to think of that theme, which
I have now entituled 'The loss of friends, and final resignation of
ourselves ', intending, though it be the highest and uttermost point
of Christian philosophy, to familiarize it between us as much as I can,
and to address it in form of a letter to yourself.2 For with whom
can I treat of this matter more properly, being both of us almost
precisely of equal age, and by the love which you are pleased to bear
me, all joy in the fruition, and all grief in the privation of friends
common between us ?
Now Sir, &c.
507. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 581. No address, but among the Dynely letters.
Scottish affairs, &c.
.
From the College, April 17, 163
Sie,
I should be sorry for your departure towards our royal mistress
before some short meeting at least between us, for I have much
discourse to unlade in your honest breast. And I can tell you, we had
need lay up discourse safely ; which I hope you will take for some
excuse of my seldom writing unto you, for I suspect a certain
natural freedom in mine own pen.
1 The inscription on Lady Bacon's tomb is printed in Thos. Wotton's English
Baronetage, 1741, i, p. 11.
2 This letter has not been preserved.
TO JOHN DYNELY 407
In the Scottish affairs it is one mystery, that we know not what
to believe. Only this we can say, that there is nothing to be praised
in it on their part ; and I could wish there were as little to be
feared on ours. Dcus operator omnia suaviter1 ; and to His power and
nun v we must leave ourselves.
Your ever faithful poor friend,
H. Wotton.
Sir,
My coachman is yet crazy2 from a late great sickness ; but if
it pi ease you to specify the time of your conveniency, my gelding
shall wait upon you at Branford ; a poind nomme.
508. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 580. Same as last. News from Scotland ;
Wotton going to London.
From the College, April 21, 1C39.
Carissime,
I am sorry to hear of new oaths 3 in Scotland between the
Covenanters, who, they say, will have none but Jesus Christ to reign
over them ; a sacred cover of the deepest impiety. God open their
eyes and soften their hearts. I have read a good part of the
Declaration 4, wherein the Dean of Durham's pen doth well appear,
and the whole business is very black. Never was there such a
stamping and blending of rebellion and religion together. I thank
you for your news touching Prince Rupert ; but I fear the Hungarian
King will hold him too fast. To your question about mine own
remove, it will be towards the ending of this week, for a night or two
to London ; so as I hope to save you the labour of journeying hither.
My lodging, if it be not prepossessed, will be at Mr. Alkind's house
in the Strand, or otherwise peradventure with your friend in Lombard
Street, whereof you shall have notice in time.
I am yours everywhere,
H. Wotton.
1 ' Attingit ergo a fine usque ad finem fortiter, et disponit omnia suaviter.'
{Sap. viii. 1.)
2 < Crazy,' i. e. infirm. Obs. (N. E. D.)
3 Edmund Rossingham to Lord Conway, April 23, 1689: 'The Covenanters
have taken another oath lately, which is this, to fight it out to the last man in
defence of their Covenant, and of the acts made at their assembly at Glasgow,
although his Majesty's army be five to one against them.' (Cal. S. P. Dom.,
1639, p. 73.) On May 6 Salvetti writes of the Covenanters ' hanno di nuovo
rinovato tale giuramento.' (Arch. Med., 4199.)
4 The Large Declaration (1639), by Dr. Balcanquhall, ' a portly volume in
which the whole story of the misdeeds of the Scots was set forth at length from
tin- King's point of view.' {Gardiner, viii, p. 391.)
408 LETTERS OF WOTTON
509. To Doctor Castle.
Reliq., 1st ed., p. 489 ; 3rd ed., p. 368. 'To Doctor C Undated, but written
at the end of May, 1639 (see note 3). Lord Ker turns Covenanter ;
John Hales made Prebendary of Windsor.
(Eton College, May, 1639.)
Worthy Sir,
You are the very man who hath authenticated unto me that
sentence which we read in the life of Atticus, delivered by Cornelius
Nepos, that Pnidentia est quaedam dwmatio} So as truly hereafter,
when I shall receive from the intelligences of your friends, and your
own judgement upon them, any sinister prognostic, it will make me
open your next letter with trembling fingers.
It is one among many wonders unto me that the young Lord C.2
hath made a transition to the contrary party : I thought he had been
better elemented at Eton.
I send you herewith for a little exchange the copy of an elegant
letter which came unto me by the last boat from a friend, both
of studies and affairs touching foreign troubles ; which it is not amiss
to contemplate, if it be but for some diversion from our own ;
Christendom was never, within our age, so inflamed. I hope the
ends of the world are come upon us.
I shall shortly remove into Kent ; but while I am absent, there
is one shall wait on you weekly in London, to receive and to convey
any of your commands to me, for that is the true name of all your
requests.
To your professed plain friend,
H. Wotton.
Postscript. — My Lord's Grace of Canterbury hath this week sent
hither to Mr. Hales, very nobly, a prebendaryship of Windsor,
unexpected, undesired, like one of the favours (as they write) of
Henry the Seventh's time.3
1 'Facile existimari possit prudentiam quodam modo esse divinationem.'
(Corn. Nep. Atticus, 16.)
2 Henry Lord Ker (or Carr, as Wotton spells the name), eldest son of the first
Earl of Roxburgh. He was educated at Eton (Maxivell-Lyfe, p. 233). Notices of
his ' falling away to the Covenanters' occur in letters of May 11 (Cal. S. P. Lout.,
1639, p. 155) and May 20 (Strafford Papers, ii, p. 350). His mother, Garrard write*,
'laments, keeps her bed, cannot be comforted, to hear how her only son hath
played the Fool in turning Covenanter.' (Ibid., p. 351.)
3 The Royal Patent was dated May 23, 1639 (D. N. B., xxiv, p. 31), which fixt-
approximately the date of this letter.
TO MARY, LADY WOTTON 409
510. To Mary, Lady Wotton.
C. C. C. MS. 318, f. 44, holograph. Printed in Archaeol. xl. This letter,
addressed to the widow of Thomas, second Lord Wotton (Sir Arthur
Throckmorton's daughter), is undated, but was written about July,
1639, as Wotton's great-nephew, Albertus Morton the younger (second
son of Sir Robert Morton, Sir Albertus Morton's eldest brother), was
matriculated a pensioner of King's College, Cambridge, on July 2, 1639
i Archaeol. xl, p. 282). Wotton's intention of visiting Bury St. Edmunds
and Bocton Malherbe ; the proposed marriage of one of his nieces.
(Eton College, July, 1639.)
My ever truly honoured Lady and Niece,
When this my servant, returning lately to me from Cambridge
(whither I had sent him to see the first placing of my nephew
Albertus) through London, where he could tell me you were by
a casual meeting with your coachman, I was truly sorry both to
understand it accidentally, and likewise when I was upon the point
of resolving (as he can well tell you) to have the honour and comfort
of waiting on you in mine own genial air, your mansion house
in Kent. But I hear about a month hence you will be there again,
and I will plot in the meanwhile how to convey myself unto you by
a little circuit ; for more than a voluntary and pleasurable motion
doth now carry me (since your Ladyship is out of Kent) towards
Suffolck, especially that I may confer by the way with an excellent
physician ' inhabitant in St. Edmunds Burie, whom I brought myself
from Venice, where (as either I suppose or surmise) I first contracted
my infirmity of the spleen, to which the very seat is generally
inclined. And therefore their physicians (who commonly study the
inclinations of places) are the likeliest to understand the best
remedies.
For my particular (I thank my God) I am free of those extremities
which first assailed me, yet still troubled at times with some uncivil
remainder, as my said servant will tell you ; and I should be glad to
come in all points cheerfully unto you, for I have a world of dis-
course to unlade, like those that weed not a garden till it has grown
a wood. Yet in the reserved matter, I have not much to say more
touching that subject whereof I last wrote to your Ladyship by this
very bearer. For in truth I have given it over with a good con-
fidence that all is well in the intentions on both sides, and with
assurance on my inviolate niece your daughter's part. And the
1 Gaspar Despot in (see Appendix III).
410 LETTERS OF WOTTON
reason why I have no more stirred in it is an experience that I had
long since of being employed in the like business (as I shall tell your
Ladyship when we meet) with miserable infelicity. I think silence
and rest doth oftentimes more good than physic and agitation
of nature.
Glad I am to hear that your Ladyship hath brought with you my
most dear niece Hester1, to whom my Lord her grandfather did
as great an injury as he could possibly do, even while he meant to
do a greater : our blessed God disposeth of all things sweetly in His
good time. And so I end with my continual prayers for His dearest
favours upon you and all yours.
Remaining ever your Ladyship's most faithful servant,
Henry Wotton.
511. To John Dynely.
Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 582, undated. The last of the letters to Dynely, and
probably the last letter of Wotton's which has been preserved. For
date, see note 2.
(August? 1639.)
Sir,
I long now to hear of nothing more than a little Deyritciolns ;
and if it prove of another gender in grammar, then let philosophy
comfort you, that says, it is nature's method to begin ab imper-
fection: but by my contemplation of your own and your wife's
complexion, and of her late sickness, I should imagine that forth
ars trahet sexum.
We are sorry to hear that the Scottish gentlemen 2, who have
lately sent to that King, found (as they say) but a brusk 3 welcome
which makes all fear that there may be a rebullition in that busines
We have a new strange voice flying here, that the Prince Palatii
is towards a marriage.
I apprehend much the event of your new ambassage from tl
States, being carried by a man who hath had his whole fort in
out of France ; but the wisdom of the instrument may mollify all
I should be glad to know whether his son-in-law, Constantinus
1 Hester Wotton married Baptist Noel, son of the second Viscount Campden,
on Dec. 31, 1639. Sir Henry Wotton is probably referring to the negotiations
for this marriage in the paragraph above.
2 After the treaty of Berwick (signed June 18, 1639) Charles complained that
some of the stipulations of that treaty had not been executed by the Scotch. He
sent for the covenanting leaders to meet him at Berwick, and six of them came
in July. (Gardiner, ix, pp. 46, 47.)
s ' Brusk,' old form of • brusque '.
TO JOHN DYNELY 411
Hugeinus *, be in his company. Lastly, I should be glad to hear that
you are un tantino promoved 2 in your own ends ; for when the first
way is planed, all will go smoothly. Let us, howsoever, love one
another, and God love us both.
Your poor friend,
H. Wotton.
1 SirConstantin Huygens (159G-1687), the famous Dutch poet and diplomatist.
He was frequently in England, and in 1622 he was knighted by James I.
Huygens was an intimate friend of Donne, whose poems he translated. His
wife was Suzanne van Baerle, who died in 1637.
2 ' Promoved,' arch., forwarded. (Century Diet.)
APPENDIX I
PROSE WORKS, POEMS, AND LETTERS OF
SIR HENRY WOTTON
A. COLLECTED WORKS AND LETTERS
1651.
I. Reliquiae Wottonianae. Or, A Collection of Lives, Letters,
Poems ; with Characters of Sundry Personages : And other Incom-
parable Pieces of Language and Art. By the Curious Pensil of the
Ever Memorable Sr Henry Wotton Kt, Late Provost of Eton Colledg.
London, Printed by Thomas Maxey, for R. Harriot, G. Bedel, and T.
Garth wait. 1651.
Dedicated by Izaak Walton to Mary Lady Wotton, and to her daughters,
Katherine Lady Stanhope, Margaret Lady Tufton, and Ann Lady Hales.
Second edition ' with many additions ', 1654. The additions consist of the
Aphorisms of Education, and eight new letters, six addressed to the Duke of
Buckingham. The letters and papers are reprinted in the order of the first
edition, with one exception — a letter to Buckingham on p. 409 of the first edition
being on p. 471 in the second, among the other letters to Buckingham. The
third edition, 1672, 'with large additions,' is dedicated by Izaak Walton to
Sir Henry Wotton's great nephew, Philip, Second Earl of Chesterfield. The
letters reprinted from the first and second editions are rearranged with some
attempt at chronological order, The additions consist of 'An Elegie on Sir
Henry Wotton, writ by Mr. Abram Cowley ', a translation of Wotton's letter to
Welser (ante, ii, p. 9), a letter to Samuel Collins (ibid., p. 370), the Plausus et Vota, the
Prae/atio in Historiam Venetam (ibid., p. 254), Francis Bacon's letter to Wotton (ibid.,
p. 204 n.), the Letters to Sir Edmund Bacon, published 1660, and thirty 'Additional
Letters to Several Persons ; Now just Published from the Author's own copies '.
Among these latter are nine state papers connected with Wotton's negotiations
in Venice and Vienna. The fourth edition (1685), published after Izaak Walton's
death, is an almost exact reprint of the third edition with a new title-page ; and,
at the end, 'Sir Henry Wotton's Letters to the Lord Zouch. Collected from the
Originals, and Never published till this present year, 1685.' The first part is
not, as it first appears, a reissue of the third edition, as there are a few slight
variations in the printing. (See J. Hannah, Additions and Corrections.)
1661.
II. Letters of Sir Henry Wotton to Sir Edmund Bacon.
London, Printed by R. W. for F. T. at the three Daggers in Fleet-street.
1661.
1850.
III. Letters and Dispatches from Sir Henry Wotton to
James I and His Ministers, in the years mdcxvii-xx. Printed
from the Originals in the Library of Eton College. London : Printed
by William Nicol, Shakspeare Press, mdcccl. (Roxburghe Club.)
APPENDIX I 413
1867.
IV. Inedited Correspondence of Sir Henry Wotton in the
Keign of King James the First. Communicated to the Society of
Antiquaries by C. Knight Watson, Esq., M.A., Secretary of the Society.
London : J. B. Nichols and Sons, Printers, 23 Parliament Street, 1867.
(Archaeoloyia, vol. xl.)
B. SEPARATE PROSE WORKS
1594.
I. The State of Christendom : Or, A most Exact and Curious
Discovery of many Secret Passages, and Hidden Mysteries of the Times.
Written by the Renowned Sr Henry Wotton, Kfc. Ambassadour in
Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of Venice, and late Provost of
Eaton Colledg. London, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be
sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1657.
(Issued with new title-page, 1667.)
1613.
II (?). Character of Robert, late Earl of Salisbury. Burley MS. f. 1,
transcript ; S. P. Dom. J as. I, lxix, f. 59. See Appendix IV.
1624.
III. The Elements of Architecture. Collected by Sir Henry
Wotton K* from the best Authors and Examples. London, printed by
John Bill, mdcxxiv.
Reprinted Reliq., 1st ed. p. 192; 2nd ed. p. 175; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 1 ; Somers
Tracts, 2nd collection, 1750, i, p. 262 ; 2nd ed. 1809, iii, p. 601 ; at the Chiswick
Press, for Miss S. T. Prideaux, Longmans, Green & Co., 1903. Latin translation,
Elementa Architecture, Colkcta ab Henrico Wottonio, Equite, in M. Vitruvii Pollionis
De Architectura Libri Decern, ed. Ioanne de Laet, Amsterdam, 1649, pp. 1-30.
1630?
IV. A Philosophicall Surveigh of Education, or Moral Archi-
tecture. By Sir Henry Wotton K*. Provost of Eton Colledg. Reliq.,
1st ed. p. 309 ; 2nd ed. p. 281 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 72.
V. The Aphorisms of Education. Reliq., 2nd ed. p. 305 ; 3rd
and 4th eds. p. 86.
1633.
VI. Ad Regem E Scotia Reducem Henrici Wottonii Plausus
et Vota. Londini Excusum Typis August. Malthusii Anno cuiocxxxni.
K- printed Reliq., 3rd ed. p. 113. English translation, ' A Panegyrick of King
Charles ; Being Observations upon the Inclination, Life, and Government of our
Sovereign Lord the King. Written by Sir Hen. Wotton Knight (Provost of
Eaton Colledg) a little before his death.'
Printed for Richard Marriot; London, 1649. Reprinted with the description,
'And now Englished by a Friend of the Authours.' Reliq., 1st ed. p. 125; 2nd ed.
I>. 123 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 135. Also in Monarchia Britannica, Oxford, 1681.
1633?
VII. A Parallell betweene Robert late Earle of Essex, and
George late Duke of Buckingham. Written by Sir Henry Wotton,
Knight, &c, 1641.
Reprinted with title 'Of Robert Dcvereux, Earl of Essex ; and George Villiers,
Luke of Buckingham : Some Observations by way of ParaUll in the time of their
414 APPENDIX I
. p. 161 ;
estates of favour'. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 1 ; 2nd ed. p. 3 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p.
Somers Tracts, 2nd collection, 1750, i, p. 385"; ibid., 2nd ed. 1809, iv, p. 151 ; Memoirs
of the Life of Robert Bevereux Earl of Essex, 1753, p. 4 ; also 'At the Private Press of
Lee Priory 1814 ' (by Sir Robert Egerton Brydges).
('The Difference and Disparity between the Estates and Conditions of George
Duke of Buckingham, and Robert Earl of Essex. By Sir Henry Wotton Knight ;
and dedicated to the Earl of Portland.' Reliq., 1st and 2nd eds. p. 37, is correctly
described in the Reliq., 3rd and 4th eds. p. 184, as 'Written by the Earl of
Clarendon in his younger dayes '.)
1633 P
VIII. A Short View of the Life and Death of Geo. Villiers,
Duke of Buckingham. Written by Sir Henry Wotton, Knight, late
Provost of Eaton Colledge. London, printed for William Sheares, 1642.
Reprinted Reliq., 1st and 2nd eds. p. 71 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 206 ; Harleian
Miscellany, 1746, vol. viii, p. 558; ibid. 1811, vol. viii, p. 613.
1636.
IX. A Concept Of some Observations intended upon Things most
Remarkable in the Civil History of this Kingdom ; and likewise in the
State of the Church, From the Norman Invasion, till the Twelfth yeer
of our vertuous Soveraign, Charles The First, whom God have in
his precious Custody. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 163; 2nd ed. p. 148; 3rd and
4th eds. p. 1 00. ' The Preface to my said Discourse,' Gutch, Collectanea,
i, p. 215.
X. Henrici VIti Angliae et Galliarum Regis, Hiberniae Domini,
Etonensis ad Tamesin Collegii Conditoris, Vita et Excessus. Scriptore
Henrico Wottonio Anglo-Cantiano Ejusdem Collegii Praefecto. Reliq.,
1st ed. p. 480 ; 2nd ed. p. 438 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 108.
1638.
XI. The Great Action between Pompey and Caesar, Extracted out of
the Roman and Graecian Writers. By H. W. K*. for an Historicall
Exercise. Reliq., 1st ed.p. 337; 2nd ed. p. 305; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 239.
XII. A Meditation upon the XXIItn Chapter of Genesis. By H.
Reliq., 1st ed. p. 343 ; 2nd ed. p. 311 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 265.
■
XIII. A Meditation upon Christmas Day. Of the Birth and Pilgrimage
of our Saviour Christ on Earth. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 351 ; 2nd ed. p. 319 ;
3rd and 4th eds. p. 269.
XIV. A Brief Discourse Concerning the Emperors Election,' the
Netherlands, and the Low Countries' Greatness, with some other affairs
of State. Written by Sir Henry Wotton Kt. Rawl. MS. A 141, f. 66.
XV. Italian Authors selected and censured by Sir Hen. Wotton.
Tanner MS. lxxxii, f. 142. See Appendix IV.
{Concerning Duellos in Spaine, by Sir Henry Wotton, Stowe 3IS. 569,
f. 70, is wrongly attributed to Wotton' s authorship, being written by
some one who had long been a resident in Spain.)
APPENDIX I 415
C. POEMS BY SIR HENRY WOTTON
Wi.t ton's collected poems were printed in the first and subsequent
editions of the Reliquiae. They were reprinted Poems l>y Sir Henry
Wotton, edited by the Rev. Alexander Dyce : London for the Percy
Society mdcccxliii; Poems by Sir Henry Wotton Sir Walter Rale'ujh
and others edited by the Rev. John Hannah, M.A., late Fellow of Lin-
coln College, Oxford: London, William Pickering, 1845, subsequently
reprinted under title of Courtly Poets, with some of the notes omitted,
1870.
I. A Poem Written by Sir Henry Wotton, in His Youth. Poetical
Rapsody (Francis Davison), 1602; Reliq., 1st ed. p. 516; 2nd ed.
p. 491 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 377; Poems of Pembroke arid Ruddier,
1660, p. 34, described as Verses made by Sir B. R. (Sir Benjamin
Rudyard).
II. Sir Henry Wotton, and Serjeant Hoskins, Riding on the way.
Reliq., 1st ed. p. 517 ; 2nd ed. p. 492 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 378.
III. A Dialogue Between Sir Henry Wotton and Mr. Donne. Poems
by J. D., 2nd ed. 1635, p. 195.
1609 P
IV. This Hymn was made by Sr H. Wotton, when he was an
Ambassadour at Venice, in the time of a great Sickness there. Reliq.,
1st ed. p. 529 ; 2nd ed. p. 505 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 389.
1613 P
A'. The Character of a Happy Life. Overbury's Wife, 5th ed. 1614;
ReUq., 1st ed. p. 522 ; 2nd ed. p. 498 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 383.
1615.
VI. Upon the sudden Restraint of the Earle of Somerset, then falling
from favour. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 522 ; 2nd ed. p. 497; 3rd and 4th eds.
p. 383.
1620.
VII. On his Mistress, the Queen of Bohemia. Michael East, Tlie Sixt
Set of Bookes, 1624; Reliq., 1st ed. p. 518; 2nd ed. p. 493; 3rd and
4th eds. p. 379.
VIII. To a Noble Friend in his Sickness (the Duke of Buckingham ?).
Reliq., 1st ed. p. 519 ; 2nd ed. p. 494 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 380.
1625.
IX. Tears at the Grave of Sir Albertus Morton (who was buried at
Southampton) Wept by Sir H. Wotton. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 528 ; 2nd ed.
p. 503 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 388.
1626.
X. Upon the Death of Sir Albert Morton's "Wife. Reliq., 1st ed.
p. 529 ; 2nd ed. p. 504 ; 3rd and 4th eds. pp. 389, 560.
1630.
XL A Short Hymn upon the Birth of Prince Charles. Reliq., 1st ed.
p. 519 ; 2nd ed. p. 494; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 381.
416 APPENDIX I
1633.
XII. An Ode to the King, At his Returning from Scotland to the
Queen: after his Coronation there. Reliq., 1st ed. p. 521; 2nd ed.
p. 496 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 382.
XIII. A Translation of the CIV Psalm to the Originall Sense. Reliq.,
1st ed. p. 525 ; 2nd ed. p. 500 ; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 385.
1637.
XIV. A Hymn to my Grod in a night of my late Sicknesse. Reliq.,
1st ed. p. 515; 2nd ed. p. 470; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 362.
1639.
XV. On a Banck, as I sate a Fishing, A Description of the Spring.
Reliq., 1st ed. p. 524; 2nd ed. p. 499; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 384;
Walton's Compleat Angler (1655), p. 60.
XVI. To the rarely accomplishd, and worthy of best employment,
Master Howel, upon his Vocall Forrest. James Howell's AENAPO-
AOriA. Dodona's Grove, or the Vocall Forest, 1640.
Doubtful Poems.
XVII. A Description of the Country's Recreations. Reliq., 1st ed.
p. 531; 2nd ed. p. 506; 3rd and 4th eds. p. 390; Izaak Walton's
Compleat Angler, 1655, p. 348.
XVIII. A Farewell to the Vanities of the World. Compleat Angler,
1655, p. 350, there described 'some say written by Dr. D.' (Donne). In
the third edition, however, this is changed to ' some say written by
Sir Harry Wotton, who I told you, was an excellent Angler', p. 251.
APPENDIX I
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APPENDIX I 431
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APPENDIX I 439
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Jan. 3, 1618 N.S. .
Jan. 26, 1618 N.S. .
Feb. 2, 1618 N.S. .
Feb. 9, 1618 N.S. .
Feb. 16, 1618 N.S. .
March 2, 1618 N.S.
March 9, 1618 N.S.
March 16, 1618 N.S.
March 16, 1618 N.S.
March 23, 1618 N.S.
March 30, 1618 N.S.
May 4, 1618 N.S. .
May 4, 1618 N.S. .
(May 4, 1618) N.S.
(May 4, 1618 N.S.)
May 25, 1618 N.S. .
May 25, 1618 N.S. .
May 25, 1618 N.S. .
APPENDIX I
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APPENDIX II
THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM: DATE AND AUTHORSHIP.
This work, which is prefaced by an unsigned address ' To the Judicious
Fieader', begins by stating that the author, having lived many years
abroad in exile and banishment, began to despair of his long-desired
return into his native country of England, and to consider by what
means he might recover his liberty. He first thought of killing some
banished traitor, but the fear of detection, and of the terror of conscience,
and the infamy that would follow such a deed made both his heart and
hand abhor an action of this kind. 'That day/ he continues, ■ should
have been more joyful unto me than the day of my birth and nativity,
wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends, with
assurance of my pardon to call me home. . . . Whilest I lived in this
perplexity, I hapned (by chance) to meet with an honest and kind
English Gentleman, who was Litely come out of Italy, and meant to
sojourn a few moneths in France, and then to return into England; He
knew both me and my friends very well : And although his License
forbad him to converse with any Fugitives, yet hearing (by common and
credible report) that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-
men, but lived only for my conscience abroad, he adventured now and
then to use my company, and with me, and in my hearing, to use greater
liberty of speech than with any other of our nation.' The author adds that
he told his plight to this English gentleman, who replied that since he had
come out of England he had heard of many political questions that he
would like to be able to answer when he returned. 'If you be as willing,'
he said, 'as I know you are able, to frame me a good and sufficient
answer to all that I have heard, all the friends which I have in England
shall fail me, but that I will purchase your return home with credit and
countenance.' He then stated the points about which he wanted informa-
tion. These concerned practically the whole of the history of the latter
half of the sixteenth century ; the wars in the Low Countries and France,
the policy of Spain, and, above all, he wished for a justification of the
acts of Queen Elizabeth, her leagues with the Low Countries and
Henry III, the execution of Mary Queen of Scots, the proceedings against
the Catholics, the Portugal voyage, &c, &c. _ He wished, in short, to
hear more ' In praise of my Countrey, and in disgrace of Spain ; in com-
mendation of our Princess, and in dispraise of the Spaniard.' ' ^ our
credit with Cardinal Allen,' he added, 'your acquaintance with Morgan,
your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton, your conversation with
Charles Pagett, and your long experience in forraign affairs hath un-
doubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands.'
The treatise that follows is written by the author in answer to these
requests. As Henry Wotton was in exile in 1600 and 1601. nfter the
456 APPENDIX II
disgrace of Essex, it lias always been believed that the State of Christen-
dom was written at this time, for the purpose of procuring his return to
England. This assumption first appears in the Biographia Britannica
(Izaak Walton does not mention the book), and has been accepted by
Dr. Ward, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Sidney Lee. Numberless references,
however, in the book prove that it was written, not in 1600 or 1601,
but in 1594. Philip II (who died in 1598) is spoken of throughout as
being still alive, though grown old (pp. 53, 132, 134, 215, 238, 257, &c).
Elizabeth is said to be sixty years old (p. 87), and to have reigned
thirty-six years (p. 188), Henry IV is fighting with the League, Don
Antonio of Portugal is still living (p. 59). Many other references could
be adduced, but there are two wThich fix within narrow limits the date of
the composition of the book. The author mentions the supposed plot of
Dr. Lopez to poison Queen Elizabeth (p. 144), and writes of the Arch-
duke Ernestus as having been recently sent to be Governor of the
Netherlands, and as being then alive. The trial of Dr. Lopez took
place in Feb., 1594; Ernestus died at Brussels (where he had arrived
in Jan., 1594) in Feb., 1595. The State of Christendom was therefore
written between these dates, and the references to the age and reign of
Queen Elizabeth place its composition within the year 1594.
Mr. Charles Hughes, who independently arrived at this conclusion,
and first published it {Athenaeum, June 18, 1904), draws the inference
that, the book being autobiographical, Wotton was already a ■ political
suspect ' at this time, and had, by associating with Catholic plotters,
himself fallen under a suspicion of treachery which precluded his return
to England. It is true, indeed, that, as I have already said, such sus-
picions were easily incurred, and in 1592 there was apparently a plot
to implicate Wotton in something of this kind {ante, i, pp. 20-1). But
there is not the slightest hint in his early letters that he was in disgrace,
or unable to return to England. He had originally intended to end his
first sojourn abroad in the spring of 1594 (ibid. p. 298); he remained,
indeed, at Geneva till nearly the end of August in that year, but the
delay had apparently no other cause beyond the want of funds for
travelling. But a stronger argument against the assumption of Mr.
Hughes is the fact that autobiographical remarks in the State of Christen-
dom cannot safely be taken as statements of the facts of Henry Wotton's
life. Several of them, indeed, are quite incompatible with the known
facts of his history. For instance, on p. 154, after speaking of the
election of Stephen Bathori to the throne of Poland, he writes : ' When
I was in Italy, I remember that it was a fresh newes that the Polacks
had sent an ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their sudden choice of
their new King. . . . This Ambassador passed by Padua where I saw him.'
Bathori was elected King of Poland in 1575, when, after the death of
Charles IX, Henry III succeeded to the throne of France. At this time
Wotton was seven years old. On p. 1 70 the author refers to a conversation
with Sir Henry Cobham in France. Sir Henry Cobham was ambassador
at Paris from 1579 to 1583, when Henry Wotton was a schoolboy at
Winchester. Again, on pp. 46 and 50 the author mentions his being at
Orleans * of late years ', while the history of Wotton's movements pre-
vious to 1594 leaves little room for a visit to France, unless, indeed, he
passed through that country on his first journey to Italy.
APPENDIX II 457
There are two possible explanations of this puzzle, neither of which,
however, is exempt from difficulty. The first (to which I shall return)
is that Wotton wrote the book under an assumed character. This, on
the whole, I think the most likely explanation. But an alternative
Bt ion has presented itself to my mind, and as I am not able to
dismiss it entirely, I will state it here, and the arguments that could
be brought to support it. The explanation is this, that the State of
Christendom was not written by Wotton at all, but by some political
exile whom he met at Geneva. Wotton, according to this hypothesis,
would be ' the honest and kind English Gentleman ' who had lately come
out of Italy, was to spend a few months in France (Geneva was regarded
at this time as being in France), and then to return to England. The
political exile wrote the treatise, Wotton took it to England ; the original,
or a copy, remained among his papers, was found after his death, and
published under his name. The author, then (if we assume that a young
Englishman was not likely to travel in Italy before the age of twenty),
was a man twelve or thirteen years older than Wotton, who had lived
' many years in voluntary exile and banishment ', no doubt for religious
reasons, and was now anxious to make his peace with the home authorities,
and to procure permission to return to England. This would explain
the statement that the author was at Padua about 1575, and saw Sir
Henry Cobham at Paris. But the strongest argument for this hypothesis
is the style in which the State of Christendom is written, a style for
which no analogies can be found in the better-known English writings
from Wotton's pen. Wotton's style in almost all his authentic works
has the meditative, leisurely character of seventeenth century prose, while
the State of Christendom is written in the eloquent, rhetorical, euphuistic
manner of the Elizabethan age. It must be remembered, however, that
we possess no set work of Wotton's written before the Elements of Archi-
tecture in 1624, but only letters, and that almost all the stray pieces in
the Reliquiae are cast more or less in the epistolary form. That Wotton,
however, was capable of writing in a more heightened and rhetorical
style, is proved by his carefully prepared speeches delivered in the
Collegio at Venice, by the glowing Latin of his Plausus et Vota, his
welcome to Charles I after he returned from Scotland in 1633,1 and by
two little pieces of dramatic writing printed in the Reliquiae, A Medita-
tion upon the Tiventy-second Chapter of Genesis and A Meditation upon
Christmas Day.2 On the evidence, therefore, of style, it would not be
safe to reject the possibility of Wotton's authorship, especially when we
consider that a young man, in his first ambitious work, would be likely
to imitate the manner of writing fashionable among his contemporaries.
And there is a certain amount of internal evidence in the book which
makes it seem likely that it was written by Wotton. The author ends
the first part with the promise to write more fully of the subjects he had
treated at some future time, 'When years shall have encreased my slender
Experience, and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge.' 3
A phrase like this would well describe Wotton at twenty-six, but could
hardly have been used by an exile who had been nearly twenty years on
the Continent.
1 Reliquiae, 4th ed., p. 113. 3 Ibid., pp. 265-72. 3 Ibid., p. 262.
458 APPENDIX II
Stronger evidence is contained in the ' Supplement ' to the State of
Christendom, which the author begins as follows: 'After I had thorowly
(as I thought) finished my task, and had discoursed upon every point
thereof in such manner as you see ; of some briefly, and of diverse more
at large : I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia ; that is to
say, The Fragments of an History : The which was lately Imprinted and
Written (as it is supposed) by A?itonio Peres, sometimes Secretary unto
the King of Spain, and now residing in London.' Wotton, as we have
seen, returned to England late in 1594, and within a few months was
taken into the service of Essex. Antonio Perez {ante, i, p. 30) was also
at this time in England in the service of Essex, and lived with him at
Essex House. Late in 1595, when Essex had sent Perez to Paris,
Wotton was sent to join him there. The Relaciones of Perez contains
a defence of his action in the murder of Escobado, and was published in
the autumn of 1594.1 The 'Supplement' to the State of Christendom
contains a criticism and justification of this defence, and the intimate
association of Wotton and Perez make it probable that Wotton would
write in defence of the Spaniard. He may, indeed, have been requested
to do so by Essex, who was much criticized for extending his patronage
and friendship to the Spanish renegade.
In the subject-matter of the book there is, moreover, a large amount
of evidence tending to prove that it was written by Henry Wotton. The
author writes throughout as a Protestant, and makes no suggestion
of any recantation of former errors ; while in favour of religious liberty,
he is opposed to religious disputes, and indeed suggests, what Wotton
so often afterwards urged, that religious controversies might be sup-
pressed by the civil authority (p. 131); he speaks of himself as a ' civilian'
(i.e., a student of Civil Law, p. 30); he has been in Venice (p. 199); he
shows familiarity with Kentish usages (p. 29); he possesses a wide
knowledge of the classics, and mentions books we know Wotton to have
studied, De la Noue, Francois Hotman, and the historians of the German
Empire, and he uses a certain number of phrases which afterwards recur
in Wotton's letters, or in the notes of Table Talk, printed in Appendix IV.2
On the whole, therefore, until further evidence is forthcoming, the
weight of evidence is, I think, in favour of Wotton's authorship of this
1 This book was published under the name of Raphael Peregrino, Pedacos de
Historia 6 Relaciones assy llamddas por sus Autores los Peregrinos, &c. The place of
publication is given as Leon. There is no date, and it is supposed to have been
printed in 1592. My reason for believing that it was published in 1594 is based
on the following statements from the unsigned letters in the Florence archives:
Oct. 26, 1594, ' Questo Signore Antonio Perez, che e qua, ha fatto un libro in sua
difesa'. Nov. 9, 1594, ' II Signore Antonio Perez ha fatto stampar un libro . . .
ma non si stima poi, non pare che sene creda molto.' {Arch. Med. 4185, f.
268, 270.)
2 State of Christendom, p. 104, 'For Embassadours are (as Ph. de Comines said
very well) but honourable espies ' (cf. ii, p. 237). P. 13, ' But because many
things in outward appearance seem good, which indeed, are nought, and vitious ;
not only in this Age, but also in times past, are and have been baptised by name of
vertues ; It is now and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are
profitable.' Cf. Wotton to Casaubon, Dec. 12, 1596, 4 imponamus peccatis nostris
honestiora nomina ' (i, p. 303). P. 98, ' Leagues are of no longer continuance
than there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them.' Cf.
Table Talk below, p. 491, 'Leagues and contracts of Princes last no longer than
the causes for which they are made.1
APPENDIX II
459
book. But as I have pointed out, the author's remarks about himself
are not to be taken as statements of the facts of Henry Wotton 's life.
Tht' book was written under an assumed character; Wotton put his own
ideas about politics into the form of a treatise, supposed to have been
composed by a political fugitive for the purpose of procuring permission
to return to England. This innocent disguise gave a certain point and
dramatic character to his work, and Wotton, as Dr. Ward points out,
always retained a taste for dramatic composition (Ward, p. 12).
APPENDIX III
NOTES ON SIR HENRY WOTTON'S FRIENDS,
CORRESPONDENTS, AND ASSOCIATES.
The following notes do not pretend to be complete biographies of the
persons mentioned ; the lives of many of them will be found in the Dictionary
of National Biography, and I have, in most of these cases, thought it only
necessary to supplement these accounts with new information. For the
others, I have simply put in chronological order such facts as have come
under my notice in the course of my investigations.
Bacon, Sir Edmund (1566-1649), was the eldest son of Sir
Nicholas Bacon, the first Baronet, and grandson of Queen Elizabeth's
Lord Keeper. He was educated at Eton, and married Philippa, daughter
of Edward Lord Wotton. He was knighted before 1605, succeeded his
father as second Baronet in 1 624, and died s.p. in 1 649. He was admitted
to Gray's Inn on Nov. 14, 1586 (Foster, Gray's Inn, p. 69). Five letters
written by him are printed in the Correspondence of Jane Lady Corn-
wallis (pp. 161, 189, 190, 193, 254). His autograph signature is
affixed to a letter from himself and Sir Roger North to the Council
(April 1, 1633) in S. P. Dom. Charles I, ccxxxvi. No. 1. His will is
printed in Wills from the Register of Bury St. Edmunds, &c, Camden
Soc. 1850, p. 211. In 1605 Sir Edmund Bacon went to Spa accompanied
by Joseph Hall, who lived at Halstead near Redgrave, and whose patroness,
Lady Drury (wife of Sir Robert Drury), was Bacon's sister. HalFs
account of the journey is printed in his Observations of Some Specialties
of Divine Providence in the Life of Joseph Hall, &c. (Hall's Works,
Oxford, 1837, i, jjp. xix-xxiv). One of Hall's Epistles, Of the Benefits
of Retiredness and Secrecy, is addressed to Sir Edmund Bacon {Epistles
by Joseph Hall, London, 1608, Bk. II, Ep. ii, p. 121).
The first mention of Sir Edmund Bacon in Wotton's correspondence is
in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmondes of Dec. 2, 1605 (Stowe MS. 168,
f. 267). The earliest letter from Wotton to Bacon that has been
preserved is dated April 2, 1611. Sir Edmund Bacon was perhaps
Wotton's most intimate friend; they wTere almost of the same age,
related by marriage, and had many tastes in common, as Wotton's
letters to him show. From these letters, from Bacon's will, and from
Joseph Hall's Epistle, we get the impression of a rich and cultivated
and leisurely country gentleman, living in the old family house of
Redgrave, and occupying himself with the management of his estates,
scientific and artistic experiments and studies, and learned talk, with
occasional visits to London or to Wotton at Eton. Wotton speaks of
1 the incomparable delight ' of his conversation ; Hall describes him as
' full of friends ', and living in voluntary retirement in his ' Philosophical
Cell ' his ' sanctuary of peace ', sheltered ' from tumults, from vices, from
APPENDIX III 461
discontentments ', free from ' the glorious misery ' of the world, and
delighting in ' that lively, honest, and manly pleasure which arises from
the gain of knowledge in the deep mysteries of nature '. f The world
knows you and wants you ; and yet you are voluntarily hid,' he concludes.
Bacon, Francis, Viscount St. Albans, must be counted among Sir
Henry Wotton's friends and correspondents, though only one letter from
Bacon to Wotton, and one from Wotton to Bacon have been preserved
(ante, ii. p. 204). They seem, however, to have corresponded more or
less regularly, and to have regarded each other as friends and kinsmen.
The family connexion was through the Cookes and Belknaps, Bacon's
mother, Anne Cooke, being the great-grand- daughter of Sir Philip Cooke,
who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Henry Belknap, and sister of
Anne Belknap, wife of Sir Henry Wotton's great-grandfather, Sir
Robert Wotton. Sir Henry Wotton was also descended from Sir Henry
Belknap, through his mother (ante, i, p. 3 n.), and his niece, Philippa
Wotton, married Francis Bacon's nephew, Sir Edmund Bacon. There is
little further evidence of their friendship. The mention of ' Francesco '
(ii, p. 14) and Lady Bacon's other uncle (ibid. pp. 38, 40), may refer
perhaps to Francis Bacon. In 1635 Wotton sent Sir Gervase Clifton
a collection of Bacon's letters (ibid. p. 352). Izaak Walton, in his
advertisement to the Reliquiae, says that Bacon ' thought it not beneath
him to collect some of the sayings and apophthegms of this author '. One
of these sayings is printed in Bacon's Collection of Apophthegms, No. 64.
' Sir Henry Wotton used to say "that critics are like brushers of noblemen's
clothes' " (Ellis-Sjyedding, vii, p. 134). The epitaph on Bacon's tomb at
St. Michael's, St. Albans, ending with the well-known phrase, ' Composita
solvantur,' was composed by Wotton (Life of Bacon, prefixed to Wm.
Rawley's Resuscitatio, 1657 ; Aubrey's Brief Lives, 1898, i, p. 76).
Baker, Sir Richard (1568-1645), was born in the same year as
Wotton, and was with him at Oxford, where they shared rooms at Hart
Hall. He wrote Meditations and Disquisitions upon the Lord's Prayer,
1636-7, which he sent to Wotton (ante, ii, p. 369), Meditations on the
Psalms, 1639, Chronicles of the Kings of England, 1643, and other works
(D.X.B.). Baker mentions Wotton in his Chronicles (ed. 1674, pp. 446-7).
' The Trojan horse was not fuller of heroic Grecians than King James
his reign was full of men excellent in all kinds of learning. And here
I desire the reader's leave to remember two of my own acquaintance, the
one was Mr. John Donne, who leaving Oxford, lived at the Inns of Courts,
not dissolute, but very neat ; a great visitor of ladies. . . . The other
was Henry Wotton (mine old acquaintance also, as having been fellow-
pupils and chamber-fellows in Oxford divers years together). This
gentleman was employed by King James in embassage to Venice ; and
•deed the Kingdom afforded not a fitter man for matching the
priciousness of the Italian wits ; a man of so able dexterity with his
;n, that he hath done himself much wrong, and the Kingdom more, in
leaving no more of his writings behind Kim.'
I Baker became surety for the debts of his wife's relations, and losing all his
tune, took refuge in Fleet Prison about 1635, where he died in 1645.
Bargrave, Isaac (1586-1643), see D.N.B. Bargrave was Wotton's
laplain at Venice 1616-1618, returning in July, 1618 (ante, ii, p. 143).
Shortly after his return he married Elizabeth Dering or Deering, daughter
462 APPENDIX III
of Wotton's sister Elizabeth, wife of John Dering, of Egerton, Kent
(ante, i, p. 240). In a letter now in the Eton MS., without date or
address, but probably to Naunton, and written about November, 1618,
Wotton thanks his correspondent for promising to help Bargrave to
obtain a prebendaryship at Canterbury, and adds, 'we are conjoined,
not only as before in the best friendship, but now also in near affinity,
for he hath married one of my nieces, the daughter of a right good sister;
which hath been on both their parts a match, rather of virtue and love
than of fortune, so as there is room left for your honourable kindness '
(Rox. Club, p. 88). Bargrave became a prebendary of Canterbury in
1622 ; received the living of St. Margaret's, Westminster, was Chaplain
to Prince Charles, and became Dean of Canterbury in 1625. For
Wotton's bequest of his Viol di Gamba and Italian books to Bargrave,
see ante, i, p. 218. In 1642 Bargrave was ejected from his Deanery
and imprisoned in Fleet Prison for a few weeks, and died not long
after.
Bedell, William (1571-1642). The life of Bedell in the D.N.B.,
and the publication of Mr. E. S. Shuckburgh's Tivo Biographies of William
Bedell. . . . With a Selection of his letters, Sec. (Cambridge, 1902), make it
unnecessary to give a life of this famous divine in these notes. Bedell,
who in 1602 accepted the living of St. Mary's in Bury St. Edmunds,
was recommended by his neighbour, Sir Edmund Bacon, to Wotton for
the post of chaplain, vacant owing to the return of Nathaniel Fletcher
in 1606 {ante, i, p. 505). In an undated letter (not printed by Mr.
Shuckburgh) written shortly before starting, Bedell asks Samuel Ward
to find out from Fletcher which way he returned to England ; ' for it is
told me that the Inquisition is in Millaine, and that if a man duck not low
at every Cross, he may be cast in prison, and brought in peril of life.
Send me, I pray you, a note of the chief towns he passed through (I care
not for seeing places, but to go thither the shortest and safest way), what
money it will be needful to take with me ; whether, as Mr. Fenton would
advise, to carry a Nag out of England, or go with the ordinary post, and
such like. . . . Mr. Fenton goes not yet these 7 or 8 weeks. You might
enquire somewhat of the personal disposition of my Lord (Sir Henry
Wotton). . . . Good Mr. Ward, enquire of Mr. Fletcher if it were good to
send thither any gown, yea or no, by sea I mean ' {Tanner MS., lxxv.
f. 1 7). For Wotton's letter, asking for Bedell's passport, see ante, i, p. 378.
Bedell arrived in Venice about the end of April, 1607, shortly after the
settlement of the dispute with the Pope. His journey to Venice was
evidently a difficult one, for Joseph Hall writes to him : ' We have heard
how full of trouble and danger the Alps were to you : and did at once
both pity your difficulties, and rejoice in your safety/ {Epistles, 1608,
p. 79.) His letters describing the state of religion in Venice, and
Wotton's attempts to introduce religious reform, have already been
quoted {ante, i, pp. 86, 90-1). His relations with Sarpi, his discourses
in Wotton's house, his importation and translation of books, and the
various activities of his life in Venice have been described, and full
references will be found in the index. In 1611 he returned with
Wotton to England, and went back to Bury St. Edmunds (ante, \,
p. 505 n.). In 1627 he was appointed, partly on Wotton's recommenda-
tion, Provost of King's College, Dublin (ii, p. 301); in 1629 he became
APPENDIX III 463
Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, and in 1642 he died from hardships
endured during the rebellion of 1641.
Bell, Captain Henry (ante, ii, pp. 129, 148), was one of the English
soldiers who volunteered to serve in tlie Venetian army. On Nov. 22,
1617, Wotton presented a letter in his favour from James I, and recom-
mended him to the Doge, saying that he had served under the King
If Sweden and the Elector of Brandenburg, and was experienced and
japable in training raw recruits (Esp. Prin.) His services, however,
were not accepted. In a letter to Sir Thomas Lake, dated Jan. 3, 1618,
Bell says that he and his servants have been living in Wotton's house
(S. P. Ven.). In 1632 Captain Henry Bell appears in the Gatehouse
prison, where he remained till 1640, when he was either released or
died. Being in Germany in 1616, he claimed to have discovered a plot
to kidnap the Electress Palatine and her eldest son, and to have spent
near £5,000 in collecting the evidence. James I (according to Bell's
story) granted him .£5,000 under the Privy Seal, and the grant was
confirmed in 1630, but never paid. In 1632 Bell came to England and
demanded the money of the Lord Treasurer, Weston, and threatened, if it
were not paid, to complain to the King. ' Are you so peremptory ? ' replied
Weston, ' I will make you stay yet longer, and will sit upon your skirts.'
Bell was thereupon arrested and imprisoned, his papers were seized, and
declared to have been forged. In prison he remained writing threatening
letters and petitions full of despair and rage. By 1637 he had sent 104
petitions to the Council, but had got no answer. ' I must be forced,' he
writes in 1 639, ' to let my bell sound such a peal that the same shall
ring and be heard throughout the kingdom.' The Domestic State
Papers for these years are full of the echoes of his rage and threats.
(Cal. S. P. Bom., 1632, p. 356, 1636-7, p. 433, 1639, p. 429,
&c.) In 1652 was published a translation of Luther's Table Talk,
Martini Lutheri Colloquia Mensalia . . . ' translated by Capt. Henrie
Bell'.
Biondi, Sir Giovanni Francesco (1572-1644). A short life of
Biondi will be found in the D.N.B., but, owing to his intimate connexion
with Wotton, a few additional details will be of interest. Biondi was
born on the island of Lesina, near Dalmatia, and during the years 1606
and 1607 he served as secretary to Piero Priuli, Venetian ambassador in
France. He became a Protestant, and returned to Venice with a collection
of Protestant books, and introductions from Swiss and French Protestants
to Sir Henry Wotton. On April 18, 1608, the Nuncio, Gessi, wrote
that Biondi was suspected of having introduced heretical books into
Venice (Mus. Cor. MS. 2356). Biondi entered Wotton's service, and in
January, 1609, Wotton sent him to England to put before James I
Sarpi's plan for a union of the anti-papal powers, and the introduction of
religious reform into Venice. Biondi's letter on the subject is now in
theliecord Office (ante, i, pp. 93, 446-7). News of this journey reached
Rome, and the Venetian ambassador, Francesco Contarini, admitted that
' a certain Biondo ' had gone to England as a heretic, and was to send
certain heretical books from Paris into Italy (Cal. S. P. Ven., xi, p. 248).
Biondi was also the bearer of a letter from Bedell to Adam Newton, and
Bedell describes him as ' truly religious, zealous, and in a word, such as
the wise King doubts if a man may be found anywhere " a faithful man "
464 APPENDIX III
(Two Biog., p. 251). Biondi was received by James I at Whitehall, and
Wotton was commanded to allow him £100 a year, which was afterwards
confirmed to him for life as an annual pension (ante, i, p. 469 n., ii,
pp. 79, 80). By August, 1609, Biondi was back again in Venice, and
in 1610 Wotton sent him to Turin to watch Charles Emmanuel's military
preparations (ibid., i, pp. 456 n., 493 n.). In 1612 he was at Turin with
Wotton, and two of his letters from Turin to Carleton at Venice have
been preserved (S. P. Italian States, May 4, May 28, 1612). Twenty-
one letters to Carleton, between Oct. 9, 1612 and May 12, 1618, are in
the S. P. Dom. In 1614 Biondi was at the Hague with Wotton, who
sent him to Brussels to remonstrate about Spinola's military preparations,
and afterwards to Spinola and Count Maurice to arrange a truce (ante,
ii, pp. 43 n., 49, 50). He represented James I at the Calvinist assembly
at Grenoble, and in June, 1615, he returned to England with a letter
from Wotton recommending him to Win wood (ibid., pp. 79, 80). While
at the Hague he sent the news of the place to Charles Emmanuel, and
his letters are now in the Turin Archives (Lettere Ministri, Inghilterra).
He was at Turin again in January, 1617, and was sent by Charles
Emmanuel to replace Count Scarnafissi as his agent in England. His
letters from England between March 21, 1617, and August 6, 1620,
are in the Turin Archives (ibid.). Biondi was knighted in 1622, and
married Mary, sister of Sir Theodore Mayerne. On Sept. 30, 1630, he
wrote to Viscount Dorchester (Sir Dudley Carleton) recounting his early
life and services, complaining that his pension was seldom paid, and
praying for its increase by £100 and its regular payment (S. P. Dom.
Charles I, clxxiii, No. 65). In 1640 Biondi went to reside at Aubonne,
near Lausanne, and died there in 1644 (D.N.B.). He was the author
of three romances: L'Eromena, Venice, 1624 (English translation by
J. Hay ward, Eromena ; or Love and Revenge, London, 1633), La Don-
zella D ester rada,- Venice, 1627, and II Coralto, Venice, 1635 (English
translation, London, 1655), also of an historical work L'Historia delle
guerre civili a" Inghilterra, tra le due case di Lancastro e di lore, Venice,
1637-44 (English translation by Henry Carey, Earl of Monmouth,
London, 1641).
Branthwaite, Michael, was a relative of Sir George Calvert's, and
when Wotton went as ambassador to the Emperor in 1620, taking in
his company a son of Lord Wharton, Branthwaite was chosen to go with
them as the young man's governor. Wharton died on the journey, and
Wotton, pleased with Branthwaite's 'hand and judgement and fidelity
and erudition', took him to Venice (ante, ii, p. 193), where he acted as
secretary during Wotton's last embassy there. For Wrotton's high appre-
ciation of his society and services see ibid., p. 231. WThen Wrotton
returned to England in Oct., 1623, he left Branthwaite in Venice as
English agent, where he remained on a salary of thirty shillings a day
until Dec, 1 624, when Sir Isaac Wake arrived as ambassador (ibid., 279n.)
Branthwaite's dispatches for these fourteen months are in the S. P. Ven..
In 1626 Branthwaite was at Eton, and Wotton sent him with letters tc
the Duke of Buckingham, describing him as ' a gentleman of approver
confidence and sincerity ' (ibid., 292). The next mention I find of bin
is in a letter of Sir Thomas Boe's to John Dynely, dated Feb. 6, 1634
in which Boe recommends Branthwaite, ' an honest man, that withers ii
APPENDIX III 465
England,' for service with the Queen of Bohemia; 'he has modest
sufficiency of language and experience, and though plain and poor, he
will be the better guided and dilligent ' (Cal. S. P. Dam., 1 (;:i3-4, p. 453).
In 1(538 Branthwaite was in Paris, acting as governor to the son of the
English ambassador, Lord Scudamore, and Wot ton gave Milton a letter
Of introduction to him (ante, ii, 364, 382).
Burlamachi, Philip, or Pilippo, was an Italian Protestant descended
from a family of Lucca, but born in France, and naturalized in England.
1 fie was a great capitalist, with correspondents in different commercial
centres of Europe, who was much employed by the government to transmit
considerable sums of money abroad for the use of ambassadors, and for the
payment of troops; occasionally also to advance the sums of money
required' (S. E. Gardiner, N. and Q., 4th ser., vii, p. 550). In 1619
Burlamachi was arrested with other merchants on the charge of exporting
money, but was released on a payment of £10,000 (ibid., p. 454). For
his dealings with Wotton see ante, i, p. 454 ; ii, pp. 7, 8, 130, 193, 316 ;
with Sir Edward Herbert, Herbert, p. 189.
Castle, Doctor, can pretty safely be identified with the Doctor John
Castle of Berks., who matriculated at Oxford from Merton College,
Oct. 24, 1600, aet. 14, B.A. Dec. 6, 1604, D.Med. July 10, 1644, buried
in middle chancel of St. Margaret's, Westminster, April 15, 1664 (Foster,
Ox.). Wotton speaks of him as having ' two capacities (as our lawers
speak), a political and philosophical, from both which I draw much
good ' (ante, ii, p. 384). The ' philosophical ' was plainly that of medicine,
the political the occupation probably of a newsletter writer, and he may
be identified therefore with the John Castle mentioned as the newsagent
for the Earl of Bridgewater, President of Wales, in Cal. S. P. Dom.,
1640—1, p. 48. Three newsletters from John Castle are printed in
C. and T. Jas. I, i, pp. 376, 429, 439, from originals in the British Museum,
.uid there are three more unprinted in the same collection (Harl. MS.
7002, f. 402 ; 7007, f. 400; Cotton MS., Titus B., vii, f. 470). Other
Setters in the S. P. Dom. will be found calendared under the date of
July 24, Aug. 13, 1634, June 20, 1636, March 27, 1637. A certificate
from John Castle, of the City of Westminster, Doctor -in Physick, dated
July 6, 1654, is in the S. P. Dom. (Protectorate, lxxv, 39 II). John
Castle was the father of the medical writer, George Castle, who was
bellow of All Souls in 1655 (Wood's Athenae, ed. Bliss, iii, p. 998).
lohn Castle is mentioned as a Royalist delinquent on July 23, 1645.
Jn May 25, 1646, he was assessed for a fine at £300, and ordered on
lug. 7 to be taken into custody (Cal. Comte* for Advance of Money).
Clifton, Sir Gervase, of Clifton, Nottingham, 1586-1666; see
rhoroton's Nottinghamshire, ed. Throsby, 1790, i, p. 108, for the life and
haracter of this fine old country gentleman. Dr. Thoroton, who as
physician was not able, as he says, to keep alive the worthies of
Nottinghamshire for any long time, and therefore ' practised on the dead '
nd attempted to keep their memories in life, says of Sir Gervase Clifton,
for one thing he was most remarkable, having in that gone beyond any
f our nation as yet heard of, he had six wives, and married a seventh
»hen he was near seventy years old'. His second wife was Frances,
ister of his and Sir Henry Wotton's friend, Henry Lord Clifford, after-
wards Earl of Cumberland (ante, ii, p. 328 n.). Thoroton speaks of his
WOTTON. II H h
466 APPENDIX III
1 sound body and cheerful facetious spirit,' his wealth and courtesy and
hospitality ; and the description he gives of the death of Clifton is not
unworthy to be compared with Addison's account of Sir Roger de Coverley's
end. ' He received from me the certain Notice of his near approaching
Death, as he was wont to do an invitation of good friends to his own
Bowling-Green (one of the most pleasant imaginable), and thereupon
immediately called for his old Chaplain, Mr. Robert Thirleby, to do the
office of his Confessor, as if it had been to attend him to that Recreation
he often used and loved, and when he had done with him, for his children,
whom, Patriarch-like, he particularly blessed and admonished, with the
Smartness and Ingenuity of an excellent and well-studied Orator. The
day following he received Visits from divers Friends, in the old Dining!
Room near his Bed-Chamber, who were not so sensible of his Danger,
because he entertained them after his usual Manner ; yet that Night (as
I easily foretold him) his sleepiness begun, which could never be taken
away.' In the British Museum (Lansd. MS., 238) is a volume of copies
of letters made by some one in Sir Gervase Clifton's service. A large and
most interesting collection of Sir Gervase Clifton's correspondence has
recently been discovered in an attic at Clifton Hall. In the sack, in
which these papers were tied up, were three letters from Sir Henry
Wotton, transcripts of which were very kindly sent me by Mrs. Hervey
Bruce, and will be found printed in vol. ii, pp. 333, 352-4.
Cogan, Henry, succeeded Rowland Woodward in 1608 as the
ambassador's agent for his business in England (ante, i, p. 420). Bedell,
in a letter of Nov. 30, 1613, says that owing to Cogan's ' false dealing '
he lost a great part of the allowance due to him as Sir Henry Wotton's
chaplain (Two Biog., p. 254). About 1625 Henry Cogan was granted
a reversion to the office of Comptroller of the Mint, after the death of
Richard Rogers, and assisted Rogers till his death in 1638. In 1640
a grant of the office was made to him (Cal. S.P.Dom., 1638-9, p. 198 ;
ibid., 1639-40, p. 423). He was associated at the Mint with William
Parkhurst, who had been his companion at Venice. A letter from Henry
Cogan to Sir Henry Vane, dated May 11, 1632, is in the Record Office
(ibid., 1631-33, p. 328). Henry Cogan, of Thames St., Bridge Ward
and Charing Cross, was assessed for fines on Aug. 5, Aug. 28, Nov. 23,
1643, and on April 29, 1644, ordered to be brought in custody to pay
his assessment (Cal. Comtec for Advance of Money). Henry Cogan was
the author of several translations, Ibraham, 1652 ; The Scarlet Gown, oi \
History of tlw Present Cardinals of Rome, 1653; and The Voyage ana
Adventures of F. M. Pinto, 1663.
Collins, Samuel, D.D. (1576-1651), born and educated at Eton
Provost of King's College, Cambridge, 1615; Regius Professor of Divinity
1617; ejected by the Puritans from the Provostship in 1645 (D.X.B)
Every year the Provost of King's College rode or drove over from Cam
bridge to Eton for the annual election of scholars in August, accompanied
by two Fellows of King's called the ' Posers ', and was received at th<
gateway with picturesqne old ceremonial, the Provost of Eton greeting
him with a kiss of peace (Maxwell- Lyte, p. 542). Wotton and Collin
became intimate friends, and frequent correspondents ; unfortunately
only very few of Wotton's letters to the Provost of King's have bee]
preserved (ante, ii, pp. 181, 370, 380). Lloyd speaks of Dr. Collins a
APPENDIX III 467
I the glory of our English Nation for the Latin and Greek languages', and
jj though very grave and reserved, yet at other times as much facetious '
[State Worthies, ii, pp. 492-3). Fuller describes him as a ■ pious and
painful preacher . . . one of admirable wit and memory, the most fluent
Latinist of our age ; so that as Caligula is said to have sent his soldiers
vainly to fight against the tide, with the same success have any encoun-
tered the torrent of his tongue in Disputation' ( Worthies, ed. 1811, i, 144).
There is a portrait of this fine old scholar and wit in the dining-room
of the Provost's Lodge at King's College.
Darcy, Lord. Thomas Darcy (1565 ?-1640) succeeded his father as
3rd Lord Darcy of Chiche in 1580, and was created Viscount Colchester
in 1621, and Earl of Rivers in 1626. On March 6, 1591 (N.S.), he
wrote to Burghley from Venice (S. P. Ven), and on Oct. 26 from
Florence (S. P. Tuscany). He was in Venice again from Dec. 20, 1591,
to June 19, 1592, and eight letters written during this period are in the
$. P. Ven. I have referred (ante, i, p. 20) to what appears to have been
a plot to bring the loyalty of Wotton and Lord Zouche into suspicion,
and now print the portion of Lord Darcy's letter, which refers to the
matter. It is written from Venice to Lord Burghley, and dated May
8, 1592, N.S. Darcy writes : ' Not long since, Francis Tusser, a gentle-
man known to your Lordship, as himself saith, came unto me and desired
my help touching some service he had in hand for the Queen, the which,
as I perceived, was to intercept a packet of letters, that came from
Roome (as he said) to certain English gentlemen, in the which he nothing
doubted to discover some matter of importance ; and because it seemed
to me to concern the Queen, I could not but protect him from the danger
he feared, as also in respect of his other wants, aid him to compass the
packet ; the which at the last he did, and brought it unto me, but very
hardly was brought to show me the letters that were in it. But at last
he showed me only the superscriptions of two letters, the one directed
to my Lord Souche, in French, the other to Mr. AVootton, in English.
I perceived presently he missed of his meaning, nevertheless, he assured
me that although he had not lighted upon all, yet he had a great part.
"What was in those letters, or to whom the other (three as I think) were
directed, I know not. As for my Lord Souche and Mr. Wootton, it is
more to be feared (as I hear) that their love to their Prince and country
is more likely to hurt them here than any their malice or practice
against either the one or the other. And therefore they being persons
so well-affected and so sure, I have marvelled greatly at this enterprise
i of Tusser's, and the more because some be so impudent as they could be
i content to play on both sides, although I think Tusser to be honest, and
I the craft of the Queen's Roman enemies being such as to seek by all
means to put the Queen in suspicion of her most faithful subjects, as
haply as they have done in this ' (S. P. Ven.),
Despotini, G-asparo (Jasper Despotine, as he was called in England),
a Venetian physician of good family, and a convert to Protestantism,
brought to England in 1611 by Wotton and Bedell (ante, i, p. 505), and
settled by Bedell in practice at or near Bury St. Edmunds. Bedell
acted as his interpreter with his patients, until he learned English, and
remained his intimate friend until his own death. After Bedell went to
Ireland, the two friends kept up a frequent correspondence in Italian,
H h 2
468 APPENDIX III
An account of Despotine will be found in the life of Bedell by his son
(Two Biog., pp. 10-14, Sec). To this a few particulars may be added.
In March, 1619, Despotine was granted denization in England (Docquet
Books, vi), and when James I was ill in this year, he was called into
consultation with the King's physicians, and Wotton, then ambassador
in Venice, congratulated the Doge on having a share in the credit of
the King's recovery, as one of his physicians had been a Venetian subject.
