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Full text of "The Life of Lorenzo De' Medici, Called the Magnificent: Called the Magnificent"

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BODLEIAN LIBRARY 



The gift of 
Miss Emma E I. Dunston 



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BODLEIAN LIBRARY 



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BODLEIAN LIBRARY 

The gift of 

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) 



LIFE 



LORENZO DE' MEDICI, 

CALLED 

THE MAGNIFICENT. 



ST WILLIAM ROSCOE. 



THE THIRD EDITION, CORRECTED. 

VOL. a 



rKIKTEB FOK Jl. ITmHAM} T. CADSLL JQK. AND V. DAV1E9 (sVCCESBOK) TO 
MK. CADELl) 1H the STKAND} AND J. EDWAKOS IN FALI, MAI.U 



CHAP. VI. 



Lorenzo endeavours to secure the peace of Italy — Rise 
of the modern idea of the balance of power — Conspiracy 
of Frescobaldi — Expulsion of the Turks from Otranto — 
VCbe Venetians and the pope attack the duke of Ferrara-^ 
Lorenzo undertakes bis defence — The Florentines and Nea-- 
politans ravage the papal territories — The duke of Calabria 
defeated by Roberto Malatesta — Progress of the Venetian 
arms — Sixtus deserts and excommunicates bis allies — Con* 
gress of Cremona — Death of Sixtus IV. — Succeeded by 
Giambattista Ciboj who assumes the name of Innocent VIII. 
— Lorenzo gains the confidence of the new pope — The Flc^ 
rentines attempt to recover the town of Sarzana-^ Capture of 
Pietra-Santa — Lorenzo retires to the baths of S. Filippo — 
The pope forms the design of possessing himself of the 
kingdom of Naples — Lorenzo fupports the king — Prevails 
upon the Florentines to take a decided part — Ejfects a re* 
conciliation between the king and the pope — Suppresses the 
insurrection at Osimo—Cc^pture of Sarzana — Lorenzo pro* 
tects the smaller states of Italy — The king of Naples in* 
fringes his treaty with the pope — Peace again restored'^ 
Review of the government of Florence — Regulations in* 
troduced by Lorenzo-^Prosperity ofjhe Florentine state^-^ 
High reputation of Lorenzo — General tranquillity of Italy. 



VOL. II. B 



I 



CHAP, VI. 



Soon after the termination of hostilities between Six- LwenMmdM. 
tU8 IV. and the republic of Florence, Lorenzo began to J^T^'^'"* 
unfold those comprehenave plans for securing the peace '"''• 
of Italy on a permanent foundation, which confer the 
highest honour on his political life. Of the extensive h"'- 
authority which he had obtained by his late conduct, every 
day afforded additional proof ; and it appears to have been 
his intention to employ it for the wisest and most salutary 
purposes. By whatever motives he was led to this great 
attempt, he pursued it with deep policy and unceasing 
assiduity, and Boally experienced a degree of fuccess equal 
to his warmest expectations. 

Bfl "Hie 






c H A P« The situation of Italy at this period afTorded an ample 
^^' field for the exercise of political talents. The number of 
Rise of the mo- independent states of which it was composed, the in^ 
iJ^c/of" ^* equality of their strength, the ambitious views of some, 
^^^' '. . and the ever active fears of others, kept the whole coun- 
try in continual agitation and alarm. The vicinity of these 
states to each other, and the narrow bounds of their re- 
. spective dominions, required a promptitude of decision in 
cases of disagreement, unexampled in any subsequent period 
of modern history. Where the event of open war seemed 
doubtful, private treachery was without scruple resorted 
to ; and where that failed of success, an appeal was again 
made to arms. The pontifical see had itself set the, exam- 
ple of a mode of conduct that burst asunder all the bonds 
of society, and operated as a convincing proof that nothing 
was thought unlawful which appeared to be expedient. To 
counterpoise all the jarring interests of these different govern- 
ments, to restrain the powerful, to succour the weak, and 
to unite the whole in one firm body, so as to enable them, 
on the one hand, successfully to oppose the formidable 
power of the Turks, and^ on the other, to repel the incur- 
sions of the French and the Germans, both of whom were 
objects of terror to the less warlike inha})itaats of Italy, 
were the important ends which Lorenzo proposed to ac- 
complish. The cffcftual defence of the Florentine do- 
minions against the encroachments of their more powerful 
neighbours, though perhaps his chief inducement for en- 
gaging in so extensive a project, appeared in the execution 
of it, rather as a necessary part; of his system, than as the 
principal object which he had in view. In these transact- 
tioris we may trace the first decisive instance of that poli- 
tical 



VI. 



rickl wrangemcnt,- which was more fully developed ind CMiAP^ 
more- widely extended in the' succeeding wnturyj and 
which has since been denominated the balance of poWe?. 
Casual alliances, arising from consanguinity, from pertohal 
attachment, from Ticinity, or from 'mterest, hid iitdeod 
frequently subsisted among the Italian states ; biit thes^i 
were only partial and temporary engagements, and ratlter 
tended to divide the country intOf t^o br more powerful 

* 

parties, than to counterpoise the interests of individual 
governments, so as to produce in the resuh the gener^a! 
tranquillity (4 ; .' .* ; . . , . , 



' I 



15. . : BVX 

• . . • • ^ 

4 



{a) It IS commonly understood tliat the id^a of a Systfematlc'arrangemen^, 
fbt secdmg to states,! wUhh}4aie;sani4l(|^h€^&off pottdoal actron/tlie pbjstfssicii 
of their^ r^§p«ctWe te^rrkdries* ^^ th^ ccptiav^^ie. ^f .existing rigbu^ 'is aC 
modem origin, havins arisen among the Italian states in the fifteenth c^turj. 
Rbhertson*i RhtJof-Chd. V. «d* Vsec, 2. Fut Mr*. Hume has attempted tA ste\!^ 
that this sysfeaif i^iiot.dieo£ttica% u£derstdod». was at* least ipracticaifj 
4ulQ|ted by the.a&ciesx [^Citcs o^ Greece afid Uie iiei^Jiboari^g.gpv^riunentSf 
Essajs, v, I, patt ii. Essi^ 7. In adjusting the extent to which these opinions 
may be adopted, there is no great difficulty. Wherever mankind have formed 
themselves into societies, (and history affords no instance of their being found 
in any other state,) the conduct of a tribe, or a nation, has been markedby a 
general will ; and states, like individuals, l\ave had their antipathies and pre-: 
dilections, their jealousies, and their fears. The powerful have endeavoured to 
oppress the weak, and the weak have s6ught fpfuge from tl^e powerful iii their 
mutual union. . Notwithstanding the great degree of ciyilization that obtained 
among the Grecian states, their political conduct seems to have been directed 
upon no higher principle 5 conquests were, pursued as opportunity offered, and 
precautions for safety were delayed till the hour of dagger arrived. The pre- 
ponderating mas^ of the Roman republic a,ttracted iii^o its vprtex whatever 
was opposed to its influence ; and the violent commotions of the. middle ^ges, 
by which that immense body was again broken into new forms, and impelled 
Wi vague and ccocattic djrections^ pottponed «o a late period tAe.peosiib^U^ of 
regulated action. The transactions oil Italy>idunn^kIiefQttiteelitb asd fifusnth 
centuries, bear indeed a strong refemblance to those which took place among 



I 

CHAP. But before Lorenzo engaged in these momentous wcb« 

VI. dertalfings, he had further personal dangers to encounter. 

conjpiracyof Th^ modcration of his conduct could neither extinguish 

Frescobaidi j^qj. ^Hay the insatiablc spirit of revenge that burnt in thq 

breast of Girolamo Riario. Defeated in his ambitious pro- 
jects by the superior talents of Lorenzo, he once more 
had recourse to his treacherous practices ; and, by an in- 
tercourse with some of the Florentine exiles, again found, 
even in Florence, the instruments of his purpose. By 
their instigation Battista Frescobaldi, with only two assist- 
ants, undertook to assassinate Lorenzo in the church of 
the Carmeli, on the day of Ascension, being the last day 
of May, 1 48 1. This attempt was not conducted with 
the fame secrecy as that which we have before related. 
The friends of Loren:^o were watchful for his safety. 
Frescobaldi was seized, and having upon his examination 
disclosed his accomplices, was executed with them on the 
6th day of the following month [a). The treachery of 
Frescobaldi occasioned at Florence general surprize, and 
was almost regarded as an instance of insanity. He had 

been 



the Grecian states ; but it was not till nearly the close of the latter century, 
that a system of general security and pacification was clearly developed, and 
precautions taken for insuring its continuance. Simple as this idea may now 
appear, yet it must be considered, that, before the adoption of it, the minds of 
men, and consequently the maxims of states, must have undergone an ini* 
portant change : views of aggrandizement were to be repressed ; war was to 
be prosecuted, not for the purpose of conquest, but of security; and above all, 
an eye was to be found that could discern, and a mind that could comprehend 
$0 extended an objed. 

(«) The other conspirators were Filippo Balducci, and Amoretto, the ille- 
Ultimate son of Guido Baldovinctd. v. Jmmir. lit. 25. 



been the consul of the Florentine republic at Pera^ and it g H A P. 
was at his instance that Bandim, the murderen.of Giuliano^ vi. 
had been delivered up by Mahomet 11. Yet neither the "■""** 
atrociousness of the crime, nor the dre^d of the example, 
deterred him from a similar enterprize* From this ;csr* 
cumstance Lorenzo perceived the necessity of being more 
diligently on his guard against the attempts of l^ profii*- 
gate antagonists ; and whilst he lamented the dqpravity of 
the times, that rendered such a precaution necessary 4 he 
was genecaUy surrounded, when he appeared in pubEc, by a 
number of tried friends and adherents. In this refpect he 
has not however escaped censure, although from a quarter 
where it should have been silenced by the sense of decency, 
if not by the feelings of gratitude. The kindness shewn 
by him to Raffaello MaiFei the brother of Antonio, who, in 
the conspiracy of the Pazzi, had undertaken to be the im- 
mediate instrument of his destruction, has before been no- 
ticed (tf). In return for such unmerited attention, this his- 
torian has availed himself of a measure which was rendered 
necessary by repeated instances of treachery, to represent 
Lorenzo as a gloomy tyrant, who supported his authority, 
and secured his safety in Florence, by the aid of a band of 
ruffians, and who found in music alone a sdlace from his 
anxiety {6). The reputation of Lorenzo is not however 

likely 



{a) Fvl. i. /• 206. 



{h) '' Post hsec Laurentius defunctus periculo, resipiscere paulatim, majo* 
^ reque postmodnm apud suos elves esse anctoritate, ac T^nno propius agi- 
*' tare ; cum sicariis incedere, ezcubus ad nttnciis diligentius invigilare,^ denique 
** amissas in bello facaltates undecunque recuperare ccepit. Vir aspectu tristi, 
'* ore triicuIentOy sermone ihgratus, animo factiosus, in curis agitans continuo 
** praeter uniira musicae solatium." Rapb, VqIu Com. Vrb. /. 153. 



\ 



8^ 

CJ^-.AiP.-' Ukely/tQt ttifie^ ffib» from ithe . pai jof dne brother, than' 
^^' hfe p&TBoik did- ftom the dalgger jof the other-' 



<»» I « !■ ^ 



t 



Expulsion Of the , . !0n thc iicAichisloii *X)f ttiB contesfc: with the tapal ee^y 

Turk? from , , r r r 

^ranto. t4itt)firk obJ6Ct Hot cml^ of LoTaizd^' but <£ all the. Itafiaii 

poosnt^es, Wid ^dle exjnilsidQ I of ' the Turks from Otianto^ 
For thispdt^iDse a ledgfue ^ad cdnchiAed, to 'Which the Ve-* 
hetiam optyoiidfused to iacoede^ Suspicioiis had ^already 
bebn entertamed )thait' Mahomet IL'had been incited to hia 
entdpiiize- hy^ tihe rq^resentQclioirSe 'cf that atato ; and these 
suipioiohs. wdre :btrengthendd: 67* the ihdiSarence Which 
the Venetians jnanifbsted ion bo alarming an occasion. 
It ' ia'Jbbwcver .probabli?, diat they kept aloof from the 
cont^, merely for the purpose of availing themselves of 
arty ofJtportumty of ftggrafltdlMiii^rit, 'which the exhausted 
sit%i^tic>n of the neighbouring states might afford. With 
therpow^rs of Itssdy, the kiags of Aragon, of Portugal, and 
of Hui^ry united their aspms. - The city of Otranto was 
at^cked by. .a formidable arnify under the command of 
t](^/4v^ of CaUdH'ia; Whil^: the united fleets of the king 
of 'Naples, fhe pope^r^^^i t^, Genoese were stationed to 
p?evfiiu; the drtival of' farther &id to the besieged. The 
plsce ?vv^# Jbp}?^^pyer .^c«fended'«^ith gre^X couragei and the 
eve^t'y^t TQmjaiQed, doub(ful|: when intelligence was re^ 
ceived of the death of the emperor Mahomet IL who had 
established the seat of the Turkish empire at Constanti^ 
nople, and been the scourge of Christendom for nearly half 
a century. Upon his death, a disagreement arose between 
his two fons Bajazet and Zizim ; in consequence c£ 
which, the Turkish troops destined to the relief of Otranto 
were recalled, and the plape was left to its fate. A 

capitulation 



capitulation was concluded on the tenth day of September CHAP. 
148 1, by which the Turks stipulated for a free return to ' 

their native country ; but the duke of Calabria, on the sur- 
render of the city, found a pretext for eluding the treaty, 
and retained as prisoners about fifteen hundred Turks, 
whom he afterwards employed in the different wars in 
which he was engaged {a). 

Whilst the other states of Italy were thus engaged in The vcnctUn$ 
the common cause, the Venetians had been devising means ^tack^thTd^ke 
for possessing themselves of the dominions of Ercole ®^ f«™»- 
d' Este, duke of Ferrara, and by the assistance of Girolamo 
Riario, had prevailed upon the pope to countenance their 
pretensions. The duke had married the daughter of Fer- 
dinand, king of Naples ; an alliance, which as it contributed 
to his credit and independence, had given great dissatisfac- 
tion to the Venetians. The first aggression was the erec- 
tion of a fortress by those haughty republicans^ on a part of 
the territory of Ferrara, which they pretended was within 
the limits of their own dominions. An embassy was im- 
mediately dispatched by the duke to Venice, to avert, if 
possible, the hostile intentions of the senate, and to con- 
ciliate their good-will by the fairest representations, and 
the fullest professions of amity. Finding his efforts ineffec- 
tual, the duke resorted for succour to the pope ; but Sixtus 
was already apprized of the part he had to act, and whilst 
he heard his solicitations with apparent indifference, was 
secretly preparing to join in his ruin. The motives by 
which Sixtus was actuated are not difficult to be discovered. 

If 



(«) Murat, Ann. v. Ix. /. 53 7^ 
VOL. II. C 



JO 

c 1} A p. If the family t)f Este <x>uld be deprived of their domiwonst 
pway circumsUnc^s concurred to justify the prctemion$ 
of the pap^ 86^ to the sovereignty of Ferrwft^ That city 
W4S itself ranked among those over which the pontifia 
asserted a signorial claim, which lay dormant, or waa 
revived, a$ circumstanc^B required; and although Si^tua 
could not singly contend with the Venetians in the diviaion 
of the spoil, yet he well knew that the rest of Italy would 
interpose, to prevent their possessing themselves of a 
territory which would add so considerably to their power. 
In the contest therefore which he supposed must necessa^ 
lily take place, Sixtus was not without hopes of vesting 
the government of Ferrara in his own family, in the person 
of Girdamo Riario, who waa indefatigable in preparing for 
the approaching war. 

Lorenzo under. In this exigency, the duke of Ferrara had two power.^ 
take, hit dc. £^| ye^om^ces, On« of th«»<5 was iu the support which he 

deriv^ frpm his fath^-rin-Uw the king of Naplea ; and 
the oth^r vx the claims which he had upon the known 
justice pf ILor^nzo dq • Medici, Neither of these disap^ 
points his hopea. By the interference of I^orenw, the 

duke of Milan joined in the league } and the marquis of 

Mantua, and Giovanni Bentiypglio, alao became aui^iliaries 
in the eause. The command of the aUied army was in- 
trusted to Federigo, duke of Urblno > but the preparation 
and direction of the y^w chiefly rested on Lorenzo de* 
Mediqi, on whose activity and prudence the allied powcra 

had the most perfect reUance (a)^ 

The 



fence. 



{a) Fabroni has preserved a letter from the dake of Urbino to Lorenzo 

7 



it 

The first object of the allies was to discover th€( in- CHAP, 
entions of the pope. No sooner had the Venefi^ns com- ^^' 
menced their attack on the territory of Ferrara, than a for-^ The Florentines 
mal request was made t* Sixtas, to permit the duke of Ca- ^v^^g^^w^^ 
labria^ with a body of Neapolitan troops, to pass through his territories. 
dominioas^ His refusal suflSciently discovered the motives 1482. 
by which he was actuated. The duke immediately entered ^ 

in a hostile manner the territories of the church, and hav*^ 
ing possessed himself of Teitacina, Trevx, and other places^ 
proceeded withom interruption till he arrived within 
forty itulea of Rome# At the same time the Floremin^ 
trdopfr i^tacked and captured Castello^ whkh was re^ 
stored to Nkdo Vkeili, its former k)¥d By these 
Unexpected and vigomus measures^ Si^iftus^ iftsiead of 
joitinlg the Venetians^ wa» compeHed to solicit thek as^G^ 
aace for his owa protection. The duke had approached 
so near to Rome^ thai hia advanced p^MTti^es dally com- 
mkted hostiBtiea at the very gates of the city. Ia tMi 
esDdergeacy^ the pope had the good fortune to prevail upoif 
Roberto Malatesla-^ lord of Riminiy la take upon him the 
command of bis- army. This celebrated leader, who watt 
then in the pay of the Venetians^ 00 obcatming their permisM 
^on to assist their ally, proceeded to Rome. Having there 
made the necessary arrangements, Roberto led out the papal 
troops, which were suflSciently numerous, and were only 
in need of an able general eSectually to oppose their ene- 
mies. The duke of Calabria^ being ia daily expectation of a 
reinforcement under the command of his brother Federigo, 

would 



de' Mediciy which sufficiently shews the'<?oti'fidetice that Wa4 reposed in him 
by the allies, and the active part which he took in pretpariag^ for the contest. 
<v. Jfjf. No. XLIII. 

C 2 



12 



CHAP. 
VI. 



The dvke of 
Calabria defeat, 
ed by Roberto 
Malatetta. 



would gladly have avoided an engagement, but his adver-* 
sary pressed him so vigorously, that he was compelled either 
to risque the event of a battle, or to incur the still greater 
danger of a disorderly retreat. This engagement, we are 
assured by Machiavelli, was the most obstinate and bloody 
that had occurred in Italy during the space of fifty years {a). 
After a struggle of six hours, the contest terminated in the 
total defeat of the duke, who owed his liberty, or his life, to 
the fidelity and courage of his Turkish followers. Having 
thus delivered the pope from the imminent danger that 
threatened him, Roberto returned to Rome to enjoy the 
honours of his victory ; but his triumph was of short du- 
ration, for a few days after his arrival he suddenly died, not 
without giving rise to a suspicion, that poison had been ad- 
ministered to him by the intervention of Girolamo Riario {b)^ 
This suspicion received confirmation in the public opinion, 
by the subsequent conduct of Sixtus and his kinsman. No 
sooner was Roberto dead, than the pope erected an eques- 
trian statue to his memory ; and Riario proceeded with the 
army which Roberto had lately led to victory, to dispossess 
his illegitimate son Pandolfo, to whom he had bequeathed 
his possessions, of the city of Rimini (r). In this attempt 

the 



(a) *' £ fu questa giomata combattuta con piu virtUy che alcun' altra che* 
'' fusse stata fatta in ci'nquanta anni in Italia ; perche vi xnorl tra 1' una parte 
^* e I' altra piu che mille huomini." Mac. Hist* lib, 8. 

{b) GK scrittoro dicono che fu sospetto che egli fosse morto di veleno» & 
io nelle notizie private de Malatesti ritroyo» che 1' autore di tanta sceleratezza 
fu creduto essere stato il conte Girolamo, nipote del papa, o per invidiay a 
pure con speranza di poter metter le mani a quello stato, non lasciando Ruii 
berto figliuoli leggitimi. Jmmir. lib* 25 • 



(0 Mac. Hist. lib. 8. 



13 

the ecclesiastical plunderers would probably have heed sue- C H A P- 

cessfiil, had not the vigorous interference of Lorenzo de* _j-__j- 

Medici, to whom Pandolfo resorted for succour, and who 

sent a body of Florentine troops to his speedy relief, 

frustrated their profligate purpose. Riario then turned his 

arms towards Castello, which was courageously defended 

by Vitelli, till the Florentines once more gave him eflfectual 

aid. A similar attack, and with similar success, was about 

the same time made by Sixtus on the city of Pesaro, the 

dominion of Constantino Sforza ; who having first engaged 

in the league against the Venetians, afterwards deserted 

his allies, and entered into their service, and was supposed 

to have died of grief because they had defrauded him of his 

stipulated pay {a)^ 

Whilst Sixtus was thus employed in defending his own Prognssof the 
dominions, or in attempting to seize upon those of his neigh- v^'>«^"*«^«- 
hours, the duke of Urbino had opposed himself to the 
Venetian army ; but not with suflicient eflfect to prevent its 
making an alarming progress, and capturing several towns 
in the territory of Ferrara. The death of that general (^), 
and the sickness of the duke of Ferrara, which rendered 

him 



{a) ** Constantinus Sfortia Pisauri princeps fidus antea norentinis, durante 
** adhuc stipendioy defecit ad Venetos. Neque multos post dles^ tertians fe- 
f* bri correptus> moerore ut creditur violatae fidei, 8c a Venetis pact! non soluti 
** stipendii V Kal. Sextiles interiit." Fontius in Annal* ap* Fahr, \w 235. 

[b) The duke of Urbino and Roberto Malatesta died on the isame day ; 
one at Bologna, the other at Rome ; each of them, although at the head of 
adverse armies, having recommended to the other the protection of his posses- 
sions and surviving family: '* A dl 12 di Settembre, 1482, ci funuove el 
^^ Magnifico Roberto de Rimini era morto a Roma di flusso* Stimasi sia stato. 



14 

CHAP, him incapable of attending with vigour to the defence of 
' his dominions, opened to the Venetians the fullest prospect 



of success. This sudden progress of the republican arms 
was not however agreeable to the pope ; who, having given 
no aid in the contest, b^an to be apprehensive that he 
could claim no share in the spdil, whilst so considerable an 
accession of power to the Venetians might scarcely be con* 
sistent with his own safety. At the same time be per- 
ceived a storm gathering against him from another quarter.. 
The emperor had threatened to call together a genoral 
council of the church ; a measure either originating with, 
or pr^Hnoted by Lorenzo de* Medici ; imd for the ejecting 
of which be had dispatched Baccio Ugdmo to Basil (a). 
Induced by these various considerations, Sixtus was at length 
prevailed upon to detach himself from the Venetians, and 
sNtus (teserts to Hstcu to propositions for a separate peace. Under the 

and excommu- ^- ^ ^*_ • • i i_ :» i 

nicatts bis allies, s^nction ot the imperial ambassaacK', a league was con- 
cluded at Rome for five years, between the pope, the 
king of Naples, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, 
for the defence of the duke of Ferrara. Sixtus, having 

engaged 



i*-^ 



^' avrelenato. £1 duca d'Urbino era moito in Bologna, che %ra andato al 
<< soccorso di Ferrara. Mbrirono in un dl» e ciascnno di loro mandava a rac- 
^* comandare all' skco il suo atato^ eUuno zwa seppt la morte dell' sdtro." 

£y Diaria AMiffretti ap^ Fahr, <v. \u /u %i^^., 

(«) Ugolma transmitted tx> Lorenzo, from time to tlme^ a full account of 
his proceeduigs in seyeral letters which are pubFished by Fabroni, in *uitd Lour. 
4V. ilk /L aay. From which itappears^ that he was not wichout hopes of accom- 
(UsUag his important object. " Ng&et xvoa d(»naadate»'* say^s he, ** come. 
** quefiti 4ottori delia UmvecsitLleggimo con fervore le scripture che io ho pub- 
'^ lica&ft qu) in Consilio*. Che pin.?. II papa e piu iaviso qui che costl, et se 
^^ r lf]»|iersa;0n noace U mafi6hia« aoa.suo sine sp« di far qualcosa/' 



15 



engaged in the common cause, was not inactive* Having chap. 
first warned the Veoetians to desist from the further pro* 
gress of the war, and finding his remonstrances disr&« 
garded, he solemnly excommunicated his late allies (^). 
The Venetians however persisted in their purpose, re* 
gardless of his denunciations, and having captured the 
town of Ficarola, laid siege to the city of Ferrara itself 

At this important juncture a congress was held at Ore- congress of 
mona, for the purpose of considering on the most effec- '^^'"^''^ 
tual means of repressing the growing power of the Vene* 
tians, and of securing the rest of Italy from the effects of 
their ambition. The persons who assembled on this occa- 
sion were Alfonso duke of Calabria, Lodovico Sforza, Lo« 
renzo de' Medici, Lodovico Gonzaga marquis of Mantua^ 
the duke of Ferrara ; and on the part of the pope, Girolamo 
Riario, and iixe cardinal of Mantua, with others of inferior 
note. The king of France, aware of the character of Riario^ 
advised Lorenzo by letter not to trust himself to this inter-* 
view {6) ; but the important consequences expected from it 
induced him to disregard the precaution. Among other 
arrangements it was determined that the Milanese should 
endeavour to form a diver^n by an attack on the Venetiaa 
territory, and that the duke of CSalabria should repair with 

a powerful 



{a) Fair, in vita Laur, adnot, d monum. ii. 234. 

{b) Thus he addresses Lorenzo in a letter dated xiii* Kal. Febr. 1482, ap» 
Fahr. adnot. ^ men. v. ii. /. 243. *^ Alia Giomata di Ferrara dove dite avere 
** promesso andare, vi avrei consiglia^o noa andasse pimto» ma che guardaste 
<< bene tener sicura vostra persona ; perche non conosco ne i personaggi ne il 
** luogOt dove v' habbiate a trovare, e y^ avrei mandato nno imbasciatore di 
** qua in vostra excusatione ; nientidimanco^ poiche Pavete promessoi me nft 
^ reporto a voi ; et alia buona hora sia» et a Dio* Luis^** 



i6 



CHAP, a towerfiil body of troops to the relief of the duke of 

VT 

' Ferrara. By these decisive measures, a speedy and eflFec- 
tual stop was put to the further progress of the Venetian 
arms, whilst the allied troops over-ran the territories of 
'4^3' Bergamo, of Brescia, and of Verona. Finding their at- 
tempt to subjugate the city of Ferrara frustrated, and soli- 
citous for the safety of their own dominions, the Vene- 
tians had recourse to negotiation, and had sufficient influ- 
ence with Lodovico Sforza to prevail upon him to desert the 
common cause. His dereliction induced the allies to accede 
to propositions for peace, which, though sufficiently favour- 
able to the Venetians, secured the)[duke of Ferrara from the 
ambition of his powerful neighbours, and repressed that 
spirit of encroachment which the Venetians had manifested, 
as well on this as on former occasions. 

Death of Six. As soou as the affairs of Italy were so adjusted as to 

give the first indications of permanent tranquillity, Sixtus 
died. The coincidence of these events gave rise to an 
opinion which was rendered in some degree credible by the 
knowledge of his restless disposition, that his death was oc- 
casioned by vexation at the prospect of a general peace {a). 
Of the character of this successor of St. Peter, we have 
already had sufficient proof. It must indeed be acknow- 
ledged, that no age has exhibited such flagrant instances of 
the depravity of the Roman see, as the close of the fif- 
teenth 



[a) He died on the 12th of August 1484, being the fifth day after peace 
was proclaimed at Rome. Mwrat. Ann. v. ix. /. 546. 549. " O perche fusse 
<* il termine di sua vita venuto» o perche il dolore dcUa pace fatta, come ncmica 
" a quella I'amazzasse.'^ Mac, Hist. lib. 8. 



«7 

teenth century, when the profligacy of Sixtus IV. led the CHAP, 
way, at a short interval, to the still more outrageous _ 
and unnatural crimes of Alexander VI. The avarice of 
Sixtus was equal to his ambition. He was the first Ro- 
man pontiflT who openly exposed to sale the principal 
offices of the church ; but not satisfied with the disposal 
of such as became vacant, he instituted new ones, for the 
avowed purpose of selling them, and thereby contrived to 
obtain a certain emolument from the uncertain tenure by 
which he held his see. To Sixtus IV. posterity are also 
indebted for the institution of inquisitors of the press, 
without whose licence no work was suflTered to be printed. 
In this indeed he gave an instance of his prudence ; it 
being extremely consistent, that those who are conscious 
of their own misconduct should endeavour to stifle the 
voice that publishes and perpetuates it. Even Muratori 
acknowledges, that this pontiff had a heavy account to 
make up at the tribunal of God [a). 

The death of Sixtus IV. who for the space of thirteen Succeeded br 
years had embroiled the states of Italy in constant dissen- cL, wbo^ 
sions, was a favourable omen of the continuance of tran- •""*** ^ """* 

' ^ of Innocent 

quillity ; and the choice made by the conclave of his sue- vui. 
cessor seemed still further to secure so desirable an object. 
Giambattista Cibo, who obtained on this occasion the 
suffrages of the sacred college, was a Genoese by birth, 14S4. 

though 



(a) ** Di grossl conti avra avuto questo pontefice nel tribunale di Dio." 

JnHoI. V. u. /. 53S. 

VOL* IK D 



i8 

CHAP, though of Greek extraction. The urbanity and mildness 
____L«. of his manners formed a striking contrast to the inflexible 
character of his predecessor. From his envoys at Rome» 
Lorenzo became early acquainted with the disposition of 
the new pope, who assumed the name of Innocent VIIL 
At the time of his elevation to the supremacy, he waa 
about fifty-five years of age, and had several natural chil-» 
dren. Vespucci, the correspondent of Lorenzo, represents 
him as a weak but well-disposed man, rather formed to bo 
directed himself than capable of directing others {a). 

Lownzo gains Lorcuzo had pcrccivcd the disadvantages under which 

the confidence , , , 

of the new hc labourcd in his political transactions, on account of his 
^^^ dissensions with the papal see ; and he therefore learnt with 

great satisfaction that the pope, soon after his elevation, had 
expressed a very favourable opinion of him, and had even 
avowed an intention of consulting him on all important 
occurrences. The power of the other Italian potentates 
was bounded by the limits of their respective dominions ; 
hut Lorenzo was well aware that the Roman pontiff, in- 
dependent of his temporal possessions, maintained an influ- 
ence that extended throughout all Christendom, and which 
might be found of the utmost importance to the promotion 
of his views. He therefore sedulously improved the occa- 
sion :w^hich the favourable opinion of Innocent aflforded him ; 
and in a short time obtained his confidence to such a degree^ 
as to be intrusted with his most secret transactions and 

most 



ttm 



{a) Many particulars respecting this pontiflF may be found in the letter 
from Vespucci to Lorenzo, extracted from the documents of Fabroni. Jff» 
He. XLIV. 



of Sarzana* 



19 

anott important concerns [a). This fortnnate event also CHAP, 
first opened to the Medici the dignities and emoluments of * 

the church, and therd>y led the way to that eminent degree 
of splendour and prosperity which the family afterwards 
-experienced* 

To the carrying into effect the pacific intentions of The riorentincf 
Lorenzo, several obstacles yet remained. During the cover the town 
commotions in Italy, consequent on the conspiracy of the 
Paz^i, the town of Sarzana, situated near the boundaries 
of the Genoese and Florentine dominions, and which the 
Florentines had purchased from Lodovico Fregoso, had 
been forcibly wrested from them by Agostino, one of his 
sons. The important contests in which the Florentines 
were engaged had for some time prevented them from 
attempting the recovery of a place, to which, according to 
the established custom of the times, they had undoubted 
pretensions; but no sooner were they relieved from the 
anxiety and expence of external war, than they bent their 
whole attention to this object. In order to secure himself 
against the expected attack, Agostino had made a formial sur* 
render of the town to the republic of Genoa, under which 
he professed to exercise the government. Lorenzo therefore 
entertained hopes, that, by the mediation of the new pope, 

his 



[a) ** Assettate che saraxuio queste vostre cose co' Genovesi Lorenzo coxio* 
^' scera che non fu mai Pontefice» che amassi tanto la casa sua quanto 10. £t 
** avendo visto per esperienzay quanta sia la fede, integrita Sc prudentia saa« 
** 10 faro tosto govemarmi secondo i ricardi & pareri sua*" Such was the Ian* 
guage in which Innocent addressed himself to Fier FUqppo Pandolfi&i» the Flo« 
rentine ambassador. Fabrmd in vMf v. ii. /• 26^% 

D 2 



Pietra-Santa. 



20 

CHAP, his; countrymen the Genoese might be induced to resign 
' their pretensions ; but his interfei^ence having proved inef- 
fectual, the Florentines prepared to establish their right by 

ca|>tureof arms. The approach to Sarzana necessarily lay by the 

town of Pietra-Santa, the inhabitants of which were ex- 
pected to remain neuter during the contest ; but a de- 
tachment of Florentine troops, escorting a quantity of pro- 
visions and ammunition, passing near that place, were at- 
tacked and plundered by the garrison {a). So unequivocal 
a demonstration of hostility rendered it necessary for the 
Florentines, before they proceeded to the attack of Sarzana, 
to possess themselves of Pietra-Santa, It was accordingly 
invested, and such artillery as was then in use was em- 
ployed to reduce the inhabitants to submission. The Ge- 
noese however found means to reinforce the garrison, 
whilst the sickness of some of the Florentine leaders, and 
the inactivity of others, contributed to protract the siege. 
Dispirited by resistance, the count of Pitigliano, one of the 
Florentine generals, ventured even to recommend to the 
magistrates of Florence the relinquishment of the enter- 
prize as impracticable, at least, for that season. These re- 
presentations, 



{a) Machiavelli, pleased in relating instances of that crooked policy in 
which he is supposed to have been himself an adept, informs us, that the Flo- 
rentines, wanting a pretext for a rupture with the inhabitants of Pietra-Santa» 
directed a part of theii^ baggage to pass near that place^ for the purpose of in- 
ducing the garrison to make an attack upon it. Hist. lib. 8. And Fabroni, on 
what authority- it is not easy to discover, expressly attributes this artifice to 
Lorenzo de' Medici, in n/itd Laur, v. i. /. 127* But Ammirato, whose vera* 
city is undoubted, asserts that this incident took place without any premedi- 
tated design on the part of the Florentines, introducing his narrative with a 
direct censure of the relation of Machiavelli : *' Hor voile piu tosto il caso, che 
'* artificio alcuno, il quale va il Machiavelli accattandoj &c«" ///. Fivr. lib. 35. 



21 

presentations, instead of altering the purpose of Lorenzo, CHAP, 
only excited him to more vigorous exertion; by his re- * 

commendation, the command of the Florentine troops was 
given to Bernardo del Nero, and soon afterwards Lorenzo 
joined the army in person. His presence and exhortations 
had the most powerful effect on his countrymen. Within 
the space of a few days after his arrival, the besiegers 
reduced the place to such extremity, that proposals were 
made for a capitulation, which were acceded to by Lo-» 
renzo j and the town was received into the protection of 
the Florentine republic, without further molestation to the 
inhabitants {a). 

From Pietra-Santa it was the intention of Lorenzo, Lorenrorctirei 
notwithstanding the advanced season of the year, to have rp^u*^******^ 
proceeded immediately to the attack of Sarzana, but the 
long and unhealthy service in which the army had been 
engaged, rendered a temporary cessation of hostilities in- 
dispensable. Several of the principal commanders, together 
with Antonio Pucci, one of the Florentine commissioners 
to the army, had fallen victims to the fatigues of the war ; 
and Lorenzo, who laboured under a chronic, and perhaps 
an hereditary complaint, was soon afterwards obliged to 
resort to the baths of S. Filippo for relief Before he 
recovered his health, his attention was called towards a 
diflferent quarter, in which all his exertions became 
necessary to preserve his pacific system from total de- 
struction. 

This 



{^), Jfmmn ///. Fior* lib. 25, 



22 

C H AP, This commotion originated in the turbulent designs of 

' Sixtus IV. who had sown the seeds of it in his lifetime, 

The pope forms although they did not spring up till after his death. The 

the design of Neapolitan nobility, exasperated with the princes of the 

possessing him- Jf j ^ r r 

self of the king- housc of Afagou, who had endeavoured to abridge their 

dom of Naples. i • i i 11 

^^,^^^_^_^ power and independence, were prepared, whenever occa- 
^4^^ sion offered, to attempt the recovery of their rights. In 
restraining the exorbitant power of the nobles, which was 
equally formidable to the king and oppressive to the people, 
Ferdinand might have been justified by the expediency of 
the measure, and protected by the affections oi his sub- 
jects ; but, in relieving them from the exactions of others, 
he began to oppress them himself, and thus incautiously 
incurred that odium, which had before been exclusively 
bestowed upon his nobility. The spirit of disaffection 
that soon became apparent was not unobserved by Sixtus, 
who, in addition to the ambitious motives by which he 
was generally actuated, felt no small degree of resentment 
against Ferdinand, for having, without his concurrence, con- 
cluded a peace with the Florentines. A secret intercourse 
was carried on between the 'pope and the Neapolitan ba- 
rons, whose resentment was ready to burst out in an open 
flame when Sixtus died. This event retarded^ but did not 
defeat the execution of their purpose. No sooner was In- 
nocent seated in the chair, than they began to renew with 
him the intercourse which they had carried on with his pre- 
decessor. They reminded him that the kingdom of Naples 
was itself a fief of the Roman see ; they represented the 
exhausted state of the king's finances, and the aversion 
which he had incurred from his subjects, as well by his own 
severity, as by the cruelties exercised in his name by the 

I duke 



23 

duke of Calabria ; and exhorted him to engage in an at-^ C H A p. 
tempt^ the success of which was evident, and would crown * 



his pontificate with glory {a). The pacific temper of Inno^ 
cent was dazzled with the splendour of such an acquisition. 
He encouraged - the nobility to proceed in their designs ; 
he raised a considerable army, the command of which he 
gave to Roberto Sanseverino ; several of the principal 
cities of Naples openly revolted, and the standard of the 
pope was erected at Salerno, On the first indication of 
hostilities, the king had sent his son John, who had ob- 
tained the dignity of a cardinal, to Rome, for the purpose of 
inducing the pope to relinquish his attempt ; but the death 
of the cardinal blasted the hopes, and added to the distresses 
of his father {6). Attacked at the same time by foreign 
and domestic enemies, Ferdinand saw no shelter from the 
storm, but in the authority and assistance of Lorenzo, 
The attachment that subsisted between him and the popQ 
was indeed known to Ferdinand ; but he had himself some 
claims upon his kindness, and had reason to believe that he 
could not regard with indifference, an attempt which, if 
succes^ul, would effect a total change in the political state 
of Italy. Lorenzo did not hesitate on the part it became Lorenzo wp. 
him to act. No sooner was he apprized of the dangerous ^^* ^^ ^^^^ 
situation of Ferdinand, than he left the baths of S. Fjlippo 
and hastened to Florence^ where, on his first interview 

with 



(a) Falor* in *vitd Lour, p, 51. 

(6) His death was attributed to poison, given to him by Antonello Sanse- 
verino, prince of Salerno. Murat. Ann. v. ix. /. 542. The frequency of these 
imputations, though perhaps not always founded on fact, strongly mark the 
character of the age. 



VI. 



24 

CHAP, with the envoy of the king, he gave him the most unequi^ 
vocal assurances of active interference and suppoit. Lo- 
renzo however saw the necessity of applying an effectual 
remedy to the increasing evil, and with a degree of freedom 
which the urgency of the occasion required, entreated the 
king to relax in his severity towards his subjects. " It 
^ grieves me to the soul," thus he writes to Albino the 
Neapolitan envoy, •* that the duke of Calabria should 
" have acquired, even undeservedly, the imputation of 
" cruelty. At all events he ought to endeavour to remove 
" every pretext for the accusation, by the most cautious 
** regard to his conduct. If the people be displeased with 
^* the late impositions, it would be advisable to abolish them, 
•' and to require only the usual payments ; for one carlino 
" obtained with good-will and affection, is better than ten 
** accompanied with dissatisfaction and resentment." He 
afterwards remonstrates with the king, through the same 
channel, on his harsh and imprudent conduct to some 
merchants, who it appears had been dismissed from Naples, 
for having demanded from him the monies which they had 
advanced for his use." " If the king satisfy them not," 
says he, ^^ by paying their demands, he ought at least 
** to appease them by good wcnrds ; to the end that he may 
** not afford them an opportunity of treating his name 
** with disrespect, and of gaining credit at the same time 
** to what is, and to what is not true." The reply of Fer- 
dinand to Albino is sufficiently expressive of the respect 
which he paid to these admonitions [a) ; but unfortunately, 

the 



(«) In reference to this letter of XiCM^nzo, which may be found in the Ap- 
pendix, No. XLV. The king replies to Albino, *< Lo consigKo de detto Mag. 



25 

the precepts which he approved in theory, he forgot to CHAP, 
adopt in his practice ; and to the neglect of these counsels, ' 

rather than to the courage or the conduct of Charles VIIL 
the subsequent expulsion of his family from the kingdom 
of Naples is unquestionably to be referred. 

The authority of Lorenzo de' Medici in Florence was Prevails upon 
not the authority of despotism, but that of reason ; and it lo uk^ adc-"" 
therefore became necessary, that the measures which he cw^Jpait. 
might adopt should meet with the approbation of the citizens 
at larg^. He accordingly, without delay, called together the 
principal inhabitants, but had the mortification to find that 
the proposition which he laid before them, to afford assist- 
ance to the king, was received by his hearers with general 
disapprobation ; some exclaiming against him, as being too 
precipitate in involving the republic in dangerous and 
expensive wars; whilst others condemned the freedom 
with which he opposed the Roman pontiff, and subjected 
himself and his fellow-citizens to those ecclesiastial cen- 
sures, the ill effects of which they had so recently expe- 
rienced. On this occasion, Lorenzo was reminded, that 
the Venetians would probably unite with the pope in sub- 
jugating the kingdom of Naples ; in which case, the in- 
tervention of the Florentines would only involve them in 
the same ruin that threatened the Neapolitan state. The 
solicitations and remonstrances of his fellow-citizens shook 

not 



** Lorenzoy che abbiamo li occhi ad tutto, e mostramo in alcuna cosa non in* 
•* tendcre, &c. ci h stato gratissimo, peresscre'prudeiltissimo c sapientissimo.'^ 

VOL. II* E 



26 

CHAP, not the purpose of Lorenzo* Through the thick mist of 
^^' popular fears and prejudices, he distinctly saw the beacon 

""""""" of the public welfare ; and the arguments of his adversa- 
ries had already been anticipated and refuted in his own 
mind. That eloquence which he possessed in so eminent 
a degree was never more successfully exerted ; and the rea- 
sons that had determined his own judgment were laid before 
his audience in a manner so impressive, as to overpower all 
opposition, and induce them unanimously to concur in his 
opinion. " This oration," says Valori, " as committed to 
♦* writing by some of his hearers, I have myself perused ; 
" and it is not possible to conceive any composition more 
** copious^ more elegant, or more convincing (a)*" 

The situation of Ferdinand became every day more 
critical, A general defection of his nobility took place^ 
The two brothers of the family of the Goppula, one of 
whom was his prime counsellor,^ and the other the trea- 
surer of the kingdom, held a treacherous correspond- 
ence with his enemies; and the duke of Calabria, who 
had advanced towards Rome to prevent a junction of 
the pontifical troops with those of the insurgents, was 
totally defeated by Sanseverino, and obliged to fly for 
protectian into the territories of Florence. It was matter 
of gratification to some^ and of surprize to all, that the 
very man, who, by hi$» sanguinary and tyrannical disposi^ 
tion, had a short time before spread terror through the 
whole extent of Tuscany, should now appear as a fugitive 

at 



••^■■^^■■^■^I'wrT^^*"*""!^^"^'*"^"'"^'"*^!^""^*— ■^^■"^^"•— "r— -^~"~" . ' "'^■^— •»*!^i^"^r»»**'""*<"^iw— »" 



(a) Valor in vita Laur^ /• 53* 



27 

at Montepulciano, imploring the assistance of the Floren- CHAP* 
tines, and waiting the arrival of Lorenzo de' Medici ; who, ' 

being prevented by sickness from complying with his ex- 
pectations, dispatched two of the principal citizens to assure 
the duke of the attachment of the Florentines to the house 
of An^on, and of their determination to exert themselves 
to the utmost in its defence. 

The military force of the republic, which seldom ex- Eflfccts » recon. 
ceeded five thousand men, would have rendered small ser- twecnthc^kinj 
vice in the contest, and it therefore became necessary to »nd the pope. 
resort to other expedients* By the pecuniary assistance of 
the Florentines, the duke of Calabria was agsdn enabled to 
take the field, and at their instance several eminent leaders 
of Italy engaged in the service of the king. The influ- 
ence that Lorenzo possessed with Lodovico Sforza was 
successfully exerted to engage the states of Milan in the 
came cause. The powerful Roman family of the Orsini 
was induced not only to discountenance the enterprize of 
the pope, but to appear openly in arms ag^nst him ; and 
Innocent began to dread that the conflagration which he 
had excited, or encouraged, in the kingdom of Naples, 
might extend to his own dominions. At the same time 
Lorenzo de' Medici, having still maintained an uninter- 
rupted intercourse with the pope, assailed him with those 
arguments which he knew were best calculated to produce 
their eflfect. He represented the evils and disgrace that must 
arise to all Christendom, from the frequent example set 
by the head of the church, of appealing on all occasions 
to the sword. He pointed out the improba^lity that the 
northern powers of Italy would permit the Roman see to 

£ 2 annex 



28 

CHAP, annex to its dominiong, either directly or indirectly, so- 
extensive a territory as the kingdom of Naples ; and ear- 
nestly exhorted the pope not to waste his resources, disturb 
his tranquillity, and endanger his safety, in a conflict which, 
at best, could only terminate in substituting to the house of 
Aragon some of those fortunate adventurers who had led 
the armies employed in its expulsion. Whether the ap- 
pearances of hostility operated on the fears, or the reason- 
ing of Lorenzo on the judgment of the pope, may remain in 
doubt ; but the ardour with- which he engaged in the con- 
flict gradually abated, and Sanseverino was left to avail him- 
self of his owa courage, and that of the troops under his com- 
mand, without receiving either orders to retire, or supplies 
to enable him to proceed. The languor that became appa- 
rent between the contending sovereigns seemed to have 
communicated itself to- their* armies ; which having met on 
the eighth day of May 1486, an encounter took place, in 
which Ammirato not only acknowledges, that not a soldier 
was slain, but that he had found no memorial that even one 
of the combatants was wounded, though the contest con- 
lintied for many hours, and only terminated with the day {a\ 
In this harmless trial of muscular strength, Sanseverino and 
his followers were however forced ofFthe field, and the con- 
sequences were as decisive as if the contest had been of the 
most sanguinary kind j for the king, availing himself of 
this circumstance, and apprized by Lorenzo of the favour- 
able 



(4) Ecco clic nd volcrsi movcre, si vcnne 1' ottavo giorno di maggio al 
fatto d* arme ; se inerita di fatto d* armc Jiaver nome una giornata, nella quale 
non che fosse alcun morto, ma non si fa memoria, che fosse alcnn ferito. 

* jirnmir* Ift,Ft$r, Hi, 25. /. 174. 



29 

able alteration in the temper of the pope^ lost no time in CHAP, 
laying before him such propositions for the accommodatioa ' 

of their dispute, as aflforded him an opportunity of declining 
it with credit to himself, and apparent safety to his Neapo- 
litan confederates. B7 the conditions of this treaty, the i486. 
king acknowledged the jurisdiction of the apostolic see, 
and agreed to pay to the pope a stipulated subsidy. Besides 
which, he engaged to pardon, freely and unconditionally,, 
the nobles who had revolted against him. 



insurrection at 



The oppressive conduct of the Italian sovereigns, or suppwssei the 
the restless dispositions of their subjects, seldom admitted oluno. 
of a long continuance of tranquillity j and as Lorenzo had 
acquired a reputation for impartiality and moderation, the 
dissensions that occasionally arose were generally submitted 
to his decision. The political contentions in which the pope 
was engaged, displayed indeed an ample field for the exercise 
of his talents. Important as the favour of the Roman see 
might be to the success of his labours, it wa& not preserved 
without an unremitting attention to its interests. In the 
year i486, Buccolino Guzzoni, a citizen of Osimo, a part 
of the papal territories, incited the inhabitants to revolt. 
The cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Julius IL 
was dispatched by the pope to reduce, the place to obedi- 
ence; but threats and entreaties were alike ineffectual, and 
the inhabitants avowed, their resolution to surrender the 
city to the Turks, rather than again submit to the autho- 
rity of the pope. From the success of the insurgents^ the 
example began to spread through the adjoining districts ; 
when Lorenzo dispatched Gentile, bishop of Arezzo, with 
instructions to treat with Buccolino for a reconciliation.. 

What 



3<^ 

c l4 A p. What the obstiiiacy of Buccolino had refused to the repre- 
sentations of the pope, was conceded to those of Lorenzo, 
, under whose sanction the terms of the treaty were speedily 
Concluded, and Buccolino accompanied the ambassador of 
Lorenzo to Florence. Muratori informs us, that the artifice 
by which Lorenzo extricated the pope from his turbulent 
adversary, was the timely application of some thousands 
of golden ducats ; and this he accompanies with an in- 
sinuation, which, if justly founded, would degrade the 
magnanimous character of Lorenzo to a level with that of 
his sanguinary and treacherous contemporaries. " Hav- 
" ing invited Buccolino to Florence," says that author, 
** Lorenzo, with great address, prevailed upon him, for his 
'^ further security, to repair to Milan j but the security that 
** he there found Was a halter from the hands of Lodovico 
" Sfbrza (^)." If, however, the death of Buccolino, when 
the contention was over, was of such importance as to in- 
duce Lorenzo to the commission of so atrocious a crime, it 
is scarcely probable that he would have afforded his victim 
so favourable an opportunity of escaping the blow ; but 
without having recourse to conjecture, a refutation of this 
calumny may be found in an author, who, not being con- 
sidered as partial to the Medici, may on this occasion be 
admitted as an authentic witness. " After the surrender 
" of Osimo," says Machiavelli, " Buccolino resided a con- 
** siderable time at Florence, under the safeguard of Lo- 
*^ renzo, honoured and respected. He afterwards went to 
** Milan, where he did not experience the same fidelity, 

" having 



•A*. 



(a) Murat. Ann. v, ix. /. 554. r/V. Raynal, Annal. Eccks, 

2 



31 
having been treacherously put to death there by Lo- chap. 



^ dovico Sfor^a (tf)/* 



The remonstrances of the Florentines to the Genoese to capture of 
relinquish the dominion of Sarzana, being yet disregarded, "^ 

and the peaceable intervention of the pope and the duke of 

Milan appearing to be ineffectual, Lorenzo prepared for a '4^7- 
powerful attack ; and not only engaged the lords of Piom- 
binOy Faenza, Pitigliano, and Bologna in his cause, but ap- 
plied to the king of Naples for such assistance as he could 
afford. In his answer to this requisition, Ferdinand con^ 
fesses his high obligations to Lorenzo, and after lament- 
ing h\s inability to repay them in a manner adequate to* 
their importance, promises to furnish a supply of ships 
ajgainst the Genoese, and to give such other aid as the 
embarrassed state of his affairs would permit {&)• The* 
command of the army, destined to the attack of Sarzana^ 
was given to Jacopo Guicciardini, and Pietro Vittorio, whp^ 
having defeated a body of the Genoese that opposed their 
progress, began the siege of the place. The resistance which 
they met with was however more obstinate than might 
have been expected* Impatient of the delay, Lorenzo re- 
solved to join the army, and endeavour hy his presence to- 
promote the exertions of the commanders, and excite the 
ardour of the soldiery. His exhortations, addressed per- 
sdnatty to ev€ry rank and denomination, produced an in- 
stantaneous effect: a vigorous attack. was made; and the 
dlAzens, perceiving no |>ro8pect of further suecour from the 

Genoese, 



{a) Mac. lit, 8. (^) -i^. 4^. ^o. XLVL 



32 

CHAP. Genoese, surrendered at the discretion of the conquerors. 
■■ It is not improbable, that the remembrance of the disaster 
which took place on the surrender of Volterra, had operated 
as an additional motive with Lorenzo to be present at the 
capture of Sarzana; however this may be, his conduct 
was marked with the greatest clemency to the inhabitants, 
and the city was received into the protection of the Flo- 
rentine state, to which it was only desirable, as opposing 
a barrier to the incursions of the Genoese. Elated with 
conquest, the Florentine commanders wished to carry the 
war into the states of Genoa; but Lorenzo opposed himself 
to this design ; justly conceiving it to be inconsistent with 
die interests of his country and his own character to de- 
stroy that general equilibrium of the Italian states, which 
his utmost endeavours were constantly exerted to maintain. 
The apprehensions entertained by the Genoese were pro- 
ductive however of consequences as unfavourable to their 
liberties, as any which they could have experienced from a 
hostile invasion. To secure themselves from the expected 
attack, they surrendered their states to the duke of Milan, 
probably with the intention of again asserting their inde- 
pendence as soon as they had an opportunity ; an arti- 
fice to which they had frequently resorted on former 
occasions {a). 

In the conduct of Lorenzo towards the smaller govern- 
ments in the vicinity of Florence, he gave a striking in- 
stance of prudence and moderation. Instead of seeking 

for 



{a) Muratn AnwU. v. iz. /. 555* 



33 

for pretences to isubjugate them, he, upon all occasions, CHAP, 
afforded them the moft effectual aid in resisting every ^^* 
effort to deprive them of their independence. In his esti- ^^^^^ ^^^ 
mation, these were the true barriers of the Tuscan terri- tcctsthcsmaUer 
tory. By the constant intercourse which he maintained 
with the subordinate sovereigns, and the chief nobility of 
Italy, he was enabled to perceive the first indications of 
disagreement, and to extinguifh the sparks before they had 
kindled into a flame. The city of Perugia was held by the 
Baglioni, Castello by the Vitelli, Bologna by the Bentivoli, 
and Faenza by the Manfredi ; all of whom resorted to him 
as the umpire of their frequent dissensions, and their pro- 
tector from the resentment, or the rapacity, of their more 
powerful neighbours. Innumerable occafions presented 
themselves, in which the Florentines might have extended 
the limits of their dominions, but it was uniformly the po- 
licy of Lorenzo, rather to secure what the state already 
possessed, than, by aiming at more extensive territory, to 
endanger the whole ; and so fully did he accomplish his 
purpose, that the acute, but profligate Lodovico Sforza, 
was accustomed to say, " That Lorenzo bad converted into 
*' iron what be found fabricated of glass (^)/* The views 
of Lorenzo were -not however limited by the boundaries 
that divide Italy from the rest of Europe. The influence 
of other states upon the politics of that country was daily 
increasing. He had therefore, at almost every court, en- 
voys and correspondents, on whose talents and integrity 
he had the greatest reliance; and who gave him minute 

and 



(a) Fair, in wtd Lour, HfoL u /• l8l. 
VOL. II. F 



34 

CHAP, and early informatiotl of every circumstance that might 
^^' affect the general tranquillity. By these men^ he heard, 
he saw, he felt, every motion and every change of the po- 
litical machine, and was ojften enabled to give it an ia]^- 
pulse where it was supposed to be far beyond the limits of 
his power. In conducting a negotiation, all circumstances 
seemed to concur in rendering him successfbl ; but these 
were not the effects of chance, but of deep and premedi* 
tated arrangement Knowing the route he had to take,, the 
obstacles that might have obstructed his progress were 
cautiously removed, before his opponents were apprized of 
his intentions. Hence, as one of the Florentine annalists 
expresses it (^), he became the balance point of the Italian 
potentates, whose affairs he kept in such just equilibrium a^ 
to prevent the preponderancy of any particular statev Sur- 
rounded as he was by ambitious despots, who knew no re-* 
straint except that of compulsion, or by restless communis 
ties constantly springing up with elastic vigour against the 
hand that pressed them ;* it was only by unwearied atten^ 
tion that he could cjuxb t^. overbearing, relieve the oppsesi^ 
ed, allay their mutual jealousy^ and preserve them from 
perpetual contention. By inducing them to grasp at uoMib^ 
stantial advantages, he placed in their hand^^ xeal Uessixigs } 

and 



If ^ 11 ■ m il I «>■! I ■ i» < »l t 






(a) ^ Era YCttuto Lorenzo in taptanputariooie e atxtorita^appressogii attri 
prlncipi d' Italia, &c. che tuttigli Scriuori di que' tempi* e U iBe9[K>rie a9« 
cora degli uominiy che viyono, e che sono vivuti a tempi nostri unitamente^ 
" s* accordano, die, mentre ch' cgli vis«e fti sempre 1*' ago della bilancia intra*' 
** principi predetti, che mantenne bilanciati gli stati loro, e di tal maniera gli 
** tenne uniti, e ciascuno di essi ristretti dentro a* termini de' loro confini, che 
*'* si potette dipoi, dopo la sua morte, vedere questa verita detta di sopra/' 5cc« 
Filif. di Nerli^ Commath it FMi civiU ^ Fir. Hi. 3. Ed. Fin. 1 728. 



3S 

and hf alarming them vrkh imagkuiy tecrors, averted their C ha p« 
steps from impending destracticm. ^^' 

We have already seen, that by the terms of the treaty ThekingofN^. 
between the pope and the king of Naples, Ferdinand was to hj^j^^^^ 
pay an annual sxibsidy to the Roxkian see, and was also to the pope, 
grant an unconditional pardon to his refractory fK>ble8» 
The latter t>f these conditions he immediately broke^ and 
the ether he only adhered to as long as he conceived that 
the pope was able to trompel its performance. The <:ruelty 
and perfidy shewn by ferffinaaid in his treatment of the 
Neapolitan noMiity, fixes an indelible stain upon hiis cha- 
racter ; but the operations of the mocal world are not less 
certaift than those of the natural, and the treachery of 
^etxiinand brought forth in due time its fruits of bitterness. 
It is trtie indeed, as Muratori well obse^^es, ^ Ood does 
^ not always repay in this world, nor are his judgments 
^^ laid open to us ; bift if we may cm any occasion be 
^ allowed to mtetpret them, it is when diey aeem to be 
^ the retribution of cruelty. In fact, the calamities of 
^ Fer4inand were not long postponed. Hie lapse of a 
few years deprived him of life, and his posterity of 
the kingdom of Nicies. Surely, he can never be 
^worthy to rule over a people, who knows not how 
** to forgwe {ay* 

The refusal of Ferdinand to comply with his engage- 
ments, again roused the resentment of the pope, the in- 
adequacy 



4i 
4( 



»*«WWfcaM « i i fciiiiii ■ ■ !■■»■■ ^— »<^i^^w^iMfc«^^»^— afc 



(a) ** Certo non sara ^ammsd degno di roggerc pqpoKj chi non sa mai 
** perdonare." MurM. Anu^ v, iz. /. §§6. 

F 2 



36 

CHAP, adequacy of whose temporal arms to enforce his pretensionsi 

^^* was supplied by the spiritual terrors of excommunication. 

On this occasion, the intervention of Lorenzo de' Medici 

Peace again . • 

lettered. again ^became necessary. A long negotiation ensued, in 

the progress of which he availed himself of every opportu- 
nity afforded him by the circumstances of the times, the 
temper of the parties, and his own credit and authority, to 
prevent the disagreement from proceeding to an open rup- 
ture. Of his letters written in the course of these transac- 
tions, some are yet preserved, which, whilst they display 
the refined policy and deep discernment of their author^ 
demonstrate how assiduously he laboured to avert the cala?- 
mities of war. " It appears to me," says he, writing toXan^ 
fredini his confidential envoy at Rome,, who was to lay 
these representations before the pope, ^* that his holiness 
'* must propose to himself one of these three thinga ;. either 
*^ to compel the king by force to comply with his requisi*- 
" tion ; or to compromise matters with him on the most 
" advantageous terms that can be obtained ; or, lastly, to 
** temporise till something better may be effected^" He 
then enters into a full discussion of the difficulties and 
dangers that seem likely to attend the making an hostile 
attack on the kingdom of Naples. He lays before the 
pope the situation not only of the other states of Italy, 
but of Europe ; and shews the indispensable necessity of 
entering into treaties for assistance, or neutrality, before he 
engages in so hazardous an attempt. Having thus endea- 
voured to deter the pope from adopting any violent and 
unadvised measures, he adverts to the probability of termi- 
nating their differences by negotiation ; the opportunity for 
which, however, he thinks as yet crude and immature, and 

as 



S7 



a 






as likely to be. still further delayed by any severe or incau- CHAP. 
tious proceedings. *' With respect to temporising," says ^^' 
he, " this is undoubtedly the only course to be pursued, 
because it is better beyond comparison to let matters re- 
main in their present state, with reputation to his holi- 
*' .ness, than to risk a war ; especially as the king has it 
•* in his^ power to do him essential injury." He concludes 
with a recapitulation of his former opinions. ** If the 
^ pope can accommodate matters with the king, con>- 
** sistently with his own honour, it seems to me that a 
^ tolerable compromise is better than a successful war. 
^ But as difficulties present themselves to an immediate 
agreement, I would endeavour to protract the discus^ 
sion as long as it might be done with safety and pro- 
** priety ; all that I have advanced is however upon the 
" idea, that the pope is not prepared to carry his point by 
*^ force, for if that were the case, the king would soon 
." submit ; but I fear he is too well ^prized how far he is 
" liable to be injured, and on this account will be more 
*^ obstinate (a)." By representations of this nature, foundt- 
ed on incontestable facts,, and inforced by unanswerable 
arguments, Lorenzo at length, so. far mitigated the anger, 
or abated the confidence, of the pope, as to dispose him to 
listen to propositions of accommodation ; whilst, through 
the medium of his ambassador at Naples, he prevailed on 
the king to assent to the payment of the same subsidy which 
his predecessors had paid to the holy see. It is not easy 
to say to which of the contending parties the conduct of 

Lorenzo 



(a) For this kcter> v* App. No. XLVIL 



3« 

jC H A P. Lorenzo was most acceptable ; tfee 'pope omk^ed no subs^ 
^^' qucnt* opportunity of cc»fbrring on Mm and bis family tfac 

""""""^ most important favours? whHst Ferdinand mequivocaily 
-acknowledged, that to his fiiendfiiip and fidelity^ he and Im 
family were indebted, not oniy for ihc rank tliey held, btft: 
even for their continuance in the kingdom of Naples {ii). 

Review of the T5ie cxtemal concerns of the republic being happily 

F^e"''^ -adjusted, and the tranquillity of Italy secured, ix)ren20 ap- 
plied himself to the regulation of the internal 'discipline of 
die Florentine state. The gov^ernment of this city was 
founded on the broadest basis <^ 4ettiocratic equality^ By 
-its fundamental principles, every person who contributed 
■by his industry to the support or aggrandisement of the 
state^ had a right to shar^ in the direction of it ; either by 
xlelegating his power to c^fhets, or in exet^ising a portion 
of the supreme control, under the suffrages of his fellow- 
otizens. fciactivity was the only -circumstance that inca- 
padtatcd him from the enjoyment of political rights^ The 
florentin€», as «arly ais the year xdS2, had classed them- 
selves into distinct bodies, or municipal companies, accord^ 
ing to their various professions ; ssid in order to place their 
government on a truly populw foundation, had determined, 

that 



{a) Ferdinand thus addressed himself to Antonio deUa Valle, one of die 
agents of Lorenzo at Naples : ** Lorenzo ha provato. che veFamente ho amato 
** lui & qnella citta ; ed io ho avuto a provare, che ha amato me, e 1 miei fig- 
^* WvxsUf che senza lui, ne io ne loro saremmo in questo regno, il quale beneficio 
** noi ne i nostri discendenti mai si hanno a scordare/' Pet, Lutttii Ep. ad Lour. 
Tdh, <v,\i* /. 3'59. These o1>Iigations are also warmly acknowledged by Per- 
dinand in a letter to Lorenzo himself, v, 4fp- ^^* XLVIIL 

3 



Mi 



39 

that no person should be eligible to a public office, unless chap. 
he were either actually, or professedly^ a member of one or ^^' 
other of these compaxiies« By this regulation, the nobility "— ""^ 
were alher excluded. &om the offices of the state,, or, in 
ordbr to obtain thern^ were obliged to degrade the honours 
of their xiank, by the humiliating app^lation of artizaa (a]» 
ftom these associated bodies^ a^ certain number of mem^ 
bers were deputed to exerc^ the. supreme goiremment^ 
in conjunction with an officer, whom we have frequendyi 
aft^tioned by the name of Gonfidoniere, whose authority 
was however subordinate to that of the delegated muecha-« 
nics,^ or Priori dsUc artl, who continued in office, only 
two mosthsi and; feomi three m number, had' increased^ 
afe YaiiQUS: intervak, to sbc, to oght, aod. lasdy to ten (^); 

This 



{a) £t sopra tatto parv^,>die si IiaTessc havuto^iguardo a fondar uno stata 
affatto popolare> non vol^ndo che fussono ricevute al govemo persone^ che non 
Aissero conprese sotto il nome, e insegna d' alcuna arte ; eziandio che quelle 
acti noA egcrcitasBcrOj p c r c iochg h-goiim- nea- s tiin a vaa ^- coga c onv e ni e nt e- 'A ■ le* 
' var in tutto i\ govemo di mano de' nobili, cosl giudicavano esser necessario^ 
che almeno col nome che preodevano^ deponessero parte dell? aherigia che por- 
gea loro quella borios^ voce della nobilta. Jmrnir* ht. Uh, ui« v. L /. i6o» 

ifi) The jealous temper of tJ6ie Florentines in providing fbr the security of 
their liberties, is exquisitely satirized by their firil poet : 

Or ti fa lieta, cfae t» hai ben oiide> 

Tu Ticca, tu con pace, tu con senno i 

S'i' dlca *1 ver, i! cffietto npl nasconde 
Atene^ e l»aceden^Qnaft che feimo 

L' antiche teg^i, e Curgn si civili^. 

Fecero aL viver bene, un piqpiol seicnp 
, Verso di te,ch«»faitanto.sot£ili 

Provvedimenti, ch'a xne^so N^vomlure 

NoQ giuQgf (£aelt, c1)q tu- d' Q^pbre 6iu 






VI. 



40 

« 

CHAP. This institution had, in the time of Lorenzo de' Medici, 
subsisted nearly two hundred years, during which the 
ofEce of Gonfaloniere had been filled by a regular succes- 
sion of twelve hundred citizens, who had ' preserved the 
dignity and independence of the republie, and secured to 
their countrymen the exercise of their rights. With this 
laudable jealousy of th^ir own liberties, the Florentines did 
not, like the Romans, from whom they derived their origin, 
exert their power to destroy the liberties of others. They 
wisely repressed the dangerous desire of subjecting to their 
dominion surrounding states, nor aspired to the invidious 
honour of sparing the subservient, and overturning the 
proud ; and, though a community of freemen, were content 
to be the first in those accomj^ishments, which the flatterer 
of Augustus affected to despise {a). 

There is however reason to conjecture, that the Floren- 
tine government, although sufliciently vigorous for internal 

regulation. 



Quante volte del tempo, che rimembre 

Legge» moneta, e aficio, e costume^ 

Ha' tu mutatOy e rinuovato membre ? 
£ se ben ti ricorday e vedi lume, 

Vedrai te simigliante a quell' infirma, 

Che, non puo trovar posa in sulle piuxne 

Ma con dar volla suo dolore scherma. 

Danti. Purg. Cant. ti. 

{a) Excndent alii spirantia moUius serai 

Credo equidexn, vivos ducent de marmore vidttts, 

Orabunt caussas melius, coelique meatus, 

Descrtbent radio et surgentia sidera dicent : 

Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 

(Has tibi erunt artes, ) pacique imponere moremy 

Parcere fiubjectis, ct debella^ superbos. 

JEn. lib. vi« 



introduced 
by Lorenzo: 



41 

regulation, was inadequate to the exertions of external CHAP, 
warfare. The hand that may steer a vessel through the ^^^^ 
tranquil ocean, may be unable to direct the helm amidst Re^uutioiit 
the fury of the storm. It may indeed well be conceived, 
that the delegated magistrates, being so extremely limited, 
as well with respect to their number, as to the duration 
of their power, would reluctantly determine on, and cau- 
tiously engage in measures, which involved the welfare, 
and perhaps the existence of the community. Accord- 
ingly it appears, that ori important occasions it was cus- 
tomary for the magistrates to assemble the most respectable 
citizens, from whose advice they might derive assistance, 
and by whose countenance they might secure themselves 
from censure. During the late dangerous contest, this mea- 
sure had been frequently resorted to, and with such mani- 
fest advantage, that Lorenzo, after the restoration of the 
public tranquillity, recommended, and obtained the esta- 
blishment of a body of seventy citizens, who, in the nature 
of a senate, were to deliberate and to decide on all the 
transactions of government, as well in the affairs of peace, 
as of war. This institution, for which he might have 
pleaded the example of the Spartan legislator, was pro- 
bably intended, not only to give a greater degree of sta- 
bility and energy to the government, but to counteract 
the democratic spirit, which was supposed to have risen 
to a dangerous excess (j), and to operate as a safeguard 

against 



{a) ** All free governments,'' says Hume, very decisively, ** must consist 
^' of two councils, a lesser and greater ; or, in other words, of a senate and 
** people*" ** The people," as Harrington observes, ** would want wisdom ^ 
f* without the senate ; the senate, without the people, would want honesty." 

Idia rf a ferfect CtmmQMwealfir. 
VOLt IJ. G 



42 

CHAP, against an abuse which was the destruction of all the free 
^^' states of antiquity — ^the exercise of the powers of govern- 
■ ment, by the immediate interference of the citizens at 

large. 

Prosperity of At this pcriod, thc city of Florence was at its highest 

•tate. degfee of prosperity. The vigilance of Lorenzo had secured 

it from all apprehensions of external attack ; and his ac« 
knowledged disinterestedness and moderation had almost 
extinguished that spirit of dissension for which it had been 
1488. so long remarkable. The Florentines gloried in their illus- 
trious citizen^ and were gratified in numbering in their 
body, a man who wielded in his hands the fate of nations, 
and attracted the respect and admiration of all Europe. 
Though much inferior in population, extent of dominion, 
and military character, to several of the other states of Italy, 
Florence flood at this time in the first degree of respect- 
ability. The active spirit of its inhabitants, no longer 
engaged in hostile contentions, displayed itself in the pur- 
suits of commerce, and the improvement of their manufac- 
tures. Equally enterprizing and acute, wherever there ap- 
peared a possibility of profit, or of fame,, they were the 
first to avail themselves of it ; and a Florentine adventurer, 
though with doubtful pretensions^ has erected to himself a 
monument which the proudest conqueror might envy, and 
impressed his name upon a new world in characters that 
are now indelible {a). The silk and linen fabrics manufac- 
tured 



(a) Amerigo Vespucci, who has contended with Columbus for the honour 
of the discovery of America, was born at Florence in the year 145 1, of a re- 
spectable family, of which several individuals had enjoyed the chief offices of 
the republic. The name of Amerigo was at Florence a common name of 



43 

tured by the Florentines, were in a great degree wrought CHAP, 
from their native productions; but their wool was imported ^^* 
from England and from Spain, whose inhabitants indolently *""""" 
resigned their natural advantages, and purchased again at 
an extravagant price their own commodities. In almoft 
every part to which the Florentines extended their trade, 
they were favoured with peculiar privileges, which enabled 
them to avail themselves o£ the riches they had already 
acquired ; and the superstitious prohibitions of the clergy 
against usury were of little avail against a traffic in which 
the rich found employment for their wealth, and the 
powerful relief in their necessities. The consequence of 
these industrious exertions was, a sudden increase of popu- 
lation in Florence ; insomuch that Lorenzo was under the 
necessity of applying to the pope, for his permission to 
build in the gardens of the monasteries within the walls of 

the 



baptism. For an account of the controversy that has taken place respecting 
the pretensions of these eminent navigators, I must refer to Dr. Robertson^s 
History of America, iook ii. noti 22. without however approving the severity 
of his animadversions on the respectable Canonico Bandini, who has endea- 
voured, from original khd almost contemporary documents, to support the 
claims of his countryman. Band, vita di AmerigQ Fisp, F/^r. 1745. However 
this may be, it is certain, that about the year 1507, Vespucci resided at Seville, 
with the title of master pilot, and with authority to examine all other pilots; 
for which he had a salary assigned him ; an employment, as Tiraboschi well 
observes, suitable to a skilful navigator, but far below the pretensions of a man 
who had first discovered the new continent. This employment, however, 
afforded Vespucci an opportunity of rendering his name immortal. As he 
designed the charts for navigation, he uniformly denominated that continent by 
the name of America, which being adopted by other mariners and navigators, 
soon became general. Tirai, Storia della Let. Ital, nt. 6. par. u p% 192. The 
memory of Vespucci is therefore now secured by a memorial. 

Quod non imber edaz nee aquilo impotens> 
Possit diruere* aut innumerabilis 
Annorum series, et fuga temporum. 

O 2 



u 



44 

CHAP, the city. By his attemian, the police was also efFectually" 
^'' reformed. A contemporary author assures us, that there 

"""""""^ was no part of Italy where the people were more regular 
in their condu£t, or where atrocious crimes were less fre- 
quent {ay *^ We have here," says he, " no robberies, no 
^^ nocturnal commotions, no assassinations. By night or 
by day every person may transact his concerns in perfect 
safety. Spies and informers are here unknown. The 
" accusation of one is not suffered to affect the safety of the 
" many ; for it is a maxim with Lorenzo, that it is defter 
•* to confide in all than in a few^^ From the same autho- 
rity we learn, that the due administration of justice en- 
gaged his constant attention, and that he carefully avoided 
giving rise to an idea, that he was himself above the control 
of the law. Where com?pukory regulations lost their effect^ 
the assiduity and example of Lorenzo produced the most 
salutary consequences^ and banished that dissipation which 
enervates, and that indolence which palsies society. By 
forming institutions for the cultivation of the ancient lan- 
guages, or the discussion of philosophical truths, by pro- 
moting the sciences, and encouraging the useful and orna- 
mental arts, he stimulated talents into action, and excited 
an emulation which called forth all the powers of the mind. 
Even the public spectacles, intended for the gratification of 
the multitude, partook of the polished character of the inha- 
bitants, and were conceived with ingenuity, and enlivened 
with wit. The prosperity and happiness which the citizens 
thua enjoyed were attributed to their, true source, and 

Lorenzo 



[a) PbiUppus Ridditus Exhort t ad Pet. Med* Laur, JiU intir of use, Joan, LamiL 
Dclic, Erudite Fkr. 1742* 



45 

Lorenzo received the best reward of his labours in the CHAP. 

VI. 

gratitude of his country. ■ • 

Beyond the limits of Tuscany, the character of this Highrepua- 
illustrious Florentine was more eminently conspicuous^. 
The glory of the republic appeared at a distance to be con- 
centered ill himself. To him, individually, ambassadors 
were frequently dispatched by the firft monarchs of Eu- 
rope ; who, as their concerns required, alternately courted 
his assistance or solicited his advice {a). In the year 1489, 
when the emperor Frederick IIL sent an embassy to Rome, 
he directed them to pass through Florence to obtain the par 
tronage of Lorenzo ; being, as he said, convinced of his- 
importance in directing the affairs of Italy. An interchange 
of kind offices subsisted between this eminent citizen and. 
John 11. king of Portugal, who was deservedly dignified, 
with the appellation of great, and was desirous that the 
transactions of his life should be recorded by the pen of 
Politiano [b)^ From Matteo Corvino, whose virtues had 
raised him to the throne of Hungary, many letters ad- 
dressed to Lorenzo are yet extant, which demonstrate not 
only the warm attachment of that monarch to the cause of 
science and the arts, but his esteem and veneration for the 

man 



(a) C'etolc une chose aussi admirable qu' ^loign6e de nos moeurs, de voir 

ce citoyen, qui faisait tciiijours le commerce, yendre d'une main les denrees 

du Levant, & soutenir de 1' autre le fardeau de la republique ; entretenir des 

facteursy. 6c recevoir des ambassadeurs ; r^sister au pape, faire lu guerre & la^ 

pafz, 6tre 1' oracle des princes, cultiyer les belles-lettres, donner des spectacles . 

au peuple, 8c accueillir tous les scavans Grecs de Constantinople. II ^gala le 

grand Cosme par ses bienfaits, & le surpassa par sa magnificence. 

FoIt» Essai, v* ii* /• 284^. 
[a) Pol. Epist. lit. x.. Ef. i« 2. 



46 

CHAP, man whom he considered as their most zealous protector (a). 
' As the reputation of Lorenzo increased, the assiduities of 
Louis XL of France became more conspicuous ; and in ex- 
change for professions of esteem, which from such a quar- 
ter could confer no honour, we find him soliciting from 
Lorenzo substantial favours {b). The commercial inter- 
course between Florence and Egypt, by means of which 
the Florentines carried on their lucrative traffic in the 
productions of the east, was extended and improved by 
Lorenzo ; and such Was the estimation in which he was 
held by the sultan, that, in the year 1487, an ambassador 
arrived at Florence, bringing with him, as a mark of his 
master's esteem, many singular presents of rare animals 
and valuable commodities ; amongst the former of which, 
a camelopardaKs principally attracted the curiosity of the 
populace {c)0 

General tran. This cpoch foTms onc of those scauty portions in the 

qumityof history of mankind, on which we may dwell without 

weeping over the calamities, or blushing for the crimes of 
our ^species. Accordingly, the fancy of the poet, expand- 
ing in the gleam of prosperity, has celebrated these times 
as realizing the beautiful fiction of the golden age (//). 

This 



{a) These letters are preserved in the Pfl/ajwMF/rfi&itf, at Florence. Filz.xLviu 

(^) A letter from Louis XI. to Lorenzo, most earnestly entreating his assist- . 
ance in promoting the interests of the king's favourites in a proposed nomina- 
tion of cardinals by Innocent VIII. is preserved in the Paiaxxo Ficcbio. Fih. lix. 

(0 Of these articles Pietro da Bibbiena, the secretary of Lorenzo, gives 
an inventory to Clarice his wife. v. App. iVi?.XLIX. Fahr. ii. 337. 

(</) From the numerous pieces v^hich allude to this period,.! shall select the 

2 



47 

This season of tranquillity is the interval to which Guic- C H A ?• 
ciardini so strikingly adverts, in the commencement of his ^^* 
history, as being " prosperous beyond any other that Italy 
•* had experienced, during the long course of a thousand 
" years. When the whole extent of that fertile and beau- 
" tiful country was cultivated, not only throughout its 
*' wide plains and fruitful vallies, but even amidst its ihofl: 
" sterile and mountainous regions ; and under no control 
** but that of its native . nobility and rulers, exulted, not 
^' only in the number and riches of its inhabitants, but in 
" the magnificence of its princes, in the splendour of 
^ many superb and noble cities, and in the residence and 
^' majesty of religion itself. Abounding with men emi^ 
^^ nent iti the administration of public aflfairs, skilled in 
** every honourable science and every useful art, it stood 
** high in the estimation of foreign nations* Which ex- 
^^ traordinary felicity, acquired at many different opportu- 
^^ nities, several circunlistances contributed to preserve, 
^^ but among the rest, ho small share of it was, by general 
" consent, ascribed to the industry and the virtue of La- 
*' renzo de' Medici j a citizen, who rose so far beyond the 
" mediocrity of a private station, that he regulated by his 
" counsels the affairs of Florence, then more important 
*' by its fituation, by the genius of its inhabitants, and the 
" promptitude of its resources, than by the extent of its 
** dominions ; and who having obt^dned the implicit con- 
" fidence of the Roman pontiff. Innocent VIII. rendered 

" his 



poem of Aurelius (or Lippo) Brandoliniy De lauMbus Laurentii Mtdicis^ as it is 
given in the Carmina illust. Poet, Itah v. ii. /• 439* A collection now very 
rarely met with, v, App, No. L. 



u 



48 

CHAP. <* Ms name great, and his authority important in the afFairs 
^^' " of Italy. . Convinced of the perils that might arise, both 
" to the Florentine republic and to himself, if any of the 
*' more powerful states should be allowed to extend their 
" dominions, he used every exertion that the afFairs of 
Italy might be so balanced, that there should be no in- 
clination in favour of any particular state ; a circum- 
stance which could not take place without the permanent 
*^ establishment of peace, and the minutest attention to 
i** every event, however trivial it might appear.'* Such are 
the representations of this celebrated historian. It is only 
to be regretted that these prosperous days were of such short 
duration. Like a momentary calm that precedes the ravages 
of the tempest, they were scarcely enjoyed before they were 
past The fabric of the public happiness, erected by the 
vigilance, and preserved by the constant care of Lorenzo, 
remained indeed firm and compact during the short re- 
mainder of his days ; but at his death it dissolved like the 
work of enchantment, and overwhelmed for a time in its 
ruins even the descendants of its founden 



CHAP. VII. 



Different progress of Italian and classical literature 
— Latin writings of Dante^ Petrarca^ and Boccaccio — 
Effects produced by tbem — Emanuel Cbrysoloras — Con^ 
sequences of improvement — Progress of the Laurentian 
Library — Introduction of printing in Florence — Early edi^ 
tions of the classic authors — Politiano corrects the Pan^ 
dects of Justinian — Miscellanea of Politiano — His con^ 
troversy with Merula — Establishment of the Greek 
academy at Florence — Joannes Argyropylus — Demetrius 
Chalcondyles — English scholars at Florence-^Political im- 
portance obtained by men of learning — Florentine secre^ 
taries — Bartolommeo Scala — His controversy with Poll- 
tiano *^Leamed statesmen in other governments of Italy — 
Men of rank devote themselves to study — Pico of Miran^ 
dula — Learned women — Alessandra Scala — Cassandra Fi- 
delis— ^Result of the attention shewn to classical learning — 
Translations — Italian writers of Latin poetry — Landino — 
Ugolino and Michael Verini — Other Latin poets of the 
ffteenth century — Character of the Latin poetry of Poli- 
ttano^^eneral idea of the state of literature in Florence 
in the latter part of the fifteenth century. 



VOL. II. H 



* ' 



CHAP. VII. 



Of the imfMX)vement that took fdace in the Italian Ian- Different pnv 
gu^ in the fourteenth ceotiuy, of its rapid and unex- ndciuuui" 
pected decline in that vrfiich succeeded, and of its restora- ■■**""■" 
tion under the auspices 9f Lorenzo de* Medici, some ac- 
count has already been given ; but in tracing the history of 
the revival and progress of the ancient languages, we shall 
find, that as they were influenced by other causes, they 
neither flourished nor declined with the study of the na- 
tional ttmgue. On the contrary, a daily proficiency wa£ 
made in classical literature, at the very time that the 
Italian language was agun sinking into barh^ism and ne- 
glect; and the former advanced, by a gradual but cert^n 
progress, towards that pofection which the latter suddenly 
H 2 and 



52 

^ VT^ ^* ^^^ unexpectedly attained, from the causes to which we 

V 1.x* 



have before adverted. 



Laun writings In assiffning the reason for this remarkable distincuon, 

cf Dante, Pc- ^ . , . ^ ^ ^ ^ ' 

trarca, and Eoc, wc must agam Tccur to the times of Dante, of Petrarca, 



caccio. 



and of Boccaccio ; and observe the effects produced by the 
exertions of those great men, whose talents throw a lustre 
over a period which would otherwise be involved in total 
darkness. In estimating their labours, we shall find that 
their various attempts to reduce into form their native lan- 
guage, and to revive the study of the ancient tongues, 
were not only attended with different degrees of success, 
but were followed by consequences precisely the reverse 
of those which might have been expected. With whatever 
justice Petrarca and Boccaccio might, in their own days, 
have boasted of their voluminous productions in the Latin 
tongue, the increasing applause bestowed on their Italian 
writings soon obscured their fame as Latin authors ; and 
they are indebted for their present celebrity to works which 
they almost blushed to own, and were ashamed to commu- 
nicate to each other {a). The diflferent merits of their j 
Latin and their Italian compositions were however soon ap- 
preciated; 



(a) The Decamerone of Boccaccio was not communicated to Petrarca till 
many years after it was written {Manni, Jilust. del Boccaccio^ p, 629.) j and Pe- 
trarca himself confesses, that the reception of his Italian writings was far more 
favourable than he expected. 

S'io avessi pensato che si care, | 

Fossin le voci de' sospir miei in rima, 
Fatte P avrei dal sospirar mio prima, 
In numero piu ^pesse, in stil piu rare« 

Son^ 253. 



\ 



cc 



53 

predated ; and whilst the latter were daily rising in the CHAP, 
estimation of the world, the former lost a great share of ' 

their reputation before the close of the succeeding century. 
" It is not to be denied (^)," says a very judicious critic of 
that period, " that both Dante and Petrarca were warm 
" admirers of the ancients ; but the Latin writings of 
*' Dante, like a picture that has lost its colour, exhibit 
little more than an outline. Happy indeed had it been, 
had this author been enabled to convey his sentiments 
in Latin, a& advantageously as he has done in his na« 
tive tongue. The numerous works of Petrarca, the 
offspring of that solitude in which he delighted, are last- 
" ing monuments of his industry and his talents. Yet his 
*' style is harsh, and scarcely bears the character of Latinity. 
" His writings are indeed full of thought, but defective in 
** expression, and display the marks of labour without the 
" polish of elegance ; but as we sometimes take a potion, 
not for the sake of gratification, but of health, so from 
these writings we must expect to derive utility rather 
" than amusement. Rude as they are, they possess how- 
ever some secret charm which renders them engaging. 
The distinguished talents of Boccaccio sunk under the 
** pressure of the general malady. Licentious and inaccu- 
" rate in his diction, he has no idea of selection. All his 
" Latin writings are hasty, crude, and uninformed. He 
** labours with thought, and struggles to give it utterance ; 
^^ but his sentiments find no adequate vehicle, and the 
** lustre of his native talents is obscured by the depraved 

" taste 









{a) Paulus Corwiust Di Hominibus Jociis, p, 7. Ed^ Fler, 1734. 



54 

CHAP- ** taste of the times.** Whilst such wis the fate of the 
1, Latin productions of these authors, their Italian writings 



were the objects rather of adoration than applause. No 
longer confined to the perusal of the closet, and the grati- 
fication of an individual, the poems of Dante and of Pe- 
trarca were read in public assemblies of the inhabitants of ' 
Florence, and their beauties pointed out, or their obscuri- 
ties illustrated, by the most eminent scholars of the time. 
No sooner was the art of printing discovered, than copies 
of them were multiplied with an avidity which demon- 
strates the high esteem in which they were held. Even 
the prolix annotations with which these early ^itions were 
generally accompanied, if they do not for the most part 
display the talents of the critic, are a proof of the celebrity 
of the author. This observation is not however applicable 
to the commentary of Dante by Landino, who, with a laud- 
able perseverance, has preserved the remembrance of many 
historical facts, and related many circumstances indispens* 
ably necessary to the explanation of the Divina Commedia. 
His industry in the execution of a task so grateful to hig 
countrymen, was rewarded by the donation of a villa, or 
residence, on the hill of Casentino, in the vicinity of Flo- I 

rence, which he enjoyed under the sanction of a public 
decree.. Whilst the annotator was thus compensated^ 
the exiled poet was, upwards of a century alter bis death, 
restored to his family hoqoure, with the same formalitiet 
as if he had been still living ; hifi de&cendaats were per* 
Knitted to enjoy the possessione <^ their iikistrious ancestor,, 
and his^ bust, crowned with laurels, was raised at the public 
expence. 

It 



55 

It might then have been expected, that the successful CHAP, 
efforts of these authors to improve their native tongue, .. 

would have been more efiectual than the weak, though laud- ?^*^^ produced 

' ° by them. 

able attempts made by them to revive the study of the 
ancient languages ; . but it must be remembered, that they 
were all of them men of genius, and genius assimilates not 
with the character of the age* Homer and Shakspeare 
have no imitators, and are no models. The example of 
such talents is perhaps upon the whole unfavourable to the 
general progress of improvement ; and the superlative abi- 
lities of a few, have more than once damped the ardour of 
a nation (^). But if the great Italian authors were inimi- 
table in the productions of their native language, in their 
Latin writings they appeared in a subordinate character^ 
Of the labours of the ancients, enough had been discovered 
to mark the decided difference between their merits and 
those of their modern imitators ; and the applauses bestow- 
ed upon the latter, were only in proportion to the degree 
in which they approached the models of ancient eloquence. 
This competition was therefore eagerly entered into ; nor 
had the success of the first revivers of these studies de- 
prived their followers of the hope of surpassing them {6). 

Even 



{a) Dopo la raorte di Cicerone e di Vcrrgilio due chiarissiini specchi della 
Imgua Ladna« comineio il modo deUo scrivere Romanaxtiente» cosi in versi coom 
in prosa» a mutarsi & variare da se medesimOf e ando tanto di mano in mano 
pegglorandoy che non era quasi piii quel desso. II medesimo ne piu ne meno 
avrenne nella lingua fiorentina ; perche spenti Dante> il Petrarca^ e'l Boccac- 
ciOf comincio a variare e mutarsi il modo e la guisa del favellarey e dello sen- 
veVe fiorentinaxnentey e tanta ando di male in peggto che quasi non si riconosce- 
va piU) &c. Farcbi V Er£oiam$, fuoi. i. f* S^. Ed» Pasi^a, 1744* 

{t) Difficilisinperfectomoraest; naturaliterque quod procedere noil po« 
testy recedit. Et^ ut pnmoad consequendos, quospriores ducimus, accendl- 



S6 

CHAP. Even the early part of the fifteenth century produced 
- scholars as much superior to Petrarca, and his coadjutors, 

as they were to the monkish compilers, and scholastic 
disputants, who immediately preceded them; and the 
labours of Leonardo Aretino, Gianozzo Manetti, Guarino 
Veronese, and Poggio Bracciolini, prepared the way for 
the still more correct and classical productions of Politiano, 
Sannazaro, Pontano, and Augurelli. The declining state 
of Italian literature, so far then from being inconsistent 
with, was rather a consequence of the proficiency made in 
other pursuits, which, whilst they were distinguished by a 
greater degree of celebrity, demanded a more continued 
attention, and an almost absolute devotion both of talents 
and of time. 

Emanuel Whatever may have been the opinion in more modern 

times, the Italian scholars of the fifteenth century did 
not attribute to the exertions of their own countrymen 
the restoratioh of ancient learning. That they had shewn 
a decided predilection for those studies, and had excited 
an ardent thirst of further knowledge, is universally al- 
lowed ; but the source from which that thirst was allayed, 
was found in Emanuel Chrysoloras, who, after his re- 
turn to his native country from his important embassies, 
was prevailed upon by the Florentines to pay a second 
visit to Italy, and to fix his residence among them. The 

obligations 



mur ; ita ubi aut praBteriri aut acquari eos posse desperavimus, studium cum 
spe scnescit j ct quod adsequi non potest, scqui dcsinit : practeritoque co ia 
quo eminere non possimus, aliquid in quo nitamur conquirimus. 

FelUius Paierc. lib, i. €af. i j« 



57 

obligations due to Ghrysoloraa, are acknowledged in various CHAP, 
parts of their works, by those who availed themselves of ^^^'' 
his instructions ; and the gratitude of his immediate hesyrers 
was transfused into a new race of scholars, who by their 
eulogies on their literary patriarch, but much more by 
their own talents, contributed to honour his memory {a). 
On his arrival in Italy in the character of an instructor, 
he was accompanied by Demetrius Cydonius, another 
learned Greek. The ardour with which they were re-* 
ceived by the Italian scholars, may be conjectured from a 

letter 



{a) Chrysoloras died at Constancet wlien tHe council was held there in 
i4X5. A Yolume, consisting of eulogtes upon hinit Jatelj existed in the mo- 
jitasterj at CamMU$li. (Zimo. Ditt* V^ts. v. i. /• 2i4,) Poggio and iEneac 
Sylvius (Pius 11.) each of them honoured him with an epitaph. In the latter^ 
the merit of having been the reviver of both Greek and Latin literature, if 
ezpiidtlj attributed to him. 

lUc ego, qui Ladum priscas imitarier artes, 
Ezplosis docui sehnonnm amibagibus, et quiy 
Eloquium m^^^ni DBMoatHEiira ct CicsipNit 
In lucem retnli» Chrtsoloeas nomine notus. 
Hie situs emoriens, peregrlna sede, quiesco, &c« 

Janus Pannonius, a scholar of Guarino Veronese, (for whose history and 
unhappy fate, v. ydUrianus Di infelicitaie Litiratwtan^) in an elegant Latin pa* 
negyric on his preceptor, also pays a tribute of respect to the Greek schc^ar : 

Vir fuit hic patrio Chr ysoloeas nomine dictus, 
Candida Mercurio quern Calliopsa crearat, 
Nutrierat Pallas : nee soils iUe parentum 
Clarus erat studiis, sed rerum protinus omnem 
Naturam, magpaa complezus mente tenebat. 

Jani PoKtmnii ^mfueccUsintsis Efisc, Putitg, ad Guar, Fer, prectptorem suum 
ap^ Frobiuium, Saiit, ijlS. /• If. 

VOL* XL I 



44 
4C 
44 



58 

c HA P. ktter of Coluccio Salutati to Demetrius, . on his landing at 
^^^' Venice {a). " I rejoice not so much/* says he, ^ in the 
" honour I receive from your notice, as for the interests of 
" literature. At a time when the study of the Greek lans* 
** guage is nearly loft, and the minds of men are wholly 
^* ingrossed by ambition, voluptuousness, or avarice, yoii 
" appear as the messengers of the Divinity, bearing the? 
" torch of knowledge into the midst of our darkness* 
" Happy indeed shall I esteem myself, (if this life can 
^^ afford any happiness to a man to whom to*morrow will 
bring the close of his sixty-fifth year,) if I should by your 
assistance imbibe, those principles^ from which all the 
knowledge which this country possesses is wholly de- 
" rived. * Perhaps, . even y §t, the example of Catp may 
^ stimulate me to devote to this study the little that re^ 
** mains of life, and I may yet add to my other acquire- 
" ments, a knowledge of the Grecian tongue." 

Consequence* If we advert to the oight of thick darkness in which 

^improve- the world had been long enveloped^ : we may easily con- 
ceive the sensations that took plate in the minds of men 
when the gloom began to disperse, and the spectres of 
false science, by turns fantastic and terrific, gave way to 
the distinct and accurate forms of nature and of truths 
The Greeks who vidted Italy in the early part of th^ 
fifteenth century, if they did not diffuse a thorough 
knowledge of their language, and of those sciences which 

they 



ment. 



'■' ■ ! 



{a) MihitSf in ntita Amh. Tra<u. p, 356* This early visitor has escaped the 
researches of Drt Hody. Di Grmc. lllusu 



5-9 

they escclusively possessed, at least prepared a safe asylum CHAP, 
for iht muses and the arts, who had long trembled at ^^^* 
the apjproach, and at length fled before the fierce aspect of ■"— — 
Mahomet IL From that period ' a new order of things 
took place in Italy ^ the construction of language was 
investigated on philosophical principles ; . the maitimd of 
souiid criticism began to supplant the scholastic subtilties 
which had perverted for ages the powers of the human 
mindV and men descended from their fancied ' eminence 
among the regions of speculation and hypothesis, to tread 
the earth with a firm foot, and to gain the temple of fame 
by a legitimate, though laborious path. 

The establishment of public libraries in different parts of Progress of the 
Italy, whilst it was one of the first consequences of this Library."" 
striking predilection for the works of the ancients, became 
in its turn the active cause of further improvement. To 
no description of individuals is the world more indebted, 
than to t^iose who have been instrumental in preserving the 
wisdom of past ages, for the use of those to come, and 
thereby giving, as it were, a general sensorium to the hu- 
man race. In this respect great obligations are due to the 
venerable Cosmo {a). From the intercourse that in his 
time subsisted between Florence and Constantinople, and 
the long visits made by the Greek prelates and scholars to 
Italy, he had the best opportunity of obtaining the choicest 
treasures of ancient learning ; and the destruction of Con- 

. , stantinople 



(a) Ban Ji /iff Lett era sopra i frincipj^ (Sfc, deffa Biblioteca LaureuTddna. FtK 1 773. 

12 



6o 

CHAP, stantinople may be said to have transferred to Italy all that 
^^^* remained of eastern science {a). After the death of Cos- 
mo, his son Piero pursued with steady perseverence the 
same object, and made important additions to the varioua 
collections which Cosmo had begun, particularly to that of 
his own family (^). But although the ancestors of Lo^ 
renzo laid the foundation of the immense cdilection of 
manuscripts, since denominated the Laurentian Library,, 
he may himself claim the honour, of having raised the 

super-^ 



{a) The library of S. Marco> which, as we have before related, was founded 
by Cosmo,, with the books collected by. Ni'ccolo Niccoli^i aad augmented at his 
own expence, was,, in the year I454» almost buried in ruins by an earthquake^, 
that continued at intervals for nearly forty days, during which several persons 
lost their lives; Cosmo however not only restored the building to its former 
state, but raised the ceiUng,. so as to admit of a more extensive collection* At 
the same time a new arrangement of the manuscripts took place» and the Greek 
and Oriental works were &rmed into a class distinct from the Latin. 

Mektu in viid Amhm Trav, /• 66» 7^ 

^i) The manuscripts acqxlired by Piero de* Medici are for the most part 
highly ornamented with miniatures, gilding, and other decorations, and are 
distinguished by they&«r/ </# fys. Those collected by Lorenzo are marked not 
only with the Medicean arms^but with a laurel branch in allusion to his. name* 
and the motto semper. When we advert to the immense prices which were 
given for diese works, and the labour afterwards employed on them, they may 
be considered as the most expensive articles of luxury. A taste for the ezte* 
fior decoration, of hooks has lately arisen, in this country,,in the gratification of 
whick no small share.of ingenuity has been displayed ; but if we are to judge 
of the present predilection for learning by the degree of expence thus incurred^ 
we must consider it as greatly inferior either to thait o£ the Romans, during 
the times of the first emperors,.or of the Italians in the fifteenth century. And 
yet it is perhaps difficult to discover, why a favourite book should not be as pro- 
per an object of elegant ornament, as the head. of a cancj the hil^ of a.sword^. 
or the latchet of a shoe. 



iC. 



€4 



U 



6i 

superstructure; If tliere was any pursuit in which he en- CHAP,, 
gaged more ardently, and persevered more diligently than ^^^' 
the rest, it was that of enlarging his collection of books 
and antiquities. ^^ We need not wonder,'' says Niccolo 
Leoniceno,^ writing to Politiano {a)^ ^^ at your eloquence 
and your acquirements, when we consider the advantages 
which you derive from the favour of Lorenzo de' Me* 
dici,. the great patron of learning in this age ; whose 
*^ messengers are dispersed throughout every part of the 
earth,, for the purpose of collecting books on every 
science, and who has spared no expence in procuring 
for your use, and that of others who may devote them^ 
selves to similar studies, the materials necessary for your 
purpose. I well remember the glorious expression of 
Lorenzo, which you repeated to me, that he wished the 
diligence of Pico and yourself, would afford him such 
*^ opportunities of purchasing books, that his fortune 
^ proving, insufficient, he might pledge even his furniture 
*^ to possess. dxenuT" Acdng under the influence of such 
impressions, we cannot wonder at the progress made by 
Lorenzo, in which he derived great assistance from Hie^ 
ronymo Donato,, Ermolao Barbaro, and Paolo Cortesi ; but 
his principal coadjutor was Politiano, to whom he com- 
mitted the care and arrangement of his collection^ and 
who Hiade excursions at intervals through Italy, to discover 
and purchase such remains of antiquity, as suited the piu:- 
poses of his patron {d\. Two joumies, undertaken at the 

instance 






*■ » 



(41) Polit. Epist. lib. \\\ Ep. 7. 

^) Q£ the Tigilanqe of PoUuano in these pursuit^} we have the. most 



62 



GHAP. 
VIIi 



instancie of Loreazo; into the ^ast, by. Giovanni Lascar^ 
produced a great number of rate and valuablis work^. On 
his return from his second expedition^ he brought with 
him about two hundred copies^ many 'of whlc^ h« had jiron* 
cured from a monastery at Mount AthOs^ ; but thifi trea^ 
sure did not arrive till after the death of Lorenzo, who iii 
his last moments expressed to Politiano and Pico, his re- 
gret that he could not live to complete the collection which 
he was forming for their accommodation (er); ' Stimulated 
by the example of Lorenzo, other eminent patrons^ of 
learning engaged in the same pursuit. Those wlio ]f)atti- 
cularly distinguished themselves were Matteo Cofvino king 
of Hungary, and| Federigo duke of Urbino f^), to both of 
whom Lorenzo gave permission to copy sucH ofhis manu- 
scripts as they wished to possess ^ nothing being more con- 
sonant to his intentions than to diffuse the spirit of litera- 
ture as extensively as possible. 



Introduction 
of printing in 
Florence. 



The newly discovered art of printing, cdntribatod ' also 
in an eminent degree, to accelerate the ' progress of <lk^ 
Bical literature. This art was pratiti^dd vety'early'ih Flo^ 
rence, and some of the Florentine authors have 'even beeii 

' desirous 



Ua. 



JJL 



explicit evidence^ in a letter frorti him* to Lorenzo, firsf published by Fabron!, 
which may ju$cijfy the forcible remxtk 6£ thit author on the literary agents of 
LfOreazOr ** Porro ipsos veiuticos canes dtxissest ita odorabantur omnia 8c 
** pervestigabanty ut ubi quidque rarum esset, allqua ratione invenirent atque 
** compatarent." Fabr^ in vita Lour, v. i. p. 153, Jpp. No, LI. 

{a) Non nihil etiam tunc qnoqne jocatus nobiscum, quin ntrosqne intuens 
nos ; Vellem ait distulisset me saltern mors hzc ad eum diem qfio vestram 
plane bibliothecam absoluissem* PoL Ep. lib, iv. Ep, 2. 

(^) Pol. Ep^ lib^ lii. Ep. 6. Fahr, in vita Lour* v* i. /. 154* 



desirous of conferring oa onC' of their countrymen, the chap. 
merit of its inveiltion (a) ; but this' acute people have too ^^^' 
many well-founded claims on the gratitude of posterity, to \ 

render it necessary for . them to rely on doubtful com- 
mendation. It is however certain that whilst Venice so* 
Ucited the assistance of Nicolas Jensen, a native of France, 
and Rome began to practise the art under the guidance of 
the two Gersnan printers, Sweynheym and Pannartz, Flo^ 
rence' Jlm&d «moq^8( her own citizens, an artist equal to 
the ca!Bk* , Taking, for his exati^ple die inscriptions on the 
ancicnjt-Romanlse^ls (^), or more probably stimulated by 
the Success ; of . his dQutigmporaries, Bernardo Gennini, a 
Flofcat^np goldsmith,: formM the n^itriccs of his letters in 
bted^ by meaospof ^hich^ mth tl\e aa^istan^eof his two 
s(Mi5^ DomenicQ aitdPierp, he began in the year 1471 to 
pint die: wcdrks of ^ Virgil, with the commentary of Ser^ 
viiis^ . ivthich -he puUislied at Florence in t^ following 

..' , : • -'-' .*':.' : 'Lprenzo 



« » . ^ . 






{a) Mmtnif della pr^ma fremul^axiom de^ Libri in Firenxt. Fir, 1761, 

- {i),JM.f.i.. ^ ...... 

• (1^) £iz the Heat of t&e BiieoMcs in tidi edition, is die following ii^cription i- 



' ' • ' ' AI> LECTORKM 



MCCCCLZXl. 




aathort* 



64 

CHAP. Lorenzo de* Media saw the importatnce of a di^overy^ 

^^^* which had been wanting to the completion of the genc- 
_ rotis views' of his ancestors, and availed himself of it with 
oftheciusic a degree of earnestness which sufficiently shews the mo- 
tives by which he was actuated. At his instigation, several 
of the Italian scholars were induced to bestow their atten^ 
tion, in collating and correcting the manuscripts of the an-* 
cient authors, in order that they might be submitted to the 
press with the greatest possible accuracy. In the dialogues 
of Landino, published by him under the name of Dispu^ 
tationes CanudduUnses^ to which we have had occasion to 
refer {a\ that author has devoted his diird and fourth books 
to a critical dissertation on the works of Vir^l, particu« 
larty with a view of explaining such parts as are supposed 
to contain an allegorical sense; but he sooa afterwaids 
performed a much more grateful office to the admiretB of 
\ the Roman poet, by correcting the errors with which his 
works abounded, and endeavouring to restore them to 
their original purity. In the proeme to this work, which 
he has inscribed to Piero de* Medici, the son of Lorenzo, he 
recapitulates the favours which the ancestors of his patron 
have bestowed on men of learning, and particularly re- 
commends to his imitation, in this respect, the example of 
his father. He adverts to the assassination oi Giuliano de' 
Medici, and attributes the preservation of Lorenzo at that 
critical juncture to his own courage and magnanimity {b). 

Returning 

- _ . - ■■ ^ -■-.-_, -^ - 

» 

(ii) Fd. X. f. 103. 

{h) Dabisy suavissime Petre, hoc in loco roganti tnihi reniamy si barbari- 
cam illam, & omnium sceleratissimani ac sine exemplo conjurationem silentio 
praBtcrierim : qua in cempio marmoreo inter sacra solemnia & Julianus frater 



65 

Rcturmng to his immediate subject, he thus proceeds: chap. 
" In my dialogues of Camaldoli, I have given a philoso- ^^^' 
" phical comment on the works of Virgil. I now mean 
** to perform the office pf a grammarian and critic on this 
** author. In my fopmer attempt, as the subject is of 
" more dignity, I have introduced your father as one of the 
" disputants ; but these observations, which are intended 
" to inculcate a knowledge of the Latin language, I con- 
** sider as more properly addressed to a youijg m^n of your 
** promising talents and cultivated understanding (a)." In 
the year 1482, Landino published also an edition of the 
works of Horace, with numerous corrections and remarks, 
which he inscribed to Guido da Feltri, the son of Federigo, 
duke of Urbino (^), to whom he had dedicated, in terms of 
the highest commendation and respect, his Disputatlones Ca-^ 
maldulcnses. Landino was one of the first scholars who 
after the revival of letters, devoted himself to the important 
task of restoring and elucidating these favourite authors, and 
his labours were received with unbounded applause. Of his 
observations' on Horace considerable use has been made by 
many subsequent editors. On their publication, Politiano 

accompanied 



** ssevissime truci49tus, et ipse Laurentius, inter strictosj et undique eum pe- 
** tentes gladios jam jam casurus, ita elapsus est, ut non humano* sed divino 
^^ auxilioy et sua animi pnestantia, quae audacissimum quemque terrere pote* 
^' rat) de manu inimicorum ereptus videatur." 

Band. Spec, Lit* flor* v* i< /• 223. 

{«) Band. Sfic. Lit. Fhr. v,,u /. 225. 

(^) Imfressumper Antomum Miscominum, Flonntia^ anno Salutis mcccclxxxii. 
nonii jiugusti. These commentaries were republished at Venke, per Joannem 
de Forliw (5f Socios, in the following year« and several subsequent editions haye 
taken place. 

VOL. lU K 



66 

CHAP, accompanied them with the following ode^ not unworthy 



VII. 



of the poet whose praises it is intended to celebrate {a) : 



AD HORATITTM FLACCUM. 

Vates Thrdcio blandior Orpheo^ 
Seu malis fidibus sistere lubricos 
Amnes, seu tremulo ducere poIUce 
Ipsis cum latebris feras ; 

Vates' Aeolii pectinis arbiter, 

Qui princeps Latiam sollidtas cheljm. 
Nee segnis titulos addere noxiis 
Nigro carmme frontibus ; 

Quis te a barbarica compede vindicat ? 
Quis frontis nebulam dispulit, et situ 
Deterso, levibus resdtuit choris, 
Curata juvenem cute ? 

O quam nuper eras nubilus, et malo 
Obductus senio, quam nitidos ades 
Nunc vultus referens, docta iragrantibus 
Cinctus tempera floribus ! 

Talem purpureis reddere solibus 
Laetum pube nova post gelidas nives 
Serpentem, positis exuviis, solet 
Vemi temperies poli. 

Talem te chords reddidit et Lyrae, 
Landinus, veterum laudibus aemulus^ 
Quails tu soiitus Tibur ad uvidum 
Blandam tendere barbiton* 



Nunc 



(a) This ode is not printed in the works of Politiano, and is very inaccu- 
rately given by Bandini. Spec. Lit. Flor. It is here repubUsbed firom the edi- 
lion of Horace by Landino, Fen, mcccclxxzui. 

4 



wi^m > *»j^ ' i* 9 ■ . ■ » ^"- ■■ * um ti^^^^mmmir^w^ jgmKW f h i ^ f — ■» » ^ ■ ■ ^ m n j w i ii ^ >^ m^^ ,m vT-y » . , ^ > ■ '^' 



67 

Nunc te ddiciis, nunc decet & lev! CHAP. 

Lasdvire joco, nunc puerilibus ^^^* 

Insertum thyasis, aut fide garrula. 
Inter ludere virgines* 



Poety than \i(hom the bard of Thrace 

Ne'er knew ta touch a sweeter string ; 
O whether from their deep recess 

The tenants of the wilds thou brings 
With all their shades ; whether thy strain 

Bid listening rirers cease to flow ; 
Whether with magic verse thou stain 

A lasting blot on vice's brow ; 
Poet ! who first the Latian lyre 

To sweer ^olian numbers strung ! 
When late repressed thy native fire, 

When late impervious glooms o'erhung 
Thy front, O say what hand divine 

Thy rude barbaric chains unbound. 
And bade thee in new lustre shine. 

Thy locks with vernal roses crown'd ? 
As when in spring's reviving gleam 

The serpent quits his scaly sloughy 
Once more beneath the suimy beam. 

In renovated youth to glow ; 
To thy lov'd lyre, and choral throng, 

Landino thus their poet brings ; 
Such as thy Tibur heard thy song. 

Midst her cool shades and gushing springs* 
Again with tales of whi^ered love. 

With sprightly wit of happiest vein. 
Through bands of vine-crown'd youths to rove. 

Or sport amidst the virgin train. 

K2 It 



68 

^ vn ^' ^' ^^ greatly to the credit of Politiano that these verses 

• . were addressed to the person who was his most formidable 

rival in those studies to which he had particularly devoted 
his talents. In restoring to their original purity the ancient 
authors, he was himself indefatigable ; and if to the mu- 
nificence of Lorenzo de' Medici we are to attribute the 
preservation of many of these works, Politiano is perhaps 
entitled to our equal acknowledgments for his elucidations 
and corrections of the text, which, from a variety of causes, 
was frequently unintelligible, illegible, or corrupt. In 
the exercise of his critical talents he did not confine 
himself to any precise method, but adopted such as he 
conceived best suited his purpose ; on some occasions only 
comparing different copies, diligently marking the varia- 
tions, rejecting spurious readings, and substituting the true* 
In other cases he proceeded further, and added Scho- 
lia and notes illustrative of the text, either from his own 
conjectures, or the authority of other authors (a). Besides 

the 



(a) In the edition of Cato, Varro, and Columella^ published at Parisy ex off. 
Rob, Stephant, 1543, "with the corrections of Pet. Victorius, that excellent critic 
thus adverts to the labours of Politiano : '* Non exemplar ipsum semper con- 
** suluiy sed habui excusos formis libros, quos cum antiquis iilis Jngelus Poliiia" 
** nus studiose olim contuleratv eosque» quantum mihi commodum fuit, per- 
** tractavi ; illi enim quoque publici sunt. Eruditissimi igitur viri labor, magno 
** me labore levavit ; qui quidem, ut erat diligens, & accuratus, hac librorum 
** coUatione mirifice delectabatur : U ita posse bonos auctores multis maculis 
" purgariy yere existimabat* Quccumque igitur in priscis exemplaribus inve- 
** niebaty in impressis sedulo adaotabat. Quod si diutius ille vixisset, et quae 
'* mente destinaverat perficere potuisset, opera sedulitasque ipsius magnos stu- 
** diosis litterarum fructus attulisset, moltosque qui postea huic muneri corri- 
^ gendorum librorum necessario incubtteruAtj magna prorsus molestia liber- 
" asset.'* 



69 



VII. 



the advantages which he derived from various copies of the C HA P. 
same work, which enabled him to collate them so as to 
ascertain the true reading, he obtained great assistance from 
the collection of antiques formed by Lorenzo and his an- 
cestors ; and amongst his coins, inscriptions on marble, and 
other authentic documents, frequently elucidated and de*- 
termined what might otherwise have remained in darkness 
or in doubt {a). At the close of his remarks on Catullus, 
a memorial appears in his own hand-writing, in which he 
indulges himself in an exultation of youthful* vanity, in the 
idea of having surpassed all his contemporaries in the dili- 
gence which he has shewn in correcting the ancient authors; 
This memorial, which bears the date of 1473, at which 
time he was only eighteen years of age, is subscribed 
Angelus Bassus Politianus. Before, however, we accuse 
our youthful critic of an ostentatious displiay of learning, or 
an improper confidence in his own abilities, we ought to 
advert to another entry made two years afterwards at 
the close of the works of Propertius in the same volume^ 
by which he confesses, that many of his previous ob- 
servations do not approve themselves to his riper judg- 
ment, and requests the reader not to form an opinion 
of his talents, his learning, or his industry, from auch a 
specimen. There being many things 

Me quoque, qui scripsi, judice digna lini» 



Which I, their author, well might msh to blot (h>). 

In 



(41) Menck* invitdPoL /• 237. 

(^) The reader may consult these memoranda in the Appendix^ No* LII* 



70 

CHAP, In this subsequent entry he denominates himself Angelus 
Potitianus^ which sufficiently marks the period when he 
chose to discontinue the appellation of Bassus {a) ; but 
what is of more importance, it serves to convince us, that 
with the errors of his judgment Politiano corrected also 
those of his temper, and that his proficiency in learning 
was accompanied by an equal improvement in modesty 
and candour. Among the ancient authors which he has 
thus illustrated are Ovid {b)y Suetonius (^), Statins {d)^ The 
younger Pliny {e)^ The Scriptores Historian Augustae (/), 
and Quintilian {g) ; some of which have been published 
with his emendations, while hie valuable remarks on others 
are yet confined to the limits of the Italian libraries. The 
example of Politiano was followed by many other celebrated 
scholars, who regarded Lorenzo de' Medici as the patron 
of their studies, and inscribed their labours with his name. 
Thus Domitio Galderino undeitook to regulate the text of 
Martial (i&), Bartok)mm,eo Fontio employed his talents 

on 



<m^ 



(a) On this pointy which has been so much contested, I find the opinion of 
Bandini before cited in this work, %>.u /. 141 » is confirmed by that of Laur* 
Mehos, Vita Amb, Traversarti, ^« 87. 

(b) In the Blbliotheca Marciana. 

(r) In the Laurentian Library. P/ut, lxiv. c9J. i. 
(</ ) In the Corsini Library at Rome* 
'(/) In the Laurentian Library. Pint, lktu. cod, '}• 
(/) lb. P/a/. XLiv. cod. I. 
(f) lb. Plut. xLvi. cod, 5. 
{h) Printed at Rome per Joannem Gensberg, 1474^ 'v. Di Bun, No. 2818. 



tiniaa. 



71 

on Perslus (<7), and Lancelotto on Colamella (3). Nor were CHAP. 

VII 

the Greek authors neglected. In the year 1488, Deme- ' 

trius Chalcondyles and Demetrius Cretensis published at 
Florence the first edition of the works of Homer, which is 
inscribed to Piero de' Medici, the son of Lorenzo (c). 

The system of jurisprudence which in the fifteenth Poiitianocor. 
century prevailed throughout the greatest part of Europe, dwu of jST 
was that of the Roman or civil law, which was princi- 
pally founded on the pandects or constitutions of Justi- 
nian. Hence the correction and explication of the subsist- 
ing copies of this work became of high importance to the 
community. This task was reserved for the indefatigable 
industry of Politiano, whose labours in this department 
entitle him to rank not only with the earliest, but with the 
most learned modern professors of this science. In his let- 
ters he has himself given some account of his progress in 
this laborious work. Much additional' information may be 
found in the narrative of his life by Menckenius ; and 
Bandini, who has lately had the good fortune to recover the 
commentary of Politiano and restore it to its former station 
in the Laurentian Library, has published an historical narra- 
tive 



(a) Published in 1481. Bami. Cat. Siil, Laur» v. ii. /. 679. 

