DA 209 .T4 M67 1885 v.l
Morris, John, 1826-1893.
The life and martyrdom of
Saint Thomas Becket,
V. 1
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2014
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ST. THOMAS BECKET.
KOEHAMPTON :
1-RINTED BY J/iMES srAM-EV.
V
OCT ^ 7 1914
THE
LIFE AND MARTYRDOM
SAINT THOMAS BECKET,
ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
SECOND AND ENLARGED EDITION.
7
JOHN MORRIS,
PK/EST OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS.
Cvimen noitvmi est asscrtio cdesiastic^ libeytatis; cam namquc
profitcri Usa majestatis veatus sub persecutorc nostra est.
St. Thomas to Stephen, Chanxellor of Sicily.
BURNS AND OATES,
LONDON :
GRANVILLE MANSIONS,
ORCHARD STREET, W.
NEW YORK :
Catholic Publication Society Co.,
BARCLAY STREET.
1885.
PLAN OF CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
IN THE TIME OF ST. THOMAS,
reduced from. Willis and Stanley.
It may be permissible to express a doubt whether these
authorities are correct in giving a square end to the
chapel of the Blessed Trinity. Built as it was by Prior
Conrad, in the time of St. Anselm, it will surely have
ended in an apse.
The course taken by St. Thomas at his martyrdom is
marked by the dotted line. It will be seen that at the
last he was so close to the altar of St. Benedict, that
when he fell on his right side, or to the north, he must
have been before the altar. The apses still remaining in
the eastern transepts show how near the altar was to the
line of the transept wall.
ALTARS.
1. Christ's, or the High Altar; below, in the Crypt,
Our Lady Undercroft.
2. St. Elphege's ) ^^^.^^^
3. St. Dunstan s )
4. The Lady Altar.
5. St. Benedict, with St. Blaise above.
6. St. Martin, with St. Mary Magdalene below.
7. St. Stephen, with St. Nicholas below.
8. St. Andrew, with Holy Innocents below.
9. B. Trinity, between the shrines of St. Wilfrid on the
north and St. Odo on the south, with the altars of St. John
Baptist and St. Augustine below.
10. SS. Peter and Paul, afterwards St. Anselm, with
St. Gabriel below.
11. St. John the Evangelist, with St. Paulinus below.
12. St. Gregory, with St.Ouenand before it St. Catherine
below.
13. St. Michael, with All Saints above.
14. Holy Cross on the steps at the head of the nave.
15. The Patriarchal Chair.
Thi; Places of Pilgrimage in the Cathedral before
THE Reformation.
A. The Shrine and Altar of St. Thomas: his tomb below
in the Crypt.
B. The Crown of St. Thomas.
C. The Altar at the Sword's Point.
Approximate Dates of the Present Building.
Taken from Christ Church, Canterbury; a Chronological
Conspectus of tlic existing Architecture. By W. A. Scott
Robertson, Hon. Can. 1881.
1. South porch, 1422.
2. Oxford Steeple, 1440 to 1452.
3. North West Tower, 1832 to 1834.
4. Nave, 1379 to 1400.
5. Central Tower, 1495 to 1503.
6. Western Transepts, 1382 to 1400.
7. Stained glass in north window of Martyrdom, 1470
to 1480.
8. Chapter House: doorway and arcading, 1304.
Windows and roof, 1382 to 1400.
(J. Cloisters: Vaulting and screens, 1397 to 1412.
North wall, mural arcading, two doorways
and triple arcading of doorway into
Martyrdom, 1226 to 1236.
Doorway into Martyrdom, inserted i486
to 1489.
10. Lady Chapel (Dean's Chapel), 1449 to 1468.
11. Choir arcades and vaulting to east end of Eastern
Transepts, and upper portion of exterior walls of Choir
(William of Sens), 1175 to 11 78. Crypt, 1096 to iioo.
12. Trinity Chapel and Becket's Crown, with crypts
beneath them (William the Englishman), 1179 to 1184.
Black Prince's chantries in the crypt, 1370 to 1379.
13. Baptistery, lower part, 1165, upper, 1397 to 1412.
14. Choir aisles. Eastern Transepts, St. Andrew's and
St. Anselm's Chapels, iioo to 1115.
15. Treasury, nou Vestry of Dean and Chapter, 1135 to
1165.
16. Henry IV^'s Chantry, 1425 to 1435.
17. Stained glass in two windows of north aisle of Choir,
three lights in Trinity Chapel north aisle, and in central
window of Becket's Crown, 1226 to 1236.
II. St. Michael's Chapel (Somerset or Warrior Chapel),.
1397 to 1412.
PREFACE.
The first edition of this book was pub-
lished in 1859, and for twenty years it
has been out of print. In this interval
much has been done to promote a know-
ledge of the life of St. Thomas of Canter-
bury. Six volumes have appeared in the
Rolls Series, entitled Materials for the
History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of
Canterbury, admirably edited by the late
Canon James Craigie Robertson. Unfor-
tunately the collection is not yet complete,
and it would have been very greatly to
the advantage of the present work, if at
least the concluding volume of the letters
had been published. In 1859 the only
edition of the biographies and of the cor-
X
PREFACE.
respondence accessible, excepting that of
Lupus, was the voluminous but incorrect
and confused edition published by Dr.
Giles. To that edition all references then
were necessarily made, but now they have
all been carefully transferred to the Rolls
edition, as far as it extends.
The student of the life of St. Thomas,
when using the letters as edited by Dr.
Giles, was absolutely without assistance in
the chronology. All who have the pleasure
of working with Canon Robertson's edition
in their hands, have the advantage derived
from the chronological order in which the
letters are arranged, together with the help
given by most painstaking and intelligent
editing. The labour of comparing the
whole life of St. Thomas with the Rolls
edition has been considerable, but it has
been well repaid by the correction of some
errors, and of one important disorder in
the chronology.
PREFACE.
xi
In addition to the help derived from
Canon Robertson's edition of the origina
documents, two or three further errors have
been now rectified, which were pointed out
by him in his Becket, a Biography.
Each successive volume of the Materials
for the History of Thomas Becket, has given
a full account of the authors of the various
biographies there published. The editor
reserved to the close of his labours the
necessary work of arranging these writers
in their proper order, as that followed by
him in the publication of the volumes was
quite arbitrary. This purpose he did not
live to carry into effect, but the work has
since been excellently done by Mr. Eirikr
Magnusson, sub-librarian of the University
of Cambridge, in his Preface to the Thomas
Saga Erkibyskups, also in the Rolls Series.
That order has been adopted in the follow-
ing account of the biographers of St.
Thomas.
I Vol. ii. p. xix.
xn
PREFACE.
A fresh set of notes in the Appendix,
and the insertion of much matter that
after the pubHcation of the first edition
was inserted by the present writer in the
Dublin Review for November i860, have
made this new edition half as large again
as its predecessor.
The statements in this book are to be
regarded as resting on the authority of
one or more of the nine biographers of
St. Thomas first mentioned in the following
account of them ; and it has not been
thought necessary to burden the pages of
the work with references to show from
which of them each statement has been
derived. All other authorities, and more
particularly the letters, are quoted through-
out the book.
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
The life of St. Thomas of Canterbury is excep-
tionally well known. More than seven hundred
years have elapsed since he died, and yet his
history stands out before us with a distinctness
and minuteness that is extremely rare among
the records of great men. The witnesses to the
facts are both numerous and trustworthy. They
wrote of matters of which they had personal
knowledge, and their writings were in the hands
of those who were the most capable of judging
of their truthfulness. The universal and vehe-
ment interest taken in all that concerned St,
Thomas, while later on it may have caused an
embroidery of legends to be attached to his
name, would ensure attention to the minutest
details while the story was yet fresh, and this
is a guarantee for accuracy and care. The sub-
stantial agreement of several writers, evidently
independent of one another, is a further assur-
ance of fidelity. The personal character of the
writers is above suspicion, and their ability
manifest ; and lastly, all that skilful editing can
do for them has happily been done, and that too
at the public expense.
Xiv THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
I. Benedict, a monk of Christ Church, Canter-
bury, is said by the editor of the Quadriloguc
(about 1220) to have been on the day of the
martyrdom among the Saint's more intimate
friends, and to have recorded those things of
which he was an ear or eye witness. He wrote
only of the martyrdom and of the subsequent
miracles. No copy of his narrative of the mar-
tyrdom exists, but considerable fragments have
been preserved in the Quadriloguc. The miracles
are now in six books. Of these the last two are
by another hand, as events are there related
which happened after Benedict's death. He
died in 1193 or 1194 at Peterborough, of which
house he was made abbot in 1177. The fourth
book of miracles is of about the date of Bene-
dict's election as Abbot of Peterborough, for it
mentions the great fire at Rochester, which
occurred in the April of that year. But the work
is not in strict chronological order, for after the
passage relating to the fire, a letter is inserted
addressed to Odo as Prior of Canterbury ; but
Odo was made Abbot of Battle, and Benedict
himself became Prior of Canterbury in 1175.
The first three books of miracles, according to
Mr. Magnusson, formed the original volume, and
all that is related in them happened during the
seventeen months that followed the martyrdom.
In July, 1172, William was charged to record
the miracles in addition to Benedict, who had
fulfilled that office from the beginning. By
this fact Mr. Magnusson ingeniously dates not
Benedict only but Fitzstephen. For Fitzstephen
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
XV
says that there was a Codex which was read in
the Chapter at Canterbury, which related the
miracles wrought in England, and he adds that
those in France, Ireland, and elsewhere had as
yet no historian. This Codex was Benedict's
volume, ending then with the third book ; and
Mr. Magnusson concludes that Benedict's three
books were written before Fitzstephen's Life of
St. Thomas ; and further that Fitzstephen wrote
before William of Canterbury began, that is
within the first seventeen months. The argu-
ment is pressed perhaps a little too closely, as
there would be but one Codex until William had
made some progress with his work. Afterwards
Gervase speaks of two volumes of miracles,
Benedict's and William's, and the mention of
one by Fitzstephen may fairly be taken to mean
that there then was but one.
Mr. Magnusson gives a second indication of
the date of Benedict's volume. In the second
book of the miracles Benedict quotes a letter
from Robert of Cricklade, Prior of St. Frides-
wide's, Oxford, narrating the cure of a hurt in
his leg that he had received about twelve years
before in Sicily. The register of St. Fri-
deswide's (now in C.C.C. Oxford), evidently
written by this Prior, says that Pope Adrian IV.
confirmed the privileges of St. Frideswide's.
Assuming this confirmation to be what took
Robert of Cricklade abroad, the lapse of twelve
years from the time of Adrian IV., who reigned
from 1 1 54 to 1159, would bring us no later than
1171-72, as the date of the letter to Benedict ;
XVI THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
and this date tallies with the conclusion drawn
from Fitstephen.
II. William Fitzstephen gives his own creden-
tials.
I was the fellow-citizen of my lord, his cleric,
and one of his household. Called by himself to a
share of his anxieties, I was dictator in his chancery;
when he sung Mass, I was the subdeacon of his
chapel ; when he sat to hear causes, I read the
letters and documents that were presented ; and I
conducted some causes at his bidding. I was present
with him at the Council of Northampton, where
matters were transacted of such high importance ;
I saw his martyrdom at Canterbury ; and of many
other things which are here written I was an eye
and ear witness, while others, again, I learnt from
those who witnessed them.
There is a very curious point connected with
Fitzstephen's book. The life is as favourable to
St. Thomas as any of the others, but it is not
alluded to by any of them ; and more remark-
able still, Fitzstephen himself is not mentioned
once, though at least on two very important
occasions he was by St. Thomas's side. Though
Herbert of Bosham professes to give a full list
of the Saint's companions, and mentions several
who had far less to do with him than Fitzstephen,
of Fitzstephen himself he says nothing. Mr.
Magnusson would account for this singular silence
by supposing that Fitzstephen's work, though
written one of the first, was not published till
after the death of Henry II., of whom he speaks
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS. XVU
with much severity. He considers that Mr. Foss,
in his Judges of England, has succeeded in identi-
fying Fitzstephen with a person of that name
who was made Sheriff of Gloucestershire in the
first year after the death of St. Thomas, and
afterwards acted as Judge itinerant, probably till
his death in iigi. But though this might in
some way account for the silence of the other
writers about Fitzstephen's book, how would it
account for their making no mention whatever
of himself? Some little mystery still attaches
to the circumstance.
III. John of Salisbury is placed third by Mr.
Magnusson, because Roger of Pontigny refers to
two books only, John's, who was not yet a Bishop,
and Benedict's, who was then Prior of Canter-
bury. As Benedict became Prior in 1175 and
John was made Bishop of Chartres in 1176, this
times the book with much exactness. It is un-
necessary to give here any summary of the life
of this most distinguished scholar, as his name
appears frequently in the following pages. He
was an invaluable friend to St. Thomas, and an
honest and trusted admonitor.
IV. Edward Grim, a secular clerk of Cam-
bridge, was present at the martyrdom, and has
become famous by his having been wounded in
defence of the Saint. His life, which bears a
strong resemblance to Garnier's and Roger's, was
finished after 1175 and before 1177, as he speaks
of Benedict as Prior.
V. Roger of Pontigny was probably the author
of the Life which is printed as anonymous by
b
Xviii THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
Canon Robertson. Mr. Magnusson leans to the
opinion that it really is Roger's, and Canon
Robertson hardly thinks it improbable. Thomas
•of Froidmont says that the Saint had as his
attendant at Pontigny a monk named Roger.
The writer of this life was at Pontigny when
St. Thomas arrived there, and he speaks of the
monks of Pontigny as his brethren. He writes
as a foreigner, translating Garnier's en Engleterrc
by in partibtts illis, and explaining that hides of
land are so called patrio nomine. He once writes
Limdrensis for Londoniensis, which an Englishman
would not have done. He mentions John of
Salisbury as a distinguished man, but not as
Bishop, and Benedict as Prior, which gives
1175-76 as the date of the book. The writer
tells us that he was ordained priest by St. Thomas.
That he had Garnier before him as he wrote is
shown by his rendering tiitiis ct capuciatus, where
iuUis has no meaning, for Garnier's description of
St. Thomas's falling into the millstream hit encha-
peronez, " with his hood completely over his
head." This seems to show that Mr. Magnusson
has dated the book a little too early, for Garnier's
Life was not finished till 1176.
VI. William of Canterbury entered the monas-
tery of Christ Church during St. Thomas's exile,
and he was admitted to the habit and ordained
deacon by the Saint a few days before the mar-
tyrdom. He was present in the Cathedral at the
martyrdom, and he ran up into the choir in
fright when he heard Fit^urse call out " Strike,
strike ! "
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS. xix
William wrote a Life of St. Thomas, in addi-
tion to his collection of miracles. With the
exception of the passages from the Life extracted
by the compiler of the Qiiadrilogue, this book
was entirely unknown until it was published by
Canon Robertson, in part in the Archceologia
Cantiana, and in full in the Rolls Series. The
manuscript is the only remaining book of those
bequeathed by William of Wykeham to his Col-
lege at Winchester. In his will he speaks of it
as "the book on the Life of St. Thomas, called
Thomas."
At the end of seventeen months after the mar-
tyrdom, William was set aside to help Benedict
in the compilation of the miracles, and his book
when written was preferred, even by Benedict
himself, to Benedict's own. William was sent,
with his book, to King Henry at the King's
request, but he must have reckoned on the im-
probability of its being read by the King, or
translated to him literally, for there are many
things in it that would not have pleased him.
Again and again William blames the invasion
of Ireland, as' "disquieting without cause
unarmed neighbours, a people, which though un-
civilized and barbarous, honours the true faith
and observes the Christian religion." The King's
visit to Canterbury when he asked for the book
was in 1174, and the work seems to have been
finished shortly after Odo's appointment as
Abbot of Battle in 1175. The Life is thought
to have been written in the following year.
" Materials, i. p. 364.
xx THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
VII. Garnier de Pont S. Maxence, or, as he
calls himself, " Guernes li clers, de Punt de Saint
Mesence nez," wrote in French verse his Life of
St. Thomas between the second and the sixth
years after the martyrdom. In return for his
poem he received from " I'abesse, suer saint
Thomas," Mary, who became Abbess of Barking
in 1173, a palfrey with its trappings; and, as to
the Nuns of Barking, he says :
et les dames m'ont fet tut gras
chescune d'eles de sun dun.
The following verses will give a further speci-
men of the language and versification, while at
the same time they are interesting as giving the
date of the composition of the Life and its claim
to credit :
Guernes li clers del Punt fine ici sun sermun
del martir saint Thomas e de sa passiun.
e mainte feiz le fist a la tumbe al barun.
ci n'a mis un sul mot se la % erite nun.
de ses mesfaiz li face li pius deus ueir pardun.
Ainc mais si bons romanz ne fu faiz ne trouez.
a Cantorbire fu e faiz e amendez.
n'i admis un sul mot qui ne seit ueritez.
li vers est d'une rime en cine clauses cuplez.
mis languages est bons : car en France fui nez.
L'an secund que li sainz fu en iglise ocis,
comenchai cest romanz et mult m'en entremis.
des priuez saint Thomas la verite apris,
mainte feiz en ostai co que io ainz ecris,
pur oster la menconge. al quart an fin i mis.
Garnier was edited by Immanuel Bekker (Ber-
Un, 1838), and again by M. Hippeau of Caen
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS. Xxi
(Paris, chez Auguste Aubry, 1859). The last
volume of the Rolls Series of Materials for the
Life of Archbishop Thomas Becket is to contain
the French lives.
VIII. Alan, originally a monk of Christ Church,
went to Benevento, whence he returned in 1174.
He was made Prior of Christ Church in 1179,
Abbot of Tewkesbury^ in 1186, and there he died
in 1202. He collected the 529 letters which
Lupus published, and he wrote a Life of the
Saint as a preface to them, which is headed in
the Vatican MS. Prohemiiim atidoris infrascriptas
epistolas recolligentis. This Life was avowedly
written to supplement the short Life by John of
Salisbury, and it was in existence when Herbert
wrote.
IX. Herbert of Bosham is mentioned so fre-
quently in the following pages that little need
be said of him here. He wrote a Life of St.
Thomas and another book called Liber Melorum,
in a terribly prolix and wearisome style, but
Herbert could not fail to tell us many interesting
things, and the work could not be spared, for all
its tediousness. Before the Life has far advanced,
he tells us that he was writing in the fourteenth
year after the martyrdom, that is, 1184, and when
he was finishing his book, Pope Urban III. was
Pope, who died in 1187.
X. To the nine biographers already mentioned,
may be added Gervase, a monk of Christ Church
2 Alban Butler, misled by Baronius, calls him Abbot of
Deoche.
Xxii THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
at Canterbury, who gives St. Thomas a large
place in his chronicle. He thus excuses himself :
No one should feel weary of whatever can be told
with truth of so great a martyr. His holiness excited
my affection, and his kindness attracted me : he
granted me the habit in the very year in which he
was consecrated Archbishop ; to him I made my
profession, and from his hand I received holy orders.
He also appeared to a brother of mine of his own
name, to whom, amongst other sweet things, he said
this in secret : " I have done so much, I have done
so much that the names of my monks, and of the
clerics who are bound to them, might be written in
the Book of Life." And when the cleric, being
anxious about himself, said to the Saint : " My lord,
how will it fare with myself?" the Saint, gently
smiling, laid his hand on his head and kissed him.
Gervase mentions the writers who had pre-
ceded him, Herbert, John of Salisbury, Benedict,
Alan, whom he speaks of as the compiler of the
volume of letters, and William of Canterbury.
XI. We owe to a very unexpected source the
knowledge that St. Thomas had yet another con-
temporary biographer, and the information comes
to us from Iceland. Robert of Cricklade, Prior
of St. Frideswide's in 1154, Chancellor of Oxford
in 1159, wrote a Latin Life of St. Thomas, which,
forgotten in his own country, became the founda-
tion of the Icelandic tradition respecting our
English martyr. Mr. Magnusson has given us
in the Rolls Series the Thomas Saga, a fourteenth
century compilation, with a literal EngUsh trans-
lation and an interesting preface. He identifies
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
XXIU
Prior Robert of " Cretel," whom the Saga quotes,
with Robert of Cricklade by the letter to Prior
Benedict which the Saga gives, and which is
recorded by Benedict also.
The most valuable portion of the Icelandic
book is naturally that which professes to be
taken directly from Robert of Cricklade. Tw^o
passages we will here give relating to St.
Thomas's early life, which are expressly drawn
from Robert, and they, with two other short
and interesting extracts, will serve to close this-
Introduction. These passages, which are of suffi-
cient importance and interest to be given in full,
describe the relation of the Archdeacon Thomas
to Archbishop Theobald, and his devout life and
chaste habits when Chancellor.
Now whereas Thomas hath spent two years amidst
courtly manners, and hath passed twenty years by
four, he waxeth weary with such ways of living, in
that he perceiveth how, in many things, the deeds of
worldly lords turn straight against the right and the
honours of learned folk. He therefore betaketh him-
self away from such a life, and seeketh Theobald, of
good memory. Archbishop of Canterbury, who hath
been named already, and secureth for himself a place
in his service, more through his own device and
working, than by any pleading or commendation of
other folk. And within a short time he so brings
his affairs about, that by reason of his wisdom and
lowliness and faithful service, he is counted among
the foremost friends and privy counsellors of the
Archbishop, yea and right worthily so indeed, for
Prior Robert writeth thereon an excellent discourse,
and right profitable to many, how he had both the
Xxiv THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS.
wisdom and the will to honour his master. The
Prior witnesseth that the Archbishop was a simple
man, somewhat quick of temper and not as wary of
word, if his mind was stirred, as the rule of meek-
ness utmost demandeth. His eloquence too was of
a kind that much lay thereon, in most cases, how
matters happened to be taken up, if he chanced to
hold converse with folk of might. But against either
failing the blessed Thomas setteth his good will and
wisdom, in such a manner that if in any matter the
Bishop happened to wax wroth, Thomas giveth
forth answers all the meeker, thus appeasing the
heart of his spiritual father. So also on the other
hand, if the speech of the Archbishop happened to
fail him in aught, Thomas hastened to succour him,
and clothed it in clerkdom in such a way that at
once the discourse of the Archbishop appeared like
a text with a fair commentary to it. Behold him,
already now, a man of excellence, both as to lowli-
ness of heart and zealous heed of the law. Formerly
he fled from the kingly court for that one reason,
that he might not see the evil deeds of the lay
powers against the Church ; but now he serveth
his master in such strength of mind, that never was
there found in him any pride at all, but he was the
lower before God, the higher he was before men
(pp. 35, 37).
Concerning the habits of St. Thomas as Chan-
cellor :
So Robert writes that there was a certain person,
a nigh kinsman of his [Robert's] who sought the
King's Court about the time in which the story
goeth. He had on hand certain affairs, on the happy
issue of which he deemed that much might lay.
He setteth his mind, as many a man in England
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS. XXV
now listed, on first seeing the Chancellor Thomas,
to expound to him the nature of his affairs and to
pray him for some furtherance thereof. Now by
reason of his reaching the town not till the day is
far spent, a laudable custom forbiddeth him to go
before such a mighty man on a late eventide, where-
fore he betaketh him to his chamber. But in early
morn, already when day was a-breaking, he be-
stirreth himself for the carrying out of his errands.
Now the way taketh such a turn, that he must needs
go by a certain church, and in the twilight he soon
seeth lying before the door of the temple a man
prostrate in prayer even unto earth. And when as
he stands bethinking him of this sight, there comes
upon him, as oft-times ma}^ happen, some sneeze
or a kind of coughing. And forthwith starts he who
lay kneeling on the ground, and rises straightway
up, then lifteth his hands up to God and thus ends
his prayer, and thereupon walks away thence to his
chamber. The new comer was right eager to know
who of the townspeople might follow such laudable
ways, and therefore he taketh an eyemark against
the lifting day-brow, both of his growth and the
manner of attire he wore, that he might the rather
know him if he should happen to see him afterwards.
Nor did that matter long await a true proof, for
no sooner hath he leave to see Chancellor Thomas,
than he well perceiveth that the very growth and
raiment which he had noted before, belongeth to no
man but to him alone; for even now Thomas putteth
off his overgarment, as if he had just entered into
the room. This person testified to his kinsman
Robert, when he came home, what virtue and godly
fear he had found in the blessed Thomas, straight-
way against the thinking of most people ; and hence
it came to pass that the Prior put this deed into his
writings [on St. Thomas] (pp. 51, 53).
XXVI
THE
BIOGRAPHERS
OF ST. THOMAS.
The name of Prior Robert is not attached to
the following passage, but it is short and certainly
interesting.
At the time when Stephen had become King of
England, the blessed Thomas cometh home from
school. He was now two and twenty years of age,
slim of growth, and pale of hue, dark of hair, with a
long nose and a straightl}' featured face ; blithe of
countenance was he, keen of thought, winning and
loveable in all conversation, frank of speech in his
discourse, but slightly stuttering in his talk, 3 so keen
of discernment and understanding that he would
always make difficult questions plain after a wise
manner (p. 29).
There is one more passage that we must give,
as it clears up all difficulty respecting the
Danegeld.'* Mr. Magnusson is the first to quote
a very apposite passage from the Leges Edwardi
Confessoris, of which the following is a translation.
Of this Danegeld all the land was quit and free, of
which churches had the property or lordship, even
that belonging to parish churches, and they paid
nothing in its stead, for they placed greater trust in
the prayers of Holy Church than in defence of arms.
And this liberty had Holy Church up to the time of
William the younger, who asked aid from the Barons
of the whole country to keep Normandy from his
brother Robert, who was going to Jerusalem. And
they granted him four sot from every hide, not ex-
3 That St. Thomas stuttered somewhat, Mr. Magnusson says,
recurs in all his personal descriptions in Icelandic records,
but this is borne out by no other contemporary author (Pref.
p. xcvii ).
4 In/ya, p. 112.
THE BIOGRAPHERS OF ST. THOMAS. XXVU
cepting Holy Church ; and when the collection of
these was made, the Church protested and demanded
her liberty, but it availed her nothing.
In accordance with this, Thomas Saga says :
We have read afore, how King William levied a
due on all the churches in the land, in order to repay
him all the costs, at which his brother Robert did
depart from the land. This money the King said
he had disbursed for the freedom of Jewry, and
therefore it behoved well the learned folk [i.e., clergy]
to repay to their King. But because the King's Court
hath a mouth that holdeth fast, this due continued
from year to year. At first it was called Jerusalem
tax, but afterwards Warfare-due, for the King to keep
up an army for the common peace of the country.
But at this time matters have gone so far that
this due was exacted, as a King's tax, from
every house, small and great, throughout England,
under no other name than an ancient tax payable
into the royal treasury without any reason being
shown for it. This kind of proceeding Archbishop
Thomas nowise liked, saying that it is by no means
seemly for the King to exact such money with the
some boldness as any other King's taxes, but only
according as circumstances and need should require
for the peace of the folk of the land ; but beyond
this reason there was no duty which demanded the
paying of such reserve taxes (i. p. 139).
CONTENTS.
Preface
The Biographers of St. Thomas .. .. .. ;
Chapter I. — Gilbert and Matilda. 1117 — 1143. Birth
and parentage of St. Thomas — the Saracen legend — his
mother's dreams — his birth and baptism — his mother's
devotions — he is sent to Merton Abbey, the London
schools, and Paris University — his father a Norman —
he is saved from death in a mill-stream — his mother's
death — he becomes clerk to the sheriffs — reminiscence of
a sickness in Kent — he enters the service of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury
Chapter II. — The Court of Canterbury. 1143 — 1154.
St. Thomas introduced to Theobald — the Archbishop's
Court — personal description of St. Thomas — ill-will of
Roger de Pont I'Eveque — the legatine office — St. Thomas
visits Rome — the primacy of Canterbury over York — -
St.lBernard's help — the Council of Rheims — St. Thomas
revisits Rome — the succession to the Crown — the Saint's
ecclesiastical preferment — his study of canon law at
Bologna and Auxerre — Roger Archbishop of York and
St. Thomas Archdeacon of Canterbury — death of King
Stephen — Pope Adrian IV.