Despotine had given such satisfaction, that the King had sent him home
in one of the royal carriages, which, Wotton said, was a sign of great
favour (Esp. Prin., May 5, 1619). In this same year Despotine
married an Englishwoman, Susan Brand, by whom he had three
daughters. In 1624 Wotton travelled to Bury St. Edmunds for the sake
of his medical advice, returning thither in the last year of his life (ante,
ii, pp. 285, 409). In 1647 Despotine's name is mentioned as one of the
elders of the Presbyterian Church at Bury St. Edmunds (Life of Bedell,
ed. by T. W. Jones, Camden Soc, 1872, p. ix n.). His will, dated 1648,
and proved 1650, is printed in the Wills and Inventories from the Register
at Bury St. Edmunds (Camden Soc, 1850, p. 200), and shows that he
died possessed of considerable property. A letter from Despotine to
Sir Robert Crane is preserved in the Bodleian (Tanner MS., lxxi, f. 146).
He published at Cambridge in 1613 Bird mulctra de sanguinis missione
in quadam febre quotidiana continua, and in a letter of April 5, 1622,
Bedell mentions another book of Despotine's as shortly to be printed
De Magnitudine morbi disputatio (Two Biog., p. 258).
Dethick, Humphrey, English factor in Florence for Sir Baptist
Hickes (Viscount Campden), of Cheapside. Dethick's history is curious.
I found a letter of Wotton's about him in the Medici Archives (1219,
f. 267), to Belisario Vinta, without date, but written in 1602, and in
Italian. Wotton says that when Dethick first came to Italy (about 1589)
he was a youth of good conduct, but being far away from the sight ot
his patron and parents, he fell into evil courses, and was finally ruined
by an English gentleman who took him to Home, initiated him into
political intrigues, and was in the habit of sending him to the post tc
take away letters written to other Englishmen. Dethick then fell
apparently under the influence of some of the extreme Anglo-Spanish
Catholic party, who wished to make away with James VI and secure the
succession of the English throne to the Infanta of Spain. In 1602 he
travelled to Scotland for the purpose of assassinating James, but whei
he arrived he was seized either with remorse or madness, and begai-
crying out 'The King! The King! Save the King!' and confessed hif-
purpose. Being at last exhausted he fell asleep, and some gentlemen ii
a neighbouring room, thinking him mad and dangerous, suggested locking
him up. One of them, however, named Chambers, induced them not t(
disturb him. Dethick soon awoke, and rushing into the next room ii
a new accession of frenzy, ran his sword through Chambers, and kill*
him. He afterwards confessed his purpose, and said he had been sen j
by the Grand Duke of Tuscany to kill James. At another time, howevei
he denied it. He seems to have been treated in Scotland as a simpl
madman. (For Dethick in Scotland, see dispatches of George Nicolsoi
S, P. Scotland, lxviii, 43 et seq., also Chamberlains Letters, Camde
Soc, p. 1 39.) In Home the Jesuits declared that Dethick was a Purita
APPENDIX III 469
(Arch. Med. 1219, 1. 2G7). A letter from Humphrey Delhick offering
his services to Sir Robert Cecil, dated Pisn, July 22, 1601, is in the
Record Office (S. P. Tuscany).
Donne, John. Mr. Gosse, in his Life of Donne, seems inclined to
question Izaak Walton's statement about the intimate friendship between
Donne and Wotton, and after a rather vague summary of Wotton's travels,
adds : ' It is therefore demonstrable that any close companionship between
these two men was impossible at every juncture of their lives. They can
have met but occasionally, and for brief periods' (vol. ii, p. 315). A
more accurate knowledge of the chronology of Wotton's life hardly
corroborates this statement, as Wotton and Donne could often have met
alter their Oxford companionship. Wotton was in England from 1594
to 1600, save for the Cadiz and Azores expeditions, on both of which
Donne was his companion. In 1604 he spent six months in England,
and was also in England from 1611 to 1614, with the exception of his
embassy to Turin. The winters of 1614-15 and 1619-20 were also
spent at home, and from 1623 to 1631, the date of Donne's death,
Wotton, as his letters show, was often in London.
Two letters from Donne to Wotton have been printed (Goste, i,
pp. 179, 180). I have found a number more in the Burley Commonplace
Book, which I hope will shortly be published. Among Donne's published
poems are three verse-epistles to Wotton, and a dialogue in verse
(Chambers, i, p. 79 ; ii, pp. 7, 14, 41). A fourth verse-epistle is in the
Burley J/S. In 1623 Wotton sent a cipher to Donne in order to
facilitate their correspondence (ante, ii, p. 265), and Donne often mentions
Wotton's letters (Gosse, i, pp. 179, 199,291, 301, 305; Chambers,
ii, p. 7), though in 1607 he speaks of Wotton's seldom writing, being
' under the oppression of business, or the necessity of seeming so ' (Gosse, i,
p. 170). Donne sent to Wotton with Joseph Hall, Bryan Duppa, Henry
King, and probably Walton himself, one of the curious engraved seals
which he had prepared before his death as a memorial for his friends
(ibid., i, p. 278).
Dourishe, John, was second son of Robert Dourishe, or Dowrishe,
of Dourishe, Devon. His uncle, Walter Dourishe, married Mary Carew,
sister of George Lord Carew, who became Earl of Totnes in 1626
(Harl. Soc. vi, p. 91). John Dourishe was at Exeter College, Oxford,
matriculating June 17, 1612, aet. 19 (Foster's Ox.). In June, 1615, he
brought a letter from Win wood to Wotton, at the Hague (ante, ii, p. 80).
In 1(517 lie was at Venice, and Wotton recommended him to Win wood,
as ' an honest and understanding gentleman ' who was ' born to some
good fortune ' at home, ' and hath vowed it to the service of his country '.
Wotton adds that he had employed Dourishe ' in some public occasions'
(S. P. Ven., June, 1617). He returned in 1618, apparently with Sir
Henry Peyton's ships, and on Aug. 2 Wotton mentions that a number
of gentlemen from the fleet had come to Venice, and among them ' Mr.
John Doaridge, near kinsman to my Lord Carew, who is to abide here
as receiver of such monies as shall become due to Sir Henry Peyton and
his troops' (Box. Club, p. 44). On Aug. 9 Will Leete wrote to
Pargrave, ' your dear friend Mr. Dowrich is here at Venice very sick, and
the rather that my Lord will not receive him into his house, having
taken a special liking to the habitation, and the company likewise ; his
470 APPENDIX III
importunity hath been most senseless and unmannerly, and would have
passed into a bribe of an handfull of scudi if I would have accepted
it ; instead whereof I have given him a resolute denial, for we will
be no more troubled with such persons in our family as long as I may
have a voice' (ibid., p. 46). He returned to England in April, 1619,
bearing a letter in which Wotton recommended him to Calvert (ante,
ii, p. 168).
Dynely, Sir John (name also spelt Dinely, Dioley, Dingley, &c),
was son of Richard Dingley, of Wolverton, Isle of Wight. In 1637 he
married Jane, daughter of John Hamond, of Chertsey (Berry, ffanim
p. 213). He was at Hart Hall, Oxford, matriculating Jan. 31, 1606,
aet. 16 (Foster, Ox.). He accompanied Wotton to Venice in 1616, and
to Vienna in 1620, and acted as his assistant secretary in Venice from
1621 to 1623. It was John Dynely whom Wotton sent to warn Lady
Arundel not to come to Venice after the arrest of Foscarini (ante, ii,
p. 232). Before 1626 he had entered the service of the Queen of
Bohemia (Cal. S. P. Born., 1623-5, p. 478), and in a petition of Jan. 13,
1629, he states that he had been long in attendance on her eldest son.
In this petition he begs Charles I for the next vacant Six Clerk's place
(see also ante, ii, p. 312). Wotton, he states, had promised that when
he succeeded Sir Julius Caesar as Master of the Bolls, he would provide
for Dynely in consideration of his eight years' service to himself in
various embassies. When Wotton had resigned his reversion of the
Rolls to Sir Robert Heath, Heath had promised to provide for him, and
now he was recommended by the Queen of Bohemia for this piece of
preferment. This grant seems to have been made, but subsequently
annulled (S. P. Bom., Charles I, cxxxii, No. 8). About the year 1633
Dynely was appointed Secretary to the Queen of Bohemia (ante, ii, p. 348,
Everett-Green, v, p. 524), which position he retained many years. In
August, 1633, he came to England to help Sir Francis Nethersole (whom
he succeeded as the Queen's Secretary), who had got into trouble
in his attempt to raise a voluntary contribution for the recovery of the
Palatinate (Gardiner, vii, pp. 343-4, Cal. S. P. Dam., 1633, p. 195).
Dynely shared in Nethersole's disgrace, and failed to obtain some favour
from Charles I, for which he petitioned in 1638 (ante, ii, pp. 389-90).
On Jan. 6, 1640, Dr. Samson Johnson, Chaplain to the Queen of Bohemia,
wrote that Dynely was likely to succeed Sir Robert Honey wood, the
Queen's Steward. ' He is a man not well affected to the Church . . . His
Majesty of England has no opinion of him, and justly, but the ladies will
work for him all they can ' (Cal, S. P. Dam., 1639-40, p. 306). In Dec.
1653, Dynely petitioned Cromwell for payment of the arrears owing him
among other of the Queen's creditors. His pay as secretary was £400
a. year, and on Dec. 6, 1641, Elizabeth, 'both in regard of his long and
faithful service, and of his present necessity,' granted him an additional
£400 a year, none of which, however, had been paid, and for which he
now petitioned the Protector. Dynely' s petition, with a copy of the
Queen of Bohemia's warrant, and a statement by Sir Abraham William
that the £400 a year had been paid him, is in the Record Office
(S. P. Dam. Interregnum, xlii, No. 82). Letters of John Dynely 's,
written between 1626 and 1636, will be found calendared among the
8. P. Dom. for those years. Six letters, written between 1637 and 1643,
APPENDIX III 471
arc in the British Museum (Add. MS, 29974). Dynely was knighted
before 1649 ; I do not know the date of his death.
Eliot, Captain Robert (ante, i, p. 67), can probably be identified
with the Capt. Elliot of Devonshire who, in 1597, piloted the Spanish
fleet from Spain to Falmouth (Hume, Treason and Plot, p. 257). A
letter from Robert Eliot, dated Rome, June 3, 1603, is in the Record
Office (S. P. Ital. States). Eliot was one of the most dangerous of the
Roman Catholic plotters against James I, and Wotton made three
attempts to catch him. In October, 1606, hearing that Eliot was
coming from Rome into Venetian territory, Wotton begged the Doge that
he might be arrested and sent in irons to Venice, which would be a
I most grateful offering to the King '. Wotton said that he was a ' most
venturesome spirit, of evil intentions, of broken fortunes, and capable of
any enterprise, for he has had a hand in every plot against the King \
Wotton handed in a written description of him, a very short man, thick-
set, with black hair, a short, round, black beard cut in the French
fashion, and thick whiskers. His voice was strong and deep, his eyes
sparkling and black ; his step was quick, he dressed like a Frenchman,
and spoke French and Spanish fluently (Cal. S. P. Ven., x, pp. 416-7).
The Senate voted his arrest, but as he went to Florence and not to
Venice, Wotton attempted to get him kidnapped on one of his visits to
Lucca, and exchanged for Salvetti (ante, i, pp. 401-2). He also tried
to induce the Grand Duke to imprison Eliot, telling Montauto, the
Tuscan Resident in Venice, that Eliot was * the greatest scoundrel who
existed, or who had ever existed in the world' (Montauto to Vinta,
Aug. 4, 1607, Arch. Med. 3000). The Grand Duke, however, made
Eliot a captain in his fleet, and Wotton's attempts failed (ante, i, p. 402).
Capt. Eliot seems to have subsequently entered the service of the
Duke of Ossuna, and was given a command in the fleet which was to
attack Venice in connexion with the plot of 1618 (Iiomanin, vii,
pp. 124-5, 140).
Georges, John (ante, ii, p. 127), possibly the John George or Georges,
son and heir of Robert George of Cirencester, who graduated from
Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in 1614, and was M.P. for Cirencester in various
Parliaments from 1626 till his death in 1677 (Foster, Ox.).
Leete, William, was the son of Giles Leete, of Shelland, Suffolk, and
Margaret Bacon, his wife, second cousin of Sir Edmund Bacon (Family
of Leete, Charles Bridger, 1881, pedigree). He acted as steward to Sir
Henry Wotton, 1616-1619, and three letters from him (addressed to
Isaac Bargrave) written in the year 1618 are at Eton (Box. Club, pp.
36, 46, 64). He afterwards became a student of medicine at Padua,
where his name is entered in 1619-20, ' D. Gulielmus Leet Anglus Cons.
Scottae die IX Septenibris electus' (Andrich, p. 107). He died at Padua
about Xov. 1621 (ante, ii, p. 219).
Mainwaring, Sir Henry, Lieutenant of Dover Castle, belonged to
the Mainwaring family of Peover, in Cheshire. He was author of The
Seaman's Dictionary ; or An Exjwsition of all the Parts and Things
belonging to a Shi}), London, 1644. He had been, the Venetian ambas-
sador Contarini wrote, ' a most famous pirate, who has repeatedly cruised
both in the Levant and the Indies, and captured a number of vessels,
having had as many as six or eight of his own ; and for nautical skill,
472 APPENDIX III
for fighting his ship, for his mode of boarding, and for resisting the
enemy, he is said not to have his superior in England' (Duffus Hardy,
p. 85). For his career as a pirate see Corbelt, i, pp. 56-8. He was
pardoned in 1616, and James I recommended him for service in the
Venetian navy. He was first chosen for command of the ships and
troops sent to Venice in 1618 (ante, ii, p. 146 n.), although the Spanish
ambassador strongly objected to his being allowed to serve a State
inimical to Spain (Finetti, Philoxenis, p. 50; Romanin, vii, p. 151 n.).
Sir Henry Peyton was subsequently chosen to command these troops ;
but in 1619 Mainwaring came to Venice to offer his services to the
Republic, and Wotton recommended him to the Doge in his audience
of Jan. 3, 1619. As, however, there was no post vacant at that time
worthy of his abilities, he returned to England, bearing letters of the
date of Feb. 3, 1619, the Venetian Government paying his expenses
(ante, ii, p. 162 ; Rox. Club, p. 106).
Marta, Dr. Jaoobo Antonio, a Neapolitan by birth, was Professor of
Canon Law at Padua, 1611-17, of Civil, 1617-21, died 1621 (Cigogna,
ii, p. 372). Sir Dudley Carleton made his acquaintance at Padua
in 1611, describing him as 'a public professor with a large annual
stipend, one who hath committed as palpable idolatry as ever was
published in print by styling the Pope M a God upon earth ", and sub-
mitting all other jurisdictions whatsoever both civil and ecclesiastical
to his omnipotency' (S. P. Ven., Nov. — , 1611). Dr. Marta was, how-
ever, willing to turn an honest or dishonest penny by making revelations
of the iniquities of the Roman Court to James I, and a pension was
granted him for this purpose. On June 19, 1612, he wrote to James I
promising a Relation of the Court of Rome (S. P. Italian States). He
wrote again to the King in 1614, and Somerset wrote to Carleton to
say that Malta's ' vast and immoderate ideas are to be restrained '
(Hist. MSS. Com., 2nd Rep., ii, p. 52). Carleton handed him on to Wotton
with the remark, Wotton wrote, 'that there was good to be made of
him, but I should find him full of Neapolitanarie, which well translated
are shifts. I came therefor prepared with this information, not so
much to consider his nature as his use' (Rox. Club, p. 14). His use,
Wotton decided, was to write ' some solid work touching the Roman
Church'; which Marta composed, and sent to Jamts I. But the last
and most important chapter, Touching the policy with which the Pope doth
govern the Princes of his flock, he reserved, craftily enough, only sending
the title, ' because he knew it would move desire.' There ensued an
amusing game between the doctor and the ambassador, each keeping
the other ' in appetite ' ; the ambassador promising money, the doctor an
exposure of 'Roman devices'. Marta seems to have won in the end, as
on June 1, 1618, Wotton wrote that he had decided * to comfort him
with monies', and on Aug. 21, that he had paid him £100, upon 'assured
promise of perfecting those things which the King requireth ' (ibid.,
pp. 22, 58). Marta was in dubious relations with the Papal Nuncio as well ;
the latter writes (Nov. 26, 1818) that Dr. Marta was threatening to make
some exposure, unless a certain letter was given him, which he could not
get (Mus. Correr. MS, 2355). In another letter (Jan. 18, 1617) the
Nuncio says that Gregorio de' Monti had informed his secretary that
Dr. Marta had never visited Wotton's house (ibid.). Two letters from
APPENDIX III 473
Dr. Marta, complaining that his pension was not paid, an- in the Kecord
Office (S. P. Italian States, Dec. 22, 1G1G, Feb. 13, 1618).
Mole, John, or Molle, was born in, or near, South Molton, in
Devonshire. His youth was mostly spent in France, and he served as
treasurer for Sir Thomas Sherley in Brittany. At the defeat of Cambrai
]]«■ was wounded and taken prisoner, but afterwards ransomed: 'Providence
designing him neither to be swallowed by the surges, nor slain by the
sword, but in due time to remain a land-mark of Christian patience to
all posterity' (Fuller's Church History, 1655, Book x, p. 48). In 1G08
he was in Italy as tutor to Lord Boos, grandson of the Earl of Exeter
(<t>(h , i, p. 428). A letter from Mole to Wotton, dated Florence, Aug. 2,
1608, is in the S. P. Ven. He informs Wotton that M. Lomax, tutor
to Lord St. John (ibid.), had died confessing himself a convert to Boman
Catholicism. Lord Boos went to Borne shortly afterwards. Mole, ' un-
willingly-willing/ went with him, and was immediately arrested by order
of the Inquisition. He was arrested, Donne wrote, owing to the fact
that he had, in some translations from the works of Duplessis-Mornay,
written of Babylon and Antichrist (Gosse, i, 199), and Chamberlain
sent the same news to Carleton (C. and T. Jan. I, i, p. 77). "Wotton,
however, wrote many yeais afterwards (perhaps for the purpose of
exciting the King's interest) that it was the possession of James I's
writings that got him into trouble (ante, ii, p. 257). Mole remained in
prison thirty years, until his death in his eighty-first year, the Boman
Catholics trying their famous controversialists on him, one after the
other. His constancy aroused great admiration in the Protestant world,
and one of Joseph Hall's epistles is addressed to him, ' exciting him to
his wonted constancy, and encouraging him to martyrdom.' ' The hearts
of all good men are with you. Neither can that place be but full of
angels, which is the continual object of so many prayers.' His wife and
large family, Hall states, were as firm as Mole himself (Epistles, Decades
v, vi, London, 1610, pp. 93-1 05). Wotton suggested many attempts to get
Mole released by exchange or other methods (ante, i, pp. 442, 508; ii, pp.
126, 256), and Lord Exeter, Lord Boos' grandfather, induced Heniy IV
to write to the Pope for this purpose. On Oct. 22, 1608, Chamberlain
wrote to Carleton, ' There is great means used for Molle, Lord St. John's
and Lord Boos' tutor, as well by the Spanish and Venetian ambassadors as
by the French King, which, if they prevail not, it is thought some priests
shall fare the worse, and pay the reckoning' (C. and T. Jus. I, i, p. 77).
On Jan. 3, 1610, John Pory wrote to Sir Dudley Carleton, ' Mr. Mowle,
my Lord Rosse's tutor, lies still at Soul Surgery in the Inquisition, the
Pope answering the French King's letter, which my Lord of Exeter
procured for Mowle's release, that he shall be dolce trattato, and all means
used for his conversion' (S. P. Dom., James I, Hi, No. 1). On Jan. 10,
1 618, Chamberlain wrote that Lord Exeter complained that the Spanish
ambassador had not kept his promise to procure Mole's release (Cal. S. P.
Dom., 1611-18. p. 512, and Wimvood Mem., iii, p. 407).
Monti, Gregorio de,} was secretary of ' the language or compliments '
to Sir Henry AVotton during his first embassy, to his successor, Sir
Dudley Carleton, and again to Wotton, 1616-1619, and in 1621 until
De' Monti's death in that year. His pay was thirty ducats a month (ante,
ii, p. 105). When Carleton was at Turin, in 1615, negotiating the Treaty
474 APPENDIX III
of Asti, De' Monti was left in charge of English affairs at Venice, and
also from May, 1619, to March, 1621, when Wotton was away from
Venice. In his speech of May 5, 1619, Wotton recommended him to the
Doge as a * persona assai prattica e discreta', and requested the Doge to
give him audience whenever it was necessary (Esp. Prin., May 5, 1619 ;
Wotton's speech is printed, Col. S. P. Ven., 1202-1509, p. cxlvii).
Gregorio de' Monti's letters to Sir Robert Naunton, 1619-1621, are at
Eton, and are printed in the volume of Wotton's dispatches published
by the Roxburghe Club. On June 24, 1616, Wotton and Carleton jointly
petitioned for a gratuity for De' Monti (S. P. Ven.), and on Oct. 11
Wotton asked for a letter from James I expressing his confidence in him,
and his intention to make use of his services in the future (ante, ii, p. 1 05).
A transcript of a Latin letter to this effect, dated Dec. 30, 1616, and
signed by James I, is in the S. P. Ven. On Oct. 7, 1616, De' Monti
wrote to Wotton that he had married a wife, ' la quale e povera e bruta*
His reason for his choice was, he said, lest he should become jealous, or
she grow proud (S. P. Ven.). Gregorio died Nov. 22, 1621. In his
audience of Feb. 27, 1622, "Wotton pronounced a eulogy on the character
and faithfulness of his late secretary (Esp. Prin.). De* Monti seems to
have attempted to enter into secret relations with the Papal Nuncio,
Gessi, who writes (Jan. 18, 1617) that he was not, however, to be trusted,
' essendo persona molto astuta ', and in intimate relations with the heretics
(Mus. Correr. MS., 2355). De' Monti's purpose was probably, as the
Nuncio suspected, to get secret information which he could betray
to Wotton.
Morton, Sir Albertus (1584 ?-1625), youngest son of George
Morton, of Esture or Eshere, in Chilham, Kent. His grandfather was
Robert Morton, whose widow (Eleanor, daughter of Sir William Finch)
married Thomas Wotton, and was Sir Henry Wotton's mother. Albertus
Morton was educated at Eton, and elected scholar of King's College,
Cambridge, in 1602. He accompanied AVotton to Venice in 1604, and
on Nov. 24, 1606, Wotton introduced him to the Doge, stating that he
was about to send him to England, and he thought the Doge might like
to entrust him with dispatches for the Venetian ambassador there.
Morton, he said, was ' well-born, a close relation and dear friend of one
of the King's most intimate councillors, and, in fact, a person who might
be useful to the Venetian ambassador' (Cal. S. P. Ven., x, p. 435). He
was in England by Dec. 28, 1606, having made a very quick journey.
The object of his mission was to give James I full information about the
dispute between Venice and the Pope. He was received by James I, and
did all he could to confirm the King in his determination to stand by the
Republic (ibid., pp. 451, 453, 462). In June, 1609, Morton was again
sent to England, and Wotton gave him letters of introduction to Prince
Henry and Salisbury (ante, i, pp. 459-60). He returned, apparently, in
the same year, bringing copies of Jamesl's newly printed Pren\onition(ibid.,
p. 466). In 1611 he travelled with Wrotton to Paris, and AVotton being
detained there, sent him on ahead to England (ibid., p. 503). In Nov.,
1611, he was at Cambridge (ibid., p. 118n.), and in March, 1612, he
accompanied Wotton to Turin. On May 28 he was sent back to England
with special dispatches (ibid., ii, p. 6), returning again almost at once
with a present of a jewel from the Queen to Wotton, and the request for
APPENDIX III 17:,
Wotton's Immediate return (ibid., i, p. 124). In May, 1G13, he WU
almost killed by the running away of his horses in London, and suffered
injuries from which he apparently never completely recovered (ibid., ii,
p. 27). In this year lie was appointed agent to the Duke of Savoy,
from whom he had already accepted a pension (ibid., i, p. 132 n.). His
journey was delayed until May, 1614 (Cal. S.P.Dom., 1611-18, p. 234).
In this year also he was appointed Clerk of the Council (ibid,, p. 263).
On Aug. 4, 1614, Morton wrote from Turin (S. P. Savoy), but returned
almost immediately to England. On Dec. 26 he was at Amiens, and
Jan. 13, 1615, in Paris on his return to Italy, and on Feb. 3 he wrote to
Somerset from Turin. On March 25 he wrote again to Somerset, re-
commending that Isaac Wake (who was in Turin as Sir Dudley Carleton's
secretary) should be appointed to succeed him, as his own health had
been ruined by his accident in 1 613. On March 27, 1615,Carleton wrote to
Chamberlain, ' I here find Mr. Albert Morton much thrown down, both in
body and mind, and, indeed, in that condition that his physicians send
him ad monies et aquas, which is a desperate condition. Three days
since he came to me expressly, and made a long narration of his private
estate, which he would make appear suffered much by his absence out of
England, chiefly by being put out of the way of a good fortune by his
mistress which he was in danger to lose, but this particularity he did
rather accennare than say directly. From this he fell to discourse of his
weakness, which he said began by a fall out of a coach, whereby his head
was so bruised that he hath been ever since on the left side little better
than paralytic, which doth increase upon him cum palpitatione cordis.'
Carleton adds that Morton was so overcome with his melancholy humour
' that he scarce talks of himself without tears '. On April 4 Winwood
wrote to say that Morton had been revoked, and Wake appointed in his
place (S. P. Savoy). Letters from Morton to Winwood, dated at Turin
April 16 and May 20, are in the S. P. Savoy, and one from Lyons of
June 26, in which he says that he left Turin on the 14th of that month.
He joined Wotton at the Hague, and went on to England, bearing letters
dated July 1, 0. S. (ante, ii, p. 83). In 1616 he was appointed secretary
to the Princess Elizabeth at Heidelberg, and agent to the Princes of the
Union, his pay being £200 a year (CaZ.&P.iMm., 1611-18, pp. 360, 396).
In 1617 he was knighted, and in Oct., 1618, he returned to England ill,
and under the care of a physician (ibid., p. 585). He was given a formal
grant of a Clerkship of the Council, April 6, 1619 (ibid., 1619-23, pp.
16, 34), and in Dec, 1620, he was sent with £30,000 to the Princes of
the Union, to urge them to defend the Palatinate (ibid., p. 198). His
instructions are in the S. P. Germany States. For his reception see Gar-
diner, iv, p. 184. He was back in England again by March 12, 1621
(Cal. S. P. Dom., 1619-23, p. 233). In 1622 he was anxious to be made
Provost of King's College, Cambridge, but Dr. Collins would not resign
the post to him (ibid., pp. 465, 467). On Jan. 4, 1623, Chamberlain
wiote that he had resigned his Clerkship to Sir William Beecher, because
he was impatient at being sent away when any Spanish business was
discussed (ibid., p. 480). In this year he was among the candidates for
the Provostship of Eton (ante, i, p. 199). On Jan. 13, 1624, he married
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Edward Apsley, and Lady in Waiting to the
Queen of Bohemia. Before July 26 in this year he was appointed ambas-
476 APPENDIX III
sador to France (Cal. S. P. Bom., 1623-5, pp. 327, 330), but the appoint-
ment seems to have been cancelled, as he did not go to France till the
following year. On Feb. 9, 1625, Morton was appointed secretary of
state in succession to Sir George Calvert {Gardiner, v, p. 310), and in
May of this year he accompanied Buckingham to Paris, and on June 14
he was dispatched to the Netherlands to urge the Dutch to join with
England in an attack on Flanders. He died on Sept. 6, 1625, a few
days after his return to England (ibid., v, pp. 330, 335 ; vi, p. 9). Wotton
speaks of Buckingham's ' singular love' to Morton (ante, ii, p. 294), and
his premature death cut short a career of brilliant promise. Besides
those mentioned above, letters from Morton to Sir Thomas Lake, dated
Dec. 8, 1617, and Jan. 3, 1618; to Carleton, dated May 28 and July 16,
1618, are in the S. P. Ger. States; a letter of Oct. 18, 1619, to Lord
Doncaster, is in the Egertmi MS. (2593 f. 33), and eleven letters between
May, 1624 and March, 1625, are calendared in the *S'. P. Dom.
Mountford, Osbert, was the son of Dr. Mountford, and was educated
at Eton, being elected to King s College in 1601 (Harwood, p. 206). In
1609 he was in Italy as tutor to his kinsman, William Lytton (ante, i,
p. 477), and made Wotton's acquaintance at Venice, who described him
as ' very religious and very learned, and of diligent observation ' (S. P.
Ven., August, 1610). In 1614 he went to the Hague as Wotton's prin-
cipal secretary, and on Aug. 18 he carried dispatches to England. His
account of Wotton's negotiations up to this date is now in the Record
Office (ante, ii, p. 43). He returned to the Hague, and was sent home
again in December, but sailing from Flushing, his ship was upset in a
gust, and he himself was drowned, and his dispatches lost (ante, ii,
pp. 64, 67).
Partridge, Edward (ante, i, pp. 346, 348), was probably the Edward
Partridge or Partherick of Eridge, Kent, who was at Magdalen Hall,
Oxford, matriculating Oct. 10, 1589, aet. 15, and student of the Inner
Temple, 1594 (Foster, Ox.).
Parkhurst, William, wrongly identified in the D. iV. B. with John
Parkhurst, Master of Balliol 1617-37 (D. K B., xliii, p. 309). William
Parkhurst was with Wotton at Venice, 1604-10, acting as assistant secre-
tary, and Wotton dictated to him many of his dispatches during this period.
In 1608 he was sent to England bearing letters dated April 24, and
after some delay, owing to illness and misadventure, he arrived back in
Venice on Sept. 9 (ante, i, pp. 420, 435 n.). He returned to England
with Wotton in 1611, and went into Kent in the autumn of that year
(ibid., 118 n.). In 1612 he accompanied Wotton to Turin, and
Wotton left him there as English agent (Cal. S. P. Ven., xii, p. 379).
On Dec. 12, 1612, he was visited by the Venetian ambassador, Gussoni,
who described him as a person ' so sagacious and reticent that it is
impossible to extract any valuable information from him ' (ibid.,
p. 459). He remained abroad till the end of 1614, acting as informal
English agent to the Duke of Savoy, and his dispatches from Feb. 7,
1613 to Dec. 20, 1614 are in the S. P. Savoy. In April, 1613,
the Duke of Savoy (then engaged in war with Mantua) summoned
him, alone of all the envoys at Turin, to the camp, for the purpose,
Gussoni thought, of fostering the idea of some secret intelligence
between himself and James I (Cal. S. P. Ven., xii, p. 528). On May 3
APPENDIX III 477
be was at Vercelli, and a little later the Duke sent him on a pacificatory
mission to Geneva. He gives an account of this journey in a dispatch of
June 10, 1613 (S. P. Savoy). He says that, being aware that the
complaints of the Genevans against the Duke of Savoy bad made a diffi-
culty in the way of the former treaty (for a marriage between Prince
Henry and the Infanta Maria), and fearing tbe same difficulty in the
proposals for a marriage between Prince Charles and a Savoy Princess,
and also thinking that the Genevans might take advantage of the war
with Mantua to attack Savoy, he suggested to Charles Emmanuel that
he should go to Geneva to arrange for more friendly relations between
Geneva and Savoy, expressing the good will of the Duke, and bis desire
that James I should be made arbiter of the differences between them.
The Duke accepted his proposal, and sent with him the Conte di
Cart iguana. Leaving Turin on May 14 they reached Geneva on the 18th,
and saw the Syndics and principal people, including Giovanni Diodati.
They remained there till May 29, but Cartignana was extremely anxious
to be gone. This mission was undertaken by Parkhurst without orders
from home, and the news of it caused considerable talk and speculation
(see Chamberlain to Winwood, July 8, 1613, Winwood Mem., iii, p. 469).
Carleton wrote from Venice to Winwood (June 21, 1613) that the Bwiai
were much alarmed by Parkhurst's journey, thinking it must have been
undertaken with the connivance of James I. ' He went clothed by the
Duke of Savoy with many magnifical titles, and hath the honour to be
up to the ears in our Gazettes' (ibid., p. 464). On June 12, 1613,
Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador at Paris, writes of the 'great
scandal ' caused in Paris by the news of Parkhurst's declarations (Cal. S. P.
Yen., xii, p. 550). When Antonio Foscarini brought the matter to the
notice of James I, the King said, ' I am amazed at this. That person is
no secretary of mine, but a certain individual left behind by Wotton
without my orders.' The King, Foscarini wrote, seemed much annoyed
at Parkhurst's action, declared that he knew nothing about it, and added
that it must be some trick of the Duke's to gain prestige (ibid., p. 554).
As Albertus Morton, the officially appointed agent to the Duke of Savoy,
was expected back at Turin, Parkhurst left Italy at the end of 1614, and
on Dec. 26 met Morton at Amiens, and travelled to England with a letter
in which Morton wrote, ' the bearer of these is a servant of Sir Henry
Wotton's, sent me, upon my former sudden departure, into Italy, and by
me left at Thurin to satisfy the Duke in the assuredness of my return
thither. Now having, as it seemeth, signified his unwillingness to stay
there, the Duke hath prevailed himself of the occasion of sending, and for
that j)urpose hath been at the expense of his journey, as himself hath
told me. This I thought good to signify unto your Honour because the
Conte (Scarnafissi, with whom Parkhurst was travelling) seemeth to
doubt that his unexpected desire of returning into England hath bred in
his Highness some jealousy' (S. P. Savoy, Dec. 26, 1614). On March 3,
1615, Parkhurst was again in Turin, and Carleton wrote that he was
going in the Duke's service to the States. His object was no doubt to
help Count Scarnafissi in his negotiations for a Dutch subsidy to aid in
the Montferrat war.
Of William Parkhurst's subsequent history I know little. He can
probably be identified with the William Parkhurst mentioned as Warden
478 APPENDIX III
of the Mint in 1628 {Cal. S. P. Dam., 1628-9, p. 155), and the Sir
William l'arkhurst, of London, who was assessed at £300 on March 6,
1648, and ordered to pay £150 (Cal. Comtee for Advance of Money, p. 867).
Rooke, George, can almost certainly be identified with the George
Rooke, son of John Rooke of Canterbury, who purchased the manor of
Monkshorton in Kent, 6th Charles I, and who was the father of Lawrence
Rooke, the astronomer, and grandfather of Sir George Rooke, the famous
admiral. He died in 1649, aet. 69 (Berry, Kent, p. 301 ; Genealogist, 1st
ser., iv, pp. 196, 204; D. N. B. xlix, pp. 204, 209). George Rooke was
with Wotton in Venice in 1605, and was sent in this year to Naples
(ante, i, p. 328). Wotton sent him to England, Aug. 25, 1606, and to Pisa
in 1607, to command Sir Robert Dudley to return to England, when he
visited Lucca, and was approached by the magistrates of that Rejmblio
about the proposed kidnapping of Salvetti (ibid., p. 401 n.). In 1608
he was sent to Padua to prosecute the murderer of young Julius Caesar.
Later in the year he returned to England, but fell ill on the way at
Brescia, and Wotton feared that he had been poisoned by the friends of
Caesar's murderer (ibid. p. 436 n.). He was at Padua again at the end
of 1609. As ' Georgius Roccho' his name appears in 1607-8 among
the law students at Padua (Andrich, p. 137). Four of his letters are
preserved in the Record Office, AjDril 18, 1608, to Francis Windebank, in
which he writes that he is buying collections of songs and books on
history for Windebank (S. P. Ven.); June 4, 1608, to Salisbury (ibid.);
Dec. 24, 1607, from Padua to Windebank (>SY. P. Bom., Jas. I, xxviii,
No. 1 2 3) ; Oct. 6, 1 6 1 1 , from Padua to Lord Salisbury (S. P. Italian State*).
George Rooke was one of the many sons of Kentish neighbours whom
Wotton took into his service, and while at Venice he had general charge
of the affairs relating to Tuscany. Coryate made his acquaintance when
visiting Italy in 1608, and describes him as 'a Kentish Gentleman, one
of the principal favourites of that honourable Gentleman, Sir Henry
Wotton . . . and a worthy traveller '. Coryate adds, ' This Gentleman
Mr. George Rooke used me so kindly both in Venice and Padua, that he
hath perpetually bound me unto him in a very Gordian knot of
friendship' (Crudities, p. 128).
Sarpi, Paolo (or more correctly, Pietro). I have already described
the relations between Wotton and Sarpi (ante, i, pp. 87, 455 n.), and it
is not necessary to give here a biography of this famous man. A note
on the portrait of Sarpi, reproduced, ante, ii, p. 371, may be of interest.
Fulgenzio Micanzio, in his life of Sarpi, after mentioning his unwillingness
to be painted, says that the existing portraits are all copies d'uno die si
dice esser nella galeria d'un gran Re, che gli fu tolto, contra sua voglia, e
con bel stratagema (Vita del Padre Paolo, 1659, p. 140). There can
be little doubt that James I is the King referred to, and that the bel
stratagema was planned by Sir Henry Wotton. On Sept. 13, 1607,
Wotton wrote that he was sending a portrait of Sarpi to England,
'taken from him at my request' (ante, i, p. 399); and the stratagem
seems to have consisted in sending a painter to see Sarpi, who made
a sketch of the Father, presumably without his knowledge (ibid,, ii,
p. 371). This portrait, however, never reached England; the Pope
devised another bel stratagema, and when the bearer, Charles Bushy,
reached Milan, he was arrested, imprisoned in the Inquisition, and the
APPENDIX III 479
portrait confiscated (ibid., i, p. 399 n.). But on Dec. 21, 1607, After
the attentat at assassination, Wotton sent another portrait of Sarpi,
procured no doubt by the same means, ' with the late addition of his
.-cars.' The bearer was Captain Pinner (ibid., pp. 407-8). From this
portrait, and a companion picture of Fulgenzio, frequent replicas were
bade, and Wotton, after his return to England, seems to have been in
the habit of giving them to his friends. The letter he wrote when
presenting one to Dr. Collins, Provost of King's College, Cambridge, has
already been printed (ante, ii, p. 371). Another pair of these replicas
(no doubt a present from Wotton) was bequeathed by Donne to
J >r. King (Gosse, ii, p. 360) ; another was in the rooms of Sir Nathaniel
Brent at Merton College ; another at Roy don Hall (iV. and Q., 2nd ser.,
vii, p. 351) : and a sixth portrait of Sarpi seems to have been in the
sion of a brother of the Rev. Samuel Blithe, Master of Clare Hall
(letter of Edward Browne to Samuel Blithe, quoted Cal. 8, P. Vtn., xi,
p. xxxvi). The portrait of Sarpi at King's College disappeared after
1744 (N. and Q., 2nd ser., vii, 350), that at Roydon Hall about 1827
(ibid., iv, 122), and all attempts to trace these or any other of Sarpi's
portraits in England have hitherto been unsuccessful, none of those
interested in the subject being aware that one of them is preserved in
the picture gallery of the Bodleian. On taking down this portrait
1 found that it corresponded exactly to Wotton's description of the
picture he presented to Dr. Collins — the black frame, the mark of
wounds on the face — and the title of Wotton's invention, Concilii
Trident ini Eviscerator, is painted on it in large letters. This portrait
is mentioned in Anthony a Wood's MS. catalogue of the Bodleian
pictures, and cannot therefore be identical with the one presented to
Dr. Collins, which was hanging in King's College long after the date of
Anthony a Wood's death. It may possibly be the original sent to Lord
Salisbury, or it may be Sir Nathaniel Brent's replica ; but most probably
it was presented by Wotton himself, who made several other gifts to the
Bodleian. Pine's engraving, published in the Rights of Sovereigns and
Subjects, 1722, corresponds in attitude and features to this picture, and
was evidently made from the original sent to England by Wotton, or
from one of the many replicas. Pine has, however, omitted the round
black plaster which marks the stiletto wound in the right cheek.
While possessing no artistic merit, this portrait (even if it be only a
replica) is of interest as one of the most authentic likenesses of Sarpi in
existence, and the only one bearing the marks of the assassin's stiletto,
made as Sarpi wittily remarked, Stylo Romanae Curiae. (The in-
formation in this note has already been printed in xV. and Q., 10th ser.,
iii, pp. 201-2.)
Scioppius, Gaspar. A full account of the life and works of
Scioppius will be found in vol. ii of Charles Nisard's Les Gladiateurs de
la Rejmblique des Lettres aux XVe, XVIe, XVIIe Siecles, Paris, I860.
Scioppius answered Wotton's letter to Mark Welser in his Oporini
Grubinii Legatus Latro, Ingolstadt, 1615. He tells the story he had
heard of Wotton at Venice (ante, i, p. 69 n.) : he says that James I called
the Catholic Princes Serenissimos Porcos (Legatus Latro, p. 13) ; he
relates how, when he was at Augsburg in 1612, Sir Dudley Carleton's
secretary (Isaac Wake 1) attempted to have him poisoned, and how when
480 APPENDIX III
he had taken refuge at Milan, the secretary caused him to be shot at
when he was one day reading at a window ; and how in Spain in 1614
he was set on by bravadoes in the pay of the English ambassador, Lord
Digby, and nearly killed, but protected by the Virgin. He draws the
conclusion, Legatus Calvinianus, maxime Anglicanus, est vir bonus per egre
missus ad mentiendum et latrocinandum suae Reip. causa (ibid.,
pp. 26-8, 31, 67). Lord Digby, however, declared that he meant only
to give Scioppius a beating, and Nisard suggests that Scioppius himself
hired the bravadoes in order to make himself a martyr. Scioppius again
mentions Wotton in his Hoi. Krigsoederi . . . Responsio ad Episi.
Is. Cazoboni, Ingolstadt, 1615, when he declares that Casaubon kept
a pretty servant girl in his house for the entertainment of travellers, and
among them Wotton, and for the purpose of getting more money out of
them (quoted by Nisard, ii, pp. 102, 198).
Seymer, Richard, was third son of John Seymer, of Hanford, Dorset
(Hutchins, Dorset, 1873, iv, pp. 61, 66). He was at Brasenose College
(matric. June 22, 1599, aged 15), and student of the Middle Temple,
1602 (Foster, Ox.). Eight of Richard Seymer's letters, written between
1613 and 1619, are in the British Museum (Add. MS. 28974), and from
these it appears that he was at Paris learning French in Aug. 1613,
and that he accompauied Wotton to the Hague and Xanten in 1614.
He was at Venice in AVotton's service in 1617, and accompanied the
Jesuit Praepositus, Cerronio, to England in that year. On October 28,
1617, he was paid £275 (ante, ii, pp. 120, 122 n., 123 n.). Will Leete
wrote from Venice, July 8, 1618, 'We hear ill news of Mr. Richard
Seamor, that he should be slain in France. We all hope it is not true I
(Rox. Club, p. 38). He was back in Venice by August, 1618 (ante,
ii, p. 156), and in November Wotton sent him to visit his correspondents
among the Grisons, to see about the project of founding Protestant
seminaries (ibid., p. 150 n.). He was in Venice again on April 16,
1619 (Add. MS. 28974, f. 46). On March 22, 1650, Richard Seymour,
of Hanford, Dorset, compounded for delinquency ' in adhering to the
late king in the first war only' (Cal. Comtee for Compounding, 2231).
Terringham, Sir Arthur (or Tyringham), second son of Anthony
Tyringham, of Bucks, was at Magdalen College, Oxford, matriculating
Jan. 18, 1600, aet. 16. Student of the Middle Temple, 1600. M.P.
Brackley, 1614, killed 1642 (Foster, Ox.). In 1617 Wotton sent him
and Richard Seymer to England with Cerronio (ante, ii, p. 120). Sir
Arthur Terringham appeared as a witness in Strafford's trial, giving
evidence to the effect that Charles I had not intended to land the Irish
forces in England (Cal. S. P. Bom,, 1640-1, p. 541). In 1639
Terringham was residing with his wife in Anglesea, and had a quarrel
with his neighbour, Sir Thomas Holland, about seats in the parish church
of Llanfihangel. Holland, although living in another parish, attended
Llanfihangel Church, as it was nearer his house, and he was ' old and
heavy ', and had erected seats above the seats of the Terringham family,
who petitioned to have them removed (Cal. S. P. Bom., 1639-40,
pp. 165,310,612).
Throckmorton, Sir Arthur (1557-1626), eldest son of Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton the diplomatist (see D. N. B.). He entered Magdalen
College 1571, aet. 14, was M.P. for Colchester 1588-9, and was knighted
APPENDIX TTI 481
at Cadi/. 1596. He married a sister of Sir Walter Raleigh, and resided
:it Paulerspury, Northants. His daughter Mary married Thomas, second
Lord Wotton (ante, i, p. 484 n.). At his death in 1626 he left the
diplomatic papers of his father to Wotton, who bequeathed them to
Charles I (ibid., p. 217). He also left a collection of MSS. to Mtigdalen
College, Oxford (Coxe, Catalogue Codicum MSS., ii, pp. 19, 25, 87).
Mary Lady Wotton inherited Paulerspury.
Woodward, Rowland, brother of Thomas Woodward, was in Venice
with Wotton in 1605, when he was sent as a spy to Milan, and imprisoned
in the Inquisition (ante, i, pp. 325-8). In 1607 Wotton sent him with
dispatches to England, and he was attacked by robbers in France, and
left for dead, but afterwards rescued (ibid., 365 n.). On Feb. 2, 1608,
Thomas Woodward was paid £60 for Rowland Woodward ' for his
iirgeons and diets ' (Issues, Ex., p. 55, Nichols, Jas. I, ii, p. 247). On
April 4, 1608, Wotton wrote that Rowland Woodward had been placed
with the Bishop of London (ante, i, p. 420). Three letters from Rowland
Woodward to Francis Windebank, written in 1 620, are in the S. P. Dam.,
(cxv, Nos. 21, 50; cxvi, No. 1). He was then hoping to go to Vienna
in Wotton 's suite, but complained of Wotton's procrastination and incon-
stancy, and wrote of his love for Windebank's ' sweet sister Nel '.
Another letter to Windebank concerning the Spanish match is printed in
dutch, Collectanea (i, 181). On Oct. 17, 1625, Rowland Woodward
petitioned Charles I for 'a small pension or some other recompense, to
help sustain him hereafter in a double weakness of estate and body ',
alleging as a claim his accident in France, and his wounds, from which
!ie had recovered, ' although he yet feels the grief of a maime.' He
lad also been promised the reversion of William Trumbull's place as
igent at Brussels, but now that post was abolished (S. P. Bom., Charles I,
riii, Xo. 8 7). Seven letters written by Rowland Woodward between 1 627
md 1631 are calendered among the Domestic State Papers for those
years. In July, 1630, he was appointed deputy Master of Ceremonies to
Sir John Finnet, with a salary of 6s. 8d. a day (Docquet Book, ix). He
lied before April, 1636, being succeeded in this post by Sir Balthazar
xerbier (Cal. S. P. Dom., 1635-6, p. 356). Two verse-epistles from John
Donne to Rowland Woodward are printed in Donne's poems (Chambers,
jo\. ii, pp. 12, 38), and Mr. Gosse prints a third epistle in which
3onne addresses Woodward as a fellow-poet (Gosse, i, 318): 'There is
lone of Donne's friends,' Mr. Gosse adds, ' of whom we would more
,dadly know more than of Rowland Woodward.'
Wotton, Pickering, was the eldest surviving son of Edward Lord
vVotton. In 1600 he accompanied Henry Wotton to Florence, taking
■ vith him Amerigo Salvetti (ante, i, p. 35). While in Florence the
jucchese spy, Daniele da Massa, made himself the companion of his
Measures, in order to discover the whereabouts of Salvetti (ibid., pp. 37 n.,
:9). In 1603 Pickering Wotton was with his uncle Henry at Venice,
nd meant to accompany him to Frankfort and Paris (ibid., p. 318). In
605 he was in Spain, fell ill at Valladolid, and was converted to
Catholicism on his death-bed by means of Father Richard Walpole.
le wrote an account of his conversion, which was translated into
ferman, and printed at Ingolstadt in 1606, with the title, Bekehrung
term Piquerin Votons, eines Engellendischen Freyherrns, des Engellen-
WOTTON. II II
482 APPENDIX III
dischen Ambasiators bey der Venedischen Ilerrschaft, Bruders Sohn >.\c,
von der Ketzerey der Protestanten zu dem rechten, waren alien Catholisclien
und allein seligmaclienden Glauben, etc. The English version is printed
by Foley (ii, p. 256), who adds that Edward Lord Wotton was converted
by this narration in 1605, but gives no authority for the statement.
The exact date of Lord Wotton's conversion to Catholicism is not
definitely known. Lewis Owen, who was at Valladolid at the time, and
saw Pickering Wotton in his illness, denies his conversion in his Running
Register, 1626, pp. 55-61. Sir Charles Cornwallis, however, who was
English ambassador at Valladolid, states that he died a papist. Corn-
wallis writes to Salisbury : ' The poor gentleman left not wherewith to
pay his physician, his apothecary, his hostess, neither the charge of his
burial. I had lent unto him almost three months since, £30, and
Hawkesworth, my secretary, a little before his death, £10. For the love
and honour I bear his father, I propose likewise to pay the charge of his
burial' (Winwood Mem., ii, p. 151). Pickering AVotton's funeral was
attended by the Duke of Alva, the Conde de Lemos, and other Spaniards
of great position.
Zouche, Lord. Edward la Zouche, eleventh Baron Zouche, of Harring-
worth (1556 ?-l 625), succeeded his father George, tenth Baron, in 1569.
and was educated under Whitgift at Trinity College, Cambridge. In
1586 he was one of the peers who tried Mary Queen of Scots. In 1587
he went to Hamburg, and thence to Heidelberg and Frankfort. In the
summer of 1590 he met Wotton at Altdorf. On Aug. 20, 1591, he
wrote to Burghley from Vienna about his past life, and about a new
licence to travel which he had received, and which evidently contained
restrictions omitted in his previous one. ' The greatest evil,' he writes
' hath been the fond spending of my time in my youth, which I could be
contented to bewail so long as I live, and to punish myself with absence
from my country and friends, the which sith through her Majesty'*
favour cannot be obtained, I will labour to temper this shame b\
emboldening myself to confess my faults (though contrary to mine owi
nature) before all men, and by prayer to my God, that through th<
taking of his punishments from me, he will make known how desirou:
I have been to make amends for the same in this my travel. I canno
tell whether I shall do well or no to touch that part of the license whicl
prohibiteth me in general to travel in some countries, and companioning
divers persons. . . . This restraint is truly as an imprisonment, fo
I know not how to carry myself; so as this licence seemeth to be ;
restraint of my former, for I was come hither to see what means I coul<
get to pass Italie, purposing to go upon the borders to practise th
language, and then afterwards, if by any means I durst, to have mad
speedy passage through the whole. And now know I not whether I ma
pass upon the Lords of Venis' and the Duke of Florens' territories
because I know not if they have league with her Majesty or no
(S. P. Dorn,, Eliz., ccxxxix, No. 156). For Wotton's reference to thi
licence, see ante, i, p. 273. In March, 1592, Zouche was with Wotton a
Padua (ibid., p. 271), and by August, 1593, he was back again i
England (ibid., p. 297). On Dec. 22, 1593, Queen Elizabeth sent hii
on an embassy to James VI in Scotland, and in 1598 on a commercir
mission to Denmark. In 1600 he retired to Guernsey from motives c
APPENDIX III
483
economy, but was buck again in England in 1602, when lie was
gppointed President of Wales. He held this office till 1615, when be
Incline Warden of the Cinque Ports. In 1G12, after the death of
Salisbury, he was one of the Commissioners to whom the Treasury was
entrusted. In 1G09 he became a member of the Council of the Virginia
Company, and in 1020 one of the first members of the New England
Council. On July 17, 1624, he resigned the Wardenship of the ( !inqo€
Ports to Buckingham. He died in 1G25 (D. IV. B.).
I i 2
APPENDIX IV
A. LIST OF ITALIAN AUTHORS SELECTED AND CENSURED
BY SIR HEN. WOTTON
Tanner MS. 88, f. 142, transcript. The following list of Italian books
was apparently made by Sir Henry Wotton for the use of some one
interested in the study of the Italian language and literature, and was
written some time after 1628, as the translation of Tasso's Aminta,
published in that year, is mentioned (see No. 9). All the authors
mentioned are catalogued or described either in the British Museum
Catalogue, the Nouvelle Biographie Generate, Tiraboschi's Storia della Lettera-
tura Italiana, or Mazzuchelli's Gli Scrittori cV Italia, and it is from these
authorities that my notes are derived. It may be as well to remark that
when Wotton describes a book as 16°, it is to a volume generally described
as 12° that he refers.
1. Patnjilo Persico del Secretaries, in 4°. A book of singular use, elegant
and learned.
2. / fonti della Lingua Toscana di Oratio Lornbardelli, Sanese, in 8°,
which I should much commend if it were not written to me.
3. Le lettere di Claudio Ptolomei, Sanese, in 8°, full of various and
solid knowledge.
4. Le Lettere del Abate Grillo, in 4°, one of the wittiest men in Italic
5. / tre Istorici di Venetia, Sabellico, Bembo et Paruta, successivamente
from the beginning of the City and by Commandment of the State — all
good Authors ; Andrea Morisini, who hath followed them in Latin, is a
slight man.
6. L1 Unione di Portugalla e di Castiglia, di Conestagii Franch i, in
4° and in 8°, which latter is the best edition, a story rarely delivered.
7. Le creanze delle donne, written by Picolhuomini, professor at
Padova, in 16° : an ingenious Dialogue.
1 Persico, Panfllo, Del Segretario . . . libri quattro, ne1 quali si tratta dell' arte efacolta
del Segretario, &c. Venice, 1620, 4°.
2 I Fonti Toscani d'Orazio Lornbardelli, Senese, Accademico Umoroso. Florence,
1598, 8°. (See ante, i, p. 22.)
3 Tolommei, Claudio, Lettere, libri vii. Venice, 1547, 4mo; 1549, 1553, 1558,
1559, 8°.
4 Grillo, Angelo, Lettere, 2 vols. Venice, 1612, 4°.
5 Sabellico, Marcantonio Coccio, Berum Venetarum Eistoriae, Venice, 1487, fol.
Italian translation by Dolce, Venice, 1544, 4°. P. Bembo Cardinalis, Historiae
Venetae libri xii, Venice, 1551. Italian translation, Historia Venitiana, Venice,
1552, 4°. Paruta, Paolo, Historia Venetiana, Venice, 1605, 4°. A. Mauroceni,
Historia Veneta ab anno MDXXI usque ad annum MDCXV, Venice, 1623, fol.
6 Conestaggio, Girolamo Franchi de, Dell' unione del Regno di Portogallo alia
corona di Castiglia. Genoa, 1585, 4° ; Venice, 1592, 8°.
7 Piccolomini, Alessandro, La Rafaella, ovvero della Creanza delle dmne. Venice,
1539, 8mo ; Milan, 1558, 8mo ; Venice, 1574, 12°.
APPENDIX TV 485
8. LJ Antic rusca di Bent, Professor at Padova, in 1" : a book of fine
knowledge for the tongue, and which hath bred much stir.
9. UAmynta di Torquato 2\tsso, in 16°, newly translated into English,
and called in Italie, II Capo di Venere, because it was left unfinished by
the Author.
10. Le Satire di Caporale, Perugino, in 16°. Incomparable in that
kind.
11. 12. Le Opere di Hernia e di Fiorenzola, in 8°. Exquisite for the
Language.
13. Le Prediche di Bitonto, in 4°. Eloquently vain.
14. II Dante col Commentario di Landino, in fol. Worthy the studying.
15. Li Commentarii di Castelvetri, sopra La poetic i e Rhetor ica d'
Aristotile, in 4mo. A laborious and learned work.
16. L'Oratione di Monsigc delta Casa a Carolo Quinto per la restitu-
tion della Piacenza, in 16°. One of the rare things of the world.
17. Le lettere dei Principi alii Principi o dalli Principi, in two volumes
4° : full of excellent matter, and the best story of the latter times.
18. / dialogi di Nicolo Franco and his letter a la Candela, for which
he suffered death, in 8°.
19. Le vite degli Pontifici Romani di Platina, vulgarizate con l'ag-
giunta di Cicarelli, in 4°.
20. La vita di Pio Quinto. in 4°. A singular piece containing his
fulminations against Queen Elizabeth.
21. The Annotations of Salviati upon the Decameron of Boccaccio.
With one of his Novelle told in 13 several languages of Italy, in 4°.
22. L'Ottomanno di Soranzo, a free relation of the Turkes' "War?,
8 Beni, Paolo, V Anticrusca, owero il Paragone deW Italiana Lingua. Padua,
1613, 4°.
■ Tasso, Torquato, Aminta. facola boscareccia. Venice, 1583, 12°. Tasso's Aminta,
Ewjhsht (by John Reynolds?). London, 1628, 4°.
10 Caporali, Cesare, Rime . . . in questa ultima impressione . . . corvette. Venice,
.1604, 12°.
11 Berni, or Bernia, Francesco, il primo libro dell1 opere burlesche di F. B., &c.
[Florence, 1552-5, 2 vols., 8°.
'- Firenzuola, Agnolo, Le Rime. Florence, 1549, 8°.
13 Antonius de Bitonto, Sermones dominicales per Mum annum. Venice, 1492, 4°.
14 Dante con Vespositioni di C. Landino. Venice, 1596, fol.
15 Castelvetro, Lodovico, La Poetica d'Aristotele, xolgarizzata. Vienna, 1570, 4°.
Esaminazione sopra la rettorica. Venice, 1556, 2 vols., 4°.
10 Casa, Giovanni della, Archbishop of Benevento, Orazione . . . scritta a Carlo V.
Mtperadore, inlorno alia restituzione della Citta di Piacenza, printed by Sansovino,
"Detie oraiioni volgarmente scritte . . . parte prima, pt. i, 1562, 4n!0, reprinted by
3. R. Dati, Prose Florentine, &c, torn, i, 1716, 8° ; 1735, 4°.
17 Delle Lettere di Principi, le quali o si scrivono dec Principi, o a Principi, o ragionano
li Principi. New edition of 3 vols., 4°, edited by G. Ruscelli, published at
'Venice, 1581.
18 Franco, Niccolo, Dialoghi Piacevoli. Venice, 1541, 1542, 1545, 8°; 1554, 12°;
1606, 8°.
19 Sacchi, Bartholomaeus de Platina, La Historia di Battista Platina delle vite
le' Pontifici . . . alia qucde si sono aggiunte . . . le vite de gli altri papi sino a Clemente VIII
Rtifo dal Signor A. Ciccarelli. Venice, 1592, 4°.
80 Catena, Giovanni Girolamo, Vita del . . . Papa Pio Quinto, &c. Mantua,
-M Salviati, Leonardo, 11 Decameron risconlrato in Firenze con testi anlichi e alia sua
.'tone ridolto dal Cavalier L. SalviaU, 1582, 4°.
8 ranzo, Lazzaro, L'Ottomanno . . . dove si da pieno ragguaglio . . . delta potenza del
>resente Signor de Tardii Mchemeto III, &c. Ferrara, 1599, 8°.
486 APPENDIX IV
discovering many secrets of Government, and therefore forbidden at
Venice, 8°.
23. Tutte le Comedie delli Intronati di Siena.
24. Valvasone della Caccia, a delightful and useful Poem, containing
many natural Secrets, in 8° configure.
25. L'Antichita di Roma del Lauro, configure, in 4° largo.
26. La Censura della Tragedia di Sjwron Speroni, a fine critical and
learned piece, in 16°.
Books of Art.
27. La Magia Naturale di Battista Porta, in 8°.
28. La Magia Naturale di Campanella, manoscritto.
29. Gli Automati di Heron, Allessandrino, in 4°.
30. Gli Spiritdli del Medesimo, con figure, in 4°.
31. La Prospettiva d' Euclide cornentata di Ignatio Danti, in 4°.
32. La Geographia di Maurolico, in 4°.
33. II diascoride di Mattiola Sanese, in fol. con figure : approved for
Purity of Language above all Modern Writers by the Academia della
Crusca.
34. L' architect ura di Palladio. Clear and Regular, in fol.
35. L'Istoria del Concilio di Trenta, written by Maestro Paolo, worth
all that were before it, and I believe all that will follow it in that
language.
36. A discourse, in 4°, written by Gallileo sopra le cose die nuotono.
23 II Sacrificio degl' Intronati . . . et Gl' Ingannati, Comedia dei medesimi, 1554, 8°.
Delle Commedie degV Accademici Intronati, la seconda parte. Siena, 1611, 12°.
24 Valvasone, Erasmo di, Leila Caccia. . . . Bergamo, 1591, 1593, 4°, fig. ; Venice.
1602, 8°.
25 Lauro, Giacomo, Antiquae urbis sple)ulor, hoc est praecipua ejusdem templa,
amphitheatra, &c. Romae, 1612-14, 2 vols., 4°.
26 Giudizio sopra la Tragedia di Canace (di Sperone Speroni), &c, 155K
Attributed to Bartolommeo Cavalcanti (see Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteraluro
Italiana, vii (1824), p. 1877).
27 Porta, Giovanni Battista della, Magiae Naturalis, Antwerp, 1561.
28 Campanella, Tommaso, Le Sensu Berum et Magia libri quatuor. . . . T. Adam;
recensuit, et nunc primum evulgavit. Frankfort, 1620, 4°.
29 Hero, of Alexandria, Di Herone ... de gli Automati overo Machine se movent
Libri due, tradotto dal Greco da B. Baldi. Venice, 1601, 4°.
30 Spiritali di Herone Alessandrino ridotti in lingua volgare da A. Giorgi. Urbino
1592, 4°.
31 Danti, Egnatio, La Prospettka di Euclide . . . tradotta dal R. P. E. D. con alcun*
sue annotationi, 1573, 4°.
32 Maurolico, Francesco, Cosmographia . . . in tres dialogos distincia, &c. Venice
1543, 4°.
83 Mattioli, Pietro Andrea, B Lioscoride dell' excellente Dottor P. A. Matthioli, &c.
1548, fol.
34 I quattro Libri delV Architetlura, &c. 4 pt. Venice, 1570, fol.
35 Historia del Concilio Tridentino . . . di Pietro Soave Polani (Paolo Sarpi)
London, 1619, fol.
36 Liscoiso al serenissimo Lon Cosimo II, Gran Luca di Toscana, intorno alle cose ch
stanno in su Vacqua, b die in quella si muovono, &c. Florence, 1612, 4°.
APPENDIX IV 487
B. CHARACTER OF ROBERT, LATE EARL OF SALISBURY
Burley Ms., p. 1, transcript. On Feb. 10, 1613, Chamberlain wrote to
Winwood : ' Sir Henry Wotton is busy in setting out the difference between
the Pope and the Venetians, with all the circumstances that passed at the
time of the Interdict ; and withal means (he says) to make a character (as
he calls it) of the Earl of Essex his first master, and of the Lord Treasurer
his last patron' (Winwood Mem., iii, p. 432). Wotton's Parallel between
Essex and Buckingham was circulated in MS. in 1634, and printed in 1641 ;
but nothing of his about Lord Salisbury was printed, or, as far as I know,
preserved under his name in any MS. collection. But as the following
Character appears in a MS. book which was compiled by some one in
Wotton's service, and which contains transcripts of many of Wotton's
writings (see below, p. 489), I think it may be ascribed to Sir Henry Wotton
with some degree of probability. There is another transcript of this
Character in the S. P. Dom., James I, lxix, No. 59.