{i) Band. Cat. of. it. /. 564. In the preface to this author, the editor 
thus addresses Lorenzo: '* Ab ineunte etenim aetate, splendissima nominis 
'* tui fama, ad tuam benevolentiam captandam ita me compulit, ut cunctis 
** potius honoris tui studiosum ostendere hoc aevo maliniy quam in decorem 
*' meum reticere." 

(r) Florentis imp. 7)r^iV Bimardi H Nerii Tanaidis Nertii Fbrifitipunan. 
Nmo minsit Dtcimbris Anno 1488. a yoL fOf For an account of this magni* 
ficent work, v. D$ Bun, Ncr 2493. 



72 

CHAP, tivc expressly on this subject [a). In the accomplishment 
' of this task, which he was induced to undertake at the in- 

stance of Lorenzo de' Medici, Politiano had singular ad^ 
vantages. An ancient and authentic copy found at Pisa, 
and supposed to have been deposited there by the orders of 
Justinian himself, had on the capture of that place been 
transferred to Florence (^), and was afterwards intrusted by 
Lorenzo de' Medici to the sole custody of Politiano (c). 
By this he was enabled to correct the numerous errors, and 
to supply the defects of the more recent manuscripts, as 
well as of two editions which had before issued from the 
press {J). The civilians of the ensuing century have 
freely confessed their obligations to a commentator who 

£r8t 



{a) Raggionamento Istorico sofra U cojlazioni dilU Fiorentim Pandttte^ fatta da 
Angtlo PolixianOf sotto gli auspeij dil Mag, Lorenzo do* Mtdici^ (^r. Lii/omo 1 762. 

(^) ** Principio igitur scire te illud opinor, Imperatorem Justinianum 
** posteaquam jus civile perpurgavit^ in ordinemque redegit, cavisse illud in 
^* primis, ut in omnibus civitatibus qux dignitate aliqua pnscellerant, exeni- 
'< plaria legum quain emendatissima publice asservarentur— -sed nullum ex his 
« clarius, tamen aut celebratius» quam quod ad usqu^ arbis ejus captivitatem^ 
** Pisis, magna religione sit custoditum." PoL Ef, lib. 10. 



«< 



it 



(c) *' Hoc ergo mihi inspicere per ocium licuit, rimarique omnia^ Be olfa- 
cercy quaeque vellem excerpere diiigenter» &: cum vulgatis exemplaribuf 

** comparare. Tribuit nam hoc mihi uni Laurentius ille Medices^ vir opdmus 
ac sapientissimus ; fore illud aliquando arbitratusy ut opera labore indus- 
triaque nostra, magna inde ompiao utilitas eliceretur." lb. 

(d) Mr. Gibbon gives Politiano the appellation of an enthusiast, for sup<- 
posing this manuscript to be the '' authentic standard of Justinian himself." 
** This paradox," says he, ** is refuted by the abbreviations of the Florentine 
'* manuscript, and the Latin characters betray the hand of a Greek scribe." 
Mitt, of the Deciini and Fall of the Roman Empire, lib. 44. But Politiano had 
duly considered all the peculiarities of the manuscript, of which he was a 



73 

first with the true spirit of research, applied himself to the C H a p. 

• • • vrr 

elucidation of a science in itself sufficiently complex and ' 

obscure, but which was rendered still more so, by the im- 
perfect state of those authorities to which its professors 
were constantly obliged to refer. 

Of the critical talents of Politiano, and of the variety MiueUamm of 
and extent of his erudition, his Miscellanea alone afford a ^ ^**™^' 
sufficient testimony {a). For the publication of this work, 
which consists principally of observations on the writings 
of the ancient authors, we are also indebted to Lorenzo de' 
Medici, to whom Politiano was accustomed, as they rdde 
out on horseback, to repeat the various remarks which had 
occurred to him in his morning studies (^). At the re- 
quest 



complete judge* and was fully of opinion that it was the production of a Latin 
scribcj and not of a Greek. ** Est autem,'' says be in an epistle to Lod* 
Bolognese (lib. xt.), '* liber cbaracteribos majusculis, sine ullis compendiariis 
^ notisy sine ullis distinctionibus ; nee Gr^cus^ sed Laiinus — videlicet ille ipse 
<* quein inter ceteros publicavit Justinianus.'* This work, which consists of 
two volumes^ written on thin veUunit was deposited^ says Mr. Gibbon, on the 
authority of Brenckman {Hitu Fwukcu Fkrtmt. /• i. c, z. zi« xit. /. 62. 93;), as 
a sacred relic in a rich casket, in the ancient palace of the republic, new bound 
in purine, and shewn to curious trayellers by the monks and magistrates, bare 
headed and with lighted tapers, 

(a) First printed by Antonio Miscomini at Florence, with the following 
singular colophon : Imfressit ex archttyfo Antonius Miscomnus. Famliares qui^ 
dam PoUtiani riC9gnovere* PoUtianus ipse nee Hortboffrafhian se ait, nee emnino alie» 
nam fr^stare adpam. FLOaiNTijE anno salutis m.cccc.lzxzix* Decimo ter* 
tie kdleadas Octeiris^ In 4^. This book, like all those I have seen of the same 
printer, is most elegantly and correctly executed, and is a proof of the speedy 
proficiency made in typography at Florence. 

{If) Pol. in pfff. ad MisaL 
VOL« II. L 



74 

CHAP, quest of Lorenzo, he was at length induced to commit 

VTT 

' them to paper, and to arrange them in order for the press. 
On their publication he inscribed them to his great friend 
and benefactor ; not, as he assures him, merely for the pur* 
pose of testifying his gratitude, for the assistance and advice 
which he had in the course of his work received from 
him, but that it might obtain favour, and derive authcMrity, 
from the celebrity of his name {a). 

His controversy The pubUcation of this work soon afterwards led Po- 
with Mcruia. [[ii^jiQ iato a coutrovcrsy, in which he conducted himself 

with firmness and moderation, and which terminated 
greatly to his honour. Lodovico Sforza, anxious to throw 
a veil over the guilt of his usurpation by an attention to 
the promotion of letters, had prevailed upon Giorgio Me- 
rula, among other learned men, to establish his residence 
at Milan^ where he enjoyed an ample pension from the 
duke. The character of Merula stood high for his acquire- 
ments in Latin literature {b) j but neither his proficiency in 

learning. 



{a) Nee erunt <^inor hxc quoqoe nostra^ quamqnamlevioris operis studia* 
seu ludicra veritts, dedecori tibi Laurenti Medicesy cui nunc adsciibuntur. 
Adscribuntur autem non magis adeo ut me gratusn ^benefictis tnis approbent, 
aut reponant gratiam» quod auxiliarium te, quodque consiliaruim habujeniuty 
quam ut auspicato procedant, et ut in ii$ tui memoria frequentetur, ex quo 
Uber auctorkatem capiens magni celebritate noniiinis commendetur. 

FoUinfraf^adMiscdL 

[)f) To Merula we are indebted for thii first edition of the comedies of 
Flautus, printed at Venice* ftr y^kamntm Je C^cnia Cff VituUUmtm de Sfdra, I47;i» 
He also corrected and commented on the works of Juvenal, of A&rtial» oS 
Quintilian^ of Ausonius* the Scriptures dt n rtuticOf and other ancient authors ; 
several of which have been published with his remarks. Merula was the 
disciple of FilelfOf and like him was frequently engaged in tbosQ acrimo* 



75 

karning, nor his intercourse with the great, nor even his CHAP, 
advanced age, had softened or improved a disposition natu- 
rally jealous and austere. He had however singled out 
Politiano as the only person among the scholars of Italy 
who, in his opinion, possessed an,y share of merit, and upon 
an interview which they had together at Milan, had ac- 
knowledged, that the restoration of the language of the 
ancient Romans depended upon his exertions {a). No 
sooner, however, did the Miscellanea of Politiano make their 
appearance, than Merula availed himself of an opportunity 
of demonstrating his own superiority by depreciating the 
labours of his rival ;. asserting that such of the remarks of 
Politiano as were entitled to commendation, might be found 
in the critical works which he had himself previously pub- 
lished, 



nlous contests which perhaps promoted, whilst they disgraced, the cause of li- 
terature. One of these debates was with Galeotto Marzio, who, about the 
y^str 1468,. Wrote hi^ treaitise Dikomhie^ in the first book of which he describes 
the exterior, and in the second^ the interior parts of man* This work Merula 
attacked with g^eat bitterness, and with a considerable display of critical saga* 
city. The commentary of Merula was printed without date or place, and in- 
stribed to Lorenzo and Gtoliano de' Medici ; bnt as the author in his dedica- 
tion refers to thee^tablishna^nt of th6 acsldomy at Pisa as a recent traasactiout 
it was probably published about the year 1472. From this edition I shall g^ye 
the dedication, as a striking memorial of the iearly reputation which these illus- 
triDUX brother^ had acquired as patrons of learning (<t/. Jfp. No,1lA11.). In the 
copy before me» the critiqvb on Galeotto is followed by aconunent on anepistla 
of Sappho, inscribed to M. Ant* Maurocenus, and by some observations on 
Vh^, addressed to Lodbvico Gonzago, prince^of Mantua. Some account of 
the Kfe and labours of Merula may be found in Tirab* Storia Mia Lett, ItaL 
v.vi. fart i. /. 291. ZenoDiss, Foss. voL iL /• 83. 

{a) Meministi credo, quod ia frequ^nti aiviitorio Veaetiisy cum ad me ac* 
cessisses, palam dixerim, te ilium esse^-quem prises & Romanx doctrins in- 
stauratorem mihi poUicercr. Mer» Ep. int. Ep* Poh iii^nu Bp. 5* 

L 2 



VII. 



76 

CHAP, lished, or were in the memory of his pupils who had at- 
tended his public instructions {a). He even insinuated 
that he had collected no inconsiderable number of gross 
errors, which he might probably make public on some 
future occasion. Politiano was soon apprized of this in- 
jurious treatment ; and as he was not slow at resenting an 
indignity, it is probable that Merula would have expe- 
rienced the weight of his resentment, had not other con- 
siderations interposed. Merula stood high in the opinion 
of his patron, whilst Politiano was known to live on 
terms of the closest intimacy with Lorenzo de' Medici. 
An open attack might therefore have compromised the 
name of Lorenzo, whose connexions with Lodovico were 
of too much importance to be endangered in a literary con- 
test. Thus circumstanced, Politiano adopted a more dis* 
creet and serious method of bringing on a discussion. He 
addressed a letter to the duke, entreating that he would 
exert his authority with Merula, to induce him to publish 
his criticisms ; at the same time transmitting for his per- 
usal a letter to Merula of similar import (3). Merula 
however refused either to retract the opinions which he 
had avowed, or to communicate to Politiano his remarks. 
In answer to a sarcasm, which Politiano might well have 
spared, he replies, " You reproach me with my grey 
•* locks-rl feel not their eflfects. I yet possess vigour of 
mind and strength of body; celerity of thought and 
tenacity of memory ; of these let Politiano beware (r)." 

Several 






(tf) Mmtl^e Ep. intir Ef. P9L /ri, ri. Ep. 5. 

{b) Pol. Episu lib. xi. Ep. I, 2. 

(c) Mendm Ep. intn Ep. Pol. lib, zi. Ep. 5, 



77 

Several letters on this subject appear iii the epistles of CHAP. 

Politiano, and the contest was rising to an extreme of 1_ 

violence, when Merula suddenly died. This event gave 
Politiano real concern, not only on account of the loss 
of a man, of whose talents he entertained a high opinion, 
but as tending to deprive him still more efiectually of the 
opportunity of defending his work {a). Anxious however 
that nothing might be omitted which was necessary to 
the vindication of his- character, he again addressed him- 
self to the duke, with earnest entreaties to transmit' to 
him the criticisms of Merula ; but to no purpose. This 
formidable coaiposition, if indeed it ever existed, was re- 
duced to a few loose and unimportant observations. The 
letters of Lodovi^o, which are remarkable for their kindness 
and attention to Politiano, seem however at length to have 
satisfied his restless apprehensions. ^^ You can have no 
" reason, Angelo," says the duke, *f to fear any injury 
^< to your reputation from the suppression of the remarks 
*^ of Merula, as this cannot be attributed to you, who, so 
•* far from wishing to conceal them, have used your utmost 
** endeavours with us to lay them before the public j of 
" which the present letter may serve as a testimony (3)." 

The institution of public seminaries for promoting Establishment 
the knowledge of the ancient languages, the respect paid ^^^^^ 
to those who undertook the task of instruction, and the Florence. 

ample 



(«) . PpI. Episi. lib. zl. Ep. 1 1. 
(h) Ibid, lib.ifx. Sp,2U 



78 

CHAP, ample compensation they derived, not only from the libe- 
' rality of individuals, but from the public at large, power- 
fully co-operated with the causes before mentioned in in- 
fusing a just taste for classical literature. Of the establish- 
ment of the academy at Pisa, by the exertions of Lorenzo 
de* Medici, a brief account has before been given {a) ; but 
his attention to the cause of learning was by no means con- 
fined to this institution. The studies at Pisa were chiefly 
restricted to the Latin language, or to those sciences of 
which it was the principal vehicle j but it was ^ FloreAcd 
only that the Greek tongue was inculcated under the sanc- 
tion of a public institution, either by native^ Greeks, or 
learned Italians who were their powerful competitors, whose 
services were procured by the diligence of Lorenzo de Me- 
dici, and repdd by his bounty {i). Hence succeeding scho* 
lars have been profuse of their acknowledgments to their 
great patron, who first formed that establishment, from 
which (to use their own scholastic figure) as from the Tro- 
jan horse, so many illustrious champions have ^rang, and 

by 



(a) VoLl. /• 151, 

{b) lUe animadFerteAS j am turn litterafi circa ezitum laborarCf • Pisis Sdiolas 
litterarum Latinarum, Florentix GrxcaruiD instituit ; viros doctissimos aere 
soo ac magno undecumque accersiit, studiosos et forit, & jarity nee pfiu» in 
hoc elaborare destitie, quasi ita resdtuerctf ut non facik iceiriiflz ad id praipi* 
tium pervenire possent* 

Caii Siivani Germansci Ep. adheonem X. v. Band. Cat* v, ii. /. 1 17. 

Florentiam quoque & Latinis & Graecis lltteris clarissime insignivity exqui- 
sitis atque ingentibus etiam pczmiis alleccis tftri|uqoe factltatis viris omniom 
judicio peritissimis. 

Eafb, BrandoUfU Ep^adLiotum X. 'O, Band, v. ii. /• 371. Plut. zlvi* Cod. 2. 

4 



79 

by meanis of which the knowlegde of the Greek tongue CHAR 
was extended, not only through all Italy, but through ' 

France, Spain, Germany, and England, from all which 
countries numerous pupils attended at Florence, who dif- 
fused the learning they had there acquired throughout the 
rest of Europe {a). 

Of this institution the first public professor was the Johannes 
eminent Johannes Argyropylus, who, after having enjoyed ^^^^^*' 
for serveral years the favour and protection of Cosmo and 
Piero de' Medici, and having had a principal share in the 
education of Loreozo, was selected by him as the per<* 
son best qualified to give instructions on the Greek 
tongue. Of the disciples of Argyropylus, Politiano, if not 
the most diligen.t, was the most successful. With the pre-" 
cepts which he imbibed, he acquired a predilection for the 
source from whence they flowed ; and his writings discover 
numerous instances of his affection and veneration for the 
man who first opened to him the treasures c^ Grecian 
literature. To the untimited applause bestowed by the 
scholar on the master, one exception only occurs. Argy- 
ropylus had professed an open hostility to the reputation of 
Cicero, whom he representd as a sciolist in the Greek 
tongue, and as unacquainted with the tenets of the different 

sects 



(«) Quo sane tempore Florentise, veluti in celebemmo totius orbis theatro^ 
eniditissimi viri, tanquam ex equo Trojano innumerabiles proceres> sese hi or- 
bem terrarum e^derunt. Quamobrexn aon moda ItaUa> sed ctiam GalHay 
Hispania, Germanla, et Britannia liujdsmodi beneficium Medicum famitic 
acceptum referunc* Pitri Angela Ephu api Band, Cmt^iu 597. 



8o 

CHAP, sects of philosophy, to which so many of his writings re- 
' late. The acuteness of Argyropylus, and the influence of 
his authority, degraded in the estimation of his pupils the 
character of the Roman orator ; and Politiano^ in his riper 
years, sefems to shudder at the recollection of the time when 
the ignorance of TuUy was a matter taken for granted 
by him and his fellow-students [a). During the long re- 
sidence of Argyropylus in Italy, he had acquired an exten- 
sive knowledge of the La|in language-— a species of praise 
to which few of his countrymen are entitled. His trans* 
lations into Latin of various tracts of Aristotle, are, for the 
most part, inscribed to his successive patrons of the family 
of the Medici, in language expressive of his respect and 
gratitude {b). Among his auditors we find Donato Ac- 
ciajuoli, Janus Pannonius, and the German prelate Johannes 
Reuchlinus, who having had the singular good fortune to 
obtain some previous knowledge of the Greek tongue, dis- 
played, it is said, on his first interview with Argyropylus, 
such an acquaintance with it, as induced the Greek to ex- 
claim with a sigh, " ^ias^ Greece is already hanisbai beyond 
" the Alps [fY 

To 



(a) £c ut homo erat omnium (at turn quidem videbatur) acerrimus in 
disputandoy atque aurem (quod ait Persius) mordaci lotus aceto^ pr^terea 
verborum quoque nostrorum funditator maximusy facile id vel nobis vel cete* 
rist turn quidem suis sectatoribus persuaserat : ita ut, (quod pene dictu quo- 
que nefas) pro concesso inter nos haberetuT) nee pkilosophiam scisse M« Tul* 
Hum* nee litceras'Gr^ecas* FoU in MituL cap. x* 

(^) Band* Cat. BiU. Laitr. v. iii. /• }, 4, 234, 242, 359^ lic» . . 

{c) Uodius di Gntc. iUtuu f*20U 



8i 

To the iodustry of Argyropylus, and the excellence of CHAP. 
his precepts, his disciple Acciajuoli has borne ample testi- . 
mony ; affirming, that whilst he inculcated his doctrines, 
the times of the ancient philosophers seemed to be again 
renewed {a). If however we may give credit to the tes- 
timony of Paulus Jovius, the precepts and the practice of 
Argyropylus were not entirely consistent with each other ; 
and the obesity of his figure, which was supported by an 
immoderate supply of food and wine, seemed to mark him 
out as belonging to a different sect of philosophers {b). But 
the bishop of Nocera had too many passions to gratify, to 
permit him to perform the part of a faithful historian, and 
there are few of his characters that are not discoloured or 
distbrted by the medium through which they are seen. 
The same author attributes the death of Argyropylus to the 
intemperate use of mdons, which brought on an autvunnal 
fever, that put a period to his life in the seventieth year of 
his age. This event took place at Rome, where he had 
fixed his residence some time previous to the year 1471 {c). 

After 



{a) Cum post interitum quorundam doctissimorum hominum, studia FIo- 
rentina magna ex parte remissa vidercntur, venit in banc urbem Argyropylus 
Byzantius, vir ingenlo praestans summusque philosophus, ut juventutem litteris 
graecis ac bonis artibus erudiret : jamque plures annos doctrinam tradidit nobis 
tanta copia, tarn multiplicibus variisque sermonibus, ut visus sit temporibus 
nostris veterum philosophorum memoriam renovare. 

AcciaioL ap* Hod. di Gracis^ 202. 

(^) Vini et cibi aeque avidus et capax, «et multo abdomine ventricosus^ im- 
modico melopeponum esu autumnalem accersivit febrem, atque ita septua- 
gesimo aetatis anno creptus est. Jovii Elog^ xxvii. 

(c) Hq^us di Gr^ec^ illiut. /• 19S. wbere the author has given a translation 
pf the Greek epigram of Politiaao, expressing his earnest wishes for the return 
of Argyropylus to Florence. 

VOL. II. M 



82 

CHAP. After an interval of a few years, during which there is 

' reason to believe that the office of public Greek professor 
Demetrius at Floreucc was filled by Theodorus Gaza, and not by 
chakondyicf. pQiitj^no^ as asscrtcd by Jovius, the loss of Argyropy- 
lus was supplied by Demetrius Chalcondyles, who was in«* 
vited by Lorenzo de' Medici to take upon himself that em- 
ployment about the year 1479 {a). It is generally under- 
stood that an enmity subsisted between Politiano and Chal- 
condyles, in consequence of which the latter was eventually 
under the necessity of quitting Florence^ whence he re- 
tired to Milan ; but for this opinion the only authority is 
that of Jovius, and of those who have implicitly confided 
in his relation {6). This author, always^ hostile to the cha- 
racter of Politiano, would induce us to believe, that the 
Italian scholar, actuated by his jealousy of the Greek, and 
availing himself of his superior wit and eloquence, en- 
deavoured 



{a) Demetrius Chalcondyles, diligens grammaticus, 8t supra grsecomnr 
moresy cum nihil in eo fallaciarum aut fuci notaretur, vir utique lenis et pro- 
bus, scholam Florentix instaurayity desertam ab Argyropylo, et a Politiano^ 
deficientibus grscis occupatam. Jov, Elog^ xxix. This information, if not 
refuted, is rendered highly problematical by the Greek epigram written by Po- 
litiano to Chalcondyles, on his arrtval at Florence, in which he considers him 
as the successor of Gaza, and as supplying the maternal office of nourishing 
the unfledged offspring of literature, deserted by their former parent. A mode 
of expression not likely to be used by Politiano to a man who was to supersede 
him in his office of public instructor. A translation of this epigram is giyeUi 
by Hody, /. 211. 

{h) Boissard, Baillet, Varillas, &c. The dissensions between Politiano> 
and Chalcondyles have also engaged much of the attention of Menckeniust 
Amg* Pd* *vita$ p* 6^, and of Biayle, Diet. Hist, Art. Politieuy who have 
doubted of the veracity of the narrative of Jovius, without adducing that 
evidence of it& improbability which a more minute examination would have 
supplied* 



«3 

deavoured to injure Chalcoadyles by drawing off his pupils, CHAP, 
and engaging them in his own auditory; and that Lo- . 
renzo de' Medici, as well in order to remove the causes 
of their contention, as to avail himself of their mutual 
emulation, divided between them the task of educating 
his children. It may however be observed, that no traces 
of this dissension are to be found in the narrative of any 
contemporary author ; and that although the known irasci- 
bility of Politiano, and his acknowledged animosity to the 
Greeks, may seem to strengthen the credit of Jovius, yet 
these circumstances become, on further consideration, the 
most decisive evidence of his want of authenticity. The 
antipathies of Politiano were never concealed ; and his let- 
ters, wLich extend nearly to the time of his death, contain 
many instances of that vehemence with which he attacked 
all those who he conceived had given him just cause of 
offence ; but of any dissensions with Chalcondyles, no me- 
morial is to be found. On the contrary, Chalcondyles is 
frequently noticed, both by the Italian scholar and his cor- 
respondents, as living with him in habits of intimacy {a). 
The rest of the information derived from Jovius is equally 
futile. The uninterrupted affection that subsisted between 
Lorenzo^and Politiano, would have prevented the former 

from 



{a) In the yeari49i9 being only the year previous to the death of Lo- 
renzo de* Medici, Pomponius Lxtus writes to Politiano^ ** Commenda me 
** Medicibus patri et liberis literarum patronis* Deinde plurima salute De* 
*• metrium impertias.*' To which Politiano replies, " Medices nostri unice 
<* tibi favent. Demetrius autem salutem slbi a te dictam totidem verbis re* 
^ muneratur. In Fesulano sexto idus Augusti. mccccxci.'' 

Pol. Ep. lib A. Ef, I7> i8. 
M 2 



84 

CHAP, from adopting a measure which the latter could only have 
'- considered as an impeachment of his talents; but inde-< 
pendent of inferences drawn from this source, we have 
positive evidence, that however the children of Lorenzo 
might attend the incidental instructions of others. Poll- 
tiano had the constant superintendence of their education^ 
and was addressed on all occasions as the sole person 
honoured with that important trust {a). 

English scholars From the Florentine institution, it is not difficult to 

discover the progress of Grecian literature to the rest of 
Europe ; but the traces of the channels by which it was 
conveyed are in no instance more conspicuous than in 
those which communicated with this country. William 
Grocin {3), who was for some years professor of Greek 
literature in the university of Oxford, had made a journey 
to Italy, and had resided for the space of two years at Flo-- 
rence, where he attended the instructions of Chalcondyles 
and of Politiano. Thomas Linacer (r), whose name deserv- 
edly holds the first rank among the early English scholars, 

availed 



at Florence. 



(a) Thus Lod. Odaxius ad Pol. ** Demetrium vero virum eruditissimum, 
*' Petrumquc in primis discipuluM tuuMy elegantissimae atque amplissimae spei 
« adnlpsrfT>rr>m, nomine mgo salvoc facito,* * Pol. Ep. lib. vCu Ep. 3* 

(^} Nam ec Grocmuxn znemiai^ vlrum ut scis mulcifarla doctrina magno 
quoque & ezercitato ingenioy his ipsis litteris duos continuos anoos, «tiam post 
prima ilia rudiineiita» solidam operam dedisse ; idque sub summis doctoribus 
Demftrio Chalcondyla & Angelo Politiano. 

Gml, Latimer, in Ef, ad Erasm* ap, Menek. in vita Pplit. 

(f ) Linacnim item acri ingenio vinim, totidcm aut ettam plares aionos sub 
iisdem prseceptoribus ixnpendisse. IhiJ. 



im* 



men 



8s 

availed himself of a similar opportunity ; and, during his CHAP, 
abode at Florence, was so eminently distinguished by the ^^^' 
elegance of his manners and his singular modesty, that he 
is said to have been selected by Lorenzo de' Medici as the 
associate oE his children in their studies (a\. 

Such virere the causes that in the fifteenth century con- Poiwcai 
curred to promote the study of the ancient lancua^es in p"''"'" <*- 

f. I , . . o *^*"' *" tained by me 

lUly; but one circumstance yet remains to be noticed, of learning. 
which was perhaps more eiSkacious than any other in 
giving life and energy to these pursuits. An acquaintance 
with the learned languages was, at this period, the most 
direct padi, not only to riches and literary fame, but to 
political eminence; and the most accomplished scholars 
were, in admost every government of Italy, the first mini- 
stere of the time. This arose in a great degree from the 
very general use of the Latin tongue, in the negotiations 
of -different states, which rendered it almost impossible 
for any person to undertake the management of public 
affairs, without an habitual acquaintance with that lan- 
guage; but this was more particularly exemplified rn Flo- 
rence, where the most permanent ofiicers were uniformly 
selected on account of their learning. Duriag^ a long 
course of years the place of secretary, or chancellor of the 
republic, (for these terms seem to have been indiscriminately 
used,) was filled by scholars of the first distinction.. In the 
beginning of the fifteenth century, it was held by Coluccio 
Salutati, who had been the intimate friend of Petrarca 

and 



(«) yevii EUg, Ixiii. 



secretaries. 



86 

CHAP, and of Boccaccio, and is denominated by Poggio, " The 
' " common father and instructor of all the learned (a)J' He 

Florentine i|vas succceded by Leonardo Aretino, whose services to the 
republic were repaid by many privileges and favours confer- 
red on himself and his descendants {b). After the death of 
Leonardo, this office was given to Carlo Marsuppini (r), and 
was afterwards successively held by Poggio Bracciolini {d)^ 
and Benedetto Accolti {e). During a great part of the time 
that the affairs of Florence were directed by Lorenzo de' 
Medici, the chancellor of the republic was Bartolomeo Scala, 
whose life affords the best example of the honours and emo- 
luments which were derived from the cultivation of litera- 
ture. Scala deduced his origin from parents of the lowest 
rank, nor did he possess from his birth even the privileges 
of a Florentine citizen [f). An early proficiency in letters 

recommended him to the notice of Cosmo de' Medici; and 

it 



(a) V, antit p. 58. Salatati died about the year 1410. 

{h) ffn antit v. I. /• 21* 

(r) lUd. 

{d) Ihid. p. 25. 

ij) Ibid. p. 90* 

(/) £ lo Scaky figliuol d' un mtilinaro» 
Ower d' un tessttor di panni liui« 
Che coUe sue virtu si fece chiaroy 
£ fu Gonfalonier d«' Fiorentini« 
Cavalier a Spron d* oro« e non avaro^ 
Tanto e« voi m' intendete cittadini^ 
Non s* ha questi a chiamar nobile e degnOf 
Che acquisto roba, onor, virtute, e ingegno ? 

VAltisdmo^ in Barf. Scala vita a Maitmo. Fhr. 1768. 



Scala. 



87 

k was the pride of Scala to avow the meanness of his birth. CHAP. 

. . • • • / Vllr 

and the obligations which he owed to his earliest patron {a)^ "^ 

The loss of Cosmo was amply compensated to Scala by Banoiomeo 
the favour of his descendants, through whose assistance he 
gTiadually rose to honours and to affluence, and in the year 
1472 was intrusted with the seal of the republic. In 
imitation of his predecessors in this office, Scala began a 
history of Florence^ of which he lived ta complete only 
four books [b). His apologues are highly commended by 
Landino and Ficino. Of his poetry, specimens remain 
both in the Latin and^Italian languages, and the former have 
obtained a place in the celebrated collection of the Latin 
poems of his illustrious countrymen {c). Considering the 
proverbial uncertainty of public favour, the life of Scala may 
be esteemed a life of unusual prosperity. He transacted 
the concerns of the rq[)ublic with acknowledged fidelity, 
industry, and ability ; airrived at the highest dignities of 
the state; amassed wealth; ranked with men of learning; 
and left at his death a numerous progeny to inherit hi& 
riches and his re^ectability» In his controversy with Po- 
litiano, he appears however as a scholar to manifest disad-* 
vantage ; but the impetuosity of his adversary hurried him 

into- 



(a) Venrnudus omnmrn renitn bonarum, egenus ad Remp. vilissimis ortus 
parentibusy multa cum fide« nuUis omnino divitiis> aut titulis, nullis clientelis* 
nuUis cognationibus. Cosmus tamen Fater patriss nostras me complexus esc,, 
recepitque in familix obsequia^ &c« ScaLe Ep. inter. Pol, Ef. lib, xii. Ep. i6« 

{b) Hos edere Joannes Cineliius paraverat, sedid'contigit Oligero Jacobaet^ 
•pe CI* Magliabechii, sumptibus Nicolai Angeli Tinassi, anno MDCLZzvir. 

Manni. vita Bart, Scala^ /• 47*- 

(r) Carntk illust. Poit% ltd. v« Tiii. /• 469. 



88 

CHAP, into a contest which it is evident he would willingly have 
■ avoided, and in which every effort to extricate himself 

only brought down a severer chastisement. 

His controversy From the cpistles of Politiano it appears, that for some 

with Politiano. ^ ^ . r r 

time these angry disputants had shared the favour of Lorenzo 
de' Medici without discovering any symptoms of jealousy ; 
and had even been in the habit of submitting to each other 
their literary works for mutual correction. Scala, how- 
ever, having discovered, or suspected, that Lorenzo had 
employed Politiano to revise the letters which he had 
written in the execution of his office, as chancellor of the 
republic, began to entertain a secret enmity against his 
rival, and omitted no opportuninity of depreciating his 
writings {a)* Politiano was no sooner aware that his lite- 
rary reputation was attacked, than he gave a loose to feel- 
ings which it is probable he had before with difficulty sup- 
pressed ; and notwithstanding the rank and respectability 
of Scala, addressed him in a style that shews the high 
opinion which he entertained of his own talents, and his 
contempt of those of his adversary. Alluding in one of 
his letters to the parentage of Scala, he gives him the 
appellation of tnonstrum furfuraceum. In another, he 
honours him with a commexU on this title {V). To the 

boasting 



(a) Scis autem tu quoque literas ilium (Laurentiam) saepe tuas publice 
scriptas rejecisse, nobtsque dedisse fbrmandas, quae prima odii livorisque in 
me tui causa extitit. PoL Ep, lib* xii. Ep* i8. 

(i) At ego monstrum te yoc2m /itrfuractumi monstrum quidem, quod ex 
coUuvione monstrorum compos itus cs, furfuraceum vero quod in pistrini sor- 
dibus natusy & quidem pistrino dignissimns. Ihid, 



89 

boasting of Scala, respecting the approbation expressed of C H A F. 
him by Lorenzo, he returns an answer which in these ' 
days (whether more polished or more barbarous, the reader 
may determine) could only have been expiated in the 
blood of one of the disputants {a). In this transaction it 
must be allowed that Politiano suffered himself to be car- 
ried beyond all reasonable bounds, and forgot that respect 
which he owed, if not to the character of his opponent, 
At least to his own dignity and reputation. It may per- 
haps be thought that Lorenzo de* Medici ought to have 
interposed his authority to suppress a contest which con«- 
tributed so little to th^ credit of the parties, but it was not 
till after the death of Lorenzo that the dispute became 
so outrageous. It must be observed that Menckenius, the 
historian of Politiano, has on this occasion attributed to 
the expressions of Scala, an import which it is certain 
they were not intended to convey {b). 

If 



{a) <^ Eztaty" thus Scala writes to Politianoy ^^ Sc ilia de me Laurentii Me- 
** dicis prsclarissima vox, qua nusquam coUocatam melius fulssie houorem 
*^ hpmini novo testificatus est.'' Lit, zii. Ep» i6« To which Politiano laconi- 
cally replies, " Dc Cosmo quae jactas^ deque Laurentio Medice> /aisa omnia.'* 

Ibid. Ep, 1 8. 

{h In the early part of the quarrel, Scala has the following passage, in a 
letter to Politiano : " Tu certe praeter ceteros, mi Politiane, naturae multum 
** debes, ilia tibi Ingenium istud dedit : ut corporis modo prsetermittam dotes, 
'* quae nonnihil & ipsx habere a quibusdam putantur momenti ad felicitatem & 
•* fortuna: commoda : quae profecto juvare nativam virtutcm, nisi ipsa sese de- 
•* serat, vehementer solent. Coccus sit funditus qui h«c non viderit.'* ** Si 
" quid video (say Menckenius) sunt et hoec per ludibrium forsan et per invi- 
*^ diam a Scala dicta, ut obscoenos Politiani mores perstringeret, quasi is 
** nempe corporis sui copiam principi juventuti fecerit, semper ita amantcs 
^ studiososque suiMedicaeos habiturus. Ut adeo mirari viz satis possim, non 

VOL. II. N 



90 

CHAP. If the circumstances before related were not sufficientfjr 

I characteristic of the spirit of the times, we might advert to 

Learned states- the Other govemmcats of Italy; where wc should find, 
govci^mentt ^^^^ ofBccs of the highest trust and confidence were often 
^itsHf. filled by men who quitted the superintendence of an acade- 

my, or the chair of a professor, to transact the affairs of a 
nation. Alfonso, king of Naples, and Francesco Sforza, 
contended in liberality with each other, to secure the ser- 
vice of Beccatelli {a). Pontano was the confidential ad- 
viser, and frequently the representative to other powers, 
of Ferdinand, the son of Alfonso {i). The brothers of the 
family of Simoneta directed for a considerable time the 

affairs 



** sensissc hos aculeos nee his quidquam reposuisse Politianum, 5cc." In sup- 
posing he could see so much clearer into the concerns of Pblitiano than Pbli- 
tiano hlmselfy Menckenius is mistaken ; it certainly never came into the head 
of either of the disputants, that this passage contained any insinuation of the 
nature alluded to by Menckenius. Giuliano de' Medici had been dead many 
years, nor had he in his lifetime given room for such an imputation ; and at 
all events there is no probability that Scala would have hazarded the most re- 
mote insinuation of this kind, against a family on whose favour he existed, to 
say nothing of the inattention with which Pblitiano treats this passage, which 
he certainly considered only as a piece of ridicule on his ivry neck and hooked 
nose, and as such thought it below his attention. 

{a) Zeno, Diss, Voss^ <v. i. /. 309. et wde ante, <v. I. /• 51* 

{h) Giovanni Pontano,. or according to the academical appellation which 
he adopted, Jovianus Pontanus, was a native of Cerreto, in Umbria, but when 
young and friendless took up his residence at Naples^ His learning recom- 
mended him to Alfonso, and afterwards to Ferdinando j by whom he was in- 
trusted with the highest offices of the state. Besides his undertaking many 
important embassies, Pontano was chief secretary to the king,, and on one oc- 
casion his representative as viceroy of Naples. As a scholar he was the only 
person of the age whose productions can contend for superiority with those 
of Politiano. His poems were published by Aldus in two volumes, 151^ 
1518. His prose works in three volumes^ 15 iB^ i5'9* Among the latter, is 



VII. 



91 

afFairs of Milan {a). Bernardo, Bembo, aad Francesco C HA F. 
Barbaro, mantained the literary, no less than the political 
dignity of the Venetian Republic, and left each of them a 
son who eclipsed the reputation of his father (^), When 
eminent talents were not engaged in public services, they 
were rewarded by the most flattering attention, and often 
by the pecuniary bounty of illustrious individuals, who re- 
laxed from the fastidiousness of rank, in the company of 
men of learning, or have left memorials of their regard by 
their epistolary correspondence. 



Nor was it seldom that the characters of the scholar. Men of rank 

devote them- 
selves to study. 



and of the man of rank, were united in the same person. **^''^'' ^***"™" 



Of this Giovanni Pico of Mirandula, to whom we have 
before frequently adverted, is perhaps the most illustrious 
Instance. This accomplished nobleman, of whom many 
extraordinary circumstances are related, and who certainly 
exhibited a wonderful example of the powers of the hu- 
man 



a treatise De Ingratitudine^ in which he assumes the merit of having been in« 
strumental in concluding peace between Ferdinand and the pope* and gives a 
loose to his exultation In having rendered his king so important a service ; but 
alas, Fontano lived to give the fullest comment on his treatise in his own con- 
duct. For although he enjoyed the favour of the family of Arragon for 
nearly half a century, yet when Charles VIII. of France, in the year 1495, 
seized upon the kingdom of Naples, and assumed the emblems of royalty, 
Pontano, in the name of the Neapolitans, made the public oration to him, aad 
took care not to forget the defects of his royal patrons, with which he had the 
best opportunities of being acquainted. Zeno, Diss. Voss. *u. \u /• 172. Guscci^ 
ard. 1st. i* Italia^ Mb* ii. Pontano died in l6o3> at the age of 77 years. 

(tf) wdiOMte, *u,h p* ITS* 

{i) ErmolaoBarbaro, patriarch of Aquileia, and the cardinal Pietro Bembo, 
both of whom wiU agsun occur to our notice in the course of the work. 

N Z 



92 

CHAP, man mind, was born at Mirandula in the year 1463, and 

^^^' was one of the younger children of Giovan-Francesco 

Pico of Minn- Pico, prince of Mirandula and Concordia {a). So quick 

''"^ was his apprehension, so retentive his memory, that we 

are told a single recital was sufficient to fix in his mind 
whatever became the object of his attention. After hav-» 
ing spent seven years in the most celebrated universities 
of Italy and France, he arrived at Rome in the twenty- 
first year of his age, with the reputation of being ac- 
quainted with twenty-two diflTerent languages (^). Eager 
to signalize himself as a disputant, Pico proposed for pub- 
lic debate nine hundred questions, on mathematical, theo- 
logical, and scholastic subjects, including also inquiries 
into the most abstruse points of the Hebraic, Chaldaic, 
and Arabic tongues (r). This measure, which in its 

worst 



(if) Voltaire^ wlio erroneously gives Pico the name of Jean-Fran9ois» is 
also mistaken in relating that he resigned the sovereignty of Mirandula to reside 
at Florence. Esfoi, torn, \h p. 296. Ed» Gen, Pico neither enjoyed nor had any* 
pretensions to the sovereignty, which, after the death of his father, devolved 
on his elder brother Galeotto, aad afterwards on his nephew X? 10 van- Frances* 
CO ; by whom we have a voluminous life of his uncle, written in Latin, and 
prefixed to his works, which, whilst it affords much information respecting this 
extraordinary man, displays a' deplorable degree of si^erstition in the author* 
The mother of Pico was o£ the &mily of Boyardo the poet. 



«4 



{}) " Cela," says Voltaire very justly, ** n*est certainement pas dans I* 
cours ordinaire de la nature. II n'y a point de langue que ne demande envi- 
ron tm ann6e pour la bien savour. Quiconque dans use si grande jeunesse 
** en sait vingt deux, pent etre soup9onne de les savoir bien mal, on pkitot tl 
** en sait ks ekmens, ce qui est ne rien savoir.'' Essm^ ut, tup. 

(r) Voltaire, not satisfied with these 900 questions, has increased their num^ 
ber to 1400; and informs us that they may be found at the head of die works 
of Pico* Essai ut sup. It is to be wished that he had pointed out in what 

2 



VII. 



93 

worst light could only be considered as an ebullition of C HA p, 
youthful vanity, might, without any great injustice, have 
been suffered to evaporate in neglect} but the Romish 
prelates, instead of consigning these propositions to their 
fate, or debating them with the impartiality of philoso- 
phers, began to examine them with the suspicious eyes of 
church-men, and selected thirteen of them as heretical. 
To vindicate himself from this dangerous imputation, Pico 
composed a Latin treatise of considerable extent, which he 
is said to have written in the space of twenty days, and 
which he inscribed to Lorenzo de' Medici, under whose 
protection he had sheltered himself from persecution at 
Florence {a). The character and acquirements of Kco af- 
forded to his contemporaries a subject for the most un- 
bounded panegyric. " He was a man,*' says Politiano, 
•* or rather a hero, on whom natiure had lavished all the 
•* endowments both of body and mind ; erect and elegant 
•* in his person, there was something in his appearance 
** almost divine. Of a perspicacious mind, a wonderful 

•• memory. 






edition of the works of Pico he had diccovered these questions ; for the tuM> 
cnce of which he seems to have had the same authority as he had for supr 
posing that the learning of those days consisted merely in an acquaintance^ 
with the sophisms of the schoolmen, or that the sciences were then held in 
contempt by princes and mea of eminence* Assertions tmwordijr of am att^ 
chor who professes to write i/vr let munars isf P 4sprst di nati^m* 

{a) Jpokgia tredectM quastiomm. This treatise was published with the other 
Latin works of Pico, at V cnice^ fer Bemardsnum Venetum, an. mcccclxxxxyiii. 
in folio, from which edition I shall give the dedication of the Jipologia^ as it is 
strongly expressive of the esteem and admiration of its author, for Lorenzo 
de' Medici, v, Afp. Na. LIV* 



VII. 



94 

CHAP. " memory, indefatigable in study, distinct and eloquent 

** in speech, it seems doubtful whether he was more con- 

" spicuous for his talents or his virtues. Intimately con- 

" versant with every department of philosophy, improved 

*' and invigorated by the knowledge of various languages^ 

** and ^ of every honourable science, it may truly be said, 
" that no commendation is equal to his praise.*' 

* 

The instances before given of the critical talents of 
Pico, whatever may be thought of their accuracy, will at 
least justify him from the reproof of Voltaire, who is of 
opinion that the works of Dante and Petrarca would have 
been a more suitable study for him, than the summary of 
St, Thomas, or the compilations of Albert the great {a). 
But the literary pursuits of Pico were not confined to com- 
mentaries upon the works of others. From the specimens 
which remain of his poetical compositions in his native 
language, there is reason to form a favourable judgment of 
those which have perished. Crescimbeni confesses^ that by 
his early death the Tuscan poetry sustained a heavy loss, 
and that his accomplished pen might have rescued it from 
its degraded state, without the intervention of so many 
other eminent men, whose labours had been employed to 
the same purpose (b). The few pieces which remain of his 
Latin poetry induce us to regret the severity of their au- 
thor. These poems he had arranged in five books, which 
he submitted to the correction of Politiano, who, having 

performed 

(<i) yolt, Essaif torn. ii. /• 296. 

{h) Crescimhn 1st, Mia *volgar pdesia^ 1;. ii. /. 336. 



VII. 



95 

performed his task, returned them to their author, with C HA P. 
an elegant apology for the freedoms which he had taken (^). 
Soon afterwards Pico committed his five books to the 
flames, to the great regret of Politiano, who has perpetu- 
ated this incident by a Greek epigram {b). If the works 
thus destroyed were equal in merit to his Latin elegy ad- 
dressed to Girolamo Benivieni, posterity have reason to 
lament the loss {c)^ 



Among the circumstances favourable to the promotion Leaded 
of letters in the fifteenth century, another yet remains to 
be noticed, which it would be unpardonable to omit ; and 
which, if it did not greatly contribute towards their pro* 
gress, certainly tended, not only to render the study of 
Tanguages more general, but to remove the idea that the 
acquisition of them was attended with any extraordinary 
difficulty. This was the partiality shewn to these studies, 
and the proficiency made in them^ by women, illustrious 
by their birth, or eminent for their personal accomplish- 
ments. Among these, Alessandra, the daughter of Bar- Aieasandw 
tolomeo* Scala, was peculiarly distinguished. The ex- 
traordinary beauty of her person was surpassed by the en- 
dowments of her mind. At an early age she was a profi- 
cient. 



{a) Ncque ego judicis (ita me semper ames) sed Momi personam indui, . 
quern ferunt sandalium Veneris tandem culpasse, cum Venerem non posset. 
Confodi igitur versiculos aliquos, non quod cos improbarem, sed quod tanquam « 
cquestris ordinis, cedere reliquis, . veluti senatoribus videbanteratquepatriciis.' 

(*) UiJ. iih. i. Ep. 7. 

(r) Opere di Benivieni, p. 75. Ed. Ven. 1514. 



VII. 



96 

CHAP, cicnt, not only In the Litin, but the Greek tongue (a), 
which 8he had studied under Joannes Lascar and Deme- 
trius Chalcondyles* Such an union of excellence attracted 
the attention, and is supposed to have engaged the aflfec-* 
tions of Politiano ; but Alessandra gave her hand to the 
Greek Marullus, who enjoyed at Florence the favour of 
Lorenzo de' Medici, and in the elegance of his Latin 
compositions, emulated the Italians themselves (^). Hence 
probably arose those dissensions between MaruUus and 

Politiano, 



{a) Same of the Greek poems of AlesKtndra appear in the works of Poli- 
tiano. S^* AU* 1496. And Politiano is supposed to have addressed to this 
Lady several of his amorous verses. 

{b) The works of Marullus were published at Florence* under the title of 
HYMNi £T SPiGRAMMATA. At the close we read, Impressit Flonntia Societas 
CoiuirifYi, kal. Dectmbritf mcccclXXXxvii. His epigrams are inscribed to 
L«reneo» the son of Pier-Francesco de' Medici. The following lines to the 
father of his mistress possess no inconsiderable share of elegance ; 

AO BAaTHOX*OMBVlC tCALAM. 

Cum musae cibi debeant latinse 
Tot juncto pede scripta> tot soluto» 
Tot sales latio lepore tinctos. 
Tot cultis documenta sub figuris^ 
Tot voiumina patnsK dicata. 
Quae nuUi taceant diu minores» 
Tot prxtoria jura, tot curules. 
Tot fasces proprio laborc partos : 
Plus multo tamen, o beate amice est 
Quod Scalam Latio pater dedisti. 
Aucturam numerum novem sororum, 
Casto carmine castiore vita. 

The three books of Hymns of Marullus are addressed, not to the objects 
of Christian worship, but to the Pagan deities, or the phenomena of nature, 
whence, perhaps, the remark of Erasmus: " Marulli pauca legi, tolerabilia, si 
*^ minus haberent paganitatis.'' 



97 

Polhiana, the raonwnents of which yet rcmairr in their CHAP. 
writings (a). ^^^' 

Of 7tt greater celebrity is the n»rrje of Cassandra Fi- cas$Md« 
doKs. Descended from ancestors who had changed theiv 
residence from Mikui to Venice, and had uniformly added 
U3 the respectability of their rank by their uocommori 
learnings »he hegaw at an early age to prosecote her studiesf 
wkh grsat diligence, and acquired such a knowledge of 
the h^^d languag^^ that she may wich justice be ^u* 
meffated among Che firsft scholars of the age {i). The let^ 
t«ris whtch cecasionatty pafseed between Caisaodta and PoIn 
tiailo demonstrate their Hauraai esteem,, if indeed ancli ^x^ 
pression be 9ufi[kiefit to characterize the feelings of Pp^ 
Ktiano, who expresses, in language unusually florid, his 
high admiration of ber ^xtraotdiiiary acquir^roefits, 994 
fais expectation of the benefits which the cai^e of letters 
t^ouid derive from her labours and example (^)» In t^^ 

year 



« 

{a^ Among the^qpigra^ of] Pplitjmw are several of the most outrageous 
kindy against soipe person "wbom he attacks under the name of MahiHus ; and 
tnthe poettifs o£?»(afulkts are jome ptee^s» lietle inlerler in atnise* of whiick 
Sd^Mutt ifi tkfi fivd^et. Uindertiiese masks tcjs ^uppotf^d, and not without 
f^eafiOHy that these rival scholars directed their shafts at each other. 

{^] The letters and orations of this lady were published at Pavia in 16369 
by Jac. Ph. Tomasini, who has prefixed to them some account of her life. 

(r) ** Q dectts ItaliSy virgo» quas dicere grates« quasvo referre p^ren;^ 
** quod ^tiaifi bonore xse luarum.- Uterarum non dediguarls ? .mira profect;9 
** fides > tales proficisci a femina» quid aul^^m a femi^a dicoy imo vtvh a puell^ 
*' & Virgine potuisse, &c." " Tibi vero tanta incepta Deus optimus maximus 
** secundet : et cum recesseris a parentibus»' i§ autor loootfiiggt, «tcoBsor$ qui 
" sit ista virtute non indignus : ut quae ntmc prop^nodum sua spopte i^atu- 

VOL* II. O 



98 

CHAP, year 149 1, the Florentine scholar made a visit to Vemcc, 
^^^' where the favourable opinion which he had formed of her 
writings was confirmed by a personal interview. " Yes- 
" terday,'* s^s he, writing to his great patron, ^ I paid a 
*« visit to the celebrated Cassandra, to whom I presented 
*' your respects. She is indeed, Lorenzo, a surprizing wo- 
** man as well from her acquirements in her own lait- 
«4 guage, as in the Latin ; and in my opinion she may be 
•« called handsome. I left her, astonished at her tolents» 
" She is much devoted to your interests, and speaks of 
^' you with great esteem. She even avows her intention of 
** visiting you at Florence, so that you may prepare your- 
*' self to give her a proper reception (a)." From a letter 
of this lady, many years afterwards, to Leo X. we learn, 
that an epistolary correspondence .had subsisted between 
her and Lorenzo de' Medici (3) ; and it is with concern 
we perceive that the remembrance of this intercourse is 
revived, in order to induce the pontiff to bestow qpon her 
some pecuniary assistance ; she being then a widow, with 
a numerous train of dependants. She lived however to 
a far more advanced period, and died in the year 1558, 
having then completed a full century. Her literary ac- 
quirements, and the reputation of her early associates^ 
threw a lustre oa her declining years j and as her memory 

remained 



« ralis ingenii flamma scmcl cmicuit, ita crcbris dcinccps aut audita flatibus, 
♦« aut cnutrita fomitibus cffuJgcat, ut a nostrorum hominuxn pr«cordiis ani- 
" moque, nox omnis, geluquc, pcnitus & lauguoris in litcris & inscitise discu- 
it tiatur.*' P^' Bp, int, Cass. Fid. Ef.joi. 

(a) nf. PJ. Ep. in Jff, JV*. LI. 
{S) Cats. FidiHs. Ep. \%z* 



99 

remained uaimpsured to die last, she was resorted to from CHAP. 

• • VII 

all parts of Italy, as a living monument of those happier , 
days, which were never adverted to without regret (^ )• 

That this attention to serious studies, by which these 
celebrated women distinguished themselves, was the cha- 
racteristic of the sex in general, cannot perhaps be with 
truth asserted. The admiration bestowed on those who 
had signalized themselves, affords indeed a strong pre- 
sumption to the contrary. Yet the pretensions of the sex 
to literary eminence were not confined to these instances. 
The Italian historians have noticed many other women of 
high rank who obtained by their learning no inconsiderable 
share of applause (^). Politiano celebrates as a tenth muse 
a lady of Sienna, to whom he gives the name of Cecca (r) ; 
and from the numerous pieces in the learned languages, 
professedly addressed to women, we may reasonably infer, 
that these studies were at that time more generally dif- 
fused amongst them, than they have been at any subsequent 
period. 

Having thus adverted to some of the principal causes R«««itofthe 
which accelerated the progress of classical literature in the to classical 
fifteenth century, and observed the active part which Loren- ^••^"«- 
zo de* Medici took in every transaction that was favourable 

to 



(a) Tomasim. in vita Coisandr^f /. 41. 

[b) Tiraiouhif Storiadilla Lett, ItaL voL vu forte 2, f. 163. 

(r) Mnemosyne audito Senensis -carmine CeccaCi 
Quando inquic decima est uata puella mihi ? 

O 2 



lOO 

CHAP, to its promotiom, it may now be proper briefly to inquire 

Lg. what was the result of exertions «b eantestly made, and so 

long continued ; and whether the itrcc, which had been 
transplanted with so much diflSculty^ and nourished by 
such constant attention, brought forth fruit sufficient to 
repay the laboui: that had been bestowed upon it. 

Translations Ouc of thc first cfforts of the Italian scholars was the 

translation of the most eminent Greek authors into Latin, 
Among the earliest and most assiduous of these translators 
is Leonardo Aretino, whose versions of various works of 
Plato, Xenophon, Plutarch, and other Greek authors, form 
a list too extensive to be recognized in the present work {a). 
The labours of Ficinp, though not sO numerous, are yet 
more voluminous. Some account of them is found in a 
Latin epistle from their author to Politiano : " Why, my 
** friend,*' says Ficino, ^ have you so often desired to 
" know what works I have published ? Is it that you may 
^' celebrate them in your verses ? Bat approbation is not 
** due to number so much as to choice, and merit is dis- 
" tinguished by quality rather than quantity {^)." If 
Ficino had adhiered mor£ closely to this mijixitn, i( 

would 

(a) Avery full catalogue of the works of Leonardo is given by Laur. 
Mdiusy and prefixed to his edition of tlie Letters of tfc« c e l e brated aeh o lai '. 
Fior. 1 741. This catalogue comprizes no less .than sixty -three difPerei^ pro- 
ductions, many of which are translations from the Greek. 

(h) v. Jpf. No, LV. Of the works there mentioned, several have been 
published) the early editions of which are yet held in esteem. His translation 



lOI 

would certainly have diminiehed nothing of his reputation, chap. 
which is buried under t2»e immense mass of his own la- ' 
hours. Tlie earliest production in this department of let- 
terS) which united elegance with fidelity, is the translation 
of the history of Herodian, by Politiano [a). This work 
he inscribed to Innooent VIII. in a manly and judicious 
address, in which he briefly states the rules that he had 
prescribed to himself in the execution of his work, which 
are yet deserving of the notice of all who engage in similar 
undertakings (3). 

From his early years Politiano had closely attached 
himself to the study of the writings of Homer ; and whilst 
he was very young, had begun to translate the Iliad into 

Latin 



cf Plato was jirst printed at Florence vitHout date, ^»d sigain at Venice, 1491* 
His verdon of Plotinus> printed by Mi&cQnxini, at the ^xpence of Lorenzo de* 
MedicJ, though not published till after his death, is a fine specimen of tjpo- 
gTftpby 5 2it the close we read^ 

Mftgnifif^ fvmptH hawtni^ Medici* ftari^ ter^oUrit^ imfftrnt $9c architjpo AnU* 
fr>/ JUiicpmim^f Flgrmiti^ Jnm mcccclzzzz 11 Nems Mtui, 

{a) Printed three times in the year 149^ viz. at Rome, at Bologna by 
Plato de Bemdictist and at the last-mentioned place by Buxalerius de Baxaltriis^ 
Of these editions the second is the most esteemed. 

Mmttairii Atm, Typ, nj. K /. 558. Dt Bure^ Br6L Inst, No, 4840. 

{ff) Qu« sajfte nostse fucmnt partes, tentayimus profecto, utinamque eUMi 
cffeoedsnus, uti omnia ex fide respooderent, se inqxu peregnnitas, ne gnccnlft 
vsqnam fignrss, nisi s| qujse jam pro receptis habentnr, latinam quasi poliflenent 
castiitaitf^ni ; nt eadem prx^pemodum esset linguae utriusque perspicuitas, esMeni* 
q!Ae ^undki^, idem iHix)hique sensuus acqne jAdoks, n^lUa vocum xooro^aS) 
jesiki MA^A^* Pfif* i" fr^fai, Bd. Aid* 1496. 



■■ w 



I02 

CHAP. Latin hexameter verse [a). Whoever is acquainted with 

^^^j the great extent of his powers, and the peculiar energy of 

his Latin compositions, will regret that of this monument 
of his industry not a vestige remains. That he had 
made a considerable progress in this work, appears from 
many authorities ; and there is even reason to believe, that 
his perseverance finally overcame the difficulties of his 
undertaking. Ficino, writing to Lorenzo de* Medici, and 
congratulating him on the success of his attention to li«* 
beral studies, particularly adverts to the protedion afforded 
by him to Politiano, of whose translation of the Grecian 
bard he speaks in those terms of florid adulation which 
too frequently characterize his letters [B). Another con- 
temporary author has however plainly indicated that Poli-^ 

tiano 



{a) An epitome of the Iliad in Latin verse, under the fictitious name of 
Pindar the Theban> is amongst the MSS. of the Laurentian Lib. PIml xxzviii. 
CoJ, xii. 2. and has also been published in the £d. of Homer by Spondanns 
Basily 1583. Another translation of the Grecian bard is said to have been exe- 
cuted in the fifteenth centmy, by Niccolo Valla, who died at twenty-one years 
of age. P. Cortes, Je Hem, ioct* p. 46. VaUrian. di Literat, Infel, iih, ii. A transla- 
tion of the Iliad into Latin prose, by Lorenzo Valla, was published at Brescia 
1474, and Lorenzo was accused of having availed himself of a translation made 
a century before, by Leontius Pilatus, which translation has also been inscribed 
to Petrarca. Hod. de Grac. iUust, /. lo. 

{h) ** Divites alii ferme omnes ministros nutriunt voluptatum ; Tu sacer* 
*' dotes musarum nutris : perge precor mi Laurentt ; nam illi voluptatum 
*' servi evadent, tu vero musarum delitiae. Summus musarum sacerdos. Ho* 
** merus, in Italiam, te duce, venit. £t qui hactenus circum vagus et men- 
^* dicus fuit tandem apud te duke hospitium repperit. Nutris domi Homeri* 
^' cum ilium adolescentem, Angelum Politianum, qui graecum Homeri per- 
** sonam latinis coloribus exprimat. Exprimit jam^ atque id quod mirum est 
'* in tam tencre aetati, ita exprimit ut nisi quis grsecum fuisse Homerum no- 
<* verit, dubitaturus sit, e duobus ucer naturalis sit 5c uter pictus Homerui» 
" &c.'» Fie. Ef. lib. u 



103 

tiafio cbmpleted his important task {a)y to the progress of chap. 
which he has occasionally adverted in his own works (3). . 
Whether his youthful labours fell a sacrifice to the severity 
of his riper judgment, or perished in the general dispersion 
of the Medicean Library, of which he lived to be a witness, 
is a question which must yet remain undecided. 

< 

The early part of the fifteenth century was distinguish- itiium writen 
ed by a warm admiration of the writings of the ancients, "**** 
and an extreme avidity to possess them. This was suc- 
ceeded, as might be expected, by an attention to the ac- 
curacy of the text, and an ardent desire of transfusing 
their beauties into a language more generally known. To- 
wards the latter part of the century a further progress was 

made ; 



(a) Amongst the Latin poems of Alessandro Braccio, the contemporary 
and friend of Politiano, and well known by his translation of the works of 
Appian^ is the following epigram : 

^ AD LAUKENTIUM MfiDICEM. 

'* Tempora nostra tibi multum debentia Laurens> 

** Non minus hoc debent, nobile propter opus, 
** Maeonium, duce te quod nuper et auspicCf yatem, 
Convertit Latios Angelus in numeros, 
Cumque decore suo cum majestate iegendum, 
Dat nobis qualem Grxcia docta legit> 



« 



'* Ut dubites Latius malit quam Gnecus Homerus 

*' Esse, magis patrius hunc nisi vincat amor." 

Band, Cat, lib, Laur. iii. 780. 

(4) *^ Nam et ego is sum qui ab ineunte adolescentiat ita hujus eminentis* 
" simi poets studio ardoreque fiagraverimy ut non modo eum totum legendo 
'^ olfecerim, pceneque contriverim, sed juvenili quodam, ac prope temerario 
*' ausuy vertere etiam in Latinum tenuyenm." 

Fid. Orat. in Exp, Hmtri iu cp. Aid. 1498. 



104 

CHAP, made; and from c6iiiiilciiting^ aad translating^ the Iia^ 
]_ liaiis began to emulate these remains of ancient genius* 



Those who distinguiahed themselves during the tifme &i 
Cosmo^ and Piero de' Medici, have already attracted ibme 
share of our notice ; bm it mast in general be ackmiwledg^ 
ed, that althoiigh their labours exhibit at tiffleft a tolerable 
knowledge of the mechanical parts of learning, and have 
the body and fofm of poe!ie composition, yet the aniiteating 
spirit that shonki communicate life and motion ifs sought 
for in vain ; or if it be any wliere discoverable, {^ only to 
be fouUd in the lioentious productiofe^ df Beccatelfi (<f )r 
Of that kind of GOtnpd^ltiott Tfrhich may be ealled ilassfcal, 

Landino. modcm Italy had seen no examples. The writiwgs of 

Landino, of which specimens have been ^ready given, dtte 
however entitled to some share of approbation ; and if they 
be not marked by any powerful effons of imagination, nor 
remind us strongly of the ancient authors, they possess a 
dow of language, and a facility of diction and versification^ 
much superior to his predecessorsw A farther proficiency 
was made by Naldo Naldio, or NaI^io de Naldisy the friend 
of Ficino and Politiano, and the frequent panegyrist of 

ugoUnoVcrinL the Mcdici [p\ The poem of Ugolino Verini, " lie Illus^ 

" trationc Urhis Florcntia^^ is perhaps more estimable for 

the 



(^} The poems of Naldio are printed in the Felicia Poemata Italorum, v. vi, 
/• 41 2. of these the first is addressed, M Petrum MetHum in ohitu magm Comi ejus 
gimtoris, fui nfiri dum n^ixit ^ptiinus Parens PtUrue ttgmmtnatus ftnt. An Attract 
from this piece in the Appendii, No. LVi. wfl! sufficiently shew, that Naldio 
was possessed of no inconsiderable tafcnts for Lattn poetry. Another of 
the poems of Naldio b addressed to Annalena, a nun, probably the sistcr-im- 



VII. 



105 

the authenticity of the information it communicates, than CHAP, 
for its poetical excellence, yet Verini has left other testi- 
monies that entitle him to rank with the first Latin poets 
of his age {a). These pieces are principally devoted to the 
praises of the Medici, and frequently advert to the cha- 
racters of Lorenzo and Giuliano, and to the circumstances 

of the times (^). 

In 



law of Bernardo Pulci {*v anu, voL i. /. 245. ), in which the poet laments the 
death of Albiera Albizzi, the wife of Sigismundo Stufa^ on whose death Poli- 
tiano has also left a beautiful Latin elegy. It is probable there were two suc« 
cessive authors of this name^ whose works are inserted in the Carmina illnst. as 
it can scarcely be supposed that the same person who addressed himself to 
Piero on the death of his father in 1464, and had before written a poem to 
Cosmo on the death of his son John» should be the author of the pieces in this 
collection which are inscribed to Leo X. who did net enter on his pontificate 
till 1513* Politiano has left the following commendatory epigram on the 
writings of Naldio : 

Dum celebrat'Medicem NaldtUy dum laudat amicam, 

£t parit^r gemino raptus amore canity 
Tarn lepidum unanimes illi omavere libellum» 

Phoebus, Amor, Pallas, Gratia, Musa, Fides. 

{a) The example of Landino in affixing to his poetical labours tlie name of 
his mistress (a;, ante^ 'voL 1. /. B9.) was followed by Verini, who gave the title 
of FUmetta to his two books of Latin elegies^ which he inscribed to Lorenzo 
de' Medici, and which yet remain in the Laurentian Library {Plut, xzxiz. 
€odm 42.)* Bandini supposes that Landino, as well as many other learned men 
of those times, had a real object of his passion, for which he gives a very satis- 
factory reason. ** Neque hoc nomen fictum esse crediderim, quum revera 
'* mihi compertum sit, iUius sevi litteratos viros, ui nunc quoqtu acciditt puellas 
'' in deliciis habuisse plurimuro, in earumque laudem cannina, ad instar ilia 
^' Ovidii qu« amatoria nuncQpantur» exarasse," 

B^nd. Spic. Lit. Flmr. v. i. /. laa 

{i) la the Laarentian Library (PJta. xzvi. cwi, ai.) is preserved a poem 
by Ugolino, to which he has given the name of Paradisus. On his imaginary 
excursion to the celestial regions, the poet meets with Cosmo de^ Medici, who 
converses with him at great length on the afiairs of Florence, and particularly 
on the sitoation of his own family. 

VOL, II. P 



io6 

CHAP. In Michael Verini, the son of Ugolino, we have a sur- 

^Z!L- prising instance of early attainments in learning. He was 

MidMci verinL hom in 1465 ; and although he died at the age of seventeen 

years, yet in that short space of time he had obtained the 
admiration, and conciliated the esteem of his learned con-> 
temporaries. His principal work is a collection of Latin 
disticba^ which exhibit great facility both of invention and 
expression, and an acquaintance with human life and man- 
ners far beyond his years. His Latin letters, of which a 
large collection is preserved in the Laurentian Library (tf), 
and which are chiefly addressed to his father, are as ho- 
nourable to the paternal kindness of the one, as to the 
filial affection of the other. His death is said to have been 
occasioned by his repugnance to obey the prescription of 
his physicians, who recommended an experiment which it 
seems his modesty did not approve, and he fell a sacrifice 
to his pertitiacious chastity {b). From his letters it ap- 
pears 



(a) F/utAnTXT* cpJ.iS. From these letters Bandini has in hisvalaable 
catalogue given copious extracts, v. iii. /. 4629 // //f • 

(i) This event has been commemorated both in verse and prose» in Latift 
and Italian, by many contemporary authors. (<v. jfyf. No. LVII.) Verini it 
not the only instance of the kind on record. If we may believe Ammiraco» 
the death of the cardinal of Lisbon in 1459 was occasioned by a similar cii^ 
cumstance. jUum. 1st, Flar, v. iii. /. S9. That such a remedy had been pre- 
scribed to Verini, is apparent from the following affecting passage in one of his 
letters : **■ Insuperabilis me valitudo confecit, membra ut sint pallore macieque 
** deformia ; nocte crucior, die non quiesco, Sc quod me acrius torquet, in 
^ tanto dolore spes nulla ^utis. Quamquam medici, et tota domus, k amici^ 
'* nihil pericli asserant, deprehendo tamen tacitos in vultu timores, jsuspiria^ 
'^ murmur, tacitumitatem, msroris cuncta signa prospicio ; sed cut nodor 
*' morbus quam mihi ? Quidquid accident, utinam forti animo feramus ; scio 
** mihi nullum de vita factum restare psnitendum, nisi quod potuenun vali* 
** tudint coxuulere sapientius ; venun mihi ftuhr, vcl podus nutiatas obliiit--* 
«* vale." 



107 

pears that both he and his father lived on terms of ind- CHAP, 
macy and friendship with Landino, Bartolomeo Fontio, * 

and Politiano, and that Lorenzo de' Medici occasionally 
passed a leisure hour in convivial intercourse with xhi» 
learned family {a). 

The reputation acquired by the Florentines in the cul- other Ladn 
tivation of Latin poetry stimulated the exertions of other fiJ^^„^^*J|^ft, 
Italian scholars. On the memorable occasion of the con- ^^' 
spiracy of the Pazzi, Platinus Flatus, a Milanese, addressed 
to Lorenzo de' Medici a copy of verses, which obtained 
his warm approbation (3). The exertions of Lorenzo in 
establishing the academy at Fisa gave rise to a poem of 
greater merit and importance, by Garolus de Maximis {c). 

To . 



(«) ^* Fingic Homerus Jovem ipsum, aliosque Deos» Olympo relicto* 
** apad Ethiopas divertisse» ccenasse, lusisse : AugU8tum etiam orbis terra* 
^* rum principem> apnd privatos sine ullo apparata coenitasse : sed cur yetera i 
** Lanrentius Medicesurbis noftne facile primus, apud patrfcm meum pransus 
** «8t nooauinquam,'* ^c. • 

Mic, Fir. Ep. 15. MdiSim, CamsianHm. op. Band. Cat* v. iii. /. 483, 

{If) Laurentius Medices, quanta voluptate adficeretur in perlegendis poe- 
ticis ejusdem (Plati) lucubrationibus, quantoque ilium in pretio haberet, tes* 
tatus est in epistola ad ipsum scripta, ob acceptum ex ejus carmtnibus non me- 
diocre doloris levamen in nefarie patrata fratris sui cede : ait enim, ** vetus 
** est yerbum, mi Platine* insuavem iue in luctu musicam : tgo vero tuis per- 
^ lectis versiculis, re ipsa reperi nibil tam maxime ad solatium facere quam 
'* musicam." Saxiiu in Hist* Littirario Typogr. MaKoL ap. Band, in Cat. Bib* 
Lanr* v. ii. /. 193* These verses are published in the Stitct* P^tm. ItaL if, viu 
p. t§6* 

(r) DB STUDIO PISANAK VRBIS BT EJUS SITUS MAXIMA FELICITATB AD 

LAUBBNTiuM MBDiCEM. This piccc is preserved in the Laurentian Library 
{P/nt. Izxxxi* C9d* 46. v. Band, Cat. v. iii. /. 8^o.}f and contains so fuU, and 
at the same time so elegant an eulogy on the character of Lorenzo, and par- 
ticularly on his attention to the promotion of letters, that I hare given it a 
•{dace in the. Appendix No^LVIIL 

p a 



io8 

CHAP. To the authors before mentioned we may add the names 

VTT 

' of CantaliciOy Nicodemo Folengi, Alessandro Braccio, and 
Aurelio Augurelli, all of whom have cultivated Latin 
poetry with different degrees of success, and have addresed 
some portion of their works to Lorenzo de' Medici, to 
which the reader may not be displeased to refer {a). 

Of 



(a) The poems of Cantalicio are published in the Carmina Illtut, Poet, ItaL 
W. iii. p. 123. and are inscribed to Lorenzo de' Medici. Those of Folengi 
are inserted in the same -work, W. iv. /. 419*^ Alessandro Braccio was 
equally eminent in politics and letters. He was for some time secretary of 
the Florentine republic, and died on an embassy to pope Alexander VI. His 
translation of Appian into Italian is yet highly esteemed, and forms part •f the 
Coliana, or series of Italian historical works. The Latin poems of Braccio» 
though very numerous, have not yet been published, but are preserved in the 
Laurentian Library. P/«/. Ixxzxi. r«^.4o, 41* Many of them are inscribed 
to Lorenzo de' Medici and other men of eminence, as Land!no» Flcino, Bar^ 
tolomeo Scala, Ugolini Verini, &c. I have before adduced some lines of this 
.author to Lorenzo de' Medici, and shall hereafter avail myself of an opportu* 
nity of producing a more extensive specimen of his works. The following 
epigram addressed to Politiano is not inapplicable to our present subject : 

V. Batid.Cat* v. iii. /. 781* 

AD ANGF.LUM BASSUM POLITIANENSEM. 

Tanta tibi tenero quum surgat pectore virtus. 

Quanta vel annoso vix queat esse seni, 
Ac tua grandisono reboent quum, Basse^ cothumo 

Carmina, magnanimo non nisi digna duce, 
£t tibi sit locuples oris facundia doctt, 

Teque suis ditet Gracia litterulis, 
Te precor ad longos at servet Juppiter annos, 

Incolumemque sinat vivere posse diu. 
Nam tua Masonio multum certantia vati 

Carmina quis dubitet, Virgilioque fore ? 
Atque decus clarum nostrae magnumque futurum 

Quis neget setatis te^ memorande puer ? 
Sis igitur felix, nostri spes maxima saecli, 

Teque putes nobis charius tssc nihil. 

Aurelio Augurelli is more generally known* His poems have frequently 
been published. The first edition is that of Verona, 1491, in 4C0 $ the most 



109 

Of all these authors, though some possess a consi- CHAP, 
derable share of merit, not one of them can contend in ' 

point of poetical excellence with Politiano, who in his com- character of the 
position approaches nearer to the standard of the ancients ^^'^ ^^^^ ^^ 

, , Politiano. 

than any man of his time ; yet, whilst he emulates the dig- 
nity of Virgil, or reminds us of the elegance of Horace, 
he suggests not to our minds the idea of servile imitation. 
Of the character of his writings various opinions have 
indeed been entertained, which have been det^led at 
large by Baillet, and still more copiously by Mencke- 
nius {a). It may therefore be sufficient on this occasion 
to caution the reader against an implicit acquiescence 
in the opinions of two eminent living authors who have 
cither obliquely censured, or too cautiously approved 
his poetical works {b). In the attempt made by Politiano 

to 



correct and elegant, that of Aldus» 1505. These poems rank in the first class 
of modern Latin poetry. 

(«) BailUt Jugimnis dts SfavoHtg *vol, iv. f. 1 8. Minck, in *vitd PoL passim, 

{i) Tiraboschly adopting the sentiments of Giraldi» acknowledges that Po« 
litiaiio was possessed of a vivid genins, of extensive powers, and of uncommon 
and diversified erudition ; but censures his Latin poetry as deficient in elegance 
and choice of expression. Tirab', Staria deUa Lett. ItaL W. vi« par, 2. /. 234. 
Fabronif adverting to the Italian poetry of Politiano, insinuates, that the 
Latin muses were reserved and coy, to one who had obtained the favour of 
their sister at so early an age, by his verses on the Gi$stmo( Gi\iliano de' Me- 
dici. Fah-. in wtd Lour, p. 157. To oppose to these opinions the authority 
of many other eminent men who have mentioned the Latin writings of Poli- 
tiano with almost unlimited praise, would only be to detail the compilations 
of Baillet or Menckenius. But the works of Politiano are yet open to the in- 
spection of the inquisitive scholar \ and though certainly unequal in point of 
merit, perhaps according to the time of life at which they were produced^ 
will be found, upon the whole, to possess a vigour of sentiment, a copiousness 



no 

CHAP, to restore a just taste for the literature of the ancients, it 

VII 

- is not to be denied that he had powerful coadjutors in Pon- 

tano and Sanazaro {a)y whose labours have given to the de- 
lightful vicinity of Naples new pretensions to the appella^ 
tion of classic ground. Nor will it diminish his reputation 
if we admit that the empire which he had founded ^^as in 
the next century extended and secured by the exertions of 
Fracastoro, Vida, Naugerio, and Flaminio {6)^ in whom 

the 



df imaginationy and a classical elegance of expression^ 'which, if considered 
with reference to the age in which he livedo entitle theni to the highest esteem* 

{a) Giacopo Sanazaro, or, by his academical appellation, Actius Sincerus 
Sanazarius, was a Neapolitan, bom jn the year 145 Bj and equally eminent 
hj his Italian and Latin compositions. In the former, his reputation is chiefly 
founded on his jircaJia ; in the latter, on his poem in three books, Di fartu 
Firginisf which is allowed, however, to be greatly blemished by the introduc- 
tion of the pagan deities to the mysteries of t;he Christian religion* 

{h) I cannot mention these names without regretting the limits to which I 
am necessarily confined. The rivals of Virgil, of Ovid, and of Catullus, ought 
not, in a work that touches on the rise of letters, to be commemorated at the 
ibot of a page. The Syphilis of Fracastoro, sivtdiMwrho Gailico^ though an un- 
promising subject, is beyond comparison the finest Latin poem that has ap* 
peared since the times of the ancients. The writings of Vida are more gene- 
rally known, and would be entitled to higher applause, if they did not fre« 
quently discover to the classical reader an imitation of the ancients that borders 
on servility. Naugerio was a noble Venetian, who died young on an embassy 
from the republic. In his last moments he destroyed all his writings then in 
his possession, as not being sufficiently correct for the public eye ; but the few 
that had been previously distributed among his friends were collected and pub* 
lished by them after his death, and breathe the true spirit of poetry. In Fla- 
minio we have the simplicity and tenderness of Catullus, without his licentious- 
ness. To those who are acquainted with his writings, it will not be thought 
extravagant to assert, that many of them, in the species of composition to 
which they are confined^ were never excelled. The questioA addressed by hixo 



Ill 

r 

the great poets of the Augustan age seem once more to be chap. 
revived. -, 

Whilst the study of polite literature was thus emerg- ^«»«^ '^*^ 
ing from its state of reptile torpor, the other sciences felt utentuie in 
the effects of the same invigorating beam ; and the city of '^"^^"^ 
Florence, like a sheltered garden in the opening of spring, 
re-echoed with the earliest sounds of returning animation. 
The Platonic academy existed in full splendor, and served 
as a common bond to unite, at stated intervals, those 
who had signalized themselves by scientific or literary 
pursuits. The absurd pretensions of judicial astrology 
were freely examined and openly exposed ; and observation 
and experiment were at length substituted in the place of 
conjecture and of fraud {a). Paollo Toscanelli had already 
erected his celebrated Gnomon (3). Lorenzo da Volpaja 

constructed 



to a friend, respecting the writings of CatoUnsy ** Quando leggete— non vi 
'' sentite Toi iiquefare il cuore di dolcezza ?" may with confidence be repeated 
to all those who are conversant with his works. 

{a) Pico of Mirandula was one of the first who entered the lists against 
this formidable adversary of real knowiedge, in his treatise in twelve books^ 
mdversus Jstroiogoj^ whkh is foxmd in the general collection of his works. Fern* 
1498. 

(^) This Gnomon, which has justly been denominated the noblest as- 
tronomical instrument in the world, was erected by Toscanelli, about the year 
1460, for the purpose of determining the solstices, and thereby ascertaining the 
feasts of the Romish church. It is fixed in the cupola of the church of S. 
Maria del fiore, at the height of 277 Parisian feet. A small orifice transmitg 
from that distance the rays of the sun to a marble flag, placed in the floor of 
the church* This instrument was, in the present century, corrected and im-* 



112 

CHAP, constructed for Lorenzo de' Medici, a clock, or piece of 

VIT 

_^^ mechanism, which not only marked the hour of the day, 
but the motions of the sun and of the planets, the eclipses, 
the signs of the zodiac, and the whole revolutions of the 
heavens {a). A laudable attempt was made by Francesco 
Berlinghieri to facilitate the study of geography, by uniting 
it with poetry {6). In metaphysics several treatises made 
their appearance, sonie of which are inscribed by their au- 
thors to Lorenzo de' Medici {c). His efforts to promote 
the important science of medicine, and to rescue it from 
the absurdities in which it wa? enveloped, ate acknowledged 

by 



proved at the instance of M. dc la Condamine, who acknowledges it to be a 
striking proof of the capacity and extended views of its author. 

{a) Politiano has left a very particular description of this curious piece of 
machinery. £f, lib, iv. Ep, 8. A singular spectacle was also devised by Lo- 
renzo de' Medici for the amusement of the populace, a memorial of which is 
preserved in a poem by Naldio> Carm* Illust. v. vi. /. 436. entitled EUgia in 
seftem Stellas erranies sub bumana specie per urbem FloreMtimam curribus a Laurenti9 
Medice Fatria Poire dudjussas^ more triumpbatuimnm From this poem we learn 
that the planets were personified and distinguished by their proper attributes, 
and that they performed their evolutions to the sound of music, with verses 
explanatory of their motions and supposed qualities. 

Nee tantum signis quot erant ea sidera certis 

Monstrasti, Medices, qua specieque forent^ 
Dulcibus at numeris suavi modulatus ab ore 

Singula quid faciant prxcipis arte cani. 

{Jf) The Gecgrafia of Berlinghieri was published with maps at Florence ia 
the year 1480. 

(0 Niccolo Fulginato addressed to Lorenzo his treatise Deldeis^ which yet 
remains in manuscript in the Laurentian Library. Plut. Ixxxii. cod, 22. Band* 
Cat. ill. 201 • and Leonardo Nogarola a work intitled De Immortalitate ansBur* 
Pistil Ixzxiii. eod* 22. Baiid* Cat. iii. 219. 



VII. 



ITS 

by several of its most eminent professors, who ctilti- CHAP, 
vated it on more rational principles, and have attributed 
their proficiency to his bounty {a). In the practice and 
theory of music, Antonio Squarcialupi excelled aU his 
predecessors ; and Lorenzo is said to have written a poem 
in his praise {6). His liberality was emulated by many 
odier illustrious citizens, who were allied to him by 
affinity, or attached by the ties of friendship and of 
kindred studies, and the innumerable literary works of 
this period, the production of Florentine authors, evince 
the success that attended their exertions. Of these works 
many yet hold a high rank, not only for .practical know^ 
ledge, but for purity of diction ; and upon the whole they 

bear 



(a) Bemardus de Tomiis, dedicating to Giovanni de' Mediciy when a car- 
dinal, his treatise Ji Cihis ^aiiragtsimalHus^ thus addresses him : ** Laarexitios» 
'* pater tu^iSy Reverendissime Domlne» tanta erga me utitor humanitate» ac 
** tot beneficiis Tomium adstringit, ut filiis totique domai, perpetoo me debere 
^* profitear. Degustavi nutu ejus medicinalem scientiam» neque sui caussa de- 
'' fiiit quidquam, quo ad illius apicem potuerim pervenire.'' Bamd, Cat. v. i. 
/• 659. In the Laurentian Library are several medical works addressed to 
Lorenzo, as Joh. Calora. Compend. Febrium. BanJ, CtuAiu 42* Joh. Aretini 
de Medicinae et legum praestantia, &c« ii. iii. 141. 

(i) This I mention on the authority of Mr. Tenhove* ** En fait de mn» 
*' sique," says he, giving an account of Leo. Bat. Alberti, ** il ne c6dait qu'au 
*' seul Antoine Squarcialupo. J'ai sous les yeuz un poeme que Laurent, de' 
** M^dicis fit en V honneur de ce dernier ; car quel est le genre.de talens auquel 
« M^dicis ne faisait pas accueil V Mem, GeueaJ. de la Maism di Medicis^ lib. x« 
p, 99. I regret that this poem of Lorenzo has escaped my researches. Valori 
relates, that Lorenzo being present when the character of this celebrated mu- 
sician was the subject of censure, observed to his detractors, If you Atunv how 
dificult it is to arrivi at exctlUna in any science, yon wostld speak of him 'with more 
respect* Vol. in wtd Laar. p. 45. 

VOL. II. Q^ 



114 



vu. 



bear the atamp of indwtiy^ taknts, «ftd good sense. And 
a& they may be plreferred^ both in point of information and 
compontion, to the productions that immediately preceded 
them, so they are perhaps more truly estimable than many 
of those of the ensuing century ; when^ by an overstrained 
attention to the beauty of lai^uage, the importance of the 
subject was frequently neglected or forgotten^ and the ta^^ 
tents of the first men of the age being deroted rather to 
words than to things, were overwhelmed in a prolixity of 
language, that in the form of letters, oratiooa, and critical 
dissertations, became the opprobrium of Hterature, and the 
destrucdk>n of true t^ste. 



CHAP. VIII. 



Domestic character of Zoreazo de* Medici Accused 

of being addicted to licentious amours — Children of Lo' 
renzo^Ms conduct towards them—Politiano accompanies 
them to Pistoia—They remove to Caffixgiolo— Dissensions 
between Politiano and Madbnna Clarice — He retires to 
Fiesole^ and writes his poem intitled RVSTicvs-—Piero 
de* Medici — Giovanni de* MecKci— Lorenzo discbarges his 
debts y and quits commerce for agriculture— ViUa of Pog- 
gio-Cajano — Careggi—Fiesole and other domains— Piero 
visits the Pope— Giovanni raised to the dignity of a cartS- 
nal—Admonitory letter of Lorenzo— Piero marries Alfou' 
ima Or sini— Visits Milan— Learned ecclesiastics favoured 
by Lorenzo — Mariano Gennazano — Girolamo Savonarola 
—Matteo Bosso— Death of Madonna Clarice— Assassi- 
nation of Girolamo Riario— Tragical death of Gakotto 
Manfreds prince of Faenza, 



Q.« 



CHAP. vra. 



Having liltherto traced the conduct of LOTenzo de* 
Medici in public life, we miy now be allowed to follow 
him to hi^ dome^ic retreat* and observe him in the inter- 
toujisc of his family, the education of hia childrferi, or the 
society of his friends, ; The mind of man varies with his 
local situadon, and before it can be justly estimated, 
must b e vi e w e d in those moments when it expands in the 
warmth of confidence, and exhibits its true coloiirs in the 
sunshine of affection. Whether it was from the sugges- 
tions of policy, or the venatility of bis natural disposition, 
that Lorenzo de' Medici turned with such facility from 
concerns of high importance to the discussion of subjects 
Qf.amusunjent, and the levity of convivial intercourse, cer- 
tain it is, that few persons have displayed this faculty in so 
emioefit a degree. " Tblnk^not,": says PoUtiano, writing 
'-'■■■ to 



ii8 

CHAP, to his friend {a\ " that any of our learned associatea, even 



VI 11. 






** they who have devoted their lives to study, are to be es- 
" teemed superior to Lorenzo de' Medici, either for acute- 
" ness in disputation, or for good sense in forming a just 
decision ; or that he yields to any of them in expressing 
his thoughts with facility, variety, and elegance. The 
examples of history are as familiar to him as the attend- 
" ants that surround his table ; and when the nature of his 
^^ subject admits of it, his conversation is abundantly sea- 
** soned with the salt collected from that ocean, from which 
" Venus herself first sprung (^)." His talent for irony 
was peculiar, and folly and absurdity seldom escaped his 
animadversion {c). In the collections formed by the. Ho- 
rentines, of the motA t lurk * of oieteWated men, Lorenzo 
bears a distinguished .paxl^,JiutjyhaijeJKpressions adapted to 
the occasion of a moment are transplanted to the page of 
a book^ aAdsQbmitt^dta th^cofpl coasideratiem of the <^los^i^ 
they .too often Mmiod u»of a4ower crept from, its stalk, to 
be pr^^rv^d ixk arid 4efarmi(y. Possibly toos, those who 
hmre assvmed the task oi selection may not have been ac< 
cur^tf wi dieir chf0i<;e;, and peiiiaps the celebrity of his 

• name 

♦ * ■ ^ 

* 

* 

{/^ Ang. Polh.'LoA^co Odaxh: Ep. Ub. Hi. Ep% 6. 

(^) Lugusque Salesque, 

* Sed lectns pclagcu quo Venas orta colef, 
, 8fi(f s Jiuxj^e^ MoKsuit^ Sietir de Briou x. ^v-Mpos^iaha^ /««.»./»» ^, wliere 
tl^e author ]^as traced this sentiipent from Plutarch to Polkiano, and down- 
wards to Victoriusy Heinsius, and de Brieux. *^ (^elqtte belle & fine^ au 
^ pMto^** coys Ibe, *< que seit cetCe peni^ wH aujounPhui comae dk tk^ 
^* oa n'oaer^ plui la tt^Mr** 

{i) H (^uoiti jocabatnr, ailul hilacttisi qttun moniUta nOiil aiposiai;'* 

I 



119 

•name may have been an inducement to others to attnlmte CHAP. 

VTTT 

to him witticisms unworthy of his character. Yet the fo«- 
meti of Lorenzd may rank with many of those which 
have be^i published with importance, and read with avi* 
dity (^7). Grazzini has also introduced this eminent maia 
as amusing himself with a piece of meditated jof:uIarity, 
in order to free himself from the importunate visits of a 
physician, who too frequently appeared at his table ; but, 
for the veracity of this narrative, we have only the 
authority of a professed novelist ^^). Nor is it IJkely that 

Lorenzo, 

• • • . ' - - . • 

^ . . I .... • ▼ 

« 

J^ify Seirarstf of tim art related hf Vftlorif and many othets-nay be fbUH[ 

Vtn* 15SS. One of his kinsmen^ renarkabk for his avarice^ having boast^4 
tliat he haA ar his villa a plentiful stream of fine water, Lof enzo replted. If so, 
pm Wright- sffird m A^ft tfcrff r la^^ Bartolfwnnieo fiocoiiii» of SieilMt hiring 
ohservedy in allusion to the defect in Loi^nco's sightt that the atr of Floren^f 
was ii\jnriou8 to the ejes; True, said LfOrenzo, and that of Sienna to ibi brain^ 
Bei9g interrogated by UgoUno Martefli, why he rose so late in die Riemingy 
Lorenao m retnrn inaoimd from MarteUv why ho rose so $0^9 and SMiAf 
that it was to employ himself in trifles^ Mj^ morning^ inams^ said Lorenzo,^ .an 
iittir than tfy morning*! husiuits. When Soccini eloped from Florences to evade 
&i6 cnagements as professor of civil law there, and being taken and brought 
back, was committed to prison, he complained that a man of his eminence 
should undergo such a shameful punishment. Ton sbouU renumber, said Lo- 
renzo^ that tbt^kemi ismtt imtho ftmithmfni, hntimthi crime* 

Vol. p. 14. Oom. >• IS ift &c. 

{fi) Anton-Francoaco Grasamis 4acto II Lasca. NovelU, Ed. Load ^ 1756« 
L^tenca CimA$ Apv, 3u The argument of this npv^ isas follows : '^Loreazo^ 
" vecchio de' Medici da due tjrfivesiitif fa condurre Ma(es^ Manenie ubriaco 
*^ una sera dopo cena sc^etsipici^Q tfd suo pal^gkib. € qsuvi e altrov^ Iptio^e^ 
** senza sapere egli dove sia, lungo tempo al bujo» facendogU portar mangiaro 
•* da dueimmascherati; dopo per via del Monaco bufFone, da a credere alle 
<« persone, hit esser morto dl p^ste, percidcchi cavato di casa suann morto^ 
'* in suo scambio lo fa dissouerare.^ U Magnifico pot con sMdo atravag^te 



ISO 

CHAP. Lorenzo, though he frequently indulged in the license 

^^^•_ aUowed by the Roman satirist, would have forgotten the 

"""^^"^ precaution with which it is accompanied (a), or would 

Jiave misemployed his time and his talents, in contriving 

and executing a stale and insipid jest. 

Accu,.. of be. Although there is reason to believe that Clarice Orsini, 
ing«wictcd , -f of Lorenzo, was not the object of his early pas- 



amoufs. 



inC wilt «-'••• .»JVr»'~~ — — J - ■ - ^ 

sion, yet that he lived with her in uninterrupted affection, 
and treated her on all occasions with the respect due to her 
rank and her virtues, appears from many circumstances. 
He has not however escaped an imputation which has 
sometimes attached itself to names of great celebrity, and 
which indeed too often taints the general mass of excellence 
with the leaven of human nature. « Such.a combination of 
« talents and of virtues/' says Machiavelli, " as appeared 
« in Lorenzo de' Medici, was not counterbalanced by a 
« single fault, although he was incredibly devoted to the 
« indulgence of an amorous passion (*)." In asserting a 
particular defect, it is remarkable that the historian ad- 
mits it not as an exception to his general approbation. 



« manda via Maestro Manentc, U quale finalmente creduto morto da ognimo. 
« arriva in Fi^nze. dove la moglie, pewando che fusse 1' anuaa sua. lo caccja 
.. vU come se fosse lo spirito, e dalla gente avato la eorsa, trova solo Burch^. 
M ello. Che 10 riconosce. e piatendo prima la moghe m Ves«n^do. e po. aU. 
« Otto e rimesso la causa in Lorenzo, U quale fatto venjre Nepo da Gala- 
.. trona. fa veder alle persone, ogni cosa esser intervenuU al Medico per forza 
" d* incanti ; sicche riavuta la donna. Maestro Manente pigUa per suo avro- 
« cato San Cipriano." 

(«) Ncc lusisse pudet— scd non incidcre todum. Btr. Bp. lib. i. 

(A) Wa. Fbr. a. wL 



121 

Ytt it U not to be denied, that if such in aocicsaiiion wore CHAP, 
established, it would be difficult to apologize for Lorenzo, 
although the manners of the age, and the vivacity of his 
natural disposition, might be urged in extenuation of his 
misconduct. In justice however to his character, it must 
be observed, that the history of the times furnishes us with 
no information, either as to the circumftances attending his 
amours, or the particular objects of his passion {a) ; nor 
indeed does there appear, from the testimony of his con- 
temporaries, any reason to infer that he is justly charged 
with this deviation from the rules of virtue, and of deco- 
rum {t). Probably this imputation is founded only on a 
presumptixHi .arising fr^m the amorous tendency of some of 
his poetical writings; and certain it is, that if the offspring 
of imagination and the effusions of poetry be allowed to 
decide, his conviction will be apparent in almost every 
line. It may perhaps be observed that these pieces were 
chiefly the productions of his youth, before the restric- 
tions of the marriage vow had suppressed the breathings 

of 



w H . . » iif 



(4) On lui a tncorc reprocb^ le defaut des ames lieit)iques 8c &eiiable$> 
trop de peachant a 1' amour. Je sfai qu'il aima prodigieusement les femmesy 
& j^ignore comment cette sourse inepuisable de faiblesses, n'en fut point une 
-poBr Im. S'il bndak vi^ment» il brulait sensement $ jamais ms galaateries 
lie fire^t QSBbragc aux €icoyons> parcequ'elles n' mfliKrenc en riea sur sa con- 
di^te publtqiae* Sa vie grave, Be sa vie badine, ^talent tellement s^parees^ 
qu'on edt die qu'il y avait deux hommes en lui. 

Teubpvt^ MiM4'Gfn$id, dt la Matson Ji MidicU^ IfV* xi. /. 145. 

{B) fn the poem of Brandolini» De Uutdibus Lour, Med. {-^pp" ^o* LO the 
attention of Lorenzo to the dictates of morality and decorum, as well in 
himself as others, is the particular subject of panegyric, and that by a con- 
temporary writer. Had tibe conduct of Loreixzo been notoriousiy lice^ous^ 
sach praise would have been the severest satire. 

VOL* II. R 



122 

CHAP, of passion ; but how shall we elude the inference which 
' arises from the following lines ? 

Teco 1' avessi il ciel donna congiunto 
In matrimonio : ah che pria non venisti 
Al mondo, o io non son piii tardo giunto ? 



O that the marriage bond had join'd our fate. 
Nor I been bom too soon, nor thou too late ! 

Or from these, which are still more explicit ? 

Ma questo van pensiero a che soggiorno ? 
Se tu pur dianzi, ed io fui un tempo avanti, 
Dal lacdo ccmjugal legato intorno f 



But why these thoughts irrelevant and vain ! 
If I, long since in Hymen's fetters tied, 
Am doomM-to hear another call thee bride ? 

Nor must it be denied that this elegiac fragment, 
though incorrect and unfinished, is distinguished by that 
pathos and glow of expression which genuine passion 
can alone inspire {a). If in this piece Lorenzo be amo- 
rous, in others he is licentious; and if we admit the 
production of a moment of levity, as the evidence of his 
feelings, the only regret that he experienced was from 
the reflection, that he had in the course of his past time 

imprudently 



{a) Of* this piece» intitled Ehgia^ in the poems of Lorenzo, published at 
the close of this volume. 



123 

imprudently neglected so many opportunities of collecting CHAP, 
the sweets that were strewn in his way {a). But shall ' 

we venture to infer, that because Lorenzo wrote amo- 
rous verses, and amused himself with Jeux d* esprit^ 
his life was dissolute, and his conduct immoral ? ^^ As 
*' poetry is the flower of science," says Menage, " so 
" there is not a single person of education who has not 
^^ composed, or at least wished to compose verses ; and as 
^^ love is a natural passion, and poetry is the language of 
" love, so there is no one who has written verses who has 
" not felt the effects of love." If we judge with such 
severity, what will become of the numerous throng of 
poets who have thought it sufficient to alledge in their 
justification, that if 

T^heir verse was wanton^ }et their lives were chaste ? 

or what shall we say to the extensive catalogue of learned 
ecclesiastics, who have endeavoured to fill the void of ce- 
libacy, by composing verses on subjects of love (^) ? 

Whatever may be thought of the conduct or the sen- children of 
timents of Lorenzo on this head, it does not appear that ^^«n«>- 
he left any offspring of illicit love; but by his wife 
Clarice he had a numerous progeny, of which three sons 

and 



[d) See the piece intitled La Confessionty also printed amongst his poems at 
the end of the present volume. 

(^) For this catalogue, from Hdiodorus bishop of Tricca in Thessaly* to 
M. Du Bois doctor in Theology at Paris, the reader may consult the AnH'BaiK 
UtiA M* Menage, written by htm when upwards of seventy years of age* and 
the most singular instance of industry, wit, vanity, and learning that the 
annals of literature can produce. 

K 2 



124 

C H A ?• and four daughters arrived at the age of maturity* Piero 
^^ ' his eldest sou was born on the fifteenth day of February 
1471; Giovanni^ on the eleventh day of December 1475 1 
and GiuHano^ his youngest, in 1478. Of these the first was 
distinguished by a series of misfortunes too justly merited^ 
the two latter by an unusual degree of prosperity ; Gio- 
vanni having obtained the dignity of the Tiara, which he 
wore by the name of Leo X. ; and Giuliano having allied 
himself by marriage to the royal house of France, and 
obtained the title oi duke of Nemours. 

His conduct In no point of view does the character c£ this extramw 

toward* them. ^^^ jj^au appear more engaging than in his afiection to- 
wards his children, in his care of their education, and in 
his solicitude for their welfare. In their society he relaxed 
from his important occupations, and accustomed himself 
to share their pleasures and promote their amusements {a). 
By what more certain means can a parent obtain that con- 
fidence so necessary to enable him to promote the happi- 
ness of his children? The office of an instructor of 
youth he considered as of the highest importance. " If,*' 
says he, " we esteem those who contribute to the pro- 

" sperity 



(«} ** Si dil«tcasfi« d' haomini faceti e mordaci, & d^ giaoehi poeriltj 

*^ piu che a tanto huomo non pareva si convenisse ; in modo che molte volte 
** fu visto tra i suoi figliuoH e figliuole, tra i loro trastuUi mescolarsi." Mac^ 
Hist, lib. viii. On this subject I must not omit the comment of the interesting 
and elegant Tenhove: '* Est il un spectacle plus toachant, que celui de voir 
<' un tel homme d^poser le fardeau de la gloire an sein de la nature ? A des 
** yeuz non vid^s Laurent de' Medicis parait bien grande, e bien aimable« 
<< lors'quil joue a croix k pile avec le petit due de Neaunn, oa qo*ii le route a 
*^ terre avec LeonX/' Tntb. Mm, G$nud* lit. zi» /• 14a* 



w 



125 

" qperity of the state, wc ought to place in the first rank CHAP. 
" the tutors of our children, whose labours are to influence _ 
^ posterity, and on whose precepts and exertions the dig- 
^ nity of our family, and of our country, in a great measure 
" depends (^i)." 

Soon after the conspiracy of the Pazzi, when Lorenzo poUdano ac. 
thought it expedient to remove his family to Pistoia, they ^p^"**"" 
were accompanied by Politiano, as the instructor of his 
sons, who gave frequent information to his patron of their 
situation, and the progress made in the education of his 
children. These confidential letters enable us to form a 
more accurate idea of the disposition of their author, than 
we can collect from any of his writii^s intended for publica- 
tion. Restless, impatient of control, concentering all merit 
in the acquisition of learning, he could brook no opposition 
to his authority. The intervention of Madonna Clarice, in 
the direction of her children, was in his judgment imperti- 
nent, because she was unlettered, and a woman. In one of 
his letters he earnestly requests that Lorenzo will delegate to 
hxm a more extensive power ; whilst in another^ written 
on the same day, be acknowledges that this request was 
iiiade under the impulse of pas^on, and solicits indulgence 
for the in&rmity of his temper. The subsequent eminence 

of 



(a) Si fen&parttts stios diligunt, quanosin liberos nostros indulgentia esse 
debemns ? £t si onmes« qui clvitati consttlonty cari nobis sunt, cerce in primis 
libeiorum institutores, quorum industria sempitemum tempus speccat, quo* 
rumque prsceptis, consiliis» & virtutey retinebimus familige et republics 
digmtatem. Lour* Med, ad Polite ap, Fabr, a;, i. /• i66« 



126 

CHAP, of his pupils renders these letters interesting {a). What 
' friend of literature can be indifferent to the infancy of Leo 
the Tenth ? " Piero," says Politiano, " attends to his studies 
" with tolerable diligence. We daily make excursions 
" through the neighbourhood, we visit the gardens with 
^^ which this city abounds^ and sometimes look into the 
" library of Maestro Zambino, where I have found some 
'^ good pieces, both in Greek and Latin. Giovanni rides 
^' out on horseback, and the people follow him in crowds." 

They remove From Pistoia the family retired in the close of the year to 

to Caffagiolo. 

CafFagiolo, where they passed the winter; from whence 
Politiano continued his correspondence with Lorenzo, and 
occasionally addressed himself to his mother, Madonna Lu- 
cretia, between whom and this eminent scholar there sub- 
sisted a friendly and confidential intercourse. These letters 
afford an additional proof of the querulousness of genius, 
and may serve to reconcile mediocrity to its placid insignifi- 
cance (i). *' The only news I can send you," thus he writes 
to this lady, ** is, that we have here such continual rains 
^' that it is impossible to quit the house, and the exercises 
" of the country are changed for childish sports within 
doors. Here I stand by the fire-sidi, in my great coat 
and slippers, that you might take me for the very figure 
" of melancholy. Indeed I am the same at all times ; for 
" I neither see, nor bear, nor do any thing that gives me 

' ** pleasure^ 






(a) They arc given, from the collection of Fabroni, in the Appendix to 
the present volume^ No^ LIX. 

(^) V. Jfp. No. LX. 



1.27 

«< pleasure^ so much am I affected by the thoughts of our CHAP. 
*^ calamitiea; sleeping and waking they still continue to 



MM 



** haunt me. Two days since we were all rejoicing upon 
" hearing that the plague had ceased — now we are de- 
^' pressed on being informed that some symptoms- of it 
'* yet remain. Were we at Florence we should- have some 
*' consolation, were it only that of seeing Lorenzo when 
** he returned to his house j but here we are in continual 
^' anxiety, and I, for my part, am half dead with solitude 
^^ and weariness. The plague and the war are incessantly 
^ in my mind* I lament past misfortunes^ and anticipate 
*• future evils j and I. have no longer at my side my dear 
^^ Madonna Lucretia,. to whom I might unbosom my 
** cares." Such is the melancholy strain in which Po^ 
litiano addresses the mother of Lorenzo ; but we seldom 
complain except to those we esteem, and this letter is a 
better evidence of the feelings of Politiano, than a volume 
of well-turned compliments. 

In conciliating the regard of Clarice, Politiano was Dissensions be- 

„ r TT • r • 1 1 • • twecn Politiano 

not equally fortunate. Her mterterence with him in and Madonna 
his office, appeared to him as an unpardonable intrusion. ^^^* 
** As for Giovanni,'* says he, " his- mother, employs him 
*' in reading the psalter, which I by no me^ns commend. 
" Whilst she declined interfering with him ^ it is astonish- 
ing how rapidly he improved, insomuch that he read 
without any assistance. There is nothing," he proceeds, 
which I ask more earnestly of Heaven, than that I may 
" be able to convince you of my fidelity, my diligence, 
*' and my patience, which I would prove even by my 
*' death. Many things however I omit, that amidst your 

" numerous 



C€ 



128 
CHAP. «^ numerous avocations I may not add to your solicitude. 



VIIL 



When Politiano wrote thus to his patron, it is not to be 
supposed that his conduct at CafFagioIo was distinguished 
by moderation or complacency. The dissensions between 
him and Madonna Clarice consequently increased, till at 
length the intemperance or the arrogance of Politiano af- 
forded her a just pretext for compelling him to quit the 
house. By a letter from Clarice to her husband on this oc- 
casion, we are informed of the provocation which she re- 
ceived, and must confess that she had sufficient cause for the 
measures site adopted ; for what woman can bear with pa- 
tience the stings of ridicule {a) ? ** I shall be glad," says she, 
^ to escape being made the subject of a tale of Franco's, as 
^^ I.uigi Puici was ; nor do I like that Messer Agnolo should 
threaten that he would remain in the house in spite of 
me. You remember I told you, that if it was your wiH 
'^ he should stay, I was perfectly contented ; and although 
" I have suffered infinite abuse from him, yet if it be with 
" your assent^ I am satisfied. But I do not believe it to be 
** so." On this trying occasion, as on many others, Poli- 
tiano experienced the indulgence and friendship of Loren- 
zo, who, seeing that a reconciliation between the contend- 
ing parties was impracticable, allowed the banished scholar 
Politiano retires a residcncc iu his house at Fiesole. No loncrer fretted by 

to Fieiolc, and ^ ^ 

writes his poem female opposition, or wearied with the monotonous task of 
wfwri. jn^.^i^ajing learning, his mind soon recovered its natural 
tone; and the fruits of the leisure which he enjoyed yet ap- 
pear in a beautifril Latin poem, inferior in its kind only to 

the 






(«) The letter of Clarice to her husband is given in the Appendix^ Aiv. LXI. 



129 

the Georgks of Virgil, and to which he gave the title of chap. 
Rusticus. In the close of this poem, he thus expresses ' 

his gratitude to his constant benefactor: 

Talia Fesuleo lentus meditabar in antro, 
Rure sub urbane Medicum, qua mens sacer urbeiu 
Maeoniam, longique yclumina despicit Arni. 
Qua bonus hospitium felix, placidamque quietem 
Indulge! Laurens, Laurens haud ultima Phoebi 
Gloria, jactatis Laurens fida anchora musis ; 
Qui si certa magis permiserit otia nobis, 
Afflabor maiore Deo. 



Thus flow the strains, whilst here at ease reclin'd 
At length the sweets of calm repose I find ; 
Where Fesule, with high impending brow. 
Overlooks Maeonian Florence stretched below. 
Whilst Arno, winding through the mild domain. 
Leads in repeated folds his lengthened train ; 
Nor thou thy poet's grateful strain refuse, 
Lorenzo! sure resource of every muse; 
Whose praife, so thou his leisure hour prolong. 
Shall claim the tribute of a nobler song. 

Were we to give implicit credit to the testimony of his Pi«x)dc' 
tutor, Piero de' Medici united in himself all the great qua- **^"' 
lities by which his progenitors had been successively distin- 
guished : " The talents of his father, the virtues of his 
** grandfather, and the prudence of the venerable Cos- 
^ mo [a)*^ Lorenzo himself had certsdnly formed a 

favourable 



(tf ) Scis autem quam gratus multitudtni sit & dyibusy Petrus noster, noa 
VOL. II. S 



13© 

CH AP- 
VIII. 



favourable opinion of his capacity ; and is said to have re-» 
marked that his eldest son would be distinguished for ability, 
his' second for probity, his third by an amiable temper («)• 
The fondness of a parent was gratified in observing those 
instances of an extraordinary memory, which Piero dis- 
played in his childhood, and in listening to the poetical 
pieces which he was accustomed to recite to the familiar 
circle of friends, who perhaps admired, and certainly ap- 
plauded his efforts. Among these were some of the whim- 
sical productions of Matteo Franco {6). As he advanced 
in years, his father was desirous that he should always 
participate in the conversation of those eminent scholars 
who frequented the palace of the Medici ; and it was with 
pleasure that Lorenzo saw the mutual attachment that sub- 
sisted between his son and the professors of literature in 
general (r). The celebrated epistles of Polltlano, which 

were 



II 1 1 1 II f < 



III I' 



minus jam sua^ quam familise gloria ; scilicet in quo Patris ingenium, Patrui 
virtus » Patrui magni kumanitas, Avi probitas, Proavi prudentia* pietas Abavi 
reviviscit : omnium verp xn^oorum fliQrum Jib^alftas, onfiniumquo iiqimus. 

PoL Ep. lib. xii. Ep, 6. 

{a) Fahri im <vitd Lomt. p. 64. 

(t) Quia )dem parens tuus, pene infantem adhuc te» qoaedam ex his (FraQct 
cj^^inibus) facetipra, ri^iculi gratis doceb^t» qus tu ()einde 'mtcr adductU4 
a^micos balbutiebas> & eleganti quodam gestUy qui quidem iUaipa deccret a^ta- 
tulam, commendabas. P^. Ep. ad Pet. Mid. lib. x. Ep. 12. 

{c) Landinoy in his dedication of the works of Virgil to Piero de' Medici, 
thus adverts to the attention of Lorenzo to the education ef his chiktrea, and 
|tarticp}ar^7 of Piero : ** Plurima sunt quz in illo (Laurentio) admirer ; sed 
** illud prs ceteris, quod in liberis educandis indulgentioris quidem parentis 
*' numquam, optimi vero ac sapientissimi semper» summa sedulitate officium 
^ eompkyerit* In tt Tero informaado, atque erudie^ido, quid omquam oanjsit? 



131 

were collected by their author at the instance of Plero, CHAP, 
and to whom they are inscribed in terms of grateful ^^^^* 
afiedlion, bear ample testimony to his acquirements ; and 
the frequent mention made of his name by the learned 
correspondents of Politiano, is a convincing proof of his 
attention to their interests, and his attachment to the cause 
of letters. Happy if the day that opened with such pro«- 
mising appearances had not been so suddenly orerclouded ; 

Sed zephyri spes portavere paternas. 

and Piero, by one inconsiderate step, which his subsequent 
efibrts could never retrieve, rendered ineffectual all the soli- 
citude of his father, and all the lessons of his youth. 

Giovanni, the second son of Lorenzo, was destined . Giovanni de* 
from his infancy to the church. Early brought forward 
into public view, and strongly impressed with a sense of 
the necessity of a grave deportment, he seems never to 
have been a child. At seven years of age he was admitted 
into holy orders, and received the tonsura frdm Gentile, 
bishop of Arezzo. From thenceforth he was called 
Messer Giovanni, and was soon afterwards declared capable 
of ecclesiastical preferment. Before he was eight years 
of age he was appointed by Louis XL of France, abbot 

of 



^ Nam quaxnvis ipse per se quotidie admoneret, pneciperety ac juberet^ tamen 
*' cum sciret quanti esset, ne a Pracceptoris latere umquam discederes, ex omni 
'* hominum doctorom copia> Angelum Politianum elegit, virum multa ac 
*' varia doctrina eruditum, Poetam vero egregium, egregiumque Oratorem, ac 
« denique totius antiquitatis diligentem perscmtatorem cai puertlem statem 
^ tttam k. <^imis moribus fingendamy dc optimis artibus ac dtsciplinis ezco« 
*' lendam traderet*" Band, Zp$e* Lit. Fhr. <v. t« f* 222. in ntt. 

S 2 



132 

CHAP. 
. VIII. 



of Fonte Dolce, which was immediately succeeded by a 
presentation from the same patron, to the archbishopric of 
Aix in Provence; but in this instance the liberality of 
the king was opposed by an invincible objection, for before 
the investiture could be obtained from the pope, inform- 
ation was received at Florence that the archbishop was yet 
living. This disappointment was however compensated by 
the abbacy of the rich monastery of Pasignano {a\. Of 
the glaring indecorum of bestowing spiritual functions oa 
a child, Lorenzo was fully sensible, and he accordingly 
endeavoured to counteract the unfavourable impression 
which it might make on the public mind, by inculcating 
upon his son the strictest attention to his manners, his 
morals, and his improvement. He had too much sagacity 
not to be convinced, that the surest method of obtaining 
the rewards of merit is to deserve them ; and Messer Gio<- 
vanni was not more distinguished from his youthful asso* 
elates by the high promotions which he enjoyed, than he 
was by his attention to his studies, his strict performance 
of the duties injoined him, and his inviolable regard to 
truth. 



Lorenzo dls- 
chai^cs his 
debts, and quits 
commerce for 
agriculture. 



In providing for the expences of the wars in which the 
Florentines had beea engaged, considerable debta^ had been 
incurred ; and as they had not yet learnt the destructive ex- 
pedient of anticipating their future revenue, or transferring 
their own burthens to their posterity, it became necessary 

to 



{a) These particulars are circumstantially related in the Ricordi of Lo^^ 
renzoy who seems to have interested' himself in the early promotion of his soa 
with uncommon earnestness, v. Afp. Na^ LXlh 



133 

to provide for the payment of these demands. Besides the CHAP: 
debts contracted in the name of the republic, Lorenzo had 
been obliged to have recourse to his agents in different 
countries to borrow large sums of money, which had been 
applied to the exigencies of the state ; but it was no 
improbable conjecture, that the money which had been 
lavishly expended during the heat of the contest would be 
repaid with reluctance when the struggle was over. These 
considerations occasioned him great anxiety; for whilst 
on the one hand he dreaded the disgrace of being wanting 
in the performance of his pecuniary engagements, he was 
not perhaps less apprehensive on the other hand of dimi- 
nishing his influence in Florence, by the imposition of 
additional taxes. From this difficulty he saw no possibility 
of extricating himself, but by the most rigid attention, as 
well to the improvement of the public revenue, as to the 
state of his own concerns. The increasing prosperity of 
the city of Florence seconded his efforts, and in a short time 
the creditors of the state were fully reimbursed, without 
any increase of the public burthens. His own engage- 
ments yet remained incomplete; but whilst he was endea- 
vouring, from his large property and extensive concerns, 
to discharge the demands against him, a* decree pro- 
viding for the payment of his debts out of the public 
treasury relieved him from his difficulties, and proved that 
the affisction of his fellow-citizens yet remained unimpair- 
ed {a)* Lorenzo did not however receive this mark of 
esteem, without bitterly exclaiming against the negligence 
and imprudence of hia factors and correspondents, who, by 

their 



{a)' Valori in vifa Lauh /• 38. 



134 

CHAP. 
VIII. 



VllU of Pog- 
Sio-C^yano. 



their inattention to his affairs^ had reduced him to the iie- 
cesfiity of accepting such a favour. From this period he 
determined to close his mercantile concerns with all pos^ 
sible expedition^ well considering, that besides the inherent 
uncertainty of these transactions, the success of them de- 
pended too much on the industry and integrity of others. 
He therefore resolved to turn his attention to occupations 
more particularly under his own inspection, and to relin*- 
quish the fluctuating advantages of commerce, for the 
more certain revenue derived from the cultivation of his 
rich farms and extensive possesions in different parts of 
Tuscany. 

His villa of Poggio-Cajano was, in his intervals of lei- 
sure, his favourite residence. Here he erected a magnifi- 
cent mansion (^), and formed the complete establishment 
of a princely farmer. Of this fertile domain, and of the 
labours of Lorenzo in its cultivation and improvement, one 
of his contemporaries has left a very particular and authen- 
tic description {6). " The village of Cajano," says he, " is 
" built on the easy slope of a hill, and is. at the distance of 
*' about ten miles from Florence. The road to it from the 
** city is very spacious, and excellent even in winter^ and 



IS 



■•■ r." 



»» ■ 1 I HH M ■■«■ 



W 



>Medicum quid tecta superba^ 



Carregt, & Trebii : Fesuiana aat -condita rape 
Commemorem ? jures Luculli tecta superba: 
Quaeque sine exemplo Cajana palatia Laurens 
Aedificaty quorum scandei fastigia, tanquam 
Per planum iret eques, partesque equitabit in omnes. 

Ug. Firim i$ iUusU Urb. Hi. li. 