Chapter III. — The Lord High Chancellor. 1155 —
1161. Coronation of Henry II. — St. Thomas made Chan-
cellor— his office — he expels the Flemings — restores the
Tower — his magnificence — hospitality — recreations — inti-
macy with the King — his austerities — purity — devotions
— his embassy to France — war of Toulouse — and in the
Marches — personal deeds of valour — friendship of King
Louis — conversation with the Prior of Leicester
Chapter IV. — The Chancellor's Policy. 1155 — ii6r.
Military career of the Chancellor — Gilbert Foliot refuses
the administration of London — second subsidies — the
Chancellor interferes in behalf of the Archdeacon of
XXX
CON'TENTS.
London, of John of Salisbury, the Archdeacon of Rouen,
and the Bishop of Le Mans — difficulty of the position —
Battle Abbey — judgments on the Chancellor's conduct . . 40
Chapter V. — The Death of Theobald. 1158 — 1161.
Visit of the King and the Chancellor to Paris— Pope
Alexander III. — Archbishop Theobald's failing health and
anxiety — abuses — vacancy of bishoprics — new Bishops of
Coventry and Exeter — Theobald's desire for the return of
the King and the Chancellor — the Archbishop's death . . 53
Chapter VI. — The new Archbishop. 1161 — 1162. The
Chancellor returns to England — the King resolves he
shall be Archbishop — intimation to the monks — election
at Westminster — Foliot's conduct — Archbishop elect dis-
charged of all liabilities — he goes to Canterbury — his
ordination and consecration — feast of the Blessed Trinity
— the pallium . . . . . . . . . . 61
Chapter VII. — The Archbishop in his Church. 1162.
Sanctity of the new Archbishop — change of circumstances
— manner of life — hospitality to the poor — study of Holy
Scripture — private prayer — Mass — his dress — affiliation
to religious orders — the stole — Confirmation . . ■ • 73
Chapter VIII. — The Archbishop in his Palace. 1162.
Public life — the dining-hall — the Saint's hospitality — his
almsgiving — life amongst the religious — ordinations — con-
firmation of episcopal elections — his conduct as judge —
his seal — his hair-shirt . . . . . . . . S2
Chapter IX. — Gilbert Foliot. 11O2. The Archbishop
resigns the chancellorship and the archdeaconry — reclaims
alienated Church lands — William de Ros — the Earl of
Clare, Tunbridge, Saltwood, and Hythe — the King returns
to England— meeting of King and Archbishop — Christmas
in London — translation of Gilbert Foliot to London —
Foliot's antecedents — purpose of his translation . . 90
Chapter X. — A Lull before the Storm. 1163. The
Saint and the King at Canterbury and Windsor — St.
Thomas resigns the guardianship of the Prince — he
attends the Council of Tours — canonization of St. Anselm
— consecration of Reading Abbey — translation of St.
Edward the Confessor — consecration of the Bishops of
Worcester and Hereford . . . . . . • • 99
Chapter XL— The first Wrongs. 1163. Resignation
of the chancellorship — resumption of Church lands —
sermon before the King — excommunication of William of
Eynesford— Clarembald, Abbot elect of St. Augustine's—
CONTENTS.
xxxi
the Council of Woodstock and the sherifts' tax — crimes
of Churchmen, Philip of Brois and four others — their
punishment . . . . . . . . . . io8
Chapter XII. — The Council of Westminster. 1163.
Proceedings at Westminster — Archdeacons' exactions —
punishment of criminal clerks — the royal customs — the
clause saving his order — castleries resigned — the King leaves
London— advice of the Bishop of Lisieux — three Bishops
join the King — meeting near Northampton between the
King and the Archbishop — the King's embassies to the
Pope — expostulations with St. Thomas — he promises to
yield — he writes to the Pope about Roger of York and
also about the King — the Holy Father encourages him . . n8
Chapter XIII. — The Councii, of Clarendon. 1164.
St. Thomas regrets his promise to yield — expostulations
of Bishops, Earls, and Templars — the Saint yields and
promises to observe the royal customs — the Bishops make
the same promise — the Constitutions of Clarendon written
— the Saint's objections to some of them — seals asked
for and refused — the cross-bearer's reproach — the Saint's
repentance— Herbert consoles him — the Saint abstains
from Mass, and asks absolution of the Pope . . . . 130
Chapter XIV. — Negotiations. 1164. The King asks
that the Archbishop of York may be Legate — the Abbot
elect of St. Augustine's — Gilbert Foliot's profession —
King Louis of France — St. Thomas asks the Pope to
confirm the Constitutions of Clarendon . . . . 146
Chapter XV. — The Council of Northampton. 1164.
St. Thomas tries to see the King — his unsuccessful attempt
to cross the Channel — he returns to Canterbury — inter-
view with the King — Council summoned at Northampton
— John the Marshal and his appeal — St. Thomas reaches
Northampton — interview with the King before the Council
met — proceedings of the first day — fine for contempt —
John the Marshal — accounts of chancellorship — second
day's proceedings — further money demands — the Saint
deserted by his retainers — third day spent in constil-
tations . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
Chapter XVI. — The Fight. 1164. Sickness of St.Thomas
— Tuesday the 13th of October — rumours of violence —
appeals to the Holy See — Mass of St. Stephen — the Arch-
bishop's cross — threats — the Bishops avoid taking part
in a sentence — the Barons' message from the King —
the Saint's reply — the Bishops' conduct — the Earl of
xxxn
CONTENTS.
Leicester's speech — St. Thomas's answer — insults — the
Saint returns to the monastery . . . . . . 164
Chapter XVII. — The Flight. 1164. Return to St.
Andrew's — dinner with the poor — visit of two Bishops
— three others sent to the King — preparation for a night
in the church — Herbert's private orders — St. Thomas
leaves Northampton — rides to Lincoln — by boat to the
Hermitage — the Saint's flight made known— the King's
letter to King Louis of France — St. Gilbert of Sempring-
ham . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Chapter XVIII. — Exile. 1164. From the Hermitage, by
Boston, Haverholme, and Chicksand to Eastry — the Saint
hears Mass in concealment — embarks at Sandwich and
lands near Gravelines — adventures — is recognized — goes
to Clairmarais — Herbert arrives from Canterbury — the
King's party pass — St. Thomas goes to Eldemenstre and
to St. Berlin's — interview with Richard de Luci — the
Saint escapes from the Count of Flanders by the help of
the Bishop of Therouanne — he reaches Soissons — Louis
receives Henry's letter and St. Thomas's envoys . . 193
Chapter XIX. — The Pope. 1164. King Louis sympa-
thizes with St. Thomas — the envoys on both sides see the
Pope — the public audience of King Henry's ambassadors
— they leave Sens, and St. Thomas arrives — he is received
by the Pope, and after three weeks spent at Sens, he
retires to Pontigny . . . . . . . . . . 204
Chapter XX. — Pontigny. 1164 — 1166. Life of St. Thomas
at Pontigny — Abbot Guichard and his hospitality — Roger
of Pontigny — sacred studies — the King confiscates the
Saint's possessions, and banishes four hundred of his
relatives and friends — public prayers for him forbidden —
the exiles come to Pontigny— they are provided for by the
charity of Christendom — the Saint's austerities — he takes
the Cistercian habit —he is made Legate — Abbot Urban
sent to King Henry — three letters to the King — Henry's
sharp answer, and the Saint's anxiety . . , . . . 214
Chapter XXI. — Vezelay. 1166. King Henry dallies with
schism — his angry words against St. Thomas — he appeals
to the Holy See against the Saint, who absents himself
from Pontigny when the Archbishop of Rouen and the
Bishop of Lisifiux bring notice of the appeal — St. Thomas
is confirmed in the primacy and made Legate — his letters
to England — he goes to Soissons, and thence to Vezelay,
where he publishes various censures — the Bishops appeal
CONTENTS.
XXXIU
— the Pope confirms the censures — the King threatens
the Cistercian Order — St. Thomas leaves Pontigny — he
foretells his martyrdom to two successive Abbots — he
promises the monks a reward — St. Edmund's relics rest in
the abbey church — an altar erected there to St. Thomas
after his martyrdom — miracles . . . . . . 229
Chapter XXII. — Sens. 1166. The Saint leaves Pontigny
— hospitality of King Louis, by whom he is maintained at
Sens — the Pope s journeys — St. Thomas accompanies him
to Bourges — subsequent miracle where he lived — "sweet
France" — John of Oxford successful in his appeal — the
Saint remonstrates against the appointment of Cardinal
William of Pavia as Legate — Cardinals William and Otho
appointed Legates, with full powers — John of Oxford
lands in England — St. Thomas, John of Salisbury, and
Lombard of Piacenza write to the Pope . . . . 247
Chapter XXIII. — The Cardinal Legates. 1167. Double
dealings of John of Oxford — limitation of the powers
of the Cardinal Legates — their long journey — letter of
William of Pavia and two draughts of an answer — the
Cardinals visit St. Thomas at Sens and King Henry at
Caen — meeting at Les Planches between the Cardinal
Legates and the Saint — the Cardinals return to the King,
who shows them discourtesy — councils and conferences —
fresh appeals — the Cardinals' departure . . . . 260
Chapter XXIV. — "Meanwhile." 1168. Absolutions of
excommunicated persons — proposed translation of St.
Thomas — messengers to the Pope from both sides —
conferences between the two Kings at Nantes — John of
Salisbury, Herbert of Bosham, and Philip of Calne have
interviews with King Henry — the Pope suspends the
Saint's powers — St. Thomas expostulates with the Pope. . 277
Chapter XXV.— The Kings. 1169. The Cardinal Legates
recalled — a new embassy from the Pope — meeting between
the Kings of England and France near Montmirail —
St. Thomas invited to the conference — he stands firm,
while his own followers and King Louis turn against him
— the people praise him — he refuses a second conference
— the Kings meet again — the Pope restores St. Thomas's
powers — King Louis again becomes his friend . . . . 296
Chapter XXVI. — Clairvaux. ii6g. At Clairvaux on
Palm Sunday St. Thomas excommunicates the Bishop of
London and others — ^these sentences generally disregarded
at Court — publication of the Bishop's excommunication
xxxiv
CONTENTS.
in St. Paul's on Ascension Day — the danger run by the
Archbishop's messengers — the King's violence when angry
— Gilbert Foliot's appeal in Lent — meeting of Bishops at
Northampton on Trinity Sunday — King Henry's letter to
Foliot — further excommunications on Ascension Day — ■
courageous conduct of the Bishop of Worcester — the
Pope requests St. Thomas to suspend the censures for
a time . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
Chapter XXVII. — The Pope's Envoys. 1169 — 1170.
King Henry tries bribery on a large scale — has recourse
to the King of Sicily — Gratian and Vivian appointed
Envoys by the Pope — their interviews with Henry —
Gratian returns to the Pope with the Archbishop of Sens
— St. Thomas threatens an interdict, if the King does not
repent — the King imposes a new oath on his subjects, and
obtains a conference with King Louis by a pilgrimage
to St. Denys — at Vivian's request St. Thomas comes to
Montmartre, and terms are agreed on by Henry, who
however refuses to ratify them by a kiss, and retires to
Mantes — St. Thomas lodged in the Temple — the English
Bishops resist the King — Henry returns to England . . 325
Chapter XXVIII.— Outrage and Peace. 1170. The
Archbishop of Rouen and the Bishop of Nevers receive
authority from the Pope — they absolve the persons ex-
communicated— St. Thomas's letter to Cardinal Albert —
coronation of Prince Henry by the Archbishop of York —
courage of the Bishop of Worcester — the Pope repeats the
threat of an interdict — Henry's insincerity — conference in
Traitors' Meadow — reconciliation . . . . . . 344
Chapter XXIX. — Disappointment. 1170. King Henry
does not keep his engagements — St. Thomas has various
interviews with the King — the Pope's action — the Saint
prepares to return to England — the King's leave to ex-
communicate the Bishops concerned in the coronation-
indications of coming danger — last words with the King —
John of Salisbury precedes the Saint, who leaves Sens,
and passes through Flanders— from Wissant he sends the
Pope's letters of censure to three Bishops in England —
further indications of danger — St. Thomas crosses from
Wissant to Sandwich — his reception and entrance into
Canterbury . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Chapter XXX. — The Return. 1170. Joy in Canterbury
at the Saint's return— the three Bishops demand abso-
lution in vain, and then cross the sea — Prior Richard sent
CONTENTS.
xxxv
to the young King at Winchester— St. Thomas goes to
Rochester and Southwark — a servant sent to the Earl of
Cornwall, who returns with a warning — St. Thomas meets
the Abbot of St. Alban's at Harrow — outrages of Randulf
de Broc — return to Canterbury — William the poor priest
of Chidingstone — Confirmations by the way— the Saint
enters Canterbury — holds an ordination — Prior Odo —
interview between the three Bishops and the King — his
anger — four knights leave Normandy for Saltwood Castle
— St. Thomas at Canterbury on Christmas Day — his last
letter to the Pope — the knights come to Canterbury . . 381
Chapter XXXI. — The Birthd.w. 1170. The last morning
— Matins — the thought of flight— Mass— spiritual con-
ference and confession — dinner — the coming of the four
knights — the interview — the knights call to arms — John of
Salisbury's remonstrance — the panic of the monks — the
Saint enters the church — the knights follow through the
cloister — the Saint's last words — the martyrdom . . 401
Chapter XXXH. — Absolution. 1170 — 1172. The palace
sacked — the Saint's body — devotion of the people — threats
of Randulf de Broc — the Saint's vestments — he is buried
in the crypt — the body removed for a short time — miracles
— the Cathedral reconciled — grief of the young King —
conduct of King Henry — his messengers to the Pope-
sentence of his Holiness — absolution of the Bishops — the
King goes to Ireland — his absolution at Avranches . . 420
Chapter XXXIII. — Penance. 1171 — 1174. The four
murderers — coronation of Margaret, wife of the young
King — elections to the vacant sees — rebellion of the young
King — King Henry's visit to Canterbury — his penance at
the Saint's tomb — St. Thomas's sisters and their children
— victory over the King of Scots — St. Thomas's dream —
Herbert taxes the King with the Saint's death — pilgrimage
of King Louis of France — John of Salisbury elected Bishop
of Chartres — Herbert of Bosham — Alexander Llewellyn —
other friends of the Saint . . . . . . . . 438
Chapter XXXIV. — Miracles. 1170 — 1185. The first
miracle — Prior Odo's report : cures of William de Capella,
William Belet, Huelina of London, Brithiva of Canter-
bury, William of London, an anchoret, a boy of fifteen —
appearances of the Saint— Benedict's vision — story of the
Patriarch of Jerusalem — Edward Grim's arm — John of
Salisbury's account — St, Edmund and St. Thomas— cure
at Chartres . . . . . . . . . . . . 454
xxxvi
CONTENTS.
Chapter XXXV.— Honour and Dishonour. 1173, 1220,
1538. Canonization of St. Thomas — the Bull— Council of
Bishops — Choir of Canterbury burnt and rebuilt— Trans-
lation of St. Thomas — Cardinal Langton's sermon — the
Quadriloguc — the altar at the sword's point— the tomb —
the Crown of St. Thomas — the shrine — its description — its
destruction — St. Thomas tried by Henry VHI. — Bull of
Paul III. — Patronage of St. Thomas . . . . . . 466
Chapter XXXVI. — Legends. The Saracen Princess —
St. Mark's day at Sens — the water made wine — the
chasuble turning red — the Mass of a Martyr — the eagle
and the oil-cruet — the tails of the people of Stroud —
St. Thomas's well — the nightingales at Oxford — our Lady's
little chasuble — the Seven Joys of our Lady . . . . 487
Chapter XXXVH. — Kindred and Memorials. The Butlers
Earls of Ormond — the Saint's sisters — two nephews buried
at Verona — Blessed John and Peter Becket, Augustinian
Hermits at Fabriano — Minerbetti — Becchetti — Morselli —
St. Catherine of Bologna — mosaics at Monreale — vestments
at Anagni — chapels at Fourvieres and St. Lo — mitre at
Namur — altars at Liege and Rome — relics at Veroli and
Marsala — relics now existing and many more that have
perished . . . . . . . . . . . . 505
NOTES.
A.-
— The Saracen Princess
523
B.-
—The Saxon School in Rome . .
525
C.
— Gilbert Foliot's pamphlet
528
D.-
—Battle Abbey
533
E.-
— The Chancellor's policy
557
F.
— St. Thomas in Flanders
563
G.-
—The Earl of Norfolk and the Canons of Pentney .
566
H.
— St. Thomas and St. Godric
570
I.
— The Martyrdom
■ 577
J
— Isabel Countess of Warrenne . .
. 581
K.
— The Murderers
584
L.
—Christ Church, Canterbury . .
. 592
M.-
—The Head of St. Thomas
• 597
N.-
— Erasmus' visit to Canterbury . .
, 601
0.
—Memorials and Relics of St. Thomas . .
. 606
I
611
THE LIFE
OF
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
CHAPTER I.
GILBERT AND MATILDA.
1117— 1143.
Birth and parentage of St. Thomas — the Saracen legend — his
mother's dreams — his birth and baptism — his mother's devo-
tions— he is sent to Merton Abbey, the London schools, and
Paris University — his father a Norman — he is saved from
death in a mill-stream — his mother's death — he becomes
clerk to the sheriffs — reminiscence of a sickness in Kent —
he enters the service of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
One of the most conspicuous and familiar objects
in the neighbourhood of London is the high hill
and pointed spire of Harrow. The church, which
is now so marked a feature in the landscape, has
not lasted as many years as the record of the tale
we are about to tell. Its predecessor was doubt-
less as much in harmony with its site as that
which we now see, for the taste of church-builders
of that age was as unfailing as if it had been an
instinct. Guided by this landmark, two horse-
men, in the year 1143, or thereabouts, made their
way from London to the Court of Theobald Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, which was at the archi-
episcopal manor of Harrow-on-the-Hill.
B
2
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
TCHAP. I
The one was a plain serving-man, whose name
was Ralph of London. The other was scarce
distinguishable from him by his dress, as the sim-
plicity of the times dictated to the son of an
impoverished London merchant ; but his tall
handsome figure, and large bright eye, beaming
with the happy anticipation of a new and con-
genial mode of life, his free and self-possessed seat
upon his horse, and the air and bearing of a
gentleman in his every movement, betrayed to an
observer what the humble equipments of both
and the familiarity of intercourse between them
would have concealed, that the younger was the
master, and the other his attendant. The some-
what awful interview with the Archbishop, on
which so much depended, was postponed to the
morrow ; and they sought the shelter of a hostelry
in Harrow. Doubtless an unusual bustle pre-
vailed in the little village from the presence of the
Archbishop with his train ; still something in the
appearance of our humble travellers seems to have
attracted the notice of their hostess ; for when the
next morning came, she told her husband that
she had dreamt during the night that one of the
new-comers had covered their parish church with
his vestments. The good man, who did not know
who they were, said, " Perhaps it portends that
•one of them will be some day lord of this church
and village." The figure which had impressed
itself on the imagination of the dame was that of
Thomas Becket, the future Archbishop of Canter-
bury and martyr.
This is by no means the only event in the early
III7— ii43i GILBERT AND MATILDA. 3
annals of his life of an unusual character which
his many contemporary biographers have placed
on record. The tale, however, which is the
best known connected with his parentage, is
behind none of them in singularity, while it sur-
passes them all in poetic beauty ; but, unfor-
tunately, its romantic character is its sole claim
to insertion. It is impossible to refrain from
relating the legend, although its first appearance
is in a compilation the date and authorship of
which are equally unknown. It runs thus :
His father Gilbert was a citizen of London,
who, in the flower of his youth, took upon him
the Lord's cross, and set forth for Jerusalem
accompanied by a faithful servant of the name of
Richard. They fell into the hands of the Sara-
cens, and were set to work as slaves in chains
for an "Amirald,"' that is, an Emir or prince.
Some year and a half had gone by, and Gilbert
had made no little progress in the favour of his
master, being constantly called to stand before
his table, to be questioned on all that could
gratify an Oriental curiosity respecting the
countries and inhabitants of the West. His
daughter was often a listener at these conversa-
tions, and her admiration for Gilbert was at
length betrayed when she heard that he would
wiUingly die for his faith. She offered to become
a Christian, if he would make her his wife.
Gilbert was a cautious soul ; and, fearing some
womanish craft, put her off with fair words. An
opportunity of escape from his bondage at length
I From this we have our EngHsh word "Admiral."
4
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, i
came, of which he and his companions availed
themselves. The poor maiden who was left
behind, strong in her love, and forgetful of her
people and her father's house, one night set forth
alone in search of the Englishman who had fled.
Her knowledge of any language but her own was
confined to the two names "London" and
"Becket;"' and these, as she wandered on, she
incessantly repeated. At length, associating her-
self with returning pilgrims, she reached the city,
the name of which she had learned from Gilbert
as that of his home. Following still the method
that had brought her thus far, she was pursued
by a crowd of idle children ; when Richard, the
serving-man, passing through the street, caught
the sound of his master's name, and happily
recognised her. Gilbert hardly seems to have
been delighted at the news, though surely the
poor thing's " womanish craft " was simple
enough now ; but his prudence being still pre-
dominant, he ordered Richard to place her under
the charge of a matronly neighbour, while he
betook himself to St. Paul's, to ask his Bishop's
counsel. By the advice of the prelate, who
happened to be in conference with his brother
Bishops, after the maiden had been duly in-
structed in the Catholic faith, and solemnly bap-
tized, the story says, " by six Bishops," he took
her to wife. The legend does not end here ; but
adds, that on the day after the wedding Gilbert
was seized with a longing desire to revisit the
Holy Land ; and his bride, having gained from
him the cause of his sadness, gave her con-
III7— II43] GILBERT AND MATILDA. 5
sent to his departure, if only he would leave
Richard to be her interpreter.
During his absence the son was born of whose
life this story forms the introduction ; whom, on
his return at the end of three years and a half, he
found all that his heart could wish. Thus far the
fable, ^ which is not mentioned by one of the many
contemporary biographers of our Saint. Their
simple assertion is that he was the son of Gilbert
and Mahalt or Matilda Becket,^ citizens of
London ; and this is what he says himself in his
letters when he had occasion to speak of his
parentage.
Previous to his birth, his mother dreamed that
the river Thames flowed into her bosom. Startled
by so unusual a dream, she went to consult a
learned religious, who, having forewarned her
that dreams were not to be attended to, nor a
woman's visions made much of, told her that in
Scripture water signified people, but that he could
not undertake to interpret her vision. She
dreamt again that when she was visiting Canter-
bury Cathedral to pray there, her child prevented
her entrance. This time, however, she did not
2 See Note A at the end of the volume.
3 The name of Becket appears very seldom. Edward Grim
uses it twice, "Pater ejus Gillebertus, cognomento Beket," and
" Ubi est Thomas Beketh, proditor regis et regni [Materials,
ii. pp. 356, 435). The Lambeth MS. says : " Gilbertus quidem cog-
nomento Becchet, patria Rothomagensis " (Materials, IV. -p. 81).
And Garnier calls the Saint's father " Gilebert Beket." Thus
we have only one contemporary instance of the name being
applied to the Saint himself. Usually he was called " Thomas
of London." The form "a Becket " is a colloquialism of com-
paratively recent date.
6
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, i
return to consult her adviser, fearing lest he
should reproach her with folly.
As the time of his birth drew near, it seemed to
his mother as if twelve stars of unusual brilliancy
had fallen into her lap. It is also said that she
dreamt that she was bearing Canterbury Cathe-
dral ; and that, when the Saint was born, the
nurse, as she held him, exclaimed, " I have an
archbishop in my arms."
He was born on Tuesday, December 21st, in
the year 1118; and after Vespers, on the same
day, he was baptized by the name of St. Thomas
the Apostle, whose festival it was. On the very-
day of his birth a fire broke out in his father's
house, which did great damage to the city. A
writer of those times says, that the only draw-
backs to a residence in London were the preva-
lence of drunkenness and the frequency of fires.
He was still the subject of his mother's sleeping
as well as waking thoughts. After his birth she
dreamt that, on upbraiding the nurse for leaving
her child uncovered in the cradle, she was told
that a beautiful red silk quilt was over him ; and
that when she examined the beauty of its needle-
work, she found, on trying with the nurse to
unfold it, that the room in which they were, the
street, and eventually "the great space of the
open plain of Smithfield,'"^ were too small to
permit them to do so : a voice the while telling
them that they tried in vain, for that all England
could not contain it.
4 " Smithfield " is " Smoothfield " according to Stowe
{Materials, iii. p. 6).
1 1 17— 1 143]
GILBERT AND MATILDA.
7
It was an admirable thing for St. Thomas, and
one that left a deep impression on all his life, that
the mother from whom he received his earliest
instructions should have been of a devout and
gentle nature. He used himself to say, that with
the fear of the Lord, he had learnt from her two
prominent devotions. The one was a great love
of the holy Mother of God, whom he was accus-
tomed to invoke as the guide of his paths and
the patroness of his life, and in whom, after
Christ, he was thus taught to place all his confi-
dence ; the second was a great compassion for
the poor. And for these two virtues he was
always remarkable.
A pretty little story, showing how our Blessed
Lady returned the affection of her young client, i&
recorded by Herbert of Bosham, one of his most
intimate friends, to whom he himself told it.
When quite a child, as he was recovering from a
violent fever, it seemed to him that a lady, tall of
stature, with a calm countenance and beautiful
appearance, stood by his bedside, and having con-
soled him by a promise that he should get well,
gave two golden keys into his hands with these
words : " Thomas, these are the keys of Paradise,
of which thou art to have the charge."
At an early age he was placed under the care
of Robert, Prior of Merton, of the Order of
Canons Regular, who was ever after his faithful
friend and spiritual guide, his confessor while
he was chancellor, and finally a witness of his
martyrdom. While St. Thomas was under him,
an event occurred which proves that not his
8
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. I
mother only, but also his father, had been
taught by God the future greatness of their son.
One day Gilbert went to see him ; and as the
boy came into the room, the father made a
most humble reverence and obeisance to him.
The good Prior, indignant at this, said, " Old
man, you are mad ; what are you doing ? Do
you throw yourself at the feet of your son ?
The honour you do to him, he ought to do to
you." Gilbert answered the Prior secretly, " Sir,
I know what I am doing ; for this boy will be
great before the Lord."
Though his father was but a London merchant,
and his mother in all likelihood had never been
out of England, there is a singularly Eastern tone
in these stories characteristic of the times, spring-
ing in part, perhaps, from the intercourse with
the Holy Land that frequent pilgrimages pro-
moted. In many things Englishmen of those
days showed much of an Oriental temperament,
which their successors of the present time have
not inherited.
The parents of the Saint, at the time of his
birth, were in moderate if not affluent circum
stances. His father was a Norman, who had
been Sheriff of London. His friends, as far as
we have any record of them, were all Normans. ^
5 Richier de I'Egle (Gamier, fol.*5, 1. ii ; Grim, p. 359; Rog.
Pont. p. 6) was a Norman baron, whose name appears amongst
the barons present at Clarendon (Cotton. MSS. Claud. B. 2,
fol. 25; Wilkins, Leg. Anglo-Sax. Lond. 1721, p, 322). Baillehache
(Garnier, fol. *6, 1. 13 ; Rog. Pont. p. 10) was a Norman soldier,
and Baldwin the Archdeacon and Master Eustace (Fitz-St.
p. 15) were French ecclesiastics. Thierry (Hist, de la Conquete,
1117— II43]
GILBERT AND MATILDA.
9
Frequent fires and other misfortunes, we are told,
reduced Gilbert's family from the wealthy position
it had formerly held ; but the change of his cir-
cumstances does not seem to have alienated his
old friends from him, A rich and well-born
soldier of the name of Richier de I'Egle is par-
ticularly mentioned as having frequented his
house, with no little influence on the mind of the
youthful St. Thomas. He was especially fond of
hunting and hawking, and from him St. Thomas
acquired a taste which he never entirely lost.^
In company with Richier, an adventure befell
him in which the hand of God may well be
held to have interfered to save so precious a life.
They were riding together, following their hawks,
when they came to a rapid mill-stream, which
was crossed by no better bridge than a foot-plank.