He came of a parent that counselled the state into piety, honour and
power. He did inherit his father's virtues, and therefore was called to
succeed him in his offices. He had a full mind in an imperfect body, to
tell a courtier that ornament is not his best part, or should not be. In
a chair he had both a sweet and a grave presence, as if nature, under-
standing how good a counsellor he would make, gave him no more beauty
of person anywhere else, of purpose because it should not remove him
into action ; had his body been an answerable agent to his spirit, he
might have made as great a captain as he was a counsellor, for his
pleasures of exercise were industry and expedition. Courage was brought
up with his understanding, and they agreed so well, that his mind being
great enough, they dwelt commodiously together : for he knew himself in
a just way, and he never went out of it either for public danger or private
threatening, which were many and bold upon him. He was so ingenious
as to have the best measure and use of wit, for it did help to bring him
the nearest way to judgement. He was sufficiently learned for his calling,
and learning appeared the more in himself because he loved it in another
man. His words, either in speaking or writing, never passed by the
sense without calling in to the understanding, nor ever went thence
without leaving an impression; for besides their weight, they were
delivered with such a dexterity of clearness that they were both sweet
to a curious ear and easy to a common, being guilty neither of rudeness
nor affectation. He never put men to the pains of reading him twice
over, for they took pleasure in repeating him often, which they might do
with as little expense of time as the most of other men once, so much
the nearer way lie went to the matter ; and notwithstanding he took not
so large a scope to express himself in, yet him they read more than once,
because they were satisfied, other men (for the most part) because they
would be.
Sometimes the less he did seem to be eloquent, the more he was ; for
he did not confine speaking well to one law of phrase or style, but varied
his method in it according to the bringing up of the person he conferred
with, and the nature of the argument, whereby he cleared it a passage to the
hearer's apprehension, were he of a quality either learned or unlearned. The
capacity of the learned he gave satisfaction unto, to the unlearned did give
both a satisfaction and a capacity to be satisfied. He took up the knowledge
488 APPENDIX IV
of no cause in matter of right, that fell within the question of his office, upon
credit ; for he would have the parties themselves. He was a discommodity
sometimes to the lawyer, but a help to the law ; for he brought many adver-
saries the direct way to an agreement, and saved law the travail of going
about. There was no difficulty of getting access to him but through the
press of suitors. He did help most men to speak to him, for before they
had delivered themselves of half their meaning his apprehension was at
the end of it. A mean man could not be discountenanced before him, for
his courtesy stood before his greatness. He took not the name of God in
vain in a promise, for his promises were limited to good ends, and so far
he performed them. He gave much every year away to keep men from
bribing him ; for he sent presents back again when they might be sus-
pected of corruption. He was ignorant in no state so much as in his
own, which shows he regarded above his private, the truth whereof
appeareth in one of his servants'1 ability and faithfulness, which (he
acknowledged) had repaired his private estate, when by his continual
labours in the affairs of his office it was neglected almost into ruin. He
was not covetous unless it were for the King ; for he parted voluntarily
with a great benefit to enlarge the King's revenues.2 He had the most
safe policy in him that can be in an eminent subject, for he did not affect
popularity, and therein he was as faithful to the State as to his own ends ;
for popular love belongeth only to Majesty. He was the best precedent
of a public minister that a king can propose to be followed, for he carried
his counsels of moderation like the king's thoughts, so reservedly to him
that every effect of graciousness was (as it always ought to be) attributed
to sovereignty ; and those of justice so openly, that severity was accounted
his own 3 ; whereby the people understanding him only in what they love
not to feel, it grew to be a cause of their malice to him ; yet he lost not
the reputation they owed him, for when any change happened in the body
or head of the State, subject to the confusion of advice by the uncertainty
of issue, they distrusted their own affections and believed in his judge-
ment, putting themselves into his file, and following with such a sudden-
ness of resolution, as if they had been born to say, ' This man doth not
err.' So powerful is the wTisdom of a counsellor, that makes it one of his
grounds to hold the love or hate of the people vain for which they can
give no reason. And their opinion of his understanding took great pity
of their own ignorance, for it was a study of his providence to suppose
every point of State into all the exigents it might be necessarily induced,
and carried an appointment ever about him to secure the success. To
know him is as much as need be required to exemplify a statesman into
sufficiency, for it wras the fortune of his employments to have an honour-
able practice in affairs of all kinds that can be incident to a State, but
only civil war, wherein his judgement was the more worthy because he
prevented it. He affected so much the act of worth above the name, that
I dare persuade myself some advices which in private were his wisdom
have come forth another man's. He never wrote down an injury done
him in red ink ; the arms he wore were only defensive, which (neverthe-
less) might happen to do hurt when they did no wrong ; for no guard can
be maintained without offending if it be violently intruded on. He did
1 ' Dorckcombe* (note in margin). 2 ' Wards ' (ibid.' .
3 See Table Talk, No. 132 (below, p. 41M) .
APPENDIX IV is:)
favours to many, and received favours but of one, besides his parem
In was beholden to no other subject for his advancement. He depended
Immediately upon majesty, with(out) holding upon any second greatness,
which is an honour the most noble to a man's self and the surest to his king.
He was the enjoyer of one happiness that all men naturally seek to retire
into, but seldom opens to any, and the most uneasily to a statesman ; he
met with the conversation of a man whom he dare believingly call his
private friend.1 His own plenty could not make him insensible of other
men's wants, for in time of dearth he sent his officers into markets, to
tayje dearly to the seller and to sell cheaply to the buyer. He was a pro-
fitable master to every (one) of his servants that did not abuse his bounty.
His religious faith is set down in his testament as well as any holy know-
ledge can deliver it ; and he that will not believe the words of a dying
man in a perfect strength of mind, deserves not to be carried with credit
to the grave. His making ready to die was the greatest blessing of his
life to him ; for he never went to bed without cares till then, but had
alarums everywhere to wake him, save in his conscience; when death
came to be his business he was in peace, and so died.
He that shall succeed him in his place may be ambitious to follow him
in his way, for the honour of this transcended the dignity of the others.
All the discouragement he can meet with in his passage will be through
their constructions, whose breasts are too narrow to entertain so spreading
merit, yet it should be no strong imj^ediment because (for aught I hear)
it hath not pleased God to give any of his detractors the wit to express
themselves well against him.
C. TABLE TALK.
Burhy MS., Nos. 1-34, p. 255 ; Nos. 35-145, pp. 82-6. The following
curious notes, which from their character I call Table Talk, occur in a MS.
book to which frequent reference has been made, and from which a number
of Sir Kenry Wotton's letters have already been printed. This volume
resembles the commonplace books of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries which are to be found in many libraries, and contains several of
the letters and documents that are generally included in these collections —
Sir Philip Sidney's letter to Queen Elizabeth on the Alencon marriage
(p. 237), Queen Elizabeth's letter to Sir Amyas Paulet (p. 139), the letter to
Lord Monteagle which led to the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot (p. 103),
Sir Walter Raleigh's apology for the Guiana expedition (p. 92), &c. These
documents are enumerated by Mr. Alfred J. Horwood, who was sent in 1878
i to examine the MSS. at Burley-on-the-Hill, in his report printed by the
Historical MSS. Commission (Seventh Report, p. 516). Mr. Hoiwood also
perceived that among these papers were some that concerned Wotton, and
his remark that the volume contained ' copies of letters and papers seeni-
fcgly by and to Sir Henry Wotton' (p. 512) led to my examination of the
volume, for which every facility was kindly granted me by the owner,
the late Mr. G. H. Finch. In addition to a number of poems and letters of
John Donne (which had escaped Mr. Horwood's notice, and which I hope
will be shortly printed) I found copies, made by various hands, of nine-
teen letters and dispatches which, although unsigned, I was able to identify
as Wotton's2, and a large number of documents concerning Wotton 's
1 ' Suffolcke ' (note in margin).
2 Among these the most important are Wotton's dispatch of Feb. 18, 1600
(p. 43), the original of which is in the Record Office (ante, i, p. 342) ; his letter to
Edmondes of May 18, 1607 (p. 69 ; see ante, i. p. 389) ; the letters to Ferdinand 1
490 APPENDIX IV
various occupations and interests during his first embassy at Venice ', as
well as extracts from the letters of the three other resident English
ambassadors of the time, Sir Thomas Edmondes at Brussels, Sir George
Carew in France, and Sir Charles Cornwallis in Spain. The volume also
contains a copy of Wotton's poem, The Character of a Happy Life (p. 278),
written about 1613 {ante, i, p. 129), a copy of the Treaty of Xanten (p. 197)
negotiated by Wotton in 1614, and of his own inscription (p. 40; see ante,
i, p. 193). None of the entries are in Wotton's writing, several of the
entries appear to be in the hand of William Parkhurst, one of his secre-
taries, and on p 40 the name ' Guglielmus Parkhurst ' appears. It is plain,
from the number of documents connected with Wotton, that the common-
place book belonged to him, or to some one connected with him, and that in
it were copied many of the most important papers connected with his first
embassy at Venice. The following collection of anecdotes and sayings may
be safely regarded, I think, as notes of ' table talk ' made by some one in
Wotton's house in Venice — the frequent references to the assassination of
Henry IV (Nos. 36, 39, 40, 45, 46, 75, 76) would fix the date at the summer
or autumn of 1610, and there is no reference to any event of a subsequent
period. While it would be unwise and perhaps unjust to attribute all the
remarks to Wotton himself, a number of them are undoubtedly his ; Nos. 90
and 97 appear in his letters; a saying very like No. 30 is attributed by
Izaak Walton, in the Compleat Angler, to 4a man of great observation';
Nos. 115, 117, 118 are remarks that had been made to him ; and there are
many references to persons who were his friends or in whom he took an
interest— Queen Elizabeth and King James, the Earls of Essex and Salisbury,
Casaubon, the Doge Donato, Diodati, Sarpi, and Fulgenzio. For convenience
of reference I have numbered the sayings.
1. Every man a letter beyond himself is a fool.
2. God hath made one work of substance, and man hath made another
of art and opinion.
3. It is the wholesomest getting a stomach by walking in your own
grounds, and the thriftiest, by laying it on another man's table.
4. Atheist(s) in affliction like blind beggars; forced to ask, but know
not of whom.
5. There are not two such acres in all the country as the Exchange
and Westminster Hall.
6. Women are not such tender fruits, but that they bear as well upon
beds as plasht against the walls.
7. Christmas Lords only know their ends.
8. Our carts are never worse employed than when they are waited on
by coaches.
9. All women are for one use, though in divers titles.
10. Next to no wife and children, your own wife and children are
best pastime; another's wife and your children worse; your wife and
another's children worst.
11. Many statesmen hunt their own fortunes, and are often at a fault ;
favourites course her, and are ever in view.
(p. 103 ; see ante, i, p. 387) ; and to the Marquis of Hamilton (p. 58 ; see ante, i,
p. 487).
1 Among these may be mentioned a letter from Queen Anne, wife of James I,
recommending Wotton to the Doge Grimani (p. 41) ; James Fs letter to Wotton
(p. 42 ; see ante, i, p. 358 n.) ; Lord Cecil's letter to the English merchants in
Italy (p. 127 ; see ante, i, p. 69 ; and Biondi's letter about the Project of Venice
(p. 106 ; see ante, i, p. 93;.
APPENMX IV 491
12. Court motions are up and down, oars ] circular \ theirs like Bquibe,
cannot stay at the highest, nor return to the place whence they rose from,
hut vanish and wear out in the air; ours like millwheels, husy without
changing ; they . . . fortunes, we vicissitudes.
13. A soul in a fat body lies soft, and is loth to rise.
1 1. Flattery is increased from a pillow under the elbow, to a bed under
the whole body.
15. He that sleeps in the cradle of security, sins without snorling.
16. Wit and a woman are two frail things, and both the frailer by con-
curring.
17. That money is nothing but a thing that art hath turned up trump.
18. That chambering is esteemed a civiller quality than playing at
tables, though serving men use both.
19. The best bed-fellow for all times in the year is a bed without a
fellow.
20. Sleep is death's picture drawn to the life, or the twilight of life
and death.
21. Often sleeping are so many trials to die, that at the last we may
do it perfectly.
22. Few dare write the true news of their chambers.
23. Justices of the Peace have the felling of the underwoods; but the
Lords have the great falls.
2 1. Jesuits are like apricocks heretofore ; that is, here and there one
succored in a great man's house and cost dear : now you may have them
for nothing in every cottage.
25. Every great vice is a pike in a pond ; it devours virtues and less
vices.
20. Sentences in authors, like hairs in a horse-tail, concur in one root
of beauty and strength ; but being plucked out one by one, serve only for
springes and snares.
27. "Want and abundance equally inform a rectified mind from the
world, as cotton and stones are both castings for a hawk.
28. I am sure there is none of the forbidden fruit left, because we all
daily eat of it.
29. Your best three-piled mischief comes from beyond sea, and rides
post through the country, but his errand is at Court.
30. Many think there are as many miseries beyond happiness, as on
this side of it.2
3 1 . Truth is every man's by asserting.
32. Time was never but a minute old.
33. The wisdom of action is discretion; the knowledge or contempla-
tion is truth, the knowledge of action is man.
34. He that first considers what should be the latter, makes use of
what is.
35. Leagues and contracts of Princes last no longer than the causes for
which they were made. Mach : 3
3G. The Prince of Panna ; of Orange ; Sixtus V ; Leo XI auother
1 Ambassadors' (?)
2 Cf. Compkat Angler, Pt. I, chap. 21. 'For it was vriselj said, by a man of
great observation. " That there bo as many miseries beyond riches, as on this side
of them.'" 3 Maehiavelli ?
492 APPENDIX IV
Pope ; Prince of Savoia ; Princess of Piombino ; Henry III ; Henry IV —
all since 1593 l murdered by Spaine.
37. All States are ungrateful, and so their ministers.
38. The Span(ish) ambas(sador) in Ve(nice)2, hearing of the French
K(ing's) death, said he deserved it for assisting heretics.
39. Monsieur Moulin3 in Orlea(n)s, being demanded what he thought
of the K(ing's) death, answered 0 Monsieur, cest a nous de mettre les doits
sur la bouche et contempler les grandeurs de Dieic avec veneration et silence.
40. The murderer must be wrought to the fact either by great
l^romises of estate, or pardons and indulgences; that is by Spa(in) or
priests; they stirred by helping the Princes of Ger(many).4 All conclude
that the Prince of Condy,5 besides his disability in estate for rewards, his
capacity and courage would never have carried him into such a resolu-
tion.
41. The 16th of May the Bishop of Feltre0 was made Vescovo delta
Signoria, protesting he would lay aside all respects of Rome and dedicate
himself to the Prince, which confirmation was commanded to be read in
Senate.
42. The Prince Donato very often used to amb(assadors) this compli-
ment, Noi rlngratiamo la Signoria Vostra della buona disseminatione del-
I'/ionore che suo He ci porta.
43. Sixtus IV built the bordello in Rome which yieldeth £4,000 per
annum. A whore there cannot turn to an honest life without paying so
much to have her name razed out of the book as it cost to enroll.
44. The cameriere of Contarini,7 at his return to Venice, being asked
what he had seen in England (said), after he had received much
courtesy, &c, he had seen un* altra cosa che non si poteva dire per essere
heresia ; in somma, he saw a picture in London of the Pope at stool,
dropping medals, mitres, beads, with many card(inals) and priests
holding up their hands ; at which the Ve(netians) laughed exceedingly.
45. Pere Cotton 8 receiving the King's heart (who built a college for
that purpose) and kissing it, said he would as willingly kiss the K(ing)
of England's .
46. It was written from Bologna that the image there of St. Denis
wept three whole days before the murder.
47. The Queen proceeded against the Earl of Essex by his own uncle9
and nearest allies ; for if they accuse him and find him faulty, the people
must needs think him so.
1 1593 must be a mistake for 1583 ; the Duke of Parma died a natural death
Dec. 3, 1592; William of Orange was assassinated July 10, 1581 ; Sixtus V died
Aug. 27, 1590, Leo XI April 27, 1605 ; Henry III was killed accidentally
Aug. 2, 1589 ; Henry IV was assassinated May 14, 1610.
2 The Marquis ot'Bedmar. 3 See No. 117.
4 i. e. by the action of Henry IV in the Juliers-Cleves controversy.
5 Henry II, Prince de Conde, 1588-1646.
c Agostino Mocenigo, appointed Bishop of Feltre, March 29, 1610.
7 Francesco Contarini, extraordinary ambassador to England, 1609 (ante, i,
pp. 106, 489).
8 Pierre Cotton, Henry IV's confessor.
9 Sir William Knollys (1547-1632), first Earl of Banbury, 1626, was one of
the eighteen Commissioners at the first trial of his nephew the Earl of Essex on
June 5, 1600, and was sent to Essex House on Feb. 8, 1601, with the Lord Keeper,
the Lord Chief Justice, and the Earl of Worcester.
APPENDIX IV 493
48. Christening, a ceremony of the Church ; for witness the Jews have
none, only they bring their children to the synagoge to be examined
that they have (been) brought up in the knowledge of the Law, &c. ; so
they leave them to their own hazard.
49. The Q(ueen's) farewell to my Lord of Essex in a voyage to Cales,1
that he should use her men like a match that once set on fire burns to
the end. Her purpose then was that what he should get, the would
keep for debts.
BO. The Duke (of) Florence 2 seldom came where his brethren were,
for avoiding the people's comparisons. I may say most Princes use the
like.
»51. A priest near St. Hieronimo3 in Ven(ice), sent for a spy into
rmany, married there by dispensation, and after three (years) returned
;o Italy to his cure.
52. Bio mi guardi drill' entrata d' un francese et dall uscita d' un
ignuolo.
53. An objection being made against the acting of a tragedy in
Christ(mas) before the Queen, it was answered that 'choice was made
to put your Majesty in mind that since your reign, tragedies were from
the State got upon the stage '.
54. A K(ing) should use his prerogative as rarely as God miracles,
for his laws should be as the laws of nature.4
o5. A prisoner in Venice rejoiced when he heard Sixtus V was made
Pope, for ' sure ' (saith he) I shall now be free for he . . . me when I was
a boy '. The Senate of Home made a decree, after his statue was pulled
down in the Campidolio, that no statue should be made of any Pope
living. Bellarmine saith of him Quantum ego sapio aut credo, est apud
inferos.
56. Pasquin. He died Spanish and lived French.
57. The F(rench) K(ing) by his ambassador5 signified to the State
of Ve(nice) in their differences that he had given order for the levying
of 10,000 fant. 4,000 horse, and that he would be ready to help his
friends, but he could not declare himself, because that so he in the nego-
tiation should appear interested, when he desired to seem neutral.
58. Contareno in Se(nate) ' volevamo dar il rosto, cid e V entrata, et non
ha voluto ; poi fumo, la dignita, ne anche al fino il spiedo, il governo
spirituale. Hora, se tutto questo non vuol contentarlo, mettiamo le cose in
alegia et abandoniamo la patria'
59. My Lord of E(ssex), after being made Councillor,6 lost the
Q(ueen's) favour, for before she made him controller of her Council,
showing them through him her power. Sir W. Ra(leigh) refused it.
00. The Q(ueen) was wont to call Sir R(obert) C(ecil) the register
of her remembrances.
i Cadiz. S 2 Ferdinand I.
3 S. Girolamo, near Wotton's residence, 1605-10.
4 A saying of James I. ' Neither can I ever leese out of my remembrance
what I heard your Majesty . . . deliver in a great cause of judicature that Kings
ruled by their laws as God did by the laws of nature, and ought as rarely to put
in use their supreme perogative as God did his power of working miracles.'
(Bacon's Advancement of Learning, Bk. II, Ellis-Spedding, iii, p. 429.)
0 De Fresnes-Canaye. 6 Feb. 23, 1593.
494 APPENDIX IV
61. Dux Venetus ordiaativm non poteslatium capit principalum .
62. Errors like rivers, the further they run, the more they increase.
63. In things we know, we should not do as those that fall into waters,
catch hold of the next bough, but search.
64. Out of arithmetic sprung music, which is but figures put into
sounds, and out of geometry sprung perspective, which is lines put into
beams.
65. L'affetto et Vobligo non admetto(nd) dilatione, ma solo Vinteresse
richer 'c(ono) le consulte.
66. About a picture of my Lord of Essex which Bassadonna * had was
written Conscium en age diem.
67. A preacher begging alms told the aud(ience) that if they would
have new matter they (must) give him money for new books, ' I would
have you charitable as they of Mantua and Naples; of Rome I say
nothing, for there vogliono essere serviti et ringratiati.
68. A Venetian ambassador, when he saw Phillip the Second wore
covers over his sleeves, and heard him say he was poor, answered, ' Your
Majesty's wisdom is better known than your poverty.'
69. L. V. offered in the Ve(netian) troubles 3,000 loaves a month for
a year to be given at the doors of such poor women whose husbands or
children went to the war.
70. It was unlikely that the Ve(netians) would apprehend the Prince
of Conde 2 for the F(rench) K(ing) ; for Piinces seldom redeliver fugi-
tives. The Vene(tians) would not deliver the Marquis Sharra 3 to the
Pope nor Don Sebastian4 to the K(ing) of S(pain), nor the F(rench)
K(ing), Ant. Peres,5 nor the Archduke Owen,6 nor (the) K(ing) of
Eng(land). . .
71. Discourse with all men as near as you can in their own faculties, for
so you may increase your knowledge by them and gain their friendships.7
72. In reading of history, a soldier should draw the platform of battles
he meets with, plant the squadrons and order the whole frame as he
finds it written, so he shall print it firmly in his mind and apt his mind
for actions. A politique should find the characters of personages and
apply them to some of the Court he lives in, which will likewise confirm
his memory and give scope and matter for conjecture and invention. A
friend to confer readings together most necessary.
1 Zuane Bassadona {ante, i, p. 299 n.).
2 The Prince de Conde fled from Brussels to Milan in 1610, and remained in
Italy till after the death of Henry IV. For an attempt to cause his arrest
in Venetian territory, see Cal. S. P. Ven., xi, pp. 453-4, 457.
3 Marco Sciarra (ante, i, p. 432).
4 One of the many impostors who claimed to be Don Sebastian of Portugal
appeared in Venice in 1598. Expelled from Venice, he was surrendered to Spain
by the Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1601 (Cal. S. P. Ven., ix, pp. 354, 449).
"' Antonio Perez (ante, i, p. 285).
6 Hugh Owen, a Jesuit implicated in the Gunpowder Plot who fled to
Brussels. Sir Thomas Edmondes, the English ambassador, was commissioned
to demand that he should be arrested and sent to England (Wimcood Mem.,
ii, p. 183).
7 Cf. Bacon's Essay on Discourse, published in 1597. ' He that questioneth much
shall learn much, and content much ; specially if he apply his questions to the
skill of the persons of whom he asketh, for he shall give them occasion to
please themselves in speaking, and himself shall continually gather knowledge/
(Ellis-Spedding, vi, p. 565.)
APPENDIX TV 109
73. The F(rench) K(ing), after he is dead for certain days, hath all
bgsl ceremonies done to him, his table furnished, his physicians feeling
his pulse. He mends, and at last he falls dangerously sick, and surely he
will die.
74. By the Turks' law all contracts written in Latin may be broken.
75. A party in Senate, presently after the death of the F(rench)
(King said) that many of the K(ing's) pensioners being free, none
should work any of them to the service of the State without first moving
the Senate, and giving knowledge of his person, for inconveniences which
■light follow after any one that should offer his service to the State, and
then the Senate dislike his person.
70. Presently upon the K(ing) of F(rance) his death a miracle
noised in Venice, and told by public authority for diverting the people's
whisperings.
77. Any Friar may quit his monastery that pretendeth his father
unable to live without the son's labour.
78. Masters of houses (are) like false pillars, which seem to hold up
the house, when indeed the foundation holds up them.
79. The Turke hath a close grate with a curtain in a room where he
may hear what passeth between all ambassadors and his vizier, so as the
vizier, knowing not when he will be there, answers always as if in
presence of his master.
80. The officers of the Turke in their prayers call on Mahomet that
they may receive many gifts that day, knowing the great Signor gave
them that office to make themselves rich.
81. A gentleman of Naples, begging a pension of Charles V, and
amongst other services of his ancestors, telling the Emperor that his
father had been Viceroy in Sicily, &c, but left nothing behind him,
answered it was his fault, ' for I made him Viceroy that he might make
himself rich '.
82. At Luca every hour is rung an Ave Maria bell, and the answer to
what o'clock is it ? is sono sonate le 5 Ave Marie.
83. Signor Hercule de Salice \ ' That when the league was made
between the 17 Cantons Swizers, 3 of Grisons, and 3 of Valetia, at the
meeting (himself one) on each amb(assador's) trencher was set 19
glasses of each to drink to the continuation of the business.
84. Illustrissimo Nani2, Ve(netian) ambassador, when the Pope told
him that he would make his State sweat for it, answered that his State
would then wipe it off with his rochetto.
85. Cavaliere Guar. : The Court of Rome is like the sea in all things,
with this exception, that he that sails well in the one, and he that does
ill in the other, arrive best at their ports.
8G. The Jes(uits) after vespers say always divers Ave Marias ad
intentionem Reetoris.
87. Charles V : That the diets of Germany were like parti di vijyere,
the new and young did always eat up the old.
88. In Naples the general of the camp permitteth a bank-master for
all kind of gaming, and any one that will venture living in the galleys
shall have money lent him upon condition that he repay it at such a
1 Hercole de Salice (ante, ii, p. 149).
2 Agostino Nani, Venetian ambassador at Rome, 1605-6.
496 APPENDIX IV
lime, or remain there to work it out ; so that many venture for a fortune.
If they lose they know the worst, if they win they repay the debt. By
this means the city is rid of many vagabonds, the galleys furnished, and
all without distaste of the people.
89. The Count Olivares l, Spa(nish) amb(assador) to Sixtus V, who
said to him in a business that he did not believe him, ■ if your Holiness
do not believe me, yet make as if you did, for if I say false, it is not you
that must correct me, but my master/
90. The Pope Paulus V, when Fulgentio preached at Venice, told Con-
tareni, Ven(etian) ambassador, that he was informed that in Ven(ice)
false doctrine was suffered to be preached, and so willed him to warn the
State thereof. He ans(wered) his avises went otherwise, that Fulgentio
only exhorted men to the reading of the Scriptures. The Pope
ans(wered) ' Et non sapete vol che il tanto leggere la scrittura guasti la
religione Catholica ? ' 2
91. The Bishop of Philadelphia in Venice, being asked whether he had
received the Pope's Jubilee of 1608, answered he had not received any
these 1607 years.3
92. A courtier to the F(rench) K(ing) that his ears received truths
as his chequers received his datii, that is, one for an hundreth.
93. The King of Swethland's son, being feasted with a dance, a gentle-
woman taketh him forth. The Q(ueen) wherewith pulleth him back
and said, 'Nonne admodum procax est puella quae JUium regis ausa est
sumere ? ' He suddenly answered, ' Immo jpotius benigna dea quae non
dedignata estfilium hominis."1
94. An advertisement was brought from Pome by a priest concerning
the F(rench) K(ing's) safety, and presented to the F(rench) ambas-
sador in Venice, with a prayer enclosed in it that all the while he should
have it about him, should be as good as pistol proof to defend him.
95. Max(imilian) I was wont to say that he was K(ing) of Kings,
the K(ing) of Spa(in) the K(ing) of men, the K(ing) of France, the
K(ing) of asses.
96. In the banishment of the Jesuits from Venice, there was sent
authority from the Pope to a gentlewoman Jesuitical to confess other
women, and to give them medals, which they should receive instead of
the sacrament, and have like effect.
97. Before men leap into great businesses, they must see to have
a good foundation and ground to rise from, as one to fall on.4
98. Sometimes flashes are flung abroad of purpose, that haj)ly lying
still, would in time kindle of themselves.
99. The Sposa of Florence 5 on the way had her meat served into her
chamber first by men to the door, then by gentlewomen to her table.
1 Count Olivares (1530-1590), resident ambassador at Kome in the pontificate
of Sixtus V.
2 See ante, i, p. 452.
3 See ante, i, pp. 436-7.
* Cf. ante, i, p. 382, 'Be the minds of princes never so well prepared, and the
love between them never so great, yet before they leap into any important
treaty one with another, it seemeth as necessary to have a good ground from
whence to rise, as another to fall upon.'
5 Maria Madelina, sister of Ferdinand of Styria, married Prince Cosmo of
Tuscany in 1608 {ante, i, pp. 426 n., 434).
APPENDIX IV 497
100. Causabong to Khony * presentiug his Athaneus, being Greeke he
said he would none of it, he understood it not. Ca. ' Your Honour's
son notwithstanding doth.' ' Fool/ said Ko. ' it is not fit my son should
know more than 1/ so he went fretting away and sware per Dieu je te
farai si noir, &c.
101. Don Pedro2 in '88, being asked why he did not run away when
he might, said ' I could not per la neyra reputation dun soldato'.
102. The Duke of Nevers3 to Villeroy 4, that if he ceased not com-
plaining of his government, he would kill him with the spurs he wore.
103. The Pope by executing Fulg(enzio)5 showed to the world how he
would use the Vene(tians) were they in his power, renewed the quarrel
wherein he lost such reputation, feared the rest of the Ve(netian) Theo-
logues, accused himself of treachery, and lastly confirmed the opinion
the world hath of him for a most unreconcileable man, who never since
his Popedom hath vouchsafed to look upon his brother's wife, because
through her means his brother refused once to procure him a gum of
money.
104. Sir F. Bacon in Parliament, after a very fair speech made, said :
I should willingly assent to your former speech, if we were not come
hither rather for physic than music.'
105. In difficult times States send into the ears of the public toys,,
miracles, &c, as mariners, when they fear whales, throw forth empty
barrels.
106. Boterg, a Jesuit of the City of Bene, of whom it is said that he
was the only huomo da bene among them all.
107. Fulgentio burned at Rome in July, 1610, for denying the Pope
to be the head of the Church, and a Capuchin then saved, though before
condemned to have two wives.
108. Since the example of Alexander VI, and then Bianca Capella,
the use of poisoning is lost in Italy — not to give place to a better custom,
but to a more convenient vice, the stiletto.
109. Sir Ko(bert) Cecil accused to his Ma(jesty) by Udal, and the
K(ing) telling him of it, burst forth into a rash, 'By God, I am ashamed
to be beholding unto your Ma(jesty) for not believing that base rascal.'
110. My Lord Montjoy 6, reprehended by the K(ing) for taking
tobacco, answered, 'By that your Ma(jesty) shall have a little more
practice in England, (you) will find greater faults to pardon amongst us.'
111. The Signoria of Ve(nice) farmeth 2/3rda of their datii, the other
part they keep to themselves for their officers' greater respect.
112. The Spanish ambassador needed no spectacles in Venice, for
sure States represent most things far bigger than their truths.
113. The night heats in Venice, for your gross bodies retain heat
longer, as wood than straw ; so that air, thicked by vapours from the
1 For Casaubon's relations with Rosny (Due de Sully) see Pattison, pp. 234-6.
* Perhaps Don Pedro de Valdez, commander of the squadron of Andalusia in
the Armada. When his ship the Capitaua was disabled, Don Pedro de Valdez
eiused to leave her, and was taken prisoner by Drake.
3 Louis de Gonzague, Due de Nevers (1539-1595), Governor of Champagne.
* Nicolas de Neufville, Seigneur de Villeroi (1542-1617), French secretary
>f state.
5 Ante, i, p. 496.
6 Charles Blount (1563-1606), eighth Baron Mountjoy, first Earl of Devonshire.
WO I TON. II K K
498 APPENDIX IV
waters, retained heat after sun-setting. Besides with the sun, winds do
surely abate.
114. Fatali inavertenze. The League of Cambray against the Vene-
tians. The Spanish fleet (in) '88, so little thought on that eight com-
missioners were then in the Low Co(untries) treating a league.
115. Anteus, when he touched the earth, recovered his strength; so
will you, when these great affairs that hold you up abroad, suffer you to
touch your natural ground. To Sir H. W.
116. The Duke(s) of Ferrara preceded in Italie except with Venice;
they took their name from gaining the Castle of Este. They were before
called Marchesi di Borgo and by Ferd(inand) III Emp(eror) intituled
Dukes of Modena, then by Paolo II Granduke of Ferrara, who was the
first except Milan that had such a title in Italie. The difference betwixt
Florence and Ferrara for precedency grew from a distinction betweeu
Dukes of provinces and cities ; one of Tuscany, the other of Ferrara.
117. Molin to Sir H. W. of the death of the F<rench> K(ing) : '0
Monsieur, c'est a nous de mettre les doicts au louche et contempler let .
grandes ceuvres de dieu avec veneration et silence.' l
118. My L(ord) T(reasurer) to Sir H. W. concerning his following
the King, that he must not by too much sedulity make himself cheap
.nor by too much absence fall into forgetfulness.
119. Diodati of Padre Paolo, huomo cubiculare, on what side soever Ik
fell stood still.
120. The Prince of Venice in this like the sun, doth effect all bif
purposes in radio obliquo, not by direct authority.
121. The religion of Malta is to destroy the Turks and infidels, yet
the R(oman) canons condemneth him of irregularity that any wig
sheddeth blood though by casualty. In confession, a person for theft
though from a few, must restore or not be pardoned ; they of Malta stea
by authority.
122. The Lord Treasurer Burleigh, speaking of a King's authority ii
Parliament, saith : ' I know not that thing a King cannot do in a course o
Parliament unless it be a miracle.'
123. Cheri yielded to the D(uke) of Savoy with condition that the;;
should hold the 1, 2, and 3 appellations, the last to the Senate at Turin
likewise the D(uke) shall never abide longer than three days there, i
his occasions urged, four, and his Court must go out at one gate, an<
enter at another, like that of Barcelona. When the K(ing) comes, tlr
gates are shut against him, the porter asks, ' Who's there?' 'The K(ing]
of Barcelona.' 'Then you know/ says the porter, 'what the K(ing^
must do,' so he puts off one shoe and asks leave to come in.
124. Jurea, called Stallabium, for a colony of horse the Romans kep
there. The Castle whereat the Consul lived, at the fall of the Empire
was possessed by the Governor, and he subdued the city. The inhabitant
afterwards overcame him, and the chief governor for ever after wa
ordained, in hate of that castle being destroyed, to go up to the place am
throw a stone into the Doha.
125. Thebe, a Queen of Lombardy, had Corduba for her dowry, bein;
two miles from Jurea, who founding a monastery there, ordained that tli
mass-bell should ring so long as she might make herself ready, and com
1 Cf. No. 39.
APPENDIX IV 499
thither from Corduba, in memory of which Q(uecn) the monastery con-
tinue h still that order of ringing.
126. The fertility of Piemont may be imagined by the nearness of
colonies, Jurea, Turin, Polenze ; of horse, besides the marciones prefecti
limitaiidl of Monferat, Salusti, Scena, and divers others all within the
of twenty miles.
127. Too great benefits from Princes to subjects are dangerous ; they
■ike the mind capable of merit more than duty.
128. Consilia senum hastas iuvenum esse.
129. Princes must choose their instruments far neyoliis, not sujrra,
that are only theirs without friends or power.
130. Acts that fill Princes' coffers are often the ruin of their first
inventors.
131. Princes' minds and favours (are) more transitory than others,
sooner cloyed, and larger, so they easily overlook their first elections,
having no other necessity in the fastness of their affections than their
>wn satisfaction.
132. Denials from Princes must be supplemented with gracious usage,
that though they cure not the sore, yet they abate the sense of it. But
best it is all favours come directly from themselves, denials and things
rf bitterness from their ministeis.
1 33. Great must be the art of that man, that keeps himself afloat in the
stream of Princes' favour ; who effects it must only intend the honour
md service of his master, despoiled of all other respects, transform him-
self into his inward inclination, work into necessity of employment by
mdergoing the offices of most secrecy, either of public service or private
pleasures ; beat he must down competitors of worth by the hands of
others, conceal his own greatness in public with a feigned humility ;
vhat in potency or government he effecteth, let it rather seem the work
jf others than appetite of his own.
134. H(enry) III; a famine so violent that the King was forced to
lirect writs to all the sheriffs ad pauperes mortuos sepeliendos famis media
lejirientes.1 (Sic.)
135. H(enry) III was complained of for his private- electing Chief
Fustice, Chancellor, Treasurer that should be chosen . . . they by the
ommon counsel of the realm.2
136. The Bishop of Winchester denied delivering of the great seal
)ut in Parliament where he received it.3
137. Miles literatus, or clericus militaris, Sir priest.
138. Experience is dearly bought when it never learns to do but by
indoing, and never sees order but when disorder shows it.
139. No man's bounty is much loved that is not merely future.
140. H(enry) III for want, and rather than call a Parliament,
■lawneth Gascoine, his imperial crown, jewels, and when his own pawns
ails pawns the jewels and ornaments of St. Edward's shrine, and in the
1 Probably the famine of 1258 '.Matthew Paris, ed. Luard, v, p. 702).
- Ibid., v, p. 7.
8 Ralph Neville, Bishop of Chichester, who was elected Bishop of Winchester
188, but Henry III refused his assent. He became Chancellor in 1226 by
ppointment of the common council of the kingdom, and in 1236 refused to
esign his office without a requisition from the body that had appointed him.
Hid., iii, p. 364.)
K k 2
500 APPENDIX IV
end, wanting means for diet (as Paris saith) he, liis Queen and children
cum Abbatibus et Prioribus satis humiUbus hospitia quaerunt etprandia}
141. H(enry) I [I ; a Parliament at Oxford2 chose 24 comites tt
govern the kingdom, 12 by them( selves), 12 by the King, afterwarc
Montford,3 Gloster 4 and Despencer 5 at another Parliament resigned the
authority of 24, and made themselves a Triumvirate,6 each one of then
aiming to be a perpetuus dictator.
142. Men must beware of running down steep hills with weight}
bodies ; they once in motion, suo feruntur pondere ; steps are not thei
voluntary.
143. A gracious kind of pardoning, not to take notice of offences.
144. Tyrants shed blood for pleasure, kings for necessity.
145. Immoderate liberality is a weak means to win love, for it losetl
more in the gathering than gaineth in the giving.
1 ' Et iam cum abbatibus, prioribus, clericis. et viris satis humilibus hospital
quaesivit et prandia.' (Matthew Paris, ed. Luard, v, p. 199.)
2 The 'mad' Parliament at Oxford in 1258.
3 Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester (1208?-1265).
4 Gilbert de Clare, eighth Earl of Gloucester (1243-1295,.
5 Hugh le Despenser (d. 1265), Justiciary of England.
6 In 1264, after the battle of Lewes.
LETTERS OF SIR HENRY WOTTON, PRINTED IN THI
RELIQUIAE WOTTOMANAE, OMITTED IN THI
PRESENT EDITION
1. March 12, 1591, to Lord Zouche. Reliq., 4th ed., p. 631.
2. March 26, 1591, to Lord Zouche. Reliq., 4th ed., p. 634.
3. July 31, 1592, to Lord Zouche. Reliq., 4th ed., p. 679.
4. Sept. 12, 1592, to Lord Zouche. Reliq., p. 692.
5. Sept. Tv, 1620, to Conway and Weston. Reliq., 3rd and 4th eds., p. 501
See ii, p. 191 n.
6. Oct. 20, 1620, to Calvert. Reliq., 1st ed., p. 467. 3rd and 4th ed*
p. 293. See ii, p. 193 n.
7. March if, 1621, to Buckingham ? Reliq., 1st ed., p. 508. 3rd and 4t
eds., p. 302. See ii, p. 210 n.
8. May 1%, 1622, to Calvert. Reliq., 3rd ed., p. 536. See ii, p. 238 n.
Portions of Wotton's newsletters to Lord Zouche, long lists of the ' occui
rences of the week ', have also been omitted ; these will be found in th
Reliquiae, 4th ed., pp. 589-91, 593-6, 597-8, 604-5, 607-8, 612-15, 615-1-
621-3, 644-6, 658-62, 665-7, 668-70, 671-2, 674-6, 677-8, 682-3, 686-7
688-90, 694-5.
GLOSSARY OF ARCHAIC, OBSOLETE, AND RARE
WORDS USED BY SIR HENRY WOTTON
The words in italics are words not found elsewhere, or familiar words first used
by Wotton. The definitions are for the most part those given by the Xno
English Dictionary and the Century Dictionary.
A.bone, to make good, ii 224.
Abord, arrival, i 414.
Aborted, brought to a premature or
fruitless termination, ii 36.
A.bversion, dissuasion, ii 400.
Acceptation, acceptance, i 383, 468.
Acception, acceptance, ii 356.
Addorse, to lay upon, i 455.
Affiance, confidence, assurance, ii 64.
Agone, ago, i 416.
A-lholantyde, All Hallows, i 486.
Amortized, held in commission, ii 318.
Amusement, distraction, deception.
i 326, 432.
Apern, apron, i 415.
Apostamated, affected with an
apostem, corrupted, i 395.
Appertinent, appurtenant, i 298.
Approachment, approach, ii 166.
Approvement, approval, ii 172. 304.
Apricocks, apricots, ii 491.
Apt, to fit. prepare, ii 494.
Armada, fleet, ii 159.
Arthritical, arthritic, ii 338.
Artisan, one who practises an art,
ii 343.
Ascertain, to make oneself certain,
i 240.
Assassinate, assassin, i 407,408n,ii37l.
At a squat, quiet, suspended, ii 280.
Aversaticn, aversion, i 379.
Baloon, a game played with an inflate d
ball, ii 157 n.
Banded, bandied, ii 381.
Bangling, squandering, ii 228.
Beaten, experienced, i 340.
Bewray, to betray, i 327, ii 92, 111-12,
205, 211. 218. 267.
Blanch, to pass without notice, ii 322.
882.
Blanked, nonplussed, disconcerted,
i 28&
Bragg, lively or boastful, i 381, ii 2(55.
1 Bruit, rumour, tidings, i 422, ii 64, 70,
241.
Brusk, brusque, ii 410.
Capitulate, to make the subject of
negotiation, i 364, ii 157.
Caring, taking care of, i 235.
Cast, a couple, ii 330.
Cease, to put a stop to, ii 165, 251.
Censure, to judge, to give an opinion
of, i 339, 349.
Chambering, lewdness, ii 491.
Chambers, pieces of ordnance, ii 33.
Chamlet, a cheap stuff of wool and
silk, ii 211.
Chaus, chiaus, Turkish messenger or
envoy, ii 15, 142.
Choice, special value, estimation,
ii 315.
Close, an enclosure, ii 340.
Closter, a measure of wood, i 249.
Collaudation, praise, commendation,
ii 89.
Commercement, commerce, i 322,
388, ii 108, 249.
Compear, to appear, ii 199.
Compilement, the action of construct-
ing or building up, ii 332.
Complements, compliments, cere-
monies, ii 328.
Comply, to use compliments or cere-
monies, ii 208.
Concoction, digestion, ii 186, 387.
Concur, to participate in, i 391.
Concur, to add (?), i 460.
Conducts, conduits, ii 101.
Confer, to contribute, ii 212.
Conflner, one living on the confim *, a
neighbour, ii 298.
Confiscable, liable to confiscation, ii 198.
Congeniality, similarity of tastes, ii 205.
Conoscible, cognoscible, i 414.
Consistorial, «>f or belonging to a
consistory, i 34»">.
502
GLOSSARY
Convented, summoned, ii 28.
Convention, summoning, ii 232.
Corbet, to curvet, ii 28.
Correspondent, responsive, i 383.
Corroborate, to invigorate, ii 394.
Counter-buff, a blow in the contrary
direction, ii 17
Crazedness, ill-health, i 459 n.
Crazy, ill, infirm, ii 407.
Cremisin, crimson, i 464.
Cross, across, i 434, ii 168.
Curious, particular about manner of
action, ii 303.
Debatement, debate, discussion, con-
sideration, i 355, ii 196, 215.
Decumbent, lying in bed through ill-
ness, ii 98, 102, 129, 141, 219-20.
Deerling, darling, i 329.
Defalk, to defalcate, ii 57.
Deferred, rendered, ii 89.
Deformation, alteration of form for
the worse (opposite of reformation),
i 363, 384, 386.
Demerit, to merit, to be worthv of,
i 357.
Dependency, suspense, i 348.
Destinated, appointed, i 391.
Diet, allowance for the . expense of
living, i 46, ii 76.
Difficult, to make difficult, ii 60.
Dilating, enlarging, expatiating, i
361 n.
Disappefency, failure of appetite, ii 272.
Discomfortable, comfortless, ii 219,
330.
Disconvenient, inconvenient, i 293.
Discountenance, to put out of coun-
tenance, ii 488.
Disestimation, disesteem, i 317.
Bis-exasperate, to pacify, i 324.
Disinterested, unbiassed by personal
interest, i 385.
Disports, recreations, ii 91.
Dissoil, assoil, ii 68.
Distent, distension, ii 53.
Disumbrageous, free from cloud or
suspicion, ii 172.
Doubles, doubloons, i 330.
Ebriety, inebriety, i 298.
Economical, pertaining to a household
or its management, ii 133.
Electorating, making an Elector of the
Empire, ii 224.
Elemented, instructed, well-grounded.
ii 369, 408.
Eremite, hermit, ii 224.
Especial, pre-eminent, ii 169.
Evagations, diversions, ii 403.
Exclusive, exclusion, i 385.
Exemplar, exemplary, i 349.
Exemplify, to instruct by examples,
ii 488.
Expectative, expectation, ii 73.
Expressions, things pressed or
squeezed out, ii 380.
Extemporal, impromptu, i 354, ii 135,
250.
Family, household of assistants, ser-
vants, &c, i 47, 317, 450, 467.
Fault, break in the line of scent
(hunting term), ii 290.
Featly, fitly, aptly, ii 147.
Februous, feverish, i 321, ii 85, 189.
Fence out, to spend, ii 353.
Fit, to provide with what is fit. ii 147,
202, 234.
Flashing, dashing, ii 221.
Flatter, to nurse or take care of one-
self, i 462.
Flaiuous, flatulent, ii 344.
Fledge, fledged, fit to fly, i 353.
Flight, one able to go or run swiftljr,
ii 392
Foot, the sum or total of an account.
ii 81.
Forebar, to prevent, i 465.
Foresters, foreigners (forestieri), i 296.
Fraught, freight, ii 324.
Gaily, to frighten, ii 321 n.
Generality, commonness, prevalence,
wide range, ii 214.
Genial, pertaining to generation, ii 465
Genius, demon or spiritual being
i 252.
Habilitated, qualified, ii 368.
liabilities, abilities, qualifications,
433.
Harquebus, early type of portable gun
i 81, 407, 418, 491.
Harrington, a brass farthing token
ii 308.
Hectical, afflicted with hectic fever
consumptive; chronic, habitual, i 148
ii 24, 38.
Historified, decorated with figures
historiated, ii 346.
Humourists, students of 'humours', i
400.
Humourous of, desirous of, i 391.
Hydropsical, dropsical, ii 215.
Hypochondriacal, proceeding fron
the hypochondria, ii 266, 380.
Immane, monstrous, savage, ii 156.
Imprime, to begin, enter upon, ii 1«R
Impriming, beginning, entering upoi
action, ii 365.
Inable, to enable, i 319.
Incommodate, incommode, ii 21 7. 24 7
Inculpable, blameless, i 397.
Indilligence, want of diligence, ii 06.
Indissoeiable, incapable of being (lis
sociated. ii 350.
GLOSSARY
503
Ingeniously, ingenuously, ii 295.
Ingenuity, ingenuousness, i 497, ii
849, 358.
Ingenuous, ingenious, ii 199,216, 293.
Injealoused, made jealous, ii 1G3.
Innated, innate, i 332.
Insectiles, insects, ii 346.
Insociable, incompatible, ii 86.
Intelligenced, informed, i 400.
Intendment, intention, ii 109.
Intenebrated, darkened, rendered
obscure, ii 256.
InUnnatch, to intermarry, i 439.
Intervent, intervention, i 273.
Intoyle, to entoil, ensnare, ii 246.
Intreatment, treatment, entertain-
ment, i 503.
Irreconcileableness, incapability of being
reconciled, i 379.
Irregutoritires, irregularities, ii 137.
Journal, daily, ii 270, 399.
Judicial, pertaining to the judgement
of the heavenly bodies, i 486.
Julio, a silver coin, i 276.
Landtaye, Landtag, i 263.
Language, report, news, ii 173. 176,
337.
Laudatives, laudations, ii 349.
Let, a hindrance, i 228.
Let, to hinder, i 258.
Levelled, aimed, ii 296.
Lieger, resident, i 261, ii 197, 199,
216-7.
Linger, to prolong, to defer, ii 214.
Malcontentedness, discontent, i 299.
Malincholique, melancholic, ii 88.
Master, term of friendship and devo-
tion (</.mistress), i 379.
Mawe, a game of cards, i 273.
Mediterranean, inland, i 272, ii 306.
Melancholic, containing 'melancholy'
or black bile, atrabitious, ii 398.
Mergage, mortgage, ii 209.
Misconceit, misconception, ii 233.
Mistress, term of chivalrous devotion,
i 171, 379, ii 415.
Motion, to move, suggest, i 455.
Motion, a proposition, suggestion,
i 110, ii 90, 126, 164, 256.
Mouth-glue, fish-glue, ii 353.
Moyle, mule, i 274.
Mued, mewed, molted, ii 330.
Negotious, given to business, ii 94.
NephriticaL nephritic, ii 401.
I Oblige, to bind, i 484.
Obstination, obstinacy, i 501 n.
Occurrents, occurrences, i 486.
•Of, out of, from, i 405.
Of course, in due course, i 405, ii 140.
Orator, ambassador or envoy, i Ml.
Orthodoxal, orthodox, i 448-9, ii 148.
Overcheer, to encourage unduly,
860.
Overlive, to outlive, ii 406.
Overrun, to outrun, i 384.
Overspy, to watch over, i 835.
Overween, to overestimate, ii 332.
Papable, capable of being elected Pope,
i296.
Peazing, pacifying, ii 320.
Perambulatory, wandering, ii 282.
Piece, to unite, come together, ii B60.
Plasht, pleached, ii 490.
Plebeyity, plebs, ii 139.
Politique, politician, i 341, 360, 404,
440, ii 60, 200, 269, 494.
Portal, used of an ambassador's official
robes (?), i 498.
Postilled, explained or illustrated by
postils, i 412.
Pounded, impounded, confined, ii
300.
Pourtrait, to portray, ii 335.
Practick, practice, practical experience,
i 273, 276, 278, 280.
Preconsidted, first considered, i 485.
Preoccupate, pre-occupy, i 388.
Presagement, presage, omen, ii 160.
Prevent, to forestall, anticipate, i 263,
325, ii 227, 332, 383.
Privado, a favourite, ii 310.
Processing, summoning to trial, ii 159.
Procinet, preparation, ii 364.
Prodition, treason, treachery, i 480.
Proditorious, treacherous, ii 97.
Produce, to prolong, ii 332.
Promoved, promoted, forwarded, ii
355-411.
Promover, promoter, ii 149.
Propend, to incline, i 395.
Provision, discount or commission,
1228.
Punctual, exact, ii 252.
Punctualist, one who is exact in
observing forms and ceremonies, ii
102.
Punctuality, a point of form or
ceremony, ii 217, 258.
Purchase, occupation, ii 186.
Query, equerry, ii 1.
Quotidian, daily, i 347.
Ramasse, a heap, collection, i 322.
Rapture, seizure, ii 245 n.
Rebullition, a boiling up again, re-
newed outbreak, ii 410.
Becapitated, forwarded, i 291.
Reconsolate, reconsole, ii 289.
Recrews, recruits, ii 209.
Regardful, worthy of regard, i 418.
Regiment, government, ii 70, 298, 865.
504
GLOSSARY
Rejourned, adjourned, i 292.
Rejournment, adjournment, i 489.
Relative, a cause of relation, a bond,
ii 213.
Relent, to slacken, abate, i 490.
Remember, to remind, i 374.
Remonstrate, to demonstrate, ii 179.
Repatriation, return or restoration to
one's own country, i 280, 421.
Representant, representative, i 413,
ii 157, 271.
Resiants, residents, i 434.
Respective, respectful, i 500.
Rest, term in court-tennis, ii 291.
Restorement, restoration, ii 296.
Retribute, to give in requital, ii 379.
Rhapsody, a collection, i 349, 506, ii
107, 352, 400.
Riddling, puzzling, ii 117.
Rubbage, rubbish, ii 333.
Rumour, to spread abroad, to cause to
be talked about, ii 288.
Runagates, renegades, i 423.
Scamble, to scramble, ii 393.
Scantling, size, dimensions, stature,
ii 343.
Schott, scot, reckoning, ii 274.
Semi-breeve, note in music, ii 235.
Senatorious, senatorial, ii 260;
Sessed, assessed, i 261.
Shadow, umbrage, offence, i 495.
Shadow, to conceal, i 268, 327, ii 115.
Sithence, since, i 362, 366, ii 75, 210,
278.
Sleave silk, slaved or untwisted silk,
ii 224.
Snorling, snoring, ii 491.
Solace, to take comfort, to be consoled,
ii 379.
Sollevation, sublevation, uprising, i
394, ii 158.
Sound, swoon, i 364.
Spagniolized,under Spanish influence,
i342n.
Speak with the most, to give the
highest figures, ii 251.
Spirituous, spirited, ii 318, 320, 322-3.
Spirity, spirited, ii 359.
Splendent, splendid, ii 184.
Standish, an inkstand, ii, 364.
Staple, a fixed mart or market, ii 25,
247, 368.
Stinted, taxed, i 267.
Stomach, to resent, i 263.
Subintendment, suggestion, i 371.
Subminister, to help secretly, ii 246.
Subministration,act of secretly help-
ing, forwarding, i 481.
Subodorated, suspected, i 854.
Succored, ripened, ii 491.
Succussion, a violent shaking, ii 259.
Sufficiency, competency, ability, i 300,
305, 337, 456, ii 160, 162, 215. 284,
488.
Sufficient, competent, able, i 300,
321 n.
Supportment, support, ii 399.
Surcrew, augmentation, ii 376.
Surreption,the act of takingstealthilv,
i 379.
Suspension, suspense, i 468, 481, ii
116.
Suspiration, act of suspiring:, sighing,
i 445.
Suspiring, sighing, ii 351.
Tender, to take care of, ii 71.
Theologue, theologian, ii 66, 497.
Theoriques, theoretical branches of
knowledge, ii 371.
Titular, titled, ii 88.
Trained, enticed, allured, i 488.
Transportation, digression, i 432.
Traverses, untoward accidents, ii 369.
Triaca, Venetian drug, i 427, ii 106.
Trick, to dress, fit out, ii 323.
Trunk, speaking-tube, ii 299.
Tumour, swelling or proudness of
spirits, ii 362.
Turbant, turban, i 477.
Umbrageous, liable to take offence,
213.
Umbrages, shadows, nice points,
115.
UncastigUonated, freed from Spai
influence, ii 208 n.
Undisseizable, incapable of being
seized, expelled, ii 7.
Unlimber, not limber, or flexible, ii
Unright, wrong, i 270.
Vagations, travels, ii 352.
Vent, news of, ii 87.
Vernality, springtime, ii 405.
Visard, vizor, mask, ii 216.
Vye, a drawing of cards in
of Mawe, i 273.
Weary ish,wearish. withered, wizei
ii 372.
INDEX
Abano, baths of, i 454.
Abbas, Shall of Persia, and Sir A.
Shirley, i 37-8.
Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, receives De Dominis, i 149 ;
letter about, ii 229 n ; HW presents
Elements of Arch, to, 285 n;— i 162, ii 19,
150 n, 155.
Abbot, Maurice, Trade Commissioner
sent to Hague, ii 73 n, 74, 77-8.
Aberdeen, i 233 n.
Abergavenny, Edward Neville, 6th
Baron, ii 37.
Abraham, ii 348.
Accoramboni. Vittoria. i 22, 285 n.
Achmet I, Sultan of Turkey, i 438.
ii 239 n.
Aeufia. See Gondomar.
Adam, ii 205.
Adda, the, i 179.
Addison, Joseph, ii 466.
Adelmare. Caesar, physician to Queen
Elizabeth, i 410 n.
Adige, the, i 436 n.
Adriatic, the, pirates in, i 73, 163 ;
Venetian claim to dominion of, 148,
154, ii 170 n; to right of search in,
i 74 ; HW suggests English ships
should be sent to, 80 ; English ships
in, 154-6, ii 146 n, 152, 155; Dutch
ships, i 155; Ossuna's fleet in, 152,
154, 157, ii 112, 128 n ; Venice for-
bids Spanish troops to cross, 163.
177, 179n;— i 50, 72, 323 n. 357 n,
398 n, 452 n, ii 18, 158, 169, 256.
Aerssens, Francis, Dutch ambassador
in Paris, i 476 n, ii 48.
Aesop quoted, i 311, 437.
Africa, i 54, 159, ii 150 n.
Aga, Pacha, ii 239.
Agostino, Signor, at Siena, i 290.
Aires. See Ayres.
Aix-la-Chapelle, taken by Spinola,
i 137 ;— i 140 n, ii 45 n, 65 n.
Akester, John, elected from Eton to
King's College, ii 380.
Alba Regale, Duke of, i 296.
Albanians, attack English soldiers,
i 156 ; in Venetian service, ii 152, 246.
Albert, Archduke, co-ruler of Spanish
Netherlands, offers Act of Renuncia-
tion, i 416 ; refuses to receive Premoni-
tion, 468 ; and fall of Wesel, ii 70, 72 ;
and Juliers-Cleves controversy, 42-5,
47; and Treaty of Xanten, i 139-41,
143, ii 54-5, 59, 65, 74 n, 75, 78, 80,
82 n, 84 n ; letter to Philip III, 65 D .
and Corona Regia, 92 n ;— ii 19, 49, 494.
Alberti, Scipione, HW's host at
Siena, i 21, 28, 290, 298-9 ; his ■ Del-
phian oracle', 22, 220, 327 n, ii 364,
382.
Albertini, Ascanio, ii 184, 186-7.
Albi/.zi, Tuscan envoy to Venice (1618),
his reception, i 52 n ; difficulties about
visiting, ii 158.
Aldobrandini, the, ii 272.
Aldobrandini, Hippolito. See Clement
VIII.
Aldobrandini, Pietro, brother of
Clement VIII, i 281.
Aldobrandini, Pietro, Card., nephew of
Clement VIII, i 321, 329.
Aldrovandi, Ulisse, ii 378-9.
Alen, Cardinal. See Allen.
Aleppo, i 342, 353, ii 246.
Alexander VI, Pope, ii 497.
Alexander VII, ii 212 n, 276 n.
Alexander, Sir Robert, ii 17.
Alexander, Sir Sigismund, ii 17.
Aleyn, Godfrey, secretary to Antonio
Perez, enticed from Paris bv HW, i
30.
Alisbury. See Aylesbury.
Alkind, Mr., ii 407.
All is Trice, play at Globe Theativ. ii
32-3.
Allen, William, Card., protects Eng-
lish travellers in Rome, i 17. 332 ; —
i 65, 294, 331 n, 442 n, ii 455.
Allet, Thomas, ii 292-3.
Almaigne. See German v.
Alps, the. HW crosses, i 18, 49, 113,
120-1, 145, 147, 192, ii 94, 96, 175,
193, 207, 280, 282 ;— i 160, 363. ii 25.
255, 462.
Alsace, ii 183, 237 n, 246.
Altavilla, Benedetto, astrologer of
Vicenza, pretends to discover gun-
powder plot in Venice, i 364.
Altdorf, HW at, i 12-3, 164, 239-40,
248-9, 252, 255, 258, ii 161, 482;
Lord Zouche at, i 13, 241, 250, 260-2,
905-6, 280, ii 161 ;— i 246 n, 856 n.
259.
Altera, title of, demanded by Prince of
Conde, ii 250 n; by D. of Mantua.
270.
500
INDEX
Altorph. See Altdorf.
Alva, D. of, ii 482.
Ambassadors, extraordinary, i 46
resident, when first appointed, 46
duties of, x, 331 ; qualifications, 109
etiquette, 63-4, 437 n, 503-5, ii 158
217-8, 259,271, 275; HW's definitions
of, i in, 49, 111, 126-7, ii 9-11, 123 n,
211, 237 ; reception and negotiations
of, at Venice, i 51-3, 413-4 ; life in
Venice, 60, ii 145 ; reception of, at the
Hague, i 136.
Ambassadors, special, resident, en-
voys, agents, &c.
Bavarian :
In Venice, i 475.
Dutch :
In England. See Caron.
In France. See Aerssens.
In Venice. See Vandermyle, Berg.
Ambassadors, English pay of, i 46-7 ;
household, 47-9.
English :
To Emperor. See Carlisle, Wotton,
Bristol.
In Flanders. See Edmondes, Trum-
bull, Bennet, Gerbier.
In France. See Cobham, Richmond,
Carew, Edmondes, Lord Wotton,
Herbert, Morton, Scudamore.
In Germany. See Dickenson, Wotton,
Morton,Conway,Portland, Nethersole,
Chichester.
In Holland. See Winwood, Wotton,
Dorchester, Boswell.
In Savoy. See Wotton, Morton,
Parkhurst, Wake.
In Spain. See Cornwallis, Bristol,
Boos, Aston.
In Turkey. See Barton, Glover,
Pindar, Ayres, Roe.
InTuscanv. See Le Sieur.
In Venice, i 190. See Wotton,
Dorchester,Monti,Branthwaite,Wake.
Flemish:
In England, ii 17, 65.
French :
In England. See Harlay. Bisseux.
In Germany. See Sancy.
To Grisons. See Paschal.
In Holland. See Maurier, Reffuge.
In Savoy. See Bethune.
In Spain. See Vaucelas, Bassom-
pierre.
In Venice. See Fresnes-Canaye,
Joyeuse, Champigny, Bruslart?Villars,
In Vienna. See Angouleme, Bethune,
Preaux.
German:
In England. See Sticke, Buvick-
hausen, Dohna.
In Venice. See Dohna, Lenk,
Calandrini.
■
In Venice. See Sal ice.
Imperial :
In Rome. See Harrach.
In Venice, i 60, 184, ii 232 :;
Castiglione, Fuggero.
In Turkey. See Kreckwitz. Gallo.
Modenese :
In Venice, i 47o.
Papal :
In Flanders. See Bentivo^li".
In Venice, i 60, 184, 320 n, 341,
349, 356, ii 210, 271. See Offreddo,
Gesse, Monte Fiascone.
Of Parma :
In Venice, i 60.
In Vienna, ii 275.
Savoyard :
In England. See Cartignana. Per-
gamo, Gabaleoni, Scarnafissi.
In France, ii 2.
In Holland. See Scarnafissi.
In Venice, i 185 n, 493, ii 173.
In Vienna, ii 200.
Spanish :
In England, i 372 n. See Ca<tile,
Zuniga, Velasco, Gondomar.
In Rome, ii 93, 226, 228. See
Olivares, Sessa, Castro.
In Venice, i 51, 60, 184, ii 262.
Cardenas, Bedmar, Castro.
In Vienna. See Ogniate.
Tuscan :
In England, ii257. S<?eLotto,Salvetti.
In Venice. See Montauto. Albizzi,
Sachetti.
Venetian :
Reports of, i 15.