(t) Mic. Vmni Ep. xvi. apn Band. Cat. Bih. Imtr. v, lii. /. 483, 



J 



135 



" is in every respect suitable for all kinds of carriages. CHAP 
^* The river Ombrone winds round it with a smooth deep 
" atreaiQi affording great plenty of fish* The villa of 
^ Lorenzo is denominated Amhra^ either from the name 
^* of the river, or on account of its extraordinary beauty. 
<^ His fields are occasionally refreshed with streams of fine 
** and wholesome wat^, which Lorenzo, with that mag- 
^^ nificence which characterizes all his undertakings, has 
^* conveyed by an aqueduct over mountains and precipices 
^* for many miles (^at). The house is not yet built, but the 
^ foundations are laid* Its situation is midway between 
^ Florence and Pistcna. Towards the north, a spacious 
^ plain extends to the river, and is protected from the 
^^ floods, which sudden rains sometimes occasion, by an 
*^ immense embankment. From the facility with which 
^ it is watered in summer, it is so fertile, that three crops 
^ of hay are cut In each year } but it is manured every 
^^ other year lest the soil should be exhausted. On an 
^ eminence about the middle of the farm are very exten- 
** sive stables, the floors of which, for the sake of clean- 

^ liness, 



W '» 



(«] This aqueduct U fre^ucptljr ce)ebr^ud in tjic poeyis of FolitiaAO* 

^ Ut lasciva suo fitrtini daret Qscmla Laoro, 
'< Ipsi si^ 0€c«ltas reppcric Ambra Tiai$,^ 

And again. 

In tumdem* 

" Traxit amatrices hzc usque ad limina NymphaSf 
^' Dom jactat Launun ssopiM Anibra suum.'^ 

2 



136 



CHAP, 
VIII. 



(( 



(( 



ic 



C( 



(C 



(( 



" liness, are laid with stone. These buildings are sur- 
rounded with high walls and a deep moat, and have 
four towers like a castle. Here are kept a great num- 
ber of most fertile and productive cows, which afford a 
quantity of cheese, equal to the supply of the city and 
vicinity of Florence ; so that it is now no longer ne- 
cessary to procure it as formerly from Lombardy. A 

" brood of hogs fed by the whey grow to a remarkable 
size. The villa abounds with quails, and other birds, 
particularly water fowl, so that the diversion of fowl- 
ing is enjoyed h^re without fatigue. Lorenzo has also 

*' furnished the woods with pheasants and with peacocks 
which he procured from Sicily. His orchards and gar- 
dens are most luxuriant, extending along the banks of 
the river. His plantation of mulberry trees is of such 
extent, that we may hope* ere long to have a diminution 
in the price of silk. But why should I proceed in my 
description ? come and see the place yourself ; and you 

f' will acknowledge, like the queen of Sheba when she 

" visited Solomon, that the report is not adequate to the 

" truth." 



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Like the gardens of Alcinous, the farm of Lorenzo 
has frequently been celebrated in the language of poetry. 
To his own poem, on the destruction of his labours by 
the violence of the river, we haVe before adverted {a). 
Politiano thus concludes his Sylva devoted to the praises of 

Homer, 



{a) FoL I. /. 2S0. and v. the poem of Ambra at tbe close.of this volume. 



VIII. 



137 

Hlomer, to which, on account of its having been written CHAP, 
at this place, he has given the name of Ambra [a) : 

Macte opibus, macte ingenio, mea gloria Laurens, 
Gloria musarum Laurens ! montesque propinquos 
Ferfodis, et iongo suspensos cxdpis arcu, 
Fraegelidas ducturus aquas, qua prata supinum 
Lata videt podium, riguis uberrima lymphis ; 
Aggere tuta novo, piscosisque undique septa 
Limitibus, per quae multo servante molosso 
Plena Tarentinis succrescunt ubera vaccis ; 
Atque aliud nigris missum (quis credat) ab Indi*, 
Ruminat ignotas armentum. discolor herbas. 
At vituli tepidis clausi foenflibus intus. 
Expectant tota sugendas nocte parentes. 
Interea ms^nis lac densum bullit ahenis, 
Brachia<^ue exertus senior, tunicataque pube« 
Comprimit, et longa siccandum ponit in umbra. 
^ Utque piae pascuntur oves, ita vastus obeso 
Corpore, sus calaber cavea stat clausus olenti, 
Atque aliam ex alia posdt grunnitibus escam. 
Celtiber ecce sibi latebrosa cuniculus antra 
Perforat ; innumerus net serica vellera bombyx ; 
At vaga floriferos errant dispersa per hortos, 
Multiforumque replent operosa examina suber \ 

Et 



(fl) Politiano addressed this poem to Lorenzo Tornabuoni, the cousin of 
Lorenzo de* Mediciy of whom a very favourable character may be found in 
the letters of Poiitiano \Lib, xii. £/. 6.). ** Debetur hacc silva tibi» vel argu- 
*• mentOy vel tltulo, nam et Homeri studiosus es, quasique noster consecta- 
" neusy et propinquus Laurenti Medicis, summi praecellentisque viri, qui 
** scilicet Ambram ipsam Cajanam, prsedium (ut ita direrim) omniferum, 
'* quasi pro laxamento sibi delegit civilium laborum* Tibi ergo poematioo 
*• hoc quaJecunque est, nuncupamus, &c." Pridi^ nonas Nov. mcccclxxit. 

VOL. II. T 



138 

CHAP. £t genus omne avium capdvis instrepit alls. 

^^^^' Dumque Antenorei volucrig cristata Timavi 

" Parturit, et custos capitoli gramina tondet, 

iVfulta lacu se mersat anas, suhitaque volante^ 
Nube diem fuscant Veneris tutela columbas. 



Go on, Lorenzo, thou the muse's pride, 
Pierce the hard rock and scoop the mountain's side ; 
The distant streams fliall hear thy potent call. 
And the proud arch receive them as they fall. 
Thence o'er thy fields the genial waters lead. 
That with luxuriant verdure crown the mead. 
There rise thy mounds th' opposing flood that ward. 
There thy domains thy faithful mastives guard. 
Tarentum there her horned cattle sends. 
Whose swelling teats the milky rill distends j 
There India's breed of various colours range, 
Pleas'd with the novel scene and pastures strange, 
Whilst nightly clos'd within their shelter'd stall. 
For the due treat their lowing offspring call. 
Mean time the milk in spacious coppers boils^ 
With arms upstript the elder rustic toils, 
The young assist the curdled mass to squeeze. 
And place in cooling shades the recent cheese* 
Wide o'er thy downs extends thy fleecy charge ; 
There the Calabrian hog obese and large. 
Loud from his stye demands his constant food ; 
And Spain supplies thee with thy rabbit brood. 
Where mulberry groves their length of shadow spread. 
Secure the silk-worm spins his lustrous thread ; 
And cuU'd from every flower the plunderer meets. 
The be^ regales thee with her rifled sweets. 
There birds of various plume, and various note. 
Flutter their captive wings j with cackling throat 

The 



139 

The Paduan fowl betrays her future breed, CHAP. 

And there the geese, once Rome's preservers, feed, ^^^^' 

And dudes amusive sport amidst thy floods, 
And doves, the pride of Venus, throng thy woods. 

When Lorenzo was prevented by his numerous avoca* carcggi* 
tions frdmi enjoying his retreat at Poggio-Cajano, his other 
villas in the vicinity of Florence afforded him an oppor- 
tunity of devoting to his own use, or the society of his 
friends, those shorter intervals of time which he could 
withdraw from thie service of the public* His residence 
at Careggi was in every respect suitable to his rank. Th^ 
house, which was erected by his grandfather, and enlarged 
by his father, was sufficiently commodious. The adjacent 
grounds, which possessed every natural advantage that 
wood and water could afford, were improved and planted 
under his own directions (tf), and his gardens were provided 
with every vegetable, cither for ornament or use, which 

the 



{a) These particulars are adverted to in the following lines of Francesco 
Osunerlini : 

Mlusio in Fillam Caregium LaureiuH Medices^ 

Caregium gratse charites habitare feruntur, 

Gratus ager, chari gratior umbra loci» 
Cosmus honosy patriaeque pater constmxerat aedes, 

Disposuitqiie emptos ordine prit^us agros. 
Degener haud tanto natus Petrus inde parentis 

CuraTit partes amplificare suas. 
Vixque tibi, Laurens,' in tanta mole reliquit 

Quod peragasy nisi quod m^tixna semper agis, 
Tu dignos FaUnis lucos, fontes<][ue Napaeis 

Struxistiy et deceant quse modo rura Deos. 

Band, Cat* Bib. Lour, v* \\u p* 545. 

T 2 



14© 

CHAP. 
Vlli. 

FiesoJr. 



the most diligent research could supply (^i). But Fiesole 
seems to have been the general resort of his literary friends, 
to many of whom he allotted habitations in the neighbour- 
hood, during the amenity of the summer months. Of 
these- Politiano and Pico were the most constant, and per- 
haps the most welcome guests. Landino, Scala, and Fi- 
cino were also frequent in their visits ; and Crinitus, the 
pupil of Politiano, and Marullus, his rival in letters and in 
'love, were occasionally admitted to this select society {6). 
" Superior perhaps," says Voltaire (substituting however 
Lascar and Chalcondyles, for Scala and Crinitus), ^^ to that 
** of the boasted sages of Greece." Of the beauties of thi? 

place, 



(a) This was perhaps one of the earliest collections of plants in Europe, 
which deserves the name of a Botanical Garden ; the authority of Sabbati^ 
who dates the commencement of that at Rome in the pontificate of Nicholas V. 
about the year i4^> being rejected by our eminent botanist Dr. Smith ; who 
gives the priority to that of Padua in I533« v* Sabh. Hort, Rom. v. up, i. Dn 
Smith* s Introtiuct, Ducoura to ibt Transact, of the Limt, Soc, p, 8. Of the garden 
of Lorenzo a very particular account is given by Alessandro Braccio in a Latin 
poem addressed to Bernardo Bembo, and preserved in the Laurentian Library, 
Pint. Ixxxxi. sup. cod. 41 . Band. Cat. 'v. iii. p. jS'j. ; from which catalogue I shall 
insert it in the Appendix, No. LXIIL 

{6) Petrus Crinitus (or Piero de' Ricci) thus adcfresses Marullus : 

Nuper Fssuleis (ut soleo] jugis, 
Mentem Lesbiaco carmine moliiter 
Solari libuit : mox teneram chelyn, 
Myrto sub virido deposui, et gradum, 

Placuit ad urbem flectere. 
Qua noster Mtdices pieridum Parens 
MaruiUf hospitium dulce tibi exhibet, 
Ac te perpetuis muneribus fovens, 
Phcebum non patitur tela resumere. 

Lanrtns Camoenarum decus. 

Crin^ op. Lugd. 1 554. /• $$1^ 



<4 



place, and of the friendly intercourse that subsisted among CHAP, 
these eminent men, Politiano, in a letter to Ficino, gives us ' 

some idea {a). ** When you are incommoded," says he, 
" with the heat of the season in your retreat at Careggi, you 
will perhaps think the shelter of Fiesole not undeserving 
your notice. Seated between the sloping sides of the 
" mountain, we have here water in abundance, and being 
** constantly refreshed with moderate winds, find little 
" inconvenience from the glare of the sun. As you 
^^ approach the house it seems embosomed in the wood, 
" but when you reach it, you find it commands a full 
" prospect of the city. Populous as the vicinity is, 
" yet I can here enjoy that solitude so gratifying to my 
disposition. But I shall tempt you with other allure^ 
ments. Wandering beyond the limits of his own plant- 
ation, Pico sometimes steals unexpectedly on my re- 
tirement, and draws me from my shades to partake of 
** his supper. What kind of supper that is you well 
" know; sparing indeed, but neat, and rendered grate- 
ful by the charms of his conversation. Be you how* 
ever my guest. Your supper here shall be as good, and 
yout wine perhaps better, for in the quality of my wine 
** I shall contend for superiority even with Pico himself..** 

Besides his places of residence before noticed, Lorenzo other domains. 
had large possessions in different parts of Tuscany. His 
house at CafFagiolo, near the village of that name among the 
romantic scenes of the Appenines, had been the favourite re- 
sidence of his grandfather Cosmo; who, on being asked why 

he 



44 
44 
44 
44 



44 
44 
44 



(a) F9l.£f. lii.x. Ep. 14. 



142 

CHAP, 
VIII. 



he preferred this place to his more convenient habitation at 
Fiesole, is said to have assigned as a reason, that CafFagiolo 
seemed pleasanter, because all the country he could see 
from his windows was his own. At Agnana, in the terri- 
tory of Pisa, Lorenzo had a fertile domain, which he im- 
proved by draining and bringing into cultivation the ex- 
tensive marshes that lay in its neighbourhood, the com- 
pletion of which was only prevented by his death {a). 
Another estate in the district of Volterra was rendered ex- 
tremely fruitful ^by his labours, and yielded him an ample 
revenue. Valori relates,^ that Lorenzo was highly gratified 
with the amusement of horse-racing, and that he kept 
many horses for this purpose, amongst which was a 
roan, that on every occasion bore away the prize. 
The same author professes to have heard from Folitiano^ 
that as often as this horse happened to be sick, or 
was wearied with the course, he refused any nourishment 
except from the hands of Lorenzo, at whose approach 
he testified his pleasure by neighing and by motions of his 
body, even whilst lying on the ground ; so that it is not to 
be wondered at, says this author, by a kind of commenda* 
tion rather more striking than just, that Lorenzo should 
be the delight of mankind, when even the brute creation 
expressed an affection for him {5). 

In 



(a) Falor* in wtd Lour. /• 39. 

{i) Delectabatur maxime eqnorom cursa. Quare equos plurimos habuit 
in delitiisj in quibus ille fuitj quern de colore morellum appellabant, tantae 
pemicitatisy ut ex omnibus certaminibus victoriam semper reportaverit. De 
hoc cquo ipse a Politiano audivi^ quod mirum legentibus videatur, non tamen 
novum 9 eum, quoties vel aegrotaret> vel defessus esset, nisi a Laurentio obla- 
turn cibum omnem fastidire solitom, & quotiescumque ille accederet> motu 



143 

In the year 1484^ at which time Piero de' Medici, CHAP. 
the eldest son of Lorenzo, was about fourteen years of __^_1. 
age, his father judged it expedient to send him to Rome Picrodc'M©. 
on a visit to the pope, and appointed Scala and Politiano **'*'' ''"*" ^^^ 
as his companions. He did not however implicitly con- 
fide in their discretion, but drew up himself very full 
and explicit directions for the conduct of his son during 
his absence. These instructions yet remain, and may 
serve, as much as any circumstance whatever, to give 
us an idea of the sagacity and penetration of Lorenzo, 
and of his attention, not only to the regulation of the 
manners of his son, but to the promotion of his own 
views {a). He advises him to speak naturally, without 
affectation, not to be anxious to display his learning, to 
use expressions of civility, and to address himself with 
seriousness, and yet with ease to all. On his arrival at 
Rome, he cautions him not to take precedence of his coun- 
trymen who are his superiors in age ; " for though you 
** are my son," says he, " you will remember that you 
" are only a citizen of Florence like themselves." He 
suggests to him what topics it will be proper for him to 
dwell upon in his interview with the pope ; and directs him 
to express, in the most explicit manner, the devotion of his 
father to the holy see. He then proceeds to the essential 
object of his mission. ^^ After having thus recommended 



" me 



corporis, Sc hiimicu, qoamvis hnmt prostratum* animi laeticiam fuisse testa- 
cum» ut lion jam mirom sit tantop^re hominibus gratum, quern etiam ferae 
dilezennt* Falor. in vitdy p* 49. 

(4) This curious paper of private instructions from Lorenzo to his son 
yet remains, and is given in -the Appendix, from the collection of FabronI 
(JVi.LXIV.). 



144 

CHAP. 
VUL 



" me to his holiness, you will inform him, that your af- 
** fection for your brother induces you to speak a word in 
" his favour. You can here mention that I have educated 
him for the priesthood, and shall closely attend to his 
learning and his manners, so that he may not disgrace 
his profession. That in this respect I repose all my 
hopes on his holiness; who, having already given us 
proofs of his kindness and affection, will add to our 
obligations by any promotion which he may think 
proper to bestow upon him. Endeavouring by these 
and similar expressions to recommend your brother 
to his favour as much as lies in your power." 



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Giovanni de* 
Medici raised 
to the dignity 
of a cardinal. 



In whatever manner Piero acquitted himself on his 
youthful embassy, it is probable that this interview accom- 
plished the object on which the future fortunes of his 
house were so materially to depend, and Giovanni de' Me- 
dici, when only thirteen years of age, ranked with the 
prime supporters of the Ronian church. It seems, how- 
ever, that although the pope had complied with the press- 
ing instances of Lorenzo, in bestowing on his son the 
dignity of a cardinal, he was not insensible of the inde- 
corum of such a measure, for he expressly prohibited him 
from assuming the insignia of his rank for three years, re- 
questing that he wpuld apply that interval to the diligent 
prosecution of his studies. He accordingly went to Pisa, 
where the regularity of his conduct, and his attention to 
his improvement, justified in some degree the extraordinary 
indulgence which he had experienced ; in consequence of 
which his father made the most pressing instances to the 
pope to shorten the term of his probation. " Trust the 



(i 



management 



VIII. 



145 

" management of this business to me," said Innocent, CHAP. 
" I have heard of his good conduct, and of the honours 
" which he has obtained in his college disputes. I consider 
" him as my own son, and shall, when it is least expected, 
" order his promotion to be made public ; besides which, 
" it is my intention to do much more for his advance- 
" ment than is at present supposed/' The three years 
were, however, suffered to elapse, and the young cardinal 
was then admitted to all the honours of his rank, the in- 
vestiture having been performed by Matteo Bosso, prior of 
the monastery 'at Fiesole, who has left, in one of his letters, a 
particular narrative of the ceremony {a). After passing a 
few days with his father at Florence, Giovanni hastened to 
Rome to pay his respects to the pope. On his approach to 
that city he was met and congratulated by several other car- 
dinals, who made no hesitation in receiving into their num- 
ber so young an associate. By the seriousness and pro- 
priety of his demeanor, he obviated as much as possible the 
unfavourable impression which a promotion so unprece- 
dented had made on the public mind. Soon after his arrival 
at Rome, his father addressed to him an admonitory letter, 
as conspicuous for sound sense as for paternal affection ; but 
which discovers the deep policy of Lorenzo, and the great 
extent of his views. This letter may, without any unrea- 
sonable assumption, be considered as the guide of the future 
life and fortunes of a son, who afterwards attained the high- 
est rank in Christendom, and supported it with a dignity 
which gave it new lustre {5). 

Lorenzo 



{a) Recufirationei Fesulana, Ef. ex. As the work does not frequentlj 
occuTy I shall giye this letter in the Appendix, No. LXV. 

{b) The original will be found in the Appendix, No. LXVI. " Haec 
VOL. II. U 



146 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



Lorenzo de Mediciy 
To Giovanni de Medici^ Cardinal. 



Admonitory 
letter of Lo- 
renzo. 



** You, and all of us who are interested in your wel- 
" fare, ought to esteem ourselves highly favoured by pro- 
** vidence, not only for the many honours and benefits be- 
" stowed on our house, but more particularly for having 
•* conferred upon' us, in your person, the greatest dignity 
** we have ever enjoyed. This favour, in itself so im- 
•* portant, is rendered still more so by the circumstances 
•* with which it is accompanied, and especially by the con- 
** sideration of your youth, and of our situation in the 
" world. The first thing that I would therefore suggest to 
" you is, that you ought to be grateful to God, and con- 
tinually to recollect that it is not through your merits, 
your prudence, or your solicitude, that this event has 
taken place, but through his favour, which you can only 
" repay by a pious, chaste, and exemplary life ; and that 
your obligations to the performance of these duties are 
so much the greater, as in your early years you have 
given some reasonable expectation that your riper age 
may produce such fruits. It would indeed be highly dis- 
graceful, and as contrary to your duty as to my hopes, 
if at a time when others display a greater share of rea- 
son, and adopt a better mode of life, you should forget 
the precepts of your youth, and forsake the path in 
which you have hitherto trodden. Endeavour there- 

" fore 



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*< epistola,'' says Fabroni, ** tanquam Cycnea fuit prudentissimi hominis vox 
** et orationis; paullo enim post Ule mortem obivit." Fahr* in vita, ii. 313. 



VIII. 



'47 

" fore to alleviate the burthen of your early dignity, by CHAP. 

" the regularity of your life, and by your perseverance 

^^ in those studies v^rhich are suitable to your profession. 

^^ It gave me great satisfaction to learn, that, in the course 

" of the past year, you had frequently, of your oven ac- 

^* cord, gone to communion and confession ; nor do I 

*' conceive that there is any better v^ay of obtaining the 

" favour of heaven, than by habituating yourself to a 

^^ performance of these and similar duties. This appears 

*^ to me to be the most suitable and useful advice which, 

** in the first instance, I can possibly give you. 






** I well know, that as you are now to reside at Rome, 
that sink of all iniquity, the difficulty of conducting 
yourself by these admonitions will be increased. The 
** influence of example is itself prevalent ; but you will 
«* probably meet with those who will particularly endea- 
•* vour to corrupt and incite you to vice ; because, as you 
•* may yourself perceive, your early attainment to so great 
^ a dignity is not observed without envy, and those who 
•* could not prevent your receiving that honour, will se- 
" cretly endeavour to diminish it, by inducing you to for- 
" felt the good estimation of the public ; thereby precipi- 
** tating you into that gulf into which they have them- 
•* selves fallen; in which attempt the consideration of 
** your youth will give them a confidence of success. 
** To these difficulties you ought to oppose yourself with 
** the greater firmness, as there is at present less virtue 
** amongst your brethren of the collie. I acknowledge 
" indeed that several of them are good and learned men, 
" whose lives are exemplary, and whom I would recom- 



u 2 " mend 



148 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



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" mend to you as patterns of your conduct. By emulat- 
** ing them you will be so much the more known and 
" esteemed, in proportion as your age, and the peculiarity 
of your situation, will distinguish you from your col- 
leagues. Avoid however, as you would Scylla or Cha- 
" ribdis, the imputation of hypocrisy ; guard against all 
" ostentation, either in your conduct or your discourse ; 
" affect not austerity, nor even appear too serious. This 
" advice you will, I hope, in time understand and practise 
" better than I can express it. 



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You are not unacquainted with the great importance 
" of the character which you have to sustain, for you well 
" know that all the Christian world would prosper if the 
** cardinals were what they ought to be ; because in such a 
case there would always be a good pope, upon which the 
tranquillity of Christendom so materially depends. En-^ 
deavour then to render yourself such, that if all the rest 
*' resembled you, we might expect this universal blessing. 
" To give you particular directions as to your behaviour 
*' and conversation, would be a matter of no small diffi- 
culty. I shall therefore only recommend, that in your 
intercourse with the cardinals, and other men of rank, 
your language be unassuming and respectful, guiding 
yourself however by your own reason, and not submit^ 
ting to be impelled by the passions of others, who, 
actuated by improper motives, may pervert the use 
" of their reason. Let it satisfy your conscience that 
your conversation is without intentional offence; and 
if, through impetuosity of temper, any one should be 
^ offended, as his enmity is without just cause, so it will 

** not 



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VIII. 



149 

^ not be very lasting. On this your first visit to Rome, CHAP. 
" it will however be more advisable for you to listen to 
" others than to speak much yourself. 

" You are now devoted to God and the church ; on 
•* which account you ought to aim at being a good eccle- 
** siastic, and to shew* that you prefer the honour and state 
** of the church, and of the apostolic see, to every other 
** consideration. Nor, while you keep this in view, will it 
** be difficult for you to favour your family and your native 
" place. On the contrary, you should be the link to bind 
" this city closer to the church, and our family with the 
** city; and although it be impossible to foresee what 
** accidents may happen, yet I doubt not but this may be 
** done with equal advantage to all ; observing, however; 
" that you are always to prefer the interests of the church. 

" You are not only the youngest cardinal in the col- 
^ lege, but the youngest person that ever was raised to that 
** rank ; and you ought therefore to be the most vigilant 
^ and unassuming, not giving others occasion to wait 
" for you either in the chapel, the consistory, or upon de* 
*^ putations. You will soon get a sufficient insight into the 
" manners of your brethren. With those of less respectable 
" character, converse not with too much intimacy; not 
** merely on account of the circumstance in itself, but for 
" the sake of public opinion. Converse on general topics 
^^ with all. On public occasions let your equipage and 
" dress be rather below than above mediocrity. A hand^ 
** some house and a well-ordered family will be preferable 
^^ to a great retinue and a splendid residence. Endeavour 

2. *' to 



159 



CHAP, 
VIII. 



" to live with regularity, s^nd gradually to bring your cx- 
" peaces within those bounds which in a new establish- 
" ment cannot perhaps be expected. Silk and jewels are 
" not suitable for persons in your station. Your taste will 
" be better shewn in the acquisition of a few elegant re- 
" mains of antiquity, or in the collecting of handsome 
^' books, and by your attendants being learned and well* 
" bred rather than numerous. Invite others to your house 
«♦ oftener than you receive invitations. Practise neither 
" too frequently. Let your own* food be plain, and take 
" sufficient ex^rcfee, for tho^e who wear your h^bit are 
" soon liable, without great caution, to contract infirmities. 
*^ The station of a cardinal is not less secure than elevated ; 
^* cm which account those who arrive at it too frequently 
^^ become negligent, conceiving that their oliject isVtained 
" and that they can preserve it with little trouble^ This 
" idea is often injurious to the life and character of those 
^^ who entertain it Be attentive therefore to your con- 
^^ duct, and confide in others too little rather than too 
^^ much. There is one rule which I would recommend to 
^^ your attention in preference to all others : Rise early in 
** the morning. This will not only contribute to your 
^ health, but will enable you to arrange and expedite the 
^ business of the day ; and as there are various duties inci- 
*' dent to your station, such as the performance of divine 
** service, studying, giving audience, &c. you vrili find 
** the observance of this admonition productive of the 
^* greatest utility. Another very necessary precaution, 
^^ particularly on your entrance into public life, is to 
^ deliberate every evening on what you have to perform 
the following day, that you may not be unprepared for 

" whatever 



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" whiitever may happen. With respect to your speaking CHAP* 
** in the consistory, it will be most becoming for you at ^a^MB 
** present to refer the matters in debate to the judgment 
** of his holiness, alledging as a reason your own youth 
" and inexperience. You will probably be desired to in- 
^ tercede for the favours of the pope on particular occa* 
** sions. Be cautious however that you trouble him not 
•* too often ; for his temper leads him to be most liberal 
" to those who weary him least with their solicitations. 
** This you must observe, lest you should give him cfience^ 
^ remembering also at times to converse with him on 
more agreeable topics ; and if you should be obliged to 
request some kindness from him, let it be done with 
** that modesty and humility which are so pleasing to his 
" disposition. Farewell.'* 

As the policy of Lorenzo led him to support a power- picro dc' mc- 
ful influence at Rome, and as he had frequently experi- ^J^^^q^. 
enced the good effects of the connexion which subsisted be- sini. 
tween him and the family of the Orsini, he thought it ad- 
visable to strengthen it ; and accordingly proposed a mar- 
riage between his son Piero, and Alfonsina, the daughter of 
Roberto Orsini, count of Tagliacozzo and Albi. . This 
proposal was eagerly listened to by Virginio Orsini, who 
was then considered as the head of that powerful family^ 
the chiefs of which, though subordinate to the pope, scarcely 
considered themselves as subjects, and frequently acted 
with the independence of sovereign princes. In the month 
of March 1487, these nuptials were celebrated at Naples, 
in the presence of the king and his court, with extraordi- 

n»y 



152 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



nary pomp {a). Lorenzo, on his marriage with Clarice On- 

sini, had received no portion ; but the reputation which he 

had now acquired was more than an equivalent for the pride 

of ancestry, and Virginio agreed to pay 12,000 Neapolitan 

ducats as a portion with his daughter {6). On this occasion 

Piero was accompanied by Bernardo Rucellai, who had 

married Nannina, one of the sisters of Lorenzo, and who 

has not only signalized himself as a protector of learned 

men, but was himself one of the most accomplished scholars 

of his time (r). 

The 



(tf) Si fece U) sposalttio in Castello* nella Sala grandey presente il Re etntta 
la Cortey con gran cena e festa. II Re non pctea fare maggiori dimostrazioni 
verso el Sig. Virginio. Bern. Oricellarii Ep» ap, Fabr, v. ii. /. 316. 

(^) Extant in Fi/z, 1 . I capitoli di matrimonio tra I' Alfonsina de Ursinis 
figlia del quondam Roberto de Ursinis conte di Tagliacozzo e d' Albi, e Piero 
de' Medici* comparente Virginio de Ursinis fratel consobrino. Dos fuit Du- 
catorum Neapolitanorum i2|000, Fa6r, ut sup. 

(r) The talents and acquirements of Rucellai justly entitled him to the 
honour of so near an alliance with the family of the Medici. His public life 
has indeed incurred the censure of the Florentine historians of the succeeding 
century, who wrote under the pressure of a despotic government ; but it is not 
difficult to perceive that his crime was an ardent love of liberty, which he pre- 
ferred to the claims of kindred, and the expectations of personal aggrandize- 
ment. Ammir. Opusc. voL ii. Elog, ii. 161. Comment, di Nerli, p, 64. His Latin 
historical works, " Di BeUo Italico^^* and ** De Bella Pisano^** have merited the 
approbation of the discriminating Erasmus. *' Novi Venetia," says he, " Ber» 
** nardum Ocricularium (Oricellarium) cujus Historias si legisses, dixisses al- 
^ terum Sallustium^ aut certe Sallustii temporibus scriptas." Apothegm lib, viii. 
The former of these works was first published at London by Brindley in 1 724, 
^nd again by William Bowyer, with the treatise de Bella Pisano^ in 1733* Ber- 
nardo was also a poet, and appears in the Canti Camascialeschi as the author of 
the Trionfo della Calunnia, Cant,Carnaj, /• 1 25. But the poetical reputation of 
Bernardo is eclipsed by that of his son Giovanni Rucellai, author of the tra- 
gedy of Rosmimdaf and of that beautiful didactic poem Le Api, which wiU 



153 

The marriage of Piero de' Medici was soon afterwards CHAP, 
followed by that of his sister Maddalena with Francesco 
Cibo, the son of the pope, and who then bore the title of 
count of Anguillara {a)* Of the three other daughters of 
Lorenzo, Lucretia intermarried with Giacopo Salviati (3), 
Contessina with Piero Ridolfi, and Louisa^ his youngest, 
after having been betrothed to Giovanni de' Medici, of a 
collateral branch of the same family, died before the time 
appointed fpr the nuptials {c). 

In 



remain a lasting Monument that the Italian language requires not the shackles 
of rhime to render it harmonious. " Homme de Gout (says Tenhove) dans 
•• vos promenades solitaires prenez quelquefois son poeme. 

« Ed odi quel' the sopra un verde prato« 
'< Cinto d' abeti e d' onorati aliori» 
** Che bagna or un muscoso e chiaro fonte^ 
*' Canta de I'api del suo florid' orto." 

(tf ) These nuptials were celebrated at Rome in the year 1488. Maddalena, 
who was very young, was accompanied by Matteo Franco, the facetious cor- 
respondent of Pulciy (W, I. /• 250.) the vivacity of whose character did not 
prevent Lorenzo from selecting him for this important trust, in the execution 
of which he conciliated in a high degree the favour of the pope, and his CQur- 
tiers. Po^' Ef- //i. x. Ep. 12. 

(If) Vidi ffoL I. f. 266. 

(r) Besides his three sons and four daughters before enumerated, Lorenzo 
bsi4 oth^r children, all of whom died in their infancy, as appears by a letter from 
him to Politianoj who having occasion to acquaint him with the indisposition 
of some part of his family, and being fearful of alarming him, addressed his 
letter to Michellozzi, the secretary of Lorenzo. In his answer, Lorenzo re- 
proves, with some degree of seriousness, the ill-timed distrust of PoCciano, and 
with true stoical dignity^ declares that it giive him .more uneasiness than the 
intelligence that accompanied it. " Can you then conceive," says he, " that 
<* my temper is so infirm, a$ tp be disturbed by such an event ? If my disposi- 
** tion had been by nature weak, and liable to be impelled by every gust, yet 
<« experience has taught me how to brave the storm. I have" not only known 
** what it is to bear the sickness, but even the death of some of my children* 

VOL« IL X 



154 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



In the year 1488, Piero de^ Medici took a journey to 
Milan, td be 'present at the celebration of the nuptials of 
Piero dc Medici thc young duke Galeazzo Sforza^ with Isabella, grand-- 

daughter of Ferdinand, king of Naples* The whole ex- 
pence of this journey was defrayed by Lodovico Sforza, 
who paid a marked reject to Piero, and directed that he 
should always appear in public at the side d the duke* 
By a letter yet existing, from the Florentine iegate to Lo- 
renzo de' Medici, it appears that these nuptials were cele- 
brated with great magnificence {a) ; but amidst the splen- 
dor of diamonds and the glitter of brocade, were entwined 
the serpents of treachery and of guilt. Even in giving the 
hand of Isabella to a nephew, whom he regarded rather as 
an implement of his ambition than as his lawful sovereign, 
Lodovico burnt with a criminal passion for her himself; 
and the gravest of the Italian historians assures us, that it 
was the public opinion, that he had by means of magic and 
incantations prevented the consummation of a marriage, 
which, while it promoted his political views, deprived him 
of the object of his love (3). The prejudices of the age, 
and the wickedness of Lodovico, sufficiently countenance 
the probability of such an attempt ; but that the means 
employed were so far successful, as to prevent that circum- 
stance 



«< The imtimely loss of my father when I was in my twenty-first year, left me 
** so much exposed to the attacks of fortune, that life became a burthen to me« 
^ You ought therefore to have Icnown, that if nature denied me firmness, ex- 
** perience has supplied the defect." Lmr, Ep^ in. Ep. PJ. lib. x. Ep* 5. 

(«) w. Jfp. No. LXVII. 

4fi) GmedtrJ. Hist. tT Italia, Hi. i. 



■55 

stance taking place for several months* is an assertion, of chap. 

• • • VTIT 

the veracity of which posterity may be allowed to doubt. 

Of this princess an incident is recorded which does 
equal honour to her conjugal affection and her filial piety {a). 
When Charles VIII. of France^ at the instigation of Lodo- 
vico JSforza^ entered Italy, a few years after her marriage, 
for the avowed purpose of depriving her father of the 
throne of Naples, he passed throu^ Pavia, where the 
young duke then lay on his death-bed, not without giving 
rise to suspicions that he had been poisoned. Touched with 
his misfortunes, and mindful of the relationship between 
Galeazzo and himself| who were sisters children, Charles 
resolved to see him. The presence of Lodovico, who 
did not choose to risque the consequences of a private and 
confidential interview^ whilst it restricted the conversation of 
the king to formal inquiries about the health of the duke, 
and wishes for his recovery, excited both in him and in 
all present a deeper compassion for the unhappy prince. 
Isabella perceived the general sympathy ; and throwing her«- 
self at the feet of the monarch, recommended to his pro^ 
tection her unfortunate husband and her infant son ; at the 
same time, by tears and entreaties, earnestly endeavouring 
to turn his resentm.ent from her father an4 the house of 
Aragon^ Attracted by her beauty, and moved by her soli- 
citations, Charles appeared for a moment to relent, and the 
&te of Italy was suspended in the balance ; but the king 
recollecting the importance of his preparations^ and the ex- 
pectations 

(a) GMkaariL HisU ^ Itaiia, M*u 

X 2 



156 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



Learned eccle- 
siastics favoured 
by Lorenzo. 



Mariano Ccna- 
zano. . 



pectations which his enterprize had excited, soon steeled 
his feelings against this feminine attack, and resolved, in 
spite of the suggestions of pity and the claims of humanity, 
to persevere in his design. 

Having now secured the tranquillity of Italy and the 
prosperity of his family by every means that prudence 
could dictate, Lorenzo began to enjoy the fruits of his la- 
bours. These he found in the affection and good-will of 
his fellow-citizens ; in observing the rapid progress of the 
fine arts, towards the promotion of which he had so amply 
contributed ; in the society and conversation of men of 
genius and learning; and in the inexhaustible stores of 
knowledge with which he had enriched his own discrimi- 
nating and comprehensive mind. 

As his natural disposition, or the effects of his education, 
frequently led him to meditate with great seriousness on mo- 
ral and religious subjects, so there were no persops for whoni 
he entertained a greater esteem than those who adorned 
their character as teachers of religion by a corresponding 
rectitude of life and propriety of manners. Amongst 
these he particularly distinguished Mariano da Genazano, 
an Augustin monk and superior of his order, for whose 
use, and that of his associates, he erected in the suburbs of 
Florence an extensive building, which he endowed as a 
monastery, and to which he was himself accustomed occa- 
sionally to retire, with a few select friends, to enjoy the con- 
. versation of this learned ecclesiastic. Politiano, in the pre- 
face to his Miscellanea^ inveighing against those who affected 
to consider the study of polite letters as inconsistent with 

the 



VIII. 



cc 



157 

the performance of sacred functions, adduces Mariano as an c H A P» 
illustrious instance of their union. " On this account/* says 
he to Lorenzo, " I cannot sufficiently admire your highly 
** esteemed friend Mariano, whose proficiency in theolo- 
** gical studies, and whose eloquence and address in his 
*' public discourses, leave him without a rival. The lessons 
which he inculcates derive additional authority from 
his acknowledged disinterestedness, and from the severity 
** of his private life ; yet there is nothing morose in his 
" temper, nothing unpleasingty austere ; nor does he think 
V^ the charms of poetry, of the amusements and pursuits of 
" elegant literature, below his attention/* In one of his let- 
ters, the same author has left a very explicit account of the 
talents of Mariano, as a preacher [a). " I was lately in- 
duced," says he, " to attend one of his lectures, rather 
to say the truth through curiosity, than with the hope of 
•* being entertained. His appearance however interested 
•* me in his favour. His address was striking, and his eye 
marked intelligence* My expectations were raised. He 
began — I was attentive ; a clear voice — select expression 
** — deviated sentiment. He divides his subject — I per- 
** ceive his distinctions. Nothing perplexed ; nothing in- 
" sipid ; nothing languid. He unfolds the web of his ar- 
" gument— ^I am enthralled. He refutes the sophism — ^I 
** am freed. He introduces a pertinent narrative — I am 
" interested. He modulates his voice — I am charmed. 
** He is jocular — I smile. He presses me with serious 
** truths — ^I yield to their force. He addresses the pas- 









*' sions- 



(tf) Pol, Ep. lib. iv. Ep, 6. 



158 

CHAP. *< sions— the tears glide down my cheelcs* He raises his 
** voice in anger— I tremble and wish myself away/* 

Of the particular subjects of discussion which engaged 
\ the attention of Lorenzo and his associates in their inters 

views at the convent of San Gallo, Valori has left some ac- 
count which he derived from the information of Mariano 
himself. The existence and attributes of the Deity, the in- 
sufficiency of temporal enjoyments to fill the mind, and the 
probability and moral necessity of a future state, were to 
Lorenzo the favourite objects (Jf his <iiscourse. His own 
opinion was pointedly expressed. " He is dead even to this 
" life," said Lorenzo, " who has no hopes of another {a).** 

Giroiamo Although the citizcus of Florence admired the talents, 

and respected the virtues of Mariano, their attention was 
much more forcibly excited by a preacher of a very dif- 
ferent character, who possessed himself of their confidence, 
and entitled himself to their homage, by foretelling their 
destruction. This was the famous Giroiamo Savona- 
rola, who afterwards acted so conspicuous a part in 
the popular commotions at Florence, and contributed so 
essentially to the accomplishment of his own predictions. 
Savonarola was a native of Ferrara, but the reputation 
which he had acquired as a preacher, induced Lorenzo de' 
Medici to invite him to Florence, where he took up his re- 
sidence in the year 1488 (^), and was appointed prior of the 

monastery 



Savonarola. 



{a) Valor, in vita, f. 48* 

{h) In 14891 according to Tiraboschiy Storia dells Lett. ItaL v. yu fsr. 2. 

3 



VIII. 



159 

monastery of S. Marco. By pretensions to superior sane- chap. 
tity, and by a fervid and overpowering elocution, he soon 
acquired an astonishing ascendancy over the minds of the 
people ; aod in proportion as his popularity inci^eased, his 
disregard of his patron became more apparent, and was 
soon converted into the most vindictive animosity. It had 
been the custom of those who had preceded Savonarola in 
this office, to pay particular respect to Lorenzo de' Medici, 
as the supporter of the institution. Savonarola however not 
only rejected this ceremony, as founded in adulation, but 
as often as Lorenzo frequented the gardens of the mo- 
nastery, retired from his presence, pretending that his in* 
tercourse was with God and not with man. At the same 
time, in his public discourses, he omitted no opportunity 
of attacking the reputation and diminishing the credit of 
Lorenzo, by prognosticating the speedy termination of his 
authority, and his banishment from his native place. Tlie 
divine word, from the lips of Savonarola, descended not 
amongst his audience like the dews of heaven ; it was the 
piercing hail, the destroying sword, the herald of destruc-* • 
^n. The friends of Lorenzo frequently remonstrated with 
him, on his suffering the monk to proceed to such an ex« 
treme of surogance ; but Lorenzo had either more indul*-^ 
gence or iRore discretion than to adopt hostile measures 
against a man, who, though morose and insolent, he pro* 
bably considered as sihcere.^ On the contrary, he di^iayed 

his 



/• 377.; but Savonarola himself^ in his Trattato delle RiveiafUm dtllm re/ormattom 
deBa Cbiisa^ Ftn. 1536, (if indeed the work be his») assigns an earlier period. 
In this work the fanatic assumes the credit of having foretold the death of 
Innocent VIII., of Lorenzo de' Medici, the irruption of the French into 
Italy, &€. 



i6o 

CHAP, his usual prudence arid moderation, by declaring that .whilst 
' the preacher exerted himself to reform the citizens of Flo- 
rence, he should readily excuse his incivility to himself. 
This extraordinary degree of lenity, if it had ho influence 
on the mind of the fanatic, prevented in a great degree the 
ill effects of his harangues ; and it was not till after the 
death of Lorenzo, that Savonarola excited thoae disturb- 
ances in Florence, which led to his own destruction^ ^bd 
terminated in the ruin of the republic. 

r . 

' r 

' *^ 

MaiteoKosso. Auother ecclcsiastic, who^e worth and tdents^had con- 

ciliated the favour of Lorenzo, was Matteb Bossq, supe^ 
rior of the convent of regular canons atFiesole. Not lesd 
conversant with the writings of the ancient pHilosopherSi 
than with the theological studies of his own times, Bosso 
was a profound scholar, a close reasoner, and a convincing 
orator ; but to these he united much higher qualifications^- 
a candid mind, an inflexible integrity, and an interesting 
simplicity of life and manners. To his treatise De vcris 
animi gaudiis is prefixed a recommendatory epistle from 
Politiano to Lorenzo de' Medici, highly favourable, to the 
temper and character of the author (a).. On the publication 
of this piece, Bosso transmitted a copy to Lorenzo, with 
a Latin letter, preserved in the Recuperationes Fesulana^ 
another work of the same author, highly deserving the 
attention of the scholar (^)« In this letter Bosso bears 

testimony 



(a) This treatise was first published in octavo » at Florence* by Ser Fran* 
CISCO Bonacursi. AnnoSalutis mcccclxxxxi. Sexto Idus Februarii. From 
this edition I shall give the introductorj letter of Politiano. <i/. Jpp. No. 
LXVIII. 

(^) This book is estimable not only for its contents, but as being one of the 



i6i 

testimony to the virtues and to the piety of Lorenzo ; CHAP. 
but whether tl\is testimony ought to be received with , 
greater confidence, because Bosso was the confessor of 
Lorenzo, the reader will decide for himself. 

Of these his graver associates, as well as of the com- 
panions of his lighter hours, Lorenzo was accustomed to 
stimulate the talents by. every means in his power. His 
own intimate acquaintance with the tenets of the ancient 
philosophers, and his acute and versatile genius, enabled 
him to propose to their discussion, subjects of the most in- 
teresting nature, and either to take a chief part in the con- 
versation, or to avail himself of such observations as it might 
occasion. It appears also, that at some times he amused 
himself with offering to their consideration such topics as 
he well knew would elude their researches, although they 
might exercise their powers ; as men try their strength by 
shooting arrows towards the sky.' Of this we have an 
instance in the sonnet addressed by him to Salviati {a). 

« When 



finest specimens of typography of the fifteenth century. Instead of a title, we 
read, q^k hoc volumine habbntur taria DiTERSAqys et longa ex dis- 

PBRSIONE COLLECTA QUO BREVI SUB TITU.LO SUBJICIANTUR AC NOMINE RBCU- 
PERATI0NE8 FESULANAS LECTOR AGN08CIT0. And at the close, RECUPERA- 

TiONES FESULANAS higj iligantustmoj, opus quidim annum tt pmitus diitinum quam 
castigatissimi Imfressit omui solertia plAto de benedictis Bonomeusis in almacM" 
tati Bononia, Anno Salutis MCCceLXxxxiii, Jecimo tirtio kaleni>as Augustas. 
Folio. The letter from Bosso to Lorenzo de* Medici is given in the Appcn* 
dix, No» LXIX. 

{a) Lo spirito talora a se ridutto, 

£ dal mar tempestoso e travagliato 
Fuggito in porto tranquillo e pacato, 
Pensando ha dubbio e vuolne trar costrutto. 

VOL. II. Y 



l62 

CHAP. ^ When the mind," says he, " escapes from the storms 
^^^^' •* of life, to the calm haven of reflection, doubts arise 
** which require solution. If no one can efFectually exert 
" himself to obtain eternal happiness, without the special 
** favour of God, and if that favour be only granted to 
" those who are well disposed towards its reception, I 
•• wish to know whether the grace of God, or the good 
•* disposition, first commences ?*' • The learned theologian 
to whom this captious question was addressed, took it into 
his serious consideration, and after dividing it into seven 
parts, attempted its solution in a Latin treatise of con- 
siderable extent, which is yet preserved in the Laurentian 
Library [a). 

Death of Ma. Lorcnzo was not however destined long to enjoy that 

donna Clarice, ^^q^yp^y ^hich hc had SO assiduously labourcd to secure. 

His life had scarcely reached its meridian, when the pro- 
spect was overhung with dark and lowering clouds. The 
death of his wife Clarice, which happened in the month €4 
August 1488, was a severe shock to his domestic happiness. 

Ha 



■**M*> 



S'egli c Vief , che da t)io procedl tutco, 

E senza lui nulla e, Cioe il pecaCo ; 

Per sua grazi^ se ci e concesso e daco 

Seminar qui per corre eterno frutto ; 
Tal grazia in qUet sot fa operazione 

CH' a riceveria e volto e ben disposto, 

Dunque che cosa e quella ne dispone f 
Qoal prima sia» vorrei mi fosse esposto, 

O tal grazia» o la buona inclinazione : 

Rispondi or ta al dubbio, ck' ^ prt^stOy 

{a) Giorgii Binignt Salviati, in Rbytbmum acuiissimum magni Laurnttii Malicis 
^uatstioHis stptenif tfi* Plvt. Ixxxiii. Cod, iB, 



i63 

He was then absent from Florence, and did not arrive in CHAP, 
time to sec h«r before she died, which it seems gave rise .^ 
to insinuations that his conjugal affection was not verj 
ardent {a) ; but the infirm state of his own health at 
this time had rendered it necessary for him to visit the 
warm baths, where he received an account of her death 
before he was apprized of the danger of her situatiocu 
From his youth he had been afflicted with a di^orckr which 
occasioned extreme pain in his stomach and limbs. This 
complaint was probably of a gouty tendency^ but this th^o 
defective state of medicine rendered it impossible for 
him to obtain any just information respecting it. The 
most eminent physicians in Italy were consulted, and 
numerous remedies were prescribed, without producing 
any beneficial effect (^). By frequenting the tepid baths of 
Italy* he obtained a temporary alleviation of his sufferings } 
but, notwithstanding all the assistance he could procure, his 

complaints 



"•"T" 



( j) Pkro da Bibbiena^ tbc aecretary of Loreoso, writes thus to the Floreiir 
tine ambassador at Rome ; PriJ^ Kal, SextiL 1488 : A bore 14 morl la Clarice. 
Se voi sentissi cbe Lorenzo fosse biasimato di eosta per non tssersi tiOYato alia 
morte delle mogiie> scusatelo. Panre al lieom necesaarto^ che andas^e a p^CQ* 
der Taoque della VUla> e poi qon si credeva che morisse si presto. 

Fabr. <v. ii* /. 5849 

{h) Seme of these remedies ave of a singular nature. Fietro Bono Avogradi^ 
in a letter dated the eleventh of February 14889 advises Lorenzo, as a sure 
method of preventing a return of the More Ji K$Mimt, or arthritic pains, with 
which he was afflicted, to make use of a stone called an heliotrope, which 
being set in gold, and worn on the finger so as to touch the skin, would pro* 
duce the desired effect. ** This,*' says he, ^ is a certain preservative agaisst 
*' both gout and rheumatism ; I have tried it myself, and found that its pro- 
** perties are diviue and miraculous.'' With the same letter he transmits to 
Lorenzo his prognostia for the year 1488. Jfp. No, LXX. 

Y 2 



164 

CHAP, complaints rather increased than diminished, and for some 

' time before his death, he had reconciled his mind to an 

event which he knew could not be far distant. When his 
son Giovanni took his departure for Rome, to appear in 
the character of cardinal, Lorenzo with great affection re- 
commended him to the care of Filippo Valori and Andrea 
Cambino, who were appointed to accompany him on his 
journey; at the same time expressing his apprehensions, 
which the event but too well justified, that he should see 
them no more {a). 

Assassjnat!<m of In the year 1488, Girolamo Riario, whose machinations 

had deprived Lorenzo of a brother, and had nearly in- 
volved Lorenzo himself in the same destruction, fell a 
victim to his accumulated crimes. By the assistance of 
Sixtus IV. he had possessed himself of a considerable terri- 
tory in the vicinity of the papal state, and particularly of 
the cities of Imola and Forli, at the latter of which he 
had fixed his residence, and supported the rank of an in- 
dependent prince. In order to strengthen his interest in 
Italy, he had connected himself with the powerful family 
of the Sforza, by a marriage with Caterina, sister of Ga- 
leazzo Sforza, duke of Milan, whose unhappy fate has al- 
ready been related {6). The general tenor of the life of 
Riario seems to have corresponded with the specimen be- 
fore exhibited. By a long course of oppression he had drawn 
upon himself the hatred and resentment of his subjects, 

whom 



(ij) Valor, in mita Lour* /• ^^, 
{h) Fol.l. p. 173. 



i65 

whom he had reduced to the utmost extreme of indigence C H A ?• 
and distress. Stimulated by repeated acts of barbarity, ^^' 

three of them resolved to assassinate him, and to trust for 
their safety, after the perpetration of the deed, to the opinion 
and support of their fellow-citizens. Although Riario was 
constantly attended by a band of soldiers, these men found 
means to enter his chamber in the palace at the hour when 
he had just concluded his supper. One of them hav- 
ing cut him across the face with a sabre, he took shelter 
under the table, whence he was dragged out by Lodovico 
Orso, another of the conspirators, who stabbed him through 
the body. Some of his attendants having by this time 
entered the room, Riario made an effort to escape at 
the door, but there received from the third conspirator a 
mortal wound. It is highly probable that he was betrayed 
by the guard, for these three men were even permitted to 
strip the dead body, and throw it through the window, 
when the populace immediately rose and sacked the palace. 
The insurgents, having secured the widow and children of 
Rimo, were only opposed by the troops in the fortress of 
the town, who refused to surrender it either to their entrea- 
ties or their threats. Being required, under pain of death, 
to exert her influence in obtaining for the populace posses- 
sion of the fortress, the princess requested that they would 
permit her to enter it ; hut no sooner was she secure within 
the walls than she exhorted the soldiers to its defence, and 
raising the standard of the duke of Milan, threatened the 
town with destruction. The inhabitants attempted to inti- 
midate her by preparing to execute her children in her sight, 
for which purpose they erected a scaffold before the walls 
of the fortress j but this unmanly proceeding, instead of 

2 awakening 



vin. 



166 

C HA P. awakening her affectLoaa, only excited her contempt, which 
she is said to have expressed in a very emphatic and extra- 
ordinary manner {a)f By her courage the inhabitants were 
however resisted, until Giovanni Bentivoglio, with a body 
of two thousand foot and eight hundred cavalry, fron^ 
JBologna, gave her effectual afisistance, and being joined by 
a strong reinforcement from Milan, compelled the inhabit- 
ants to acknowledge as their sovereign Ottavio Riario, the 
eldest son of Girolamo (3), 

Lorenzo de* Medici has not escaped the imputa** 
tion pf having been privy to the assassination of his old 
and implacable adversary ; but neither the relations of con^ 
temporary historians, npr the general tenor of his life, af* 
ford a presumption on which to ground such an accusa^ 
tipn {c) i although it is certain, that some years previous to 

this 



^ p' I' ll >iji i*» 



(a) Rispose loro quella forte femminay che se avessero fatti perir que* £g* 
littoliy restarano a lei le forme per fame de gli altrt ; e vi ba cki dic^ (quests 
giunta forse fa bnmaginata e non vera) aver' eila ai^ch^ al^iata Is^ gonna per 
chiarirliy che dicea la verita. Mttrat^ Ann. yoU iz« /• ^^S* 

(^) Cbrotuca Bosjtanat an* 14880 £d* 149^* 

(c) ** Iiidigxium sane facinus fuit» quod in Hiero^ymiim BJariuai Comitf m 
** admissum est ; cujus participetn Laurendum fuisse «^«/// cot^endunt^ & ab eo 
** ad ulciscendas pr^teritorum temporum injurias comparatum/' /*«^. in 
nfit&f vol. X. /• 1 75. There is however great reason to suspect that the modem 
biographer of Lorenzo has inadvertentlj given weight and credit to an accusa* 
tiouj which» if established, would degrade his character to that of a treacl^erous 
assassin. In vindication of him against this charge, I must therefore observe, 
that of the many accusers to whom Fabroni adverts, I have not met with one 
of the early historians who has even glanced at Lorenzo as having been asso* 
ciated with the conspirators, or privy to the perpetration of the deed* Neither 
Machiavelli nor Ammirato, although they all relate the particulars of the 



VIII. 



167 

this erent, he had been in treaty with the pope to deprive CHAP. 
Riario of his usurpations, and to restore the territories occu- 
pied by him to the family^ of Ordolaffi, their former lords, 
which treaty was frustrated by the pope having insisted on 
annexing them to the states of the church {a). The con- 
spirators however, sooft after the death of Riario, apprized 
Lorenzo of the event, and requested his assistance ; in con- 
sequence of which he dispatched one of his envoys to Forli, 
with a view of obtaining autlientic information as to the 
disposition of the inhabitants, and the views of the in- 
surgents (3), when finding that it was their intention to 

place 



transaction, have Jmplicaited in it the name of Lorenzo. Muratori, whose 
annals are compiled from contemporary and authentic documents, and who 
may therefore be considered as an original writer, is equally silent on this head. 
The ancient chronicle of Donato Bosso, printed only four years afte^ the event, 
gives a yet more particular account, but alludes not to any interposition on the 
part of Lorenzo ; and even Raffaello Ma£Fei# his acknowledged adversary, 
though he adverts to the death of Riario, attributes it only to the interference 
of his own subjects. It is indeeed a strong inculcation of the dignity of the cha- 
racter of Lorenzo, that a charge so natural, and so consistent with the spirit 
of the times, should not have been alledged against him; and having been er^* 
culpated in the eyes of his contemporaries, it is surely not for posterity to eri- 
minate him. 

^a) Fahron, Adnot. IS Monum. 1;. ii. /. 316. 

(i) The letter from Lodovico and Cecco d' Orsi, two of the conspirators, 
€0 Lorenzo de' Medici, written only a few days after the event, is inserted in 
the Appendix, and indisputably shews, that although they supposed Lorenzo 
wookl be gratified by the death of his adversary, he had no previous know- 
ledge of such an attempt. To this I shall also subjoin the letter to Lorenzo 
from his envoy, which gives a minute account of the whole transaction, and 
by which it appears, that althoiigh thft pope ^d incited the conspirators to the 
•nterprize, by expressing iiis al^ofrence of xint character of Riario, yet that no 
other person was privy to their purpose. App. N§» LXXI. 



i68 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



Tragical death 
of Galcotto 
Manfredi. 



place themselves under the dominion of the pope, he de- 
clined any interference on their behalf, but availed himself 
of the opportunity of their dissensions, to restore to the 
Florentines the fortress of Piancaldoli, which had been 
wrrested from them by Riario {a). That the assassins of 
Riario virere suffered to escape w^ith impunity, is perhaps 
the best justification of their conduct, as it affords a strik- 
ing proof that he had deserved his fate. 

Another eyent soon afterwards took place at Faenza, 
which occasioned great anxiety to Lorenzo, and called for 

the 



(a) In the attack of this place, the Florentines lost their eminent citizen, 
Cecca> the engineer, whose skill had facilitated the success of their enterprize* 
In the Exbortatio of Philippus Reditu s, addressed to Piero de' Medici, im Mag' 
nammi sui parintis inutationem^ the MS. of which is preserved in the Laurentian 
Library, this incident is particularly related ; and as the passage has not 
hitherto been published^ having been omitted, with many others, in the edi- 
tion of Lami, Delic, Erudit, voL xii. printed from a copy in the Riccardi Li- 
brary, I shall here inseit it : ** Piancaldolii arx strenue nostris recuperatur. 
** Ad iv. vero Kalendas Maias, nuntiata nece Hieronymi Riarii, Imolz For- 
** liviique Tyranni, Piancaldoiis oppidum nostrum, olim ab eo per summum 
" nefas nobis ereptum, admirabili quadam nostrorum celeritate, tuo magna- 
" nimo Genitore procurante, strenue recuperatur. In cujus arcis obsidione, 
** Franciscus, cognomine Ciccha, Fabrum magister, vir vel in ezpugnandis 
vel in defendendis urbibus tam nostra, quam nostrorum patrum memoria 
perillustris, sagitta ictus capite, pro patria feliciter occubuit.** The death 
of Cecca is related with some variation by Vasari, Fita del Cecca. " Costui» 
" quando i Florentini avevano 1' esercito intomo a* Piancaldoli, con 1* ingegno 
** sue fece si, che i soldati vi entrarono dentro per via di mine senza colpo di 
** spada. Dopo seguitando piu oltre il medesimo esercito a certe altre castella, 
** come voile la mala sorte, volendo egli misurare alcune altezze in un luogo 
<* difficile* fu ucciso ; perciocche, avendo messo il capo fuor del muro per 
** mandar un filo abbasso, un prete, che era fra gli avversarii, i quali piu te- 
" mevano V ingegno del Cecca, che Ic forzc di tutto il campo, scaricatogli una 
'' balestra a panca, gli conficco di sorte un verettone nella testa, che il pove- 
** rello di subito se ne morl." 



<c 



*i 



i6^ 

the exertion of all hid conciliatory powers^ If the list of chap. 
crimes and assassi^iations which we have before had occa- . • .. 
sion to: notice, may be thought to have disgraced the age, 
that which we have now to relate exhibits an instance of 
female ferocity, which renewed in the fifteenth century 
the examples of Gothic barbarity (a). By the mediation of 
Lorenzo, who was equally the friend of the Manfredi and 
the Bentivoli, a marriage had taken place between Galeotto 
Manfredi, prince of Faenza, and Francesca, daughter of 
Giovanni Bentivcglio, which for some time seemed to be 
productive of that happiness to the parties, and those ad- 
vantages to their respective families^ which Lorenzo had in 
view. It was not long however before Francesca disco* 
vered, or suspected, that her husband was engaged in an 
iHicit amour, the information of which she thought proper 
to communicate both to her father and to Lorenzo. Ever 
on the watch to obtain further proofs of his infidelity, she 

found 



1^ fci !■■■ I >■ *»tm» 



{a) There is a striking coincidence between tliis event, and the narrative of 
Fanllns Diacohusy upon which Giovanni Ruccclhu has founded his tragedy of 
Remuaula. Alboin» king of the Huns, having conquered and slain in battle 
Comundusy king of the Geppidii compels his daughter Roimunda to accept of 
him in marriage, with a view of nniting their dominions under his sole autho- 
rity ; but not satisfied with the accession of power, he gratifies a brutal spirit of 
revenge, by compelling her, at a public feast, to drink from the skull of her 
slaughtered father, which he had formed into a cup. This insult the princess 
avenges, by seducing to her purpose two of the king's intimate friends, who, in 
order to endtie themselves to her favour, assassinate him in the hour of intoxi* 
cation. Ruccellai has however preserved his heroine from the crimes of pro- 
stitution and assassination, and has introduced a disinterested lover in the per* 
son of JimacMife,/who executes vengeance On the king from generous and pa- 
triotic motives. In justice to the author, it must also be observed, that the 
horrid incident upon which the tragedy is founded, is- narrated only, and not 
represented before the audience. 

VOL. II. Z 



VIII. 



170 

CHAP, found an opportunity of listenings to a private interview 
between Galeotto, and some pretender to astrological know- 
ledge, in whom it seems he was credulous enough to place 
his confidence. Instead, however, of gaining any intelli* 
gence as to the object of her curiosity, she heard predic- 
tions and denunciations, which, as she thought, affected the 
safety of her father, and being unable to conceal her indigr 
nation, she broke in upon their deliberations, and reproached 
her husband with his treachery. Irritated by the intrusion 
and the pertinacity of his wife, Galeotto retorted with great 
bitterness ; but finding himself unequal to a contest of this 
nature, he had recourse to more violent methods, and by 
menaces and blows reduced her to obedience. Bentiyoglip 
was no sooner apprized of the ignominious treatment 
which his daughter had received,, and of the circum- 
stances which had given rise to it, than he resolved to 
carry her off from her husband by force. Taking with 
him a chosen body of soldiers, he approached Faenza by 
night, and seizing on Francesca and her infant son, 
brought them in safety to Bologna. This step he followed 
up, by preparing for an attack on the dominions of his 
son-in-law ; but Galeotto having resorted to Lorenzo for 
his mediation, a reconciliation took place, and Franceses^ 
shortly afterwards returned to Faenza, Whether she still 
harboured in her bosom the lurking passions of jealousy 
and revenge, or whether some fresh insxilt on the part of 
her husband had roused her- fury, is not known ; but she 
formed and executed a deliberate plan for his assassination. 
To this end she feigned herself sick, and requested to see 
him in her chamber. Galeotto obeyed the summons, and 
on entering his wife's apartments, was instantly attacked 

3 by 



VIII. 



171 

by four hired assassins^ three of whom she had concealed CHAP. 
under her* bed. Thobgh totally unarmed, he defended 
himself couirageoudy ; and as he had the advantages of 
great personal strength and activity, vrould probably have 
effected his escape ; but when Francesca saw the contest 
doubtful, she sprung from the bed, and grasping a sword, 
plunged it into his body, and accomplished his destruc- 
tion ^th her own hand. Conscious of her guilt, she 
immediately took refuge with her children in the castle, 
until her father once more came to her relief. On his ap- 
proach to Faenza, Bentivoglio was joined by the Milanese 
troops, who had been engaged in reinstating the family of 
Riario at Forli. The citizens of Faenza, conceiving that 
it was his intention to deprive them of Astorgio, the in-* 
fant son of Galeotto, or rather perhaps under that pre- 
text to possess himself of the city, refused to surrender 
to him his daughter and her family. He immediately 
attacked the place, which was not only successfully de- 
fended by the citizens, but in an engagement which took 
place under the walls, Borgomini, the commander of the 
Milanese troops, lost his life, and Bentivoglio was made a 
prisoner. During this dispute Lorenzo de* Medici had 
warmly espoused the cause of the citizens, and had en- 
couraged them with promises of support, in case they 
should find it necessary in preserving their independence. 
The success of their exertions, and the disaster of Benti- 
voglio, changed the object of his solicitude, and no sooner 
did he receive intelligence of this event, than he dispatched 
a messenger to Faenza, to interfere on the behalf of Ben- 
tivoglio, and if possible to obtain his release. This was 
with some difficulty accomplished, and Bentivoglio imme- 

z 2 diately 



CHAP. dUtely resorted to Florence, to return his thanks to hU 
^^^ * benefacton Some time afterwards Lorenzo, at the request 
of BentivogUo, solicited the liberation of his daughter, 
which was also complied with ; and he was at lengdi pre« 
vailed upon to intercede with the pope> to relieve her from 
the ecclesiastical censures which she had incurred by her 
crime. The reason ^ven by Bentivoglio to Lorenzo^ for 
requesting his assistaxKe in this last respect^ will perhaps be 
thought extraordinary*-**^ bad an intentitm ofprwuHng btr 
with anotbtr husband! 



CHAP. IX. 



Progress of the arts— state of them in the middle 
ages — Revival in Italy — Guido da Sienna — Cimabue — 
Giotto — Character of his works — The Medici encourage 
the arts-^^Masaccio — Paolo Uccello — Fra Filippo — An^ 
tonio Pollqjuolo'^'Baldovinetti — Andrea da Castagna — 
Filippo Uppi — Luca Signorelli — Progress of Sculpture — 
Niccolo and Andrea Pisani — Ghiberti — Donatello — jfin- 
perfect state of the arts^^Causes of their improvement — 
Numerous works of Sculpture collected by the ancient Ro-^ 
mans — Researches after the remains of antiquity — Pe-^ 
trarca — Lorenzo de Medici brother of Cosmo — Niccolo 
Niccoli — Poggio Bracciolini — Collection of antiques formed 
by Cosmo — Assiduity of Lorenzo in augmenting it — Lo^ 
renzo establishes a school for the study of the antique — 
Michelagnolo Buonarroti — Resides with Lorenzo-^^Forms 
an intimacy with Politiano — Advantages over his pre-- 
decessors — His sculptures — Rapid improvement of taste-^ 
Rcfffaelle d^ Urbino — Michelagnolo unjustly censured — 
Other artists favoured by Lorenzo — Gian^Francesco Rus^ 
tici — Francesco Granacci — Andrea Contucci — Lorenzo 
encourages the study of Architecture-^^iuliano da San 
Gallo — Attempts to renew the practice of Mosaic — In- 
vention of engraving on copper'^^Revival of engraving 
^ on gems and stones. 



CHAP. IX- 



Those periods of time which have been most favourable ptos"" of 
to the prdgress of letters and science, have generally been 
distinguished by an equal proficiency in the arts. The pro- 
ductions of Roman sculpture, in its best ages, bear nearly 
the same proportion to those of the Greeks, as the imi- 
tative labours of the Roman authors bear to the original 
works of their great prototypes. During the long ages of 
ignorance that succeeded the fall of the Western empire, 
letters and the fine arts underwent an equal degradation ; 
and it would be as difficult to point out a literary work of 
those times which is entitled to approbation, as it would 
be to produce a statue or a picture. When these studies 
began to revive, a Guido da Sienna, a Gmabue, rivalled 
a Guittone d' Arezzo, or a Picro delle Vignc, The crude 

buds 



176 

CHAP, buds that had escaped the severity of so long a winter 
^^' soon began to swell, and Giotto, Bufialmacco, and Gaddi 
were the contemporaries of Dante, of Boccaccio, and of 
Petrarca {a). 

switofthe«rti It ' t< fcn in the 

in the middle , , 

ag„. darkei le were en- 

tirely Jon and in the 

rudest " ; Europeans, 

the Sc an rivalship 

and without participation, are nearly on an equality writh 
each other. Among the manuscripts of the Laurentian 
Library are preserved some specimens of miniature paint- 
ings which are unquestionably to be referred to the tenth 
century, but they bear decisive evidence of the barbarism 
of the times ; and although they certunly aim at pictu- 
resque representation, yet they may with justice be con- 
sidered rather as perverse distortions of nature, thanas the 
commencemeat of an elegant art {6). 

Aoteccdent 



(s) Videmas picturas duccntorum annonun nulla prorsus arte politas { 
. scripts iltius Ktatrs rudia sunt, ineptai incompta : post Fetraf chain emerse- 
nuit liierz ; post Joctsm turmere pictonun nani ; utra^e ad cumrnam 
jam videmus artem prevenisse. jE*. SiJvii {Pii ii.) JBfJtt. 119. t^. BaUimMe. 
Naix. Die. I. Such was the ojimioa of this postlfi', who had great learning 
and some taste. He was only mistaken in supposing That he had seen the 
perfectkm of the art. 

(i) These pieces have lately been engraved and published in the Sirmia 
Prttritt, a work which appears periodically at Florence, and ""^^'n^ sped- 
mens of the manner of the Tuscan artists from the eu-ltest times, executed to 
as to give some idea of the original pictures. To this work, which would have 
been much more valuable if greater attention had been paid to the engravings, 
I shall, in sketcbisg the progress of the art, have frequent occasion k> rcl«r. 



177 

Antecedent, however, to Cimabue, to whom Vasari at- c H A P. 

TV 

tributes the honour of having been the restorer of paint- ' 



ing, Guido da Sienna had demonstrated to his countrymen Revival in itiij. 
the possibility of improvement. His picture of the vir- cuido da si. 
gin, vdbich yet remains tolerably entire in the church of *"**' 
S. Domenico, in his native place, and which bears the date 
of 122 1, is presumed, w^ith reason, to be the earliest work 
now extant of any Italian painter {a). The Florentine 
made a bolder effort, and attracted more general admiration. 
Every new production of his pencil was regarded as a pro- cimabuc. 
digy, and riches and honours were liberally bestowed on 
the fortunate artist. His picture of the Madonna, after 
having excited the wonder of a Monarch, and given the 
name of Borgo Mlegro to that district of the city whither 
his countrymen resorted to gratify themselves with a sight of 
it, was removed to its destined situation in the church of 
S. Maria Novella^ to the sound of music, in a solemn pro- 
cession of the citizens {b\ The modern artist who ob- 
serves this picture may find it difficult to account for such 
a degree of enthusiasm [c] ; but excellence is merely rela- 
tive. 



(a) Engrayed in the Etruria Pittria^ No. i\i» Under this picture is in- 
scribedi in Gothic characters, the following verse : 

'* Me Guido de Senis diebus deplnxit amenis 
** Quem Christus lenis nuUis velit agere penis 



A* D. MCCXZI.'' 



{b) Vasari wta it Cimahui^ 

{c) Engraved in the Etruria Pittrice^ No, viii« The virgin is seated with the 
infant pn her knee, in a rich chair» which is supported by six angels, repre- 
sented as adults, though less than the child. The head of the virgin is some- 
what inclined, the countenance melancholy, not without some pretensions tQ 
grace ; the rest of the picture is in the true style of Gothic formality. 

VOL. II» A A 



178 

CHAP, tive, and it is a sufficient cause of approbation, if the 
^^* merit of the performance exceed the standard of the age. 

*"~""~ Those productions which, compared with the works of a 
RafFaeHo, or a Titian, may be of little esteem, when con- 
sidered with reference to the times that gave them birth, 
may justly be entitled to no small share of applause. 

Giotto. The glory of Cimabue was obscured by that of his 

disciple Giotto {^), who, from figuring the sheep which 
it was his business to tend, became the best painter that 
Italy had produced (3). It affords no inadequate proof of 
his high reputation, when we find him indulging his 
humour in an imitation of the celebrated artist of Cos, 
and sending to the pope, who had desired to see one of his 
drawings, a circle, struck with such freedom, as to shew 
the hand of a niaster, yet with such truth, as to have given 

. rise 



{a) Credette Cimabue nella pintura, 

Tencr lo campo ; rd ora- ha Giotto il grida, 
SI che la fama di colui oscura. 

DoHfe Purgj. Cant, xi. 

(h) Mannif in his Illustr. del Boccaccio^ f. 414. deduces the name of Giotto 
from Angiolotto, but M. Tenhove with more probability derives it from Am- 
brogio. Amhrogio, Ambrogiotto, Giotto ; " Quel Stranger," says this lively au- 
thor, ** aperfoit d' abord sous les bizarres d^guisemens de Bista^ Bstto, BamBo, 
** Bindo, Bacciy Tarn, Cea^ GioptOy Nigi, Meo, Narnii^ Fanni, Mazo^ Lippo^ Lip^ 
*^ poKxoy PipOf Guccioy Mico, Coca, Toto, l^c. les noms de bat^me les plus vuU 
*^ garies et les plus communs ? Les autres Italiens se sont toujours mioqu^s de 
** cet usage Florentine qui en effet n'est pas moins risible que si M. Hume, 
** dans sa belle histoire d'Angleterre, nous entretenait de Bs/fy U conqufrant^ 
** de Tom BecAet, de Jackty U grand-tirrieu^ appell^ Safu-Tem^ des grands Rois 
^* Nid I. ^ III. du nom^ de la bigotte Rein$ Molfy, de la grand Retm Bess, Sc de 
** son cher amant Bohfy DeverettXf envoys par elle au supplice,'^ &c» 

Mem, Gent tfr. li*9, i. /. 37* 



IX. 



179 

rise to a proverb {a). Inferior artists hazard not such free- C HA P. 
doms with the great. Giotto seems however to have de- 
lighted in the eccentricities of the art. One of his first 
essays when he began to study under Cimabue was to 
paint a fly on the nose of one of his master's portraits, ' 
which the deluded artist attempted to brush off with his 
hand {6) ; a tale that may rank with the horse of Apelles, 
the curtain of Parrhasius, or the grapes of Zeuxis. Boc- 
caccio has introduced this celebrated painter with great ap- 
probation in one of his novels {c) ; a singular conversation 
is said to have Occurred between him and Dante (//) ; and 
Petrarca.held his worts in such high esteem, that one of 
his pictures is the subject of a legacy to a particular friend 
in his will {e). Upwards of a century after his death, 

Lorenzo 



{a) Divolgatasi poi questa cosa> ne nacque il proverbioy che ancora e in 
uso dirsi a gli uomini di grossa pasta : T» sti piu tondo cbe /' O di Giotto. 

Vasar. vita di Giotto. 
(^) Vasari vita di Giotto. 

(r) Giotto ebbe un ingegno di tanta eccellenza^ che niuna cosa da la natura, 
xnadre di tutte le cose, ed operatrice» col continuo girar de' cieli, che egli con 
lo stile> e con la penna, e col pennello non dipignesse, si simile a quella» che 
non similcy anzi piu tosto dessa paresse. Decam. Gior. vu Nov, 5. 

(//) Benvenuto da Imola, one df the commentators of Dante> relates, that 
-whilst Giotto resided at Padua, Dante paid him a visit, and was received by 
him with great attention. Observing however that the children of Giotto 
bore a gjreat resemblance to their father, whose features and appearance were 
not very prepossessing, he inquired how it came to pass that his pictures and 
his children were so very unlike to each other, the former being so beautiful, 
the latter so coarse* ^ia pingo de die, sed Jingo dt nocte^ said the painter. 

Mannif Illtut, dil Bocc. /. 417. 

(tf) Transeo ad dispositionem .aliarum rerum ; predicto igitur domino meo 
Paduano, quia et ipse per Dei gratiam non eget, et ego nihil aliud habeo dign\im 

A A 2 



t8o 

CHAP. Lorenzo de* Medici, well aware that the foost ^cacious 

IX 

. method of exciting the talents of the living is to confer 
due honour on departed merit, rused a bust to his memory 
in the church of S. Maria del Fiore^ the inscription for 
which was furnished by Politiano [a). 

Character of The mcrfts of Giotto and his school are appreciated 

with great judgment by Vasari, who attributes to him and 
his predecessor Cimabue the credit of having banished the 
insipid and spiritless manner introduced by the Greek 
artists, and given rise to a new and more natural style of 
composition. This the historian denominates the manicra 
di Giotto {b)^ ^^ Instead of the harsh outline, circum- 

** scribing 



se^ mitto Tabulam meam sive historiam Beatx virginis Mariscy qperis Jocti 
pictoris egregiiy quae mihi ab amico meo Michele Vannis de Florentia missa est, 
in cujus pnlchntudinem ignorantes non iBtelliguntf magistri autem artls stu- 
pent. Vasari vita di Giotto. 

(«) Ille ego sum per quern Pictura extmcta revixit, 

Cui quam recta manus tarn fuit et facilis. 
Naturae deerat nostrsc quod defuit arti ; 

Plus licuit nulli pingere nee melius. 
Miraris turrim egregiam sacro aere sonantem ? 

Haec quoque de modulo crevit ad astra meo. 
Denique sum jottv s, quid opus fuit ilia referre \ 

Hoc nomen longi carminis instar erit. 

(h) FtHmio di Giorgio Vasari to the second part of his work, wz:icten, like all 
his other prefaces, with great judgment, candour, and historical knowledge of 
his art. Tractantfabriliafahri'^^rht early painters are fortunate in possessing an 
historian, who without envy, spleen, or arrogance, and with as little prejudice or 
partiality as the imperfection of human nature will allow, has distributed to each 
of his characters, his due portion of applause. If he has on any occasion shewn 
too apparent a bias in faroar of aa individiial, it leans towards Michdag&olo 






IX. 



i8i 

" scribing the whole figure, the glaring eyes, the pointed C HA P. 
^^ feet and h^nds, and all the defects arising from a total 
•* want of shadow, the figures of Giotto exhibit a better 
" attitude, the heads have an air of life and freedom, the 
•* drapery is more natural, and there are even some 
" attempts at fore-shortening the limbs." ** Besides these 
" improvements," continues this author, " Giotto was 
•* the first who represented in his pictures, the efiect 
** of the passions on the human countenance. That he 
*• did not proceed further must be attributed to the difficul- 
** ties which attend the progress of the art, and to the want 
** of better examples. In many of the essential requisites 
** of his profession, he was indeed equalled, if not sur- 
** passed, . by some of his contemporaries. The colouring 
" of Gaddi had more force and harmony, and the atti- 
•* tudes of his figures more vivacity. Simone da Sienna 
'* is to be preferred to him in the composition of his sub- 
/* jects, and other painters excelled him in other branches 
^* of the art ; but Giotto had laid the solid foundation of 

" their 



Buonarrotiy in whose friendship he gloriedy and whose works he dih'gently 
fltodied ; but an excess of admiration for this great man will scarcely be im- 
puted to him as a fault. As a painter and an architect^ Vasari holds a respect- 
able rank. In the former department^ his productions are extremely nume« 
rous. One of his principal labours is his historical suite of pictures of the Me- 
dici family, with their portraits, painted for the great duke Cosmo I. in the 
F^Ukk» Vtccbio at Florence, of which Vasari himself has given a particular 
account, published by Filippo Giunti, in 1588, and intitled Ragimtamenti del 
'$ig . Ctfv. Giorgio V Atari sopra U iftuenxiom da ltd dipinte in Firmxi, (^Tr. Reprinted 
i&Arezzo, 1762. In this series of pictures are represented the prinipal iivci- 
dents in the life of Lorenzo. This work has been engraved, but not in such a 
manner as to do justice to the painter. 



l82 

c H A P. «< their improvements. It is true, all that was eflfected 
._;_ " by these masters may be considered only as the first rude 

" sketch of a sculptor towards completing an elegant 
" statue, and if no further progress had been made, there 
" would not, upon the whole, have been much to com- 
" mend ; but whoever considers the difficulties under which 
" their works were executed, the ignorance of the times, 
" the rarity of good models, and the impossibility of ob- 
taining instruction, will esteem them not only as com- 
mendable, but wonderful productions, and will perceive 
with pleasure these first sparks of improvement which 
were afterwards fanned into so bright a flame.*' 



u 



cc 



€C 



C( 



Tlic Medici en- 
courage the arts. 



Masaccio. 



Paolo Ucceliot 



The patronage of the family of the Medici, is almost 
contemporary with the commencement of the art, Giovanni 
de* Medicij the father of Cosmo, had employed his fellow- 
citizen, Lorenzo de' Bicci, to ornament with portraits a 
chamber in one of his houses in Florence, which after- 
wards became the residence of Lorenzo, the brother of 
Cosmo [a). The liberality of Cosmo led the way to fur- 
ther improvement. Under Masaccio, the study of nature 
and actiial observation were substituted to cold and servile 
imitation. By this master, his competitors, and his 
scholars, every component branch of the art was carried 
to some degree of perfection. Paolo Uccello was the first 
who boldly surmounted the difficulty which Giotto, though 
sensible of its importance, had ineffectually attempted to 
overcome, and gave that ideal depth to his labours, which 



is 



{a) Fasar, vita di Lor. dt* Bicci. 



J83 

is the essence of picturesque representation {a). This he CHAP, 
accomplished by his superior knowledge of perspective, " 

which he studied in conjunction with the celebrated Gian- 
nozzo Manetti, and in the attainment of which the 
painter and the scholar were mutually serviceable to each 
other {b). The rules which he thence acquired he applied 
to practice, not only in the back-grounds of his .pictures, 
but m his representation of the human figure, of which 
he expressed the Scorciy or fore-shortenings^ with accuracy 
and effect (r). The merit of having been the first to apply 
mathematical rules to the improvement of works of art, 
and the proficiency which he made in so necessary and so 
laborious a study, if it had not obtained from Vasari a 
greater share of praise, ought at least to have secured the 
artist from that ridicule with which he seems inclined to 
treat him [J). The elder Filippo Lippi gave to his figures FraPuippo. 
a boldness and grandeur before unknown* He attended 

also 



(a) ''E da osscrvarc chc non si trova prima di lui nessuno scorto di figure, 
percio a ragione puo dirsi averquesto valent:' uomo fatto un gran progresso nell' 
arte. Etruria Pittrice, No, j\y^ 

{h) £ fu il primo che ponesse studio grande nelbi prospettrva, introducendo 
il modo di inettere le figure su' piani, dore esse posar devono, diminuendole a 
proporzione ; il che, da maestri avanti a lui, si facera a caso, e senz' alcuna 
consideratione. BalMnmc. Dee, ii. tleL par* 1. sec, iy. 

(f) In his picture of the inebriety of Noah, in the church of S. Maria No- 
vella, is a figure of the patriarch stretched on the ^ound, with his feet towards 
the front of the picture ; yet, even in this difiicult attitude, the painter has suc- 
ceeded in giving an- explicit idea of his subject, v. Etrur\ Pittr. No, xiv, 

(^} L;i moglie soJeva dire che tuua la notte Paolo stava nello scrittoio, p«r 
trovar i termini della prospettiva, e che quando ella lo chiamav a adormirCy 
cgli le diceva» O cJbe doUe eosa e fuisia frosfetti^a ! Vas. Vita di Paolo. 



IX. 

■SSiS 



184. 

c HA P. also to the cflfcct of his back-grounds, which were how- 
ever in general too minutely finished. About two years 
after his death, which happened in the year 1469, Lorenzo 
de' Medici, who Was then absent from Florence on a jour- 
ney, to congratulate Sixtus IV. on his accession to the 
pontificate, took the opportunity of passing through 
Spoletto, where he requested permission from the magis- 
trates to remove the ashes of the artist to the church of 
5. Maria del Fiore at Florence. The community of that 
place were however unwilling to relinquish so honourable 
a deposit ; and Lorenzo was therefore content to testify 
his respect for the memory of the painter, by engaging his 
son, the younger Filippo, to erect in the church of Spo- 
letto a monument of marble, the inscription upon which, 
written by Politiano, has led his historian Menckenius into 
a mistake almost too apparent to admit of an excuse {a). 

In 



{a) In Philifpttm Fratrem PicUrtm. 

Conditus hie ego sum picturae fama philippvs; 

Null! ignota mex est gratia mira manus. 
Artifices potui digitis animare coloreSf 

Sperataque animos fallere voce dia. 
Ipsa meis stupoit natura expressa figuris» 

Meque suis fassa est artibus esse parem. 
Marmoreo tumulo medices laurentius Itic me 

Condidit : ante humili pulvere tectus eram. 

From the appellation of Fraier^ gi^cn to Lippi by Politiano, Menckenius 
conjectures, that he was his brother. ** Is enim quis sit, cujus hie frater 
** dicitur Fhilippus, si Politianus non est, hariolari non possum/' Minck, in 
wtd Pel, /• 31. Filippo had entered into holy orders, whence he was called 
Fra Filippo ; a circumstance which Menckenius might easily have discovered, 
though he professes not to have been able to obtain any information respect* 
ing it. ** Nihil enim ea de re scriptores alii, etsi non desint, qui mazime 



i85 



CHAP. 
IX. 



>\nton]o 
PoUijiaolo. 



In the anatomy of the human figure, which now began 
to engage the more minute attention of the painter, An- 
tonio PoUajuolo took the lead of all his competitors. By 
accurate observation, as well on the dead as on the living, 
he acquired a competent knowledge of the form and action 
of the muscles (a), which he exemplified in a striking man- 
ner in his picture of Hercules and Antxus, painted for 
Lorenzo de' Medici, in which he is said not only to have 
expressed the strength of the conqueror, but the languor 
and inanimation of the conquered {i) ; but his most cele- 
brated work is the death of S. Sebastian, yet preserved in 
the chapel of the Pucci family at Florence, and of which 
Vasari has given a particular account {c). In thi? picture, 
the figure of the dying saint was painted from nature after 
Gino Capponi. In the figures of the two assassins, who are 
bending their cross-bows, he has shewn great knowledge 
of muscular action. Baldovinetti excelled in portraits, Baidovmnti. 
which he frequently introduced in his historical subjects. 
In a picture of the queen of Sheba on a visit to Solomon, 
he painted the likeness of Lorenzo de' Medici, and of 

the 



** ezcelluisse hunc Philippum nobillissima pingendi arte suo confirment testi- 
" monio.*' IM* /. 637. 

{a) Egli s' intese degli ignudi piu modemamente, chc fatto non avevano 
gli altri maestri innanzi a lui ; e scortici molti uomini, per vedere la notomia 
lor sottoi e fu prixno a mostrare il xnodo di cercare i maicoli» che avessero 
format ed ordine nelle figure. Fasari vitm di FMajwiU. 

(^) Fmsari, ut suprk. 

(r) Ftumit mi tufrm. This picture is engraved and published m the Etrmia 
Piitria, Ab. zxiT. 



VOL. II. 



B B 



i86 

CHAP, the celebrated mechanic, Lorenzo da Volpaia (a) ; and in 
• another picture, intended as its companion, those of Giu* 
liano de' Medici, Luca Pitti, and other Florentine citizens. 
The resemblance of Lorenzo was also introduced by Do- 
menicoGhirlandajo, in a picture of S. Francesco taking the 
habit, painted by him in the chapel of the Trinity at Flo-' 
rence. Until this time the pictures of the Tuscan artists' 
had been executed in distemper, or with colours rendered 
cohesive by glutinous substances. The practice of painting 
in oil, so essentially necessary to the duration of a picture, 
was now first introduced amongst his countrytnen by 
Andrea da Audrca da Castagua (A). The younger Filippo Lippi at- 
'^^"^^'- tempted, 



(a) Ritrasse costui assai di naturale> e dove nella detta cappell'a fece la sto- 
ria delia Reina Saba» che va a udhre la sapienzadi Salomone*, ritrasse il mag- 
nifico Lore&zo dSc* Medici> che fu padre di papa Leone decinio».X#oreAs^daHa) 
Volpaja .ecceUentissimo maestro d' oriuoli, ed ottimo astrologo* il- quale fu 
quello, che fece per il detto Lor. de' Medici il bellissimo oriuolo che ha oggi il 
Sig. DucaCosixno in Palazzo ; nel quale oriuolo tatte le-ruote de' pianeti canv-- 
mipaiy) dl coiAinuo $ il che e cosa rara» e la prima che ftssc itiai fkttadi qiiesca> 
mauiera. Fas, vita di Baldov% v» ante, /. 1 12. 

{h) Era nel suo tempo in Firenze un tal Domenico da Venezia, pittore di 
biion nome, col quale egli (Andrea) aveva fintamente legata grande amicizia> 
affine di cavargli del mano la maestria di colorire a olio» che allora in-Toscana' 
non era da alcun altro praticata, ne meno saputay fuori che da Domenicoi- 
come gli ruiscl da fare. Baldin* Dec* iii. sec, y. The invention of painting in 
oily though introduced so late into Italy, is probably- more ancient than has 
generally been supposed. It is 'commonly attributed to the Flemish artists, 
Hubert and John "Van Eyck, who* flourished about the year 1400; but pro- 
fessor Lessingy in a small treatise ** swr V anciermete de la peinture a P buik^** 
printed at Brunswick in 17749 has endeavoured to shew that this art is^of much 
greater antiquity. His suggestions have since been confirmed by the researches 
of. M^ d&Mechei of Basle^ who, in arranging the immense coUeetion of pictiires 
of the imperial gallery of Vienna, has discovered several pieces fmintedinoif,^ 
as early as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Of these the i^arliesLis a 



I §7 

tempted, and not wltdboift e^ct, to giro a greater share of chap. 
PHergy and aaimation to his productions. His attitudes are ' 

^ea^uently bold and diversified ; aod his figure have expres« Fiiippo uppi. 
«ioa, vivacity, and motion {a). It is deserving of remark, 
that he prepared the way to the study of the antique^ by 
introducing into his pictures, the vases, utensils, arms, and 
diessa» of the ancients {i). But of all the masters of tlus luc« signoreui. 
period, perhaps Luca Signorelli united the most important 
excellencies ; his composition was good ; in drawing the 
nak^ figure he particularly excelled (r) ; tn his picture of 
the inttitution of the Eucharist, yet existing in the choir 

^ of . 



picture by Thomas de Mutina, a Bohemian gentleman ; the others are hj 
Theodoric, of Prague, and Nic. Wurmser, of Strasbourg ; both artists at the 
court of the emperor Charles IV, 

•V. Muhil^ CaUtL des TabL it Fienne, He, in fref. 

{a) His celebrated picture of S. Filippo and the serpent, painted in the 
chapel of the Stroatri at Florqiicey and engraved in die Etruria Plttrkt^ N»» 
zzyii. is a sufficient proof of the truth of this remarJc* Filippo Lippi was the 
son of the former painter of the same name, usually called Fra Filippo. Lo- 
renzo employed htm to ornament his palace at Poggio Cajano, where he 
painted a sacrifice in Fresco, but the work was left unfinished. 

{i) Non lavor6 mai opera alcuna, nelle quale delle cose antiche di Roma 
90n gran stndio non si servisse, in vasi, calzari, trofei, bandiere^ crmieri. Or- 
nament! di tempj,, abbigiiamenti di portattre da capo, strane fogge da dossd, 
armature, scimitarre, spade, toghe, manti, ed altri cose diverse e belle, che 
grandissimo c scmpitemo obbligo se gli debbe. Vatar* vita di Filip, 

(c) Col fondamento. del disegno, e degli ignudi particolarmente, ^ con la 
graeiadeUaixivenzione, e dispozitione delle historic, aperse alia maggior parte 
degU artefici la via alia ultima perfezzione dell' arte, alia quale poi poterono 
dar cima quelli che seguirono. Fasar, vita M Luca Signorelli, It must how- 
ever be observed, that Luca lived till 1521, before which time an important 
reformation had taken place iu the art^« 

B B 2 



i88 



CHAP. 
IX. 



of the cathedral at Cortona (a), the figure of Christ might 
be mistaken for the production of one of the CaraccL In 
the variety and expression of countenance* in the disposition 
of the drapery, even in the just distribution of light, this 
picture has great merit ; and if some remnants of the man* 
ner of the times prevent us from giving it unlimited appro- 
bation, it may certainly be considered as the harbinger of a 
better taste. 



Andrea PUano. 



Progress of Xhc art of sculpturc, dependent on the same principles, 

and susceptible of improvement from the same causes as that 
of painting, made a proportionable progress. The inventive 
genius of the Italian artists had very early applied it to almost 
every variety of material ; and figures in wood, in clay, in 
metals, and in marble, were fashioned by Giovanni and Nic- 

Niccoio Pisano. colo Pisauo, by Agostino and Agnolo Sanese, which, though 

rude and incorrect, excited the admiration of the times in 
which they were produced. Their successor Andrea Pi- 
sano, the contemporary of Giotto, supported the credit of 
the art, which was then endangered by the sudden progress 
of its powerful rival ; and in the arly part of the fifteenth 
century the talents of Ghiberti and Donatello carried it 
to a degree of eminence which challenged the utmost 
exertions, and perhaps even excited the jealousy, of the 
first painters of the age. It must indeed be acknowledged, 
that the advantages which sculpture possesses are neither 
few nor unimportant. The severe and simple mode of 
its execution, the veracity of which it is susceptible, and 

the 



Chiberti and 
Donatello. 



(a) Engraved in the Etrurim Fittrici, No* xxzii. 



iSo 

the durability of its productions, place it in a favourable CHAP, 
point of view, when opposed to an art whose success is ' 

founded on illusion, which not only admits, but courts 
meretricious ornament, and whose monuments are fugitive 
and perishable [a). These arts, so distinct in their opera^ 
tions, approach each other in works in rilievoy which unite 
the substantial form that characterizes sculpture, with 
the ideal depth of picturesque composition^ In this pro- 
vince Donatello particularly excelled ; and in Cosmo de' 
Medici he found a patron who had judgment to perceive, 
and liberality to reward his merits^ But the genius of 
Donatello was not confined to one department. His group 
of Judith and Holofemes, executed in bronze for the com« 
munity of Florence, his statue of S. George, his Annun« 
ciation, and his Zuccone, in one of the niches of the Cam- 
panile at Florence, all of which yet remain, have met with 
the untform approbation of succeeding times, and are per- 
haps as perfect as the narrow principles upon which the ait 
was then conducted would allowi 

Notwithstanding the exertions of these masters, which impcrfcction of 
were regarded with astonishment by their contemporaries, * "*" 
and are yet entitled to attention and respect, it does not 

appear 



(a) I am aware that much is to be said on the opposite side of the question, 
but r mean not to discuss a subject upon which almost every writer on the his- 
tory of the arts has either directly or incidentally exercised his ingenuity. 
Among others, I may refer the reader to the Proemi of Vasari, the Lezauone of 
Benedetto Varchiy Mlamagporamui Jell* artl, the works of Baldinucci, Richard- 
SQUi and Mengsi^ and to the posthumous works of Dr. Adam Smith, lately pii1> 
lishedt in which the reader will find many acute observations on this subject; 



IX. 



CHAP, appear that they had raised their views to the true end pf 
the profession {a). Their characters rarely excelled the 
daily prototypes of common life j and their forms, although 
at times sufficiently accurate, were mostly vulgar aa^ 
heavy. In the pictures which remain of this period, th^ 
limbs are not marked with |hat precision which charac* 
terizes a weil-infQrmed artist. The hands and feet, in par^ 
ticular, appear soft, enervated, and delicate, without disr 
tinction of sex or character. Many practices yet remained 
that evince the imperfect stsvte of the art. Ghirlandajo and 
Baldovinetti continued to intjrodi|ce the pprti^its of theii: 
employers in historic coi^Qfitlpn, forgetful of thajt sim-- 
plex duntqxat et unufn with w^iich a just taste can nev^ 
4ispense« Cosimo Roselli, a painter of no inconsiderable re- 
putation, attempted, by the assistance of gold and ultrama- 
rine, to give a factitious splendor to his performances To 
every thing great and elevated, the art was yet a stranger ; 
even the celebrated picture of PoUajuolo exhibits only a 
group of half naked and vulgar wretches, discharging their 
arrows at a miserable fellow-creature, who, by changing 
places with one of his murderers, might with equal pro- 
priety become a murderer himself (^) . Nor was it till the 

tim^ 



[a) £ necessario il confessare» che non poteva la pittnray benclir fatta Tiva 
dalle mani di que* maestri^ far gran pompa di se stessa, perche molto le man- 
cava di disegnoy dl colorito, di morbidezzay di scorti, di moyenze^ di attitu- 
diniy di rilievo, e di altre finezze e vivacita, onde ella potesse in tutto e per tutto 
assomiliarsi al yero. BaUin* Die. iii. sec, v. 

{h) Objects of horror and disgost, the cold detail of deliberate barbarity, 
can never be proper subjects of art, because they exclude the eflfbrts of genius. 
Even the poyrers of Shakespear are annihilated in the buccheries of Titus An* 



igi 

time of Michelagnolo that puinting and sculpture rose to CHAP, 
their true object, and instead of exciting the wonder, began ' 

to rouse the passions and interest the feelings of mankind. 

By what fortunate concurrence of circumstances, the causes of im. 
exquisite taste evinced by the ancients in works of art *'^^^^'""**" 
was revived in modern times, deserves inquiry. It has 
generally been supposed that these arts, having left in 
Greece some traces of their former splendor, were trans- 
planted into Italy by Greek artists, who, either led by 
hopes of emolument, or impelled by the disastrous state of 
their own country, sought, among the ruins of the western 
empire, a shelter frorn the impending destruction of the 
east. Of the labours of these masters, specimens indeed 
rbmain in different parts of Italy ; but, in point of merit, 
they ex€!eed ntit those of the native Italians, and some 
df them even bear the marks of deeper barbarism {a). In 

fact, 



T— 



dronicus. Yet the reputation of some of the most celebrated Italian painters 
has been principally founded on thii kind of represenftation. " Ici/' says M. 
TenhoTC, '* c'cst S. Etienne qn'on lapide» ct dont jc crains que la cervellc ne 
** rejaillissesurmoi ; plus loin c'est S. Barth^Iemi tout sanglant, tout ^corch^ ; 
*' je compte scs muscles & scs nerfs. Vingt flcches ont cribl6 Sebastien. 
*'' L'horrible t^te du Baptiste est dans ce plat. Le gril de S. Laurent sert de 
" pendant 'a la chaudiere dc S. Jean— Je recule d*horreur." Mem. Gen. Hi, x. 
May it not well be doubted, whether spectacles of this kind, so frequent in 
places devoted to religious purposes, may not have had a tendency rather to 
keep alive a spirit of ferocity and resentment, than to inculcate those mild and 
benev(^ent principles in which the essence of religion consists ? 

(tf) Venise, & quelques villes de la Romagne, ou de I'ancien Exarchat de 
Ravenne, montrent encore des traces de ces barbouillages Grecs. Le carac- 
tere d'un assez profonde barbarie s'y fait sentir. La peinture qui repr^sente 
les obseques de' St. Ephraim, qu'on voit dans le Museo Sacro^ partie de la Bibli- 
othcque du Vatican, passe pour le tristc chef d*ceuvrc de ces fils b&tards dc 
Zciixis. Teni^: Mem, Gin, lib, yiu 

I 



CHAP, fact, these arts were equally debased in Greece and in Italy, 
' and it was not therefore by an intercourse of this nature 
that they were likely to receive improvement Happily, 
however, the same favourable circumstances which con- 
tributed to the revival of letters took place also with re- 
spect to the arts ; and if the writings of the ancient authors 
excited the admiration and called forth the exertions of the 
scholar, the remains of ancient skill in marble, gems, and 
other durable materials, at length caught the attention of 
the artist, and were converted from objects of wonder, into 
models of imitation. To facilitate the progress of these 
studies, other fortunate circumstances concurred. The 
freedom of the Italian governments, and particularly that 
of Florence, gave to the human faculties their full ener- 
gies {a). The labours of the painter were early associated 
with the mysteries of the prevailing religion, whilst the 
wealth and ostentation of individuals and of states held 
out rewards, sufficient to excite the endeavours even of the 
phlegmatic and the indolent 

Sculpture of From the time of the consul Mummius, who, whilst 

Rl^iwir' ^^ plundered the city of Corinth of its beautiful produc- 
tions of art, regarded them rather as household furniture, 
than as pieces of exquisite skill (^}, the avidity of the 

Romans 



(«) L'uomo liberoy con volon^y fa tucto quel che puo« piu, o meno, se- 
condo la s ua capacita ; ma lorfichiaV'6 fa al piu qaello» che gli si comanda, e 
guasta la sua propria volonta» coUa ▼iolenzat che gli si fa, per ubbidire* L' 
abito di farlo opprime finalmente la sua capacita, e la sua razza peggiora, 
fino, a non piu desiderare quello, che dispera ottenere. 

Oftre di Memgs, *o. i. /• 228. 

{b) Mummius tarn nidis futt, ut capta Corintho, cum maximorum artifi* 
cum perfectas manibus tabulas ac statuas in Italiam portandas locarct, jubcret 



»93 

Romans for the works of the Grecian artists had been pro^ c H A p. 
gressively increasing, till at length they became the first ^^ 
objects of proconsular rapacity, and the highest gratifi- 
cation of patrician luxury. The astonishing number which 
Verres had acquired during his government of Sicily, 
forms one of the most striking features of the invectiyes 
of Cicero ; who asserts, that throughout that whole pro- 
vince, so distinguished by the riches and taste of its inha- 
bitants, there was not a single statue or figure, either of 
bronze, marble, or ivory, not a picture or a piece of 
tapestry, not a gem or a precious stone, not even a gold 
or silver utensil, of the workmanship of Corinth or Delos, 
which Verres during his prastorship had not sought out and 
examined, and if he approved of.it, brought it away with 
him ; insomuch that Syracuse, under his government, lost 
more statues than it had lost soldiers in the victory of Mar-^ 
cellus {a). Such however was the desolation which took 

place 

praedici condncentitmsy si eas perdtdissentf novas eos redditaros. Fel, Paterc. 
lib* i. r. 13. 

{a) The very minute account given by the Roman oratory in his fourth ac- 
cusation against Verres, of the pieces of Grecian sculpture which he obtained 
from Sicily, has enabled the Abbe Fraguier to draw up a dissertation which he 
has intitled the GalUry ofVtrrest Mnn. it Uu. v.ix./. 260* Winckih Storia Jelh 
mrti del Dhigno, lib. x. c. 3. Sd. Milan, 17799 ia mt. Amongst those particu- 
larly enumerated by Cicero, is a marble statue of Cupid by Praxiteles, a Her« 
cules in bronze by Myron, two Canephoroe, or female figures, representing 
Athenian, virgins, bearing on their heads implements of sacrifice, the work of 
Polycletes ; a celebrated statue of Diana, which, after having been carried off 
from the citizens of Segesta by the Carthaginisins^ was restored to them by 
Scipio Africanus, another of Mercury, which had been given them by the 
/ same liberal benefadtor, the statues of Ceres, of JEscuIapius, of Bace&us, and 
laftly that of Jupiter himself, of which the sacrilegious amMeur scrupled not to 
plunder his temple at Syracuse. Cic. in Firrem, lib. W* 

VOL. II. C C 



194 

CHAP, place in Italy during the middle ages, occasioned not only 
^^* by natural calamities, but by the yet more destructive 
operation of moral causes, the rage of superstition and 
the ferocity of barbarian conquerors, that of the innume- 
rable specimens of art, which, till the times of the later 
emperors, had decorated the palaces and villas of the Ro- 
man nobility, scarcely a specimen or a vestige was, in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century, to be discovered. Even 
the city of Rome could only display six statues, five of mar- 
ble and one of brass, the remains of its former splendor {a) ; 
and the complaint of Petrarca was not therefore without 
reason, that Rome was in no place less known than in 
Rome itself [b). 

Researchci after In tHiciug the vicIssitudcs which the arts have ex- 
antiq^r*^ perienced, we observe with pleasure, that the same per- 
sons who signalized themselves by their attention to pre- 
serve the writings of the ancient authors, were those to 

whom 



{a) Hoc videbitur levius foitasse, sed me maxime movety quod his subji- 
ciam ; ez innumeris ferme colossis, statuisque turn marmoreisy turn tsneis 
(nam argenteas atque aureas minimi miror fuisse conflatas) viris iUustribus ob 
▼irtutem positis, ut omittam Taria signa, Toluptatis atque artts causa publice 
ad spectaculum coUocata, marmoreas quioque tantam, quatuor in Constantini 
thermis ; duas stances pone equos» Phidic & Praxitelis opus; duas recubantes ; 
quintam in foro maitisf stataam que liodie Martift fori nomen tenet ; atque 
smeam solam equestrem deauratamy quae est ad Basilicam Lateranensem^ Sep- 
timio Severo dicatam, tantum yidemus superesse. Peg. de 'uarietate Forttaue, 
/• 20. The equestrian statue to which Poggio adverts, as that of Sep. Severus^ 
is now recognized as the statue of Marcus Aurelius* 

{I) Qui enim hodie magis ignari rerum Romanorum sunt quun Roman! 
cives i Invitus dico, nusqnam minus Roma cpgnoscltur quam Romse. 

a £pi/t* fam. Hi. vi* f/. a. 



195 

whom posterity is indebted for the restoration of a better CHAP, 
taste in the arts. Petrarca hunself is one of the first ' 



who displayed a marked attention to the remains of anti- Petmca. 
quity {a). On his interview with the emperor Charles IV. 
at Mantua, he presented to that monarch a considerable 
number of coins, which he had himself collected ; at the 
same time assuring him, that he would not have bestowed 
them on any other person, and, with a degree of freedom 
which does him honour, recommending to the emperor, 
whilst he studied the history, to imitate the virtues of the 
persons there represented {6). Lorenzo de' Medici, the Lorenzo de* 
brother of Cosmo, distinguished himself not only by his ^^Ilio. 
assiduity in collecting the remains of ancient authors, but 
also by a decided predilection for works of taste, in the 

acquisition 



{a) The famous Cola di Rienzl, who called himself Tribune of Rome, and 
attempted in the fourteenth century to establifh the ancient republic, was, as 
well as his friend and panegyrist Petrarca, a great admirer of the remains of 
antiquity. It is not indeed improbable, as Tiraboschi conjectures, that. the 
indulgence of this taste first incited him to his romantic project. The cha- 
racter of Rienzi is given by a contemporary author in the following terms, 
which may serve as a curious specimen of the Italian language : " Fo da soa 
** joventutine nutricato at latte dt eloquent ia, bono Grammatico^ megliore ReUorico, 
*^ Autorista hravo. Deb como e quanto era veloce liitore / Motto usa*ua Tito LMo, 
" Seneca, e TuUio, e Balerio Mauimo : motto li dilettava le magmficentie de yJio 
** Cesare raccontare. Tutto lo die se sfecuhma negP intagli de marmo^ li fuahjaecio 
" iatomo a Roma, Non era aitri cbe esse cbe sapesse lejere li anticbi patajij, Tutte 
** scritture anticbe *volgarri%xawai questefinre de marmo justamoiue interprttoFva** 
Tirab. Storia della Let, ItaL v. y. /• 3 14* Mem fonr la vie de Petr. v. ii. /• 535. 

[b) £cce (inquit) CsBsar« quibus successisti ; ecce quos imitari studeas, et 
mirari, ad quorum formulam, atque imaginem, te componas, quos practer te 
unum nulli hominum datnrus eram. Epist,, Fam. Hb, x* 

C C 2 



196 



CHAP. 
IX. 

Nicc<^ 

Niccoli. 



Poggio 
BracdoUnL 



acquisition of which he emulated the celebrity of his 
brother {a). From the funeral oration pronounced by 
Poggio on the death of Niccolo Niccoli, to whom the 
cause of literature is perhaps more indebted than to any 
individual who held merely a private station, we learn, 
that he was highly delighted with paintings and pieces of 
sculpture, of which he had collected a greater number, and 
of more exquisite workmanship, than any person of his 
time ; and that visitors thronged to see them, not as to a 
private house, but as to a public exhibition {b). Nor was 
Poggio himself less attentive to the discovery and acquis!** 
tion of these precious remains {c). *' My chamber," saya 
he, ** is surrounded with busts in marble, one of which 
^ IS whole and elegant. The others are indeed muti^ 
^ lated, and some of them are even noseless, yet they 
^ are such as may please a good artist. With these, 

"and 



(«) Erat enim (Laiir«iicius) dltissimus agri» dicissiinusque aori, atque pre- 
tiosc vcsttSy ec universe supellectilis, signis, tabulis piccis, vasis caelatis, mar* 
garitift libris» minim in modam afflvit^ &c. 

Jtii. Ttfdtrfmti Orai. in £/• Jmk Trm>. 

(b) Dckctabatur admodam tabulis & signis ac variis colaturis priscorum 
more* Plara enim prope solus atque ezquisitiora habcbat quam ceteri fere 
•mnes. Ad qu» visenda multi alliciebantuTy ut non privato aliquo in locOf 
sed in Tbeatro quodam coUocata ac exposita esse affirmares. 

Poigii 0/. /• 276. 

(r) ** Effectns som,*^ says htf m his jocular style, ^ admodnm capitosus. 
^ Id quale sit, scire cupis ? Habeo cubiculum refertum capitibus marmoreis, 
*' inter qux unum est elegans,. integrum : alia truncis naribus, sed qost vet 
*' bonum artificem delectent. His & nonnuUis signis que procuro, omare 
** volo Academiam meam Valdaminam^ quo in loco quiescere est animus,^ 
kc Pi^ Bfist. Ml Nic. Nic^l. 



'97 

^^ and some other pieces which I posdess, I intend to oma- CHAP. 

** ment my country seat" In a letter from Poggio to ^^* 

Francesco da Hstoia, a monk who had travelled to Greece 

in search of antiquities, we have a much more explicit 

instance of the ardour with which he pursued this olv 

ject {a). ** By your letters from Chios,'* says Poggio, 

" I leara that you have procured for me three busts in 

" marble, one of Minerva, another of Jupiter, a third g£ 

<« Bacchus. These letters afforded me great satisfaction, 

^ for I am delighted beyond expression with pieces of 

^^ sculpture. I am charmed with the skill of the artist, 

^^ when I see marble so wrought as to imitate Nature her-> 

^^ self. You also inform me that you have obtained a 

^^ head of Apollo, and you add from Virgil, 

** Miroi ducetii de marmore vuhusJ* 

^ Believe me, my friend, you cannot confer a greater fa-* 
^* vour on me than by returning laden with such works, 
** by which you will abundantly gratify my wishes. Dif- 
^ ferent persons labour under difierent disorders ; that 
^* which principally affects me is an admiration of these 
^ productions of eminent sculptors, to which I am perhaps 
^ more devoted than becomes a man who may pretend to 
<^ some share of learning.. Nature herself, it is true, must 
^ always excel these her copies ; yet I must be allowed to 
^ admire that art, which can give such expression to inert 
^ materials, that nothing but breath seems to be wanting. 
•* Exert yourself therrfore I beseech you to collect, either 

" by 



iA Jiff. iu.isxa. 



198 

CHAP, "by entreaties or rewards, whatever you can find that 
" possesses any merit If you can procure a complete 
*• figure, triumpbatum est^ Being informed by Francesco, 
that a Rhodian named Sufiretus had in his possession 
a considerable number of antique sculptures, Poggio ad- 
dressed a letter to him, earnestly requesting to be favoured 
with such specimens from his valuable collection as he 
might think proper to spare, and assuring him, that his 
kindness should^ be remunerated by the earliest oppor- 
tunity {a). In the sanie earnest style, and for the same 
purpose, he addressed himself to Andreolo Giustiniano, 
a Venetian, then residing in Greece. Induced by his 
pressing entreaties, both Suffretus and Giustiniano intrusted 
to the monk some valuable works ; but, to the great disap- 
pointment of Poggio, he betrayed the confidence reposed 
in him, and under the pretext that he had been robbed of 
them in his voyage, defrauded Poggio of the chief part of 
his treasures, which, as it afterwards appeared, he pre- 
sented to Cosmo de' Medici. The indignation of Poggio 
on this occasion is poured forth in a letter to Giustiniano, 
whose liberality he again solicits, and which he professes 
to have in some degree repaid, by obtaining for him firom 
the pope a dispensation to enable his daughter to marry (^). 
Thus sacrilegiously, though almost excusably, bartering the 
favours of the church, for the objects of his favourite study, 
and the gratification of his taste. 

The 



(h) App. Np. LXXIV. 



199 

The riches of Cosmo de* Medici, and the industry of CHAP. 
Donatello {a)j united to give rise to the celebrated collection ^^ 
of antiquities, which, with considerable additions, was ^ .. . , 

^ ^ . ^ . , Collection of 

transmitted by Piero to his son Lorenzo, and is now de- antiques finrmed 
nominated the Museum Florentirtum. By an estimate or ^ 
account taken by Piero on the death of his father, it ap- 
pears that these pieces amounted in value to more than 
28,000 florins {6). But it was reserved for Lorenzo to .en- 
rich this collection with its most valuable articles, and to 
render it subservient to its true purpose, that of inspiring in 
bis countrymen a correct and genuine taste for the arts. 

Of the earnestness with which Lorenzo engaged in Augmented by 
this pursuit, some instances have already been adduced {c). ^'*'**®- 
^* Such an admirer was he," says Valori (^/), " of all the 
" remains of antiquity, that there was not any thing with 
" which he was more delighted. Those who wished to 
" oblige him were accustomed to collect, from every part 
^^ of the world, medals and coins, estimable for their age 
^ or their workmanship, statues, busts, and whatever 
** else bore the stamp of antiquity. On my return from 
" Naples," adds he, " I presented him with figures of 

^^ Faustina 



(a) £gli (Donato) fu potissima cagibne che a Cosimo de' Medici si des- 
tasse la volonta dell' introdurre a Fiorenza le antichita, che sono ed erano in 
casa Medici* le qaali tutte di sua mano acconci^. Fasar. vita di Donat§. 

{h) Fair, iuwid Cosm. Aimi. H Mwum. p, 231. «. App, N9. LXXV. 

{c) Fd. L /. 147. Sbe also the letter from PoHtiano to Lorenzo. App. 
No. LI. 

{/) y§Ur. in nuta Lour. p. i8. 



zoo 

CHAP. " Faustina and Africanus in marble, and several other 
IX, " specimens of ancient art ; nor can I easily express with 

** what pleasure he received them." Having long desired 

to possess the resemblance of Plato, he was rejoiced be- 
yond measure, when Girolamo Roscio of Pistoia presented 
to him a figure in marble of his favourite philosopher, 
which was said to have been found amongst the ruins of 
the academy {a). By his constant attention tp this pur- 
suit, and by the expenditure of considerable sums, he 
collected under his roof all the remains of antiquity that 
fell in his way, whether they tended to illustrate the his*- 
tory of letters or of arts {i). His acknowledged acquaint- 
ance with these productions induced the celebrated Fra 
Giocondo, of Verona, the most industrious antiquarian of 
his time, to inscribe to him his collection of ancient inscrip- 
tions, of which Politiano, who was a competent judge of 
the subject, speaks with high approbation (r). 



Lomxo esta- 



But it is not the industry, the liberality, or the 
busbes a fchooi judgment shewn by Lorenzo in forming his magnificent 
the antique. . collcctiou, SO much as the important purpose to which 

he destined it, that entitles him to the esteem of the pro- 
fessors 



(a) In the diligent researches made at the instance of Lorenzo for the dis- 
covery of ancient manuscripts, his agents frequently met with curious speci- 
mens of art. The inventory of the books purchased by Giovanni Xascar, 
from one Nicolo di Jacopo da Siena, concludes with particularizing a marble 
statue. This contract and invcntcny are yet preserved in MS« in the ^u^hives 
of the PaUxM Feccbio at Florence. Filx* Ixzxi. Atf. a6. 

{i) Fahr. in^itaLaur, p. i8. 



(0 P#tfr. M$t€tU. €. 77. t • .) 



X,. . -^ 



20I 

fessors and admirers of the arts. Conversant from his C H A P- 

IX. 

youth with the finest forms of antiquity, he perceived and .. 
lamented the inferiority of his contemporary artists, and 
the impossibility of their improvement upon the principles 
then adopted. He determined therefore to excite among 
them, if possible, a better taste, and hy proposing to their 
imitation the remains of the ancient masters, to elevate 
their views beyond the forms of common life, to the 
contemplation of that ideal beauty which alone distin- 
guishes works of art from mere mechanical productions. 
With this view he appropriated his gardens, adjacent to the 
monastery of S. Marco, to the establishment of a school or 
academy for the study of the antique, and furnished the 
different buildings and avenues with statues, busts, and 
other pieces of ancient workmanship. Of these he ap- 
pointed the sculptor Bertoldo, the favourite pupil of Dona- 
tello, but who was then far advanced in years, super- 
intendant. The attention of the higher rank of his fellow- 
citizens was incited to these pursuits by the example of 
Lorenzo ; that of the lower class, by his liberality. To the 
latter he not only allowed competent stipends, whilst they 
attended to their studies, but appointed considerable pre- 
miums as the rewards of their proficiency {a). 