De I'Egle, in the eagerness of sport, urged his
horse over it, closely followed by St. Thomas, who
had his cloak wrapt tightly round him, with his
hood over his head. As he reached the middle
of the bridge, his horse's foot slipped, and horse
and boy together fell into the stream. He was
drawn quickly down by the current, and was in
ii.liv.g) imagined our Saint to have been of Saxon descent, and
upon this error he built a theory. Lord Campbell has followed
him.
6 It is amusing to see, among the miracles recorded after the
death of St. Thomas, that several relate to hawks, one of them
to a splendid falcon called Wiscard, belonging to the King. The
lord of Parthenay in Poitou on the loss of his hawk thus
addressed the Saint: "Give me back my hawk, O martyr
Thomas, for we know that once you were occupied with such
pleasures, and felt pain at losses like mine." It is needless to
say that the hawk was recovered (Will. Cant. pp. 528, 502).
10
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, i
imminent danger of being crushed by the mill-
wheel. The man in charge of the mill, knowing
nothing of what was going on, suddenly turned
off the water. The shouts of De I'Egle, which
the noise of the wheel had hitherto prevented
being heard, now drew the attention of the miller,
who rescued St. Thomas from his dangerous posi-
tion.
There is another account of this occurrence,
which says that he leaped into the water after his
hawk, forgetful in his eagerness of his own danger.
Either form of the story is in close accordance
with the naturally ardent and impetuous character
of the Saint. There is a local tradition, which
says that the scene of this providential rescue is a
spot now called Wade's Mill, between Ware and
St. Edmund's College. His pious mother was
much struck by this deliverance ; and she added
it to the other wonders on which she pondered,
which led her to the conclusion that God had
great designs in store for her son. One of her
religious practices is very beautiful. She was
accustomed at certain seasons to weigh her child,
placing in the opposite scale bread, meat, clothes,
and money, and other things which were neces-
sary for the poor, and then to distribute all to
those who were in want. In this way she always
strove to commend him to the mercy of God and
the protection of the Blessed Mary ever a Virgin.
It was a sad day for the Saint when he lost this
watchful and loving mother. Matilda died when
he was twenty-one years old ; and Gilbert not
long surviving her, he was left to his own re-
UI7— II43I GILBERT AND MATILDA. II
sources, — his father's means having' become
too restricted to leave him much of an inheritance.
He had previously studied in the London
schools as well as at Merton Abbey. Three
f^reat schools there were attached to the prin-
cipal churches, and on feast days the scholars
would hold their disputations in the churches
where the feast was celebrated. On such occa-
sions the boys of the several schools would meet
and there would be a lively competition in verse,
or in their knowledge of their grammar. Their
sports were not less vigorous than their literary
contests. Shrove Tuesday morning had its bar-
barous pastime. The boys would bring their
fighting cocks with them, and the school would
be turned into a cockpit under the master's eye.
The afternoon of Shrove Tuesday was devoted to
a general game at ball outside the city, while the
Sundays in Lent were given up to tilting at the
quentin, which game after Easter was played in
boats on the river. Fitzstephen, who tells us all
this, describes the summer and winter sports ; in
the latter the skating was on thigh bones fastened
to the feet, an iron-pointed staff being held in the
hand. Hawking and hunting there was in plenty
for those that could afford it, the citizens having
rights of hunting in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, the
Chiltern Hills, and in Kent down to the River
Cray,
In this boyhood spent in London, perhaps the
sports had more than their share of the school-
boy's time, for when he first went to the Court of
the Archbishop, Thomas of London was con-
12
ST. THOMAS OF CANTEKBUKV.
[chap. I
sidered to be less learned than his two compe-
titors, Roger of Neustria, and John of Canter-
bury. They were, however, men of unusual
ability and acquirements ; and we are told that
Thomas far excelled them in prudence and
manner of life, and that he was not long surpassed
by them in learning.
Our Saint had been sent for a time to the
University at Paris ; not, however, we may
be very sure for the motive which has been
recently assigned ; for it could hardly be neces-
sary for the son of the Norman Gilbert Becket,
or for the companion of the noble and very
rich " Richier de I'Egle, to go abroad that he
might lose his Saxon accent. He spent his
twent3--second year, — that is, 1140, — without an
occupation, in his father's house. This was after
his return from Paris ; for it was to his mother he
principally owed his liberal education : and the
account of the state of his father's means, after
Matilda's death, does not seem such as to lead us
to think that he could then afford his son the ad-
vantage of a foreign residence. He then went to
live with Osbern Witdeniers," a relation of his, and
a very wealthy man, who probably held high
office in the city, as St. Thomas is said to have
been " clerk to the sheriffs."' With him he lived
7 Dr. Giles's edition of Grim (Vita, i. p. 8) says, " Octo-
numini cognomine." Garnier, as printed by Bekker from the
MS. in the Brit. Mus. (fol. b, 1. 22) gives "dit Deniers," but
the MS. of the Bibliotheque Royale " Witdeniers." The last
is proved to be the correct reading by the " Octo " of Grim;
while the Latin should be read, "Octonummi," as the French
shows. The name " Eightpence " has not reached our times.
III7— II43]
GILBERT AXD MATILDA.
13
for three years, keeping the merchant's accounts,
and acquiring business-like habits which were
eventually to benefit both State and Church.
It was not, however, a position much to his
taste ; but still it needed long deliberation, and
much urging on the part of his friends, to induce
him to apply for employment to the Archbishop
of Canterbury.
We get a curious glimpse into St. Thomas's
life, if not about this time, yet at least before he
rose to wealth and dignity ; and it comes to us in
an equally curious manner. Amongst the
miracles which took place by the Saint's inter-
cession soon after his martyrdom, is the follow-
ing, with the simply told narrative of which this
necessarily desultory chapter may close, A poor
girl of about fifteen had suffered agonies from a
most fearful cancer. From harvest-time to the
month of March it had grown worse and worse,
and at length her illness seemed to have had a
fatal termination. She lay in her bed without
food, her limbs drawn up, her eyes opened and
glazed, and altogether giving no sign of life. At
length, towards nightfall, when she had been thus
from Tuesday till Friday, a neighbouring woman
who was very fond of her came in, and thinking
her certainly dead, said, " How came you to let
the poor child die in her bed ? Why did you not
place her on sackcloth, after the Catholic
custom ? " On this, the body, which had
stiffened, was laid out in the courtyard of the
house, covered with a sheet and surrounded
with lights as usual. Her father, Jordan of
14 ST. THOMAS OF CAXTERBUKY. [chap, i
Plumstead, in the diocese of Norwich, worn out
with his grief and his day's work, had dropped
asleep; but thus awakened, he cried out, "Is
Ceciha dead?" The woman repUed, " She most
certainly is dead." On which the father began :
'■ O blessed Thomas, mart}T of God, pay me now
for the service I once so heartily did you ; pay me
now for my service ; now I am in want of it. I
served you heartily before you were raised to
worldl}' honours ; pay me now for my service.
Remember, blessed martyr, when you were ill in
Kent, in the house of Thurstan the cleric at
Croydon, how heartily I served you : wine and
beer and strong drinks you could not touch, and I
ransacked the neighbourhood for some whey for
you to drink. Pay me for my service. Then you
had only one horse, and I took care of it. Pa}-
me for my service. Remember, martyr, all the
trouble I took for you : you are not so poor, that
I should have served you for nothing." And so
he spent half the night, sa3'ing, till he was quite
hoarse, " Pay me for my service." The holy
martyr heard him ; and Cecilia moved her hand
from under the sheet, and tried to speak. The next
da\' she took some nourishment ; on the third the
cancer dried up ; and in three weeks, without
medicine of any kind, she was quite well. Wil-
liam,^ the Bishop of Norwich, examined the priest
of the place and many witnesses ; and, on her
going on a pilgrimage of thanksgiving to the
shrine of the Saint at Canterbury, sent with her
testimonial letters attesting the miracle.
8 William Turbo, a Norman, consecrated Bishop of Xorwich
in 1146, died Jan. 20, 1174 (Gen-ase, Ed. Stubbs, p. 246).
CHAPTER II.
THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
1143—1154.
St. Thomas introduced to Theobald — the Archbishop's Court —
personal description of St. Thomas — ill-will of Roger de Pont
I'Eveque — the legatine office — St. Thomas visits Rome — the
primacy of Canterbury over York — St. Bernard's help — the
Council of Rheims — St. Thomas revisits Rome — the succes-
sion to the Crown — the Saint's ecclesiastical preferment — his
study of canon law at Bologna and Auxerre — Roger Arch-
bishop of York and St. Thomas Archdeacon of Canterbury —
death of King Stephen — Pope Adrian IV.
St. Thomas was introduced into the Archbishop's
service under very favourable auspices. Not only
had Theobald a personal acquaintance with the
Saint's father, who was like himself a native of
the village of Thierceville in Normandy, but
Gilbert was familiar with priests and other offi-
cials of the Archbishop's Court and household,
whom he had been in the habit of entertaining.
Two brothers from Boulogne, Baldwin the Arch-
deacon and Master Eustace, interested themselves
with the Primate in his favour. But St. Thomas
was principally induced to place himself under
Theobald's protection by the representations of
one of the Archbishop's marshals called Baille-
hache, who had long been intimate with Gilbert.
The Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury was
the centre of almost all the learning and ability
l6 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 2
of the kingdom. Amongst those who composed
it when St. Thomas joined their number was
Roger the future Archbishop of York, John of
Canterbury, afterwards Bishop of Poitiers and
Archbishop of Lyons, as well as the men destined
ultimately to hold most of the episcopal sees of
the kingdom. As we have said, the early educa-
tion of our Saint seems to have been of a desul-
tory character ; and he keenly felt his inferiority
in learning to those by whom he was now sur-
rounded. His natural genius being of a very high
order, and his perseverance indomitable, it was
not long before he rendered himself as fit as any of
his competitors for whatever office or undertaking
might be intrusted to him. He was remarkable
for the acuteness of his bodily senses. It was
matter of frequent comment through his life, that
scarcely anything could be said in his presence,
however far off, or in however low a tone, but
he could hear it if he chose to listen. So, too,
there was nothing which could affect the sense of
smell, which would not immediately either offend
or gratify him, from however great a distance.
His eye was remarkably large and clear, and his
glance so quick and comprehensive that nothing
escaped him. He was unusually tall, with a
prominent and slightly aquiline nose. His coun-
tenance was beautiful, and his expression habitu-
ally calm. The tradition of all later times has
always drawn him without a beard, but this detail
of his appearance is not mentioned by his bio-
graphers. The vivacity of his conversation and
his fluency, combined with the refinement of his
II43— "54] THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
language, spoke at once of the high quahties of
his natural gifts, and of the tone of his education.
After a while, when Theobald came to know
him thoroughly, and to value him as he deserved,
he made him a member of his council, and trusted
him highly ; but at first his position in the Arch-
bishop's favour was endangered by the jealousy
of one whose hostility continued through life,
even when they both of them filled archiepiscopal
sees. Roger de Pont I'Eveque showed his jea-
lousy of the Saint on their first being thrown
together by derisively calling him Clerk Baillehache,
from the name of the man at whose instance he
had joined the Archbishop's household. The
allusion to an axe in the Norman name leads
one of his biographers to say, that "he would
one day prove to be an axe to hew Roger and
his accomplices from the company of the just."
Twice he was the cause of the Saint's banishment
from the Archbishop's Court, ere he was yet firm
in the favour of that prelate. On each occasion
he was restored to his position by the influence
of Walter, the Archbishop's brother, then Arch-
deacon of Canterbury, who was his steady friend
through life.
In a short time his noble qualities so endeared
him to the Archbishop, that he employed him in
the conduct of the most delicate and important
matters. King Stephen was seated on the throne
of England ; and his brother, the well-known
Henry of Blois, was Bishop of Winchester.
Pope Innocent, who had celebrated in 1139 the
General Council of a thousand Bishops, called
c
i8
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
TCHAP. 2
the Second of Lateran, which was attended by
Theobald and four other EngHsh bishops, had
made Henry of Blois his legate in England. In
virtue of this authority, Henry held two synods
in the year 1142, a little before the time when St.
Thomas joined the Archbishop. However, the
possession of the legatine power by a suffragan
was not found to work well, and the two prelates
interested went to Rome to submit the question
to the Holy See. This was in 1143, the year in
which Pope Innocent died. The political state
of Rome was most unsettled ; and as the Sacred
College felt the danger of an interregnum, the
Chair of Peter was vacant only a day. However,
Pope Celestine II. reigned but six months ; and,
after another vacancy of one day, Lucius suc-
ceeded.
When St. Thomas visited Rome in company
with Archbishop Theobald, the Holy Father was
probably at the Vatican, under shelter of the
Castle of St. Angelo, which was in the hands of
those who were faithful to him. Trastevere then,
as ever, prided itself on its fidelity ; while the
rest of the city was in a very turbulent state.
Such a position of affairs can hardly have been
favourable to the discussion of the business which
led them to Rome. Theobald was doubtless
successful, for we have no further mention of
Henry as legate ; and the Archbishop presided
in that capacity over the next council which was
held in England. As, however, this synod was
not before the year 1151, we do not know whether
his success was immediate.
II43— II54] THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
19
It would be very interesting to know where
St. Thomas lodged in the Eternal City ; but we
have nothing to guide us to the spot. The
hospital, the munificent foundation of John and
Alice Shepherd, was not founded for the next
two hundred years ; it was then dedicated, as
its successor the English College now is, to the
Blessed Trinity, in honour of our Saint. The
Anglo-Saxon establishment, of which the memory
is preserved in the name of Santo Spirito in
Sassia, and with which are connected the names
of Ina, Ethelwolf, Alfred, and Canute, still exist-
ed,' but in great poverty. The other English
foundations were all of a later date than St.
Thomas's visit.
There was another matter of considerable
importance, the management of which may very
probably have been intrusted by Theobald to
St. Thomas. It was one which rose into still
greater consequence when the Saint had suc-
ceeded his master and patron in the see of Can-
terbury,— the precedence of that church over the
archbishopric of York, and the claim of the nor-
thern metropolitan to have his cross borne before
him in the province of Canterbury. In St.
Gregory's letter, dated June 22, 601, which is
extant in Venerable Bede,- the Pope decreed that
St. Augustine was to be Superior of the whole
island, but that after his death, the two metro-
politans of London (as he intended) and York
were to be independent of one another, taking
I See Note B.
2 Hist. Eccl. Gentis Anglor. i. c. 29.
20
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, 2
precedence by priority of consecration. On this
letter York rested all its claim to a complete
exemption from the authority of Canterbury. But
it is clear that the rule given in that letter was
reversed by St. Gregory himself and by many
subsequent Popes. This may have arisen from
the fact that four Archbishops of Canterbury
passed away before there was an Archbishop of
York. St. Paulinus received the pallium in 633,
shortly after he had consecrated St. Honorius
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Pope Honorius I.
sent at the same time instructions that when an
archbishop of Canterbury or York should die,
the survivor should consecrate the new Arch-
bishop. But Pope after Pope had enacted that
York should be subject to Canterbury. In the
time of Lanfranc, Pope Alexander II. referred
the matter to a Synod of the whole of England
to be discussed and determined. In that Synod
the history of the Church of York by Bede was
read, and it showed that from the days of St.
Augustine to those of Bede, Canterbury was
supreme over York and the whole island, that
the Archbishop of Canterbury had ordained and
held councils in York, had summoned the Arch-
bishop of York to his Synods, and had sat in
judgment upon him. Further, the decrees of
Popes St. Gregory the Great, Boniface, Honorius,
Vitalian, Sergius, Gregory II., Leo, and "of the
last Leo," that is, St. Leo IX., were read, and by
them the claim of Canterbury was established.
The Archbishop of York, having nothing to allege
but the single letter of St. Gregory, submitted
1143— II541 THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
21
and excused himself on the plea that he was not
aware that the case in favour of Canterbury was
so strong. This was in the year 1072.^ Since
that time other Popes confirmed the Primacy to
other Archbishops of Canterbury, using the for-
mula, " as it is known that your predecessors
have had by authority of the Apostolic See from
the times of Blessed Augustine." Thus Paschal
II. to St. Anselm ; thus Eugenius III. to Theo-
bald, as the result, no doubt, of the embassy to
Rome of St. Thomas ; and thus, later on, Alex-
ander III. to St. Thomas himself, when Arch-
bishop,^ as the Register preserved in the Archives
of Canterbury Cathedral still shows.
In these negotiations Theobald received power-
ful assistance from St. Bernard. When, in the
reign of Innocent, he had wished to visit the
Holy See, and had been prevented, St. Bernard
wrote a letter^ to the Pope, in which he spoke
very highly in his praise. The death of Lucius
in 1145 was the occasion of the election of Ber-
nard, a Cistercian abbot, who became famous as
Pope Eugenius III., not less by his own deeds
than through the writings of his saintly namesake.
In the very first letter which the holy Abbot of
Clairvaux addressed to the new Pope, he took
the part of the Archbishop of Canterbury, against
the prelates of York and Winchester, in what he
there styles " the ancient quarrel relating to the
legatine office." It is pleasant to think that it
3 Wilkins, Concilia, i. p. 32G.
4 Materials, v. p. 324.
5 Epp. ccxi, cxxxviii. Ed. Horst. Lugd. 1687.
22
ST. THOMAS or CANTERBURY. [cHAr. 2
is extremely probable that St. Thomas may, in
his journeys to and from Rome, have called at
Clairvaux to see his powerful advocate St. Ber-
nard, and be himself the bearer of his letters to
the Holy See ; and that thus a personal affection
may have sprung up between those two Saint-s.
The turbulence of Rome still continuing, Pope
Eugenius visited France; and in 1148 he left
Paris, where King Louis had given him a royal
reception, for Rheims, to which city the Bishops
of the Universal Church had been summoned by
mid-Lent to celebrate a council. Owing to the
influence of Henry of Winton, who was perhaps
angry at the loss of his legateship, and who
wished to subject the Archbishop to the anger
of either the King or the Pope, King Stephen
refused Theobald permission to attend the coun-
cil. The Archbishop, however, managed to es-
cape the guards who had been set to prevent
his leaving England ; and alone of all the bishops
of that country, except three, whom the King
sent to excuse the rest, he attended the synod.
He was accompanied by St. Thomas, who himself
has recorded that Theobald was received with
much honour by the Pope, and thanked b}^ him
in full synod, "because he had come to the
council rather swimming than sailing."
The King forced Theobald to leave England
again after his return from the council ; and he
stayed at St. Omer, where he consecrated
Gilbert Foliot Bishop of Hereford, with the
assistance of the Bishops of Amiens and Cam-
bray. From this place, by the authority of Pope
II43— II54] THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
23
Eugeuius, England was placed under an interdict,
until, by the mediation of some of the bishops
and nobles, the King made his peace with the
Archbishop.
St. Thomas had at this time another journey
to Rome, on a matter of the very greatest public
importance. It was Stephen's wish that his son
Eustace should be crowned king during his own
lifetime, in order to secure the succession. This
was contrary to the understanding that the
crown was to remain with Stephen for his life,
and then was to descend to Henry. The pro-
posed coronation of Eustace was expressly for-
bidden by the Pope; and the chronicler'' tells us
that this prohibition, which secured the crown
without dispute to Henry, had been gained by
" the subtle prudence and cleverness of one
Thomas, a cleric of London, whose father was
called Gilbert, and mother Matilda." Gregory,
the Cardinal-Deacon of St. Angelo, foreseeing the
career of Henry II., had recommended a different
course, saying that " it was easier to hold a ram
by the horns than a lion by the tail." When it
was found that Theobald was inflexible in his
obedience to the Pope's command, Stephen sent
Roger de Pont I'Eveque to Rome ; but his em-
bassy was unsuccessful. The negotiation re-
specting the coronation of Eustace took place
in 1 152. In the following year Eustace died,
and the succession was secured to Henry by the
Convention of Winchester in November, 1153.
Meanwhile St. Thomas was advancing in eccle-
6 Gervase, p. 150.
24
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 2
siastical preferment. He was presented by John,
the Bishop of Worcester, to the church of St.
Mary Littory;-' a term which one author has
understood to mean Shoreham, and another
St. Mary-le-Strand. As a reward for his service,
the Archbishop gave him the church of Otford.
He afterwards had a prebendal stall in St. Paul's
Cathedral in London, and another at Lincoln.
His biographer also says that the Archbishop
gave him leave to go beyond the sea, and that
he studied the canon law for a year at Bologna,
where the celebrated Gratian was his instructor,
and afterwards at Auxerre. Here it was that
he imbibed that exact knowledge of the Church's
laws and rights, which enabled him in after years
to fight her battles as a less skilful lawyer could
hardly have done.
When Weaker, the Archbishop's brother, was
made Bishop of Rochester, in 1147, Roger de
Pont I'Eveque became Archdeacon of Canterbury,
and on the loth of October, 1154, Theobald con-
secrated him Archbishop of York ; and so he
became successor to St. William, as that Saint
had foretold. The archdeaconry of Canterbury
thus rendered vacant, Archbishop Theobald con-
ferred upon St. Thomas, the highest dignity in
the Church in England after the bishoprics and
abbacies, and worth one hundred pounds in silver.
He succeeded Roger in another piece of prefer-
ment of value and ecclesiastical rank, being made
7 Matthew of Westminster (Annal. ad ann. 1155) says that
before he went to Archbishop Theobald, he had recei\'ed from
the Abbot of St. Alban's the benefice of Bratfield.
,1^3—1154] THE COURT OF CANTERBURY.
25
the Provost of Beverley. At this time the Saint
was ordained deacon.
The close of the year 11 54 is remarkable in
English annals for the death of King Stephen,
and for the election of the only Englishman who
has ever sat in the Chair of St. Peter, Nicholas
Breakspeare, a native of St. Alban's, who took
the title of Pope Adrian IV.
CHAPTER III.
THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR.
"SS— ii6i-
Coronation of Henry IL — St. Thomas made Chancellor — his
office — he expels the Flemings — restores the Tower — his
magnificence — hospitality — recreations — intimacy with the
King — his austerities — purity — devotions — his embassy to
France — war of Toulouse — and in the Marches — personal
deeds of valour — friendship of King Louis — conversation
with the Prior of Leicester.
On the igth December, 1154, Henry II., in his
twenty-first year, was crowned King of England
at Westminster by Archbishop Theobald, the
Legate of the Holy See. He could not fail to be
aware of the part which had been taken by St.
Thomas to secure his succession. Through his
influence the Holy See had forbidden the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury to crown Eustace ; and he
doubtless took a leading part in the negotiation
by which the Primate and the Bishop of Win-
chester had procured from Stephen an acknow-
ledgment of the right of Henry to succeed to the
Crown. We are therefore not astonished to learn
that, when St. Thomas was put forward by Arch-
bishop Theobald as worthy of high place about
the young King's person, he should at once have
been promoted to the chancellorship of England.
This was in 11 55, when he was thirty-eight years
II55— iiGi] THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR.
27
old, and consequently considerabh' the King's
senior.
The dignity of the office which he now filled
was such, that the famous Peter of Remy, calls
him "second to the King in four kingdoms."
The Chapel Royal was in his care ; he had the
custody of the Great Seal, and with its reverse
we are told he was at liberty to seal his own
documents ; his place in the councils of the
Sovereign was most important ; and by an abuse
which then prevailed, he adn^inistered the re-
venues of all vacant bishoprics and abbacies.
The talents of St. Thomas had now full scope
to manifest themselves. Within three months
of the King's coronation, an evil which had its
rise in the disturbed reign of Stephen was
vigorously remedied. Many foreign adventurers,
principally Flemings, of whom the most notorious
was William de Ipres, created by that King
Earl of Kent, were driven out of England ; and
the destruction of many castles which had served
to harbour wrong-doers in troubled times restored
a sense of security to the country. The Chan-
cellor showed similar energy in the restoration
of the Tower of London, which had become dila-
pidated. It is recorded as a marvel, that so
many hands were employed, that the work was
completed between Easter and Whitsuntide.
There can be no doubt that St. Thomas had a
singular taste for magnificence ; and now, not
merely were the means for its gratification abun-
dantly supplied, but it became almost a duty in
consideration of the position which he filled.
28 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 3
Probably in all history there is no parallel to the
place he held as the favourite of his Sovereign.
Preferment of all kinds was heaped upon him ;
indeed there was nothing he might not have had
if he had chosen to ask for it. To the ecclesi-
astical offices, of which he already held so many,
there was added the deanery of Hastings ; and
among those of a more secular character, he
received the wardenship of the Tower of London,
with the military service attached to it ; the
Castlery of Eye, with its honour of seven-score
soldiers; and the Castle of Berkhampstead. Thus
the Chancellor had feudal rights over consider-
able territories and bodies of men ; and it would
seem that many nobles and knights voluntarily
submitted themselves to him as "his men," in
the language of the times, and paid him homage,
saving their fealty to the King. His retinue was
further swelled by the presence in his household
of the sons of many of the nobility, who were
sent to learn from him and from those whom he
attracted about him how to fit themselves for the
Court and the battlefield. A little later King
Henry intrusted to him the education of his
eldest son, perhaps as the greatest possible mark
of confidence.
Everything about him was of the most costly
description ; his purveyors were reckless of ex-
pense in providing for his table, and the very bit
in his horse's mouth was wrought in silver. His
hospitality was unbounded. His own table was
never without guests of the highest rank ; while
in the lower part of the hall room was found, not
II55— ii6i] THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR.
29
only for his own large retinue, but also for very
many who stood in need of his hospitality when
frequenting the King's Court. It is a curious trait
of the manners of those times, that every day
his dining-hall was strewed with fresh straw or
hay in the winter, and in the summer time with
rushes or green boughs ; for the floor had to
serve as a seat for those guests who thronged
the hall in greater numbers than the benches
round the walls could accommodate. When the
guests had dined, a plentiful meal was set before
vast numbers of the poor who took their places,
towards whom his open-handed generosity was
so remarkable, that worldly people counted it
almost superstition. The wretched and the op-
pressed were admitted to him without delay ;
and in his judicial capacity he was renowned for
the justice done and the mercy shown to poor
suitors.
The King's household could scarcely bear com-
parison with that of his clerical Chancellor ; his
very magnificence, however, was made to redound
to the glory of his royal master. On one occasion
ambassadors came into England from the King
of Norway. As soon as the Chancellor heard ot
their arrival, he sent officials to bring them to
the Court with all honour, and at his own ex-
pense.
The importance of Henry's continental domi-
nions rendered it necessary that the Court should
be held on either side of the Channel. The Chan-
cellor fitted up three ships in a style worthy ot
the King's acceptance, and offered them to him
30
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. 'CHAP. 3
as a present. When he himself would cross, six
or more ships sailed in compan}- ; and any one
who was waiting for a passage was sure to be
able to obtain it in the Chancellor's train.
His recreation, after the many and varied duties
of his office, was of that description in which the
Norman nobles were accustomed to indulge, and
for which he had long ago acquired a taste. His
amusements were thus in his horses, hounds, and
hawks ; forgetful of his place in the Church's
hierarchy, and giving him much cause of self-
reproach in his after-life. He was also fond of
the game of draughts.
There is something very characteristic in the
light-hearted sportiveness of the familiarity that
existed between him and his j-outhful King. They
were more like two schoolfellows than a great
Sovereign and his first Minister. Henry would
sometimes enter the Chancellor's dining-hall on
horseback, perhaps with an arrow in his hand,
as he was going to or returning from the chase ;
and we can imagine the stir among the motley
crowd of retainers as the King would at one time
drink to his Chancellor's health, and then ride
away again ; or at another time, leaping over the
table on the dais, seat himself by his side, and
thus become an unexpected guest.
A story is told which puts before us the frolic-
some terms on which they lived. One cold
winter's day they were riding together in the
streets of London, the nobles and their other
attendants having dropped behind to a consider-
able distance, to leave them more free, when the
II55— ii6i] THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR.