In England, i 77. See Scaramell
Duodo, Molin, Giustinian, Coi
Francesco Contarini, Foscarini, Bs
barigo, Lionello, Pietr«> Contarini
Donato, Lando, Valaresso.
In France, i 433, ii 239. 266.
Badoer, Priuli, Foscarini, Contari
Pesaro.
In Germany. See Gussoni.
To the Grisons, i 395.
To Holland, i 155. See Conta:
Morosini.
At Milan. See Marchesini.
In Rome. See Duodo, Nani. C
tarini, Mocenigo, Zeno.
In Savoy. See Badoer, Barbari<
Gussoni, Donato.
In Spain, i 433r ii 210. P
cesco Priuli, Piero Priuli.
In Turkey. See Valier.
In Tuscany. See Lio.
In Vienna", ii 200, 204.
America, treasure-ships from, i 356
440-1. See Virginia.
Amiens, HW at, 1004) i 320. (1611
ii 1 ;— ii 475, 477.
INDEX
507
Ammanati. Barthol., i 21 n, 196,
Amsterdam, ii 45, 346.
Am-lmrage tax on English ships in
Venice, i 7::, 871, 372 n; HW's
attempts to obtain removal of, 70, 371,
872 n; removal of, 403.
Ancona, Henry Bertie imprisoned at,
ii 108, 110-1;— i 19, 156, 386, 407,
470 n.
Ami.. Marechal d", ii 107 n ; murder
of, 118.
Am rum, Sir Robert Ker, 1st E. of, ii
319.
Andalusia, ii 497 n.
Andernach, ii 81.
Angd, the, English ship treated as
pirate, i 322 n.
Anglesea, ii 480.
Angolesme. See Angouleme.
Angouleme, Due de, French ambassa-
dor at Vienna, i 172, ii 191-7, 200,
808, 204, 206; his rebuff to ambassa-
dor of Parma, ii 275.
Anhalt, Prince Christian of, sends
Christopher von Dohna to Venice,
i 91 ; visits HW at Heilbronn, ii 176;
answer of, 179 n.
Anhaltische Canzlei, the, i 175 n.
Anne of Austria, i 274 n.
Anne of Austria, wife of Louis XIII,
i 119, ii 52, 390.
Anne of Denmark, wife of James I,
reported plot of, against James VI,
i 284, 285 n ; favourable to HW, 123 ;
letter to Grimani, ii 490 n; sends
jewel to HW, ii 6 n, 474 ; Overbury's
rudeness to, 19 ; death, 160 n, 166 ;—
i 118 n, 165, 199, 501 n, ii 20, 22, 24,
H n. 29, 32 n, 42, 44, 51 n, 87, 157 n.
Ansliach, Marquis of, HW visits, ii 176;
answer of, 179 n.
Antaeus, ii 498.
Antelmi, Venetian secretary, visits
HW, i 177.
Antelminelli, Alessandro. SeeSalvetti.
Antelminelli,Bernardino, execution of,
i 85, 36 n.
Anthony, Mark, ii 253, 331, 395 n.
Antichrist, the Pope identified with,
i 71, 378 n, 431, 444 n, 466 n, ii 47:] ;
in Premonition, i 101, 103.
Antonio, Don, of Portugal, ii 456.
Antonio, Fra, of Viterbo, plots against
Sarpi, i 442.
Antwerp, fall of, i 231 ; HW at (1615\
ii 84, (1616) 91, (1623) i 192, ii 282;
letters from, i 283, 339, 409, 491;—
i 882, 846 n. 858 n, 297, ii 115, 248, 280.
Apennines, the, i 17.
Appleby, HW M.P. foT 1614), i 132,
ii 36 n.
Apsley, Sir Edward, ii 47">.
Apuleius. Apology of, edited by Casau-
l)«>n, i 25-6.
Apulia, i 896, ii 107 n.
Aquapendente, Fabricio <1*.
Sarpi, i 405.
Aquilcia, ii 256.
Arabia, ii 386.
Arandell. See Arundel.
Archatojugia, letters of HW published
in, i vi, 14«"» n.
Archdukes, the. See Albert.
Archpriest controversy, the, i 333 n.
Archy. See Armstrong.
Arcturus, ii 160.
Ardagh, Bedell, Bishop of, i 378 n,
ii 463.
Ardennes, the, ii 352 n.
Argentina. See Strasburg.
Aristophanes quoted, ii 353.
Aristotle, Casaubon edits, ill; quoted,
485 n, ii 146, 268, 402.
Ark Royal, ship of Essex, at Cadiz, i 31.
Arklow, i 310.
Aries, negotiations at, ii 2r>.*» n.
Arlow, i 310.
Armach. See Armagh.
Armada, the, i in, 9, 24, ii 479 n. 498.
Armagh, i 301.
Armstrong, Archy, ii 18.
Arnauld, Nicholas, HW's letter to,
ii 244 n.
Arnehm. See Arnheim.
Arnheim, ii 51, 71.
Arundel and Surrey, Alethea, Countess
of, resides in Venice, i 184 ; report
that Foscarini has met foreign envoys
at her house ; Dynely sent to warn
her, she comes to HW's palace, 185,
ii 232-3, 470; audience in Collegio,
i 186, ii 232-5 ; resolution of Senate
about, i 186; second audience, 187,
ii 232 : animosity against HW, i 185-9,
192 ; HW writes of to her husband,
ii 240-2; returns to England, i 190 n.
Arundel and Surrey, Henry Howard.
3rd E. of, HW presents to Doge, i 190,
ii 240 ; marriage of, i 189 n.
Arundel and Surrey, Thomas Howard.
2nd E. of, visits Venice, ii 240 n; his
wife in Venice, i 184 ; reports about
his wife denied to, i 186 ; unpopular
in England, 188; his view of HW,
189, ii 241 n ; letters of, i 1S9, ii 241 n ;
HW's letter to, 240-2. 447; his
marbles, i 195 ;— ii 17. 40, 180 n, 234,
395.
Aschara, Roger, i 47 n.
Aschausen, Joann. Gottfried von. Bp.
of Bamberg, ii 15-6.
Ascoli, Cardinal d\ See Berneri.
Ashlev, Sir Anthony, HW win
trial of. i 30 n.
Ashley, Sir Jacob. See Astl. y.
Ashton, Thomas, chaplain to I-
i 316 n.
Asia, i 842.
508
INDEX
Asselinau, M., French physician in
Venice, ii 102 n.
Asti, i 122; treatv of, 144, 148, 152,
ii 94 n, 103, 474.
Astley, Sir Jacob, 1st Baron Astley,
ii 395, 399.
Aston, Sir Walter, 1st Ba7*on of Forfar,
English ambnssador in Spain, ii 336 n ;
HW's letters to, i 112, ii 213, 220-2,
223-5, 444-6.
Athenaeus, edited by Casaubon, ii 497.
Athenians, the, ii 112 n.
Athens, i 437.
Atticus, ii 408.
Atilla, ii 256.
Aton. See Ayton.
Atylas. See Atilla.
Aubonne, ii 464.
Augsburg, HW at, (1604) i 49, 126,
320, (1619) 165, ii 172-3, 176, (1620)
i 171, ii 189, 192, 205 n ; Welser at,
i 127, ii 9 ; plan for intercepting
letters at, 147-8 ;— i 245, 314 n.
437, ii 9, 10 n, 193, 198, 207, 479.
Augustus, ii 253, 331.
Auldbar, Laird of. See Lyon.
Austria, i 16, 166, 171,264, 267, 305 n,
368, 417, ii 205 n, 209, 306 j House
of. See Habsburg.
Austro-Spanish powers, the dominion
of, in Europe, i 75 ; hostility of Venice
to, 50, 76 ; combinations, or attempted
combinations, against, 75-6, 182,
484 n ; Henry IV's ' Great Design ' for
attacking. See Henry IV.
Auvergne, ii 356.
Auvergne, Count d', i 336 n.
Avein, battle of. ii 352 n.
Averrhoes quoted, ii 255.
Avery, Dudley, difficulty about his
election to Eton, ii 367-9.
Avery, Joseph, agent at Hamburg,
ii 367.
Avery, Samuel, ii 367-9.
Avicenna quoted, ii 392.
Avignon, i 365.
Aylesbury, ii 394.
Ayres, Sir John, ambassador at Con-
stantinople, ii 221.
Ayton, Sir Robert, wishes to be Provost
of Eton, i 199, 200 n.
Azores expedition, the, i 30 n, 33, 37,
304, ii 469 ; HW's opinion of, i 31.
Babylon, Rome identified with, i 71,
101, 113, 173, 274, 455, 457, ii 473.
Bacherach (Bacharach), ii 31.
Bacon MSS. at Lambeth, i 31.
Bacon, Anne Lady, mother of Sir
Edmund, ii 21.
Bacon, Anne. See Meautys.
Bacon, Anthony, i 9, 32 n, 189 ; letter
to Sir Edward Wotton, 29 n ; to
E. Reynolds, 31 n ; to Essex about
HW, 32 ; letter to, from E. Revnolds,
31 n.
Bacon, Sir Edmund, marries HW's
niece, i 118, 318 n ; recommends
Bedell, 378 n, 505 ; HWs friendship
with, 117-8 ; HW visits, see Red-
grave ; with HW at Boeton, ii 322,
at Canterbury, 390 ; HW thanks for
help, 336-7 ; mentioned by Sir T.
Browne, 396 n ; his will, 330 n ;
letters of, 337 n ; HWs letters to, i v,
118, 130, 142, 208, 221, 505, ii 13-41,
81, 289, 312, 317, 319, 322-4, 330,
336-47, 374, 392-401, 405, 433-4, 436,
450-3 ; biographical note, 460-1 ;—
i 483, ii 311 n, 312, 328, 345 n, 462,
471.
Bacon, Francis, Viscount St. Albans,
cousin and friend of HW, ii 461 ;
wishes to be Provost of Eton, i 199 ;
mentioned in Table Talk, ii 497 ; early
letters, i x ; letters of, sent by HW to
Sir G. Clifton, ii 352, 461 ; corre-
sponds with HW, i in, ii 461 ; letter
to HW, 204 n, 412 ; HW's letter
to, i 171, 197, ii 204, 412, 444 ;
Essays, i 196, ii 494 n ; Nonim
Organum, i 415 n, 485 n ; sent to HW,
ii 204 ; Historia Vitae et Mortis, quoted
by HW, 338, 371 ; Confession of Faith
sent by HW to Sir E. Bacon, 393 ;—
i 9, 161 n, ii 12 n, 14 n, 34 n, 38 n, 332.
Bacon, Francis, page of Queen of
Bohemia, ii 311-2, 318-20, 322-6,
342, 345.
Bacon, Sir Nathaniel, ii 204 n.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Lord Keeper, i
117-8, 410 n, ii460.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, father of Sir
Edmund, ii 21, 460.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, of Gillingham,
i 483, 489, ii 18, 38.
Bacon, Philippa Wotton, Lady, wife
of Sir Edmund Bacon, i 118, 318 n,
507 n, ii 21, 23, 31-2, 38, 40, 82, 460-1 ;
her death, i 209, ii 289, 294 n, 312.
342, 374, 405.
Bacon, Sir Robert, brother of sir
Edmund, ii 311 n, 345 n.
Bacon, Robert, ii 345.
Bacon, Thomas. See Southwell.
Baden-Baden, Edward, Mark^raf of.
visited by HW, i 30.
Baden-Durlach, George Frederick.
Margrave of, i 181, ii 176, 179 n.
Badnedge, Thomas, gentleman of Lord
Cork, conducts the Boyles to Eton, ii
355 n, 358-9.
Badoer, or Badoero, 'old' family of
Venice, i 434 n, ii 128.
Badoero, Angelo, arrest of, i 410,
453.
Badoer, Angelo, ambassador in
France, ii 12S n.
INDEX
509
Badoer, Gregorlo, Venetian envoy at
Turin, i 467.
Baerle, Suzanne van, ii 411 n.
pagshawe, Christopher, Catholic
Controversialist, i .'531, 895.
Baker, Sir Richard, at Oxford with
IIW, i r>, ii 869 ; sends HW his
Meditations, 869; biographical note,
161 ; HW's letter to, 369-70, 452.
Balan. Henry, in service of HW (1620).
i 17o n, ii 195.
Balbi. Venetian family, ii 141.
Ball>i, Nicold, murders Nicholas Pert,
i 823 5.
Balcauquhall, Walter, Dean of Dur-
ham, ii 895, 397. 405 ; his Declaration,
407; lettorof, 194 n, 195 n.
Baldi, Ottavio, assumed name of HW,
i 40-2, 112 ; HW's letters signed, 367,
383. 419, 425, 450, 459, 467, 476, 478,
ii 53, 100.
Baldwin. Win,, kidnapping of, ii 117 ;
proposed exchange for Mole, i 488 n ;
ii 12(5-7 ; release of, 169 n; in Rome,
109.
Baltimore, Sir George Calvert, 1st
L<ud, appointed secretary, i 165, ii
1(16, 167 n, 476 ; HW congratulates,
167 ; says HW is blamed for conduct
to Lady Arundel, i 188 ; HW's letters
to, 166, 178, 183, 190 n, ii 167, 189,
192-4, 200, 207, 210, 214-20, 223,
225-31, 235, 239 n, 242, 246, 250-2,
258, 265-73, 276 n, 277, 279, 442-9,
470 ; letters of, i 454 n, ii 201 n, 241,
258, 264 ;— ii 166 n, 286 n, 464.
Bamberg, ii 15.
Banbury, Wm. Knollys, 1st E. of,
ii 40, 492 n.
Bancroft, Richard, Archbishop of
Canterbury, i 395.
Bandon Bridge, Lord. Sec Boyle, Visct.
Banes. See Baynes.
Barbarigo, 'new' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Barbarigo, Gregorio, Venetian ambas-
sador at Turin, i 490, 500 n ; describes
HW's reception at Turin, 114 ;
ambassador to England, ii 85.
Barbarigo, Piero, General of Venetian
fleet, ii 13.1 ; executes English
mutineers, i 155-6, ii 152-6, 158-9 ;
his treatment of Southake, 155 n.
Barbarini, Maffeo. See Urban VIII.
Barbaro, Procurator, ii 276, 278.
Barbarv pirates, i 322.
Barcelona, i 326, ii 365, 498.
Ban-lay, John, ii 92-3 ; his Eitphor-
mionis Lusinini Satyricon 93.
Barclay, William, ii 93.
Bargrave, Isaac, Dean of Canterbury,
HW's chaplain (1616-8), i 145 n ;
returns to England, ii 143 ; HW's
bequest to, i 218 ; death, 224 ;
biographical nod, ii Mil -i! ; letter of,
116 n ; HW's letter to, 148-51, 441;
Leete's letters to, i 58, ii 144 n, 145 n,
157 B, 171 ;— i216, ii 160.
Bargrave, John, i L'17n.
Bargrave, Thomas, executor of HW's
will, i216, 217 n.
Bark lay. See Barclay.
Barkahin. See Berkshire.
Barneveldt, John of, HW's interviews
with, i 13(», ii 43 n, 44, 64, 71, 78-6,
84 n ; conducts negotiations about
treaty of Xanten, i 140-2 ; fall of,
ii 160n;—i ix, 99, 134, 476 n, ii 50,
82-3.
Barnham, Sir Francis, ii 390.
Barono, Giovanni, Jesuit, i 347.
Baronius, Cardinal, his advice to
Paul VI, 356 n ; attacks HW, ii 10.
Barozzi, 'old' family of Venice, i 184.
Barrett, Charles, of Belhus, i 338 n.
Barrett, Edward Lord, of Newburgh,
sends HW observations about Spain,
340, 375 n ; Spanish music, 375 ;
HW's letters to, 338-40, 375, 379-81,
ii 420, 423.
Barte, Bartie. See Bertie.
Bartlet, Sir Thomas, ii 29.
Bartoli, Giorgio, secretary to Mont-
auto, in Venice, letters quoted,
i 336 n, 479 n, 486 n.
Bartolist school of legal study, i 10.
Barton, Edward, English ambassador
at Constantinople, i 261, 295.
Barvicke. See Berwick.
Basegio, ' old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Basil, Basile. See Basle.
Basing House, siege of, ii 365 n.
Basle, HW intends to study at, i 9-10,
228, 230, 234, 237 ; HW visits, (1612)
i 123, (1616) 145, ii 94, (1623)
i 192, ii 281 ;— i 300, 301 n, 469, ii 115,
117, 120.
Bassadonna, Zuane, Venetian agent in
England, i 299, ii 494.
Bassani, the, portraits by, i 55.
Bassano, Jacobo de Ponte, • Seasons '
of, bequeathed by HW to Windebank,
i 218.
Bassano, Leandro, ii 349.
Basset, Sir Arthur, i 386 n.
Basset, Sir Robert, pretender to Eng-
lish crown, in exile, i 346 ; returns
from Italy, 846 n.
Bassompierre, Francis, Baron de, ii
239.
Bastard, Thomas, his epigrams ad-
dressed to HW, i 32 n.
Bath, ii 3 n, 20, 22, 387.
Bathori, Sigismund II, Prince of
Transylvania, i 285.
Bathori, Stephen, K. of Poland, ii
456.
Batier, M., ii 356.
510
INDEX
Battista, Gian, and Foscarini case,
ii 261-2.
Bavaria, HW in, (1619) i 165, ii 174-6,
(1620) i 174-6, ii 207-9 ; Dukes of, see
Maximilian, William; Prince Albertus
of, ii 174 ; Prince Ferdinand of, see
Cologne ; Prince Philip of, i 286, 294,
296 ;— 14, 475 ; ii 168.
Baynes, Roger, secretary to Cardinal
Allen, i 294.
Beadle. See Bedell.
Beamorris. See Beaumaris.
Beam. See Berne.
Beaumaris, Essex sails to Ireland from,
i 306-7 ; letters dated at, 306-7.
Bedell, William, HWs chaplain at
Venice (1607-10), HW asks for
passport for, i 378 ; arrives in
Venice, 86, 103 n ; and the number
of the Beast, 444 n ; acts as inter-
mediary between HW and Sarpi,
56, 86-7, 399, 406 n, ii 302 ; his
friendship with Sarpi denied, i
103 n ; reproves HW for keeping
an ape, 59 n ; praises HW, 86 ;
describes HWs plans for religious
propaganda, 90-1 ; translates Sandy s's
Europae Speculum, 91 ; the Premonition,
102, 466 ; discourses in house of HW,
91, 96 ; translates Anglican liturgy,
91 ; books imported by, 96, 416 n ;
helps Fulgenzio to compose sermons,
98, 447 n ; leaves Venice, 114 ; HW
writes to Sir E. Bacon about, 505 ;
returns to Bury St. Edmunds, 505 n ;
his translation of Sarpi's History of
Interdict, 128-9 ; HW recommends for
Provostship of Trinity College, Dublin,
ii 301-2 ; reported help to HW, 352 n ;
death of, i 224 ; biographical note,
ii 462-3 ; letters of, i xi, 86, 90-1, 407 n,
441 n, ii 301 n, 463, 466 ;— i 398, 496 n,
ii 467-8.
Bedell, William, jun., his life of his
father, ii 301 n, 468.
Bedmar, Marquis of {Don Alfonso delta
Cueva), Spanish ambassador in Venice,
relations with HW, i 61, 158; HW
remonstrates with, about Tyrone's
reception at Milan, 418^ n ; keeps
criminals in his house, 67 n ; and
plot of 1618, 157, ii 142; mentioned
in Table Talk, 492, 497 ;— i 467, 476 n,
487-9, ii 154 n, 210, 261.
Beecher, Sir William, ii 475 ; wishes
to be Provost of Eton, i 299 ; bargain
with HW, 200, ii 316.
Beeli, Domenico, Catholic leader
among the Grisons. executed, i 395.
Bel, Beufre, i 397 n. '
Belhaven, Visct. (Sir Robert Douglas),
buys horses in Italy for Prince Henry,
i 458 n, 470 ; finds Lord Gowrie's arms
at Padua, 458 ; goes to Naples, 470 n.
Belhus, Essex, i 338 n.
Beli. See Beeli.
Belkanquel. See Balcanquhall.
Belknap, Alice, grandmother
Eleanor Wotton, i 3 n.
Belknap, Anne, grandmother
Thomas Wotton, i 3n, ii 461.
Belknap, Sir Henry, ii 461.
Bell, Captain Henry, ii 22 n, 129, 1^
biographical note, ii 463.
Bell, Nicholas, father of Lady Wii
wood, ii 106 n.
Bellamy, N., captured and sent int
England, i 231 n.
Bellarmino, Roberto, i 100 ; HW visit-
294; in favour with Paul V, 335
on dignity of cardinals, 482 ;— 464
ii 93, 117, 169, 493.
Bel voir Castle, James I at, i 121.
Bembo, ' old ' family of Venice, i 434
Bembo, Filippo, ii 133.
Bembo, Giovanni, Doge XCII, i 141
149 ; election, ii 133, 137 ; character,
133-4; HWs audiences, i 147, 154
ii 97 n, 111 n, 112 n, 113 n, 122
125 n, 126 n ; thanks James I for hi
remonstrances with Philip III
122 n ; letter from James I to, ii 463
death, i 161, ii 127 n, 132-3, 135,
141.
Bembo, Pietro,
Venice, ii 484.
Card., historian of
Benedictines, the, i 331, 350, ii 136.
Benedictus a Benedictis, book by,
i 444 n.
Benevento, Count of, Viceroy of
Naples, i 328-9.
Beni, Paolo, his Anticrusta, ii 485.
Bennet, Sir John, describes HW at
Court, i 507 n ; special envoy to
Brussels, ii 92 n.
Bentivoglio, Card., Nuncio at Brus-
sels, ii 65 n.
Bercke. See Rheinberg.
Berg, — , Dutch ambassador in Venice,
ii 258-9.
Berg, Duchy of, ii 56-7.
Bergamo, i 433, ii 131, 259.
Bergen-op-Zoom, i 336, ii 248.
Bergh. See Rheinberg.
Berkeley, George, 13th Baron, ii 29 n.
Berkeley, Sir Maurice, i 22 n.
Berkshire, ii 399.
Berkshire, Thomas Howard, 1st E.
of, ii 16-7.
Berloc, Baron von, travels with HW
to Rome, i 17, 271.
Bermudas, the, i 153 n, ii 87.
Bernadoviz, Zacharias, ii 98.
Berne, MSS. at, i 314 n ;-i 33, 300, 304,
ii 94, 179.
Bernegger, Kepler's letter to, ii 2<»."> n.
Berneri,Hieronymus,Cardinald'Ascoli,
INDEX
511
protests against HW's presence in
Venice, i 95.
Berni, Francesco, his Opcre, ii 485.
Bernstein, Baron von, papal legate in
Poland, i 286.
Berry. See Bury St. Edmunds.
Bertie, Henry, imprisoned at Ancona,ii
108, 110-1; ; removed to Rome, 110,114.
Berwick, ii 410 n; fortifications of,
ii 899 n.
Bethes la, pool of, ii 264.
lntliune, M. de, French ambassador
at Turin, i 145; at Vienna, 172,
ii 101-7, 200, 202, 204, 206.
pexley, Kent, i 279 n.
■tee, Theodore de, HW sends greet-
ings to, i 303 ; his Confessio, i 467.
Bible, the, i 87, 211, 399 n, 447 n,
ii 170 ; translated by Diodati, i 351 n ;
circulated by HW in Venice, 90, 96,
162 ; quoted, 126-7, 302, 333, 338, 350,
866 n, 363, 383, 485, ii 10, 64, 208,
818, 225n, 249, 304, 336, 348, 351,
353, 370, 401, 407, 463.
Bie, Count de, ii 199.
Bilderbeck, — , ii 91, 280-1.
Bilford, — , ill8n, 119 n.
Billingsley, Capt., his soldiers
mutiny, ii 153 n.
Biographia Britannica, Life of HW in,
i xii, xiii, ii 456.
Biondi, Sir Giovanni Francesco, in
H W's service, i 48 n ; carries letter
of Bedell to England, 90 ; his return,
466 ; lays Sarpi's proposals before
James 1, 93 ; 161, 446-7, ii 79, 149,490 n;
received by James I, 469 n ; given
pension, ii 80 ; sent to Turin, i 493 n ;
goes with HW to Turin, 120 ; with
HW at the Hague (1614), sent to
Brussels, ii 43 n, 80 ; sent to arrange
truce, 49-50 ; HW recommends to
Winwood, 79-80 ; biographical note,
463-4; his letters, i 117, ii 35 n ;—
i 469, 470.
Biondi, Mary Lady, ii 464.
Biron, Due de, i 336. -
Bisseux, Samuel Spifaine des, French
ambassador in London, ii 35, 37.
Bitonto, Antonius de, his Sermones,
ii 485.
Blackwell, George, archpriest, arrest
of, i 399.
Blithe, Samuel, ii 479.
Blochinghen, ii 189.
Blotius, Hugo, librarian of the Imperial
Library at Vienna, HW's host
(1590-1), i 14, 244, 247, 251, 269;
letters to, 14 n, 17-9, 29, 32, ii 417-20 ;
his wife, i 14.
Blotius, cipher name for Ferdinand I,
i 284.
Blotz. Sec Blotius.
Blunt, Mr., merchant, ii 106.
Blunt, Sir Charles. Set Devonshire.
Blunt, Sir Christopher, i 259.
Blunto, Capt., ii 56.
Boccaccio, Giovanni, his Dccameronc,
ii 485.
Bocton Malherbe, HW's birthplace,
i 1-3, 49, 215, 225, 228 n, 238 n, 284 n,
ii 29, 34, 38 n, 891; HW revisits,
i 212, ii 821-2, 327, 403, 405, 409 ;
Queen Elizabeth at, i 4.
Bod in, Jean, i 291 n.
Bodley, Sir Thomas, ii 106.
Bodwel. See Both well.
Bogdan, Stephen, Moravian pceten-
dant, takes possession of HW's house,
i 413-4 ; proposed marriage with the
Lady Arabella, 414 n, 438 ; goes to
Constantinople, 414 n, 437.
Bohan, Mr., ii 313.
Bohemia, i 249, 252, 268 n, 301, 305 n,
507 n, ii 212, 306; revolution in,
i 160, 164-73, ii 158, 160, 163, 170 n,
175, 180 n, 182-207 ; conquest of, i 173,
175, ii 193, 195-207, 209; Kings of,
see Kudolf, Mathias. Frederick ; Queen
of, see Elizabeth.
Bohemia, Grand Chancellor of, visits
HW, ii 190 n.
Bohemian Directors, the, i 166, ii 180 n.
Bois-le-Duc. See Hertogenbosch.
Bokenham, Capt., friend of Sir E.
Bacon, ii 330 n ; his sons, ii 330.
Bolani, beheaded in Venice, i 461 -2.
Bolduc. See Bois-le-Duc.
Boleyn, Anne, i 472 n.
Bologna, i 22 n, 39, 276, 392 n, 408,
444, 456, ii 103, 208 n, 379, 492.
Bolton, Edmund, mentions HW in
Hijpercrilica, i 164 n.
Bond, Mr., ii 86.
Bongars, Jacques, HW visits (1602),
i 43. 314 ; Casaubon writes to, 26 ;
— i 428 n.
Borbon. See Henry IV.
Bordeaux, ii 210.
Borghese, family of, i 370 n.
Borghese, Scipio, Card., complains
of HW, i 95 ; made abbot of Vanga-
dizza, 98, 446, 461 ; resigns, 468 n ;
—333, 442, ii 211, 272-3, 276.
Borgognie. See Burgundy.
Bossuet, his opinion of Sarpi, i 88.
Boston, Lines., ii 318.
Boswell, James, ii 205 n.
Boswell, Sir William, secretary to
John Williams, ii 236 ; English
resident at Hague, 349 ;— 300 n.
Boterg, Jesuit, ii 497.
Both well, Francis, 5th E. of, i 315.
Boughton. See Bocton.
Boughton, Edward, i 375.
Boughton Monchelsea, ii 390 n.
Bouillon, Due de, i 336, ii 202.
Bouleaux, the, ii 131 n.
512
INDEX
Boulogne, HW at (1604 , i 45, 320 ;
(1612), 120, ii 4.
Boyle, Hon. Francis. See Shannon.
Boyle, Lewis, 1st Visct., HW recom-
mends tutor for foreign travel,
ii 355-7 ; in France, 359-60.
Boyle, Hon. Robert, at Eton under
HW, i 203-4, ii 355, 357-61; his
description of HW, i 204, 211.
Bozzolo, D. of, ii 104 n.
Bozzolo, Princess of, Cardinal Gonzaga
marries, ii 103.
Brabant, i 417, ii 72 n, 93, 384 n.
Bracciano, Paolo Orsini, D. of,
i 285 n.
Brach, Tycho. See Brahe.
Brackley, ii 480.
Brackley, Sir Thomas Egerton, 1st
Visct., Lord Chancellor, i 428 n, ii 86.
Bragadin, ' old ' family of Venice,
i 434 n.
Brahe, Tycho, ii 396 ; his Astronomiae
Instauratae Mechanica, presented by
HW to Bodleian, i 210, ii 347.
Brand, Susan, ii 468.
Brandenburg, Anna Sophia, Princess
of, proposed marriage, ii 57.
Brandenburg, Count Ernest of, re-
presents his father in Juliers-Cleves
territory, i 135, 138-9, ii 48, 50 n,
54-9, 77 ; meets HW, 51 ; signs
treaty, 61-2.
Brandenburg, George William, Elector
of, ii 176.
Brandenburg, John Sigismund, Elector
of, proposed sending of envoy to
Venice, i 455 ; claims Juliers-Cleves,
135, 455, ii 57, 68 ; his forces take
possession of Juliers, i 135; — ii 51 n,
463.
Brandolin, Count, abbot of Nervosa,
imprisoned, i 78, 341 ; released, 84,
389-90.
Branthwaite, Michael, with HW (1620-
3), i 170 n, ii 189-90, 192-4, 200, 219,
231 ; left by HW in Venice, i 192,
ii 279, 292, 382; at Eton (1626),
290-2 ; tutor to James Scudamore at
Paris, 364-5, 382 ; HW gives Milton
letter to, 382 ; biographical note, ii
464-5 ; letter of, 146 n, 260 n.
Brasil. See Brazil.
Brazil, Dutch victory in, ii 345.
Breda, ii 246 n, 248, 341.
Breisach, ii 183 ; siege of, 395, 400.
Bremen, i 229 n, 230, ii 400.
Brenner Pass, HW crosses, i 176.
Brent, Sir Nathaniel, ii 479.
Brenta, the, i 57, 185, 325 n, ii 102 n.
Brentford, ii 407.
Brescia, i 436 n, 450, ii 112, 131, 478.
Breslau, ii 201, 203 n.
Briare, HW at, i 502.
Bridgewater, John, 1st E. of, ii 465.
Brill, ii 146 n.
Brindisi, ii 159.
Brisach, Brissac. See Breisach.
Bristol, Sir John Digby, 1st E. of {Lord
Digby) recommends J. Wake, i 501 n ;
ambassador in Spain, 134, ii 226 n,
245, 480 ; in Vienna, i 175, ii 215 ;
his disgrace, 319 n ; restored to
favour, 319.
Britannicus, Johannes, his De Re
Metallica, ii 379.
Brittany, ii 473.
Brochetta, Tomaso, kills Julius Caesar,
i 410-2, ii 478 ; plan to entrap, i 450.
Broge, Col., i 136 n.
Broghill, Lord. See Orrery.
Brooke, Fulke Greville, 1st Baron, i 3,
ii 315 n.
Brown, Mr. Horatio F., i xi, 53.
Brown, Rawdon, i xm.
Browne, — , Catholic in Italy, i 331.
Browne, Edward, ii 479.
Browne, Sir Thomas, i v, ii 396 n.
Brownswig. See Brunswick.
Bruce, Lord, i 41 n, ii 86.
Bruce, Sir George, i 41 n.
Bruce, Mrs. Hervey, i xv, ii 466.
Bruno, Giordano, at Frankfort, i 12 ;
at Padua, i 12 ; at Venice, 87 ; trial
of, i 469 n.
Brunswick, HW travels through,
i 10, 232-3, 242 ; war between city
and Duke, ii 48 n ; HW's proposed
mission to, 48, 58 ; Heinrich, D. of, i
306 ; Friedrich Ulrich, D. of, ii 48, 58 ;
Duchess of, ii 51 n ; Prince Chris-
tian of, i 181, ii 248, 275.
Bruslart, de Leon, French ambassador
in Venice, ii 157-8, 232 ; his quarrel
with Carleton, i 64, ii 217.
Brussels, proposal to send HW to, i
117, 118 n ; Italian troops sent
to, 326 n ; news from, sent to
Venice, 435 ; HW sends Biondi to,
ii 43 n, 80 ; ambassadors at, see
Ambassadors;— i 135-6, 168-9, 245 n,
283 n, 329, 454 n, ii 28, 45, 56, 65, 78 n,
83, 87, 92, 213, 244, 248, 293 n, 345,
377, 389 n, 391, 399, 456, 464, 494 n.
Brussolo, treaty of, i 487 n.
Brydall, John, MS. of, at Queen's Col-
lege, i 63.
Buck, Sir Peter, ii 22.
Buckhurst, Lord. See Dorset.
Buckingham, George Villiers, D. of,
acts as secretary, ii 122 n ; patron of
HW, i 165, 167; HW collects pic-
tures for, 60, ii 243, 257-8; sends
presents to, 211-2 ; James I's Medi-
tations dedicated to, 169 ; his letter
to Gondomar, 203; HW requests
leave to return home, 258 n, 267-8;
goes to Madrid, i 181, 199, ii 267 n,
290-2 ; becomes Duke, 282 n ; HW's
INDEX
513
bargain with, for Provostship of
i 199 200, ii 294, 816; in Paris,
286 ii. 176 : accused of poisoning, i209,
ii 290 *!, 295-6; impeachment of,
898 5; Charles I's friendship for,
896 ; his zeal for Queen of Bohemia,
_".»7 : goes to island of Rhe, 303;
petition to, from Eton College, i 209 ;
s to HW, ii 243 n, 266; HW's
letters t.., i L65, 170 n, ii 130. 132, 180,
210 n. 211. I'll' J, 250 s. i?sl> i. -jsr,
7. 290 •;. 112, 440, 443-4, 164; HW's
Parallel with Essex, i 206, ii 413, 487 ;
nd Death of, i 206, ii 297 n, 414 ;
- i lHo, ii 128 n, 180 n, 307 n, 335,
115, 183.
Buckinghamshire, Archdeacon of, and
It ii 305 n.
Bucknames. See Bokenham.
Bucquoi, Count, iil80n, 199; death,
208 n, 215.
Buda-Pesth, i 24i>, ii li>7.
Buonacorsi, of Florence, i 296.
■noni, Baccio, HW's host in Florence,
i 21. 277-8, 299.
IBurano, i 412.
Burbage, Richard, ii 17 n.
Burgh, Sir John, i 295 n.
Burghese. s • Borghes< .
Burghley, William Cecil. 1st Baron.
title of Lord Treasurer used in cipher
jtorHW, i 284 ;his supposed letter in-
trodueing Lord Darcy to the Grand
Duke, 284. 289-96 : books in Italy
■gainst, 293-4 ; letters to, 262 n,
2M a, ii 467, 482 ;— i 2, 29, 58, 263 n,
184, 396n,ii 335, 487, 498.
Burlamachi, Philip, letters sent by
lin a us of, i 454 ; HW's debt to, ii 7-
8 ; writes to Lord Cork, 356 n ; note
on 465 ;— 130, 193, 316.
Uorley-on-the-Hill, MS. at, ixiv, 61 n ;
ii 469, 489.
■Brlymachie. See Burlamachi.
3urnet, Gilbert, repeats story about
HW, i 103 n ;— 356 n, 378 n. 444 n.
13urvSt. Edmunds, HW visits, i 201,
212, ii 285, 409 ;— i 505 n, ii 13, 146 n,
162, 167-8.
3ushy, Charles, accompanies Richard
Cave to Italy, i 398 n ; letters sent
to England bv, 398, 400, 404 ; arrest
of, in Milan, 399 n, 403-4, ii 478.
■sat . the. See Hertogenbosch.
tussie. See Bushy.
mvickhausen do Walmerode, Ben-
jamin, ii 58, 63, 188 ; envoy of Pro-
testant Union to James I, i 174 n.
iyron, Lord, his palace in Venice, i
184.
t C, Sir, his poems, ii 401 ; HW's
Biters to, 385-6. 468.
addr. Grison League, i 179.
WOTTOJf. 11
I
Ll
Cadi/, the expedition to, i 8, 80 2,28 t d,
801-2, 320 ii, ii469, 481, 198,
. Sir I liarles, carries Mien to
England, ii KM, 105; Master of tho
Rolls, i LOT a.
OaeMUT, .Julius, fragment by II W i n.
i 806, ii 875b, 414.
( ';ics;ir, Sir Julius, Master of the Bolls,
i 167,200, ii 86, 243 n, 287,316 ... :537 ...
470 ; Chancellor of the Exi -In qoor, ii
7; bill signed by, i 470 D : HWi
letters to, i 450, ii 7, »2«.». 188 ;-i 09,
106, 410-2, ii 101, 289.
Caesar, Julius, jun., murder'
Padua, i 69, 410-2, 436 n, 450-1, ii
478.
Caflfarella. See Borghese.
Cajetan, Henrico, Card., i 271.
Caj<5tan, Peter, i 286.
Calabria, ii 97.
Calais, i 1, 368 n, 489 u ; HWat 1616 ,
ii 84.
Calandrini, the, merchants of Nurem-
berg, ii 193.
Calandrini, Filippo, sent to Venice by
Frederick V, ii 238 n.
Calbi, the, ii 128.
Caligula, ii 155, 341 n, 467.
Calvert, Sir George. See Baltimore.
Calvin, John, ii 122 n ; his Institutes
distributed by HW in Venice, i 90.
Calvinists. See Religion.
Camaldola, order of, i 446 n, 461.
Cambrai, ii 473 ; League of, i 50, 371 n,
ii 498.
Cambridge, HW visits, i 131, 212, ii
15-6, 18, 29, 32; i 7, 57, 298 n,
378 n, 397 n, ii 122 n, 169, 170 n,
315 n, 318, 330-1, 393-4, 398, 468,
474-0 ;— Clare Hall, ii 479 ;— King's
College, i 457, ii 181, 370-1, 394 n,
409 ; elections to, from Eton, i 204,
216 n, ii 327, 329, 350, 380, 389,
397 ; Provost of, see Collins ;— St.
Mary's, ii 394;— St. Peter's College,
book of HW's in library of, i 217 n ; —
Sidney Sussex College, ii 314 n ; —
Trinity College, ii 482.
Camden, William, ii 37 n ; his Britannia,
ill,233n; letter to HW, 118n; letters
to, 11, 233.
Campanella, Thomas, i 312; his Magia
Xaturale, ii 486.
Campden, Sir Baptist Hickes, 1st Visct.,
ii 468.
Campden, Baptist Noel, 3rd Visct., ii
327 n, 410 n.
Campden, Viscountess (Hester Wotton^,
ii 326, 342-3, 392 n, 409-10.
Campo, Don Diego del, i 27.">.
Campori, Pietro, Card., ii 211, 276.
Canano, Julio, Card.. I
Candia, ii 258 n ; War of, 212 n.
Candishe. See Cavendish.
514
INDEX
Canea, i 74.
Canterbury, HW visits, i 116, 209, 212,
221, ii 162, 320-1, 327, 388-91, 393,
397 ; asks for Deanery of, i 205, 208 ;
defeated for Parliament at, 208 n ;
— i 239 n, ii 29, 300 n, 344, 361 n,
462, 478 ; —St. Augustine's Priory, i
116, ii 389-90;— See of, refused by
Nicholas Wotton, i 2 ; Archbishops
of, see Bancroft, Abbot, Juxon ; Deans
of, see Nicholas Wotton, Bargrave.
Caorli, fisherman of, i 412.
Capella, Bianca, ii 497.
Caporali, Cesare, his Rime, ii 485.
Capponi, merchants in Venice, i 451,
ii 115.
Capponi — , his resemblance to HW,
i282.
Caprarola. villa of, i 296; HW sends
pl&ns of to Buckingham, ii 286.
Capua, i 335.
Capuchins, return of, to Venice, i 385.
Caraffa, family of, i 22.
Caraffa, — , Jesuit, dedicates book to
Paul V, i 444 n.
Cardenas, Don Inigo de, Spanish
ambassador in Venice, i 336, 371,
391 ; HWs relations with, 61 ; says
HW has applied for Spanish pension,
63.
Cardinalship, price of, i 282.
Carew, Sir George, English ambassa-
dor in France (1605-9), i 366 n, 372,
394, 402, ii 490 ; death of, 8.
Carew, Mary, ii 469.
Carew, Richard, ii 359, 361.
Carew, Robert, tutor to young Boyles
at Eton, ii 355 n, 358 ; his miscon-
duct, 360-1 ; Robert Boyle's descrip-
tion of, 361 n ; letter of, quoted, 351) n,
360 n.
Carey, Sir George, Treasurer at Wars
in Ireland, i 307 n.
Carey, Sir Henry, ii 129 n.
Carey, Thomas, ii 286-7.
Carie. See Carew.
Carie, Lord. See Totnes.
Carier, Benjamin, D.D., ii 41.
Carignan. Prince of, defeated at Avein.
ii 352 n.
Carinthia, i 368.
Carleton, Sir Dudley. See Dorchester.
Carleton, Dudley, jun., letters of, i
200 n, 201 n.
Carleton, Jane, ii 124 n.
Carlisle, James Hay, 1st E. of
{Viscount Doncaster), ambassador to
Germany, i 164, 166, ii 165 n, 166,
183 ; letter to, ii 241 n, 476 ;— i 120,
ii 17, 341.
Carlyle, Thomas, mentions HW, i vi.
Caron, Sir Noel de, Dutch ambassa-
dor in London, i 143, 455.
Carr. See Ker.
Carrier. See Carier.
Carthage, i 93.
Cartignana, Claudio di Ruffia, Count
of, envoy from Savoy to England, i
119, ii 1 n, 477.
Casa, Giovanni della. his Orazione, ii
485.
Casale, ii 345 ; siege of, 318 n.
Casaubon, Isaac, i 61 ; HW meets,
11-2, 302-3 ; HWs host at Geneva,
in, 12, 23, 25, 298, ii 480 ; gives HW
letters of introduction, i 25 ; HWs
debt to, 25-6 ; goes to Montpellier,
303 ; to England, 128 ; complains of
HW, 128-9 ; edits Polybius, 15, 255 n ;
Apuleius, 25-6; mentioned in Table
Talk, ii 490, 497 ; letters of, i 23, 25.
26 n, 36 n, 128, 298 n, 301 n, 3J3 n,
314 n, ii 9 n ; HWs letters to, i xiv,
32-3, 36, 302-4, 311-4, ii 419.
Casaubon, Madame, i 312.
Casimir, John, Administrator of
Palatinate, i 231, 233, 235 n, 314 n ;
HW asks for letters to, i 231-2, 234.
Castagna. See Urban VII.
Castelione. See Castillione.
Castelvetro, Lodovico, his works, ii
485.
Castiglione, Marchese di, Imperial
envoy in Venice, i 381.
Castile, Juan Fernandez de VelasoJ
Constable of, ratifies peace of, 1604, i
320 ; Governor of Milan, ii 26 ; rude-
ness to HW, i 503-5.
Castillione, Guanerio, of Milan, i 300 n.
Castillione, J. F., of Basle, i 300 n.
Castle, George, ii 465.
Castle, Dr. John, note on, ii 465 ;
HWs letters to, i 220, ii 377-80,
383-4, 387, 402, 408, 452-4.
Castracani, Castruccio, Lord of Lucca,
i 35, 401.
Castro, Don Francesco di, special
Spanish envoy to Venice, i 369 ; his
arrival, 369 ; discourse about, 370-1 ;
HWs attempt to cause disti'ust of,
370 n ; HW visits, 371 n ; HWs
attitude towards, 374 ; his negotia-
tions, 374 n, 376, 385 ; ambassador
at Rome, 487-8.
I Catena, Giovanni Girolomo, his life ot
Pius V, ii 485.
Catherine de* Medici, ii 299 n.
Catholic League, the, i 135, 140-1 ; and
Clement VIII, 281.
Catholic Reaction, tbe, i x, 16, 1^, 2U.
75.
Cato, M. Porcius Censorius, ii 331 u,
370n.
Cato, M. Porcius Uticensis, ii 127.
Cave, Eleanor, Lady, i 390 n.
Cave, Margaret, Lady, i 396.
Cave, Richard, illness and death of, i
396-8.
INDEX
515
. >>ir Richard, ii 401.
Cave, Roger, i 396 n.
Cave, Sir Thomas, i 896 n, ii 249 n.
Cavendish, Sir Charles, ii 2.
(av. n.lish, Henry, HW meets at
Stade, i 280; his journey to Constan-
tinople, -30 n.
Cavendish, sir Win. See Newcastle.
Cebes, quoted, ii .'571.
\£SS.} i 29, 301.
Peril, sir Edward. Se< Wimbledon.
■Mil, sir Robert. See Salisbury.
(.Veil. William. See Burgbley.
11, Lord. See Salisbury.
Denci, the. i 22.
Ceneda, i 449.
Cen is, Mont, ii 3.
Centanni, Angela, i 4i?7 n.
, ii 402 n.
■erroneo, Tomaso, Jesuit Praepositus
sent to England by HW, i 161, ii
114-9, 480; his journey, 120; in
England, 122 ; his tale, 128 n ; sent
out of England, 123 n ; in Venice,
128 n; HW's letters to, 116 n,
138-9;
Chamberlain, John, in Venice, i 498 n ;
his opinion of HW, 123 n, 131-2, 189 ;
letters quoted, 48 n, 118 n, 123 n,
124 (», 130 n, 131-2, 134 n, 166,169-
70, 194, 199. 201 n, 208, 292 n, 459 n,
ii 1 n, 2 n, 3 n, 6 n, 9 n, 24 n, 27 n,
28 n, 32 n, 62 n, 119 n, 123 n, 284 n,
286 n, 473, 475, 487 ; letters to, i
126 n, ii 118 n.
Chambers, — , ii 468.
Chambery, ii 95; HW at, i 121, ii 5.
Champagne, i 245, ii 4, 497 n.
Champigny, Jean Boehart de, French
ambassador in Venice (1607), protests
against Protestant propaganda, i 98-
100, 481-2; HW consults, 495;—
109 n, 426n,476, 487, 493.
phandos, Grey Bridges, 5th Baron, ii
17.
Chapman, George, i 47 n, 48.
Charing, Kent, i 1, 241 n.
Charles V, Emperor, i 202, ii 221 n,
105.
Charles I, K. of England, childhood,
ii 300 ; wishes to light for Venice, i
81 n ; proposed marriage with Savoy
princess, 116, 131-2, ii 26, 477 ; with
Spanish princess, i 180-1, 183, ii 186,
222. 226 n, 237 n, 245, 247, 251-2,
267, 274, 481 ; HW's secret informa-
tion about, i 181, ii 225-6, 230 ; goes
to Madrid, i 181, ii 267 n, 269, 292 ;
helps HW to obtain Provostship of
Eton, i 200, ii 316, 397 ; HW sends
EL meats of Architecture to, i 199, ii284 ;
Survey of Education, i 210, ii 331-3;
reign of, i 195 ; marriage, ii 286 n ;
commissions HW to examine Anne
Lyon, 291, 205; II W write., of, t<>
Q. of Bohemia, 296 ; writes to, about
taking Olden, 300-1, 304-5; about
his debts, 315-6; a^ks HW's opinion
of pictures, i 210 ; HW begs pi
nient of, 205, 221, ii 317, 397; in-
creases HW's pension, i 205, 209, ii
816, 351; goes to Scotland, 343;
HW's poem on his return, i 210, ii
415-6; Plausiis <t Vota, i 206, 210, ii
348-9, 413, 457 ; letters about Eton
elections, 326-7, 329, 334; and
Court quarrels, 338-43 ; and Q. of
Bohemia, 348 ; and HW's arrest, 351 ;
and Juxon, 363-4 ; and Covenanters,
3S3 n, 385 n, 410 ; HW's bequest to,
i 216; execution of, 224; HWi
letters to, 19, 76, 202, 208, 221,
ii 284, 298-302, 304-5, 315, 331-3,
397-8, 450-1, 453 ;— i 120, 189 n, 214,
501 n, ii 42, 229, 286, 303, 310, 312 n,
317-9, 335-6, 345 n, 352 n, 354-5,
366-7, 386 n, 390 n, 395, 397 n, 405,
407 n, 462, 470, 480-1.
j Charles II, K. of England, i 42 ; HW's
poem on birth of, 210 ; created
Prince of Wales, ii 378 n, 387 n ;
bequest to, i 217, ii 297 n ; -i 42, ii
384 n.
Charles IX, K. of France, i 249 n, ii
456.
Charles, Archduke, i 278 n.
Charles, Duke of Styria, i 244, 263 n.
Charles Emmanuel I, D. of Savoy, in
Venice (1607), i 381 ; Premonition sent
to, 101, 467 ; warlike preparations,
467-8 ; joins in ' Great Design ', 98,
107, 113, 482-4, 487, 490; position
after death of Henry IV, 113, 492-3 ;
negotiates for English marriage, 63,
113-6, 119-25; receives HW (1611\
114-5; HW's mission to (1612,
120-3, ii 1-7, 80 ; gives HW pension,
i63, 131-2 ; renews marriage negotia-
tions, 131-2 ; goes to war about
Montferrat, 140, 144, ii 25, 28, 32,
79 n, 94 n, 476 ; sends Parkhurst to
Geneva, i 131 n, ii 477 ; Dutch send
aid to, i 140, ii 79 n ; James I aids,
i 144, 151 ; Venice sends money, ii
109, 173 n; HW's mission to (1616),
i 145-7, ii 94-6; proposed league
with Union, 88 ; position of ( 1616 ),
i 144, 148 ; war with Spain renewed,
151-2, ii 102-3, 107, 109, 113, 173 n,
229; ended, 121 n; HW reported to
be inimical to, i 159 n ; proposed
league with France, ii 153 ; Venice
refuses to join in attack on Austria,
i 160 ; intrigues for partition of
Empire, 175 n ; forms league with
Venice, 146, ii 171 ; engagement
with France, 227 ; league, i ISO, ii
211 n, 265-6; portrait of, at White-
12
516
INDEX
hall, i 124 n ;— i ix, 23, 193, 320 n,
490, ii 111 n, 145 n, 464, 475.
Charles Louis, titular Elector Palatine,
in England, ii 363; defeat of, 399,
400 ; loses Meppen, 401 ;— 345, 395,
404 n, 410.
Charlotte, Princess, daughter of Queen
of Bohemia, ii 313 n.
Charlton, ii 16 n.
Chateauneuf, Marquis de, imprison-
ment of, ii 340.
Chatillon, Marechal de, ii 51 ; defeats
Prince de Carignan, 352.
Cheri, ii 498.
Chertsey, ii 470.
Chesterfield, Catherine Wotton,
Countess of. See Kerckoven.
Chesterfield, Philip Stanhope, 1st E.
of, ii 312 n, 322.
Chesterfield, Philip, 2nd E. of, ii 312 n,
412.
Chevreuse. Duchesse de, comes to
England, ii 391.
Chiavenna, i 49, ii 271 ; HW at, i 300.
Chichester, ii 405 n.
Chichester, Arthur, 1st Baron, ii 281.
Chichester, Bp. of. See Montague.
Chigi, Fabio. See Alexander VII.
Chilham, Kent, ii 474.
China, ii 394.
Chioggia, HW visits gardens at, i 59,
ii 220 ;— i 376, ii 270.
Chitock, Mr., ii 346.
Christian III, K. of Denmark, ii 157 n.
Christian IV, K. of Denmark, arrives
in England, i 360 ; at Greenwich with
James I, 81, 362; proposed league
with Venice, 360, 361 n ; proposed
ambassador from, in Venice, 424 ; in
England, ii 44 ;— i 169, ii 44, 48, 400.
Christina, Princess, daughter of
Henry IV, negotiations for her
marriage with Prince Henry, i 125;
with Charles I, ii 58 n ; marries D. of
Savoy, i 426, ii 399 n.
Christina, Grand Duchess of Tuscany,
i287.
Chrysostom, edition of, published by
Sir Henry Savile, i 428 n.
Chur, capture of, i 180, ii 245 n ;
Bishop put to flight, i 395.
Churchey, George, ii 306 n.
Chute, Sir Walter, ii 37, 41.
Cicala, Turkish general, defeated by
Persians (1605;, i 342.
Cicero, M. Tullius (Tullie), quoted,
i 227-8, 236, 239, 313, ii 11, 38, 331,
348, 371, 384 n.
Cicilio, il, Salisbury so called, i 416.
Cigala. See Cicala,
Cinque Ports, the, ii 40-1, 282 n, 483.
Ciotti, Giambattista, Venetian book-
seller, i 469.
Cirencester, ii 471.
Civita Nova, ii 97.
Civita Vecchia, i 442 n
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st E. of,
ii 340 n.
Clark, William, execution of, i 882 n.
333 n.
Claudian, quoted, ii 14.
Cleaver, John, Vicar of Windsor and
Fellow of Eton, ii 366, 375.
Clement VIII, Pope, character of, i 77,
274-5, 281 ; Borne during pontificate
of, 332-4 ; edicts of, 275-6, 296 ; Sir A.
Sherley visits, 37-8 ; gives audience
to Sir James Lindsay, 321 ; protests
against HWs religious services, 77;
death of, 78, 325 n, 326, 328 n;— 39,
286, 290, 320 n, 329 n, 335.
Clesel. See Klesel.
Cleveland, Thomas Wentworth, 1st E.
of (Lord Wentworth), his tutor im-
prisoned at Bologna, i 456-7.
Cleves, Duchy of, i 137, 455. ii 56-1
62, 72. 84 n.
Cleves, John William, D. of, i 137. 27J ;
deatli of, 98, 135, 467 n.
Clewer, living of, ii 304 n.
Clifford, Lord. See Cumberland
Clifford, Sir Conyers, defeat of, in
Ireland, i 308 n.
Clifford, Frances, marries Sir Gervase
Clifton, ii 328 n, 465.
Clifton, Notts., ii 465; MS. at. i xv. ii46<».
Clifton, Sir Gervase, ii 321 ; visits
Eton, 313, 352 ; HWs letters to, i 208,
ii 307, 327, 333, 352-4, 150-2, -161 |
papers of, in British Museum, 352 n;
his son at Eton, 307 ; sent abroad
with T. Hobbes, 307 n ; biographical
note, 465-6.
Clifton, Gervase, jun., ii 328 n.
Clogy, Alexander, son-in-law of Bedell,
i 59 n, 103 n, ii 352 n.
Clotwortrry, John, mutineer, hanging
of, ii 153 n.
Clusius. See Lecluse.
Cobham, Sir Henry, ambassador in
France, ii 456-7.
Coblentz, ii 31, 281.
Cockaine, owner of the Merchant ifayofl
i 338 n.
Coenders, ii 75.
Coeuvres. See Estrees. due d\
Cogan, Henry, in service of HW,
i 48 n, 420, 489 ; note on, ii 466.
Coire. See Chur.
Coitmar, Roland, captain of the Luiky
Elizabeth, HW sends letters by, i 321,
323.
Coke, Sir Edward, ii 29-30, 34.
Coke, Sir John, Secretarv, i 217 n,
ii 303, 351 n ; HWs letter to, 450.
Colchester, ii 480.
Colen, Collen. See Cologne.
Colli. See Collibus.
INDEX
517
Eollibus, Hippolitua a, acquaintance of
IIW a< Heidelberg, i 300.
Collins, Samuel, Provost of King's
College, Cambridge,
475 ; visits
Eton, i 204, ii 166; signs letter to
Land with HW, 367-8 ; H\V sends
portrait of Sarpi, 371, 479; depriva-
tion of, i 224; note on, ii 466-7;
tetter to HW, 394; HW's letters to,
i Jos, ii 181, 318 n, 370, 380, 394,
112, 148, 152-3.
Cologne, IIW pretends to be a
native of, i 271 ; IIW at, (1612) 123;
1616) 145, ii 88, 91-4; (1623) i 192,
n 280-2;— i l'.'.l', ii 31, 386, 400.
Cologne, Ferdinand of Bavaria, Elector
of, i 286 n, 294, 296, ii 31, 45 n, 55,
221 n.
Colon ia. See Cologne.
■olonitz, John George, offers his ser-
vices to Venice, i 368, 869 n.
Colon na, family of, i 272.
Colon na, Ascanio, Card., i 431, 442.
Colon na, Fabrizio, i 296 n.
' Colon na, Giovanna, i 296 n.
Colonna, Marc' Antonio, i 296.
Comet of 1618, the, ii 160-1.
■omitolus, Paulus, attacks HW, ii 10.
Commines, Philippe de. his definition
of an ambassador, i 110.
Como, lake of, i 179.
Conaway. See Conway.
Concini. See Ancre.
iConde, Henri II, Prince of, in
rebellion, ii 84; imprisonment of,
107 ; in Italy, 273 ; claims title of
AUezza, 250 n; visits Sarpi, 250-1,
p72 : mentioned in Table Talk. 492. 494.
Conde, Louis II, Prince of, ii 250 n.
Condominium, the, in the Juliers-
Cleves territories, i 135; abolished,
189.
fonestaggio, Girolamo Franchi de, his
unione, &c, ii 484.
lonfluentia. See Coblent/.
' Constantinople, H Ws intention to
visit, i 17, 230. 256, 258, 261 ; HW
superior of ambassador at, 69 ; English
fcrade with, 72-3 ; English ship burnt
at, 338 n ; news from, 342, 445, ii 197,
239 ; ambassadors at, see Ambassa-
dors; patriarch of, ii 98 ;— i 9, 150,
M0, 279 n, 295, 414 n, 437, 454 n,
ii 15.
Jontarini, ' old ' family of Venice,
i 484 n.
'■lit arini, Angelo. ii 250.
'ontarini, Fi-ancesco, Venetian am-
has?ador in Rome, i 405, 407, 449, 451,
ii 468 ; Pope complains of HW to, i 95r
199 n ; special ambassador to England,
1105 7. 171. 189, Li 278 9; Doge XCV,
i 192, ii 277-80; mentioned in Table
Talk, 192-3, 496.
irint, Ni'-olo, ii 142.
( ontarini, 1'i.tro. Y.-n.-tian ftmbttM*
dot in I'l.in--.-. ii 906 J in England,
115. in; n, 168, 1 55, io.:. 171.
( ontarini, Sim. .no. ii -71.
Contarini, Tomaso, Venetian am
dor to the States, i 498,
Conway, Sir Edward, 1st Vi n .
anil.assaWor to Prague, i 16^ 17.I,
iil85n, 191, 194, 195 n, 1 99 n. ■:!<•„.
311 ; Secretary of State, I 199,
letter to, 407 n, 1 1&
Cooke, Anne, ii 461,
Cooke, Sir Philip, ii 461.
Cooke, Lady, ii 461.
Cooke, Lord. See Cok.-.
Copley, Anthony, imprisonment and
pardon of, i 882; 333 n.
Corbeil, siege of, i 245, 254 n.
Corbet, Richard, Bp. of Norwich,
ii 304 n.
Corbett, Mr. Julian, i 151.
Corby Castle, ii 2 n.
Corby e, John, i 1.
Cordova, Don Gonzalo Fernandez de,
defeat of, ii 248.
Corduba, ii 498-9.
Coreglia, Giovanni da, assumed name
of Diodati, i 91.
Corinth, St. Paul at, i 896.
Cork, Richard Boyle, 1st E. of, sends
his sons to Eton, i 203, ii 855-61 ;
his diary, 355 n, 356 n ; letters to
HW, 357-60, 361 n, 362 n ; HW's
letters to, 355-61, 452.
Cork, Richard Boyle, 2nd E. of, 1st E.
of Burlington (Lord Dimganan}, ii 357.
Corner, ' old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Cornwallis, Sir Charles, English am-
bassador in Spain, i 96, 102 ; his rela-
tions with the Venetian ambassador,
i 425 ; arrest of, ii 38-9, 41 ; letter- of,
quoted, i 380 n, 425 n, ii 482, 490 ;
HW's letters to, i 425 n, ii 421.
Cornwallis, Jane, Lady, ii 337 n.
Corona Regia, HW tries to discover
author of, i 145, ii 88, 92-3, 280-1.
Correr, Marc' Antonio, Venetian am-
bassador in England (1608-11), i 455,
462, 491-2 ; appointment of, 432 ;
HW describes, 433 ; writes of HW,
108 n, 459 n ; his account of Pie-
monition, 100 ; sees James I about
prohibition, 105, 478 ; copies of
Pruritanus found in house of, 472- 3 ;
leaves England, 506.
Correr, Vincenzo, HW introduces to
Prince Henry, i 432-3.
Corsini, the. forward Casaubon's letters
to HW, i 312.
Corsini, Filippo, Florentine merchant
in England, i 284 ; letter from, I-Vnli-
nand I to Elizabeth about. 284 n.
Corsini, Lorenzo, i 284 n.
518
INDEX
Cortsela, i 155, ii 153 n.
Coryate, Thomas, in Venice, i 60 ; in
Padua, ii 114 n ; his Crudities quoted,
i 60, 119 n, 438, ii 478.
Cosens Manor, Kent, ii 384 n.
Cosenza, ii 269.
Cosmo I, Grand Duke of Tuscany,
i 316 n.
Cosmo II, Grand Duke of Tuscany,
sends letter by HW to Prince Henry,
i 40, 426 ; desires matrimonial alliance
with James I, 120 ; his marriage,
426 n, 434 ; reported relations of
HW with, 159 n ;-373 n, 482, 486 n,
ii 110, 257, 496 n.
Costley, the, English ship captured by
Venetians, i 74.
Cottington, Sir Francis, 1st Baron,
ii 310, 351, 354 n.
Cotton, Pierre, Henry IV's confessor,
gives Henry IV intercepted letter
of Diodati, i 480-1 ; mentioned in
Table Talk, ii 492.
Cotton, Sir Robert Bruce, HW's letter
to, ii 297, 450 ; his library, 297 n.
Covenant, the, in Scotland, ii 383 n,
384, 407 n, 408.
Coventry, Thomas, 1st Baron, Lord
Keeper, ii 339 n ; HW's letter to,
373-4, 376, 452.
Cowley, Abraham, i 224 ; his Elegy on
HW, ii 412.
Cowper, family of, ii 390 n.
Cowper, William, i 224.
Coyra. See Chur.
Crafts, Anne, marries Lord Went-
worth, i 456 n.
Crafts, Henry, i 456.
Cranborne, Visct. See Salisbury.
Crane, Sir Robert, ii 468.
Cranfield. See Middlesex.
Craven, Wm, 1st E. of, ii399n, 400.
Creets. See Critz.
Crema, ii 213.
Crestingus, — , Professor of Law at
Heidelberg, i 238.
Crewe, Sir Clipsby, ii 385 n.
Critz, John de, his portrait of Salisbury,
i 460.
Croatia, i 148.
Crocio, — , ii 31.
Croker, John Wilson, i 217 n.
Cromer, Sir James, ii 18.
Crompton, Sir Thomas, killed in
Lorraine, i 372.
Cromwell, Oliver, ii 470.
' Crowned Elector.' See Frederick.
Croydon, ii 368.