To this institution, jnore than to any other circum- Michdagnoio 
stance, we may, without hesitation, ascribe the sudden and ^"«**'~**- 
astonishing proficiency which, towards the close of the 
fifteenth century, took place in the arts, and which com- - 

mencing 



{a) f^asarif *uita di TorrigiaitOt e di Mkhelagnok^ (sTc. 
VOL. II. D D 



202 

CHAP, mcncing at Florence, extended itself in cobceAtrtc circles 
' to the rest of Europe. The gardens of Lorenzo de' Medici 
are frequently celebrated by the historian of the painters, 
as the nursery of men of genius {a) ; but if they had pro- 
duced no other artist than Michelagnolo Buonarroti, they 
would suflSciently have answered the purjposes of their 
founder. It was here that this great man begail to imbibe 
that spirit, which was destined to effect a reformation in 
the arts, and which he could perhaps have derivied from no 
other source {b). Of a noble, but reduced family, he had 
been placed by his father, when young, under the tuition 
of the painter Ghirlandajo, from whom Lorenzo, desirous 

of 



(a) Vasari adverts also to this establishment in his RagtomimeHti. *^ Lorenzo 
** aveva fatto fare U Giardinoy ch' e ora in su la piazza di San Marco, sola- 
** mente perche lo teneva pieno di figure antiche di marmo, e pitture assai, e 
** tutte eccellenti, solo per condurre una scuola di giovaniy i quali alia scul- 
*' tura, pittura, e architettura attendessino a impararey sotto 1^ custodia di 
Bertoldo scultore, gia discepolo di Donatello, i quali gtovanni> tutti o la 
maggior parte furono eccellenti ; fra quali fu uno il nostro Michelagnolo 
'^ Buonarroti* che e stato lo splendore, la vita, e la grandezza delki scultnr^ 
*' pittura, e architettara, avendo voluto mostrare il cielo, che non poteva, ni 
'' doveva nascere, se non sotto questo magnifico e illustre uomo, per lassar la 
*' sua patria ereditaria, e il mondo di tante onorate opere, quante si veggono 
di lui oggi, e di molti altri che io ho viste> di cotesta scuola onorata**' 

Fas. RagioHomenti^ /. 75. 



« 



<c 



(b) Mengs, on several occasions, attributes the superior excellence of 
Michelagnolo to the same favourable circuihstance. ^ Michelagnolo^ appro- 
** fittandosi delle statue raccolte dai Medici, apH gli occhi, e connobbe che gii 
^' antichi avtan tenuta una certa arte nelP imitare la verita, con cui si faceva 
** la imitazione piu intelligibile, e piu bella, che nello stesso originale," and 
again, after giving an historical account of the progress of the arts, he adds, 
** In quello stato di cose scappo un raggio di quella stessa luce, che illuming 
*^ V antica Grecia, quando Michelagnolo, il quale col suo gran talento avea 
«< gia superato il Ghirlandajo, vide le cose degli antichi Greci sella collezione 
'^ del magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici.'' Op, diMgngs^ vol.xu /. 99. 109. 



203 

of promoting his new eatablishment, requested that he chap. 
-would permit two of his pupils to pursue their studies in ' 

his gardens ; at the same time expressing his hopes, that 
they would there obtain such instruction, as would not only 
reflect honour on the institution, but also on themselves and 
on their country. The students who had the good fortune 
to be thus selected were Michelagnolo and Francesco Gra- 
nacci {a). On the first visit of Michelagnolo, he found in 
the gardens his future adversary, Torrigiano, who, under 
the directions of Bertoldo, was modelling figures in clay. 
Michelagnolo applied himself to the same occupation, and 
his work soon afterwards attracted the attention of Lo- 
renzo, who, from these early specimens, formed great ex- 
pectations of his talents. Encouraged by such approbation, 
be began to cut in marble the head of a faun, after an an- 
tique sculpture (3), which, though unaccustomed to the 
chisel, he executed with such skill as to astonish Lorenzo ; 
who, observing that he had made some intentional devia- 
tions from the original, and that in particular he had re- 
presented 

{a) Dolendosi adunque Lorenzo^ che amor grandissimo portava alia pit* 
txxrsL, e alia scultura, che ne' suoi tempi non si trovassero scultori celebrati, e 
nobili, come si trovavano mold pit tori di grandissimo pregio> e fama, delibero 
di fare una scuola ; e per questo chiese a Domenico Ghirlandajo, che se in 
bottega sua avesse de' suoi giovani, che inclinati fossero a cio, gli inviasse al 
giardino» dove egli desiderava di essercitarli e creargli in una manieray che 
onorasse se, e lui, e la citta sua* Laonde da Domenico gli furono per ottimi 
giovani dati fra gli altri Michelagnolo, c Francesco Granacci. 

Fasar. vita di Michelagn. 

(h) This early specimen of the genius of Michelagnolo is yet preserved in 
the Medicean gallery at Florence, in the keeper's room, and is equal, says Bot« 
tari, to a piece of Grecian workmanship ; it has been engraved and published by 
Gori, in Ckmdivi's life of Micheiagnolo ; but as Bottari observes, *' poco felice- 
** mente, c con gran pregiudizio dell* originalc*" v. Bottari, not. ut sup. 



204 

CHAP, presented the lips smoother, and had shewn the tongue 
' and teeth, remarked to him, with his accustomed joculari- 
ty, that he should have remembered that old men seldom 
exhibit a complete range of teeth. The docile artist, who 
paid no less respect to the judgment, than to the rank of 
Lorenzo, was no sooner left to himself, than he struck 
out one of the teeth, giving to the part the appearance of 
its having been lost by age {a). On his next visit, Lorenzo 
was equally delighted with the disposition and the genius of 
his yoiing pupil, and sending for his father, not only took 
the son under his particular protection, but made such a 
provision for the old man, as his age and the circumstances 
Resides with of his uumcrous family required {d). From this time till 

the death of Lorenzo, which included an interval of four 
years, Michelagnolo constantly resided in the palace of the 
Medici, and sat at the table of Lorenzo, among his most 
honoured guests; where, by a commendable regulation, 
the troublesome distinctions of rank were abolished, and 
every person took his place in the order of his arrival. 
Hence the young artist found himself at once associated, 
on terms of equality, with all that was illustrious and 
learned in Florence, and formed those connexions and 

friendships 



Lorenzo. 



(a) ConJi^if vita di Micbelaguoh, />. ^ttic» 

(h) We learn from the narrative of Condi vi, who relates these circum- 
stances with insufferable minuteness, that when Lodovico, the father of Michel- 
agnolo, encouraged by the kindness 'of Lorenzo, requested an o£5ice in the 
Dogana or custom-house, in the place of Marco Pucci^ Lorenzo, who intended to 
provide him with a much better establishment, replied, laying his hand on his 
shoulder, Tu sarai semfre povero» He gave him however the office for which 
he applied, which was worth eight scudi per month, foco piu o mum, says the 
accurate historian. Condi*v. ut sup. 



205 

friendships which, if they do not create, are at least neces- CHAP. 
sary to promote and reward superior talents {a). His leisure ' 

hours were passed in contemplating the intaglios, gems, 
and medals, of which Lorenzo had collected an astonish- 
ing number, whence he imbibed that taste for antiquarian 
researches, which was of essential service to him in his 
more immediate studies, and which he retained to the close 
of his life {6), 

Whilst Michelagnolo was thus laying the sure founda- Associates with 
tion of his futute fame, and giving daily proofs of his rapid ^^^^'^<>' 
improvement, he formed an intimacy with Politiano, who 
resided under the same roof, and who soon became warmly 
attached to his interests. At his recommendation, Michel- 
agnolo executed a basso^rilievo in marble, the subject of 
which is the battle of the Centaurs. This piece yet 
ornaments the dwelling of one of his descendants ; and, 
although not wholly finished, displays rather the hand of an 
experienced master, than that of a pupil. But its highest 
commendation is, that it stood approved even in the riper 
judgment of the artist himself; who, although not indul- 
gent 



{a) Lorenzo fece dare a Michelagnolo una buona camera in casa^ dandogli 
tutte quelle comodita, ch* cgli dcsiderava, ne altrimenti trattandolo si in altro, 
si nella sua mensay the da figliuolo : alia quale, come d' un tal' uomoy sedeano 
ogni giomo personaggi nobilissimi e di grande affare. £d essendovi questa 
usanza, che quei, che da principio si trovavano presenti, ciaschcduno appresso 
il magnifico secondo il suo grado sedesse, non si movendo di hiogo, per qualun- 
que dipoi sopraggiunto fosse ; avenne bene spesso, che Michelagnolo sedettc 
sopra \ figUuoli di Lorenzo^ ed aitre persone pregiate> di che tal casa di con- 
tinuo fioriva cd abbondava, &c. Cond. ut supr, 

(b) Comii'V. Mi sufra. 



206 



CHAP, 
IX. 



gent to his own productions, did not hesitate, on seeing it 
some years afterwards, to express his regret that he had 
not entirely devoted himself to this branch of art {a). The 
death of Lorenzo too soon deprived him of his protector. 
Piero, the son of Lorenzo, continued indeed to shew to 
him the same marks of kindness which his father had uni- 
formly done J but that prodigality, which so speedily dis- 
sipated his authority, his fortune, and his fame, was ex- 
tended even to his amusements ; and the talents of Michel- 
agnolo, under the patronage of Piero, instead of impress- 
ing on brass or on marble the forms of immortality, were 
condemned to raise a statue of snow {6) ! Nor was this in- 
tercourse of long continuance, for Piero, instead of afford- 
ing support to others, was soon obliged to seek, in foreign 
countries, a shelter for himself. 



Advancagts 
possessed by 
Michelagnolo 
over his pre- 
decessors. 



The history of Michelagnolo forms that of all the 
arts which he professed. In him sculpture, painting, and 
architecture seem to have been personified. Born with 
talents superior to his predecessors, he had also a better 
fate. Ghiberti, Donatello, Verogchio, were all men of 

genius. 



{a) Cosi la impressa gli succedette^ che mi rammenta udirlo dire^ che 
quando la riyedcy cognosse quanto torto egli abbia fatto alia natura* a non se« 
guitar prontaxnente V arte deUa scultura, facendo giudizio per quell' opera* 
quanto potesse riuscire. Cend, vi/a di M. A. 

(^) Essendo in Firenze venuta dimolta neve. Pier de' Medici, figliuol 
maggiore di Lorenzo, che nel medesimo luogo del padre era restato, ma non 
nella medesima graziat volendo, come giovane« far fare nel mezzo della sua 
corte una statua di neve si ricordo di Michelagnolo, e fattolo cercarc, gli fece 
far la statua, &c, Cwdi'o. p. 8. This statue was a just emblem of the for- 
tunes of its founder* 



207 

genius, but they lived during the gentile state of the CHAP. 



IX. 



art {a). The light had now risen, and his young and ar- 
dent mind, conversant with the finest forms of antiquity, 
imbibed, as its genuine source, a relish for their excellence. 
With the specimens of ancient art, the depositaries of 
ancient learning were unlocked to him, and of these also 
he made no inconsiderable use. As a poet he is entitled to 
rank high amongst his countrymen ; and the triple wreaths 
of painting, sculpture, and architecture, with which his 
disciples decorated his tomb, might, without exaggeration, 
have been interwoven with a fourth {6). 

Of the sculptures of Michelagnolo, some yet remain in His tcuipture*. 
an unfinished state, which strikingly display the compre* 
hension of his ideas and the rapidity of his execution* 
Such are the bust of Brutus, and the statue of a female 
figure, in the gallery at Florence. In the latter the chisel 
has been handled with such boldness, as to induce a con- 
noisseur of our own country to conjecture that it would 

be 



(a) Michelagnolo. ch* cbbe si grande ingegno, non trasse dal suo proprio 
fondo la sua arte, ne con quello solo avrcbbe trovata la strada di uscir da' 
Kmiti di quello stile secco, e servile, che fin allora regnava in Italia ; e senza 
nn grande studioi ne senza 1' osservazione delle statue antiche» non sarebbe 
stato forse che uguale a un Donatello, e a un Ghiberti. 

Open di Mengs^ a;, ii. /, 189. 

(If) The poems of Michelagnolo were published by his great-nephew Mi- 
chelagnolo "Buonarroti il Giovane, at Florence, in 1623, and are ranked with 
the Testi di Lingua of Italian literature. They were again reprinted at Flo- 
rence in 1 726, with the Lexxioni of Benedetto Varchi, and Mario Guiducci, on 
some of his sonnets. Tenhove has justly appreciated their merits. '^ Les son- 
^* nets & les Canxom de Michelange ne sont point charges d' ornemens ambi« 
'' tieux ; ils se ressentent de V austere simplicity de son genie : cependant rien 
** ne le fait autant valoir, que la main dont il sont partie." 

Mem, Gen, li*v, xix. p. 317. 



2o8 

CHAP, be necessary, in the finishing, to restore the cavities {a)» 
. Perhaps a more involuntary homage was never paid to 
genius, than that which was extorted from the sculptor 
Falconet, who having presumed upon all occasions to cen- 
sure the style of Michelagnolo, without having had an 
opportunity of inspecting any of his works, at length ob- 
tained a sight of two of his statues, which were brought 
into France by cardinal Richelieu. / have seen Micbelag- 
nolo^ exclaimed the French artist, he is terrific (3). 

The labours of the painter are necessarily transitory, 
for so are the materials that compose them. In a few years 
Michelagnolo will be known, like an ancient artist, only by 
his works in marble. Already it is difficult to determine, whe- 
ther his reputation be enhanced or diminished by the sombre 
representations of his pencil in the Pauline and Sixtine cha- 
pels, or by the few specimens of his cabinet pictures, now 
rarely to be met with, and exhibiting only a shadow of their 
original excellence. But the chief merit of this great man 
is not to be sought for in the remains of his pencil, nor 
even in his sculptures, but in the general improvement of 
the public taste which followed his astonishing productions. 
If his labours had perished with himself, the change which 
they effected in the opinions and the works of his contem- 
poraries would still have entitled him to the first honours 

of 



(tf) 'Richardson % Description da TahU He* ntoU Hi. ^* 87. 

[ft) "J*aivu Michelange; II est effrajfantV Falcon, ap.Tenb. The pieces 
which occasioned this exclamation were two of the statues intended to com- 
pose a part of the monument of Julius II. 



209 

of the art. Those who from ignorance, or from envy, chap. 
have endeavoured to depreciate his productions, have re- ^^' 
presented them as exceeding in their forms and attitudes """""" 
the limits and the possibilities of nature, as a race of be^ 
ings, the mere creatures of his own imagination ; but such 
critics would do well to consider, whether the great reform 
to which we have alluded could have been effected by the 
most accurate representations of common life, and whe^ 
ther any thing fliort of that ideal excellence which he 
only knew to embody, could have accomplifhed so im- 
portant a purpose. The genius of Michdagnolo was a lea- 
ven which was to operate on an immense and heterogeneous 
mass, the ^It intended to give a relish to insipidity itself; 
k was therefore active, penetrating, energetic, so as not 
only effectually to resist the contagious effects of a de- 
praved taste, but to communicate a portion of its spirit to 
all around. 

Of the contemporary artists of Michelagnolo, such Raffaeiio 
only are entitled to high commendation as accompanied ^^^'"^ 
his studies, or availed themselves of his example. Among 
these appears the divine Raflfaello ; second to his great 
model only in that grandeur of design which elevates 
the mind, superior to him in that grace which interests 
the heart. Endowed, if not with vigour sufficient alone to 
effect a reform, with talents the best calculated to pro- 
mote its progress {a). It is well known that the works of 

this 



{a) Ra£Faello stesso ci ha lasciate nelle sue opere le tracce de' suoi stadj ; 
e senza le lezioni di Fra Bartolommeo^ e la vista delle opere di Michelagnolo, 
e delle cose antiche, non goderemmo oggi le sue maravigliose pitture. 

Of. di MmgSf «v. ii. /• 1 89. 

VOL. lU B £ 



210 

CHAP, this exquifite master form two dietinct classes, those which 
^^' he painted before, and those which he painted after he had 
caught from the new Prometheus a portion of the ethereal 
fire — ^those of the scholar of Perugino, and of the compe- 
titor of Michelagnolo. " Happy age," exclaims, with 
more than common animation, the historian of the painters, 
" and happy artists, for so I may well denominate you, 
" who have had the opportunity of purifying your eyes 
*' at so clear a fountain j who have found your difficukies 
*' removed, your crooked paths made straight by so won- 
^' derfiil .an artist : know then, and honour the man who 
^ has enabled you to distinguish between truth and false- 
** hood, and let your gratitude be shewn in returning your 
^^ thanks to heaven, and in imitating Michelagnolo in ^1 
" things {ay 

Genius 



(a) Fasari *uita di Michelagnoh» Gianfrancesco Grazzini, called // Lasca^ 
also celebraUs his countryman in tbe true Florentine idiom : 

Giotto fu il prtmo> ch' alia dipintura^ 

Gia lungo tempo morca> desse vita. 

E Donatello messe la scultura 

Nel sno drxtto sentier, ch' era smarrita : 

Cosl 1' architettura 

Storpiata» e guasta^ alle man' de' Tedeschi^ 

Anzi quasi basita> 

Da Pippo Brunelleschi, 

Solesine Archicettor, fu messa in vita ; 

Onde gloria infinita 

Meritar questi tre spirti divioi, 

Nati in Firenze e nostri cittadini. 

£ di queste tre arti> i Fiorentini 

Han sempre poi tenuto il vanto e^ pregio. 

Dopo questOi \* egregio 



211 

Genius is ever obnoxious to that criticism which me- CHAP, 
diocrity escapes, nor has this test been wanting to the 
merits of Michelagnolo. The parasites of a vicious court, Micheugnoio 
and a corrupt age, have not hesitated to charge him with "3*]*^ """*' 
indecency, in introducing naked figures in his celebrated 
picture of the last judgment. This accusation was made 
even in his lifetime, by one who called himself his friend, 
and who saw no impropriety in representing it ^s proceed- 
ing from the obscene lips of Pietro Aretino {a). It soon 
however became so prevalent, that in the pontificate of 
Paul IV. it was in contemplation to destroy this astonish- 
i|ig picture, which was at last only preserved by the expe- 
dient of covering those parts which were supposed to be 

likely 
^— — ^— ^i^^— — ^— — — ii— ^— »"»»^— »»^^»— ^^i— ■»» - ■ ■ » -^^— ^^-— ^— »^p^.^»^—— — — .^^— .1^,^— 

Michelagnol divin> dal cielo eIetto» 

Pittor, sciiltore^ architettor perfetto^ 

Che dove i primi tre maestri eccellenti 

Gittaro i fondamepti, 

AUe tre nobil' arti ha posto 11 cecto. 

Onde ineritainente» 

Chiamato e daUa gcnte 

Vero maestro, e padre del disegaoy Sec. 

// luuca» sop. la difi^tura ddla Cmpola* 

{a) In the dialogue of Lodovico Dolce on painting, intitled L* AntiwH^ 
Aretino, who is supposed to speak die sentiments of the author, observes, 
<' Chi ardira 4i affermaxy che stia bene, cbc nella <;^iesfi di San Pl|tro« preix* 
'* cipe degli apostoli, in una Roma, ove concurre tutto il mondo^ nella cap- 
*' pella del Pontefice, il quale, come ben dice il Bembo, in terra ne assembra 
" Dio, si veggano dipinti tanti ignndiy f he dimostrano dlshotiestamente dritti 
« e reversi : cosa nel vero, (fareMando con ogni cofimieBsient,) di quel santis- 
'* simo luogo indegna." Fabrini, the other colloqiiialtst» jastifies Michelag- 
nolo by alledging the example of RafiEa^Uo, who is said to i^ave designed the 
lascivious prints engraved .by Marcaatonip Ratmondi, und«r which the same 
Aretino wrote his infamous verses ; bat it k easy to see tl^at^such a justifica- 
tion Is ^nadaotssTonef the ^oharge. D^ke^ Dialog. /• 236. E4*Flor» 1735. 

£ £ 2 



212 

CHAP, likely to excite in the minds of the depraved spectators ideas 
^^' unsuitable to the solemnity of the place* The painter who 
""""""" undertook this office was ever afterwards distinguished by 
the name of H Bragbettonc. These inculpations were re- 
newed in the succeeding century^ by a man of talents and 
celebrity, who united, like Michelagnolo, the character of 
a paints and a poet, without having one idea in common 
with him(tf). But what shall we say of an artist who 

could 



{a) Salvator Rosa^ in his satire intttled Lm Pittura, relating instances of 
the arrogance and pride of his predecessors^ introduces the well-known storjr 
of the critic Biagio, who, having censured the famous picture of the last judg- 
nient» was, in return, represented hj Michelagnolo in a group of the damned.. 
According to Sahrator, Biagio thus addressed the painter : 

Michel Agnolo mio, non parlo in gioco, 

Questo che dipingete e un gran giudizio. 

Ma del giudicio voi n' avete poco* 
lo non vi tasso intomo at artifizio^ 

Ma parlo del costume, in cui mi' pare 

Che irvostro gran saper si cangi in vizio* 
Sapevi pur che il figlio di Noe, 

Perche scoperse le vergogne al padte^ 

Tirh I'ira di Dio sovra di se ; 
£ voiy senza temer Christo e la Madrc 

Fate, che mostrin le vergogne parte, 
Tnfin de' Santi qui Pintiere squadre. 

And that it may not be imagined that Salvator did not himself approve the 
sentiments of the critic, lie adds^ 



■^ ij 



In udire il pittor queste proposte^ 
IMvenuto di rabbia rosso, e nero^ 
Non pote proferir le sue risposte ;. 

Me potendo di lui Porgoglio altero 
Sfogare il suo furor per altre bande^ 
Dipiasc sell' inferno il Cavaliero, 



could mingle with the contemplation of a subject so in- 
teresting to ali mankind, which unites every thing terrible 
and sublime, and absorbs all other passions, an idea that 
can only have a relation to the decorums of modern life,, 
and to that factitious decency which, by affecting conceal- 
ment, acknowledges a pruriency of imagination, to which, 
true tastCy as well as true modesty, is a stranger I. 



213 

CHAP. 
IX. 



The favours of Lorenzo de' Medici were not however 
exclusively bestowed. Althoiagh he well knew how to 
appreciate and to reward extraordinary excellence, he was 
not inattentive to the just claims of thosei who made a pro*- 
ficiency in any branch of the arts. Whare the indication 
of talents appeared, he was solicitous to call them into ac-^^ 
don, to accelerate their progress, and to repay their suc- 
cess. ^^ It is highly deserving of notice,'* says Vasarij 
^^ that all those who studied in the gardens of the Medici, 
" and were favoured by Lorenzo, became most excellent 
" artists, which can only be attributed to the exquisite 
judgment of this great patron of their studies, who 
could not only distinguish men of genius, but had both 
the will and the power to reward them(tf)." By his 
kindness the eminent sculptor Rustic! waa placed under 

the 



u 



u 



C€ 



Other aitistt 
favoured by 
Lorenzo^ 



Gianfraaccscft 
RusticL 



{a) £ gran cosa ad ogni modp^ che tutti coloro»i qaali fii^no aeUa scuola 
del Gi^uxilno dt* Medici^ e fayoriti dal>Mag. Lorenzo vecchio, furono tiuti 
eccellentissimi ; la qual cosa d'altrondc non pu6 essere awenitta, se non dal 
inolto> anzi infinito giudizio di quel nobilissimo signore, vero Mecenate degli 
uomim virtaosi ; il quale come sapeva conoscere gl' ingegni, e spirti elevati^^ 
tosl poteva e sapeva riconoscergli e premiargli. Fdsari wfa dtlRustiti; 



214 

CHAP. 
IX. 



Francesco 
Granacci. 



Andrea 
Contucci* 



the care of Andrea Verocchio (a), where he formed ant 
intimacy with the celebrated Lionardo da Vinci ; but al- 
though he availed himself of the friendship and the in- 
structions of this wonderful man, he acknowledged Lo- 
renzo as the parent of his studies {b). Francesco Granacci^ 
the fellow-student of Michelagnolo, partook also of the fa«- 
vour of Lorenzo, and w;e^s occasionally employed by him in 
preparing the splendid pageants with which he frequently 
amused the citizens of Florence: in the decoration of 
which Granacci displayed nuncoipmon taste {<)•- The re-i 
putation acquired by the pupils of S. Marco soon extended 
beyond the limits of Italy. At the request of the king of 
Portugal, Lorenzo sent into ^at country Andrea Con^ 
tucciy where he left various monuments of his talents in 
sculpture and architecture {J). The encouragement af-* 
forded by him to the professors of every branch of the 

artS| 



■■ ■?■*■ 



r f ** 



{a) Porcandosi -dtinque bcnissimo Giovanfrancesco ^uisdci* cittfufin. V^o^ 
rentinoy nel disegnarc, e fare di terra, mentre era gioviQeHo^ fii da esso inag« 
nifico Lorenzo^ il quale lo conobbe sptritoso, e dr bello e buon ingegno, messo 
a stare, perchd imperasse, con Afidre;i del Verocchio, ftc. 



(:i) Ess^klo foi tortiaca in Fiorexwa la FamigKa de' MedSdn U Ituttkd^'ji 
£ec6 coDoscere al Cardinale Gioyanniy per creatura di Lorenzo suo padre, e fa 
ricevuto con molte carrezze. Ibid* 

{c) Francesco Granacci — fa uno di qaelli, che dal Magnifico Lorenzo 
die' Medici fu messo a imparare nel suo giardino, Sec. £ perche era roolto 
gentle, e valeva assai in certe galanterie, che per feste di eartioralct s( fdcevano 
neUa cittk, f u sempic in mok-e cose simili dal Magnifico Lorenso d«* MedSsi 
.adopcrato. VBturi vha M Fr. Grumac^ 

{d) Per queste, e per I'altre Dpei^ d' Andrea, divulgatjosj il nojne siio, fa 
chiesto 3I magnifico Loren^so Tecchio de' Medici, nel cui glardipp avea, conofi 



aiitSy fttny be estiibated la some degree by the numerous chap. 
pieces executed at his expence by the first masters of the ^^' 
time^ accounts of which ace occasionally dispersed through 
the voluminous work of Vasaru Like his ancestor Cosmo, 
Lorenzo often foi^ot the superiority of the patron in the 
fsuniliarity of the friend, and not only excused but de- 
lighted in the capriciousness which frequently distinguishes 
metn of talents. In this number was Niccolo Qrosso, a 
Flor^tkie citiiZfefi, who wrought ornaments in iron with 
eztraordiaary ikilh Conscious of bis merits, Niccolo re* 
solved to labour only for those who paid him ready mo* 
ney, referring his employers to the sign suspended at his 
door, which represented books of account destroyed in the 
flames* Lorenzo, desirous of presenting to some of his 
powerful friends abroad a specimen of Florentine inge* 
nuity, called upon Niccolo to engage him to execute for 
him a piiece of his workmanship ; but the surly artizan, 
who. was busy at his anvil, instead of acknowledging the 
Ixonour intjended hiiU) bluntly told Lorenzo that he had 
^>thet customers who, having first applied, must be first 
.served* The invincible pertinacity of Niccolo, in refusing 
to work till he had received his usual deposit, occasioned 
lioreiizo to give him the name of // Caparra (/i), by which 
he. wais. ever afterwards generally known (^). 

The 



• # 



r • • 



si e dettOy atteso a gli studj del disegno, dal re di Portagallo,perche mandatogli 
dft LerMUOy lavoro per .quel re molte opere di scultora, e d*.architcttura» ft 
particularmente un bellissimo pallazzo, &c. Vtuar. mta di Qontucci. 



{p) FrofQ Arrha^ AtrbaJU^ a pkd||;e, or «ariMa« 
(^) Vofwrt 'Oita tli Simone detto il Crmca. 



2]6 

CHAP. The study of architecture, as revived by Bninelleschi; 

^^' received additional support from the encouragement af- 

Lorenzo encou- fordcd by Lorcnzo de* Medici, who, to the munificence of 

S'^^wtcHure ^^^ grandfather, superadded a knowledge of this science 

equal to that of a practical artist. At his instance, and often 
at his individual expence, the city of Florence was orna- 
mented with a profusion of elegant buildings, as well for 
private residence, as public pui^oses. Convinced that the 
art was founded on fixed and determined principles, which 
were only to be discovered in the labours of the ancients, 
be justly reprobated those professors who, neglecting the 
•rules of Vitruvius, followed only the variable suggestions 
of their own fancy. Nor was he less severe on those 
who, without any previous knowledge of the art, con- 
ceived themselves equal to the task of conducting a 
building on an extensive scale, and, in the erection of 
their dwellings, chose to become their own architects. 
" Such people," said Lorenzo^ " buy repentance at too 
" dear a rate^^z)." Of this description was his relation, 
Francesco de' Medici, who having erected a large house 
at Maiano, and made several alterations in its progress, 
complained to Lorenzo of the great expence with which it 
had been attended: " That is not to be wondered at," 
replied Lorenzo, " when, instead pf erecting your building 
" from a model, you draw your model from your build- 
" ing (^)." His superior judgment in works of this kind 

was 



. (a) nios vel maxime reprehendere solebat quicumque in diem temere sedi- 
ficarent, eos dicens caro admodum enure paniuntiam. Veder. in wtd, p,6y 

(i) -Falor. ut supra. 



i 



217 

was acknowledged on many occasions* Ferdinand^ king CHAP. 



IX. 



of Naples, intending to build a palace, conceived no one . 
more competent to direct him in the choice of a plan than 
Lorenzo. His assistance was also sought for on a similar 
occasion hj the duke of Milan ; and Filippo Strozzi, in 
the erection of a mansion, which in grandeur of design and 
richness of execution is not inferior to a royal residence, 
availed himself greatly of his advice and directions {a). It 
does not however appear, that Lorenzo on any occasion 
thought proper to dispense with the aid of those who had 
made this art their more immediate study. Having formed 
the intention of erecting his palace at Poggio^Cajano, he 
obtained designs from several of the best architects of the 
time, and amongst the rest from Giuliano, the son of Paolo oiuUano da 
Giamberto, whose model was preferred by Lorenzo, and "* 
under whose directions the building was carried on ; but in 
the construction of the picturesque and singular flight of 
steps, which communicated to every part with such con- 
venience, that a person might ascend or descend even on 
horseback, Lorenzo availed himself of a design of Stefano 

d'Ugolino, 



{a) Multi enim, multa regia aedificia de Laurentii consilio eztruxere. In 
quibos Philippi Stroctiae insulares aedes, quae amplitudine sua^ et grata xnem« 
brorum dispositionet totiusque aedificii venustate et magnificentia superant, 
sine ulla controversial non solum privatas domes, sed principales et regias. 
Magno area constitit in urbe media : impendium ad centum aureorum millia 
accessnnuD putator. De modulo Pliilippus Laurentium consuluit» qui qui- ' 
dcm aderat onmibas super hac re operam suam cupientibusy nee civilibus so- 
lnm» sed etiam eztemis. Fmldr. in vi/i, /. 63. For a particular account of 
this splendid residence^ v. Vmwrt vita di Simone ditto ilCronaca» 

VOL. II. F F 



2l8 



IX. 



CHAP. d'UgoIino, a painter of Siena, who died about the year 

1330 (^z), Lorenzo was desirous that the ceiling of the 
great hall should be formed by a single arch, but was ap- 
prehensive that it would not be practicable, on account of its 
extent. Giuliano was at that time erecting a residence for 
himself in Florence, where he took an opportunity of ex- 
ecuting one in the manner suggested by Lorenzo, and suc- 
ceeded so effectually as to remove his doubts on this head. 
The ceiling at Poggio-Cajano was accordingly completed, 
and is acknowledged to be the largest vaulted roof of mo- 
dern workmanship that had then been seen {i). The ta- 
lents of this artist induced Lorenzo to recommend him to 
Ferdinand king of Naples, to whom he presented, on the 
part of Lorenzo, the model of an intended palace. His re- 
ception was highly honourable. On his departure Ferdi- 
nand supplied him with horses, apparel, and other valuable 
articles, amongst which was a silver cup containing several 
hundred ducats. Giuliano, whilst he declined acc^ting 
it, expressed a desire that the king would gratify him 
with some specimen of ancient art, from his extensive 
collection, which might be a proof of his^ approbation. 

Fer< 



(«) Vmmr. mita di Giuliano da San GaUoy <v. ii. /. 78* 

[b) Gioliano had before been emplojed by Iiorenzo in fortifying the tonni 
of Castellana, when that place was attacked by the dake of Calabria, in which 
he rendered essential services to his patron. The Florentines were at that 
time very defective in the use of their artillery, which they scarcely Tentured 
to approach, and which frequently occasioned fatal accidents to those who^di- 
rected it ; but the ingenuity of the young architect remedied this defect 1 in 
consequence of which the army of the duke was so sererely cannonaded as to 
be obliged to raise the siege* Fasar* ui supra. 



IX. 



219 

Fet^inaftd accordingly presented him with a bust of the c UA P. 
emperor Adrian^ a statue of a female figure larger than 
Yiky and a sleeping Cupid ; all of which Giuliano immedi-* 
ately sent to Lorenzo, who was no less pleased with the 
liberality of the artist, than with the acquisition of so va- 
luable a treasure (^). At the request of the celebrated 
Mariano Genazano, Lorenzo had promised to erect, with- 
out tiie gate of San Gkdlo at Florence, a monastery capable 
of containing one hundred monks« On the return of Giu- 
liano to Florence, he engaged him in this work, whence 
he obtained the name of San Galloy by which he was 
always afterwards distinguished (3). Whilst this building 
was carrying forwards, Giuliano was also employed by 
Lorenzo in designing and erecting the extensive fortifi- 
cations of Poggio Imperiale, preparatory to the founding a 
city on that spot, as was his intention {c). To this artist, 
who arrived at great eminence in the ensuing century, and 
to his brother Antonio, architecture is indebted for the 
completion of the Tuscan order, as now established ; and 
for considerable improvements in the Doric. 

Besides the many magnificent works begun under the 
immediate directions of Lorenzo, he sedulously attended 

to 



(a) Vasar* niiia di Giuliano da San Qallo, 

lb) Giuliano remonstrated with Lorenzo on this alteration. — ^' By your 
^ calling me Sam Gallo^^ said ]ie» *' I shall lose, my nainc» and instead oC be- 
<< coming respectable by ihe antiquity of nay family, I sball have to foond it 
'* anew." '* Surely^" said Lorenzo, *' it is more honourable to be the founder 
" of a new family by your own talents, than Co rest your reputati(»i on the 
** merits of others.'* Vasar. nt snfra. 

(c) Vasar. ut tufra. 

FF a 



220 

CHAP, to the completion of such buildings as had been left imper- 
* feet by his ancestors. On the church of S. Lorenzo^ the 
building of which was begun by his great grandfather 
Giovanni, and continued by his grandfather Cosmo, he ex- 
pended a large sum. At the request of Matteo Bosso he 
also completed the monastery begun by Brunelleschi at 
' Fiesole {a)j at the same time expressing his regret that he 
should have rendered it necessary to solicit him to do that 
which he conceived to be an indi^nsable duty (3). 

Attempts to re. Amougst the various kinds of picturesque representa- 

ncw the practice . .ii,y->,i t -n i*jf 

of Mosaic. tion practised by the Greeks and Romans, and transmitted 

by them to after-times, is that of Mosaic; a mode of 
execution, which, in its durability of form and permanency 
of colour, possesses distinguished advantages, being unaf- 
fected by drought or moisture, heat or cold, and perishing 
only with the building to which it has been originally at- 
tached. This art, during the middle ages, had experienced 
the same vicissitudes as attended all those with which it is 
so nearly connected. Some attempts had, however, been 
made to restore it by Andrea Tafi, the contemporary of 
Giotto {c) ; and even Giotto himself had cultivated it, not 
without success, although the celebrated picture over the 
great door of St. Peter at Rome, called the Naviceila di Giot^ 
to^ is said to be a more modern work, copied from a former 

one 



{a) The letter of Bosso, which was addressed to Lorenzo in the height of 
his prosperity » and touches upon many circumstances of his life and character^ 
is given from the RnuperatioHit Feinlana^ in the Appendix, Ab. LXXVI. 

(*) Fabr. in 'uiti, ^, {. p. 148. 
(h) Vmqt. mta di Andrea^ 



221 

one of that artist [a). Lorenzo was desirous of introducing CHAP, 
this mode of execution into more general practice. On ex- * 

pressing to Graffione, a Florentine painter, his intention of 
ornamenting with work of this kind the vault of a large 
cupola, the painter ventured to observe to him that he had 
not artists equal to the task : " We have money enough 
" to make them/* replied Lorenzo; and although Graf- 
fione still continued incredulous (3), Lorenzo soon after- 
wards met with a person who suited his purpose in the 
painter Gherardo, who had generally applied himself to 
works in miniature. The specimen produced by Gherarda 
for the inspection of Lorenzo was a head of S. Zenobio, 
with which he was so well pleased, that he resolved to enlarge 
the chapel of that saint at Florence, in order to give the 
artist an oppportunity of exhibiting his talents in a wider 
field. With Gherardo he associated Domenico Ghirlandajo, 
as a more complete master of design, and the work was 
commenced with great spirit. Vasari assures us, that if 



death had not interposed, there was reason to believe from 
the part that was executed, that these artists would have 
performed wonderful things (r). 

But 



{a) Tinb* Mim* Geneal* li*v. tii. /• 151. 

(b) Graffione, with that familiarity which the artists appear to havje used 
towards Lorenzo^ replied, ** Eh Lorenzo, i danari non fanni i maestri, ma 1 
*' maestri fanno i danari.'' 

(0 By whose death the further progress of this work was interrupted, may 
be doubted. The words of Vasari are, '' Per lo che Gherardo, astotigliando 
** I'ingegno, harebbe fatto con Domenico mir^bilissime cose, se la morte non 
** y\ si fusse interposia ; come si pu6 giudicaure dal principio della detta ca^ 
*' pella, che rimase imperfetta." But, by a subsequent passage in the life of 
Ghirlandajo, it seems it was the death of Lorenzo that preTcnted the compile- 



copper. 



222 

CHAP, But if the attempts made by Lorenzo to restore the 

L, practice of Mosaic were thus in a great dc^ee firustrated, 

Invention of a discovcry was made about the same period which proved 
an ample substitute for it, and which has given to the 
works of the painter that permanency which even the du- 
rability of Mosaic might not perhaps have supplied. This 
was the art of transferring to paper impressions firomi en- 
gravings on copper, or other metals ; an invention which 
has tended more than any other circumstance to difluse 
throughout Europe a just and general taste for the arts. 

Thie discovcry is attributed by the Italians to Maso, or 
Tomaso Finiguerra, a goldsmiths of Florence, who being 
accustomed to engrave on different metals, for the purpose 
of inlaying them,, occasionally tried the effects of his work 
by taking off impressions, first on sulphur, apd afterwards 
on paper, by means of a roller, in such a manner that the 
figures seemed to have been traced with a pen. It does 
not appear that Finiguerra ever applied thia invention tQ 
any other purpose than that of ascertaiping the progress of 
his work; nor have the researches of the mjost diligent 
inquirers discovered a single print that can with any de- 
gree of probability be attributed to him ; but Baccio Bal- 
dini, another goldsmith, conceiving that this discovery 
might be applied to more important purposes, began to 
engrave on metals, solely with a view of transmitting 
impressions to paper. Possessing, however, no great skil} 

in 



tion of the work, ** — conie, per la morte del predetto Magnifico Lorenzo, 

*• rimase impcrfetta in FioFenza la Capella di S.Zanobi, comminciata 4 lavo- 
*' rare di Musaico Domenico In coxnpagnia di Gherardo miniatore.'* 

I 



223 

m design^ he prevailed on Sandro Botticello to furnish him CHAP, 
with drawings suitable for his purpose. The concurrence ' 

of Antonio Pollajuoli, and Andrea Mantegna, carried the 
art to greater perfection. Of the works of the last- 
mentioned master many specimens yet remain, which 
do credit to his talents. The beginning of the ensuing 
century produced a much superior artist in Marcantonio 
Raimondi, by whose industry the numerous productions 
of RafFaello, the transcripts of his rich and creative mind, 
were committed to paper with an accuracy which he him- 
self approved, and may serve as a standard to mark in future 

times the progress or the decline of the arts {a). 

Whilst 



(a) The credit of having given rise to this elegant and useful art has been 
contended for by different countries, and their various pretensions have been 
weighed and considered by many authors. It is however generally agreed^ tha ( 
it begun with the goldsmiths^ and was afterwards adopted by the painters. The 
union of these two professions has thus produced a third, which has risen to 
considerable importance. The Germans, who have disputed with the Italians 
the l^onour of the invention with the greatest degree of plausibility, have not 
in point of fact controverted the narrative given by the Italians of the rise of 
the art, nor brought forwards any account of their own, but have simply en- 
deaTOured to shew that it was practised in Grermany at an earlier period. Mr. 
Heineken asserts, that the earliest prints engraved in Italy that bear a date, are 
the maps to the edition of Ptolemy, printed at Rome in 1478 1 the earliest pic* 
turesque representations, those prefixed to some of the cantos of Dante in 1482 ; 
whilst he adduces instances of German execution that bear the date of 1466, by 
comparing the manner of which with other pieces, apparently of earlier work- 
manship, he conjectures that the art had its rise ut Germany about the year 
1440. Mi Gimrali, p. z^z* Nou nostrum tantas compcaere Uut» I shall only ob- 
servci that little dependance is to be placed on conjectures from prints without a 
date, particularly those of German workmanship, as the artists of that country 
continued to produce them in the most rude and Gothic style, both as to design 
and execution, long after the beginning of the sixteenth century, when Albert 
Durer, and Luca van Leyden had set them a better example. On the other 



224 

CHAP. 
IX. 

Revival of 
engraving on 
gems and 
stones. 



Whilst the art of transferring to paper impressions from 
copper was thus first practised, that of engraving in gems 
and stones was again successfully revived. The predi* 
lection of Lorenzo de' Medici for the, beautiful speci- 
mens of skill which the ancients have left in materials of 
this nature, has frequently been noticed {a). Of those 

which 



hand» impartiality obliges me to remark, that TiraboscHi, who strenuously 
claims for his countrymen fhe merit of the discovery, has not discussed this sub- 
ject with' his usual accuracy. First, he is iftistaken in asserting that Baldinucci 
fixes the commencement of the art in the beginning of -the fifteenth century. 
Sforia d^ia Litt. ItaL 'uSu fi,2, f* 399. Baldinucci only says in general, that 
the art had its beginning in the fifteenth century. ** ^uttt* am thbt suo frin* 
<« cipU ml stcolo dtl X400.'' Secondly, on the authority of a document pro« 
duced by Manni, he supposes that Tomaso Finiguerra, the inventor of the 
art, died prior to the year 1424; but both Vasari and Baldinucci inform us, 
that the Finiguerra in question was contemporary with PoUajuolo, who was 
only bora in 1426. It is singular that this judicious author did not reflect 
how slight that evidence must be which rests merely on similarity of name^ 
particularly in Florence, where, for the sake of distinction, it was often ne^ 
cessary to resort to the patronymics for ^Krrmk generations. <v. Fasiui^ vite if 
Pittm, passim^ BaUimteci ctmmmciamimto # progrtsio dtW arte 4UIP intagliare in 
Rami, Fir, i6S6. Heimkiu Idh gemrale d^ant Co/lictiou cwapUtti d*SttampiSf (s^c. 

(a) The collection of antiques formed by Lorenzo is thus celebrated by a 
contemporary author : 

C«latum argento, vel fulvo quidquid in auro est 

JEdibus hoc, Laurens, vidimus esse tuis, 
Praxitelis, Phoenids, Aristonis, atque Myroms 

Fingere tam doctoe quod-potuere manut 
Cunachus, aut Mentor, Pythias, vel uterque Folydes 

Lysippus quidquid, Callimachusque dedit. 
Quae coUegisti miro virtutis amore 

Magnanimum reddunt nomen ubique tuum. 
Artificum monumenta foves, referuntur m auro 

Argento, tabulis, et lapide ora Dethn. 

/*• C^merlinif ap. Band* Cat, BM, Laar* v. iii. /• 545* 



IX. 



225 

which once formed a part of his immense collection, some C HA p. 
occasionally occur that seem to have been the objects of his 
more particular admiration, and bear upon some conspi- 
cuous part the name of their former proprietor, thus ex- 
pressed, LAVR. MED. {a)^ Nor is it improbable that Miche- 
lagnolo, who passed among these treasures a considerable 
portion of his time, was indebted to the liberality of Lo- 
renzo 






(a) These letters appear on a cameo in onyx of different colours, repre- 
senting the entry of Noah and his family into the ark, of which an engraving 
is given by Gori in his edition of the life of Michelagnolo by Condivi. Among 
the gems or cameos of this description, of which I have met with impressions, 
or gtjsif are those of Diomed with the palladium, or a larg^ oval cameo, in 
which the letters l aur. mbd. are engraved on the side of the rock or stone on 
which he sits— A centaur, with the letters engraved on the exergue— Daedalus 
fixing on the wings of Icarus ; the inscription is on the pedestal upon which 
Icarus stands, extending his wings over the upper part of the piece ; and 
lastly, the celebrated gem representing Apollo and Marsyas, of which I shall 
transcribe a more particular account from the excellent work of Mr. Tenhove. 
La gravAre antique qui servait de cachet a Laurent, ct qui apartient encore 
au Grand-Due dc Toscane, est un morceau accompli. Les suffrages qu'elle 
a m^rites dans tous les tems, sont suQisamment attest^s par cette fouie de 
" copies qui en ont 6t6 faites dans les tems anciens & modemes. Apollon dans 
" une attitude noble tient sa lyre, & regarde avec d^dain Marsyas, qui, les 
" mains li^es derri^rc le dos, et attach^ a un arbre, attend la juste punition dc 
" sa t^m^rite. Le jeune Scythe qui doit ex^cuter la sentence, est a genoux 
*' aux picds d' Apollon, & semble implorcr sa clemcnce. Le carquois & les 
" fleches du Dieu sont suspendus a une des branches de Tarbre, & sur la ter- 
rasse sont les fldtcs qui ont si mal servile Satyre. Cette mdme pierrc mon- 
t^e en bague avait autrefois d^core la main parricide de N^ron ; ce monstre 
^talt dans I'usage d'en sceller ses sanguinares resents. On s9ait qu'il eutla 
** folic de s'estiraer le premier musicien de son tems, & par le choix qu'il fit 
de ce sujet il voulut sans doute ^carter les concurrens, 8c intimider ceux qui 
oscraient entrcr en Uce avec lui. Peut-^tre mSme regarda-t'il sa main 
♦* gauche & prit-il Apollon pour modele, lorsqu'il fit fouetter jusqu'ausang & 
" Scorcher, pour ainsi dire, ce chanteur Mened^me dont il dtait jaloux, & dont 
** les hurlemens m^mes lui parurent si m^lodieux^ qu'il ne pAt s'emp^cher d'y 

VOL« IL O O 



it 

it 






226 

CHAP, renzo for the beautiful Intaglio which he is supposed to hare 
' worn as his seal {a)^ 

The protection and encouragement afforded by Lorenzo 
to every other branch of art, was not withheld from this 
his favourite department. From the early part of the fif- 
teenth century, some specimens of the astonishing profi-' 
ciency of the ancients in works of this nature had occasion- 
ally been discovered ; and, as the public taste improved, 
they were sought for with avidity, and only to be purchased 
at considerable prices. In the pontificate of Martin V. and 
again in that of Paul II. some attempts had been made to 
rival, or at least to imitate, these productions, but the first 
artist whose name stands recorded in modem times, is 
Giovanni delle Comiuole, so called from his having gene*- 
rally exercised his skill upon the stone called a Cornelian. 
The museum of Lorenzo de* Medici was the school in 
which he studied. The proficiency he made corresponded 
to the advantages which he possessed, and answered the 
purposes which his liberal patron had in view. The nu- 
merous 



** aplaudir avec transport.-— ^—Les ▼{kes de Laurent 6taient unpen plusraison- 
** nablesy sans doute ii ne choisit cette pierre qu' a cause de la beaute merveil* 
" leuse du travail.*" 

(a) Chiaro docamento si ha, che uno degli estimator! e raccogUtori intelli- 
genti de' piu preziosi avanzi dell' erudita antichita^ e di gioie intagliate da ecccl- 
lent! Maestri greci, e di medaglie, e di altre simili rarita, fii il Mag. Lorenzo^ 
per tale celebrato^ e riconosciuto dall' insigno £zec. Spanemio nella Diss. i. 
D# prastan* it usu Numism, antiquor. Ne e maraviglia se Michelagnolo poti ac- 
quistare la stupendissima gemma annulare^ la quale pass^ poi nelle mani e nel 
tesoro del re Cristianissimo ; e forse ch' anch' esse altre si fatte raridi aveii ac- 
quistate de' piu eccellenti artefici greet. 

Gori. NotiK» Stone* sofra la vita di Micbilagn. di Coudiw^ /• loi. 



227 

merous pieces of his workmanship in various sizes, and on CHAP, 
varioua materials, were the admiration of all Italy. One , 

of his most celebrated productions was the portrait of Sa- 
vonarola, who was then in the meridian of his popularity 
at Florence. Giovanni immediately met with a formidable 
competitor in a Milanese, who also lost the name of his 
family in that of his art,« and was called Domenico de' 
Camei. The likeness of Lodovico Sforza, engraved by 
Domenico in a large onyx, was considered as the most 
extraordinary specimen of modern skill. By these] mas- 
ters, and their scholars, this elegant, but unobtrusive 
branch of the fine arts kept pace with its more osten- 
tatious competitors ; and even in the most flourishing pe- 
riod of their elevation, under the pontificate of Leo X. 
the eye that had contemplated the divine sculptures of 
Michelagnolo, or had dwelt with delight on the paintings 
of RafFaello, or of Titian, might have turned with plea- 
sure to the labours of Valerio Vicentino, or of Giovanni 
Bolognese, which compressed into the narrowest bounds 
the accurate representations of beauty, strength, or grace, 
and gave to the most inestimable productioas of nature 
the highest perfection of art. 



o G 2 



CHAP. X. 



Lorenzo de MEDICI intends to retire from public 
life — Is taken sick and removes to Careggi — His conduct in 
bis last sickness — Interview with Pico and Politiano—* 
Savonarola visits him — Death of Lorenzo — His character 
— Review of bis conduct as a statesman — Attachment of 
the Florentines to him — Circumstances attending his death 
— Testimonies of respect to his memory — Death of Innocent 
VIIL and accession of Alexander VL — Irruption of the 
French into Italy — Expulsion of the Medici from Florence 
— Death of Ermolao Barbaro — Of Pico of Mirandulo"^ 
Of Agnolo Politiano"^ Absurd accounts respecting the death 
of Politiano — Hts monody on Lorenzo — Politiano cele^ 
brated by Cardinal Bembo — Authentic account of his death 
— Disturbances excited by Savonarola — Adherents of the 
Medici decapitated — Disgrace and execution of Savonarola 
— Death of Piero di Medici — His character — Sonnet of 
Piero de Medici — Cardinal Giovanni di Medici — Restora^ 
tion of the family to Florence — Elevation of Leo X. — Leo 
promotes his relations — Restores his dominions to peace — 
Rise of the reformation — Age of Leo X. — I'he Laurentian 
Library restored — Giuliano de Medici duke of Nemours — 
Ippolito de Medici — Loren%o de^ Medici duke of Urbino— 
Alessandro de Medici — Descendants of Lorenzo de Me-- 
diet the brother of Cosmo — Giovanni di Medici — Lorenzo 
d^ Medici — Alessandro assumes the sovereignty of Flo^ 
rence — Is assassinated by Lorenzino"— Motives and conse-- 
foences of the attempt — Cosmo de^ Medici first grand duke^ 
^^Death of Filippo Strozzi^ and final extinction of the 
repubH^^Conelusiotu 



• • « 



' \ 



• . ' 



C H A P. X 



That love of leisure which is inseparable from a mind LcmMobiend. 
conscious of its own resources, and the consideration of pobiic m*. 
his declining state of health, were probabljr the motives 
that induced Lorenzo de' Medici to aim at introducing his 
two elder sons into public Jife at so early and almost pre- 
mature an age. The infirmities under which he laboured 
not only disqualified him at times from attending with his 
accustomed vigilance to the affairs of the republic, but 
rendered it also necessary for him often to absent himself 
from Florence, and to pass some portion of his time at the 
warm baths in -various parts of Italy, of which those of 
Siena and Porrettana afforded him the most effectual re- 
lief. At those seasons which were not embittered by 
sickness, he appears to hare flattered himself with the ex- 
I pectation 



X. 



cc 

€C 
CC 



232 

CHAP, pectation of enjoying the reward of his public labours, and 

partaking of the general happiness which he had so essen* 
tially contributed to promote, in a peaceful and dignified 
retirement, enlivened by social amusements, by philoso- 
phic studies, and literary pursuits. These expectations 
were built upon the most substantial foundation, the con- 
sciousness that he had discharged his more immediate du- 
ties and engagements ; but his feelings on this occasion are 
best expressed in his own words {a) : " What," says he, 
can be more desirable to a well-regulated mind, than 
the enjoyment of leisure with dignity ? This is what 
all good men wish to obtain, but which great men alone 
accomplish. In the midst of public affairs we may in- 
" deed be allowed to look forwards to a day of rest ; but 
^' no rest should totally seclude us from an attention to 
" the concerns of our country. I cannot deny that the 
** path which it has been my lot to tread has been ardu- 
•* ous and rugged, full of dangers, and beset with trea- 
" chery j but I console myself in having contributed to 
** the welfare of my country, the prosperity of which may 
*' now rival that of any other state, however flourishing. 
** Nor have I been inattentive to the interests and advance- 
ment of my own family, having always proposed to 
my imitation the example of my grandfather Cosmo, 
*' who watched over his public and private concerns with 
** equal vigilance. Having now obtained the object of my 
** cares, I trust I may be allowed to enjoy the sweets of 
*' leisure, to share the reputation of my fellow-citizens, 

" and 



cc 

€C 



-k»- 



(a) Jtp» Fabr* in vita Lqur» v, I. /• 196. 



233 

" and to exult in the glory of my native place.'* His CHAP, 
intentions were more explicitly made known to his faithful ■ 
companion Politiano, who relates, that sitting with him in 
his chamber a few days before his death, conversing on 
subjects of letters and philosophy, he then told him that he 
meant to withdraw himself as much as possible from the 
tumult of the city, and to devote the remainder of his 
days to the society of his learned friends ; at the same time 
expressing his confidence in the abilities of his son Piero, 
on whom it was his intention that the conduct of the 
affairs of the republic should principally devolve {a). 

This prospect of relaxation and happiness he was not Lorenzo is 
however destined to realize. Early in the year 1492, the and remove* 
complaint under which he laboured attacked him with *^^*^5i- 
additional violence, and whilst the attention of his physi- 
cians was employed in administering relief, he contracted 
a slow fever, which escaped their observation, or eluded 
their skill, until it was too late effectually to oppose its 
progress. The last illness of Lorenzo ct^* Medici, like that 
of most other great men, is represented as being extraordi- 
nary in its nature. Politianp describes his disorder as a 
fever, c^ all others the most insidious, proceeding by in- 
sensible degrees, not like other fevers, by the veins or ar- 
teries, but attacking the limbs, the intestines, the nerves, 
and destroying the very principle of life. On the first ap- 
proach of this dangerous complaint he had removed from 

Florence 



(a) Polit. Ef. iii, IV. Ef. 2. But Guicdardini informs us that Lorenzo was 
well aware of the real character of his son^ " e si era spesso ]amentato> con 
*' li amici piu intimi^ che Pimprudenza ed arroganza del figliuolo» partori- 
'* rebbe la rovina della sua casa." Giuc, Hist» lib. u 

VOL. II. H H 



23 + 

CHAP. Florence to his house at Careggi, where his moments 
. were enlivened by the society of his friends, and the re- 

spectful attentions of his fellow-citizens. For medical 
advice, his chief reliance was upon the celebrated Pier 
Leoni of Spoleto, whom he had frequently consulted on 
the state of his health ; but as the disorder increased, fur- 
ther assistance was sought for, and Lazaro da Ticino, 
another physician, arrived at Carcggi, It seems to have 
been the opinion of Politiano that the advice of Lazaro 
was too late resorted to ; but if we may judge from the 
nature of the medicines employed by him, he rather con- 
tributed to accelerate than to avert the fatal moment. The 
mixture of amalgamated pearls and jewels, with the most 
expensive potions, might indeed serve to astonish the at- 
tendants, and to screen the ignorance of the physician, 
but were not likely to be attended with any beneficial 
effect on the patient. Whether it was in consequence of 
this treatment, or from the nature of the disorder itself, a 
sudden and unexpected alteration soon took place; and 
whilst his friends relied with confidence on the exertions 
made in his behalf, he sunk at once into such a state of 
debility as totally precluded all hopes of his recovery, and 
left him only the care of preparing to meet his doom in a 
manner consistent with the eminence of his character, and 
the general tenor of his life. 

His conduct Notwithstanding the diversity of occupations which 

lukne8$. had successively engaged his attention, and the levity, not 

to say licentiousness; of some of his writings, the mind of 
Lorenzo had always been deeply susceptible of religious im- 
pressions. This appears not only from his attention to the 

establishment 



235 

establishment and reform of monastic houses {a)j but from c H A P. 
his laudiy or hymns^ many of which breathe a spirit of ^' 
devotion nearly bordering on enthusiasm. During his last "~~~ 
sickness, this feature of his character became more promi- 
nent ; nor did he judge it expedient, or perhaps think it 
excusable, to separate the essential from the ceremonial 
part of religion. Having therefore performed the offices 
of the church with peculiar fervor, and adjusted with sin- 
cerity and decorum his spiritual concerns, he requested 
a private interview with his son Piero, with whom he 
held a long and interesting conversation on the state of the 
republic, the situation of his family, and the conduct 
which it would be expedient for Piero to pursue. Of the 
precepts which he thought it necessary to inculcate on his 
successor, we derive some information from Politiano, which 
was probably obtained from the relation of his pupil [b). 
*' I doubt not,'* said Lorenzo, " that you will hereafter 

" possess 



(tf) Of this several instances are given by his historian Valoriy /. 58^ ^r. 

(^) The circnmstances preceding and attending the death of Lorenzo are 
ininntely related by Politiano in a letter to Jacopo Antiquario, lii. iv, Ep, 2. 
upon the authority of which I have principally relied^ as will be seen^ without 
troubling the reader with continual references, by adverting to the letter in the 
Appendix, No. LXXVII. Fabroni has incorporated this letter in the body of 
his work, as both the narrative and the evidence of the facts it relates ; but as 
Politiano has mingled with much authentic information many instances of that 
superstition which infested the age, and has, perhaps, shewn too unlimited a 
partiality to the family of his patrons, I have thought it incumbent on me to 
separate, according to the best of my judgment, the documents of history 
from the dreams of the nursery, and the representations of truth from the 
encomiums of the friend, leaving my reader to consult the original, and to 
adopt ail much more of the account as he may think fit. 

R R d 



X. 






236 

CHAP. " possess the same weight and authority in the state 
" which I have hitherto enjoyed j but as the republic, al- 
" though it form but one body, has many heads, you 
" must not expect that it will be possible for you on all 
" occasions so to conduct yourself as to obtain the appro* 
" bation of every individual. Remember, therefore, in 
every situation to pursue that course of conduct which 
strict integrity prescribes, and to consult the interests 
" of the whole community, rather than the gratification 
** of a part." These admonitions, if attended to, might 
have preserved Piero from the ruin which the neglect of 
them soon brought down, and may yet serve as a lesson 
to those whose authority rests, as all authority must finally 
rest, on public opinion. The dutiful and patient attend- 
ance of Piero on his father during his sickness was how- 
ever a pledge to Lorenzo that his last instructions would 
not be forgotten, and, by confirming the favourable sen- 
timents which he appears to have entertained of the ta- 
lents and the disposition of his son, served at least to alle- 
viate the anxiety which he must have felt on resigning, thus 
prematurely, the direction of such a vast and rapid machine 
into young and inexperienced hands. 

Interview be- At this interesting period, when the mind of Lorenzo, 

K«?i!ld Pou? relieved from the weight of its important concerns, be^ 
*»*"»' came more sensibly alive to the emotions of friendship, 

Politiano entered his chamber. Lorenzo no sooner heard 
his voice than he called on him to approach, and, raising 
his languid arms, clasped the hands of Politiano in his 
own, at the same time stedfastly regarding him with a 
placid, and even a cheerful countenance. Deeply aflfected 
at this silent but unequivocal proof of esteem, Politiano 

3 could 



X- 



237 

could not suppress his feelingSi but, turning his head CHAP, 
aside, attempted as much as possible to conceal his sobs . 
and his tears. Perceiving his agitation, Lorenzo still 
continued to grasp his hand, as if intending to speak to 
him when his passion had subsided^ but finding him un- 
able to resist its impulse, he slowly, and as it were un- 
intentionally relaxed his hold, and Politiano, hastening 
into an inner apartment, flung himself on a bed, and gave 
way to his grief. Having at length compose^ himself, he 
returned into the chamber, when Lorenzo again called to 
him, and inquired with great kindness why Pico of Mi- 
randula had not once paid him a visit during his sickness. 
Politiano apologized for his friend, by assuring I<orenzo 
that he had only been deterred by the apprehension that 
his presence might be troublesome. " On the contrary," 
replied Lorenzo, " if his journey from the city be not 
^^ troublesome to him, I shall rejoice to see him before I take 
" my final leave of you." Pico accordingly came, and seat- 
ed himself at the side of Lorenzo, whilst Politiano, re- 
clining on the bed, near the knees of his revered benefactor, 
as if to prevent any extraordinary exertion of his declining 
voice, prepared for the last time to share in the • pleasures 
of his conversation. After excusing himself to Pico for 
the task he had imposed upon him, Lorenzo expressed his 
esteem for him in the most affectionate terms, professing 
that he should meet his death with more cheerfulness 
after this last interview. He then changed the subject to 
more familiar and lively topics, and it was on this occasion 
that he expressed, not without some degree of jocularity, 
his wishes that he could have obtained a reprieve, until he 
could have completed the library destined to the use of his 
Auditors. 

This 



'isits Lorenzo. 



238 

C H A P. This interview was scarcely terminated when a visitor 

^ of a very different character arrived. This was the haughty 

Savonarola and cnthusiastic Savonarola, who probably thought, that in 

the last moments of agitation and of suffering, he might be 
enabled to collect materials for his factious purposes. With 
apparent charity and kindness, the priest exhorted Lorenzo 
to remain firm in the catholic faith ; to which Lorenzo 
professed his strict adherence. He then required an avowal 
of his intention, in case of his recovery, to live a virtuous 
and well-regulated life ; to this he also signified his sincere 
assent. Lastly, he reminded him, that, if needful, he ought 
to bear his death with fortitude, " With cheerfulness," 
replied Lorenzo, " if such be the will of God." On his 
quitting the room, Lorenzo called him back, and, as an 
unequivocal mark that he harboured in his bosom no 
resentment against him for the injuries which he had 
received, requested the priest would bestow upon him 
his benediction ; with which he instantly complied, Lo- 
renzo making the usual responses with a firm and collected 
voice {a). 

No 



(a) In the life of Savonarola, written in ^atin» at considerable length, by 
Giovanfrancesco Pico prince of Mirandula, nephew of the celebrated Pico 
whom we have had occasion so frequently to mention, an account is given of 
this interview, which differs in its most essential particulars from that which 

is above related. If we' may credit this narrative^ Lorenzo, when at the point I 

of death, sent to request the attendance of Savonarola, to whom he was de- 
sirous of making his confession. Savonarola accordingly came, but, before he 
would consent to receive him as a penitent, required that he should declaim 
his adherence to the true faith ; to which Lorenzo assented* He then insisted 
on a promise from Lorenzo, that if he had unjustly obtained the property 
of others, he would return it. Lorenzo, after a short hesitation, replied, 
** Doubtless, father, I shall do this, or, if it be not in my power, I shall enjoin 
•* ItZMZ duty upon my heirs.'' Thirdly, Savonarola required that he should 



239 

No species of reputation is so cheaply acquired as that CHAP. 

A* 



derived from death-bed fortitude. When it is fruitless to . 
contend, and impossible to fly, little applause is due to that Death of 
resignation which patiently awsdts its doom. It is not 
therefore to be considered as enhancing that dignity of cha- 
racter which Lorenzo had so frequently displayed, that he 
sustained the last conflict with equanimity. ^^ To judge 
^' from his conduct, and that of his servants,** says Poli- 
tiano, *' you would have thought that it was they who 
*^ momentarily expected that fate, from which he alone 
*^ appeared to be exempt/' Even to the last the scintilla- 
tions of his former vivacity were perceptible. Being asked, 
on taking a morsel of food, how he relished it, ^^ As a 
** dying man always does," was his reply. Having aflfec- 
tionately embraced his surrounding friends, and submitted 
to the last ceremonies of the church, he became absorbed 
in meditation, occasionally repeating portions of scripture, 
and accompanying his ejaculations with elevated eyes, and 
solemn gestures of his hands, till the energies of life gra- 
dually declining, and pressing to his lips a magnificent cru- 
cifix, he calmly expired. 

In the height of his reputation, and at a premature His character. 
period of life, thus died Lorenzo de' Medici ; a man who 
may be selected from all the characters of ancient and 

modem 



restore the republic to liberty, and establish it in its former state of independ- 
ence ; to which Lorenzo not choosing to make any reply, the priest left him 
-without giving him his absolution. Savonar. vita^ inter vit, select, viror, ap. 
Bates, Lond, 1 704. A story that exhibits evident symptoms of that party-spirit 
which did not arise in Florence until after the death of Lorenzo, and which, 
being contradictory to the account left by Politiano, written before the motives 
for misrepresentation existed, is only rendered deserving of notice by. the 
necessity of its refutation. 



X. 



240 

C HA p, modern history, as exhibiting the most remarkable in- 
^ stance of depth of penetration, versatility of talent, and 
comprehension of mind {a). Whether genius be a predomi-* 
nating impulse, directing the mind to some particular object, 
or whether it be an energy of intellect that arrives at excel- 
lence in any department in which it may be employed, it is 
certain that there are few instances in which a successful 
exertion in any human pursuit has not occasioned a dere- 
liction of many other objects, the attainment of which 
might have conferred immortality. If the powers of the 
mind are to bear down all obstacles that oppose their pro- 
gress, it seems necessary that they should sweep along in 
some certain course, and in one collected mass. What 
then shall we think of that rich fountain which, whilst it 
was poured out by so many different channels, flowed 
through each with a full and equal stream ? To be absorbed 
in one pursuit, however important, is not the character- 
istic of the higher class of genius, which, piercing through 
the various combinations, and relations of surrounding cir- 
cumstances, sees all things in their just dimensions, and attri- 
butes to each its due. Of the various occupations in which 
Lorenzo engaged, there is not one in which he was not 
eminently successful ; but he was most particularly distin- 
guished in those which justly hold the first rank in human 
estimation. The facility with which he turned from subjects 

of 



(a) ** Soyons avares/' says M. Tenhove, *^ da litre sacr^ de grand homme, 
*' prodigii6 si souvcDt et si ridiculement aux plus minces personnages, mais ne 
** le refiisons point a Laurent de Medicis. Malheur a 1' ame froide et mal or- 
" ganis^e, qui ne sentirait pas son extreme m^rite ! On pent en toute surety 
'* s'estimer de son admiration pour lui." Mm* Gen* iiv* xu /• 146. 



241 

of the highest importance to those of amusement and levity, chap. 
suggested to his countrymen the idea that he had two dis- ' 

tinct souls combined in one body. Even his moral cha- 
racter seems to have partaken in some degree of the same 
diversity, and his devotional poems are as ardent as his 
lighter pieces are licentious. On all sides he touched the 
extremes of human character, and the powers of his mind 
were only bounded by that impenetrable circle which pre- 
scribes the limits of human nature. 

As a statesman, Lorenzo de' Medici appears to peculiar Review of his 

« ^x • /* t ij* *^i 1 conduct at a 

advantage. Uniformly employed in securing the peace and sutesnun. 
promoting the happiness of his country by just regulations 
at home, and wise precautions abroad, and teaching to 
the surrounding governments those important lessons of 
political science, on which the civilization and tranquillity 
of nations have since been found to depend. Though pos- 
sessed of undoubted talents for military exploits, and of 
sagacity to avail himself of the imbecility of neighbouring 
powers, he was superior to that avarice of dominion which, 
without improving what is already acquired, blindly aims 
at more extensive possessions. The wars in which he en- 
gaged were for security^ not for territory ; and the riches 
produced by the fertility of the soil, and the industry and 
ingenuity of the inhabitants of the Florentine republic, in- 
stead of being dissipated in imposing projects and ruinous 
expeditions, circulated in their natural channels, giving 
happiness to the individual, and respectability to the state. 
If he was not insensible to the charms of ambition, it was 
the ambition to deserve rather than to enjoy ; and he was 
always cautious not to exact from the public favour niore 
voLt ii» . * II than 



c H A ?• thaa Ui migKii be ▼ohmtatviirp wilimg^ to* bestovr. Th« d(f^ 
' proxim^ting suppression of the libardes of Florence^ vaidet 
tb^ iafli:iience of his. descendants^ may induce siupicfens^ 
maiaTourable to his patriotism ; but it will be difficult, no? 
to say impossible, to discover, either in hie conduct or hisr 
precepts,, any thing that ought to stigmatize him as an 
Ciiemy to the freedom of his country. The authority' 
which, he exercised was the same as that which bis ances«^ 
tors had enjoyed, without injury to the republic, for 
nearly a century, and had descended to him as inseparable 
from the wealth, the req)ectability, and the powerful fo- 
reign connexions of his family. The superiority of his' 
talents enabled him to avail himself of these advantages^ 
with irresistible effect ; but history suggests not an instance * 
in which they were devoted to any other purpose than thar 
of promoting the honour and the independence of the- 
Ttiscan state. It was not by the continuance, but by the' 
dereliction of the system that he had established, and tO' 
which he adhered to the close of* his life, that the Floren- 
tine republic sunk under the degrading^ yoke of despotic 
power; and to his premature death we may unquestion- 
^ aWy attribute, not only the destruction * of the common^ 
wealth, but all the calamities that Italy soon afterwards 
sustained. 

Attachment of Thc Sympathies of , mind, like the laws of chemical af- 
toi^Mor" finity, are uniform. Great talents attract admiration, the' 

offering of the understanding ; but the qualities of the * 

> 

heart can alone excite affection, the offering of the heart.: 
If we may judge of Lorenzo de' Medici by the ardour with ' 
wliich his friends and contemporaries have expressed their " 

I attachment. 



243 

^tti^chment; we ahuU form concliiaions highly favourable chap. 
tK> hia, sensibility aitd his social virtues* The exaction of , 
^QSQ s^tj^c^Qns usually paid to rank and to power, he left 
to si)ch as bad no other daims to respect ; he rather chose 
to he considered aa the friend and the equal, than as the 
dictator of his &llow«<itizens. His urbanity extended to 
the lowest ranka of society i, and while he enlivened the 
city of Florence by magnificent spectacles and amusing 
lepcesentationSy he partook of them himself with a relish 
that set the example of festivity. It was the general opi- 
nion in • Florence, that whoever was favoured by Lorenzo 
€Ould not fail of success. Valori relates, that in the repre- 
aentatioii of an engagement on horseback, one of the com- 
batants, who was supposed to contend under the patronage 
of Lorenzo,, being overpowered and wounded, avowed his 
resolution to die rather than submit to his adversary, 
and it was not without difficulty that he was rescued from 
the dang$r^ to receive from the bounty of Lorenzo the 
reward of his well-meant though mistaken fidelity. 

The. death of Lorenzo, which happened on the eighth circumstances 
4ay of April 1492, was no sooner known at Florence than *^^^^ 
a general alarm and consternation spread throughout the 
city, and the inhabitants gave way to the most unbounded 
expressions of grief. Even those who were not friendly 
to the Medici lamented in this misfortune the prospect of 
the evils to come* The agitation of the public mind was 
increased by a singular coincidence of calamitous events, 
which the superstition of the people considered as porten- 
tous of approaching commotions. The physician. Pier* 
Leoni, whose prescriptions had failed of success, being 

112 apprized 



244 

CHAP, apprized of the result, left Careggi in a state of distraction^ 
' and precipitated himself into a well in the suburbs of the 
city {a). Two days preceding the death of Lorenzo, the 
great dome of the Reparata was struck with lightning, 
and on the side which approached towards the chapel of 
the Medici, a part of the building fell. It was also ob* 
served that one of the golden palle or balls, in the embla- 

* 

zonment of the Medicean arms, was at the same time 
struck out. For three nights, gleams of light were said to 
have been perceived proceeding from the hill of Fiesole^ 
and hovering above the church of S. Lorenzo, where the 
remains of the family were deposited. Besides these inci- 
dents, founded perhaps on some casual occurrence, and 

only: 



{a) Whether Leoni died a voluntary death has been doubted. The enemies 
of the Medici, who upon the death of Lorenzo began to meditate the ruin of 
his family, have accused Piero his son with the perpetration of the deed; and 
this opinion is openly avowed by Giacopo Sanazaro in an Italian poem in tertsA 
Rima^ in which he has imitated Dante with great success, 'u, App. No. LXXVIII* 
But I must observe, that this poem bears internal evidence of its having been 
written after the Medici were driven from Florence, when their enemies were 

r 

labouring by every possible means to render them odious. On the other hand,- 
besides the testimony of Politiano that Leoni accelerated his own death, we. 
have that of Petrus Crinitus (Piero Ricci), a contemporary author, who, in his 
treatise Di homtsta DisciptinOy has a chapter De bominihsu qui se ipsos in pufium ja^ 
ctMntf in which he thus adverts to the death of Leoni : ** Sed enim quod nuper 
« accidit in Petro Leonio, mirificum certe visum est ; quando is, et in philoso- 
** phia vir excellens, ac prudentia prop6 cgregia in puteum se Florentino sub- 
** urbano immersit.^' Z>/^. iii. cap.g. This circumstance is also related by 
Valerianus. De irftL iissratifrum, lib. i. It appears^ however,^ from an account 
of the death of Lorenzo, published by Fabroni, from a MS. diary of an anony- 
mous Florentine author yet preserved in the Magliabechi library, CoJ. xvii. 
CUus, 25. that Leoni entertained apprehensions for his safety from the attend- 
ants of Lorenzo, who> without just cause, suspected that he had occasioned 
his death by poison. I shall give the extract from this diary in the Appendix, 
No. LXXIX. 



X. 



245 

cnly rendered extraordinary by the workings of a heated C HA ?• 
imagination, many others of a similar kind are related by « 
contemporary authors, which, whilst they exemplify that 
credulity which characterises the human race in every age, 
may at least serve to shew that the event to which they 
were supposed to allude was conceived to be of such mag- 
nitude as to occasion a deviation from the ordinary course 
of nature {a). From Careggi the body of Lorenzo was 
conveyed to the church of his patron saint, amidst the 
tears and lamentations of all ranks of people, who be- 
wailed the loss of their faithful protector, the glory of 
their city, the companion of their amusements, their com- 
mon father and friend. His obsequies were without osten- 
tation, he having a short time before his death given exr 
press directions to that effect. Not a tomb or an inscrip- 
tion, marks the place that received his ashes; but the 
Stranger, who, smitten with the love of letters and of arts, 
wanders amidst the splendid monuments erected to the 
chiefs of this illustrious family, the work of Michelagnolo 
and of his powerful competitors, whilst he looks in vain for 
that inscribed with the name of Lorenzo, will be reminded 
of his glory by t hemall. 

Throughout 



(«) Fiduus in fine PUtim. Fior. 1492. Jmmir. lib. xzvi. O'. iii. f, i85. 
Even MachiaTelli, an autHor seldom accused of superstition, seems on this oc- 
casion to concede his incredulity to the general opinion. " Ne mori mai al- 
^ cunoy non solamente in Firenze, ma in Italia, con tanta fama di prudenza, 
'' ne che tanto alia suapatriadolesse* E come dalla sua morte ne dovesse nas- 
*^ cere grandissime rovine, ne mostro il ctelo molti evidentissimi segni, 5cc« 
Hist, lib* viii. This author concludes his celebrated history, as Guicciardini. 
begins, with the highest eulogium on the character of Lorenzo* 



cc 



246 

CHAP. Throughout the rest of Italy the deatli of Lorenzo, ym 

' regarded as a public calamity of the most; alarming kind. 

Testinr.onics of Of the arch which supported the political fabric of thai; 

mcmo^.^ * country he had long been considered as the centre, aixd 

his loss seemed to threaten the whole with immediate de- 
struction. When Ferdiiriand, king of Naples, was ia- 
formed of this event, he exclaimed, ". this man has lived 
long enough for his own glory, but too short a time, for 
Italy (^)." Such of tjie Italian potentate? ag were more 
nearly connected with the Medici sent ambassadors, to 
Florence on this occasion. Letters of condolance were 

« 

transmitted to Piero from almost all the sovereigns of Eu- 
rope. Many distinguished individuals also paid this last 
tribute to the memory of their friend and benefactor {i). 
Among these communications, dictated by flattery, by 
friendship, and by political motives, there is one of a more 
interesting nature. This is a letter from the young cardi- 
nal Giovanni de' Medici to his elder brother, written four, 
days after the death of their father, which evinces that, the. 
cardinal was not without apprehensions from the temper 
and disposition of Piero, and does equal honour to his. 
prudence and to his filial piety. 

The 



{a) ** Satis sibi vir immortalitate dignissimus vixlt» sed parum Italiae* 
** Utinaxn ne quis eo sublato, moliatUTy qux vivoy tentare ausus non fuisset.'' 
In which Fesdinand was supposed to allude to Lod. Sforza. 

Fair* vita Laur. vA. p»ziz, 

{h) These letters, forming a collection in two volumes, are yet preserved 
in MS* in the Palascxo Ficcbio at Florence, Fih* xxv. No. xv* 



4 .k 

The tdrdirtiit titoiakni di Mediciy at RotnCy to Piero d^ CHAP. 

Medici J di Florence. ^' 



C€ 



** My dearest brother, now the only support of our 
family; what I have to communicate to thee, except 
my tears, I know notj for when I. reflect on the loss 
^\ we have sustained in the death of our father, I am 
** more inclined to weep than to relate my sorrow. What 
•* a father have we lost ! How indulgent to his children ! 
** Wonder not then that I grieve, that I lament, that I 
•* find no rest. Yet, my brother, I have somie consolation 
^^ in reflecting that I have thee, whom I shall always 
•* regard* in the place of a father; Do thou command— 
•* r shall cheerfully obey. Thy injunctions will give me 
•* more pleasure than I can express — order me — ^put me to 
** the test, there is nothing that shall prevent my compli-^ 
•• ance. Allow me however, my Piero, to express my hopes, 
•* that in thy conduct to all, and particularly to those around 
•^ thee, I may findthee as I could wish — beneficent, liberal, 
" aflfable, humane ; by which qualities there is nothing but 
** may be obtained, nothing but may be preserved. Think 
•*' nof that I mention this from any doubt that I entertain 
" of thee, but because I esteem it to be my diity. Many 
^^ things strengthen and console me; the concourse of 
** pcopje that surround our house with lamentations, the 
** sad and sorrowful appearance of the whole city, the 
^^ public mourning, and other similar circumstances, these 
** in a great degree alleviate my grief; but that which 
** relieves me more than all the rest, is, that I have thee, 
** my brother, in whom I place a confidence that no words 
•* can describe, &c. Ex urbe^ die iitb Ap. 1492 (a)/' 

The 

(a) For tbc origxud^ v. Aft* N09 L XXX . 



248 



CHAP. 
X. 



Death of Inno- 
cent VIII. and 
accession of 
Alexander VI. 



The common mediator of Italy being now no more^ 
the same interested and unenlightened motives which had 
so often rendered that country the seat of treachery and 
of bloodshed again began to operate, and the ambitious 
views of the different sovereigns became the more dan- 
gerous as they wtve the more concealed. Such was the 
confidence vsrhich they had placed in Lorenzo, that not 
a measure of importance was determined on by any of 
them without its being previously communicated to him, 
when, if he thought it likely to prove hostile to the ge- 
neral tranquillity, he was enabled either to prevent its 
execution, or at least to obviate its ill effects; but upon 
his death a general suspicion of each other took place, 
and laid the foundation of the unhappy consequences that 
soon afterwards ensued. The impending evils of Italy 
were accelerated by the death of Innocent VIII. w^ho sur- 
vived Lorenzo only a few months, and still more by 
the elevation to the pontificate of Roderigo Borgia, the 
scourge of Christendom, and the opprobrium of the hu- 
man race [a). 

Piero 



{a) A striking instance of the influence which Lorenzo had obtained over 
the mind of Innocent VIII. appears from one of his unpublished letters pre- 
served in the Palazzo Feccbio at Florence (/*//«. lix. No. xiv), dated the i6th. 
day of June 1488, from which we collect, that the pope had transmitted to 
him the list of an intended promotion of cardinals, which Lorenzo returns, in- 
forming him that he approves of the nomination of such of them whose names 
he has marked with a pen* and exhorting him to carry his intentions with re- 
spect to them into execution, concluding his letter with reminding the pope cho 
se.pub consolare ancor lui^ se ne ricordi. In fact, the assumption of Giovanni de' Me- 
dici to the purple took place early in the following year; and as Innocent VIIL 
only made one promotion of cardinals during his pontificate, it appears that 
Lorenzo had sufficient address to procure the name of his son, who was then 
only thirteen years of ag^, to be included in the list. 



249 

Picro de* Medici, on whom the eyes and expectations of chap. 
the public were turned, gave early indications that he was ^' 
unable to sustain the weight that had devolved upon him, jr„ tion of 
Elated with the authority derived from his father, but for- f^c French 
getting the admonitions by which it was accompanied, he 
relaxed the reins that controlled all Italy, to grasp at the 
supreme dominion of his native place. For this purpose 
he secretly formed a more intimate connexion with the 
king of Naples and the pope, which being discovered by 
the penetrating eye of Lodovico Sforza, raised in him a 
spirit of jealousy, which the professions and assurances of 
Piero could never allay. An interval of dissatisfaction, ne^ 
gotiation, and distrust took place, till at length the soli*^ 
citations of Lodovico and the ambition of Charles VIIL 
brought into Italy a more formidable and warlike race« 
whose arrival spread a general terror and alarm, and con- 
vinced, too late, the states and sovereigns of that country 
of the folly of their mutual dissensions. Even Lodovico 
himself, who in the expectation of weakening his rivals^ 
and of vesting in himself the government of Milan^ had 
incessantly laboured to accomplish this object, no sooner 
saw its approach than he ehrunk from it in terror ; and 
whilst he was obliged, for the sake of consistency, to per- 
severe in exhorting Charles to proceed in his enterprize 
agsunst the kingdom of Naples, he endeavoured by secret 
emissaries to excite against him the most formidable op- 
position of the Italian powers. Lodovico having for this 
purpose dispatched an envoy to Florence, Piero conceived 
that he had obtained a favourable opportunity of convin- 
cing the king of France of the insincerity of his pretended . 
ally, and thereby of deterring him from the further pro- 
ve l. ii. K K secution 



250 

CHAP, secution of his undertaking; but, however laudable his 
^' purpose might be, the means which he adopted for its ac- 
complishment reflect but little credit on his talents. In the 
palace of the Medici was an apartment which communi- 
cated with the gardens by a secret door, constructed by 
Lorenzo de' Medici for the purpose of convenience and re- 
tirement. In this room, Piero, pretending to be sick, con- 
trived an interview with the agent of Lodovico, whilst the 
envoy of Charles VIII. secreted behind the door, was privy 
to their conversation {a). Whether Piero had not the ad- 
dress to engage the Milanese sufl5ciently to develope the 
views of his master, or whether the French envoy found 
the Italian politicians equally undeserving of confidence, 
rests only on conjecture ; but the communication of this 
incident to Charles tended not in the slightest degree to 
avert the impending calamity. On the contrary, the con- 
duct of Piero being made known to Lodovico, rendered any 
further communication between them impossible, and by 
preventing that union of the Italian states, which alone 
could have opposed with effect the further progress of the 
French arms, facilitated an enterprize that could owe its 
success only to the misconduct of its opponents [6]. 

« 

Expulsion of This unfortunate event led the way to another incident 

^j^T^e. T^OTC immediately destructive to the credit and authority of 
Piero de' Medici. Charles, at the head of his troops, had, 
without resistance, reached the confines of the Florentine 
state, and had attacked the town of Sarzana, which Lo- 
renzo. 



"^ 



(a) OrkilL ii btUo Jtal. /• 24. 
{h) Gmcciard, Hist* 4P Italia, Hi, u 



X. 



251 

renzo, after having recovered it from the Genoese, had CHAP, 
strongly fortified. The approach of such a formidable 
body of men, the reputation they had acquired, and the 
atrocities they had committed in their progress, could not 
fail of exciting great consternation in* Florence, where the 
citizens began freely to express their dissatisfaction with 
Piero de' Medici, who they asserted had, by his rash and 
intemperate measures, provoked the resentment of a power- 
ful sovereign, and endangered the very existence of the 
republic. This crisis suggested to Piero the situation in 
which his father stood, when, in order to terminate a war 
which threatened him with destruction, he had hastened 
to Naples, and, placing himself in the power of an avowed 
enemy, had returned to Florence with the credentials of 
peace {a). The present season appeared to him favourable 
for a similar attempt ; but, as Guicciardini judiciously ob- 
serves, it is dangerous to guide ourselves by precedent, 
unless the cases be exactly alike; unless the attempt be 
conducted with equal prudence, and, above all, unless it be 
attended with the same good fortune {b). The impetuosity 
of Piero prevented him from observing these distinctions— 
hastening to the French camp, he threw himself at the 
feet of Charles, who received his submission with cold- 
ness and disdain {c). Finding his entreaties ineffectual, he 
became lavish in his offers to promote the interests of the 

king, 

1^ IT-» I ■!■ . - - - - ^^ - 

(a) V. ^uiie, FoL I. /. 218. 

{h) Guiceiard. Hift. d* ItaUa, lib. i. 

(r) OrictlL de billo ItaJ. /. 39. 
KK 2 



X. 



i52 

CHAP, king, and, as a pledge of his fidelity, proposed to deliver 
. up to him not only the important fortress of Sarzana^ 
which had till then successfully resisted his attacks, but 
also the town of Pietra Santa, and the cities of Pisa and 
Leghorn, Charles at the same time undertaking to restore 
them, when he had accomplished his conquest of the 
kingdom of Naples {a). The temerity of Picro in pro- 
voking the resentment of Charles, added to his inability 
to ward off, and his pusillanimity in resisting the blow, 
completed what his ambition and his arrogance had be- 
gun, and for ever deprived him of the respect and con- 
fidence of his fellow-citizens. On his return to Florence, 
after this disgraceful compromise, he was refused admit- 
tance into the palace of the magistrates, and, finding that 
the people at large were so highly exasperated against him 
as to endanger his personal safety, he hastily withdrew him- 
self from his native place, and retreated to Venice {t). The 

distress 



(a) The French were themcelves astonished at the prodigality of PierOt suid 
the facility with which he delivered into their hands places of so much irtkr 
portance. " Ceux qui traitoyent avcc Pierre,*' says P. de Commlnes, 
** jn'ont conipt6, & a plusiers autres P ont dit, en se raillant Sc moquant de 
^ lui> qu'ils etoient ebahis comme si tot accordia si grand chose, ic a quoi- ils 
** ne s'attendoient point.'' Mm. dt C§mMumSf Iku. vii. p. 198. The day after 
Piero had entered into his unfortunate treaty, Lodovico Sforz» arrived at tho 
French camp, when Piero, who was not at open enmity with him, excused 
himself for not having met him on the road, because Lodovico had missed 
his way. ^ It is true enough," said Lodovico, ** that one of us has lost his 
*■ way, but perhaps it may prove to be yourself." Guic. iik u 

(^) Condivl relates an extraordinary story respecting Piero de' Medici, 
communicated to him by Mlchelagnolo, who had it seems formed an intimacy 
with one Cardiere, an. improvvisatore, that frequented the house of Lorenzo, 
and amused his evenings with singing to the lute. Soon after the death of 

3 



X. 



253 

distress and devastation which the inhabitants of Italy ex- CHAP, 
perienced for a series of years after this event, have afforded 
a subject upon which their historians have dwelt with me- 
lancholy accuracy. Amidst these disasters, there is per- 
haps no circumstance that so forcibly excites the regret of 
the friends of letters, as the plundering of the palace of the 
Medici, and the dispersion of that invaluable library, whose 
origin and progress have before been traced. The French 
troops that had entered the city of Florence without oppo- 
sition, led the way to this sacrilegious deed, in the perpe- 
tration of which they were joined by the Florentines them- 
selves, who openly carried off, or secretly purloined, what- 
ever 



LorenzOy Cardiere informed Michelagnolo^ that Lorenzo had appeared to him, 
habited only in a black and ragged mantle thrown orer his naked limbs, and 
had ordered him to acquaint Piero de' Medici, that he would in a short time 
be banished from Florence. Cardiere, who seems judiciously to have feared 
the resentment of the living more than that of the dead, declined the office ; 
but soon afterwards Lorenzo entering his chamber at midnight, awoke him, 
and reproaching him with his inattention, gave him a violent blow on the 
<fheek. Having communicated this second visit to his friend, who advised 
him no longer to delny his errand, he set out for Careggi, where Piero then 
resided, but meeting him vdth his attendants about midway between that 
place and Florence, he there delivered his message, to the great amusement of 
Piero and his followers ; one of whom, Bernardo Divizio, afterwards Cardinal 
da Bibbiena, sarcastically asked him. Whether^ ifLoremso bad bun desirous of giv- 
ing infirfftation t$ bis son, it was likilj bi would bave preftrrtd sucb a messenger to a 
personal commmnication f The biographer adds, with great solemnity, *' La vision 
<* del Cardiere, o delusion diabolica, o predizion divina, o forte immagina- 
** zione, ch* cUa si fosse, si verified.*'— But the awful spectre is now before 
me — I see the terrified musician start from his slumbers ; his left hand grasps 
his beloved lyre, whilst, with his right thrown over his head, he attempts to 
shroud himself from the look^ of Lorenzo, who, with a countenance more 
in sorrow than in anger, points out to him his destined mission. To realize 
this scene so as to give it interest and effect, required the glowing imagination 
and the animated pencil of a Fuseli. ^ . 



X. 



254 

CHAP, ever they could discover that was interesting, rare, or va- 
« luable. Besides the numerous manuscripts in almost every 
language, the depredators seized, with contentious avidity, 
the many inestimable specimens of the arts with which 
the house of the Medici abounded, and wliich had long 
rendered it the admiration of strangers, and the chief or- 
nament of the city. Exquisite pieces of ancient sculpture, 
vases, cameos, and gems of various kinds, more estim- 
able for their workmanship than for their native value, 
shared in the general ruin ; and all that the assiduity and 
the riches of Lorenzo and his ancestors had been able to 
accumulate in half a century, was dissipated or demolished 
in a day [a). 

The 



(a) The destruction of this invaluable collection is pathetically related by 
Bernardo Ruccellai. ** Hie me studium charitasque litterarum antiquitatis 
** admonety ut non possim non deplorare inter subitas fundatissimae familis 
« ruinasy Mediceam bibliothecam* insignesque thesauros» quorum pars a Gal- 
*' lisy pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam honesta specie practendentibus^ 
** furacisame subrepta sunt. Nam cum jam pridem gens Medicea floreret 
'* omnibus copiis» terra, marlque cuncta exquirere, dum sibi Graecarum, Lati- 
** narumque litterarum monumenta, toreumata, gemmas, margaritas» aliaque 
** hujuscemodi opera, natura simul & antiquo artificio conspicua compara* 
*^ rent,*' 5cc. ** Testimonio sunt litterae gemmts ipsis incisae Lauirentii, nomen 
'* praeferentes, quas ille sibi familiasque sox prospicieus scalpendas curavit, 
*^ futurum ad posteros regii splendoris monumentum,'' &c. " Haec omnia 
** magno conquisita studio, summisque parta opibus, et ad multum aevi in 
** deliclis habiu, quibus nihil nobilius, nihil Florentiae quod magis visendum 
« putaretur, uno puncto temporis in praedam cessere ; tanta Gallorum ara- 
" riu, perfidiaque nostrorum fuit/' Di UU ltd. p. 52, &r. This event is 
also commemorated by P. de Conmiines, who, with true Gothic simpUcity, 
relates the number, weight, and saleable value of the articles of which the 
palace of the Medici was plundered. The antique vases he denominates, 
«< beaux pots d'agate*— & tant de beaux camayeux, bien taill& que mer* 



255 




The same reverse of fortune that overwhelmed the po- 
litical labours of Lorenzo, that rendered his descendants 
fugitives^ and dispersed his effects^ seemed to extend to 
his friends and associates, almost all of whom unhappily 
perished within a fhort interval after his death, although in 
the common course of nature they might have expected 
a longer life. The first of these eminent men was £rmo- Death of 
lao Barbaro, of whose friendly intercourse with Lorenzo Bartwo. 
many testimonies remain, and who died of the plague in 
the year 1493, when only thirty-nine years of age(^)* 

This 



** veilles (qu' autrefois j'avois veus) & bien trois milk medaies d' or 2c d* ar- 
** genty bien la pcsanteur de quarante livres ; 8c croi qu^il n'7 avoit point 
** antant de belles medaies en Italie. Ce qu'il perdit ce jour en la cic6 valoit 
" cent mille ecus & plus." Mem. di Com. /rv. vii. r. 9. 

(41) The life and learned labours of Ermolao have aflbrded a subject of 
much discussion to Vossius, Bayle» and others, and have been considered with 
particular accuracy by Apostolo Zeno» Oissirt. Foss. v. ii. /• 348. ^ seq. His 
first work was a treatise Di Calibatu^ which he wrote at eighteen years of age. 
His CastigalUmf Pliman^t entitle him to rank with the most successful restorers 
of learning. Politiano denominates him, Htrmolaus Barharus harharia Ifostis 
aarrimiu. MisetL cap, xc. Being on an embassy to Rome in the year 14919 
Innocent VIII. conferred on him the high dignity of Patriarch of Aquilejai 
which he accepted without regarding the decree of the Venetian government^ 
wluch directed that none of their ministers at the court of Rome should receive 
any ecclesiastical preferment without the consent of the council. His father, 
who held the second office in the state> is said to have died of chagrin, because 
he could not prevail upon his countrymen to approve the preferment of his son. 
But Ermolao availed himself of his dismission from public business, to return 
with greater.eamestness to his studies, and in two years wrote more than he 
had done for twenty years preceding. In his last sickness at Rome, Pico of 
Mirandula sent him a remedy for the cure of the plague, composed of the oil of 
scorpions, the tongues of asps, &c* *' Ut nihil fieri posset contra pestilentem 
'* morbum commodius aut presentius.'' Crin. di bonist.discip. lib. i. c. 7. But 
this grand panacea arrived too late. *' Egli non e da tacersi,'* says^ Apostolo 
Zeno, '^ un gran fregio di questo valente uomO| ed e, che visse, e mor) n/irginL, 




256 

This event was succeeded by the death of Pico of Miran- 
dula, who in his thirty-second year fell a victim to his 
picoofMiran- avidity for science, and has left posterity to regret that he 
*^"'** turned his astonishing acquisitions to so little account. 

Agnoio Poll- Nor did Politiano long survive his great patron* He died at 
tiano. Florence on die twenty-fpurth day of September X4949 

when he had just completed his fortieth year. 

Absurd account It IS paiuful to rcflcct ou the propensity which has ap- 
dk u!^^"^^ ***' peared in all ages to sully the most ilustrious characters by 

the imputation of the most degrading crimes* JoviuSj with 
apparent gravity, informs us, that Politiano, having enter- 
tained a criminal passion* for one of his pupils, died in the 
paroxysm of an amorous fever, whilst he was singing bis 
praises on the lute {a) ; and this preposterous tale has been re- 
peated, with singular variations, by many subsequent writers. 
To attempt a serious refutation of so absurd a charge would 
be an useless imdertaking ; but it may not be uninteresting 

to 



Wbich information is confirmed by the authority of Piero Dolfini, who, in a 
letter to Ugolino Verini, asserts, quod absque ulla carnis coNTAaiONE 
T1ZERIT. Diss. Foss, ii. /. 385. A very particular account of the manners 
and person of Ermolao is given in a letter from Piero de' Medici to his father 
Lorenzo, then absent at the baths of Vignone, from which it appears, that he 
had paid a visit to Florence, and was received there with great honour as the 
friend of Lorenzo. Jpp* No. LXXXL 

{a) Fenmt eiun ingenui adolescentis insano amore percitum, facile in le- 
talem morbum incidisse, Correpca enim cithara, quum eo incendio, et rapida 
febre torrerecur, supremi furoris carmina decaittavit ; ita, ut moz ddiraatem, 
vox ipsa et digitorum nervi, et vitalis denique spiritus, inverecunda urgente 
snorte, desererent : quum maturando judicio integrae statseque aetatis annis noo 
mt gravi Musanim injuria, doloreque seculi, festinante fato eripercntur* 
Jwiu EU\g. €tip, zzyviiit 



257 



X. 



to inquire by what circumstances it was first suggested ; CHAP* 
as it may serve to shew on how slight a foundation . 
detraction can erect her superstructure. On the death of 
Lorenzo de* Medici, Politiano attempted to pour forth his 
grief in the following monody to his memory, which, 
although left in an unfinished state, and not to be ranked 
in point of composition with many of his other writings, is 
strongly expressive of the anguish and agitation of his 



mind: 



Monodia in Laurentium Medicem. 



Quis dabit capid meo 
Aquam ? quis oculis meis 
Fontem lachrymarum dabit 
Ut nocte fleam, 
Ut luce fleam. 
Sic turtur viduus solet ; 
Sic cygnus moriens solet ; 
Sic lusdnia conqueri. . 
Heu miser, miser ^ 
O dolor, dolor. 
— ^Laurus impetu fiilminis 
Ula iUa jacet subito; 
Laurus omnium Celebris 
Musar^ choris, 
Nympharum choris. 
Sub cujus patula coma, 
£t Phoebi lyra blandius 
Et yojc dulcius insonaL 
Nunc mutai omnia, 
Nunc surda omnia. 



Hiimooody 
oaLoftnzo. 



VOL. 11. 



L L. 



—Quis 



258 

^j^^p — .Quis dabit capiti raeo 

X. Aqu>m ? ijuis ocuUs *eis . 

Fontem kchryniarum dabit ? . . 

XJt ttocte fleam, 

Ut luce fleam. 

Sic turtur viduus solet ; 

Sic cygnus mor lens solet ;. 

Sic lUscitiia coiiquefi/ . 

Heu miser, miser ; 

O dolor, dolor. 



Who from peremiial streams shall bring, 
Of gushing floods a ceaseless spring ? 
That through the day iti hopeless \iro^. 
That through the night my tears may ^ow. 
As the reft turtlemotims his mate. 
As sings the swan his cotillng fktef. 
As the sad nightingale complains, 
I pour my anguish siiid my strains. 
Ah wretched, wtetched past relief^ 
O grief, beyond all other gtirf. . 

—Through heaven the gl<amy Ughfeing flies. 
And prone on <jarth my j-AtrfeEi. Itee : 
That laurel, boast of mafty a toogue» 
Whose praises evesry muse has sung. 
Which every dryad of the grtoVe, 
And all the tuneful wsters loVti. 
That laurel, that erCTirhtk di«ptay«d 
Its ample honours; in v^hose ^iad« 
To louder notes was strung Ae lyre^ 
And sweeter sang th' Aowan ^pafeei 
Now silent, silent all around. 
And deaf the ear that drank the sound. ^-v^^ 



«*^Who from perennial streaihs shall bring. 
Of gushing fioods a ceaseless spring i 
That through the day in hopeless woe. 
That through the night my tears may flow. 
As the reft turtle mourns his mate, 
As sings the swan his coming fate, 
As the sad nightingale complains, 
I pour my anguish and my strains. 
Ah wretched, wretched past relief, 
O &^f% ^ond all other grief. 

* * 

. Such was the object of the afiectioQ^ of Politianp, .aiji4 
such tlie amorous effusion, in the midst of lyhich he W4S 
intercepted by the hand of death j. yet if we advert to the 
charges which have been brought against him, we shall 
fi^d that they are chiefly, if not wholly^ to h? ^trihu(e4 to 
a misrepresentation, or peryersion, of these Unes^ Of those 
who, after Jpylus, have repeated the accusation, . one author 
informs us, that the verses which Politiano addressed to 
the object of his love were so tender and impassioned, that 
he expired just as he had finished the second couplet {a). 
Another rierates that in the frenzy of a fever, he had 
eludfed the vigilance of his guard, and escaping from his 
bed, seized his lute, and began to play upon it under the 

window 



^59 

CHAP. 
X. 



{a) Fdriiksf Jmcdotis de Fkrtnce, lit. iv. /. 196. " La passion crimincllc 
tt qu^il avott pour ixn de ses «coliers de haute qualite^ ne pouvant etre assouvie^ 
** lui donna la fievre cbaude. Dans la violence de V a<:c^Sy il fit tm chanson 
** ipour r^objet dont iI6toit ^harm6, se leva du Ht, prit un lufh, ^cTetnit a la 
«< chanter sur un air si tendre, & si pitoyable^ qu'il expira en acbeyant U acond 
** couplet ; le mdme jour que Charles VIII. passa les Alpes pour aller a la con- 
•« -^Hi^tcde Naf^*- This authbr.seems equally misinformed as to tke man« 
per ztki ti^ x^vm ot the deatb of Politiano* 

LL 2 



26o 

CHAP, window of a young Greek of whom he was enamoured, 

__^ whence he was brought back by his friends, half dead, and 

expired in his bed soon afterwards {a). We are next in- 
formed, that in a fit of amorous impatience, he occasioned 
his own death, by striking his head against the wall [b) : 
whilst a fourth author assures us, that he was killed by a 
fall from the stairs, as he was singiug to his lute an elegy 
which he had composed on the death of Lorenzo de' 
Medici {c). The contrariety of these relations, not one 
of which is supported by the slightest pretence to serious 
or authentic testimony, is itself a sufficient proof of their 
futility. Some years after the death of Politiano, the cele- 
brated cardinal Bembo, touched with the untimely fate of 
a man whom he was induced by a similarity of taste and 
character to love and admire, paid a tribute of gratitude 
and respect to his memory in a few elegiac verses, Iti 
which, alluding to the unfinished monody of Politiano, he 
represents him as sinking under the stroke of fate, at the 

n[K)ment 



(a) *^ Politien» ce bel ei^rity <}m parloifc si bten Latin, s'appdloit Ange ; 
^ mais il s'en ifalloit beaucoup qu*il en eut la purete. La passion honteuse 
** tc rabominable amour dont il bruloit pour un jenne garfon, qui etoit Grec 
** de naisfance, a fletri a perpetuity sa memories & causa sa mort. Car etant 
** tombe dans un fievre chaude» il se leva hrusquement de son lit, la nuit, que 
" sa garde etoit endormie, prit la luth a la main> & enalla jouer sous la fe- 
*' netre du petit Grec. . On, Pen retira a demi inort» 6c on le rcimporta dans 
^' son lit, ou il expira bient6t apr^s/' &c« Ji» Fajdity Rtmar^na tur VirgiU bf 
sur Homeret ftff. Metuk. in vi/d Pel. f'J^'jz* 

(*) «* Vnlgo fertur/» says Vossius, DtHht. Lat. lib. iii. e. 8. *' obiisse Po- 
'* litianum foedi amoris impatientia capite in parietem illiso.'' Jp, MencA, 470., 

{c) BulUrtjkud. des Hvmmis illustr$s^ torn. i. ^.278. '^ PoKtie n t omba 
«< d*un escalier comme il chantoit sur son luthune elegie, qu'il aroit compost 
** sur la mort de Laurent, de* Medicis*'' 



26l 

moment when, frantic with excess of grief, he was attempt- CHAP. 
^og> by the power of music, to revoke the fatal decree ^' 
which had deprived him of his friend, 

Politiani Tumulus. 

Duceret extincto cum mors Lau rente trlumphum, Poikiano ceie. 

Lsetaque pullatis inveheretur equis, bratedbycar- 

Respiat msano fenentem pollice chordas. 

Viscera singuhu concutiente, virum. 
Mirata est, tenuitque jugum : furit ipse, pioque 

Laurentem cmictos flagitat ore Decs. 

Miscebat predbus lachrymas, lachrymisque dolorem ; 

Verba ministrabat liberiora dolor. 
Risit, et antiquse non immemor ilia querelas, 

Orphei Tartans cum patuere vias. 
Hie edam infernas tentat rescindere leges, 

Fertque suas, dixit, in mea jura manus. 
Protinus et flentem percussit dura poetam ; 

Rupit et in medio pectora dpcta $oi\o. 
^— Heu sic tu raptus, sic te mala fata tulerunt. 

Arbiter Ausonise, Politiane, lyrae. 



Whikt borne in sable state, Lorenzo's bier 

The tyrant death, his proudest triumph, brings. 
He mark'd a bard in agony severe. 

Smite with delirious hand the sounding strings. 
He stop'd — he gazM— the storm of passion raged. 

And prayers \dth tears were mingled, tears whh grief; 
For lost Lorenzo, war with fate he waged. 

And every god was callM to bring relief. 

3 The 



26? 

CHAR The tyrant smil'd— -and mindful of the hour 

^* When from the shades his consort Orpheus led, 

> — - - ■ > 

- * ' « Rebellious too wouldst thou usurp my power, 

" And burst the chain that binds the captive dead ?" 
He spoke — ^and speaking launched the shaft of fate. 

And clos'd the lips that glow'd with sacred fire. 
His timeless doom 'twas thus Politian met — 
PoLiTiAN, master of th' Ausonian lyre. 

The fiction of the poet, that Politiano had inciicred the 
resentment of death by; his affection for the object of his 
passion, suggests nothing more than that his death was 
occasioned by sorrow for the loss of his friend ; hut the 
verses of Bembp seem to have given a further pretext to 
the enemies of Politiano, who appear to have mistaken the 
friend whom he has celebi^ed, for the object cf an aijiorous 
passion, and to have intarpreted these lines, so }ionojurable 
to Politiano, in a manner, not only the m^st unfavourable 
to his character, but the most opposite to their real purport, 
and to the occasion which gave them birth (a). 

•I t T 

From 



(a) ** Nous scavons maintenant la veritable mort de Politien» que le Car- 
** dinal Bembe a deguisec dans I'epitaphe qu*il lui a dress^e. Comme il chan- 
<^ toit sur le lutb au dessus d'un esealter une chaiMoa qu^ilavoit faitt autrefois 
" pour une ^c qu*»l aimoiti lorsqu'il yint a certains yers fcirt pat^tiques, son 
*^ lutb lui tomba des mains» & lui toxnba ajossl de V escaller en bas, et^e rompit 
** le col." PiiT. di S. Romualdf Jhngedu Tresor ChroML torn, iii..>>. 262. ^. Menci. 
/. 476. These imputations on the moral character of Politianp have also been 
frequently adverted to by otber authors : thus J. C. Scaliger, 

** Obscaexn mo^s sed Pditiaiie^ fiuDa/' '. - 

And in yet grosser terms by Audrey n^tl : ^ 

** £t ne te tcneam diutius> quot ' 

" Pxdicat pueros Politianus/' 

af% Menagianan «• iy. /. i22t 



• ' From: much more authentic documents which yet re*- CHAP'. 
mBAn resj^ecting the death of this eminent schdar^ ftiere is • 
ttAs&tk to conclude, that it Traft occasioned by his gfrrtf for Authentic ac- 
ilie k>S6 of his great patron, atid hj th^ subsequent mis-i ^""h/"^*"* 
Ibtttin^s of a fanaily with which he was connc€t?ed by so 
fcftiny' dndeaifiig ties^ That he had incuited the pnbtie 
^fitXittkiA a highddgre^, 6n account of his attachment tdthdt 
fym\l% h ateo certaih i and the mortifkat^on afnd anjti^ty 
V^Hkh he ciix thie ack:ount expei^ieneed, might contribute to 
neddteratt the fatal eveilit^ It may also be observed, that 
his j^^p^rty "^aft pkmdere^ duiing jLhe cbttimotioiis at 
Florence, and many of his works destroyed or lost in the 
general .devastation of the Laurentian Library ; which inci- 
dent triade a deep impression on his mind {a). In sTiort, 
such was the sudden tide of misfortune that burst in upon 
him from all quarters, that it is probable his fortitude was 
unable to support the shockj .^nd, notwithstanding his 
industry, his accomplishments, and his unwearied exer- 
tions in promoting the progress tit learning, to such an 
extreme of misery we». lie jr«dsited) th^ h€ k^ teo> justly 
enumerated by Valeriamii aosbn^ttfae unhappy. children 
of dd^nce, who have afforded examples for his singular 
weri^i 'De^ infeliciiate Uterator um. But whatevar wa* the 
imffiediate occasion of his death, indisputable evidence re- 
fndns, that his misfortunes were itot so much to be attri- 
buted to his misconduct or his immorality, as to his steady 
adherence to the family .of tb« Medici, at a time when 

the 

- • 4 

{a) This is sufficiently apparent from x}» beautiful lines addressed to him 
by Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, published in tber coU^tion of the poems of the two 
Strozzi, father and son, by Aldo, i5i5»> a/. Atptndix^ JVb. LXXXII. 



X. 



264 

CH^P. the public resentment against them was excited to the 
. highest pitch, and that he breathed his last in the midst of 
his relatives and friends, having first expressed I^is der 
sire to be buried in the church of S. Marco, in the habit of 
the Domenican order. This request was complied with 
by the piety of his pupil Roberto Ubaldinl, one of the 
monks of the convent of S. Marco, who has left a meiAo- 
rial in his own hand-writing of the circumstances attending 
his death {a). His remains were accordingly deposited 
in the church of S. Marco, where his memory is preserved 
in an epitaph very unworthy of his character and ge- 
nius (3). 

The various and discordant relations respecting the 
death of Politiano are happily adverted to by one of his 
countrymen in the following lines : 

Pampbili Saxty 

De marte Angeli Politianu 

Quo cecidit fato nostri decus Anoblus asvi, 
Gends et Etruscs gloria, scire cupis ? . 

leterici 



{a) The indefatigable Abate Mehii8> in his life of Amhrogio TraTersari,' 
first produced these documentsj i^ehich the reader will find in the AppendiZf 
N0. LXXXIII. 

{b) POUTIANUS. 

IN. HOC. TVMULO. JACBT. 

ANGBLUS. VKUM. 

QPI. CAVUT* ET. LINOUAS. 

RES. NOVA. TRBS. HABVIT. 

OBIIT. AN. MCCCCLXXZXIT. 

SSr. XXIT. JCTATIS. 
Z^» 



265 

Ictarid lion ^unc labes tristissima morbi, CHAP. 

Febris ad Elysias vel tulit atra domos j X. 

Non inflans humor pectus, non horrida bilis ; " 

Mortiferse pestis denique nulla lues : 
Sed, quoniam rlgidas ducebat montibus omos, 

Frangebat scopulos, decipiebat aves, 
Mulcebat tigres, sistebat flumina cantu, 

Hectra movens plectro duldus Ismario. 
Non plus Threicium laudabunt Orphea gentes, 

Calfiope dixit dixit : Apollo, Linum ; 
Jamque tacet nostrum rupes Heliconia nomen— - 

£t simul himc gladio supposuere neds. 
Mors tamen hsec illi vita est, nam gloria magn^ 

Invidia Phoebi Calliopesque mori. 



Ask'st thou what cause consigned to early Batte 

PoLiTiAN, glory of the Tuscan state ? 

—Not loathsome jaundice tainting all the frame. 

Not. rapid fever's keen consuming flame. 

Not viscous rheum that choaks the struggling breath. 

Nor any vulgar minister of death j 

*— Twas that his song to life and motion charmM 

The mountain oaks, the rock's cold bosom warmM, 

Stay'd the prone flood, the tyger's rage control'd. 

With sweeter strains than Orpheus knew of old.— - 

** Dimmed is the lastre of my Grecian feme," . 

Exclaimed Csdliope — ^^ No more my name 

** Meets even in Helicon its due regard," 

Apollo cry^d, and piercM the tuneful bard— 

—Yet lives the bard in lasting feme approvM, 

Who Phoebus and the muse to envy mov'd. 

VOL. 11. MM The 



266 

CHAP. 
X. 



Disturbances 
excited by 
Girolamo 
Savonarola. 



The expulsion of Piero de' Medici from Florence, nei- 
ther contributed to establish the tranquillity, nor to preserve 
the liberty of the republic. The inhabitants exulted for 
a time in the notion that they were freed from the tyranny 
of a family which had held them so long in subjection ; 
but they soon discovered that it was necessary to supply 
its absence, by increasing the executive power of the 
state. Twenty citizens were accordingly chosen by the 
appellation of Accoppiatorin^ who were invested, not only 
with the power of raising money, but also of electing the 
chief magistrates. This form of government met how- 
ever with an early and formidable opposition ; and to the 
violence of political dissensions, was soon superadded the 
madness of religious enthusiasm* The fanatic, Savonarola^ 
having, by pretensions to immediate inspiration from God,^ 
and by harangues well calculated to impress the minds 
of the credulous, formed a powerful . party, began to aim 
at political importance. Adopting the popular side of 
the question, he directed the whole torrent of hifi elo- 
quence against the new mode of government j affirming,, 
that he was divinely authorized to declare, that the 
legislative power ought to be extended to the citizens at 
large, that he had himself been the amba^dor of the 
Florentines to heaven, and that Christ had condescended 
to be their peculiar monarch [a). The exertions of Savo- 
narola were successful. The newly elected magistrates- 
voluntarily abdicated their offices ; and an efibrt was made 
to establish the government on a more popular basis, by 

vesting 



(«) Airr/i't Cwmuntarj dt* Fatti dvili de Firance, Hi. iv. /. 65. Ji^, 1728. 



267 

Yesdng the legislative power of the state in the Consiglio CHAP. 
MaggiorCy or Council of the Citizens, and in a select body, _ 
x:alled the Consiglio degli Sctlti^ or Select Council (^7). The 
first of these was to be composed of at least one thousand 
citizens, who could derive their citizenship by descent, 
and were upwards of thirty years of age ; the latter con- 
sisted of eighty members, who were elected half-yearly 
from the great council, and were upwards of forty years 
of age (3). These regulations, instead of uniting the ci- 
tizens in one common interest, gave rise to new dis- 
tinctions. The Fratescbiy or adherents of Savonarola, 
who were in general favourable to the liberty of the lower 
classes of the inhabitants, regarded the friar as the mes- 
senger of heaven^ as the guide of their temporal and eter- 
nal happiness j whilst the Compagnacciy or adherents to a 
more aristocratical government, represented him as a fac- 
tious impostor j and Alexander VL seconded their cause by 
fulminating against him the anathemas of the church. 
Thus impelled by the most powerful motives that can ac- 
tuate the human mind, the citizens of Florence were seized 
with a temporary, insanity. In the midst of their devo- 
tions, they frequently rushed in crowds from the church, 
to assemble in the pubiie squares, crying Tiva CristOy sing- 
ing hymns, and dancing in circles formed by a citizen 
and a friar^ placed alternately (c). The hymns aung on 

these 



{a) To this government Machiavelli alludes in his second Decennale 
'' E dopo qualche disparer troyaste> 
^* Noov* ordine al govemo» e foron tante, 
*^ Che il vostro state popolar fondaste." 

{h\ Nirlii Ccmmmt. Hi. W, p. 66, 67. 

(c) Hid. m* iv« his* 

kfMa 



268 



CHAP. 
X. 



Adherents of 
the Medici 
decapiuud« 



these occasions w6re chiefly^ composed by Girolamo B'eni- 
vieni,' who appears to bav6 held a disdnguished rank 
amongst these disciples of faoaticlsm {a). The enemies' of 
Savonarola were as immoderate in their opposition as his* 
partizans were in their attachment. Even the children df 
the city were trained in opposite factions^ and saluted each 
other with showers of pebbles ; in which contests^ the gtavjest 
citizens were sometimes unable to resist the indinatioa of 
taking a part {b). 

Such was the state of Florence in the year 1497^ when 
Piero de* Medici, who had long waited for an opportunity 

of 



$€ 
€* 
iC 



{a) Some of these compositions are preserved in the general x:ollection of 
his poems. The following lines, which seem peculiarly adapted for such' an 
occasion,, mzj serve as a specimen : 

** Non fu mai*l piu bel solazan), ' 
•* Piii giocondo nc maggiore» 
•• Che per zelo, e per amore 
Di Jfisvy diventsu* pazzo. 
Ognun gridl com' 10 grido,. 
Sempre pazzo, pazzo, pazzo." 

Of. if^Betdnx. f. 145. 