31
King spied a poor old man shivering, half-clad,
in the cold. " Poor old fellow," said the King,
" do you see how cold he looks ? would it not be
a famous alms to give him a thick warm cloak ? "
" A very proper thought, and a royal one too,"
replied the unsuspecting Chancellor. On coming
up to the old man they stopped, and Henry
quietly asked him whether he would not like to
have a good cloak. The poor man did not know
them, and did not believe that they could be in
earnest. " You shall give this great alms," said
the King, as he turned to the Chancellor ; and
so saying, laid hold of his beautiful new cloak
of scarlet and gray, and tried to take it off his
shoulders, so that quite a scuffle ensued. The
attendants hastened up, lost in astonishment, and
found the King and his Chancellor so struggling
as to be hardly able to keep their saddles. It is
needless to say who came off victorious ; and the
poor old man went on his way loudly praising
God for his good fortune, and clad in the Chan-
cellor's grand cloak by the King's own hand.
The courtiers heard the story, and laughed long
and loud, as in duty bound. Not that they forgot
to offer the Chancellor their own cloaks in lieu
of the scarlet and gray which had been given
away. Enough, however, of these lighter matters;
it is full time we turned to more serious thoughts
connected with the time of the chancellorship of
our Saint.
We have mentioned the luxury and prodigality
of his table. It is true that he was a man of
refined tastes, and perhaps fastidious delicacy;
32
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 3
the habits of his whole Hfe had made him so : it
is no less true that in the midst of such profuse-
ness he was singularly moderate. He had, more-
over, practices of austerity which would scarcely
have been looked for under his splendid exterior.
He often bore the discipline from the hands of
Ralph, the Prior of Holy Trinity, when he was in
the neighbourhood of London ; and when he was
at Canterbury, from the hands of Thomas, a
priest of St. Martin's. Robert, the venerable
Canon of Merton, under whom he had been
brought up, was still his confessor ; and he bore
testimony to Fitzstephen, one of the Saint's
most careful biographers, that all through this
most trying portion of his life, in spite of the
license of Norman manners and the snares of
the Court, his life remained perfectly pure. An
anecdote of one who suspected that it might be
otherwise not only confirms this opinion of his
virtue, but gives us also a glimpse of further
secret austerities.
Once, when he was in attendance on the King
at Stafford, the suspicions of his host Vivien the
cleric were aroused by the attentions which he
fancied were paid to the Chancellor by a lady of
the name of Anice de Stafford, who was remark-
able for her beauty, and whose reputation had
suffered in consequence of her intimacy with the
King. Wishing to ascertain the truth, he secretly,
in the dead of the night, entered his guest's
chamber with a lantern. The bed he found was
undisturbed ; but on looking round the room with
his light, he saw the Saint asleep on the hard
II55— ii6i] THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR.
33
floor at the foot of the bed, partially undressed.
His sleep was the heaviness of exhaustion, and
his inquisitive host was enabled to withdraw un-
observed.
The good Canons Regular of Merton Abbey
were taken into the King's favour now that a
child of their house had become a royal favourite.
Fitzstephen tells us that the King completed the
Abbey Church and endowed it, and that he would
sometimes spend the three last days of Holy
Week with the community. After Tenebras at
midnight on Good Friday till three in the after-
noon, he would visit the neighbouring village
churches on foot, disguised in a cloak, with but
one companion to show him the way. We should
have thought the story more probable if it had
been told of the Chancellor rather than of the
King ; but at least it does not seem rash to con-
jecture that the Chancellor accompanied his
master.
One of the most important events of his chan-
cellorship was his famous mission to ask the King
of France to espouse his daughter Marguerite to
Prince Henry, the heir-apparent of England since
his brother William's death. The bridegroom-
elect was a child of five years of age, and the
little princess was but three ; and it was thirteen
years before the marriage was completed. This
embassy was conducted with a magnificence of
which we have but few parallels even in the
records of such ceremonial occasions. His im-
mediate retinue consisted of two hundred mem-
bers of his own household, clerics, seneschals
D
34
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. chap. 3
and servitors, knights and esquires, as well as
the sons of noblemen who were in his suite with
their respective attendants, all gaily equipped.
Huntsmen led hounds in leashes, and falconers
carried hawks upon their fists. Eight wagons
conveyed all the requisites for the journey, drawn
by five high-bred horses ; at the head of each
horse was a groom on foot, "dressed in a new
tunic." A spare horse followed each wagon.
Two were laden with beer in casks bound with
iron, to be given to the French, "who admire
that kind of drink,"" as Fitzstephen tells us,
adding that "it is wholesome, clear, of the colour
of wine, and of a better taste." The Chancellor's
chapel-furniture had its own wagon, his chamber
had one, his pantry another, his kitchen another;
others carried provisions, and others again the
baggage of the party ; amongst them, four-and-
twenty suits of clothing for presents, as \\ ell as
furs and carpets. Then there were twelve
sumpter-horses ; eight chests containing the
Chancellors gold and silver plate ; and besides
a very considerable store of coin, "some books"
found room. The sumpter-horse which led the
way was laden with the sacred vessels of the
chapel, and the altar ornaments and books.
Beneath every wagon was an English mastiff,
and a monkey rode on each sumpter-horse's
load.
The order of march was as follows : some two
hundred and fifty young Englishmen led the way
in knots of six or ten or more together, singing
their national songs as they entered the French
II55— ii6i] THE LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR. 35
villages. After an interval came the huntsmen
with their dogs ; then the wagons, iron-bound
and covered with hides, rattled over the stones
of the streets ; at a little distance followed the
sumpter-horses with their quaint riders. After
another interval the esquires followed, carrying
the shields of the knights and leading their
chargers ; then other esquires ; after them the
falconers, carrying their birds ; afterwards sene-
schals, masters and servants of the Chancellor's
household ; then the knights and clerics, all riding
two and two ; lastly came the Chancellor himself,
surrounded by his intimate friends. "What must
the King of England be," said the French as
he went by, " if his Chancellor travels in such
state ?
The King of France, wishing to take upon him-
self the entertainment of his guest, issued orders
at Paris that nothing was to be sold to any of
the ambassador's followers. When the rumour
of this came to his ears, he sent on people secretly
to the villages round Paris, to Lagny, Corbeil,
Pontoise and St. Denys, to purchase for him all
that he could require. On his arrix'al, when he
entered the Temple, where he was to lodge, his
purveyors met him with the information that
they had laid in stores sufficient to keep a thou-
I As St. Thomas passed through the territor)- of Limoges, he
was entertained by Hugh of Meimac. Four years after the
martyrdom Hugh was lying very ill and sent a candle of the
length of his body to the Saint's shrine. The following night
he was informed in his sleep that the martyr Thomas was his
former guest the Chancellor, " to whom he had given whey in a
silver goblet." He was cured (Will. Cant. p. 446).
36
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 3
sand men for three days. Such open-handed
expenditure had never been seen in Paris before.
On one occasion a dish of eels for his table cost a
hundred shillings; and the "English Chancellor's
dish " passed into a proverb.
The scholars and masters of the schools of
Paris waited upon him, doubtless not forgetful
that he had himself studied among them ; and
even the citizens who had debtors among the
English students threw themselves upon his gene-
rosity. His prodigality in making presents was
unbounded : he gave away nearly everything ;
all his gold and silver plate, and all the changes
of clothing he had brought with him for that
purpose: "to one he gave a gray cloak, to an-
other one of furs ; to this one a palfrey, to that
one a charger;" no one left him empty-handed.
What wonder that his embassy should have been
perfectly successful ?
It was not only in peaceful negotiations that
the splendid liberality and the skilful diplomacy
of our Chancellor were apparent, for in truth
they were not less conspicuous in the time of
war. In the siege of Toulouse, where there were
assembled forces from Normandy, Aquitaine,
Anjou, Brittany, and Scotland, as well as from
England itself, the Chancellor's own troops were
ever prominent. He was followed by seven
hundred knights of his own household. Had
his advice been adopted, the war would have
been brought to a very speedy conclusion. The
King of France had thrown himself into Toulouse
with a very insufficient garrison. The Chancellor
II55— ii6i^ THE LORD HIGH CHAN'CELLOR.
37
proposed an immediate assault ; but Henry,
tliough he did not mind waging war against the
King of France, who was his feudal lord in
virtue of his continental dominions, yet scrupled
to attack his person. In the Chancellor's
opinion, Louis had laid aside all claims to the
character of feudal superior when he went to
war with the King of England. However, the
French army was not long in reaching the scene,
when the Kings of England and Scotland with-
drew their forces from before Toulouse,- after they
had taken Cahors and several castles. In order
to retain these, the Chancellor, together with
Henry of Essex, ^ the King's constable, volun-
teered to remain. Clad in breastplate and
helmet, he headed his troops, and took three
highly fortified castles which were reputed im-
pregnable. He also crossed the Garonne ; and
when the whole province was confirmed in its
obedience to the King, he returned to England in
high favour and honour.
On a later occasion, when the seat of the war
was in the Marches, between Gisors, Trie, and
Courcelles, on the boundaries of the English and
French territories, besides the seven hundred
knights of his own household, the Chancellor
brought into the field twelve hundred knights
2 Gervase says that Toulouse was besieged from the feast of
St. John the Baptist (June 24) to that of All Saints (November i)
1 159.
3 This statement by Fitzstephen is hardly in keeping with
that of Gervase, who says that Henry of Essex incurred per-
petual disgrace for having let the King's standard fall in a battle
in Wales in 1157.
38
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 4
and foux^ thousand men. maintaining them at
his own expense for forty days. Every knight
received from him three shillings a day, to
furnish himself with horses and esquires. The
Chancellor's knights were the foremost in every
enterprise in the whole English army. The}'
used to sound the sally and the retreat on slender
trumpets which were peculiar to their troop, and
the sound of which soon became familiar to both
armies. Their prominence was due to the Chan-
cellor's personal courage and prowess. On his
return from his embassy to France, he had taken
prisoner Guy de Laval, a noted freebooter, and
imprisoned him at Neuf-marche. We have seen
him in his armour leading the troops in the neigh-
bourhood of Toulouse ; and now we hear of him
engaged in a hand-to-hand encounter with a
valiant French knight, Fngelramne de Trie,
whom he unhorsed, making a prize of his charger.
In spite of his valour when engaged in war
against him. King Louis of France had almost as
great a friendship for him as his own Sovereign.
Once, when he was confined by a serious illness
at St. Gervase in Rouen, the two Kings came
together to visit him. One day, during his con-
valescence, he was sitting playing a game of
chess, wearing a cloak with sleeves, which had,
we suppose, a very secular air. Aschetin, the
Prior of Leicester, on his return from Gascony,
where the King's Court was, went to see him.
It was always characteristic of our Saint, that
he suffered his friends to speak to him as freely
as they chose ; even though it should be to find
II55— ii6i
THE LORD HIGH CHAN'CELLOR.
39
fault with him. The Prior of Leicester accord-
ingly began : " What do you mean by wearing a
cloak with such sleeves as those ? You look more
like a falconer than a cleric. Yet cleric you are,
in person one, in office many, Archdeacon of
Canterbury, Dean of Hastings, Provost of Bever-
ley, Canon of this place and of that, procurator
too of the archbishopric, and as the current re-
port goes at Court, Archbishop to be." In the
course of the conversation the Chancellor said,
" I know three poor priests in England, any one
of whom I had rather see promoted to the arch-
bishopric than myself; for I know my lord the
King so intimately, that I am sure I should have
to choose between his favour and that of Almighty
God, if I myself were to be appointed." This
interview happened after Theobald's death, a
period which we have not yet reached ; but it
is here introduced as descriptive of the manner
of his life during his chancellorship.
CHAPTER IV.
THE CHANXELLOR'S POLICY.
1155— 1161.
Military career of the Chancellor — Gilbert Foliot refuses the
administration of London — second subsidies — the Chancellor
interferes in behalf of the Archdeacon of London, of John
of Salisbury, the Archdeacon of Rouen and the Bishop of
Le Mans — difficulty of the position — Battle Abbey — ^judg-
ments on the Chancellor's conduct.
It would be neither easy nor justifiable to
attempt to clear St. Thomas from all blame in
the scenes we have just witnessed. The argument
which would excuse him for his warlike occupa-
tions on the score of the manners of the age, is
not, it is true, altogether without weight ; let the
reader estimate its value for himself. Still, though
this may palliate, it cannot justif}' so signal an
infringement of the Church's canons. Beyond
question it is not edifying to read of the Arch-
deacon of Canterbury — the first unmitred digni-
tary in England, a churchman by all the ties of
his plurality of benefices, and a deacon in orders
— as " clad in breastplate and helmet," in suc-
cessful tilt unhorsing the valiant Sir Engelramne,
" with lance in rest and charger at gallop.'' How-
ever, the most important view of the matter, that
which his own conscience took, is sufficiently
satisfactory. In after-days, when everything was
II55— ii6i] THE chancellor's POLICY.
41
weighed by him in the balance of the sanctuary,
his lamentation was, De pastore avium factus sum
Pastor avium. The worldliness of his former life
was his principal regret, without any special
remorse in reference to deeds of arms, which in
our times would be held to induce irregularity,
and to render an application to the Pope neces-
sary for absolution.
The vigour and energy of character, which led
him to promote the war by appearing in person
at the head of his troops, induced him to co-
operate with the King in more than one scheme
for procuring funds to carry it on, which are
quite indefensible in their nature. Towards the
close of St. Thomas's chancellorship, the bishopric
of London fell vacant by the death of Richard
de Beaumes, a relative of Gilbert Foliot, the
Bishop of Hereford. The see was soon offered
by the Chancellor to Gilbert himself, who after-
wards occupied it, but who now refused it in
consequence of the disgraceful condition annexed
to the offer of the translation. The letter is still
extant in which Gilbert excuses himself to the
King for his refusal. " The Lord Chancellor
requests me," he says, " to undertake the charge
of the bishopric of London, and witli part of the
income to maintain myself and my household as
its Bishop, and to reserve the rest for my Lord
the King, to be spent as the Spirit of God shall
prompt him." It is greatly to Gilbert's credit
that he should have refused to do what he well
calls "a grievous injury to his soul." The reve-
nues of the see, on its falling vacant, were confis-
42
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 4
cated to the King's treasury, by an abuse which
had been forsworn in more than one coronation
oath ; and the charge of them was intrusted to
the Chancellor, who administered the widowed
see by the clerics of his household. It may be
that this offer to the Bishop of Hereford was
only " that he should take charge of the
bishopric " as administrator during the vacancy
of the see, which would of course render the
proposal far less reprehensible, as it would be but
retaining a part of what the King was accustomed
wholly to confiscate ; and it is not an improbable
supposition that St. Thomas, who, as we know,
used his influence with the King to prevent long
vacancies, may in this instance have been able to
gain nothing more liberal to the Church than the
compromise here offered. Still it must be con-
fessed that Gilbert's subsequent translation to
this very see, and his evident indignation at the
offer, render it probable that the transaction was
as wrong as it at first sight appears to have been.
As far, however, as the doubt is a fair one, it is
but just that St. Thomas's reputation as chan-
cellor and statesman should have its full benefit.
Another evil of the same kind, but more
grievous, because its effects were more widely
felt, was what Archbishop Theobald called, in a
letter he wrote to accompany his will when he
felt his end was approaching, " the custom of
second subsidies, which our brother the Arch-
deacon [Walter, at this time Bishop of Roch-
ester'] has imposed upon the churches." This
I Materials, v. p. 9.
IT55— ii6ij THE chancellor's POLICY.
43
"custom" was the imposition of an unjust and
illegal tax upon the clergy for the prosecution of
the war, a part of the great " scutage " raised by
the King for the expenses of the Toulouse cam-
paign." In this there can be little doubt St.
Thomas co-operated with Henry, for Theobald
tells him that he cannot listen to him when he
asks for the exaction of these subsidies without
breaking a vow that he made when he thought he
was dying. But the Archbishop attributes these
subsidies to his own brother, years before, and he
is far from saying that the Chancellor was
responsible for them. John of Salisbury, than
whom probably a better informed authority could
not be cited, later on, when of course this pro-
ceeding was brought as a precedent or a reproach
against St. Thomas, replied to the objection,
" But perhaps it will be said that the imposition
of the tax, and the whole, in short, of this dis-
turbance, is to be attributed to the Archbishop,"
as he was when this was written, " who then had
complete influence over the King, and made this
suggestion to him. Now I know that this was
not the case, for he only allowed the measure to
pass, he did not sanction it. Inasmuch, however,
as he was the instrument of injustice, it is a
suitable punishment to him that he should be
persecuted now by the very person whom he then
preferred to his Supreme Benefactor."
There can be no doubt that Archbishop Theo-
bald's object in recommending St. Thomas to the
King, was the hope that he might be able to
2 See Note C.
44
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
CHAP. 4
influence his master in those many matters in
which the strong hand of the State had inter-
fered from time to time with the hberty of the
Church. Not that there was any specific under-
standing on the subject, but that St. Thomas's
principles were well known to the Archbishop,
and had been long tested in his many years of
ecclesiastical service. The position he now held
was one of great delicacy and difficulty. The
King's temperament was fiery in the extreme ;
and opposition, or even a show of independence,
drove him to great lengths. Beyond a doubt
St. Thomas always had the liberty of the Church
at heart, and through him, while he was Chan-
cellor, she was spared much oppression.
We have some instances to detail in which the
Chancellor used his powerful influence with the
King in behalf of churchmen who had incurred
his displeasure. The first case is that of Nicholas,
Archdeacon of London. The cause of the King's
irritation with him has not come down to us, but
the arbitrariness with which he was treated is
very characteristic of King Henry II. His rela-
tions were ordered into exile, and his house was
seized to be sold for the King's benefit. The
good Chancellor did not rest until, on the very
day on which it came to his knowledge, he had
obtained for the Archdeacon a free pardon and
his recall.
John of Salisbury had letters from the Pope
and the Archbishop of Canterburv- to appease the
anger of the King, and desiring the intervention
also of the Chancellor, he wrote to Ernulf, the
II55— ii6ij THE CHA.N'CELL0R"S POLICY.
45
Saint's secretary, saying that he knew that in the
multitude of his occupations and Court duties
the Chancellor would need some one to remind
him of his friend's request, and begging Ernulf to
do him this service. This Ernulf St. Thomas
made his chancellor, when he himself became
Archbishop of Canterbury.^
Our Saint's good offices were emplo3'ed in
behalf of other dignitaries and in a more impor-
tant cause. On the accession of Pope Alexander,
and the breaking out of the schism, Hugh, the
Archbishop of Rouen, at once espoused the cause
of the rightful Pope, and sent his nephew and
Archdeacon, Gilo, to his suffragan Bishops to
induce them to profess the same obedience. The
King was very angry that it had not been left to
him to take the initiative in this great question.
He did not dare to do anything directly against
the Archbishop, who was much respected ; but
he ordered the house of Gilo to be pulled down.
St. Thomas interfered, representing that, though
the house belonged to Gilo, it was there that he
himself was accustomed to lodge ; endeavouring
thus to save the Archdeacon's property without
irritating Henry by opposition.
The next day the King heard that the Bishop
of Le Mans had followed the example of the
Archbishop of Rouen, and acknowledged Alex-
ander to be the lawful Pope without so much as
consulting him. The royal marshals went straight
to the Bishop's hostelry, where they cut the
halters and turned loose his horses ; and having
3 MaUrials, v. p. 7.
40
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [cHAr. 4
carried his baggage into the streets, they deprived
him of his lodging, and drove him in disgrace
from Court. The King then had briefs prepared,
giving orders that the Bishop's house at Le Mans
should be immediately pulled down. As soon as
he had signed them, he held them up in his hand
before the large company of nobles and ecclesi-
astics who were present at his Court, saying, " It
will not be long before the good people of Le
Mans hear something about their Bishop." This
was at Neuf-marche ; and as the King of France
was there also, the consternation produced by
this violent conduct was very widespread. The
Chancellor knew that it was quite useless to
attempt at once to pacify Henry. The great
thing was to gain time : so, on despatching the
messengers, he private^ instructed them to take
four days for the journey, which was usually
made in two. The next day the Chancellor sent
some of the bishops to intercede with the King ;
but they found him inexorable ; and later in the
day some others went, and suffered a similar
repulse. By-and-by the Chancellor went himself,
and renewed his entreaties on the following day.
When the King thought that there had been time
for the execution of his commands, he ga\ e way,
and permitted counter-orders to be issued. These
were at once despatched by a fleet messenger,
who was warned, as he valued the Chancellor's
patronage, not to rest either day or night till he
reached Le Mans. He arrived just in time ; the
former messengers had already delivered their
letters, but the Bishop's house was not }ct
II55— ii6i] THE chancellor's POLICY. 47
touched. Henry was afterwards glad enough to
hear of the device which had thus saved him from
the evil consequences of his own anger. Such
anecdotes as these show us sufficiently clearly the
character of the King with whom he had to deal,
and lead us to wonder that during his chancellor-
ship no greater injuries were inflicted on the
Church.
From the extreme difficult}- of his position we
are hardly surprised at the statement made by
his intimate friend, John of Salisbury/ that " he
would, even with tears, tell the Archbishop and
his friends that he was wearied of his very life,
and that after the desire of salvation there was
nothing he so longed for as to be able to disen-
tangle himself without disgrace from the snares
of the Court ; for though the world seemed to
flatter him in everything, \et he was not un-
mindful of his condition and duty, and thus he
was obliged on the one hand to strive for the
safety and honour of the King, and on the other
for the needs of the Church and the bishops both
against the King himself and against his enemies
also, and by various arts to elude their various
stratagems."
The Chronicle of Battle Abbey ^ gives an ac-
count of a matter in which St. Thomas, as Chan-
cellor, was officially interested, and which has
often been quoted as an example of his readiness
at this period of his hfe, to side with the King
against those principles of which he was after-
wards the champion and the martyr. When, how-
4 Materials, ii. p. 304. 5 See Note D.
48
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 4
ever, the cx parte character of that chronicle is
borne in mind, and the fragmentary shape in
which the only speech of his in the cause of an}-
importance has come down to us, there does not
seem to be anything here to modify the judgment
that the other acts of his chancellorship induce
us to form.
Some modern writers have drawn from these
facts conclusions most adverse to the character of
St. Thomas. They say that one of two deduc-
tions is inevitable : either when he took the
King's side in these acts of aggression on the
Church he was sincere ; and then the presump-
tion is, that his sudden change of policy when
made Archbishop was but a hypocritical scheme
for furthering his own ambition : or he was insin-
cere in the part vvhich he played when Chan-
cellor, the object of such double-dealing being to
lead the King to think him hearty in his cause,
and so to obtain his promotion to the coveted
archbishopric.
This dilemma is as illogical as it is unjust. We
have already shown that there is another manner
of accounting for St. Thomas's conduct, which is
historically far more probable than either of those
thus objected. There is no reason whatever for
supposing that his principles were not those of a
true churchman during the intermediate time,
spent in his chancellorship, between the days
when he became the favourite of the Holy See as
Archbishop Theobald's minister, and the later
times when he was the Church's champion. If
any of his biographers speak of a change in him
1155— I i6i, THI'- chancellor's POLICY. 49
at his consecration, it is a change, not of prin-
ciple, but of manner of hfe ; from worldhness to
asceticism, from the courtier to the ecclesiastic
and the saint.^
And as for ambition prompting such hypocrisy,
it must needs have been an ambition to fall
instead of to rise, to become less instead of
greater in any worldly sense : for what to an
ambitious man was the primacy, especially if he
was resolved to resign the chancellorship, when
compared with the chancellorship itself, as it was
when he held it ? It is idle to say that he aimed
at subduing the temporal order to the spiritual,
and placing himself over both as the head of the
nobler ; for his subsequent struggle was for the
canonical independence of the clergy, and not for
their advancement to temporal power. And what
could the Chancellor, and such a Chancellor, gain
by desiring a change ? Like Joseph in the house
of Pharaoh, it was but in the royal throne that he
was the King's inferior : knights and nobles
swore fealty to him, reserving only their allegi-
giance to the Sovereign ; he was the head of all
the administration of justice ; he had the com-
mand of the army ; he could dispose of the whole
kingdom at his pleasure ; he was supreme as the
King's Prime Minister : would it not have been
an ambition too short-sighted to be attributed to
him, to throw away such a rule in the King's
narne in order to risk a contest with a powerful
Sovereign for ever so brilliant a pre-eminence ?
The truth undoubtedly is, that St. Thomas
6 See Note E.
E
50
ST. THOMAS OF CAXTEKBURY. ;^chap. 4
clearly understood and knew how to manage the
King's passionate temper. He knew how hope-
less it was to resist him in his paroxysms of rage,
and we consequently find him allowing the storm
to pass over without attempting to combat it.
There were occasions when he stood by and
sorrowfully saw things done of which he could
not approve, but with which he was not called on
by his position to interfere, and which prudence,
and the fear of destroying his influence and his
means of good, taught him, whether in mistaken
judgment or not, to bear with patiently : and if
there were occasions when he showed more of
the statesman and courtier than of the dutiful son
of the Church, these instances were but few in
number, and not of such a character as to over-
throw our conclusion that St. Thomas, though as
yet no saint according to the high and heroic
estimate of the Church, still showed in his diffi-
cult position as Chancellor the material of which
saints are made.
With such copious information before us re-
specting his chancellorship, we cannot be sur-
prised that the biographer'' of those who have
held that high office should call him " one of the
most distinguished men of any race that this
island has ever produced." Manifesting from his
childhood a singular love for truth ; his heart ever
full of compassion towards the poor and needy ;
with the gentlest spirit of condescension towards
the timid and the humble, yet showing an indom-
itable courage and will in resisting the oppressor
7 Lord Campbell's Cliancellors, i. p. 59.
II55— ii6l] THE chancellor's POLICY.
51
though bred in moderate circumstances, Hving
amidst an unrivalled profusion of wealth and
magnificence as if he had been accustomed to it
from his cradle ; checking the rapacious tendency
of a King and a Court against the Church, and
yet, in spite of his natural vehemence of dispo-
sition, with such prudence that he has shared the
blame of what he could not avert ; advancing
daily in the fear of God and in Christian perfec-
tion, and yet so unaffectedly and unostentatiously
that his very virtue is questioned ; leading an
interior life of a sanctity that in some respects
falls little short of the heroic : — we have before
us one who, had he now died, and these details
had reached us, we had justly regarded as one of
the brightest and noblest characters in our
history. How much happier we are, in being
able to regard this as but the preface, the
ushering-in of a far brighter and nobler destiny.
In his after life the blemishes that we have
observed are washed away. If he has been unjust
to the Church, he atones for it by vindicating
justice for her from the most violent and powerful.
If he has forgotten the indelible character im-
printed on his soul by Holy Orders, he is about to
set to all men an example of the life a churchman
should lead. If he has lived in too great magni-
ficence for " the servant of a lowly Lord," he
does penance in the cowl of Citeaux. If he has had
too great a love for popularity, or too much sense
of human respect, he will shortly be mocked at
and deserted, as well by bishop as by noble, in
the Church's cause. And all the hardy virtues
52 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 4
we have seen in him hitherto will flourish in their
native climate of adversity ; he who is just will
yet be justified, and he who is holy will yet be
sanctified ; and all will be crowned by a death
which, as that of the saints, will be precious in
the eyes of the King of the Martyrs and of the
Divine Author and Guardian of the immunities of
the Catholic Church.
CHAPTER V.
THE DEATH OF THEOBALD.
1158 — 1161.
Visit of the King and the Chancellor to Paris — Pope Alexander
III. — Archbishop Theobald's failing health and anxiety —
abuses — vacancy of bishoprics — new Bishops of Coventry
and Exeter — Theobald's desire for the return of the King
and the Chancellor — the Archbishop's death.
In 1158 King Henry and his Chancellor crossed
over into France, where they were magnificently
received by King Louis at Paris.' The Saint's
politic negotiations gained from the French King
what was felt to be a very great advantage
towards the consolidation of Henry's continental
dominions. The latter Sovereign was permitted,
as seneschal of the King of France, to enter
Brittany and exercise martial law on all who
were disturbing the peace of that country. This
was the King of England's first entry into
Brittany ; and he took occasion of it to gain
possession of Nantes. King Louis returned his
visit ; passing through Le Mans to Mont St.
Michel, and thence to Bayeux, Caen, and Rouen,
where he was received with a magnificence equal
to his own. It was in the next year, 1159, that
the war of Toulouse occurred, on which we have
already dwelt so much. And in 1159, on the
' Gerv. p. iGG.