Cueva, Don Alfonzo della. See
Bedmar.
Cuffe, Henry, secretary of Essex, i 34.
Cuiacius. See Cujas.
Cuias, Jacques, enemy of Hotman,
i 9, 238.
Culmore, Ireland, i 432 n.
Culpepper, Sir Thomas, ii 390 ; lettol
of, i 210.
Culross, i 41 n.
Cumberland, Henry, 5th E. of (Lord
Clifford), HW invites to Eton, ii 307 ;
his daughter Elizabeth marries Lord
Dungarvan, 357 n ;— 17, 328 n,
465.
Curlews, the, defeat of, Sir Con vers
Clifford at, i 308 n.
Curtius, quoted, i 485.
Curzola, ii 112, 146 n.
Cyprus, i 50, 402.
Dallington, Robert, his Method of
Travel, i 278 n.
Dalmatia, i 155, 446, ii 100 n, 152, 463.
Dampierre, Count of, ii 193.
Danahe. See Dohna.
Dandolo, 'old' familv of Venial
i 434 n.
Daniel, ii 37.
Dante, Henry IV's attitude compare!
to the Inferno of, i 355 n ; his Ope re,
ii 485.
Danti, Egnatio, his Prospettiva di
Euclide, ii 486.
Danube, the, i 251, 262 n, ii 190. 197.
205, 348.
Danzig, i 231.
Darci, Mile., ii 399.
Darcy, Lord. See Rivers.
Darford. See Dartford.
' Darimplius,' sent to Venice by
Savile, complains of HW, i 428 n.
Dartford, ii 322.
Datchet, i 220.
Davers, Sir Charles, in Florence, i 282.
David, King, i 466, ii 257, 296.
Davies, Sir John, ii 29 n.
Davison, Francis, his travels, i 15 n.
35 n, 227 n ; Poetical Rhapsody, 33 n,
ii 415.
Davison, Wm., i 35 n.
Day, William, Provost of Eton, ii 397 n
Dayner, — . Viennese merchant, con-
veys letters for HW, i 250, 259, 261,
265.
Dee, John, i 253 n.
Deering, Edward, HW's steward.
ii 225.
Deering, Elizabeth, HW's sister, i 240
241, ii 391 n, 461.
Deering, John, marries HW's sister,
i 240 n, ii 391 n, 462.
Defensio Ecclesiae Anglkanae, ii 252.
Delfino, Giovanni, Card., i 344. 4S2.
Delft, i 247 n, ii 368.
Delphos, ii 307.
Demetrius, i 198.
Democritus, picture of, i 217.
Demosthenes, ii 169, 170n, 310.
Denbigh, Basil Feilding, 2nd E. o
IXDKX
519
(Lord Feilding), marriage, ii 300 n,
840n : duel, 340-1.
Denbigh, Sir Win, Feilding, 1st E.
of, ii 257 n, 300 n.
Denbigh, Countess of, HW sends
picture to, ii 2.~>7, 265.
Denmark, i 270, ii 53 n, 482; HW
travels through (1601), i 40, 41 n ;
Kings of, ii 89, see Christian.
Bering. See Deer in g.
Derry, i 132 n.
besmond, Sir Richard Preston, 1st
E. of (Lord Dingicall), ii 17 ; wishes
to enter Venetian service, i 153, ii 97,
119 n.
Despenser, Hugh le, ii 500.
Despotini, Gasparo, accompanies HW
to England, i 114; HW writes to i
Sir E. Bacon about, 505 6 ; HW i
tints, 201, 212, ii 285, 409 ; biographi- j
cal note on, 467-8.
Pethiek/Humphrey, English factor in
Florence, i 300 ; goes to Scotland to
kill James VI, 40n, 43n; note on,
ii 468-9.
Deux Ponts. See Zweibrueken.
Pe venter, i 327 n.
Devonshire, ii 18, 471.
Devonshire, Sir Charles Blunt, 1st
E. of (Lord Mountjoy), i 259 ; defeats
Tyrone, 316 n ; mentioned in Table
Talk, ii 497.
Dickenson. John, agent at Dusseldorf,
with HW, ii 53-6, 64, 72 ; goes to
England, 67.
Dickenson, — , Clerk of Council, ii 339.
Dictionary of National Biography, the, i ix ;
life of HWin, i xm, 131 n.
Dideguires. See Lesdiguieres.
Diedo, — , Venetian senator, i 364.
Dieppe, ii 359 ; HW at (1595\ i 30 n.
Dietrichstein, Baron von, i 275.
Digby, Sir John. See Bristol.
Digges, Sir Dudley, ii 317 n.
Dijon, i 480.
Dingley, Richard, ii 470.
Dingwall, Lord. See Desmond.
Diodati, Charles, i 480 n.
Diodati. Giovanni, i 116, ii 477 ; asked
by HW to send Protestant preachers
to Venice, i 86, 351 ; his opinion of
Sarpi, 88 ; his translation of the
Bible distributed by HW in Venice,
90, 462 ; comes to Venice on invitation
of HW, 91-3 ; his conversations with
Sarpi, 400 n ; letter of, intercepted
by Henry IV, 98-9, 480-2, 485 ;
mentioned in Table Talk, ii 490, 498 ;
letters quoted, i 90 n, 92, 99 n.
Dionysius Periegetes, his De Situ Orbis,
ii 397.
Dioscorides, Pedanius, HW recom-
mends works of, ii 486 ; bequeaths to
«,». Henrietta Maria, i 217.
hi -ton, Wo., ii 50.
Pivcit, ' the Lord,' hia honta In
Vienna, i 261.
Dix Droitures, Grison League, i 179 80.
Dodi. Sec Duodo.
Doherty, Sir Cahir, his bum P
in Ireland, i 489 n.
Dohna, Baron Chrirtophet von, goes
to Venice to see Sarpi and II W. i 91 B
his interviews with Sarpi, 89, 92,
98 n, 354 n, 424 n, 447 n ; with HW,
426 n ; envoy to England, ii 164.
Dolfln, ' old' family of Venie., i 184 n*.
Dolo, Lady Arundel's villa at, i 186,
ii 232.
Dominicans, the, i 367, 385 n. ISA.
Dominis, Marc' Antonio de, archbishop
of Spalatro, goes to England, i 149,
150, ii 97, 100, 120 ; reports about, in
Rome, 110, 222; pamphlet against,
171-2; his writings, i 150, ii 178;
Giacomo Torre offers to kill, i 66 u ;
returns to Rome, 149-50, 183,
ii 228-30, 239-40, 252, 372 ; his
Palinode, 268, 372 n.
Don Quixote, quoted, ii 104.
Donato, Antonio, ambassador at
Turin, i 146, ii 96 ; in England (1618\
173 n, 180 ; accused of embezzlement,
173.
Donato, Leonardo, Doge XC of Venice,
election, i 78, 337, 339-40, 343-4 ;
HW congratulates, 53-4 ; describes,
78, 340, 354 ; Sarpi describes, 89 ;
leader of Liberal party, 77, 97, 341 ;
his hatred of the Papacy, 89 ; in
favour of religious reform, 92, 354 ;
his rebuke to Jesuits, 347 ; speeches
about James I, 348, 362, 403;
alleged discourse of, sent to James I,
366 ; speech to di Castro, 371 ; forbids
clergy to meet Card, de Joyeuse, 376 ;
visits De Joyeuse, 379 ; answers to
Nuncio's complaints about HW, 96 ;
advises HW about duck- shooting,
59 n ; attitude after attack on Sarpi,
405 ; apologizes for detention of books,
416 n ; shows Apologia to Sarpi, 416 ;
gives orders about Tyrone, 418; por-
trait sent to Salisbury, 419; HW
asks Prince Henry to write to. 127 :
illness of, 103 n, 462 ; answer to
Nuncio's complaints about Premoni-
tion, 103 ; HW presents Premonition
to, 102-4, 463-5, 468; letter from
James I, 463-4 ; renewed illness, 106,
468-9, 471-2, 474 ; rebukes HW, 106 ;
HW's farewell and reception of
Carleton, 108, 499-501 ;. HWs
audiences, 88, 54, 69 n, 68-9, 74, 80,
82-3,85, 102-4, 106, 108, 256 n, 842;
857 n, 359 n, 362, 368 n, 871 n,
374 n, 381 n, 384, 385 n, 396 n, 403,
111 n, 413, 416 n, 417 n, 426, 185 n.
5.20
INDEX
441 n, 452 n, 458 n, 463-5, 468, 481,
490 n, 491, 498, 501, ii 10 n, 471, 474 :
praises HW, i 69, 108, 462, 500;
HW's letter to, ii 426 ; death of, i 149 ;
portraits at Hampton Court, 216 ;
mentioned in Table Talk, ii 490, 492 ;— i
118 n, 366. 380-1, 387, 389, 428, 431 n,
444 n, 448-9, 451, 461, 476 n, 481,
491.
Donato, Nicolo, Doge XCIII, ii 173 n ;
election of, 134-9 ; death of, 132, 138,
141.
Donauw5rth> i 410 n, ii 209.
Doneaster, Viset. See Carlisle.
Donkercke. See Dunkirk.
Donne, John, note on, ii 469 ; at
Oxford with HW, i 5; on Cadiz
expedition, 31 ; complains of HW's
seldom writing, 308 ; in Germany
(1619% 166 n ; HW sends cipher to,
ii 265 ; HW's proposed Life of, i 205,
ii 404 ; Walton's Life of, i v ; note on,
ii 469 ; verse-epistles to HW, i 27-8,
32 n, 45 n, 308 n, ii 469 ; MS. poems
of, 489; letters to HW, i 117 n, ii
469, 473 ; HW's letters to, i xiv, 33,
89 n, 306-10, ii 1 n, 419 ;— 37 n,
411 n, 415-6, 461, 479, 481.
Dorchester, Anne, Viscountess, i 498,
ii 15, 124 ; HW's gift to, 502.
Dorchester, Sir Dudley Carleton, 1st
Visct., related to HW, ii 124 ; wishes
to be sent to Venice, i 459 n ; am-
bassador to Venice, 107, 149, 151,
494 n, 498 n, 499-501, ii 95 n, 105.
172, 210, 219, 221, 473, 477, 479 ; his
house in Venice, 96, 101 ; descrip-
tion of Venice, i 55-6 ; quarrel with
French ambassador, 64, ii 217;
objects to HW's History of Lnterclict,
i 118 n ; inimical to HW, 123 n,
126 n, 189 ; invites Sarpi to England,
151 ; presents Savile's Chrysostom to
Doge, 428 n ; wishes to be transferred
to Hague, 134 n, 144, ii 62 n ; goes to
Turin, 103 n, 105, 160, 473, 475;
ambassador at the Hague, i 165, ii
230 n; at Synod of Dort, 329 n;
wishes to be Provost of Eton, i 199 ;
letter of Savile to, 199 n ; Secretary
of State, ii 315 n ; Vice-Chamberlain,
319, 331 ; helps HW to pension, 315,
316 n ; letter to HW, i 498 n ; HW's
letters to, 156, 165, 498, 499 n, 501,
ii 14, 101-4, 123 5, 141, 157, 208, 218,
221 n, 222, 231, 237, 238 n, 244, 249 n,
269, 273-7, 277 n, 320-1, 328, 432-3,
437-9, 441-2, 444-9, 451 ; letters of, i
55-6, 67 n, 118 n, 121 n, 126 n, 459 n.
499 n, 501 n, ii 118 n, 123 n, 124 n,
472, 475, 477 ; letters to, i 48 n, 62 n,
118 n, 123 n, 124-6, 131 n, 134 n,
142-3, 170 n, 194, 199, 292 n, 459 n,
507 n, ii 3 n, 24 n, 27 n, 28 n, 85 n.
02 n. 99, 108 n, 101 n, 112 n. 119n,
123 n, 286 n, 464, 473, 470;— i 40. 15o
502, U 860 n, 474.
Dorckcombe, — , servant of Lord
Salisbury, ii 488 n.
Doria, ' new ' family of Venice, ii
135 n.
Doria, Andrea, Prince of Main, i 296,
342.
Doria, Giovanni. Card., i 439.
Doria, Prince, ii 269 n.
Dorislaus, Isaac, at Cambridge, ii 315;
letter to HW, 390.
Dormer, Jane. See Feria.
Dormer, Sir William, ii 150 n.
Dorset, Richard Sackville, 3rd E. of,
i 125, ii 17.
Dorset, Thomas Sackville. 1st E. of, i
292 n, 307 n, 359, 367, 431.
Dorsetshire, Lord Cork's estate in, ii
361.
Dort, Synod of, ii 329 n.
Dortmund, treaty of, ii 54 n.
Douai, Jesuit College at, ii 114, 147,
151 n.
Double Marriage, The, Fletcher and
Massinger, ii 333 n.
Douglas, Sir Robt. See Belhaven.
Dourishe, John, with HW, 1615) ii
80, (1616) i 145 n, (1619) ii 168; note
on, ii 469-70.
Dourishe, Robert, ii 469.
Dourishe, Walter, ii 469.
Dousa, Janus, i 25.
Dover, HW at, (1604) i 45, 319, 16161
145, ii 87, (1620) i 170 ; Lord ZouchJ
at, ii 282; plague at, 391 ;— 21. 23,
41,471.
Do way. See Douai.
Downes, Andrew, Prof., reported con-
version of, ii 169-70.
Dresden, i 169, ii 195 n.
Dromand, Sir Maurice. See Drum
mond.
Dropmore MSS.} letters of HW in. i
165 n, 170 n.
Drummond, Sir Maurice, ii 341.
Drummond, William of Hawthornden,
his conversations with Ben Jonson, i
42, 130 n.
Drury. Anne Bacon, Ladv, ii 21 n.
460.
Drury, Sir Drue, ii 318.
Drury, Sir Robert, i 316 n, ii 21. 28,
460.
Dublin, HW in, i 33, 306 n, 307, 309 ;—
ii 356 n, 359;— Trinity College, Bedell,
Provost of, 301-2, 462.
Dubravius. See Dubraw.
Dubraw, John. HW sends his De
Pimnis to Strafford, ii ;»<»<>.
Dudley. Mrs. Elizabeth. See Leven-
stein.
Dudley, Sir Robert, comes to Italy, i
IXDKX
521
»','.>, .!/.;. :!7"> ; marries Elizabeth
Southwell, 373, 379 ii ; HW summons
to England. 401 n, 128 n, ii 478.
Durer, Albrecht, i 198.
Du88eldorf, ii 58 n.
Dunfermline, James VI receives 1IVY
at. ill 2.
Dungarvan. See Cork, 2nd E.
Dungarvan, Lady, ii .'>57-8.
Donio. See Down.-.
Dunkirk, HW at (1616), i 145, ii87;
pirates from, i 10 ;— 180, ii 221.
Dunne. See Donne.
Iuodo, Pietro, Venetian ambassador
o England (1603), i 319; in Rome,
uplessis-Mornay, Philippe de, i 291 n,
i 478 : his writings about Rome, i 71 ;
nl\ isea Diodati to go to Venice, 91 ;
lends De Liques with letter to HW,
92, 436 n, 487 n; HW's letters to,
219 n. 486, 447 n, 448 n. 449 n,
462 n, 454 n, ii 428-9.
Duppa. Bryan, ii 469.
Duraz/o. in Greece, sack of. by Spanish
fleet, i 357.
Durham, Dean of. See Balcanquhall.
Dutch Republic. See United
Provinces.
Pyre. Rev. Alexander, edits HWs
poems, ii 415.
Dyer, Edward, i 3.
Dymock, Sir Edward, ii 105 n, 130.
Dynely, Anthony, at Eton, ii 308, 311,
326. '
Dynely, John, HW's secretary, (1616)
i 145 n, (1620) 170 n; sent to warn
Lady Arundel, 185, ii 232-3; tutor
to Queen of Bohemia's son, 308 ;
secretary to Queen of Bohemia, 348 ;
his hopes of preferment, 310, 389-90;
biographical note, ii 470-1 ; HWs
letters to, i 208, ii 302, 308, 310, 318,
821, 826, 348, 367, 389-91, 4<>l-4,
406-7, 410, 450-1 ; — ii 313, 818, 820,
323,464.
Dynely, Mrs., ii 402, 410, 470.
East India Company, the. ii 73 n.
East well, Kent, i 2.
Eckenberg. See Eggenberg.
Edinburgh, i 41 n, 331, 458 n, ii 349 n.
Edmondes, Clement, ii 73 n, 74,
77-8.
Edmondes, Magdalen, Lady, i 336-7,
ii 3, 45, 58.
Edmondes. Sir Thomas, English am-
bassador at Brussels, i 112, 485, ii
494 n ; at Paris, i 116 n, 459 n, ii 1,
85 ; HWs letters to, i 112, 829, 386 7.
340-2. 386, 389, 892, 894, 897 n, 411,
484 n, 435, 437-41, 445-6. 151 ... 462,
467, 475 n, 502. ii 1, 44. 56-8. 420-1,
428 80, 188-5, 460, 489 n; Carleton
to, i 159 n ; I. -tt. rs of 116 ii. 829,
185, ii 190.
IMward III, K. of England, i 8, ii
.•{•is.
Edward VI, K. of England, i »»; ...
50.
Egerton, Kent, ii 391 n, U
Eggenberg, Prince von, HW
with, at Vienna, ii 190 n, p.u.', ::
i 174, ii 216, 271.
Egiock, John, ii 328 n.
Eglisham, George, accuses Bucking-
ham of poisoning, i 969, ii 290 n,
291-3, 295-6.
Elbe, the, i 229 n.
Elben. See Elbing.
Elbing, levy on, i 231.
Elector Palatine. See Frederick.
Eliot, Sir John, ii 317.
Eliot, Capt. Robert, HW negotiate*
for capture of, i 67, 401-2; procures
dispensation for Sir R. Dudley's mar-
riage, i 373, 379; note on, ii 471.
Elizabeth, Queen, reign of, i 8, 75,
195, 225; visits Bocton, 4; HW
praises in State of Christendom, B I 5,
ii 455-6; writes to New College about
HW, i 301 ; HW at Court of; iv, 37 ;
anger at treaty with Tyrone, 34 ;
plots against, 17, 65, 430 n, ii 45<"> ;
last years of, i 28-9; death expected,
40 ; death of, 38, 43, 318 n, 346 n ;
libelled in Pruritanus, 472 n ; letter
to Ferdinand I, 292 n ; from Fer-
dinand I, 284 n ; mentioned in Table
Talk, ii 490, 492-3 ;— i 2, 17-9. 20, 32 n.
42, 50, 58, 118, 217, 227 n, 228, 230 n,
231, 242 n, 245, 259 n, 260, 270, 285.
292 n, 304, 316, 319 n, 328, 331, 37«> n.
383, 410 n, 475 n, ii 37, 885, 852 u.
460, 467, 482, 485, 489.
Elizabeth, daughter of James I, Elec-
tress Palatine, Q. of Bohemia, pro-
posed marriage with Prince of Pied-
mont, i 114, 119, ii 1 n ; marries
Frederick V, i 119, 130, 145, ii 12-:». 1 7.
55 n; leaves England, 18-9, 22. 81 :
HW visits (1616), i 145, ii 88-91 ;
difficulty about precedence, 89 ; A.
Morton, secretary to, i 145, ii 91 n ;
HW's poem on, i 170-1, ii 415;
offended with HW, i 173, ii 194 n ;
loaves Prague, i 173, ii 1".>7 ; HW
refuses Emperor's gift on account of,
i 174; criticizes James I, 177 ; John
Dynely with, ii 308, 389, 406 ; writes
to Charles I in Dynely's favour, 310 ;
HW recommends Frank Bacon,
811-2, 318, 320, 324-6, 342; men-
tioned in HW's prose writings, 297 n :
HW sends writings to, 309 ; me
to, 249 n. 265, 271 ; devotion to,
i 208, ii 194 n ; bequeaths portrait of,
to Charles II, i 217, ii 297 n : recom-
,99
INDEX
mends hoys for Eton, 322, 325-6;
letter to HW, 308 ; HW's letters to,
i 208, ii 194 n, 293, 311, 322, 324-5,
327, 342, 348, 362, 450-2 ; children of,
see Frederick, Charles Louis, Rupert,
Charlotte ;— i 433 n, ii 55 n, 175, 183,
191 n, 238. 313, 323-4, 336, 367-8,
400, 463, 465, 470.
Elizabeth, wife of Charles IX of
France, i 267.
Ellesmere, Lord. See Brackley.
Elsatia. See Alsace.
Elvis. See Helwys.
Emmanuele Filiberto, D. of Savoy, ii
5 n.
Emmerich, ii 46, 70 ; taken by Count
Maurice, i 138.
Erao, Girolamo, HW meets at Siena,
i299.
Emperor. See Charles V, Rudolf II,
Matthias, Ferdinand II.
Emperor, election of, ii 137 ; HW's
discourse on, 414.
Engadine, the, ii, 245 n.
Englestad. See Ingolstadt.
English ambassadors. See Ambassa-
dors.
English galley-slaves, i 68, 478-9.
English refugees in Italy, i 33-4, 67,
401-2, 417-8, 420-3, 429-30, 476.
English ships, HW proposes sending
of into Adriatic, i 80, 84 ; hired by
Venice, 154-6, ii 143, 146 n, 152-6,
159 ; loan of requested, i 155, ii
170.
English soldiers, HW proposes for
Venetian service, i 80, 153, ii 213 ;
Molin's opinion of, 153, see Bell,
Desmond, Mainwaring, Herbert,
Oxford, Pinner, Yorke ; in Dutch
service, come to Venice, see Vere ;
in Friuli, ii 178; under Sir Henry
Peyton, see Peyton.
English trade with Venice, amount of,
i 403 n ; HW's negotiations about,
72-4, 108, 321-4, 371, 403.
English travellers in Italv, i 17-8,
70-1, 330-2, 335, 395, 428-9, 434,
440, 442, 457, 487-9, 508, ii 108, 110-1,
126-7, 214, 256-7 ; James I forbids
to visit Rome, i 70 n.
Entragues, Count d', i 336 n.
Erdforde. See Erfurt.
Erfurt, i 232.
Eridge, Kent, ii 476.
Erizzo, Procurator e, ii 276.
Ernestus, Archduke of Austria, i 244,
249, 268 n ; Governor of Hungary,
263 n; of Netherlands, ii 456.
Erskine, John, Lord, in Venice, i 335.
Essendon, i 319 n.
Essex, i 338 n, 375 n.
Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd E. of,
his foreign correspondence, i 29 ;
HW in service of, 29-34, 75 ; Cadiz
expedition, 30-2, 320 n ; Azores
expedition, 31, 33, 37 ; writes to New
College in HW's favour, 301 n ; in
Ireland, 33-4, 306 n, 307 ; treaty with
Tyrone, 33-4; his disgrace, 34. 86,
311, ii 96 n, 456; HW in disfavour
with, i 34, 44, 317-8 ; death, 34 ;
HW defends memory of, 316 n ;
HW's Character of, 130 ; Parallel with
Buckingham, 31, 206, ii 413-4, 487 ;
letters of, i 29 n, 34 n : HW's letters
to, 32-3, 299-301, 304-5, ii 419 ;
mentioned in Table Talk. 58, 490,
492-4; i iv, 2, 9, 30, 43-4, 75, 288 n.
259, 284 n, 379 n, 430 n.
Este, house of, i 296.
Este, Maria d', ii 5 n.
Este, Marquis d', ii 5.
Estrees, Francois Annibal Due d'
{Marquis tie Coenvres), extraordinary
ambassador to Venice, ii 212 n, 218.
242 ; attempts to procure readmission
of Jesuits, 216-8 ; his reception,
216-7 ; HW visits, 217-8.
Esture, Kent, i 241 n, ii 474.
Eton, Archdeaconry of, ii305n.
Eton College, the Provost of, his
duties, i 203 ; salary and perquisites,
204-5, ii 316, 402 n ; HW Provost of.
im, xiv, 59, 194, 199-225, ii 207 n.
254 n, 285-410; elections at, i 204,
ii 308, 320, 322-3, 325-30, 334, 360,
367-9, 380, 387, 389, 397 ; audit at,
401 ; Greek play at, 313 ; -floods at,
336 ; fellows of, i 201, see Cleaver,
Hales, Harrison, Weaver ; fellowship
annexed to living of Windsor, ii
366 n ; letter from to Buckingham, i
209 ; petition from to Lord Coventry,
ii 373-4, 376 ; HW's bequest to, i 218 ;
MSS. at, vi, xin, 146 n, 165 n, ii 152 n,
194, 412 ; pictures at, i 52, 60, 167,
210-1 ; motto, possible origin of,
191 n ;— ii 460, 464. 466, 474. 476.
Etruria, ii 298-9.
Eupolis, ii 384 n.
Exeter, ii 300 n, 370 n.
Exeter, Thomas Cecil, 1st E. of, i 428,
ii 18 n, 473.
Ezekiel, ii 37.
Fabricius, ' defenestration ' of, ii 168 n,
197 n.
Fabritio, Signer, nickname of II W,
ill8n, 123 n, 125 n, 126, ii 25 n, 27 n,
118 n, 124 n.
Fabritio, young, nickname of Sir
Albertus Morton, ii 27 n.
Faehinetti, Card. See Urban VII.
Falier, ' old ' family of Venice, i 431 n.
Falkland, ii 121.
Falmouth, ii 471.
Fanshawe, Sir Henry, i 118, 131.
INDEX
528
Ptrnese, Odoardo, Card., i 278 n,
297, 880, liH.».
Farnham Royal, living of, ii 304 n.
Fawkes, Guy, i 340.
Feilding, Lord. See Denbigh.
Peilding, Col. Richard, ii 403 n.
Feltri, i 412, ii 492.
Fenton. John, ii 462: bears dispatch
to England, i 371-2, 378.
Ferdinand I, Emperor, i 244 n.
Ferdinand II, Duke of Styria, Em-
peror, i 16 ; his minority, 249, 263 ;
Capt. Turner offers information to,
368-9 ; represents Rudolf II at diet
of Ratisbon, 410 ; his sister marries
Prince of Tuscany, 426 n ; was with
Venice, see Uscock ; becomes King
of Bohemia, ii 140 n ; King of
Hungary, 140 ; marriage, 271 ;
Bohemians renounce allegiance to,
i 180, 165, ii 158 n ; Doncaster's
embassy to, i 164, ii 166, 183 ; besieged
in Vienna, i 166 ; elected Emperor,
167, ii 140, 168; HW's embassy to,
i ix, 167-74, ii 184-208, 213, 230-1,
464; HW's negotiations with, 190 n,
191-2, 196, 199, 202 ; proposed
negotiations with Frederick, 195 n,
201-3 ; ban against Palatinate, 196 n,
202 ; HW takes leave of, i 174, ii 207-8.
213, 216 ; and Bethlen Gabor, 204, 206,
208, 239; and Maximilian I, i 165,
175, ii 175, 209 ; and restitution of
Palatinate, i 180-3, ii 215 n, 222, 237n ;
Digby's embassy to, i 175, ii 215 ;
transfers Palatine electorate to
Maximilian, i 168, 175, ii 223-5;—
ii 170 n, 189, 193-4, 107-8, 226 n, 331,
404 n, 496 n.
Ferdinand III, Emperor, ii 404, 407,
498.
Ferdinand, Archduke, i 263 n.
Ferdinand I, Grand Duke of Tuscany,
his marriage, ii 299 ; quarrels with
Genoa, i 279-80 ; letter to Queen
Elizabeth, 284 n ; from Elizabeth,
292 ; HW introduced to, 37-8, ii 298 ;
sends HW to Scotland, i 37-42, 45,
314, 388, ii 300, 316 ; his knowledge
of poisons, i 40 n ; HW asks for
money, 62, 388 n ; gives money, 338 n.
388 n, 389 n ; HW negotiates with,
69, 888 n, 373, 387-8; protects Eng-
lish pirates, 74, 387 n ; forces English
ships into his service, 338 n, 387 n ;
employs Sir R. Dudley, 373 n, 387;
employs Capt. Eliot, 387 n, 401 n,
402 ; employs English slaves in
galleys, 387 n ; offers to mediate
between Venire and Pope, :;">•"> n ;
attempts conquest of Cyprus, W2;
death of, L26n; HW's character of,
ii 898-800; letters to, i 888 n, '-W.
887, ii 1:21, 124, 480 n ; mentioned in
/■„//,. K»;— L21.29n,85,68n, 101,
278, 876, 282, 284, 285 n, 287-01. 896,
300, 81611, 870, 878, 392, 408, 180. n,
434, 467, ii269n, 168, 171, 182, i'.Mn.
Ferdinand Card., Governor of
Spanish Netherlands, ii 845, 388-9.
Ferentz, Sir Thomas, ii 400, 402.
Feria? D. of Viceroy of Sicily,
detains English ships, i 328 n ;
Governor of Milan, ii 166 : HWi
remark about, 156 n ; and Valtelline,
i 179, ii 221 n, 246, 271 ; refuses to
carry out treaty of Madrid, i 180,
ii 235 ; sends Scioppius to Rome,
211 ; attempts to send troops ierOM
Venetian territory, 818, 816; and
Venice, 246.
Feria, Duchess of (Jane Dormer^,
ii 156 n.
Fernel, John Francis {FtnuUtUt).
ii 366, 380.
Ferrara, i 18, 376, 408, 441, 167, ii 872 :
Dukes of, 498 ; Governor of, 222.
Fialetti, Odoardo, picture of Venice
by, at Eton, i 210 ; pictures by, at
Hampton Court, 48, 64, 216.
Fiano, D. of, ii 268.
Finch, Catherine, Lady, HW's grand-
mother, ii 124 n, 384 n.
Finch, Mr. G. II., i xv, ii 489.
Finch, Henry, i 3 n.
Finch, Sir Henry, ii 317 n.
Finch, Sir John, 1st Baron, Speaker
of House of Commons, ii 317-8 ;
HW visits, 390.
Finch, Sir Thomas, i 37 n.
Finch, Sir William, HW's maternal
grandfather,
ii 4 74.
Finet, or Finett, Sir John, ii 481 ;
accompanies Lord Cranborne to Italy,
i444.
Finetti, Venetian advocate, defends
Nicolo Balbi, i 323-4.
Firenzuola, Agnolo, his Rime, ii 485.
FitzGerald, Edward, i 224.
Fitzherbert, Sir Anthony, i 442 n.
Fitzherbert, Nicholas, sends secret in-
formation to H W, i 65, 331, 428 n . Hi';
wishes to return to England, 508.
Fitzherbert, Thomas, i 430.
Five Ports. See Cinque Ports.
Flanders, i 241, 263, 409, 4S6, ii 66,
125, 392 n, 476.
Flavius, Christophorus, printer at
Cologne, ii 92-3 ; plan for kidnapping,
280-1.
Fleehammer, Giovanni Giorgio, ii 198.
Flechammer, or Fleckanuner, John
Christopher, of Augsburg, HW writes
definition of ambassador in album of,
i40 n, 126, ii 10, 198 n.
Fleming, Sir Thomas, Lord Chief
Justice, ii 30.
Flemings, the, ii 258.
524
INDEX
Fletcher, John, i 48, 363 n, ii 275 n,
333 n.
Fletcher, Nathaniel, HW's chaplain at
Venice (1604-6), i 48, ii 462 ; returns
to England, i 86, 363.
Fletcher, Richard, Bp. of London,
i363.
Fleurus, battle of, ii 248.
Florence, Council of, ii 98 ; HW in,
(1592) i 20, 271-89, 293, 299, 300,
(1593) 22, (1601) 36-7, 39, 311-12,
ii 298, 300, 481, (1602) i 42-3, 312-14,
316 ; Edward Barrett in, 338 n, 340 ;
Sir Stephen Le Sieur, envoy to, 415.
434 ; English Catholics in, 434 ; Tobie
Matthew in, 395, 434, 477 ;— Via
Cavour, i 277 n ; Via Larga, 277, 278 ;
Pitti Palace, 21, ii 298; Archivio
Mediceo, HW's letters in, i vr, xiv,
29 n, 42-3, 315 n ; Laurentian Library,
43 n;— i 17-8, 62, 70 n, 392, 404 n,
406 n, 456, 494, ii 110, 111 n, 113 n,
299, 382, 468, 471, 473.
Flushing, ii 46, 63, 64 n, 66, 476.
Fonthill, MS. at, ii 114 n, 117 n.
Fooks, Mr., i 170.
Ford, John, i 22.
Fordwich, ii 317 n, 390 n.
Foscari, ' new ' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Foscarini, Antonio, ambassador in
France, i 476 n, 482, 490 ; in England,
119, 124, 183, 506, ii 17, 163 n, 477 n ;
first trial of, HW congratulates, i 181 ;
HW visits, ii 163 n, 164 n ; second
trial and execution, i 56, 183-90,
ii 231-4, 261, 470; his innocence
declared, i 190, ii 263.
Foscarini, Girolamo and Nicolo, estab-
lish innocence of their uncle, ii 262-3.
Foscarini, Griacobo, i 343-4.
Fox, Mr. A. W., his life of H W, i xiii,
103 n, ii 456.
France, Wars of League, i 10, 24, 263,
ii 455 ; HWs intention to visit (1592\
i 287 ; HW in, (1595) 30, (1000) 36,
310, (1603) 44, 318, ii 316, (1612) !
ii 4-5 ; proposed league with (1606 \ \
i 80, 349 n ; Protestants in, offer their !
service to Venice, 352 n ; change of j
policy after death of Henry IV, 107, j
147; troubles in, ii 49, 52; proposal
to send HW ambassador to, i 134,
ii 35 ; intervention in Juliers-Cleves
controversy, i 141-2. ii 52 ; and Val-
telline, see Louis XIII ; news from,
i 263, 283, 316, 381, 409 n, ii 41, 113,
245 ; travellers in, i 346, 387,408, 417,
435 n, 444-5, 477, ii 339 n, 365, 382 ;
war with (1627), ii 303, 313, 318;
peace concluded, 313 n ; kings of,
see Charles, Henry, Louis ; ambassa-
dors from and to, see Ambassadors ; —
i 12, 27, 43 n, 49, 58, 178, 217, 259,
270, 286, 326, 328-9, 339, 349 n,
370, 374, 402, 433, 444-5, 447, 462,
472 n, 492, ii 4n, 7-8, 19, 24 n, 41 90,
128, 153, 157, 160, 208 n, 212, 221,
246 n, 248, 250, 276, 299, 307 n, 323,
349, 386 n, 400 n, 410, 455-7, 105,
473, 480-1.
Francesco de' Medici, Grand Duke of
Tuscany, i 300, ii 299.
Franciotti, Marc' Antonio, Lucchese
spy, i 36.
Franckendal. See Frankenthal.
Franckforde. See Frankfort.
Franco, Niccolo, his Dialoghi, ii 485.
Francis Hyacinthe, D. of Savoy, death
of, ii 399.
Franconia, ii 844 n.
Frankenthal, ii 248.
Frankfort, HW at, (1589) i 10, 233, 235,
239, 302, (1590) 11-2, (1591^ 16-7,
(1603) 44, 318, ii 481, (1612) i 123 ;
HW's spies in, 65, 359 ; the Mart at,
12, 25-6, 44, 239, 318, ii 9 ;-i 245-0,
253 n, 255 n, 262 n, 266, ii 68, 185,
482.
Franquezza, Spanish Seeivtary. his
fall, i 380 n.
Frascati, ii 107.
Frederick IV, Elector Palatine, HW
wishes to be sent to. (1597) i 300,
(1609) 454 ;— 231, 300, 426 n, ii 90 n.
Frederick V, Elector Palatine, K. of
Bohemia, marries Princess Elizabeth,
i 119, 125, 130, ii 12-4, 17 ; leaves
England, 16, 18, 22 ; and Juliers-
Cleves, 55; HW at Court of, i 145,
ii 88-91, 93-4 ; visits Maximilian I,
140, 175; Director of Union, 164.
176; at Heilbronn, 173, 176-7;
intrigues for Bohemian crown, i
172, 175, ii 185 ; elected K. of
Bohemia, i 165, 167-9, 171-2, ii 185-
8, 190 n ; at Prague, i 173, ii 195 ;
HWs negotiations with, i 171-2. ii
191, 195 ; offended by HW, i 173, ii
194 n , James I sends ambassadors to,
see Conway, Portland ; flees from
Prague, i 173, ii 197; Hungarian
mission to, 201-2 ; ban against, i
174, ii 196 n ; loses Palatinate, i 176-
7, ii 248; electorate transferred to
Maximilian, i 168, 175, 183, ii 223 n.
224-5 ; in campaign of 1622, i 181-
2, ii 237, 248 ; help for requested from
Venice, i 182, ii 227-8, 238-9, 241 n ;
letters of, ii 88 n, 164 n ;— i 146, ii 36,
63, 68, 108, 117, 150, 183-4, 281 n,
327 ; Ambassadors to and from, see
Ambassadors, German.
Frederick, Prince, son of Elector Pala-
tine, ii 55, 88, 308-9, 463, 470.
Freeman, Sir Ralph, Master of Re-
quests, i 199.
Freher, Marquard, HW introduced to.
INDEX
.)•:.)
by Casaubon, i 25 ; 11W visit
814.
Preistadt, ii 196.
French Conspiracy, the. see Venico,
plot of, 1G18.
French, s. rgeant, officer under Peyton,
hanged, ii 168 n.
I rench soldiers in Venetian service, ii
21&
freanes-Canaye,PhUippede,convendon
of, i 61, 846 ii : French ambassador at
Venice complains of HW, 61 ; HW
at festa given by, 59 ; warned
not to attempt to intercede in
quarrel with Pope, 355 ; meets
Cardinal de Jbyense, -"'.Til ; his pro-
posals to HW for a combination
t<> help Venice, 382-3 ; Venetian
criminals taken to house of, 390 ; his
recall, 382 n ; his gift at departure,
500 n ; HW's letter to, 61 n. ii 120;
letters of i xi. 354 n, 357 n, 371 n,
874 n, 878 n, 400n;-51, 60, 336,
877-9, 385, ii 493.
Friburg, ii 94.
Friedesheim, Baron von, Wotton's liost
at Vienna (1590), i 14, 244, 257, 301.
Friedesheim, Helmbard, HW's letter
to, ii 418.
Friesland, ii 71.
Friuli, HW travels in, i 57 ; HW sends
James I map of, ii 104, 106 ; war in.
mi Uscoek ;-ii 103, 131, 139-40, 142,
158, 171, 174, 178, 228.
Fuentes, Count, Governor of Milan, i
101, 326, 328, 476 ; releases Rowland
Woodward, 327 ; threatens the Ori-
sons, 382 n ; interferes with, 395 ;
receives Tyrone at Milan, 417 n, 418 ;
death of, 503 n.
Fuggero, Giorgio, imperial envoy in
Venice, i 437; quarrel with HW,
437 n.
Fulgenzio. See Manfredi, Micanzio.
Fulgenzio (monk of order of Camal-
dola), i 446 n, 461.
Fulgenzio, Abbot, ii 245 n.
Fuller. Corporal, officer under Peyton,
hanged, ii 153 n.
Fuller, Thomas, ii 467, his account of
Do Dominis, ii 229 n.
Fusina, i 185, 499 n, ii 223.
Cabaleoni, Battista, agent of Savoy
in England, i 124, 125 n, ii 25-6.
Gabor, Bethlen, Prince of Transyl-
vania, elected King of Hungary, i 17 1.
ii 196 n; negotiations with, 200 n,
202, 206 : resigns crown of Hungary
and makes peace, 208 n; — 197, 199 n,
204, 289.
Gabriana, Baron di, HW's host at
Venice (1620), i 1 72, ii 190 n ; Baroness
di, HW presents jewel to, 174, 175 n.
Gabriel, Creek Bishop in Venice,
praises HW to Cory.it.. , | gg ,,.
Gage, George, ii l' 17.
Gagliardo, Padre, Jesuit expelled from
Venice, i 8
Gainsford, Erasmus, ii 1_M n.
Gtainaford, Sir John, ii 124 n.
Gainsford, John, ii 384.
Gainsford, Richard, ii 384 n.
Galen, quoted, ii 347 n.
Galicia, ii 98 n.
Galilei, Galileo, his diseoveri. -, i 107,
486 ; his Discorao, ii 486.
Gallienus, Emperor, quoted, ii 828.
Gallo, Cesare, imperial amba>-ador at
Constantinople, ii 197.
Game of Chess, A, by T. Middleton. 11 W
witnesses, i 201.
Garda, Lago di, ii 261 ; HW travels to,
i 57, 435, 436 n.
Gardiner, Edmund, captain of tin
Thomas, i 452, 460.
Gardiner, S. K., his history, i xui ; his
view of HW, 115 n.
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win-
chester, i 16 n.
Gardner. See Gardiner.
Garnet, Henry, and the Gunpowder
Plot, i 54, 348 ; death of, 886 ;
miraculous straws from execution of,
475.
Garrard, Wm., letters quoted, ii 304 n,
348 n, 351 n, 386 n, 408 n.
G aria way, Wm., i 470 n.
Garroway, Thomas, merchant, i 320 n,
374.
Gar way. See Garraway.
Gascony, ii 499.
Gates, Sir Thomas, ii 50 ; HW com-
mends to Win wood, i 320.
Gaunt. See Ghent.
Gaynsford. See Gainsford.
Gedney, Line, ii 105 n.
Geheerten Provinces. See Nether-
lands, Spanish.
Gein, Jacques de, ii 193.
Gelderland, ii 42.
Gellius, Aulus, i 485 n.
Geneva, Casaubon at, i 11-2 ; HW at.
12, 22-5, 297-303, 311, 313, ii 96 n,
456-7 ; Diodati at, i 86, 91, 98, 480 ;
church of, 91, 98 n ; lake of, 145 ;—
i 26, 93, 131 n, 255 n, 351, 447, 481 n,
ii 95, 359, 477.
Genoa, HW at, i 22, 297. 300 ; pirates
from, 322 ; Raleigh's proposed attack
on, 151 ; reported league against,
ii 153, 156 ;— i 41 n, 272, 279, 296, 331,
342, 439, 477, 507n,ii 382.
Genovesato, the, i 290.
Gentili, Alberico, Professor of Civil
Law at Oxford, i 5, 7, 10; his l)e
Legationibus, 6, 109 n.
George, Robert, ii 171.
526
INDEX
Georges, John, with HW (1616),
i 115 n, ii 127; note on, ii 171.
Gerard, John, his Herball, ii 365.
Gerbier, Sir Balthazar, ii 391, 181 ;
HW's letter to, 388-9, 453.
Gerini, Bernardo, nephew of Filippo
Corsini, i 284 n.
Germain (Jermyn), Henry. See St.
Albans.
German gentleman in Ireland, i 309.
German gentleman carries letter from
HW to Lord Zouche, i 280-2.
German Protestant Princes. See
Union.
Germany, HW in, ii 140, (1589)
i 10-4, 229-42, (1601-2) 40, 43, 312,
314, (1603) 44, 318, ii 96 n, (1604)
i 49, (1619) i 165-6, ii 174-9, (1620)
i 171, ii 182, 184-8 ; HW's acquaint-
ances in, i 300 ; wishes to be sent to,
0597) 32, 305-6, (1607) 84, (1610)
113, 451, 481; condition of, (1613)
ii 16, (1619) ii 168, 177; war in,
i 215, ii 331, 314-5, 348, 353;
ambassadors from and to, see
Ambassadors;— i 9, 27, 39, 91, 182,
217,262, 266, 276, 505-7, ii 11, 463, 493.
Gerusalemme Liber ata, . by Torquato
Tasso, i 5.
Gessi, Berlinghero, Papal Nuncio,
arrives in Venice, i 391 n, 392 n ; spies
on HW and Sarpi, 87 ; keeps watch
on HW's house, 91 ; sends news about
Protestant Propaganda to Koine, 95 ;
illness of, 404-5 ; complains of books
imported by HW, 96 ; of Fulgenzio's
sermons, 98, 448, 451 n, 452 n ; of
the Premonition, 102-3, 469 ; his de-
spatches quoted, 65 n, ii 463, 472, 474 ;
— i 399 n, 410, 437, 410, 476 n, ii 217 n.
Ghent, ii 240, 255.
Gibillotta, Mt., ii 5.
Gibraltar, Straits of, ii 159.
Gieswaldi, family of, ii 272.
Gifanius. See Giffen.
Giffen, Hubert van, professor at Ingol-
stadt, i 242, 241, 253-4.
Gifford, Richard, pirate, i 387 n.
Ginevra. See Geneva.
Ginnasi, Domenico, Card., ii 276.
Giovanni of Florence, attempts to
assassinate Sarpi, i 404 n, 406 n, 407.
Giovanni, — , servant of HW, ii 322-4,
328, 346.
Giuberti. See Jubert.
Giunta, Filippo, i 312 n.
Giunta, Modestus, i 312, 311.
Giustinian, Giacomo, ii 134-9.
Giustinian, Zorzi or Giorgio, Venetian
ambassador in England, i 323 n ;
audiences with James I about quarrel
with the Pope, i 81, 83, 347 n, 362 n ;
instructed to close with James I's
offer, 83 ; instructed to thank
James I, 385 n ; demands an im-
mediate answer to a request, 113 n,
411 ; dispatches of, quoted, 84, 347 n,
399, 492 n, ii 477 ;— i 380, 426, 428,
433 n, 474, ii 474.
Glacianus, Georg, Professor at Altdorf.
i255.
Glasgow, ii 394 n.
Gloucester, D. of. Set Richard III.
Gloucester, Gilbert de Clare, 8th E. of,
ii 500.
Glover, Sir Thomas, English am-
bassador in Turkey, i 111, 145;
Glover, Lady, i 445.
Goad, Christopher, his sermons in
Cambridge, ii 394.
Goad, Roger, ii 394 n.
Godfrey, Mr., merchant, ii 105.
Goltzheim, ii 31.
Golzius, ii 193.
Gomitulus. See Comitolus.
Gondi, Cardinal, i 263 n.
Gondomar, by T. Middleton. See Game.
Gondomar, Count of, Spanish am-
bassador in England, caricatured in
A Game of Chess, i 201 ; relations with
De Dominis, ii 229 ;— i 154, ii 20, 203,
472. '
Gontrius, — , i 250.
Gonzaga. See Mantua.
Gonzaga, Eleanor, marries Ferdinand
II, ii 271 n.
Goring, George, Lord, duel with Lord
Feilding, ii 340-1 ; marries Lady
Lettice Boyle, ii 360.
Goring, Lady, HW sends Francis and
Robert Boyle to, at Lewes, ii 360-1.
Gosse, Mr. Edmund, his Life of JJunm.
i 27, 166 n, ii 469, 481 .
Gothic architecture, HW's condem-
nation of, i 196.
Goths, the, i 78, 196, 319.
Gouldesburroughe, — , in Venice.
ii 157 n.
Gouldinge, Quartermaster, ii 79.
Gouri. Sec Gowrie.
Gowrie, John, 3rd E. of, at Padua,
i 158 n ; his plot, 315, 458 n, ii 263 n ;
HW sends arms of, to James I, i 458.
Gradenigo, 'old' family of Venice,
434 n.
Gradisca, siege of, ii 120.
Graisen, — , HW consults about
journey abroad, i 227-8.
Gran, ii 197.
Grand Signor. Sec Turkey.
Gratz, capital of Styria, massacre of
Lutherans plotted at, i 270; Jesuit
college at, 270 ;— i 244, 249, 263, 369,
434.
Grave, letters dated at, ii 88, 93.
Gravesend, ii 320-1, 323, 3S2.
Gray, Andrew, 7th Baron, in Venice,
ii 111, 157 n.
INDEX
527
(,i\t\. Thomas, i 224 ; suggested origin
<>!' his Distant Prospect of Eton >
i 222 n.
Graziani, Fra Gian Francesco, hi> plot
against Sarpi, i 442 n. 453.
. i 357 ; Bey of, invades Poland,
i 280 n.
■reek, Wotton studies with Casaubon,
i nr, 23 ; promises to write to
Casaubon in, 312 ; work on Fate in,
oil'.
week Bishops, proposed sending of, to
En-land, 141), li 97-9; HW's friend-
ship with, i 438 n.
■reek Church, proposal for Venice to
join, i 341.
ks^ the, i 2G4.
Green Cloth, officers of, ii 70.
Greenland, dispute about whale-fish-
ing near, ii 70.
Green way Court, ii 390 n.
Greenwich, HW at, i 170, 507, ii 89 ;—
181, 858 n, 302 n, ii 19, 25, 29, 32,
240 n.
Gregory XIII, ii 149, 450 ; his Calen-
dar, i xvn.
Gregory XIV, i 250 ; his character,
200 n.
Gregory XV (Cardinal Ludovisio), at
Turin (1010), ii 103 ; becomes Pope,
20S; his character, 208; his policy,
i 178-9, ii 208-9; sends Jubilee to
Venice, 210 ; illness of, 210-1, 214-5 ;
and Valtelline, i 179, ii 211, 215, 221,
244 n, 200 n, 271 ; and Spanish mar-
riage, i 181, ii 222 n, 220, 247 n ;
pasquil on, 223 ; and De Dominis,
228-9, 252, 372-3 ; and Venice, 245-0 ;
edict about Protestants in Catholic
territories, ii 248-9 ; forbids burial of
Sarpi, 200 n ; illness of, 208 ; death,
272 ;— 212, 214, 217-8, 247, 257, 259,
274, 270.
Grenoble, ii 404.
Grey, Thomas, 15th Baron Grey of
Wilton, ii 23.
Griffith, Mr., ii 320-3, 325 ; his son
with Queen of Bohemia, 325-0.
Grille, Angelo, his Lettere, ii 484.
Grimani, ' new ' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Grimani, Marino, Doge LXXXIX,
character of, i 342; letters to, 45,
ii 400 n ; receives HW, i 52 ; HW's
audiences, 322 n, 325 n, 413; death
of, 78, 337, 339-40, 342-3 ; HW's
condolences, 339 n ; book belonging
to, presented by HW to Bodleian,
210,339n, ii 337.
Grisley, Walsingham, ii 245.
Grison League, the, i 179.
Grisons, the, HW travels through,
'(1598; i 22, 297,300, (1023) ii 278;
il\V describes, ii 90 ; league with
Wnir.-, i :;_•<', ii ; Fuentefl qui
with, 320 ; uprising in, 303-5 ; league
with Venice terminated, ii 90 n ; close
t<> Veniee, i l u, 1 1-
ii 96 H, 11$ j HW negotiates witb.
about Bemlnarieej i i<>:-', U 1 1 ■
480 ; attempt to restore league with
Venice, i 100, ii 00 n, 179, 180 n ; and
Valtelline, en Valtelline ; renewed
trouble in, i 179-80, 188-8 .- ii 888 n.
227-8, 230-7, 238 n, 239, 249; Arch-
duke Leopold attacks, i 18<>, ii l* !•"> n.
246 ; ambassadors to and from, sec
Ambassadors ;— 113, 251, 869, I'.»~>.
Gritti, 'new' family of Venice, ii 186 n.
Groenland. See Greenland.
Groningen, ii 51, 75.
Grotius, Hugo, ii7->n.
Guastalla, Ferdinand Gonzuga, Prince
of, ii 269 n ; in Venice, 270.
Guastalla, Vittoria, Princess of, in
Venice, 269-71.
Guelders, ii 341, 345.
Guernsey, ii 482.
Guiana expedition, the, ii 87 n, 489.
Gucciardini, Lorenzo, informal English
agent in Florence, i 284, 287, 292 n.
Guise, Cardinal de, ii 245 n.
Guise, Charles de Lorraine, 4th D. of,
HW lodges in house of, i 110; offers
his services to Venice, i 431.
Guises, the murder of, i 21.
Gunpowder Plot, the, Salisbury writes
to HW about, i 339 ; HW's speech
about, 339 n; imitation of, in Venice,
304;— 54, 80-1, 100, 150, 158, 388,
403, 475, ii 117 n, 151 n, 489.
Gunter, Thomas, English Consul at
Venice, i 103 n.
Gurckfeld, Frederick, secretary to HW
(1010), ii 92.
Gussoni, — , HW rents palace and villa
from, ii 101-2.
Gussoni, Vincenzo, Venetian ambassa-
dor at Turin, ii 470 ; describes HW's
reception, i 121-2, ii 2 n ; mission to
Germany (1610), 151, ii 107 n, 108.
Gustavus II, Adolphus, K. of Sweden,
lands in Germany, ii 331 ; victories
of, i 215, ii 341 n.
Habsburgs, the, i 16, 94, 160, 848 •».
249, 257, 507, ii 108, 187, 224 n, 281 n.
Hagenau, i 255 n, ii ■'!...
Haghe, the. See Hague.
Hague, The, HW at (1014-5 , i 134-43,
170, ii 41-50, 02-83, 404, 475-'
departure from, 83-0 ; Queen of
Bohemia at, i 208, ii 325; Caiieton
at, 118 n, 142; Dvnely at, 308,
310 ; A. Morton at, 280 n ;— i l^-', n,
155, 210 n, 301, 470 n, 492 ; ii 18,
110 n, 224, 248, 205, 319, 323, 390.
Haies, Mr., ii 313.
528
INDEX
Hainhoffer, Philip, offers to intercept
letters at Augsburg, ii 147, 172 n.
Hales, Edward. See Lichfield.
Hales, Sir Edward, ii 344 n.
Hales, Lady {Ann Wotton), ii 344, 412.
Hales, John, Fellow of Eton College,
visits HW with Milton, i 220, ii 381 ;
made Prebendary of Windsor, 408;
conversations with HW, i 222-3 ;
expelled from Eton, 224 ;— ii 306,
315, 329 n, 395.
Hall, Joseph, ii 370 n, 460, 469; his
epistle to Sir E. Bacon, ii 460-1 ; to
Bedell, 462 ; to John Mole, 473.
Halm, Count von, i 262.
Halstead, ii 460.
Hamborough, Hambro. See Hamburg.
Hamburg, HW at, i 42 ; congress of,
ii 386, 400 ;— i 10, 229 n, 230 n, ii 367,
399, 482.
Hamilton, James, 2nd Marquis of, in
Venice, i 487 ; HW dissuades from
visiting Rome, 487-8 ; HW's letter to,
487, ii 431, 490 n; alleged plot to
poison, ii 290, 292-3, 295.
Hamilton, James,
Scotland, ii 385 n, 403.
Hammon, — . at Prague, i 301.
Hammond, John, M.D., 301 n.
Hainond, John, ii 470.
Hampton Court, i 506, ii 35 ; pictures
at, i 52 n, 60, 217 n ; ii 297.
Hanford, Dorset, ii 480.
Hannah, Rev. John, his edition of
HW's poems, i xn, ii 415.
Hannibal, i 49, ii 95.
Harbert. See Herbert.
Hardy, Sir Thomas Duffy, his report
on documents in Venice, i xn,
ii 146 n.
Harington, Sir James, ii 283 n.
Harington, John, 1st Lord Harington
of Exton, his patent for coining
farthings, ii 308 n.
Harington, Sir John, 2nd Lord
Harington of Exton, in Italy, i 441 ;
in Venice, 445 ; HW presents to
Doge, 441 n ; letter to Prince Henry,
459 n ; goes to German v, 462;— 456,
ii 17, 20 n.
Harington, Lady, ii 91 n.
Harison. See Harrison.
Harlay, Christophe de, Count de
Beaumont, French ambassador in
England, Henry IV writes to, about
HW, i 61.
Harnett, good wife, i 116.
Harrach, Baron von, Imperial am-
bassador at Rome (1592), i 296.
Harrington. See Harington.
Harringworth, ii 482.
Harrison, John, head master of Eton,
i 216, ii 321, 355 n, 366, 396, 401.
Harrison, Sir Richard, ii 399.
Hartlib, Samuel, ii 381 n.
Harvey, William, at Padua, i 405 n.
Harwell, Lieut., officer under Feyten,
hanging of, ii 153 n.
Hatfield. See Hatzfeldt.
Hatfield House, pictures at, i 60, 419 n.
453.
Hatzfeldt, General, defeats Charles
Louis, ii 399 n, 400, 401 n.
Haultain, Admiral, commands Dutch
fleet off coast of Portugal, i 856 n.
Haward. See Howard.
Hawkesworth, secretary to Cornwall is
in Spain, ii 482.
Hawkins, Dr. Henry, sent by Essex to
Italy, i 31 ; his letters of introduction
said to have been intercepted by HW,
32.
Hay, Lord. See Carlisle.
Heath, Sir Robert, Attorney-General,
i 200, ii 316, 317 n, 470.
Heatley, Alexander, secretary of D. of
Richmond, ii 290-3.
Hebrews. See Jews.
Hebrun, Alexander, recommended by
HW for English Consul in Naples,
i 328 n.
Heeton. See Hey ton.
Heiberger, — , i 258.
Heidelberg, HW at, (1589-90) i 10-1,
232-40, 301 n, 302, (1591) 17, (1594,
25, (1616) 144-5, ii 88-91, 93-4, 96,
311 ; his acquaintances at, 300 ; A.
Morton at, i 145, ii 94, 234, 475 ; fall
of, i 181 ; university of, 11, 234, 235 n ;
—151, 302, ii 22, 55 n, 120. 482.
Heilbronn, HW at (1619), i 1(55-6, 193.
ii 176-9, 180 n ; League of, ii 344 n.
Hein, Peter, captures Plate Fleet.
ii 318 n.
Helbre, Essex at (1599), i 306 n.
Heldevir, — , i 288.
Heliodorus, quoted, i 303.
Helvetia, ii 96 ; baths of, 281 n.
Helwys, Sir Gervase, ii 23 n, 24.
Henrietta Maria, Q. of England,
marriage of, ii 286 n ; visits HW at
Eton, i 212 ; HW's bequest to, 217;—
i 116, 210 n, ii 339-42, 399.
Henry III, K. of England, ii 499, 500.
Henry V, K. of England, i 1.
Henry VI, K. of England, founder of
Eton College, i 202, ii 304 n, 305 ;
HW's account of, i 206, ii 254 n, 414.
Henry VII, K. of England, i46, ii 408.
Henry VIII, K. of England, i 2, 444,
458 n, 472 n, ii 32-3, 332.
Henry III, K. of France, i 24, 237 n,
249, 296 n, ii 456, 492.
Henry IV, K. of France, wars with the
League, i 18, 24, 245, ii 456 ; siege of
Paris, i 16, 245 n, 254, 263 ; conver-
sion of, 298; relations with Swiss, 88",
304 ; marriage, 36, 294 n ; plots
[NDEX
5:jo
against, 316, 336; complains of HW,
01 ; attitude during Interdict, 80, 83,
;}:»:; n. :;.v> n, 365 n, 371 ; Salisbury's
suspicions of, 83 ; sends Cardinal de
use, 84-5, 375, 377, 379; settles
dispute, 84-5, 389-90 ; proposed
alliance with Janus I, .•><',(>, 3S2 :; ;
wishes Jesuits to bo readmitted to
Venice, 385 n; forwards HW's dis-
patch about himself, 365 n, 372 ; his
•Great Design', 97-9, 107, 113, 135,
467, 468 n, 182, 484 n, 487; receives
nition, 101, 462; exposes Protes-
tant propaganda in Venice, 89, 97-100,
', 485 ; prepares to attack Juliors,
135, 407 ; assassination, 97, 107, 185,
190, 192, 195-6, ii 37 ; HW's speech
about, i 491 n ; mention of in Table
Talk, ii 490, 492-6, 498 ;-i 180, 237 n,
296 n, 314 n, 319, 326, 354 n,
U2, 426 n, 430 n, 445, ii 58 n,
276, 473.
Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales,
HW carries letter to, from Prince of
Fuscany, i 10, 126; portrait in HW's
palace, 57, 420 n ; shown to Doge,
441 n ; HW suggests marriage to
Palatine Princess, 426 n ; praises
Venice, 420 ; would like to fight for
Republic, 81 n ; HW asks to intercede
for Venetian criminal, 427-8 ; friend-
ship for Sir John Harington, 441 n ;
Sir R. Douglas purchases horses for,
in Italy, 458 n, 470 ; A. Morton
introduced to, 459; negotiations for
Spanish marriage, 119 ; for Savoy
marriage, 63, 114-6, 119-25, ii 1-7,
477 ; his opinion of HW, i 117, 118 n,
123, 126; writes to HW, ii 7; death
of, i 115 n, 125-6, 128-9, 131, 200,
ii 9, 12, 14 n ; HW's letters to, i 409,
425, 432, 459, 497, ii 426-8, 430, 433,
474;— 505, ii 39 n.
Heracleitus, i 217, 485 n.
Herbert, Edward, 1st Baron Herbert
of Cherbury, wishes to raise troops
for Venice, ii 119 n ; in Low Countries
with HW, ii 53 n ; ambassador in
Paris, i 112, ii 119 n, 465.
Herbert, George, i v, ii 304 n.
Herbert, George, officer under Peyton,
ii 153 n.
(Herbert, Sir John, Secretary of State,
negotiates about trade with Venice,
i 32:5.
Hercules, ii 158.
Herefordshire, conflict with Catholics
in, i 330 n.
Hero of Alexandria, his Automat i and
Bpiritali, ii 486.
Herrick, Robert, ii 385 n.
Hertford, Francis Seymour Conway.
1st M. of, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton's
papers in possession of, i 217 n.
Hertford, Francis Charles S.
Conway, 3rd M. of, gives Tbi«.. k-
morton'^ pap tri to Record Ofti. <•. :M7 n.
Hertogenbosch (Boia-U'Ihi'
capture of, i I"'.'
827 ...
-Cassol, Mamio-. Uu&dgn
i 806, 151, .1 176.
Hetruria. See Etruria.
Hey. 8m Hay.
Heydleberge. See Heidelberg.
Heyton, — , lease of Stanton .St. John
promised to, i 301.
Hickes, George, i 103 n.
Hierocles of Alexandria, i 313.
Biggins, James, factor in Venice,
i 880, 470 n.
Hippocrates, quoted, ii 313.
Iliirpohjtus, acted at Eton, ii 818.
Hobbes, Thomas, ii 307 n.
Hoeehst, battle of, i 183.
Hoeschel, David, HW visits, i \:\. :;i t ;
letters to, 43, 312 n, ii 419, 182.
Hog hath lost his Pea.l, The, tutted at
Whitefriars, ii 13.
Hohenzollern, Count, envoy from
Matthias to Xanten, ii 58, 65 ; HW's
reply to, 58 n.
Holderness, James Ramsay, 1st E.
of, ii 258; HW's letter to," ii 268-5,
448.
Holinshed, Raphael, account of
Wotton family in his Chronicle, i 2 n.
Holland, i 12, 486n, ii 12. 162, 312 n,
315 n, 321 n, 346 n, 309. See United
Provinces.
Holland, Sir Henry Rich, 1st E. of,
challenges Lord Weston, ii 338-40;
HW's bequest to, i 218 ;— ii 17, 341.
Holland, Hugh, HW recommends to
Salisbury, i 408-9.
Holland, Sir Thomas, ii 480.
Hollanders, the. See United Provinces.
Holstein, Duke Joachim Ernest of,
with HW in Venice, ii 157 n. 164 n :
travels with, i 105 ; ii 174-5 ; at
Munich, ii 174-5.
Holy Land. See Palestine.
Holyhead, i 307.
Hone, John, Stanton St. John leased
to, i 302 n.
Honey wood, Robert, grandfather •■!
Albertus Morton, i 241.
Honorio, Fra, execution of, ii 159 n.
Hooton, i .'527 n.