{h) Era talvolta, predtcando il Irate, in sol bellb della predica suonato 
tamburi, e fatti altri rnmori per impcdirlo ; c molte volte gli fn nel venir da 
S. Marco a S. Liparata giu per la via del Cocomero, da' fanciuUi de' suot ay- 
versarj fatto bale fanciullesche, e da' fancmlli della sua parte era voluto de- 
fendere, dimanierache, secondo il costnme de' fanciuHi Piorentinn facerano a* 
sassi, e cosl combattendo facevano infanciullire degli uomint gravi ; perche 
occorse a M.Luca Corsini, benche Dottore assai riputato, per favorire la parte 
del Frate mescolarsi co' fanciulli a fare a' sassi ; e Giovanbattista Ridolfi, una 
de' piu riputati e savj cittadini che fussero a tempj suoi, posta da canto hi gra* 
▼ita, e quel grado che a un tale, e si onorato Cittadinp st conventva, prese un 
giomo I'armi, e in su certa occasione, per essere impedtta al frate la predica 
intomo a S. Liparato, uscl della case de^ Lorini vicine a i^uel tempio, quasi 
infuriato, senza seguito alcuno, con una roneola in ispalla, grtdando, Fi'va 
Crista \ com' anche gridavano i fanciulli del Frate ;. « di questt colsl fktCe cose 
ne seguivano spesso. NerH, Commim, HbAv. /. 74* 



269 

of regaining" hrs' authority, entered into a negotiation with- CHAP; 

several of his adherents, who undertook, at an appointed ^ 

hour, to admit him within the walls of the city, with, 
the troops which he had obtained from the Venetian re- 
public, and from his relations of the Orsini family. Hero 
did not however make his appearance till the opportunity 
of assisting him was past. His abettors were discovered ;: 
five of them, of the chief families of Florence, were deca- 
pitated ;. the rest were imprisoned or sent into hanishment.. 
The persons accused would have appealed from their 
judges to the Consiglio Grande^ according to a law whichc 
had lately been obtained by the influence of the Fratescbi ;- 
but that party, with Savonarola at their head, were cla- 
morous for the execution of the delinquents, and in spite 
of the law \vhich they had themselves introduced, efiected 
their purpose. Amongst the five sufferers was Lorenzo 
Torriabuoni,. the maternal cousin of Lorenzo de' Medici^ 
of whose accomplishments Politianb has left a very favour- 
able account, and to whom he bias inscribed his beautiful 
poem intitled Jmbra {a\. 

The. authority of Savonarola was now at its highest Disgrace and 
pitch. Instead of a republic, Florence assumed the ap- ^^^^ 
pearance of a theocracy, of which Savonarola was the 
prophet, the legislator, and the judge (3). He perceived not 

however 

» 

(«) 'v^ante^ pi 137.. 

(^) Tlus fanatical party proceeded so far as even to strike a coin on tKe 
occasioDy a specimen of wliicb ki ^Ivef is' preserved* in the coileciion of tbe 
Sari ofOrford,: 'to'whose I^nd conununicatiods,. since the first edition of this 
¥«>rk»,I have been greatly indebted. On one side is the. Florentine device^ 
ot JUur di IjSy with the motto, senatus popULusquEFLORfiNTiNUS ; oil.the. 
^tbtr, a cross, with the motto, jesvs chuistvs rex noster* 



X. 



270 

CHAP, however ihat he had arrived at the edge of tlie precipice^ 
and that by one step further he might incur his destruction. 
Amongst the methods resorted to by the opponents of Savo- 
narola to weaken his authority, and to counteract his pre* 
tensions^ they had attacked him with his own weapons, and 
had excited two Franciscan monks to declaim against him 
from the pulpit. Savonarola found it necessary to call in 
the aid of an assistant, for which purpose he selected Fra 
Domentco da Pescia, a friar of his own convent of S. 
Marco. The contest was kept up by each of the contend- 
ing parties with equal fury, till Domenico, transported 
with zeal for the interests of his master, proposed to con-* 
firm the truth of his doctrines by walking through the 
flames, provided any one of his adversaries would submit 
to a similar test. By a singular coincidence, which is alone 
sufficient to demonstrate to what a degree the passions of 
the people were excited, a Francisc^m friar accepted the 
challenge, and professed himself ready to proceed to the 
proof. The mode of trial became the subject of serious 
deliberation among the chief officers of the republic. Twq 
deputies were elected on behalf of each of the parties, to 
arrange and Buperintend this extraordinary contest. The 
combustibles were prepared, and over them was erected a 
scaffiDld, which affi^rded a commodious passage into the 
midst of the flames. On the morning of the day appoint- 
ed, being the seventeenth of April 1498, Savonarola and 
his champion made their appearance, with a numerous 
procession of ecclesiastics, Savonarola himself intonating 
with a tremendous voice, the psalm, ExUrgat Detu et dissi^ 
pentur inimici ejus. His opponent, Fra Giuliano Rohdi- 
nelli, attended by a few Franciscan monks^ came sedately 



X. 



271 

and silentty to the place of trial ; the flames were kindled, C H A Pi 
and the agitated spectators waited with impatience for the 
moment that should renew the miracle of the Chaldean 
furnace. Savonarola finding that the Franciscan was not 
to be deterred from the enterprize either by his vocifera- 
tions, or by the sight of the flames, was obliged to have 
recourse to another expedient^ and insisted that his cham- 
pion Domenico, when he entered the fire,, should bear the 
host along with him. This sacrilegious proposal shocked 
the whole assembly. The prelates who, together with the 
state deputies, attended the trial, exclaimed against an ex- 
periment which might subject the catholic faith to too 
severe a test, and bring a scandal upon their holy religion. 
Domenico however clung fast to the twig which his pa- 
tron had thrown out, and positively refused to encounter 
the flames without this sacred tdisman. This expedient^ 
whilst it safved the life <^ the friar, ruined the credit of 
Savonarola. On his return to the convent of S. Marco^ 
he was insulted by the populace, who bitterly reproached 
him, that after having encouraged them to cry Viva Crista^ 
he should impiously propose to commit him to the flames* 
Savonarola attempted to regain his authority by address^ 
ing them from the pulpit, but his enemies were too 
vigilant ; seizing the opportunity oi his disgrace, they 
first attacked the house of Francesco Valori, one of hia 
most powerful partizans, who, together with his • wife, 
was sacrificed to their fury. They then secured Savo- 
narola, with his associate Domenico, and another fnar of 
the same convent, and dragged them to prison. An as«- 
4embly of ecclesiastics and seculars, directed by an emia^ 
vary of Alexander VL sat in judgment upon them. The 

resolution 



272 

CHAP, resdlution and eloquence of Savonarola, on his first inter- 
^- view, intimidated his judges, and it was not till recourse 

^^™^*** was had to the implements of torture— the ultima tbeolo^ 
gorum ratio^ that Savonarola betrayed his weakness, and 
acknowledged the fallacy of his pretensions to supernatural 
powers. His condemnation instantly followed, and the 
unhappy priest, with his two attendants, were led to ex- 
ecution in the same place, and with the same apparatus, 
as had been prepared for the contest ; where, being first 
strangled, their bodies were committed to the flames, and 
lest the city should be polluted by their remains, their ashes 
wCTe carefoUy gathered and thrown into the Arno (a). 

Death of Picro From tlic timc that Piero de' Medici quitted the city 

dc' Medici. ^y Florence, he experienced a continual succession of 

mortifications and disappointments. Flattered, desened, 
encouraged, and betrayed, by the different potentates to 
whom he successively applied for assistance, his prospects 
became daily more unfavourable, and his return to Flo- 
rence more improbable. In the mean time a new war had 
arisen in Italy. Louis XII. the successor of Charles VIIL 
after having, in conjunction with Ferdinand, king of 
Spain, accomplished the conquest of Naples, disagreed 
with him in the partition of the spoil, and Italy became 
the theatre of their struggle. On this occasion Piero en- 
tered into th€ service of tlie French, and was present at 
an engagement that took place between them and the 
Spaniards, on the banks of the Garigliano, in which they 
were defeated with great loss. In eflfecting his escape, 
Piero attempted to pass the fiver, but the boat in which 

he 

(a) iVirr//« Comment* lib. vr. /• 78. Ss'uontar^l^ wta, tpm. ii. au iuUUiltmi. 
Par. l574> ftuuM. 



273 

!le t^th «eterftl 6tiier m6n t^ rank had tmbairked, bemg tHAP. 
laden ^ith* hea\iy tahnbh, sufek In the midSt bf the cuf^ ^* 
rent, and Kefo miseribly perished, after having su^pbrted 
an exfle of ten years. By his wife Alfonsihai he left a sod 
named Lorenzo, and a daughter Clarice. 

Few men have derived from nature greater advantages, his chanwter. 
and perhaps never any qne enjoyed a better opportunity of 
improving them, than Piero de' Medici. A robust form, 
a vigorous constitution, great personal iSttength and acti- 
vity, and i share of talems beybnd the cothmon lot, were 
the endowmefits of iiis tirth. To . ttese was added a 
happy combination of external a^airs, resulting from the 
opulence and respectability of his family, the powerful 
alliances by whkk it .was streogth^ited^ , d&d the high 
reputation* which ii^'£s(ber had sd d^sierv^ly acquired. 
But these cireu^eafi^d^ appa):«iiti^ ^ ffl[v<iilriible to his 
success, were precisely the causes 6f tis early ruin. Pre- 
suming on his sfecutity, he suppbted that his authority 
could not be 'stiafeeri^ nof his piuff)bse8 . defeated. For- 
getting the advice so often repeated to \ him by his fa- 
ther, to remember that be was only a citmek of Florencey he 
neglected or disdained to conciliate the affections of the 
people. His conduct was the exact reverse of that which 
his ancestors had so long and uniformly adopted, and was 
attended with tibe eflfects which might reasonably be ex- 
pected from a derelictibn of those maxims that had raised 
them to the honourable distinction which they had so 
long, enjoyed* 

VOL. !!• K N A few 



274 

c H A ?• .A few poetical compos^tlpps of Piwo, d^\ MpduA; . pret 
■ ' jserYed in the LaureDtian Libraay^ thpugh ^ npt ; Mtb^to 
printed, place his character in a more favpora^le. point 
of view, and exhibit his. filial affection and lus attach- 
ment to his native place in a very interesting ^ght (^). 
Of this the following sonnet may be a sufficient proof : 

r 

— - * • - — • * 

SONETTO. ' 

Sonnet of Pirn , 'Scndo 10 national^ e di te nato, 

de' Mcdki. Muovati patria un poco il tuo figliuolo } 

Ungid almen pietosa del sua duolo, 
Essendo in.te nuflrito ed allevato.. 
Ha ciaschedun del nasdmento il fate. 

Come I'uccello il suo .garrire e volo ; 
- Scusemi almen in ci5 non esser soloy 

Benchd solo al mio male iopur sia stato« 
Et se pu5 nulla in te mio antico affetto. 
Per quella pieta ch 'n te pur regna . 
Non mi sia questo dono date disdetto : 
— Ch' almen in cener nella patria io vegoa. 
A riposar col padre mio diletto, . 
Che gia ti fe si gloriosa e degna. 

SONi 



(a) They consist of twenty one sonnets, which are foand at the dose of a 
xnaniwript vohime of the poems of his father Lorenzo* Fiaf. xH.. Cm/« xzxviii. 
No. 3* Besides which Val^anus informs us, that he translated frox^ Plutarch, 
a treatise on conjugal love ; Falir. di Lit* in/el. Ubm ii. ; but this performance 
has probably perished, there being no copy of it now to be found ia the Lau* 
rentian Library. 



ns 



CHAP. 
X. 



SOl^NET. . 

Thy of spring, Florbnce, aurturM at thjr breast. 

Ah let me yet thy kind indulgence prove ^ * 

Or if thou own no more a parent's love. 

Thy pity sure may sooth my woes to rest. 
Fate marks to each his lot : the same behest . 

That taught the bird through fields pf air ita rove, . 

And tunes his song, my vital tissue wove 

Of grief and care, with darkest hues imprest. 
But if, my fondness scomM, my prayer denied, 
. Death only bring the period of my woes, 

Tet'poue dear hope shall .mit^ate my doom. 
— *If ^^ nay father's name ^as once thy pride, 

Let my cpld ashes find at last repose^ 

Safe in. the shelter of his honoured tomb. 

• ^ • 

Of the many ties by which Lorenzo had endeavoured Giovanni d€' 
to secure the prosperity of his. family amidst the storms of 
fortune, and the ebbs and flows of^ popular . opinion, one 
oilly now remained — ^that by which l\e had connected it 
with the church ; but this aldne proved suflScient for the 
purpose, and shews that in this, as in every other, in- 
stance, his conduct was directed by qiotives of the sound- 
est policy. After the expulsion of the family from Flo- 
rence, the cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, finding that the 
endeavours of iiimself and his brothers to efiFect their re- 
storation were more likely to exasperate the Florentines 
than to promote that desirable event, desisted from any 
further attempts, and determined to wait with patience 
for a more favourable opiportunity. He therefore quitted 
Italy, ^nd, whilst that country was the theatre of treachery 
and'' war^ visited many parts of France and Germany. 

N N 2 His 



276 




His dislike to Alexander VL vrho had entered into an 
alliance with the Florentines, and was consequently adverse 
to the views of the exiles, was an additional motive for his 
absence. After the death of Alexander in the year 1503, 
he returned to Rome, and found in Julius IL a pontiff 
more just to his talents, and more favourable to hia hopes. 
From this time he began to take an important part in the 
public afl^irs of Italy^ and was appointed legate in the 
war carried on by the pope, the Venetians, and the king 
of Spain, against Louis XIL Whilst inyefted with this 
dignity, he was taken prisoner by the! French, in the 
famous battle of Ravenna, but soon afterwards found an 
opportunity of . effecting his escape, not however without 
great danger and difficulty. In the mean time new 
dissensions had sprung up at Florence, where the in- 
habitants, wearied with the fluctus^tions of. a govern- 
ment, whose maxims, and conduct wer^ changed in th^ 
same rapid succession as its chief magistrates, were at 
length obliged to seek for a greater degree of stability^ by 
electing a Gonfatoniere for life. This authority was ia-? 
trusted to Piero Soderini, who, with more integrity than 
ability, exercised it for nearly ten years. His contracted 
views suited, not with the circumstances of the times. 
The principal governments of Italy, with Julius at their 
head, had leagued together to free that cpuntry fron^ 
the depredations of the French^ Fearful of exciting the 
restless dispositions of the Florentines, and ^perhaps of 
endangering the continuance of his power, the Goftfa^ 
lonicre kept aloof from a cause, on the success of which 
depended the tranquillity and independence of Italy^ Hi« 
reluctance to take aa active part in the war was con- 
strued 



X. 



atrued into a secret partiality to ttie interests of the French ; CHAP, 
and, whilst it rendered him odious to a great part of the 
citizens of Florence, drew upon him the resentment of 
the allied powers. The victory obtsdned by the French at 
Ravenna, dearly purchased with the death of the gallant 
Gaston de Foix, and the loss of near ten thousand men, 
proved the destruction of their enterprize j and as the cause 
of the French declined, that of the Medici gained ground, 
as well in Florence, as in the rest of Italy. The prudence 
and moderation of the cardinal enabled * him to avail him- 
self of these favourable dispositions without prematurely 
anticipating the consequences. During his residence at 
Rome he had paid a marked attention to the citizens of 
Florence who occasionally resorted there, without making 
any s^parent distinction between those who had espoused 
and those who had been adverse to the cause of his family ; 
and by hrs afiability and hospitality, as well as by his at- 
tention to the interests of those who stood in need of his 
services, had acquired the good opinion of his fellow-citi- 
zens. Having thus prepared the way for his success, he 
took the earliest opportunity of turning the arms of the 
allied powers against Florence, for. the avowed purpose of 
removing Piero Soderini from his oflSce, and restoring the 



Medici to their rights as cidzens. On the part of Soderini RestoratiM or 

the Medic 
Florence. 



little resistance was made. The allies having succeeded in ***' ^**''^' '^ 



an attack upon the town of Prato, and the friends of the 
Medici having openly oppoised the authority of Soderini, 
the tide of popular favour once more turned ; and whilst 
the Gonfaloniere with diflScuIty effected his escape, the 
cardinal made his entrance into his native place, accom- 
panied by his younger brother Giuliano, his nephew Lo- 

renzo. 



LeoX* 



278 

CHAP, rchzo, and his cousin Giulio de' Medici, tlie latter of whom 
^* had been his constant attendant during all the events of his 
public life {a). 

The restoration of. the Medici, although effected by 
an armed force, was not disgraced by the bloodshed of any 
of the citizens, and a few only of their avowed enemiesr 
were ordered to absent themselves from Florence. Scarcely* 
was the tranquillity of the place restored when intelli- 
Eicvationof geucc was rcccivcd of the death of Julius II. The car- 
dinal lost no time in repairing to Rome, where, o^ the 
eleventh day of March 15 13, being then only thirty-seven, 
years of age, he was elected supreme head of the ^hurch, 
and assumed the name of Leo X. The high reputation 
which he had acquired not only counterbalanced any ob- 
jections arising from his youth, but rendered his election a 
subject of general satisfaction ; and the inhabitants of Flo- 
rence, without adverting to the consequences, exulted in 
an event which seemed likely to contribute not less to the 
security than to the honour of their country. The 
commencement of his pontificate was distinguished by an 
act of clemency which seemed to realize the high expect- 
ations that had been formed of it. A general amnesty 
was published at Florepce, and, the banished citizens re- 
Stored to thj^ir country. Piero Soderini, who had taken 
refuge in Turkey, was invited by the pope to Rome, 
where he resided many years under his protection, and 
enjoyed the society and respect of the prelates and other 
men of eminence who frequented the court, being distin- 
guished 

(0) Gmcciar, Storia i* Italiat lih* x. Raxxi *vita di Piir9 Sodtriui. Padava^ 
1737, /. 70, Wr. 



279 

guished during the remainder of his life by the honourable CHAP, 
title of the Gonfalonierc [a). bbkb 

The elevation of Leo X. to the pontificate established Leopromotet 
the fortunes of the Medici on a permanent foundation. 
Naturally munificent to all, Leo was lavish in bestowing 
upon the difierent branches of his own family the highest 
honours and most lucrative preferments of thie church. 
Giulio de* Medici was created archbishop of Florence, and 
was soon afterwards admitted into the sacred college, where 
he acquired such influence, as to secure the pontifical 
chair, in which he succeeded Adrian VL who filled it only 
ten months after the death of Leo. The daughters of 
Lorenzo, Maddaleiia, the wife of Francesco Cibo, Contes- 
sina, the wife of Piero Ridolfi, and Lucrezia, the wife of 
Giacopo Salviati, gave no less than four cardinals to the 
Romish church j there being two of the family of Salviati^ 
and one of each of the others. Profiting by the examples 
of his predecessors, Leo lost no opportunity of aggrandiz- 
ing his relations, well knowing that, in order to secure to 
them any lasting benefit, it was necessary that they should 
be powerful enough to defend themselves, after his death, 
from the rapacious aims of succeeding pontiflfs, who, he 
was well aware, would probably pay as little regard to his 
family, as he had himself, in some instances, paid to the 
friends and families of his predecessors {b). 

The 



(a) Raxsu vita di Pkro Soderim, /• 85. 

{6) Notwithstanding his precautions, Leo conid not, on all occasions, pre- 
serve his surviving relations from the insults and injuries of his successors, 
Paul III. Alessandro Famese, had in his youth been particularly favoured by 
Lorenzo de* Medici^ who, in a letter which yet remains from him to Lanfre* 



28o 

C H A p* . The pontificate of Leo X, is celebrated as one of the 
^ most prosperous in the annals of the Romish church* 
Restorw bis At thc time when he assumed the chair, the calamities of 
to^cc?* Italy were at their highest pitch ; that country being the 
theatre of a war, in which not only all its governments 
were engaged, but which was rendered yet more san- 
guinary by the introduction of the French, Helvetian, and 
Spanish troops. A council, which had. long establishea 
itself at Pisa, under the influence and protection of the 
king of France, tThwarted the measures, and at times over- 
awed the authority of the holy see ; and, in additio^i to all 
her other distresses, Italy laboured under great apprehen- 
sions from the Turks, who constantly threatened a descent 
on that unhappy country. Thdi address and perseverance 
of Leo surmounted the difficulties which he had to en- 
counter; and during his pontificate the papal dominions 
enjoyed a degree of tranquillity superior to any other state 
in Italy. In his relations with foreign powers, his con- 
duct is no less entitled to approbation. During the con- 
tests that took place between those powerful, monarchs 
Charles V. and Francis I. he distinguished himself by his 
moderation^ his vigilance, and his political address; on 
which account he is justly celebrated by an eminent his- 
torian 



dini, his envoy at Rome« thus expresses himself respecting him : *' Vi lo rac* 
^* commandiate quanto farei Pietro mio figlio > e vi prego k> introduciate e lo 
^* raccommandiate caldissimamente a N.S. (il papa) che non potreste farmi 
** maggior piacere^'* &c. Yet> when the same Alessandro had arrived at the 
pontificate, he so far forgot or disregarded hi« early obiigationsy as forcibly to 
dispossess Lucrezia, the daughter of his benefactor, then in a very advanced 
age, of her residence in Rome, to make way for one of his nephews. This in- 
cidei^t is related by Varcbi with proper indignation. 

' Storia Fiorentina, M^xvl. f, 666 • 



28l 

torian of our owa country, as " the only prince of the chap. 
" age who observed the motions of the two contending ' 

*' monarchs with a prudent attention, or who discovered 
V a proper solicitude for the public safety (a).'* 

Leo was not however aware, that whilst he was com- Rise of the 
posing the troubles which the ambition of his neighbours, '***°****^ 
or the misconduct of his predecessors, had occasioned, he 
was exciting a still more formidable adversary, that was 
destined, by a slow but certain progress, to sap the found- 
ations of the papal power, and to alienate that spiritual al- 
legiance which the Christian world had kept inviolate for 
so many centuries. Under the control of Leo, the riches 
that flowed from every part of Europe to Rome, as to the 
heart of the ecclesiastical system^ were again poured out 
through a thousand channels, till the sources became in- 
adequate to the expenditure. To supply this deficiency, 
he availed himself of various expedients, which, whilst 
they eflfected for a time the intended purpose, roused the 
attention of the people to the enormities and abuses of the 
church, and in some measure drew aside that sacred veil, 
which, in shrouding her from the prying eyes of the vul- 
gar, has always been her safest preservative. The open 
sale of dispensations and indulgences for the most enor- 
mous and disgraceful crimes was too flagrant not to at- 
tract general notice. Encouraged by the dissatis£iction 
which was thus excited, a daring reformer arose, and, 
equally regardless of the threats of secular power, and 

the 



{a) Robertson^ Hist. $f Cba. V. h9ok u 
VOL. II. 



282 

CHAP, the denunciations of the Roman see, ventured to oppose 
^' the opinion of an individual to the infallible determina- 
tions of the church. At this critical juncture, Luther 
found that support which he might in vain have sought 
at any other period, and an inroad was made into the 
sanctuary, which has ever since been widening, and will 
probably continue to widen, till the mighty fabric, the 
work of so many ages, shall be laid in ruins {a). It is not 
however so much for the tenets of their religious creed, 
as for the principles upon which they founded their dis- 
sent, that the reformers are entitled to the thanks of poste- 
rity. That right of private judgment which they claimed 
for themselves, they could not refuse to others; and by 
a * mode of reasoning as simple as it was decisive, man- 
kind arrived at the knowledge of one of those great truths 
which form the basis of human happiness. It appeared 
that the denunciations of the church were as ineffectual to 
condemn, as its absolution was to exculpate j and, instead 
of an intercourse between the man and his priest, an in- 
tercourse took place between his conscience and his God. 

Ap of Leo X. But turning from the advantages which the world has 

derived from the errors of Leo X. we may be allowed for 

a mo- 



(a) The causes and progress of the reformation are traced by Dr. Robert- 
son, ki his History of Charles the V. book ii. in a manner that would dispense 
with any further elucidation, even if it were snore intimately connected with 
my subject. This celebrated historian has taken occasion to refute an asser- 
tion made by Guicciardini, and» after him, by Fr. Paolo, that Leo X. be^ 
stowed the profits arising from the sale of indulgences in Saxony, upon his 
sister Maddalena, the wife of Francesco Cibo. Guudar, lib. xiii. Sarfi^ Stcria 
dtl CmHL Trident . cap. i. RhbirtsoM^ Hist^ Cba* V. iotk ii, in noti. 



X. 



283 

a moment to inqiilre what it owed to his talents and to his CHAP, 
virtues. No sooner was he raised to the papal chair, than 
Rome assumed once more its ancient character, and be-* 
came the seat of genius, magnificence, letters, and arts. 
One of the first acts of his pontificate was to invite to his 
court two of the most elegant Latin scholars that modern 
times have produced, Piero Bembo and* Giacopo Sadoleti ; 
on each of whom he conferred the rank of cardinal. The 
most celebrated professors of literature from every part of 
Europe were induced by liberal pensions to fix their resi-* 
dence at Rome, where a permanent establishment was 
formed for the study of the Greek tongue, under the di- 
rection of Giovanni Lascar* The afifability, the munifi-* 
cence, the judgment, and the taste of this splendid pontiff, 
are celebrated by a considerable number of learned men, who 
witnessed his accomplishments, or partook of his bounty. 
Succeeding times have been equally disposed to do justice 
to so eminent a patron of letters, and have considered the 
age of Leo X. as rivalling that of Augustus. Leo has not 
however escaped the reproach of having been too lavish of 
his favours to authors of inferior talents, and of having 
expended in pompous spectacles and theatrical representa- 
tions that wealth which ought to have been devoted to 
better purposes {a). But shall we condemn his conduct, if 
those, who had no claims on his justice, were the objects 
of his bounty ? or may it not be doubted whether this dis- 
position was not more favourable to the promotion of letters, 

than 



{a) Tirab. Storia Jetta Ltt. ItaL v. vili, far. i. p, 19. Andres orig» i frogressi 
sTqgni Letteratura, *v,i, /. 380* 

00 2 



284 

CHAP, than a course of conduct more discriminating and severe I 
Whatever kindness he might shew to those who endea- 
voured to amuse his leisure by their levity, their singula* 
rity, or their buffoonery, no instances can be produced of 
his having rewarded them by such distinguished favours as 
he constantly bestowed on real merit ; and whilst we dis- 
cover amongst those who shared his friendship and par- 
took of his highest bounty, the names of Bembo, Vida, 
Ariosto, Sadoleti, Casa, and Flaminio, we may readily 
excuse the effects of that superabundant kindness which 
rather marked the excess of his liberality than the imper- 
fection of his judgment. 

The Laurentian In the attention paid by Leo X. to the collecting and 
Library restored, preserving aucicnt manuscripts, and other memorials of 

literature, he emulated the example of his father, and by 
his perseverance and liberality at length succeeded in re- 
storing to its former splendor the celebrated library, which, 
on the expulsion of Piero de' Medici, had become a prey 
to the fury or the cupidity of the populace. Such of these 
valuable articles as had escaped the sacrilegious hands of 
the plunderers, had been seized upon for the use of the Flo- 
rentine state; but in the year 1496, the public treasury 
being exhausted, and the city reduced to great extremity, 
the magistrates were under the necessity of selling them 
to the monks of the fraternity of S. Marco, for the sum 
of three thousand ducats {a). Whilst these valuable works 

were 



{a) Eodem anno libri heredum olim Petri Medicis a conventu nostro trium 
jnilium Ducatorum pretio comparatiy quos supra memoravimus in horrendo 
casu nostro, ex jusso dominatioiiis Florentine in palatium comportatos, ^et 



285 

were deposited at the convent, they experienced a less CHAP, 
public, but perhaps a more destructive calamity, many * 

of them having been' distributed as presents by Savonarola, 
the principal of the monastery, to the cardinals, and other 
eminent men, by whose favour he sought to shelter him- 
self from the resentment of the pope {a). When the Flo- 
rentines destroyed their golden calf, and the wretched 
priest expiated by his death his folly and his crimes, ap- 
prehensions were entertained that the library of the Medici 
would once more be exposed to the rapacity of the people; but 
some of the youth of the noblest families of Florence, with 
a laudable zeal for the preservation of this monument of 
their national glory, associated themselves together, and un- 
dertook to guard it till the frenzy of the populace had again 
subsided {b). After the death of Savonarola, the frater- 
nity having fallen into discredit, and being in their turn 
obliged to sell the library, it was purchased from them by 
Leo X. then cardinal de' Medici, and in the year 1508 
was removed by him to Rome, where it continued during 
his life, and received constant additions of the most rare and 
valuable manuscripts. From Leo it devolved to his cousin 
Clement VIL who, upon his elevation to the pontificate, 

again 



per inventarium resignatos, mense Octobris in conveatuxn hunc S. Marci re- 
vecti sunt} novis stipulationibus factis, &c. 

Mwricam annal* part. i. ap<* Mebus, Ambr* Travws. <vtta, /• yZj infraf* 

(tf) Etiam de' libri di Piero de* Medici* i quali nella Libreria di S. Marco 
in buona parte si ridussono, fece parte a cardinali^ per cui mezzo delle scomu- 
niche e altri processi contragli si difendeva. Tanta forza avevano in Firenze le 
sue arti. Af^. di Pitro Parentis cit, da Tirat. Stma della Im% Ital, a/. yi.fart,i*f» io6* 

{h) Tirab. ut suff^ 



286 

CHAP, Again transferred it to Florence, and by a bull, which bears 
_ ^' date the fifteenth day of December 1532, provided for 
Its future security. Not satisfied however with this pre- 
caution, he meditated a more substantial defence, and, with 
a munificence which confers honour on his pontificate, en- 
gaged Michelagnolo to form the design of the ^lendid 
edifice in which this library is now deposited, which was 
afterwards finished under the directions of the same artist, 
by his friend and scholar VasarL 

Giuiiano dc* Giuliauo de' Medici, the third son of I<orpnzo, was 

afVemours/ morc distinguished by his attention to the cause of litera- 

tvure, and by his mild and affable disposition, than by his 
talents for political affairs. On the return of the family to 
Florence, he had been intrusted by his brother, then the 
cardinal de' Medici, with the direction of the Florentine 
state ; but it soon appeared that he had not sufficient 
energy to control the jarring dispositions of the Florentines. 
He therefore resigned his authority to Lorenzo, the son 
of his brother Piero de' Medici, and on the elevation of 
Leo X. took up hh residence at Rome ; where, under the 
title of captain general of the church, he held the chief 
command of the papal troops. By the favour of the pope 
he soon afterwards obtained extensive possessions in Lom- 
bardy, and having intermarried with Filiberta, sister of 
Charles duke of Savoy, and a descendant of the house of 
Bourbon, was honoured by Francis L with the title of 
duke of Nemours. Of his gratitude,, an instance is recorded 
which it would be unjust to his memory to omit. During 
his exile from Florence, he had found an hospitable asylum 
with Guid'ubaldo di Montefeltro, duke of Urbino, who on 

2 his 



287 

his death left his dominions to his adopted son, Francesco CHAP. 
Maria delle Rovere* Incited by the entreaties of his ne* 
phew Lorenzo, Leo X. formed the design of depriving 
Rovere of his possessions^ under the usual pretext of their 
having escheated to the church for want of legitimate heirs^ 
and of vesting them in Lorenzo, with the title of duke of 
Urbino ; but the representations of Giuliano prevented for 
a time the execution of his purpose ; and it was not till 
after his death that Leo disgraced his pontificate by this signal 
instance of ecclesiastical rapacity. If we may give credit to- 
Ammirato, Giuliano at one time entertained the ambitious 
hope of obtaining the crown of Naples {a); but if such a 
design was in contemplation,, it is probable that he was in* 
cited by his more enterprizing and ambitious brother, who 
perhaps sought to revive the claims of the papal see upon 
a kingdom, to the government of which Giuliano could, in 
his own right, advance no pretensions. As a patron of 
learning, he supported the ancient dignity of his family. 
He is introduced to great advantage in the celebrated dia- 
logue of Bemfao on the kalian tongue (&), and in the yet 
more distinguished work of Castiglionc, intitled U libra 
del Cortegiano {c). In the Laurentian Library several of 

hi^ 



(a) Ammir* Lt. Ficr, hi, xzix. W. iii. /• 315* 

(i) Prose di m. piktro bembo, mei,le qjjavi si lUioiOMAr della volgar 
LINGUA ; dedicated to the cardinal Giulio de'Medtci> afterwards Clement VII. 
first printed at Venice by Giovam Tacuino, ml meu di Stturnhn del mdxxt. cum 
pri'viUgU di Pafa ClemcMii, tjc. 

(c) Im Vnutia mlb cast d^JUh R^mtuu, e £jhdha d^AioU jm maun^ nM* 
mmo MDZJtTiiK ddmisi d* ApriU^ vtfd. This work has frequently been re- 
printed under themor econcisc title of J7C«riir^*«M^ by 'Wluoli4tis«lsodted- 



288 

CHAP, his sonnets arc yet preserved {a) ; and some specimens of 

* his composition are adduced byJCrescimbeni, which, if they 

display not any extraordinary spirit of poetry, sufficiently 

prove, that, to a correct judgment^ he united an elegant 

taste {5). 

Naturally of an infirm constitution, Giuliano did not 
long enjoy his honours. Finding his health on the decline, 
he removed to the monastery at Fiesole, in the expectation 
of deriving advantage from his native air ; but his hopes 
were frustrated, and he died there in the month of March 
15 1 6, not having then fully completed his thirty-seventh 
year. His death was sincerely lamented by a great majo- 
rity of the citizens of Florence, whose favour he had con- 
ciliated in a high degree by his affability, moderation, and 

inviolable 



in the BiUioteca Italiana of Fontanini ; but Apostolo Zeno, pleased with erery 
opportunity of reproving the author whom he has undertaken to comment 
upon, shrewdly observes, in his notes on that work, ** Altro e ii dire semplice- 
** mente* // Cort4giatte, come il Fontanini vorrebbe ; e altro, II lihro dil Corti» 
*^ giano, come il Castiglione ha voluto dire, e lo ha detto : la prima maniera 
** indicherebbe di voler descrivere // Cortegiano per quello che e ; e la seconda 
'* dinota di volergli insegnare qual esser deve.'* 

Zeno, in not. aiJa Bit. Ital. di Fontan. <zf« ii. p. 353. 

{a) Plut. zlvi. Cod. zxv. No. 3. Another copy of his poems remains in 
MS* in the Strozzi Library at Florence. 

(£) Crescimb» Comnunt. nf. iii. /• 338. Where the author confounds Giuliano, 
the son of Lorenzo de' Medici, with Giuliano his brother, who lost his life in 
the conspiracy of the Pazzi : and even cites the authority of Politiano, *' Che 
*' i versi volgari di lui erano a maraviglia gravi, e pieni di nobiii sentiment!,'* 
as referring to the writings of the younger Giuliano, although such opinion 
was expressed by Politiano respecting the works of 'Giuliano the brother of 
Lorenzo, before Giuliano his son was bom* 



289 

inviolable regard to his promises [a). His tomb, in the C H A P. 
sacristy of the church of S. Lorenzo at Florence, one of , 
the most successful efforts of the genius of Michelagnolo, 
may compensate him for the want of that higher degree of 
reputation which he might have acquired in a longer life. 
His statue, seated, and in a Roman military habit, may be 
considered rather as characteristic of his office, as general of 
the church, than of his exploits. The figures which re- 
cline on each side of the sarcophagus, and are intended 
to represent day and night, have been the admiration of 
succeeding artists ; but their allegorical purport may ad- 
mit 



{a) Ariosto has addressed a beautiful canzone to Filiberta of Savoy, the 
widow of Giuiiano> commencing, Anima eletta, che ml monHofdle^ in which the 
shade of the departed husband apostrophizes his surviving wife. The follow- 
ing lines, referring to Lorenzo the Magnificent, may serve to shew the high 
veneration in which the poet held his memory : 

** Questo sopra ogni lume in te risplende, 
** Se ben quel tempo che si ratto corse, 
** Tenesti di Nimora 
** Meco scettro ducal di la da' monti i 
** Se ben tua bella mano freno torse, 
** Al paese gentil che Appenin fende, 
*• E 1' alpc e il mar difende : 
'* Ne tanto val, che a questo pregio monti, 
** Che'l sacro onor de 1* erudite fronti, 
«* Quel Tosco e*n terra e*n cielo amato Lauro, 
*^ Socer ti fu, le cui mediche fronde 
^* Spesso a le piaghe, donde 
** Italia morl poi, fiiro ristauro : 
** Che fece al Indo e al Mauro, 
** Senttr V odor de such rami soavi ; ^ 

^ Onde pendean le chiavi 
'* Che tenean chiuso il tempio de la gnerref 
^ Che poi fu aperto, e nom b ttv cri'l serrb/' 

VOL. U. P P 



290 

CHAP, mit of a lAtitude of interpretation. Had the conquests of 
•^' Giuliano rivalled those of Alexander the Great, we might 
have conjectured, with Vasari, that the artist meant to ex- 
press the extent of his glory, limited only by the confines 
of the earth {a) ; but the hyperbole would be too extfava* 
gant; and the judicious spectator will perhaps rather regard ^ 
them as emblematical of the constant change of sublunary 
affairs, and the brevity of human life. 

ippoutode' By his wife Filiberta of Savoy, Giuliano de* Medici 

Medici. i^j ^^ children ; but, before his marriages he had a natural - 
son, who became an acknowledged branch of the family 
of the Medici, and, like the rest of his kindred, acquired, 
wtthin the limits of a short life, a considerable share of 
reputatioo. This was the celebrated Ippolito de* Medici,, 
who, dignified with the rank of cardinal, and possessed, 
by the partiality of Clement VII. of an immense revenue,, 
was at once the patron, the companion, and the rival of 
all the poets, the' musicians, and the wits of his time* 
Without territories, and • without subjects, Ippolito main- 
tained at Bologna a court far mwe splendid than that of 
any Italian potentate. His associates and attendants, all 
of whom could boast of some peculiar merit of distinction 
which had entitled them to his notice, generally formed a 
body of about three hundred persons. Shocked at his pro- 
fusion, which only the revenues of- the church were com- 
petent to supply, element VII. is said to have engaged 
the maestro di casa of Ippolito to remonstrate with him 

on 



.tAi 



^mmmmm^m^^mlkmJbmmt^ 



(0) Vasari *v$ia di M* d* SuMorotti* 



X. 



291 

O0 hU conduct, aad to reqiueat that he -would dismiss some c ha p. 
ipf his aUeadants as unaecedsary to him. " No," replied . 
Ippolito, '^ I do not retain them in mj court because I 
** have occasion for their services, but because they have 
*• occasion for mine {d).^ His translation of the second 
bpok of the ^neid into Italian blank verse is conddered 
as one of the happiest efibrts of the language, and has fre- 
quently been i:e]fMinted (^). Amongst the collections of 
Italiap ppeti'y may also be found some pieces of his own 
cpmpoaitjion, which do credit to his talents (r). 



On the voluntary resignation of Giuliano de^ Medici to^nzo de* 

Medici, di 
of Urbino. 



of the direcfiofi of the Ftorentinc state, that important ^'^'"' ^^'^^ 



truat had been confided by Leo X. to his nephew Lorenzo, 
who, with the assistance of the cardinal Giulio de' Me- 
dici, directed the helm of goremment according to the 
will of the pope ; but the honour of holding the chief rank 
in the republic^ aldiough it had gratified die just ambition 

of 



{a) Tirah. Storia dtUa Let* Ital, v. vii. par, i. /• 23. 

{b) The £rst edition is that of Rome, mpuddiUimium BkuUm^ 1538* without 
the naxne of the author^ who* at the foot of his dedication to a lady, whom he 
designates only by the appellation of lUmtritsima Sigftora^ assumes the title of 
// cavaliero ErratUe* The second edition, now before me, is iotitkd, il sficONDO 
Di vERGXLio in lingua ^volgare voJto da hippolito de* medici cardinale. At the 
close we read» In citta di CasteOo per Jntonio MaxoM Cremonesey et Nicolo de Guc» 
tit da Coma, ad instantia di JIf . Gio*van GaSo Dottor de leggi da Castello nel gierno 
20 de Lnglio 1539. Several subsequent editions have appeared, as well sepa* 
rately, as ^united widi t3ie other books of die ^neid, translated by diiBFerent 
{>ersons. y 

(0 SpsM of thie9^ ^e ^ciud by Cre^^imbwii dJk "uolgar poisieh m* ii^ 
vdm \u p* 3(ia» .". '. 



X. 



292 

C HA P. of his illustrious grandfather, was inadequate to the pre- 
^ tensions of Lorenzo ; and the family of Rovere, after a 
vigorous defence, in which Lorenzo received a wound 
which had nearly proved mortal, was obliged to relin- 
quish to him the sovereignty of Urbino, of which he re- 
ceived from the pope the ducal investiture in the year 
1516(^2). After- the death of his uncle Giuliano, he was 
appointed captain general of the papal troops^ but his re- 
putation for military skill scarcely stands higher than that 
of his predecessor. In the year 15 1 8, he married Magde- 
leine de Boulogne, of the royal house of France, and the 
* sole fruit of this union was Catherine de' Medici, after- 
wards the queen of Henry IL [B) The birth of the 
daughter cost • the mother her life, and Lorenzo sur- 
vived her only a few days, having, if we may credit 
Ammirato, fallen a victim to that loathsome disorder, 
the peculiar scourge of licentiousness, which had then 
recently commenced its ravages in Europe (r). His tomb, 

of 



(a) Nerli Cotimtnt. Hb* yi« p. 130* 

{b) Si, comme les poetes l*ont dit^ Pancienne Hecube^ avant de mettre 
Paris au monde, etait troubl^e par des songes e£&'ayans ; quels noirs fant6mes 
deyaient agiter les nuits de Magdeleine de la Toar, enceinte de Catherine de 
Medicis? Tenb* Mem. Gen. //v. xx. /• 5. 

(c) jimmr. Li. Fior, lib. xxix. v, \u p* 33^. Thrs disorder^ which was 
first known in Italy about the year 1495^ ^^^^ ^^^^ '^ ^^^ commencement sup* 
posed to be the result of sexual intercourse, but was attributed to the impure 
state of the air, to the simple touch or breath of a disordered person,, or 
even to the use of an infected knife. Hence for a considerable time no dis- 
credit attached to the patient ; and the authors of that period attribute with- 
out hesitation the death of many eminent persons, as well ecclesiastical as se- 
cular, to this complaint. In the Laurentian Library {Plut. hxiii* cod. 38.) 
is a MS* iatitlcd Sapbaii Pfysici de nmb^ GMco isber, dedicated by the author 



X. 



293 

• • • 

of the sculpmre of Michelagnolo, is found amongst the CHAP, 
splendid monuments of his family in the church of S. 
Lorenzo at Florence. He appears seated, in the attitude 
of deep meditation. At his feet recline two emblematical 

figures, 



Ciuliano Tanio> of Prato^ to Leo. X. in which he thus adverts to a learned 
professor who was probably one of the first victims of this disease : ** Nos 
'* anno mcgccxcv. extrema aestate, egregium utriusque juris doctorem Domi- 
** num Philippum Decium^ Papiensem, in Florentino Gymnasio Prati, Pisis 
** tunc rebellibusy publice legentem, hac labe affectum ipst conspezimus.'* 
From the same author we learn that the disorder was supposed to have ori- 
ginated in a long continuance of hot and moist weather, which occurred in the 
same year: " £z magna pluvia similis labes apparuit, ex quibus arguunt hunc 
*^ nostra setatis morbum ex simili causa ortum esse^ excalida scilicet, humida- 
** que intempene, quia ex phxvia scilicet annt mcccclxxxxv* nonis Decembris 
^ emissa, qua Roma facta est navigabilis, ac tota fere Italia inundationes passa 
•* est-*' &c. These authorities are greatly strengthened by that of the illus«» 
trious FracastoirOy who was not only the best Latin poet, but the most emi* 
nent physician of his age, and who, in his SyfbiHs, accounts for the disorder 
£rom similar causes* After adverting to the opinion that it had been brought 
into Europe ixovk the western worlds then lately discover&d« he adds, 

'^ At vero, si rite fTdem observata merentur 

« 

*^ Non ita censendum : nee certe credere par est 
Esse peregrinam nobis, transque^xquora vectam 
Contagem : quoniam in primis ostendere multos 

<< Pos$umus, attactu qtti nuUius, hanc tamen ipsam^ 

" Sponte sua lenscre lusm, pnmique tulere* 

•* PrsBterea, et tantum terranun tempore parvo, 

** Contages non una simul potuisset obire.'* 

It is remarkable also, that throughout the whole poem he has not consi^ 
dered this disease as the peculiar resul<r of licendous intercourse, on which ac^ 
count it is perfectly unexceptionable in point of decorum. Even the shepherd 
Sjfhilus, introduced as an .instance of its e£fects, is represented as having de- 
rived it from the resentment, not* of Venus, but of Phoebus, excited by the 
adoration paid by the shepherds to Alcithous, and the neglect of his own • 
altars ; or, in other words, to the too fervid state of the atmosphere. Had the 
disorder in itsorigin been accompanied by the idea of disgrace or criminality^ 



€1 



X. 



29+ 

CHAP, figures, the rivals of those \yhich adora the tomb of .Giu- 
_ liano, and which are intended to represent morning aijd 
evening. Ariosto has also celehra^d his ;nea(ioiy ip some 
of his most beautiful verseis(tf). Like the Egyptji^as, wl^p^ 
embalm a putrid carcase with the richest odours, the artist 
and the poet too often lavish their divine incense on the 
most undeserving of mankind. 

Prior 



which attends it in modern times, the author of this poem would scar^elj have 

denominated it, 

** Infanda lues, quam nostra vjdetis 

" Corpora depasci, quam nuUi 4ut denique pauci 

" Vitamus." 

The poem of Fracastoro was first published in the year 1550 ; but an Italian 
poem on the same subject, by Niccolo Campana of Siena, was priQted at that 
place in I5i9> and again at Venice in 15579 intitled Lamntto di quel Tribulau S 
Strascino Campana Stmsi sofra el male incoputo el qtude tratta d* la fatwttia ei 
impatientia. The style of this poem is extremely gross and ludicrous ; aqd the 
author, in the supposed excess of his sufferings, indulges himself in the most 
extravagant and profane ideas, as to the nature and origin of the com^aint« 
At one time he supposes it to be the same disorder as that which God per* 
mitted Satan to inflict upon Job : 

'* Allor Sathan con tal mal pien di yitiot 
** X)iede a Jobbe amarissimo supplitio,** 

Again he asserts it to be the , complaint of Simon the lq>er: 
** Quando Cristo gnarl Sinu>n lebbct>soi» 
** £ra di questo mal pessimo iniquo.'' 

But on no occasion does he ascribe the rise of the disorder to the cause 
which, from the nature of his poen^ ™%^t have been expected. I shall only 
observe, that the use of the^and^x^^^i*^ specific is ejqpres^ly . pointed oxit, in 
both these poems* as the only qertain remedy. 

(tf) Such at least I conjecture to be the purport of his poem, which coxmn^ces, 

<* Nejla stagion cjt^'l l^el tempo rimens^ 
^* Di mia man wsi un raxnuscel di I«aura.'' 



295 

Prior to his marriage with Magdefeine of Boulogne, C H A ?• 
the duke of Urbind Had an illegitimate son, named Ales- ' 

sandro, in whose person was consummated the destruction Ai«sandro 
of the liberties of Florence. It was commonly supposed 
that Alessandro was the offspring of the duke by an African 
slave, at the time when he, with the rest of the family, 
wete restored to Florence ; and this opinion received con- 
firmation from his thick lips, crisped hair, and dark com- 
plexion. But it is yet more probable that he was the son 
of Clemetit VII, Such at least was the information given 
to the historian Ammirato by the grand duke Cosmo I. at 
the time when he read to him the memoirs which he had 
prepared respecting his family ; and the predilection of the 
pontiff for this equivocal descehdaht of the house of Medici 
adds probability to the report [a). But whatever was his 
origin, the circumstances of the times, and the ambition 
of those' who protected his infancy, equally dispensed with 
the disadvantages of his birth, and his want df inherent 
merit. On failure of the legitimate branch^ ot CosmO de*^ 
Medici,, usually styled the father of his country*, derived 
through Lorenzo the Magnificent,* Alessandro and Ippolito 
became. necessary implements in the hands of Clement VIL 
to prevent the credit and authority of the family from pass- 
ing to the collateral branch derived from Lorenzo the bro- 
ther of Cosmo, which had gradually risen to great distinc- 
tion in the state, and of which it will now be necessary to. 
give a brief account. 

Pierfrancesca de- Medici, the 6on of the elder Lorenzo,, 
to' whom we have before had occasion to advert (^), died 

in 

{fi) Jmrnif. lit, Fior, Hi, zxz. if, iii. /• 335, {i) *v. anfc,.vel, I. /. 135. 



296 



CHAP. 
X. 

Descendants 
of Lorenzo 
de^ Medici^ 
the brother 
•f Cosmo. 



in the year 1459, t^^iving bequeathed his immense pos- 
sessions, obtained from his share in the profits acquired 
by the extensive traffic of the family, to his two sons, 
Lorenzo and Gioyanni. Following the example of their 
father, and emulous rather of wealth than of honours, 
the sons of Pierfrancesco had for several years confined 
themselves to the limits of a private condition, although 
they had occasionally filled the chief offices of the repub- 
lic, in common with other respectable citizens. On the 
expulsion of Piero, the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, 
from Florence, in the yfear 1494, they endeavoured to 
avail themselves of his misconduct, and of the importance 
which they had gradually acquired, to aspire to the chief 
direction of the republic, and divesting themselves of the 
invidious name of Medici, assumed that of Popolani. The 
restoration of the descendants of Lorenzo the Magnifi- 
cent to Florence, the elevation of his second son to the 
pontificate, and the series of prosperity enjoyed by the 
family under his auspices, and under those ^iof Clement 
VIL had repressed their ambition, or frustrated their 
hopes ; and Lorenzo and Giovanni, the sofls of Pierfran- 
cesco, passed through life in a subordinate rank, the for- 
mer of them leaving at his death a son, named Pierfran- 
cesco, and the latter a son Giovanni, to inherit their im- 
mense wealth, and perpetuate the hereditary rivalship of 
the two families [a). But whilst the descendants of 
Cosmo, the father of his country, existed only in females, 

or 



(«) Furono i due frateUi richissimi — di meglio che cencocmquanta mihi 
scudi* e po8sede\rano di beni stabili, fra gli aJtri la casa grande di FirenzCf il 
palazzo di Jiesolcj di Trebbio, di CafEagiolo, e di Castello. 

JU. Matiucc. vita di CtifM^ v. i. /. 27* 



2^97 



or in a spurious offspring, those of his brother Lorenzo con- 
tinued in a legitimate succession of males, and were invi- 
gorated with talents the most formidable to their rivals, and 
the most flattering to their own hopes. Adopting from 
his youth a military life, Giovanni de' Medici became one 
of the most celebrated commanders that Italy had ever pro- 
duced. By the appellation of captain of the bande nere^ his 
name carried terror amongst his enemies. His course 
was of the most ferocious, kind. Equally insensible to 
pity and to danger^ his opponents denominated him 11 gran 
Diavoio {a). As the fervour of youth subsided, the talents 
of the commander began to be developed i but in the midst 
of his honours his career was terminated by a cannon ball, 
in the twenty-eighth year of his age. By his wife Maria 
Salviati, the offspring of Lucrezia, one of the daughters of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent, he left a son, Cosmo de' Medici, 
who, after the death of Alessandro, obtained the permanent 
sovereignty of Tuscany, and was the first who assumed 
the title of Grand Duke. 



CHAP. 

X. 



Giovanni de* 
Medici. 



The younger Pierfrancesco left also a son, named Lo- 
renzo, who, as well on account of his diminutive person, 
as to distinguish him from others of his kindred of the 
same name, was usually denominated Loren%ino^ and who 
was destined with his own hand to terminate the contest 
between the two families. Though small of stature, Lo- 
renzino was active and well proportioned. His complexion 
was dark, his countenance serious : when he smiled it 

seemed 



■*i«M>^M«a 



[a) Farcbit Storia Fior. lib. ii. p. 25. Ed. Ltydtn. The mother of Giovanni was 
Caterina SfQrza, the widfvw of Gtrokiiiio Rberio» who> after the death of her 
kmbaAd, had fiBuried the elder Giovan&t dc' Mediei« w. «r/#» ^ 164* 

VOL. II. (^Q^ 



Lorenzino de* 
Medici. 



X. 



298 

CHAP, seemed to be by constraint. His mother, who was of the 
powerful family of Soderini, had carefully attended to his 
education ; and as his capacity was uncommonly quick, he 
made an early- proficiency in polite letters. His elegant co- 
medy intitled Aridosioy still ranks with those works which 
are selected as models of the Italian language [a). Enter- 
prizing, restless, fond of commotions, and full of the ex- 
amples of antiquity, he had addicted himself when young 
to the society of Filippo Strozzi, who to an ardent love 
of liberty united an avowed contempt for all the political 
and religious institutions of his time. The talents and 
accomplishments of Lorenzino recommended him to Cle- 
ment VII. under whose countenance he resided for some 
time at the Roman court ; but an extravagant adventure 
deprived him of the favour of the pope, and compelled 
him to quit the city. It appeared one morning, that, 
during the preceding night, the statues in the arch of Con- 
stantine, and in other parts of the city, had been broken 
and defaced, a circumstance which so exasperated the 
pope, that he issued positive orders that whoever had 
committed the outrage, except it should appear to be 
the cardinal Ippolito de' Medici, should be immediately 
hanged {¥). This exception indeed strongly implies that 

the 



[a) Crescimbeni informs us, that this comedy was written by Lorenzino 
in 'versi 'ovlgari^ and printed at Bologna in 1548 ; and that it is also foond in 
prose^ printed at Lucca in the same year, and reprinted at Florence in 1595* 
DiUa 'volgar Poesiay *vol. y. /. 141. Crescimbeni is however mistaken ; the edi- 
tion of Bologna 1548 is now before me^ and is wholly written in prose. That 
of Florence^ 15959 is enumerated by the academicians D^ila Cnucoj. as one of 
the Tisti di Lingua. 

{h) It has been suggested to rat by very respectable authority that the 
heads of these ststtues and bas rilicvot were more probably ftolen by Lorexv* 



299 

the cardmai was not free from suspicion ; but whoever was chap. 
the delinquent, Lorenzino bore the whole odium of the ^' 
affair, and it required all the influence that Ippolito pos- 
sessed with the pope to rescue his kinsman from the de- 
nunciations issued against the offender. Lorenzino gladly 
took the earliest opportunity of quitting the city, and re- 
treated to his native place, where, transferring his resent- 
ment from the dead to the living, he soon afterwards acted 
a principal part in a much more important transaction {a) • 

To the energy and activity of Lorenzino, and the cou- Aiessandro 
rage of Giovanni de' Medici, Clement VII. could only *^"™*' ^'^ 
oppose the dissipation and inexperience of Ippolito and Florence. 
Alessandro ; but the turbulent disposition of the Florentines 
seconded his views, and the premature death of Giovanni, 
whilst it exposed his dominions to the ravages of the Ger- 
man troops, relieved him from his apprehensions of his most 
dangerous rival {b). Having prevailed on the emperor and 
the king of France to concur in his design, he seized the op- 
portunity afforded him by the civil dissensions of the Flo- 
rentines, 

zino for the sake of their beauty. They are even said to be yet extant in the 
jnuseom at Florence. 

{4t) f^srcbi, Storia Fior. 2ih. rr. /. 6i8. 

{b) The authority of the senator Nerli leaves no room for doubt on this 
head. ** Non poteva quella morte seguire in tempo, ch' ella desse piu uni- 
'' versale dispiacere, ne anco in tempo, che il papa piu la stimasse, perchi 
** sheila seguiva in altri tempi, che sua Santita non avesse avuto si urgente pe- 
•* ricolo sopra il capo» non gli arrccava per awentura dispiacere alcuno, ri- 
^^ manendo sicuro, e libero della gelosia grande, ch' egli aveva del nome sola- 
** mente del Sig. Giovanni, rispetto agl' interessi, e alia proprieta d'Alessan- 
^* dro, e d' Ippolito, i quali desiderava che fussero quelli, che possedcssero lo 
^ statOyle faculta, e la grandezza di casa Medici." 

Airr/r, Commutt* hb.y'iu p% 145. 



X. 



300 

c HA P. rentinesy and, in the year 15311, compelled them to fis^e at 
the head of the government Ales8andro de' Medici, with 
the title of Doge of the Florentine republic (a). The autho- 
rity of Alessandro was soon afterwards strengthened by 
his marriage with Margaretta of Austria, a natural daugh- 
ter of the emperor. Charles V. The cardinal ippolito, 
jealous of his success, had attempted to pre-occupy the go* 
vernment ; disappointed in his hopes, and disgusted with 
his ecclesiastical trappings, which ill suited the rapidity of 
his motions, and the vivacity of his character, he united 
.his efforts with those of Filippo Strozzi, who had married 
Clarice, the sister of Lorenzo duke of Urbino, to deprive 
Alessandro of his new dignity ; but before the arrange* 
ment could be made for the meditated attack, Ippolito sud- 
denly died of poison, administered to him by one of his 
domestics (^), leaving his competitor in the undisturbed 

possession of his newly acquired power. 

The 



(a) Alessandro is generally styled by the Italian authors the /rst duke of 
FUremcif bnt in this they are not strictly accurate. His title of Juki was de- 
rived from Cittki or Civita di Penna, and had been assumed by him several 
years before he obtained the direction of the Florentine state. It must also be 
observed, that Alessandro did not, as Robertson conceives, '^ enjoy the same 
'' absolute dominion as his family have retained to the present times/' Hist. 
Cba. V. hook v. he being only declared chief or prince of the republic, and his 
authority being in some measure counteracted or restrained by two councils 
chosen from the citizens, for life, one of which consisted of forty-eight, and 
the other of two hundred members. Varcbi^ Storia Fior. p. 497. Nirli Com, 
lib. zi. /. 257. 264. These distinctions are deserving of notice, as they serve to 
shew the gradual progress by which a free country is deprived of its liberties. 

\Jf) The person who administered the poison was said to be Giovan- 
Andrea di Borgo San Sepolcro, the steward or bailiff of IppoKto, who was 
supposed to have effected this treachery at the instaace of Alessandra; and 
this suspicion received confirmation by his having escaped punishment, 
although he confessed the crime ; and by his having afterwards been received 
at the court of Alessandro at Florence*. Farcbi, Stma Fior, /. 566. 

{ 




301 

The period however now approached which was to chap. 
transfer the dominion of Florence from the descendants ' 



of Lorenzo the Magnificent, to the kindred stock. In the Aiessandroas^ 
secure possession of power, Alessandro knew no restraint. «**"'"^** ^y 
Devoted to the indulgence of an amorous passion, he 
sought its gratification among women of all descriptions, 
married and unmarried^ religious and secular; insomuch 
that neither rank nor virtue could secure the favourite ob- 
ject from his licentious rapacity {a). The spirit of the 

Florentines, 



{a) NotwitJistandtng the dissolute character of Alessandro, it appears that 
he was possessed of strong natural sagacity, and, on some occasions, admini- 
•tered justice not only with imparttaltty, but with ability. On this head. Am- 
xnirato relates an anecdote which is worth repeating : A rich old citizen of 
Bergamo had lent to one of his countrymen at Florence 400 crowns, which he 
ftdTanced without any person being present, and without requiring a written 
acknowledgment. When the stipulated time had elapsed, the creditor re- 
quired his money — ^but the borrower, well apprized that no proof could be 
brought against him, positively denied that he had ever received it. After 
many fruitless attempts to recover it, the lender was advised to resort to the 
duke, who would find some method of doing him justice. Alessandro accord- 
ingly ordered both the parties before him, and after hearing the assertions of 
the one and the positive denial of the other, he turned to the creditor, sayings 
^ Is it possible then, friend, that you can have lent your money when no one 
•* was present ?"— •♦ There was no one indeed," reptied the creditor, ** I 
•* counted out the money to him on a post." — " Go, bring the post then this- 
* instant," said the duke, " and I will make it confess the truth." The cre- 
ditor, diongh astonished on receiving such an order, hastened to obey, having 
first received a secret eaution from the duke not to be very speedy in his re* 
turn. In the mean time the duke empk>yed himself in transacting the a£fairs 
of his other suitors, till at length turning again towards the borrower, " This 
•* man," says he, •* stays a long time with his post."— " It is so heavy, sir," 
replied the other, ** that he could not yet have brought it." Again Alessan- 
dro left him, and returning sometime afterwards, carelessly exclaimed, ** What 
•* kind of men are they that lend their money without evidence — ^was there no- 
•• one present but the post ?"— *< No indeed, sir," replied the knave. ** The 
^ post is a good witness then," said the duke, '* and shall make thee pay the 
** maohis money." Ammr^ Stor. FUr^ /i^.xzxi. v. iii. /. 434. 



X. 



302 

CHAP. Florentines, though sinking under the yoke of despotism^ 
began to revolt at this more opprobrious species of tyranny, 
and the absentees and malecontents became daily more 
numerous and more respectable. But whilst the storm 
was gathering in a remote quarter, a blow from a kindred 
hand unexpectedly freed the Florentines from their op- 
pressor, and afforded them once more an opportunity 
of asserting that liberty to which their ancestors had 
been so long devoted. Lorenzino de' Medici was the 
second Brutus who burst the bonds of consanguinity in 
the expectation of being the deliverer of his country. 
But the principle of political virtue was now extinct, and 
it was no longer a subject of doubt whether the Floren- 
tines should be enslaved; it only remained to be deter- 
mined who should be the tyrant. On his return from 
Rome to Florence, Lorenzino had frequented the court 
of Alessandro, and, by his unwearied assiduity and sin- 
gular accomplishments, had ingratiated himself with the 
duke to such a degree, as to become his chief confidant, 
and the associate of his licentious amours. But whilst 
Lorenzino accompanied him amidst these scenes of dis- 
sipation, he had formed the firm resolution of accom- 
plishing his destruction, and sought only for a favourable 
opportunity of effecting his purpose. This idea seems to 
have occupied his whole soul, and influenced all his con- 
duct. Even in the warmth of familiarity which appa- 
rently subsisted between them, he could not refrain from 
adverting to the design of which his mind was full, and by 
jests and insinuations gave earnest of his intention. Cel- 
lini relates, that on his attending the duke Alessandro with 
his portrait executed as a medal, he found him indisposed 

and 



303 

and reclined on his bed, with Lorenzino as his companion.^ CHAP. 
After boasting, as was his custom, of the wonders which he 
could perform in his profession, the artist concluded with 
expressing his hopes, that Lorenzino would favour him 
with a subject for an apposite reverse. *' That is exactly 
" what I am thinlcing of," replied Lorenzino, with great 
vivacity ; " I hope ere long to furnish such a reverse as 
** will be worthy of the duke, and will astonish the 
" world (a).'* The blind confidence of Alessandro pre- 
vented his suspicions, and he turned on his bed with. a 
contemptuous smile at the folly or the arrogance of hia 
relation. But whilst Lorenzino thus hazarded the die- 
struction of his enterprize by the levity of his discourse, 
he prepared for its execution with the most scrupidous 
caution (3). The duke having selected as the object of his 
passion the wife of Lionardo Ginori, then on^ a public em^ 
bassy at Naples, Lorenzino, to whom she was nearly re- 
lated, undertook with his usual assiduity to promote the 
suit. Pretending that his representations had been suc- 
cessful, he prevailed upon the duke to pass the night with 
him at his own house, where he promised him* the com- 
pletion of his wishes. In the mean time he prepared a 
chamber for his reception ; and having engaged as his as- 
sistant a man of desperate fortunes and character, called 
ScoronCocolo, waited with impatience for his arrival. At 
die i^pointed hour, the duke having left the palace in a 

mask,. 



{a) Fita dl Benvenuto CelUni, /. 222. 

{b) The particulars of this transaction are related at great length by Vaiw 
chi, who had his information from Lorenzino himselfi after the perpetration, 
of the deed. Stwia Fior. lib, xv« 



X, 



304 

CHAP, mask, according to his custom when he was engaged in 
nocturnal adventures, capie unobserved to the house of 
Lorenzino, and was received by him in the fatal chamber* 
After some familiar conversation, Lorenzino left him to re- 
pose on the bed, with promises of a speedy return. On his 
quitting the chamber, he stationed his coadjutor where he 
might be in readiness to assist him, in case he should fail iq 
his first attempt, and gently opening the door, approached 
the bed, and inquired from the duke if he was asleep, at 
the same instant passing his sword through his body. On 
receiving the wound the duke sprang up and attempted to 
escape at the door ; but, on a signal given by Lorenzino, 
he was attacked there by Scoroncocolo, who wounded him 
deeply in the face. Lorenzino then grappled with the duke, 
and throwing him on the bed, endeavoured to prevent hia 
cries. In the struggle the duke seized the finger of Loren^* 
zino in his mouth, and retained it with such violence, that 
Scoroncocolo, finding it impossible to separate them so as 
to dispatch the duke without danger of wounding Loren* 
zino, deliberately took a knife from his pocket, and cut 
him across the throat* The completion of their purpose 
was however only the commencement of their difficulties. 
Scoroncocolo, who probably knew not that the person 
he had assassinated was the duke, until the transaction 
was over, was so terrified as to be wholly unable to 
judge for himself of the measures to be adopted for his 
own safety. To the active mind of Lorenzino various 
expedients presented themselves, and he hesitated for some 
time whether he should openly avow the deed, and call 
upon his countrymen to assert their liberties, or should 
endeavour to make his escape to the absentees, to whom 

I the 



305 

the information which he had to communicate would CHAP* 
give ijcw energy, and a fair opportunity of success. Of ' 

these measures the last seemed on many accounts to be the 
most advisable. Having therefore locked the door of the 
chamber, in which he left the dead body of the duke, he 
proceeded secretly to Bologna, expecting there to meet 
with Filippo Strozzi, but finding that he hadi quitted 
that place, he followed him to Venice, where he related 
to him his atchievements. Filippo, well acquainted with 
the excentricity of his character, refused for some time to 
credit his story, till Lorenzino, producing the key of the 
chamber, and exhibiting his hand which had been muti- 
lated in the contest, at length convinced him of its truth. 
The applause bestowed by Filippo and his adherents on 
Lorenzino, was in proportion to the incredulity which they 
had before expressed. He was saluted as another Brutus, as 
the deliverer of his country ; and Filippo immediately began 
to assemble his adherents, in order to avail himself of so 
favourable an opportunity of restoring to the citizens of 
Florence their ancient rights {a). 

The Italian historians have endeavoured to develope Motives ana 
the motives that led Lorenzino to the perpetration of this ST^Se^i" *^ 
deed, and have sought for them in the natural malignity 

of 



(«) On this occasion a medal was struck, bearing on one side the head of 
Lorenzino, and on the other the cap of liberty between two daggers } being the 
same device as that which had before been adopted by, or applied to, the 
younger Brutus. <9. Palim, Famih Rvm* f* 142. This medal is in the col- 
lection of die earl of Orford« 

VOL. II. ^ R R 



3o6 

C H A P. of his disposition ; ^d a proof of "which he i& siid to hme 
. ^' acknowledged, that dwing his residence at Rome,. not> 
withstanding the kindness shewn to him by Clement VIL 
he often felt a strong inclination to murder him. They 
have also attributed them Co a desire of immcntaUzing his 
name by hieing considered as the deliverer of his country ; 
to a prineiple &( revenge for the iiisult which he received 
from the pope, in being banished from Rome, which he 
meant to repay in the person of Alessandro, his reputed son ; 
and, lastly, to his enmity to the collateral branch of the 
Medici family^ by which he was cstdadtd from the chief 
dignity of the state* How fw any of these conjectures 
may be well founded, it is not easy to determine.. Human 
condttct is ofien the restklt of impulses^ which, whilst they 
arise in various directions, determine the mind towards the 
Same object, and possibly all, or most of the causes befiird 
stated, might have concurred in producing so signal ah 
effect. Aware of the misconstruction to vdiich his prio- 
dples were liable, Lorenzino wrote an apcJogetical ^Jis^ 
course, which has been preserved to the present tin^s, anl 
throws considerable light on this singular transaction. In 
this piece he first aittempts to demonstrate that Alessan- 
dro was an execrable tyrant, who, during the six years 
that he held the chief authority, had exceeded the enormi- 
ties of Neio, of Caligula, and of Phalaris. He accuses him 
of having occasioned by poison the death, not only of the 
cardinal Ippolito, but of his own mother, who resided in 
an humble station at Colleveccbio^ and whose poverty \Sc 
conceived was a reproach to the dignity lof his Tarifcj 
and denies that the blood of any branch of the Medici fa- 
mily 



307 

mily flowed in his veins. He then justifies, with great c H A ?• 
plausibility, the oonduct adopted by him after the death of ^* 
the , dwke; in quitting the city to join the absentees j and "■""* 
after, vindicsiting himself from, the imputation of having 
been induced by any other motive than an earnest desire 
to liberate his country from a state of intolerable servitude, 
he coxuUudes with lam^enting, that the want of energy and 
virtue in hb fellow-citizens prevented them from availing 
themselves of the opportunity which he had afforded them 
of re-establishing their ancient government {a). But what- 
ever were the motives of this deed, the consequences of it , . 
were such . as have generally been the result of similar at- 
teinpt»**-^tbe riveting of those chains which it was intended 
to break. The natural abhorrence of treachery, and the 
sentiment of pity excited for the devoted object, counteract 
the intended purpose, and throw an odium even on the 
cause of liberty itself. No end can justify the sacrifice of 
a principle, nor was 'a crime ever necessary in the course 
of human affairs. The sudden burst of vindictive passion 
may sometimes operate important changes on the fate of 
nations, but the event is seldom with|n the limits of hu- 
man calculation. 'It is only the icalm energy of reason, 
.constantly bearing up against the > encroachments of power, 
that can with certainty perpetuate the freedom,, or promote 
)the (happiness ofi the human race. 



< y < * 



After the perpetriation of this deed, Lgr^nz^no, xibt 
conceiving himself iti. safety within the limits of .Italy, 
continued his route till he arrived at Consta^itinople, from 

whence. 



I' ■ * 



^(«) .FQi;.t4e Jfologia of Lorenziuo,, v. App^ iVo.^XXJ^IV. 

R R 2 



3o8 

CHAP, whence, after a short residence, he returned again to Venice. 
' Having passed eleven years of exile and anxiety, he wa« 

himself assassinated by two Florentine soldiers, who, under 
the pretext of avenging the death of Alessandro, probably 
sought to ingratiate themselves with his successor, by re- 
moving a person who derived from his birth undoubted 
pretensions to the credit and authority which had for ages 
been attached to the chief of the house of Medici. 

cc»mode*Me. The adhereuts of the ruling family, at the head of 
^^^mgran ^j^^yj^ ^^^ ^YiQ cardinal Cibo, who had been the chief 

minister of Alessandro, conducted themselves with great 
prudence on the death of the duke ; and before they per- 
xnitted the event to be made public, not only secured the 
soldiery within the city, but summoned to their assistance 
all their allies in the vicinity of the Florentine state. They 
then assembled the inhabitants, avowedly to deliberate on 
the state of the republic, but in fact rather to receive than 
to dictate a form of government. If Lorenzino was the 
Brutus of his age, an Octavius was found in his cousin, 
Cosmo de' Medici, the son of Giovanni, general of the 
iandc nere^ and then about eighteen years of age* Being 
informed of the unexpected disposition of the citizens in 
his favour, Ckismo hastened from his seat at Mugello to 
Florence, where, on the ninth day of January* 1536^ he 
was invested with the sovereignty by the more modest title 
of chief of the republic* Despotism generally proceeds with 
cautious steps, and Augustus and Cosmo affected the name 
of citizen^ whilst they governed with absolute authority. 

t)eath<rfFiiippo To thc clcction of Cosmo little opposition had been 

Stro22i, and ^ * * 

final extinctioA made withm the city. The proposition of Pajlas Rucellai, 

of the republic* 

to 



3«>9 

to admit the party of the Strozzi to their deliberations, CHAP. 

and that of Giovanni Canigiani, to place the supreme ^ 

command in an illegitimate and infant son of Alessand^ro, 
had met "veith few supporters [a). But the numerous exiles^ 
who by compulsion, or in disgust, had quitted their na- 
tive country dpring the government of Alessandro, had 
already begun to convene together from all parts of Italy, 
in hopes of effecting their restoration^ and of establishing 
a form of government more consistent with their views. 
The cardinals Ridolfi and Salviati, both grandsons of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent, Bartolomeo Valori, and other 
citizens of high rank, uniting with Filippo Strozzi, raised a 
considerable body of troops, and approached towards th^ 
city; but more powerful parties had already iaterpose^ 
and the fate of Florence no longer depended on the virtue 
or the courage of its inhabitants, but on the will of the 
emperor, or on the precarious aid of the French. Sensible 
of the advantages which he had already obtained by hold- 
ing at his devotion the Florentine state, and that such in- 
fluence was inconsistent with a republican government, 
Charles V. openly approved of the election of Cosmo, and 
directed his troops, then in Italy, to support his cause. 
The exiles having possessed themselves of the fortress of 
Montemurloj in the vicinity of Florence, were unexpectedly 
attacked there by the Florentine troops under the command 

of 



.^ 



{a) Besides an illegitimate son named GiuHo» Alessandro left two illegt- 
ttmate daughters^ Porcia and' Juliet. The son- entered into the churchy and 
became grand prior of the order of S. SteEano*. Porcia took the veil,, and 
founded the convent of S. Clement at Flbixnce. Juliet married Francesco 
Cantdmo, sonof the duke diPopoU, a Neapolitan nobleman. 

Tfnh» Mtm, Qen* Uv. xxii* f. 6%. 






3IO 

G H A p. of Alessandro Vitelli, ia the night of the first of August 
^* ^53^9 ^"^ ^^^^^ defeat fixed the destiny of their country. 

^™™^* Bartolomeo Valori, with his two sons, and Filippo his 
nephew, were made prisoners, and conducted to Florence, 
where he, with one of his sons, and . his nephew, was de- 
capitated* Many other of the insurgents experienced a 
similar fate. The rest were condgned to the dungeons in 
different parts of Tuscany. Filippo Strozzi, the mag- 
nanimous assertor of the liberties of hit country, lan- 
guished upwards of twelve months in the prisons of Gas- 
tello, and his situation became more hopeless in proportic» 
as the authority of Cosmo became more established* After 
an interval of time which ought to have obliterated the 
remembrance of his offence, he was cruelly subjected to 
torture, under the pretext of discovering the accomplices of 
his unfortunate enterprize. Finding that the remonstrances 
of his friends with the emperor and the duke were not only 
ineffectual, but that the latter had resolved to e^tpose his 
fortitude to a- second trial, he called to his mind- the ex-* 
ample of Cato of Utica, and fell by his own hand, a de- 
voted victitai to the cause of freedom {a).' 

conciusioiu Thus terminated the Florentine republic?, which .had 

subsisted amidst the agitations of civil commotions, and 
the shock of external attacks, for upwards of thr^se c^- 
turies, and had produced from its circumscribed territory 

a. greater 



(a) The life of FiHppo Strozzi was written by His brother Lorenzo, wkh 
great candour and impartiality, and is. published at the close of the Florentine 
history of Benedetto Varchi. £J, Ley J. sine an. After the death jof Filippo> a 
paper in his own hand-writing was found in his bosoin, which is gircn in the 
Appendix, No.LXXXV. 



X. 



ail 

a greata: number of emiaent men than any odier country C HA P.. 
in Europe* This singular pre-eminence is chiefly to be 
attributed to the nature of its government, which called 
forth the' talents of every rank of citizens, and admitted 
them without distinction to the chief offices of the state. 
But the splendor which the Florentines derived from ex* 
amplds of public virtue, and efibrts of superlative genius, 
was frequently tarnished by die sanguinary contests of rival 
parties. The beneficent genius of Lorenzo de* Medici for 
a time removed this reproach, and combined a state of high 
intellectual improvement with the tranquillity of well-* 
C3^dered government. The various pursuits in which he 
Himself engaged appear indeed to have been subservient 
^nly to the great purpose of humanizing and improving 
his countrymen. His premature jdeath left the common- 
wealth without a pilot, and after a' long series of agitation, 
the hapless wreck became a rich and unexpected prize to 
Cosmo de' Medici. With Cosmo, who afterwards assumed 
the title of grand duke, commences a dynasty of sovereigns, 
which continued in an uninterrupted succession until the 
early part of the present century, when the sceptre of Tus- 
cany passed from the imbecile hands of Gaston de' Medici, 
into the stronger grasp of the family of Austria. Du- 
ring the government of Cosmo, the talents of the Flo- 
rentines, habituated to great exertions, but suddenly de- 
barred from further interference with the direction of the 
state, sought out new channels, and displayed themselves in 
works of genius and of art, which threw a lustre on the 
sovereign, and gave additional credit to the new establish- 
ment ; but as those who were born under the republic re- 
tired in the course of nature, the energies of the Flo- 
rentines 



3>2 

CHAP, rentmes gradually declined. Under the equalizing hand of . 
despotism, whilst the diffusion of literature was promoted, 

^"^"~ the exertions of original genius were suppressed. The nu- 
merous and illustrious families, whose names had for ages 
been the glory of the republic, the Soderiai, the Strozzi, the 
Ridolti, the Ruccellai, the Valori, and the Capponi, who 
had negotiated with monarchs, and operated by their po*- 
sonal characters on the politics of Europe, sunk at once to 
the uniform level of subjects, . and became the subordinate 
and domestic officers of the ruling family. From this time 
the history of Florence Is the history nf the alliances,. the 
negotiations, the virtues, or the vices, of its reigning prince ; 
and even towards these the annals of the times furnish but 
scanty documents. The Florentine historians, as if un- 
willing to perpetuate the records of their subjugation, have 
almost invari^dily closed their labours with the fall of the 
republic, and the desire of information fortunately ten* 
juinates where the want of it begins. 



POESIE 



DEL MAGNIFICO 



LORENZO DE MEDICIy 



TRATTE DA TESTI A PENNA 



BELLA LIBRERIA MEDICEO^LAURENZIANA. 



VOL. II. S S 



INDICE. 



AMBRA, FAVOLAr ...... i 5 

LA CACCJA COL FALCONB\ ,17 

ELEGIAt . 29 

AMORI DI FENERE E MARTE, 34 

LA CONFESS/ONE, 3S 

LE SETTE ALLEGREZZE D*AMOME» » • 39 

CANZONE^ PnndaPuai, 41 

CANZONEf Con tua prmettff 43 

CjOfZONEt Iq frigo DtOf 44 

CANZONEf r hotP amara JokefLMa^ 45 

SONSTTO9 SicmiGiovef 46 

SONETTO^ Ft^iendoLuht 47 

SONETTOf Sifpd aama SvciOf . - 48 



S S 2 



A SUOI COMPATRlOTTIt 



AMATORI DELLA' BELLA FAVELLA ITALIA^A, 



• > 



V Ediiore. 

NeL darvi a leggere qaesti poemettiy che il mio caro amicoy e con* 
cittadinoy il Sig. Guglielmo Clarke, accuratamente trasse daglT 

originali' esistentt nella Lthnria MeScio lumrfmcumOf d*altra lieil' oe^* 

oorre. ayyertiryi, se .no|i, <;lie.per d^ryj uji s^ggi^ 4eU^ Ipgp* TpiC^mat 

nel secolo del 140O9 I'antica ortografia e stata, per (^oan^o lu pp^<* 

sibilet consenrata. 



« ■ 



\ . 



« t 



AM B R A 



» - • • » 



FA7QLJL 



FUGITA i la stagion^ cb^ avea iOfiversi 

EJlori in pwm gid maturiy colti;: 
In ramo piik nm ptidfogfia tenersi^ 
Ma sfarte fer li boscbi a^sai menfolti 
Si fan sentir^ se awien cbegli attrav^rsi 
B cacciator^ e pocbipaion molti: 
Lafera^ se ben P orme vagbe asconde^ 
Nan va secreta per le seccbe frande. 

fra gli arbor seccbi stassi 'J lauro lieto, 

E di Ciprigna /' odorafo arbusto; 

Verdeggia nelle biancbe Alpe V abeto^ 

E piega i rami ff4 df^neve onusto;. 

Tienejl cipre^o quaUbe ucc^l ^epreto ; ^ 

E jcon venti cambatte ilpin robwta: 

Uuml pn^ro eon le acute fagUe^ 

Le man non pttgne altruiy cbe ben Je eoglie^ 

L tdfva. 



U uliva^ in qualche dolce fiaggta aprica^ 
Secando il ventOj par or verde^ or bianca : 
Natura in questa tal serba^ e nutrica 
^uel verde, che neW altrefronde manca: 
Gii iperegrini uccei con granfatica 
Hanno condotto lafamiglia stanca 
Di Id del marcy e pel cammin lor mastri 
J^ereidiy Tritons ^ e gli altri mostri. 

Ha combattuto dell^ imperio^ e vinto 

La nottey eprigion mena il breve porno: 
JNel del seren d* etemefiamme cinto 
Lieta il carro stellato mena intomo; 
Ni prima surgey ch^ in oceano tinto 
Si vede P altro aurato carro adomo; 
Orion Jreddo col coltel minaccia 
Pbeboy se mastra anai la bellafaccia. 

Seguon questo noiiumo carro ardente 
Vigiliey esctdriey solUcite curey 
E 7 sonnoy e benchi sia molto potenfCy 
^ueste importune il vlncon spesso purcy 
E i dolci sogrUy cbe ingannon la mentCy 
^uando i oppressa da fortune dure: 
Di sanitdy d* assai tesor/a/esta 
Alcuny che infermo e povero si desta* 

O miser quely cbe in notte cost lunga 
Non dormey e 7 disiato giomo aspetta; 
Se awieny cbe moltOy e dolce disio ilpwigay 
,^uale iljiituro giomo liprometta; 
E benchi ambo le ciglia insieme ag^ungay 
E i pensier tristi escluday e i dolci ammetta; 
Dormendoy o destOy acciocbi il tempo inganns^ 

Gli par la notte un secol di cent anni. 

miser 



Aiser cbi tra P onde irwafmra 
Si lunga notify assai lontan dal lito; 
E V cammin rtmpe della deca prora 
B ventOy efrme il mar unfer mugito; 
Cm molti prieghi e vati P Aurora 
Cbiamata^ sta col sua vecchio mar it o : 
Numera tristo^ e disioso guarda 
Ipassi lenti della mite tarda. 

^uanto i diversa^ anzi contraria sorte 
D^ lieti amafai neW algente brumaj 
A ad le mtti sono cbiare^ e corte^ 
D porno oscuroy e fordo si consuma. 
Nella stagion cos) gelida^ eforte^ 
Gii rivestiti di novella piuma^ 
Hamto deposio gli augelletti alquantOy 
ifm so j^io dica^ o lieti versi^ opianto. 

Stridendo in ciele gru veggonsi a lunge 

V aere stampar di varie^ e belle firme; 
' £ P ultima col coUo steso aggfw^e 

Ov* i quella dinanzi alle vane orme; 
E poicbi negli apricbi locbi giunge^ 
Vigile un guarda^ e P alira scbiera darme; 
Cuaprono i pratij e van leggier p^ lagbi 
Mille spetie d^ uccei^ dipimi^ evagbi. 

V Aquila spesso colvolato lento 

Minaccia tuttij e sopra il stagno vola^ 
Levonsi insieme^ e cacciorUa col vento 
Delle penne stridentiy ese pur sola 
Vnafuor resta delpennuto armento^ 

V uccel di Giove subito la invola: 
Resta ingannata miser a j se crede 
Andame a Giove come Gammede. 

Zefiro 



8 



• > I 



Zejiro sefuggiio in Cipri^ e kalla 
Co'Jiori ozhsQ per P erbetta Ikta; 

V aria non piu serenay bella^ e gialla, 
Borea^ ed Aquihn rontpe^ ed mquieta : 

V acqua corrtnte e quenda imristalla 
II ghiaccioy e stracca or si ripxfsa cbets^r ' 
Preso ilpesce neW wda dura e chhra^ : . . 
Resia come in anibra aurea zan^^rM, . 

^uel monte, c/je s\ppone a Caurofero^ 

Che non molestiil geniilpr creuiui^ / 

Nel suo grembQ d' onor^ ricchdzzei e 'mpero^ ■ 

Cigne di nebbie il capo pa cantOa^ 

Gli omer cadenti giu ddtapo alter o 

Cuoprono i biancbi crinij e * I petto irstUo -^ . 

U orribil barba^ ch* e pel ghiaccio rigida.: / 

Fan gU acfhi^e '/ n^sif mfante^. e V del Jo \njrigida. 

La nebulosa gbirlanda^ che eigne 

V alte ten^e^ jA' mette Notsi in. testa; ^ , . \; 
Borea dair Jlpe pa^if fficeia^ e spigner , ;\ 

E nudoj e bianco^ ilveccbio capo resU^i ^ / /^ 
Noto sopra P ale umide^'.enialfgfie^ , ., ;, ^ W 
Le nebbieporta}i,e par di %tufvQ ^lyest^r, ;. . 

Cos} MQMZhisO ir^tc^ or car-coyorji^^^ , /; \^ 
Minaccia; al pian siAietfa, or a^S^r^V t^V^r-. 

Partesi d' Etiopia caldo c tinio. / / . . ' /\ 

Austroj e sazia le a^sett^te spujgnej, . ' , 

Neir onde sake di Tirreno intinio^ 
Appena a^ destinati luQ^bi giugne^ ._ \ o. 
Gravido d\acqua^e da nugolk cint^.^ .^ >,,^ ^,■.: \ 
E stanco string poi amboJe pugl^O^ . ^ . .a 'A 
IJiumi lieti ccmtro^ alle acque aoti^bc ., . . .;, v.. 

Escono allor dslk caveme ^^<-) « . -, ' . . 

^ * Rendono 



r9 



« 
\ » *« 



Rendono grazie ad Ocean padre ad&tni 
lyulvej e di fronde fluvial le tetftfiie; . 
Sutman perfesta^ concbe^ e torti tmu^ 
Tumido H venire gidj superbo sempre. 
Lo sdegno cmcepyto moltipprm, 
Ctmtro alle rjpe timide s^adempie; 
Spumoso ha rotto gid P mmk\ argine^ 
Ni serva il corso dell* antico margine. 

Ntmper vie tortej oper cammino qblicQy., 
A guiia di sfrpenti^ a gran vplmm 
Sollecitan la via at padre anticp ; 
Cangiunga V mde imieme i Ionian flumi^ 
• E dice /' una all' altro. come arnica^ 

Nuove del sw p(fesi^i ^de'^fostiim*. 
Cos) parlando infiemein sirarufvocey, 
Ciercm^ ni truoypn^la 'srnarritA foce. , 

J^uando gof^tatOj e largo. /i^riiirigne 
Tra gli alti monti d* una cbiusa voile, 
Stridon fren^geitui^bidey e ma^ghe^ 
V ondCy e mist^. CQt^ t^rra p^i^n^gitlliii 
E gravi petre s(fra ppre pignei . ' 

Irato a' sassi dell' angustp ^alle; . 

U onde spumo^e girui e orrikUffeme: 
Vede il potior difll* aliOy e skur feme* 

Talfr emtio piangerido rende iri^a 
La ierra dentro al cavo venire adusia; 
Caccia col Jumo fuor flamtna^ e aequo misia 
Gridandoj cbe esce per la bocca angusta; 
Terribile agli orecchiyCi alia visia: 
Teme vicina il suono alia, e combusia 
Volte RRA, e i logon Xdrbidij cbe jpumanoy 
E piova aspetta je pm olio Jmano* 

VOL. II. T T Cps) 






ko 



Cosi crucciat9 if fir fortme fiifrnk 
Superboj e k €dnitarie ripe rode; 
Ma poichi net pian hrgo si dhtenJe^ 
^asi content a J allora appena s* oi&: 
Incerto se in su toma^ o le par scend^^ 
Ha di mmti'disianti fatto prode; 
Gid vinckoTj at eheto lago rncede^ 
Di rami^ e tnmchi pien^ montane prede. 

Appena i suia a tempo la viflana 
Favida a apttr alk besfie ia siaUk; 
Porta iijlglio^ the piange neJla zana; 
Segue hfigliagrande^et ba la spalla 
Crave di panni ^iiiy hniy e lana: 
Va r altra i>&eehia nuisseririaa'f^T 
Nuotano i p^niy ^ ipi^'&eritMi itm\ 
Le pecoreHey \ihe nm ti tosonpoi; • 

Alcundellafan^^i^i^ideen^' 
In cima deUa auajesu^ahtlifh ^^ 
La povera ncdfemza^^fiiitk'^it^'^oit^ 

Lafaticay:i$4pmey.epeirmpem 
Di se stessoj noh dmlHy tn tmfa motto j 
Teme alia vitaJi-eir^tHstopettOy 
N^ di quelW IpH ^rp^tr eontofaceia; 
Cos) la maggior c$tf^ 0gHi altra cacci(f. 

La notay e verde ripa ^Ihrmnjrena 
Ipesci lietiy cbe ban pik ^mpj sparji 

V anti6a^*egimtavoglia>a/pcanto i plena 
Di veder mi&oi Uti; e non 4?en say 
^esto nuovo puaer nuigbi K mema 
A veder lerumey e i granS ^troAJ 
Degli edijiofy ,e sMto r^asjm i mun 
Veggon lietiy edamormn4w4ieuri. 

3 In 



In guisa allot -dt^iAi it«kt^ \ " 

Ombroijs, nmoas superht ,A«f^^A figrifji 

Ambra nerfmejsoiia l.AV*&^i^ih\ 
Gehso, se 'Irpwdh tieca, etfriffK;* 
Ambra \Briack « '£J^:&t.-iua tfc^i^t 
Quanta ahau ^ jtral^r ^' <fFco J>igne; 
Tanto b^Ua, t genfUt nb' dfin k «*£fj 
Leggitrdi/aadiie^.piii£i\aifr«i'fiUcf. 

Fu da* frim^an^ ^ustta if^^bf fifitiua :• 
Dal sua ZJIVB.O gentil^ ftastore .ii^m^ \ 
ly ua^eaatoitm6rt.noa.eraf«n6irat* . 
Latsk/ej/iaMii^ <al pettsperigrJtK; 
Fi^iendoMaadoMi.d} nvda em fttitvtit >. 
Hitie oHde fredde d' OMsnsM* tfjfp&uno v 
Ftglioy jupetio.inn9tta,e-n^.anUmi, 
Pel padre aaiiepjStxettto frtftifimi- 

Come le titanbra verginali ^ntromo 
ifelle acque hrttne e ^lide^ tertCta, 
Et^ motta dal^iadrocor^ adorjiej, . 
Delia spelonca usd /' altera -Die, , 
Dalla tiniitra press // torta cortio^ 
E nudoil retiOt occieso di dish, 
Di/endeil ctfpo pKullo a' pbel>ei_,riT£gi.t 
Ceropatc d* abeti, e. monian /<iggi' 

E verso il lo 
Giva piat 
Ne era v 
Lasciasja 
Coti vicin 
Vbe ptai^ 
£ quella 

E nudot.il nude e i/d corpo. isnere. . 
TT 2 



It 



Sicome pesce^ alhor ebe incaufo cuopta ♦ 
Elpescator cm vara et sottU maglia^ 
Fuggie la rete qual sente di soprci 
Lasciando perfugpr akuna scaglid; 
Cos) la Nympha^ quandapar si iCH^rc^- 
Fuggie lo Dio, cbe adossb se ie smgHa; 
Ne/u si prestayanzi fu ii prate 4/tf, \ 
Che in man lojchlli akun de* suoid^elli^ 

E sakdndo dell* onde strigne ilpasi^^ ^ 
Di timer pianafugpe nada^ e scahAi 
Lascia ipanni, e li stralij et ilturcassor *^V 
Non cura i pruni acuti^ /* /ttpra Mzas 
Resta k Dio dolentey afflittc^e lassOj 
Pel dolor le man siringey al del gii ocehi idzAy 
• Maladisce la man crudele^ e tarda^ . , v 
^uando % bhndi capeUi svelti guarda: : \ / . 



\ 






:\ 



E seguendola alhor ^ dicevay mono 
A vellere i bei crin presta^ eferoce^ 
Ma a tener quel corpo piil cbe humano, '* / ^ 
Efarmi lieto^ ohimij foco vetoceY ^ ; ' , 
Coiipiangendo il prime errore tnvan^^ ' • ' ; 
Credendo almeno aggiugnerhn ta "voce 
Dove arrivar non puote il }asso tardo^ 
Gridavay oNympba^ unfiume sma^ tt ardo; 

Tu nfaccendesti in me%zo attefredde acque ' ' 
El petto d* uno ardente desir eiecv; ' 
Perchij come nelP onde il corpo giacquej 
Non giacej che siaria meglioy con nieco? 
Se f ombraj e P acqua ma chiara ti piacque^ 
PiU belle ombre^ piU belle acque ha il mio spkco; 
Piaccionti le nue cose^ e non pidccio io ? 
Et son pur d* Appeninjigliuolo^ et t)h. 



La 



Lu Nyn^ha/ugpe, t tarda « ' priegbifisti, 
ji' biambi p^ Ogpt^iu ale iJ timore; 
SoUecita la Die cerrenda i patii, 
Fatti a^aguir veioci daU' amerej 
Vede da prtini- et da taglienti tatti, 
I biancbi piiferir con gran delore; 
Crescie el deiio, pel quak agbiaccia, e fuda, 
Veggendola/uggir, si beUa^ e nuda- 

Timiday e vergogrusa ambra pur ctrrf, 
Nel corse a" venti rapidi nen cede; . 
he Uggier piante tulle spigbe. perre . 
Fotria, e sosterriem il geniil piede; 
Vedeii OMsaoNE egmrpii) campo torrCy 
La Nympha ad (^gni passe mamo vede, 
Gi^ nelfian largo tanto il corso avanxa, 
Che di gii^nerla perde egni speranza^ 

Gl 'i aspri, e repenti 

fi rapido corso, . 
» espediti, e letitiy 
Tar qualcbe soccorso; 
gilt ne' pian patently 
Fu metso quasi alfiume ttanco un morsoy 
Foi cbe tun pud col pii, per la campagna 
Col dish e cogli occbi I' accort^agna* 

Cbe debbefar I' innamrato Dlq^ 

Feicbi la bella Nympba piii non giug/K? 
^uanto gli i piu negatOy piii deito 
U innamorato core accen<^ej e pugne; 
La Nympba era gid presso ove arno mio 
Ricieve ombrone, el' onde. sue coneiugne, 
Ohbrone, ajlno veggiendoy. si con/ortOy 
E surge alquanto la iperanza mortcu 



Grida 



x'4 



La maggiar parfe t* hoijiuhfr TtsMj 
La bella Nyniplktj ebe cme iudAfkgge^ 
Da me seguUa "m ian)S irtotiti^ > hivscbi^ 
Sanza alcuha >«tefr, ?/ M- ini Jrtftrt(^^, 
Ne pary che amfr H dtiro 'cdr ebmkbi; 
R^HSifrH kfy i ta sp&deriM ^eria; 
E il leper cor so mo rompiy e ^ftffxMna. 

h smo o Mb RON, ehi leiftie e&iik onde 
Per te ratbgtiOy h h iutie le serboy 
Efatte tue iHwrittm /i prefondty 
Che sprezti eripey t fOfiH alto t Hifirho; 
^uesfa i fhtapr^dify e queJte freeze bidniky 
^uali in fnah pcrto cm \doiote acerboy 
NefiH Chtdr 'iepo; Hn 'ie )nsh ipeme ^ iohr; 
Soccorri pteitOy ^he & ifjfhpUm \ola. - 

Arko udendo oMBROiNrE, da pieth massby 
Per che el tenipo non basia afdrris^tay 
Ritenne P acquhy e\gia gpt^tOy egfdssoy 
Da lungi dl corso detta^etr Xif bra osta; 
Fu da nuovo ffmor/redHoy e percdsso 
II vergin peiioy qttdniopiu i accosta; 
Drieio ombron sentey e indnzi vede un Idg^ 
Ni sa che font el cor getatoy et "vago. 

Comefera cacciatUy > poi difesay 
Dei cahjuggiendola hocta bfdmsa^ 
Ftior del perigUo giiy Ta fete iesa 
Veggiendo inanti agli occhi pduroiay 
^uasi gii certa d' haver esserpresay 
^faSSf^ /wn%/, tndrieio tomare osd; 
Teme i cany olid rete non sljiday 
Nou sa che fdrsiy e spdveniata gridd. 



A 



> f * 



Tal 



«l 



Tal della beUfk fifw^ P'A kk mti% 
Da ognf fofi^ d^ fOWXk ^rf4409 
Non sa pkefam^ se m^ ^w«r mmH; 

E disperiAa Mior gridM^forte: 
casta Gea^ ^ ad iofid oancfissa 
Dal caro padre ^ e daUa madre fuOkaj 
Unica Mot^ mV^ ukimafi^a. 

Diana bella^ questo fgtfp ^^ 

Nan maculQ gifitmid fiiffi jsjis^y . . 
Guardab iw Uif f^rch? n ^jfaffbamr^JbaAa 
A duo fuifim^ fi P $fHA Ji P yfdtto i IHo i 
Col desio d^ mnrir fn* i Hi timasta 
Al core H £aj!io Mnwr xU i«auro pdo; 
P(feiq$g^ a venU^qu^sfd voeeeitrema 
A LAUfu» jomiy the i^ jmia nwriegeuuu 

Ni eron quasi deIJla:lH(Cc;a/^c^ , . 

^este parfife,^iff^i,fc^i4i£i^§, 
Fumoj^ff^^i, 4^^m^l,ri^rfy 
Cre^Siffli tSfy,.efyfsi uff iffw Wv * 1 

Mut0/r j^Jneigbrti^ e [IpeJ ^^p jo^e^ 
Ma pur J clffi fyii# gi^ dpng^^ SW^T cKfdii 
Le membr.^ mff^im^ m^f^^Jis^* 

Ombkove pel cn'^o/aticatpfjplas^o^ i 

Per la spe^ajtffsa della mm pTjsda^ 
Prende nuovo iQJg9r^:> t ftrigne Upfusp^ 
E pary fbe. qmsi in brfsfcko baif^ /^ fr^4<H 
Crescier Vfgj^encfo inanzi qgfi ecbi ^ufl sqssfi^ 
Ignaro ancctr^ pqn s{i d^ mde pr^M^Cfia; 
Mapfdv^iemloyam.9S^sii(i%^i0^ 

Sifermaj^^4i^W^P^fi^^fiAili^* 

Come 



i5 



Come in un pareti eervOy o ecHrafirdy 
Cb^ i di materia^ o pictM mure chiuso^ 
SoprafaUa dai can^ campdr mn spera^ 
Vitina al muro e per timor la suso 
Saltaj e si lieva inanzi dl can leggiera^ 
Resfa il can dentroy misero e deluso, 
Nonpotendo seguir we i JalHay ^ 
Fermasij e guarda il loco ahde ifugffUL 

Cost lo Dioferma la njeloce orma^ 
Guarda piatosaH bel sasso crescente; 
II sassoy che ancor serba qudlcbefirma 
Di Bella Donna^ e qualche poco sente; 
E come amore e la pietd P informaj 
Di pianto bagna il sasso amaramente; < 
Dicendo: o ambra ma^ questesm I* acque^ 
Ove bagnar gi^ il bel corpo H piacque; 

b non harei creduto in dolor tanfo^ 
Che la propria piatd vinta da quella 
Delia mia Nympha^ sifag^ssi alquanto^ 
Pmr la magghr pieti cP ambra mia beHa; 
^uesta^ non giA. mia^ move in me it pianto: 
£ pur lavita trista^ e mescbineUnty 
Ancborchi etema ; quando meco petiso 
£ peggio in me^ che in lei non haver sense. 

Lasso J n^ monti miei patemi eccelsi 
Son tante Nympbe^ e sicura i ciascuna^ 
Fra mille belle la piit bella scelsi^ 
Non so come; ei amando sol quesf una^ 
Primo segno d* amorCy i crini svelsi; 
Et cacciala dell* xicquafresca e brunaj 
Tenera, e nuda; e poiyfuggiendo esanguCj 
Tinse le spine e i sassi il sacro sangue. 



Et 



«y 



Et finalmenie in un sasso cMversa^ 
Per colpa sol del mo crudel dUio: 
Non so J non sendo mia^ come /' bo fersa^ 
Ne posso perder questo viver rio; 
In questo i troppo la nua sorte awersCj 
Miser es sendo et immortale Dio; 
Che sUo potessi pur almen morire^ 
Fotria el giusto immortal dolor finire* 

h bo imparato come si con^iaccia 

A Donna amata^ et il suo amor guada^i; 
Cbe a quella ebe piia amiy piii dispiaccia. 
Borea algente^ cbe gelato stagni^ 
U acqua correntefa s'indurij e gbiaccia^ 
Cbe petrrfatta la Nympba accompagm; 
Ne Sol giammai co* raggi cbiari e gialli 
EJsolva in acqua i rigidi cristaUi* 



LA CACCU COL FALCONE. 



Era gi^ rosso tutto /* oriente^ 

« 

E le cime d^ monti parien d* oro; 
LapOsseretta scbiamazzar si sente; 
El contadin toniava al suo lavoro; 
Le stelle eronjugite^ egid presente 
Si vedea quasi quely cb\ amd /' alloro; 
Ritomavansi al bosco molto ihfretia 
L* alocbo^ el barbi^nm^ e Id civetta. 

« 

vot. II. u u La 



n 



La wipe rifornMa Atla sua tinaj 
El lupo riiotfkwa at sud disert^j 
Era venuta e sparita Diana^ 
Perd egli saria suto scoperto : 
Havea gid la sollecita villana 
A lie pecorey a? i porci /' nscio aperto; 
Netta era V aria^ fresca^ e cristallina^ 
Et aspettar buon di per lajoattina. 

• ^uandofui desto da certi romori 
Di buon ionaglif et alkltar di cani: 
Hor su andianhe presto^ ucellatori^ 
Perche gli i tardij e i luogbi sm Icntani: 
El canattier sia *l primo df escafuori; 
Almen the sian d^ cavalli sfanunii; 
Non ci gtuuiasji di can qnalche paio; 
Deb vanne innanxi presto j capeilaio* 

Adunque il capellaio nanzi canuna^ 

Chiama Tamburo^ Pezuoloy e Martelloj 

La Fogliay la Castagna^ e la Guerrinaj 

Fagianoy Fagiamn^ Roca^ e Capelloj 

E Friza^ e Bhndoy BambocdOy e Rdsinaf 

GbiottOj la Tortaj Viola^ e Pestello^ 

E Sercbioy e Fiuey e '/ mio Buontempo veccbio^ 

Zambracoj Burately ScacciOj e Peneccbio. 

^uando hanno i eon di coff^preso tmpezzoj 
^uattro segugi van con quattra sparvieri; 
GuGLi£LMO> cbe per sua antieo vexzo 
Sempre quesf arte bafatto volontieri; 
Giovanni franco^ e dionioi it se^Oj 
Cbe innanzi a hdcspoaka U 9oola AMl£kl; 
Ma percbi era buon* pra k matting 
Mentre cavaka dionigi incbina^ 



Ma 



19 



Ma lafotiunay cbe ba sen^e^acere 
Difar dtvefitar brun quely cb' ipiii bUmco^ 
Dormendo Dio^ioi fa cadere 
Appunto per disgraaua al lato mattco; 
Si cbe cadendo adosso alio sparviere^ 
Rtippe^i taC alioy e macinnolli Ufianto^ 
^uesto U piacque assai, bench} ml dica^ 
Cbe gli par esserfuor di granfatka. 

Non cade dionigi, ma roviTuiy 
E come debbi creder tccedfondoj 
Cbe com un iratto egli hapreso la cbina^ 
Presto la truava com un sasso tondo; 
Dissefra se meglh era stamattma 
Restar nel lettOj come/e gismondo, 
Scalzaj e in canuscia sidle pocce alfresco; 
Non r' inciampo niai piit^ se di quesf esco* 

lo bo avuto pur poco ifUelletto 
A uscire stasnan si testa fuerij 
Se mi restavo in casa nel mio lettOj 
Per me meglio era^ e per li uccellatori; 
Messo hard V disinar bene in assettOj 
E la tovaglia adorna di beifiori; 
Meglio e stracar la coltrice^ e ^l guandaky 
Che il cavalloy e V famiglioy e/arsi male* 

Intanto vuol lo spasrviere impugnare^ 

Ma gli ^ si rottOy cbe non pud far V erta; 
DiONi Gi con la man P osa pigHare, 
E pur ricadCf e di questo s' accerta^ 
Che d* altro li bisogna procacciare; 
Nel rassetfargli la manica aperta 
Le man ghermiUiy e lui sotto se V cacciaf 
Saltolli adossOf efenne una cofaccia* 

uu 2 Do^ 



lo 



Z)W* e V CORONA } CV* i oioVAN SIMONE ? 

Dimanda^ braccio, ov* e quel del gran ruuoT 
Braccio rispose; a me varie cagione 
Fat to ban cU ognun di loro sia rimaso; 
Non prese mat il corona uno stamone^ 
Seper disgrazia non /* bapreso^ o a caso; 
Se s* e lasciato adunque non /' ingiuria : 
Menarlo seco e cattiva auguria. 

LuiGi PULCi ov* e^ che non si sente? 
Egli se tCandb dianzi in quel boschetiOy 
Che qualcbe fantasm ba per la mente^ 
Vorrafantasticar forse un sonetto; 
Guarti CORONA, cbe se non sipente^ 
E* barbottd staman molto nel letiOj 
E sentii ricordarli te corona, 
Et a cacciarti infrottola^ o in canzona* 

GiovAN siMONE ba gi^ preso la piega 
ly andame^ senza dire alii altri addio; 
Senza licenzia rC i ito a bottega^ 
Di cbe gran sete tiene^ e gran deHo; 
LuiGi quando iljiero naso piega^ 
Caniy e cavalli adombra^ efa restio; 
Per questo ognun cbe resti si contenta, 
Cid cbe lo vede fugpe^ e si spaventa* 

Restono adunque ire da uccellare^ 
E drieto a questi andava molt a gente; 
Cbi per piacerey cbi pur per guardare; 

BaRTOLO, et ULIVIER, BRACCIO e il PATENTE, 

Cbe mai non vidde piit stame volare; 
Et io con lor mi missi parimente^ 

PlETRO ALAMANNI, e H PONTINAR GIOVANNI 

Cbe pare in lulla nona un barbagianni. 

St&ozzo 



^l 



Strozzo drietd a ccstcTy come nutesfnr 
Di questa gentCy andava scosto un foco;^ 
Come quello che v* era molto destroy 
E molte vohe hafatto simil gioco; 
E tanto cavalcamo pel silvestroy 
Che finalmente fumo giunti al loco 
Piti bely cbe mat vedesse creatura: 
Per uccellar /' hafatto la natura. 

E si vedea una gentil Valletta^ 

TJnfouatel con eerie macchie in mezzoy 
Da ogni parte rimunitay e netta^ 
Sol nelfossato star possono al rezzo; 
Era da ogni lato una piaggettay 
Che d^ uccellar facea venir riprezzo 
A chi non avessi occhiy tanto ^ bella; 
El mondo non ha una pari a quella. 

Scaldava il Sole al monte gia le spallcy 
E V resto della valle i ancora ombrosa; 
^uando giunta la gente in su quel calky 
Prima a vedercy e disegnar si posay 
E poi si spargon tutti per la valle; - 
E percbe a punto riesca ogni cosay 
Chi va CO* can chi alia guardiay al gettOy 
Sicome strozzo ha ordinatOy e detto* 

Era da ogni parte uno sparviere 
Alto in buon luogo da poter gittare; 
U altro a capo n* era del canattiercy 
E alia brigata lo vorrd scagliarcf- 
Era BARTOLO alfondoy et uliviere, 
Et alcun altro per poter guar dare 
A mezzapiaggia; ein una bella stoppiay 
El cappellaio ai can leva la coppia* 



Non 



3a 



Non altrhnenti quando la trMiketfa 
Senie alle moss€ il lieve barb^resco^ 
Parte corr^ndoj o vuio dir^ vola infrMa; 
Cost i caniy cbe sciolti son difresjcn; 
E se non pur che V cangttler gli aieit^^ 
Chiamando akuniy et a chi squote iVfescho^ 
Sarebbe il seguitarli iroppa pena; 
Pur la pertica^ e UJUchh li rafr^na^ 

Tira buon can^ su^ tira sUy camnUna^ 
Andianne^ andianne^ toma qui^ tij ioma; 
Ah sciagurato TamburOj e Guerrirui^ 
Ablate cura a Sercbto^ cbe soggioma; 
Ah bugiardoj ab poltrm^ volgi Rossina^ 
Guaia buon can^ guata brigata adoma; 
T^j FagianOy o che voltaju mai quelia: 
In quest modo il canattier favella* 

State awedutij uh ScacciOyfiruUayfndla; 
E che kva cacdando /' amor mio ? 
Ma io non ^eggo perd levar nulLty 
E «' ha pur voglia^ e n* ha pur gran desh; 
Guarda la Torta Id cbe si trastulla^ 
che romor farannoy e gid V se?t^ io; 
Chi saltay e ballay e chi le leverd^ 
Di questi cani il miglior can serd. 

Io veggo che Buontempo i in su la traccia* 
V^ che le correy e lefard levarCj 
Habbi cura a BuontempOy che ^ le caccia^ 
Parmi vederlCy e sentirle frullarey 
Bench^ (? sia veccbio assaiy non ti (UspUuciUy 
Ch* io P ho vedutOy e so quel cbe safarcy 
Io sOy che 7 mio Buontempo mai non errOy 
Eccoy a te uliyier, guardale a terra. 



Guarda 



Guarda queU' alira aW erta, una alfoaato, 
Non ti diss* io^ che mi parea sentire? 
Guardane una alia vignay e V altr" allatOj 
Guardane dua da me^ guardane mile • 
Alia brigata prima bavea gitiato 
GiovAN FRANCESCO, et mpieva le ville 
Di grida^ e di confofti al sua ucceik; 
Ma per laffetta git$d col cappelh. 

Ecco GUGLiEi^o ate una ne in^ft^^ 
Cava il tappdh^ et alzerai la mam; 
Non istarpHt oitglielmo, eeco a te^ b^nt; 
GuGLiELMo getta^ e grida, ahi viUan^/ ' 
Segue la stafnay edrieto ien le tiene 
^llo sparvierey e in tempg momentan^ 
Dette in ariaforse cento braccia; 
Pot cadde in narrate g^i iapela^ e stracda^ 

Garri a quel can^ ouolielmo gridaforte^ 
Che corre per cavofgnene di pH; 
E percbe le priicbe enno cofte^ 
Un sasso presi^ et a Guerrina die; 
Poi corre gOky ssm&\ aspettar piU scerfe,, 
E quando pressv alio sportier piit ^, 
Non lo veggfimhy dftto utam siare^ 
Per udir. se la s^tte sbnaglare. 

E cos} stando gli venne n^eduto; 

PrestOy griday a cavaly la prima epresa; 
Lieto a lui vanne de^roy et aweduto; 
Come coluiy che V arte ha bene intesa; 
Preseli il getOy e per quel V ha tenuto ; 
Dalli il capoy 'e V ctr^ettoy e non It pes a; ' 
Sgemitloi e r unghia e V becco gU havea mto; 
Poi rimisse il cappeUoy e torna a getto. 

' GlOVAN 



24 

GiovAN FRANCESCO iTttanto huvca ripreso 
II suo sparviere^ e preso miglior loco; 
Parli veder^ che a lui ne venga teso 
Uno starnoncj e come presso un poco 
Glifuj egli Ixi tutte le dita esteso^ 
E gittd come maestro di tal gioco; 
Giiinse la stama^ e per che era vecehia^ 
Sife lasciare^ ^ tutto to spennecchia. 

In vero egli era un cerio tparverugia, 
Che somigliava un gheppioy tanto e poco^ 
Non credo preso havesse un calderugio; 
Se nonfaceva tosto^ o in brenje loco^ 
Non havere speranxa nello indugio: 
^uando e' non pigUa^ ^ si levava a gioco; 
E la cagione che quell tratto ^ non prese, 
FiL, che mn vi avea il capote non vi attese. 

Intanto venne uno stamone alP.erta^ 
Viddelo il fogjla, efece un gentilgetto; 
Lo sparvier vola per la piaggia aperta^ 
E presegnene innanzi at dirintpetto ; 
Corre gii^ il fool a, e pargnene, haver certa^ 
Pero che lo sparvier molto i perfetto; 
Preselo al netto, ove nan era steccoj 
E in terra insanguinolli i piediy e 7 becco* 

E questofe che lo sparvier e i soroy 
Et intanto vlivietl forte gridava; 
Chiama giii il cappellaioj chiama costoroy 
Guardate una n* e quiy cos) parlavay 
Tu lega i cany pero che basta loro 
La Roccay che di sottera le cava; 
Vien gih guolielmo, »oa ft* star al t:^Zi09 
E tuy e V FOOL A la mettete in ffiflfw. . . ^ 



Cosi 



25 



Cosifafatto^ . e come sono in punto^ 
B canattier dicea^ sotto Rocca; 
J^/ cadde^ ve\ e se tu 7 harai giunU^ 
Siesi tuo^ corri qtiij /^, pmli bocca; 
Pot dicey bavete voi guardato a punto ? 
Et in quel lo stamm delfondo scocca; 
Ecco a te fogla: ^l fogla grida^ e getta^ 
E*l simlfe guglielmo molto infretta. 

Lascid la st'ama andare lo sparoiere^ 

Et attende afugir quel^ chegli ha drieto; 

Disse GUGLiELMO, tu r baiy fogla amieri; 

• • • 

Corri tUy cbe vi sc^ presso^ ujlivieri, 
Diceva il fogla, e guglielmo sta cheto; 
Corse uLiviERi, e come a loro ^ sceso^ 
Viddey cbe r uno sparviere ba P altro preso. 

^uel del FOGLA bavea preso per la gorga 
$uel di GUGLIELMO, € crcdcy cbe V sue sia; 
Percbi a guglielmo tal parole porga: 
Latuai stata pur gran viJlaniaj 
Non credo a stame lo sparuiere scorga^ 
Ma a sparvieri; egli i troppa pazzia^ 
A impacciarsi uccellando con fandulli ; 
^uesti non. son buon gtocbi^ o bum trastultt. . 

Guglielmo queto stay e granfatica 
Dura a tener P allegrezza coperta; 
Pur con bunUl parole par cbe dica; 
lo non lo viddiy e questa i cosa certa^ 
E questo piiiy e piti volte riplica; 
Intanto il foOla bavea gid sceso P ertay 
E come alio sparviere i prossimanoy 
^uel di guglielmo i guastOy 'il suoi sano. 
vol. II. X X Egetta 



• 



26 



E getfa presto il sua logbero in ferrOj 
Lo sparviere non men presto risposey 
E come a vincitor in quella guerray 
FezTU lifay et assai piacevol cost; 
Vede intanio gugliex^mq, che bd erra^ 
E guasto^ i il sito sparviere^ asule rispgse 
Al FOGLA ; tu se\ pur tu il villanoj 
Et id%d presto per darli la mono. 

Ma come it foola /' accorse delP atto^ 
Scostossi un poco^ acciochi non li dessi; 
Disse GUGLiELMo al foola, tu s^ mattOy 
Se ne credi andar netto; e s* io credessi 
Non far vendetta di quely che nf baifattOy 
Credo m* io^iccbereiy e s* io bavessi 

MeCO MICHEI. DI GIORGIO, oU RANKUCIKO^ 

jfttendererti ad altroj eervel/ine. 

El FOGL.A innanxi allafuria si leva^ 
E stassi chetOy ei ha pur patietuoj 
E altro visoj e parole non baveva^ 
Che quely ch^ atpeUmtda in favor la sentensusy 
E poi subiiamente laperdeva; 
Disse GUOLIBLMO ; vogUo baver prudenza^ 
Terrolla a menie insino all^ bore extreme^ 
E rivedremei qualcbe voha sneieme^ 

Gii il Sole^ in verso mexzo porno adoy 
E vien /' ombre stremando, cbe raccordaf 
D^ loro proportiom e brutia e mala. 
Come afigura dipisfta in ite$rcia; 
Rinforzava il suo canto la dcala, 
E 7 mondo ardeva a guisa d' una fortia^ 
V aria sta cbeta, et ognifronde saUa 
Nella stagion piU dispettosa^ e calda^ 



^gaml0 



27 



^uando il mio dionigi tufto rtustf^ 
SudandOf comefoMsi un ww fresco; 
DissCj star piit con voi certo mm p$sso^ 
Deh vieniene almen iu giovan Francesco; 
Ma vemtene tutti per ir grvsso; 
Troppo sanbbeforo barbaresco^ 
Chi volessi hor^ qumido la Urra i acceta^ 
Aspetiar piu per pascersi di presa: 

E detto questo^ die votia al cavaUoy 
Senxa aspettar giovan Francesco ancora; 
Ciascun si mette presto a seguiudio^ 
Che ^ I. sole tuiti amsuma^ e div^a; 
El cappellaio vien dsieto^ e segmtallo 

I bracchiy ansando con la linguufors; 
^uanfo piit vanno^ it caldo piit raddoppia; 
Pare appicciato ilfoco in ogni sfoppia. 