54
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 5
death of the Enghsh Pope, Adrian IV., Alexander
III., was elected in his stead on the 7th of Sep-
tember. Under this Pope the rest of the life of
St. Thomas was spent, and by him he was
canonized.
In 1160 Theobald began to feel that his long
reign in the chair of St. Augustine was drawing
to a close. We must dwell for a short time on
the cares that beset him, and rendered his last
days anxious ; for they will serve excellently to
put us in possession of the feeling that existed
respecting the relations of the Crown to the
Church when the see of Canterbury fell vacant.
One of the abuses against which the aged
Prelate struggled, and, through his foresight in
placing St. Thomas with the King, not without
success, was the long vacancy of bishoprics ;
which, though involving churches in widowhood,
and leaving the people without a pastor, was an
easy and tempting manner of recruiting the royal
treasury. His spirit, preparing to give an account
of his stewardship, would indeed have been
grieved if he could have foreseen what St. Thomas
a few years afterwards thus described to Pope
Alexander : "To say nothing of the way in which
the King treats the Churches of Canterbury and
Tours, of which you have heard, and of which I
wish you knew still more, now for some time
past he holds in his own hands seven vacant
bishoprics in our province and that of Rouen, nor
will he suffer pastors to be there ordained. The
clergy of the kingdom are given up to his officials,
to be trodden down and treated as a prey." It
1158—1161] THE DEATH OF THEOBALD.
55
became a current saying, during a seventeen
years' vacancy, that Lincoln would never have
another bishop.
Robert Warehvast, Bishop of Exeter, died in
1159 ; and Theobald was very anxious that his
see should be tilled. He was a wealthy man,
who had been presented in the first year of King
Henry's reign : and John of Salisbury leads us
to understand that his appointment had been
uncanonical, if not simoniacal. This renders
intelligible the following passage in a letter from
Archbishop Theobald to the King ; which is
interesting as showing, as several others of his
writings also do, the misgivings with which the
Primate sank into his grave. "The children of
this world suggest to you to diminish the autho-
rity of the Church, in order to increase your
royal dignit}-. They are certainly your Majesty's
enemies, and provoke the indignation of God,
whoever they may be. It is He Who has
extended your boundaries ; it is He Who has
advanced your glory. It is wicked in you to
diminish the glory of your Lord and Benefactor ;
it merits chastisement, and the severest chastise-
ment beyond doubt it will receive ; nay, by God's
grace there shall be no chastisement, for by His
help it shall not be done. The Spouse of the
Church addresses you by my mouth. Peter, the
Shepherd of all, the Prince of the Apostles,
addresses you ; and all the saints earnestly
beseech you, that if you would have them for
the patrons and guardians of your realm and
reign, you would permit a pastor to be ordained
56
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 5
according to the Lord for the Church of Exeter,
and would strive to rescue it from shipwreck.
It was the first in the kingdom to which you
looked. See, I beg, my lord, what has come of
it. You know whom He excluded from the
Church, Who drove out those who sold doves ;
and God forbid that any one should enter in
whom Christ shut out. I pledge myself a surety
for St. Peter, that the honour which you show to
him he will repay a hundredfold, even in this
world." This, which sounds almost as a voice
from the tomb, apparently produced but little
effect ; for the King would have appointed Robert
Fitzharding, an illiterate and useless person, if
the Canons of Exeter had not refused to elect
him.
The Archbishop's wish, which he prosecuted
with great fervour, was that the see might be
given to Bartholomew, then Archdeacon of that
Church ; for whom, he said, he was willing to
pledge himself to the King. It is edifying to be
able to add that Bartholomew knew nothing
of the application thus made in his behalf.
Theobald pressed his request on Henry with the
energy of a man who feels that he has no time to
lose. He himself wrote to the Chancellor ; and
another still more urgent letter to St. Thomas
was from John of Salisbury, who says that the
Archbishop was beginning to be dispirited as to
his personal influence with Henry. He was then
ill in his bed. The letter adds that they had
heard that the King had conferred the income
of three vacant bishoprics on St. Thomas, but
1158— ii6i] THE DEATH OF THEOBALD.
57
that such a report had not caused them to doubt
of his mediation ; for they had none of them
forgotten the advantages which Lincoln, York,
and many other Churches had received at his
hands. Theobald had the consolation of com-
municating, by means of his faithful John of
Salisbury, this appointment to Bartholomew ;
and he sent for him, that he, with Richard,
Bishop-elect of Coventry, might be consecrated,
if not by him, at least in his presence. His
brother Walter,^ Bishop of Rochester, conse-
crated the Bishop of Coventry in the chapel into
which Theobald was carried ; but Bartholomew's
consecration was postponed until he had done
homage to the King. He crossed the sea, and
returned with all haste, but Theobald had died
before his arrival. The Bishop of Rochester
consecrated him at Christ Church, Canterbury,
at the request of the Prior and community.
In Bartholomew's election, the solicitude of
Theobald's last moments was successful. Coven-
try had had an unusually short vacancy ; but, in
spite of all his efforts, he left London, Worcester,
and Bangor without bishops.
As his end drew near, he felt the absence of the
King and St. Thomas very deeply. His letters
to both of them, pleading to be allowed to see
their faces once more before he died, are very
touching. Again and again he writes to the
King: "We petition your Majesty that it may
please you, as we believe it to be the pleasure of
God, that you would return to your own peculiar
2 Gerv. p. i68.
5^ ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 5
people. Let their loyalty move you, and the
affection of your children, from whom the sternest
parent could hardly bear to be so long separated ;
let the love of your wife move you, the beauty of
the country, and that union of delights we cannot
enumerate ; and, not to forget my own case, let
my desolation move 3-ou, for my age and sickness
will not let me wait long for your desired coming.
In this hope I wait ; and with man}- a sigh I say
to myself, ' Will not my Christ give me to see
him whom at my desire He gave me to anoint?'"
And then he begs that the King will at least send
him his Archdeacon. " He is the only one we
have, and the first of our Council. He ought to
have come unsummoned ; and unless your need
of him had excused him, he had been guilty of
disobedience before God and man. But since
we have ever preferred your will to our own, and
have determined to further it in all that is lawful,
we forgive him his fault ; wishing him to remain
in your service as long as you need him, and
ordering him to give his whole zeal and attention
to your wants : but permit him to return as soon
as^veryou can spare him." And this he unites
to his prayer for the Church of Exeter, beseeching
with equal energy de remiUcndo cancellario, ct pro-
movendo ncgoiio Exoniensis Ecclesics.
In the same tone he writes to St. Thomas,
anxious beyond measure to see him, but warning
him not to incur the King's displeasure ; for he
doubted his own influence, and he reminded him
that favour for the sake of the dead, amongst
whom he expected soon to be numbered, was not
II58— ii6i THE DEATH OF THEOBALD.
59
to be relied upon. John of Salisbury at the same
time writes to say that he had never known the
Archbishop equall}' anxious about anj^thing, so
that they had even thought of forcing St. Thomas
to return by threat of censures. But they had
been induced to be patient by the report, the
importance of which they would be the last to
undervalue, of the perfect unanimity between the
King and the Chancellor. " It is publicly said
that you have one heart and one soul, and that
3-our friendly familiarity is so strong, that 3'ou like
and dislike the same things. The whole Court
hangs upon your counsel."
The wish so fervently expressed was not grati-
fied. What the dying Prelate longed to press
upon the King and the Chancellor, if he had been
permitted to see them, is sufficiently clear from
the letters which accompanied his will. Besides
the question of subsidies, he urged that none of
his ecclesiastical arrangements should be inter-
fered with, excommunicating any one who might
venture to do so. Under a similar censure he
forbade an}^ interference with his Church of
Canterbury, especially any alienation of its lands ;
he requested that the King would permit his pro-
perty to be divided amongst the poor, towards
whom he had during life always shown great
charity ; and he wrote most earnestly to Henry
respecting his own successor. I beseech you
to hear me, as you would have God hear you at
your last breath. I send you and your children a
blessing from our Lord Jesus Christ ; and do you,
I pray, send my desolate ones your Majesty's
6o
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 5
consolation. I commend to 3'Ou the holy Church
of Canterbury, from which, by my ministry, you
received the reins of government, that you may
defend it from the attacks of wicked men : and
to me, who, though unworthy, have yet, by
God's help, ruled it as best I knew how, give as
successor such a pastor as may not be unworthy
of so great a see, who may delight in religion, and
the merits of whose virtue may find favour with
God. Your faithful servant must give you counsel;
and, before the Lord and His saints, this is my
counsel : Seek not in this matter what is your
own, but the Lord's ; for I answer to you for
Him, that if you will have a faithful care for His
cause, He will greatly advance yours."
Theobald had been Archbishop two-and-twenty
years when he died, on April i8, 1161. He was
buried in the mother-church of England, soon to
be rendered so famous by the death and relics of
his immediate successor. Nineteen years after
his death his tomb was opened, and his body was
found to be entire and uncorrupt. His soul we
trust is with God. His see was vacant for one
year, a month, and fourteen days ; and when
next there was an Archbishop, it was St. Thomas
of Canterbury.
CHAPTER VI.
THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
1161— 1162.
The Chancellor returns to England — the King resolves he shall
be Archbishop — intimation to the monks — election at Wes-
minster — Foliot's conduct — Archbishop-elect discharged of
all liabilities — he goes to Canterbury — his ordination and
consecration — feast of the Blessed Trinity — the pallium.
The year of Theobald's death passed over quietly,
the revenues of the see being as usual intrusted
to the Chancellor's care. The free-spoken Prior
of Leicester has already shown us that the current
belief was that the Chancellor was to be Theo-
bald's successor.
In the spring of 1162, King Henry determined
to send St. Thomas over into England to provide
against the incursions of the Welsh, and on other
public business of importance. Just as the Chan-
cellor was about to start upon his journey, he
went to salute the King at the Castle of Falaise
in Normandy. Henry took him on one side, and
said, " You do not yet know altogether the cause
of your journey. It is my will that you should be
Archbishop of Canterbury." On this the Chan-
cellor, looking down at his dress, which was gay,
said with a smile, " What a religious man, what a
saint you wish to place in that holy bishopric and
over so famous a monastery ! I am certain that
62
ST, THOMAS OF CAXTERBURY. [chap. 6
if, by God's disposal, it were so to happen, the
love and favour you now bear towards me would
speedily turn into the bitterest hatred. I know
that you would require many things, as even now
you do require them, in church matters, which I
could never bear quietly ; and so the envious
would take occasion to provoke an endless strife
between us." The King was utterly unmoved by
this, and in the Chancellor's presence instructed
the nobles who were to accompany him in his
mission, that they were to intimate this his desire
to the monks of Canterbury and to the clerg}' of
the kingdom. He then turned to one of them in
particular, Richard de Luci, whose position about
the King's person was very confidential, and said
to him, " Richard, if I lay dead on my bier, would
you not strive that my eldest son Henry should be
crowned King? " He replied, " My lord, I would
with all my might." " I wish you to take as
much pains," rejoined Henry, " for the promotion
of the Chancellor to the see of Canterbury." A
few years later the expressions that he had here
used often recurred to the mind of St. Thomas as
almost prophetic, and during his exile his com-
panions frequently heard him allude to them or
recount them. They accord precisely with what
he had said to the Prior of Leicester.
In the month of May, 1162,^ the King sent three
Bishops, with Richard de Luci and Walter his
brother the Abbot of Battle, to Canterburj-, to
summon the Prior and monks to hold an election.
When they were assembled in the chapter-house,
I Gerv. p. 169.
ii6i — ii62] THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
63
Richard addressed the community, enlarging upon
the King's fihal devotion to the Church of Canter-
bury, which induced him without further delay to
send them free leave to elect ; and in conclusion
pointing out to them the necessity there was that
the object of their choice should be acceptable to
the King.
The summons was to London, that they might
there meet the Bishops of the province at West-
minster and thither accordingly Wibert the
Prior and the senior monks of the chapter betook
themselves. The electors speedily came to the
conclusion that their wisest course would be to
consult the King's representatives as to the person
who would be most acceptable to him. They did
not immediately elect the Chancellor when he was
proposed to them by Richard de Luci. It was
not any repugnance to St. Thomas personally that
led them to hesitate ; but it was their feeling, as
religious, that the successor of the Apostle of
England should be a child of St. Benedict, as
Theobald and the majority of those who had filled
that throne had been. His intimacy with the
King appears to have been regarded from two
different points of view. Some thought that it
was calculated to promote harmony between the
Church and State ; while others considered it
dangerous, as destroying the independence which
alone could hope to resist any undue encroach-
ments of the civil power. Though doubtless the
2 Gervase, who was admitted as a monk at Christ Church not
long after this election, says London, and Herbert Westminster ;
Roger de Pontigny places the election at Canterbury.
64
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 6
expression of the King's will was contrary to that
perfect freedom of election which the Church de-
sires, and to which she has a right ; yet, from all
that has come down to us, it would seem that
there was no such direct influence or intimida-
tion of the electors used as would nullify the elec-
tion, as there had been in Stephen's reign in the
case of St. William of York. Quite enough there
was to raise a suspicion of its canonical charac-
ter, and this St. Thomas himself represented in
the strongest terms a few years afterwards to Pope
Alexander. However, as far as the forms go, all
seems valid ; and at the close of the election
Wibert announced to the bishops and abbots,
who, together with the priors of conventual
houses, and the earls and other nobles, with the
King's officials, were assembled together at West-
minster by royal mandate, that they had elected
as Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas, the King's
Chancellor.
There was but one dissentient voice raised at
this announcement. Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of
Hereford, was the only one who was dissatisfied.
The report was very widespread that he was
himself ambitious of the vacant primacy. The
belief in the justice of this charge receives much
strength from the fact that when, after St.
Thomas's martyrdom, the primacy once more fell
vacant, he had again to defend himself from the
same accusation in a long letter to the King.
However, finding himself alone and unsupported,
he changed his tactics, and became the loudest in
praise of the election. For this reason some well-
ii6i — 1162]
THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
65
informed writers deny that he ever disturbed the
unanimity with which the name of St. Thomas
was received. It must be borne in mind that
Gilbert was not himself an elector ; for it was the
privilege of the community of Christ Church to
elect the Archbishop, who was ex ojficio their
Abbot also. Gilbert was present as one of the
suffragan Bishops of the province.
St. Thomas was in consequence of the King's
absence presented to his pupil, Prince Henry,
then a boy in his eighth year,^ who, even before
his coronation, is sometimes called the young
King ; and he, as well as Richard de Luci and
the other officials whom the King had com-
missioned, gave full assent to the election.
Henry of Winchester, the brother of the late
King Stephen, then said: "The Lord Chan-
cellor, our elect, has now been long in the
palace of the King your father, and has had the
highest place in the kingdom, having had the
whole realm at his disposal, so that nothing has
been done save by his will : wherefore we beg
that he may be given over to the Church of God
and to us, free, and absolved from every obliga-
tion of the Court, from every complaint and
calumny, and from all claims ; so that from this
hour henceforward, unshackled and free, he may
attend to the things of God. For we know that
the King your father has delegated to you his
powers in this matter, and that he will ratify
whatever you ordain." This petition was fully
3 The Lansdowne MS. says that the Prince was ten years old,
but he was born in March, 1155 (Gerv. p. 161).
F
66
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 6
granted, and St. Thomas was given over to the
Church free from all secular obligations hitherto
contracted. This release b}' the King was so
well known and understood that at Northampton
St. Thomas appealed to it as within the know-
ledge of all present ; and, later on, John of
Salisbury wrote, "Who is there who did not
know that the King gave his Chancellor over,
free from all administration and obligation, to
the government of the Church of Canterbury?"^
The objections that St. Thomas had previously
made to his appointment had been overruled by
the arguments and authority of Henry of Pisa,
Cardinal of SS. Nereus and Achilleus, who was
the Pope's Legate in France. As soon, there-
fore, as the proceedings of the election were con-
cluded in London, he set out for Canterbury, to
be consecrated in the metropolitan church. He
was accompanied by a great number of bishops
and nobles ; his position as the head of the
English hierarchy, as well as Prime Minister of
the Crown, naturally attracting multitudes, and
rendering them anxious to do him all honour.
During the journey he called Herbert of Bosham
aside, who now appears for the first time per-
sonally in the history, though evidently already on
familiar terms with the Archbishop-elect ; and
told him privately that in a dream that night a
venerable person had stood beside him and given
him ten talents. Herbert tells us that he attached
no meaning to it at the time, but that afterv/ards
he bethought him of the good servant in the Gospel
4 Materials, vi. p. gy.
ii6i — 1162]
THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
67
who doubled the talents intrusted to him. The
tenonr of his meditations by day is betrayed to us
by the dreams of the night. How to trade with
his ten talents his meditations taught him, and he
who was faithful over the few is now the ruler
over many.
In the course of the same journey he bade
Herbert always come and tell him in confidence
what others might say of him, and if he thought
him wrong in any thing, at once to point it out to
him ; " for," he added, " four eyes see more
clearly than two." And Herbert thinks that he
gave the same commission to others also. The
Saint was, indeed, losing no time. The powerful
will, which had made him without a rival in
Vv'orldly matters, was now brought to bear with
all its force on the work of his own sanctifi-
cation. These glimpses of the passage of a
noble soul to spiritual heroism are inexpressibly
precious.
On Saturday in Whitsun week^ he was or-
dained priest in Canterbury Cathedral by his old
friend Walter, Bishop of Rochester, "the Vicar
of the Church of Canterbury for ordinations and
dedications." For the honourable office of con-
secrating the Primate in the solemn function
which had been fixed for the following day, there
were several claimants. Roger, the Archbishop
of York, anxious we must suppose for his dignity,
rather than desirous of showing any affection for
the Archbishop-elect, though he was not himself
present, sent messengers to put in his claim to
5 Gerv. p. 170.
68
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. G
perform the consecration. The bishops acknow-
ledged that it was an ancient right of the see of
York ; but it was overruled in this instance, be-
cause Roger had made no profession of subjection
or due obedience to the Church of Canterbury. A
Welsh Bishop also put in a claim, on the ground
that he was the oldest Bishop, having been the
first consecrated of the living hierarchy. Walter
of Rochester claimed the right in virtue of his
being the chaplain of the Archbishop. Some
spoke for the Bishop of Winchester, who was
cantor or precentor in Canterbury Cathedral.
The bishopric of London was vacant ; but the
chapter wrote to petition that the Bishop of
Winchester, who was administering sacraments
in London during the vacancy of the see, might
be selected. This request was acceded to out
of respect for the venerable Henry of Blois,
Walter giving way under a protest that it
should be accounted no precedent against the
rights of the Church of Rochester.
Thus, on the octave of Pentecost, Trinity
Sunday, the 3rd of June, 1162, St. Thomas was
consecrated a Bishop in the metropolitan church
by Henry of Winchester, in the presence of
nearly all his suffragans, as well as a vast mul-
titude of abbots, religious, clerics, and nobles,
Prince Henry himself being there. At the eastern
end of the Cathedral was a chapel dedicated to
the Blessed Trinity. Immediately after his con-
secration and enthronement in the ancient Patri-
archal Chair behind the high altar, St. Thomas
said Mass in the chapel of the Blessed Trinity,
ii6i — ii62] THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
69
behind the Throne — his " first Mass," Gervase
calls it, as indeed it was if we pass over the
concelebrations in his priestly ordination and
episcopal consecration. This chapel was his
favourite resort when he was in Canterbury.
Here he said Mass both before his exile and after
his return. Here he would come to assist pri-
vately at the office of the monks in choir, and
he would frequently retire to the same chapel
for prayer. On a screen on the right of the high
altar, between it and the chapel of the Blessed
Trinity, lay St. Odo ; on the left, St. Wilfrid ; by
the south wall of the chapel was the resting-place
of Lanfranc, and by the north wall that of Theo-
bald. Beneath the chapel was the crypt, con-
taining on the south side an altar dedicated to
St. Augustine, the Apostle of England, and on
the north side the altar of St. John the Baptist.
Between these two altars in the crypt St. Thomas
was buried the day after his martyrdom, and
there his body lay until the site of the chapel he
had loved best in life was prepared to receive his
shrine. The altar-stone was prized on which the
Saint had said his first Mass, and of it an altar
was made that was dedicated to St. John the
Evangelist.
Practically on the day of his consecration St.
Thomas said two Masses. This he was free to
do, as the decree of Alexander 11.,'' familiar to
him as included in the Decretum of his old master
Gratian, did not forbid the celebration of two
Masses if offered through devotion. This was
C Can. Sufficit, Dc ccnsccrationc, dist. i.
70
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
^CHAP. 6
not forbidden before the decree of Innocent III. ,7
subsequent to the time of St. Thomas. As to
the festival of the Blessed Trinity, Alexander IL'
says that while in some churches it was kept on
the octave of Pentecost, and in others on the
Sunday before Advent, the Roman Church kept
no such special feast, being content with its daily
devotions to that great mystery. That the fes-
tival was already observed at Canterbur\- in the
Cathedral seems probable, as the monastery had
this for a second title, letters being frequentl}'
addressed, even by the Popes, to the Convent of
the Blessed Trinity^ as well as to the Church of
Christ at Canterbury. The title of a chapel
would hardh" be celebrated as a feast of the
Church, as Fitzstephen '° describes this, but the
festival may well have been kept as a Titular
Feast of the Cathedral. Gervase" is therefore
speaking of the extension of the festival to the
whole province of Canterbur}', when he says that
" Thomas, the Archbishop of Canterbury, when
consecrated, instituted the principal feast of the
Hoi}- Trinity to be kept every year for ever on
the day of the octave of Pentecost, on which day
he himself celebrated his first Mass."'- The feast
7 Cap. Consuluisti , De celebratione missanim.
8 Cap. g«o«;a;;i, i)«/i:';7/5, wTongly attributed to Alexander III.
Bened. XIV., Dc Fcstis, cap. xii.
9 For instance, Materials, vi. p. 41S,
10 Octava Pentecostes, Ecclesise Cantuariensis festa die Sanctas
Trinitatis (Fitzstephen, p. 36).
11 P. 171.
12 Stephen Birchington, a monk of Canterbury, who lived
two centuries after Ger\'ase, and has copied this phrase from
him, is sometimes quoted as the authority for the statement.
ii6i
: — 1162^
THE NEW ARCHBISHOP.
71
was extended to the Universal Church by Pope
John XXII. in the early part of the fourteenth
century.
We return now to St. Thomas and the prelate
who consecrated him.
From his high position both as brother of King
Stephen and Legate for several years of the Holy
See, the Bishop of Winton had gained a very
wide experience of public affairs. Few were
better fitted to judge of the course the new Arch-
bishop would be obliged to pursue. His speech
to the Prince is a very distinct intimation of
the view that he had taken ; but immediately
after the consecration he expressed himself far
more plainly.'^ " Dearest brother," he said, " I
give you now the choice of two things ; beyond
a doubt you must lose the favour of the earthly
or of the heavenly King." Raising his hands
and looking up to heaven, as he knelt for the
blessing of his consecrator, our Saint replied,
with an earnestness that brought tears to the
eyes of both, " By God's help and strength I now
make my choice, and never for the love and favour
of an earthly king will I forego the grace of the
Kingdom of Heaven." When the news, years
afterwards, reached Henry of Blois, that the head
he had that day anointed had in that same church
received the death-wound of martyrdom, he ex-
claimed, " Thank God that it was m}' privilege to
consecrate him ! "
St. Thomas was still but Archbishop-elect. He
13 Girald. Cambren. ap. Wharton, Ajtgl. Sacra, London 1691,
ii. p. 420.
72
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 6
had received in his consecration the plenitude of
the sacerdotal power ; he had been raised to that
order to which by Divine right priests are subject ;
but jurisdiction flows from the See of Peter only,
and that jurisdiction which the canon law gives
to Archbishops-elect St. Thomas as yet had, and
no more. The symbol of the completeness of
metropolitan authority, which is a delegation of
power over brother-bishops from him who has
power over all, is the pallium, which is blessed by
the Pope on the eve of SS. Peter and Paul, and
which, from the shrine where it is then placed, is
said to be sent " from the body of blessed Peter."
Immediately after St. Thomas had been con-
secrated, he sent his messengers to Montpellier,
where Pope Alexander III. then was. They were
six in number, and amongst them was the Trea-
surer of York,'-* the Abbot of Evesham, one of the
monks of Canterbury, and John of Salisbury.
They were the bearers of letters from the
Bishops, from the Prior and community, and
from the King, relating what had been done,
and praying for the pallium. It was readily
granted by the Pope,'^ and solemnly received by
St. Thomas on St. Laurence's day, the loth of
August, 1162, after the usual oath, at the high altar
of his Cathedral. He went barefoot to meet those
who were bringing this symbol of his dependence
on the Apostolic See ; a fitting act of devotion for
the beginning of his reign as Archbishop of Can-
terbury.
14 This was John of Canterbury, our Saint's old companion
in the court of Theobald, whose name we shall frequently meet
later on as the Bishop of Poitiers, his fast friend.
J5 Diceto, p. 534; Gerv. p. 172.
CHAPTER VII.
THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS CHURCH.
1162.
Sanctity of the new Archbishop — change of circumstances —
manner of life — hospitality to the poor — study of Holy
Scripture — private prayer — Mass — his dress — affiiliation to
religious orders — the stole — Confirmation.
The Sacrament of Holy Orders wrought a glorious
work in the soul of St. Thomas. Hitherto we
have called him Saint by anticipation ; now it is
his deserved, well-earned title. It does not seem
too much to say, with the knowledge of the detail
of his life as a prelate which has been preserved
for our edification, that even if it had not pleased
God to mark His love for him by conferring upon
him the crown of martyrdom, he would have been
held forth to us by the Church as a confessor, as
so many of his predecessors in his see have been ;
and we should have still venerated, though with
one honour wanting, St. Thomas of Canterbury.
But, thank God, that honour too was not with-
held, and in the brightness of the glory of the
martyr the dignity of the confessor has been
absorbed ; so that while for the one we have
the Church's unerring judgment, for the estimate
of the other we are left to our convictions.
The change of external circumstances affecting
74
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 7
our Saint was very great. When the multitude
of prelates and nobles who had attended the
consecration had left Canterbury, he remained in
the church to which he was now wedded.
Hitherto he had lived at court and in camp
the life of a Norman noble of the highest rank,
surrounded by all the appliances of the greatest
luxury and magnificence, as remarkable for
worldly grandeur as for his unblemished life.
Now he had suddenly become not only the first
of the hierarchy of a great kingdom, but the resi-
dent superior of a large religious house. The in-
ternal government of the monastery of Christ
Church was carried on by the Cathedral Prior ;
but the Archbishop was the head or abbot of
the community.
The outlines of his life were derived from the
Rule of St. Benedict, by which the monks were
governed ; but the manner in which those out-
lines were filled up was his own, and very charac-
teristic of him. The first duty that was quite
new to him was attendance at choir. Matins
broke in upon every night's rest ; for the recita-
tion of this part of the Divine Office always occu-
pied the dead of the night. When this was over,
thirteen poor men were daily taken into a private
room, where the Saint washed and kissed their
feet, and then waited on them, serving up to
them with his own hands a plentiful meal. They
were dismissed about daybreak, each with four
pieces of money. His object in selecting so early
an hour for this act of humility and charity was
that it might be strictly private, as well as that he
il62] THE ARCHBISHOP IK HIS CHURCH. 75
might not be hindered from performing it by other
occupations. The custom was maintained even
in his absence, for then one of the convent guest-
masters took his place. We shall form some idea
of the assistance the poor received from one of
the greater monasteries, on learning that when
these thirteen poor men left, on whom the Arch-
bishop had attended in person, twelve others
were treated by a guestmaster with equal hospi-
tality, differing only from the first in this, that
they did not receive the alms in money ; and that
later on in the morning, at nine o'clock, a plenti-
ful meal was set before one hundred poor persons,
who were then called " prebendaries or pen-
sioners.