Horace, quoted, ii 251 n. 827
Home, Mr. Herbert, i 191 n.
Horningsheath, Suffolk, ii 80S
Horton, Milton at, i 22<>.
Hoi-wood, Alfred J., ii 188.
Hoskins, John, ii 37, 39, 11. 1 15.
Hotman, Francois, Professor of Law at
Basle, i 12. 109a : HW wishes t..
study under. 9. 10, i-_». 884-5, 881 8.
WOT ION. II
M in
530
IXDEX
Hotman, Jean, in England, i 238 ; his
VAmbassadeur, 109 n.
Howard. Sir Francis, goes to Turin
with HW, ii 2.
Howard, Henry, i 498, ii 16, 40.
Howard, Lord Thomas. See Suffolk.
Howard, Sir Thomas. See Berkshire.
Howard, Lord William, ii 2, 39-40.
Howards, the, i 121 n.
Howell, James, in Venice, i 60, 179 ;
his Letters, 169, 179 ; Discourse of Am-
bassadors, 109 n ; Slate of Venice, 358 n ;
HW's poem to, ii 416.
Hudson, Mr., of Windsor, ii 354.
Hugeinus. See Huygens.
Hughes, Mr. Charles, ii 456.
Hume, Major Martin S., i63n.
Humphreys, Philip, carries letters to
England, ii 230.
Hungary, i 174, 263, 267, 278, 305 n,
326 n, 333, 342, 356, 360, 417, 507 n,
ii 15, 185, 197, 200 n, 201-2; kings
of, see Rudolf, Gabor, Ferdinand.
Hungerford, Mr., i 288, 290-1.. 293.
Hunnes. See Huns.
Hunnings, Francis, i 250, 264 ; HW's
letter to, ii 417.
Huns, the, ii 256.
Hunt, Richard, Dean of Durham ii
397.
Huntley, E. of, kills E. of Moray, i
285 n.
Hurst, Berks, ii 399.
Hushai, the Archite, ii 296.
Hussen, ii 57.
Huygens, Sir Constantine, ii 411.
Hyacintho, Capuchin friar, his de-
spatches stolen, ii 223, 225.
Hyrat, — , stationer of Cologne, ii,
281.
Iceland, stones from, collected by Sir
E. Bacon, ii 396, 397 n.
Ignatius. See Loyola.
Impositions, HW speech on, i 132.
Indies, the, i 153, 391 n, 416 n, 439,
ii 471.
Indies, the East, trade to, ii 76 n, 247.
Infante, Card. See Ferdinand.
Inferno. See Dante.
Ingolstadt, i 14, 238, 263 n ; letter dated
at, 241-3, 247 ; ii 481.
Ingram, Sir Arthur, ii 76.
Innocent X, Popa, ii 276 n.
Innsbruck, ii 209 ; HW at, i 176, ii
207.
Innspruck. See Innsbruck.
Inojosa, Marquis of, Governor of Milan,
ii 103 n.
Inquisitor of Rome, takes steps against
Lord Darcy, i 291.
Interdict. See Venice.
Interminelli. See Antelminelli.
Iper. See Ypres.
Ireland, HW in, i iv, 30 n, 33-4, 306-U
417 n ; news from, 259, 316, 43:
ii 29 ;— i 70 n, 153, 316, 334, 429, 491 1
ii 343, 356, 360 n, 368, 467.
Irish Ocean, the, i 316.
Irish proverb, quoted by HW,
385 n.
Isabella, the Infanta, sovereign <
Spanish Netherlands, i 40, ii 42 i
341 n, 345 n, 389 n, 468.
Isaiah quoted, i 126, ii 10.
Isel. See Yssel.
Isidorus Hespalensis, quoted, ii 320 r
Island. See Iceland.
Istria, ii 96, 112, 128.
Italian authors selected by HW, i ix
ii 414 ; 484-6.
Italian Night Masque, The, ii 333.
Italy, HW's first visit to, i 17 22, 9
235, 238, 256, 266, 277-300; cond
tion of, (1591) 18, (1616) 148-9. ii 10:
compared with Geneva, i 298; HV
in, (1601-3) 34-9, 43-4, 311-9, (1604
10^ 46-115. 320-506, (1616-9) 146 6<
ii 94-172, (1621-8) i 176-92, ii 207-8C
war in a629), 318-20, 331; Milto
visits, i 18, ii 382 ;— i 3, 9, 27, 54, 17£
180, 225, 248, 259, 270,302. ii 339ii
365, 455-6.
Ivry, battle of, i 245 n.
Jacob, dream of, ii 21.
Jacobo. See James.
James V, K. of Scotland, i 315.
James VI, K. of Scotland, James I c
England, reported plot against, (1592
i 284-5; HW sent to, (1601) 40-E
388, ii 300, 316 ; HW describes, i 4i
314-5 ; plots to assassinate, (1601-2
40, 43 n, ii 468 ; sends for HW, i 44, i
316 ; sends HW to Venice, i 45 ; hi
ambassadors, 48 ; his foreign policy
61, 75, 122, 144, 146 ; policy abou
trade and piracy, 72-3, 322-3; remar;
about Spanish pensions, 62 n ; send
Sir J. Lindsay to Rome, 321 n ; re
ported speeches of, 328 ; reporte<
attack on, 336 ; pleased with inter
cepted letters, 66, 351, 359 ; support
Venice in quarrel with Pope, 81-5
182, 374 n, 381 n, 384, ii 474 ; aid oi
offered by HW, i 82, 361-2, 384-6
gratitude of Venetians, 85, 356-7
361 n, 385, 464; proposed combinatioi
with France to help Venice and th
Dutch, 382-3 ; publishes Apologia, 100
his respect for Sarpi, 408 n ; Sarpi'
proposals to, 93-5, 161, 447 ; invite
Sarpi to England, 151 ; publishe
Premonition, 95, 100-7, ii 474 ; receive
Correr, writes to Salisbury about HW
i 105-6 ; defers HWs return, 466
reported assassination, 256 n, 491
reported plot against, 494-6 ; send
[NDEX
58]
troops to Juliers, I :;.">: rocalls IIW.
494 n ; give.s pension to IIW. 117, ii
:'.")l ; negotiates for Savoy marriage,
i 111 6, 1 10-23 ; sends IIW to Turin,
120 • ">. ii 1-7; acts as his own secre-
tary, i 124, ii 122 n ; confronts HW
with his definition of an ambassador,
i 1 26-7 ; takes HW into favour again,
|82, ii 86 »') ; ami Juli< r^ Cleves con-
troversy, i 184-48, ii 41-84; sends
IIW to Hague, i 134; expostulates
with Archdukes, ii 47) demands ex-
planation about fall of Wesel, i 187 ;
Explanation sent, ii (58-73; accepted,
7."> ; complains of HW's not writing,
63 ; brings about league between
states and Union, i 140, ii 68-4 ;
sends commissioners about trade dis-
putes to the Hague, i 142, ii 73-4, 77-
I : forbids fishing on English coasts,
7»'. d ; negotiations about treaty of
Xanten, i 140-8; proposes formularies,
ii 69, 74 5, 78 n ; proposed promise to,
H n ; suggests omission of his own
name, 82", 84 n ; recalls HW, i 142, ii
83 n ; receives HW, 86 n ; attacked
in Corona Eegia, i 145, ii 92 n, 93;
attempts to unite anti-Spanish powers
(1616). i 144-6 ; helps Savoy, 144, 151 ;
sends HW to Venice, 143, 147 ; HW
defends, 14<> ; forbids English tra-
vellers to visit Rome, 70 ; visits Scot-
land, ii 122 n ; head of German
Union, 107 n, 164; Venice asks for
more help for Savoy, 107 n, 109 n,
122 n ; remonstrates with Spain, i
155, 163, ii 122 n, 170 ; sends ships to
coast of, ii 163, 171 ; allows Eng-
lish ships to come to Venice, i 154,
163 ; and plan for Protestant semina-
ries, 162, 165-6, ii 143, 150 n, 177-9,
and Bohemiau revolution, i 168-9,
iii 165 n, 182 ; sends Doncaster, i 164,
i 166, 183 ; sends HW to German
princes and emperor, i 167, 169 ; de-
termines to defend Palatinate, ii 199,
202; writes to German princes, 199 n;
negotiations about, 215 n. 222, 237 n ;
asks help of Venice, i 181, ii 227, 265 ;
general disesteem of, i 169, 176, 181,
192, ii 227; requested by Venice to
help Protestants, i 180 ; negotiates
for Spanish marriage, see Charles I ;
II W sends seeds, ii 220, 253, 258, 264;
HW dedicates his Historic/, Veneta to,
■58 5 ; writes to Doge about Lady
Arundel, i 190, ii 240 ; about Spanish
marriage, i 181, ii 267, 273-4; recalls
HW, i 181, 192 ; appoints HW Provost
of Eton, 199-201 ; promises Deanery
to IIW, i 205, ii 317 ; his opinion oi
IIW, i 457 107, 108 n, 110-2, 117, 164,
ii 162; death and funeral, 208; alleged
poisoning of, ii 290 n, 295 ; — letters to
IIW. i 70, 81 n. 868, I'.M n. ii 71. 121,
190 n; to Salisbury. 1105; toDonato,
106-7, 181, 168, 166; to Bembo, li
188; to Priuli, i 1*1 -2, 190, ii 82? 8,
23S n, 210, . i»73 4; to Do'
M'>nti, 171; to Gorman princess,
198 n; to Philip IV, 822;— HWi
lot* is to, i 112, 868 n, 880, 866 n, 866,
369, 382, 407 n, 417, 421, 446-50, 457,
186, 176, 178, 180, ii 11.51, 66-78* 77.
86, 88-93, 97, 101. 122, 1 13, 163, 172n,
174, 182, 190, 201, 25:: 5, 868 88, 277.
412, 421-7, 429-31, 434-44, 448-9;—
Works of, Basilikon Doron, i 469 n ;
Apologia, 100, 103 n, 126, 416, 418,
469 n, 482; Premonition, composition
and character of, 95, 100-1, 166
to princes, 101-2, 462, 467 ; presenta-
tion and prohibition in Venice, 102-7,
463-5, 468, 471-4 ; Paul V's censure,
166; IIW asks for more copies, 102,
465-6; translated by Bedell, 102 168;
remark about, 475; Meditations on LoriVs
I'rai/cr, ii 169; translation of Psalms,
809 ;— mention of, in Table Talk, ii
490, 492, 494, 497-8 ;—i 32 n; 320;
— ir 284, passim, 299 n, 302, 308 n. 316,
886, 352 n ; 383 n, 397, 399 n, 4 11 n.
461,463-4,468,471-2,477-9, 482, 18a
James. See Vary.
Japan, i 391 n.
Jars, Chevalier de, imprisonment of, ii
340.
Jaye, duel with Walter Raleigh, ii 79.
Jeannin, Pierre, ii 56.
Jerusalem, i 126, ii 396.
Jesuits, the, HW intercepts letters of,
i 65-6, 345, 351-2, 359, ii 147-8 ; HW's
opinion of, i 65, 80, ii 184, 242, plan
for opposing 178-9; and Gunpowder
Plot, i 54, 80, 339-40, 348, 463, 475 ;
sent into England, 331, ii 214 ; ex-
pelled from Venice, i 79, 347, 35o. 862,
354, 373 n, 385, 389, ii 128, 212, 496 ;
preach against Venice, i 355; attempts
to procure readmission, 85, 178, 385 n,
482, ii 212, 216-8 ; return to Venice,
(1657) 212 n ; believed by HW to be
cause of trouble between Venice and
Pope, i 366-7 ; spread false reports
about accommodation, 391 n ; con-
troversy with Dominicans, 367 ; in-
fluence with Ferdinand II, 410 ; with
Henry IV, 353 n ; income in Venice,
443 ; bequest to, 449-50 ; and attack
on Sarpi, 406 n ; and assassination of
Henry IV, 491 n ; in Louvain, ii
93 ; Munich, 174 ; Nancy, 184 ;
Rome, i 332-5, 442 n, ii
Styria, i 368-9; maxims of, 365;
mention of, in Table Talk, ii 491,
493, 495 ; colleges, see Douai, Milan,
Rheims, Rome ; General of, m
Vitelleschi ;— i 20, 70, 126, 183,
M m 2
532
INDEX
396, 399, 445 n, 450-7, 404, ii 15 n.
101, 120, 127, 200, 206, 224, 281,
807.
' Jesuitesses.' See Ward, Mary.
Jewel, John, his Apologia pro Ecclesia
Anglicana, distributed by HW in
Venice, i 90, 417 ; his Enchiridion, ii
252.
Jews, edicts in Rome concerning (1592\
i 275, 286.
Joachim, Albert, of Ter-goes, ii 71, 74.
Job, i 173, ii 200.
John, of Florence. See Giovanni.
Johnson. See Fawkes.
Johnson, Dr. Samson, ii 470.
Johnson, Samuel, ii 205 n.
Johnson, Thomas, HW's letter to, ii
365-6, 452.
Johnston, John, head of a college at
Heidelberg, i 11, 233-5.
Joinville. See Guise.
Jones, Mr., of Windsor ii, 387.
Jones, Inigo i, 159-6.
Jones, Thomas, Bp. of Meath, preaches
at Essex's assumption of command
in Dublin, i 307.
Jonson, Ben, tells Drummond about
HW,i 42 ;— 13, 16, 130, 164 n, 408 n,
414 n, ii 10 n, 37 n, 79 n, 105 n,
130 n, 306 n.
Joyeuse, Francis de, Card., sent by
Henry IV to settle quarrel with
Pope, i 84, 375, 377 ; HW's remarks
on, 376 ; HW's reasons for not visit-
ing, 377-8 ; his negotiations, 379 ;
goes to Rome, 384 ; returns, 386 ;
receives criminals, 390 ; revokes
censures, 85, 387, 390-1.
Jubert, Claude de, visits HW, i 495.
Jugurthine War, ii 150 n.
Juliers (Julich), Leopold driven from,
i 135 ; occupied by Dutch troops, 135,
ii 60 ; negotiations about withdrawal
of troops, i 134 n, 136, 139, ii 44, 45 n,
77 ; about possession of, 56-7, 84 n ; —
62, 251 n, 345.
Juliers-Cleves controversv, the, i 134-
43, 179, 193, 455, 467, 490, ii 43-62,
65, 73-5, 77-9, 81-5, 492 n.
Julio, Roman coin, i 276.
Julius II, Pope, ii 251 n.
Junius (Du Jon), Francois, i 13,
233-5, 240.
Junius. Melchior, Casaubon's letter to.
about HW, i 25.
Jupiter, satellites of, discovered by
Galileo, i 107, 486.
Jurea, ii 498-9.
Juvenal, quoted ii, 189.
Juxon, William, Bishop of London,
becomes Lord Treasurer, ii 236 n,
354 n ; HW describes to Q. of
Bohemia, 362-3 ; kindness to HW,
375 ; letters of HW to, i 208, ii 354,
363, 452; HW's bequest to. i 217;—
ii 236 n.
Keire, Mr., ii 143.
Kelser, Father, ii 209.
Kenilworth, Sir Robert Dudley de-
prived of, i 373 n.
Kennow, i 246.
Kent, HW re-visits, i 222, ii 19, 277 n,
312, 320, 326-8, 330, 383 n, 394, 408-
9 ;— i 2 n, 3, 48, 57, 118 n, 215, 221,
228 n, 445 n, 506. ii 22, 29, 361, 384 n,
390 n, 391 n, 406, 476.
Kepler, John, shows HW Camera
Obscura, i 171, 197, ii 205-6 ; HW
invites to England, i 171-2, ii 205 n,
letter of, 205 n.
Ker, Henry, Lord, turns Covenanter, ii
408.
Ker, Sir Robert. See Ancrum.
Kerckoven, Catherine, Lady Stanhope
and Countess of Chesterfield (Catherine
Wottori), marries Lord Stanhope, ii
312 n ;— 312, 322, 326-8, 412.
Kerckoven, John Polyander a, marries
Catherine Wotton, ii 312 n.
Kerrey, ii 359.
Ketler, Col., ii 57.
Kevet. See Knevett.
Keyes, Sir John, ii 24.
Kiddlesworth Hall, i 318 n.
Kildare, William, E. of, drowned on
voyage to Ireland, i 307.
Killigrew, Sir Henry, his marriage, i
259.
Killigrew, Sir Robt., imprisonment of,
ii 22-4.
Kilmore, Bedell, Bishop of, i 378 n,
ii 463.
Kinalmeaky, Viscount Boyle of. See
Boyle, Visct.
King, Henry, Dean of Rochester, ii
405, 469, 479.
Kinsale, battle of, i 316 n.
Kirby Hall, ii 111 n.
Klesel, Card., ii 94, 156, 168, 245 n.
Kloster Neuberg, HW at, i 172, ii
190 n.
Knebworth. i 477 n.
Knevett, Sir George, ii 322, 325 n,
326.
Knole Park, MS. at, i 175.
| Knowls, Lord. See Banbury.
> Koran, MS. copy presented by HW to
Bodleian, ii 347 n.
Kreckwitz, Imperial ambassador to
the Porte, i 261, 268.
Lacedaemonians, the, ii 112 n, 268.
Lagny, captured by Parma, i 245 n;
recaptured by Henry IV, 254 n.
Lake, Sir Thomas, appointed Secretary,
ii 121 n ; suggests that HW is un-
friendly to Venice, i 158, ii 121 n ;
'
INDEX
533
disgrace of, i 165, ii 121 n, 166-7 ;
daughter marries Lord Roos, 127 n ;
letters to, 168, 176; HW's letters
to. i 161, ii 121, 122 n, 121-32, 189,
152 n, 439-42.
Lamb, Charles, i 224.
Lambecius, i 485 n.
Lancaster, i 506 n.
Landgrave, >'<< Hes>e.
lendo, 'new' family <>f Venice, ii
186 q.
Eando, Girolamo, Veil, ambassador in
England, ii 222; H\V visits, 180;
instructed to declare innocence of
Lady Arundel, i 186-8 ; report about
HW, 188.
bndsciott, Federigo, spy on Salvetti,
letters from, i 36 n.
Lane, — , imprisoned in Rome, i 1 1".
Lang, Mr. Andrew, his book on the
Gowrie Conspiracy, i 458 n.
Langlade, — , and plot of 1618, i 157.
Ksnguet, Hubert, i 21 ; meets Philip
Sidney, 12.
La Nowe, Francois de, Possevino
writes against, i 291.
Lans, Marchese di, receives H\V at
Chambery, ii 5-6.
Lanz. See Lans.
Lashe, George, witness to HW's will.
i 219.
Laud, William. Abp., acts as Visitor
to Eton, ii 367 n, 368; report on HW
as Provost, i 210 ; HW's bequest to,
i 217 ; HW's letters to, ii 366-8, 398,
452-3 ;— 181 n, 351 n, 354 n, 408.
Lauria, Vincenzo, Card., i 296 n.
Lauro, Giacomo, his Antkhita di Roma,
ii 186.
Lausanne, ii 464.
Law. Roman, study of, at Oxford, i 6,
9 ; compared with Germany, 234 ;
Bartolist and Humanist, schools of,
10.
Lawes, Henry, his edition of Comus
sent to HW, i 381 n.
Lecluse, Charles (Clnsius), HW meets,
i 12 : gives HW a letter to Pinelli,
18 ; letters from, 246, 297 ; letter to,
865 n ; letters sent to address of,
266.
Lee, Mr. Sidney, his life of HW in
D.X.B., i xiii, 131 n, ii 456.
Leeds Castle, ii 390 n.
Leek. Sir Francis, ii 328 n.
Leek, Lady, marries Sir Gervase
Clifton, ii 328 n.
Leete, Giles, ii 471.
Leete, Margaret, ii 471.
Leete, William, HW's steward (1616),
i 115 n ; arrest of, 161, ii 144-5;
death of, i 179, ii 219; note on, ii
171 ; letters from, quoted, i 58, ii
111 n, 145 n, 157n, 469 70, ISO.
Leghorn, II W visits, i 289; Cecil
writes to English merchanta at,
about HW, i 99, 888 n ; the UmxhoHi
Royal si, 888 a : English pri
387-8.
Legnano, i 486 n.
Leicester, Robert Dudley, 1st E. of, i
238, 869, 868. 373 n.
Leiden. See Leyden.
Leigh, HW sails from, (1599) i 1",
228-9.
Leith, HW at, i 12 n, ii 252 n.
Leman Lake, the, ii 96.
Lemberg, Bp. of, ii 98.
Lemos, Count of, Viceroy of Sicilv, i
369, ii 482.
Lenk, Johann Baptist, agent in Venice
for Protestant Union, i 99, 480 n.
Lennox, 2nd D. of. See Richmond.
Lennox, Esnie Stuart, 3rd D. of, ii
336 n.
Lenoncourt, Philippe de, Card., i
296 n.
Lentulo, Paolo, writes to HW, i 304,
305.
Lentulo, Scipione, i 300, 304 n.
Leo XI, Pope, i 325 n, 329, 333, ii
491.
Leon, M. de. See Bruslart.
Leopold, Archduke, driven from
Juliers, il35; HW visits, (1020,
193, ii 182, 184-7, 203; Governor of
the Tyrol, i 180 ; attacks Grisons, ii
245.
Leopoli. See Lemberg.
Lepanto, battle of, i 52, ii 133, 141,
155.
Lepidus, Marcus Aemilius, ii 395.
Lepington. See Monmouth.
Lerma, Duke of, i 148, 355 n, 369,
385 n.
Lesdiguieres, Due de, ii 96.
Le Sieur, Sir Stephen, English envoy
to Florence (1608\ i 387 n, 415. 184,
445.
Lesina, ii 112, 463.
Lesina, Bishop of, ii 159 n.
Leukonar. See Lewknor.
Levant, the, i 73, 150, 414, ii 108, 111,
197, 471.
Levant Company, the English, i
72.
Levenstein, Countess of (Elizabeth
Dudley), ii 91, 324, 349.
Levi, Signora Eugenia, i 398.
Levistain. See Levenstein.
Lewes, ii 360-1, 500 n.
Lewknor, Sir Lewis, ii 85.
Leyden, HW at, i 26 : — 25. 216 n. ii
70 n, 79, 324, 326, 349.
Lichefield. See Lichfield.
Lichfield, Edward, imprisoned at
Bologna, i
457 n.
be omes Jesuit,
534
INDEX
Lichtenstein, John SjptimiusFreiherr
von, i 262, 263 n.
Licklama, — , visits HW with Barnc-
veldt, ii 71.
Liefland, i 270.
Liege, i 192; Mary Ward's order at, ii
283.
Ligorno. See Leghorn.
Limerick, i 310 n.
Lincoln, Bp. of. See Williams.
Lincolnshire, ii 318, salt marshes in,
granted to HW, ii 105 n, 130 n.
Lindsay, Bernard, ii 215; informs
James VI of HW's arrival, i 41.
Lindsay, David, i 41 n.
Lindsay, Sir James, sent bv James I
to Kome, i 320-2, 333; his letter
about HW, 321 n.
Lindsay, Jeremy, i 41 n.
Lindsay, Thomas, ii 215.
Lingelsheim, George, acquaintance of
HW's at Heidelberg, i 300; letter
•about HW, 428 n.
Lintz, HW meets Kepler at, i 171, ii
205 ;— i 244, ii 188, 190.
Lio, Roberto, Venetian resident in
Florence, i 392.
Lionello, Ven. Sec. in England, his
report about HW, i 158-9, 163 ;
invites HW and Lady Arundel to
Collegio, 187.
Lions. See Lyons.
Lipsius, Justus, ill.
Liques, David de, brings HW letter
from Duplessis-Mornay, i 92, 436 n.
Lisbon, ii 255.
Lisle, Visct., ii 58 n.
Lister, Lawrence, elected from Eton
to King's College, ii 350.
Lister, Sir Mattbew, accompanies Lord
Cranborne to Italy, i 501 ; letters of,
quoted, 501 n.
Lister, Sir Wm., ii 350 n.
Litton. See Lytton.
Livy, quoted, ii 370, 375 n.
Llanfihangel, Anglesea, ii 480.
Lloyd, David, ii 466.
Locke, John, i 87.
Lodes, M. de, ii 5.
Loire, the, i 502.
Lomax, Mr., tutor to Lord St. John,
i 428, ii 473.
Lombard, Peter, Primate of Ireland,
i 334, 429-30.
Lombardelli, Orazio, of Siena, writes
book to help Wotton in his study of
Italian, i 22, ii 484.
Lombards, the, i 196.
Lombardy, HW in, (1593) i 297,
(1611 ) i 503 n ;— i 70 n, 326. 433, ii 26,
128, 131, 246.
London, HW in, (1589) i 227-9,
(1594 1600)29-30,34, 306,310, (1604)
45, (1611-14) 116-9. 124. 145.
ii 7-41, (1616) 87, (1623-4) i 192,
201, (1625-39) 210, 212, ii 320, 337,
342, 345, 350-2, 355, 357, 407, 469 ;
Bishop of, see Ravis, Juxon ; Corpora-
tion of, 343 ;— i 32, 105 n, 281 n,
297, 302 n, 319 n, 320 n, 331, 363, 408,
415, 452, 491, 492 n, 496, 498 n,
ii 11, 16, 20, 22, 32, 76 n, 78 n, 81,
92, 120, 255, 264, 287 n, 288, 303,
306, 312, 321, 327, 331, 353, 374-5,
378-9, 383 n, 388, 391, 394, 401, 103,
408-9, 492.
Abchurch Lane, i 232, 235 ; Bank-
side, tbe, ii 32-3 ; Bishopsgate Street,
393 ; Black Friars, i 118 n ; Bow
Lane, 227-8 ; Bridewell, ii 14 ;
Chancery Lane, 369 n ; Charing
Cross, 27 ; Cheapside, 468 ; Clink
Prison, i 30; Essex Hous?, 32 n,
ii 492 n ; Exchange, the, 490 ; Fleet
Prison, 22-3, 28, 461-2 ; Fleet
Street, 369 n ; Friday Street, i
380 n ; Gatehouse, the, ii 351, 463 ;
Globe Theatre, burning of. described
by HW, i 131, ii 32-3 ; Green Dragon,
the, Bishopsgate Street, 393 ; Hay-
market, 340 n ; Hyde Park, 340 ;
Inner Temple, 476 ; Kensington,
339; King Street, 296; HW's lodg-
ings in, i 117, ii 14, 85-6 ; Knights-
bridge, 340 ; Lambeth Palace, i 149,
ii 285 n ; Lincoln's Inn, i 338 n ;
Lombard Street, ii 346, 407 ; Mar-
shalsea. 28 ; Medleys', 306-7 ; Mid-
dle Temple, 480 ; HW enters, i
29 ; Newgate, 231 ; Panton Street,
ii 340 n ; Piccadilly Hall, 340 ;
Prince of Orange Inn, 340 ; Public
Record Office, MS. of HW in. i vi.
xiv ; MSS. in, 39, 57, 65, 217, 231 n ;
Read Cross Street, see Red Cross ;
Red Cross Street, 227 ; Rolls, the,
ii 319, 337; St. Bartholomew"*, 44,
343 ; St. Martin's Lane, 353 ; HW's
lodgings in, 27, 336-7, 342 ; HW
arrested in, 351 ; St. Paul's, 249,
378; St. Paul's, Dean of, see Donne;
Savoy, the, De Dominis Master of,
i 149 ; HW asks for Mastership of,
205, 221, ii 397; Shoe Lane, 345;
Snow Hill, 365 ; Somerset House,
HW's will in, i 219 n; Southwark,
ii 343 ; Spring Gardens, 339 : Star
Chamber, the, 23 ; Strand, the, ii
407 ; Tower, the, i 120, 189 ; ii 19,
21. 23-4, 28, 38,39 n, 169 n, 341, 379 n,
403 ; Wallingford House, 316, 351 ;
—Westminster, i 117, ii 8, 14, 290,
292, 320, 351 ; St. Margaret's. 462,
465; Westminster Hall, 490 ; West-
minster School, 303, 330 ; White*
friars. 13; Whitehall, i 117, 121 n,
210, 469 n, ii 30. 35, 292. 464; York
House, 201 n.
INDEX
535
Ipndonderry, ii 348 n.
Lopez, Roderigo, supposed plot of,
ii 456.
Loredan, ' new ' family of V<
ii 135 n.
L«>n ilano, Abbot of Vangadizza, i 446.
Loretto, i 287, 418, 477, ii 250 n, 269.
Lorkin, Thomas, letters of, ii 47 n,
129 n.
Lome, Lord, i 189 n.
Lorraine, HW travels through, (1604)
i 820, U620) ii 182-5 ; Louis, Cardinal
of. i 256 n ; Charles III, D. of, 381 n ;
Charles IV, ii 395; Christine of.
299 : Henri II, D. of, HW visits.
1 82 5 ; Princess Nicole of, 183 ;
K. n.> II, D. of, 182 n ;— i 40, 208 n,
865 n, 372, ii 246 n.
ijotich, Johann Peter, poems of, at
Eton, i 165 n.
Lotich. Peter, 105 n.
Lotto, Tuscan agent in England, i 388n.
Louis V, Emperor, ii 168, 176.
Louis XIII, K. of France, his legiti-
macy, i 853 n ; his marriage, ii 4 n,
52 ; HW received by, i 116, 502 ; and
Juliers-Cleves controversy, ii 42, 45,
47, 52, 54-5; proposed promise to,
about treaty of Xanten, i 141-2, ii 74 n,
78 n, 80 ; suggested omission of his
name, i 141-2, ii 82 3, 84 n; sends
ambassadors to Vienna, i 169, 172,
191 n; and Valtelline, 179-80. 192,
ii 216, 239, 244, 246, 268, 271 ; engage-
ment with Savoy and Venice, 227-8,
244 n. 251, 259; league with, 244 n.
2<>5-t>; war with England. 303, 313,
823 ;— 105, 113, 245 n, 339 n, 359,
995, 399 n.
Louis XIV, birth of. ii 390 n.
Louisa Juliana, wile of Frederick IV,
Palatine Elector, ii 89 n, 90.
Louvain, i 145, ii 92-3, 110.
Lovan. See Louvain.
Lovelace, — , milliner, i 508.
Lovell, Lady, i 445-0, ii 224.
Lovell, Sir Robert, i 445 n, 446.
Lover's Progress, John Fletcher, ii 275 n.
Low Countries, HW travels through,
(1594) i 25, 298, (1612) 123; his ac-
quaintances in, 301 ; the sovereignty
of, 416 ; HW's Discourse on, ii 414 ; see
United Provinces ; — i ix, 10, 43 n.
58, 0:5, 152, 154, 245, 284, 297, 316.
820, 826, 846, 881, 441 n, ii 160, 170,
193, 224, 343, 368, 399 n, 455, 498.
Low Provinces. See Low Countries.
Loyola, Ignatius, canonization of,
ii 212.
Luean, quoted, ii 200, 206,
Lucca, MSS. at, i vi, 34-5, 30 n, I'M :i.
102 n; HW visits, (1592) 289 ; the
Republic of, attempts to kill Salwtti.
85-6, 89; negotiates with HW for
kidnapping of Bahrein, 1
401-3, ii 478 ;— i 280, 8 171.
195.
Luccln /ini. Jteopo, Lucchese assassin
sent to Paris to murder Snlvotti, i
Luciliu-, ii ■•;•_' I.
Lucky Eliztii'-'i'i. the, i 821 n.
Ludlow Castle, ii 381 n.
Ludovisio, Alessandro, Cardinal. Sec
Gregory XV.
Ludovisio, Ludovico, Cardinal, ii 1
286 M. 268, 278, 876, 872.
Lumley, Percival, mutineer, ii 153 n.
Luniburge, letters dated at, ii .!. t.
Luther, Sarpi compared witb, i 191,
400, ii 260 ; HW's proposed life of,
i 205 ; his Table Talk, ii 463.
Lutherans. See Religion.
Luynes, Due de, ii 113 n.
Luzzati, Isaaco, HW hires furniture
from, i 501 n, 502.
Lydiard Tregoze, Wilts, i 396 n.
Lyon, Anne, HW's examination of,
i 209, ii 290-3, 295-6.
Lyon, Sir Thomas, land of Auldbar,
Master of Glamis, ii 290-2, 295.
Lyons, HW at, (1601) i 36, (1612) 120,
it 1 n, 8-5 ;— i 245, 253 n, 373 n, 381,
153, ii 251, 475.
Lyster. See Lister.
j Lythe. See Leith.
j Lytton, Sir Rowland, i 477.
: Lytton, Sir William, in Italy, 477-8,
ii 470.
' Maas, the, i 245 n, ii 84, 345.
Mac Cowley, Ever, i 34.
Mac Giure, i 34.
Mac Gonnis, Carmoc, i 84.
! Machiavelli, i 281, 291 n, ii 491 n.
McMahon, Con McColl, i 308 n.
McMahons, the, i 308.
! Macrobius. See Marcombes.
Mad re de Dios, captured by Raleigh's
fleet, i 295.
Madrid, i 181, ii 210; treaty of, (1617)
i 152, ii 121 n, 239; treaty of, (1621)
i 179-80, ii 214, 221 ; treaty of, (1630)
ii 313 u.
Madruzzi, Card., i 278, ii 94.
Maese. See Maas.
Maestricht, ii 320, 841 n.
Magellan Straits, the, ii 346.
Maggio, Sig., secretary to French
ambassador, ii 105.
Maguire, Sir Hugh, i 308 n.
Maguires, the, i 308.
1 Mahomet, i 231, ii 19.">.
Mainwaring, Sir Henry, ii 146 n ;
letter about poem of HW, i 170; in
Venice, ii 101 n; carries letter to
Zouche, 161-2; note on, 471-2.
Mahunocco, i -">97.
Malcontents, the, i 280.
536
INDEX
Malipicro, 'new' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Mallary, Thomas, HW meets in Stade,
i230.
Malta, ii 498.
Maltravers, Lord, HW presents to
Doge, ii 240 ; death of, ii 240 n.
Manchester, Henry Montague, 1st E.
of, i 351 n.
Mancicidor, Don Juan de, ii 65.
Manfredi, Fulgenzio, preacher against
Papacy, i 448 ; flies to Rome, 443,
ii 229 ; arrested, i 488 ; burnt for
heresy, 448 n, 496 ; mention of, in
Table Talk, ii 490, 496-7.
Mango, lutes of, ii 119.
Mani, Marc' Antonio, HW addressed
as, i 442 n.
Manilius, quoted, ii 189.
Mannering (George ?), in service of
Sir A. Sherley, i 242.
Mannheim, ii 248.
Mansfeld, Count Charles, i 229.
Mansfeld, Count Ernest, in Upper
Palatinate, i 181 ; appointed General
of Venetian troops, 182, ii 227, 238 ;
Frederick V joins, 237 n ; dismisses,
i 183; reported defeat of, ii 246;
enters Dutch service, 246 n ; goes to
France, 276;— i 175 n, ii 180 n, 223,
248, 251 n, 273.
Mansfeld, Count Peter Ernest, i 229 n.
Mansfield, Sir Robert. See Mansell.
Mansell, Sir Robert, arrest and trial of,
ii 27-31.
Manso, J. , Baptist, i 20.
Mantua, i 60. 144. 287, 355. 423, 426.
ii 158, 210 n, 271, 476-7, 494 :—
Vincenzo I, D. of, i 342, 355 n, ii 26,
271 ; Francesco V, i 426, ii 26 ; Ferdi-
nando I, 26, 104 n, 269-71 ; Vincenzo
II, 103 n ; Charles (Due de Nevers),
i 441, ii 246; Catherine, Duchess of,
269-71 ; Margaret, Princess of, i 426,
ii 26.
Mantuan succession, war of, ii 318 9.
331.
Mar, John, 7th E. of, i 41 n, 335 n.
Marano, ii 131.
Marca d'Aiicona, ii 246.
Marcello, ' new ' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Marchesini, Giovanni Francesco, Vene-
tian resident in Milan, i 504 n.
Marck, ii 56-7.
Marcombes, M., tutor to Lord Cork's
sons, ii 356-9.
Maria, Infanta of Spain, proposed
marriage to Charles I. See Charles I.
Maria Madelina, sister of Ferdinand
II, her marriage to Prince Cosmo of
Tuscany, i 426, 434, ii 496.
Marie de' Medici, Q. of France, her
marriage to Henry IV. i 36, 291 n ;
HW received by, 116, 502; anxious
for peace (1616), 148 ; influence on
Paul V, ii 106-7 ; escapes to the Hague,
390 ; comes to England, 390 n ; her
manifesto, 399 ; — i 125, 291. ii 26. 17,
84 n, 113 n.
Marlborough, ii 3 n.
Marne, the, ii 182.
Marseilles, i 289, ii 251, 3>2.
Marsiglio, Giovanni, i 95, 419 n.
Marsilia. See Marseilles.
Marston Moor, battle of, ii 340 n.
Marta, Dr., ii 101 n ; plan for sending
Greek bishops to England, 97-9 ;
HW pays, 141 ; biographical note,
472-3 ; letters of, 104 n.
Martha, the, HW sends pictures from
Venice by, i 419.
Martial, quoted, i 313,490, ii 201.
Martin, Richard, introduces Corvate
to HW, i 60 n.
Martinengo, ii 213.
Martinitz, Jaro^lav von, ' defenestra-
tion' of, at Prague, i 160, ii 158 n ;
goes to Passau, 197, 199.
Marvell, Andrew, i 221.
Mary I, Q. of England, i 2, 46 n.
Mary Q. of Scots, i 13, 21, ii 169, 182 n,
455, 482.
Mary of Guise, ii 182 n.
Mason, — , ii, 336.
Mason, Charles, scholar of King's
College, ii 331 n.
Massa, Daniele da.Lucchese spy, i 87 n.
38 n, 39, ii 481.
Massaciucioli. M., HW's letters to, ii
424-5.
Massinger, Philip, ii 10 n, 333 n.
Matthew, Tobie, Archbishop of York,
i 395 n, 396.
Matthew, Sir Tobie, becomes Roman
Catholic, i 395 -6 ; in Florence, 434-5 ;
goes to Spain, 477 ; at Wesel, ii 58.
Matthias, Archduke, afterwards Em-
peror, at Vienna 1590). i 214-5, 268 n,
270; quarrels Math Rudolf II, 417,
507 ; becomes Emperor, ii 6 n ; re-
ported death of, 45 ; proposed promise
to, about treaty of Xanten, i 111, ii
65, 82 n ; sends envoy to Xanten, 58 ;
his anxiety for peace, i 148 ; HW
appointed ambassador to, ii 165 ; ap-
pointment cancelled, 165 n : death, i
167, ii 45 n, 140 n, 166, 168 n, i 148 ;
— ii 15-6, 45 n, 48 n, 94.
Mattioli, Pietro Andrea, his Dioscoride,
i 217, ii 486.
Maurice, Count, of Nassau. See Orange.
Maurier, Aubrey du, French ambassador
at the Hague, ; HW's negotiations
with, i 136, ii 41, 49, 71, 82-4 ; goes
to arrange truce, 50-1 ; joins HW at
Wesel, 53 ; at Xanten, 65 ; leave-
Xanten, 61.
INDEX
537
Haurier, Louis Aubery <Iu, ii 14 n.
jjfanrolico, Francesco, his Coamogn
ii 186.
Maw.-, game of, i 273.
Maximilian I, Emperor, i 2»><;, ii 196.
Maximilian II, Emporor, i 244 n,
246 n, 247 n, 249 n, 253, 267.
Maximilian I. D. of Bavaria, Frederick
V visits, ii 140, 175; HW visit..
(1619) i 165, ii 174-6 ; HW accredited
to, U620) 188, 190, 197 ; invades Upper
Austria, i 171, ii 205 n, 209 ; Bohemia,
i 168, 178 : HW visits, i 174-6, ii
2". '.), 231 ; transference of Electorate
to, i 168, 175, 183, ii 223 n, 224-5;—
i ix, 135, ii 193, 348.
Maximilian, Archduke, i 249, 251. 260,
268, 268 n ; visits Rome, 276-8 ;
Governor of the Tyrol, 3'.>~>.
May. imo, Due de, General of the
forces of the League, i 246, 283.
Hayerne, Sir Theodore Turquet de, ii
66, 464.
ifayn. .See Mayenne.
Mead, Joseph, letter of, ii 300 n.
Meath, Bishop of. See Jones.
Meautys. Anne, ii 204 n.
Meautys, Henrv, ii 204 n.
Meautvs, John, with H W, (1620 i 170n,
ii 207.
Meautys, Sir Thomas, ii 204.
Mechelen. See Mechlin.
Mechlin, ii 389, 391.
Mecklenburg, Duke of, restored by
Gustavus Adolphus, ii 331.
Medici, Don Giovanni de", i 316.
Medici, Isabella de', Duchess of
Bracciano, i 285 n.
Medici, Don Pietro de', i 296.
Mediterranean, England as force in, i
154.
Medouse, Jacob, Englishman at Heidel-
berg, i 300 ; Casaubon writes to. about
HW, 302-3.
Mei, Fabrizio, Lucchese spy, i 123 n.
Melanchthon, HW compares Sarpi to, i
191, 400, ii 260.
Memmo, « old ' family of Venice, i
434 n.
Memmo, Marc' Antonio, Doge, XCI, i
344, ii 135 n, 137.
Mendouir. See Mendoza.
Mendoza, Cardinal, i 291 n, 292.
Mentz, ii 31, 185 n.
Menzo, the, ii 128.
Meppen, capture of, ii 401.
Mercerius. See Mercier.
Merchant h'oyal, the, English ship in
Tuscan service, i 338 n, 387 n.
Mercier, Jean, i 237 n.
Mercier des Bordes, Josia>. 1 1 \V enter-
tains at Oxford, i 364, L(:;7 : meets
at Heidelberg, 287.
ICerzena. i 288.
Mo8han>ki. Sfi Mart iiiil/.
Mespelbronn, Julius l>ht. r \<>n. i
846 n.
Honing, EH raiii of, i -587 n.
Miani, Marco, ii 262.
Mi. auzio, Fulgentio, orFulgenzio, Fra,
reads scriptures with Bedell, i 87,
899 n ; Bedell declares to be a
Protectant, 88; helpi translate Pre-
munition, 466; preaches Protestant
-1.. nines, 98, 102, 219 n, 447-9, 481,
ii 178 ; Paul V's remark about, i 1.1
2 ; letter to Do Domini-, ii 262 n ; pre-
sent at death of Sarpi, 259-60 ; mitei
Sarpi's life, i 150, ii 478; portrait-
of, in England, 479; — i 91, HI u,
496 n, ii 99, 100 n, 101,171 n.
Michael Angelo da Buonarroti, i 196,
Michiel, 'old' family of Venice, i ».)1 n.
Michiel, Maffio, Governor of Zante.
executes English pirates, i 322 n.
Middleborough, i 232, ii 388 n.
Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, 1st E. of,
Lord Treasurer, HW sends Elements of
Architecture to, i 199, ii 285 ; letter to,
285, 449;— i 201 n, ii 230 n, 243 n,
357.
Middleton, Robert, ii 73 n, 74, 77-8.
Middleton, Thomas, his Game of Chess, i
201.
Milan, HW in, (1593) i 22, 290, 297,
300, (1611) 114, 503 5, (1612) 122-3 ;
HW's spies in, 65, 359,372 ; Rowland
Woodward sent to, 325-8, 394, ii 481 ;
Tyrone in, i 70, 417 n, 418, 421, 429 ;
Charles Bushy arrested in, 399 n, 404,
ii 478 ; proposed attack on, i 107,113,
482, 487, 490; Inquisition in, 327,
399 n, 404, ii 462 : S. Fidele, Jesuit
College, i 161, ii 114-7; Dukes of,
498 ; Governors of, see Fuentes,
Toledo, Castile, Feria ;-i 17, 50,
101, 151, 180, 372, 395, ii 26, 103 n,
109, 115-7, 120, 124 n, 14i>, 153, 213,
221, 246, 255, 271, 320, 345, 480.
Milanese, the. See Milan.
Milain. See Milan.
Milborne, Cuthbert, in HW's service.
ii 59-60, 82.
Miller, Abraham, English adventurer
in Vienna, i 270-1.
Milton, John, sends Cumus to HW, i
220, ii 381, 382 n ; visits HW, i 220 ;
HW's letter to, 22, 220-1, ii 381-3,
453, 465 ; in Italy, i 18, 20 ; at
Geneva, 480 n ; Early Poems, 197 ;
Iycidas, ii 381 n ; Ode to Rouse, 381 n ;
Comus, HW criticizes, i 220, ii 381 ;
Defensio Secunda, i 220, ii 383 n ;— i 18,
20.
Minn, Capt., ii 50.
Miration-, villa near Turin, i 121 2,
Mirandola, Pico, i 264.
Mnisek. FraneeMo. Count o£ ii 96
538
INDEX
Mocenigo, family of, i 449, ii 135 n.
Mocenigo, Agostino, ii 492.
Mocenigo, Giovanni, Venetian Am-
bassador at Rome (1601), i 38, 411-2,
465.
Mocenigo, Leonardo, Bp. of Ceneda, i
449.
Mocenigo, Leonardo, exile of, ii 127-
9, 142.
Modena, i 60, 223, 296 ; Dukes of, ii
498 ; Alfonzo d'Este, D. of, i 426, 475 ;
HW's letter to, ii 421.
Moldavia, i 437, ii 414. See Bogdan.
Mole, John, tutor of Lord Roos ;
H W writes to, i 428 ; imprisoned in
Rome, 71, 439 n, 439-40, 456, ii
111; HW's attempts to procure re-
lease of, i 161, 442, 508, ii, 126-7,
256-7 ; biographical note, ii 473.
Molin,— , ii 498.
Molin, Nieolo, Venetian Ambassador
in England ; informed by Cecil that
HW has been appointed ambassador
to Venice, 45 ; conducts negotiations
about piracy, 73 ; about trade, 323 n,
403 ; returns to Venice, 323 n, 346 ;
his opinion of English soldiers, 153 ; —
i 319, 331, 433 n, 506 n.
Molsheim, ii 187 n; HW at, 184.
Moluccas, the, i 153, ii 76.
Moluceos. See Moluccas.
Mondovi, ii 106.
Mondovio, Card., i 296.
Monjoy, Barony of, ii 57.
Monkshorton, Kent, ii 478.
Monmouth, Robert Carey, 1st E. of
{Lord Leppington), ii 286 n, 287.
Monplaisir, M de, sent by Prince de
Joinville to Venice, i 431.
Montague, Lady Mary Wortley, her
palace in Venice, i 184 ; quarrels with
English envoy, 190.
Montague, Richard, Bp. of Chichester,
ii 304 n.
Montague, Walter, ii 339.
Montalto, Alessandro Peretti, Card, of,
i 274, 429, ii 272.
Montauto, Count Asdrubale di, Tuscan
resident at Venice ; his character,
and relations with HW and other
envoys in Venice, i 62-3, 494 n,
498 n, ii 471 ; secret gift of money to
HW, i 63, 338 n, 389 n ; HW nego-
tiates with, 387 n ; HW remonstrates
with, about English galley-slaves in
Tuscan fleet, i 68 n ; his doubts
about HW, 69 ; letters of, xi, 374 n,
388 n, 389 n, 494 n, 498 n, ii 471 ;—
i 40 n, 63 n, 392, 408, 437 n.
Monte Feltre, ii 272.
Monte Fiascone, Bp. of, Papal Nuncio
at Venice, ii 212, 217-8, 232-3, 242,
271.
Monte Marciano. D. of, i 286.
Monte Oliveto, HW at, ii 379.
Monteagle, Wm., 4th Baron, ii 489.
Montecchio, the, fort erected by
Fuentes on, i 236 n, 237 n.
Montelparo, Cardinal, i 274.
Montferrat, i 441 n, ii 499 ; war of,
ii 144, ii25-6, 94 n, 477.
Montfilan, Daniel de, ii 119 n.
Montfort, Simon de, ii 500.
Montgomery, E. of. See Pembroke.
Monti, Gregorio de', Italian Secretary
toHW, (1604) i 48 n, 491, 498. (1616
149, ii 145 n, 154, 472, (1621) i 177 ; to
Carleton, ii 105, 160, 172, 219 ; left in
charge at Venice, (1619) i 163, ii 160,
172 ; his pay, 105 ; testimonial from
James I to, 172 ; his death, i 179, ii
219, 221 ; biograpbical note, ii 473-4.
Moore, — , English captain, meets the
pirate Ward, i 415.
Moore, Mr., ii 87, 101.
Moravia, i 166, 286, 414, 417, 507 n, ii
180 n, 198, 306.
Moray, Earl of, killed by Lord Hunt-
ley, i 285 n.
Moresini, the, attacked by English
pirates, i 322 n.
Morgan, Marmaduke, mutineer, hang-
ing of, ii 153 n.
Morgan, Thomas, ii 455.
Morisini. See Morosini.
Mormillian, ii 5.
Moro, 'new' family of Venice, ii
135 n.
Morosini, 'old' family of Venice, i
434 n.
Morosini, Andrea, ii 1; meetings at
palace of, i 77 ; his History of Venice, ii
484.
Morosini, Michael, Doge, ii 135 n.
Morosini, Signer, ambassador at the
Hague, ii 275.
Morrison. Alfred, MSS. in possession
of, ii 114.
Morton, Sir Albertus, parentage, i
241 ; accompanies HW to Venice,
48; sent to England, 457; HW intro-
duces to Prince Henry, 459 ; to Salis-
bury, 460 ; Sir J. Haiington describes,
459 n ; brings copies of Premonition,
466; leaves Venice, 114; sent by
HW from Paris, 503-5 ; goes to Cam-
bridge, 118 n ; to Turin with HW,
120; sent to England, 122, ii 6-7;
returns, i 123; accident to, ii 27, 29;
agent at Turin, i 146, ii 95 n, 477;
accepts pension from D. of Savoy, i
131, 132 n ; in favour with Bucking-
ham, ii 294; Clerk of Council, i
131 n, ii 30; at the Hague, 83 ; agent
to Union, and secretary to Elizabeth,
i 145, ii 91 n, 94, 294 n ; wishes fco l»e
Provost of Eton, i 199 ; appointed
secretary. 209. ii 1<»7 n, 286 q .
INDEX
539
:'<*>'■'> n; goes to Paris and the Hague,
286 n ; death of, i 33 n, 209, ii 288,
894, 811-2, 405; HW's poem on, i
88 n. 209, ii 415; letters of, 470-7;
BWl letters to. 264-5, 286-7, 448-9;
biographical note, 47 4-<» ; — i 500 n, ii
82, 64 n, 118 n. 288, 899 n.
Morton, Albertus, junr., executor of
II Ws will, i 216, ii !<><>.
Morton, Elizabeth, wife of Sir Albertus,
ii 175; HW's epigram on i 209, ii
311, 415.
Morton, George, HW's half-brother, i
241, ii 474.
Morton, Marv, wife of George Morton,
i 241.
Morton, Robert, 1st husband of Eleanor
Wot t<>n. i 8, ii 474.
Morton, Sir Robert, i 216, ii 64, t"'.>.
Morton, Sir Thomas, ii 399, 403.
Moryson, Fynes, his Itinerary and
fare's Europe, i 10 ; quoted, 17,
230 n. 233 n, 234 n, 236 n, 244 n,
279 n, 294 n.
Moryson, Sir Richard, i 47 n.
Moscovia. See Muscovy.
Mose, the. -Sec Maas.
Moseley, Humphrey, printer of Mil-
ton's Poems, ii 383 n.
Moselle, the. ii 281.
Mote, the, HW visits Lord Finch at,
ii 390.
Motley, J. L., i 139.
Moulin, Mons., ii 492.
Mountford, Dr., ii 476.
Mountford, Osbert, carries HW's
dispatches to England, ii 43 ; drown-
ing of, 64, 67 ; letter of, 43 n ; note on,
476.
Movie, Anne, mother of Sir A. Sher-
ley, i 37 n.
Moyle, Catherine, i 37 n.
Mulheim, ii 65 n.
Mulzhaim. See Molsheim.
Munich, ii 224 n, HW at, (1619) i 165,
ii 173-6. (1620^ i 175-6, ii 207 n.
Murano, i 59, 188, 316 n, ii 119, 138,
285.
Murray, Sir David, ii 50; letter of
HW to, i 427, ii 127.
Murray, Sir Thomas, Provost of Eton,
i 199, ii 397 n; letter of HW to,
437.
Muscorno, Giulio, brings charges
against Foscaiini, i 183 ; imprison-
ment of, 184.
Muscow, i 54, 270 ; Emperor of, ii
98.
Mustafa, Sultan, ii 239.
Mynne, Sir Henry, ii 50.
Nancy, ii 184.
Nani, Agoetino, Venetian ambassador
in Rome, i 849. ii 195; candidate for
Dogeship, (Hiis u i:;t, l :;.;•... l jj.
(1623) 278.
Nanton Se Nannton.
Naples, HW visits, i 19 l". 271-t, 276,
300 ; Tasso at, 20 ; George Rooke sent
to, 69, 325, 328-9; ii 478; naval
preparations at, i 155, ii 170 n : Vice-
roy of, see Ossuna ;— i 17, 50, 148, 152,
157, 178,289 n, 140, 170 n, 449 n, 488,
ii 127 n, Ml', 194-5.
Nasnf Bassa, ii 15-6.
Nassau, Count Henry <>f. 9m Orange.
Nassau, Count John Ernest of, serves
Charles Emmanuel, ii 79 n, 111 n j
brings Dutch troops to Venice, i 158,
ii 111, 113 n ; HW's praise of. Ill n.
Nassau, Count Maurice of. See
Orange.
Nassau, Count William Louis of,
ii 16, 47 n, 51.
Nassau-Dietz, Ernest Casimir, Count
of, ii 51 n ; Countess of, 51.
Naunton, Sir Robert, appointed
secretary, ii 122 n, 143 ; HW's letters
to, i 164, 178, ii 143-8, 151-3, 155-7,
159-61, 165-73, 193-200, 212, 441-5,
462; De' Monti to, ii 474 ; letters of,
ii 150 n, 156, 161, 165, 196, 201-2; —
ii 166, 181, 190, 201.
Navarre, i 65 n.
Neapolitans, character of, ii 99.
Negri, Pietro, Venetian criminal,
i 427 n.
Neile, Richard, Archbishop of York,
i 132.
Nepos, Cornelius, quoted, ii 408.
Neptune, ii 162, 235. See Nettuno.
Nervesa, Abbot of. SeeBrandolin.
Netherlands, Spanish, i 230 n, 316 n,
326, 416, ii 344, 345 n, 389 n, 414. 156 ;
Rulers, see Albert, Isabella, Fer-
dinand ; ambassadors to and from,
see Ambassadors.
Nethersole, Sir Francis, English agent
at Prague, ii 191, 194, 202, 390, 470 ;
letter to, i 210 n.
Netterville, Viset., ii 336 n.
Nettlestead, i 456.
Nettuno, HW at, i 272.
Neuburg, Philip Louis, Count Palatine
of, HW wishes to visit, i 454 ; claims
Juliers-Cleves inheritance, 135 ; death
of, ii 55.
Neuburg, Wolfgang William, Count
Palatine of, and Juliers-Cleves,
inheritance, i 135, 138-9, ii 48,
50 n, 54-7, 65, 77 ; letters inter-
cepted, 52 ; visits HW with Spinola,
54 ; signs treaty, 59, 61-2 ; write! fee
James I, 67, V.'.i : H\\"> letter t<>.
ii 59, 435.
Ni-uliaus, ii 215.
Neustadt, i 14, 251. 262 n.
Nevers, Charles, 1>. of S* Mantua.
540
INDEX
Nevers, Louis, D. of, ii 497.
Nevil, Mr., at Siena, i 292-3.
Neville, Sir Christopher, ii 37-8.
Neville, Edmund, ii 87.
Neville, Sir Henry, i 125, ii 24.
Neville, Ralph, ii 499.
New England, ii 483.
Newbury, Humphrey, steward of,
Windsor, ii 367-8.
Newcastle, i 270, ii 385 n.
Newcastle, Margaret, Duchess of,
ii 2 n.
Newcastle, William Cavendish, 1st
D. of, goes to Turin with HW, i 120,
ii 2, 4.
Newmarket, i 70 n, ii 317.
Newmegen. See Nimeguen.
Newnham Paddox, seat of E. of
Denbigh, picture at, i 60, ii 257 n.
Newport, i 338 n.
Newton, Mr., of New College, his
description of HW, i 301 n.
Newton, Sir Adam, letter from Bedell
to, i 90, ii 463 ; HW sends triaca to,
i 427 ; HW's letter to, ii 7, 433 ;— i 459,
497 n, ii 323.
Newtoni, Foggo. See Newton.
Nicholas. See Oudart.
Nicholas, V, Pope, ii 276.
Nicholas, Edward, ii 395 n.
Nicolson, George, English agent in
Scotland, writes of HW's arrival in
Scotland, i 41.
Nimeguen, ii 46 n, 71.
Nisard, Charles, ii 479-80.
Nocera, i 432.
Nombre de Dios, Panama, ii 78.
Norfolk, Thomas Howard, 4th D. of,
i259.
Normandy, i 245, ii 182.
Norremburghe. See Nuremberg.
Norris, Sir Thomas, puts price on
head of Tyrone, i 491 n.
North, Mr., i 170.
North, Dudlev, 3rd Baron, ii 17.
North, Sir Roger, ii 460.
Northampton, Lord Henry Howard,
1st E. of, ii 23, 41, 38-40.
Northumberland, Henry Percy, 1st E.
of, ii 304 n.
Northumberland, Henry Percy, 8th E.
of, i 238 n, 273.
Northumberland, Henry Percy, 9th E.
of, i2, 43 n.
Northumberland, Sir Robert Dudley
made Duke of, i 373 n.
Norwich, ii 370 n ; Bp. of, see Corbet.
Norwich, George Goring, E. of, ii
360 n.
Nottingham, Lord Charles Howard,
1st E. of, Lord High Admiral, ii 37 ;
accepts money from pirates, i 73.
Nova Britannia. See Virginia.
Novara, i 490.
Noventa, ii 157 n ; HW's villa at,
i 57, ii 102.
Nowel, Alexander, Dean of St. Paul's,
1213.
Nuis. See Nys.
Nuremberg, i 12, 232, 250, 254, 256-61,
264, ii 169, 176-7, 193, 198.
Nys, Daniel, ii 258 n ; employed by
HW to collect pictures, ii 210.
Oath of Allegiance, the, i 455, 463.
O'Donnell, Hugh Roe, i 308 n.
O'Donnells, the, i 308.
Ofeley. See OfiBy.
Offly, Robert, merchant trading to
Venice, i 408.
Offreddo, Monsignore, Papal Nuncio
at Venice, HW's relations with, i 60,
377-8 ; death of, 439.
Ogle, the barony of, ii 2.
Ogniate, Count of, Spanish ambassador
at Vienna, quarrel with French
ambassadors, ii 196, 197 n ; HW
visits, 203;— ii 225, 275.
Oldebare. See Auldbar.
Olinda, Brazil, ii 345.
Olivares, Count, Spanish ambassador
in Rome, ii 496.
Oliver, Isaac, painter, i 118 n, 119 n.
O'Neill, Hugh. See Tyrone.
O'Neiles, the, i308.
Oralois, i 310.
Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of
(Count Henry of Nassau), at marriage of
Princess Elizabeth, i 125, ii 12 ;
meets HW, i 136, ii 42 ; besieges
Hertogenbosch, ii 320, 323, 327 n ;—
i 381, ii 31, 46, 84 n, 309, 311 n, 319 n,
325-6, 341.
)range, Mai
of Charles I, ii 312 n.
Orange, Maurice, Prince of (Count
Maurice of Nassau), accompanies
Princess Elizabeth, ii 31 ; general of
Dutch armies, i 134 ; meets HW,
136, ii 42 ; message of James I to,
42 n ; conducts campaign of 1614,
i 137-8, ii 46-7; letter about HW
47 n, 48 n ; remark about treaty of
Xanten, i 141, ii 78 ; about German
Princes, 68 n ; HW negotiates with,
ii 44, 74-5 ; credential letters sent to,
49 ; meets HW at Rees, 51 ; his desire
for war, 52 ; HW visits, 54 n ; his
army described, 54 n ; disagrees with
Spinola, 62 n, 69 n ; at siege of
Bergen-op-Zoom. 248 ; — i ix, 125,
ii 12, 50 n, 59, 72, 79, 82-3, 464.
Orange, William I, Prince of, ii 90 n,
491.
Orange, William II, Prince of, ii 312 n.
Orkney, Master of, i 41 n.
Orland, Henry, English priest, i 884.
Orleans, ii 4, 456, 492.
[NDBX
541
Ormuz, capture of, ii 2 17.
Orrery, Roger Boyle, 1st E. of (Lord
BroghiU), II W recommends tutor for
foreign travel, ii 855-7; in France,
859 60.
Orsiui, Leonora, marriage of, i 285.
Oi^ini, Paolo. See Bracciano.
Orsini, Don Virginio, i 434.
Osborn, Mr., i 245.
Osman, Saltan, ii 289.
Osroy, taken by Spinola, i 137.
OsMiiiii, D. of, Viceroy of Naples, fleet
of, threatens Venice, i 148, 152, 154,
ii 112-3, 121 n, 128 n, 140, 162, 171 ;
fight with, 138, 140-1 ; connexion
of, with plot of 1(U8, i 157, ii 142 ;
conspiracy of, 239 ; recall of, i 178 ;
— i 159, ii lo6, 159, 471.
Ostend, the fall of, i 326 n, 336 n.
Ostia, i 272.
Otway, Thomas, his Venice Preserved,
i 156.
Oudart, Nicholas, in service of HW,
ii 384, 387-8, 394, 395-6, 398 ; goes to
Mechlin, 389 ■ writes to HW, 389 n,
391 ; returns, 392 ;— i 219 n, ii 398.
Overbury, Sir Nicholas, father of
Sir Thomas, ii 24.
Overbury, Sir Thomas, arrest of,
i 130-1, ii 19-22, 28-9 ; murder of,
i 144, ii 102 n, 250 n ; poem of HW.
published in Wife of, i 130 n.
Ovid, quoted, ii 318, 324.
Owen, Hugh, Jesuit, ii 494.
Owen, Lewis, his Running Register,
ii 482.
Owen, Sir Roger, i 132.
Oxford, HW at, i 5-6, 23, 57, 59, 225,
234, 237, ii 469 ; HW revisits, i 212,
222, ii 288;— 122 n, 330, 363, 375,
381 n, 382, 384, 402 n, 500.
All Souls Coll., i 32 n, ii 276 n.
465; Balliol Coll., 476; Bodleian
Library, MS. of HW in, i vi j HW's
presents to, 210, 339 n, ii 347 ;
portraits in, i 1 n, 167, ii 479 ; librarian
of, see Rouse ; Brasenose Coll.,
ii 480 ; Corpus Christi Coll., i 5 n ;
MS. of HW in, vi, 10, 146 n, ii
413 ; Exeter Coll., 469 ; Hart Hall.
470; HW at, i 5, ii 461; Magda-
len Coll., 480-1 ; Magdalen Hall,
171, 476; Merton Coll., i 438 n,
ii 397 n, 465, 479 ; New Coll., HW at,
i 5 ; leases Stanton St. John to HW,
32, 301-2 ; letter from Warden and
Fellows of, 301 n ; Queen's Coll.,
338 n; HW at, 5; MS. at, 68;
St. Alban's Hall, 375 n ; St. John's
Coll., ii236n, 362 n.