Tomonsi a casa chi tristo^ e cbi lieto^ 
E cbi bapieno il camaiuol di stame; 
Alcun si sia senxa^ tt i tristo e chetOf 
E bisogna procucci d^ ultra tame; 
GuGLiELMO viene dispettoso adrietOj 
N^ pud di tanta guerra pacefarne; 
Giovan Francesco gid non se ne cura; 
Che uccella per piacerey eper natura* 

E giuftti a casay riponeva il cuoio^ 
E i can govema^ e mette nella stidld 

II canattier; pd aW it^escatm 
Rinovasi ognnn of iicdsieri a gaila; 
^ivi si fa un abro necellatoiOy 

^ivi le stame alcun non lascia^ ofaiia; 
Pare trebbiano il vin^ sendo fercone^ 
Si fa la voglia le vi^ande buone. 

X X 2 El 



28 



Elprimo assaltoju sanza rontdre^ 
Ognuno attende a menar la mascella; 
Mapoiy passato unpo* il primo furore y 
Chi d* una cosa^ chi (V altrafavella; 
Ciascuno al suo sparvier dava Vhonore^ 
Cercando d* una scusa pronta^ e Bella; 
E cbi molto non sa con lo sparviere^ 
Si sforza hor qui col ragionare^ e bere^ 

Ogni cosa guastava la quistione 

Del FOGLA con guglielmo, onde si leva 

Su DioNiGi con buona intentione^ 

E in questo modo a guglielmo diceva: 

Vuoci tu tor tanta consolationef 

E benche il caso sfran pur ti pareva^ 

Fa che tu sia com son io discretOy 

Che averai il mio sparuierej e statti cbeto^ 

^ueste parole^ e questo dolte stite^ 

Per che ouglielmo V ama^ assai li place; 
E per che gli era pur di cor geniiky 
Delibero col root, a far la pace; 
Onde li disse con parole bunUle^ 
Star pih teco nan voglia in contumace^, 
E voglio in pace tutto sofferire; 
Fatto questo ciascun vanne a domure. 

E quel che si sognatsi per la notte^ 
^uello sarebbe bello a poter dire; 
Ch* io so J ch^ ognun rimettera le dotte^. 
Insino a tema vorranno dormire; 
Pot ce fC andremo insieme a.queUe grottSy 
E quakhe lascafaremfuora uscire. 
E cost passDy compary lieto il tempOy 
Con mille rime in zuccberoy et a tempo^ 



ELEGIA. 



ELEGIA^ 



f^INTO dalli amorosi empj martirjj 

Pik vobe ho gid la mano a scriver portay 

Come il cor viva in fiantiy et in sospiri^ 
Donnay perfarti del nuo stato accorta; 

Mapoij temendo non /' harressi a sdegnoy 

Ho dal primo pensier la man distorta* 
Cosi mentre che dentro ilfoeo al legno 

E stato accesoy hora il disio m* ha spinto^ 

Hor ffC ha pour a ritenuto al segno: 
Ma piii celar non puossi; et gid depinto 

Porto el mio mal nella pallida faccia^ 

Come chi da mal lungo i stancoy e vinto. 
El cor dentro awampa hor^ difuor tutto aghiaccia; 

Onde convienj che a maggiorfonui io ceda^* 

Spemey swerchio amor^ mia fedeltate 

^uesto laccio amoroso hanno al cor stretto^. 

Etfurato lor dolce libertate. 
Ben veggio ilperso ben^ ma perch* io aspetto 

Trovary^ donna gentile^ in te merzede 

Fay che di ben seguirti ho gran diletto; 

2 Che 



Che /' egli e ver quel cV altri dicey o crede^ 
Che per sa e belt a in donna sanza amore; 
Te ingiuriar non vorreij e la miafede: 

Perche non cerco alcun iuo disonore^ 
Ma sol la grazia tua^ e che ti piacciy 
Che 7 mio albergo sia dentro al tuo core^ 

Mostron pur quel' belli occhi^ e* non ti spiacci 
El mio servire; e cos} amor mi guida 
Ogfiorpiit dentro n^ tenaci lacci; 

N^ resterd giammai Jinche me occida^ 
Donna J se tua pietd non mi soccorrcj 
Che morte hor mi minaccia, et hor mi sfida: 

Ahiy folle mio pensier^ che s) alto porre 
Vuolse /' effetto; ma se ate nf inchina^ 
Madonna^ H cieJo^ hor me li posso opporref 

Cos} mi truow in urdente Jitcina 
U amore^ et ardoj e son rf' order contento^ 
Ne derco at mio mal grave medicina^ 

Se non quando mancar li spirt i sento; 
Alhor ritomo al veder li occhi belli; 
Cos} in parte x' acqueta el mio tormento. 

Talch^ sepur talvolta veder quelli 

Potessiy in braccio haverti^ o pure alquanto 
Tener le man n^ crispi tua capelliy 

Mancberian i sospir^ /* angoscia, elpianto^ 
Et quel dolore in che la mente i involta, 
E in cambio a quel saria dolcezza^ e canto* 

Ma tu dalli amorosi lacci sciolta^ 
Crudely non curi di mie pene alboray 
Anzi gli occhi mi ascondiy altrove volta, 

Li occhi tuo belliy lassoy ove dimora 
Upharetrato Amor ver me protervo^ 
Ove suo dardi arruotay ove gP indora. 



Et 



4» 



Et cos) il mo dolor nm disoierw^ 
Ma resto quasi un eorpc semivho^ 
Con pik grave formenia,, etpik aeervtu 

Ma fa quel vuoi di me per Jin cb* i* vhrn^ 
lo f amer^y pmcl^ al del cos) piaee; 
Cos} ti giuroy et di ma man ti scrivo^ 

N^ gestiy a sguardiy o parola fallace 
D* aUra mm crtder dal tue amor m svdk^ 
Cb* al sine i* spero in te pur frovar pace. 

Solo a tepensa F abna^ et solfaveUa 
Di te la Hngua^ e il cor te sol vorrebbcy. 
Ni akra donna ogB occbi nUapar belta^ 

Tanto amory tantafe certo dofvrebbe 
Haver nmsa apiaiit^ una Sirena^ 
Et liqurfatta un cor (Upietra barebbe. 

Nata non se' di Tigrey o di Leenay 
N^ preso il latte nella seha Ircanay 
dove ilgiiaetia el veloce btro qffrenan 

Qnde se quella speme nou h vanay 

Che mi dan gH oubi UuSy ti occbi cbefemo- 
Lapiaga nel nw eory eb* ansor non sanay 

Non vorraiy AmoTy di me pik scbemo. 
Cosl ti pr^o • » ♦ ♦ 
Tua piatdfaccia il nosfro amor etemo. 

Vengay se dee veniry tuo aiuto yuando 
Giovar mi patsay et non tardi tra viay 
Cbe nuoce speeso a cbi ben vive amando* 

May laisoy bor quel mi duole iy cF to vorria^ 
II voltOy e i gesiiy e il pianto cb^ el cor premcy 
A^compagnassin questi versi nua; 

Ma J* egli avvkny cbe soletti ambo insiemey 
Pos4o il braecio tenerti al colla awoltOy 
VedrM cotne (P amore alto ardcy e geme* 



Vedrai 



3^ 



Vedrai coder dal mo pallido wlu 
Nel tuo candido sen lacrime tantey 
Da* mia ardenti sosfiri * * tnolt$. 

E se la lingua pavida^ e fremante 
Non tifotrd del cor lo qffetto apririy 
Come fTtteruien sovente aljldo amante^ 

Dagli baldanza * * • dire^ 
^uando granfiamma in gentil cor accenda 
Lo amor J la speme delfedel seruire^ 

Chi sia che tanta cortesia riprenda ? 
Anziy perchi malpuossi amor celare^ 
Che altri dal voltOj o gesti nol comprenda, 

Sovente io mi odo drieto susurrare^ 
^uanto e dal primier suo esser mutate 
^esto meschinj per crudel donna amare. 

Non rispondoj anzi vergognoso guato 
A ierray come chi taholta intende 
^uely che a ciascun credea esser celato. 

La tua impieta te stessa^ et me riprende^ 
Che non bene tua bellexza accompagruxj 
Et al mio bon servir mal cambio rende. 

Ni percid mai, il cor di te si lagna^ 
N? si dorr^ sino alio extremo puntOy 
Ma benvorrebbcy ^ percid il volto bagna. 

Teco P avessi Jl ciel^ donna^ congiunto; 
In matrimonio : ahj che pria non venisti 
A I mondoy o io non son piil tarda giunto? 

Che gli occbiy co* quai pria tu il core apristi^ 
Ben mille volte barei baciato il giornoy 
Scacciando i van sospirij e i pensier tristi. 

Ma quest van pensier o a che soggiomo? 
Se tu pur dianziy et iofui un tempo avanti 
Dal laccio coniugal legato intomoy 



^ual 



33 



^ml sol morte convien^ che sdcglia * * * 
Puoi ben volendo^ e te ne prego^ e stringOj 
Ch* un cor^ un sol voter sia tra due amantu 
Ben t* accorgij Madonna^ che non Jingo 
Pianti^ sospiriy o le parole ardente; 
Ma come Amor la detta^ to la dipingo. 

Occhi belli J anzi stelle luciente^ 
O parole soaviy accortCy e sagge, 
Man decor J che toccar vorrei sovente^ 

Amor e quelj che a vol pregar mi traggCy 
Non sia J Madonna^ il mio servire invano^ 
JV? in van la mia speranza in terra cagge. 

Tu hai la vita^ e la mia morte in manoj 
Vivo contentOj j* to ti parlo un poco, 
Se noHj morte me ancide a mano a mano. 

Fa almen^ s* io moroj delF extremofoco 
Le mia ossa infeltce sieno extorte^ 
E poste in qualche abiettOy e picciol loco* 

Non vi sia scritto chi della mia morte 
Fussi cagiony che ti saria gravezza; 
Bast a r uma difuor stampata porte^ 

" Troppo in ltd amor^ troppo in altrui durezza^ 



» 



VOL. IK Y V A MORI 



34 



JMORI DI VENERE, E MARTS. 



V£H£R.£ PARLA. 

SU Nymphe ornate il glorhso monte"^ 

Di cantiy e balli^ e resonanti lire; 

Fate dijior grillande alme allafronte^ 
Cbe mi par Marie afnico mio sentire; 

E dalla flaga lattea su nel cielo 

Visto ho la stella sua Heta apparire. 
Spargete alP aura i crini avvolti in velo^ 

E lieti tuite nelfonte Acidalio 

Gratiose vi lavate il voltOy e il pelo. 
Le sacre Muse dal liquor Castalio 

Di dolci carmi piene inviterete; 

Stendete dr apply ornate il ciel colpalio* 
BaccOy e Sileno mio liete accoglietey 

E se Cerer non e sdegnata ancora 

Per Proserpina suay la cFtamerete. 
Vay Climen nympha miay dall* Auroray 

Digliy cbe indugi alquanto il bel mattinoy 

Lieta col suo Titonfacci dimora. 
Tu Clytia andrai nel bel monte Pachinoy 

Tu nel Peloroy e tu nel Lilibeoy 

Guardate di Sicilia ogni con/inoy 

3 Siy 



35 



S), che Vulcano miofabro Pheteo 

Con Marie mn mi irovi in adtdterio^ 
Dondefabula sia foi ^ ogni Deo* 
Ascondi Luna il lucido emisperio; 
Voi per le selve non latrate^ o cani^ 
Siccbe d* infamia non si scuopri il vero. 
Vien lieta noitey e voi profundi Mani 
Scurafe I* cra^ o tujigliuol Cupidoj 
Mi do nelle tue bracciay in le tue mani* 
Con le tuejiamme dolce ardente ridoj 
Fa lime a Marte^ mio sposo^ et signare^ 
Tu meferbtiy AmoTj di fe mej/ldo. 
Martey se oscure ancor ti par on F ore^ 

Vienne al mio dolce ospizioy ch^ io f aspetto; 
Vtdcan non v iy che ci disturbi amore. 
Fieny cb* io f invito nuda in mezo il lettOy 
Non indugiary cb* el tempo passay e volay 
Coperto rrf bo difior vermigli il petto. 
Vienne Martey vien viay vien cb* io son sola; 
Togliete e lumiy el mio mat non Io spengo; 
Non sia cbi piit mi parli una parola. 



MARTE PABXA. 

Non qual nimico alle tue stanxe ven^ 

Vener mia belUSy ma sanz* armey o dardoy 

Che contro at colpi tua nuW arme tengo. 
Altra tosa i vedere un gr/Oo sguardo 

D* un amoroso lumey ovunque ^ vadoy 

Cbe spaday o laneioy o vessilloy a stendardo. 
♦* Amor regge suo impero sanza spada;** 

Coperto noy ma vuok il corpo nudoy 

Dolce ciMento a seguir cid cbe aggrada; 

Y Y a Od^T 



36 



Odir parlar^ non dispietatOy e crudo^ 
Ma dolce in se^ qual di piata s* accolga; 
E qiiesta P arme sia^ la lancia, e */ scudo. 

Intomo al col suo bianca treccia awolgaj 
Delli ardenti amator dura catena^ 
E forte laccioy che ^ammai si sciolga. 

Baciar la boccay e la f route Serena^ 
E dtda celesti lumiy e V bianco pettOy 
La lunga man d' ogni bellezza piena. 

Altra cosa e giacer nelP aureo letto 

Con la sua dolce amca^ et cantar carrnsj 
Che qffaticar il corpo al sctidoj e elmetto* 

Gustar quelfruttOj che pud lietofarmiy 
Ultimo Jin d* un tremante diletto; 
Tempo e (T amor^ tempo e da spada^ et armi. 



APOLLO PARLA. 

Ingiuria e grande al letto romper fede; 

Non sia cbi peccbiy e rf/% chi V sapri mai? 

Che 7 soly le stelle^ el ciely la luna il vede. 
E tu che lieta col tuo Marte staij 

N^ pensiy il del di tua colpa dispone ; 

Cos's spesso un gran gaudio torna in guaim 
Ogni lungo secreto ha sua stagione; 

Cbi trcppo va tentando la for tuna y 

Se allide in qualche scogliOy e ben ragione^ 
CorretCy o Nymphey a veder sol quesf una 

Adulterata Venere impudicay 
. E V traditor di Marte; o stelle! o luna! 
GiovCy se non ti par troppa fatica^ 

Con Giunm tua gelosay alfurto viene; 

Non peccbi alcun^ se mm vuol che si dica* 



Vieni 



37 



Vieni a veder^ Mercurioj le catene^ 
Che tu riporti in del di quesf e quella; 
Ch€ nul peccaio mat fa senza pene. . 

PliUOy se inieso hat ancor qnesta novella^ 
Con Proserpina iua lass a I* inferno; 
AscemU alF aura relticente et beIJa* 

Alme^ che ornate il bel paese etemo 
D^ campi Elysiy al gran fart o venite; 
Convien si sctdopra ogni secreto intermo. 

Glaucoj Neptunoy Doriy Alpheo correte 
Al tristo incestoj et Inoj et Melicerta^ 
Con le Driadey e 7 gran padre ^ Amphytrite. 

Accid cbo in terra^ in mare^ et in del sie certa 
Infamia tal d^ ana malvapa et rea^ 
Et grave strupOj e inhonestate aperta. 

Yulcany vieni a veder tua Cythereay 
Come con Marte stto lieta si posa^ 
Et rotta f ha lafede^ etfatta rea. 

Debbe al consortia tuo esser piatosa^ 
Ad altri no; ma gP ifatica grave 
Posser guardare una donna amorosa* 

Che se la vuoly nonfia cbi nuu la cave; 
Tu dormiforsCy ma se V mio sono hai intesoj 
Vieni a veder di lei V opere prave. 

Lascia Siciliay e V tuo stato sospeso; 
Che patir tanta ingiuria honor a te pocoy 
Vendetta brama Dio d* un core qffeso. 



VULCANO PARLA, 



Non basta havermi il del dalP alto loco 
.Gittato in terray et da sua mensa privOy 
Etfattofabroy et Dio del caldofoco; 



Che 



38 



Che per piit pena mia ciaschedun Dho 
Cierchi straziarmij et dimes trar lor prove; 
Ma fanta ingiuria mat non la prescriva* 

lo pur attendo afar saette a Giove^ 
Sudando intomo dV antica fucina^ 
Et Marte gode miefatiche altrove* 

Venere^ Verier mia^ spuma marinay 
Tu Marte adult er^ pena paghereiey 
Che grave colpa vuol gran disciplina. 



LA CONFESSrONE. 



Donne y et/anaulley to nifo tmscienxim 
D^ ogni miefalloy e vo* far pemtenzia. 

lo mi confesso ad vol primieramentey 
Ch^ to sono stato alpiacer negligente; 
Et molte cose ho lasciato pendente; 
Di questo primo f rmfo comcienza% 

lo havea lungo tempn disiata 

A una gentil donna hanjer parlatOy 
Pot in sua presentia fui ammutolato; 
Di questo ancora /* mifk ccnscienza* 

Gia in un altro loco mi trovaiy 
Et un bel tratto per vilta lasciai;- 
E non ritomo pot quel tratto mai: 
Di questo ancQra /' mifo canscienzom 

A by quante volte io me ne son pentito! 
Presi una volta unpih tristo partito^ 
Cb* io pagai innanziy e poi non fui ser^ito^ 
Di questo ancora i* mifo cpiscienTut* 



39 



h mi riccrxb aneor eP alfri peecati f 
Chey per ir drieto a parole difratij 
Molti doki piaceri ho gid lasdati: 
Di questo ancora ? mifo conscienTux* 

Dolgpmi ancoTy che nm ho conosciuto 

La giovenezzay e 7 bel tempo che ho avuto^ 
Se non hor^ quando egli i in tutto perduto ; 
Di questo ancora i* mifo ctmscienza* 

Dico mia colpa^ et ho molto dolore 

Di viltiy negligentiaj et d^ ogni errore: 
Ricordiy o non ricordiy innanzi Amore 
Generalmente to nefo consdenza. 

Etprego tutti vtny che vi guardiatey 
Che simili peceati non f acetate; 
Accio che vecchie non ve ne pentiate^ 
Et in van poi nefacciate comcienza. 



LE SETTE ALLEGREZZE D" AMORE. 



DEH state a udire giovane et donT^elle 
^ueste sette allegrezzey cV to w* dire^ 
DevotamentCy che son dolccy e belle y 
Che amore a cbi lo serve fa sentire; 
lo dico a tutte quantCy et primo a quellcy 
Che son vaghe et gentiUy e in suljiorire; 
Gtdstate ben queste allegrezze santey 
Che amor ve ne contenti tutte quante. 

Prima Allegrezzay che conciede amore 
Si e mirar dua piatosi occhijisoy 

Esciene 



4a 



Esciene un vagOy My doic^ spUndore ; 
Veder mover la bocca un dolce risOy . 
Le many la gola^ e modi pien d' honorcy 
V andavy cV mcitapar del paradise ; 
Ogni attOy e movimentOy che sifacciay 
Et cos) prima un cor gentil s* allaccia^ 

La seconda allegrezzay cbe amor donay 
Ey quando ho gratia di toccar la mano 
Accortamentey ove si ballay o suonay 
in altro modo stringnerla plan piano ; 
Et mentreche si giuocay o si ragiona^ 
Gittar certe parolsy et non in vano; 
Toccare alquantOy et stringner sopra a* panni 
In modoy cbe cbi e intomoj se ne inganni. 

Terza allegrezTUiy qual Amor conciedsy 
E quando ella una tua lettera accetta^ 
E degna di risponderCy efarfede 
Di propria many che el collo al giogo metta ; 
Bene i duro coluiy cbcy quando vede 
S) dolce pegnoy lacrime non getta; 
Leggiela cento voltCy e non si satia^ 
Et con dolci sospiri amor ringratia. 

Piti dolce assai quest* allegrezza qttarta^ 
Se ti conduct a dir qualcbe parole 
A solo a soloy afar del tuo cor carta^ 
Et dire a boccha ben dove ti duole; 
Se advieny cbe amor le some ben comparta^ 
Senti dir cose dafermare el sole: 
Dolci piantiy et sospiriy et maladire 
Usciy etjln^stre^ cbe ti pud impedire^ 

Chi 



41 



Chi pub gttstar qmOa quinta alkgre%m 

Pud dir, cbe am$r^ e il sm servkio fiaccia^ 
Se advieuy cbe bad am gran tenerezza 
Un* amorcsa^ vagba^ e gentilfaccia^ 
Le labraj et denirn ov* e tanta dgkezza^ 
La gola, elpettOy et ie candide brauia^ - 
Et tutte /' altre membre doUe^ et ^Daghe^ 
Lasciando spesso e segni delle piagbe. 

^uesta sesta allegrexza^ ci* io dico bora^ 
E il venir quasi alia cooclusion; 
Et a quel fitly perche ogni buom s* innamora^ 
Et si sopporta ogni aspra passione; 
Chi r ba provatOy et chi lo prova ancora^ 
Sa cbe dolcezzaj et cbe consolatione 
E quellay di poter sanza sospettg 
Tenere il suo signore in braccio stretto. 

Vien drieto a questa P ultima allegrezza; 
Cbe atnore in fin pur contentar ci vuole: 
Non si pud dir cen quanta gentilezza^ 
Con cbe dolci sospir^ con cbe parole^ 
Si perviene a qaeita ultima aJkgrezza, 
Come si piange dolcemente^ e dude; 
Fassi certi atti ^bor^ chi non ^udfingere^ 
CV un dipimore mn sapr^ dipingere^ 

^ueste sono alkgrexzey chd. Amor da^ 
O donnCy a chi lo serve fedelmentey 
Perd gust iky e pruopile chi ha 
Bellezzay et gentilexzay eta fi$rtntey 
Cbe perder tempo dmle. a chi piti sa; 
^ueste allegretsce^ eJ^ io bo detto alpresentfi 
Chi kcStej etpnroa con^divotione^ 
Non pud morisce um» txtrenut tmti^tt^ 
i»L« lu z z ^uetto 



4? 






4 



Sluesto fover^ Ciecoy quale ba detto^ 
^uesU alkrrezzey a voi si rac&manda^ 
Amor r ha cost conch el poverettOj 
Come vedetej et cieco aitorno il manda^ 
Vorrebbe qualche carita in ^etto^ 
Almen la gratia vostra v* addimanda; 
Faiegli qualche ben^ donne amorose^ 
Che gustar fossa delle vosfre cose. , 

El poveretto e gia condotto a fale^ 

Che non ha con chifare el Camasciale. 



CANZONE. 



P REND A piata ciascun della mia dogUa^ 
Giovancj et donncj et sia chiunche si voglia* 

Sempre servito io ho con purafede 
Una^ la qual credeafussi pietosa^ 
Et cbe dovessi haver di me men^dcj 
Et non^ come era^ fussi disdegnosa; 
Hor m* ho perduto il tempo^ et ogni cosa^ 
Che si rivokay come al ventofogH^. 

lasso a me/ ch* to non credetti maif 
Cbe sua occhi kggiadri^ e rilucenti 
Fussin cagione a medi fanti guaij 
Di tanti piantij et di tanti laments; 
Ab crudo amore^ bar came gliel consents? 
Di tanta crudek^ sua core spaglut^ 



Oimsa 



43 



lasso a mey questo mn i quel mertOf 
Cb' to aspettava di mafede intera^ 
Questo non e quel^ cbe mifu offerto; 
Questo n^patti nostril Amory non era;. 
Folk, e coluiy cbe in itia promessa spera^ 
E sotto quella vive in pianti^ e in doglia. 

Cantato in parte vi bo la doglia mia^ 
Cbe vi debba baver mosso baver piatatef 
Et quanto affiitta la mia vita sia^ 
Percbe di me compassione babbiate; 
Et prego Amor J cbe piitfelice siate^ 
Et vi contenti d^ ogni.vostra voglia* 



CANZONE. 



Con tua promesse^ et tua false par ole^ 
Con falsi risiy et con vago sembiante^ 
Donna^ menato bai il tuofedele amante^ 
Sanza altrofare; onde nC incresce^ et duole. 

lo bo perduto drietoa tuabellezzd 
Gia tanti passi per quella speranza^ 
La quale mi dii tua gran gentilezza^ 
Et la belt^j cbe qualuncbe altra avanza; 
Ftdomo in lei^ et nella mia costanzoj 
Ma insino a qui non bo^ se non parole* 

Di tempo in tempo gi^ tenuto ni bai 
TantOf cH io posso numerar moHi anniy 

z z 2 Et 



44 



» 

Et aspetta^fa ptiTy di tanti guai 
Rist^par mi votes sty et tanti qffarmi; 
Et conosco har^ che mi dileggiy et inganni: 
Lafede mia nm vmi da te parole. 

Donnay stu m*amij come gii m^ hai dettOj 
Fa^ elf to ne vegga quaicbe sperantia ; 
Deh non mi tener pii in contanto aspetfOy 
Che for se n&n hard piU patientia^ 
Se vuoi usare in verso me dementia^ 
Non indugiare,j et non m dar parole. 



Va canzonetiay et priega el mio Signorey 
Che non mi tenga piiH in dubbio sospeso^ 
Diy che mi mostri una volta il suo core^ 
Et se i perduto il tempo^ cV io ho spesOy 
Come to hard il xuo peniiero intesoj 
Prendo partitOy et non vo* piil parole. 



CANZONE. 



Io prego Dioy che futti i matparlanti 
Facci Stan sempre in grsn dekriy e pianti. 

E prego voiy c gentit donnty e bettcy 
Che nonfacciate stima di paroky 
Perd che cbi tien cento dt novelkj 
ly ogni piacer privare aljin sisaole; 
HonestamentCy e liete star si vtnSry 
Vivere in gioiey et in piaceriy e canti^ 



Deb 



45 



Deb lasdam dir cbi vafrd pur mal dirs^ 
E non guardiamo al lor tristo parlan; 
Allegro si vuol vivere^ e morirey 
Mentre che in giovinezza habbidmo a stare; 
E chi vorrd di noi mat favellare^ 
El cor per iroppa invidia se gli scbianti. 

CanzoruSy truova ciascbedtmo amante^ 
E le donne leggiadre^ aHe^ e gentile^ 
Ricorda lor^ the ciascun sia cosfante 
Al suo amore con anima virile; 
Per chi it temer parole i cosa vile^ 
Nifu usanza mat di veri amanti^ 



CANZONE. 



/ ' Ho d^ amara dolcezza it mio cor pienoj 
Come amor vuole^ ed^ tm dolce veneno: 

Nessuno i piit di me lieto^ e confenfo^ 
Nessuno merta maggior compassione; 
La dolcezza^ et dolor^ che htsieme sifff^ 
Di rider dammy e nOspiri eocene; 
Non pud ifttender ii ablce pssssione^ 
Scusa nmfOy cbi non ba ganfil core^ 

Amore et bonestatej^ et gentHkzxgy 
A cbi mkura ben, sono una cosa: 
Per me iperdftta its tutto pgni belkxMj 
^Clf IposM isf^knna altera^ et disdegim^^ 

Chi 



4« 



9 



Chi riprender mi pud^ s* i* son piatosa^ 
^uanto honest^ comporta^ et gentil core i 

Riprenderammi cbi ha si dura mentCy 
Che non conoschi U amorosi rat: 

10 prego amore^ che, cbi amor non sente 
Nolfaccia degno di sentirla mai; 
Ma chi P osserva fed£lmente assaiy 
Ardali sempre colsuofoco il core. 

Sanza ragien riprendami chi vuokj 
Se non ha cor gentil^ non bo paura; 

11 mio constanie amor vane parole 
Mosse da invidia^ poco stima o cura^ 
Disposta son^ mentre la vita dur^y 
A seguir sempre s) gentil amore. 



SONETTO. 



HERMELINO EQUO SUJE PUELLJB UTENDUM MIS80. 

Se come Giove trasformossi in toro^ 
Anch^ io p<aessi pigliar tua^gura^ 
Hermellin mioj senza darti tal cura^ 
Portare vorr^ io stesso il mio ibesoro. 

Non s) da lungiy hi con tal martoroj 
1^ pria nelP onde mai con tal paura 
Portato barei quelP Angioktta pura^ 
Che bora ni e donna^ etforsepoi sia^alloro. 



Ma 



47 

Mapdchi cosi w, HermelKno mioj 
Tu solo porter at spave^ ei piano 
La pretiosa salma^ e V mio desio; 

Guarda non molestar coljren sua mano^ 
Ubidisci coleiy cbe yhidiscV io^ 
Poicbi s) tosto Amor vuole, cbe amiam* 



SONETTO. 



FDGIENDO Loth con la sua/amiglia 
La cittiy cV arse per divin puditio; 
Guardando indrietOj et visio el gran st^plitioj 
La donna immobil forma di salpiglia. 

Tu baifuggjttOy et i gran maraviglia^ 
La cittiy ch^ arde semprein ogni vitio; 
Sappi anima gentil^ cbe V tuo offitio 
E non volt are a lei giammai le ciglia. 

Per ritrovarti il buon pastor e etemo 
Lascia el greggie^ o smarrita pecorella^ 
Truovatiy e lieto in braccio ti riporta. 

Perse Euridice Orfeo gia in sulla portay 
Libera quasij per voltarsi a quella; 
Perd non ti voltar piU alio inferno. 



I 

I 



SONETTO. I 



I i 



1 
I 



48 



SONETTO. 



SEGUIj Anima divctaj quetfervore^ 
Che la bonth divina al petto spira^ 
Et dove dolcemente chiama^ et tira 
La voce J o pecorella^ delpastore: 

In questo nuovo tuo divoto ardore 
Non sospettiy non ide^^ moifSaf o ira^ 
Speranza certa al sommo bene aspira^ 
Pacej et dolcezza^ etfama in suave odore. 

Se piantij o sospir semmi tatvolta 
In questa santa tnafelke rnsania^, 
Dolce y et eterna poi la ricolta. 



•^>» 



^^ Populi meditati sunt inania 

Lasdali dirty et siecRy et Crisfo Msc^ttk 
nuova cittadina di Bettam^* 



IL FINE* 




1 



APPENDIX 



VOt. U* 3 A 



APPENDIX. 



N'XLin. 



Fedtrictu Dun UfHuL 
Laurtntio Afedici de Flormtia. 

MaGNIFICE frater carissime. Per h copia de una io scrivo alio illua- K*" XLIIL 
tmsimo Duca di Ferrara^ la quale io mando alii Signori Otto della BaUa, 
& Yostra Magnificentia vedril Io aviso ho hamto della perdita della Rocclia 
di Melara, & Io pensero de 11 inimici, che e de unire V annata loro de acqua 
cum quest! di sopra, & unitamente poi cum Io favore del curso del fiume 
andarsene ad Ferrara } & non e dubio^ che non si facendo dala Serenissima 
Lega celeie & potentissima provrisione in qualche parte, li potria reuscire Io 
pcnseroy perche quello lUustrisstmo Signore da se non h bastante ad substi- 
nere tanto peso^ commo la V. M. intende per se mcdesimo. 

Lo remedioy che mi occurre a tanto eminentissimo periculo, si i, che 
cotesta Excelsa Signoria volando, le mandi quello piu numero de fanti li sia 
posttbile^ maxime de qudli de Romagna^ & de Valle de Lamone, li qnali 
ft per la vicinitil & per essere homini exerciuti verranno piu a proposito del 
bisognoy che de volere fare pensero de mandare altri, & io mandandome lo 
Illustrissimo-JSignore Duca di Milano quella gente da pede & da cavallo li 
ho scriptOy descender^ nel Fenarese per fare tenere la briglia in mano alii 
inimicif & quando per la Serenisnma Lega se facciano quelle proYisione li h 

3 A 2 necessario 



N^ XLin* necessario & per lo honore & per lo utile, & per modo, che io po«8a 8tare 
a fronte delli inimici, me basta lo animo farli intendere, che da fare uno 
pensiero ad mandarlo ad cfTetto ci e grandissima differenza. Non me euro 
essere piu longo cum la Vostra Magnificentia, perche so certo che per sua 
prudenria intendendo quanto questa cosa sia importante, cum omno diligen* 
tia opera per le necessarie provisione. 

Ricordo alia Vostra Magnificentia sollecite lo mandare li fanti ragionati 
in le terre del Sig. G>n6taiitiQ & mie r & questo pure se toI fare cum 
omne celeriti, perche xo ho dato ordine, che K miei homini d'arme se ne 
vengono ad trovarme, che non ce restando ditti fanti, non^ se porriano mo- 
vere perche el non seria secura cosa de spogUare le terre del prefato Sig. 
Constantio, & mie^ non ce restando gente da posserle defendere in omne 
caso. 

Seria de parere, che lo Sig. Constantio-preditto se ritirasse in Toscana 
& cum la persona, & cum la gente, & che li fossero deputate le stantie in 
quello di Rezo & in Angira, la quale cosa vene alio proposito della securtib 
dello stato de cotesta Excelsa Signpria, del suo & mio, & minacciare U 
inimici per tutto, & porria essere che la fortuna porgessc tale occasioned 
che saria stato optima provisione de averc preso simile partito ; pero recorda 
alia Magnificentist Vostra opere, che sen^^a mettere dilatione de uno actimo 
de tempo se li ordini venga ad lo dicto loco : &' io id questo ponto per ux^ 
mia ho persuasa la Su^ Signoria ad cio. Ex Revere 4* Mail 1482* 



^■•i 



N«» iJtLIV, 

1 * 

Guidantonio Vespucci* 
Laurenfto jUfcdici* 

N*XLIV. MAGNIFICEvir. Se Tawi^o mio della creatione dcrPbntefice fa tzt^ 
detto, ne fu causa, perche Antonio Tornabuoni spaccto sanza aspettarmi^ 
perche ero in luogo udivo messa con gli altri Oratorio & non potevo uscire 
si tardi : la stafietta di Milano fu spiacclata per FranQCSCo da Casale & non 

♦ ^ # 

per rOratore -, habbiatemi per scusato. 

Di 



Di qoesta Fonti6ce vi dird quanto ne intendo* La natura stia, quando N^ XLIV* 
era Cardinale, era molto humana & benigna, & a ciascbuno facera carezze 
assai, & baciava qualunche piu che chi yoi sapete : e non molto di sperienza 
delfi Statiy di non molta ktteratura» ma pur non e in tatto ignorante ; era 
tutta di S. Pier in Vincuhi & lui to fece far Cardinale : pieno in Tiso & a$- 
iai grande, di eta di circha 55. annij assai robosto, ha ufto fratello, ha fig- 
fiuoR grancH bastardi, credo almenb uno^ & figliuole fenmnne maritate qui : 
Cardinale noil andara bene col Conte: San Pier in Vincnla si puo d2r 
esser Papa, & piu potri, che coa Papa Shto, se et lo snftk nvantenere : ha 
lino Fxatre Genvese, che si dice ba donna, naturalmente Gaelfo, & i della 
casa Zibo : ha qui uno nipote Prete & parente di Filippo di Nerone, che ha 
per donna una Maria Clemenza che fu moglie di Stoldo Altoyiti. £1 Ca- 
pitano yecchio de' fanti ha per donna una sua parente* Essi monstrato 
huomo piu per csser consigliatOji che coimgliare altri. 

La electione sua i stata in questa forma^ che li Reverendissimi Monsig- 
nori di Ragona e de' Visconti yeduto non poter fare el Vicecancelliere> & 
yedoto el Vicecancelltere cerchaya far guardia^ s* ingegnorono tirar qui el 
YicecanceUiexC) & fare el facto 1oto> & ante omnia accordarono il Ca- 
marlingo & Ursino con San Pier in Vincula, e quali yi cominciarono ad 
inclinarej & parmi assicurassino con promesse le cose del Conte & del Ca- 
marlingo, & a molti habbino satisfacto di cose prima al Cardinale di Ragona 
la easa sua^ a Messer de' Visconti la Casa del Conte, la qual se paga al 
Conte per Sua Beatitudine, & tanto che ascende ultra alia casa a dodici mila 
dueati, & la Legatione del Patrimonio, & ne ara non so che a Castello, al 
SaveUo la Legatione di Bologna, a Milano la Legatione di Vignone, le 
qpiali tutte ultime Legationi havea S. Pier in Viacula, & a tutto ha con- 
scntito per condurre quest' opera, imo ha renunziato ad alcune badie per sa* 
tisfare ad altri che io non so. Colonna non dubito sara anchor satisfacto; 
el Vicecancelliere ancora s^ e assicurato di certe sua cose di Spagna. Noara 
ha bavuto non so ebe Castello: di altri* non intendo^ ma estimate ce ne 
assai simile. 

Condudovi, che questa electione si da tutta all* opera di Mons. de Vis- 
conti, & parrebbemi gli doyessi scriyere, che hayendo io bisogno deW opera 
sua nelle faccende yostre, ci yogli ajutare & scriyere una buona lettera a 
S. Pier in VincuJa, perche del caso di Fonte Dolce non dubito se non di 
tui, & lui e Papa & plusquam Papa. £t credatis che Mbnsig. Ragona 8i 

Visconti 



N^ XI«IV. VUcoiui hinno In ogni elcctione a mettere a sacco questa CortCi & sono 

• m«g||;lor rtbildi del mondo, 

lo att«iultfr6 qui fra pochl di a resietare le com vostre, & intendo farlo, 
ff rchi in tu qucnti piincipj e Pontefica aogliooo easere gradosit & di ¥oi la 
KantitI 8ua ttntt bene H mecho era aasai dimesdco. Ricordovi innanst 
a* enirl in nuova pratica el farmi aver liceniia^ die vonei easer costi per 
luuo Scttrmbre almeno, tt vi prego mi togliaie exaodire di lanni d mio 
Sinu^ne drgli Otto« Romae die 19* Angusti 1484. Riomkm d aoDeci- 
tATt la impreu de Seneitana, bnanai coctvi pigli piede, petdie pd aari 
peiicvJvvKV 



N» XLV. 



Ljm^* it* Jl/<y , si jL: 



K^ XLW H AV£ rS uu<^ r «>dl<fta Qu « stata (atta di slato ai qwd itegfu)^ quads 
iKHi slk>4M9^ U prc«ivli al ^. Re» &c» & coat arete iMea la MJariyin • . . 
W^vvvHwe ct^ K> !Ni^« Rt MO Idbbia qiKDn itpntafeMC avcvm aStxo 
dir\Kru4n& de ^utc d^ artue^ die SL M« en stUaiUA k> JotficedTkaEn: 
lij' ci^ m V> icv>tttr«rci kk tte dcjtio per U xriTti d^ kio bo; 
«iu''v^ c^4^ «uifto«r^ 4 & M« IKsflKCflu £aa all* asau^ die b S^ 
Vi»^^ ^4K«e^ «ik.^«tic di ctuiAde^ & tksuecitcs It 
<^:;ktiLt4 Mict4«iii ac Scc:^ icf^xrj^ cm eipa arte, d^ cbid K 
sv«»^N Cx cv«iit M k |(4iScCc ae iQJtsna»> ttit icfeaciei i ^s2i 
t%^ jt KHtt«r aJi •fCici Tki^aoaeQd^ die vdk pio. Lnesc « 
jt aiia»ft<k <^ '^aece cm i^*uc«K dt 
M ^»^«% *i "i^ fc^cii^ ;«tte Moe^ Rimciat ^ S 

4ivv<»«^ ^ Ma Cfeitssia eavEK jwoc^ ii Jia 

^v>a <«t!C^li^ t;^ ^^m ^ ^ ^^adltt 
g^^ )tttgv CNBC i ^oucw ^:^ i «>■ 





qaand Baroni paote in questo de Roma, percbe vole del suo soldarli fin alia N^ XLV. 

svmma 6c 300. homini d^aime. Una delle principalt cose che mi pare ne- 

cessaria e che Sua Signoria tenga ben contenti tutti i soldau» che mal 

n'faebbe neceseario come hoggu Uittmamente S. M. stia de buono aaimoy 

che in ognt mode serra Yictoriosay che prima questa Signoria delibera perdere 

lo stato soo, che detta Maesti habia a patire : del resto me remetco alia vos* 

tta relatione* 



N^XLVI. 

Launntio H Media Fbnniinai. 
RtM SicilUiim 

MaGNIFICO LORENZO, laudabsle cosa i persistere nel' contneto be* N^ XLVL 
> ne operare, & satisfare alle obligazioni, &, como se dice, par pari reddere \ 
ma in yero in le amicitie confirmate, & dove se ra con una medesima to* 
lunta & disegnc, ad nostro jttdicio se recerca non attendere ad qnanto 
se debia fare, ma ad quello piu che sia possibile farse. In le occnrrentie di 
questo inverno ne doleva fino ad ramma che ad Sarzana se facesse noriti, 
non per comparire, ma perch2 non hai«riamo possuto comparire justa el de« 
siderio nostro. Turbarane, che eramo eshausti, le cose del regno non 
reassectate, le pratiche con la Santit^ de N. S. assai turbide, & che have- 
vamo notitia dell' apperato Turchesco, como de poi se e per tucto inteso $ & 
non de manco al prTmo adviso & rechesta circa la novili de Serzanello, sa* 
tisfecimo, & con volunti & con opera circa la gente d'arme & galere re- * 
cercate, dolendone imper6 cordialmente, che alia rechesta non possevamo 
adjungere quel che el debito nostro officio, & la promta Yolunti recercava^ 
stando tuttavia con attentione, se h fortuna ayesse producta alcima occa^ 
sione de possere alcun tanto piu satisfare ad noi medesimi in queste occur* 
rentie della Repubblica Yostra : de che havendo ultimamente da diverse & 
bone vie I'annata de' Turchi havere ad soprastare per questa stasone & che 
dall' altto canto Genuesi armavano ad fine de damnificare Ic marine nostre, 
per divertere & distrahere le vostre forze dall' obsidione de Serzana, subito 
senza piA difierire, rengratiando N. S. Dio, che ne havea ofierta comoditat 
deliberammo mandare ad questa impresa otto altre galere, bene instructe, & 
lo robore del nostro stolo> colo havimo facto intendere al Mag. Misser 

Bernardo, 



8 

N^ XLVL Bernardoy & eodem tempore insemi con la ddiberatione ha?tmo dato otAne 
ad h esecutione, facendo scrivere da nostro fi^iolo D. Federtco, d quak 
ha cura delle cose de mare & ad Brindbi, & per le marine de Calabria, che 
dkte octo galere subito subito siano de qua, & tengino la via de Serzana 
ad giongerse con )e akre : ne se persnada la V. Mag. che la meiite noetra - 
habbia da firmarse qua, perche con lo pensero discuteremo ae altro per not 
fare se potera, & al pensero adjungeremo Fopera, sequendo lo ezemplo- 
della vostra Repubblica, & anco vostro proprio, & havendo sempre avante 
li occhi quel che se facto in nostro adjuto & favore: & quanto in noi seri 
facendo tale opere & deportamenti, che li beneficii ricevuti habbino ad re- 
stare bene testificati della buona & grata volunta nostra appresso el populo 
de Fiorenza, & appresso la V. M. Havemo dunque yoluto ultra quel che 
scrivemo ad li Ex. Sigg. & ad Marino fare nota per propria lettera questa 
nostra deliberatione ad la V. M., la quale se renda certa che dalle facultl 
nostre ad le sue proprie & della sua Repubblica, non se ha da fare diSeren- 
tis alcuna, perche de tucte cose nostre Tolimo, che k commodttil & lo uso 
aia non manoa de' Sigg. Fiorendnt & de V. M., che lo nostro } ic questa 
intra noi ha da essere institutione & legge perpetna, Confortamo la 
M. V. ad atlender bene alia sua TaktHdine. Dat* in CasteUo Nove Neap» 
3. Junii 1487* 



a- XLVIL 

Mognifico viro Jchanni Je Lanjre£tns. 
Oratori Florentino Romae; 
Laur. Med. 

N^XLVU. InTENDO per la vostra de'di 13. che N.S. ha preso qualche molestia 

per la instantia fatta per voi acciocchi non si proceda piu oltre in queste ci« 
tationi. A me rincresce ogni molestia di Sua S. ma molto mi dorebbe^ 
quando accadessi in lei alcuna opinione, che le parole o efietti miei procedes* 
sino da alcuna cagione, altra che dal bene di Sua S, la quale potcte accerta* 
re, che in ogni partito & evento io voglio sopportare come servitore quellt 
medesima fortuna, & questa massima tenga ferma per sempre. Se 10 ho 

t persvaso 



I 



I 



peiMaao alb S. Sua a tempenxA in queste cose contra il Re^ Pbo fatto per N« XLVII. 
le infrascrltte fagioni« Come per 1' uldma vi scripsiy a me pare neceasario^ 
che la S« Sua 8i|ftro])0i^ «bo di queati tre infradcripti fini, cioc o con la 
fonfa havdre la ragione ana col Ile> o Tcramente accordarai come at puo» o 
^ando pure quello accordo> che ai potesst al preaente fare, fussi con poco 
bonore^ temporeggiare pio honorevolmonte che si pud^ aspettando migliore 
^ccasione ; la prima conditione saria piji honorerolcy ma a mio parere e di 
qnakhe pericolo & di gran spesa^ ne credo che faoramai si possa fare, senza 
nettere una niiova Potentia nel Reame : a questo aii pajono necessarle tre 
coscy. do^ che almeno o Vinttiani o Milano siano d'accordo a questa imr 
preaa ; la seconda^ che questa tale Potentia, che s'introducessi di nuovo, sia 
per se medesima potente & di gente & di daaari i la terza, che per N. S. si 
faccia ogni eatrema potentia senza perdonare a spesa o a cosa aloina per oc- 
tenere la impxesa, Sc i neoessario che tra quello che piio il Papa» & quello 
cbe pud qucato tale^ che s'lntroducesaif e vi sia maggiore potentia^ che non 
c quella del Re sola, presupponendo che se Vuietia adherissi a questa diqio- 
abione, haifessi a fare questo efiistto di tencre Milano, che non soccorresai 
ji Re* Clu hayessi intelligentia co' Baroni del Re, o altri simili admini- 
cull, tanto meglio si poteria &re« Hora a questa prima parte io potria in* 
gannarmi, quando la ho dissuasa a H.S^ perche non veggio di queste condL- 
aioni tanto che nu pi^a ad aofficentk, che forse ne e cagione il non sapere 
to tutti i aecreti di questa cosa : per quello che io vegga o intenda non ci e 
tagione, perche N. S* debba per hora havere questa diapositione o speranza, 
liaif endo a pigliare o Spagna o Francia a queato efietto, & Spagna mi pare 
die aia poco potente, mazime alio aconfortare, cioe spendere. In Francia 
aeooDdo la natura loro, non ao come si possa fare fondamento^ pure presup* 
posto che mutasri natura, mi accorderei con N. S* che fiiasi inanco male;, 
^Mxime, perchd aarebbe naaneo perisoloso uno augumento di potentia in uno 
di casa di Lorena, che in Spagna, perche il Daca di Lorena non & per6 Re 
tU Francia, & veggiamo per ezperientia, che il Re di Napoli e molco piii 
-atittto con Spagna, che il Duca di Lorena con Francia, 8c iiondimeno il Re 
tf Napoli & Spagna non sono amici, & eiaschuno che fuasi Re del Reame^ 
f aiebbe poi il conto auo. Con tutte queste ragioni non intendendo io altro 
pardeulare, non confbrterei mai N. S. a tentare mai per ora aimile impresa; 
it ae cosl e, Io esasperare il Re con dcationi & simili cose per questo capo 
non giora, anzi chi fuasi ad ordine a poter fare gagliardamente queata im» 
presa, mi parebbe tanto pid da fuggire ogni dimostiazione di malo animo 
per fuggire il pericolo di quello, che pud fare il Re dal dire al £aire, che a 
VOL. II. 3 ■ <u^ 



lO 

N^ XL VII. me non pare poco, & per& sarebbe meglio disslmulare & •ecretamente atten* 

dere a prepararsij che mostrare malo animo prima che altri potessi offcndere, 
che non e altfo che dare occasione ad altri di prepararsi & offeudere prima, 
SI che per ogni ragtone in questo primo partito a me non pare aia bene citare 
il Re. Quanto alia seconda parte delio accordarsi, potrei ancora ingannar* 
mi| perche forse si propongono tali conditioni, che non sono note a me^ le 
quail si ajutano meglio con questo modo della citatione, che forte servirebbe 
quando le pratiche fussino mature & quasi resolute, nel quale caso il darti 
in qualche modo reputatione suole ajutare meglio il risolvere : ma se non ci 
e altro che quello che io so, le pratiche pajono acerbe & non pimto di fa^ 
cile resolutione, & pero questi modi, che si tenessino per ajutare tali prati* 
che, potrebbono forse generare qualche scandolo o ruptura, che i il contra- 
rio dello accordo* Quanto al temporeggiare,. credo che questa parte non 
bisogna disputare, perche senza comparatione e meglio posare le cose al pre^ 
sente con reputatione di N. S» che tentare la fortuna, massime perche Toi 
conoscete molto meglio di me, che ii Re ha gran faculti di ofiendere* Horn 
come dico di sopra per non sapere piu innanasi in queste cose noo ve ne posso 
dire altro. Se il pro poco temere del Papa nasce da qualche buon fondamento^ 
€ate, che lo sappi ancora io per leyarmi quf sta molestia, & benche io non sta 
di natura vile,, per la fede, che mostra il Papa in me» ho molto maggiore 
'sospetto delle cosie sue, che non harei dellc proprie. Quando la S. S* ne 
sara sicura, io.attribuifico tanto alia prudentia & autorita sua, che ne rcsteri 
ancora io qttieto. Insino che non tntendo altro fondamento'di questa sua 
.sicurta, vi confesso, che non sto con Tanimo riposato. Se ci e cosa alcuna, 
per r iambre. di Dio fatemela intendere, che per 1' ordinario non mi sento 
'bene. . Noo creda il Papa per cosa del roondo^ che ad alcuno pardcularc 
.proposito fuori del bidogno di S. S,. io penri, dic;^ o adoperi cosa alcuna, 
perche il bene, . che ho havuto da N. S» & quello che io ne aap^to, ptoce- 
de tutto dal suo buono stato reputatione. Del Sig* Lodovico ho dettp quan- 
to intendo, & aperto il cuore mio della natura sua. Io so che, to rettamen- 
te, & ^ il mio primo fondamento in N. S. ne dird altro che quello- mi hab- 
.bi detto moke Yolte, cide che quando la S. Sua si possa accordare col Re con 
qualche parte ddk> honote suo, mi pare meglio uno comunale accordo, che 
unaboona giierra: quando questo haTCS^i difficulta, m' ingegnerei tempo- 
reggiare con honore .& sicurta^ presupposto che non ci sieno quelle coadip- 
•tioni, che bisognerebbero ad yalersi.contro il Re, le quali dico di sopra, per- 
che quando ci fossino, sono certo il Re nello accordo si lasceria maneegiare, 
& consentirebbe.air honesto, & perche io crcdo^ che il Re intenda molto 

bene 



II 

hei^e il male» che gfi puo iessere &tto; daUto per questo o6a yeiiga in piu N* XLVIL 
gagliardia« Tutte queste mie jragioni potrehbcrjD^Mere reaolute inveota ; talq 
c^citto potrebbe havers N. & dhe.non «/nofco z me* Noa credo». che ala 
molesto liUa S. Sua questo mia diaeotso con queita risoluitipao,. che'ioho 
aempre a sopportare quella medesimaifortujia) che la S. S. vogUo ha/?ere li« 
centia di parlare sempre liberamente, & fare quello che vuole S. S. Ringra- 
tiateconogniYostra efficacialft-^. di N* 8. deUa amoverole 8c benigna ris- 
posta vi ha fatta circa la protetione dell' Ordine de* Servi in Mes. Gioranni* 
Tutte queste cose mi obbligano immortalniente alia S. Sua. Piacemi assai, 
che siate stato « Cervetri & a &. Sevens & sopratutto mi piace vi habbino 
satisfatto i modi & i govemi del Sig. Francesco con cbtesti suoi sudditi^ per- 
che Dio mi e testimone^ che non amo meno lo honore & bene suo che il 
mio. Prcgovi & conforto quanto posso adoperare con N. S. per , dare perfe- 
tione alle cose di S. Seyera^ poidie voi medesimo giudicate la importantiii 
& neccssiti di aggiangere questo stuto a Cervetri. CosI vorrei Ini rispotf- 
dcssi qualche cosa di Gallese, perche possa rispondcrc a quello amtco, che do- 
▼eri presto tomare a me. Bisogna che N. S. acconci uxui volta il Sig. Fran- 
cesco in modo, che ogm di non habbi havere molestia per le cose suc» accio- 
che lui & noi possiamo vivere lieti & di buoua voglia, perche, dicendo 
pure il vero, il Sig. Francesco non ha ancora stato conveniente a uno nipote 
di uno pontefice, e pure ci appressiamo al settimo anno ' del Ppntificato. 
IJebbesi havere piu rispetto cominciando a venire in famiglia et con piu giusti- 
ficatione per questo lo pud ajutare N. S. Florentiae die 17. Octobris 1489. 



N?XLVni. 

Launntio di MediAm 

Ferdmandus RtK Smliat. 



MaGNIFICE vir compater & amice noster carissime. Non era necessa- N^XLVIII. 
rioy che da voi fossemo rengratiati di quello per lettera de nostra mano ve ho 
ofierto in beneficio di Mes. Joanni vostro figlio, perche sape Dio lo animo 
& la volunta nostra, quanto desideressimo fare tutte le cose del mondo per 
ttsarve gratitudine per quello havete condnuamente operato in benefitio nostro, 
Ic de questo Stato^ dd quale sempre potete fare quella stimai che fereste delle 

3 B 2 cose 



12 



cose Toslfe medestme, pefdie K oUig^, die He bstuBiOt coei receicano, ft 
mad ve poriamo otkmc tanto in bcoeficio vostio & della casa rostrii che ne 
para haTCie satisfacta una miUeaima parte de ^udloj e lo animo & desaderio 
nostiD de fiure, secundo speraino per experieotief omni dl porite eonoecera 
piu manifestamente*. Datum in Castello Novo. Neap*. 23* AgO0to i488« 



N? 
Pietro da Bibhiena a Clarici ii Me£d a Roma^ 

N^XLIX. DOMINA mea. Scrivendovi b in nome di Lorenzo^ noa me accade 
dire altro alia M« V« se non che da sabato in qua ho scripto piu lettere a 
quella^ & per questa le mando lo inventario del preaente del Soldano dato 
a Lorenzo^ el quale mandai per^ a Fievo^ ma Terra piu adagio*. Vale. 

Un bel cavallo bs^o $ animali strani, montoni e pecore di Tarj colon coa^ 
orecchi lunghi sino alle spalle^ & code in terra grosse quasi quanto elcorpo ^ 
una grande ampolla di balsamoj 11. comi dizibetto; bongivi, & legno 
aloe quanto pub portare una persona ; vasi grandi di porcellana mai piu ye» 
duti similiy ne mcglio lavorati } drappi de piu colori per pezza ; tele bamba^ 
gine assai» che loro chiamano turbanti finissimi ; tele assai coUa salda^ che 
lor chiamano seze ; vasi grandi di confectione^ mirabolani & giengituo» 



N^L. 
AURELn BRANDOLIMI. 

FLORBNTINI* 

* Cognomento Lippi. 
lU lauMus Laurentii Medids^ 

N^ L. O MEA Tyrrhenas nondum sat nota per urbes 

Hue ades imparibus vecta Thalia modis 
Vade age laurigeros Medicum pete beta penates, 
Magnaque Fhoebei limini ?ise laris. 

Est 



»3 



Est yia loopt qnidem httot, sed splendor^ & uipU N^ L. 

Maxima Laurexiti gloria vincit iter. 
Hunc igitur ford suporatbis taente laboftfm i 

Praemia suntfiaa sat tHn magna viro. 
Nee vereare sacris adhum aoQ esse Cameenis^ 

Ilia domus Musis noete^ dieque patet. 
Non nisi culta tamea te coetu intersere tantO> 

Odit barbarieos doctia caterva sonos. 
Eequis enipi Phcsbo^ Fhoobiqne sonmbns illo elt 

Gratior ? Aomoqais milgis nmne bibit l 
Sed sis eulta licet monco tin tempdra sems 

Omnia non omni tempore Tisa pbeent. 
Ezcipiere ilia (serves si tempora) fvente^. 

Quam prMtave solet ehibus iUs suis* 
Mox cimi' te plaeido tfcpidantepi peifcget oiVf^ 

Illi haec de multis pa^ca sed apta refer. 
Ausonbs inter pirooetcs^ celeberrime princeps^ 

Inter & Etruscos gloria summa yiros ; 
Accipe Lautenti qaet dat tiU nmnera lif^tts^ 

Lippus Partenope ciiris ab uibe tuns. 
Sunt ea parvxipiidem^ sed sint tibi grata pteeamur^. 

Namque ea sunt animi pignova magna sui* 
Mens pia coelestes non graadis vktima phoat,. 

Hostia parva Deom sit modo saiicta Jbvat* 
Gratui erat &edM> quamtts paiipertimos esset 

Icarus s & dignus numinis hospes erat«. 
Alcides domitis invieto robore ntonstris- 

Accubuit mensis saepei Molbrdiei tuisi 
Ipse quoque immemum fertur quum Tiseret Oibem' 

Juppitev in patim discttbuisse casa» 
Cumque tonim pomis oneraret agrestibos hospeSy 

ViSiiion pudult sumiere poma Jovem* 
Tu quoquei parva Ecet plaeido mea carmina Tttltu 

Accipe. Mdeonius det tibi magna pater* 
Et daret, & euperet Pitii pro nomine Achillis^ 

Proque Itaca nbmen ponere posse tuum. 
Ast ego quod possum fero^ tu ne parva feren tem 

Despidas i aninM> dona repeiide meo« 

I Son 



1+ 

N? L. Non sunt panra tamen ; magmm cdebrantja nomen. 

Quae tu vel solo nomine magna facit ' 
Sed quisnam mcrito divinas carmine laudes 

Concipere, & tanto par qneat esse Tiro ?• 
Moeonides iterum liceat Ciceroque resufgant, 

Moeonides dicet cum Cicerone parum« 
Ipse potes solus digno tua condere gesta 

Carmine, te practer dicere nemo valet, 
Vincitur ingenium tanto jam nomine nostrnmi 

Tergaque succumbuntpobdere ticta grari. 
Sed tamen incipiam, deerunt si carmina tantis 

Laudibus, ignosces, sit voluisse satis ; 
Rursus in ambiguis Tcrsatur cura tenebris* 

Rursus in inceitum mens vaga fertur ker.. 
Quae quibua ante fefam, quae prima aiit uldma dicam, 

Quis mihi sit finis principiive kxaus, 
BeUa ne dent aditum ? quis bello est major, &'armis i 

Quis magis in dubio Marte timendus adest I 
Quid tu te JEzdAx fulgentibus induts armis ? 

Exue, non faciunt ista, Patrode, tibi. 
Indue Laurenti nee cris simulatus Achilles^ 

Indue non Hector te duce fortis erit. 
Nee nisi te armari pro se voluisset Achilles 

Dizisset oomiti : cede Meneacide. 
Tu quoque quid spdium verl»s tibi sumus Ulixe ? 

Huic dedit ^acidcs, non tibi: redde suum est. 
Non tibi; sed nobis ces«it Telamonius Ajaz 

Tu quoque (sed facies jam puto) cede liben^* 
Hunc decet ^acide spoliis gaudere superbis, 

Hunc decet Hectoreas vincere sxpe rnaous. 
Aspice quac^us eat jutilis bcllator in armis» 

Quantus aga^ /celerem quamque tremendus cquunu 
Quo tenet ii^entes babitu, quo.dirigit hastas. 

Qua ferit ipse alios, qua cavet arte %ihL 
Defendit clypeo, ferit ense, ezcellit utroque 

Tutus abit.clypeo, victor at ense reditu 
Nemo levi melior jaculo volucrlque sagitta, 

Nemo pedes pieliorj nemoque praestat eques. 

Sett 



I 

Seu ctsrstt spatium rapido tis pervotet bgens f M^ L. 

Vincet Traicio tos Aquilone satL 
Seu Telis eidguum aonipes se yenat in orbem> 

Vincere te propria. Castor, in.aite potcjst. 
Hunc Pellaeas «quu8 ciipevet modo vhreret uimiii» 

Hunc cuperet sokim Caesarianus equas; 
Magna gerit sumptis miles fartissimos ahnis', 

Sed majcra toga, ^consilitsque^ gent. \ 
Maximal cbnsiHo non amtis "bcdla' geruiittnr^ 

Ilia quidem f aciuni: jossa, sed ' isl;a jabent;^ 
Hoc probat ilfaistrb facinus TbemistocK^ ifig^QS . 

Libera consiliis Graecia tota suts. 
Romaque prudenti nid Ubera fiuta f uiss^t 

Consilio; Poenisenrafiitiira fiitt* 
Maximus Hannibalem nollo mterane i epretf i it» .. 

Vastaret Latias qoam vine fine donos ;..,... 
Per juga per-smnmos coUes residere sblebat^ 

Castraque inexoelso $emi)er hibeire loco. 
Nubila quum <tandem nimbum montana dedese: ' ' 

Sensit & -Hanilibaks tiaMibsil esse^.dttos^ . - ' > 
Artibus his Fabiiis^TictKiirem oontudit hoitem^ '. ^ 

Restituitque indcai r^m*. tibl* Rama tttam^ - 
Quid Cato !^ nonne taanl' pep'erit bfe ticta* ruinam. 

Carthago? & verbis dittftaiitesuiff? \ . • 

Quid loquar ereptam Vettiehte titannide Rjomam 

Non nisi consHits, toitce diderte, tms, • , - • ' • 
Jure parens igitur patriae meritoqne -iFocariSf 

Reddita te, Cicero Consule Rolna ribi est. 
Nonne igitur posito fiun^ quoque maxima bello ? 

Nonne locam media pace triumphus habet I 
Hunc sibi f^cundo fretus Laurentius ore 

Consiliis meruit saept referre suis. f . . . 

Saepe alias, sed parta recens (ut cetera mittam)f 

Non sinit indfc turn gloria abire decus; 
Quis Volaterranl funcsta inccndia belli 

Nescit, & armaitas. Marte furcnte manus ?' 
Quantus & Ausonias urbes incenderat ardor,. 

Sustuleiant animos ira j^ dolorque truces. 

Acta 



^ 



x6 

N^ L. Acta furpfe gravl soda defecerat urbe^ 

Armarat Talidasixi sua &ta maaut* . 
Undiquefinitiaioarupto jamfoedeie ad aniut 

Concierac pc^mloslta&cosciud.duces. 
Instabant magni nostirb ^iscrimina Jielli^ 

Nee par tot popolia urbs ctat una satis 
Ferdere Tel socios entp ant atqpetarc necessCy 

Ardua res nimia hce^ fisda «nit iUa nimia. 
Quid faceret ? diiUa treptdabat in who senatss^ 

Certabant aaknts, bine doGMU ^^de pudor* 
Jamque videbsMJe aucoiunbefe victa pudoii^ 

Gloriai jam turpi-ifMtere toi^ fttga* 
Ni tibi subveniciis Tosae lux ttmca tcrrst 

Ad tua victricem signa tolisset opoB* 
Protinua iUe giwri drcpadantem Tooe senabiai • 

Arguity & segneaincvepit usque Tum. 
Hinc decus czimiuin^ & ▼ktriccm coUocnt iiibciii« 

Hinc victam multo^ cuiiiqae p«dofe locau 
Et jubet sDquata geadnaB cspendere lance^ 

Quaque Tdiat potiiia iriVcfc in tifbe r^gat. 
Erigit hioc anainoe iaouDda iTMC jaceateSf 

Spemque dat Jioatiks sincere poaae maBua* 
Quoqnc gtai poisit piG(9 vca todkat omms^ 

Connliamqtte.f robat civibm iude suum* 
Dicta placent i^atribus raum hwuc traduntur habenaCf 

Hie jubety usbs nuUa confidt Mia mora. 
Verba fde^^noqukur ai^crat Laoreoituu hostcsi^ 

Et Tcntt m Tttscum terra inimica jugum. 
<Qu86 gestaj aut quas bis potcris co&ferre triumphos ? 

Ista decent animiHn» vir generose, tuunu 
Konne hsec inoiuneroa meruerttnt ge»ta triumphos ? 

Plurimaque hoc meruit laurea seita C2^ut i 
Cuncta quidem circs ilium meruisse fatentur i 

Cunctaque detulerant ; cq>it at ille nihil. 
O magnum, & nullo visum unquam tempore iactum^ 

O vir sed magnos inter habende Deos I 
"Quid tibi pro tantls dignum virtutibus optem^ 

Aut quae coelcstes praemia digna ferant ? 

Maxima 



X7 



Maxima qnum liierint uno te coepta jubente, N^ L. 

Et sint consilio bella peracta tuo ; 
Abnuis oblatos ultro^ rrfugiaque trinmphos; 

Detrahis 8c capiti laurea serta tuo, 
£t quandb hsec Fabiam, qiiando hsec reaiuaae CamiUmn, 

Aut Curium, lector, Fabritiumque rides i 
Nonne & ab hoc madutt civili sanguine Caesar ? 

Quum sibi ^ublatum non tulit esse decus. 
Denique quia mcritse non poscit praemia palmss ? 

Vincere magnanimi est, prxmia nolle Dei. 
Hie mihi millenas ausim deposcere linguas, 

Et totidem voces, ferreaque ora simul. 
Ut tantas merito resonarem jcarmine laudes^ 

Viveret & tanto nomenin orbc tuum. 
Talia non debent nee posaunt gesta periTe5 

Omnibusj Aonides, h«c celebrate modis. 
Quid magis heroas Latio juvat edere versu ? 

Quid mag^s Herculea monstra subacta manu ? 
Quid magis Argolicas chartis mandare phalanges i 

Fictaquc Friamidae gesta referre juvat ? 
Quis Rx>mana puer, quis Punica prselxa nescit ? 

Quis jam Pellaei non tenet acta ducis ? 
JScribite nunc alios, alios celebrate triumphos, 

Inclita Lauienti dicite facta mei. 
Hie solus meritos novit non velle triumphoSj 

Quodque petunt alii despicit ipse decus* 
Jure potes talem, Laurenti, temnere pompam, 

Non eteuim gestis par erat ilia tuis. 
Gloria majorum tibi dat contempta triumphum, 

Majus & a spretp surgit honore decus. 
Deque triumphandi ricta amhitione triumpl^as, 

Non datur humaiiis ybribus istud opus. 
Quum reliquos soleas mortales vincere, minim ! 

Exuperant laudes hxc nova facta tuas. 
O decus, o praestans, divinaque gloria, quando 

Jam nullum poteras vincere, te superas. 
Quin tibi non unus meritusve, actusve triumpbus 

Innumeros tribuunt talia (acta tibi* 
VOL. II. 3 c Quid 



i8 

N^ Ij, Quid quo^ AicciBiicib se^as chdlibut vfbem:; 

Inque dies augcy iwbiKta>q«e ibagis* 
Sed neque cpud pnestes hac ast mihi pacts tacendttoi^ 

Ni tua versicuiis demoror acta meis» 
Sed tii^ (si fasces & oopiat vocis adesset) 

Urbs mallet lingqa cancu re£erre sua. 
Tu tamen illUis hscc pectofe prompu putato, 

Hxc tibi si posset nunc velit ipsa loqui. 
Frincipio yictrix numeroso.er hoste triumphat; 

Imputat hoc meritis maxima facta tub. 
Otia composito tutissima foedere firdiat. 

Hoc quoque quis nescit muneris esse tui ? 
Bella silent: placida ciVds modo pacicfruiifitur, 

Nee minor ifiter se pax quoque parta domi est. 
Omnibus indulxit.miti Laurentius ore : 

Unanimos claudant mcenia ut una vires. 
In cunram rigidus faleemnunc flectitur ensis^ 

VofiMtibus cassisi vitibss hasta bona est. 
Armaque qui c<^«t mil^s nunc iiicolk arva i 

Arma quoque hie semper, sed 'meliora gerit. 
Scilicet Ss rastros, & magno pondcre aratrum ; 

Quxque habet alma Ceres, qu%que Ljaeus babcf. 
Fossor inermis arat, graditurqne viator inennis; 

Nee timet hostiles ille, vel iUc manus. 
Aurea, Laurenti, redeunt te sospitc sseda^ 

Aurea te nobis sospite vita redit. 
Nee valet hoc quisqtnm (velles Heet ipse) negare^ 

Nam te quisque petit, suspicit, optat, amat. 
Quidquidhabent omnes, ribt se dcberc fatentor^ 

Et sonat in popttio nomeni^ique tnum. 
Defessms vtridi requiescrt arator in trnibra^ 

Dumque sedet hrades eoncmit iRie tuas. 
Serus ab Etrttsca discedens urbe viator^ 

Se tutum mentis cantat abire tuts. 
Hie te divitiaa rogat, & rogat ille favorem^ 

Accipit optatum Isetus uterque suum. 
Te pupiSus adit sohxm, verumque patronum : 

Te simul orba parens^ virgoque casta petit« 



Optat 



19 



Optat opem hici Tictum petit haec» rogat iUa m^tum N^ L* 

Sentit opem luc» victttm hsec impearatf iU» Tirum. 
Hxc rog^t amUsam misero pro conjuge dotenit 

Hanc quoque noo p^teris dote c^^re sua. 
Ut juvet in carum pietas impensa maritam^ 

Efficis, 8c dotem das sibi ferre suam. 
Nee satis hoc } mopi guerula nil voce petenti 

Ultro ades» & gratum porrigis auxilium. 
Suppeditas largas (cum parva est copia] frugesy 

Ut vivat mentis plebs naoierosa tuis. 
Denique quidquid habent pueri juveoesque, senesque 

Aut virgOi aut mater, munus id omne tuum est. 
Magna quidem dixi } longe majora sequuntur : 

Haec quoque sint qnamvis non tibi magna satis 
Instituis Sanctis victricem moribus urbemj 

Discat ut exemplo se superare tuo. 
Jura ;|]iis s^cisj sed <iiue prius ipse probarasj 

Quzque jiibes alii^ tu prius ipse fads. 
Fusa prius luxu nuuc est moderata juventus 

Et coepit siottlis moribus esse tuis. 
Deposuit Tyrias vilis plebecula veetesj 

£t didicit fines aosse modesta suos. 
Omnia oon debet» possit lic^ onmia vulgus» 

Quseque Talent omiies onmia ferre nefas. 
Quisque igHur cofaibet luxuft^, Tyriasque lacemas 

Ponit, & in modica se tenet usque toga. 
Hoc faciunt alii» superat Laurentius omoe8> 

Gaudeat utmoies urbs imitata^ducis. 
Tu quoque delitias posuisti, virgo^ nocentesy 

Non poteras alio vivere casta modo. 
Non n^si fulgentem^emmis^ auroque puellam 

Caecus Amor seipiitur^ quam bene cernxt amor»* 
Non petit ancillas aurata Teste carentes 

Ille puer ; sed te, cuka puella, petit. 
lliiUa pudica din* formosa^que vivere posset, 

Ipsa esset q^amTis Pallade casta magis. 
ViTere cas^ ^gerit qiuun gummas femina) aaa Tult j 

Culta mmi^ jmrenes credite virgo Tocat. 

3 c a Si 



N^ L. Si tua simplicibus fades conteota fabsetj 

Tindari non te bis subripuisset amor. 
Tu quoqae non raptam quaesisses amia natani> 

Flava Ceres, cuitu si foret u^a tuo. 
At tu delitiis vives nunc casta fugacisi 
Munere Laurenti, Tusca puella, tui. 
Ilium igitur venerare sacri tibi nu minis instarj 

Quo duce parta redit vita pudica tibi. 
Tuquoquelaxa prius ; nuncfrugi, & parca juventus 

Illius (esto memor) te tibi reddis ope. 
Hoc duce pestiferum posuit Florentia luxum> 

£t retinet fines feminai virque suos. 
Imbuit ingenuis victricem moribus urbem 
Luxuriem, & turpes sustulit illecebras. 
Protulit imperium pugnando Roma superbum> - 

Scd prxstans animi perdidit imperium. 
Nam quum Marte suo nuHos non vinceret hostes ; 

Armaque jam toto spargeret orbe potens i 
Anxia captivo parebat turpiter aun>> 

Docta alios, sed se vincere docta parum. 
Non sic imperium senrat Florentia partuih, 

Non sic magna diu vivere posse putat. 
Sed postquam extemos vineendo sustulit hostes 

Luxuriem, & molles vincere discit opes. 
Optimus hoc docuit ci? is, facit ipsa libenter, 

Quijubet hoc fieri, feeerat ipseprius. 
Namque ubi finitimos vicit Laurentius hostes^ 

Se docet exemplo vincere quemque suo* ' 
Csesar adulteriis pcenam^tatuisse minacemr 
Dicitur, ipse tamen turpis adulter erat. 
Haud satis esse putat sanctas hie seribere legcs^ 

Ut faciant alii, qax jubet, ipse fiiicit. 
Condidit xtemts melioremkgibus urbem, 
Moeniaque huiccircum nobiliora dedit«> 
Quid Numa, quid Minos, Lacedsemoniosque Lyeurgus 

Urbibus audebant condere jura suis ? ' 
Esto tamen, nullas modo quisquam confenit ietis, 
Scripta leguBt homines ilia, sed ista vident. 

Moenia 



ai 



Mosnia quid, Theseu, quid mocniai Romaic pastor^ N^ L. 

Condere vel RomK Cecropiaere fuit ? 
Romule, non Romam, Theseu, non condis Athenas^ 

Sed qui jura dedit conditor iUe fuit. 
His magme his inquam cinguntur moenibos uxbeSi 

Haec non tonnenti robore fracta cadunt. 
Perpetuam leges urbem non moenia servant^ 

Moenibus icta ruit> legibus aucta regit. 
His igitur Tuscam cinxit Laurentius urbem 

MoenibuS) ut nullo robore Ticta ruat. 
Ergo pater patriae communi est yoce rocandus, 

Dicite io dres jure pater patriae. 
Quid quod & Alpheas iterum sibi condere Pisas 

Mens f uit^ & coeptis ducta Minerva comes. 
Undique Palladias studiosus contulit artes^ 

Ut coleront unnm, quern colit ipse locum* 
Elicttit mediis hie Pallada solus Athenis^ 

Ut praesit studiis non aliena suis. 
Solus & Aonio ductas Helicone sorores 

Ire nee invitas per juga Tusca facit. 
Ipse pater Phoebus Cyrrha Delphisque relictis^ 

Venit & auratam protulit ante chelym* 
Numina quando etiam Pisas injussa firequentant^ 

Certatimque suae quisque dat artis opus; 
Hoc tibi (quis nescit ?) Laurenti numina praestant. 

Tune putas Pisas sponte petisse sua ? 
Quae tot causa Deos, quisle illuc cogere posset ? 

Cui veniunt igitur numina ? nempe tibi. 
Quem potius quaeso superique hominesque frequentent ? 

Ecquis numinibus carior atque viris ? 
Esse hunc Cecroptx carum junctumque Minervae, 

Consilium prudens juraque sancta probant. 
Quis neget hunc olim doctas aluisse Camoenas ? 

Atque Aganippeo fonte levasse sitim ? 
Quum superent veteres etiam sua carmina vatesj 

Parque habeat reliquis partibus ingetiium. 
Quin etiam doctos profert extempore versus^ 
[ui deceant calamum, culte Tibulle, tuum^ 

Ohio. 



%2 

N^ L. Obloquiturque lyra numeros vesonante diserlos^ 

Est lyra numeris, ingeniumquc lyrae* 
Hie ne potest Phoebo gratus non esse Poeta ? 

An quisquam Phcebo gratior esse potest? 
Quin ilium proprias Deus cxcoluisse per artes 

Dicitur, & cytharam sponte dedisse suam. 
Nunc & uterque simul noctesque, diesque moratur, 

Et canit ad doctam doctus uterque lyranu 
Hactenus in tacito servaram pectore fixum 

Clarius & cunctis (credite) majus opus. 
Dicturus fueram Phcebi quoque sanguine natum^ 

Auctoremque sui stenunatis esse Deum. 
Sed mea ne risum parerent ut vana Terebar^ 

Nam solet a magnis rebus abesse fides. 
At nunc intrepido sic jussit pectore numen, 

Vix credenda quidem, sedlamen acta loquar. 
Est Deus in nobis ; ccclestia pectora Yersat 

Spiritus ; sethereo missus ab usque polo. 
Saepe & colloquio fruimur propiore Deorum* 

Ipsa petunt nqstros numina saepe lares* 
Hestema meditans igitur dum luce requiro 

Progeniem, & patres> vir generose, tuos ; 
Astitit aurato fulgens mihi Phoebus amictu^ 

Et coepit posita talia verba lyra : 
Inclita laurenti^ vates studiose, requiris 

Stemmata ; sed sine me non mea nosse potes. 
Ipse ego sum tanti praeclarus sanguinis auctor 

Desine tu genus addubitare meum. 
Ipse ego sum Medicx .si nescis) gentis origo, , 

Primaque in inventis est medicina meis. 
Quoque magis credas $ hie nostra ex arbore ductum 

Sumpsit $ & a lauro nobile nomen habet. 
Jure igitur cytharam, notrasque huic tradimus artes^ 

Laurea jure sedet vertice multa suo. 
Dixit 'f & a nobis multo f ulgore recedens* 
Ambrosio totam eparsit odore domum. 
Ergo age, Laurenti, diyino sanguine gaude^ 
Gaudeat et Phoebo vestra parente domus* 

X NC€ 



23 



Nee miotis ipse ttto tems^ sis, Phoebe nepote, - N* L, 

Suscipiat sobolem gens qttoqiie lacta suam. 
Gaudeat ut tanto Florentia gaudct alumna, 

Tuscaque lastetur pxgnore terra suo. 
Tu superas vcteres juvcxrom pulcherrime iiros. 

Si fas est noagnos rineere posse Deos. 
Comua quid. Liber, quid jactas, Fheebe, pharetram ? 

Phoebe, tibi pharetram, coniu», Liber, habe. 
Est tibi formosum praestanti robore corpus, 

Cui natura parens munent cuncta dedit. 
Sunt & opes tantae, Croesos ot Yiceris omnes, 

Seque putet Croesus nunc babuisse itihi}. 
Fabritios» Curiosque tameh (qui crederet f) aequas, 

Difficile est Croesum yincere, & esse Numam« 
Laurigeros etiam meruisti ssepe triuntphos, 

Magnaque parta foris gloria, magna domL 
Pierides idem retines, castamque Minervam, 

Consulit hsec, Tatem te chorus ille facie. 
Adde quod & Fhoebi generoso es sanguine cretus, 

£t genere, ingenio, ndibus, sifte Tales. 
Quid magis aut optent homines, aut numina praestent? 

Omnia supremum jam tetigere gradum. 
Quod tribuanc nee habent superi, licet addere vellent 

Nee tibi vir cupidus, quod magis optet habet. 
Tu juvenis locuplcs, sapiens, generosus, honestusj 

Singula quid referam ? cuncta beatus habes. 
Ofortunatos homines, o saepe beata 

Saecula, quss tanto digna fuere viro* 
Quae tam laeta dies tanti rego munera partus 

Gentibus innumeris, & tibi, terra, dedit ? 
Hanc dare qui sobolem tanti potuere parentes ? 

Cui licuit tanti pignoris esse patrem ? 
Quae majora Deus potuit dare munera terris ? 

Quid potuit majustcrra rogasse Deum ? 
Aurea falcifero non debent saecula tantum> 

Nee tantum Augusto sascula pulchra suo. 
Quantum nostra tibi, tibi se debere fatentur 

Aurea^ Laurenti^ munere facta ttfo. - 

Nee 



24 



N^ L. Nee tarn Ixta suis. fuit umquam Pella duobus^ 

Nee tarn Roma suis inclita Cassaribus 
Quam tua te gaudet, tua te Florentia jactat^ 

£t queritur meritis non satis esse tuis. 
Te sibi conveniens retinet modo sospite nomen, 

Te sibi conyeniens sospite nomen habet« 
Vive igitur sospes, multo sed tempore vive, 

Vincat Nestoreos & tua vita dies. 
Semper & a$piret vultu dbi diva serene^ 

Augeat inque dies te magis atque magis. 
Sint tibi penimiles fecunda conjuge nati^ 

Quos amety & meritis urbs sciat esse tuoSj 
Sentiat aut nullum aut serum domus inclita luctunsj 

Et fiant nati te seniore senes. 
At tu cum meritis totum repleveris orbem> 

Nee jam te poterunt astra carere diu. 
Serus ad aetherei culmen te confer olympi 

Gaudiaque optato carpe bcata jk>1o« 



N^LI. 

Lmirentio if .MetUds 
Ang. PoUtianus^ 



N^' LI. MaGNIFICE Patronc. Da Ferrara vi scrips! Tultima. A Padova poi 
trovai alcuni buoni libri, cioe Simplicio sopra el Cielo, Alexandre sopra la 
topica, Giovan Grammatico sopra le Posteriora & gli Elencbi, uno David 
sopra alcune cose de Aristotile, li quali non habbiamo in Firenze. Ho tro- 
vato anchora uno Scriptore Greco in Padova^ & facto el jpacto a tre quin* 
terni di foglio per ducato« 

Maestro Pier Leone nii mostro e libri suoi, tra II quali trovai un M« 
Manilio astronomo £c poeta antiquo, el quale ho recato meco a Vinegia, & 
riscontrolo con uno in forma -che io ho cOmprato. E' libro> chc io per me 
non ne viddi mai piu antiqui. Similiter ha certi quintemi di Galieno de 

dogmate 



«s 



dogmate Aridtoteli« & Hippocratis in Greco, del quale ci dara la copia k Pa- N^ LI. 
dovai che si e facto pur frutto. 

In Vinegia ho trovato alcuni libri di Archimede & dt Herone mathe- 
matici che ad noi mancano, & uno Phornuto de Deis ; e altre cose buone. 
Tanto che Papa Janni ha che scrivere per un pezo* 

La libreria del Niceno non abbiamo potuto vedere. Ando al Principe 
Messer Aldobrandino Oratore del Duca di Ferrara, in cujus domo habica- 
mtts« Fugli negaro a lettere di scatole : chicse pero questa cosa per il Conte 
Giovanni & non per me, che mi parve bene di non tentare questo guado 
col nome vostro. Pure Messer Antonio Vinciguerra, & Messer Antonio 
Pizammano, uno di quelli due gentilhomini philosophi, che vennona sco- 
nosciuti a Firenze a vedere el ContCj & un fratello di Messere Zaccheria 
Barbero son drieto alia traccia di spuntare questa obstinatione. ^arassi el 
possibik ; questo e quanto a' libri* M. Ptero Lioni e stato in Padova molto 
perteguitatOy & tion e chiamato ne quivi ne in Vinegia a cura nbsuna. 
Pure ha buona scuola, & ha la sua parte favorevole : hollo fatto tentare dal 
Conte del ridursi in Toscana. Credo sara in ogni modo dif&cil cosa. In 
Padova sta malvolentieri, & la con versa tione non li puo dispiacere, ut ipse 
ait. Negat tamen se velle in Thusciam agere. 

Niccoletto verrebbe a starsi a Pisa, ma vorrebbe un beneficio, hoc est, 
on di quelli Canonicati ; ha buon nome in Padova, & buona scuola. Pure, 
nisi fallor, i di questi strani fantastichi \ lui mi ha mosso questa cosa di be« 
neficii : siavi adviso. 

Visitai stamattina Messer Zaccheria Barbero, & monstrandoli io raflFec* 
tione vostra ec« mi rispose sempre lagrimando^ & ut visum est, d^amore; 
risdfendosi in questo i in te uno spem esse. Ostendit se nosse quantum 
tibi debeat. Sicche fate quelle ragimastey ut favens. ad majora. Quello 
Legato che toma da Roma, & qui tecum . locutiis est Florentiae, non e 
panto a loro proposito, ut ajunt* 

Un bellissimo vaso 4i terra antiquissimo mi monstro stamattina detto * 
Messer Zaccheria, . el quale nuovamente di Grecia gli e stato mandato : 
& mi disse, che se] credessi vi piaocssij vplentieri ve lo manderebbe con due 
akri vasetti j^ur di terra. Io 4iMi che iqi pareva propiio rosa da V. M. 8c 

VOL. II. 3 D tandem 



2f6 

N^ LI. tandem sari tostro. Domattiiu far& fare la cassettat Ar manderoUo eon di-* 
ligentia. Credo non ne habbiate uno si bello in eo genere« £' presso ch# 
3. spanne alto & 4. largo. £1 Conte ha male negli occhi, & non esce di casa^ 
ne e uscUo poich^ venne a Vinegia. 

Item visitai hiersera quella Cassandra Fidele litteratai $c salutai ec. ec« 
per vostra parte. £' cosa, Lorenzo> mirabile^ ne meno in Volgare che in 
LatinO) discretissima & meis oculis etiam bella. Partimmi stapito* Molto 
e vostra partigiana, & di voi paria con tiitta practical quaiii te intus & in cute 
x^orit. Verra un di in ogni modo a Fireozc a Tedenri, sicche apfarccchiatevi m 
farle honore. 

A me non occorre altro per horaj $e non solo dirvi» che quiMta imprc6a 
dello scrivere libri Greci, & questo favorirc e docti vi da tanto hotiore & 
gratia universalci quanto mai mplti c molti anni non ebbe hoDio alcuno* E 
particolari vi riserbo a bocca, A V. M. mi raccomando sempf^ NoH ho 
anchora adoperata la lettera del cambio per non essere biaogsatp, Vcaetii« 
20. Junii 1 491. 



N» LH. 

Exstai RQfna in BtUlotheca Corsinay CaiuIIif TibulK^ ac Propfrtii €ditio^ omi 
MCCCCLxxii. una cum Statii Silvisy gua fuU Angeli PoUtisni^ cufui manu 
hac in fine notata sunU 

Band* Cat. Bib. Lour. v. ii. /. 97* 

N^ LII* CaTULLXTM Veronensem, librarioram iascitia eorruptum, mnho labore 
multisque vigiliis^ quantum in me fuit, ^mendaTi; qoomque ejus Poe- 
tae plupmos textus contulissem, in nullum profecto incidi> qui non itidem, 
ut nitfusj- es^t comiptissimus. Quapropter son paucis Graecis, & Latima 
auctorihtts coniparatisy tantum in eo recognotcendo operae abeumpsf, ut 
mihi videar consequutus, quod nemini his temporibus doctorum homitmm 
contigisse intelligerem. Catullus VeronensiS) si minus emendatus^ at sal- 
tern maxima ex parte incomiptuSy mca opera, meoque labore & tndustria in 
manibua habitat. Tu hbort boni consule, ft quaiMum in te est> quae sunt, 
aut negl^eotiay ant iascitia mea nunc quoque comipta, ea tu pro tua ha<- 
xiamtate corrige^ &.cn|eadft|-ineninerisqtte Angelum Btssum FbEtanum, 

quo 



qud tempoie hide enendadoni eitremam impolutt manttm, a&no« decern K^ LII. 
& oeto natum^ Vale jucandissime Lectoh Florentiae mccCclxxiii. pti* 
d!e Idiu Sextiles. Tuus Angelas Bassua Polidanus. 

SimiKs nota in /m Prdpertii occurrit, bf qmiem ita. Catulli» Tibullii 
Frdpertilque libelldSi C6epi ego^ Angelud Politianus, jam Inde a pueritia trac- 
tare^ 8c pto aetatis ejiU judicio^ tel corriger^ Tel interpretari; quo fit, ut 
multa ex eis ne ipse quidetn sattei ut nunc est, pix>bem. Q^ leges, ne 
quaeso, vel ingenit, fel doctrinae, vel diligentiae nostrae hide tibi conjee* 
turam, aut judieiufn ftiiico. Pennulta enim infuerint (ut Plautino utar 
irerbo). Me quoque qiii scripst judice digna linL Anno 1475. 



i*iftHikMM**HM*l»Mta 



NO UII. 



Geolrpus Mtrula MtxandrUms^ Laurentio isf JuHano Mf dices, Saluiem. 

VETEREM legimus profcssorum morem fuisse, quem posteriores crcs- N® LIII. 
centibus sub inde disciplinis servaverunt, ut veri habendi gratia, si quid a 
ecriptoribus perperam dictum fuisset, id corrigere & emendare TcUent. 
Nee vel amicis, vel preceptoribus parcerent, modo Teritati consulerent. Sic 
Aristoteles Platonem, Varro Lelium, Casselium Sulpicius, Hilarium Hie- 
ronymus. Rursum Hieronymum Augustinus reprehendir. Alii quoque per* 
muld leguntur, quorum concertatione bonae artes & illustratx sunt & creye- 
runt maxime* Hos ego imitari cupiens, cum opus Galeoti, quod de homine 
inscribitur, legissem, plurimaque non dico minus eleganter dicta, vel parum 
docte tractata, sed plane falsa oflFendissem, veritus ne lectio novi opens aW- 
do lectori impoxlecet; & eo magis cum non deessent qui mendose & vitiose 
precepta defendexcfit^ quae vcterum auctoritate Galeotus niti videretur.. Non 
potui sane pati bona ingenia sic decipi : & turpiter errare. Opem itaque 
cum veritady turn amicis ferre volui, atque ea refellere qux plurima te« 
mere & sine jndicio dicta, in eo opere leguntur. Turn in libellum coacta 
Laurendo & Juliano Mediccs privadm dedicare statui. In quorum sinu nos- 
tra setafie maaima spes & studiorum rado fovetur* Sic enim vos partes lit- 
teramm suscepistis: ut litteratoria gymnasio in nobilissima Italix parte 
nope? consdtufeo, jam leges sanctissimse & llberales disciplinae, sic Lau- 
tendum & Julianum parentes appellare possint, quemadmodum Florentia 

3 D 2 Cosmum 



28 

N^ Lin. Cosmum salutis & ocii sui auctorem, publico decretOi patrem patriae dixit. 
CujuG urbis fato nimirum gratulandum est, quod negottis publictd avuixi]^ 
filium, & nepotes, prefectos continua serie habuerit : per qu.08 certa quaedam 
& solida FlorentiDi populi felicitas perduravit. £t ita nunc urbs pulcherri* 
ma ic opulenta floret^ ut non minus e re Florentina iit) Laureotio & Juliano 
Medices urbis tutelam per manus traditam fuissty quam Cosmum & Pe- 
trum illi pr^fuisse : quorum prudent! consilio et magnifica opera, undique 
premeatibus bellis, tutus & incolumis status civitatis servatus fuerit. Sed 
nee vos poeniteat qui in administrandis rebus urbicis occupati^ semper mag- 
na tractatisy ad hxc legenda descendere; quaudo men^orix proditum sit U- 
lustres rerum publicarum principes hoc fecisse. Sic Cicero post peroratas 
causas & curas publicas Antonii Gnifonis scholam frequentavit. Et Julius 
Cxsar, sive in bello, sive in civili negotio, de analogia libros conscripsit. 
Nos autem etsi in enores hominis sibi plurimum arrogantis : & qui omne 
genus scriptorum tractare audet^ invehamur; tamen nee petulanti, nee 
contumelioso sermone res agitur^ sed litteris 8c eruditione certatur ; ut sci- 
licet aliquando recte dijudicari possit: verius ne GaleotuSy an Geoi^ius 
de re Latina disserat* 



N*» LIV. 

Joannes Picus Miranduh, 
Laurentio Medicu. 

N^ LIV. ApOLOGIAM nostram dicavi tibi, Laurenti MediceSf ut rem non utiquis 
(Deum testor) visam mihi dignam tanto viro, sed tibt eo jure debitam quo 
mea omnia jam pridem tibi me debere intelligo. Hoc enim habeas persua* 
sissimum, quicquid ego aut sum, alit sum futunisy id tuum esse Laurenti, & 
futurum semper in posterum: Minus dico quam vellem, & verba omnin* 
frigidiora hxc quam ut satis exprimant quod concipiOf iii quo amore, qua 
fide, qua observantia, & prosequar, & a multis jam annis fuerim te prose* 
quutus. Moveor cum pluribus in me ooUatis officiis, amantissimom anifnum 
tuum plane testantibus, tum tuis non tam fortunae quam animi, iisdemque 
raris immo tibi peculiaribus boniS} quae nanare in presentia pudor me ooa 

sinit 



29^ 

Mfut'tttfis. Red^o ad Apologunij quam hilari quaeso suspicias fronte ; ex- N^ LIV, 

tguum ftwie muqus, sed fidei meX| «ed observantiae profecto in omne tempus 

erga te meae^ non leve testimonium* Quam si forte evenlat ut a magnis 

quibus es semper occupatissimus tractandis rebus attingas, memineris non tarn 

hoc ipsam & properatum sciKcet opus potius quam elaboratum, 8c operis ar- 

gumentumi ex alieno mihi non meo sumendum fuisse judicio: quam non ic- 

circo illam nuncupatam tibi, ut quae in mea non est^ in me agnoscas, ingenit 

aut doctrinae praestantiam : sed ut scias, nam dicam iterum^ me quicquid sum^ 

tue ainpUtttdmi dse dedttissimum. 



N^'LV. 
Marsilius Ficintis Angela Politiano Poeta Homerico. S. D. 

Quid totiens quxris librorum meorum titulos, Angele ? An forte ut N® LV. 
tuis me carminibus laudes ? at non in numero sed in electione laus: non in 
quantitate^ sed in qualitate bonum. An potius ut ihea apud te habeas 
omnia ? quoniam amicorum omnia communia sint ? utcunque sit, acctpc 
quod petieras. E Graeca lingua in Latinum transtuli Proculi Platonici phy* 
sica, & theologica clementa. Jamblici Calcidei libros de secta Pythagorica 
quatuor. Theonis Smyrnei mathematica. Platonicas Speusippl definitiones» 
Alcinoi epitoma platonicum. Zenocratis librum de mortis consolatione. 
Carmina simbolaque Pythagorae. Mercurii Trismeglsti librum de potentia 
& sapientia Dei. t'latonis libros omnes Composui autem commentarium 
in evangeliam. Commentariolum in Phedrum Platonls. Commentarium in 
Platonis Philebum de summo bono. Commentarium in Platonis Convivium 
de amore. Composui physiognomiam. Declarationes Platonicse disciplinae 
at Christophorum Landinum, quas postea emendavi. Compendium de opi- 
nionibus philosophorum circa Deurxi & animam. Economica. De volup* 
tate. De quatuor philosophorum sectis. De magnificentia. De foclicitate^ 
De justicia. De furore divino. De consolatione parentum in obitu filii. 
De appetittt. Orationem ad Deum theologicam. Dialogum inter Deum & 
animam theologicum. Theologiam de immortalitate animorum in libros 
decemque divisam. Opus de Christiana religione. Disputationes contra as« 
trologorum judicia. De raptu Pauli in tertium coelum. De lumine argumen- 
tum in Platonicam theologiam* De vita & doctrina Platonis* De mente 

3 questiones 



30 

■ 

N<f LV. questlones quioque. Philosophicarum ^piatolanim vohiiheti* 

Angele, tain bene quam multum scripseriiiitt^, ttdnam taslttm Cttterii nostra 
placeant, quantum ego tibi, tuque mihi. Vale« 



N^LVL 

Ad Petrum Medicem in oHtu Magtti Cosmi ejus GenitorUf qui vert dum vixii 

optimus Parens Patrut cognoeninatus fuit. 

Naldus Naldius. 

N^ LVL £RG0 quia infandum poftstt nairare doloremf 

r Quis possit lacrimas explicuisse graves ? 
Quae mihi^ quae possit carmen spirare Dearum ; 

Dum gravis affligit pectora nostra dolor ? . 
Dumque adeo Medicis lugemus funeta Cosmi, 

Natus ut extinct! tristia busta patris. 
Quum nova pnesertim quae jam dictare solebant 

Vatibus Aonio verba notanda pede^ 
Nunc etiam nigra squallescant veste Camoenr^ 

£t solvant tristes in sua colla comas. 
Cum graviter Phoebus casu concussus acerbo 

Dicatur mcesta conticuisse lyra. 
Nam neque Syllani tantum te Cosme Quiutes 

Extinctum lacrimis condoluere suis. 
Sed superi, quorum kigendi rarior usus^ 

Et procul a tristi vivere moestitia. 
Quod bene de cunctis adeo si Cosme fuisti 

PromerituSy vita dum fruerere pia ; 
Ut sua nunc moestis tundentes pectora palmis^ 

Hen mortis doleant fata severa tuse. 
Non precor e nostro discedat corpore luctus^ 

Aut sim praecipuae conditionis ego. 
Hoc precor^ usque adeo laxentur membra dolore^ 

Ut pateat stupido pectore vocis iter« 
Qua liceat moesto dum fundimus ore querelas, 

Fortunae miseras condolulsse vicesj 

Qua 



3* 

Qaa liceatt pitrte dam daotur justa parentf^ H^ LVI. 

Tristia flebilSter pvblica damna querL 
Tempus erat Tttan quo ferrtda signa per <Mrbcm 

Alttor Herctdei terga Leonis adit. 
Cam prope jam positaa supreoio in limine vite 

Senserat extremam Cotmas adcsse diem. 
Ergo non vanos mettien^ in morte dolorea 

Inscia quo» heminum tucba timere solety 
Sed constans Telati qui dudmn cettaa cundi 

Sidereas cuperet nempe ftdire doiqee* 
Advocat hie fliatam, qui verba extrdma parentis 

Audiat, heu levxbuft non referenda modis. 
Qui siinul accitos monitie granoriboe^ ille 

Divini $abiit ora rerenda pa«M» 
Naturam nirei Medieea imkatue eleris 

Suprema moriens tadia Tece dieiHt* 
Si morbus grainor tmtf Vidata seneetai 

Corpora nostra- vetat virere posse dvn^ 
Te precor, ut nostri tales de peetore t^nfa, 

£t medicam mittaa, quam Fctre quaeiJSy opem. 
Nee tu Parcarum duruni eontcnde tenorem 

Humanis unqoam ffectere eonsIRis : 
Nam me fata vocant, rideoy nant Jappiter ipse I 

Me jubet bumanos deseruisse vices. 
Non invitus eo, nee me morc^fia tangtmt^ 
Vota, nee est vitas jam mibi cura meie. 
Humanas pridem metKtordeponereeuras^) 

Et pTOcul humano me re m ov e r e gnida. : " 
Corporis ue caecis tenebris vindisque s^utts 
Eztrtmum valeam oarpere tkiente bonttm*- 
Quo facere id possim, curas tu, nate, patemas 

Suscipe, sunt humeris pOndera digna tuis. 
Quarum nulla magis me me nunc urget euntem. 

Nee magis ingenium degravat ulla meum, 

Quam me, quae semper vita mihi carior ipsa 

Extitit heu patriam linquere, nate, piam. 

Quod 



3^ 

N"* LVI. Quod te per geminos tua pigndra cata depotes 

Oroque perque meum, Pefcre, senile caput. 
Ardent! ut studio Lydos tueare penates, 

Et procul infesto semper ab hoste teg^ 
£t quae nunc multos est jam ferrata per annos. 

Florentis placidus ocia pacia ames. 
Concordes moneo semper complectere cives, 

Et quibtts est Patriae maxima cura suae. 
His precor, ut sociis Etnisci firaena Leonis 

In rectum semper flcctere, nate^ velis* 
Nee tu justitiae monitus coQtemne ^veros, 

Dum statues urbi libera jura tuae. 
Namque potes diros populi vitare tumukus, 

Hac duce dum meritus quemque tuetur honos. 
Quin ubi te justisf urbes populique videbunt 

Legibus Etruscas instituLsse domos. 
Undique convenient ad te^ mi oate frequentes^ 

Qui rebus cupient consuluisse suis. 
O quam conq>icies banc urbem^ qualia cemes 

Tempore Lydorum surgere regna brevi I 
Cum tibi vel reges potius parere monenti^ 

Quam reliquis. mores i^iposuisse volent* 
Hie ego si tenues foero dilapsus in auras^, 

Ut nequeam sedes, nate^ videre novas i 
Attamen Etnisci gaudebo ut regna Leonis 

Accipiam monitis aucta f uisse tuis« 
Nam me quae tenuit vivum teUure repostum 

Suscipiet patriae maTima cura meae. 
Jamque vaky & nostrum pompb omar^ sepulchrum 

Desine I quod terra estj fac quoque terra tegat* 



33 

■ 

ChriHbphori Lttn£niy in obHu JUickaeEi Ferim. 

ELEGIA. 
Bandh Cat. B^. Lour. vol. Ill* p. 4(3 • 

£STNE leris rumor ? sic, o, seu conscia veri N^ LVII. 

Fama} sed heu nimis est conscia fama mali; 
Occidit heu, restrum crimen, crudelia fata, 

Occidit heu Midiael, luctus, amorque patris ; 
Occidit, Aobio quern vos nutristis in antro, 

Musae, Cjrrhaei queni lavic unda jugi ; 
Occidit heu Michael, prof^rio nam nomine dixit 

Princeps Aonii CalUopea chori. 
Qms Deus est, Michael resonat ; modo nosse velimus 

Prisca Palaestino verba notata sono \ 
Ipse Deus quid sit,'Vut paber nosse labbrat. 

Tempore quo reliquis iudus et umbra placets 
Verum.id quum'vera faceret ratione, putandum est 

Verini agnomen non sine sorte datum. 
Quid pietas, quid casta fides, quid possit honestum, 

A teneris aiinis hie monumenta dedit % 
Q^qne solet piimam nimium vexare juYeatam^ 

Expers obscaehi semper amoris erat. . 
Vivebat caeiebs, primis atque int^er annis 

Contempsit Cypriae dulcia dona Deae. 
Hoc tuUt indigne, snperat qui cuncta Cupidoy 

Cui parent MiperAm numina magna Deum, 
Et parat ultrici puerum terd>rare sagitta^ 

Altitonumiralcat qiia siiperare Jovem ; 
Sed fruscraMrato tentat praefigere telo 

Pectora, quae sanctaie Palladis arma tegunt. ; 
Hoc cemens, aiiosqtf o dplos,' alindque volutaUd . 

Consilium, inftoHta callidus arte petit ; 
Nam moilMM inmisk, quern nee queat ipse Macfaaofl, 

Nee tua doita; mianus peilere Phocbigeniu . : : . 
TM.. II. 3 E I Convocat 



/. 



NO LVII* Convocat heic medicos ffivtjut^,4ucm cura ncpot 

Anxia soUicitum noctc, dicquc premit. 
Conqvwrunt igUur TCtenun «;w>rwnf«M^t|i yiowfup?^ 

Siqua datur morbo jam mcdicina gravi. 
Quae, Galiene, tuo divine voliwinc monstras, 
Quaeque docet Coi pagina docta senis, 

quid velii HipfPffiawms^RrdoctririaflLa'^ W^^ 

Cujus Arabs justo paniit imperio, 
Mosaicoaquc JTWw.ycr«it;^Latiot,-Ihuao5<i»^c,^ 

Quiquc <Toltttt^"pa5n^vci?a Nilc„ tua^. 

Denique perccptis ciU2aoruin.9e9sUHL%04;n.O£& 

Hue veniunt, aiqj^« bacq mqns foil; noa. vffis ; , . 
Non posse eestmmnt JxmQ tfmp¥% sfif cai» 'm$€x^tiM%, 

Gaudia pcucipiftt iijr tji^i.pUlfWi VenuiSr.. 
Res mirmA^ qwid<Jix>i r«r^ etp?* sftMUfe v'm^ 

Exemplum in piier.0 Uk pwtiiicitW'S 
Qdb ntae saoctom. potout pnofene podoiesit 

Viveret ut seonpcv^ tunc Yolahae mliri*. 
I nunc, Hippolyioim veibia txtoUfi: ^petMs^ 

BellerophontcMBDi ncmen ill 9iatr^ refev } 
Noil hie Antiam, . oca ptdecae gaudia Pkaedratf » 

Omnia sed. Venehris {mt% ncfanda fugic 
At nc faKtc.putcs »ttSb» hnoc caluisse fuiowt 

Nulla nee aHgcsi tdb taliaee Del ; 
Sunt gpsuna^ Veneres^ geBUAibiitc onunlttK AiMiffa^ 

Terra haec demersa est^caclitus ilk vcoii. 
Altera, vulgaveot vero quam nomine diciuil^ 

Namque levia plebis Tiliacorda domat, 
Mortaleaque axtus, bonxims^ fonmeqne caducae 

Terrenummiseros corpus: amave jubct. 
Altera caelestia supert& domtnatttr m. orisi 
Mater nulla iUi eet^ Juppiter igso pat«r^ 
Haec, quas nulla mali violaiyt contagia aman^ 

Divine mentes urit amore pias* 
Hie Michael vaHit^praefi^uM pcctora tdo. 

Caelum amat^ et cadi, moenxa iiieoto.C3pit», 

Nee quidquampuerile sapit puqaHabuAftMMi. 

Tristis at 10. tcnem finmte senectai aotol* 

I jS^ocat 



3S 

Sevocat a sensu mentenii taetramqne petoros N^ LVIT. 

Luxuriem, aethereae scandit ad astra plagae, 
Cunctaque sub pedibaa mittens, quae mersa sub ipsa 

Materia, in tenebris corpora caeca tegunt^ 
£t magni vofitaas mundi per curra, si^pemos 

Spirituum volucer tentat adire chores. 
Interea peistis teneros depascitur artus, 

Contrahit ia rugas squallida membra lues, 
,£t tbto succum flacoeseene corpore sugit 

Pus solidum, ianatus deserit ossa vigor. 
Donee ab ;^sumptis aidmUs discddere membrts 

Cogitur, et putri carcere pulsus abit. 
Pulsus abit, sed laetiis «bit» irinclisque ^luttts 

Cognosdk quatitiim mors Siabet ista boaiy 
* Exsilioque gravl Uber^'^aelestia tumaii 

Quae patiia est ardet: visere tempia Dei. . 
Sed quid teplorcm puerum, Veriiie, quid ultra 

Fata tuae mortis stukas iniqua quecar f 
Mortuus en vivis ; sed fX)6 diim nostra manebit 

Vita, nimis blanda'morte mal^na premet. 
• < 

Gabrielis Mediolamnsi^ Theoiogi Carmen in sepulcro ijmdem. 

Conditur .hoc tumulo tuus^ o.Florentia, vatesi 

Verinae Michael «tirp6 :generasa doraus. 
Qui dulces £leg0s aprip$rt lanugioe prima, 

Naso, tuis simlp^ ters^ TibuUe tuis; 
Ad tria lusdnii^dilOs.bic vix adjocerat aoaoSy 

Quum vitam banc . n^isexaxn pro mdiorc dcdajt. 
Occidit obscaoaae Veaeris contagia vitans, 

Aeger, et hailc •mfldious-dum sibt spondet opem* 

• c • 

In Michdelem Terinum. 

% 

Ex Op. Ang. PdithmL Aid. 149$. 

Verinus Michael (lorentibus occldit annis ; 
Moribus ambiguum major, ah ingenio. 

' 3 E 2 " Disticha 



< •« • 



36 

N^ LVII. Disticha composuit docto miranda parenti, 

Qu9e claudunt gyro grandia.sensa bre?t. 

Sola Venus potcrat lento succurrere morbo. 
Ne se pollueretf maluit ille m6tu 

Sic jacet, heu pitri dolor» et decus : itnde jurenttts 
Exemplunv vates matertam capiaot. 



Coruolatoria a, S. Ugc/ino Veriniper la morti di MicbiU$ suofigliuol^. 
Di Girol. Binhnenu fulh sta opere. Ven. 1524. 

Qual piu ingrata yirtUi qual impia eort^ 

Qual duro frerii qual cieco inctto & atolto 

Furor, qual nuova legge iniqua e criida 

Fia che'l fonte unmortal» ch'acerba mdrte 

D'amaro pianto ha intomo al cor raccoko 

Con le sue proprie man restringa ie chiuda ? 

Taci lingua cmdel rustica e nuda 

D'ogni pictiy crudel, anzi tenore 

Farai piangendo a' suoi giusti lament!. 

Gl'improbi tuoi dolenti 

Sospir, perch^, perche la via del core 

Non apron lasso ? e perch* agli occhi in tanto ^ 

Duol, Padre, hor nieghi*! disiato pianto ? 
Rompi hormai*! duro fren^ P iniqua legge 

Sprezza, ch* al tuo dolor non se conviene^ 

Ne si pui modo por ch* indietro il volga, 

Chi del cieco dolor govema e regge 

li'improbo e duro freno e in poche penci 

Ne sa ben com' un cor s' atffliga e dolga. 

Rompa hor dunque'l van fren, apra e diaciolga 

L'indurati sospir, Thorribil pioggia 

Che P attonito cor restringe e serba. 

Ahime che tropp' acerba 

Tropp'iniqua cagion dentr* al cor poggia. 

Non virtu, ma furor quel plant* infrena 

aciolto invita^ c chiuso ad morir mcna* 

Piangi 



37 

Piangi dunqoe, infelice e miser Padre^ N^ LVII. 

Poiche morte crudel quel sol n'ha spento 

Qu;kl sol ch' csser potea tua guida.e scoita. 

Ecco Amor^ Phebo^ e r altre sut kggiadre 

Suorei plaogend' a! tuo ftebil lamento. 

Fan tenor, pot ch* ogni lor gloria e morta* 

Teco piange ogni padrci e chi Qon portaj 

Chi non ha al tuio dolor^ e.a' tuoi afiBiDDi^ 

Ketkf non pttd> saper che cosa e figlio. 

O nostro human consiglio • 

Pien d' igrioranza^ almeif hot con tuoi dannt 

Conosciy impio mio cor, quanto sia inferma 

La mente di ciascun che qui si ferma* 
Lasso, quantc speranxe insiemc, e quanti 

Fior di futuri ben nel vivo obietto 

Posto.bavea'l cid, le stelle, e la natural 

Amor suo albcrgo fe degli occhi santi, 

Del volto gratia, c del pudico petto, 

Honestik sempre immaculata punu 

Qiuci (e ch*il crederia ?) de Timpia et dura 

Falce. r ultimo colpo aspectar volse 

Pria che V alma oscurar, Candida e bella* 

Cos! di sua novella 

Pianta, acerbo quel 6or per forza colse 

Morte crudele, il cui ben culto frutto 

Far di se potea lieto il mondo tutto. 
Sette e sette anni e tre gia volto il sole 

Havea'l gran cercbio suo, dal primo giomo 

Ch' al bel nostro orizonte il tuo sol nacque, 

Quando credo per far dell'alme e sole 

Sue vhre luce il ciel pi& riccho e adomo 
Morte al mondo oscurar quel sol gli piacque^ 
£ perche mentre in terra afflitto giacqne, 
Nel suo corporeo vel mirabilmente 
Qual fussi'l suo valor ne mostro alhora, 
Ben creder dei che hora 
Dell'immense sue pcnc il premio sente, 
Et ch' in cambio al dolor caduco e brevCi 

Immottai gaudio sd ael ciel riceve* 

Cos! 



58 

4J» LVtt. Cosi da quest* inferma c ckcat vita 

Qual contr* al wio diwo per fotza*! tenne 
Chiuso piangendo in questo Mcavo ipeco, 
Fdicc c in gitmbo al 8«o fattor salka 
V alma, a vcder la patria ondVUa wtnM, 
Per csscmpio del cicl, lid mondo cico)* 

Et hot lasso, da noi partcndo, sccp 
Sc'n poit« veto ben, quel ben dal quale 
Ogni tuo bene hittnan derira e pende, 
Ivi tant'hor risplende 
Che te in yirtti dd dd 1' occhio OAMtale 
Potest! gli ocohi suoi ben guardarr fiao 
Cangere'l tristo pianto in delce riso* 

Dunque qual nuofo erfor ti stiinge e muove 
A pianger quel dhe ti dovria ikt Beto, 
Se veto e tWl mxo ben rioerdii « ebieggia I 
Non sai ben che <aliice 3a parte i^ dove 
Com* in fulgido spccchio ogni secreto 
Del tuo misero cbr cthAtn che vteggia ? 
QuincPl fonte, onde in van ccfnverso ondeggia 
Dal cor, per li wdii rrti lagtimoso finmfe 
Scorgc e pletoso 'id tuo tnai si turba, 
Cosi oscura e deturba 
V infdice tuo pianto il diTin kimc 
Di quel, ch' acceso ff amoroso zdo, 
Cosl Padre ti parte infin dal cielo. ^ 

Non hai padre, non hai cotnc tu pcnsi 
Perduto qod * cui menti*e cfc? io vissi 
Miser in terra havwti a pena un ombra. 
Hor se V intemo sole da* dechi sensi 
Sdolto, scgJiocchiittfetmi al ckl tien fissi, 
Vednw bcn4iuiant4> ekrwr t'iwolve e'l^ombra^ 
Vivo son iO|.c quatottque ^t|o adpaabra 
Vostro career moBtjd.btfn *r si puotc 
Morto, quapd* akri al mondo *1 tien per vivo. 
Dunque Padre s' io vivo 
Com' io fp Jieto itf ^juestr etcrnc rote, 
Et se tu mi w^i, o sc'l mio ben ti piacc^ . 
Pon la lingua in ^^Wte^c gli^occhi in pafC. 



Canzona, 



39 

Canzona, lo atio hmnai dke l^inqda fhigat. M^ liVlI. 

Ch' acccsa in mtam tliqiatitfMD $ipBnt, 
Bencfai efvtiu, patpar A pMM^ in- pat«e^ • • 
Va dunqae^ e come M pio- eer preeaga 
Vedi^ e se fbrse sneor per sc respini 
Da tante e tante lagrnne gla sptrte, 
Di che sit^ tMy If' ingegn^ 11 tempbro P artfe 
Non poniia ia M, eh* alaiM 1^ incSni e ToUi 
La vogtht iv telMc di6 accio* V induce, 
£t die P afmate lttc€^ 
Senza timof akan, nonfidopo Bioki 
Annif delP alma sua vera Fhenice, 
Vediri in cielj piik che mai fccHa e lotice. 

I 

D^ x/»i& Pisanae UrUtf i^ sfm sitw maanptd fitiatate^ ai Launntium 

IT£> ^bti8 studiis amor est accendeie meate9# -^q LVm 

Ingenii quibits aura favet, qnibus aetbere ab conni 

Hac una astri&ri datur ad lastigia regni 

Ire via) ct merko coneeasum aasistere caelo; 

Ite^ datur Vderea tandem conaurgere Pisao^ 

£t priscuB veiKnratttff hoaos. Suit dirutab quamvia 

Moenia Tfnrhenum late domioata per aequor, 

Ttt tamen exttinctam atudib melioribus urbem 

Instanrare piaraa^ atque intcnmssa Minervae 

Sacra novas^ Medices ; procul exsultaatia cema 

Ldttorai et anidet Tieiaa Palaemonis unda. 

Qmd rnimm i geminoa q^ faucU>u» ezc^it Amuoi 

Collis ovaty Oominiqiie intraotia laeta salotat 

Sugna Drya% mediamque libens tranamitdt in urbem* 

Viz mihi c^xta fidesj num tu Pelop^ia teUnf, 

Num Toa Tjrrhenaei tristiasima moenia^ Pisae ? 