At daybreak St. Thomas retired to his room ;
and after a short time given to sleep, he aroused
himself promptly, and while others were resting
themselves after the nightly interruption of their
repose by the Divine Office, he was intent on the
study of the Sacred Scriptures. That this study
might be more fruitful as well as safe, he was
attended at this hour by Herbert of Bosham, who
tells us that his holy master had thus singled him
out for this intimate intercourse with him. The
Saint's devotion for the Holy Scriptures was so
great, that often when out riding, he would draw
up, and call Herbert to confer with him on some
point of sacred learning. At such times he would
say, " Oh that I could lay aside the cares of the
world, and in peace and quietness attend to sacred
studies ! how carefully I would atone for the time
I have lost ! " In his full loose sleeves he would
76
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 7
carry a few pages, that so he might ever have
by him the means of his favourite occupation,
when he had a httle occasional or accidental
leisure. He surrounded himself by persons
skilled in all kinds of ecclesiastical learning,
from whose conversation he derived much
profit. The result of this was seen in the quick-
ness wherewith he prepared himself for that im-
portant portion of the duty of a bishop, preach-
ing both to clergy and people.
After the striking exhibition of diffidence and
humility shown in this reliance on the assistance
of another, the instructor to whom the Saint
showed such docility left him ; and until nine
o'clock no one was permitted to disturb his
union with God under any pretext whatever. Of
this precious time God and the saints and
angels were the sole witnesses. At nine he came
out of his room, either to say Mass, or to assist
at it. " For he did not say Mass every day; and
this was, as he himself said, not through negli-
gence, but reverence."
While St. Thomas received the sacred vest-
ments for Mass from the ministers, his changing
countenance, and the tears in his eyes, betrayed
how deeply his heart was affected at the solemn
act of offering sacrifice, like a good pontiff, for his
own sins and those of his people. During the
early part of the Mass, which is called the Mass
of Catechumens, to preserve himself from distrac-
tion while the ministers were singing, he would
read some devout book. His favourite on these
occasions was a little prayer-book composed, with
Il62] THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS CHURCH. 77
much unction and devotion, by his blessed prede-
cessor Anselm of holy memory. He generally
said one collect in the Mass, sometimes three, but
very seldom more. He was careful that his Mass
should be short ; and Herbert, in whose words
these interesting details are given, assigns, as the
reason for his saying it rapidly, one with which he
must have been familiar, inasmuch as it is given
in the Rubric of the Sarum Missal when exhort-
ing the priest not to dwell too long on his
Memento, " for fear of distractions and sugges-
tions by evil angels;" adding that thus he verified
in the august sacrifice of the Gospel the words
spoken of its shadow and type, " Ye shall eat it
in haste ; for it is the Phase, that is, the passover
of the Lord." Those who were often present at
his Mass bear witness to the tears and sighs the
presence of his Lord drew from him, and to the
very great devotion with which he celebrated.
" When he was alone," says another of his inti-
mate friends, " he shed tears in wonderful abund-
ance ; and when he stood at the altar, he seemed
in very presence in the flesh to see the Passion of
the Lord. He handled the Divine Sacraments
with great reverence, so that his very handling of
them strengthened the faith and fervour of those
who witnessed it."
All his monks knew that Theobald's successor
was sure to prove an able Archbishop ; but many
of them must have feared lest he should be a
worldly one. The heartiness of his adoption of a
strictly devout and religious life must have
speedily removed all their misgivings ; and yet.
78 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 7
singularly enough, there was one point which for
a while offended them. But one thing recalled
the magnificence of the Chancellor, and that was
his dress. It may have been that he retained his
gay attire in order to conceal the interior change
that was taking place within him, and to secure
himself from the observation of the Court. It
was at this very Pentecost of his consecration
that he first put on his hair-shirt ; it was not,
therefore, from a worldly feeling that he did not
conform himself in dress to his new manner of
life. The monks, however, might well be scan-
dalized at the incongruity of his attending choir in
his gay secular dress. With the freedom which
he ever allowed and encouraged in his friends, in
a manner so characteristic of his greatness of
mind, one of the religious, who was more intimate
with him than the others, reproved him for it, and
undertook to relate to him a dream that one of
the community had had regarding it. " Go tell
the Chancellor,'" a grave and venerable personage
had seemed to say to him, by the title he made
use of marking his indignation, " to change his
dress without delay ; and if he refuse to do so, I
will oppose him all the days of his life."' To the
reproof St. Thomas made no reply, but he burst
into tears.
By the close of the year in which he was conse-
crated he had laid aside his valuable and coloured
dress, with its foreign and variegated furs, and
put on a black cappa, which was closed all round
and reached his feet, and which was made of a
material of little value, and was adorned with
n62]
THE ARCHBISHOP IX HIS CHURCH.
79
lambswool instead of fur. This dress he was in
the habit of frequently changing, in order that he
might give away those that he had worn to clothe
the poor. The black cappa he continued to wear
all his life, with a surplice of fine linen over it.
He is described as wearing it at Northampton,
and he was in it when he was martyred. Some
writers tell us that between the two habits, the
one of penance, known as yet to none but his
spiritual director, and the other, even more
humbly ecclesiastical than his dignity required,
he wore the dress of a monk ; and they thus
describe him as being at once an example to the
cleric, the monk, and the hermit ; but this would
seem to be an anticipation of the Cistercian cowl
which he received at Pontigny, blessed by the
Pope, which also he wore at his martyrdom.
The black cappa with lambswool, and the linen
surplice, was not the monastic habit of his
monks of Christ Church. It was that of the
Black Canons Regular, to which Order Merton
Abbey belonged. When a boy there at school, he
had doubtless worn the same habit as the religious
among whom he lived. It was therefore natural
that, being surrounded by a chapter of religious,
and sitting on a throne which had been rarely
occupied save by religious, when he sought to
show even by his habit that he had devoted hinv
self to the service of God, not being himself a
Benedictine, he should resume that habit which
he had worn when young, and with which were
associated his recollections of strictness and holi-
ness of life.
8o
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap.
This variety of habit worn by the Saint has
produced the very singular result that St.
Thomas, whom the secular clergy venerate as a
secular, is claimed by two religious orders as a
regular. In the Martyrology approved by the
Holy See for the Canons Regular, St. Thomas is
mentioned as a Saint of the Order, to be kept by
all its various branches ; and it is said that, in
order that he might serve God more freely, and
securely, he professed the Institute of the Canons
Regular. The word " professed " can hardly
mean more than that he was in some sense asso-
ciated or affiliated to the Order. The Cistercians,
in their Martyrology, give only the historical fact
that our Saint, when " driven into exile from his
see and from England for the defence of justice
and of ecclesiastical immunity, took refuge at
Pontigny, a monastery of the Cistercian Order,
and there put on a cowl which was blessed
by Pope Alexander III., in which cowl he was
buried, when, after his return to England, he was
slain by the sword by a band of wicked men in
his own basilica, and so went to Christ and was
adorned with many great miracles."
There is one detail more in the dress of the
new Archbishop worthy of our notice, the more
so as it is one of those episcopal practices of the
middle ages, which survive now in the usages of
the Sovereign Pontiff alone.
The Saint was accustomed to wear his stole
openly and constantly; and his object was that
he might ever be ready to administer the Sacra-
ment of Confirmation. He was remarkable for
li62] THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS CHURCH. Si
his devotion to this sacrament, and for his readi-
ness at all times to administer it. Bishops in
those days would give Confirmation even on
horseback. St. Thomas always alighted for that
purpose,^ but would often administer the sacra-
ment in the open air. At several places, where
he was known to have done so, crosses were after-
wards set up by the roadside, and became famous
for miracles. The custom of constantly wearing
his stole he discontinued during his exile ; but he
resumed it on his return to his province, shortly
before his death.
C Benedict, p. 164.
G
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS PALACE.
1 162.
Public life — the dining-hall — the Saint's hospitality — his alms-
giving— life amongst the religious — ordinations — confirma-
tion of episcopal elections — his conduct as judge — his seal —
his hair-shirt.
We have not yet followed our Saint through the
whole of a day's occupations in his new home.
We now pass from the more private acts of
devotion to the public details of his life ; we
accompany him from the choir and the altar to
the refectory and the episcopal chancery.
He may be said almost to have dined in public,
so many sat down to table with him. He occu-
pied the middle place at the dais at the end of
the hall : on his right were placed his personal
companions, whose character is well shown by
the title by which they have come down to us,
as his crnditi ; on his left sat the monks and
religious. His soldiers and other lay retainers
dined at a separate table, lest they might be
annoyed by having to listen to the book' which
I To read in refectory was one of the duties of the cross-
bearer. Prince Henry is said to have waited at table. " when
he chose." To do so was but to exercise one of the duties of
chivalry, and he v.ould share such duties with the sons of noble-
ii62] THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS PALACE. 83
was read aloud during the Archbishop's dinner.
He would not permit musical instruments to be
played during the meal ; a custom then so gene-
ral, that in almost every dining-hall a gallery was
built for the purpose : but he would occasionally
interrupt the reading to discuss some question of
interest, often a point from Holy Scripture, with
his friends.
Though valuable plate of gold and silver was
spread upon his table, as it had been under
former archbishops, his heart was no longer set
on magnificence. His temperance was worthy of
note, and his moderation was the more striking
from the necessity that the habits of many years
imposed upon him that his food should not be
coarser than that to which he had been accus-
tomed. One day, a person who was dining with
him remarked with a smile on the delicacy of his
food ; the natural warmth of disposition and
energy of the Saint speak in his characteristic
answer : " Certes, brother, if I am not mistaken,
you take your bean with greater eagerness than
I the pheasant before me."' Herbert quietly
bears witness that the rebuke was deserved.
"This person lived with us awhile," he says;
" and, though he did not care for delicacies, for
he was not used to them, he was truly a glutton
of grosser food." Of such things, however, he
men who were in the Archbishop's retinue. Herbert tells us,
that while it was usual for the barons and earls to devote their
eldest sons to the King's service, their second sons were intrusted
to the care of the Archbishop of Canterbury (Herb. Anccd.
Bed. pp. no, 112).
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [cHAr. S
eat ven,- sparingly : and while he would taste the
wine that was set before him, and the dishes
that were brought to table, his principal food
was bread, and his usual drink was water in
which fennel had been boiled.
As he sat at table, his large clear eye would
wander round the room ; and if he saw that any
one who had a claim to a more honourable posi-
tion had b}- accident been seated in a low place,
he would atone for it by sending him a share of
his own cup and his own dish. He was also
watchful that the domestics each performed their
duty ; and if any one were neglectful, he was
certain to receive a reprimand in due time and
place. The Saint was sure to notice the absence
of any one of his own companions. If a stranger
came to visit him, he did not place him amongst
them, lest some word might be dropped in their
conversation which it was not advisable should
be overheard ; unless it should happen to be
some person remarkable rather for his piety and
learning than for dignity, whom St. Thomas would
invite by name. Others were honourably enter-
tained at another table, where the Saint would
send them frequent marks of his attention. Her-
bert adds, that it was the custom of his prede-
cessors, which he followed, not to have any one
about him as a cleric, much less as a counsellor,
who was bound by special obligations to the
King, in consequence of the difficulty such a
person would feel if an\- misunderstanding should
arise between the King and the Archbishop.
He never sat down without a number of poor
ii62] THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS PALACE.
85
having places assigned to them in the refectory ;
and his table was the more liberally furnished
that a plentiful meal might remain for distribu-
tion. He had always been renowned for the
exercise of hospitality and for a profuse liberality,
and the poor were not the losers by the reduction
of splendour in his mode of life. A beggar never
left his door empty-handed. Theobald, his pious
master, had doubled the alms which his prede-
cessors had been in the habit of distributing ;
St. Thomas doubled those of Theobald, and he
devoted to these pious uses the tenth of all that
he received from any source. He would also
send to hospitals and poor colleges sometimes
four or five marks, sometimes gifts of provisions.
He caused his attendants to visit the sick and
aged; of these many became his daily pensioners;
and, as winter came on, he gave away an abun-
dance of warm clothing.
These details of his bountiful almsgiving have
led us away once more from the order of his
day ; we have brought it, however, nearly to a
close. After dinner he retired with his friends
into his private room, when a portion of time
was devoted to conferences on ecclesiastical
subjects. Occasionally, when he found that he
required it, he would sleep for a little while in
the afternoon.'
One of his favourite resorts was the cloister,
where he might often be seen like one of the
monks, perusing some book. The infirmary also
I The siesta of an Eastern Archbishop at Canterbury is
mentioned by William of Canterbury, p. 437.
86
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 8
was very attractive to him ; and he would dehght
in attending to the wants of the sick rehgious. He
always had a great love for the religious orders,,
and this he would show by the respect and
veneration monks ever received from him. In
the Ember week in September after his conse-
cration he held an ordination ; and in no one of
his duties as Archbishop was he more careful or
anxious than in his choice of subjects for Holy
Orders. His anxiety on another point soon ap-
peared ; for he would speak to his companions
on his determination never to confirm the election
of an unfit person to a bishopric ; and he would
regret, frequently and earnestly, the appearance
of unfitness in his own case, saying, when his
friends would console him by instances of others
who under such circumstances had made excel-
lent bishops, that they were miracles of the
grace of God. On this point, however, his deter-
mination was not tried ; the only two persons
consecrated b}- him were well worthy of the
episcopal dignity.
With a judicial office he was of course familiar ;
and that which he had held, in those early days
of equity, was not unfit for an ecclesiastic. Now,
as Archbishop of Canterbury, he was also a
judge ; and this, the highest Church court of the
realm, was scarcely inferior in importance to the
secular judgment-seat of the Chancellor. His
qualities fitted him in a high degree for the office
of a judge : his resistance to the injustice and
insolence of the powerful was almost proverbial ;
and his impartiality was such, that Fitzstephen.
1 162]
THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS PALACE.
87
who was an official in his chancery, tells us that
" the letters and prayers of the King himself were
of no use to a man unless he had right on his
side." With witnesses he was a patient and
careful listener, and his questions were shrewd
and penetrating. His judgments were promptly
given ; but of all his good qualities his integrity
receives the highest praise, as if it were not in
those times too common a virtue. If he was
aware that a man had a cause pending in his
court, he invariably refused to receive from him
any present, even of the value of a farthing,
except the offer were of articles of food, which
could not well be refused. A similar course was
enjoined, both publicly and privately, upon all
his officials, except only the advocates who prac-
tised there. There is a story told of a certain
abbot, who went from one to another who were
in a position to help him with the offer of a
present, which, to his astonishment, every one
refused. Indeed the Archbishop had bound
Ernulf, his chancellor, by oath to take no fee,
with or without compact, for any portion of his
work, down to the very use of the penknife.^
Happily the good Abbot could rely on the justice
of his cause ; for he went away, we learn, success-
ful in his suit, with his money in his pocket, and
the words of Ecclesiasticus on his lips : " Blessed
is the man who has not gone after gold." There
was no fee for the sealbearer, nor for signatures,
2 Usque ad canipuhm, i.e. canif, knife (A.S. cnif.), an instrument
for nipping (Skeat; Peter Cantor, Verbum Abbreviation, c. 28;
Materials, iv. p. 265).
88
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. S
nor for the notary ; and there was nothing
exacted for seahng-wax, paper, or seal. " For,"
says Herbert, " whose image and superscription
does the seal bear, that it should be bought and
sold?" The seaP that drew forth this remark,
fragile though the substance was on which it was
impressed, has come down to us.
It represents the tall, beardless figure of the
Archbishop, fully vested, wearing a mitre of
3 It is here reproduced from Mr. Gough Nichols's translation
of Erasmus's Pilgrimages, 1849. The seal was also published in
the Journal of the British Archaological Association, part i. vol. x.
April, 1854.
ii62] THE ARCHBISHOP IN HIS PALACE.
89
unusual form, and having in his left hand a
short pastoral staff, the crook turned inwards,
and corresponding precisely with the description
of that pastoral staff, of pear-wood, with the
head of black horn, which was preserved for
centuries among the relics at Canterbury. The
inscription simply announced that it was " the
seal of Thomas, by the grace of God Archbishop
of Canterbury."
A few words must yet be added to this per-
sonal sketch on the subject of his mortifications.
His self-denial with regard to food and sleep
has already been mentioned, and a hair-shirt
has been alluded to ; but nothing has yet been
said of the unusual severity of this instrument
of penance. It was not merely a hair-shirt, but
drawers of the same rough material, that he
wore ; and this mortification was increased in a
very singular degree, if there is no exaggeration
in the accounts which tell us that at the time
of his martyrdom it was found to be infested
with vermin. It is not that it was never changed,
for two others were amongst his effects when
they were ransacked by his murderers ; and we
are further told that its existence was during
his lifetime known only to Robert of Merton, his
confessor, and to " Brun son vaslet," whose
business it was to wash and prepare it for
him.
CHAPTER IX.
GILBERT FOLIOT.
1 162.
The Archbishop resigns the chancellorship and the archdeaconry
— reclaims alienated Church lands —William de Ros — the
Earl of Clare — Tunbridge, Saltwood, and Hythe — the King
returns to England — meeting of King and Archbishop — •
Christmas in London — translation of Gilbert Foliot to
London — Foliot's antecedents — purpose of his translation.
A REPORT of the great change in St. Thomas's
manner of life, misrepresented and distorted by
the malice of the courtiers, reached the ears of
King Henry in Normandy, and doubtless caused
him some uneasiness. This feeling was increased
by a message' which he soon received from St.
Thomas, resigning into his hands the Great Seal
and the office of Chancellor. By this the King
was much mortified, probably because he regard-
ed it as a proof that the Saint was laying aside
whatever might be an obstacle to his freedom
of action, in case any dissension should arise be-
tween the Crown and the Church. As a mark
of his displeasure, he urged upon him the imme-
diate resignation of the archdeaconry of Canter-
bury, and his delay in complying with the
injunction the King never entirely forgave. It
is to be presumed that the fear lest such a man
t Diceto, p. 534.
GILBERT FOLIOT.
91
as Geoffrey Ridel should be a thorn in his side,
was the cause of his retaining that high dignity
for awhile.
At the same time there arose a still graver
cause of dissension. The Archbishop had re-
ceived from the King, according to the explicit
statement of Fitzstephen,^ leave to reclaim all
estates of the Church of Canterbury which had
been alienated by his predecessors or were occu-
pied by laymen. He entered upon this course,
in itself no attractive one, moved by a sense of
duty ; for he had sworn in his consecration oath
to defend the property of his Church, which was,
as he well knew, inalienable. In those cases
where the injustice was notorious, he took pos-
session, without any judicial process or sentence,
of the estates which had been usurped. One of
them was a fief with the feudal burden of seven
soldiers, which had been taken possession of by
William de Ros on the death of Archbishop
Theobald. The clearness of the right here exer-
cised is shown by the fact that his judgment
was never reversed.
Another instance^ was that of the Earl of
Clare, who was related to most of the noble
families of England. The Archbishop claimed
his homage in virtue of Tunbridge and its honour,
a league around which was called the ban-league
or lowy. The Earl offered to pay the homage,
if he might leave unmentioned the plea on which
2 Fitzstephen, p. 43.
3 Diceto, p. 536, gives the date as 22nd July, 1163, which would
be after the Council of Tours.
92
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 9
it was due ; which offer the Archbishop refused.
A claim was also made, not only to Saltwood
and Hythe/ but to the custody of Rochester
Castle, the deed of grant of William the Con-
queror being produced. Some of the parties
who were offended by these proceedings crossed
over to the King to complain of the Archbishop,
but by no means violently ; for they felt that
Henry was still the friend of St. Thomas, and
they regarded him as still too powerful at Court
to be offended or injured with impunity.
The meeting between King Henry and the
Archbishop proved that the courtiers had been
wise in their caution. A few days before Christ-
mas in the year 1162, that of the consecration,
the King returned from his continental domin-
ions, and landed at Southampton. He was met
by his son Prince Henr}- and by St. Thomas.
The manner in which the Archbishop was re-
ceived spoke of all the former affection which
had subsisted between them. The Prince and
St. Thomas entered together into the room where
the King was ; on which Henry embraced the
Saint with his ancient cordiality, seeming almost
to neglect his son in his joy at seeing his old
friend. It must be remembered that if the new
and edifN'ing life the Saint had adopted caused
the King to entertain misgivings, as no doubt
it did, it also caused a very general feeling of
satisfaction at his elevation, which reflected
credit on the King's choice ; and thus his vanity
was flattered.
4 Gerv. p. 174.
GILBERT FOLIOT.
93
After a short interview on the first day, the
Archbishop left the King, who was wearied with
his voyage ; but on the day following they began
the journey to London, riding together the whole
way engrossed in private conversation. St.
Thomas spent Christmas in London, as he had
not time to return to his own see for the festival ;
and he celebrated Mass in St. Paul's Cathedral,
there being at that time no Bishop of London.
One of the earliest ecclesiastical acts performed
after the King's return was the translation of
Gilbert Foliot to the vacant see. To the postu-
lation (as it is technically termed) of the Chapter
of London, of which Ralph de Diceto, the chroni-
cler, was then Archdeacon, the Pope assented,
dating his letter from Paris, the igth of March ;5
and as the Apostolic mandate was warmly se-
conded by a letter from the King, and most
affectionately and urgently by another from
St. Thomas, Gilbert was enthroned in St. Paul's
Cathedral on the 28th of April, 1163, a few days
only before he left England in the train of his
Metropolitan for the Council the Pope had sum-
moned to assemble at Tours on the 19th of May.
Gilbert, however, plays far too important a
part in our history for us to miss the opportunity,
given us by his promotion to the highest ecclesi-
astical position he was destined to attain, of
saying a few words drawn from his own writings
respecting his previous life. It will then be seen
that it was quite natural for St. Thomas to con-
gratulate himself, as he does, on the nearness of
5 Diceto, p. 534.
94
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 9
the new Bishop of London to Canterbury, and
that he was quite justified in hoping to find in
him a powerful assistant in the Church's cause.
Gilbert Foliot is commonly called a Cistercian
monk, whereas he was truly of the Order of
Clugny. His first religious promotion was to be
Prior of the famous house in which he had made
his profession. He was then made Prior of Abbe-
ville. He attended the Abbot of Clugny to the
great Second Council of Lateran in 1139, under
Pope Innocent II., where Archbishop Theobald
was also present. In the same year he was made
Abbot of the great Benedictine Abbey of St. Peter
at Gloucester. He was now in a position of con-
siderable influence, and his correspondence shows
that he was quite conscious of it. Amongst his
letters while Abbot of Gloucester, we have one
to Pope Celestine II. in behalf of Nigel, Bishop
of Ely; another to Pope Lucius II. for Jocelin,
Bishop-elect of Sarum ; a third to Pope Eugenius
III. in behalf of Roger de Pont I'Eveque, though
a cleric in the court of Archbishop Theobald ;
to whom also, in a fourth, he writes for the
Bishop of Lincoln ; a fifth requests that the Pope
would command the Bishop of Salisbury to bless
the Abbot of Cernely ; in a sixth, he commends
the Abbey of Malmesbury to Pope Eugenius ; in
another, he boasts to the Bishop of Llandaff of
the effect of his intercession ; and again, he writes
to the Pope for the Bishop-elect of Arras. On
another occasion, he speaks of the many and
important affairs wherewith he had been intrusted
by the Pope. In similar terms he writes to the
ii62] GILBERT FOLIOT. 95
Empress Matilda and to Archbishop Theobald.
In all this, too, his principles were most strictly
those of a churchman. The instances in which
he asks for the exercise of the spiritual sword are
almost too numerous to quote : he maintains in-
violate all Papal privileges ; he warmly praises
the Holy See ; and sentences like the following,
which is taken from a letter to the Empress
Matilda, are of frequent occurrence in his corres-
pondence : " Let not your serenity be disturbed,
if we obey the Apostolic mandate, to depart from
which we judge to be as a sacrilege. In all
things, therefore, in which we can and ought,
we are prepared to obey your commands. But
if in ailything Church authority is offended, we
have a full excuse, when that is exacted from us
which we ought not to do." His abilities were
of a high order, as his correspondence shows ;
and his talents and leading position were aided
by a great reputation for personal austerity and
sanctity of life.
It was but natural that such a man should be
advanced to the episcopacy. He was conse-
crated^ Bishop of Hereford, on the 5th of Sep-
tember, 1 148, at St. Omer, by Theobald, during
the time when the Archbishop was exiled by King
Stephen for having assisted at the Council of
Rheims in spite of the King's command to the
contrary. We have his letter of thanks to Pope
Eugenius for his consecration. He had previously
been made by the Pope vicar or administrator of
the church of Hereford ; and he had given an
•5 Gerv. p. 135.
96
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 9
early example of vigour, by placing it under an
interdict on account of the contumacy of the Earl
of Hereford. His correspondence in this, his
new dignity, is of the same character with that
which has gone before. He thus writes to the
Pope : " We know, dearest Father in Christ, we
know that not to obey the Apostolic commands
is to apostatize, and that it is truly like a sacri-
lege to oppose your will. Far be it from one of
the faithful, far be it from a Catholic, far be it
especially from a son, who is bound in many
ways, and subject to you by the benefits which
he has received from your munificence." He
writes with great boldness in favour of the free-
dom and privileges of the Church, and in one
instance he threatens to excommunicate an official
for summoning the Dean of Hereford before his
tribunal. In two cases we find him exercising
powers as Papal delegate ; and, later, he was
made vicar of the diocese of Worcester. One
of his last acts as Bishop of Hereford was to
petition the Holy See to authorize the translation
of the body of St. Edward the Confessor in
Westminster Abbey.
Fitzstephen says that the King's object in
asking the Pope to place Gilbert at London was,
that he might have his advice against the Arch-
bishop. This does not, however, appear to be a
probable motive, and must have been suggested
to the historian by the part subsequently taken
by Gilbert. If the King foresaw that he would
be on his side in the coming struggle, he must
have been singularly clear-sighted. At least the
GILBERT FOLIOT.
97
Bishop's antecedents were not such as to lead
him to expect it ; and, in his letter to him, he
mentions only the excellent advice which he had
heretofore frequently received from him,-" for the
dignity of his own person, the state of his king-
dom and public business." It is also mentioned
in Pope Alexander's letter that the King wished
to make him his confessor. St. Thomas urges
upon him his new dignity with warmth and
affection. " To this we earnestly beg our bro-
ther's attention, that the contemplation of our
love may be a more affectionate invitation than
the necessity of obedience ; that thus he who is
united to us by sincere love may by neighbour-
hood be conveniently at hand for our wants and
those of the Church of God." And in another
letter, apparently after some remonstrance on
Gilbert's part, St. Thomas writes to him still
more flatteringly, telling him that he had been
chosen because of his experience and conduct as
Bishop of Hereford, and that he looked for the
greatest assistance for the Church of Canterbury
from him. He also expresses his regret that he
cannot remain in London to receive him with due
honour.
His reputation for austerity of life rose with
him from dignity to dignity ; so that the Pope
himself, in the September following this trans-
lation, in a letter written from Bourges, after
urging upon him to give the King good counsel,
begs of him to mitigate his austerities for the
sake of his health, which was so valuable to the
Church. " We have heard and learnt from many
H
98
ST, THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, g
trustworthy persons that you weaken and afflict
your flesh above what is litting and expedient,
neither eating meat nor drinking wine for your
health's sake. It is to be feared that if you take
from your frame what is necessary for it, you will
succumb under so great weakness ; and from
your loss, from which God defend us, the Church
of God would suffer a great injury, while from
your life and conversation she has gained no
slight advantage." The new Bishop of London
gave an early proof that St. Thomas had not been
mistaken in his estimate of his zeal, by writing
a very warm letter to Pope Alexander, praying
him to preserve the ancient primacy of Canter-
bury over York, and especially not to suffer the
archiepiscopal cross of the latter see to be borne
in the province of Canterbury.
CHAPTER X.
A LULL BEFORE THE STORM.
1163.
The Saint and the King at Canterbury and Windsor — St. Thomas
resigns the guardianship of the Prince — he attends the Coun-
cil of Tours — canonization of St. Anselm — consecration of
Reading Abbey — translation of St. Edward the Confessor — •
consecration of the Bishops of Worcester and Hereford.
Canterbury was now the home of St. Thomas,
and since he had resigned the Great Seal, he was
no longer obliged to be in attendance on the
Court. Whatever uneasy feeling may have re-
mained on the mind of the King in consequence
of that resignation, to all external appearance
their friendship was still unbroken, and another
token of it was given by a visit which Henry paid
to St. Thomas at Canterbury previous to his
departure from England for the Council of Tours.