Oxford, Edward de Vere, 17th E. of,
builds house at Venice, ii 113 n.
Oxford, Henry, 18th E. of, ii 108 n ; in
Rome, 110, 111 n ; in Venice, 113,
liw pretenti to Doge, 118 n : iriahat
fco hum tooopf Got \'« ■ i i i . .-. :
ii 119; at Padua, 124; death of.
linn.
I'.i. ins, Julius (Pacio de Beriga),
Professor of Law at Heidelberg, i 255,
238.
Pad< lies worth, Kent, ii 41 n.
Padovano, il. Sec Var<>tari.
Padua, HW visits, (15*1 8 i 12, 18-9,
271, 298, ii 482, (1607) i 396, (1610)
114, 501, (1618) ii 168, 157, (1619)
165-6, 173, (1621) i 178, ii 919 81,
(1622) i 182, ii 238 n ; HW well
known at, i 68; Bruno at, i 12 ;
Galileo at, 486 ; J. Caesar killed at.
69, 410-2, 436 n, 450-1; Bngliah
students at, 51, 57, 292 n, 396 n, 398 n,
410 n, ii 114 n ; oath imposed on. i'l I ;
Erematana, i 397; S. (Jiustin.i. L87;
Bishops of, 474, ii 245 n ;— i 17. 376,
290-1, 343 n, 381, 397 n, 40.",. U2, 1 1 J.
454, 458, 478, 498 n, ii 98, 114, 124,
128, 138, 160, 233, 456, 171 -2, 1 7s.
484-5.
Paget, Charles, ii 455.
Pagliano. See Palliano.
Paiton. See Peyton.
Palatinate, the, scarcity in (1589),
i 235; invasion of, (1620) 168. 174.
176, ii 185, 188, 195 n, 196, 203, 221,
335, 475; English forces in, 186;
ban against, i 174, ii 196 n ; James I
negotiates for restitution of, i 181,
ii 215 n, 222, 244 ; asks help of
Venice, i 182, ii 227-8, 238-9, 966 ;
restoration of, 345; — i 179, 881 n,
314 n, ii 55 n, 248, 281 n. 470.
Palatine Church, the, i 91, 98.
Palatine Elector. See Frederick IV,
Frederick V, Charles Louis.
Palatine Electress. See Louisa, Eliza-
beth.
Palatine Electorate, transferred to
Maximilian I, i 168, 175, 183,
ii 233 n, 224-5, 226 n.
Palestine, ii 399.
Paliano. See Palliano.
Palladio, Andrea, i 18, 195-8 ; his
theatre at Vicenza, ii 157 ; his Archi-
tettura, 486.
Palliano, D. of, i 21, 22 n. 896 '».
ii 382.
Palliano, Duchess of, HW wndfl
account of her death, i 896,
Palma, HW visits, i 499 n.
Palma, Giacobo, Giovane, i 419, ii 857,
Palotti, Card., i 876.
Pamphili, Giovanni. See Innocent X.
Panama, ii 78 n.
Paolo, Maestro. See Saq«i.
Papacy, the, book on revenues of,
542
INDEX
i 2G0 ; increased power of, 75 ; com-
binations against, 75, 7G, 93-5 ; plans
for attacking in Italy, 109, 161 ;
relations of Venice with, 76, 77 ;
conflict of with Venice, see Venice,
Interdict ; relations with Spain,
ii 107, 208 n, 226.
Papillon, — , in Venice, i 91-2.
Parckins, Wm. See Perkins.
Parde, Nicholas. See Pert.
Paris, besieged by Henry IV, i 16,
245 n, 254, 263 ; Wotton visits, (1595)
30, (1600) 36, (1603) 44, ii 481, (1611)
99, 116, 119, 502-5 ; the Bastille,
245 n, 250 n, 340;— i36n, 112, 135,
314 n, 366 n. 372, 394-5, 476 n, 490,
498 n, ii 26, 44, 48, 84, 119 n,
266, 286 n, 339, 350 n, 359, 382, 456-7,
463, 465, 475-7, 480.
Paris, Matthew, ii 500.
Parkhurst, John, ii 476.
Parkhurst, William, in Venice with
HW, i 48 n; sent to England, 1608,
420, 427 n; in England, 118 n ; returns
to Venice, 435 n ; goes to Geneva,
131 n; biographical note, ii 476; —
ii 466, 490.
Parkinson, John, mentions HW in his
Paradisus, i 59.
Parliament, 'the Mad,' ii 36, 500;
of 1606, i 463; of 1614, 132, ii 13,
36-9 ; of 1623, 295 ; of 1625, i 132,
208; of 1626, ii 293-5; of 1628.
307; of 1629, 317-9;— 18, 497-9.
Parma, ambassadors of. See Ambas-
sadors.
Parma, Alexander Farnese, D. of,
invades France, (1590) 16, 245, 254 n,
(1592) 283 ; death of, 297, ii 491 ;—
i 229 n, 231 n, 330 n.
Parrasio, Alessandro, attempts to
assassinate Sarpi, i 404 n.
Parry, Henry, D.D., ii 252.
Parsons, Robert, writes about Sir A.
Sherley, i 242 n ; at Naples, 1604, his
remarks to the Viceroy, 328-9; re-
turns to Rome, 325 ; his activities
there, 331-5; HW intercepts letter
of, 375 ;— 100, 380 n, 430, 442 n, 465,
ii 107.
Parsons, Sir Thomas, ii 18.
Partheridge. See Partridge.
Partridge, — , HWs sister, i 240-1.
Partridge, Edward, carries letters to
England, i 346, 348 ; note on, ii 476.
Paruta, Paolo, historian of Venice,
ii 484.
Parvis or Parvish, Henry, merchant
trading to Venice, i 228, 237, 239,
288 n; factor of, at Cologne, 232.
Parvis, Henry, in Venice, i 283.
Parvis, Jacob, i 288 n.
Paschal, Charles, French envoy to
Grisons, i 395.
Pasquall, of Bitonto, attempt to
assassinate Sarpi, i 404 n.
Passau, ii 197, 199.
Passienus, Crispus, ii 253 n.
Pattison, Mark, letter of HW identified
by, i 312 ; his Life of Casaubon, i xiv,
127-9.
Paul II, Pope, ii 498.
Paul IV, Pope, i 22, 298-9, ii 251 n, 276 n.
Paul V, Pope, election and character,
i 78, 325 n, 329, 333, ii 161 ; regard
for James I, i 334 ; quarrels with
Venice, 77-85, 94, 103 n, 118, 128,
147, 182, 340-1, 346, 348-9, 35(1-7,
361-3, 366, 370-1, 374-82, 418-9, 439,
443, 447, 496 n, ii 79. 98, 128, 133,
136, 178, 238, 250, 278,' 302, 371, 474,
487 ; excommunicates Republic, 346,
348 ; dismisses Venetian ambassador,
349 ; levies troops, 356 ; reported
league with Catholic princes, 360 ;
agrees to settlement, 384-7, 389-93 ;
writes to Venice, 392 n ; his breve,
399 n, 400; complains of HW, 95-6,
462; treatment of Sarpi's assassins,
406-7, 440-2 ; purchases English am-
munition, 408 ; denies safe-conduct
to Lord Roos, 429 ; receives Tyrone,
430; new quarrels with Venice, 431,
441 ; sends Jubilee, 436 ; and num-
ber of Beast, 444 n ; makes his
nephew Abbot of Vangadizza, 98,
446 ; dispute about, 461, 468 ; re-
ported saying about preaching the
Scriptures, 98, 451-2, ii 496 ; censure of
Premonition, i 102, 465, 467-9 ; remark
about James I, 475 ; about HWs
quarrel with Venice, 106 ; Henry IV
sends Deodati's letter to, 98 ; and
Savoy marriage, 122 ; and Juliers-
Cleves controversy, ii 42 ; his spies,
101 ; and Savoy war, i 151, ii 103 n ;
reported change of policy, 109 n ;
and Marie de' Medici, 106-7 ; and
De Dominis, 110, 172; illness of,
108 ; and Ossuna, 159, 162 ; reported
death of, 167-8 ; and election of
Emperor, 168 ; and Professor Downes,
169 ; and Protestant seminaries,
i 162; death of, 178, ii 208 n ; men-
tion of, in Table Talk, 495-7;— i 59,
69, 331, 399 n, 408, 410, 412, 415,
424, 432, 441, 445, 448-9, 456, 457 n,
463-4, 474, 476-7, 481-2, 487-9, 495,
500, 503, ii 66, 93, 97-8, 123, 127, 129,
149, 156, 158, 165, 170 n, 175, 178,
245 n, 472-3, 478.
Paulerspury, Northants, ii 288, 343 u,
481.
Paules. See London, St. Paul's.
Paulet, Sir Amyas, ii 489.
Paulino, datario under Clement VIII,
i 333-6 ; offers to procure banishment
INDEX
543
Pauls Perry. Se< Paulrrspury.
I'n/. Don Julian, chief archivist at
Simancas, i 68 n.
Pechius. See Pecquius.
Pecquius, Peter, Chancellorof Brabant.
ii 7l>
Pembroke, Philip, 4th E. of, ii 16,
343 ; his imprem, 17.
Pembroke, Wm. Herbert, 3rd E. of,
ii 1 6 -7, 20, 40 ; HW's letters to, i 121,
ii 8, ft, 48a
Pen, Mr., ii 34.
Pennington, Sir John, ii 395 n.
Peover, Cheshire, ii 471.
Percy, Alan, in Florence, i 48 n.
Percy, Henry, 1st Baron Percy of
Alnwick, ii 839.
Percy, Lady Lucy, marries Sir John
Wotton, i*2, 238 n.
Peretti, Card. See Montalto.
Perez, Don Antonio, secretary of
Philip II, comes to England, i 285 ;
his murder of Escovado, 285 n ; HW in
Paris with, 30 ; HW defends in State
of Christendom, ii 458 ; mention of, in
Tabic Talk, 494 ; his letters to Essex,
i 30 n ; his Prdacos de Historia, ii 458.
Pergamo, Fulvio, secretary of Savoy
in England, i 122.
Pericles, ii 384 n.
Perkins, William, his Problem, i 90.
Perkins, William, Lord Cork's tailor,
visits HW, ii 356-7.
Pernambuco, Brazil, ii 345 n.
Peron. See Perron.
Perron, Card, du, James I's answer to,
ii 111.
Perrot, Charles, Minister at Geneva,
his son in England, i 304.
Perrot, Sir John, i 259, 284.
Perotti, Nicolas, publishes text of
Polybius, i 855.
Persia, i 477 n ; Sir A. Sherley's mission
to, 37 ; defeats Turkey, 477 n, ii 16 ;
Shah, see Abbas.
Persian nobleman, accompanies Sir A.
Sherley to Europe, i 37 ; his quarrel
with Sherley, and death, 38.
Persians, the, defeat Turks, i 342;
capture Ormuz, ii 246-7.
Persico, Panfilo, his Segretario, ii 484.
Persius, quoted, ii 326.
Pert, Nicholas, English merchant, mur-
dered by Nicolo Balbi, i 69, 323-5.
Perugia, i 442 n, 453.
Pesaro, Venetian ambassador in
France, ii 222.
Pescelius. See Pezelius.
Petching, — , i 243, 247-8, 251, 262.
Petworth, living of, ii 304 n.
Pey, Nicolas, has charge of HW's
affairs in England, i 451, ii 8 ; lettei's
to HW, 219 ; HW's letters to, i 201,
208, ii 75, 285, 288, 436, 449-50;
mentioned in II\\\ will, i 21ft j
IIWs bequest t«», i 218;— ii !<•:,. lis,
2 11.230-1,286, Mi, ::•;<>.
Peyton, Sir Henry, commands English
ships in Venetian sorvice, i 154-156, ii
143, 155 ; his pay, 146-7 ; arrival of
15S :; ; HW j> resents to Doge, 146 D ;
troops of, mutiny, 146 D, 162 '
his requests, 151 ; thi IMWW. 1">» D ;
at Martinengo, 213 ; Lady Arundel
consults, i 186 ; death <.f, 156, ii 1 M B ;
letters of, ii 146 n ;— 207, 209, 40«>, 171.
Peyton, Thomas, ii 146 n.
Pezelius, Christoph., Prof, of Theology
at Bremen ; HW's intention to visit,
i 230 ; Moryson visits, 230 n.
Pfaltezburg. See Pfalzburg.
Pfalzburg, Lorraine. Protestants at. ii
183-4.
Phaeton, 11810.
Phelips, Sir Edward, Master of the
Rolls, ii 30, 86.
Philadelphia, Greek Arch bp. of, i 487,
438, ii 496.
Philip II, K. of Spain ; war with
England, i 17 ; mention of, in S'"><- <>f
Christendom, 24-5, ii 456; in Table
Talk, 494 ; death of, i 456 ;— 40, 276,
280 285
Philip III, K. of Spain, and HW's
secretary, i 328 ; attitude during
Interdict, 80, 84, 353 n, 356, 360,
476 n, ii 133 ; HW suggests as
arbitrator, i 363 n ; sends Don Fran-
cesco di Castro, 370 ; renounces his
pretensions to United Provinces, 416,
424 ; reported pension to Tyrone,
430 ; and Premonition, 102 ; negotiates
for English marriages, 114, and see
Charles I ; HW questions title, ii
49-50 ; his designs on Germany, 68 n ;
forbids execution of Treaty of
Xanten, i 139, ii 62 n, 65, 67 ; desires
peace in Italy, i 148, 151-2, ii 121 n ;
James I remonstrates with, i 151, ii
122 n ; and Ossuna, i 152, ii 168 j
naval preparations, 163, 169; declares
he has no designs on Venice, 17<»,
171 n; and Bohemian troubles, 192.
202-3; and Gregory XV, 208 n;
death, i 178, ii 210, 226 n ;— i 38,
320 n, 328, 357, 381, 389, 441 n, 445,
154 n, 476, 477 n, 490, ii 26, 77, 107,
109, 165, 275, 299.
Philip IV, K. of Spain ; James I
negotiates with, about Spanish mar-
riage, i 180-1, ii 226 n, 245, 251-
2 ; about restitution of Palatinate,
i 181, ii 222 ; and De Dominis, 228-9 ;
and Valtelline, 237, 239, 268 ; and
Ossuna, 239 ; letter of James I to, ii
222;-223, 224, 246, 313, 32<».
345 n, 389 n, 395.
Philippson, Johann (Sleidanns), i 2V.>.
544
INDEX
Phoenix, the, HW sends pictures bv, ii
257.
Photius, extracts in, from Hierccles, i
313.
Picardy, i 245, ii 4.
Piccardini, Rustico, riding-master at
Florence, i 43 n.
Piccolomini, Alessandro, his EafaeUa,
ii 484.
Piccolomini, Alfonso, i 296.
Piccolomini, Silvo, i 296.
Pickering, Mr., ii 285.
Pickering, Sir Wm., father of Hester
Wotton, i 236 n, ii 342.
Piedmont, HW sends map of, to
James I, ii 104, 106; war in, i 151,
ii 103 n, 104 ; French soldiers in,
178 ; fertility of, 499 ; Prince of,
see Victor ;— ii 94, 109, 172, 299.
Piero, 'Conte,' arrests Will Leete, ii
144-5.
Pierre, Jacques, and plot of 1618, i I
157, 159, ii 131 n.
Pignerolo, ii 345.
Pilsen, ii 139.
Pirn, Mr.,i 323.
Pindar, Sir Paul, in Venice, i 288,
289, 293 ; ambassador at Constanti-
nople, ii 111 n.
Pine, John, ii, 479.
Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo, i 18-9.
Pinner, Capt. Nicholas, offers his
services to Venice, i 365 ; takes gifts
to Prince Henry, and Sarpi's portrait
to England, 407, 409, 419, 425, ii
479.
Piombino, ii 299 ; Princess of, 492.
Piracy, English pirates in the Adriatic,
i 322 ; HWs negotiations about, 73-4,
163, 323 ; offer of pirates to Venice, ii
215, see Ward.
Pisa, HW at, (1592) i 289, (1601) 36,
401 n ; Cecil writes to English
merchants at, 69, 328 n, ii 490 n ; Sir
R. Dudley at, i 379, 401 n ;— 22 n,
280, 282, ii 469, 478.
Pistoia, HW travels through, i 289.
Pitzca, Bohemia, ii 193.
Pius V., Pope, i475.
Plantagenet, Prince Arthur, i 346 n.
Plantagenets, the, i 346 n.
Platina. See Sacchi.
Plato, quoted, i 102, ii 335, 401.
Plato, Card., i 439.
Plautus, ii 402 n.
Plese, Monsieur du (cipher for
Burghley), i 291.
Plessen, Volrad de, ii 91; letter of,
91 n.
Plinnie. See Pliny.
Pliny the elder, quoted, i 239 n, ii 37,
306.
Pliny the younger, quoted, i 234, 238,
505, ii 241.
Plutarch, quoted, ii 69, his Lives, i
283.
Plymouth, HW at, ii 33. 304 ; ship
from, 322.
Po, the, i 354 n.
Poggio, HW travels through, i 289.
Poictiers, ii 222.
Poland, invaded by Turks, i 230 ; dis-
puted election in, 249, 252, 259, 264 ;
Kings of, see Bathori, Sigismund ;
Prince Casimir of, ii 404 ;— i 260, 270,
276, 286, 360, 414, ii 123 n, 197, 349.
Polani, ' old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Pole, Arthur, killed in Rome, i 330.
Pole, Geoffrey, i 330 n, 346.
Pole, Reginald, Card., i 330 n.
Polenza, ii 499.
Polini, Girolamo, prints libellous book
about Queen Elizabeth, i 292 n.
Polonia. See Poland.
Polybius, HW studies text of, i 14, 255.
Poma, Ridolfo, attempts to assassinate
Sarpi, i 404 n, 407, 440-2.
Pomerania, ii 331 n ; Borgislas XI,
D. of, i 306.
Pommern. See Pomerania.
Pompey, ii 395 n ; fragment by HW on,
i 206, ii 375 n, 414.
Pont Hercule. See Port' Ercole.
Pontebba, ii 103 n.
Poole. See Pole.
Pope, Alexander, ii 280 n.
Porie. See Pory.
Porta, Giovanni Battista della, his
Magla Natural e, ii 486.
Porta, Count Paolo, gives fete at Vicenza,
ii 157.
Port' Ercole, ii 299.
Portingals, See Portuguese.
Portland, Jerome Weston, 2nd E. of,
ii 338-41 ; marriage, 336.
Portland, Sir Richard Weston, 1st E.
of, ambassador to Prague, i 169,
173, ii 185, 191, 194, 195 n, 199 n,
310 n, 335; Lord Treasurer, i 205,
ii 309; favour with Charles I, 310,
313, 336 ; his treatment of HW, 375 ;
HW arrested after visiting, 351 ;
HWs character of, 333-5 ; death of,
351 n; HWs letters to, i 208, ii 309,
333-6, 443, 450-1 ;— 300 n, 338 n,
339 n, 340 n, 463.
Portsmouth, i 415 n.
Portugal, i 856 n, ii 455, 494 n.
Portuguese, the, i 54 ; trade of, to
East Indies, ii 76 n ; Ormuz taken
from, 247.
Pory, John, secretary at Constanti-
nople, ii 111; MS. by, i 132; letter
of, ii 473.
Possevino, Antonio, i 464 n ; letter to,
intercepted by HW, 345 ; HW's
negotiations and interview with,
345 n ; attacks HW, ii 10 ; book by,
INDEX
545
i 39 J ; letters to HW, 345 n ; HW to,
845 n, ii 420.
Powel, Mr., ii 401.
iowell, Gabriel, the de Antichristo of,
distributed by HW in Venice, i 90.
iozzo, Antonio del, Archbishop of Pisa,
i 282 ; ii 209.
Praetorius, Johannes, i 246.
fcrague, Rudolf II at, i 16; HWat, 16,
301, 305; rebellion at, 160; ii 158,
171. 197 n ; Frederick Vat, i 168-9,
ii -511; Conway and Weston at, i 169,
17.5, ii 186, 190 n, 195; HW com-
municates with, i 172, ii 191-6 ; fall
of, i 173, 175, ii 196-201, 209 ; papers
dix-uvered at, i 174-5;— 37, 251, 263,
177, ii 166.
Prato, HW travels through, i 289.
Pratolino, i 39, 285.
Beaux, M. de, French ambassador at
Vienna, i 172, ii 191-7, 200, 206;
goes to Hungary, 200 n, 201-2.
Preslau. See Breslau.
Pressburg, i 417 n, ii 193 n, 196 n.
Price, — , in HW's service, i 118 n.
Price, Herbert, duel with Mr. Eliot, ii
:;ii> :;.
Priuli, 4 new ■ family of Venice, ii
135 n.
Priuli, Alvise, candidate for Dogeship
1605, i 848.
Priuli, Antonio, Doge XCIV, candi-
dature, ii 134-8 ; election, i 161, ii
139-40, 142; character of, 135 n,
140; introduction of, 132, 139; HW
congratulates, 145-6; HW writes to,
about English mutiny, i 155, ii 153 ;
HW's farewell, i 162-3, ii 172 n;
receives Lady Arundel, i 186-8, ii
232-5; HW presents Lady Arundel's
sons to, i 190, ii 240-1 ; illness of, 244 ;
recovery, 246 ; receives Duke of Man-
tua, 270-1 ; illness and death, i 192,
ii -21^-8; speeches of, i 183, 186-8,
ii 154 n, 232-5, 241; letter to James I,
227, 230 ; letter from James I, i 181,
190, ii 227-8, 238,240, 265, 267, 273-4;
HW's letters to, i 155,ii 145 n, 153, 238,
441, 447; HW's audiences, i 18, 175,
181-4, 186-8,ii 145n, 151 n, 164, 171-2,
219 n, 232-5, 238-41, 258 n, 468,
472, 474 ;— 143-5, 157 n, 177, 210,
218, 227 n, 235, 242, 259, 263,
271-2.
Priuli, Francesco,Venetian ambassador
in Spain, his relations with Sir C.
Cornwallis, i 425.
Priuli, Matteo, Card., i 468 n, ii 135,
140, 259, 272.
Priuli, Piero, Venetian ambassador in
France, i 447, ii, 463; in Spain, i
447 n.
Privy Council, the, HW's letters to, ii
114-9, 425, 429, 439.
Protestants, Protestantism.
ligion.
Pruritanua, libellous book, fount m
house of Venetian ambassador in
England, i 472; Salisbury sends to
HW, 472 n.
Prussia, i 231 n, ii 176.
Puckering, Sir Thomas, ii 129 n.
Pusey, Sarah, marriage of, ii 328 n.
Pusey, Timothy, ii 328 n.
Puteanus, suspected author of
Regia, ii 92-8, 280; corresponds with
Scioppius, ii 109-10.
Putney, ii 380.
Pym, John, ii 323 n.
Pyrenees, ii 365.
Quarnero, ii 128.
Quattr'occhi, Dr., i 325 n.
Querini,' old' family of Venice, i I ;i n.
Querini, Aluigi, arrest of, ii 221.
Quesnoy, i 245 n.
Quester, Mr., HW to, ii 4 1 1 .
Quintilian quoted, i 198, 242, ii 110.
R., Mr. See Rouse.
R., A., letter sent by, i 308.
R., S., HW's spy in Rome, letter from,
i65n.
Rabelais, quoted, ii 26.
Radcliffe, Sir Alexander, writes to
Cecil, i 308 n ; death of, 308 n.
Radziwill, Card., i 278.
Ragusa, i 323 n, 373, 452 n, ii 108, 111,
113, 152.
Raleigh, Carew, ii 400.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, his fleet captures
the Madre de Dios, i 295 ; plans to
attack Genoa, 151 ; Guiana expedi-
tion, ii 87, 362 n, 489 ; mentioned in
Table Talk, ii 493 ;— i 9, 31, 32 n, 39,
118, ii 22 n, 23 n, 79, 87, 400 n, 481.
Raleigh, Walter, jun., goes to Low
Countries to fight duel, ii 79.
Ralph, — , carries dispatch to England,
ii 225.
Randolph, Robert, ii 381 n.
Randolph, Thomas, his Poems sent to
HW, 381 n, 382 n.
Ratisbon, i 410, ii 348 n; proposed
Diet at, i 172, ii 191 n, 195.
Raughley. See Raleigh.
Ravaillac, assassin of Henry IV, i 490 n,
491 n.
Ravensberg, ii 56-7.
Ravenspurg, See Bavaria, Prince
Philip of.
Ravenstein, ii 56-7.
Ravis, Thomas, Bp. of London, i !-<►,
ii 481.
Rawleigh. See Raleigh.
Reade, Lieut. John, promised com-
mission in Venetian service, ii 238.
Rebbe, Nicholas de, ii 66,
WOTTOX. II
N n
546
INDEX
Redgrave, Suffolk, seat of Sir Edmund
Bacon, i 118, 131, 212, 505 n, ii 13,
32, 38, 288, 322, 337, 345, 375, 394,
398, 403, 405, 460.
Rees, Count Maurice takes, i 138, ii 70 ;
HWat, 51,53, 61;— 46, 54.
Reffuge, M. de, special French ambas-
sador at the Hague 1614, i 138;
arrives at the Hague, 45 n, 48,
60 ; HW visits, 49 ; goes with HW
to Xanten, 50-3, 55, 66; writes to
Generals, 59; desires peace, 60; leaves
Xanten, 61 ; leaves the Hague. 67 ; —
ii 45, 47, 53.
Regensburg. See Ratisbon.
Regnault, — , and plot of 1618, i 157 ;
visits HW, 159-60; execution of, ii
131 n.
Reichsdollar, value of, i 233 n.
Reichssnurt, Heinrich Domason von,
writes about HW to Blotius, i 19.
Religion :
Calvinists, their controversy with
Lutherans, i 166; ii 179 n.
English Church, HW's devotion to,
i v, 19, 215, 224 ; services of, in HW's
house, 77-8, 349, 363; and German
Protestants, ii 177.
Lutherans, the, i 166, ii 179 n.
Protestantism, dissensions of, plans
for composing, i 94, 109, 166, ii 179;
attempt to introduce into Italy, i 76,
78, 93, 107, 115, ii 8, 109 n ; move-
ment for, in Venice, i x, 76, 78,
86-99, 108, 116, 149, 349-51, 376,
378, 393, 400, 417, 423-5 ; Henry IV
exposes, 97-100, 480-2, 485; congre-
gation started, 99; HW's hopes for,
(1619) ii 172 n.
Protestant seminaries, Sarpi advises
founding of, i 94, 161, ii 148-9 ; Francis
Bacon's approval, i 161 n ; HW nego-
tiates about, i 161-3, ii 143, 148-51,
161, 172, 179, 480; failure of, i 162.
Reformation, the, i 6, 92, 191, 417 ;
HW proposes to write history of, 205.
Roman Catholicism, HW's attitude
towards, i 19-20, 69, 76, ii 301 ; propa-
ganda of, in England, ii 214 ; attempts
to convert travellers abroad, i 70-1,
330, 332, 434, 456-7 ; Roman Catholics
in England, i 330.
Reliquiae Wottonianae, edited by Izaak
Walton, i v-vn, xn, ii 305 n, 461 ; bib-
liography of, 412 ; essays, &c, in, i
205-7, ii 413-6, 457 ; letters in, i 13,
118, 245 n.
Remus, pun on, ii 151.
Repplingham, Adolphus, ii 253 ;
carries letters to England, 253, 258,
267.
Reynolds, Edward, secretary to Essex,
disagreement with HW, i 31 ; letter
of, 31 n ; letter from A. Bacon to,
31 n ; HW's letters to, 33, 307. 310,
ii 419.
Rhaetian Alps, i 218.
Rhaetians, the. See Grisons.
Rhe% island of, expedition to, ii 303 n.
Rheims, Jesuit College at, i 94, 161, 442,
ii 114, 147, 151.
Rhems. See Rheims.
Rhene. See Rhine.
Rhenen. Q. of Bohemia at, ii 323.
Rhine, the, i 25, 123, 137. 192, 229,
ii 12, 46 n, 47n,51, 71, 117, 183, 185 n,
280-2, 344 n, 345.
Rheinberg, i 229, ii 71, 341, 345.
Rhosny. See Sully.
Ribetta. See Rubetti.
Riccio, Andrea, architect, i 197.
Rich, Sir Heniy. See Holland.
Rich, Sir Robt. See Warwick.
Richard III, ii 296.
Richard III, by Shakespeare, phrase in,
paraphrased by HW, i 206.
Richelieu, Cardinal, i 180, ii 244 n,
318 n, 339 n, 340 n, 390 n, 391 n,
399.
Richmond, i 124.
Richmond, Ludovick Stuart, 1st D. of
(Duke of Lennox), ambassador in
France, i 61 ;— ii 17-8, 40, 290, 292.
Rigotier, — , of Geneva, i 300.
Rijswijk, bridge of, ii 84.
Rimini, i 391 n.
Riswicke. See Rijswijk.
Rivers, Thomas Darcy, 1st E. of (Lord
Darcy), expected in Florence, i 284,
286, arrives, 288 ; HW travels with,
289 ; tries to suppress books of con-
troversy, 291-2 ; introduced to Grand
Duke by letters from Burghley, 284,
289-91 ; sends for books against
Burghley, 294 ; note on, ii 467 ; letters
of, i 17 n, 20-1, 284 n, 287, 292, ii
467.
Rivoli, HW at, i 121.
Roan. See Rouen.
Roberts, John (?), English priest, i 334.
Robinson, Humphrey, printer of
Comus, ii 381.
Robinson, Richard, King's player, ii
333.
Rochester, ii 22, 405.
Rochester, Sir Edward. See Rossiter.
Rochester, Visct. See Somerset.
Roe, Eleanor, Lady, ii 221, 249.
Roe, Sir Thomas, ambassador at Con-
stantinople, ii 221 ; letters of, 464-5 ;
Q. of Bohemia to, i 177 n ; HW
to, ii 247-9, 447 ; suggested epitaph
for, i 224 ;— i 454 n, ii 181 n, 229 n,
386.
Roehampton, ii 314.
Roerland, Syndic of Brunswick, ii 58.
Rogers, Richard, ii 466.
Rolls, Master of. See Caesar.
INDEX
547
Ma.strrshiji of, promised toHW,
i L67 ; ii 181 n, 243 n, 287 n, 317, 319,
470 ; HW surrenders reversion of to
Buckingham, i 200, ii 816.
Bomagna, ii 251 n.
Roman Catholicism. See Religion.
Rome, style of in dating, i xvi; HW
visits 202, 294, 403 n, ii 174,300-1,
1692 i L9 20, 271 6, 284, (1593)22, ii
064, 882, (1601) i 37-8 ; Sir A. Sherley
at, .57-9, 242 n ; news from, 111, 243,
245 n, 250, 276-8, 286, 390-2, 415,
440-2, 451, ii 97, 101, 106-7, 168-70,
224-6, 228-9, 2(>7 ; superstition in,
160 n ; part of HW's charge, his spies
in, i 65, 149, 321, 417 n, ii 98, 116, 141,
147, 168 ; English travellers in, i 17,
882, 457, ii 114, 181 n, 222, 244, 257 ;
forbidden to visit, i 70, 435 ; English
Catholics in, i 66, 70, 292 n, 330 n,
333-5, 434, 457, ii 93, 214, 224,
847; Tyrone in, i 417 n, 418, 423,
429-30, 476, ii 107 n; Lord Roos
visits, see Roos ; Mole imprisoned at,
see Mole ; proposed visit of Lord
Hamilton, 487-9 ; letters from, inter-
cepted by HW, i 353, 359, ii 147 ;
mention of, in Table Talk, ii 493-5,
497 ; ambassadors to and from, see
Ambassadors ; — Amphitheatre of
Titus 286 ; Belvedere, ii 93; Campo di
Fiori, i 496 n; Inquisition in. i 70,
149, 332, 354, 389, ii 97, 114, 126, 256 ;.
Jesuit College, i 94, 330-1,333-5, 399 n,
430, 457 n, ii 107, 111 n, 114, 252,
269 ; Palazzo Farnese, i 330 n ; Palazzo
dellaRovere, 38, 430 ; Piazza Padella,
275 ; Scotch College, 334, ii 269 ; St.
Peter's, i 496 ; ii 274 ; S. Angelo, i
38 ; S. Giovanni in Laterano, 273,
274 n, 281, 283 ;— i 270, 288, 293,
295-9, 325, 344, 346, 372, 376, 384,
386, 389-91, 398, 405, 407-8, 412,
484 n. 443, 456, 461, 477, 481,
495-6, ii 11, 15, 110, 116-7, 124, 126,
208 n, 212, 216, 223, 230, 240, 245 n,
251, 253, 268, 286 n, 298, 348, 372-3,
463, 467-8, 471, 473, 492.
Ronciglione, i 37.
Rooke, George, with HW in Venice, i
48 n ; sent to Naples ( 1605), 325, 328-9;
his instructions i, 328 n, ii 420 ; goes
to Padua, (1607) 381, (1608) 450;
delivers privy seals to Sir R. Dudley,
401, 428 n ; magistrates of Lucca
negotiate with, for arrest of Salvetti,
401 ; charged with case of Julius
Caesar, 436 n, 450 ; suspected poison-
ing of, 436 n ; at Brescia, 436 n, 450;
in England, 451 ; biographical note,
ii 478.
Rooke, Sir George, ii 478.
Rooke, John, ii 478.
Rooke, Lawrence, ii 478.
Roos, Lady, ii 121 n. 127 n.
Roos, Wiiliam Cecil, Lord, proposed
visit to Rome, i 428-9; in Venice,
428, 441-2, J 16 ; in Rome (1608),
429 n, 440, 457, ii 257, 473 ; his tutor
imprisoned, see Mole ; proposed arrest
of, i 488 n ; ambassador to Spain
(1616), i 48 n, 151, ii 122 n. 127 n ; in
Rome (1618), 127, 1 il ; death of, 127 n .
HW's letter to, i 428, ii 427.
Roper, Jane. See Lovell.
Roper, Sir Robert. See Teynham.
Roquelaure, Col., ii 207, 209.
Rosa d'Oro, consecration of, witnessed
by HW, i 274.
Rosny, see Sully.
Rosse, Lord. See Roos.
Rossetti, — , Secretary to Jacques
Pierre, ii 181 n.
Rossingham, Edward, letter of, ii
407 n.
Rossiter, Sir Edward, death of, at
Padua, i 397.
Rotterdam, ii 323 n ; HW at, i 136, ii
41, 84.
Rouen, siege of, i 2, 238 n, 283.
Rouse, John, Bodley's librarian ; and
HWs copy of Comus, ii, 381 n,
382 n.
Rovere, della, house of, ii 272.
Rovere, HW at, i 176, ii 209.
Rowe, or Roe, Thomas, in service of
HW, 1620, i 170 n, ii 181, 189.
Roxburgh, Countess of, ii 408 n.
Roxburgh, Robert Ker, 1st E. of, ii
408 n.
Roxburgh Club, the, publishes HW's
MS. at Eton, i vi.
Roydon Hall, ii 479.
Royston, i 117, ii 34, 85.
Rubetti, Pier Antonio, goes to Rome,
i 443, 445, 449.
Rudolf I, Emperor, i 268 n.
Rudolf II, Emperor, his money
difficulties, i 16, 249, 263, 267, 329*;
sends ambassador to Constantinople,
249 ; attack on, 251 ; restores pre-
dominance of Catholics in Austria,
304-5; sends envoys to Venice at
time of Interdict, 381 ; quarrel with
Matthias, 417, 477, 507 ; Premonition
dedicated to, 101 ; and Juliers-Cleves
controversy, 135 ; death, 123 ; am*
bassadors to and from, see Ambas-
sadors ;— i 14, 37, 244-5, 247, 262 n,
259, 261, 278, 301, 305-6, 319, 342,
356 n, 360, 410, 477, ii 42 n, 45 n.
Rudyard, Benjamin, i 33 n.
Rufus, Corollius, i 505.
Ruggle, George, his Ignoramus, ii 10 n.
Rupert, Prince, in England, ii 363 ;
capture of, 899 n, 400-1, 403, 407.
Russia, i 37. See Muscovy.
Ruthven. See Gowrie.
Nn2
548
INDEX
Rutland, Francis Manners, 6th E. of,
ii 17 ; his imprcsa designed by Shake-
speare, 17 n.
Sabellico, M. A. C, historian of Venice,
ii 484.
Sabioncello, ii 113.
Sachetti, Nicolo, Tuscan, resident in
Venice, his letters, i xi, 181, 185 n,
ii227n, 258, 270 n, 274 n.
Sacchi, Bartholomaeus de Platina, his
Vite degli Pontifici, ii 485.
Sackville, Thomas, son of Lord Buck-
hurst, a popish recusant, 292 n, 295.
Sacra, the, English ship treated as
pirate, i 322 n.
St. Albans, ii 461.
St. Albans, Henry Jermyn. 1st E. of,
ii 338.
St. Andrews, i 233 n.
St. Augustine, ii 169, 370.
St. Bartholomew's massacre of, i 156.
St. Benedict. See Benedictines.
St. Bernard Majore, ii 95.
St. Dunstan's, near Canterbury, i
239 n.
St. Edmunds Burie. See Bury
St. Edmunds.
St. James's day, Wotton's alleged
conceit about, i 103 n.
St. John, Nicholas, i 396 n.
St. John, William Paulet, Lord, visits
Italy, i 428, 440-1, 457, ii 473 ; in
Venice, i 442, 445.
St. Mark, ii 155 n.
St. Monica, ii 169.
St. Omers, ii 147.
St. Paul, i 393, 506, ii 155 n, 184, 283.
St. Peter, i 275, 356 n, ii 155 n.
Salerno, Bishopric of, promised De
Dominis, ii 228.
Salice, Hercole de, Grison ambassador
in Venice, ii U9 ; letter to HW, 150;
mentioned in Table Talk, ii 495.
Salisbury Plain, ii 193.
Salisbury, Sir Robert Cecil, 1st E. of
(Lord Cecil, Viscount Cranbome), rivalry
with Essex, i 29, 32, 317 ; HW's
requests to, about New College,
32, 301-2 ; about German mission,
32, 305 ; about entering his service,
44, 317-9 ; friendship for HW,
43-4, 108, 117, 317 ; for Edward
Wotton, 34, 44, 317 ; announces HW's
appointment to Venice, 45 ; writes
to merchants about HW, 69, 328 n,
ii 490 n ; HW collects pictures for,
i 60, 419 ; accepts Spanish pension,
63, 372 n ; attitude during Interdict,
83, 362 n ; reproves HW for offer of
English forces, 82-3, 361 n ; HW asks
help for payment of debts, 367 ;
becomes Lord Treasurer, 431 ; A.
Morton introduced to, 460 ; illness,
13 n.
ii 3; death, i 123, 126, ii 3n. 13
14 n, 483 ; HW's character of, i ix,
130, ii 40 n, 413, 487-9; mention of,
in Table Talk, 490, 493, 497-8 ;
portrait of, i xvi, 419, 452-3, 460;
letters to HW, 49 n, 81, 82-3, 326,
339, 346 n, 348, 357, 359 n, 361 n, 367,
402 n, 408 n, 412, 413, 455, 466, 478,
486, 489, 493; to New College, 301 n ;
to English merchants, 69, 328 n,
ii 490 n ; HW's letters to, i 32, 44,
49, 73, 112, 301, 305, 317, 320-37,
342-69, 371-8, 380, 384-7, 391-4,
396-417, 419-21, 429-32, 434-8, 443-4,
451-7, 460-5. 468-74, 476-9. 483-7,
489-96, 499, 503, 508, ii 3-6, 419-33,
474; letters to, from T. Cornwallis.
482 ; H. Detthick, 469 ; James I,
i 105-6 ; New College, 301 n ;
G. Nicolson, 41 ; G. Rooke, ii 478 ;
T. Sackville, i 292 n ; T. Wilson,
39-40, 316; -9, 43 n, 58, 106, 118 n,
ii 7, 8-9, 14, 479.
Salisbury, William, 2nd E. of (Viscount
Cranbome). i 106 ; travels to Italy,
i 444 ; HW presents mosaic portrait
to, 452. 460 ; in Venice, 461 n, 498,
499 n ; proposal to arrest, 488 n ; ill
at Padua, 114, 501 2 ; HW's letter to,
460, ii 430.
Sallust, ii 150 n.
Salo, ii 142 ; HW visits, i 436 n.
Salomon. ' old ' family of Venice, i
434 n.
Saltanstone. See Saltonstall.
Saltonstall, Sir Peter, conducts horses
to Turin, i 120, ii i, 4-5 ; returns
before HW, i 124.
Saltzburg, ii 348.
Salusti, ii 499.
Salvetti, Amerigo (Alessandro Antel-
minelli), travels to Italy with HW,
i 35, ii 481 ; attempts to assassinate, i
35-9 ; follows HW to Rome, 37 ; HW
negotiates for kidnapping of, 39, 67,
401-2, ii 471, 478 ; Salisbury's letter
about, i 402 n ; with HW (1612),
123 n ; his newsletters, i 35 n;
quoted, ii 399 n, 407 n.
Salviati, Leonardo, his edition of
Boccaccio, ii 485.
Sammon, — , English captain, i 419.
Samson, — , English pirate, ii 215.
San Germano, fall of, ii 107.
San Rocco. Venetian saint, i 441,
ii 103 n, 245.
San Thome, ii 79 n, 362 n.
Sancy, Nicholas Harlay de, French
ambassador in Germany (1589), i 234,
237
Sandwich, HW at, i 192, ii 282 ; HW
M.P. for, i208n.
Sandys, Sir Edwin, his Europe*
Speculum, translated by Bedell, i 91.
INDKX
549
Banminiati, Aseanio and Nicolao,
magistrates of Lucca, HW's letters to,
i 401 n, 402 n, ii 124.
Sanoka, ii 98.
Sans, Card., i 290.
S;inx ire, letter dated at, i 502.
Santa Cruz, Marquis of, sacks Durazzo,
i 857 n, 358 n.
Santa Maria, fort of, ii 245.
i Severina, Cardinal of, i 242.
Santen. See Xanten.
Santo Fiore, Count of, marries Leonora
Orsini, i 285.
Santori, Paolo, ii 269.
Sanudo, • old ' family of Venice,
i 4:54 n.
Baraceni, Canon, imprisoned, i 78,
341; released, 84, 389-90.
Saranzo, — , ambassador at Rome,
ii 27«'>.
Sarezana. See Sarzana.
Sarpi, Paolo (more correctly Pietro),
character and religious attitude, i x,
80-9. 93. 399-400, 447 n, ii 260, 371-3 ;
leader of anti-papal party, i 56, 77,
97 ; becomes Theological Counsellor,
79 ; HW describes as Protestant, 88,
399-400, 449 ; Diodati describes,
ii 498 ; helps to spread Protestant
doctrine, i 393, 423-4, 447 n; believes
war necessary, 93, 394 n ; relations
with HW. 87, 89, 91, 94, 406 n, 423-4,
455 ; meets HW secretly, 87 n, 455 n ;
Bedell visits. 56, 86-7, 399, 406 n,
ii 302, 462; his friendship with
Bedell denied, i 103 n; helps Bedell
translate Europae Speculum, 91 ; pro-
ceedings against, at Rome, 345 n ; his
opinion of Donate, 354 n ; attempted
assassination, 88, 404-7, 440-2, ii 371,
479 ; second conspiracy against, i 442,
453 ; message from James I, 408 ; con-
versations with Diodati, 100, 400 n ;
with Von Dohna, 89, 92, 98 n. 354 n,
424 n. 447 n ; with Lenk, 480 n ; with
Papillon, 92 ; Donato shows Apologia
to, 416 ; his proposals to James I,
98 5, 97. 113, 115, 161, 447, 455-6.
476 n, ii 148, 463; helps translate
Premonition, i 102, 466; his opinion of,
466 n, 469 n ; refuses Pope's rebeni-
diction, 481-2; HW complains of
his caution, 116 ; opinion of Savoy
marriage, 115 ; HW renews re-
lations with (1616), 149, ii 99;
James I warned about speaking of,
100-1 ; thinks of leaving Venice, i 88,
151, ii 100 n ; Prince of Condo visits,
250-1, 372; death, i 191, ii 259-
60 ; mention of, in Tabic Talk,
490, 498 ; portrait of, sent by HW
to James I, i 88, 398-400; intercepted
at Milan, 399 n ; another sent, 407-8,
411; sent to Dr. Collins, ii 370-1 ; note
on, 478-9 ; letters quoted, i 99 n. 115.
448 n, 466 n, 469 n, ii 160 n, 329 n ;
his History of Interdict lent to Bedell,
i 128-9 : lltstnnj oj Council of Trent, 87,
149, ii 97, 100, 280, 486; HW men-
tions, to Protestant Princes, 178;
De Dominis takes to England, i 150,
ii 280 ; asked about authorship, 251,
371-2;— i 103 n, 452, 486 n, 4M n.
ii 171 n, 252 n.
Sarzana, contest between Genoa and
Florence about, i 279.
Saumur, i 486 n.
Savile, Sir Henry, ii 397 n ; his edition
of Chrysostom, i 428 n; death, 199,
200; letter to Carleton, i 199 n.
Savoy, i 297, 300 ; HW travels through,
(1612) i 121, ii 4-6, (1616) 95;
pirates from, i 322.
Savoy, Dukes of, ii 498. See Charles
Emmanuel, Victor.
Savoy, Prince of, ii 492.
Savoy, Isabella, Infanta of, i 426.
Savoy, Margharita, Infanta of, i
426.
Savoy, Maria, Infanta of, proposed
marriage to Prince Henry, i 114-6,
119-25, ii 477 ; to Prince Charles,
i 116, ii 26; HW sees, i 114, 121;
praises, 124; portrait of, 124 n.
Savoy, Prince Maurice of, Card., i 426,
ii 399.
Saxham Parva, Suffolk, i 456 n.
Saxony, Christian II, Elector of, i 306 ;
John George, ii 169, 195 n, 203.
Say, Matthew, Eton waterman, ii 393,
402.
Scaliger, Joseph Justus, HW visits,
i 25-6 ; Casaubon writes to, about
HW, 26; his letters quoted, 26 n;
attacked by Scioppius, 127.
Scapius, P., acquaintance of HW's at
the Hague, i 301 ; at Heidelberg with
HW, 301 n.
Scaramelli, Giovanni Carlo, Venetian
envoy to England, i 315 n, 319 ;
Venetian secretary, visits HW, 50;
HW meets secretly, 79, 34") n.
Scarnafissi, Count of, ambassador from
Savoy to England, i 151, ii 464, 477 ;
at the Hague, ii 79 n.
Scena, ii 499.
Schenk, Martin, ii 46 n.
Schenk's Sconce, ii 46, 71.
SchOnberg, Hans Meinhard von,
Marshal of the Palatinate, ii 55, 57,
72, 90.
SchOnbrunn, Lustschloss at, i 245-7,
258, 261, 269-70.
Schomburgh. See SchOnberg.
Schopp. See Scioppius.
Schwarzenberg, Count of. Imperial
ambassador in England, ii 888,
Sciarra, Marco, i 272 n, 432, ii 494.
550
INDEX
Scioppius, Caspar, quotes HW's defini-
tion of an ambassador, i 49 n, 126;
tells anecdote of HW, 69 n ; attacks
Apologia of James I in his Ecclesiasticus,
126-7, 129 ; HW's reply to, 127, 194,
ii 9-11 ; the parents of, i 127 n ; ii 10 ;
goes to Milan, 109 ; to Kome, 124 n,
211 ; writes Corona Regia, 92 n ;
Centuria Censurarum, 124 ; note on,
479-80.
Scipioni, Alberto. SeeAlberti.
Sconvelt, lutes of, ii 119.
Scordili, Piero, Greek captain, insults
HW, i 479.
Scotia. See Scotland.
Scotland, HW's mission to, (1601)
i 18, 40, 45, 108 n, 314-5, 316 n. 388,
ii 96 n, 300, 316 ; HW arrives in, i 41 ;
spends winter of 1601-2 in, 42 ;
dispute about fishing on coasts, ii
76 ; James I visits, 118 n. 122 n ;
Charles I visits, 343, 457 ; return of
Charles I from, i 260, 210, ii 349 ;
boys from, and Eton scholarships,
368; troubles in, 383 n, 385, 387,
394, 399, 402, 406, 410 ;— i 6, 43 n, 44,
70 n, 153, 208 n, 217, 309, 338 n, 378,
506 n, ii 399 n, 468.
Scott, Eeginald, writer against witch-
craft, i 230.
Scottish gentleman in Rome, suspected
by HW, i 273.
Scudamore, James. Branthwaite his
tutor in Paris, ii 364 n, 382 n, 465.
Scudamore, John, 1st Visct., ambas-
sador in France, ii 364 n, 382 n, 465.
Sebastian, Don, pretendant to Portugal,
ii494.
Sedan, ii 248.
Seget, Thomas, HW intercedes for,
i68.
Segna, pirates at, i 148.
Selden, John, ii 37 n.
Selston, Notts., ii 328 n.
Seminaries, Protestant. See Religion.
Semiticala, Celestina, i 440.
Seneca, ii 341 n ; quoted, i 236, 253,
254 n, 324, 331, 471.
Senes. See Cenis.
Sessa, Duchess of, i 286.
Sessa, Ferdinand, D. of, Spanish ambas-
sador in Rome, i 286.
Seymer, John, ii 480.
Seynier, Richard," with HW at the
Hague, i 136 n ; describes Dutch and
Spanish armies, 54 n ; in Venice, i
145 n ; sent to England, ii 80 : to Milan.
115 ; to England with Cerronio, 117,
120, 122 n, 123 n; returns, 156; sent
to Grisons, 150 n ; letters of, i 136 n.
ii 54 n ; note on. 480.
Seymer, Robert, i 136 n, ii 54 n.
Sfondrati, Nicolo. See Gregory XIV:
Sforza, Francesco, Card., i 285. 434 n.
Shaftesbury, ii 294 n.
Shakespeare, i in, x, 31, 45, 66, 130-1,
206 n, 225, 408 n, ii 17 n, 33 n, 218 n,
335 n.
Shandowes. See Chandos.
Shannon, Francis Boyle, 1st Visct.,
at Eton under HW, i 203-4 ; ii 355,
357-61.
Shansie. See Sancy.
Sharpe, Leonel, arrest of, ii 38-9, 41 ;
Vicar of Bocton Malherbe, 88 n, 324.
Sheffield, Lord, i 373 n.
Sheffield. Lady, mother of Sir Robert
Dudley, i 373 n.
Shelland, Suffolk, ii 471.
Shenck's Sconse. See Schenk's Sconce.
Sherborne, Dorset, ii 361 n.
Sherley, Sir Anthony, at Ingolstadt(?),
i 242 ; his mission to Persia, 37, 242 ;
arrives in Florence, introduces HW
to Ferdinand I, 37, 39 ; in Rome,
37-8, 242 n, 430 ; imprisoned in
Venice, 38 ; writes to Pickering Wot-
ton about HW, 39 ; his death, 38.
Sherley, Sir Robert, in Italy as Persian
ambassador, i 477.
Sherley, Sir Thomas, i 242 n, ii 473. •
Sherwood, — , English priest at Leg-
horn, i 388, 402.
Ship Money Fleet, the, ii 352.
Shooter's Hill, ii 323.
Shrewsbury, battle of, ii 304 n.
Shrewsbury. Elizabeth. Countess of, ii
23.
Shuckburgh, E. S., ii 462.
Sicily, i 148. 296, ii 112 n. 181 n, 395 n.
495.
Sidney. Sir Philip, i 3 ; at Frankfort,
12 ; at Vienna with Edward Wotton,
14 ; suspicions about, 21 ; his arms.
193 n ; letter of, ii 489.
Siena, HW at, 21-2, 28. 220, 287, 289-
99; ii 364, 382; Accademia degli
Intronati, 486 ;— i 17. 333, 370, 399.
ii 244, 379.
Sigismund III. K. of Sweden and
Poland, i 231 n, 249, 278.
Sigonie, M. de. sent to Prague, ii 191 n,
193-6.
Sigonius. See Sigonie.
Silesia, i 166, ii 180 n, 197. 201-2.
Silva, Ruy Gomez de, ii 41.
Simancas, Archives at, i 63.
Simmern, D. of, Administrator of the
Palatinate, ii 345.
Singleton, — , priest, i 399.
Sirach, Jesus, son of, ii 370.
Six Clerks in Chancery, i 117 n ; HW's
reversion to, 117, 507 n, ii 73, 86 n,
131 n ; yields to Sir William Beecher,
i 200 ; ii 316 ; Dynely desires reversion
to, 310, 470.
Sixtus IV, Pope, mentioned in Table
Talk, ii 492.
INDEX
551
Sixtus V, Pope, character of, i 332;
death. 16, 242 n, 491 ; mention of, in
Talk Talk, ii 491, 493, 496;— i 274 n,
276, 333.
Slade, Samuel, i 438 n.
Slawata, Count William, ' defenestra-
tion ' of, i 160, ii 158 ; at Passau, ii 197,
199.
Bleidan. See Philippson.
Smith,— ,\voodmonger of Westminster,
ii 292.
Smythe, Edward, tutor of Francis
Davison, i 227 n.
Snath, Moravia, ii 198.
Soderina, the, captured by English
pirates, i 74.
Sodom, i 127, 286.
Soliman I, Sultan of Turkey, ii 197.
Solms, Count Albert, envoy to Xanten ,
ii 58, 63.
Solomon, i 219, ii 10, 205, 296.
Somerset, Charles, 6th D. of, ii 304 n.
Somerset, Edward Seymour, 1st D. of
{the Protector), i 7, ii 146 n.
. Somerset, Robert Carr, 1st E. of (Vis-
count Rochester), willing HW should be
appointed Secretary, i 123 ; HW asks
for increase of pension, 129, ii 8-9 ;
and Overbury's arrest, 20-4, 28;
created Earl of Somerset, 33 ; his fall,
102 n ; HW's poem on, i 144 ; ii 415 ;
HWs letters to, 8, 43, 433-4 ;— 18-9,
21, 24, 28, 40-1, 80, 472, 475.
Somerset, Thomas, Visct., ii 17.
Somersyde, — , English priest, i 334.
Somnius or Sonnius, Joannes, book-
seller at Paris, 312, 314.
Sonderberg, John, D. of, ii 157 n.
Sondrio, Protestant seminary at, i
161-2, ii 149.
Sonnius. See Somnius.
Sophia, ii 108.
Soranzo, ' old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Soranzo, Lazzaro, his Ottomanno, ii 485.
South Molton, Devonshire, ii 473.
Southake, Mr., chaplain with Sir Henry
Peyton, i 156, ii 153 n, 155.
Southwell, Elizabeth, follows Sir Robert
Dudley to Italy, i 69, 375 ; married at
Lyons, 373 n ; HW sends greetings
to, 379.
Southwell, Thomas, Jesuit, ii 396; his
Begttla Viva, ii 393 n.
Spa, ii 460.
Spain, condition of, i 24, 148, 340, 359 n ;
threatens Venice, 50 ; dominion in
Italy. 18 ; war with England, 17, 29,
73; preparations in (1602), 316; peace
declared, 76, 320, 328, 353 ; pensions
from, 63, 159, 327, 372 n; remark of
James I about, 62 n ■ news from.
380-1, 440 ; and James I, 61, 122, S29 ;
and papacy, 329, ii 107, 208 n, 226 ;
attempted combinations against, 75,
94, 97-9, 107, 113, 115, 135, 468 n, 482,
484 n, 487; attitude during Interdict,
see Philip III; HWs remark about,
374 n ; opposes readmission of Jesuits
to Venice, 385 n ; and Orison republics,
896 ; war with United Provinces,
829 n ; treaty with, i 94, 881 n, 898-5,
400 n, 409 n, 416 n, 440-1, 445,
predominance after death of Henry IV,
i 97, 107, 147-8; negotiations for
English marriages, 114, 119, see
Charlos I ; French marriage treaty,
ii 4 n, 52; HW's proposed embassy
to, i 134, 459 n ; forces invade Juliers-
Cleves territory, see Spinola ; and
treaty of Xanten, see Philip III ; war
with Savoy, see Charles Emmanuel ;
naval preparations in, (1618) 155, 163,
ii 163, 169, 170 n; assists Ferdinand II,
i 160 ; war with United Provinces
renewed, 182 ; troops of, invade Pala-
tinate, 168, 182; invade Valtelline,
179, 182, ii 211 n ; Charles and
Buckingham visit, i 181, ii 267 n, 269,
290; war with England, 313, 323;
war of Mantuan succession, 331 ; —
Kings of, see Philip II, Philip III,
Philip IV ; ambassadors to and from,
see Ambassadors; Viceroys and Gover-
nors in Italy, i 148, 180, see Castile,
Feria, Fuentes, Inojosa, Ossuna,
Toledo;— 58, 61, 146, 160, 178-80,
270, 321, 334, 356, 366, 418, 423, 432-3,
440-1,467, 477, 479, 490, ii 104, 344 n,
365, 399,414, 455, 471-2, 480-1, 492.
Spalato or Spalatro, ii 138 n, 229.
Spalato, Archbp. of. -See Dominis.
Spedding, James, his Life of Bacon, i viii,
x, ii 352 n, his defence of A. Bacon,
i82n.
Spenser, Edmund, i 3.
Spenser, Sir Richard, ii 81 n.
Speroni, Sperone, his Canace, ii 486.
Speyer, i 238, 256 n, 300.
Spezia, i 279 n.
Spice Islands, trade with, ii 73 n.
Spiere. See Speyer.
Spinola, Ambrosio de, M. of, goes to
Spain (1604), i 326; to Genoa, 342;
conducts campaign of 1614, 136-9,
ii 43 n, 47 n, 51> 70-2 ; captures
Wesel, i 137, ii 46, 70-2; treats for
truce, 48, 50 n ; question of title. 49,
50 ; visits HW at Wesel, 53-4; HW
visits his army, 53 ; and execution of
treaty, i 139, ii 59-61, 62 n, 65 ; HW
writes to, 61 ; refuses to give up cap-
tured territory, 69 n ; invades Palati-
nate (1620), i 168, 174, ii 185. 808;
besieges Bergen-op-Zoom, 248 ; HW's
letter to, 61, 435;— i 336, ii 56, 58,
74 n, 320, 464.
Spliigen Pass, HW crosses, (1623) i 49,
ii 280 n.
552
INDEX
Stade (Stode, Stoad), in North Ger-
many. Wotton lands at, (1589) 10,
228-232; letter dated at, 229.
Stafford, Sir Thomas, ii 356 n.
Stalbridge, estate of, purchased by-
Lord Cork, ii 361 n.
Standen, Sir Anthony, meets Tyrone
in Rome, i 430.
Standly. See Stanley.
Stanford, Northants, i 396 n, 398 n,
ii 249 n.
Stanhope, Henry Lord, marries
Catherine Wotton, ii 312 n.
Stanhope, John, 1st Baron, ii 20.
Stanislaus, assumed name of Cerronio.
ii 115.
Stanley, Edward, Spanish pensioner
in Milan, i 327, 476-7.
Stanley, Sir Rowland, 327 n.
Stanley, Sir William, i 327.
Stanton St. John, manor of, leased to
HW, i 32, 301, 310 n.
States, the. See United Provinces.
States-General. See United Provinces.
SteganograpJiia. See Tritheim.
Stendhal (Henri Beyle), i 22 n.
Sterling, William Alexander, 1st E. of,
ii 309 n.
Steward, James, ii 292.
Steward, Richard, Provost of Eton,
i224.
Sticke, Dr., German envoy to England,
ii 67-8, 72.
Stirling, i 41.
Stoake, Stephen. See Stocke.
Stocke, Stephen, English merchant at
Lucca, sells ammunition to Pope,
i 380, 408.
Stode. See Stade.
Stourton, i 327 n.
Strachan, David, ii 293.
Strafford, Sir Thomas Wentworth, 1st
E. of, HW's friendship with, i 212;
presents cane to, ii 314 ; execution of,
i 221, ii 480 ; letters to HW, 122 n ;
HW's letters to, i 208, ii 306-7, 314,
450 ; Garrard's letters to, ii 304 n,
348 n, 351 n, 403 n.
Strasburg, HW at, (1604) i 320, (1620)
ii 182, 187 ; representatives of, visit
HW at Heilbronn, ii 176-7 ; syndic
of, 177 ; letter from, 187 n ;— i 25, 234,
ii 189.
Strivali, i 74.
Stroude, "Capt.,' officer under Peyton,
ii 153 n.
Stuart, the Lady Arabella, her reported
engagement to Stephen Bogdan, i 414,
437-8; has play suppressed in London,
414 n ; imprisonment of, ii 23.
Stuart, Elizabeth, i 189 n.
Sturio, Johannes, at Speyer, corre-
spondent of HW, i 300.
Sturmius, Johannes, i 253.
Stuteville, Sir Martin, ii 300 n.
Stuttgart, ii 195.
Styremarke, i 252.
Styria, i 174, 368 ; Duke of. see Charles,
Ferdinand II.
Sudbury, ii 392.
Suetonius, quoted, ii 341.
Suffolk, i 378 n, 456 n, ii 29, 285, 302,
312, 394, 405, 409.
Suffolk, Theophilus Howard, 2nd E. of,
ii 16.
Suffolk, Lord Thomas Howard, 1st E.
of, commands Cadiz expedition, i 31 ;
Lord Treasurer, ii 41, 76, 81 ; family
and party of, 19, 24, 28 ; friendship
with Salisbury, 489 n ; HW's letter
to, 441 ; Bargrave to, 115 n ; — i 498 n,
ii 39-40.
Suidas, quoted, i 313.
Sully, Maximilian de Bethune, Due de,
i 145, 383, 481 n, ii 497 n.
Sunda. See Sondrio.
Surrey, ii 380.
Susa, treaty of. ii 313 n.
Sussex, ii 360-1.
Sutton, Line, ii 105 n.
Sutton, Thomas, his will, i 161 n.
Swabia, ii 344 n.
Sweden, i 270, ii 89, 344 n, 345, 386 n,
395, 399 n, 400, 404 ; Kings of, 463,
496, see Gustavus, John, Sigismund.
Sweete, John, English priest in Rome,
i 430, 465 ; HW intercepts letter of,
430 n.
Swinnerton, Sir John, Lord Mavor,
ii 14.
Swiss, the, and Henry IV, i 33, 304 ;
proposed league with, 80.
Switzerland, i 98, 180, 298, 349 n, 418,
ii 96, 495.
Syracides. See Sirach.
Syrus, Publius, quoted, ii 355.
T., Lord, ii 330.
Tabor, Bohemia, ii 194.
Tacitus, quoted, ii 110, 199. 211,
395.
Tagliaferro,Bartolomeo,fencing-master
at Padua, i 411-2.
Tailor, Henry, ii 93.
Tailor, Robert, ii 13 n.
Talamone, ii 299.
Tampier. See Dampierre.
Tancredo, play by HW, i 5.
Tartars, i 231.
Tassell. See Texel.
Tasso, Torquato, at Naples, i 20, 272 n ;
his Aminta, ii 484-5 ; Gerusalemme
Liberata, i 5; Torrismondo, ii 158.
Tassoni, Alessandro, ii 223.
Taxis, John de, cipher name for Lord
Darcy. See Darcy.
Tebriz, lake of, defeat of Cicala at,
i 342 n.