Unde 



40 

N<> LVIIL Unde haec heta dies tarn festioantibus 

Effttlsity quaenam vobis inopina rduxit 
Gratia, quaere hilaris subito fortuna renata est i 
O bona lux t patriis nuper discedere tectis 
Incola jussus erat, vacuoque in limine maties 
Flebant, crudeles .& detestantia Diros 
Ora cruentabant, tantae memoresque ruinae 
Errabant tristes, & sparsis crinibus umbrae. 
Quae modo tarn volucri redienint gaudia penna ? 
Quaenam fata locis ? plectrone haec saza canoro. 
Demulcet dorso residens dcilphinis Arion ? ^ 

Dircaeae num fila lyrae ? Stupet Italus orbis^ 
Hucque fluity Libycisnec qui Deus exstat ar<nis> 
Aurato insignis cornu, nee opaca Sibyllae 
Tot simul adjunctas videre^lentia gtntes. 
Nee mirum, nam tu mediis de nubibus urbi 
Alluces, positaque banc erigis aegtde, Pallas^ 
£t dubium juvenem, nee adhuc fidentis habenas 
.Ipsa Unpellis equi, & magnis hortatibus utges. 
Quin age, seu chara nunc in Tritonide virgo 
Lanificas monstras artes ; seu corpora pura 
Tingis aqua, & primos non dedignaris honores ; 
Sive ad Cecropias frustra lamenta profundis 
Relliquias, cinerique Tirum, incumbisque ruinae ^ 
Seu potius laetas inter Dea Candida Divas 
Texis opus, niveoque animas in stamine telam. 
Hue propera, hue totis ad terram labere pennis | 
Sume vias, non te poscunt juga Sarmata muko 
Pressa gelii, aut Cancro ferventis gleba Syenc9 ; 
Sed vocat uvifero madidus de palmite Frater^^ • 
Deque Flucnttno propior Cyllehius axe j 
Laeta, hilarisque Teni, qualem post bella gigantam 
Vidit pacifera velatus frcmde «acerdo6« 
Adspice cognatie quantotibi moenibus arae . 
Thiir^ sonant r nee enim haec sttperis:incognita-sedea, 
Sed de sacrrfico dicta est bona ThMBCia ritu« 

» 

Hdictibi nonol^edeicrunt} aptissim'a' ponto 
Finus habct eollds y huc^i ttf forte tuUsses, 

• - •» Quum 



Qttum tua Phryxaeas esset cursura p^r undas 
Puppis, et Argois aptares robora Temis, 
Non aliis dassem tentasses ducere silvis. 
Heic tua fatiferos primum tuba compulit enses^ 
£t bellator equus dangentes arsit ad iras. 
Ubcra quid referam terrac, formasque locorum? 
Vobis Campanae nee cedat Thuscia glebae ; 
Et si larga magis moltum^ si ditior istis 
Stet natura locis* et pleno copia cornu, 
Thusca magis cultu tellus formosa, magisque 
Ingeniosus ager ; medio pomaria saxo 
Cemis, et agricolam steiili de vertice messem 
Colligere ; his credunt Cerealia semina sulcis 
Spargere Triptolemumj picturatosque dracones 
Arentem placidis terram irrorare Tenenis. 
Non taceam Thuscis et quae nascantur in oris 
Pectora, conailiis, duroque aptissima bello, 
Cootentique magis laeta sub pace quiescunt. 
At tUy Laukemti^ quae te pietatis imago 
Movent hos tantos ut molirere paratus^ 
Dinumera, et caeptis quando mihi parcere tantis 
Difficile est, tu^tende chelymi partemque tuarum 
Tot mihi de cumulis da nunc perstringere rerum ^ 
Et mea at nimium lerisi et temeraria virtusi 
Da Ycniam^ trepidamque ratem propelle per Euros. 
Et tuy CosME Pater, cujus sibi numen adorat 
Aenus, Romano cognatus vertice Tybri, 
Praebe animos^ impelle lyram, et majore cothumo 
Ire jube, numen certum, et mihi major Apollo. 
Est in Pisano saltu nemus, ardua multum 
Cui coma, frondentesque in caelum surigitis alni, 
Montiragis domus apta ferisi acc«ssaque numquam 
Solis equis ; habitant saliep<^8 robora Fauni ; 
Virginibus sacra silva choris, castaeque Dianac 
Creditur,. ipsa loci facies dat signa, novacque 
Auditae vocesj et visae per jugaNymphae. 
Hue, quum civiles cessarent undique curae^ 
Urbanusque labor, laeto Lauremtius ore 

rou 11. 3 F 



41 
NoLVIIL 



Vcnfcrat, 



4-2 

jjo LVin* Vcncrat, Hfcrcuko sie qoondftm robore fidcns 

AtlaSf deposita.gavisus mole labortsi 
£t super injecto pattUum subductua ab astro. 
Nee mora, pars multa cingant indagine ralleSi 
Pars urgcrc canes^ ct vincala demere colto ; 
Cornua millc sonant, vestigatorque Molusstis 
Dat signuni, fugientc fcra, tremit iota fragore 
Silva, ct difFusi fugiunt per dcvia Panes. 
Vallis erat, vitreas ubi formosissiiha servat 
Nais aquas, densisqae expellens frondlbus aestu^ 
Brumam Nympha sibi facit, et nunc foscida musco 
Strata tegit, tremulosque lacus nunc flore coronat 
Narcisso, aut foHis, casus qui luget amaros. 
His Dea vcnatu defessa loquacibus undis 
Assuerat Dictymna suas rcnovarc sagittas, 
Et multo nitidos temcrabat sanguine rivos : 
Et tum forte aderat, quae vocibus cxcita vidit 
Quum primum per lustra virum, quo subter anhelat 
Arte laboratis ctrcumspiciendus habenas 
Acer equus, latertque haeret fidissima tigris, 
Spartana de matre canis ; Mea Cosmea proles^ 
Haec ait, o superi quantum debere fatemur ! 
O vos, vicinae quantum exsultabitis arces i 
Nee mora, velocem pedibus, similemque sagittae 
Ire jttbet cervam, quae se frondentibus umbris 
Opponat, monstretque viro, tum deinde revertat 
In liquidum fentem volucri vestigia gyro. 
Ilia volat celeri frondosa per avia saltu } 
Quam simul adspexit celso de vertice tigris 
Irrumpit ellvis, animos vox nota ministrat 
Festinantis her'i, timidis it pendula costis 
Tigris, et in vallem Ttcinis dentibus urget* 
Ecce per irrigui nemorosa cubilia fontis 
Accelerat Diana gradus, optataque lora 
Femicis Dea pressit equi, et sic ora resolvit: 
Chare nimis, dilecte mihi, quern gentis Etruseae 
Fas dixisse Deum, quantum tibi Numina debent I 

Quantum ego ! nam solis habitabam frigida lucis^ 

Vifginibtts 



43 

Virginibus comitata meis, atque aere nudo. N^ LVIIL 

Hippolytas mihi nullas erat, qui retia posset 

Tendere, et alatos mecum praevertere cervos; 

Languebant Satyri^ Nymphaeque, et flumina, et auras 

Implebant querulis actae clamoribus umbrae. 

Per te cuncta mihi redeunt, manesque quiescunt^ 

Exsultant silvis Dryades, Nereides undis } 

Nee deserta queror, nam te mihi semper in istts 

Collibus adscipio comitem^ et mea lustra frequentas 

Candidior, similisque Deo» qnoticsque putarem 

Fratrem materna venisse per aequora Delo, 

Si calami ex humeris starent, et fiezilis arcus. 

Dum loquor, inque tuos figo, placidissime^ vultus 

Lumina, quanta paras oculis ! o quantus in ore 

Stat genitor^ patriique nitet splendoris imago I 

Virtus quanta patet, quanti monstrantur honores ? 

Et tibi, si qua fides superis, longaera merenti 

Tempora et astra dabunt, sed ne pars uUa parato 

Deficiat caelo, nostris his annue dictis, 

Ostendam quo sis fugiturus tramite terras. 

Est mihi chara soror, quam nee Cytherea, nee umquam 

Vos jaculatores illam fixistis Amores, 

Vertice nata Jovis, cui cessa potentia ferri^ 

Proximaque^ in studiis nee enim minor addita virtus« 

Nunc incerta loci, varias defertur in urbes. 

Qua se ponat humo, sedem quibus eligat oris 

Nescit, et exstinctas semper suspirat Athenas, 

Nee voluit parvi ripis considere Rheni, 

Nee, Tieine, tuis ; hie enim civiiibus atmis 

Noxius, hie magno didicit senrire tyranno* 

Libera mens iUi est ; da tu, charisstme^ portus. 

Da fessae sua tecta Deae ; non heic furit ensis 

CivicuS} et elaro gens est dilecta Leoni^ 

Magnanimae serritque ferae, placidasque jubamm 

Non timet ad setas primis vagitibua infans 

Ludere, et a forti pendent cervice puellae. 

Eja age, perge^ adero, mecumque ad tanta juTafak 

Frater^ et hue gentes gemii^o mittemuf ab axe« 

^v % Dixerati 



44 

N* LVin. Dizerat alatis et se per devia plantis 

Sustulit in silvasy lateri cui plurima virgo 
It comes, et nitida sequitur vestigia palia, 
A jaculis lucent humeri, nervoque sonanti 
Omnibus arcus erat, Zephyris raptique capiili 
CoUa repercussis umbrabant Candida tergisy 
Divinumque cohors late dispersit odorem 
Per silvam, et casti lustrarunt avia yultus ; 
Quaque recesserunt sese violaria plantis 
Supposuere, latus subitoque rosaria tractu 
Cinxere, et ramus se culmine flexit ab alto. 
Venantes sensere viri, subitusque per ora 
Fulgor iit, blando manstt fera juncta Molosso^ 
Quae prius auditis fugit latratibus umbram. 
Hauserat has voces, hortatricisque Dianae 
Numen agit Medicem : vix bino Sole calentes 
Aeripedes fumastis equi, totiesque rclapsi 
Vos ponti mersistis aquis, et vera per urbes 
Fama volat, Studium lapsis componere Pisit 
Te te, Laurent^ ; nee enim minus inclyta virtus 
Ista tibi, quam quum Volterras marte rebelles 
Ausus es ipse tuis de tot modo civibus unua 
Vincere, et injectis hostem frenare catenis* 
Ergo ubi multivago discurrit fama volatu, 
£t circumfusi procul, ut sensere parari, 
Accumint populi ; florentes mittit alumnos 
Trinacris ora^ venit Gallis admistus IbemSy 
Quique racemifero vultum crinesque sequuti 
Se vovere Deo } ruit hue gens omnis ; anhelant 
Aequora, & Inoi capiunt vix claustra Learchi* 
En ego nunc etiam nimium fidente carina 
Dum feror, et puppem majori credimus Austrp» 
Distrahor^ et rapido multum increscentibus undis 
Nutat cjmba man, et scindunt mea vela procellae* 
Nam quia inezpleti referat certamina circi. 
Quia tantoft rerum motus ? non si mea texant 
Tempora Maeoniae laurus, et Cynthius haustus 
Bellerophonteott pleois indulgeat umis^ 



Sit 



45 

Sit 8atiS| et tantos ?aleam ntmre paratus. N^ LVIII, 

Cedite Yicinae» liceat mihi dicere, Senae, 

Tuque Antenoreo tellus fondata colono» 

Felsineaeque nires, tuque o cui sanguine noatro^ 

Ticinci infausto tumuerunt flumina bello $ 

Non yestris tarn grande sonat facundia nraris ; 

Non heic qui populos doceant sub lege tenere^ 

Justitiaeque sacros monxtusi et jura minktrent 

Deficiunt, nee qui conducere vulnera, morbos, 

Ostendant) somnos et quid fugientibus aegris 

Efficiat) mortes et qua teaeantur ab herba i 

Sidera qui resereti magnique rolumina coeii 

ExpKcet } heic omni fulgent ex arte nitentes 

Stipanturque viri ; Graecae hue facundia fluxic 

Romanaeque decus linguae, majoraque dictis 

Sunt et plura meis i nihil his quod dicere possis 

Deest grande locis $ gexualia gratia terri» 

Indulsity largum seu fuadat Juppiter imbrem. 

Tunc quum saerit hiems, Calabroe seu Syrius urit, 

Aut fervet latos Nemeae populator in agros, 

Temperies his mira locis ; uberrima tellus 

Ipsa suas distinguit opes ; heii flumina fecit 

Flexiragis ambire radis \ hine stfrgere in altum 

Verticibus montcs^ vastas radicibus imis 

Hinc cadere in valles ; ast inde tepentia fumant 

Balnea dc terra, multumque salutifer argis 

Nascitur humor aquae i stagnis sudare videres 

Numina, anhelantesque hiberno frigore Nymphast 

Ista vaporiferae nee vincant aequosa Baiae 

Nee vos yicinae notissima Balnea Lucae 

Quid bipara rcferam pendentes arbore fructU8> 

Quid bene partitis laetissima dotibus anra ' 

Naturaeque rices ? hinc pubescentibus uvis^ 

Ulmea serpentea pingunt fastigia vites, 

Et circum amplexis servant connubia nodis i 

mine effusb large super anra canistris 

Laeta Ceres na^m Stygiis inyitat ab undi^ 

Exoratque JoTcm > Tbuscis dpque urbibus una 

Romanae 



46 

N<^ LVm* Romanae par haec, et terra simiUiina gkbae est. 

Lanigerae pecudes» campiaque armenta vagantur^ 
Lascivlque greges ; nemora heic habitataque mitt 
Lustra, f era ; arboreb heic se cum conribus infieit 
Actaeon, trepidae saliunt et per juga damae) 
£t mollis lepus, et maculato tergore caprae. 
Non ursu3| non tigris adcst ; si forte malignnt 
Frendit a^er» yd spamivocno diffulminat ore> 
Te sibi) Laurenti, fatis meliortbos uaom, 
Thestiaden sentit, si quive in yalle leones 
Occurrunt, placidi lambunt vestigial et altas 
Summisere jubas, et te voluere magistrum. 
Non sileam positus urbis ; stant margine piano 
Moenia, et aereas medio transmisse canali 
Arne, domos, urbefhque tuis interiluis undisy 
Arne, Fluentinos qui praeterlaberis hortosy 
Fecundisque secas rivis, non fonte refuao. 
Nee rapidis transcurris aquis, sed pontis habenas 
Dignarts, curvos et te quater addis in areas } 
Inde tuam aequoreis immisces Dorida nymphis^ 
Fessaque littorea praetexis cornua myrto* 
Parte alia portus, cinctis ubi Nereus undis 
Innatat, et posito paullum fenrore qniescunt 
Aequora, et incluso Nereides amne lavantur. 
Heic Athamantheus nautis yenientibus infans 
Lustratam flammis^ et ituram in nubila turrimy 
Per latas oetendit aquas* parvoque reclamat 
Vagitu* et vigili noctem propellit oliro* 
Nee procul a terra surgentes cautibos altis. 
Bis geminas arces servat, cignitque catena^ 
Brontis opus, tatis ubi possit navita velis^ 
Securo totas noctes tradocere somno* 
Heic et Atlantiades dulct testudine pootum 
Mulcet, et auratis invitat Pallada chordis« 
Hortaturque Tiros* fidissima laodts imago 
Quos superis facit ire pares* et Tivida virtus. 
lUe renascentes canit aidra ab origioe Pisa«* 

8eu quod, magne Peb^s* dederis tu nomina terns* 

Fundarisque 



47 

Fundarisque orbem^ eeu quod tuns accola muros N^ VSHSL 

Heic posuit, iioiiicii4{«e Eleaea adjecic ab urbe. 

Pisanos cti^m pfectiro moyet iUe triomphos^ 

Et quos terra vivoa bellU navalibas, aptas 

Quas tultt ista maxins^ felix nimis improba fielix. 

Si noil finitimo fSregisset jura Leoni^ 

Victrici tomefacta xnanu, rebusque secundis* 

Namque Fluentiuae sociaUa foedera gentl 

Abruptamque fidem, justisquc hibc ezcita bellis 

Pectoriy et armatas Dcos addit in ordine turmas^ 

Excidiumque urbis quanto Deus hie tonat ore ?" 

Quis modus in cithara ! evedas fera bella movere^ 

Vincula captive rurstunque imponere coUo ; 

Nee procul his laudes, et facta referre suorum 

Gaudet, et a FesuKs^primae fundamina terrae^ 

Antiquos fasces^ et relligionis honores ) 

Hine memorare vires, inter quos» Maxime, primus^. 

CosMB) venis, teque iimumeris cum laadibus oflfers^ 

Templomm, Patriaeqne Pater, te curia felix^ 

Te dttce libertas populis, cultusque Deorum 

Creverc, et priscis demissa altaria Tbuscis* 

Proh vauae mentes hominum I te civieus error 

Jussit ab emerkU patriae discedere tectis | 

Sed Dii quam melius I vix In se vercinir onmn^ 

Vix. Janos vidore duos, quum teque, tuosque 

Indiga gen^ Cosmi, patriaa revocavit ad arask 

Sic etiam immeritum damnavit Roma CamiOum^ 

Acrisioneis illumque redoxit ab oris ; ' 

Sic sponte ingratos effugit Scipio cives, 

Ultoresquc suo thulos dedit ille sepulcro. 

Scilicet hoc etiam timuit Plorentia, nere 

In mare tarn turpi flueres languentibus undts^ 

Ame, nota, aequoreis et ne vox ista nataret 

Fluctibus, emeritos cineri persolvit honores, 

Et dignam posult titulis sulcantibus umam. 

Haec tibi, Cosme, Deus, fessosque ex aggere laudnm 

Conciliat nenros, junctaque retempcrat aure ; 

Mox vestri canit acta libens mitanda parentfo^ 

3 Et 



48 

N^ LVill. £t TOS9 o gemini Medices^ certissima Thoscis 

Sidera, olorini referensque ingentia furd 
Pignorai fratemum vobis inspirat amorem, 
£t tibi, Lauventiy rerum concessit babenas» 
Cui major de more dies^ et firmior aetas 
Exemplis urit mentes ; inceptaque suadet 
Tanta sequi, atque animum patrios accendic ad actus. 
Numquam ille advcrsos ferro saevibat in hostes. 
Nulla cruentatis edebat funera dextris, 
Sed mitiS) simplexque animus^ semperquc serena 
Magnaque mens victo suadebant parcere civi. 
Testis Fittus eric, tunc quum male gratus honoris 
Per vos accepti* civilem movit Erynnim : 
Nee tantum infirmae potuere in corpore Tires^ 
Herculis auderct qujn mente aequare labores. 
Dam tali canit ore Deusj longequc vagatur 
In virtute patris^ teque altos urgct ad aususy 
Vcrtitur ad cantusy semperque cadcntia verba 
In te» IiAURENTiy placidisque remunnurat undis 
AmuSj et haec totos ad carmina porrigit amnes. 
Accelerat Niobe» quae si lapis^ attamen audits 
Nee magis illacrymatf gressus et cetera reddunt 
Fila lyrae, sed ne superos rursum improba lacdat^ 
Os tacet, et fnistra conantem yerba relinquunt. 
Hue etiam quae te timuit» Folypheme, furenteniy 
Et pavet, adjunctis et adhuc se mcrgit in undis. 
Cum flibi dilecto Galatea allabitur Aci. 
Quin et vos Siculis mersae Syrenes in undis^ 
Quarum praedulci cantu scrutator aquarum 
Aure soporata medium delapsus in aequor, 
SuTgitis> et victis ad cantus plauditis alis* 
Scylla silett rapidi ponunt ad carmina vcnti, 
Et mitts natura feris^ rabiemque luporum 
Mulctt, et arctatas cohibet cava fistula malas^ 
Silva comas praebet, venit cum frondibus Echo, 
Reddita voxque illi est, et fari posset, ad istas 
Sed potius voces omni ?ult ore tacere. 
Comigert nudam ncc prendunt Dorida Fanes^ 



H08 



*» 



49 

Hos inter coetus pkctri modulamine capta, N^ LVIII. 

Adque tttum nomen rersis Tritonia cristi8» 
Lauremti, aethereae plaga qua candentior orae 
Parte, nitct, labt tisa est non Gorgonis atrae 
CoBcutiena Toltua^ stiiUntiaque arma cruorem, 
Sed Dea flairentes foliid pacalis oli?ae 
Intertezta comas, laetts quas Gloria in hortis 
Docta pinxit acu, sammo de vertice in armos 
Nunc lapsi ladunt Acres, nunc frontis oberrant 
Marginibus, tremalum medios intematat aurum, 
Mttlticoltor radiatque lapis, nere aura capillos 
Spargeret, in nodum filis religaverat auri* 
Sic Dea lapsa polo, laetis sic adstitit aris, 
Stridentes dant signa foci, meliorque per orbem 
Plausus abit, variis sparguntur floribus arces, 
£t rebus mutatur honos, prius apta palaestrae^ 
Noctumis melius nunc ardet oliva lucernis, 
Quaeque erat undosas toties passura procellas, 
£t factura vagis pontem super aequora nautis, 
Fissilis edoctos abies aptatur ad usus* 
Non tuba nunc, non castra movent, nee casside malas 
Atterit, aut duros ezercet Diva labores j 
Laetior ingenuis sed se nunc artibus lafert, 
Certatusque virum, et Medicis dignatur honores. 
Ponite jam luctus, lamentaque tristia, Pisae, 
Hue melior fortuna redit, vetercmque malorum 
Jam pensare juvat faciem ; felicior aetas 
His permissa locis, en mixto hinc inde tumultu 
Facundo innumerae miscentur milite pugnae ; 
Vobis longus honos, nee enim dilecta Minervae 
Ulla magis tellus, hac permutaret Athenas, 
Si starent, numquaroque aliis habitabit in oris* 
Deque uUis capiet non thura libentius aris. 
Vivite, et in longas aevum traducite metas* 
Neve Fluentinas umquam mutetis habenasy 
Nobile servitium magno parere Leoni est. 
At vos, o juvenes, quorum praecordia pulcrae 
Laudis inardescunt cumulis, et per vaga mundi 
TOL* II. 3 G Nubila 



$0 

N^ LVIII. Nubila sidercos conscendere quaeritis axes^ 

His mccum properate chorisi gratesque feramua 

Usque meo Me^ici^ rebus venerandaque multU 

Tu Pallas, superis et qui regnatis in oris» 

Vos virides, Stygiique omnes, qutque antra tenetis , 

Et silvas, et stagna Dei, Indigetesque, Laresque, 

Vitales deusate colos, dextramque tenete 

AtropoSi et juveni plenos extendite fusos. 

Tuque omni dilecte Deo, de Pleiade nate> 

Qui plectro majore sonas, hunc cantibus eflFer^ 

Hunc superis ostende tuis« laudumque suarum 

Agmina cognatam, Cylleni, perfer ad Arcton. 

Me quoque jam fessam, quique ad tua carmina victam 

Pono chelym, sua facta doce, et pendentis ab ore 

Usque tuo nostrae Libethridos instrue mentenu 

Mox ego. Dive velis, tunc quum fidentior altis 

Per mare curret aquis, flatuque vebetur amico 

Cymba, coronatis lauro Peneide rostris, 

lUi dona feram, et libamina prima dicabo. 

Haec ego ; turn casto risit Tritonia vultu^ 

Mentem fassa suam, risit qua parte fugatas 

Adspexi nubes, oculisque recanduit aer. 

Sic magis incussis, et proao vertice nervis, 

Et subito motis Caducifer annutt alis, 

Signaque de laeto fecere tonitrua caelo*j 



NoLIX. 

Laurentio de Medicu FhrentU* 
Angelus Polittanus. 

N^ LIX. MaGNIFICE Domine, &c. Mona Clarice su bene^ et cosi tucU questa 
brigata* Qui non sera ancora udito nulla del romore occorso, del quale ne 
ha per questo medesimo apportatore dato adviso ad me il Franco, che ci ha 
levata ogni sospitione, perche ci siamo assai fondati in suUa sua lettera, che 
Mona Clarice dubitava non fussi la cosa piu grave^ et che voi de industria 
P allegerissi. In somma e restata di buona voglia, et acquievit. 

A noi 



51 

A noi non manca nulla; et solamente habbiamo passione delle molestie ijo £J2» 
TOstre, che sono pure troppe. Iddio ci adjutera. Spes enim in vivis est, 
desperado mortui. 

Vorrebbe Mona Clarice, che quando costa non havessi troppo bisogno 
di Giovanni Tornabuoni, lo rimandassi in qui, che gli pare esser sola sanza 
epsoj et per ogni rispetto gli pare sia a proposito la stanza sua qui. 

lo attendo a Piero, e sollecitolo a scrivere ; et in pochi di credo vi scri- 
rexi, che voi vi maravigUcrete, che habbiamo qua un maestro, che in quin- 
dici di insegna a scrivere, et fa maraviglie in questo mestiero. £ fanciuUi 
Vattendono a vezzeggiare piu che V usato, et sono tutti rifatti. Iddio ajuti 
loro e Toi. Piero non si spicca mai da me, o io da lui* Vorrei esservi a 
proposito in maggiori cose ; ma poiche mi tocca questo, lo faro rolentieri. 
Rogo tamen, ut aliquid aut litterarum aut nuntii hue perlatum iri cures, 
desque operam, ne quidquid est in me auctoritatis, patiaris exolescere, quo 
et puemm facilius in officio teneam, et meo munere, ut par est, defungar. 
Sed haec si commodum; sinminus, quod sors feret, feremus aequo anlmo. 
State di buona voglia, et fate buono animo, che e grandi uomini si fanno 
nelle adversity* Durate, et vosmet rebus servate secundis. Raccomandomivi. 
Pistorii die 26. Augusti 1478. 



Magnifice mi patrone. Desidero assai, che la Magnificentia Vostra non 
si sia turbata d' una mia li scripsi stamani dettatami dalla passione, la quale 
ho non d' altro, che di non potere havere patientia. Spero in bonam partem 
acceperis, rebusque nostris prospectum curabis. 

Mona Clarice vi manda tre fagiani, et una stama. Dice ne habbiate 
cura, come ne venissimo da nemici : perche non sa chi, o quale sia questo 
apportatore, il quale e il padre del ragazzo vostro, che ruppe la gamba, ca« 
vallaro di Pistoja. 

Per costui vi mando e consiglj di Messer Bartolommeo Sozzini. Holli 
soUecitati a ogni hora, et trovato li scriptori ; et elli ancora vi ha usata dili^ 
gentia somma« Ma non si e potuto far piu presto. 

3 G 2 Piero 



5^ 

N^ LIX, Piero sta bene, et io li ho grandiasima curt. Cosi tutii U altn $«IIQ aani. 

GoTerniamoci il meglio possamo, ma a ma toocano tutte le botfej puse tc 

propter Lybicae, &c. 

Io aspetto con desiderio novelle, che la moria tia restata per il $09petta 
ho di voi, et per tornare a servire voi| che con voi vokvo et credeyomi star«. 
Ma poiche voi^ o piu tosto la mia mala sorte mi ha assegnato ^uesto grado 
appresso di Vostra Magnificenza, Io sopporter6> quamvis durum nee levius 
fit^ patientla. Raccomandomi a V. M. Fistorii die 24. Augusti 1478, 



Magniiice mi Domine. Tutta questa vostra brigata ata bene: Piero 
etudia co$i modice^ et ogni di aodiamo a piacere per la terra : ▼isitiaqio que&H 
horti, che ne e piena la citt^t et qualche volta la librcria di Maestro Zan:^ 
bino, che ci ho Irovate parecchie buone cosette et in Grsco et in Latino. 
Giovanni se ne va tutto il di in 8ul cavallino, et tirasi drieto tutto queatp 
popolo* Mona Clarice si porta motto bene: piglia pero poce piacere> se 
uon delle uovelle buone si sentono di costa. Poco CKe di caaa. Non ci 
manca in effetto nulla. Non si accepta prescntt, da inaalate, fichi et qual- 
che fiasco di vino, o qualche beccafico^ ^imili cose infuori. Questi cipta- 
dini ci porterebbero acqua cogli orecchi ; et da Andrea Panciatichi siamo 
trattati tanto amorevolmente, che tutti ci pare esserli obbligati. In efietto a 
ogni cosa di qu^ sa 1* occhio. £t gia si comincia a far buona guardia alle 
porte. Attendete ancora voi a darvi buon tempo, et vincere ; et quando si 
puo, venite a vedere questa vostra brigata, che vi aspetta a man giunte. 
Raccomandomi a V. M. Plstorii 31. Augusti 1478. 



Magnifice Domine mi. Mona Clarice s'e sentita da hiersera in qua un 
poco chioccia : scrive lei a Mona Lucretia, che dubita di non si sconciare, 
o di non bavere il male, che ebbe la donna di Giovapoi Tornabuoni. 
Comiacio dopo cena a giacere in aul lettuccio* Stamani si levo del letto 
tardi. Desino bene: et.doppo desinare se tornata a giacere* Qvi sono con 
lei qucste donne de Panciatichi, che h molto intendente. Dicemi Andrea, 
che ella gli ha decto, che Mona Clarice] non e sanza pericolo di acondarsi. 
M* e paruto d' avvisarvi di tutto. Dicono pero titfte queate donne, che 
credono non hara male. Lei a vederla non mostra altro segno di malata, 
nisi quod cubat, et quod paullo commotior est, quam consuevit. 

Piero 



53 

Piero ando incontio stamAttiM a questo SignorCi et fa n prkno. ' DisM N^ UX. 
poche parole nella a^ntenza git scrivete i tt molto bene. £1 Signote solo 
miae innaozi, et cosi eaud in Pistoja. Mona Clarice gli presentp mi bet 
iQazao di ftaroe ; stastra andremo a visitarlo aUe a2« hore» che siamo hora a 
hore i9« Fe compagnia a Piero Gio?aiHii Tornabuoni : et lui riprese le 
parole di Piero. Mostra questo Illino Sig* secondo dicone questi sui, di ve-> 
aire con una rogita troppo grande di farsi honote, et di sati^farc a cotCBta £i> 
celsa Signoria et maziroe aUa V^M. 

« 

Qarice yi matida non ao ijuantie 3tame gli sono atate donate, poiche^ 
preaentd qoe^fo Signore. In staro intento a quanto aeguira i et in quello 
9apr6> faro mio debito, e ik tutto avvisero V* M. la quale Iddio conservi* 
RaG€Qmandomivi» Fiatprii die 7. Sfptembris 1478. 



N*LX. 

Angelus Polttianus. 
Magnyust Domifut Lucretut dt Medicis FlorentU, 

MaGNIFICA Domina mea. Lc novelle, che noi vi possiamo scrivcre di n^ LX. 
qui, sono queste. Che noi habbiamo tanta- acqiaa, et si continua, che nan 
possiamo uscir di casa, et habbiamo mutata la caccia nel giuoco di palla, 
perche e CaneiuHi noh laaciiio 1* exercifi»k Giochiamo ccmuaemente o la 
scodcHa o il sai^ore o la came, eioe ch^ cfai perde non ne mangi. £ tpesso 
^690 qnando qiaestt miei scolari pefdono, fanno un cenno a Ser Humido: 
Altro non c^ che scriTenri per ora dt nostre novelle. lo mi sto In casa al 
fooco in soccoli et in palandrano, che vi parrci la malinconia, se voi ml ?e* 
dessi ; ma ferse ini pajo io in ogni modo, et non fb, ne veggo, ne sento cosa 
die mi dilecti, iiamodo mi lono accoratb per qaesti nostrt casi. Et dor-^ 
aieftdo et yegliando sempre ho nel capo questa albagia. £ravamo due di fa 
ttttti in su ¥ ale, perch^' intendemo non esser cost^ piu moria : hora tuttl 
siamo rimasti basosi, intendendo, che pur va pizzicando qualche cosa. 
Quando siamo costa, habbiamo pur qualche refrigerio, quando non fussi mai 
altro .se non vcdcre ritomare Lorenzo a casa. Qui tuttavia dubitiamo, et d' 
ogni cosa : et quanto a me vi prometta, che io afibgo ndl' accidia, in tanta 

3 solitudine 



5*1- 



N^ LX, solitad^inc mi truovo. Dtco solitudine, perche Monsignore si rinchiude in 
camera accompagnato solo da pensierii et sempre lo truoyo addolorato, et 
inpensierito per modo, che mi rinfresca piu la malinconia a essere con lui. 
Ser Albeno del Malerba cutto dl biascia ufficio con questi fanciulU : riman- 
gomi solo, €t quando sono restucco dcllo studio, mi do a razolare tra morie 
et guerre^ et dolore del passato et paura delP advenire ; ne ho con chi crivellare 
queste mte fantasie. Non truovo qui la mia Mona Lucrctia in camera, 
colla quale io possi sfogarmi, et muojo di tedio : quanto allegerimento ci 
habbiamo, sono le lettere di costa, cioe quelle del Malerba, che pur ci ha 
scripte a questi di delle nofclle ; et sovi dire, che le scrive tutte bttone per 
¥ ordinario. £t noi per un poco ogni cosa ci crediamo, tanto habbiamo vog' 
Ha che sieno vere. Ma si convertono pur poi in bozzachini queste susine. 
Nientedimeno quanto posso io per me, mi vo armando di buona speranza, et 
a ogni cosa m'appicco per non irne cosi al primo tratto in fondo. 

Altro non ho che scriyervi. Raccomandomi a V. M. Ex Cafagiolo die 
x8. Decembris 1478. 



N*>LXI. 

Laurenth Medici Florentine. 
ClarLce Ursini. 



N^* LXI. MaGNIFICE CoDJux ec. . lAteado costi la jnoria far daono piu che 
Tusato. Quanto possono e prieghi di vostra donna et figliuoli vi ezorto a do« 
yenri goardare> et anche se possete con riguardo di qui venire a vedere queste 
festc, ci sara coosolatione. El tutto rimetto in vostra prudentia. Harei 
caro non essere in favola del Francho, come fu Luigi Pulci, ne che Messer 
Agnolopossa dire che stara in casa vostra a mio dispetto; et anche Thabbiale 
facto mettere in camera vostra a Fiesole. Sapete vi dissi» che se volevi che 
stessi, ero contentissima, e benche habbia patito, che mi dica miUe villanie, 
se e di vostro consentimento, sono patiente, ma non che Io possa credere* 
Credo bene che Ser Niccolo per voler fare pace con lui, me habbia tanto 
sollecitata. £ fanciulli sono tutti sani, et hanno voglia di vedervi, et mazime 
io, che non ho altro struggimento che questo, habbiavi a star costi a questi 
tempi. Sempre a vol mi raccomando^ In Cafaggiolo 28« Mali 1479. 

Ricordi 



55 

N^LXn. 

Ric^di di Lorenzo. 

A Di 19. di Maggio 1483. vcnnc la nuova, che cl Re di Francia per sc N* LXII. 

medesimo aveva data la Badia di Fonte Dolce a Giovanni nostro. A di 3 1 • 

venne la nuova da Roma ch'el Papa gllel aveva conferitaj et factolo abile a 

tenere benefizj sendo d' anni 7. che lo fece Protonotario. A di i. Giugno 

venne Giovanni nostro a Firenze dal Foggio, et io in sua compagnia ; giunto 

qui fu cresimato da Monsig. nostro d' Arezzo, et datali la tonsura, et fu chia- 

mato Mess. Giovanni. Feronsi le predette cerimonie in cappella di casa. 

La sera poi si tomo al Poggio. A di 8. Giugno detto venne Jacopino cor- 

riere di Francia sulle 12. ore con lettere del Re, che haveva dato a Mess. 

Gio. nostro V Arcivescovado di Hayx in Proven za, et a vespro fu spacciato 

el fante per Roma per questa ragione con lettere del Re di Francia al Papa 

et Card, di Macone, et al Co. Girolamo, che in quest' ora medesima se gll 

sono mandate per il Zenino corriere a FurlL Dio mandi di bene. A di 11. 

tomo el Zenino dal Co. con lettere al Papa et S. Giorgio, et spacciaronsi a 

Roma per la posta di Milano. Dio mandi di bene. In questo di medesimo 

dope messa in cappella di casa si cresimarono tutte le fanciulle di casa et fan- 

ciugli da M. Giovanni in fuori. A di 15. a ore 6. di notte venne lettere da 

Roma, che il Papa faceva diiEcuIta di dare V Arcivescovado a Mess. Giovanni 

per la et^, et subito si spaccio el fante medesimo al Re di Francia. A di ao. 

venne nuova de Lionetto che 1* Arcivescovo non era morto. A di j. Marzo 

1484. mori V Abate di Pasignano, et spacciossi una cavalcata per staffetta a 

Messer Gio. d' Antonio Vespucci Imbasciatore a Roma, che facessi opera 

col Papa della detta Abbadia per Messer Gio. nostro. A di z. se ne prese la 

tenuta col segno della Signoria per vigore della reservatione, che ne aveva 

fatta Papa Sixto a Mess. Giovanni confermata da Innocenzio nella gita di 

Fiero nostro a Roma a dare ubbidienza. 



Ahxandri 



N» LXIIL 

^Uxafidri Braccil^ descripito Horti Laurentii Medicis. 
Ad. CL Eqmtem Venetum Bemardutn Bitnbum, 

N** LXIIL NE mc forte putcs oblitunii Bembe, laboris 

Propositi nuper cum Meliore mihi, 
Decrevi Medicum quaecumque legantur iti horto 

Scribere, quod Melior non queat ille tuus. 
Prodeat in campum nunC| et se carmine jactet, 

Namque mihi validas sentiet esse manus ; 
Cumque viro forti^ cum bellatore tremendo, 

Milite cum strenuo praelia saeva geret ; 
Victorique dabit victus vel terga potenti. 

Me vocitans clarum magnanimumque ducem, 
Vel captiva meos augebit piaeda triumphos, 

Afieret et titulos Crescia palma novos. 
Nunc hortus qui sit Medicum placido accipe vultu^ 

Perlege nunc jussu carmina facta tuo } 
Villa suburbanis felix quern continet anrisj 

Carbgio notum cui bene nomen inest* 
Noa fuit hortorum Celebris tarn gloria quondam 

Hesperidum, jactet fabula plura licet. 
Regis et Alciaoi, fortisque Semiramis horti 

Pensilisy aut Cyrum quem coluisse ferunt, 
<^am nunc est horti Laurentis gloria nostri> 

Incljrta fama, decus, nomina» cultus honor» 
Heic olea est pallensj Bellonae sacra Mincrvae^ 

£t Veneri myrtus, aesculus atque Jovi. 
Heic tua frons est> qua sese Thirintius heros 

Cinzit honoratum^ popule celsa, caput. 
Est etiam platanus Tasds ita consita ramis^ 

niius ut late protegat umbra solum. 
Heic Tiridis semper laurus^ gratissima Phoebo, 

Qua merit! vates tempera docta tegunt. 
Ante Mithridatis quam nondum Roma triumphum . 

Videreti hoc surgit hebanus ampla loco. 



Heic 



57 

Heic pipctf et machirt gariophiloDj assaron^ ochi, N^ LXTTL 

Mellifluens.nardtt]ii, balsama, inyrrha» lothon^ 
Intubus est etianiy therebinthusy ca8ia> oedron^ 

Heic et odoratus nobilis est calamus. 
Tus quoque fert sacrum superis heic terra Sabaeum^ 

Fert cythisom^ clarum laudibus AntiochL 
Est abieS) pinus, buxus, viridisque cupxessus, 

Nascitur heic qaercus» robora^ taeda^ larix. 
Est suber^ est cerrus« fagus, quin carpinus, ilex^ 

Fraxinus> et quidquid silva, nemusque ferunt. 
Sunt ulmi» salicesi durni^ fragilesque genlstae, 

Sambucusque levis, sanguineusque frutex. 
Comus, lentiscus, terrae quoque proxima fraga^ 

Praedulces siliquae^ castaneaequ^ nuces* 
Sunt et quae Romae dederat tua poma Lucullus, 

Cerase, mora rubeos^ acida sorbaj juglans, 
Heic et Avellanae sunt appia mala, pyrumque 

Omnigeaum, ficus^ persica* chrysomila. 
PuQica mala, et cotona, cidoneumque rolemumi 

Turbaque prunon^m vix numeranda subit. 
Viciai panicumque, fabae^ farrago^ lupiaum^ 

Pisay cicery milium, far, triticumqu.e honum) 
Errum, fasellus, lens, sisima, oriza, siligo, 

Tiphae> similago, sunt aliae segetes; 
Quin cucumis, melopepo, cucurbita longa, paparer, 

Al}ia, caepa rubens, porraque cum rapbanis, 
Angurium, coriander, enica, nepeta, etanesum, 

Marubium.triste est, asparagusque simul, 
Serpillum, petroselinum, amarathus, 9>^7^» 

Beta, cicoreum, brassica, menta, ruta. 
Quid dicam varias uvas, dulcesque liqubres. 

Quid mage sunt suaves nectare, melle, sapa ? 
Quid violas referam, celseminos bene olentes. 

Quid niveas memorem purpureasque rosas ? 
Cur te, Bembe, moror ? sunt hoc plantata sub horto, 

Quidquid habent Veneti, Tuscia quidquid habet ; 
Pomorum species hoc omnis firondet in horto, 

Hortus et hie olerum fert genus omne virens* 
VOL. II. 3 H Heic 



N> LXnL Heic floruot poleris cnactortsm snmere otbiest 

Hek si td quaeras, omae legumen erit» 
Haec no8 pauca tibt de mulda scripsioras, at qusm. 

Plura volcsj melius hinaine cuocta leges ; 
Luatrabiaque oculis exccha palatia regum 

Instar, et egrq;ia qnaeque aotanda tuis. 
Nam si concta ireltm perstriagere vcrsUms^. o quam 

Dii&cilt; atque andax aggredeitmur opa8» 



Instruzioni date a Pkro di Lorenzo d^ Medici. 
Nella giiu di Rama m di 26^ £ Novemire 1484; 

N? LXIV. Per Slena avrai solamente tre letfere di ciedenzai una a Messer Paolo di 

Gherardo^ una a Messer Cristofano di Guido, e una a Messef Andrea Pic- 
colomini^ i quali essendo in Siena visiteran a casa loro^ e dale le lettere di 
credenza, mi raccomanderai alle Magnificeaze lofO, iNandb le medesime 
parole quasi a tutti e tre> et in questo efietto ; che andando tu a Roma, vai 
a questi Ambasciatori, et avendo a passar per Siena, ti coMmessi visitassi 
le loro Magnificenze, alle quali avendo io aAszione e rerereiaza, come a' 
padrij ho volufio conoeduno aneor te, e ti coneschioo ia luogo di figliuolo, 
e possinti comandaM in ogni tempo e luogo, come potre'io, perche non al- 
trimenti gli obbedirai, e che pofiendo foro disporre di tutte le fiicdta, stato, e 
figliuoli mia, tale quale tu se', ti presemi loro come lor cosa, e cosi ne dis- 
ponghino ad ogni loro beneplacito* in questi efietti userai le parole tue bene 
accomodate, naturali et nbn forzate, et nom ti euraie di parere a costoro 
troppo dotto, usando termini uniKuii, doici e grari, e coa costoro> e con cias- 
cun altro. 

Avrai la lista n^ alcuni ctttadini Sanesi, i quali avendo tempo, ancora 
visitai, usando le paf de e gli efl^tti sopradetti, et ofierendo me cosi ai tre di 
sopra, come agU akri per la conservazione del loro stato^ per lo quale farei, 
come per lo mio proprio^ massime perche tutta la cittsk nostra generalmente 
e in questa disposiziooe, (^insendomi e raccomandandomi a ciascuno. 

Ne* 



59 

Ne' tempi c luoghi, dove concorreranno gU altri giovani degl' Imbascia^ N^ LXIV« 
tori» portati gravemente, e costumatamente, e con umanita verso gli altri pari 
tuoi, guardandoti di non preceder loro se fossino dt piu €ti di te, poiche per 
esser mio figlluoloi non set pero altrO) cbe cittadino di Firenze, come eono 
ancor loro, ma qoando poi pani a Giovanni di presentatti al Papa separata*- 
mente^ prima informato bene di tutte le cirimonie, che si usano, ti presen- 
teria alia Saa Santita^ et baciau la lettcra mia che avrai di credenza at Papa, 
supplicherai, che si degni leggerla, e quando ti toccheriL poi a parlare» prima 
mi raccomanderai a* piedi di Sua Beatitudine> e diragli^ che io conosco molto 
bene, ch' era obbligo mio personalmente conferirmi a piedi di Sua Beatitu« 
dine, come feci alia Santissima memoria del Predecessore di quellaj ma 
spero in qaella per umanit^ sua mi averil per scusato, perche in quel tempo, 
che andai a Roma, potevo lasciare a casa mio fratello^ oh' era di qualita di 
poter supplife molto bene in mia assenza ; al presente non posso lasciare a 
casa uomo di piik eA autoriti, che sei tu, e per& credo non sarebbe grato a 
Sua Sanciti, che io avessi preso partito di andarvi, ma che in mio luogo ho 
mandato te, non mi parendo di poter fare maggior segno del desiderio che 
avrei d' esser andato in persona. Ho mandato te oltre le altre ragioni, perchi 
tu cominci a buon'hora a conoscer la Sua Beatitudine per Padre e Signore, et 
abbi cagione di continuare in questa devozione ^iik lungo tempo, nelia quale 
nutrisco anco gli altri mia figliuoli, I quali non vorrei avere, quando non 
fossino di questa disposizione* Appresso farai intendere a Sua Santiti, come 
io ho fermo proposito di non mi partir mai dai comandamenti di qnella, per* 
che oltre alt* essermi naturale h devozione della S. Sede Apostolica, a quella 
di Sua Beatitudine mi costringono molte ragioni et obbligationi, che insino 
quando era in minoribus la casa nostra aveva con la persona di quella : oltre 
di questo ho provato quanto danno mi sia stato il non avere avuto grazia coi 
Pontefice passato, sebbene a me pare senza mia colpa aver sopportate molte 
persecuzioni, e piuttosto pet altri mia peccati, che per altra ingiuria o offesa 
fatta alia Sua Santa memorb. Pura lascio questo al giodizio degli altri, e 
sia come si vude, io sto in fermo proposito non solamente non ofiendere in 
alcuna cosa Sua Beatitudine, ma pensare il di e la notte a tutte k cose, che 
stimi potergli esser grate : et cosi facendo spero V allegrezza e contento, che 
ebbi dell' assunzione di Sua Beatitudine al Pontificato, doversi lungo tempo 
conservare in me, supplicando umilmente Sua Beatitudine, che si degni 
d'accettar me, e voi altri mia figliuoli, et ogni altra mia cosa pe;* umili fig<» 
liuoli et servitori suoi, et conservarci nella sua grazia, massime perehe io e 

3H 2 voi 



6o 

N^ LXIV* voi ci sforzeremo con V opere nostre farct ogni di manco indegni ddh grazb 
di Sua Beatitudine. 

Appresso farai intendcre a Sua Santita, che avendogli tu mccomandata 
xnC) ti aforza Tamore di tuo fratcUo raccomandargli ancor Meeacr Giovanni^ 
il quale io ho fatto Prete^ e mi sforzo e di costumi e di Icttere nutrirlo in 
modo, che non abbia da vergognarsi fragli akri. Tutta la speranza mia in 
questa parte e in Sua Beatitudine, la quale avendo cominciato a fargli quaU 
che dimostrazione, per sua umaniti e clemenza} d' amote, e che noi siamo 
nella sua grazia, supplicherai si degni continuare per modo, che aUe altre ob- 
bligazioni della casa nostra verso la Sede Apostolica s'aggiunga questo parti- 
cohre di Messer Giovanni per i benefizj che avra da & Beatitudine^ ingeg* 
nandoti con queste et altre parole raccomandarglielOf e metterglielo in grazia 
piO che tu puoi ; e questo mi pare che basti col Papa. Harai mie lettere dr 
crcdenza per tutti i Cardinally le quali darai o no secondo parra a Giovannis 
In gencre a tutti mi raccomanderai, e dirai come tu se' ito a Roma^ perche 
oltre alia servitu mia^ Loro Rcverendissime Signorie conoschino in chi ha a 
continovare la servitu di casa. nostra* e possinti comandare et usaie, come 
possono tutte 1' altre mie cose, offcrendoti ec. Questo farai con tutti gene- 
ralmente* ma in specie cogl' infrascritti quel piu che diro appresso. c prima. 

Col Cardinale Visconti dirai* che quando mai non fossi Cardinale, la 
casa nostra ha obbligationi antique e natural! con tutta la sua lUustrissima 
casa* e che tu te gli dai a conoscere per mio figliuolo* naturale Sforaesco, e 
vera servitore di Sua Signoria Reverendissima, e con queste Gondizi(Hu ti 
comandi sempre* e domesticamente ti tiatd* et abbi per suo servitore* che 
cosl naacon tutti quegli di casa nostra* 

Col Cardinale d*Aragona dirai che avendo io tutta la mia speransa e fede 
notia Maesti del Re suo padre* il debito tuo, come mio figliuolo e di prcsen- 
tarti a Sua Sig. Reverendissima, e dartegli per scrvitoie ancora per partkolare 
obbligo che abbiamo cod Sua Signoria Rma« e che ta e gli altri mia figfiuoK 
dtre a moitt akri benefiaj ricevuti dalla Maesti del Re^ non dimenticherete 
mai quelle delf onore* che mi fece a Napoli nitimamente* e delP avermene 
rimandato a casa nel modo die fece* e che tu pensi molto bene* che coodizi* 
oni erano quelle di voi altri mia fij^uoli* quando fossi s^uito akro^ c pero 
fcr quest' obbligo ma.V8imamente Sua Rma« Signoria c tutti gli akri 6gliooli 

delta 



6i 

della Maest^ del Re po68ino venderti & impegnartij e fame in effetto come dl N^ LSSV. 
lor cosa. 

Col Cardinale Oraino dirai, ch' io t* ho mandato la, perche vegga come 
k ptante di casa loro provino ne' terreni nostri, e che (rutti ci fanno, e che 
tal qual sono, ne mando le primizie a Saa Signoria Rma. e sebbene tu non 
sei degno figliuolo di casa Orsina^ pure, come tu sei, vuoi essere servitore di 
Sua Signoria Rma* alia quale come a capo dcUa casa ti presentl pronto e dis* 
posto in quel che potrai in tutta la vita tua, a pagar V obbligo, che hai con 
quella indita casa, il quale non pud esser maggiore, avendo tu avuto da quella 
r essercy c per questa medesjma ragione ti par dovere impetrare da Sua Sig- 
noria Rma. come capo ec. e che abbia ad aver cura di te^ e tenerti le man! 
addosso^ perche dell' onore & incarico tuo non ne harebbe per maneo parte 
S. R« S.f che io tuo padre, raccomandogli la Clarice, e tutti gli altri tuoi 
fratelli e sirocchie, ec. 

Con quel Cardinal!, che per qualche capo fossero parenti di casa Orsina, 
come credo sia Savelli, Conti^ e Coionna, userat qualche parola piu domes- 
tica, mostrando che oltre agli altri obblighi, che intendo io avere con loro 
Rme* Signorle, e questb, che Dio ci ha fatto grazia, che siamo parenti delle 
loro indite case, la qual cosa reptttiamo tra' maggiori ornament! della cass 
nostra. A Monsignore nostro 1* Arciirescoro di Firenze mostrerai tutta questa 
istruzione prima che cominci ad esegulrla in alcun luogo $ la quale secondo 
r*eta tua e molto breve, e questo nasce perche ho speranza, che Sua Signo- 
ria suppliri, come meglio informata e piu prudente, certificandola, che* io 
non dico questo per cerimonie, ma pel vero, e per5 fa piii e manco quello 
che ti d!r^ Sua Signoria, come se io proprio te Io dicessi. Ad ogn! modo 
visitera! tutt! que! Signori di casa Orsina che fossero in Roma usando ogni 
riverente cermine, Sc raccomandandom! a Loro Signorie, 8c oflerendoti per 
figliuolo e servitor loro, poiche loro si sono degnati, che no! siamo loro pa- 
rent!, del qual obbltgo tu sei quello, che n' hai la maggior parte per essere 
tanto piu de^namente nato, e pero ti sforzerai giusta tua possa di pagarlo al- 
manco con la volonti. Io ti mando con Giovanni Tornabuoni, il quale in 
ogni cosa hai ad obbedire, ne presumere di far cosa alcuna senza lui, e con 
lUi portandoti modestamente, &:umanamente con ciascuno, e soprattutto con 
gravity, alle qual! cose ti debbi tanto piu sforzare, quanto V eti tua Io com-* 
porta manco. £ poi gli 4>nori e carezze, che ti saranno fatte, ti sarebbon- 
d* un gran pericolo, se tu non ti temper!, e ricordati spesso chi tu sei. Se 

Gugliclmo ' 



i. 



62 

N^ LXIV* Guglielmo o i suoi figUaoIi o oipoti renifsero t verdertif vedigll gratamentet 
con gravita pero e modo, mostrando d' aver compassione dcUe loro condtsioni^ 
e confortandogli a far bene, e sperar bene facendolo. Se paresse a Monsig. 
nostro Arcivescovo, che tu ti trasferim in qualche luogo fuon di Rjoma per 
visitare qualche Signore di casa Orsina, 'puoi farlo, & ubUdire Sua Signoria 
in questa & in ogni altri cosa, come dico di sopra, Ron altrimenti die facesst 
a me proprio. A Guglielmo dirai> che avendogli scritto la Bianca a stanza 
mia e di Bernardo Ruceliai, che vogli compiacergli del Caaonicato di Pisa 
per poter fare certa commutazione a suo propositOi sia contento £arlo» offs- 
rendogli Bernardo massime di salvarlo, e sicurarlo in quel miglior modo che 
sapra chiedere^ stringendolo poi con le parole a questo efietto. 



NO LXV. - 

Ad Arcbangelum Vicentinum Patrem et Concamnicum. 
Quanta or£iu Joannes Medktt CardinalatSu acapit insignia*- 

N? LXV. MaXIMUS annus videri tibi potest, ex quo ad te nil 8cripsi> Pater Archan* 
gele : et me quidem negligentise atque torporis etiam accuso, ut faciltus veni- 
am a te promerear: quam si non dederis, aeque censuram tarn formidoj 
quam amo amicissimam et xqoissimam tuam. Meo tamen ex animo effluere 
nunquam sane potuit, neque ullo tempore poterit sancta et suavissima re- 
cordatio tui, etsi pepercerim calamo tam diu, nulla se mihi offerente Tel occa* 
sione, vel causa scribendi. Verum me dormientem excivit res modo, quam 
(ut puto) tu libenter Archangele sis auditurus : qui non parvam vitae par* 
tem egisti Fesulis, et inclytam Mediceorum familiam excoluisti, illis prope 
Te^naculuSy semperque charissimus. Res plane haec est, ut tibi aliquanto no- 
tescant, qux sunt apud nos acta quo die Joannes Medices, Laurentii magni 
filius, Cardinalatus accepit infignta : cujus rei ordinem, mysteria^ plausus, 
publicam laetitiam, liberalem impensam, lauta ambitiosaque convivia enu* 
merare, atque describere facundissimi Oratoris, vel Historici opus utique sit« 
sed grandiloquo seque Poets res tanta convenerit. Ego ingenue fateor, me 
a tanto facinore vinci, qui etiam si velim, neque rei illustrandse satis possem 
opersBv temporisque navare, sacris quadragesimx sanctae mysteriis in aliud me 
revocantibos. Verum enimvero in breviarum quoddam potiora attamen 
stringam, ne palatum incassum tibi exacuerim* Cum itaque Joannes hie 
Medices quintumdecimum aetatis annum tantum agens Cardinalis decla- 

2 ratus 



^3 

mtus est, turn Potitifex et sacri Patres voluerunt impuberem ilium tanti ordi* N^ LXV« 
nis admtniatratione insignibusque ad triennium usque carere : quo tantisper 
et moribus et doctrinis coalesceret, atque proficeret, et virtute ae sapientia 
macttts, tanto fastigio, tancarumque rerum susceptione dignus evaderct* 
Venit, Deo illum senrante, optatus hie dies, plenitudoque triennii. Suscep- 
turus itaque haec omamenta, qits diximuS) Pallium scilicet, Biretum, ar- 
dentem Pilleumy desponsationis Annulum, pridie quam talibns iniciaretur, ad 
nos post meridiem Fesulas conscendit, parvo suorum admodum comitatu, et 
humili, ac simpiici cultu. Postridie affuit mane Joannes Picus Mirandula 
noster, et Jacobus Salviatus Cardinalis Sororius, ac Simeon Staza notarius : 
cum quibus hora diei circiter sexta di cubiculo egressus sacer adolescens tern* 
plum intravit. Ubi primum in Virginis laudem (Sabbatum enim erat, dies 
Virgin! vetere rcKgione dicatos) ritu eantuque solenni agi coepit ea res sacra, 
quam Tulgo dieimus Missam : in qua cum prius sacrosanctum ego Domini 
corpus sanguinemque libassem, tum ille ante Aram in genua flesus con^ 
communicavit singulari humilitate, et quantum agnosci poterat devota qui- 
dem mente, et erecta semper in Deum. FeraCta re sacra vestimenta mox 
a me quoque sunt benedicta : postea vero sublata manu bullam, breveque 
Pontificis Maximi tenens, illum hunc in modum afiatus equidem sum. 
.Quod tibi ecclesia sanctae Dei patriae, Generique tuo foelix salutareque sit, 
hodie Joannes Medices decursum est triennium Cardinalatui tuo per banc 
bullam, breveque pra&fixum. Legant qoi Tolunt. Setvata sunt omnia : de 
quibus tu Simeon publicam tabellam, testimoniumque conficito. Subinde 
pallio a me indoctus est, ita precante, Indvat tc Deus novum hominem, qui 
secundum Deum creatus est in justicia et sanctstate veritatia. Bketum dent« 
que, Galenim, Annulumque porrexi bis nifsnm com verbis^ H»c siunt 
decora dignitatis sublimis tuse a Sede apostolica tibi tradita atque cenceasa : 
quibus quamdiu vixeris, ad Dei laudem, tqique salutem utinam spmpey 
utare. Quibus ita peractis Hymnum, Veiti creator spiritusy Canoris vocibus . 
ante Aram Fratres cecinere. Postremo quanta» Cardinalis singolns potest^ 
indulgentiam elargitus astantibus, et eandem visitantibua akarc eodem die 
quot annis, rediit nobiscum in domam. Paulo post prandium Petrns fratev 
cum paucis en affuit, delatus sonipede mmt feroeitatis, ac magaitudinis, 
auratis bracteis quaque fulgente* A porta interea Sancti Galli, qua xtur 
Fesulas, tanta eff^asa equitum ac peditum manus, ut plena undique viar nutti 
contra in urbem eunti transitum cederet. Quae omnis multitudo sistcre 
jussa est ad Munionis pontem, nee datum uUt qvndem cis pontem, amnem* 
que transire. At vero rebus caeteris ex constituto dispositis, descendit iUe 

cum 



64 

N^ LXV. cum fratre, trajectoque flumlne ctceptus est medius Inter Fontifices, Pro« 
thonotarioSy alios pnelatos, ac primores urbis cives, et ambitiosissima pompa 
deductus in urbem per viam majoremi quae ad aedes ducit suas. Qui cum 
pervenisset ad Virginis Nuntiatae basilicam, mula descendcns^ ad illius bu« 
iniliter se constravit aram, pro ^e orans voce summissa. Indc ad Dirac 
Liparatx templum profectus pari modo sic est opem gratiamque precatus : 
Denique in lares se recepit quos habitat suos. Ubi ferme tota in unum con- 
specta est civitas ita frequens ut non via modo, sed fenestras et tecta ipsa vix 
caperent prospectantes. In sequentem vero noctem jugis in plateis^ inque 
turribus et pinnis ignes coUucentes illuminarunt jreluti diem, et conclamantium 
vocibus omnifariisque tinnitibus, atque ctepitibus aether semper insonuit, ut 
obliti sint homines somnos hac tanta Isetitia, inspectumque sit quanti faciat 
Reipublicae servatorem et columen gratissima civitas. Haec dixisse extempore 
sit mihi satis : seriem alius copiosius omatiusque -conscripserit. Vale atque 
ora ut iata sint fausta. Fesulis pridie idus Martias* 



N? LXVI. 

Lorenzo if Medici Padre. 

A Messer Giovanni di Medici Card. 

N^ LXVL Mess. Giovanni : Voi sete molto obbligato a Mess. Domenedio, e tutti 
uoi per rispetto vostro, perche oltra a molto beneficj & honori» che ha rice- 
vuti la casa nostra da lui, ha fatto che nella persona vostra veggiamo la mag- 
gior dignit^, che fosse mai in casa $ & ancora che la cosa sia per se grande, le 
circostantie la fanno assai maggiorcj massime per V eta vostra & conditione 
H nostra. Et pero il primo mio ricordo e, cht vi sforziate esser grato a M. 
Domenedio, ricordandovi ad ogn' hora« che non i meriti vostri, prudentia o 
sollecitudine, ma mirabilmente esso Iddio v' ha fatto Cardinale, & da lui lo 
riconosciate, comprobando questa conditione con la vita vostra santa, esem* 
plare & honesta, a che siete tanto piu obbligato per havere voi gia dato qual- 
che opinione nella adolescentia vostra da poterne sperare tali frutti. Saria 
cosa molto vituperosa, & fuor del debito vostro & aspettatione mia, quando 
nel tempo, che gli altri sogliono acquistare piu ragione & miglior forma di 
vita, voi dimenticaste il vostro buono instituto. Bisogna adunque, che vi 
sforziate alleggerire il peso della dignita, che portate, vivendo costumata* 

mentc 



«5 

metite, et perseverando nelli studj convtnientl alia professione rostra. N^LXVL 
JJ anno passato io presi grandissima consolationey intendendo, che senza phd 
alamo ire Io ricordassv, da voi medesimo vi confessaste piu volte et commu« 
picaste; ne credo^ checi^ia miglior via a conservarsi nella gratia di Dio, che 
Io abilxiarsi in sinnK modi^ et petsevcran^i. Qaesto mi pare il pid utile et 
coBveniente ii<iordo che per Io primo vi podso dare. Cono^co che andando 
voi a Roni3| che e sentina di tutti i mali, entrate in maggiot difficuiti di 
faro qaaiitp vi dico di sopra^ perch^ non solamente gli esempj ntnovono, ma 
non yi mancheranno partieolari tncitatori et corruttori, perche» come voi 
potete inteiiddrei la ptoniotione voatra al Cardinalato per F eta vostra, et 
per le altrs; coaditipni 9opr%dette» arreta ^co gramk invidiai et qnclli> cho 
ndn banno potato iaapedire la perfettone di questa vostra dignitai ft ingegne^ 
ranno sottibnente dinlimiirlaj con denigrare i'opinione della vita vostra^ ec 
farvi sdrutciolate in queUa attwt foste* dove eafii sono cadutl^ confidandoei 
tiaolto^ debba lor..tj(uabb« pei! r.ef&vostni. Voi dovete tanto piii c^ond a 
qucste diffi^tlti quanto nel CoUcgio hon( st vode manco virtu : et ip mi ri« 
^ordo p«re hanretife veduto in quel CoUegio budn numero d' huomini dotti e( 
buoni^ e di aaata vitil i perb e meglio segnin questl esempj, perche faeen** 
dolo, saitte tanto ptu conosciitto et 8timato> qnanto< T altni condittoni vi 
distinguerattno dagli akri*- . £' necessario die fuggiatCi qome Sctlla et Ca* 
riddi, ii nome deUa hipocrbia^ ti cpme krmala fama^ etebd fimte tnediocritjk 
sfoieztadovi lA fatto fuggive tutte k lso6e> ohe offimdono in dmibstfazione^ et 
in' cddvers^lione^ noninaatrando ateterirtS) o trt>p(>a ae ^ e iittf ;.- che sono cose, 
le quail col Cempo intend^)riefe et faretc megUo a nna opinione, che non le 
pos^o esprimere* Voi intetd^rete di qoamta importanzz et etempio sia b 
persona d' un Cardin^e, ct-die tutto il montto stacebbe benc^BeiCardinali 
fussino ^ome dQvrebboso esscre ^.'pcrcitedie faf jshbono semhre mi buon Papa/ 
onde naece quasi it riposb di tattr i ClrodatiL Sfofzatjcvi diiaqae d' essere 
tale voif cbe quando gjii altifi SvlwA cost bJli&y se ne potesse aspettare qiiesto 
bene imiversale. Et perdbe non e maggior fatica> che convtnsar bene coa 
diverai huomitii» hi queata parte vi posso mal dar ricordoj se noa che v* ingeg* 
If ate, che la eotivef aatione vdstra con gli Cardsnalx et ahri huomrni di ccodi« 
tione sia caritadva tot tenzti oit^naioiie ; dico mismrando ragiooevdm^Qte, ct 
non eecondo 1' alttul painioney perche moki volendo quello che non si tlee^ 
fanno dtlla ragione itogiuriaf Griustificate adunxpie la conscientia vostra in 
questOj che la CQnV€tMtik>rie vosti^a con ciascund sia senbut offensione ; qdesta 
mi pare la regpla ycoim^ mdkX) a proposito ^oatro^* percfae quando la passione 
VOL. II* 3 1 pur 



66 

N^' LXVI. pur fa qualche bimico^ come si partono quest! tali senza ragione dair amv> 
citUi cosi qualche volta tornano facUmente. Credo per questa prima andata 
vostra a Roma sia bene adoperare piu gli orecchi che la lingua. Hog^mai 
io vi ho dato del tutto a M. Domenedio, et a S. (phiesa $ onde e necessario, 
che diventiate un buono Ecclesiasttco, et facciate ben capace ciascuno, che 
amate V onore et scato di S. Chiesa> et della Sede ApostoUca innanzi a tutte le 
cose del mopdoi posponendo a questo ogni altro rispetto ; ne vi mancherl 
modo con questo riservo d' ajutare la citt^ et la casa ; perche per questa cittil 
fa r unione della Chiesa, et voi dovete in cio essere buona catena, et la casa 
ne va coUa citta. £t benche non si possono vedere gli accident! che verranno^ 
cosi in general credo, che non ci habbiano a mancare modi di salvare, coimc 
si dice^ la capra e i cavoli, tenendo fermo il yostro prune presttppostOy che 
anteponiate la Chiesa ad ogni altra cosa. Voi siete il piu giovane Cardinale 
non solo del Cbllegio, ma che fusse mai fatto infino a qui ; et pero e neces* 
sarioy che doTC havete a concorrere con gli.altri, siate il piu sollecito, il piu 
humile, senza farvi aspettare o in Cappella o'in Concistovo o in Deputazione. 
Voi conoscerete presto gli piu e gU meno accostumati. Con gli meno sr 
vuol fuggire la conversatione molto intrinseca, non sobmente per lo fatto in 
sej ma per T opinione^ a largo conversare con ciascheduno* NcUe pompe 
vostre lodero piu presto stare di quik dal modfcrato che di H ^ et piu presto 
forrei bella stalla et famiglia ordinata et polits^ cbe ricca^et pomposa. In-^ 
gegoatevi di Yivere accostumatamente^ ridueendo a poco a poco le cose al ter- 
mine, che per. essere hora la famiglia et ii padron nuo¥6 non si pud. Gioje 
e seta in poche cose stanno bene a pari vostri. Piu presto qualche gentilezz» 
di cose antiche et belli libri^ et pdu presto famiglia accostomata et dotta che* 
grande* Convitar piu spesso che andare a oonviti, ne pero superfluamente. 
Usate per la persona vostra dbi grossi, et fate asiai esercitio $ perche in co«. 
testi panni si ?iene presto in qualche infermitaj chi non ci ha cura. Lo stato 
del Cardinale i non^manco. sicuro che grande ; onde aasc^ che gli huomoni si 
£uino negHgenti> parendo loro haver conseguito assai, et poterla mantenere 
con poca fatica^ et questo nuoce spesso et alia conditione et alia vita, alia quale 
' e necessario che abbbte grande awertenza ; et piu presto pendiate ael fidarvi 
POCO9 che troppo, Una regola sopra 1' altre vi confovto ad usare con tiitta la 
sollecitudine vostra j et questa e di levarvi ogni mattina di buona hora, per- 
ch^ oltra al conferir molto alia sanitii, si pensa et espedisce tutte le faccende* 
del giomo^ et al grado che havete, havendo a dir V ufficio, stbdiare, dare 
andientia ec* ve '1 trovarete molto tttile. Un' altra cosa.ancora e somma^ 

mente- 



67 

m«nte neeeesaria a un pari rostro, cioe penftare sempre, et massime in questi N? LXVL 
principii, la sera dinanziy tutta quello che havete da fare il giomo seguente, 
afcciocehd non vi venga cosa akuna immeditata. •Quanto al patkr vostro in 
Concistorioj credo sarsi piu eostumatezza^ et piu laudabil modo in tutte le oc- 
eorremei che vi si proporranno^ riferirsi alia Santiti di N. S, causando, che 
per essere vol giovane, et di poca esperientia, sia piu ufficio vostro nmettervt alia 
S. S« et al sapientitoimo gtuditio da quella. Ragionevolmente voi sarete 
richiesto di.par|afe et intercedere appresso a N* S, per molte specialiti. In* 
gegnateyi in questi pfincipj dt rtcfaiedcrlo manco potete, et dargliene poca 
molestia, che di sua natura il t^ipa e piu grato a chi' maaco gli spezza git 
tireechi. i^esta parte mi pare da osservare per non lo infastidire; et cost 
f andaftgli innainzi con cose piacevoli, o pur quando accadease, richiederlo con 
hiimilta et modestia doverl sodisfargli piu| et esscr piu secoado la naturasua. 
State sano : di Fivenze. 



N* LXVH. 
LauretUio di Midicis FhrentU. 
Servitor St'epbanus. Fair. v. it. p. 296. 

* 

MaGNIFICO Lorenzo. Per un* altra mia scrittavi hicrscra la M.V. N«LXVn. 
hara inteso V ordine si tenne hierinattina qui all' entrare di Madonna Du« 
chessa. Per questa vi ho da significare come questa mattina 81 e fatto el spon- 
salitio^ et udito la Messa.del congiunto nel Duomo ; estato una bellissidia 
et dignlssima cerimonia, come qui appresso intendera la M. V. In. prima 
sifece codunare tutta la Corte et gentilhuomini in Castello. Dipoi alle 15, 
hore il Sig. Duca, il Sig. Messer Lodovico^ et tutti li altri Baroni et Signori 
ci 8ono» andarono a levare Madonna Duchessa di camera et ognuho inonto 
subito a cavallo, et inviatosi fuori di Castello a coppia, all* ultima porta era' 
uno baldach^io di damascbino bianco con T^trma del Sig. el quale fu por- 
tato da circa. 40. dottori, tutti vestitl di raso chermisi et scarlatto con certi. 
letitii al coUo^ et la berretta era madesimamente comma piega di letitii. II 
Sig* Duca, et la Exc. dl Madonna entrorno sotto detto baldachino, et cosi ne 
andorno di coppia insino al Duomo. Giunti la, si canto la Messa co' cantori 

31a del 



68 

N^ LXVIL del Sig. ) et il Veacovo di Vmem b diM^. Ftftil^ clie fv^ U Ve$covo SaaaoTC* 

lino fcce le parole molto acconodauinciilc. Dipoi it Sig. decte b; andlo aUt 
£xc. di Madonna* Fatte che; furona Ittttie qui^^ co9a b lUi«o^ .Sig» Dim 
icce Cavaliert il nostto Fiero AUamanni^ et il Magoifi^ Alcaa. Bartfilwi«Beo 
Calcho : a Piero donid una ve$ta di broc<;a^o, a oyq ricca ct b^a quapto dii: si 
possa* et la acto e stato molto honotevole. M^saer Galeazao ct U Conle di 
Cajaza U me^aero It spcroni ct cinscro la apada* Dipcd tutta la bsigata> mpot^ 
a cavaUoy et ritornoQ8i aCastelio com graadisaimafestati tiionpliQ^ et seconda 
il computo fattQ d^ cbi era presente vi ai txoTo de^ cavalU 500. In prima y% 
fn annoverato 35 xegole tra Fratt e Pcetit che aadamno. annamBi a tutta U 
eorte inq^mo al Duomo. 6q> Cavalieri tutti veatiti di hioccato a oro. con b 
(Bollane. 50 donne, zi yestite di broccatp a ooro con perb, gkje ct collaoQ 
asaai- tfa trombctiti> t2. piiferi^ Da dtteUo al Duomo sone i290« paaai» 
che di sopra era coperto di panni bianchi, et le mura da ogiii.baoda copei$e di 
tapezerie et con festoni di ginepro et mele arancie^i^che mai vedcsti la piu 
bella cosa. Di poi tutti li uaci et fiaeatre esano piene di fanciuUe et donne 
vestite ricchissimamente, et per obviare al tumulto del popolo tutti e canti 
della strade, che mettevano in qu.eata prindpale, dove s'andava, erano sbar* 
rati, et alia guardia di ogni canto erano da diect in dodici provisionati. In 
sulla piazza del Duomo stetter del conttnuo too. atradiotti et balestrieri a ca- 
Yallo : ogni cosa e ita molto ordinajta^ente in modo 9on i nato uno minimo 
scandalo, che e non piccola maraviglia per la gfande et innumerabile multi* 
tiy4ine# che e in ^ue9ta citt^. £* verq qhe circa 1' arme si q mdXP eztrema 
dil^ntia per farle porre ^ivi a ogni persona dailli nostri in fuori^ che sempre; 

I'hahrip portate.per tutto. 

« , . . . • . 

La Exc. dd Duca havea in dosso una vesta di hroccatb a oro col riccio 
t^nto ricca ct bella quantp dire si possa j; nell^ bersetta havea una punta di 
diaman^^ con urva peria grossa piu che una noc^iuola tonda di grai^dissimOf 
valors ; al petto.ha,vea uno. pendente, con uno b^as$Oy et di 30]^ra uno di* 
anpiante^ qo^a verapiente. excellenussima^ 

• * 

La Exc. di Madonna Duchessa era. ancora lei vesti^a di broccatp. et 
lytvea certa ghirlanda di perle in capo coq certe gioje molto! belle, et cosi vi, 
era. naolte altre donne, vestite ricchissimamente ; non scrivo el nome; loro 
per npn 1q sapere* 

Messer 



^9 

Messer Annibale havea una vetfta di broccato a oro divisa con certe liste N^ LXVII. 
di velluto neroj ct nella rimboccatura dinanzi al petto yi era un* aquila di 
perk che stara gentUmentc, ma non era molto ricca, piuttosto si potera 
chtamare polita* U Sig. LodoTico et il Sig. Galeotto, et il Sig. Ridolfi» 
con ttttti ^esti altri Sfbrzeschi erano etiam vestiti di broccato, et i piu si ac* 
covdano ci sia stato de Tcstire da 3po. in su, tra di argento et di oro. Di 
velluto et raso noa vi dico nulla^ percbe insino a chuocfai ne erano 
vestiti. 

La vesta del nostro Piero col broncone e snta tenuta cosa admiranda, et 
secondo il judicio mio ha abbattato ogni altra. Hoggi questi Signori hanno 
mandato per epsa, et V banno voluta vedeiei et molto bene examinare, et in 
efietto ognano ne sta maravigliato. lo cognosco havere scripto confaso et 
senza ordine : a bocca poi, piacendo a Qioy suppliremo piu diffusamente et 
con maggiore otio, che non posso fare al presente per havere a cavalcare a 
Corte con Piero. Altro*non mi occonre. Raecomandomi sempre alia Mag* 
nificenza vostra* Mediolani die a.Februarii 1488. 



N^LX^nii. 



Angelus Politianus Lauretttio Medici Patrono Suo i, 

S AFIENTER ut cetera Laurent! facis : qui sanctos istos eztremae quadra- j^o 
gesimae dies consumere in Agnano tuo malueris, quam Florenciae. Quis LXVIIL 
enim tutior portus, in quern de tantia occupationum fluctibiis enateSi quam 
tyrrheni litoris amcenissimus iste sinus atque secessus : ubi quasi quoddam 
naturae certamen sit, et gratix. Sed ego quoque, imitatus ezenqdum, ceur 
fugitivus urbis, assiduus in f esulano fuij cum Pico Mirandula meo, Cce- 
nobiumque illud ambo regularium Canonicorum frequentavimuSf avi tui 
sumptibus eztructum, Quln Abbas in eo Matthseus Bossus, Veronensts> ho- 
mo Sanctis moribusj integerrimaque vita> scd et litteria politionbus mire 
cultus, ita nos humanitate sua quadam tenuity et suavitate sermonis^ ut ab eo 
digressi mox^ Ego et Picus,, soli propemodum relied (quod antea fere non 
accidebat). nee esse alter akeri jam satis videiemur» Hoc iUe axbitsor sen* 

. 2 tiens 



70 

N^ tiens Dialogum nobis a se compoutum de salutaribus animi gaudiis obtnlit, 
LXVIIL quasi vicarium, cujus materia stilusque nos ita cepit> ut quam dia quidem 
kgebamus^ facile auctoris pnesentia careremus. Eum igitur ego Diatogum 
mitto ad te quoque Laurenti, quern subter pineta ista legas, ad aquae caput. 
Delectaberis arbitrof argumento> 8en$ibu8» indole, nitore, varietate, copia ; 
nee in eo tamen domesticas quoque laudes desiderabis. Ac si tuis hue etiam 
"^ accesserit calculus, dabitur opera protinus, nt in multa liber etemplaria 
Jtransfundatur. Vale. 



No LXIX. 

Matthai Bosri ad Laur. Medicem. 
De iransmissQ Dialogc^ Epist. 

N^ LXIX. IDE quo Politianus noster scripsit ad te inclyte MediceSj Dialogus noster 
impressus est quern ego edidi quo annoCosmus Patemus tuus Avus ad superna 
sublatus terris excessit. Inde ille ad hxc tempora usque obscurus jacuit, et 
nisi religiosis hominibus nostris ulli vix cognitus. Refrixerat nam me calor 
ille et primus amor> qui quemque afficit ut sua initia praematurosque labores 
amet etiam immodice, cum is interea ita dimissus sua veluti «ponte se toUens 

' perfugit in sinum lo. Pici Mirandulae^ et ejus PoUtiani quern dixi, qui prae- 

clarum sibi ocium et a frequenti turba recessum nostro sacro in Fesulano 
saepe captabant : Viri ambo admirandx doctrinae atque rirtutis, et studiosis* 
siml splendoris et magnitudinis tuae, quinetiam neque mihi non dediti; 
qui opus complexi hospitioque dignati non antea destiterunt et curare et 
agere, quam uno ex stipite sexcenti vel surculi ducti ; quorum unus impri- 
mis tibi Laurenti destinandus fuit faustiore tanquam auspicio. Cujus frons 
hilaris sublandietur primum forsitan tibi cum titulum audies De veris et sa- 
lutaribus animi gaudiis. Deinde cum rimari perexeris corpus et membra 
deprehendes ubi solidae inanisque laetitiae fines sint positi $ Teque ipsum adhuc 
peregrinantem a caelo interque vitae mortalis erumnas fluitantem ut puto, 
solabere recte; factorum et fcelicissimi ac sempitemi aeyi praegustata laetitia, 
81 tamen res tanta a me potuit perpoliri satis ac illustrari. In quo neque mo- 
destissimi et pii animi tui censuram vereor quem sincera albaque Veritas delec- 
lare magis quidem solet^ quam fucus et falera. Ex his itaque ilium quem * 

tibi 



71 

tibi transmitdmua lautias cultum gradoremque mdole non dedignabere N^ LXIX* 
Laureatt suscipere ; cut bic ludus est^ et Avitas et propriu8> ut magna lar- 
giri ; sic nee panra oblata contemnere*. Regum profecto opus, si non Dei 
magis, cui tuenti moderantique omnia, ut sane possunt, debent reges et am* 
plissimi viri esse persimiles^^ Vale laetus Deo ac patrix vive* 



Petrus Bonus Avogarius Artium Medicimt Doctor » . 
Luurentio Medici Florentia. 

IviAGNIFICE ac potent domine, domine^mi singurarlssime salutem perpetu- ^o ^XX. 
am, &c« lo ho receputp una lettera di V, M. dal Magnifico Messer Aldovran- 
dino Oratore del Duca di Ferrara, et ho inteso quanto me scrive V. Exc* 
sopra el £acto del remedio desidera havere perfecto in doloribus juncturarum, 
particularizzando la cosa, quando e come, &c. Dico, che primo et ante om« 
nia V. M. deve fare qualche purgatione innanti la primavera, cioe innanti 
sia mezzo Marzo, et poi se quella sentisse qualche movimento di doglia, se 
unza eon quella unzione facta segondo el modo chio scripsi a Mes. Al- 
dovrandino, el quale a V. M. appresente la ricepta ; facto questo cessera la 
doja, quando venisse, et non vegnendo, puote aliquando pigliare qualche 
medicina che purgasse la materia peccante. La medicina mia si e uno con- 
fecto facto in forma solida descriptione mesne, che si chiama ellescof^ et bi- 
sogna- jMgliarne mezza onza alia volta la mattina nel levare del sole, et fare 
cussi una volta el mexe, maxime quando V. Ex. sentisse qualche doglia. 
Per fare autem, che non ritorpi, bisogna havere una preda, che si chiama 
elitropia^ e ligarla in anello di oro in modo, che tucchi la came, e bisogna 
portare nel dito anuhre della man stanca ; fazendo questo non retorneri mai' 
la doglia arctetica> o podagrica, perche ha proprietate occulta et a forma speci- 
fied, strenze li humori non yadmo aUe zonture ; ego autem hoc expertus sum 
in me. • Et enlm divina- res et miraculosa. Post hoc interim retro varo in 
questa est^ del mese de Agosto el celidonio, che ^ una preda rossa, che nasce 
nel ventre della rondana, e mandarollo a V. M. che el lighera in panno di 
lino, et cuseralo sotto la sena stancha al ziponci che tucchi la camisa, et 

bxL 



7« 

N^ XJCS. fara simile operatione c6me fa la preda dttropia antedlcta, et cussi, Deo 
Duce, V. M. sari libera e sieura da ogni dolore de zonture. In questo 
proposito Messer Aldovrandino etiam parleri^ cum V. M. ct informera 
quella ad plenum. Azo che V. Ezc. intenda de cose molte future, li man* 
do el juditio mio dell' anno 1488. ligato cum la preeente, et arecomandome 
mille volte alia £xc. V. la quale Dio conservi in stato felicissimo. Ex 
Ferrara die ii. Febr. 1488. 



N^'LXXI. 

Laurerrih di Medicir, 
Ludovicus ft Chechus Ursius. 

N^ LXXI. M AGNIFICO et colendissimo Laurentio nostro ; siamo certi che la M. V. 
prima che ora sar^ stato advisato della morle di questo iniquo et male* 
detto^ non voglto dire N. S* che non meritava essere* Ma per satlsfare in 
parte al debito nostro» benche prima non se sia possutOf cie parso, considerato 
la temeraria sua presuntlone et bestialitk^ che habbi havuto tanto ardire, che 
se sia voluto inbrattare nel sangue di quella Magnifica et Excelsa Casa vos* 
tra^ sigai6carli la crudcle morte, che li habbiamo fatto fare, et meritamente* 
X^a M. V. sappia come questo tirazmo ultra la famiglia sua di casa tenea centa 
provisionati. Iddio ci ha inspirati in modo» che non extimando periculo aU 
cuno^ quantunche li fosse grandissimoa ct cie siamo mossi cum una firmissi* 
ma deliberatione o de non tomare a casa^ o Tcramente d' eseguire qoanto hab- 
biamo factoi che considerando la grandisuma guardia^ che questo iniquo tenea» 
ct non essere stato noi piu che 9* persone ad fare questo eflfecto, lo accusamo 
piuttosto ad una cosa divina che humana, como puo conjecturare la M. V* 
die exceptandone epso maledetto, et uno baricello di sua natura, non u e 
sparso pure una goccia di sangue ; cosa da pon credere. Questa Comuoita 
non ae poteria ritro?are de migUor voglia, et non poteria essere raeglio unita 
insieme de quello e. HabbianM) voluto significare tutte queste cose alia M« V. 
perch^ quella grandemente e stata ofiesa^ et siamo certi ne havera singular 
piacere. Nut non poteressimo mai sigmEcare a quella li soi portamenti, m» 
per dedanurne in parte^ sappia come noa sobmente non.amava li soLcittadini^ 

ma 



73 

ina nbn facev^i ezstima ne di Dio ne de* Santi : era bevitore del sangue de' N^ LXXI. 

poverominiy non attendeva mai promessa alcuna, finalmente non se amava 

che se medesimo. Avea conducto questa terra in una extrema necessitii et 

in modo che appena ci restava el fiato. Tandem e piaciuto all' Omnipotente 

Iddio liberare questo nostro populo di mano di questo Nerone, et quello che 

volea fare a nui altri, Iddio ce lo ha prima facto fare sopra il capo suoj che non 

J>oteYa fiik sastinere tante insidie et malignita, quanto in epso regnava. Li 

soi mali portamenti, et per amore della M» V. della qujile siamo servitori, et 

per ii bene della Repubblica, et per il nostro proprio interesse^ habbiamo facto 

questOf che habbiamo liberato questo nostro populo dallo inferno. Per* 

tanto preghiamo la M. V» che in questo nostro bisogno ci voglia prestare 

quello adjuto et faTore^' che speramo nella M. V. cum consiliarse quanto 

habbiamo ad fare in questo nostro bisogno,' ofierendoce alia M. V. per 

quanto vagliamo ad ogni suo beneplacito> farli cosa grata. Ricomendiamo 

di continuo a quella, quae bene valeat. 

Et ad do che in tutto quella resti satisfacta V advisiamo como di questa' 
maledetta stirpe non se ne troyera mai piu radice. Et del facto delle rocche 
speramo che per tutto el di de oggi haverae una, et F altra assediarli in 
modo, che per forza bisogneraL, che pigli partito. Ex Forlivio die 19. Aprilis 
1488. 



N^ LXXII. 

Magistro Francisco de Pistorio Ordinis Minorunu 

Poggius Florentinus. 

VENERABILIS Pater. Pridem habui literas a te ex Chio dupHcatas. N^LXXIL 

Ante habueram alias, quibus respond!, et item scripsi ad prsestantissimum 

virum Andream Justinianum; quas literas misi Cajetam, et inde relatum 

est, literas ad te missas per quandam navem Januensium. Eas existimo 

quamprimum ad te delatum iri. In prioribus literis, ut primum rescribam 

ad ea, quse mihi cordi admodum sunt, scribis te habere nomine meo, hoc 

est, qu8s te ad me delaturum polliceris, tria capita marmorea eximii opens, 

unum Minervae, akerum. Junonis, tertium Bacchi. Itaque scias me, re* 

ceptis literis, magno gaudio afiectum. Delector enim supra modum his 

aculpturis : adeo ut curious eanim did possim. Movet mt ingenium arti- 

VOL. II. 3 K ficis, 



74 

N^ LXXIL fi^i cum videam n^iurao ip6i«s vires tepraBemarl in msirmore. Nunc v«f» 

scribia te habere caput Phoebi, et addi$ ad ejus excellentiam Virgilii versttm» 

Miros iucent de marmore vultus. 

Nihil potes mihi facere acceptius, mi Francisce» quam si similibus sculpturig 
ad me onustus redieris : in quo meo animo morQm geres, satisfaciesque quam^ 
plurimum. Multi variis morbis laborantj hie prs^cipue me tenet» ut nimiuoa 
forsan, et ultra quam sit doqto viro satis* Admiror hsec marinora ab ogr^ 
giis artldcibiis sculpta % liqet eniqi natura ipsa excellentior sit iia» que iastai 
ejus fiunt \ tamen cogor admirari artem ejus, qui in re muta ipsam exprimit 
animantem, ita Ht nil prater spiritum perssepe abes^e videatur. Itaqite in 
hoc maxime incumbas* oroi ut qoUigas, ac corradas undequaque, Tcd precis 
bus, vel pretio quicquid ejusmodi magnum putes \ si quod vero signum inte* 
grum posses reperire, quod tecum aflPerreS) triumpharem certe. Ad hoc ad^ 
voca consilium Andrex nostri, cui etiam hac de re scribo : qui si mihi adiquid 
de suis miserity bene fceneratum feret : id certe re ipsa experietur, se com- 
placttisse homini minime ingrato. Satis&ciam saltem Uteris beneficio suo, 
eumque cekbrem reddam apud multos pro sua, si qua erit, in me beneficen* 
tia. Nam, quod centum ferme statuas integras scripsisti repertas fuisae 
Chii, in antro quodam, me diutius suspensum tenuisti varia cogitaatem^ 
quid sibi tot statuarum in eo loco voluei;it congregatio. Cupiebam certe 
ilas mihi dari, ut quantocius maria possem tiajicere, ad ea signa inspicienda. 
Quid id sit, exquiras perdiligenter, et nihil omittas, quin his rebus suflFiiltua 
venias, confidasque Poggium tuum pro hoc tuo labore diligentiaque tibi cu- 
mulate satisfacturum. Quod tamdiu fueris Chii, culparem, nisi capita ilhi 
pro te causam egissent. Sed c^timum consilium videtur, quod conferas te 
e6, unde frequentiores Alexandriam navigant. Unum te oro, ut in reditu 
naviges tuto mari, et navi tuta. De capitibus, quod scribis, gratum est; 
sed omnia mihi devota et concessa existimabo. Cum aspexero imagines 
illas, quae mihi rebus caeteris, te excepto, erunt jucundiores, Pontifict, cum- 
tempus se dabit, dicam quae videbuntur aptiora ad hanc moram excusandunu 
Sed, ut dicere solebat Cato, Satis citiy si satis bem. Dixi Cypriano contri* 
buli tuo, te bene valere, idem ut tuis significet roga^s, quod se facturum 
recepit, cum primum scribet ad suos. Sed tamen scias Pistorii permagnam 
fuisse pestem praeterita acsute. Qupniam scio te non esse pccuniosum^ 
quicquid dandum esset pro his, et aliis capitibus, aut signis, pro adimplendo 
memoriali meo, sumas alicunde mutuo sub fide mea \ nam praesto tibi eront 
in reditu tuo i quanquam cogam quemdam Januensem, ut scribat istic An* 
4reolQ nostro, aut altorij ut ^i vel xx. vel xxx. aureos nomine meo tr^dat^ 

si 



75 

A tibi ftt^t opus pro emendis scttlptufis. Hob sane pro libico ; ntm tibi N^ LXXII, 
pnesto erunty quemadmodttm pollicitiis est. Vale, et me Andreolo nostro 
€omineiida. Rooue. 



N?LXXra. 



Poggius Florentinusy SujfretOf Rhcdi commoranti. 

ViR insignb) cxistimo te fortassif miraturum, me hominem ignotum tibi i^o 

longoque a terrarum tractu disjunctum audere te aliquid rogare, ac si tibi LXXIII. 
magna consuetudine conjunctus cssem. Sed cum videam te cisdem rebus 
delectari quas ego summo studio perquiro, scio te mihi veniam daturum) si 
diligentiam tuam fuero imitatuS) ut qux tu omni cura investigas^ mihi quo* 
que summe sentias placere. Dedi olim in mandatis cgregio viri fratri 
Francisco Pistoriensi^ magistro in theologia, ad partes Graecis proficiscenti 
Ut diligentur inquireret^ si quid signorum reperire posset, quae ad me defer- 
ret* Delector enim admodum picturis & sculpturis in memoriam priscorum 
excellentium virorum, quorum ingenium atque artem admirari cogor, cum 
rem mutam atque inanem veluti spirantem ac loquentem reddunt* In qui- 
bus persaepe etiam passtones animi ita representant, ut quod neque laetari| 
neque dolere potest, simile tristanti ac ridenti conspicias* Scripsit mihi nu^ 
per Franciscus magnam copiam horum signorum te congregasse, et ilia prx* 
cipue qux fuerunt Garsixi quorum et aliqua mihi descripsit. Hoc idem as* 
severabat modo mihi Petrus Laviola, tbesaurarius religionis, vir mihi ami- 
cissimus. Quo cum de hujusmodt signis agerem percunctaremque, quomodo 
aliquid ex tuis habere possem, dixit mihi evestigio, ut ad te scribcrem, 
aliquidque postularem, te virum doctissimum esse atque humanissimum, 
ideoque mihi qux peterem non negaturum, Credidi equidem te talem esse, 
Neque enim ejusmodi signa extimantur, nisi a Tiris excellenti ingenio et 
doctrina eleganti, et prxscrtim dedito studiis humanitatis* Sed quo doctior 
et liberalior, eo prudentior esse debeo in poscendo. Urget me cupiditas ad . 
petcndumi pudor tepide et remisse cogit rogare. Itaque tantum a te petam, 
quantum patitur bumanitas ac liberalitas tua. Gratissimum mihi erit et 
prx casteris acceptutai st quid signorum qux babes egregiorum, qux quidem 
multa esse dicuntur, et Tarii generis, mihi impertitus fueris. CoUocabis 

3 K 2 munus 



76 

N^ muDus apud homuieipi ncm ingritumi $ed qui agere gtratiaa et reddere parat^ia. 
LXXUI. aity cum tempus. dederit facultatem, Franciscus. cecum super bujusmodi ve 
loquetur, rogabitque nomine meo, qui et ipse majorem in modum rogOf 
ut aliquid mihi concedere velisj aut precibus, aut precio, meque hoc bene« 
ficio devincere, quod non frustra in me confere$. Dulce est, inquit Cicero, 
oflicium serere, beneficium ut possis metere. Sed nolo multis precibua 
tecum agere, ne videar dif&dere tuae liberalitati. Romx* 



N«> LXXIV. 



Poggius Florentinus viro insigni Andreolo Justimatw* 

N^ NON respondi antea Uteris tuis, neque tibi gratias egi pro muneribus quae 

^-^^oSiy. 2id me misisti, propterea quod Franciscus Pistoriensis qui ea detulit, adea 

6uis mendaciis, qux plura sunt verbis, mihi stomachum commovit, ut non 

possem quieto esse animo ad respondendum, prxsertini cum dc eo mihi 

scribendum esset, qui: longe abest a boni viri moribus, qualem eum esse 

existimabanu Itaque compressi calamum quoad refrigesceret indignatio 

, qnain erga eum concepi. Sed ne nunc quidem continere manum potui^ 

quin paufum querar levitatem hominis (ut verbis levioribus utar) ac vani- 

tatem. Nam cum is olim in primo suo ad Graeciam accessu, multa mihr 

scripsisset, maria ut aiunt et montes pollicitus, cum signa plura ad me se 

ddaturum promisisset tua, suaque pariter opera - ad inventa, non sohinr 

postea non attulit ad me, qus totiens suis literis prsedicaret quanrunque tu- 

ei tradideras mihi deferenda, sed cum Sufiretus quidam Rhodius ei consig- 

nasset tria capita marmorea, et signum integrum duorum fere cubitorum^ 

quse Franciscus se ad me allaturum promisit, capita quaedam dedit, signo 

autem me fraudavit, asserens id sibi infirmo corpore e navi esse sublatunu 

In quo ut conjicio, manifeste mentitus fuit. Non enim marmoris sculpti 

Cathalanr cupidi sunt, sed auri, & servorum quibus ad remigium utantun 

Capita vero ilia qux mihi tradi volebas, non Cathalani vi aut ferro Mibripu- 

erunt, sed Florentiam sunt comportata, quae iUe quibus voluic donaviti 

Quae cum ego moleste fenem, tamen promissionibus suis credens, cum in 

Graeciam rediturus esset, cupiebam enim praesenfeem injuriam future bene- 

ficio compeasari, nihil de ea re ad te scripsi. Adde quod cum ilk secum 

dctttlisset 



77 

detuHssdt quxdam capita impressa in cera, aptissima ad obsignandum Ilteras> N^ 
idque se tuo mandato fedsse testaretur^ at aliquod elicerem quod ad me LXXIV. 
destinare cupiebas, non modo signum non attuliti cum ilium multis ad id 
verbis hoitatus essem, sed alia insuper promissione elusit* Primse literae 
quas ad me scripsisti, capite . quodam satis venusto erant obsignatae, quod 
iUe nomine tuo mihi promisit, cum iile nunc in adventu suo (novissimx 
enim literae alio capite signatx erant) nihil secum tulisset* Dixit item te 
secundum signum mihi si id cuperem traditurum, quod idem etiam alteri 
promisit. Capita vero quse ad me per eum misistl, curavit ut G>smo tra^- 
derentuT]! mihi simulansi se segce ferre quod in manus alterius devenissent. 
Cosmo vero qui hie est, dixit se illi gratias agere quod ilia accipere digna« 
tus esset, et simul illi quoque signum quo epistolam obsignasti, quod est 
Trajani capu^, se.daturum operam dixit ut sibi traderetun Itaque, vides 
quanta hpminis hujus sit fallacia, quanta verbositas, quanta verborum ofii- 
^ina. Scio e^o^ njeque hoc exprobandi causa dico, qpantum mihi Fran* 
ciscus de\>eat. Scio quae mea fuerint in ilium ofEcia, taceo benevolentiam, 
charitatem, amorem, q^o ilium ut viruuL bonum complectabar, ut paulum 
i^ta absterrerq heminem debuissent, ne me totiens fallendo deciperet. At 
tllum npn solum prions, errati non poenituit, sed illud majpre firaude cumu-- 
lavit. Reddidit tamei\ numisma aureum, cultellos, et item munuscula 
que precbrissima foemina uxor tua, ad meam. uxorem destinavit, qux fue« 
runt amhobus gratissima. Pro his ago tibi Uteris gratias^ quando quidem 
re ipsa non possum. Dona tua Pontifici me intermedio sunt reddita, quae 
illc grata animo- cepit. Dispensationcm pro filia tua nubenda ego solus 
procuravl fecique ut satiafacerem aliqua ex parte meritis in me tuis, pro ea 
vero nihil expensum est. Reliquorom vero quae quaerebas, curam Francis^^ 
eo^ reliqui, ut ea procuret apud eos quoa pluris quam me fecit. Sed nisi 
cito deficiam, reddam ei beneficium ccmiulatum. Haec quae scripsi vera esse ♦ 

aicut Evaagelium puta, nulla, in. re. mentior>. scripta sunt ex ipsiua ore veri- 
tatis. Si qua deinceps a me velisj aut si quid amplius ad me mittere vo* 
kieris^ nulla in re utaris opera, aut intercessione Francisci, qui- enim* prae-* 
sentem decipcre non est veritu9, multo audadua fraudare absentem non for- 
midabit. Sum teciun de eo pro suis operibua parcissime locutua* Haec ad' 
te scripsi- maau festina* Saluta laetissimam- mulierem uxorem tuam^ et si* 
mul filiam, meis> ut uxoris meae verbisw Ego mi Andreole tuus sum. Vel- 
km tecum aliquid rerum mearumparticipare, sed cui- tradam nescio. Scri^* 
bas mihi ad quem Januae-eamittere posaim, qui ilia curet ad- te deferenda« 
Vale,.et me ama. Vellem ego aignum aliquod aptum ad signaaduntliteras, si 

quodi 



7«J 

N^ quod habes superfluum usui tuot quod quidem egregium sit rogo per aimci<» 
LXXIV. tiam nostram^ ut ullum mihi ehrgiri digneris^ aliqua in re alia munus re-i 
cognoscam. Ferraris die 1 5 mensis Maii. 



N?LXXV. 



Ext at Liber in Tabulario Mediceo qui inseriUtur Libro sctitto anno 1464, 

appartenente a Fiero di Cosmo de' Medici in quo bae gemmae it numis* 
mata enumerantur. 

H^ LXXV. MEDAGLIE cento d' oro pesano libbre 2 oncie una fior. ; • 300 

Medaglie cinquecentotre dariento pesano libre set 100 

Un' anello d' oro con una comiuola d' una mosca in caro • • • 7 

Un' anello d' oro con una comiuola con uno cigno in cavo • • • 7 

ITn' anello con una testa d' un Fauno di riHevo di diaspro . • « la 

Un' anello d' oro con una testa di donna di riliero in cammeo . • 10 
Un' anello d' oro con due rubini con una testa di Demitiano di riMerO i^ 

Un' anello d' oro con la testa di Medusa dt riliero • • . • • 20 

Un' anello d* oro con la testa di Cammilla in eamtneo di riliero * 60 

Un suggello d' oro con una figura in damatisto in cavo • • • 30 

Un suggello d' oro con una testa d' uomo in damatisto in cavo • • 20 

Un suggello d' oro con una testa di donna in damatisto in cavo • 15 

Uno Niccolo legato in oro con la testa di Vespasiano in cavo • • 25 
Una comiuola legata in oro con uno uomo mezao pesce et una £ui* 

ciulla in cavo • 25 

. Una comiuola legata in oro con una femina a sedere, et uno maschi^ 

ritto in cavo • • » 25 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con una testa di uomo in nndo in cavo • 40t 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con una testa vestita in cavo « • « », 50 

Uno Sardonio legato in oro con un toro in cavo 60 

Una comiuola legata in oro con una testa di AdrianO di rilievo . 50 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con una testa di fanctuUo di rilievo . • 50 

Uno Calidonio legato in oro con una testa di tutto rilievo • • « 40 

Un Cammeo con una testa d' uomo di rilievo legato in oro • • 50 

Un Cammeo legato in oro c<m 2 figure ritte di rilievD • • . . 60 

. Un Cammeo legato ui oro con 2 figure, et un lipne di rilievo • • 60 

I Un 



79 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con tre figure, ed un albero di rilievo • 60 N^ LXXV. 
Un Cammeo legato in oro d' assai rilievo con 2 figure una a'sedere, 

e una ritta • 70 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con due figure^ e un albero in mezzo^ &c. 

di riUero • • • 80 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con la storia di Dedalo di rilievo . . 100 
Ua Cammeo kgato in oro con una figura^ et uno fanciullo in spalla 

di rilievo • • 9 . • * • 200 

Un Cammeo legato in oro con V Area di Noe* et piu figure, et 

animali di rilievo •*•• 300 

Una tavola di bronzo dorato con saggi di ariento • 100 

Una tavola greca con uno S. Michele de Bario legata in ariento 

dorato • ao 

Una tavola greca di pietra fine con nostra Donna, et la Apostoli 

omata d' arieiUo •••• a; 

Una tavola ^ca di Muaaico con S. Jo. Batista intero omata 

d' ariento • • 20 

Una tavola greca di Musaico omata d' ariento col Giudizio . • • 30 

Una tavola alia greca con una nostra Donna omata d' ariento • • 35 

Una tavola greca con nostro Signore dipinto omata d' ariento • « 40 

Una tavola groca con a figure ritte di Musaico omata d* ariento • 50 

Una tavok greca di Musaico con una Annuntiata omata d* ariento 40 

Una tavola greca di Musaico con uno S* Nicoolo omata d' ariento 50 

Una tavola greca di Musaico con uno mezzo S. Jo. omata d' ariento 60 

Una tavola greca di Musaico con uno S* Piero omata d' ariento • 50 

Una tavola gveca con una | figura del Salvatore omata d' ariento • loo 

Una tavola d* ariento dorato con uno quadro smaltato, et tondo • 50 

Una tavola d' ariento intagliata la ^znont di Cristo • • « • • 15 

2624 

^ucaAntUs t diversi vasi preaiosi, e altre cose di valuta, che fanno 

la aomma di Fiorini ; 81 10 

Varie gioje inventariate che fanno la somma di Fior 17689 

Gli arienti, che si trovavano in Firenze^ e nclle ViUc di Careggi, e 
di Cafaggiolo* 

Catalogo doi Ubrit . 



MattM 



A 



8q 

NO LXXVI. 

Matthai BosH ad Laut'entium Medicem^ 
Exiortatoria ut Abbatiam Fesulanam pergat absolver^. £pistola. 

N° Quod tu Laurentl clarissime atque magnanime fortasse vix cogitas^ om* 

LXXVI. 2ies» qui in Fcsulanum ad nos diverttint inspeeturi monasterium omni opere 
clarum^ intuentibusque mirabile, cum pardunculas illas, templi fronteiiiy 
scilicet et subsellia fratruniy qu» Chorus appellanturj non nullaquc alia minora 
conspiciunt inabsoluta senescere, relictaque jacere^ conyersi ad te suspirant^ 
tibique animum ad hxc perficienda divinitus dari, ut datae sunt divinicus vircs^ 
comprecari non desiount. Ego vero, qui templo^ • xdibusque surgentibus 
operam, curam, intentioneroque etiam non cxiguam praesetis adhibui, cha- 
rusque ex mea hac diligentia tuis pvogenitoribus extiti, et qui mecum sub 
his tectis Concanonici Christo £anuilantur et militant, quantum foeliccm 
hunc diem> quo beneficam tuam manum apponas operi peroptemus, nullis 
plane verbis satis indicare possum. Vincit enim hie ardor, qui decorem do- 
mus Dei et locum habitatiouis glorias ejus tantopere cupit, ac diligit, elo- 
quium m^uip omne, atque sermoncm* Taceo ordinem nniversum nostrum, 
omni pr^sertim Italia diflFusum, et Deo miserante numero Tirtodbusque 
nitentem^ cujus vel tibi aliqua ratio habenda etiam est, cum tui peculiarius 
simus omncs, et quantum fictilia et moribunda vascula possumus tua pro 
salute, quae una omnium est et concivium tuorum et nostra, prtcibus, ge- 
mitibusy votis, meritorumque suppetiis caelum pulsamus. Nullae hinc at- 
que hinc litterae, quibus non quaeratur^ num perficiendi opens tibi insideat 
animus. Quod si coeperis velle, atque ita equidem velle, ut indpias agere, 
non solis nobis, qui tecum Florentiae degimus, sed singulis, qui ferme om- 
nem ut diximus, Italiam complent, nostris te confratribus dum stabit Regu- 
laris haec nostra religio, cxcolendum memorandumque praestabis, tantus 
est universorum delubri hujus amor, et ut absolyatur ariditas. Quibus 
plane rebus versatis saepe mecum. atque libratis consilioque eorum maxime 
adhtbito, qui charl tibi &unt, tuaque pro dignitate et laude vel animas ob- 
jectarent, statui equidem mihi te Laurenti insignis atque magnanime, multa, 
alia atque diversa cogitantem, rei praeterea publicae tuae peipetuo consu- 
lentem, et caelestis providentiae dono foelici omnium commodo primalum 
agentem, ad nos etiam tanquam ad pneclaram aliquam tuam laudem, ac 
sempitemam in cxio mercedem rcvocare atque convertere, qux inchoatum a 

patemo 



St 

patemo tuo AyD| ddade a Petfo fenitore deitkvtum nutoqitam opus, aec N« 
pror8ii8 ipse ckstituast eonim ▼irttttum omniimiy atque opum, hseres non LXZVL 
modo pulchcnrimiis, et nobiliasknus, sed taatae pnrterea fcelicttatb et no* 
miiiist ut majora quam illi ipsi ttaquam^ tu facile possis» qui antam virtii^ 
tern omneiny fortunas^ atque potentiam aervasti non soluBif ac tenttitd^ 
ted afflante tibi Christo, tarn ]<mge lateque eztendiidt ac dihtasti, ut nemo 
jam videat quo te sublimius tua virtus posstt attollere» et iUuttrius collocate. 
Iqg^s animus^ ac aaptentissimtts tuus^ effloruit in uttaque fbrtntia admind>tfis 
atque conspicuust omniumque vocSms noUlltatttS. Quid Laurenti^ per 
Deumi tu viriuiiiy tu ingenii^ tu fbrtitudiais declarasti» cum furentem iUam 
fiagoremqne tooantem^ et innocentissimt tui saoguktis et generosi spiritus 
necem extremaque nefaoda exanhelantem modo ^ssdetiSt modo repugiiaiis 
incredibli coDStaatia^ desteritatCj prudcatiaque taa sub jugum tiaaist^ et 
tanquam manibus post tefga revioctam in triumplMim duxisli ? Qjias tandem 
cum grassari violeatius ultra nen posset^ benigno (e vultu oonspexit vel in-* 
irita* Quam certe f<»tunam non ut insanus bominum furor vel omaipo* 
tentem vel divinam appello; sed in quo Peripatetici> nosttiqiie catboUci 
tecte conveniunt, vim quaodam et flatum, undo aut quomodd^ifiat ^gaotum. 
Haoc coistra assistentem tibi Deum^ proacimeque tuentem babuitd : illi te 
conciUante virtiite» Sanctorumque gemkibus, qui fidontes illi atque' da* 
oumtes novit ocaudire* de angustioa eripere^ atque salvare : ut inde duces* 
cat vox ilia tetissinti Pauli, ut castigati et non mortificaiki^ tt quad me« 
rieateS) et ecoe vivimus : maaaaseque cc videatur ootaiais etiam iUe versio»< 
lus» Qui per virtutem peritat», aon intetit. Tu itaque pfoteotus divsait«s> 
atque servatus^ una et imfflortalitatis gkriam tibi propagasdy et ineriumita- 
torn patriae qiaetisqne dulcedinem attalistt. Quk cwnfloa fiali« jure nun- 
cuperetur, et extet, dc iiiostO'Cidestique dono te sanm alumnvm indgnem, 
diarissimasque ddicias peperit^ cujus ausfncioi aapieatia^ rartute mirabiU, 
fialix degeiety atque regnareti quod semper est assecotura fadHime, si 
quaadiu tibi vita supereritt qdbus csepisti ilineribtts gradierext te am cuof 
modoy sed procuAtio atque aodetas tuendse Alius atque oraaadte semper in« 
cenderit, pro qua dedisti bactenus et opes et sanguinem, et ab cujus ^srvid** 
bus beUorum perioula plerumque piopulsasti^ qui et imperiuia ausistiy ei 
TttScom nomen ad baibaras usque et remotissimas gentes exsendisd. Tibi 
serenissimi Regest tibi tespuUicse potentissim«9 tibi Sultanut g»ndts» tibi 
fbrmidatus <mmibus Taroonim impcra tor mittunt et legatos et numeral 
TeRomanuapatbt, terrestdaiEkusetnoitalrflttmen) aecqnisdmtttti ctpaJi* 
lectum veluti filram salutan ao beatissimo complena cut dau^ Goaylesi et 
VOL. II. 3 L pileati 



N^ pileati patresi qui tuam filium adhuc impuberem eu primls fittenrum in«lS« 

*^^^^« tutisy ac saiKtis moribus sub pedagogo coalescentem, cardind culminis nu^ 
mero adjungere ultra mores et leges noii dubitarunt. Tu lucrosse ciritati 
ubique fere gentium atque locorum commercia tutissima et mercataram 
coaptasd, ut caeteris fcrme Italis urbibus tua ista (dicam ut audio) et nnmiiia- 
tior siti et omni cultu et affluentia rerum uberior. At vero famem atque 
penuriam, . st quando incidit, vel consilio, vel opibus ingentibus tuis, patria 
pietate, aut levasti, aut propulisti, atque ita, ut reliquae saepe Italic orae^ 
tractusque famelici^ in Florentinum agrumi quod mirum videtur, sed ita sane 
res est, ad lanificium^ eflbssionesi cementationes^ scrobationes, Hgoniza- 
tiones^ reliquaque onera sordida ac despicatissima^ ceu ad beatas olim pro* 
missionis glebas confugerint. Sed qualis ego aut quantus tuarum laudum 
canq>um uiurpo^ qui ab iUo ^eloquentise atque doctrinsB nitore longe'equidem 
absum, qui explicandae conrenit ret? cui neque hujus negotii imprxsens est 
ttllo modo propositum i cum ad incitandum te magis ac permovendum mesr 
tota annitatur et gliscic oratio ? Quam ut exaudias Laurenti benefice invoca- 
tum supples te venio^ cohortor, adjuro* NeqUe enim alium prxter te in- 
columem baec fabrica habet, quern citra injuriam possit rogare. Ex te 
peiidet tota, tuoque genere eui auctore, ut qu« per illos crevit in tantam 
admirationem et decus, per te seque hsereditario quodam jure accipiat postre* 
mam dignitatem, levigadonem, et manum. Negotium exigui sane tempo- 
ris, parvique sumptus, at spedosissimum, at necessarium, at pium, at sano- 
tum, planeque et omnibus gratum^ his maxime, qui tarn pio inflammato- 
que studio opus coepercj majoribus illustribus tuis, nidi tarn humanis exuti, 
ttt superstitiose in poetarum fabulis est, letbaeo amne libato bumana deme- 
minere. Sed absit a nobis, et ab salutari sanctaque fide somniatus hie gur- 
ges, obliTionem ac noctem offundens atque involvens profectis a nobis. 
iPemiciosa haec infideiitas est, ratione vacans et mentc, sacrisque repugnans 
fitteris, prseclarisque et multis Sanctorum exemplis, ac visis. Sed quod ad 
te attinet, dabit ista res imprimis immensum tibi ac sempitemum pnemium- 
apud ilium, Laurenti, ilium inquam, qui pro his caducis parvisque mu* 
neribos, spondet munus aetemum* Dabit et inter niortales, quibus omnibus^ 
magis, quam nobis ipsis nati singuli sumus, tibi laudem et gratiam» qua 
nulla honestior, nulla communior, nulla dulcior, nullaque et diutumior. 
Pecunia, signa^ toreumata, purpura, gemmae, ambitiosus victus et prodigus, 
equorum strata, multttudo pueroram, omnia vix diurna, qnin efiugiuntvelut 
umbra. At operum magnificentia sanctorum, maxime et publicorumi seterni- 
tatem quandam anonalatur^ vd monumcntis litterarum illustrata, rel quod 

ut 



/ 



»3 

ut permanere hojosmodi talia diatissime possinti vim habent atque naturam ; N^ 
cumque ca ipsa senuerinti religione pnecipua turn excolaDtur^ quod vicinita- LXXVI. 
tern . habere cum Deo videntur quae longissime perstant ; cum lapsa corruerintf 
miaericordiam et pietatem etiam ab hostibus sentiant. Sane itaque quxcun- 
que ad magnum illud sacrifidum transtuleris, caelestique area condideris, ea 
tola Laurend et tua^ et tibi propria erunt, neque cum iis yaria insolensque 
fbrtuna communicabit unquam^ sed neque ulla temerabit invidia. Cogita 
tu omnium prudentxssime, quantum ex hoc majores tui Medicae familiac 
reliquerunt honoris et nominis. Quantus odor religionis et pietads omni- 
um implevit aures atque intuitus et ad de?otionem animos incitavit* 
Vestes et gemmas, senros, ministros, ancilias, caeteraque id genus nemo 
curat, nemo commemorate nemo et praedicat^ quoniam utique danda for- 
tunae sunt ista. Aedificiorum vero sumptus, et sacrarum aedium omatus» 
quoniam Tirtutis sunt opera, quisque non ciyis modo, sed peregrinus, non 
Italus noster, sed Barbaras quoque obstupescit, nee urbemi pnetefit, nisi 
prius coUustratis tantis operibus, tamque magnificis atque sublimibtts. 
Haec quaeruntur studiose, haec visuntur cupide, haec obstupescunt quotidie 
omnigenae gentes et populi. Hinc per omnium ora, Cosmi nomen, et Petri 
genitoris tui vagatur et yotitat, et emortui adhuc versantur in luce celebrati 
omnium Unguis et litteris. Quaeso quo zclo incendebatur Cosmus idem* 
noster jam senex, eventusque praesa^ens, cum Fesulanum, quo de nunc 
agimus, opus constraeretur, qui noe exsuscitans frequenter aiebat, Euge 
fratres, instate strenue operi, satagite, manus ducite, ad vesperam inelinatur, 
et properat dies, festinatque et subit occasus. £t tuum genltorem eo 
tempore dizisse memini, Quantum vestro pecuniarum impendimus operi, 
tantum extra petulanciam ludumque f o'rtunae nobis ii; lucrum conciedit. ' His 
impensis aluntiir artifices^ sustentaiitur inopes, cohonestatur patria, et 
rdigiose excolitur Deus* Te idem sdnsidse atque optaisse jamdudum facile 
credimusy immo confidimus, Magnanime Laurenti ac pientissime. Sed 
tempora quandoque vidimus, et occasionem tuo voto defuisse. Nunc vtro 
cum arrideat tibi &umma prosperitas, teque eo dignitatis et loci pervexerit 
non casus aliquis, sed maxima tua et admirabilis virtus, ut honoribus, 
potentiae opibus, nulla recordatione majoribus omatus sis ac cumuJatus, 
aggrederc ac perfice prospero siderci ac benefactore Jesu Chrlsto favente, 
nostram banc quam te rogavimus fabricam. Quod ut queas efficere, ardenter 
omnes vitam tibi incolumitatemque precabimur. Vale Tuscx giortae, splendor, 
ec pateti tuoeque supplices audi. £x Abbatia Ftsulana tua^ Nonis Septem- 
bribus. 

3^2' A Angelus 



84 



LXXVII. 



N'LXXVn. 