The King assisted at the Palm Sunday proces-
sion; and the historian of Canterbury records'
that there occurred a storm so violent, that the
canopies which were erected, as usual, through
the streets to shelter the procession were blown
down. The Saint probably returned to London
with the King ; for he attested the letter,^ dated
1 Gerv. p. 173.
2 Materials, v. p. 24. The copyist of the MS. in the Bodleian,
misled, no doubt, by the initial, has substituted the name of
Theobald for that of Thomas. Henry was not at Windsor
between the death of Richard de Beaumes and that of Theobald.
100
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. lO
from Windsor, in which Henry urged Gilbert
Fohot to consent to the translation which the
Pope had authorized. This must have been early
in April, and Easter Sunday in that year — 1163 —
was the 24th of March.
As we are told that the Archbishop took this
opportunity to restore the young Prince, now a
little more than eight years old, to the King his
father, it would seem as if up to this time he
had continued to be responsible for him as his
tutor and guardian. After spending some days
in familiar intercourse with them both, St. Thomas
went to Romney on the coast of Kent, which was
one of his own villages, to wait for a fair wind.
He was detained for a few days, and then crossed
over with a splendid retinue to Gravelines on the
Flemish coast. Herbert of Bosham was one of
his attendants, and records with what enthusiasm
he was everywhere received. On landing he was
met by Philip Earl of Flanders ; and on the next
day the nobles of the country came to do him
honour and to vie with one another in offering
their services. With similar honours he passed
through Normandy and the continental dominions
of the King of England, being everywhere re-
ceived as if he were the King himself. He arrived
at Tours three days before the opening of the
council. As he approached, the whole city went
out to meet him, and not the citizens only, but
also the dignified ecclesiastics who were assem-
bled from all parts of Christendom. The very
Cardinals themselves broke through the Roman
etiquette and went out some distance, leaving but
1163] A LULL BEFORE THE STORM. lOI
two of their number with the Holy Father. St.
Thomas went straight to the palace of the Pope ;
but the crowd of those who followed him was so
great, that his Holiness was obliged to leave the
room in which he was for one of the great halls
for the reception. He was received with the
greatest kindness by the Holy Father ; and the
interview is the more interesting, as Pope Alex-
ander III. had never before seen him, whom it
was his privilege afterwards to canonize. This
audience was but short, as the Saint was suffering
from the fatigue of his journey. He went with
his retinue to the King's castle, which was near
the Pope's palace, and had been prepared for his
reception.
On the following day the Archbishop was
visited by great numbers, both of ecclesiastics
of all ranks and countries and also of nobles, but
more particularly by all who held office under the
King of England, knowing the favour with which
he was regarded by that monarch. The Council
was attended by 17 Cardinals, 124 Bishops, and
414 Abbots. The English hierarchy was repre-
sented more numerously than usual, but three^
being unable to attend, the Bishops of Winchester,
Bath, and Lincoln. The Archbishop of Canter-
bury with his suffragans sat on the Pope's right
hand ; and on his left was Roger de Pont I'Eveque,
Archbishop of York, with the Bishop of Durham
his only suffragan, Carlisle being then vacant.
The synod was held in the church of St. Maurice,
on the igth of May, being the octave of Pentecost,
3 Diceto, p. 535.
102
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, io
and consequently the anniversary of St. Thomas's
consecration. The sermon was preached by a
prelate who played an important part in the
future events of this history, Arnulph Bishop of
Lisieux. The most important act of the council
was the solemn excommunication of Octavian the
Antipope and his adherents. Several of the
privileges of the church of Canterbury were re-
newed at the prayer of St. Thomas.
It is highly significant of the tone of mind of
our Saint at this time, and a proof of his quick-
sighted anticipations of the struggle that was in
store for him, that he should have felt so great
a devotion for his holy predecessor St. Anselm.
We have already heard of his attachment to the
writings of this saintly doctor ; but his interest in
his memory was no doubt strengthened by the
circumstances of his life and conflict with William
Rufus, with which St. Thomas had the keenest
sympathy. To promote his canonization, there-
fore, he determined to petition the Pope in the
Council of Tours ; and with this view he caused
John of Salisbury to write the Life of St. Anselm,
which is still extant among his works. After his
return to England, he received from the Pope
apostolic letters,4 dated Tours, June gth, in which
4 Materials, v. p. 35. Pope Alexander VI., on the 4th October,
1494, following the example of Pope Innocent (probably VIII.),
instituted another commission to report to the Holy See at the
request of King Henry VII. (Spelman, Cone. Orb. Brit. ii. p. 721).
By whom St. Anselm was ultimately canonized is not known.
Clement XL, by a decree S.R.C., 8th February, 1720, "at the
prayer of King James III.," raised the feast of St. Anselm from
a semi-double to double rite for the Universal Church, assigning
to him the Mass of a Doctor of the Church.
A LULL BEFORE THE STORM.
103
he says that he had received so many petitions
for canonizations (among which was the cause of
St. Bernard), that he had deemed it prudent to
delay. He now, however, conferred upon St.
Thomas special powers to convoke the Bishops
and Abbots of the province, and having examined
with them the life and miracles of St. Anselm, to
proceed by their advice in the canonization as
especially delegated by the Holy See. The sub-
sequent troubles prevented any such proceeding.
Not very long after his return from the Council
of Tours, the Archbishop consecrated with much
pomp and solemnity the well-known abbey of
Reading.5 This noble foundation, which was due
5 A letter recorded by William of Canterbury {Materials, i.
p. 415) deserves insertion here for the sake of the glimpse it
gives of old Marlow bridge. " Brother Anselm of Reading to
his beloved lord in Christ, Jeremy, monk of the Holy Trinity at
Canterbury, greeting. I am bound by the number of miracles
that have taken place to let you know how illustrious the martyr
Thomas has become amongst us. Take a story in brief of which
I am an eye-witness. By order of my lord William Abbot of
Reading I went to Wycombe, having his orders to return to
Reading the same day. Having done the business for which I
had been sent, I was on my way home, and was crossing the
Thames at Marlow by the bridge. I was on foot and my horse
was before me, when about half way across the bridge the
horse's hind quarters fell through a hole in the bridge, up to his
flanks, his hind legs hanging beneath the bridge. The bystanders
ran up and tried with poles to lift the horse, but the few who
could get at him could not lift him, and the frailness and shape
of the bridge would not let more come to my aid. Those who
had in vain tried to help me went away, leaving me with the
advice that I should enlarge the hole and let the horse fall into
the river. But the day was waning, I had my lord's orders,
night was at hand, and the way long. So being left alone with
God and finding no one to help, in the bitterness of my soul I
turned with many sighs to the blessed martyr Thomas, whose
relics I bore round my neck, and began to invoke him. A won-
104
ST, THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, ro
to the munificence of King Henry I., who was
there buried, held a place scarcely second to any
amongst the glorious religious houses of England ;
and certainly among the events of its history none
are more interesting than its consecration by St.
Thomas of Canterbury. It was founded to re-
ceive the famous relic of the hand of St. James
the Greater, which was brought from Germany
by the Empress Matilda, together with the impe-
rial regalia. The precious treasure has survived
the destruction of the abbey built to receive it,
and is now preserved at Danesfield, near Great
Marlow, happily in Catholic hands.^
Later in the same year, 1163, our Saint's
natural love of magnificence was again instru-
mental in throwing lustre on the great functions
■of the Church. Of this we have a more detailed
and minute account than of the former. Pope
Alexander had not long before canonized an
English saint. On the 7th of February, 1161,
apostolic letters'' from Anagni placed St. Edward
in the list of holy confessors, whose title he had
earned, as it were, as his surname. On the
receipt of these letters, Laurence, Abbot of West-
minster, caused the appropriate Mass to be sung
in honour of the newly canonized saint, as had
derful thing then happened. In a way that I cannot describe,
without human help, at my invocation of the holy martyr, the
Lord put my horse on his feet and directed my steps, and put a
new song into my mouth, a hymn to our Lord, Who is above all
things blessed for ever."
6 See The Month for February, 18S2.
7 Surius, De prob. SS. vitis, Jan. 5 ; Colon. Agrip. 1618, vol. i.
p. 7S.
1163] A LULL BEFORE THE STORM. IO5
already been done by a Cardinal in the presence
of the Pope. He would at once have proceeded
to translate the holy rehcs, if the King, who was
then abroad, had not expressed his wish that this
ceremony might be delayed until he could himself
be present.
On the day being fixed, in the October after the
King's return to England, the Abbot made the
necessary preparations. He considered it need-
ful that the tomb should be previously opened.
Several times he essayed to do this, and each
time his heart failed him through reverence for
those most august relics of a temple of the Holy
Ghost. At length, one morning after Matins, the
Abbot, the Prior, and several of the monks who
had been specially chosen, remained in the choir
when the other religious retired. Having pre-
pared themselves by fasting, they now added
prayers, and litanies, and psalms. The Abbot
and Prior, taking two of the monks with them,
and leaving the rest in prayer before the high
altar, went barefoot and vested in albs to the
tomb of St. Edward ; and when it was opened,
they saw the sacred body clad in a robe of cloth
of gold, with purple shoes, and wearing a coronet
of wrought gold upon his head. A long white
beard, slightly curling, rendered his appearance
very venerable. When they had recovered from
the awe which first struck them, the other monks
who had been left before the altar were called ;
and they found that the body, which had been
buried there very little less than a century, had
been preserved by God from all corruption. The
I06 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, io
vestments were stained by the stone which they
had touched so long, and the dust had fallen in,
but this was easily wiped away. They lifted him
from where he lay, and wrapped him in a precious
silk ; and then they laid him in a new wooden
chest or shrine as they had found him, save that
the Abbot Laurence took the ring from his finger
as a precious relic.
The 13th of October was the day cTiosen for
the translation ; and this day ultimately became
the festival of St. Edward, when, at the instance
of Cardinal Howard,^ the feast was extended by
the Ven. Pope Innocent XI. to the Universal
Church ; for the 5th of Januar}', the day on which
St. Edward died, was the vigil of the Epiphany.
Besides the Archbishop of Canterbury, there
were present eleven of the suffragans, as well
as three Bishops from Normandy. The nobility
were headed by eight English earls. When
the great personages present had satisfied their
devotion by gazing upon the holy treasure, it
was carried in solemn procession through the
cloisters on the shoulders of the King and nobles,
before it was placed by the hands of St. Thomas
in the shrine in Westminster Abbey, which still
preserves it for us. The Archbishop left amongst
the treasures of the church, as an offering to
St. Edward, an image of the Blessed Virgin
wrought in ivory.
8 The decree S.R.C. of 2gth May, 1679, ordered the feast of
St. Edward to be kept by the Universal Church on the gth
October; but it was followed by another decree S.R.C. on 6th
April, 1680, assigning the 13th for the festival.
Ii63l A LULL BEFORE THE STORM. lOJ
There is but one more event to record in which
St. Thomas and King Henry harmoniously co-
operated. We have seen how, even in the days
of his chancellorship, St. Thomas had used all
his influence with the King to restrain him from
the crying sin and tyranny of the Norman
monarchs, the usurpation of vacant bishoprics.
It is not to be supposed that now he was Arch-
bishop, he should feel less warmly on the subject.
He therefore urged upon Henry the duty of per-
mitting the vacant sees to be filled by canonically
chosen pastors. He was successful ; and he had
the gratification of consecrating two worthy pre-
lates on the only occasions when he was called
upon to perform this important part of his duties
as Metropolitan : Roger, the son of the Earl of
Gloucester, was made Bishop of Worcester ; and
Robert de Melun, an Englishman, who had
earned his surname by the success with which
he had conducted his schools on the Continent,
and who had had John of Salisbury and other
famous men amongst his disciples, was made
Bishop of Hereford in the place of Gilbert Foliot.
They were consecrated in Christ Church, Canter-
bury, after due profession of canonical obedience,
Rogers the 26th of August, and Robert de
Melun '° on the 22nd of December. Before the
latter date, however, important events had occur-
red, which influenced in the highest degree the
whole future life of our Saint.
9 Diceto, p. 536. The Tewkesbury Annals say August 23.
Gervase, however (p. 182), says that Roger's consecration was
fter Easter in the following year.
10 Gerv. p. 17C.
CHAPTER XI.
THE FIRST WRONGS.
1 1 63.
Resignation of the chancellorship — resumption of Church lands —
sermon before the King — excommunication of William of
Eynesford — Clarembald, Abbot-elect of St. Augustine's — the
Council of Woodstock and the sheriffs' tax — crimes ol
Churchmen, Philip of Brois and four others — their punish-
ment.
The storm did not break altogether without
warning. The conduct of the courtiers had re-
sembled the vane, which before a gale shows the
variableness of the wind. The large isolated
drops, too, had fallen ; for no little offence had
been taken at some of the actions of the Primate.
And yet in these cases St. Thomas was clearly
in the right. Surely he is not to be blamed for
having " afforded the only instance which has
occurred of the chancellorship being voluntarily
resigned, either by layman or ecclesiastic."' If
love of power had been his passion, by retaining
the chancellorship, and uniting with it the highest
ecclesiastical position in England, he might have
held, without a single act of meanness, or the
practice of one of the low arts by which men so
often rise, the very highest place possible of
I Campbell's Chancellors, i. p. 97.
1163] THE FIRST WRONGS. lOQ
attainment by an English subject. But God had
other work in store for him ; the freedom of the
Church was in danger, and he was the champion
raised up in its defence. His eyes, so clear-
sighted naturally, were enlightened by Divine
grace ; and as he saw his work before him, he
set himself manfully, aye and like a Saint as he
was, to perform it.
Another act, or rather chain of actions, besides
the resignation of the Great Seal, had irritated
the Court. St. Thomas had recalled all grants
of Church lands made by his predecessors ; and
had taken steps to vindicate to the Church all
the property that had been still more unjustly,
because arbitrarily, taken from her. The ground
of this proceeding was, that previous Archbishops
had exceeded their powers in granting Church
lands, so that their alienation was invalid ; for
they were the stewards only, and not the lords
or owners, of the Church's patrimony, which,
having been given to God, could be alienated
only by the Pope as the Vicar of Christ. It
would be but special pleading to defend St.
Thomas in this matter, by saying that he had
received the royal license to recall these grants,
for he knew that the King, with all the weight
of the civil power, could not sanction or validate
such alienations of Church property ; but still it
is right to record that the King was aware of
St. Thomas's intentions, and permitted them,
and that consequently to make them a ground
of quarrel or complaint would be most unjustifi-
able. Thus far, however, the courtiers alone
110 ST. THOMAS OF CAXTERBURY. ^chap. ii
have to be accused. The King seems not to
have allowed an3'thing that had yet happened
to create more than a passing irritation against
his former favourite ; though he probably felt a
strong suspicion that matters would not rest
here.
Such an anticipation was well founded. All
had not been done that was required to vindicate
for the Church what was her own ; nor was it
likely that a Prelate, who had begun his career
as nobly as St. Thomas had done, would rest
contented as if his work were finished, when it
was, in truth, but scarcely begun. His next acts
brought him into direct collision with the King,
but in no rash or injudicious manner ; for he
gave way up to the very confines of dut}-, and
much beyond what we should have expected of
him. It seems to have been preceded by another
warning. It is related that he preached a very
eloquent sermon before the King, the subject of
which was the distinction between the spiritual
power and the temporal, and the immeasurable
superiority and higher order of the one over the
other. This was a truth which courtier-bishops
had not too often preached, and one, moreover,
not likely to be acceptable to a King of the
despotic Norman race. Its proclamation by an
Archbishop of Canterbury must have recalled to
many minds the preaching of St. Anselm ; and
to some it must have brought a presentiment of
the recurrence of that famous contest in which
the weak had overcome the strong, in accordance
with the promise made to the Roman Church,
1163]
THE FIRST WRONGS.
Ill
"Whosoever shall fall on this stone shall be
broken ; and on whomsoever it shall fall, it shall
grind him to powder."
It was a privilege of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury to present to all benefices in country places
belonging to his barons or monks. In the ex-
ercise of this power, he conferred the church
of Eynesford upon a cleric named Laurence.
William of Eynesford, the lord of the manor,
expelled Laurence's people; for which St. Thomas
excommunicated him. The King immediately
wrote to the Archbishop, bidding him absolve
him. The answer might have been anticipated,
that it was not for a King to decide who should
be absolved, any more than who should be ex-
communicated. The King was so angry at the
answer, that he would not see the Archbishop,
nor communicate with him, except by mes-
sengers ; and, for the sake of peace, St. Thomas
absolved the offender. The King, who was then
at Windsor, said, when he heard of it, " Now he
no longer has my favour."
Another question, in which Henry seems to
have taken part against the Archbishop, arose
somewhat earlier. Clarembald had been elected
Abbot of St. Augustine's at Canterbury ; but on
his application to be blessed to that dignity by
the Primate in the usual manner, he stipulated
that it should take place in his own abbey church,
and not in the cathedral ; and that it should be
without any profession of subjection or canonical
obedience. St. Thomas refused to perform the
ceremony, and Clarembald appealed to Rome.
112 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap.
The King seems to have been inclined to favour
the Abbot-elect.-
A more important matter, and one which an
impetuous monarch v^'ould feel far more deeply,
occurred soon after. In it St. Thomas appears
as the opponent of despotic tyranny, and in a
singularly favourable light to modern eyes. A
species of tax had sprung up through custom,
which, in its origin, seems to have been little
else than a kind of black mail, a composition
with tyrannical officials. It consisted of two
shillings on every hide of land, which was paid
to the sheriffs, on the condition that they should
defend the contributors from the exactions of
their subordinates.^ At a council held at the
royal palace of Woodstock, the King demanded
that this tax should for the future be paid into
the treasury, by which means a very large revenue
would be obtained. None dared to speak but
the Archbishop, who firmly but quietly told the
King that the tax in question was but a voluntary
offering, which his sheriffs should receive as long
as they did their duty; but that if they did not
2 Diceto, p. 534. Thorne, a monk of St. Augustine's, says in
his Chronicle of that house (p. 1815) that Clarembald was in-
truded by the King.
3 Canon Robertson says that the words of Roger of Pontigny
mean that the sheriffs were to defend the nobles against, not
" the subordinates of the sheriffs," but "their, the earls' and
barons', vassals." No other writer so understands the words,
nor is it easy to see what need there was to protect nobles from
their own vassals. The contribution was for freedom a grava-
viinibus et calumniis, "from exactions and vexatious trials in the
sheriffs' court." Ne que mil 11' en deussent empUidier ne greuer, is
Garnier's expression for the same.
1163] THE FIRST WRONGS. II3
do SO, it should not be paid ; and b\- no law could
its collection be enforced. The King, in one of
his sudden and characteristic fits of anger, ex-
claimed, " By God's Eyes it shall be enrolled."
St. Thomas answered, "By the reverence of those
Eyes by which thou hast sworn, my lord the
King, not a penny shall be paid from my lands,
nor from the rights of the Church." On the
constancy of the Archbishop it appeared to de-
pend whether the country and posterity should be
illegally burdened or no. " This is the first case,"
says Dr. Stubbs,* " of any opposition to the
King's will in the matter of taxation which is
recorded in our national history ; and it would
seem to have been, formally at least, successful."
The success was however in all probability only
temporary. In 1170 the King held in London
what is called the " Inquest of Sheriffs," in which,
by an extraordinary act of authority, he removed
all the sheriffs of the kingdom from their offices,
and substituted for them officers of the Exchequer.
Dr. Stubbs says that this tax " can hardly have
been anything else than the Danegeld," and it
certainly is very remarkable that from this very
year 1163 the Danegeld ceases to appear as a
distinct item of account in the Pipe Rolls ; but
it is surely impossible to identify the two taxes.
The one was enrolled until this year, the other
the King wanted then to enrol, and was prevented
from so doing by the courageous opposition of
St. Thomas. Of this tax paid to the sheriffs we
know of nothing beyond the information we re-
4 Constihitional History, vol. i. p. 463.
I
114
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, ii
ceive from our Saint's biographers ; but whatever
it was, we may be sure that the colHsion on the
subject would not help to close the growing breach
between the Archbishop and the King.
The personal hostility which King Henry was
now beginning to entertain against St. Thomas,
soon found vent in an attack upon the liberties
of the clergy. This was a part of the King's
policy of self-aggrandisement, in which he had
been restrained by the Saint whilst he exercised
an influence over him.
The most important of the cases of ecclesias-
tical trials for crimes, of which Henry made use
in his attack on that provision of the common
law of Christendom that enacted the immunity
of the clergy from secular jurisdiction, was the
case of Philip of Brois, of which we have the
accounts of five writers. He was a canon of
Bedford, who had been accused of the murder
of a soldier ; and having been canonically tried
in the diocesan court of Lincoln, had been ac-
quitted. Simon Fitzpeter, one of the King's
itinerant justices at Dunstable, attempted to
bring him to account before his own court ; on
which Philip, losing his temper, insulted the
justice. Simon forthwith went to London, and
laid the case before Henry, who fell into one of
his usual fits of rage, and swore his favourite
oath, that he would hold every insult to his officer
as offered to himself. The King ordered the trial
to be held ; but St. Thomas, who was present,
resisting the summons of a cleric before a lay
court, offered to try him at Canterbury ; and
THE FIRST WRONGS.
the King, most reluctantly consenting, deputed
several bishops and barons as the Archbishop's
assessors. Philip pleaded that he had already
been tried and acquitted of the graver offence ;
but he acknowledged the insults to the justice.
The court held the first plea good ; and for the
minor offence inflicted the very severe sentence
of forfeiture of the revenues of his stall for two
years to the treasury, and that he should make
satisfaction in the ordinary humiliating manner
to the insulted magistrate. The King complained
of the sentence ; and when the Bishops had de-
clared that they had punished Philip above his
deserts for the sake of peace and the King's
honour, he exclaimed, with his usual temper,
" By God's Eyes, Par Ics Oilz Deu," as his
Norman oath ran, " you shall swear that you
have not spared him because he was a cleric."
They were ready to take the oath required ; but
the King proceeded further by summoning the
Council of Westminster.
Unhappily this was not the only case in which
the scandalous conduct of some members of the
clergy gave the King a pretext for his attack upon
the Church. Fitzstephen mentions two more.
One was a cleric of Worcestershire, who was
accused of having violated a young lady, and
murdered her father. St. Thomas caused his
Bishop to keep him in custody, lest he should
fall into the hands of the King's justices. The
sentence upon this prisoner is not recorded ; we
are not even told whether he was ultimately
found guilty. The punishment inflicted upon the
Il6 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. "chap. 1 1
Other cleric is very terrible. He had stolen a
silver chalice from one of the Archbishop's
churches in London, St. Mary in foro {i.e. in
Cheap : otherwise called St. Mary in arcubiis, or
Bow Church). The King wanted him to be tried
by the secular power : but St. Thomas degraded
him, and, to please the King, he was also branded.
This sad catalogue is concluded by one other
case. A priest of the diocese of Salisbury was
accused of murder ; and on his trial before his
diocesan, on the accusers failing to prove their
case against him, he was put to the ordeal, and
being unsuccessful, he was sentenced by the
Bishop, on St. Thomas's recommendation, to be
degraded, deprived of his benefices, and confined
for life in a monaster}- of strict penance. Her-
bert, who tells this, also alludes to the sentence
of banishment having followed degradation in
the case of some other clerical delinquent.
Degradation involves the total loss of ever}-
ecclesiastical privilege and immunity, and the
degraded cleric becomes as amenable to secular
tribunals as any layman. This sentence seems
to have been freely inflicted for grave offences,
if we may judge by the cases before us. In
examining them, to judge how far they justify
the assertion frequently made of the corrupt state
of the clerg}- of the time, it must in fairness be
remarked, that they are taken from all parts of
England, and that they are drawn from an ex-
ceedingly numerous body of men ; for the clergy
of England at that time was a far greater body
than the secular and regular clergy of any country
THE FIRST WRONGS.
117
in Europe now. In all we have five cases re-
corded. In the first we have a priest accused
of murder, and insult to a judge ; he is acquitted
of the first charge, and severely punished for the
second. In the second case we have an. accu-
sation of rape and murder ; but the issue of the
trial has not reached us. Sacrilegious theft, in
the third case, was punished by degradation and
branding. The accusation of murder in the
fourth is unsustained by evidence ; and the man,
who in our time would be acquitted, was sub-
jected to an ordeal, which resulted in a sentence
of degradation, deprivation, and imprisonment
for life. In the last case we hear only of a sen-
tence of degradation and banishment.
We cannot accuse of laxity a body by some
few members of which vice is committed, but
only that in which it passes unpunished ; and
certainly if the cases we have given prove the
existence of vice, they prove also the severity of
the punishment that followed, even in an exces-
sive degree of rigour. It was not, therefore,
because ecclesiastical immunity had become a
shelter for criminals that the King was induced
to attempt its overthrow ; his hatred of it arose
because it placed a limit to his despotic power.
CHAPTER XII.
THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER.
1 163.
Proceedings at Westminster — Archdeacons' exactions — punish-
ment of criminal clerks — the royal customs — the clause
saving his order — castleries resigned — the King leaves London
— advice of the Bishop of Lisieux — three Bishops join the
King — meeting near Northampton between the King and the
Archbishop — the King's embassies to the Pope — expostula-
tions with St. Thomas — he promises to yield — he writes to
the Pope about Roger of York and also about the King — the
Holy Father encourages him.
Henry summoned the Bishops to a Council at
Westminster, at which Herbert of Bosham says
he was present. The King arrived in London ^ on
the 1st of October, 1163, and the original object
of the Council was to declare the right of the
Archbishop of Canterbury to be Primate of all
England, notwithstanding the opposition of Roger
of York. This subject was, however, from the
very beginning thrown into the background. The
King was bent on something very different from
the support of the Archbishop's honours or
rights. The proceedings opened by the King's
complaint of the exactions of the Archdea-
cons, who, he said, made money by people's
I " Summa Causae inter Regem et Thomam " (Materials, iv.
p. 201).
1163] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER.
119
sins ; and he demanded that no Archdeacon
should try any one, however guilty, without the
knowledge of his royal official. He then changed
the subject. "My thoughts," said he, "are
thoughts of peace, which is nevertheless much
disturbed in my kingdom by the wickedness of
the clerics, who commit many robberies and
murders. Therefore, my Lord of Canterbury, I
demand your consent and that of your brethren,
that clerics who are taken in crimes be straight-
way degraded, and given over to my officers to
receive corporal punishment, without any defence
from the Church. And I also demand that one
of my officials be present at the degradation, to
prevent the culprit's escape."
St. Thomas, who was unable to obtain the
delay of a day for deliberation, took counsel with
his brethren in the episcopacy ; and it at once
appeared that, in the great contest which was
now beginning, none would have the courage to
stand by him. They were "not columns but
reeds," as the writer we are quoting remarks.
They proposed to yield to the King ; justifying
the double punishment, first in the spiritual
court, and then in the secular, on. the ground
of the higher dignity of the clergy. The Arch-
bishop replied, that it was unjust to condemn
a man twice for the same fault, and that the
ecclesiastical sentence was in itself adequate.
He added, that the liberty of the Church was
in danger, for which a Bishop should be pre-
pared to give his life. To this the Bishops
answered, " Let the liberty of the Church perish,
120
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 12
lest we perish ourselves. Much must be yielded
to the malice of the times." This was an allusion
to the German Antipope. The reply aroused St.
Thomas's zeal. " Who hath bewitched you, O
foolish Bishops ? Much must be )-ielded to the
malice of the time, I grant ; but are we to add
sin to sin ? It is when the Church is in trouble,
and not merely in times of peace, that a Bishop
must dare to do his duty. It was not more
meritorious for Bishops of old to give their blood
for the Church, than it is now to die in defence
of her libert}'. I declare, God be my witness,
-that it is not safe for us to leave that form which
we have received from our holy fathers. Nor
can we expose any one to death, for we are not
allowed to take any part in a trial of life and
death."