INDEX
553
Tegrimi, Francesco, <>f Lqcoa, sent to
Venice, i 401 n, 402 ; HW's letter to, ii
Tvlemone. See Talamone.
Temple, Sir William, Provost of Trinity
College, Dublin, ii 301 n.
Terence, quoted, i 238.
Terra del Fuego, ii 346.
T( ii ingham, Arthur, with 1IW (1616 ,
145 n ; sent with Cerronio to England,
ii 118, 120, 122 n ; note on, ii 480.
Terzo, Lorenzo, Jesuit, HW intercepts
letter of, i 352.
Texel, the, loss of Dutch ships in,
ii 395.
Teynhain, Robert Lord, i 445 n.
Thames, the, i 84, ii 12, 393 n.
Theatini, the, return of, to Venice,
i 385 ; bequest to, ii 114.
Thebe, Q. of Lombardy, ii 498-9.
Thelwall, Anthony, ii 403.
Themistocles, ii 372.
Theobalds, i 105, 192, 419 n, ii 180, 186,
343.
Theriaca. See Triaca.
Thetford, ii 20.
Thirleby, Robert, ii 466.
Thirty Years' War, the, causes of, 134 ;
beginning of, 160, ii 158 n; policy of
Venice in, i 160; course of, (1618-9)
165-8, (1620) 167-8,(1621) 176, (1629-
38) ii 318, 320, 323, 327 n, 331, 341.
344-5, 348, 395, 400 ;—i ix, 143,
168-9, 215, ii 310 n.
Tlwmas, ship of London, i 452, 460.
Thomson, Richard, helps HW to
become an inmate of Casaubon's
house. 23. 298 n ; Casaubon writes to,
about HW, 26.
Thornel, Thornell, or Thornhill, Dr.
John, protected by Venetian ambassa-
dor in England, i 331.
Thornton, Robert, captain of the Mer-
chant Royal, i 63, 338 n, 388 n.
Thoroton, Dr. Robert, ii 465.
Thou, J. A. de, desires Bedell's trans-
lation of Sarpi's History of Interdict,
i 128-9 ; letter of Casaubon to, 128.
Throckmorton, Sir Arthur, HW invites
to London, ii 11-2 ; gives HW
horse, ii 12 ; marriages of his daugh-
ters, i 484 n, i i 29 ; mention of, in
HW's will, i 217; note on, ii 480-1 ;
HW's letters to, i 483, 506, ii 11, 431,
433 ;— i 31, 118, ii 288 n, 330 n, 343 n,
409.
Throckmorton, Sir John, Lieut-Gover-
nor of Flushing, ii 46 ; letters of, about
HW, 46 n, 58 n; HW's letter to,
ii 74 n, 435.
Throckmorton, Lady, ii 12, 323, 380.
Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, ii 480-1,
11 VY bequeaths diplomatic papers of,
to Charles I, i 217.
Throckmorton, Thomas, ii 456.
Throgmorton. See Throckmorton.
Thucydides, quoted, i 308, ii 171*
Thurn, Count, Bohemian general,
i 166, ii 180 n.
Tiber, the, i 412,464.
Tieni, family of, ii K,7.
Tiepolo, ■ old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Tiepolo, Bernardo, assumed name of
Foscarini, ii 232.
Tilly, Count of, invades Bohemia,
i 173; Upper Palatinate, 181.
Tintoretto, i 18, 62, 55.
Tipperary, i 310.
Tirrhene Sea, i 272.
Titi, Roberto, i 22 n.
Titian, i 55, 216, 419, ii 257, 350.
Todd, Henry, editor of Milton, ii 381 n.
Toledo. See Toleto.
Toledo, Don Pedro de, governor of
Milan, i 148, 151-2, ii 108 n, 156 n.
Tolentini, the, i 385.
Toleto, Card., i 295, 332.
Tolommei, Claudio, his Lettere, ii 484.
Torre, Giacomo, knave in HW's
house, offers to kill De Dominis,
i 65 n.
Torre, Giulio della, i 395.
Torrismondo of Tasso, acted at Vicenza,
iil58.
Torsoni. See Tassoni.
Tortus, Matthia, Bellarmine writes
under the name of, i 100, 482 n.
Totnes, ii 106 n.
Totnes, George Carew, 1st E. of, ii 168,
469.
Tradescant, John, HW sends Finocchio
to, i 59.
Transylvania, Prince of. See Bathori,
Gabor.
Treiste. See Trieste.
Trent, i 437, ii 209; Council of, ii 11,
98 : Sarpi's History of. See Sarpi.
Treves, Lothary, Elector of, ii 31.
Trevisan, ' new ' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Treviso, i 410 n.
Triaca, sent by HW from Venice,
i 427, ii 106.
Trier. See Treves.
Trieste, i 434, ii 163, 170 n.
Trinity House, i 163 n.
Tritheim, Johann (Trithemius\ his
Steganographia, i 15, 253-4, 258, 261-2,
265-7, 269.
Trojans, the, i 264.
Tron, ' new ' family of Venice, ii 135 n.
Troy, i 310. ii 33.
Troyes, HW at, ii 4.
Trumbull, William, English agent at
Brussels, ii 44-5, 56, 71-2, 93, 481 ;
meets HW at Antwerp, 91.
Tudor, Margaret, sister of Henry VIII,
i 458 n.
554
INDEX
Tufton. Sir John, ii 343 n.
Tufton. Lady (Margaret Wotton), ii 343,
412.
Tunis, i 73, 415 n, ii 215 ; Bey of, i 73.
Tunstall. Kent, ii 344 n.
Turetini, — , nephew of Giovanni
Diodati, writes of HW in Paris,
i 116.
Turin. HW at, (1611) i 114-5, 119,
500 n, (1612) 121-3, 129, ii 2 n, 4, 6,
96 n, 464, (1616) i 144-7, ii 94-6, 98;
HW's spies in, i 65, 359 ; Piazza
Castello, 122 ; ambassadors to and
from, see Ambassadors ; — 119, 124,
ii 103, 173 n, 464,498-9.
Turkey, and Venice, i 50, 358 n ; and
Empire, 16, 249, 261, 267-8, 356 n,
477; army invades Poland, 230-1;
English ammunition sent to, 408 ;
pirates from, 272, ii 215 ; reported
war with Matthias, 15-6, 18; army
invades Hungary, 197, 202 ; war of
Candia, 212 n ; ambassadors to, see
Ambassadors ;—i 37, 110, 292 n, 414,
467, ii 111 n.
Turkey, Sultan of, ii 495. See Achmet,
Osman, Mustafa, Soliman.
Turks, employed by Julius II,
ii 251 ; burn English ship, i
338 n;— 74, ii 215, 495, 498. See
Turkey.
Turnebe, Adrien, teacher of Hot man,
i 234, 237.
Turner, Samuel, M.P., attacks Buck-
ingham, ii 294.
Turner, Capt. William, offers to betray
HW, and imprisoned at HW's
request, i 368-9 ; letter of, 488.
Turvil, Mr., ii 323.
Tuscany, HW ordered to remain in,
i 21, 287, 290, 294 ; fleet of, English
slaves in, 68 n, see Florence ; Grand
Dukes of, ii 498, see Ferdinand, Cosmo ;
envoys to and from, see Ambassadors ;
— i 62, 70 n, 217, 373 n, 456, ii 106,
114, 498.
Tusser, Francis, ii 467.
Twittie or Tweddye, Henry, spy
employed by HW, i 428 n.
Typenbach, Baron von, ii 281 n.
Tyrconnell, E. of, accompanies Tyrone
to Italy, i 417 n, 430.
Tyringham, Anthony, ii 480.
Tyrol, the, i 179, 395, 490, ii 156 n,
245 n, 281 n.
Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, 2nd E. of, and
Essex, i 307 ; price put on head of,
491 n ; his treaty with Essex, 33-4 ;
his flight to Italy, 33, 70, 417-8 ; HW
mentions in speech to Doge, 33-43,
417 n ; proposal to assassinate, 66,
420 n, 421-3; in Rome, 429-30, 476 ;
death of, ii 107; his wife, i 430,
ii 107.
Udal, — , ii 497.
Ulm, ii 189 ; HW at, i 193, ii 182, 187 ;
treaty of, i 172; representatives of,
visit HW, ii 176-7 ; letter from,
187 n.
Ulster, i 407 n.
Ulysses, i 25.
Unfortunate Piety, The, ii 333 n.
Union, the German Protestant, HW
urges closer relations with Venice,
i 76, 84 ; proposed league, 360, 361 n,
354-5 ; HW wishes to visit, 113, 454-5,
484 ; form league with James I, ii 15,
63 n ; with United Provinces, i 140,
ii 62-4, 68 n, 77 ; Spain determined
to conquer, i 140, ii 68 n ; and Juliers-
Cleves, 47, 54, 58, 61, 492; HW
proposes league with Savoy and
Venice, i 144-6, 151, ii 88 n, 107;
offers to negotiate, i 151, ii 107 n ;
HW again urges closer relations with
Venice, 163-6, 170 n, 171 n ; com-
missioned by Venice to negotiate for,
i 159, 165, ii 172 n, 177 ; HW meets
at Heilbronn, i 165-6, 193, ii 150,
173, 176-9, 180 n ; suggests plan
of Protestant seminaries to, i 162,
ii 150, 177-9 ; James I writes to,
199 n ; neutrality of, secured in
Bohemian war, i 168. 172 ; James I
head of, ii 107 n, 164 ; ambassadors
to and from, see Ambassadors.
United Provinces, the Dutch, power of,
i 24 ; HW urges closer relations with
Venice, 76, 424 ; proposed league,
360 ; proposed alliance of England
and France to help, 382 n, 383 ; war
with Spain, 329 n, 356 n ; negotiations
for truce, 134, 381 n, 393-5, 400 n,
409, 416, 440-1, 445, ii 56 ; armistice,
i 391 ; truce proclaimed, 94, 454 n ;
Spain's pretensions renounced, 416,
424 ; send ambassador to Venice, 94,
99, 424, 455-6, 476; HW praises,
476 n ; HW ambassador to, i ix, 115 n,
134-43, 193, ii 41-86 ; desire for
peace, 52, 60 ; negotiations about
treaty of Xanten, see Xanten ; and
fall of Wesel, 70-2 ; form league with
German Union, i 140, ii 62-4, 68 n,
77 ; negotiations about trade with
England, i 142, ii 73-4, 76-8 ; send
aid to Charles Emmanuel, i 140,
ii 79 n, 477 ; proposed league with
Venice and Savoy, i 144-6 ; English
soldiers in service of, 136. 142-3; come
to Venice with Dutch troops, 153-4,
161, see Vere, Sir John ; troops of. in
Venetian service, 161, ii 154, 213;
fleet of, comes to Venice, i 155, 161,
ii 154 n ; war with Spain renewed,
i 182; league with Venice, ii 227,
238 n ; send ambassador, 258-9 ; war
with Spain, 318, 344 5 ; treat for
INDEX
.").").">
peace, 341 ; ambassadors from and
to, see Ambassadors ; States-General
of, 17 li. 75 ; HW's audiences,
i 136, ii 45 n, 63, 74 ; write to
James I. 85 ;— i 148, 169, 326,
ii 280, 319 n. 395, 410, 476.
Urban VII, Pope, i 16, 243 n, 250,
ii 27f>.
Urban VIII, Pope, ii 275-6, 277, 353,
400.
Urbino, i 18, 60 ; Federico Prince of,
i i 272 ; Francesco Maria II, D. of,
i 842, ii 148, 272.
Ursonius, Zach, bis Catechism, ii 252 n.
Uscock War, the, i 148, 152, 178, 316 n,
ii 96, 97 n, 103-5, 111 n, 121, 174,
228 ; settlement of, 121 n, 135, 139,
142, 158, 171.
Ussber, James, Archbishop of Armagh,
ii 301.
Utrecht, i 301, ii 42, 66, 79; HW at,
ii 50-1.
Vacia (Vacz). See Waetzen.
Valdez, Don Pedro de, ii 497 n.
Valenciennes, i 245 n.
Valentina. la. ii 5.
Valeresso, Alvise, Venetian ambassador
in England, i 506 n, ii 222, 228.
Valetia, ii 94, 96, 496.
Valetolina. See Valtelline.
Valier, Christofero, ii 16 n.
Valiero, Agostino, Cardinal of Verona,
i 299
Valladolid, ii 481-2.
Valtelline, the, i 326 n ; proposal for
founding seminaries in, 94, 161-2,
ii 149 ; slaughter of Protestants in,
i 162, 179; international dispute
about, 179-80, 182, 192, ii 211, 212 n,
214-5, 221, 237 n, 267, 276, 279; and
France, 216, 244, 251 ; Grisons
invade, 235 n ; handed over to
Gregory XV, 244 n, 266 n, 268, 271,
273.
Valtolina. See Valtelline.
Valvasone, Erasmo di, his Caccia,
ii 486.
Vandals, the, i 78, 349.
Vandenberg, Count Frederick, i 381.
Vandenberg, Count Henry, ii 320,
:!2:i.
Vandermyle, Cornelius, Dutch am-
bassador in Venice, i 99. 455, 476 ;
HW's kindness to, 476 n.
Van Dyck, Sir Anthony, i 195, ii 312 n.
Vane, Sir Henry, ii 319, 466.
Vangadizza, Cardinal Borghese, made
Abbot of, i 98, 446, 461 ; dispute
about, 462, 468 ; settlement of, 468 n.
Vani, Domenicoand Girolamo, accusers
of Foscarini, ii 261 ; execution of, 262.
Varotari, Alessandro, E Padovanino ;
HW sends picture by, ii 350.
Vary. James, in lanrloaof HW. i 170 n,
ii 207, 265-7, 286, 324, 348, 350.
Vnucelas, Count of, French ambassador
in Spain, i 425 n.
Vaudemont, Count Francis of, ii 183.
Vaux, Guy. See Fawkes.
Velasco, Don Alonzo de, Spanish am-
bassador in London, i 503, ii 21.
Velow, the. See Veluwe.
Veluwe, the. ii 828.
Velsorius. See Welser.
Vendramin, 'new' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Venetia. See Venice.
Venice, position and climate, ii 255;
origin, 256; life in, i 49-50; expense
of, 420 ; nobles, 54-5 ; courtezans, 18 ;
ambassadors, their reception, 51-2;
negotiations, 413 ; isolation, 55-7 ;
trade, 72-3 ; coinage, value of ducat,
470 ; marriage portions, 439 ; love of
news in, 111-2, 411 ; — Festivals :
Ascension, ii 113, 235, 265, 269 ; Car-
nival, i 343, ii 265 ; Corpus Christi, i
350 ; St. Giustina, ii 218 ; St. Rocco,
ii 103 n, 245.
Republic of, i 50; HW's opinion
of, 55, 113, ii 121, 228; Carleton
describes, i 55 ; HW praises, 54, 147,
ii 145 n; rule of old men in, i 54-5.
The Doge, his election, i 339, 343,
ii 134, 136-7; his power, i 53, 413.
SeeGrimani, Donato, Memmo, Bembo,
Priuli, Contarini.
Grand Council, i 190, 339, 410,
ii 134, 217, 270, 278; character of,
(1610) i 485.
Senate, election of, ii 217, 278 ; chief
executive body of Republic, i 53, ii 37 ;
relation to GoUegio, i 53, 97, 413-4;
accounts rendered to, of ambassadors'
speeches and conversations, 53, 56,
413-4 ;— 321-496, ii 109-77, 213-68,
passim.
Collegio, the Venetian cabinet, i 52-4,
97, 143,413 ; HW's audiences, 58-108,
159-87, 320-501, ii 107-72, 208-79
passim ; character of, (1610) 485, 500 ;
Ladv Arundel received by, i 186-7,
ii 232-5.
Council of Ten, election of, ii 278 ;
relation to Senate, i 53 ; to Collegio,
413; favourable to religious reform,
92, 97;— 66, 158, 159 n, 184, 190,
346. 350, 364, 404, 407. 41<>. 168,
480, 485, ii 131, 137, 140, 142. 144,
217. 232, 261-3, 265, 272.
Inquisitori di Stalo, character of, ii
261;— i 184, 416 n, ii 128, 131, 140,
221-2, 231, 245, 261.
Procurator i di S. Marco, position of,
i 344 n;— 344, ii 127, 134, 138, 110.
142.
Savio della Seltimana, i 472; Sam
556
INDEX
Grandi, 189, 413, ii 234; Savii di
Terra Firma, i 319, ii 240, 250 ; Savii
del Mare, 270.
Secretaries, i 55-6, 390, 411 n, 413,
ii 227, 238 n. See Antelmi, Scara-
melli.
Quattro Esecutori alia Bestemmia, ii 143.
Capitano del Mare, ii 127, 133.
Parties in: 'old' families, i 433,
ii 135, 137 ; names of, i 434 n ; '' new '
families, ii 135, 137 ; names of, 135 n ;
Papalini, i 474, 481, ii 140 ; Patrioti,
ii 140; anti-papal party, i 77, 85-6,
92, 97, 99, ii 229.
Patriarch of, i 391, 405, 443, 445,
448-9.
Inquisition in, composition of, i 448,
ii 245 n ;— i 92-3, 104, 405, 416 n, 448,
468, 469 n, 473 n.
Protestants in, i 93, 99.
HW in : (1591) i 18, 271, 277, (1603)
43-4, 317-8.
Sir A. Shirley imprisoned at, 38-9.
(1604) HW appointed ambassador
to, 45; journey to, 48-9; reception,
51-2 ; state of, 49-51 ; religious atti-
tude, 77,318; HW's life in, 57-69;
allowed services in private chapel,
77-8, 349, 363.
(1604-5) negotiates about trade, 73,
79, 320-3, 462 n ; piracy, 73-4, 322-3 ;
murder cases, see Pert, Caesar ; death
of Doge Grimani, election of Donato,
78, 327, 339-40, 342-4.
(1605-7) Quarrel with Paul V, i
77-85 ; origin of, 78, 340-1 ; Brandolin
and Saraceni arrested, 78, 341 ; Bull
of excommunication, 79, 341, 346 n,
348, 355 ; answer of Venice, 79, 346 ;
Jesuits expelled, 79, 347, 354-5, ii 496 ;
ambassadors depart, i 349 ; war ex-
pected, 352, 354 ; HW proposes Eng-
lish help, 80, 352-3 ; proposes league,
80, 83-4, 349 n, 361 n ; attitude of
Henry IV, 80, 83. 353 n, 355, 365 n;
of Philip III, 80, 84, 352 n, 356 ; of
James I, 80-2, 357, 371 ; HW offers
English forces, 82, 361 ; offer made
public, 362 n ; gratitude to James I,
82-3, 356, 361 n, 464 ; James I draws
back, 84 ; HW urses closer relations
with Union, 76, 361 n, 454-5 ;
with United Provinces, i 76 ; Di
Castro sent by Philip III, 368-71 ;
De Joyeuse by Henry IV, 375, 377 ;
his negotiations, 379 ; settles dispute,
84-5, 384-6 ; HW's congratulations,
384; criminals surrendered, 85, 389-
90 ; absolution pronounced, 85, 386-7,
390-1 ; congratulations of ambassa-
dors, 391-2; effect of, 424; HWs
history of, 118, 130, ii 487; Bedell
translates Sarpi's History of, i 128-9 ;
— i x, 61, 94, 103 n, 147, 182, 366,
370-1, 374-82, 418-9, 439, 443, 447,
496 n, ii 79, 98, 128, 133, 136, 178,
238, 250, 278, 302, 371, 462, 474.
(1607-10) money sent to Grisons,
i 393 n ; answer to Pope's complaints
about HW, 95-6 ; sentence on Sarpi's
assassins, 404-6 ; movement for reli-
gious reform, see Religion ; anchorage
tax removed, 403 ; severe winter,
411-2 ; forbids Tyrone to enter ter-
ritory, 417 n ; new quarrels with
Pope, 431 ; Pope sends Jubilee, 436 ;
scandal in convent, 438-41 ; Protes-
tant sermons, 447-8, 451-2 ; decree
about Theologi, 449 ; quarrel with Pope
about Vangadizza, 98, 461, 468; HW
presents Premonition,100, 102-4, 463-5 ;
circulation prohibited, 100, 104,468-9,
473 ; HW's quarrel with Republic, 100,
104-7, 471-4,478; special ambassador
sent to England, 106-7, 474 ; arrival
of Dutch ambassador, 476 ; Greek
captain punished, 470; news of
Henry IV's assassination, 490;
Dudley Carleton arrives, 107, 498 n ;
present to HW, 500 ; his departure,
113, 499 ; the Republic and HW, 69,
108, 452 n.
(1611-19) Sir Dudley Carleton, am-
bassador at, see Dorchester; HW's
2nd embassy at, i 144, 146-66, ii 94-173 j
arrival and reception, i 147, ii 95 ;
palace, i 147, ii 101-2 ; state of, i 147-8,
ii 96, 102-3, 121 ; HW urges closer
relations with Savoy and Union,
i 144-6, ii 107 n ; Uscock war, see
Uscock ; Ossuna's preparations against,
see Ossuna ; gives help to Savoy, set
Charles Emmanuel ; proposed alliance
with Protestant Union, see Union ;
arrival of Dutch and English troops
and ships, i 153-4, ii 111-2; death
of Doge Bembo, i 161, ii 132-3, 135,
141 ; election and death of Nicolu
Donato. 138-41; plot of, 1618, i 61,
152, 156-60, ii 131-2, 140, 142, 144,
146, 151, 471; HW's account lost,
152 n ; election of Antonio Priuli,
139-40, 142 ; James I asked for loan
of ships, i 155, ii 170 ; thanked for
sending ships to coast of Spain, 163;
league with Savoy, see Charles
Emmanuel ; confidence in HW, i 159 ;
HW commissioned to treat with
Union, 159, 165, ii 172 n, 177 ; HW
leaves, i 162-3, 165, ii 172 ; policy
during Thirty Years' War, i 160.
(1621-3) HW's 3rd embassy at,
i 167, 174-93, ii 200 n, 201, 203,
206-80 ; arrival, i 176-8, ii 207 ; state
of, i 179, ii 209; readmission of
Jesuits refused, 212, 216, 218; offer of
certain pirates, 215 ; James I asked to
help Grisons, i 180, ii 223 n ; answer
INDEX
557
t«- James V* request for help for
Frederick V, i 182, ii 227-8, 238-9,
866 : league with United Provinces,
i 182, ii 227, 238 n ; engagement with
Savoy and France about Valtelline,
i 180, 182, ii 227-8, 238 n, 244, 251 ;
league, i 180, ii 244 n, 265, 279;
earthquake, i 183, ii 235-6; Foscarini
case, see Foscarini ; Lady Arundel, see
Arundel ; visit of Prince of Cond6,
see Condd ; arrival of Dutch ambassa-
dor, 258-9 ; death of Sarpi, 259-60 ;
death of Doge Priuli, i 192, ii 276-8;
election of Francesco Contarini, i 192,
ii L'78; HW leaves, i 192, ii 279;
Branthwaite, English agent, see
Branthwaite ; Sir J. Wake, ambassa-
dor at. see Wake ; Jesuits readmitted,
ii 212 n ; HW's proposed history of,
5 : picture of, at Eton, i 210 ;
mention of, in Tabic Talk, ii 490, 492-4,
495-8;— i in, ix, 17, 198, 199 n,
210, 218, 225. 232, 242, 245, 247,
252, 260, 273, 276, 281, 283, 287, 288 n,
290, 292, 299, 319-501 passim ; ii 1, 7,
15, 18, 25-6; 94-173 passim; 206-80
iMssim ; 285, 300, 305 n, 409, 461-4,
467-72, 486.
Accademia, i 197; Archivio diStato,
i xi, xiv ; Arsenal, ii 144, 270; Canal
Grande, 102, 232, 270 ; Canale degli
Orfani, i 157, ii 131, 142 : Canareggio,
i 57, ii 101 ; Citelle, Convent of, i 449 ;
Frari, i 410 n, ii 263 n ; German
Exchange House, i 93; Giudecca,
ii 244 ; Golden Ship, i 77, 87, 95 ;
Lazaretto, 416 n ; Lido, 188 ; Mer-
ceria, 87 ; Museo Correr, 52 n, 87 n ;
Padri Cruciferi, 499 n ; Palace of
the Doge, Ante-Collegio, 52, Collegio,
52, 216; Hall of Grand Council,
364 ; Palazzo Franchetti, ii 102 n ;
Palazzo Grimani della Vida, occupied
by HW, i 147, ii 102 n ; Palazzo
Gussoni, 102 n ; Palazzo Mocenigo,
i 184, ii 232-3 ; Palazzo Silvia, i 57 ;
Piazetta, 52 ; Ponte degli Ormesani,
57 ; Eialto, 355, ii 102 n ; S. Anna,
i 438-41 ; S. Carita, 197 ;'S. Fosca,
404 n, 406 n, ii 260; S. Girolamo,
i 57, 59, 68, 345 n, 369 n, ii 101,
493 ; S. Giorgio in Alga (island of),
i 147, 177, ii 208; SS. Giovanni e
Paolo, i 345 n, ii 263; S. Lorenzo,
i 44S ; S. Marco, 59, 160, 344 n, 391,
428 n, 486 n, ii 131, 144 ; S. Pietro
di Castello, i 390 ; S. Polo, 441 n ;
S. Spirito (island of), i 51, ii 216,
270 n ; S. StaS, 263 n ; S. Stefano,
868 ; S. Vitale, 162 n.
Venice Preserved, by T. Otway, founded
on plot of 1618, i 157.
Venier. ' new ' family of Venice,
ii 135 n.
Venier, Lorenzo, ii 138, 140-2.
Vercelli, ii 477; siege of, 121 n;
surrender of, 140, 146 n.
Vereellini, Francesco, majordomo to
Lady Arundel, ii 238.
Vere, family of, HW praises, i 168.
iill2n, 113 n.
Vere, Sir Francis, his expedition for
relief of Rheinberg, i 229.
Vere, Sir Horace, Baron Vere of
Tilbury, meets HW at Rotterdam,
i 136; commander of troops in Low
Countries and Palatinate, 169, ii 1 1 1 n.
146 n, 186 n.
Vere, John, ii 111 n.
Vere, Sir John, commands En^li-h
troops in Venetian service, i 154, ii 11 1,
112 n, 124, 146; HW recommends
to Doge, 111 n, 112 n; letter of,
112 n.
Verona, HW visits, i 436 n ; HW
detained at, 176, ii 208-9; S. Zen,
245 n ;— i 68, 235 n, 325 n, ii 131.
Veronese, Paolo, i 18, 52, 196.
Verreycken, Louis, ii 43 n.
Vianen, ii 323 n.
Viareggio, i 401 n, 402.
Vicenza, HW at, i 57, 68, ii 157-8 ;
theatre at, 157 ;—i 331, 341, 364,
389.
Victor- Amedee I, D. of Savoy (Prince oj
Piedmont), in Venice, i 426 ; negotia-
tions for his marriage to Princess
Elizabeth, 114, 119, ii 1 n; marries
Christiana of France, i 426 n ; — ii 26,
399 n.
Vienna, HW at, (1590-1) i 13-6, 172,
240, 243-71, 301 ; cost of life at, 14, 244,
248-9 ; letters dated at, xvn, 243-7 ;
Lord Zouche at, 262 n, ii 482 ; market
of, i 267; plague at, 287; siege of,
(1619) 166-7, ii 180 n ; HW at, (1620) i
ix, 16, 172-4, ii 186, 188, 190-207,412;
letters dated at, 190-204 ; news from,
208, 215 ; congress of, i 143 ; Hof-
bibliothek, HW lives in room ad-
joining, 14-6, 247 ; books in, 252 n,
254-6, 266; HW's letters preserved
in, xiv, 13 ; librarian, see Blotius;
Minorite monastery, 14, 247 n ; —
175, 239 n, 278, 428 n. ii 94, 225 n.
275.
Vignola, Jacobo Barozzi da, i 196,
ii 286 n.
Villa, Marchese di, ambassador from
Savoy to England, i 131, ii 18, 20-1,
23-6, 27 n, 28-9, 32.
Villa Lunga, Count of, his fall, i 381.
Villars. Courtin de, French ambassador
at Venice, ii 216, 218, 235, 251, 868 n.
259.
Villeroi, Nicolas de, ii 497.
' Villiers. See Villars.
Vincenzo. Fra, i 410 n, 4
558
INDEX
Vineyard, the, HW sails on, to Stade, i
228.
Vinta, Belisario, secretary of Ferdinand
I, i 316 n, 388 n, 389 n ; friend of
HW, 40, 289 n, ii 298; HW's letters
to, i 43, 314, 315 n, 316 n, 338 n, ii
419-21, 468; letter to HW, i 338 n.
Virgil, i 264 ; quoted, 54, 228, ii 302.
Virginia, talk in Venice about, i
431-2 ; HW mentions in speech to
Doge, 153 ;— 320 n, 466, ii 87, 483.
Visconti, — , sent by Fuentes to Chur,
i395.
Vitelleschi, Mutio, General of Jesuits, i
331, 334, 355 ; letter of, ii 242.
Viterbo, i 296 n, 442, ii 286 n.
Viti, Michael, attempts to assassinate
Sarpi, i 404 n, 406.
Vitruvius, i 195, 197, ii 333, 364 ; HW
quotes, i 403.
Vitry, Nicolas Due de, ii 113 n.
Vlussing. -See Flushing.
Volterra, i 289.
Vorstius, Conrad, ii 70 n.
Waad, Sir William, governor of the
Tower, ii 23-4.
Waal, the, ii 46 n.
Wade. See Waad.
Wadsworth, James, his controversy
with Bedell, i 444 n.
Waetsen (Waitsen), Bohemia, ii 197.
Wake, Sir Isaac, secretary to Carleton,
at Venice, i 124, 501, ii 14, 95, 474 ;
visits HW in London, i 129 ; English
agent at Turin, 146-7, 501 n, ii 95,
99, 475 ; his poverty, 95 n ; am-
bassador at Venice, i 48 n, 200, 501 n,
ii 14 n, 210 n, 279 n, 283-4, 464 ;
letters quoted, i 124-5, 127 n, 129,
ii95n, 103 n, 107 n, 117 n.
Walden, Lord Howard de. See
Suffolk.
Wale, — , informal English Consul in
Naples, i 328 n.
Wales, boys from, and Eton scholar-
ships, ii 368 ;— i 330, ii 465, 483.
Wallenstein, Albrecht, ii 331 n.
Waller, Walter, in service of HW
(1620), i 170 n; goes to Prague,
ii 191-5.
Wallop, Sir H., death of, i 307.
Walpole, Father Richard, converts
Pickering Wotton, i 38, ii 481.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, i 21, 231 n,
284 n, 430 n.
Walton, Izaak, HW buys linen
from (?), ii 369 n; sends hymn to,
376 ; visits HW at Eton, i in, 221,
ii 405 ; his debt to HW, i v ; HW's
letters to, 221, ii 376, 404, 452-3;
edits Reliquiae. See Reliquiae. Life
of Bonne, i v, ii 404; Life of Wotton,
i hi, xii, xin, 2, 5-6, 21, 27-8,
41-2, 44-5, 58, 127, 174, 193, 201-4,
211-2, 219, 222-5, ii 285, 456, 469;
Compleat Angler, i in, v, 211-4, ii 306 n,
416, 490, 491 n.
Wanstead, i 105, ii 85.
Ward, Dr. A. W., his Life of HW.
i xin, 30 n, 103, 206, ii 456, 459.
Ward, John (?), English pirate, i 413 n,
415 n ; keeps the Venetians in awe,
73, 415 n ; his boasts, 415 ; plan for
pardon or assassination of, i 415 n.
Ward, Mary, her religious order, i
445 n; ii 224 n, 283 n.
Ward, Dr. Samuel, and Dr. Dorislaus,
ii 315 ; his Gratia discriminans, 315 ;
HW's letter to, 314, 450; Bedell to,
i 407 n, ii 462.
Warde, Mr., i 31 n.
Ware Park, seat of Sir Thomas Fan-
shawe, HW visits, i 118, 131-2 ; the
gardens at, 131 n.
Warton, Thomas, jun., his comments
on HW's letter to Milton, ii 381 n.
Warwick, Earl of, title claimed by
Sir Robert Dudley, i 401 n.
Warwick, Robert Rich, 2nd E. of,
ii 17 ; goes to Turin with HW, i 120,
ii 2 ; HW's reported jealousy of, 2 n.
Wassenhoven, Colonel in Venetian
service, ii 129.
Watchorne, Corporal, under Peyton,
ii 153 n.
Watson, William, plot and execution
of, i 332 n, 333 n, ii 23 n.
Waynsteade. See Wanstead.
Weaver, Thomas, Vice-Provost of Eton.
ii 366.
Webster, John, i 16 n, 22.
Wechel, Andrew, printer at Frankfort,
i 12.
Weekes, Mr., ii 53.
Weesell. See Wesel.
Weimar, Duke Bernard of, ii 348,
395 n.
Welser, Mark, of Augsburg, i 126;
HW's letter to, 127, 194, 210, ii 9-11,
412, 433, 479.
Wentworth, Sir Thomas. See Strafford.
Wentworth, Thomas, ii 37.
Wentworth, Lord. See Cleveland.
Werckhovius, J., of Utrecht, i 301.
Wesel, ii 58 ; capture of, 46-7, 60 ;
HW blamed for, i 137-9, 142^ HW's
apology, 137, ii 59, 64, 68-73, 75 ;
HW at, ii 51, 53-4.
Westmorland, earldom of, claimed by
Edmund Neville, ii 87 n.
Westmorland, Charles, 6th E. of, ii
87 n.
Weston, Jerome Lord. See Portland.
Weston, Sir Richard. See Portland.
Wharton, Mr., in suite of HW (1620),
i 170 n. ii 464; death of, ii 189-90.
192, 200.
INDEX
559
Wharton, Anne, ii 3 n.
Wharton, Margaret. See Wotton.
Wharton, Philip, 8rd Baron, i 170n,
ii L89n, 200, 344 n.
Wharton, Thomas, 2nd Baron, ii 3 n.
Whitakrr. Win., his Thesis de Antichrisfo,
i 444 ii.
Whitchurch, i 338 n.
White Hill or Mountain, battle of,
i 173. ii 200 ; news of, reaches Vienna,
ii 196-201.
Whitehaven, ii 1<>:> n.
Whitelocke, James, arrest and trial of,
1128, 30-1.
Whitgift, John, ii 482.
Wickham, Edward, i 239 n.
Wickham, William, i239n, 279.
Wicklow, i 310.
Wicquefort, Abraham van, his Am-
bassadvr, i 109 n, 110.
Wight, Isle of, ii 470.
William I, K. of England, HW's
account of, i 206, ii 414.
William V of Bavaria, i 263 n, 286 n.
Williams, Sir Abraham, agent for Q.
of Bohemia in England, ii 369, 470.
Williams. John, Bishop of Lincoln,
becomes Lord Keeper, ii 236 ; disgrace
of, i 210, ii 303, 343, 367 n, 368, 379 n ;
HW's letter to, ii 236, 447.
Willoughby, Sir Francis, ii 403 n.
Willoughby, Richard, at Padua, ii 114.
Willoughby de Ereshy, Robert, 12th
Baron, ii 53 n, 108.
Wilson, John, English priest, i 334.
Wilson, Sir Thomas, writes from
Florence about HW, i 39-40 ; HW's
letter to, 43, 316-7, ii 419.
Wimbledon, Sir Edward Cecil, 1st
Visct., i 135, ii 18.
Wimpfen, battle of, i 183.
Winchester College, HW at, i 4-5,
225, ii 456 ; HW revisits, i 222.
Windebank, Sir Francis, Secretary of
State, in Venice with HW, i 218,
ii 350 n ; HW's letter to, about his
arrest, i 210, ii 350-2, 451 ; grants
* protection ' to HW, i 210, ii 352 n ;
mentioned in HW's will, i 217 ;
bequest to, 218 ; letters to, ii 478, 481.
Windsor, HW at, i 119, 209; De
Dominis Dean of, 149 ; Eton fellow-
ship annexed to living of, ii 366 n ; —
i 506, ii 12, 29, 290 n, 291-2, 295,
353-4, 368, 378 n, 387, 397 n, 408.
Winterton. Ralph, dedicates book to
HW ii, 397.
Winwood, Elizabeth, Lady, ii 106.
Winwood, Sir Ralph, envoy to United
Provinces, i 115 n, 319, 459 n, ii 18,
42 n ; Secretary of State, i 164,
ii 24 n, 43 n ; sends instructions to
HW, 83 n, 84 n ; makes inquiries
about HW, i 159 n ; death, 164, ii
122 n; letters of, i 150, 47r, ,,.
78, 83 n, 100 n, 104 n, 122 n, 128 n.
175 \ HW's letters to, i 164, 819,
m I.;. 49-50,52-6, 59 I 98-7,
100, KM- 11. 11 9-21, 128 n.
I '.i. H'.«.» ; other letters to, i 188 n,
180 ... 181 H, ii .'52 ... '.»! n. 17:,. 177.
187; i If.. 1 L8, ii 17*
Wiitenberg. 8a Wurtemberg.
Wiston, Sussex, i 242 n.
Wolsey, Card., ii 33.
Wolverton, ii 4 7<>.
Wood, Anthony, i 1 n, 127 n, ii 17'.».
Wood, Sir John, i 336 n.
Woodstock, i 166.
Woodward, Rowland, in Venice with
Wotton, i48n; sent to Milan (1605),
325-8, 394; his instructions, 82
ii 420 ; sent to England (1606),
365 ; robbed in Lorraine, 365 n, 886 ...
371-2, 394; in England (1607 . 894,
412 ; enters service of Bishop of
London, 420 ; biographical note, ii
481.
Woodward, Thomas, ii 481.
Woolrich, Anne, ii 3 n.
Woolrich, Philip, ii 3 n.
Woolrich, William, ii 3n.
Worcester, Edward Somerset, 4th E.
of, ii 17 n, 39 n, 492 n.
Worledge, Philip. See Woolrich.
Worms, ii 52, 195.
Worplesdon, ii 304 n.
Wotton, the family of. i 1-3, 27.
Wotton, Sir Edward, HW's grand-
father, i 1-2.
Wotton, Sir Edward, 1st Lord Wotton
of Marley, HW's eldest brother,
at Vienna, 14 ; ambassador to Scot-
land, 6, 42; to France, 6; death of
his wife, 284 ; knighted, 295 ; father
of Pickering Wotton, 35; procures
HW's admission to service of Essex,
29 ; A. Bacon's letter to, 29 n ; alliance
with Cecils, 34, 317 ; writes of Sir R.
Cecil's favourable opinion of HW, i')-
4, 317-8 ; commanded by James I to
send for HW, 44; his house at Can-
terbury, 116; his assistance promised
by HW in Savoy match, 119 ; becomes
Roman Catholic, 20, ii 482 ; his death,
314 n; epitaph, 344; HW's letten
to, i 8, 227-39, 302, 486, ii 417 ; letters
to HW, i 44, 259, 284, 318, 367 ;— 7 n,
32, 43n, 118, 124, 236n, 801. 469 n,
484 n, 506-7, ii 18, 80, 88, -
41, 95, 289 n, 300 n, 342 n, 344 n.
460, 481.
Wotton, Eleanor, HW's mother, i 2,
3 n, 7 n, ii 461, 474 ; HW's letter to.
i 13, 239-41, ii 417.
Wotton, Sir Hexky.
1568 : birth, parentage, i 1. •">.
1568-84 : early years, 4 ; ii I
560
INDEX
1584-8: at Oxford, i 5, 237, ii
461, 469; studies civil law, i 6; his
father's death, 7 ; supplicates for
degree, 7.
1589-90 : his earliest letters, 9 ; travels
to Heidelberg, 9-10, 227-33; early
notices of, 11, 233 ; spends winter
at Heidelberg, 10-11, 232-39; meets
Casaubon, 11, 302; visits Frankfort
Mart, 12 ; goes to Altdorf, 12, 239 ;
meets Lord Zouche, 13, ii 482;
letters to Lord Zouche, i 13, 241-99.
1590-1: spends winter of, at Vienna.
14-16, 172, 240, 243-71; — goes to
Prague and Frankfort, 16, 301, 305.
1591-2 : to Venice, Rome, Naples,
Florence, 17-21, 271-7 ; plot against,
21, ii 456, 467 ; spends summer of
1592 in Florence, i 21, 277-87 ; travels
to Siena, 287, 289-99.
1593 : to Rome, 22.
1593-4 : at Geneva with Casaubon,
12, 22-5, 297-300, 302-3, 311, 313, ii
480 ; writes State of Christendom, i 23-5;
borrows money of Casaubon, 25, 26 ;
returns to England, 25, 302 ; his ac-
quaintances abroad, 299-301.
1595 : in service of Essex, 29-34 ;be-
comes secretary, 29 ; sent to Paris, 30.
1596 : goes on Cadiz expedition,
30-1, 301 ; writes to Cecil about New
College property, 32, 301-2.
1597 : On Azores expedition, 31,
304 ; wishes to be sent to Germany,
32, 305-6.
1599 : goes to Ireland, 33-4, 306-10.
1600 : goes to Italy, 34-6, ii 455-6,
481.
1601 : at Florence, i 36, 311-2 ; goes
to Rome with Sir A. Sherley, 37-8 ;
returns to Florence, 38 ; sent by
Ferdinand I to Scotland, 38-42;
T. Wilson writes of his journey, 39,
40; arrives in Scotland, 41 ; received
by James VI, 41, 42 ; describes his
Court, 42, 314-5.
1602 : returns to Florence, 43, 312-
4, 316.
1603 : at Venice, 43, ii 481 ; writes
to Cecil, i 44, 317-9 ; at Paris, 44,
318, ii 481 ; James I sends for, i 44.
1604 : returns to England, 44 ;
appointed ambassador to Venice, 45 ;
journey, 45, 48-9, 319-20 ; definition
of ambassador, i in, 49, 110-1, 126,
130, ii 9, 123 n, 211, 237.
1604-10 : first embassy in Venice, i
49-112, 320-501, ii 462-4, 466, 473-4,
476, 478, 481, 490; formal reception,
i 50-52 ; his audiences in the Collegio
52-5 ; isolation of, as ambassador in
Venice, 55-6 ; secret communications
with Venetians, 56, 86, 376, 455, 465,
471 ; his life in Venice, 56-64 ; debts,
pay, special expenses, 46-7, 351, 359,
367, 373, 420, 430, ii 130 ; his palace
and villa, i 57, journeys in the Veneto,
57, 67, 435, 436 n,ii 157-8; his house-
hold,! 57-9; occupations, duck-shoot-
ing, shopping, &c, 59; entertains
travellers, 60, 369 n, 496 n, 498 n, ii
129; relations with fellow diplomatists,
i 61 ; Nuncio, 60, 377-8 ; French ambas-
sador, 61, 326; Spanish ambassador,
61, 158; Tuscan resident, 62-3;
diplomatic etiquette, 63-64, 437 n,
503-5, ii 158, 127-8, 259, 271, 275;
employs knaves, i 64-7, 359, 367, 369,
374, 450-1 ; robs posts, 65, 345, 351-3,
359, 430 n, ii 147-8, 172, 242 ; his
hatred of Jesuits, i 65-6 ; negotiates
for kidnapping Salvetti, 67, 401-2;
protects Venetian criminals, 67, 427 ;
unfortunate Englishmen, 68 ; liked
by Venetians, distrusted by other
envoys, 69 ; general charge over
English interests in Italy, trade,
69, 328, 380, 408; travellers, 70,
330-1, 335, 395, 428-9, 442, 457,
487-9, ii 108, 110-1, 214; tutors,
i 70-1, 161, 440, 442, 508, ii
126-7, 256-7; refugees, i 33-4,
67, 401-2, 417-8, 420-3, 429-30,
476 ; negotiations with Tuscany,
69, 338 n, 373, 387-8 ; negotiations
with the Republic of Venice, trade,
72-4, 108, 321-4, 371, 403; piracy,
73, 74, 108, 322, 338 n, 415 n;
general foreign policy, league of anti-
papal powers, 75, 76, 94, 109, ii 107-8,
164 ; attempt to introduce religious
reform into Italy, i x, 76, 78, 86-99,
108, 116, 349-51, 376, 378, 393, 400, 417,
423-5, 480-2, 485 ; services in his
chapel, 77-8, 349, 363.
1605-8 : incites Venice against the
Pope during Interdict, 79-84, 348,
349 n, 352-3, 357, 370 n, 374, 376,
381 n ; proposes defensive league, 80,
83, 84, 349 n, 361 n, 362, 382 n ; in-
structed to offer English help, 81,
361-2 ; goes beyond his instructions,
82, 361 n ; reproved by Salisbury, 83,
361 n ; claims for James I credit of
settlement, 85, 384-6 ; Bedell's testi-
mony to his zeal, 86; relations with
Sarpi, 87, 89, 91, 94, 406 n, 423-4,
455; confides his plans to Bedell,
90-1; distributes books, 90, 416-7,
462, 466 ; sends for Diodati, 91, 480 ;
interviews with Diodati and von
Dohna, 92, 400 n, 426 n ; Pope com-
plains of, 95, 96, 462; answers of
Doge, 96-7 ; HW's denials, 96-7.
1609 : presents Premonition, 103,
463-5, 468 ; protests against its pro-
hibition, 104, 192, 471-4 ; resigns his
office, 104-5, 474 ; letter of James I,
INDEX
561
105-6 ; Donato rebukes, 106 ; James
I's apology for, 107.
1610 : leaves Venice, 108, 499-501 ;
results of 1st embassy, 108 ; qualifica-
tions as ambassador, 109 ; foreign
policy, 109; his dispatches, 111-2;
goes to Padua, 114, 501 ; to Milan,
114, 503-5.
1611 : goes to Turin, 114 ; negotiates
for Savoy marriage, 114-6 ; at Paris, 99,
116, 502, ii 474 ; at Canterbury, i 116 ;
received by James I, 117 ; given
pension, 117 ; at Court, 117, 507 ; his
friends, 117-8; literary occupations,
118-9; Savoy negotiations, 119-20.
1612: special embassy to Turin.
120-3, ii 1-8, 464, 474, 476;
crosses Alps, i 120-1, ii 5 ; re*
ception at Chambery, i 121, ii 5-6;
at Turin, i 121-2, ii 6-7 ; negotia-
tions with Charles Emmanuel, i 122 ;
returns to England, 123-4, ii 7 ; ex-
pected appointment as Secretary, i 123 ;
Chamberlain and Carleton's dislike of,
123 d ; received by James I and Prince
Henry, 124 ; urges Savoy marriage,
124-5 ; loses patrons in Salisbury and
Prince Henry, 126, 129, ii 14 ; Sciop-
pius prints his definition of ambassa-
dor, i 126, ii 9 ; taxed by James, i 127 ;
HW's apologies, 127, ii 9-11 ; his dis-
grace, i 127-30 ; Casaubon complains
of, 128-9; begs for increase of pen-
sion, 129, ii 8-9 ; writes Character of
Happy Life, i 129-30.
1613 : in London, 130, ii 11-41 ;
describes burning of Globe Theatre,
i 131, ii 32-3 ; Savoy negotiations, i
131-2, ii 24-5, 32; accepts pension
from Charles Emmanuel, i 131, 132 n ;
in favour with James I, 132, ii 35-6.
1614 : in Parliament, i 132, ii 36-8 ;
speech on impositions, i 132 ; attitude
in domestic politics, 132-3 ; special
ambassador to the Hague, 134-43, ii
41-50, 62-83, 464, 469, 475-6, 480;
reception, i 136, ii 42 ; negotiates
about Juliers, i 136, ii 44, 45 n, 77 ;
blamed for fall of Wesel, 137-9, 142,
ii l<>-7 ; bis apology, i 137, ii 59,64,
68-73, 75; at Xanten, i 138-9, ii 51-
66, 72, 74 n, 81, 480 ; negotiates
treaty, i 138-9, ii 51-63 ; returns to the
Hague, i 139, ii 62.
1615 : helps in arranging league be-
tween State and Protestant Union, i
140, ii 63-4; negotiates about treaty
of Xanten, i 140-3, ii 65, 75, 78-9,82-3,
84 n, 85 ; about trade with England,
i 142, ii 73-4, 76-8; returns home, i
142, ii 85 ; unfitness for this embassy,
i 137-8, 143 ; reappointed to Venice,
i 144.
1616 : at Cologne ; tries to discover
W0TT0N. ii 0 0
author of Corona Regia, i 145, ii 88, 92-
3, 280 ; at Heidelberg, i 145, ii 88-91,
93-4, 96; at Turin, i 145-<», ii «..| ft,
98 ; 2nd embassy in Venice, i 146-
165, ii 95-178, 461, 468-71, 478, 480 ;
his palace, i 147, ii 101-2; recom-
mends English soldiers, i 153, ii 97,
112 n, 113 n, 129, 154, 159, 463,
472.
1617 : fire in house, 160, ii 125-6,
316; sends Cerronio to England, i 161,
ii 114-23.
1618 : reported to bo unfriendly to
Venice, i 158 ; Lionello's secret com-
munication about, 158-9 ; interview
with Regnault, 159-60; advocates
founding of Protestant seminaries,
i 161-3, ii 143, 148-51, 161, 172, 17J>,
480; protests against execution >i
English mutineers, i 155, ii 168 I.
159.
1619 : appointed ambassador to
Emperor, 164, ii 165 ; appoint-
ment revoked, i 164, ii 166; leaves
Venice, i 163, 165, ii 172; his second
embassy, i 163-4 ; at Munich, 165, ii
174-6; meets Protestant Princes at
Heilbronn, i 165, ii 176-9, 180 n ;
his commission from Venice, i 159,
165, ii 177, 179 n ; proposes Protestant
seminaries, i 166, ii 178; returns to
England, i 166.
1620 : promised reversion to Rolls,
167 ; re-appointed ambassador to
Venice, 167 ; to German Princes and
Ferdinand II, 167-75; ii 463-4,
470, 481 ; his instructions, i 169 ; his
expenses, 175 n ; ii 316; writes
poem to Q. of Bohemia, i 170-1 ; at
Augsburg, 171 ; ii 182, 189, 192, 205 n ;
sees Kepler at Lintz, invites him to
England, i 171-2 ; ii 205-6 ; at Vienna,
i 172 ; ii 109-207 ; negotiates with
Ferdinand II, i 172, ii 190 n, 191-2,
196, 199, 202 ; sends to Prague, i 172,
191-2, 194, 196 ; offends K. and Q. of
Bohemia, 173; iil94n; sends news
of battle of White Hill, i 173; ii 196-
201; leaves Vienna, i 174; ii 806-8;
gives away Emperor's gift, i 17 1 ;
to Munich, 174-5; ii 207 n, 208;
failure of his embassy, 175.
1621 : third embassy at Venice, i
176-193; ii 207-80, 463-4 ; 470. 17.; ;
arrival, i 176; ii 207-8; his poor re-
ception, i 177 ; demands apology, 177 ;
goes to Padua, 178; sends newi of
marriage negotiations, 181, ii 285-6,
230.
1622 : requests help for Palatinate, i
182, ii 227-8, 238-9, 241 n, 265 ; quar-
rel witU Lady Arundel, i 1S5-9, ii
232-5, 240-2.
\<>'2-> : sends news of Sarpi's death.
562
INDEX
i 1 91 , ii 259-60 ; result of 3rd embassy,
i 192; returns to England, 192, 191,
ii 28^-3 ; his arms and inscription, i
193, ii 490; his poor health and pros-
pects, i 194.
1624 : writes Elements of Architecture,
194-9; candidate for Provostship of
Eton, 194, 199 ; bargain with Buck-
ingham, 200, ii 294, 316 ; secures
appointment, i 201, ii 285.
1625: M.P., il32, 208; as Provost,
203-5; care of the school, 203, 211;
erects row of columns, 204 ; his
stipend, 204 ; money owing him, 205,
208 ; literary plans, 205-7 ; letters, i
207-8 ; candidate for Secretaryship,
2<>8 ; at funeral of James I, 208 ;
deaths of A. Morton and Lady Bacon,
208-9, ii 288-9.
1626 : visits Anne Lyon, i 209,
290-3, 295-6.
1627 : enters orders, i 202, 209, ii
300-1, 303-5.
1629 : pension increased, i 205,
209, ii 315.
1633: presents book to Bodleian, i
210, ii 347 ; writes Piausus et Vota, i
206, 210, ii 348-9.
1635 : arrested for debt, i 205, 210,
ii 350-2 ; receives Earl of Cork's sons,
i 203-4, ii 355-61.
1636 : presents picture of Venice to
Eton, i 210.
1637 : illness, i 220 ; his will, 215-
9 ; epitaph, 166, 206 n, 216, 219.
1638 : visited by Milton, 220-1, ii
381-3, 465; praises Comus, i 220, ii
381 ; visits Canterbury, i 221, ii 390 ;
asks for Mastership of Savoy, i 221, ii
397-8.
1639 : invites Walton to Eton, i 221,
ii 405 ; visits Oxford and Winchester,
i 222; illness and death, 223-5;
Table Talk, i ix, 58, ii 489-500.
Characteristics : learning and tastes,
ir-vi, 14-5, 21, 23, 27, 57-60, 109, 195-
200 ; love of fishing, 211. 213-4, ii 405 ;
chemical experiments, 338 ; religious
attitude, i v, 19, 69, 76, 78, 115, 215,
224, ii 301 ; collects pictures, i in, 60,
200, 419, ii 15, 210 n, 243, 282, 365 ; as
letter-writer, i v, 111 ; his writings,
rr, ix, 206; portraits of, i xvin, 167,
211.
Correspondents : see Arundel, Aston,
Bacon (Edmund), Bacon (Francis),
Baker, Baltimore, Barrett, Blotius,
Buckingham, C. C, Caesar, Casaubon,
Castle, Cerronio, Charles I, Clifton,
Coke, Collins, Conway, Cork, Corn-
wallis, Cotton, Coventry, Donato,
Donne, Dorchester,DuplessisrMornay,
Dynely, Edmondes, Elizabeth, Essex,
Ferdinand, Fresnes-Canaye, Friedes-
heim, Gerbier, Hamilton, Henry
(Prince), Hoeschel, Holderness, Hun-
nings, James I, Johnson, Juxon, Lake,
Laud, Massaciucioli, Middlespx,
Milton, Modena (Duke of), Morton,
Murray (SirDavid), Murray (Thomas),
Naunton,Neuburg,Newton, Pembroke,
Pey, Priuli, Privy Council, Portland,
Possevino, Quester, Reynolds, Roe,
Rooke, Roos, Salisbury, Sanminiati,
Somerset, Spinola, Strafford, Suffolk.
Tegrimi, Throckmorton (Sir A.),
Throckmorton, (Sir J.), Vinta, Walton,
Ward, Welser, Williams, Wilson,
Windebank, Winwood, Woodward,
Wotton (Edward Lord), Wotton
(Eleanor), Wotton (Hester). Wotton
(Mary), Zouche.
Notes on friends, correspondents, and
associates, ii 460-83.
Writings :
State of Christendom, composition of,
i ix, 14, 23-5, ii 455-9 ; bibliography,
ii 413 ; defence of bribery in, i 62.
Essay on Fate, i 43, 312,' 313 n.
Elements of Architecture, writing and
publication of, i 194 ; bibliography,
ii 413 ; presented to Prince of Wales,
i 199, ii 284 ; to Lord Middlesex, i
199, ii 285 ; to Archbishop Abbot,
285 n ; to William Juxon, 363 ; stan-
dards of, 21, 195-9;— i 131 n. 207,
210, 285, ii 205 n, 258 n, 332, 349, 157.
Survey of Education, i 199, 207, ii 11 •". :
sent to Charles I, 210, ii 331-3.
Aphorisms of Education, i 207; ii
412-3.
Plausus et Vota, i 206, 210 ; publica-
tion, ii 348-9; bibliography, ii 413;
phrases in, i 206 n, 219, ii 21)7,
457.
Parallel between Essex and Buckingham,
i 31, 206, ii 413, 487.
Life and Death of Buckingliam, i 206.
ii 303 n, 414.
Character of William the Conqueror, i
206, ii 414.
Henry VI, i 206, ii 254 n, 414.
Pompey and Caesar, i 206, ii 375 n.
414.
Meditations, i 206, ii 414, 457.
Poems, i in, 33 n, 210, ii 415-6.
Character of a Happy Life, i 129-90 ; ii
415, 490.
On the Queen of Bohemia, i 145, 170,
ii 415.
Tears at the Grave of Sir A. Morton, i
33 n, 209, ii 415.
On a Bank as I sat a Fishing, i 213-4,
222, ii 416.
J Wotton, Hester, 1st wife of Edward
Lord Wotton, i 7n, ii 342 n ; death
of, i 284 ; HW's letter to, i 236, 239,
ii 417.
INDEX
563
Wotton, Hester, Lady Campden. Sec
Campden.
Wotton, Sir James, IIW's brother,
i 2, 31, 281, ii 180.
Wotton, Sir John, IIW's brother, i
2-8 ; quarrels with his wife, 284; HW
mentions, 238.
Wotton, Margaret, Lady, daughter of
Lord Wharton, 2nd wife of Edward
Lord Wotton, poem of HW's sent to,
i 170 ; inscription on her husband's
tomb, ii 344 ;— 18, 20, 29, 35, 200.
Wotton, Margaret, Ladv Tufton. See
Tufton.
Wotton, Mary, Lady, daughter of Sir
Arthur Throckmorton, and wife of
Thomas, 2nd Lord Wotton, marriage,
i 184 n; HW visits, i 212; HW's
letter to, ii 409-10, 454 ; — ii 288 n,
880n, 843-4, 412, 481.
Wotton, Nicholas, Lord Mayor of
London, i 1, 2n, 3.
Wotton, Nicholas, Dean of Canterbury
and York, i 2, 6, 9, 205.
Wotton, Philippa. See Bacon.
Wotton, Pickering, nephew of HW,
goes with him to Italy, i 35-6,
48 n ; gives information about Sal-
vt'tti, 37 n, 39 ; Sir Anthony Sherley
writes to, 39 ; in Venice with HW, 44,
818 ; conversion and death of, 38, 338 ;
biographical note, ii 481.
Wotton, Sir Kobert, HW's great-
grandfather, i 2 n, 3 n, ii 461.
Wotton, Thomas, HW's father, i 1;
his character and marriage, 2 ; refuses
offers of Q. Elizabeth, 4 ; death and
will, 7 ;— i 3 n, 4, 193, 215, 240 n, ii
72, 406? 474.
Wotton, Thomas, 2nd Lord Wotton,
his death, ii 330 n, 405 ;— i 212, 484 n,
ii 300 n, 312 n, 326 n, 343 n, 409, 481.
Wotton, William, i 3n.
Wrath.' See Wroth.
Wren. Sir Christopher, i 195.
Wroth, John, i 295 ; sent on mission
to Germany, i 305-6; writes to HW.
279.
Wroth. Margaret, Lady, i 279 n.
Wroth, Sir Peter, i 279 n.
Wftrtemberg, ii 89, 189; Friedrich, D.
of, HW wishes to be sent to, i 306 ;
Johann Friedrich, D. of, HW's pro-
posal to visit, 454 ; HW meets at
Heilbronn, i 198, ii 176, 179 n ; HW
visits, ii 182, 188.
Wurzburg, Bishop of. See Mespel-
bronn.
Xanten, II W at, i 188-9, 159, ii 51-66,
72. 74 n, 81, 480 ; HW describes,
ii 66 ; letters dated at, 53-62 ; negotia-
tions at, i 188-9, ii 51 6
i 189. ii 69-70, 490; Philip' IN
forbids execution, i 189, ii 6Sl
negotiations about, i It" :. U
78-9, 82-8, 84 n, 85.
York, i 236 n, 606 n ; D. of, see
Charles I.
Yorke, Aubrey, offers his services to
Venice, i 365 n; HW send- to Plea,
401 n ; goes to Turin with HW. i. 8n.
Ypres, ii 87.
Yssel, the, ii 328.
Zabud, ii 296.
Zahud. See Zabud.
Zane, 'old ' family of Venice, i 181 n.
Zanoli, Lorenzo, Venetian merchant,
begs HW to drop charges against
Balbi, i 825 n.
Zante, i 322 n, 479 a; English tra<l<
with, '-.
Zanten. See Xanten.
Zara, ii 159 n.
Zechinelli, Flemish merehjuita in
Venice, i 77.
Zeeland, ii 42, 71, 75, 84.
Zeirotine. Baron of, in England, i 81 n.
Zen, 'old ' family of Venice, i 434 n.
Zeno, Rainieri, Venetian ambassador
in Rome, ii 226, 276.
Zisca, ii 206.
Zolcher, George, letter to Walsingham,
i 231 n.
Zorzi. ' old' family of Venice, i 431 n.
Zouch, Thomas, i 33 n.
Zouche, Edward la, 11th Baron, his
licence to travel, i 273, 284, ii 482;
HW meets at Altdorf, i 13 ; collects
books for, 15, 246, 250, 253-4, 868 7 ;
arranges for residence in Vienna. 848,
248, 251, 262 ; at Padua. 19, 271 ;
plots against, 20-1, 276, ii J<>7 ;
returns to England, i 297 ; poem of
HW sent to, 170 ; biographical note,
ii 482; letters to HW, i 247, 250.
253-4, 257. 260, 265, 279, 282-3 ; letter
to Burghley, ii 482 ; HW's letters to,
i v, xiii. 13, 164, 241-99, ii 161. 888,
412, 417-9, 442, 449.
Zouche, George la, 10th Baron, ii
482.
Zouche, Sarah Lady, ii 283.
Zuniga, Don Balthazar, minister of
Philip IV, ii 225 n.
Zuniga, Pedro de, Spanish ambassador
in England, i 365, 372. ii 12»'..
Zurich, i 480 n, ii 179.
Zutphen, ii 71.
Zustinian, or Giustinian, 'old ' family
of Venice, i 434 n.
Zvveibruckon, John II, D. of, ii 55,
ERRATA
VOL. I
p. 250, n. 2, for 9737317 read 9737z 17.
p. 298, n. 5, for Scipioni read Scipione.
p. 304, letter 40, 1. 2, for only letter read only addressed letter.
p 381, n. 2, for Charles Emmanuel II read Charles Emmanuel I.
p. 400, n. lt fir Diodate read Diodati.
p. 429, n. I, for ante p. 334 read post p. 440.
VOL. II
p. 9, letter 207, 1. 1, for Schoppius read Scioppius.
p. 43, n. 3, for Verrecyken read Verreycken.
p. 03, n. 2, for Buwinckhausen read Buvickhausen.
p. 80, n. I, for Douriche read Donrishe.
p. 91, n. b,for John read William.
p. 97, n. 2, for Esmond read Desmond.
p. 98, n. 1, for IV read III.
p. 134, n. 3, for large read larghe.
p. 193, letter 334, 1. 9, for Alpse read Alpes.
p. 196, n. 1,/or bann read ban.
p. 208, n. l,for Alessandrio read Alessandro.
p. 236, letter 369, 1. 2, /or London read Lincoln.
p. 258, n. 1,/or Ripplingham read Repplingham.
p. 259, n. 1,/or Piero read Matteo.
p. 260, n. 2, for Vienna read Venice.
p. 272, 1. 12, for Gieswaldi read Giesualdi.
p. 286, n. 2, for Barozzi read Barozzo.
p. 332, 1. 19, for St. Albons read St. Albans.
p. 373, letter 475, 1. 6, for sower read slower.
tt
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