Angiitis Politianus, Jdcph Antiquario luo. S. D« 

^xTTw VuLGARE est, ut qui serius panlo ad amiconim litena WBftmitmtf 
Jiimias occupationes subs excusent* Ego vero quo minus matUM ad te 
fescripsenm, nom tarn culpam confero in occupationes, quanqnan se ipsx 
quidem defuerunt ; quam in acerbissimom potkis hunc dolorem quern mild 
ejus Tin obitus attuHt, cujus patrocinio nuper unus ex omaihsis UlerMrtim 
professoribus, et eram fortunatissimus, et habebar lUo sgitur iiimc eu* 
tincto, qui fuerat unicus author eruditi laboris videlicet, aidof edam scri- 
bendi noster extinctus est, omnisque prope veterum studionim alaerifeas 
elanguit. Sed si tantus amcr casus eognostere msif^os^ et qualem se ille vir in 
cxtremo quasi vitse aclu gesserit audire, quanquam et fletu impedior, el 
i recordatione ipsa, quasique retractatiooc doioris abhorret animus, ac resilit^ 
obtemperabo tamen tuae tantx ac tarn booestse vi^uutati, cui deesse pro ia» 
sdtuta inter bos amicitb, neque volo, neque possum. Nam prgfecto ip* 
semet mibi nimium et incivilis Tiderer, et inhumanus, si tibi et tali viro, el 
mei tarn studioso rem ausim prorsus uUam denegat e. CsMrum quoniam de 
quo tibi a nobis scribi postulas, id ejusmodi est, ut facilius sensu quodam 
animt tacito, et cogitatione comprehendatur, quam aot Ycrbis, aut literis 
exprimi posstt, hac lege tibi jam nunc obsequium nostrum astxingimus, ut 
neque id polliceamur quod implere non possimus, tua certa causa non re« 
cusemus. Laboraverat igitur circiter menses duos Laurentius Medices e 
doloribus lis, qui quoniam viscerum cartilagini inhsereant, ex augmento 
Hjpocbofulru appellantur. Hi tametsi neminem sua quidem ti juguiant, 
quoniam tamen acutissimi sunt, etiam jure molestissimi perhibentut. 
Sed enim in Laurentio, fato ne dixerim, an inscitia, incuriaque medentium 
id evenit, ut dum curatio doloribus adhibetur, febris una omnium insidio* 
stssima contracta sit, quae sensim illapsa, non quidem arterias, aut yenas^ 
sicuti c^terae solent, sed in artus, in viscera, in nervos, in ossa quoque, et 
medullas incubuerit. £a vero quod subtiliter, ac latenter, quasique lenibus 
vestigiis irrepserat, parum primo animad versa, dein vero cum satis magnam 
sui significationem dedisset, non tamen pro eo ac debuit diligenter curata, sic 
hominem debilitaverat prorsus, atquc afflixerat, ut non nribus modo, sed 
corpore etiam pene omni amisso, et consumpto distabesceret. Quave pridie 
quam natune «atisfaoeret, cum quidem in villa Caregia cubaret segcr, ita 
repente conddit totusy nuUam ut jam suie salntis spem reliquam ostendertt; 

Quod 



*5 

Qttod h6tobf lit UtiAfct cautissimudy ihtellegens^ nihil print habuiti qulm N^ 
ttt animab tnedictim accerseret, cui dc contractis tota vita noxiis Christiano LXXVII. 
fitii cbnfitctetuh Quern ego honiinem postea mirabundunii sic prope 
audivi narranteni, nihil sibi uhquam neque majus^ neque xncredibilius 
fisuib) qttam - quomodo Laurentius constans^ paratusque adversus morteii), 
itque impertetritasi et prasteritorum meminifiset, et pr^sentia dispensasset^ 
^t dt fbtmtis item religiosissime prudentisdiiheque cavisset. Nocte dein 
taedia quiescent!, ineditantique. dacerdos adesse cum sacramento nunciatur. 
Ibi vero excnssus, Procul, inquit, a nU hoc absit, patiar ut Jesutn tneum^ qui 
ftu finxH^ qui me redemHf ad usque cuBtculum hoc venire : tollHe bine obsecfo 
ine quamprithum, tolliie^ ui Domino oecurram. Et cum dicto sublevans ipse 
se quantum poterat, atque animo corporis imbecillitatem sustentans, inter 
familiarium Ananus obviam seniori ad aulam usque procediti cujus ad genua 
prorepens, supplexque ac lachrymanf : Tune^ inquit, mitissime Jesu^ tu 
neqmsnmum buric servum tuum £gnaris invisere? At quid dixi servum ? immo 
vero iostem patius^ et quidem ingratissimum^ qui tantii abs te eumulatus benefit 
tiisy nee tiU dicta unquam auSens Jiierimy et tuam taties majestatem Utserim. 
S^uod ego te per iUam qua genus omne iominum complecteris^ cbaritatemy qua^* 
quey te caRtus ad ncs in terram deduxit^ nostraque bumapitatis induit involucHs^ 
fUdt famem^ qu£ sitim, qua fi^g^y astum^ labores^ irrisus, contumelias^ Jla^ 
gella et veriera^ quM postremo etiam mortem, crucemque subire te compulit $ 
Per banc ego te salutifer Jesu quaso, obtestorque, avertas faciem a peccatis 
meis; ut cum ante tribunal tuum constitero, fuo mejamdudum citari plani sentio, 
nan meajraus, non culpa pkctatur, sed tua crucis meritis cendonetur. Fa/eat,^ 
vakat in causa mea^ sanguis ille tuus Jesu preeiasissimusy quem pro asserendis 
in libertatem bomsmbusy in ara ilia sublimi nostra redemptionis effiudisti* 
Haec atque alia cum diceret lachrymans ipse, lachrymantibusque qui ade- 
rant universis, jubet cum tandem sacerdos attoUi, atque in lectulum suum^ 
^uo sacramentum commodius administraretur, referri. Quod ille, cum. 
sdiquandiu facturum negasset, tamen ne seniori suo foret minus obsequens,. 
exorari se passus, iteratis ejusdem fierme sententise verbis corpus ac sangui* 
nem dominicum plenus jam sanctitatis, et divina quadam majestate verendua 
accepit. Tum consolari Fetrum filium (nam reliqui aberant) exorsus» fer- 
ret «que animo yim necessitatis admonebat, non defuturum cselitus patroci- 
mum, quod ne ubi quidem unquam in tantis rerum, fbrtunxque, yarieta* 
tibus defuisset ; virtutem modo et bonam mentem coleret, bene consulta 
bonos erentus paritura. Post ilia contemplabundus aliquandiu quievit, ex- 
dum dein csetctia evadem ad se oatom vocat^ mnlta mcmety multa prsecipit^ 

multa 



Z6 

N^ multa edocety quae nondum foras emanarunt, plena omnia tamen (sicuti audm- 
LXXVIL mus), et sapientix singularis, et sanctimoniae ; quorum tamen unum quod 
nobis scire quidem licuerit, adscribam* Cives^ inquit, mi PHre^ succustem 
te tneum baud dubie agnoscent. Nee autem vereor^ m non eadem futurus authwi^ 
tate in hac Republica sir, qua nos ipsi ad banc diem fuerimus* SeJ qmrnmn 
dvitas omnis corpus est (quod ajunt) multorum capitum, neque mas geri tinguRs 
potest^ memento in ejusmodi varietatibus id consilium sequi semper, quod esse 
quam bonestissimum inteUeges, magisque universitatis, quam seorsum . cujusque 
rationem babeto, . Mandavit et de funere, ut scilicet avi Cosmi ezemplo^ 
justa sibi fierent^ intra modum videlicet eum qui privato conveniat. Veait 
dein Ticino Lazarus vester, medicus (ut quidem visum est) experientissi- 
muS) qui tamen sero advocatus ne quid inexpertum relinqueret, preciosis- 
sima quxdam gemmis omne genus, margaritisque conterendis medicamenta 
tentabat. Qusrit ibi turn ex familiaribus Laurehtius (jam enim admissi ali- 
quot £ueramus) quid ille agitaret medicus^ quid moliretur. Cui cum ego 
respondissem, epithema eum concinnare, * pro praecordia fovcrentur, agnita 
ille statim voce, ac me hilare intuens (ut semper solitus) beus, inquit, 
beus AngeUy simul brachia jam exbausta viribus aegre attoUens, manus ambas 
arctissime prehendit. Me vero singultus lachrymaeque cum occupavissent» 
quas celare tamen rejecta cervice conabar, nihilo ille commotior, etiam at- 
que etiam manus retentabat. XJbi autem persensit fletu adhuc praepediri me, 
quo minus ei operam darem, sensim scilicet eas, quasique dissimulanter 
omisit. Ego me autem continuo in penetrale thalami conjicio fientem, at- 
que habenas (ut ita dicam) dolori et lachrymis laxo. Mox tamen revertor 
eodem, siccatis quantum licebat oculis. Ille ubi me vidit, vidit autem 
statim, vocat ad se rursum, quxritque perblande, quid Picus Miraadula 
suus ageret. Respondeo, manere eum in urbe, quod vereatur^ nc illo 
si vcniat, mokstior sit. At ego, inquit, vicissim ni verear, nc molestum 
sit ei hoc iter, videre atquc alloqui extremum exoptem, priusquam plane a 
vobis emigrO;. Vin' tu, inquam, acccrsatur? Ego vero, ait ille, quampri- 
mum. Ita sane facio, vencrat jam, assederat^ atque ego quoque, juxta 
genibus incubueram, quo loquentem patronum facilius, utpote defecta jam 
vocula, exaudirem. Bone Deus, qua ille hunc hominem comitate, qua 
humanitate, quibus etiam quasi blanditiis exccpit ? Rogavit primo, ignos- 
ceret quod ei laborem hunc injunxisset, amori hoc tamen et benevolentiae in 
ilium suse adscriberet, libentius sese animam editurum, si prius amicissimi 
hominis aspectu morientes oculos satiasset. Turn sermones injecit urba- 
nos, ut solebat, et familiares. Non nihil etiam tunc quoque jocatus nobis- . 

cum. 



87 

cain» quia otrotque intuens nos; Fellim^ ait, £jiuluset me saUitn mors b^e N^ 
ai mm dtem^ quo viitram p!ani hiUioihieam absoluissem. Ne multis* Abierat LXXVII. 
vix dmm Picus^ cum Femriensis Hieronymus, insignts et doctrina, et sancti-^ 
nioniavir, caelestisquc doctrinxpraedicator egregius^ cubiculum ingreditur> hor-^ 
tatur ut fidem teoeat ; ille tcto tenere se ait inconcussam : ut quam emenda- 
tiasime posthac vivere deatiaet \ scilicet facturum obnixe respondic : ut mortem 
deniquey si necesse sit^ aequo animo tolleret ; nihil vcroi inquitille,jucundiu8^ 
siquidem ita Deo decretom sit. Recedebat homo jam} cum Laurentius, HeuSf 
iiiquit> benedtcdonem paterj priusquam a nobis proficisceris. Simul demissoca* 
pite Tultnqae, et in omnem pise religionis imaginem fonnatusi subinde ad verba 
illias et preces^ rite ac memoriter respoositabat, ne tantillum quidem fami* 
Karium luctu^ aperto jam, neque, se ulterius dissimulante^ commotus. Diceres 
iadictam caeteriSf uoo excepto Laurentio^ mortem. Sic sciUeet unus ex 
omnibus ipse nuUam doloris> nullam perturbationis, nullam triatitiae signifi- 
catioiiem dabat> consuetumque animi vigorem, constantiami sequabilitatem, 
mag|iitudioem> ad extremum usque -spiritum producebat. Instabant Medici 
adhuc tamen, et ne nihil agere viderentur, officiosissime hominem vexabant^ 
nihil Ule tamen aspemari, nihil ayersari^ quod illi modo obtulissent, non 
quidem quoniam spe vitae blandientis iUiceretur> sed ne quern forte moriens^ 
yel kvissime perstringeret. . Adeoque fortis ad extremum. perstitit, ut de sua 
quoque. ipsius morte nonnilnl cavillaretur». sicuti cum porrigenti cuidam 
dbuln, rogantique mox quam> placuissety respondit: quam soUt mwtentu 
Post id blande singulos amplexatus, petitaque Mippliciter venia, si cui gravior 
forte, si molestior morbi ritio fuisset, totum se post ilia perunctioni summae, 
demigrantisque animx commendarioni dedidit*. Recitari dein evangelica 
hiatofia ccepta est, qua scilicet irrogati Christo cruciatus explicantor, cujos 
ille agnoscere se verba et sententias prope omnes, modo labra tacitus movens^ 
modo languentes oculoa erigens, interdum etianv digitoruui gestu significa- 
bat. Postremo sigillum crucifixi argenteum, margaritis gemmisque magai- 
fice adomatum, defixis usquequaque oculis intuens,. identidemque deoscu- 
lans expiiavit. Vir ad omnia summa natus, et qui flantem reflantemque, 
loties fortunam, usque adeo sit altema- velificatione moderatus, ut nesciaa 
iitrum secundis rebus constantior, an adversis aequior ac temperantior appa- 
rueiit. Ingenio vero tanto ac tarn facili,. et perspicaci, ut quibus-in singulis 
excellere aUi magnum putant, ille universis pariter emineret. Nam pro« 
bitatem, justitiam, fidem, nemo arbitror nescit ita sibi Laurentii Medicia 
pectus atque animum, quasi gratissimum aliquod domicilium, templumque 
dckgisse. Jam €omitas> humanicasi affabUitaa quanta fuerit, eximia qua- 

danv 



88 

N<^ dam in euRV totiut populi^ atqiie on^nlttm plane ordimim 
LXXVIL declaratur. Sed enim inter haec omnia, liberalitas tanien> et magsi&DeBth, 
explendescebat, quae ilium pene tmmortali quadam gloria ad Deo$ uaquo 
provexerat. Cum interim nihil ille famae duntaxat causa, & ooniiius» omoift 
vero virtutis amore pecsequebatur. Quasto aatem Uteratoa lioniiaea itudao 
complectebatur, quantum honoosi quantum etiam revefentiR ornaHms esdiib&i 
bat, quantum denique operx induttriaeqne $uae oonquireadia toto orbe tana* 
rum, coemendisque linguae utriuaqne yolumtnibus poanit ^ quantotque in ea^ve 
quam immanes sumptus fecit, ut non artas modo haec, ant hoc leculum, acd 
posteritas etiam ipsa, maximam in htijua homiais imeriittt jactunm feeerifc. 
Caeterum consolautur nos maximo in luctu liberi cjua^ tanto p^tre dignisaimiy 
quonwi qui maximus natu Petnis, vixdum primum et vigesimum ingretsua 
annum, tantajam et gravitate, et prudentia, et audioritatie molem tod«a 
Reip. sustentat, ut in eo starim rerixisse genitor Laurenttus eiitatinietun 
Alter annorum duodeviginti Joannes, et C^odinalia ainpliamnua (^fMd 
nunquam cuiquam id aetatis contigerit) et idem pokitifici maximo^ non in 
ecclesiae patrimonio duntaxat, sed in patriae quoque suae ditione legatv^ 
talem tantnmque se jam jtam arduis negotiis gerit, el praeatat, ut omtoinm ifl 
se mortalium oculos converterit, atqne incredibilem quandaton^ cui respont* 
sorus planissime est, expectadonem concitaverit. Tertius poito JuKani^ 
impubes adhuc, pudore tamen ac venustate, neqiie non probitatia^ et iagp^ 
nii mirifica quadam suavisrimaque indole, totius siU jam ctvitatia aittiiiot 
devinxit. Verum ut de aliis in praesenti taceam, de Petro certe ipso oohi* 
bere me non possum, quin recenti re testimonium hoc loco patem«m ad* 
scribam. Duobus circiter ante obitum mensibns^ cum m suo cubicido so* 
dens (ut solebat) Laurentius, de Fhiloaophia, et Uteris liobiscum hbuim^ 
retur, ac se destinasse diceret reliquam aetatem in iis studiis mecum^ et cum 
Ficino, Picoque ipse Mirandula consumere, procid scilicet ab mbe, et also* 
pitu ; negabam equidem hoc ei per suos cives Kcete, qui qtiidem indies* ti* 
derentur magis, magisque ipsius et consilium, et authoirtatem desiderattii& 
Tum subridens ille, jttqtd jam, inquit, vkes nMras alutnno iuo debgaii*' 
muSf atjue in eum sarcinam hancy et onus omney recKnabtmui* Cumque ego 
rogassemi an adhuc in adulescente, tantuin ririum deprehendisset, ttt eta 
bona fide incumbere jam possemusr Ego i^eroy ait ille, quanta ejus et quam 
solida video esse fimdamentUy laturum spero baud duhU quicjuid imedi/icavero. 
Cave igiturputesy Angeky quenquam adhuc ex nostrisy indokfidsse tantay quantafk 
jam Petrus ostendit, ut sperem firey atque adeo auguter (msi me ipsius ingenS 
aliquot jam enperimento f^leritst) ne ctd sit majerum^ su&rum concessurus* . At^ 
que- hujus quidem judicii praesagiique patemi^ magnum profecto et clarum 

I specimen 



8t> 

qiecimen hoc mper dediti quod tfgt^tnti ptsesto fUk setn^i irniHUqws pec N^ 
«b t>oiie ctbm sordtda aiinisteria ohMx, tigiitarum p*ttentidsimit«, et iAed^tt^; L^VlAt. 
ntmqiuaiiqtte a kctulo ip^o pattis, tUl cuiH^ maxima ResptibKca ur geret, tittlli 
passttt, Et cum mirifiea pietM ^sctaret iti vultu, tatneti ne motbnrn autfiolis. 
dtudidelA patertiam mocTore suo adaugcret, gemitti^ otrtttcis, et lachrymal 
incredlbili Tittttte quasi derorabat. Porro autem, quod nnntn irtatissima ifi 
tt ^ttlcliMimum, ecu ^ctacnlum Tidtbamus, itnriccm pater qucqu6 ip«fe 
he ihrhtiorem filium, trfetiria sua rcddcret, frontcm $M extcthpoti V^lu't 
altam fingebat, ac fluemes otulos in lUlus gratiam contintbat, uuAqaam aitt 
eoftsti^narus animt>, aut fractus, donee ante ora natus obver^tetur. hi 
Trterque, certatim vim focerd affectibus duis, ae dissimulafe ptetatem pietatfs 
studio n it c ba tun TTt autem Laurentius 'e vita dec^ssit, dici vix potest^ 
quanta et hnmanitate, et gifavitate cives omneis suos PctrUS tto'sttr, ad $t dfti 
n^iim confiuentes cxccperit, tjuam et apposite, et Varic, et bhnde ^iaYn rfoi 
temibus, cons^lafttibusquc, pit) tempore, suamque opcrafti p6Hra!fttibufe re- 
spoftderit. Qtiantam deindfe, et quam solertcm rei oJnstitaittidsb famillart 
curam ianpenderit, ut neeessitudSnes suas omnei^ gta'^i^simo csr^a peretil^ii 
StiMerafit, ut vd minutisstmum quemque ex fiamiliatiba« defirctum, diffidt^ttl 
temque slM adrirsis rebus coHcgerit, ertterit, anim'aY(frif, ut ift obfttiftia qu6^ 
que Republica mrIK miquam, aut loco, aut tempori^ aut muneVi, 'siut h'bfftini 
defuettt, nulla denique in parte eessaverit. Sic ut ^am pUrte in'^tiei^se jaih 
Yiam, atque rta pleno gradu iter ingressus videatur, brevi utr putettir parens 
tern quoque ipsum vestigiis con^ecuturus. De fuiiefe aufem nihil e^ quod 
dteam. Tantum ad ati eremplum ex prtescripto celebtatum ^st, quemad* 
itootfom ipse, ut cfiri, moridms mandaverat. Tarn magnb autem omnts gt*- 
nttis mettalium tomrursu, quam magnum nunquam antea memlnerimti^; 
Ptodig!* vero mortem fertne haerc antecesserunt, quatiquam alia qaoqlid 
vulgo feruntur. Nonis Aprilibus, hora ferme di^i tenia, tridilio afiteqaajtf 
animam edidit Laurentius, mulier, neacioqug, dum in xde sacra Mariae 
novellae, quae dicitur, declamitanti e pulpito dat operam, repente inter con- 
fertam populi multitudinem expavefaxnu, Consternataque consurgit, Ijrm- 
phatoque cursu, et terrificis clamoribuS) Heus leus, inquit, cives, an tunc 
non cemitts ferocientem taurumj qui templum hoc tngins flamtnatis cornibus ad 
terram dejint ? Prima porrc^^ vigilia^ txxtk eoslum n\abibus de improviso foe- 
daretur, continuo Basilicas ip^iis naaimse fastigium^ quod opere ,mir9 
singularem toto cerrarum orbe testudinem supereminet, tactum de coelo est, 
ita ut vastse quaepiam dej^eventmr molea, atque hf eaai-pofts4mum partem, «,• r 

qua Medicae convisuntur aedpsy vir.'q^adaiii hxxwkia^^^ iipjKl^^ marmora im- .] . , . x/ ; 
VW« II* 3 M mania 



90 

N^ mania torquerentur. In quo illad etiam praescito non caruiti quod inau* 

l*^iiJSy^* rata una pila» quales aiiaeque in eodem fastigio conq>iciuntur| excussa ful- 

mine est, ne non ex ipso quoque insigni proprium ejus familix detrimentum 

.portenderetur. Scd et^illud memorabile, quod ut primum detonuit, statim 

^quoque serenitas reddita. Qua autem nocte obiit Laurentius, Stella solito 

clarior, ac grandior, suburbano imminens, in quo is animam agebatj illo 

ipso temporis articulo decidere, eztinguique visa» quo compertum deinde est 

eum ?ita demigrasse* Quin excunisse etiam faces trinoctio perpetue' de 

Faesulanis montibus^ supraque id templum* quo reliquiae conduntur Me- 

dicae gentis» scintillasse nonnihil, moxque evanuisse feruntur. Qiiid? 

quod et leonum quoque nobilissimum par in ipsa qui publice continentur 

cavea, sic in pugnam ferociter concurrent, ut alter pessime acceptus, alter 

etiam ieto sit datus. Arreti quoque supra arcem ipsam, geminae perdiu ar- 

sisse flanmiae, quasi Castores feruntur, ac lupa identidem sub moenibus ulu- 

jatus terrificos edidisse. Quidam illud etiam (ut sunt ingenia) pro mon« 

stro interpretantur> quod excellentissimus (ita enim babebatur) hujus seta* 

tis medicus, quando ars eum praescitaque fefellerant, animum desponderit9 

puteoque se sponte demerserit, ac principi ipsiMedicae (sivocabulum spectes) 

familiae sua ncce parentaverit. Sed video ine, cum quidem multa, et magna 

reticuerim, ne forte in speciem adulationis inciderem^ longius tamen provec- 

* turn,, quam a principio institueram. Quod uc facerem, partim cupiditas 

ipsa obsequendi, obtemperandique tibi optimo» doctissimo prudentissimoque 

hominij mihique amicissimo» cujus quidem studio satisfacere^ breritas ipsa 

in transcursu non poterat : partim etiam amara quaedam dulcedo, quaaique 

titillatio impulit, recolendae, frequentandacque ejus viri memoriae* Cui si 

parem stmilemque nostra aetas unum forte atque alteram tulit, potest audac* 

ter jam de splendore nominis et gloria, cum vetustate quoque ipsa conten« 

dere. Vale 15. Cal. Juniaa mcccclxxxxii. in Fssulano Rusculo. 



N*LXXVni. 

Rime di Jacopo Sanazzaro. 
Net/a Morte di Pier Lepne, Medico* 
B quAl per la morte del gran Lorenzo di Medici Jn pttato in un pozxo a Carreggi. 

Iffo La notte, che dal ciel qarca d* obblio 

XJS2Vin. Sol portar tregua a' miseri mortal! $ 

Venuta 



Venata era pktosai al pUager mio : N 

£ giU con F ombra deUe sue grand* alt 
n Tolto della terra avea coverto ; 
£ tacean le contrade^ e gli anunali ; 
Quando me laMO» e di mia vita incerto^ 
Non so com') in un pmito il sonno preie 
Sotto r asse del del frcddo^ e scovcrto* 
Ed ecco il verde Dio del bel paeae, 
Amoy tutto elevato sopra 1' onde 
S' oflferse agli occhi miei pronto^ e palese. 
Di limo on manto avea sparto di fronde» 
E di salci una selva in sa la testa i 
Con b qual gU occhi^ el viso tt oasoonde. 
Oime, Fiorenza^ oime» qual ral)bia e questa ? 
. Venia gridandd : oimc^ non ti rincrd>bc ? 

Con voce paventOsa, irata^ e mesta. 
Pietosa oggt ver te Tracia sarebbe i 
Pictosi i fieri altar di quella terra 
La qual sol un Busiri al suo tpmp' ebbe. 
Ben fosti figlia tu d' ingiusta guerra % j 

Ben sei madre di sangue; e piu sarai^ 
Se vendetta dal ciel non si diasernu 
Indi rivolto a me» disse, Che fai i 
Fuggi le mal fondate, ed empie munu 
Ond' io tutto smarrito mi destai* . . 

£ tanta ebbe in me forza la paura, 
Che scon^igtiatOf esol, presi 'Icammino 
Senz' altra scorta che.di notte o^ura* : ' . 7 
Errando seiftpip ^dM fin al mattino^ * 
TantOf ch' allor da lunge un*. ombra scorsi j 
Ch' in abito venia 4i peregrino« ' /; { 

Al volto>' ai gestif :ed all' andarim* accorsi 
Che spirt0 era di pace^ al ciel annco % 
Onde piu raito per vedevloio^corsi. i ;. - ' y 
Ey mentre in arrivarlp io m' afiaticoy 

« 

Eiripreselayiaper.entroiinboscpy f 

Sempre guardando me con volto oblico. 

3M 2 Non 



91 

o 



9P 

ttpf Non mi tolsQ H: w4n qudf .a«i'loMQ^. 

IXSVUL Che '1 lucife M 3i«> «[p«tto. ett. pm lante^ 

Che basto boa pOK^irli^ Iah4QiMso(V 
O gloria di fqpdftiiir; itipet^-^iiaotoi:. 
£ volenths aeguiis U am ^vofUM^ 
La liagv^ «i. icicdi vintadii ptan^ow 
AUor voItDSff;. od iq: O Pfer Leom^ 
Ricominciai a M' cttt aujglak. leoa^ 
Che del mondQ^oapeM ogni ea^KMUV. . 
Deh dkuini quoitsLiqca.alB]a^ a simpnst 
Per qua! itemefto sim tm«tt» tl qpincqiM^ 
Che vole8tiinevir2do»8lgBsap«n?i ' . . 
Qual-dfinpfr<lcair<Mka<ir tinaoqui^ ' 
Qual cifco advgno ^ i)on 4mior ti striotd 
Det oofpo^ tti«, ^cKt'^nc tatfto oMvobtioi gmqde ? 
Che ti val, «eH Yuo ftNiiio Qgfl^'atar^vlMer?^ 
Che r ingegfio^ ^^l valov f 8t T tidwl ora 
Con la vita It^ gibm Mvi«n«^ €MiiiBt% 
O padrcj e signor mio^ F udcir d( foni» 
Come tu 899, Aoacf pentesse aA' alma v * ' 
Ne far si dee, so *t del notr vuote ancora ; 
Che '1 di$prcgiar dclia terrenir safma 
A quei con pitrrergognGr sf diidftei 
Che pi^ fcramati (F ont)r aver* lis- palm t. 
Ogni riva del mondo^ ognipendSbo 

Cercai, rispote^ eiftniihi ttnalti^ Ufiaat 
Filosofiav c6e'S«N>r'fiiB^ueni'feifee'* 
Per lei le sMe-erranti^- e Taihre fisae 
Stelle poi fM$| e k fertnne^ e* i flitii 
Cot^qofiMHo^Bgitto^ e Bbbitoala 8Criiae« 
E piu luogh' altri asm mi^fiir meatrali-; 
Ch' Apdle^ CPd^Bsciitipii^ inHla briir arte 
Lasciar kfostA- maeeedsi^ ed^inteuMb ' : 
volava il nomemie' per ogili -paste $r'< • 
Italia il sa ;t ehemesM eggi^«oepka^ 
Bramando it attbft ^die paifl|9 spaMv 



Per& 



9S 

Perd cht <^n rsigian ben dritio mir?/ N^ 

Potr^ ved^r ch' in un «i colto ^<fta LXXVIIL 

Non trova lo«> omai di94(g;ie, ^d ir^^ 
Dunque da te rinftttpvi ogni aoapetto, 

£ 8e del tamkituo V iafiunia io poito^ 

Sappi iskc: piir d» me n^n fu *\ ^ottp : 
Che, mal gm^gni^^ ki fiii sbqpmlK^ t teetfto 

Nel 6mA> df I gr^a fK)7M oqritiiAi^ 9 olpa^ 

Ne mi vabt'alptegar e80fr*accov(« : 
Che quelxapin^ o itaniMi(y]iiiMy 

Non as^allBPiv siioil di Toes mpans, 

Quando ^A^iri mandii wA gt^n diMipd* 
O dubbj fiati, amrikkmkci estrsms 

O mento' igmra^ ? cites al ^ poptib 4aM0^. 

Come finr twr difese innitaer ^ "^^ V 
Previsto avea: lm» m 1^ oocolia inganiiOK 

Ch' al mio nmrif fttset rav«y« kifidft;^;, 

E sapcs ck^'eva. jfkrnta ail'' uddm*^ aa«N>w 
Ma credeiHla f«{^ PMtOy Numidia^ 

Dl(fadb« «d[ psfttitr ^liettfe in Imo^ 

Ove, laMc^ trdVat- frodTi^; e petMuu 
E qual farfalteit deillafd focQ,- 

Tirata dal FolmV ^ i$€cMd«i«4 

Tatt«is iSl/'al Aif^ te pui^^ atxiw^ 8 giodo 9 
Tal mi moitt imvotmaft^ dlzivki^luot i 

Lorenzo,. A^ i 1 11* oui vahirel, r.'l: aeand 

A tutta-Iiaiia SamaditM^ • tede;. ' 
C081 le stcHe^ i» iiiei Ibr feiff a^ ftmM.. 

Or im> mrnite' iogiuviata*)^ in te ifi fida f 

Che muover crottihciel con pieeibleennoL 
QweXL* ahna prcM^nt^^nziaeiie ^dbkgnida,. 

Non vucdi ichf - u ma uti i iagggno' imcnder poMii^ 

L' ammixmlQ aegMtiL dvd a^^akwidaw. 
£ non pu» led'ebv^Md^in ficMa fiMia^ . 

Ma gli-AtfgeB iKMi^bann(^aneortal fgfToh^ 

Quantunqoe^eMehi^siupdi^UMrtt^e^^ . 

Dii 



94 

N^ Di contemplar cUscun s* aUegra, e sazia 

LXXVIII. Ncl sommo Sol } pur quelle leggi eterne 

Lasciando a parte, il ciel loda, e ringrazia. 
Tanto si sa la 8u» quanto dcccme 

L' alto motor. Colui che piii ne volse* 

Or geme, e mugghia nelle notti infeme. 
Quando dal corpo mio V akna si sciolscy 
. Non le gra?o '1 partir ; ma V empia fiuna 

Che lasciava di se qua giu, le dolae. 
Ne d' altro imianzi a Die or si richiama : 

Se '1 fecii se 1 pensaij se fui nocenttt 

Ttt ciel, tu veriti, tu terra, esdama. 
O mal nata arariziai o aete ardente 

De mondani tesor, che sempte cresci : 

Miser chi dietro a te suO mal non sente. 
Or va, infelice ; a te stcssa rincresci : 

Poi che fan scnza te piu lieta vita 

Le fere Tagh^» e gli augelletti^ e i pesci. 
Ma quella man che 'n me fu tanto ardita^ 

Per ch' e cagion die il mondo oggi m' inoolpe 

Contra mia vOglia a profetar m' inyita* . 
lo dico che di questai e d' altre colpe 

Vedrassi di la su yenir vendetta. 

Prima che '1 <iorpo mio si siierre, spolpe. 
Macchiare, ahi stolca, e sabguinaria setta, 

Macchiar cercasti un nitidocristaHdy. .. 

Un' alma in ben oprar siaceraf e netta. 
Sappii crudel, se non purghi '1 tuo faUo* 

Se non ti volgi a Dio, sappi ch' i' veg^o. 

Alia ruina tua breve intervaUo ; ... 

Che cader^ quel caio antico seggio, 

(Questo mi pesa,) e fininl con doglia . 

La vita che del nud s' elesse il p^gio. 
Poi Yolse i passi> e disse : Quella spoglia 

Che fu gittata, ed or di tomba e privai 

Ben reai con pieti chi la; raccogUa* 



Ma 



95 

Ma cbe piii questo a me ? pur V alma e viva, tJ^ 

Ed onorata nci superni chiostri, XXXVIII. 

Ove umana virtu per fede arriva : 

Ivi convien che *1 8uo ben far si mo8tri. 



N^LXXIX. 



£x Diario anonjnn cujusdam Flormtim^ quod extat in Bibltothicn Magliabe* 

cbtana. 

A Di 6. d* Aprile 1492. in Domenica circa ore 5. di notte mori il Magnl- N^ 
fico Lorenzo di Piero di Cosimo de' Mbdici, a Careggi, d' eti d'anni 44. non 
finiti, il quale era stato malato drca a mesi due d* una strana infermid, con 
grandissimi dolori di stomaco e di capo, che mai potettono i Medici conoscere 
la sua malattia. Dubitossi di veleno, e massime perche on Mess. Pierlione 
da Spuleti singolarissimo Medico, che era stato alia cura sua in tutta la malat- 
tia, la mattina seguente dopo la sua morte, fu trovato essere stato gittato in 
un pozzo a S. Cen^gio alia Villa di Francesco di Ruberto Martelli, dove 
era stato trafugato, perche certi famiglj di Lorenzo V avevano voluto am- 
mazzare, per sospetto che non avessi awelenato Lorenzo, nut non se ne vedde 
segno alcuno. 



N<>LXXX. 

Joannas Cardinalis di Medici. 
Magnijico viro Petto de* Medtcis. 

CaRISSIME frater.mi, ac unicum nostrae domus columen. Quid sen- N^'LXXX. 
bam, mi frater praeter lachrimas pene nihil est, perche considerando la fe- 
lice memoria di nostro Padre essere manchata. Acre magis libet, quam quid- 
piam loqui. Pater crat, ac qualis Pater I In filios nemo eo indulgentior : 
teste non opus est, res ipsa indicat. Non mirum igitur, se mi dolgo, se pi- 
ango, se quiete alcuna non truovo, ma alquanto, mi frater, mi comforta, 
che ho te, quem loco defunct! patris semper habebo. Tuum erit imperare, 
meum ycro jussa capessere ; farannomi e tua comandamanti sempre sommo 

piacere 



56 

N<> LXXX. piaccrc supra quam credi potest. Ftc periculum : impeni ; nihil est, quod 

jussa retardem. Oro tamen, mi Petre, is relis esse iti toines, in tuos prae* 
sertim> qualem desidero, beneficum, affabilenii tometn, Uberalem, con le 
quali cose non e cosa che non si scqaisti, t no^ si totisetvl* Kon ti ricordo 
questo, perche mi diffidi di te^ ma perche cosi mio debito richtedc* Con* 
firmant me multa ac consolantur, concursus lugentium domom nostram 
factusj tristis totius urbis ac mesta faciei p^blicus luctus, et caetera id ge«^ 
nus plurimai quae dolorem magna ex parte levant ; ma qaello, che piu che 
altro mi co|»f<»^ i V havcre te, sel quale tamo mi conli4e(» qutaMS^ TaoiL 
mente dire non posso. Di quello, ehe avvisi si debba tractare con N. S, 
non s' e facto nulla, perche cosi e paruto meglio : piglierassi un* altra via, 
sccondo chfe per le lettere deUi Imba^tatori iqcend^rai : cvedo si ^gKefi uiko 
modo et piu comodo, et piu facile, el qualci ut q;Qod mihi videcur, ti tzfki* 
ferL Vale : nos quoque^ ut posfiu^jfuus, v^mus. &c U(bf dip 12% ApfUis 



«■■• 



N<»LXXXL 

Itourmiw de* MedicU* 
A hagno a Vignone^ Ftlius Pelrus d^ MedsctA 

N^LXXXI. MaGNIFICE Pater, &c. Intesi ds Ser Picve par una sua, che hebbi 

hiermattina, quanto desideravi si facessi circ:^ la venuta di Messer Hermolao, 
cl quale venne hieri dopo mangiare, et quasi ex improviso, che non se ne 
seppe nulla, se non forse un' hora innanzi. lo gli andai incontro, et da 
quattro o cinqu' altri in fuora non vi venne altri, m bisogno, che gli smon- 
tassi air osteria, che ancora non era ad ordine la stafKia, che vi si mend poi 
a pid. Subito che io fui smontato, tomai da lui per invitarlo, come mi era 
auto scripto, et visitarlp, et per intendere quanto voleva ^tace moi iefipp i !«• 
vitailo per hoggi, et intesi non stava piu qui che oggi, et domane cavalcava 
y er essere domane sera a Poggibonsi, o in luogo^ che 1^ dltro di desini in 
Siena, dove non posso intenderf se si fcrmera* Not lo habbiamo hoggi 
convitato, che non si potria dire, quantg lui Ip ha havutp a caro. fiabbia- 
mogli dato in compagnia a tavola chi lui. desideraVa, oltra quelli che lui.ha- 
veva seco, che haveva un suo fratcUo camale, up Segretaiio di San SSatco, 
et un Dpttore. Di qui.vi fu.el Conle dalla Mirandola^ Messer Marsilio, M. 
A^nolp da Montepulciano, eC per torre un cittadino, et fton uschre dii parente 

I et 



91 



<t letteratOi togliemmo Bernardo RueeUai^ che non so se habbiamo facto N^ 
bene o male. Dipoi che bavemmo desinatOj li monstrai la casa, le medaglie, 
vasi et cammei, et in sununa ogni cpsa p<r inaino al giardino, di che prese 
grande piacere, benche non credo s* intenda molto di scultura* Pure gli 
piaceva assai la notitia et T antiqulta delle medaglie, et tutti si maravigliava- 
no del numero di si buone cose^ &c. Di lui non vi saprei dire particulare, 
se non che e un homo molto elegante nel parlare. per quello io ne intendo. 
Ajutasi delle lettere, et fassene honore et in rubare motti, et in dime ancora 
in Latino. Lo aspecto lo vedrete, che non puo esserq migliorci et secendo 
1 facti. Temperato in ogni sua cosa, et pare ne habbi bisogtlo, che pare 
molto cagionevole et debole di complexione. Ha nome dl experto in rebus 
agendis, ma non pare consonino queste cose insieme, che piii presto pare da> 
ceremonia che no. Non potrebbe monstrare, piii che si faccia^ essere vos- 
tro amicOy et credo sia^ et molto gratamente ha ricevuto ogni honore, che 
gli e stato facto, et non punto alia Veneziana,i che nori pare di Ik se non al 
vestire. Ma secondo che dice ha grandissim.o desiderio di vedervi, et dice 
volere divertere per trovarvi ed abbracciarvi : hovelo voluto significare se a 
voi facessi per proposito di aspettarlo, che dice havere commissione etiam di 
salutanri da parte della sua Signoria. Qui gli e. stato facto honore. publico da* 
cittadini, et ristorato del lasciarlo smontare all' Osteria, etstamane innanzi 
yenisse a desinare visito la Signoria con molte grate parole, le quali non 
scrivoy perche credo Ser Niccolo ve le scrivera lui, che cosl gli ho decto. 
Fuvi un poco di scandalo, che nel rispondere el Gonfalbniere prese un po* 
CO di vento presso al fine, et cosi si resto senza troppa risposta, che credo 
nello animo suo se ne ridessi, et ab uno didicerit omnes, che cosi se ne do- 
leva hoggi qualchuno de' nostri. Circa 1' onore non so che mi vi dire altro. 
£1 convito come gl' and6 faro fare una Hstra air Otafo, & vela mandero 
forse con questa, se l6 trovano. Jacopo Guicciardini si sta cosi presto un 
poco peggio che no } che hieri gli venne un poco d* accidente di tossa, et 
sputo cosa, secondo dicono quelli sua, molto strana, et pure inoltra con gF 
anni in modo, che a hxngo andare, a mio juditio,^ quod absit, io ne dubito 
piu presto che no. La Contessina sta bene, et ha gia tre sciloppi, et seguita 
di purgarsi : et tutta 1' altra brigata di qui sta benlssimo. Non vi scrivo nul- 
la della libreria, perche rispecto alia venuta dello Imbasciatore ^ono a quello 
medesimo che V altro di. Raccomandomi a voi. Firenze a di lo. di Maggio 
1490. 



vol,. !!• 3 N Ttti 



98 

N« Lxxxn. 

» 

Titi Vespasiani Stroz£. 
Ad Angelutn Poetam. 
Ex. Ed. Aid. 1513. 

Kfo ANGELE* siquis erity lacrymosi plena doloris 

IiXXXiL Qui tua non tristi carmina fronte Icgat^ 

Ille feras inter saevis in rupibus ortus, 

Aspera duritie vincere saxa potest. 
Non ego talis in hoc, sed amici fletibus angor^ 

Immeriti quern sors vexat acerba mali. 
Certe dignus eras hominum, ccelique favore. 

Nee tali casus convenit iste viro. 
In te consumpsit vires fortuna nocendo^ 

Nil superest, ut jam possit obesse tibi. 
Sed licet in tenues concesserit irrita ventos 

Intempestira spes tua morte Ducis^ 
Nee promissa Patris senret tibi Filius hseres^ 

Abstuleritque tuas Gallus adulter opes 
Non tamen ista valent rectam infortunia mentem 

Eriperci et virtus inviolata manet. 
Candidus ille viget morum tenor, et pia vitae 

Simplicitas, nullis est labefacta dolis^ 
Parsque tui melior fraudem praedonis iniqui 

Despicit, ac ferrum, terribilesque minas. 
Namque sacros inter celebraberis, Angele, vates, 

Seraque posteritas scripta diserta leget. 
Et clarum toto stabit tibi nomen in orbe^ 

Donee in sequoreas Rex Padus ibit aquas* 
Dura fuit rerum jactura, ut scribis, at iUud 

Triste magis, versus tot periisse tuos. 
Namque domumi et vestes, nummosqucj et praedia siquis 

*Perdidit, haec aliqua sunt reparanda via. 
Casus» et indulgens hominum prxsentia multis 

Amissas duplici foenore reddit opes. 

Quis tibi restituet non exemplaribus ullis 

Traditai per longas carmina facta moras ? 

Quorum 



99. 

Quorum siqua manet memori sub mente reposta N^ 

Pars tibiy plura tamen pectore bipsa reor. LXXXIL 

Atque ita susceptus frustra est labor ille, jacetque 

Clarorum in tenebris fama sepulta virum. 
Quo fit» ut indigner^ doleamquej impune quod ausus 

In te sit tantum barbarus ille nefas. 
lUe sacras aedes potuit spoliare^ Deosque 

Qui vertit duras in tua damna manus. 
Non ilium pudor^ aut pietasi aut gratia movit> 

Nee yindex magni terruit ira DeL 
£t bona Pieridum dextro tibi numine parta^ 

Sacrilega rapuit barbara turba manu. 
Sed non parva mali restant solatia, quod non 

Ullius culpse conseius ipse tibi es. 
Adde quod illustres multi graviora tulerunt 

Hisy quae tu pateris^ nee meruere virL 
Respice Threicii fatum miserabile yatis> 

Eat et Arionise cognita causa fugse. 
Exulj inops, degens in amaris Naso querelis 

Finiit extremam per mala multa Diem. 
Hos praeter facile (6St aliorum exempla referre« 

Quae quoniam tibi sunt nota, silenda puto. 
Sed tamen ad vatem paU(:a haec de vatibus istis 

Dicta velim, quamvis fabula trita foret. 
Quod petis egregii pietas spectata Casellae 

Et favet, et voto est officiosa tuo. 
Nee tibi Castellus Regi gratissimus, et qui 

Rectum amat, optatam ferre negabit opem. 
Nos quoquej si precibus quidquam, studioque valemus^ 

Si quid apud magnum est gratia nostra Ducem, 
Hoc erit omne tuum, nee non curabimus, una 

G)nsulat ut rebus Regia cura tuis. 
Caetera semper agat^ quamvis dignissima bude 

Borsius, baud minor hac gloria parte venit. 
Quod bonus afflictis succurrere novit, et idem 

Magna solet mentis praemia ferre viris. 
Saepius hoc alii senserunt» Angele» rursum 

Ad vivas sitiens ipse recurris aquas. 

3 N 2 Robertus 



100 

N° LXXXIII. 

« 

Robertus Ubalditius de Galliano^ Domimcana Familia MonachuSy de Mtu 

Ang» Polit'tani. 

N^ SEPULTURA Domini Angdi Politiani, Item nc memoria oblivioni dc- 

LXXXIIL t^r omnino, ubi jacet corpus clarissimi, ac doctissimi, ct eloquentissimi viri 
Domini Angeli Politiani, Canonici Cathcdralis £cclesiae Florentinae, hie 
mihi suprascripto Fratri Roberto visum est justum, et bonum, annotare lo- 
cum sepulturae suae, quoniam et teneor, quum fuerit ipse mihi olim magis- 
ter, et ego illi discipulus, et ejus infirmitati frequenter interfui, una cum ve- 
nerando Patre^ Fratre Dominko Pisciensi, familiari suo^ ac etiam morti ejus» 
imo et qui post mortem ipsiusy psopriis manibus^ ex commissione Reverendi 
Patris, Fratris Hieronymi Savonarolae, Fenrariensis, Generalis Vicnrii tunc 
Congregationis nostrae S. Marci, dedi eidem habitum Ordinis nostri, et indui 
corpus ejusdem habitu illo, quern antea in vita optaverat et petierat, et se- 
pulturam apud nos requisierat. Unde et Domini Canonici Ecclesiae super- 
scriptae ad funus ejus venerunt una cum omnibus Fratribus nostri Conven- 
tus. Hue detulere corpus ipsius de voluntate etiam suae sororis, et quo- 
rumdam nepotum ipsius, qui tunc aderant ea de causa Florentinae urbi, et 
pro tunc sub deposito quodam in capsa una in Coemeterio secularium, quod 
juxta Ecclesiam nostri Conventus est, et sub ea portione, quae in Coeme- 
terio ipso est, et in capite portionis ipsius juxta Altare, quod ibidem est, fuit 
conditum ipsum corpus habitu nostri Ordinis vestitum. Sed post quum 
nullus attenentium suorum adimplesset, quod dixerant, faciendo sibi or- 
natum sepulchrum ad memoriale perenne, fuit sepultum in dicta capsa 
in sepulchro, quod ibidem est commune, ubi Fratres sepeliunt eos, qui 
apud nos sepeliri petunt, et locum sepulturae apud nos minime habent. 
Obiit autem praefatus Orator summus, atque Poeta insignis de mense 
Septembris, credo quod in principio iQius raensis, noti tamen memoria mea 
hoc tenet adamussim, sed de anno Domini 1494. eo anno, quo Comes 
Mirandulanus, cujus etiam familiari consuetudine utebatur, et ante ipsius 
obitum per duos menses, et obiit in domo horto, qui dicebatur Giardinus 
Dominae Claricis olim uxoris magnifici Laurentii de' Medicis. Fuerat enim 
praeceptor Petri filii majoris natu ipsius Magnifici Laurentii. £t haec ad 
memoriam rei sint, &c. 

Difcoria, 




lOX 

N<^LXxxnr, 

DiscorsOf h Apologia di Lorenzo df Medici^ 
Sopra la nasdta^ et morte dF AUssandro dt^ Medici primo Duca di Firenze. 

b£ ip avessi a giastificare le mie azzioni appresso di coloroi i quali non san- ^^ 

no, . chc cosa sia Liberta, 6 Tirannide, io m' ingegnerei di dimostrare, c i^^»-^»-^ V. 

proYocare con ragioni, come gU uomini non devon desiderare cosa piu del 

viver politico, e in li^erta, trovandosi la politica piu rara, e manco durabile 

in ogni altra sorte di Governo, che nella Republicbe, e dimostrarei ancora, 

com' essendo la Tirannide totalmente contraria al viver politico, ch' ei de* 

▼ono parimente odiarla sopra tutte le cose : £ com^ egll e prevaluto altre 

volte tanto piu questa opinione, che quelli, che hanno liberata la loro Patria 

dalla Tirannide, $ono stati reputati degni de' second! onori dopo gli Edifica- 

tori di quella. Ma avendo a parlare a chi sa, e per ragione, e per pratica, 

che la Libert^ i iene, e la Tirannide i male, presupponendo universale, 

parlero particolarmente della mia azione, non per dom^adarne premio, ma. 

per dimostrare che non solamente io ho fatto quello, a che e obligato ogni 

buon cittadino, ma che io averei mancato & alia Patria, & k me medcsimo,. 

se io non V avessi fatto» 

E per cominciarmi dalle cose piu note, io dico che non e alcuno, che 
dubiti, che il Duca Aiessaiidro, (che si chiamava de' Medici,) non fusse Ti- 
ranno della nostra Patria, se gi^ non son quelli, che per favorirlo, e tener la 
parte sua ne divenivan ricchi, i quali non potevan pero essere, ne tanto ig- 
norant!, ne tanto accecati dall' utilita, che non conoscessero, ch' egli era 
Tiranno. Ma perche ne tornava bene a loro in particolare, curandosi poco 
del Publico, seguitavano quella fortuna } i quali in vero erano uomini di po« 
ca qualita, & in poco numero, tal che non possono in alcun modo contra* 
pesare il resto del Mondo, che Io reputava Tiranno. Ne alia verita, perch' 
essendo la Citta di Firenze per antica possessione del suo popolo libera, ne 
segnita, che quelli, che la comandano, che non sono del popoloj per co- 
mandarJa sono Tiranni, come ha fatto la Casa de' Medici, la quale ha otte- 
nuta la superiority della nostra Citt^ per molti anni con consenso, e partici- 
pazione della minor parte del popolo : ne con tutto questo ebbe ella mai au- 
toriti, se non limitata, insino a tanto che dopo molte alterazioni venne Pa- 
pa Clemente VIL con quella violenza, che s^ tutto il Mondo, per privare 
della liberty la sua Patria, e fame questo Alessandro Padrone; il quale giunto, 

che 



102 

N^ che ftt in Firenze, perche non si avesse a dubitare» s' egli craTiranno^ levata * 

LXXXIV. via ogni civiltaj & ogni reliquia, e nome di Republica, e come fusse neces- 
sario per esser Tiranno non esser men' empio di Nerone^ ne meno odiatore 
degli uomini, 6 lussurioso di Caligola, ne meno crudele di Falari^ cerco di 
superare le sceleratczze di tutti, perche oltre alle cnidelti usate ne' cittadini, 
che non furono punto inferiori alle loro» supero (nel far morire la Madre) 
Tempieta di Nerone, perche Nerone lo fece per timore deilo 8tato» e della 
vita sua^ e per prevenire quello, che dubitava non fiisse fiatto i luL Mia 
Alessandro commesse tale sceleratezza solo per mera crudeM, e inomanitay 
come io diro appresso ; ne fii panto inferiore a Caligola col yilipendere, bef- 
fare, e straziare i cittadini con gti adulterii, con le violenze, con le parole 
villane, e con le minacce, che sono i, gli uomini, che stiman V onore, piu 
dure a sopportare, che la morte, con la quale al fine gli perseguitava. Su- 
pero la crudelta di Falari di gran lunga, perche dove Falari puni con giusta 
pena Perillo della crudele invenzione per tormentare, e far morire gli uomi- 
ni miseramente nel Toro di Bronzo, si puo pensare^ che Alessandro V ave- 
rebbe premiatOj se fosse stato al suo tempo, poiche lui medestmo cogitava) ' 
e trovata nuove sorti di tormenti, e morti, come, murare gli uomini vivi 
in luoghi cost angusti, che non si potessero, ne voltare, ni muoverCf ma 
si potevan dire murati insieme con le pietre, e co' mattoni, e in tale stato 
gli faceva morire, e allungare V infelicita loro piu ch" era possibile, non si 
saziando quel mostro con la morte semplice de suoi cittadini, tal che i sei an- 
ni, ch' egli visse nd principato, e per libidine, e per avarizia, e per uccisi- 
oni, si posson comparare con sei altri di Nerone, di Caligola, e di Falari, 
sciegliendoli per tutta la vita loro i piu scelerati, a proporzione pero della 
citta, e deir imperio, perche si trorer^ in si poco tempo essere stati cacciati 
dalla patria loro tanti cittadini, e perseguitati, poi moltissimi in isilio, tanti 
essere stati decapitati senza processo, e senza cause, e totalmente per vani 
sospetti, e per parole di nessuna importanza, altri essere stati a?elenati, e 
morti di sua mano propria, 6 de* suoi satellid, solamente per non arere a ver- 
gognarsi da certi, che V avevano veduto nella fortuna, in ch' egli era nato^ 
e allevato, e si troveranno in oltre essere -state fatte tante esfeorsioni, e prede» 
essere stati conmiessi tanti adulterii, e usate tante violenze, non solo nelle 
cose profane, ma nelle sacre ancora, ch' egli apparira difficile a giudicare 
chi sia stato piu, o scelerato, e impio il Tiranno, 6 paziente, e Tile il popolo 
Fiorentino, avendo sopportato tanti anni cosi grave calamita, essendo aU' ora 
massime piu certo il pericolo neUo starsi, che nel mettersi con qualche spe- 
ran^a a liberar la patria, e assicurarla per 1' avenire. Pero quelU, che pen- 

«ano. 



io'5 

sanoy che Alessandro non si dovesse chiatnar Tiranno, e per essere stato N^ 
messo in Firenze dalP impcratorc, qtial' e opinionc cbc abbia autorita d' in- LXXXIV . 
Testife degli stati, che gli pare, s' ingannano> perche quando V imperatore 
ablna cotesta autorita, egli non V ha da fare senza giusta causa, e nel parti- 
colare di Firenze egli non lo poteva fare in nessun modo essendoci ne' i capi- 
toli, ch' ei fece col popolo Fiorentino alia fine delP assedio del 1530, ex- 
presaamente dichiarato, che non potesse mettere quelh citta sotto la servitu 
de^ Afedid ; oltre che quando ben V imperatore avesse ayuta autorit^ di farlo, 
e non P avesae fattb con tutte k ragioni, e giustificazioni del Mondo, tal 
ch' ei'fusse stato piu legitimo prencipe del Re di Francia, la sua vita dissoluta, 
la sua ayarizia, la sua crudelt^ 1* arrebbono fatto Tiranno : il che si puo ma- 
ntfestamente conoscere per V esempio di lerone, e del leronimo Siracusano 9 
de^ qoali I* uno fu chiamato Re, e V altro Tiranna, percV essendo lerone di 
quella santitk di vita, che testificano tutti gli scrittori, fu amato, mentre 
visse, e desiderato dopo la morte sua da' suoi cittadini, ma leronimo suo fig- 
liuolo) die potera parere piu confermato nello stato, e piu legitimo medi- 
ante la saccessione, fu per la sua trista rita cosx odiato da' medesimi cittadini, 
cb' egli visse, e morl da Tiranno, e quelli che V ammazzarono, furono lo^ 
dati, e celebrati, dove, s' eglino avessino morto il padre, sarebbono stati bia* 
flimati, e reputati parricidi } si che i costumi son quelli, che fanno divenire 
i prendpi tiranbi contro a tutte V investiture, tutte le ragioni, e succession! 
del Mondo. Mi per non consumar piiH parole in provar quello, ch' e 
piu chiaro del sole, vengo a risponder a quelli, che dicono, ancorch' egli 
fttsse Tiranno, che 10 non lo dovevo ammazzare, essendo io suo servitore, 
e dd sangue suo, e fidandod egli di me, i quali non vorrei, che portassino 
altra pena dell' invidia, e malignita loro^ se non che Dio gli facesse parenti, 
servitori, e confidenti del Tiranno della loro Patria, se non e cosa troppo em- 
pta desiderare tanto male ad una Citts^ per la colpa di pochi, poiche cercano 
di oscurare la buona intenzione con queste calunnie, che quando le fussino 
vere, non avtebbono die forza alcuna di.farlo, e tanto pid, che 10 sostengo, 
che io non fur mai servatore di Alessandro/ ne lui era del sangue mio, o 
AID parente, e prpver6, ch' ei non si fido mai di me volontariamente. In 
due OKKli si puo dire, che uno sia servo, o servitore di un ahro, o pigliando 
da lui premio per servirlo, 5^ per essergli fedele, 6 essendo suo schiavo, per- 
che i sudditi ordinariamente non son compresr sotto questo nome di servo, 
e di servitore ; che io non fussi schiavo ad Alessandro e chiarissimo, si come 
e chiaro ancora (iL chi si cura di saperlo) che io, non solo non ricevevo pre- 
miO| o atipendio akana, ma che io pagavo a lui la mia parte delie gravezze, 

come 



104 

N^ come gli altri cittadini ; e s'egli credeva, chc io fussi suo suddito, vassalo^ 

LXXXIV. perch' egli poteva piu di me, ei dovette conoscere ch' ei 9\ iiiganoava 
quando noi fummo del pari, si che io non fui mai^ ne potcvo esser qhisunato 
suo servitore. Ch' egli non fusse della casa de' Medici, e niio pareptc e 
manifesto, perch' egli era nato di una donna infima^ e di Tilissiaiq 8tato»' da 
CoUe Vecchio, in quel di Roma, che serviva in casa di Iiorenzo agU ultimi 
servizi della casa, ed era m.aritata a un vetturale, e iniin qui e manifesdmmo* 
Dubitasi, se il duca Lorenzo in quel tempo, ch' egli ei^ Fuon^to, cbb^ 
che Jare con questa serva, e s' egli accadde, no|i ac<;adde piu d' una volta s 
ma chi e cosi imperito del coQsenso degli uqmini, e della -legge, ch^ei.npn 
sappia, che quando un donna hi marito, e. ch' ei sia dove lei,' anphprch' 
ella sia trista, e ch' ella esponga il corpo suo alia libldine di ogn' uno, che 
tutti i figliuoli, ch' ella fa, son sempre giudicati, e sono del marito ?' perch^ 
le leggi vogliono conservar r onesta, quanto si puo« Se duoquc questa ser-f 
va da Collevecchio (della quale non si sa per la sm^ nohiliti^njp no|nf[,. n^ 
cognome) era maritata a un vetturale, e quesp e manifesto ;« noto a ti;tto 
il mondo, Alessandro, secondo le leggi umane e. divine, era tigliuolQ di quel 
vetturale, e non del duco Lorenzo, tanto ch' egli non aveva meco altro in<» 
teresse, se non ch' egli era figliuolo di vi,i\ vettuialf dtUx cas^ dc' Medici* 
Ch' egli non si fidasse di me, Io provo> perch' eg}i non voile m^i acconsentirc^ 
che io portassi armi, ma mi tenne sempre disarm^tp, come faceva gli altri 
cittadini, i quali egli aveva tutti a sospetto. Oltre a qiicsto mai si fidd mcco 
solo, ancor che io fussi sempre senz' armi, e lui arma^o, che del continue 
aveva seco tre 6 quartro de' suoi satelliti ; ne quella notte, chc fu 1* ultima^ 
si sarebbe iidato, se non fusse stata la sfrenata 9ua libidine, chc l' occeco» e 
Io fece mutare contro a sua voglia propositOj ma. come poteva. egli ess<re;» 
ch' egli si fidasse di me^ che npn si fido mai d' uomo delixnoiLdo?.pcrcibd 
•non amo mai persona, e ordinariamente gli uomini noa si posson fidavc, sq 
non di quelli, che amano. £ ch' egli non amasse mai persona, aozi ch' 
egli odiasse ogn' uno, si conosce, poi(;h' egli Qdi6, e perseguito.coa.veleni^ 
c insino alia moite le cose sue proprie, che gli dovcvano esser .piu.care, doc 
la Madre, et il cardinale Ipolito de' Medici, ch' era riputato.sno Cuginow 
Io non vorrei, che la grandezza delle sceleratezza vi facesse pensare^ che 
<^ueste cose fussono finte da me per aggravarlo, perche io son tanto lontano 
dall' averle finte, che io le dico piu semplicemente^ che io posso^ per non le 
fare piu incredibili di quelle, ch' elle sono per natura. Ma di questo ci sona 
infiniti testimonii, infiniti examini, la fanvi freschissima, d' onde A «i 
j>er certOy che queeto mostrp, que&to portento^ fcce avclenarc la propria Ma- 

I dre» 



4 

« 



105 

dre, non per altra causa, se non perche vivendo ella, faceva testimonianza N<> 
della sua ignobilta, perche, ancorche fusse stato molti anni in grandezza, LXXXIV. 
egU r avera lasciata nella sua poverta, e ne' suoi esercizi a lavorar ]a Terra 
sin tanto, che quei cittadini, che avevan fuggira dalla nostra cittal la crudel- 
ta, e r avarizia del Tiranno insieme con quelll, che da lui n' erano stati 
cacciati, Tolsono menare air imperatore a Napoli questa sua Madre per 
mostrare a sua maest^, d' ond' era nato colui, il quale ei comportava, che 
comandasse Firenze. All' ora Alessandro non scordatosi per la vergogna 
della pieta, ed amor della Madre (quale lui non ebbe mai) ma per una sua 
innata crudelta, e ferita, commesse, che sua madre fusse morta avanti, 
ch' ella andasse alia presenza di Cesare, il che quanto li fusse difficile, si 
puo considerare, immaginandosi una vecchia, che stava a filar la lana, e da 
pascer le pecore : e s' ella non sperava piu ben nessuno dal suo figliuolo, 
almeno la non temeva cosa si inumana, e si orrenda, e se ei non fusse stato, 
oltre il piu crudele, il piu insensato uomo del Mondo, ei poteva pure con« 
durla in qualche luogo segretamente, dove se non 1' avesse voluta tener da 
madre, la poteva tener almanco viva, e non voler all' ignobilt^ sua aggiug- 
nere tanto yituperio, e cosi nefanda sceleratezza. £ per tomar m proposito 
10 concludo, che, perche lui non amo sua madre, ne il eardinale de' Me- 
dici, ne alcuno altro di quelli, che gli crano piu congiunti, che egli non 
amo mai alcuno, perche, come io ho detto, non ci possiamo noi fidare di 
quelli, che noi non amiamo } si che io non fui mai suo senritore, ne pa- 
rente, ne lui mai si fido di me. Ma mi par bene, che per esser male infor- 
mati, o per qualche altro rispetto, dicono, che io ho errato ad amazzare 
Alessandro, allegandone le sopradette ragioni ; mostrino esser molto meno 
informati delle leggi ordinate contro a Tiranni, e delle azzioni lodate dagli 
uomini, chd hanno morto infino i proprii fratelli per la liberta della patria : 
perche se le leggi non solo permettono, ma astringono il figliuolo ad accu- 
sare il padre in caso, ch' ei cerchi di occupare la Tirannide della sua patria^ 
non ero io tanto piu obligato a oercar di liberar la patria gia serva coii la morte di 
uno, che quando fusse stato di casa mia (che non era) a loro modo sarebbe stato 
bastardo, e lontano 5,06 gradi da me } e se Timoleone si trov6 ad ammazzare 
il proprio fratello per liberar la patria, e ne f u tanto lodato, e celebrato, che ne e 
ancora, perche averanno questi malevoli autorita di biasimarmi ? Ma quanto all* 
ammazzare un che si fidi (il che io non dico di aver fatto) dico bene, che se io 1* 
avessi fatto, io non avrei errato, e se io non V avessi potuto fare altrimenti, 
Favrei fatto. Io domando a questi tali, se la loro patria fusse oppressa da un 
Tiranno, se Io chiamerebbono a combattere, o se gli farebbono prima in- 
TOL. zi. 3 o tendere. 



> 



io6 

N^ tendere, che lo valessino amazzdre^ o se egllno andrebbono dellberati per 

LXXXIV, ammazzarlo, sapendo di aver ancor loro a morire, o vcro, se cercherebbono 
di ammazzarlo per tutte le viei e con tutti gli inganni, e con tutte le stra- 
tegemme, purch' egli restasse morto, e loro vivi. Quanto a me» io penso^ 
che non pigliarebbono briga di ammazzarlo neir un modo, e neir altro, ne 
si puo credeice altrimenti; poiche blasimano, che io ho preso quel modo^ 
ch' era piu da pigliare : se* questo consenso, e questa legge, che e fra gli 
uomini santissima, di non ingannare chi si fida, fusse levata via, io credo 
ceito che sarebbe peggio essere uomo, che bestia^ perche gli uomini manche- 
rebbono principalmente della fede, deli amicizia, del consorzio, e della mag« 
gior parte delle qualita, che ci fanno superiori agli animi bruti, essendo che 
nel resto una parte di loro e di piu forze di noi, e di piu vita, e manco sotto- 
posti a casi, e alle necessita umane ; ma non per questo vale la consequenza,che 
questa fede^ che questa amicizia si abbia da osservare ancora con i Tiranni^ 
perche si come loro pervertono, confondono tutte le Icggi, e tutti li buoni 
costumi, cosi gli uomini sono obligati contro a tutte le leggi, e tutte Tusaze 
cercar di levargli di terra, e quanto prima lo fanno, tanto piu sono da 
lodarc. Certo sarebbe una buona legge per i Tiranni questa, che vorrebbero 
introdurre, ma cattiva per il Mondo, che nessuno debba offendere il Tiran* 
no di quelli in cui egli si fida, perche fidaudosi egli di ogni uno, non potreb- 
be per vigore di questa nostra legge esser offeso da persona, e non avrebbe 
bisogno di guardie, o fortezze ; si che io concludo, che i Tiranni in quahm- 
que modo si ammazzino, siano ben morti. Io vengo ora a rispondere a 
quelli, che non dicono gia, che io facessi errore ad ammazzare Alessandro, 
ma che io errai bene nel modo del proceder poi dopo la morte i a' quali mi 
sara un poco piu difficile rispondere, che a gli altri, perche V evento pare, 
che accompagni la loro opinione, dal quale loro si muovono totalmente^ 
senz' aver altra considerazione, ancorche gli uomini savii siano cosi alien! 
dal giudicare le cose da gli eventi, che gli usino lodar le buone, e savie ope- 
razioni, ancorche V effetto sortisca tristo, e biasimar le triste, ancorche Io 
sortiscano buono. Io voglio oltre a questo dimostrare, non solo, che io 
non potevo far piu di quello, che io feci} ma ancora, che se io tentava altro, 
che ne risultava danno alia causa, e a me biasimo. Dico dunque, che il 
fine mio era di liberar Firenze, e T ammazzar Alessandro era il mezzo. Ma 
perche io conoscevo, che questa era un' impresa, che io non potevo condur 
solo, e communicarla non volevo per il pericolo manifesto, che si corre in 
allargar cose simil, non tanto della vita, quanto del non poter condurle a 
fine, io mi risolvetti a far da me^ finche io potetti fare senza la compagnia, e 

i^uando 



107 

quando io non potevo far piu da me cosa alcuna, all* ora allargarmii e do- N^ 

mandare ajuto, il quale consiglio mi successe felicemente fino «lla morte di L^UUviV. 
Alessandro, che insino all' ora ero stato sufficiente a far quanto bisognava, 
ma d' allora in qua cominciai ad aver bisogiio di ajuto, perche io mi tro- 
vavo solo senz' amici^ e confidenti, e non avendo altre armi, che quella 
spada, con cui 1' avevo morto. Bisognandomi dunque domandar ajuto^ non 
potevo io piu convenientemente sperare in quelli di fuora, che in quelli di Fi- 
renze? avendo visto con quanto ardore e quanto animo loro cercavano di riavere 
la loro liberta, e per il contrario con quanta pazienza, e vilta quelli^ ch' erano 
in Firenze sopportavano la servitUi e sapendo, che gli eran parte di quelli, che 
nel 1530 si eran trovati a difender cosi virtuosamente la loro liberti, e che il 
resto erano Fuorusciti volontari, d' onde si poteva piu sperare in loro, che * 
in quelli di dentro, poiche questi vivevano sotto la Tirannide, e quelli vole- 
vano piu tosto esser liberii che servi; sapendo ancora, che i Fuorusciti erano 
armati, e quel di dentro disarmati. In oltre tenendo per certo, che quei di 
f uora volessono unitamente la liberta, e sapendo^ che in Firenze vi erano 
mescolati molti di quei, che volevano la Tirannide, poiche si vidde poi, 
(che vale il giudicar dagli eventii) che in tutta quella citta in tante pccasiom 
fu chi si portasse, non dico da buon cittadino, ma da uoroo, fuorche due, 
o tre ; e quefti tali che mi biasimanoi pare che cerchino da me, che io ave- 
vo da andar convocando per la citta il popolo alia libertai e mostrar loro il 
Tiranno morto, e vogliono, che le parole avesson mosso quel popolo, il 
quale conoscevano non esser stato mosso da fatti. Avevo io dunque a le<* 
varmi in spalla quel corpo a uso di Facchino, e andar gridando solo per 
Firenze, come i pazzi? Dico solo, perche Piero mio servitore, che nelP 
ajutarmelo ammazzare si era portato cos) animosamente, dopo il fatto, e poi 
ch' egli ebbe a pensar il pericolo, ch' egli avea corso, era tanto avilito, che 
di lui non potevo disegnare cos' alcuna, e non avevo Io a pensare, sendo nel 
mezzo della guardia del Tiranno, e si puo dire nella medesima casa, dov' 
eran tutti i suoi servitori, e essendo la notte un lume di luna splendissimo, 
di aver io a essere, o preso, a morto prima, che io avcssi fatto trespass! fuora 
dell' uscio ? e se io avessi levatagli la testa, che quella si poteva celare sotto a 
un mantello, dove avevo io a indirizzarmi essendo solo, e non conoscendo in 
Firenze alcuno, in chi io confidassi ? chi mi avrebbe creduto ? perche un^ 
testa tagliata si transfigura tanto, che aggiunto ii sospetto ordinarioj che 
hanno gli uomini di esser tentati, o ingannati, e massime da me, ch' ero 
tenuto di mente contraria a quella, che io avevo fatto, io poteva pensare di tror 

3 ^ ^ var 



lo8 

N^' var prima uno, che mi ammazzasse, che uno, che mi credesse, e la morte 

LXXXIV* mia in quel caso importava assai, perche averebbe data rip utazione alia parte 
contraria, e a quellii che volevano la Tirannide, potcndo parere, cho in quel 
moto fusse in parte la morte di Alessandro vendicata, e cosl procedendo 
per quel verso^ io potevo piu nuocere alia causa, che giovare ; pero io 
fui di tanto contraria opinione di costoro, che non che io publicassi la morte di 
Alessandro, io cercai di occultarla e piu che io poteva in quell' istante, e 
portai meco la chiave di quella stanza, dov' egli era rimasto morto, come 
quelloi che averei voluto, se fusse stato possibile, che in un medesimo tempo 
si fusse scopertOi che il Tiranno era morto, e che i Fuorusciti erano mossf 
per venire a ricuperar la liberta, e da me non resto, che cosi non fusse. 
Certi altri dicono, che io dovevo chiamar la guardia del Tiranno, e mos- 
trarglielo morto, e domandar loro, che mi conservassono in quello stato, 
come successore, e in somma darmi loro in preda, e di poi, quando le cose 
fussono state in mio potere, che io avessi restituita la Republica, come si con* 
veniva. Questi che la discorrono per questo yerso, almanco conoscono, che 
nel popolo non era da confidare in conto alcuno, ma non conoscono gia, 
che se quei soldati in quei primi moti, e per il dolore di veder morto il loro 
signore avessono morto me (come e versimile) che io avrei perso insieme la 
vita, e Tonore, perche ogn' uno avrebbe creduto, che io avessi voluto far 
Tiranno me, e non liberar la patria \ dal qual concetto, si come io sono sta* 
to sempre alienissimo nel mio pensiero, cos) mi sono ingegnato di tener lon« 
tani gli animi degli altri ; si che nelP un modo io avrei nociuto alia causa, 
e nell' altro air onor mio : ma io confessarei facilmente di avere errato, non 
avendo preso uno di questi, o simili partiti, se io non avessi avuto da pensa- 
re, che i Fuorusciti dovessero finir meco V opera, che io avevo cominciata, 
perche avendoli io visti venire cos) francamente a Napoli con tanta riputazi- 
one, e con tanto animo, e cosi unitamente a ridomandare la loro liberta in 
presenza del Uranno, ch* era non solo vivo, ma Genero deir Imperadore,* 
non avevo io a tener per certo, che da poi, ch* egli era morto, che 1* Impe- 
radore era in Spagna, e non a Napoli, ch^ egiino avessono a raddoppiare, e 
la potenza, e 1' animo che io avevo visto in loro, e che dovessono ripigliare 
la loro liberta, dove non avessono piu constrasto ? Certo che mi parrebbe di 
essere stato maligno, se io non avessi sperato questo da loro, e temerario, se 
k) non avessi preso questo partito. Io confesso, che non mi venne mat in 
considerazione, che Cosimo de' Medici dovesse succedere ad Alessandro, ma 
quando io T avessi pensato^ o credutO| io non mi sarei govemato al altrimenti 

dopa 



109 

dopo la morte del Tiranno, che come io feci, perche io non mi sarei mai N^ 
immaginato, che gli uomini (che not reputiamo Savii) doFesscro preporre alia LXXXIV« 
vera presente gloria^ la futura incerta, e trista ambizione. 

Egli e altrettanta difficoltl dal discorrer le cose al farle, quanta ne e dal 
discorrerle inanzi al dopo : Pero quelii che discorrono ora cosl facilmente 
quello, che io dovevo fare air ora, se si fussono trovati in sul fatto, avteb- 
bono un poco meglio considerato quanto era posstbile soUevare un popolo, 
che si trovava in corpo una Guardia, e in capo una Fortezza, che gli era 
di maggiore spavento, quanto la cosa era piu nuova, ed insolita a Firenze, 
tanto piu era a me difficile, che oltre al portare il nome de' Medici, ero in 
concetto di amatore della Tirannide ; e cos) quelii, che discorrono le cose 
dopo il fatto, Ycggono che le sono mal successe : se mi avessino avuto a 
consigliare all' ora, quando eglino avrebbono visto da una banda tanta dif« 
ficulta, e daU' altra i Fuorusciti con tanto riputazione, e tanto numero, co- 
st ricchi, cos) uniti per la libertsi, come tutto il Mondo credeva, e che non 
avessono ostacolo alcuno al tomare in Firenze, poichd il Tiranno era lerato 
▼ia, io credo, che sarebbono stati di contraria opinione a quella che ora so- 
no, e in somma la cosa si riduce qui, che dore volevano, che io solo disar- 
mato andassi svegliando, e convocando il popolo alia liberta, e che io mi 
opponessi .a quelii, ch' erano di contraria opinione (il ch' era impossibile) 
io Io volevo fare in compagnia de* Fuorusciti, e col favore degli uomini del do- 
minio, quaK io sapevo, ch' erano la maggior parte per noi. £ se noi fussimo 
andati alia volta di Firenze con quella celerita, e risoluzione^ che si ricercava^ 
noi non trovavamo fattoci contro provedimento alcuno ; ni V elezione lU 
Cosimo (che era si mal fondata, e cos) fresca) ci poteva nuocere, o impe- 
dire. Se dunque io avessi trovati i Fuorusciti di quell' animo, e di quella 
prontezza (ch' era perd la maggior parte di loro, ma queUi che potevano 
manco, non avendo altre quality, che di esser Fuorusciti) nessuno neghe- 
ra, che la cosa non fusse successa appunto, come io mi ero immaginato, il 
che si puo provare, e con molte ragioni, che per non esser troppo lungo, 
si tralasciano ; e per il caso di Monte Murlo, perche dopo molti mesi, che 
dovevano, e da poiche eglino avevano lasciato acquistare agli avversarii tanta 
riputazione, quanto loro ne avevano perduta, succedess' egli di liberar Fi- 
renze, se la malignita, e 1' innetta ambizione di pochi non avesse dato 
agli avversarii quella vittoria, che loro stessi non speravano mai, e che quan- 
do si viddero vincitori, non potevano ancor credere di aver vinto : tanto che 
i Fuorusciti perderono un impresa, che da ogn' uno era giudicato, che non si 
potesse perdere. Pero chi non vorra di nuovo giudicare dagli eventi, conos» 

cera> 



f 10 

N^ cera^ che all' ora eglino ayrebbofi rimeaso Firenze in liberti^ se 8i fossono 
J i XX . Xl V, saputi govcrnarc, tanto piu era la cosa certai 8C dopo la morte di Alessandro 
immediatamente avessono fatto la meta dclla sforzo, che feciono all' ora, e 
che non fecero, quando eglino dovevanoj perche non volsono ; che altra 
ragtone non se ne puo assegnare. Ancora voglio confessare a quest! tali di 
essermi mal governato dopo la morte di Alessandro, se loro confessano a me 
di aver fatto quel medesimo giudizio in quell' instante, cb' eglino intesero, 
che io r avevo morto, e che io mi era salvato, ma se feciono all' ora giudizio 
contrarlo, e se parve all' ora, che io avessi fatto assai ad ammazzarlo, e sal- 
varmi, e se giudicarono (essendo usciti fuora tanti cittadini^ e cosl potenti, 
e di tanta riputazione) che Firenze avesse riavuta la liberta, io non voglio 
concedere loro ora, che si ridichino, ne che pensino, che io mi partissi di 
Firenze per poco animo, o per soverchio desiderio di yivere, conciosiacosa* 
che mi stimerebbono di troppo poco giudizio, se volessino, che io avessi in- 
dugiato insino all' ora a conoscere, che quello, che io trattava era con pe- 
ricolo, ma se consideravano, che io non pensai mai alia salute mia piu di 
quello e ragionevole pensarvi, e se io me ne andai di poi ^ Constantinopoli, 
io Io feci, quando io vidde le cose, non solo andate a mal cammino, ma dis- 
perate, e se la mala fortuna non mi avesse perseguitato infin la, forse quel 
viaggio non sarebbe riuscito vano, P^r tutte queste ragioni io posso piu tos- 
to yantarmi di aver liberata Firenze, avendola lasciata senza Tiranno, che 
non posson lord dire, che io abbia mancato in conto alcuno, perche non 
solo io ho morto 11 Tiranno, ma sono andato io medesimo ad essortare, e 
soUecitare quelli, che io sapevo, che potevano, e pensavo, che vollessino 
fare piu degli altri per la liberta della patria loro. E che colpa dunque e 
la mia, se io non gli ho trovati di quella prontezza, e di quell' ardore, ch' 
eglino dovevano essere ? o che piu ne posso io ? Guardisi in quello, che io ho 
potuto far senza 1' ajuto d' altri, se io Ho mancato. Nel restonon domandate 
degli uomini, se non quello, che possono, e tenete per certo, che si mi f usse 
stato possibile fare, che tutti i cittadini di Firenze fussero di quell' animo 
verso la patria, che dovrebbono, che cosi, come io non ebbi rispetto per 
levar via il Tiranno, ch' era il mezzo per conseguire il fine propostomi, e 
metter a manifesto pericolo la vita mia, e ^lasctar in abbaodono mio padre, 
mio fratello, e le mie cose piu care, e metter tutta la mia casa in quella ro« 
vina, ch' ella si trova al presente, che per il fine stesso non mi sarebbe tanta 
fatica spargere il proprio sangue, e quello de' miei insieme, essendo certo, 
che ne loro, ne io averessimo potuto finire la vita nostra piu gloriosamente 
in servizio della patria. 

a DEO 



"T 



fix 

DEO LIBERJTORI. 

Per tton venire piu in pofere de' matigni inimici miei| otc, oltre all* essece N® 

stato ingiustamente e crudelmente str3ziatO| sla costretto di nuovo, per vio- LXXXV.- 

lenza di tormenti, dire alcuna co$a in pregiudizio dell' onore deir innocent! 

parentis et amici miei, la qual cosa e accaduta a questi giorni alio sventu- 

rato Giuliano Gondi : lo Filippo Strozzi mi sono deliberato, in quel modo 

che 10 posse, quantunque dttro (rispetto all' anima) mi paia, con le mi^ 

proprie mani finire la vita mia : L' anima mia a Iddio, somma miserecordia, 

raccomando, humilmente pregandolo, se altro darle di bene non vuole> che 

le dia almefioquel luogo dove CatDpe Uticense^.e akri ^mili virtuosi uomini 

hanno fatto tal fine. 

Prego D. Giovan di Luna castellano, che mandi a torre del mio sanguc 
dopo la mia morte, e ne faccia fare un migliaccio, mandandolo a Cibo cardi- 
nale, affine che si satii in morte di quello, che satiare non si e potuto in 
vita> perche altro grado non gli manca per arrivare al ponteficato, a che esse 
si disonestamente aspira: £ lo prego che faccia sepellire il mio corpo in 
Santa Maria Novelist appresso a quello della mia donna, quanda che no, mi 
staro dove mi metteranno ; Prego bene i miei Figliuoli che osservino il 
testamento fatto da me in Castello, il quale e in mano di Benedetto Ulivieri, 
eccetto che la partita del Bandino \ £ sodisfare ancora al signor D. Giovan 
di Luna di moki comodi da lui ricevuti, e spese fatte per me, non 1* avendo 
sodisfatto mai di cos' alcuna } e tu Cesare con ogni rivetenza ti preeo t^ in- 
form! meglio dc' modi della povera cittsl di Firenze, riguardando altrimcnti> 
che tu non hai fatto al ben di quelia, se gia il fine tuo non e di rovinarla. 

PbiUppus Strozzajamjam mariturus^ 
Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor^ 



END OF THE APPENDIX. 



DESCRIPTTON of the PLATES. 

VOL. L 

Frontispiece— Portrait of Lorenso ae* Media, from the muieoni of Cw^m Battists Dii, ftt 
Florence. I have preferred this portrait to that published by Fabroni, after Chirlandajo, u 
bearing a greater resemblance to the medallioDS that remain of Lorcoao, and as being mofC 
conformable to the description of hit person by Valori and others. 

TiTLK Pag I— The arms of the Medici family. 

Cbap. I— >IV>rtrait of Cosmo de* Medici, from Pontormo. The emblem in the reranc was adopted 
by Cosmo in reference to the death of his son Gioraoni de' Medicii in 1461, and the hopes 
which he entertained from his surrivug ofTsptiog* 

CiiAr* II— The C'mtru^ or Tournament of Lotensoy from the ancicBt cdatioa« wilhont date, of tht 
poem on that subject by {.oca Pulci. 

CBAr. Illi— Portrait of Gtuliano de' Medici, with his seal, as presenred in the Strotsi lihrary. 

Cbav. IV— The Medal struck by Antonio Polbjooloy on the conspiracy of the Passi. 



Chaf* V^A Bacchanalian Scene, from an antique gem In the Mttsam Fbreatiimm, in alluuon to the 
Camti CsnuuaaUuJtu 

Xmd op vol. I— Medallions of Marsilio Ficino, and Luigi PuIcL The former from the Promptna" 
riam Icemimf Lugd, 1 578. The latter from the rare edition of the Mot^mmU^ Fhr, 1546. 



VOL. U. 

Tjtlx PA6B«->The Impress, or device assumed by Lorenso de' Medici, and which generally accom* 
.panies his portrait. 

Craf. VI^-Medallion of Lorenso, with the emblem of Florence in the reverse, as giYcn by Adimari 
in his edition of the Comment, Conjur, Pactiatuef of Politiano, NaftB, 1769. 

Chap* VII— Medallion of PolitSaoo, with the emblem of Study as the reverse j from the same work* 

Chap. VIII— The Palace of the Medici in Florence, erected by Micheloszi, and now the reaidence of 
the £unily of Riccardi. 

Chap. IX— ^Portrait of Michelagnolo Buonaroti, from the original print of GioUo Bonasoni, published 
by Gori, m his edition of the lifie of Michelagnolo, by Condivi, Fltr, 1746, where the editor 
has errooeoufly atuibuted it to Giolio Romany 

Chap. X— Portrait of Leo X. after Raffaello, with his arms and pontifical emblems. 

Emd op vol; II.— Medal of Niccolo Valori, the first historian of Lorenso de* Medici, with the arms 
of his fiunlly, anciently called RuitichcUi| from the FgmigVu nMi Frntntiwi of Scip. Ammi- 
nto* FUr* 1615. 



INDEX. 



ACCJAJUOLI Jgrnhy his letter to 
Piero de* Medici, i. 8j 

DcMMf inscribes several of his works 

to Piero de' Medici, i. 91 

his embassy to Rome, i. 207 

death, i. ai6 

AccoLTi Ben04etto^ his history of the 
wars between the Christians and 
the Turks, i« 90 

Agnsma, a farm of Lor. de' Medici, ii. 142 
Albe&ti L$o Batiiuof his I«acin co- 
medy intitled PModaxios, u B6 
introduced by Landino in his DUpum 
Wiones CamMukruiSf u 104 
Albizi Rinaldo 4^', exposes Cosmo de' 
Medici, u x i 
banished, u 19 
Alexander VI, his elevation to the 

pontificate, ii. 248 

jlmiraf an Italian poem by Lorenzo 

de' Medici, i. 280 

Amhra^ a Latin poem of Politiano, ii. ijy 
Ancient authors, their works disco- 
vered, i. 23 
Ancients and modems compared, i. 266 
Architecture encours^ed by Lor. de' 

Medici, ii. 216 

Argyropylus Johantuf^ instructs Lo- 
renzo in the Aristotelian philo- 
sophy, i. 73 
teaches the Greek language at Flo- 
rence, ii. 79 
his death, ii. 81 
Arts, their progress, ii. 175 

VOL. II. 3 p 



Arts, state of them in the middle ;^es, iu i^^ 

revival in Italy, ii. 177 

their imperfection, ii, 189 

causes of their improvement, ii. 191 

AuGURELLi Aurelioy a Latin poet, ii. 108 

B 
Balpini B4caq^ an eady engraver 

on copper, ii. 222 

BALnoviNETTi, eEccUed in painting 

portraits, ii. 185 

Baldovini, Lamint9 di Cecco da Var* 

l^JS^i u 29S 

Bandini Bernardo^ an accomplice in 

the conspiracy of the Pazzi, L i8t 

Barbaro Ermolao^ il. 2^^ 

&ca da DicomanOf rustic poem of 

Luigi Pulci, ^.^^ 

Beccatelli jiniomp, his HirtMMfbn^ 

dkusf and other poems, i.5i* ii. 90, 104 

l^EVi-^o fiimardPf i. 215 

Piero, ib. 

verses to the memory of Politiano, ii* 261 

BENTiYOGi,to Gievamfh assists Lor, i. 201 

attacks Manfredi, prim:e of Fa- 

enza* ii. 171 

Bboni, a satirical poem of Lor. de' 

Medici, i. 289 

Berlin GHiER I Francaco^ La dogra^ 

Mi ii* 112 

Bessarion Cardinal, his dispute with 

George of Trebisond, i. 53 

Bianchi and Ngri, i. ^ 

Boccaccio Giovannif his Decamerene^ , i. 240 

Latin writings, ii, ^3 



2 



INDEX. 



Bologna, battle of, i. 84 

Bos so Matteoy his character and works> ii. 160 

B&Accio AUssandr9^ a Latin poety ii. 108 

Brunelleschi Filippo, L 61 
B&uNi Leonardo^ called Leonardo Are- 

tinoy his character and writings, u 21 

promotes the cause of learning, ii. ^6 
BuoNAROTi Michilagnolo^ studies in the 

gardens of S. Marco, ii. 202 
resides with Lorenzo, ii* 204. 
advantages over his predecessors, ii. 206 
hi« sculptures* ii. 207 
great improvement of taste intro- 
duced b]r him, ii. 208 
unjustly censured, ii. 211 
Micbtlagndo the younger, his rustic 
comedy intitled La Ttmcia^ t. 297 
BuRCHiELLO, his Writings, i. 242 

C 

Ca£Fagriolo, description of, ii. 141 
Calabria duke of, defeats the Flo- 
rentines, i. 217 
defeated by Roberto Malatesta, ii. 12 
Calphurnius, his writings discovered 

' in England, i. 29 
Cantalicio, a modem Latin poet, ii. 108 
Canti CarHasciaUschi^ ^•304 
Careggi, description of, ii. 139 
Castagna JnJrea da^ paints the 
portraits of the Pazzi conspira- 
tors, i. 207 
introduces the practice of painting 
in oil, ii. 186 
Cennini Bernardoy the first Floren- 
tine printer, ii. 63 
Chalcondyles Dimetriuif teaches the 

Greek language at Florence, ii. 82 
story of, his quarrel with Politiano 

refuted, ii. 83 

ChrysolorAs EmanuiJy i. 20 
the modem father of classical learn- 
ing, ii. ^6 



CiBO GioMhattista^ v. Innocent VIII. 
CiBO France scoy marries Madalena, 

daughter of Lorenzo de' Medici, iL 153 
Cicero, several of his writings disco- 
vered by Poggio, i. 27 
Ciriffo CalvaHiOf heroic poem of Luca 

Pulci, i. 245 

Clarice, wife of Lorenzo, i. 117. ii. 123 

quarrels with Politiano, u. 128 

her death, ii. 162 
Classical learning, progress of, in Ita- 
ly, ii. 51, 99 

Classic authors discovered, i. 23 

early editions of, ii. 64 

CoUediones Cosmtanse^ u 50 
CoLONNA Q//#, Martin V. elected 

pope, i. II 

Columella, his works discovered, i. 27 

Constantinople, capture of, i. 43 

Co N TU c c I Andna^ an eminent painter, ti , 214 
CoRNiuOLi Giovanni della, a celebrated 

engraver on gems, ii. 227 

CossA, Balthazar John XXIII. i. 1 1 

Council of Florence in 1438, i. 34 

Cremona, congress of, ii. 15 
Crescimbeni, his character of the 

poetry of Lorenzo, i* 312 

D 
Dante, his ImfernOf i. 238 

character of his sonnets, i. 274 

Latin writings, ii. 52 

Denmark, king of, at Florence, t. 159 

DoMENico de' Camei, an engraver on 

gems, ii. 227 

DoNATELLO, favoured by Cos. de' 

Medici, u 6q 

his works in sculpture, ii. 189 

DoNATO Lucrezioy mistress of Lor. i. 1 15 

Drama, Italian, its rise, i. 298 

musical, its origin, i. 302 

Driadeo d* Jmorty pastoral romance of 

Luca Pulci| i. 247 



INDEX. 



Engraving on copper, invention of, ii. 222 
on gems, revival of, ii, 224 

EsTE Borso dPf marquis of Ferrara, i. 129 
ErcoU d*, duke of Ferrara, assists Lo- 
renzo, i, 202 
is succoured by Lorenzo, ii. 10 

F 
Federigo of Aragon, his interview 

with Lorenzo at Pisa, i. 74 

Lorenzo addresses his poems to him, i. 253 
FfiRDiNAND king of Naples, his letter to 

Lorenzo, i. 81 

declines the proposed marriage be- 
tween his daughter and the dau- 
phin of France, 1. 156 
leagues with the pope against the 
Florentines, i. 211 

is visited by Lorenzo at Naples, i, 218 
concludes a peace with him, 
threatened by the pope, 
defended by Lorenzo, 
reconciled to the pope, 
his cruelty and perfidy, 
Ferrara, its government, 
Ferrara duke of, attacked by the Ve- 
netians and the pope, 
defended by Lorenzo, 
FiciNO Marsilio^ educated in the Plato- 
nic philosophy, 
instructs Lorenzo, 
his abstract of the doctrines of Plato, i. 1 62 
introduced by Lorenzo in his Jlter^ 
caxiofUf ib» 

Fide LIS CassMufra, her extraordinary 

accomplishments, ii. 97 

Fiesole, its situation, i. 2 

destroyed, i. 

FiLELFO FramciscOf his character, i. 

researches after ancient manuscripts, i« 

dissensions with Poggio, u 

Florence, its origiuj i. 



• 

1. 


226 


• • 


22 


• • 

11. 


25 


• • 

lU 


27 


• • 

n. 


35 


• 
1. 


129 


^e- 




•• 
n. 


9 


•• 
11. 


10 


to- 

• 

1. 


36 


• 

1. 


73 



Florence, government, i. 

council of, i. 

its state at the death of Piero de* 

Medici, i. 

review of its government, ii. 

regulations introduced by Lorenzo, ii. 

its prosperity, ii. 

extinction of the republic, ii. 

Florentine secretaries, eminent scho- 
lars, 
FoLSNGi Niccelof a Latin poet. 
Franco Matteo^ his sonnets, 
Frescobaldi, conspiracy of. 



3 

34 

127 
38 

4^ 
308 



ii. 86 

ii. 108 

i. 250 

ii. 6 



3 
3« 
33 

SS 

2 
3 p 2 



Genazano Mariano^ a distinguished 

preacher, ii. 156 

Gentile d^ Uriino, bishop of Arezzo, 

instructs Lorenzo, i. 72 

ode addressed to him by PoHtiano, i. 203 
summons a convention at Florence 
against Sixtus IV. i. 209 

George of Trebisond^ his dispute with 

cardinal Bessarion, i. 53 

Ghiberti LorenscOf his works in sculp- 
ture, i. 63. ii. 188 
Giostra of Lorenzo and Giuliano, i. 91 
Giotto, character of his paintings, ii. 178 
G RAN AC c I Francesco^ a fellow-student 

of Michelagnolo, ii. 203 

his talents, ii. 214 

Greek academy instituted at Flo- 
rence, ii. 77 
Grocin fVilliam, a student at Flo-, 

rence, ii. 84 

Grosso Niccolof called // Cafarra, his 

works in iron, ii. 215 

GuARiNo Veronese, an eminent scho- 
lar, i. 22. ii. 56 
his researches after the remains of 
ancient authors, i. 29 
Guelphs and Ghibelines, « i. 4 



INDEX. 



H 
Hawking, poem on, by Lor. de' Med. i« aSi 
Hermapbrcditus, a licentious work of 

Beccatelliy i. 51 

I 
Inkoc£nt VIII. his eledlion to the 

pontificate, and character, ii. 17 

Lorenzo gains his confidence, ii. 18 

he prepares to attack the king of 

Naples, ii. 22 

opposed by Lorenzo, it. 23 

is reconciled to the king, ii. 27 

threatens him with fresh hostilities, ii. 35 

pacified by Lorenzo, ii. 3? 

his death, >i* 24^ 

Isabella of Aragon, her nuptials 

with Galeazza SforE«« duke of 

Milan, ii. 154 

asiecdote respecting her, ii. 155 

Italian language, its degradation^ i. 240 

revivors of it in the XV. century, i. 242 

Italy, its political state, i* 123* ii« 4 

general tranquillity of, 

invaded by the French, 

L 
La))Dino Cbristo/ero, instructs Lor. 

his character, 

Disputaticnts CamalMifisiSf i 

hrs poetry, 

his commentary on Dante, 

his edition of Horace, 

Latiiti of Lorenzo de' Medici, 

Lro X. 1/. Giovanni de' Medici* 

age of ti. 283 

Library of S. George at Venice found- 



ii. 46 
ii. 249 

»• 73 
i. 89 

103. ii. 64 

ii. 104 

ii. 54 

ii. 6g 

i. 285 



ed by Cosmo de' Medici, 
Laurentian, established, 
its progress, 

plundered by the French, 
restored^ 



i. 18 

»• 37 
ii. 59 

ii. 254 

ii» 284 



a. 
11 • 



15 

^7 



Library of S. Marco at Florence 
founded by Niccolo Nlccofi, i. 38 

of the Vatican, founded by Nicho- 
las V. u 41 
Lin ACER Thomas^ studies the Greek 

tongue at Florence, \ ii» 84 

Lip PI FilippOf the elder, favoured by 

Cosmo de* Medici^ i. 6z 

monument erected to him by Lo- 
renzo, ii. 184 

FilippCfXhc younger, his paintings, if. i$7 

LivY, researches after his writings, u 28 

Louis XI. of Fraace, negotiate» for the 

marriage of the dauphin with a 

daughter of the king of Naples, i. 154 

advises Lorenzo not to attend the 

congress of Cremona, 

LucuBTius^ discovery of his works, i 

M 
Madalena, daughter of Lorenzo, 

marries Francesco Cibo, ii. 153 

MaffEI Jntonio^ an accomplice in the 

Fazzi conspiracy, u 181 

Raffaellof kindness of Lorenzo to 
him, i. 206 

Mahomet II. captures Constantite- 

ple, i. 45 

captures the island of Negroponty i. 133 

captures Otranto, i« 230 

his death, & 8 

Malatesta RoheriOf commands the 

Florentine troops, i. 216 

engages in the servtoi of the pope, ii. 1 1 

his death, ii« 12 

Manetti GiannozxOf t. 21 

studies perspective, it. 1S3 

Man Fa EDI Gakvtto^lkn tragical death, ii. 169 

MANTEOff A ^jui^a, his engravings, ii. 223 

Masaccioj favoured by Cosmo de' 

Medici, i. 62 



INDEX. 



Maximis Cwrohs </#*, his poem on the 
restoration of . the academy ai2 
Pisa, ii* 107 

Mebici family, antiquity of, i. 7 

nature of their influence in Flo- 
rence, i. 13 
sources of their wealth, i. 134 
their commercial concerns, i. 135 
other sources of their revenue, i. 137 
expelled from Florence, ii. 250 
their adherents decapitated, ii. 269 
restored to Florence, ^^ ^77 
Medici Altssandro dt*^ natural son of 
Lorenzo, duke of Urbino, ii. 295 

assumes the sovereignty of Flo* 
rence, ii. 299 

assassinated by Lorenzino de' Me- 
dici, ii. 301 

Cosmo d€*y Pater Patriae i. 10 

assists Balthaz.Cossa, John XXIII. i« 

is banished to Padua, 

is allowed to reside at Venice, 

founds the library of S. George at 
Venice, 

recalled from banishment, 

encourages men of learning, 

founds the Laurentian Library, 

applies himself to study, 

his celebrity, 

his death and character, 

encourages the arts, 

his collection of antique, 

his repartees, 

his great prosperity, 

Cosmo tii\ firft graijid duke, ii. 308 

Gievamu de\ an ancestor of Lorenzo, 
reinforces the fortress of Scarpe- 
ria, i. 8 

Ciovatmi i^^ sumamed dt* Biccif fa- 
ther of Cosmo Patir Pafristt i. 9 

his last advice to his two sons, ib^ 

3 



I« 


II 


• 

1. 


15 


9 

1. 


17 


at 




1. 


18 


J* 


»9 


L 


20 


I. 


37 


1. 


45 


I. 


49 


1* 


58 


1* 


60 


lla 


»99 


1« 


64 


!• 


65 



McDici Giovamii dg\ son of Cosmo, 

his death, i« 48 

GiovMmi dt^, Leo X. second son of 

Lorenzo, bom, ii* IM* 

his character, ii- 131 

raised to the dignity of cardinal, ii. 144 
letter to him from Lorenzo on his 

pronootion, ii« 146 

letter from him to his brother Piero, 

on the death of their father, ii. 247 
his conduct in his exile, ii' 276 

his election to the pontificate, ii. 278 

promotes his relations, ii. 279 

restores his dominions to peace, ii. 280 
Giovanm di*^ son of Pierfrancesco, 

asfsumes the name of Pofolam^ ii. 296 
Giovanm di\ captain of the Sande 

nerif ii. 297 

Giuliano de*y brother of Lorenzo, 

born, i. 46 

his giostra^ and poem on that sub- 
ject by Politiano, i. 91 
his character, i. 131 
assassinated in the conspiracy of the 

Pazzi, i. 184 

his obsequies, ' ^* ^9^ 

personal accomplishments, i. i^ 

Giuliano di\ duke of Nemours, third 

son of Lorenzo, born, ii, 124 

his character, ii. 286 

his death, ii. 288 

G/Witf^^*, Clement VII. born, i. 196 

follows the fortunes of the cardinal 

Giovanni, ii. 277 

obtains the pontificate, and erects a 
building for the Laurentian Li- 
brary, ii, 286 
fypolito de*y natural son of Giuliano, 

duke of Nemours, ii. 290 

his death, ii. 300 



INDEX. 



I. 9, 31 

ii. 195 

46 

69 

71 

72 

73 

74 

75 

78 
81 

ib. 
82 



Medici Lorenzo de't brother of Cos- 
mo, 

collects remains of antiquity, 
Lorenzo il Maghifico, bom, i. 
his early accomplishments, i. 

his person and charafter, i. 

education, i. 

studies under Landino and Argyro- 

pylo, i. 

his interview with Federigo of Ara- 

gon at Pisa, i. 

Ti'sits Rome, i, 

rescues his father from an attempt 

on his life, i. 

defeats the conspiracy of Luca Pit- 

tit i. 

letter to him from Ferdinand king 

of Naples, 
his clemency, i, 

his giostra^ and poem of Luca Pulci 

on that subject, 
his description of his mistress, 
sonnets in her praise, 
marries Clarice Orsini, 
his journey to Milan, 
intrusted with the direction of the 

Florentine state, 
appointed syndic of the republic, 
devotes his leisure to literature, 
his embassy to Sixtus IV. 
suppresses the revolt at Volterra, 
establishes the academy at Pisa, 
negotiates for a marriage between 

the dauphin and a daughter of the 

king of Naples, i, ,^4 

his poem 'intitled Ahercasdom^ i. jg^ 

wounded in the conspiracy of the 
Pazzi, i. ig^ 

conduct after the conspiracy, i. 194 

prepares to resist the pope and the 

king of Naples, \. 200 



91 

107 

112 
i. 117 
i. 118 



129 

140 

147 
149 

i5» 



Medici Lortnz/o de^^ kindness to the re- 
lations of the conspirators, 1.205 
danger of his situation, i, 212 
sends his family to Pistoia, i* 213 
negotiates for peace, i. 2x4 
resolves to visit the king of Naples, i. 218 
his letter to the magistrates of Flo- 
rence, i. 220 
embarks at Pisa, i. 223 
interview with the king, i, 224 
concludes a treaty with him, i. 225 
his reception at Florence, i. 228 
concludes a peace with the pope, i. 231 
his studies, i. 235 
his early writings, i. 253 
inquiry into his poetical character, i , 255 
his talents for description, i. 256 
poetic comparison, i. 258 
personification, i. 264 
of the passions and afFe6lions, i. 266 
his talents for the Prosofopeia^ i. 267 
various species of poetry cultivated 

by him, 
sonnets and lyric pieces, 
Sel*ve d* amortj 
Amhra^ a fable, 
poem on hawking, 
moral pieces, 
sacred poems, 
/ Beoni^ a satire, 
La Nencia da Barherine^ 
dramatic works, 
Canti CarnasciaUscbi^ 
Cattzotii a ballo^ 

character of his poetry by Pico of 

Murandula and others, i. 310 
celebrated in the Nutrida of Poli. 

^'ano, I. ^i^ 

he endeavours to secure the peace of 
^taly, H. 2 

conspiracy againft him by Fresco- ^ 
baldi, ii. 5 



272 

275 
278 

280 

281 

282 

285 

289 
297 
300 
304 

307 



INDEX. 



Medici Lonsau dt% defends the duke 
of Ferrara against the pope and 
Venetians^ ii. lo 

obtains the confidence of Innocent 

VIII. ii. 18 

joins the army before Pietra Santa^ ii. 21 
defends the king of Naples against 

Innocent VIII. ii. 25 

reconciles the pope and the king, ii. 27 
suppresses the insurrection at Osi- 

moy ii. 29 
Joins the armj, and captures Sar- 

zana» ii. 31 

protects the smaller states of Italy-y ii. 33 
reconciles the pope and the king of 

Naples a second time, ii. 36 
regulates the government of Flo- 
rence, ii. 41 
his high reputation, ii. 45 
his ardour in collecting ancient ma- 
nuscripts, ii. 60 
establishes the Greek academy at 

Florence, ii. 78 
domestic character, ii. 117 
accused of being addicted to licen- 
tious amours, ii. 120 
vindicated, ii. 121 
conduct towards his children, ii. 124 
discharges his debts, and quits com- 
merce for agriculture, ii. 132 
favours learned ecclesiastics, ii. 156 
encourages the arts, ii. 182 
erects a bust of Giotto ii. 1 80 
raises a monument to Fra Filippo at 

Spoleto, ii. 184 
augments his collection of antique 

sculptures, ii. 199 
establishes a school for the study of 

the antique, ii. 200 

favours Michelagnolo, ii. 201 

other artists favoured by him, ii. 213 

attempts to revive Mosaic, ii. 220 



Medici Lwitaso /#*, intends to retire 

from public life, ii- 231 

is taken sick, and removes to Ca« 
reggi, ik 233 

condu6^ in his last sickness, ii. 234 

interview with Pico and Politiano, ii. 236 
with Savonarola, ii. 238 

his death, ii. 239 

his character, ii. 240 

review of his condu<9: as a states- 
man, ii. 241 
attachment of the Florentines to 

him, ii. 242 

circumstances attending his death, ii* 243 
testimonies of respect to his memo* 

ry, ii. 246 

monody on his death by Politiano, ii. 257 
Lorenzo dt\ duke of Urbino, ii* 291 

his death and monument, ii. 293 

Lorenzo ife\ son of Pierfrancesco, 

called LorenzinOf ii. 297 

assassinates the duke Alessandro, ii. 301 
motives and consequences of the at- 
tempt, ii. 305 
is assassinated at Venice, ii. 307 
Piero de\ son of Cosmo, marries 
Lucretia Tomabuoni, i. 
his conduct after the death of Cos- 
mo, 

promotes the interests of learning, i. 

his death and character, 

Piero de\ son of Lorenzo // Magni' 

ficoy born, 
his character, 
visits pope Innocent VIII. 
marries Alfonsina Orsiiii, 
visits Milan, 
expelled from Florence, 
his death and character, 
sonnet by him, 
Sal*vestro dt^ 
Veri di. 



46 



• 

1. 


76 


• 

1. 


85 


1. 


119 


• 

M- 




• • 

11. 


124 


11. 


129 


• • 

11. 


H3 


• • 

11. 


>5« 


II. 


'54 


11. 


251 


11. 


273 


• • 

11. 


274 


• 

U 


8 




ib. 



index; 



Merula. Gsorghf his controrersy with 

PolitianOy it. 74 

Mich exo z z i MicbAzzo^ accompanies 

Cosmo in his banishment, i. 18 

Milan, its government, i. 125 

Miscellanea of Politiano, ii. 73 

Monte SI ceo GiambatiistOy an accom- 
plice in the conspiracy of the 
Fazzi, i. 181 

Morgante Maggiore of Luigi Pulci, 1. 247 

Mosaic, attempts to revive it. 

Museum Florenlinumy its origin, 

N 
Naldo de NaUisy his Latin poetry, 
Naples, its government, 
Nardi Bernard9y attacks the town of 

Prato, i. 132 

Neneia da Barherinoy rustic poem of 

Lorenzo de* Medici, i. 297 

NiccoLi NiccoUy a promoter of learn- 
ing, i, 38 
founds the library of S. Marco, i. 39 
collects the remains of ancient art, ii. 196 
Nicbelas V. founds the Vatican Libra- 



n. 


220 


II. 


199 


•• 
u. 


104 


• 

1. 


125 



n» 



o 



O L G I ATO Girolamoy assassinates 

duke of Milan, 
Orasu'oni of Lorenzo de' Medici, 
Or/eo of Politiano, 
Orsini Clarice, wife of Lorenzo, v. 

Clarice. 
Otranto, captured by the Turks, 
retaken by the duke of Calabria, 

P 

Paleologus yobtty emperor of 

east, at Florence, 
Paul II. his death and charaAer, 

a prosecutor of men of learning, 
pAzzr, conspiracy of, 

origin of the attempt, 

the family of, 



u 41 

the 

i. 174 

i. 285 

i. 302 



1. 230 



u. 



the 



34 

144 

«45 
176 

180 

178 



PAzzr, rcsaons of tteir «imity to the' 

Medici. 1. 179 

arrangements for its execution, i- 182 
the conspirators attack the palace, u '87 
repulsed by Cesare Petrucci, t. 188 

memorials of it, i. 198 

Giactfo d^y his miserable death, i. 191 
Gi^lielmo de\ banished, i. 192 

Perugia, battle of, 1.217 

Petrarca, his writings, i. 239 

his sonnets, i- 174 

his Latin writings, ii, '53 

collects ancient medals, Ii. 195 

Petronius, his works discorered, i. 29 
Petrucci Cesarfy defends the palace, i. 1^7 
Pico GiovatuUy of Mirandula, his cha- 
racter of the poetry of Lorenzo, i« 3^10 
his history and character, ii. 91 

last interview with Lorenzo^ it. ^36 

his death, »«• ^S^ 

Pietra Santa, captured by the Florcn- 



tmes. 



11 4 



21 



Pisa, its academy established, i. 15 1 
poem thereon by Carolus de Mazi- 

mls, ii* 107 
Pis AN I Nicploy Ii Andreay their works 

in sculpture, ii. 188 
Pitt I Luca, his conspiracy againft the 

Medici, i. 77 

Palaxxoy its erection and progress* i. 80 

Plato, revival of his philosophy* i. 35 

Platonic academy, its progresSf i. 160 

festival, i- 167 

effects of this institution, i. 168 

number and celebrity of Its mem- 
bers, i. 169 
Flatus Platinus of Milan, a Latin 

poet, ii. 107 

Plautus, his works discovered, i. 27 

Pletho Gemislbusj i. 35 

PooG 10, studies under Chrysoloras, 1. fa 

discovers the writings of many of 

the ancient s^athors, i. t6 



U7D1SX. 



PoG6io» his quarrel with Filelfo, i* 55 
industry in collecting antique sculp- 

tures» ii» 196 

Csacof0, engaged in the conspiracjof 

the Pazzi, i* >8l 

his death, i« 189 

Boggio Cajanoy description of ^>* >34 

PoLiTiitNO jii9oU$ his Ghstrm of Giu- 

liano de' Medici, i. 9I9 97 

Us birth and education^ u 140 

temper and character, i* 143 

liis ode to Gentile d' Urbino^ i. 203 

his musical drama intkled Oifio, u 302 
his NutridOf i. 314 

•de jU Haratium flaicmm^ ii. ^Ct 

his industry as a commentator, it. 6S 
authors commented by has, ii» 70 

correcu the Pandects of Juftinian, ii. ^1 
^ his Mis ^im t ni p H. 73 

r conftroversy with Merula» ii. 74 

V conliroversy with Scala^ ii. 88 

. his .translatioaef H^rodiiffi, ii. 101 

of Hainer into Xiatin hexameter 

¥erse, it. 102 

character of hb Ltuia poetry, ii, 109 

acccnnpanies the family of Lcmwuzo 

to Pistoja, ii. 12^ 

' }ns letters to Lacrezia, tke modier 

of Lorenao, - ii. 126 

: dissensions between him and Madon* 
. na Clarice^ iii 127 

she expels Um the house, n. 128 

he retires to Fiesole, amd wikes his 

poem intitled RmticMs^ ib. 

his last interview with Lorenzo de* 
Medici, ill 236 

. absurd account respecting his death, 

ii. 256 
his monody on Lorenzo, ii. 257 

celebrated by cardinal Bembo, ii, 261 
authentic account of his death, ii. 26^ 

VOL* II* « 



PoLLAjuoLO Antrndoi his medal on the 

conspiracy of the Pazzi i^ I99 

introduces the study of anatomy, ii^. 785 

Printing, inyention of iv 42 

introduction in Florence, ii. 62 

PuLCi B$marJ§y his writings^ i« 244 

Lu€m^ his Qioftra of Lorenzo de^ 

Medici, i. 91, 96 

lus other writings^ t • 245 

Lmpt his Morgame^ i, 247 

sonnets, i. 250 

La Beca ia Dkomaao^ a rustic poem, i. 297 

QuiNTiLXAN, his works discovered, i. 26 

R 
^UiMOVDi MarcJmiPmUf hisengraTingSy 

ii. 23 » 

Jt^jipruifitaxioni antkhi^ u 300 

RicufiratimuFifukna of Matteo Bosso, 

Re&rioation, its rise, ii. 281 

RiAaib Puro, his dissipation,/ ». i^j 

GirJamoy i. j^g 

engages in the conspivacy of the 

Pazzi, i, 177 

assassinated, ii. 154, 

Rafaelhy an instrument in eh» Pazzi 

conspiracy, i, lyy 

escapes with his lifor i- 189, 2o5 

Rome, its government, i. 126 

RucELLiii B4rnard$9 marries Nannina 

sister of Lorenzo, H, 1^3^ 

RySTicx Guui/rsnaiC9, an eminent 

painter, H. 213 

Rmficus, a Latin poem of Politiano, ii. 1 29 

S 
Salviati Franctjco, archbishop of Pisa> 
engages in the conspiracy of the 
Paz2«» i. iS% 

his deaths i. x8^ 



10 



INDEX* 



Saltiati A'viratdo^ favoured by Lo- 
renzo dc* Medici, i- 206 
Giacopot marries Lucrczia, daughter 
of Lorenzo, i. 206, ii. 153 

Salutati ColucctQ, congratulates De- 
metrius Cydonius on his arrival in 
Italy, H. 58 

Sanoallo Giulianoda^ an eminent ar- 
chitect, ii. 117 

Sarzana, attacked by the Florentines, ii. 19 

captured, **• 3 * 

Satire, jocose Italian, its rise, i. 290 

Savonarola Giroiamo, his character, ii. 158 
▼isits Lorenzo in his last sickness, ii. 258 
' commotions excited by him at Flo- 
rence, "• 26^ 
his disgrace and execution, ii. %&g 
Sazus Pampbilus^ his verses to the me- 
mory of Politiano, n. 265 
ScALA BartoUmio, draws up a memo- . 
rial of the conspiracy of the 
Pazzi, >• *" 
ins character, "• 86 
controversy with Politiano, «• 88 
Jlessandra^ her kaming and accom- 
plishments, «• 95 
Sculpture, progress of ii* 188 
state amon^t the ancient Romans, ii* 192 
researches after the works of the an- 
cients in sculpture, n* I94 
^/tor ^' tf«wr^ of Lorenzo dc' Med* i. 278 

Sforza C9mtantiW9 general of the 

Florentines, i. 216 

GaUasexo MariOf duke of Milan, i* 12; 

. visits Florence, i- 138 

assassinated, i* ^73 

GaUazscoy his nuptials with Isabella 

of Aragon, ii» 154 

Lodovicoy called // More, his ambi- 
tion, i- 175 

invites the French into Italy, U. 249 



Signorelli Luc4» character of his 



paintmgSi 



ii. 187 



S1LIUS Italicvs, discovery of his 

poem, »• «7 

Simon ETTA, mistress of GiuUano de' 

Medici, i. 102 

her death and funeral, i« i^ 

Si MONET A Ce€C9, opposcs the authority 

of Ixxiovico Sforza, i. I75 

his death, >• i?^ 

SixTUs IV. succeeds to the pontifi- 

clte, i. 147 

engages in the conspiracy of the 

Pazzi, i. 177 

his. extreme violence u. 207 

excommunicates Lorenso and the 

magistrates of Florence, i* 108 

endeavours to prevail on the Flo* 

tentines to deliver up Lorenzo, L aio 

his x>bstinacy, . ' u tig 

perseveres in the war, u 139 

: his ambition and rapacity, ii* la 

leagues with the Venetians against 

the duke of Ferrara, ii* 9 

deserts and ezconununicates the Ve- 
netians, u. 14 
his death and character ii. 16 
Sonnet, Italian, its origin and defects, i. 272 
SqpARCiALuri JUt9»9f a celebrated 

musician, ii. iij 

Statxus, his works discovered, i. 27 

Strozzi FiUfpo, opposes the authority 
of Cosmo de* Medici first grand 



duke, 
his death. 
Synod convened at Florencet 
reply to Sixtus IV. 



u* 309 

ii. 310 

L 209 

ib. 



Toscanblli PaoU, erects the Floren- 



tine Gnomon, 



ii* III 



rNDEX. 



II 



Taave&sai,! jfmingiCf visits Cosmo 

de' Medici in his banishmenty i. i8 
his character, ib« 

studies under. Emanuel Chrysolo- 
ras, i. IX 

U 

UccBLLi FaoU, studies perspective 

and foreshortening, it* 183 

Urbino Rafaeila ^, his obligations 

to Michelagnolo, ii. 209 

V 
Valerius Flaccus, his works diKO* 

vered by Poggio, u 26 



Venice, its govenunent and resour- 
ces, u 114 

. Vbrini C^a/rw, his Latin poetry, ii. X04 
Mtchael, his accomplishments and 
early death, ii« 106 

ViCENTiifO VaUrht an engraver on 
gtm%f ii. isy 

VoLPAijA Lorims» 1//, constructs a 
time-piece for Lorenzo de' Me* 
dici, ii. IIS 

Vokerra, its revolt and saccage, i. 149 

Z 

Zambino of Kstoia, his library, ii. ia5 



FINIS.