The King soon heard what had passed. Find-
ing that, through St. Thomas's firmness, he could
not gain his point, he suddenly advanced a new
^demand. He required a promise that they would
in all things observe his royal customs. After
consultation, St. Thomas answered that he and
his brethren would do so, saving tlicir order. The
King, enraged at the condition, put the same
question to the other Bishops ; and received the
same answer from all, except Hilary of Chichester,
who, frightened at the King's anger, promised to
observe them good faith. This change, which
was made on his own authority, gained him
nothing ; for the King insulted him, and, turning
to the Archbishop and Bishops, he declared that
they were in a conspiracy against him, and
1163] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER. 121
renewed his demand for an absolute and uncon-
ditional promise. St. Thomas pleaded that in
his oath of fealty he had sworn to give him
"earthly honour, saving his order,'' and that in
the term " earthly honour " the royal customs
were included ; that the condition " saving his
order " was universal throughout Christendom,
and that he would not depart from it. It was
now late at night ; and the King left the room
without saluting the Bishops, who, after an
anxious day, returned to their lodgings. On their
departure, Hilary, the Bishop of Chichester,
received a severe rebuke from St. Thomas, for
having dared to change the phrase they had
agreed upon without consulting him or the other
Bishops.
Early in the morning the King sent to demand
of St. Thomas the restoration of the castles and
honours of which he had had charge from the
time of his chancellorship, and the Saint at once
resigned them. The King left London at a very
early hour, without the knowledge of the Bishops,
several of whom were thoroughly overpowered
with fear of the consequences of his anger.
Arnulph, Bishop of Lisieux, a very clever but a
time-serving prelate, had come over into England
to obtain a reconciliation with the King, who
had borne him some ill-will. Anxious to ingratiate
himself and to show his zeal, he proffered his
advice in this conjuncture how St. Thomas could
best be overcome. His idea was that the Saint's
firmness rested on the support of the other
Bishops ; and he recommended the King to
122
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap 12.
attempt to win them over first. This task was
not very difficult, for some of the most frightened
had followed Henry to Gloucester when he left
London. The first to join the King's party were,
Hilary of Chichester, Roger of York, and Gilbert
of London. Hilary was doubtless moved by
the pusillanimity of which he had already given
proof ; the Archbishop of York probably by the
unfortunate rivalry which had long existed be-
tween the two metropolitan sees, fostered by the
personal animosity Roger had ever borne against
St. Thomas ; but what moved Gilbert of London?
Perhaps it was some feeling of disappointed
ambition ; perhaps it was a fear for his posses-
sions and his power ; but whatever caused it,
Gilbert's first false step was taken, and hence-
forward the Bishop became the champion of the
world against the Church.
Roger of Pontigny, who had admirable oppor-
tunities of hearing of all these occurrences from
the mouth of St. Thomas and his companions
not long after they happened, gives an account of
a curious interview between the King and the
Archbishop, which took place subsequent to the
Council of Westminster. The King summoned
the Saint to meet him at Northampton, intending
to see whether he could not by his own influence
induce him to give up the obnoxious condition.
As the Archbishop was nearing Northampton,
the King sent him out word (it was not known
with what particular motive) that he was to wait
for the King at the spot where he was ; for, as
both were attended by a numerous suite. Nor-
I163] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER. I23
thampton could not hold them. The Archbishop
turned aside into a field, and before long Henry
joined him. The prelate took care to be the first
to make his salutation. Their horses began to
kick and neigh, which prevented their meeting
till they had changed them ; and then they with-
drew apart. The King thus began : " Have not
I raised you from a mean station to the height of
honour ? It seemed but little to me to make you
the father of the kingdom, and even to prefer
you to myself. How comes it that you have so
suddenly forgotten all the proofs of my affection
for you, that you are now not only ungrateful,
but my opponent in everything ? "
" Far be it from me, my lord," was the Saint's
reply. " I am not ungrateful for the favours
which I received, not from yourself alone, but
from God through you ; wherefore far be it from
me to be ungrateful enough to resist your will, as
long as it agrees with the will of God. Your
worthiness knows how faithful I have been to
you, from whom I look but for an earthly reward;
how much more, then, must I do faithful service
to Almighty God, from whom I have received
what is temporal, and hope for what is eternal !
You are my lord, but He is your Lord and mine ;
and it would be good for neither of us that I
should leave His will for yours ; for in the awful
judgment we shall both be judged as the servants
of one Lord, and one will not be able to answer
for the other. We must obey our temporal lords,
but not against God ; for St. Peter says, we must
obey God rather than man."
124
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. ^chap. 12
Then said the King : " I do not want you to
preach me a sermon just at present. Are you not
the son of one of my serfs ? " St. Thomas
answered, " In truth I am not sprung of royal
race ; no more was blessed Peter, the Prince of
the Apostles, on whom the Lord deigned to
confer the keys of Heaven, and the headship of
the Universal Church." " It is true," said the
King, " but he died for his Lord." The Saint
replied, " I too will die for my Lord, when the
time comes." Henry retorted, " You trust too
much to the ladder you have mounted by." " I
trust," he answered, "in the Lord; for cursed is
he that putteth his trust in man. I am ready for
your honour and good pleasure, saving my order ;
as of old, so also now. But on the matters
relating to your honour and the good of your
soul you should have consulted me, whom you
have always found faithful and useful in your
counsels, and not those who have raised this
ilame against me, though I have never injured
them. You will not deny, I think, that I was
faithful to you before I was in Sacred Orders ;
much more, then, ought you to expect to find me
faithful when raised to the priesthood." The
King continued to urge that the saving clause
should be omitted ; and the Saint refusing, they
parted.
The active service of Arnulph of Lisieux was
by no means confined to the shrewd advice which
had already had such serious consequences in the
isolation of St. Thomas. Diceto says^ that, in
2 Diceto, p. 536.
11G3] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER.
125
company with Richard of Ilchester, Archdeacon
of Poitiers, he crossed the Channel six times in
three months, in different embassies to the Holy
See, all of which had for their object to put the
demand regarding the royal customs in a favour-
able light before the Pope and Cardinals.
Meanwhile Hilary of Chichester, at the Arch-
bishop's house at Teynham, and afterwards John
Count of Vendome and Robert de Melun, Bishop-
elect of Hereford, at Harrow, had expostulated in
vain with St. Thomas. Their advice had more
weight when it was backed by the authority of
letters, of which Philip, the Cistercian Abbot of
rAumone,^ was the bearer. He asserted that he
came from Pope Alexander, bringing the recom-
mendation that the Archbishop should yield for
the sake of peace. Roger of Pontigny gives as the
contents of the Apostolic letters, that they urged
great moderation and submission to the King ;
that the Church was in trouble in the troubles of
its head, and that prudence must avert a similar
trouble from befalling England. Thus, the Abbot
observed, the responsibility now rested with the
3 " Eleemosyna," or I'Aumosne, sometimes called, according
to Gallia Christiana, " le petit Citeaux," was situated "in silva
Leonia," now called le Foret de Marche Noir, in the diocese of
Blois. It was founded about 1121, by Theobald, Count of
Champagne. The Abbey of I'Aumone was the mother of many
abbeys, and amongst others, of Waverley and Tintern. Philip,
when Bishop of Tarentum, had fallen into schism under the
Antipope Anacletus ; and on being therefore suspended, he
became a religious of Clairvaux, in 1139. St. Bernard made him
Prior of Clairvaux ; and in 1156 he became Abbot of I'Aumone
In 1 171 he is mentioned in a charter of Henry, Archbishop of
Rheims, as having resigned his abbacy and returned to
Clairvaux.
126
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 12
Pope. He also brought letters from the Car-
dinals, who said that the King had assured them
that he sought for submission for the sake of his
dignity in the eyes of the kingdom, and not with
a view to draw any consequences from it to the
detriment of the Church. The Saint, who was
then at Harrow, was persuaded by these assur-
ances ; and going to Woodstock,-* where the King
was, he promised to omit the phrase that had
given so much offence.
The King was somewhat satisfied by this abso-
lute promise, and he behaved a little more gra-
ciously towards our Saint ; but still not as he
used to do. He said that he wished, as the
opposition had been public, that the obligation to
observe the customs in this form should be
accepted in an equally public assembly before the
Bishops and peers ; and with this view, he sum-
moned the Council of Clarendon, from which the
customs or constitutions in dispute ultimately
took their name.
During the time occupied by the affairs related
in this chapter, that is to say during the closing
months of 1163, St. Thomas had been in commu-
nication with the Pope on these matters of urgent
importance and difficulty. We have first a letter 5
from him to the Holy Father relating to the
encroachment of Roger of York, who had ven-
tured to have his cross borne before him in the
Province of Canterbury ; thus, as St. Thomas
says, " opposing cross to cross, signifying that
4 So Roger of Pontigny ; Herbert says Oxford.
5 Materials, v. p. 44.
ii63] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER. 1 27
Christ is divided." He says that he had ad-
monished Roger fraternally, and had shown him
the Pope's prohibition, in vain ; and the Arch-
bishop of York had appealed to the Pope, naming
St. Luke's day, October 18, for the hearing of
the appeal. St. Thomas, sent Odo, the Subprior
of Christ Church, Canterbury, to represent him
in this matter. Gilbert Foliot, as has been already
said, wrote a warm letter^ to the Pope in behalf
of his Metropolitan, saying that " all antiquity
attested that to Canterbury alone had it been
granted to bear the cross," and praying that the
Pope would provide by his Apostolic authority
that " he of York might not bear it any longer in
another's province." By the exclusive privilege
of Canterbury, Gilbert must mean that its Arch-
bishop could bear his cross in the Northern
Province, and this would doubtless go with a
primacy of jurisdiction, such as we have already
seen'' claimed by Canterbury over York. But the
Pope had granted to Roger, in the preceding
year, 1162, by letters^ dated from Montpellier,
July 13, the right of having the cross borne before
him " as former Popes had granted to his prede-
cessors, and as they had enjoyed it by ancient
custom," as well as the further privilege of
crowning Kings, granted on a similar represen-
tation of past usage and concessions. The pro-
hibition St. Thomas speaks of, if it be that which
has come down to us,^ was not a final decision on
6 Materials, v. p. 46. 7 Supnt, p. 20. 8 Materials, v. p. 21.
9 Materials, v. p. 68. It bears an impossible date in the
Cottonian MS. "Lateran, December 29." From Sens in October
would seem more probable.
128
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 12
the matter, but Roger was not to bear his cross
in the Province of Canterbury, under plea of
appeal or any other pretext ; for " if he did not
refrain for a time, he and his successors would
have to refrain from so doing for ever."
Even before the Council of Westminster, St.
Thomas wrote to the Pope,'° not mentioning the
King by name, but saying that the injuries
inflicted on the Church succeeded one another
like wave on wave. "That is stolen from Jesus
Christ which He bought with His blood ; the
secular power has put forth its hand upon the
portion of our Lord ; so that neither the teaching
of the Fathers, nor the enactments of the canons,
the very name of which is hated here, are any
protection to the clergy, who by special privilege
have been exempt from this jurisdiction hitherto."
Master Henry, his envoy, will inform his Holiness
more fully, and St. Thomas begs the Pope to
keep the whole matter secret, as all that he says,
or even whispers, in conclave, is carried to the
King.
This letter the Pope answered from Sens, on
the 26th of October," saying that the full expla-
nation of the Saint's troubles had moved him to
the greatest sympathy "with his dearest brother"
in his affliction. St. Thomas is to rejoice, as the
Apostles did when they left the Council, and to
keep his soul in patience, bearing his afflictions as
penance for his past sins. The Pope bids him
appeal to the Holy See without fear, and com-
mands him to return to Canterbury and to move
10 Materials, v. p. 48. n Ibid. p. 53.
1163] THE COUNCIL OF WESTMINSTER. 129
about as little as possible ; and he warns him not
to be induced by any fear or misfortune to resign
his see. Pope Alexander evidently had the
strongest dread of the harm that would befall the
Church in England if St. Thomas were to be sent
into exile by the King, and when Master Henry
proposed that he should be summoned to main-
tain his cause in person, the Pope answered :
" God forbid ; let us die sooner than see him so
come forth and leave his Church desolate."'^
What the Pope so dreaded, was rapidly becoming
a necessity, as we shall see if we accompany our
Saint to Clarendon and Northampton.
12 Materials, v. p. 61.
J
CHAPTER XIII.
THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON.
1164.
St. Thomas regrets his promise to yield — expostulations of
Bishops, Earls and Templars — the Saint yields and promises
to observe the royal customs — the Bishops make the same
promise — the Constitutions of Clarendon written — the Saint's
objections to some of them — seals asked for and refused — the
cross-bearer's reproach — the Saint's repentance — Herbert
consoles him — the Saint abstains from Mass and asks abso-
lution of the Pope.
On the 29th of January/ 1164, the Council of
Clarendon assembled. Meanwhile doubts had
entered the mind of St. Thomas as to the trust-
worthiness of the assertions of the Abbot of
I'Aumone, that the King would not use the pro-
mise against the Church if it were unconditionally
made ; and he determined not to renew it in
public. For prudence sake he tried to keep this
determination private ; but it reached the King's
ears, whose rage returned with redoubled vio-
lence. It now showed itself in demonstrations
worse than verbal threats : armed men thronged
the council-chamber, and fear filled every heart
1 Gervase (p. 176) gives the date as St. Hilary, January 14th;
Diceto (p. 536) says it was January 25th. The "recognitio"
names the fourth day before the Purification. Wilkins, Lcg.Angl.
Sax. p. 322 ; Materials, v. p. 79.
1164] THE COUX'CIL OF CLARENDON.
save his whom they were meant to intimidate.
Amongst the Bishops were two who had par-
ticular reason to fear the King's anger, Jocehn of
SaHsbury and Roger of Worcester;^ the latter,
who was a young Bishop and a relative of the
King's, is described as having incurred the royal
displeasure by the freedom with which he had
corrected Henry's excesses. These two prelates
came to St. Thomas, and with tears in their eyes
implored him to have mercy on them ; for their
lives depended on his reconciliation with the
King. The Saint encouraged them as best he
could, but refused to comply.
They were succeeded by two noblemen, Robert
Earl of Leicester, and the King's uncle, Reginald
Earl of Cornwall, who assured him that the King
■was prepared to proceed to extremities, and
besought him to save their royal master and
themselves from the disgrace of such a course.
The Saint answered : " It would not be a new
nor an unheard-of thing if we did die for the
Church, since a countless host of Saints have so
taught us by word and example : God's will be
done." The threats of the nobles shared the fate
of the entreaties of the Bishops.
He was next visited by two Knights of the
Temple of great reputation and influence: Richard
of Hastings, the Provincial Master of the English
Templars, and Hostes of Boulogne. They repre-
2 Roger of Pontigny (p. 34) has erroneously written " Nor-
wich." William Turbo was Bishop of Norwich from 1151 to
1 176. Roger de Melhent, Bishop of Worcester, was grandson to
King Henry I., and therefore first cousin to Henry H.
132 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
sented to him once more that which had had such
weight with him in the mouth of the Abbot of
I'Aumone. They assured him that what Henry
felt was the disgrace of being worsted in the
contest ; and they solemnly pledged themselves
that the King would not attempt to injure the
Church, and that nothing more should be heard
of the constitutions.
Moved by their earnest solicitations and pro-
testations, after consulting the other Bishops,
and accompanied by them, he went to the King
and said,^ " My lord the King, if the controversy
between us had been of my personal rights, then
I never would have opposed your will ; but your
excellency must not be astonished if I am more
scrupulous in the cause of God. With a lively
hope in your prudence and moderation, I assent
to what is required of me, and in good faith
promise to observe the customs ; " and he added
the clause "in the word of truth," which was ac-
counted equivalent to an oath.'*
The words were scarcely out of St. Thomas's
mouth when the King said with a loud voice :
" You have all heard what the Archbishop has
promised me on his own part ; it now only
remains that at his bidding the other Bishops
should do the same." " I will," replied the Saint,
** that they should satisfy your honour as I have
3 For the speech attributed to St. Thomas by Gilbert Foliot,
see Note C.
4 Grim, p. 379; Rog. Pont. p. 35; Herb. p. 279. "On the
word of a priest " (Alan, p. 323 ; Gerv. p. 178) : Fitzstephen
(p. 48) adds, but evidently inaccurately, "et sigillorum suorum
impressione."
I164I THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON. I33
done." On this the other Bishops rose and gave
their consent, save only (singularly enough, after
the effort he had made to obtain the Saint's sub-
mission) Jocelin of Salisbury, who, when the
Bishops had resumed their seats, asked the Arch-
bishop whether he ought to promise as they had
done, and on receiving the reply that he ought,
he did so. The King shook his head at Jocelin
and rebuked him, telling him that he was always
in opposition to him. In spite of the assurance
of the Templars, St. Thomas was in doubt how
the matter would end ; and the King's conduct
showed that he had judged rightly.
Henry now said, " I suppose that every one
has heard the promise that the Archbishop and
Bishops have made, that the laws and customs
of my kingdom may be better kept and observed.
In order that for the future there may be no
more contention on the subject, let my grand-
father Henry's laws be committed to writing."
Our Saint observed, that he was one of the
youngest present, and could not be supposed to
know what they were ; besides that, as it was
getting late, and the matter was of great import-
ance, it would be better to adjourn until the
following day. This was assented to.
On the next day, the constitutions were com-
piled by Richard de Luci and Jocelin de Bailleul,^
which have given so sad a notoriety to the
Council of Clarendon. They were read aloud ;
and St. Thomas, after consulting Herbert and
his other divines, made the following objections
5 See Materials, v. p. 388.
134
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
to them. The first provides that all causes of
Church advowsons and presentations, whether
between la3 inen or clerics, be tried in the King's
Court. The Saint's objection to this was two-
fold : first, that by it clerics would be drawn
before a civil tribunal ; and secondly, that the
subject matter was purely spiritual and eccle-
siastical.
The third constitution declares, that clerics,
when summoned by the King's justice, shall
appear in his Court on any accusation ; and
when found guilty, that the Church should not
protect them. St. Thomas's remark was : " By
this wicked canon, clerics are brought before a
secular judgment-seat both in criminal and civil
matters. Christ is judged anew before Pilate."
The next constitution was, that no Archbishop,
Bishop, or other person, should leave the king-
dom without the King's license. St. Thomas
objected that this would put a stop to pilgrim-
ages to the holy places, and render the kingdom
but a spacious prison. Besides, supposing the
Pope to summon a Council, and the King of
England to be in opposition to him, and to forbid
prelates attending, as they must obey God rather
than men, must they not obey Christ's Vicar in
spite of the prohibition ? " It was but proper,
he added, "to apply for the King's licence before
their departure ; but to bind yourself by an oath
not to leave the country without licence was
irreligious and wrong,"
The seventh constitution says, that no one
who holds in chief of the crown, nor any of the
I1641
THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON.
royal household, can be excommunicated, nor
their lands placed under an interdict, without the
King's leave. By this decree the Saint declared
that the Church was simply degraded, and the
power was taken from her, which she received
from God, of binding and loosing even Kings
themselves.
The eighth constitution ran thus : Appeals, if
any arise, are to be taken from the Archdeacon
to the Bishop, and thence to the Archbishop.
And if the Archbishop do not show justice, in the
last instance they are to be brought to the King,
by whose order the suit is to be ended in the
Archbishop's Court, and the cause can proceed
no further without the King's leave. The Saint
replied, without hesitation, that an Archbishop
who should consent to this would be guilty of
perjury, for when he received the pallium he took
an express oath not to hinder appeals to the
Pope ; adding that it would be a sad day when
the refuge of the oppressed was taken from
them, and they were not able to have free
recourse to the Mother of all Churches, the
Church of Rome.
The twelfth constitution began as follows :
When archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbeys, or
priories, in the King's dominions fall vacant, they
must be left in his hands, that he may receive all
their revenues. The Saint made answer, that the
treasury was not the place for the property of
the poor ; and that although this practice had
certainly sometimes prevailed, yet that the
Church must always expostulate and resist as
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
far as lay in her power, but never give her
consent.
The same constitution continued : When the
time is come to consult for an appointment to a
church, the King shall summon the principal
persons of that church, and in the chapel-royal
the election shall be held. The Saint was far
too attached to liberty not to expostulate against
a form of election so novel and so uncanonical,
saying, that to sanction such a diversity from the
rest of Christendom in his island church would
be to start a schism, as well as to overpower by
the weight of the King's authority all liberty of
election.
The King then demanded that the Archbishop
and Bishops should affix their seals to the consti-
tutions ; which was not only to exact the promise
to observe the royal customs, which they had
already given, but it was requiring them to
acknowledge this interpretation of what those
customs truly were. The Archbishop's answer^
was prompt : " By the Lord Almighty, during
my lifetime seal of mine shall never touch them."
On this the King's officials prepared three copies
on the same sheet ; and tearing it in the usual
way, they gave one copy to St. Thomas, one to
the Archbishop of York, and the third they kept
for the royal archives. St. Thomas took his
copy : from it these extracts were taken ; and it
6 Rog. Pont. p. 37; Grim, p. 383; Garnier, fol. *2i, 1. g.
Herb. (p. 288) says, that when his seal was demanded, the Arch-
bishop, though much moved and distressed, yet dissembled,
fearing to vex the King. He therefore did not positively refuse
but begged for delay.
1164] THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON.
was subsequently placed, as we shall see, in the
hands of the Pope.^
The Bishop of Poitiers, very shortly after these
events, wrote to St. Thomas in terms that show
that the conclusion to which we have arrived was
that also of his contemporaries, that our Saint,
though he had unhappily promised to keep the
royal customs, neither signed nor sealed the con-
stitutions of Clarendon. " I give God endless
thanks," he writes,** " that, as I know for certain
from the excellent testimony of others, and now
from your own, you never did absolutely promise
to observe, as their author boasts, nor did you
sign as others did, those detestable and profane
customs which have made their appearance in
our days."
He turned his back upon the Court at the
close of another eventful day, and went in the
direction of Winchester. Contrary to his usual
habit, he rode alone, apart from his suite, in deep
meditation. As they rode on, his attendants
began to talk in a low voice amongst themselves
on the events of the day. Some said that what
the Saint had done was necessary on account of
the grave character of the time ; others were
indignant that the liberties of the Church should
be at one man's beck. That promise to keep the
royal customs seemed to carry all possible evil
consequences with it, and the refusal to seal the
7 Amongst the names of those present at the Council are
Richier de I'Egle, the Saint's friend in his boyhood, and Hugh
de Moreville, one of his murderers.
8 Materials, v. p. 112.
138
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
constitutions of Clarendon was forgotten in regret
for the harm done by the promise.'' The gravity
of the fault of having made this promise was
always admitted and asserted by St. Thomas and
his friends. So John] of Salisbury wrote in 1167,
" The promise made at Clarendon, to which he
was urged by the Bishops, I cannot justify, for
it ought not to have been made, but confession
atoned for the offence.
Alexander Llewellen,'" who carried the archi-
episcopal cross, spoke up louder, to the alarm of
the rest. " Public power disturbs everything.
Iniquity rages against Christ. No one is safe
who loves the truth. In the world's judgment
they only are wise and venerated who blindly
follow the King. This tempest has overthrown
the columns of the Church ; and during the
shepherd's folly, the sheep are scattered before
the wolf. Now that the chief has fallen, where
will innocence be ? who will stand ? who will
triumph in the battle ? " And then, after a pause,
" What virtue has he retained, who has betrayed
his conscience and his fame ? "
" To whom does this apply, my son ? " said the
Archbishop.
9 Materials, vi. p. 235, cf. p. 96.
10 Herbert's character of Alexander Llewellen is very quaint :
"Alexander, called in his own language Cuelin, by surname and
nation, 'the Welshman.' A well-educated man, pleasant in
alking, and in pleasant speech profuse. Yet all his merit lay not
in his mouth, for his hand was as ready as his tongue. With our
father and for our father, bidden and unbidden, absent and
present, frequently in great perils, he laboured with caution,
resolution, and constancy ; and, what is very valuable in his
nation, his fidelity was equal to his work."
1164] THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON. I39
" It applies to you, who have to-day betrayed
your conscience and your fame ; and in an exam-
ple left to posterity, which is hateful to God and
contrary to justice, you have stretched out your
consecrated hands to observe impious customs,
and you have joined with wicked ministers of
Satan to the overthrow of the liberty of the
Church."
The Saint groaned, and, acknowledging his sin,
expressed his horror of it, and declared himself
unfit for the altar. " By my sins I have brought
the Church of England into slavery, which my
predecessors ruled with such prudence in dangers
as great as these : and this has rightly come in
my time, who was not taken, as they were, from
the Church, but from the Court ; not from the
cloister, nor from any place of religion, nor from
the school of the Saviour, but from Caesar's
service : a proud vain man, a feeder of birds, I
have been made the shepherd of the sheep : of
old the favourer of actors and the follower of
hounds, now the pastor of so many souls. Truly
my past life was far from advancing the safety of
the Church ; and now these are my works. I
plainly see that I am deserted of God, and fit
only to be cast out of the holy see which I fill."
And here he began to weep and sob, so as to
be unable to speak.
Herbert consoled him as best he could, by
showing how God often makes even falls condu-
cive to sanctity. He reminded him of St. Peter,
who rose by falling. " One thing only remains :
if, as you say, you have fallen basely, rise the
140 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
more bravely; be cautious, strong, and valiant.
And know for a certainty that the Lord will be
with you, as he was with David, the King and
Prophet, who had been an adulterer and a
betrayer ; as He was with the Prince of the
Apostles, who had apostatized ; as He was with
the holy and apostolic woman, who had been a
sinner ; and lastly, as He was with the great
Doctor of the Gentiles, who was first above all
men a persecutor of the Church. You, too, were
a Saul : now, if you desire to be a Paul, the
scales have fallen from your eyes, and your Jesus
will Himself show you what great things you
must bear for His Name."
The Saint was thus somewhat consoled, looking
more, as Herbert modestly says, to the love and
fidelity of the speaker than to the value of the
words. Herbert, looking back, saw Hilary Bishop
of Chichester following them. St. Thomas, re-
membering that he had been the first to give up
the clause " saving his order," said to Herbert,
" Let him follow, and so let Satan get behind
us."
The holy prelate took the earliest opportunity
of sending to the Pope at Sens for absolution for
his fault. Meanwhile, for about forty days, he
abstained from offering the Holy Sacrifice of the
Altar. It may have been even longer, for the
Pope's letter" is dated April i, 1164. The Holy
Father reminded him of the difference between
sins of deliberation and malice and those of
ignorance or frailty. " If, then, you have com-
II Materials, v. p, 88.
1164] THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON.
141
mitted anything of which you have now remorse
of conscience, we counsel you to confess it,
whatever it be, in penance to a discreet and
prudent priest : and after this, the merciful Lord,
Who looks more to the heart than to the actions,
will, with His usual pity, forgive you. And we,
trusting in the merits of the blessed Apostles
Peter and Paul, absolve you from that which you
have committed, counselling and bidding you that
on this account you no more abstain from Mass."
If St. Thomas's own tender conscience had
not judged him so hardly, we should certainly
have formed a gentler judgment of his fall. For
the Constitutions of Clarendon he was in no
way responsible, though he evidently accounted
himself so when the promise which he had
made to observe the customs came to bear
this interpretation. Still he had hitherto had
nothing to lead him to anticipate so violent
an exposition of the royal customs as the
sixteen constitutions presented. The King's
demands had been comparatively moderate.
St. Thomas had resisted the infliction of a civil
sentence upon an offending cleric in addition
to ecclesiastical degradation, and this he might
fairly expect to be included under the royal cus-
toms ; but what could lead him to anticipate
the iniquities of Clarendon ? Of assent to them,
at least, he is perfectly guiltless.
But he doubtless committed an act of grave
imprudence, endangering he knew not how far
the liberty of the Church ; and for this he did
noble expiation. Twice he was persuaded, against
142
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
his own better judgment, that the King wanted
nothing but a submission in pubHc to leave the
victory with him, and that he had no ulterior
designs upon the Church. St. Thomas knew King
Henry better ; and here the imprudence lay. The
King had never assured him so : it had been but
asserted for him by others who had a point to
gain. Nor could St. Thomas throw the blame
of his concession on the Holy See, If we may
judge by the letters which have come down to us,
Pope Alexander, while ever urging on St. Thomas
extreme moderation and submission to the King,
invariably qualifies it with the important con-
dition, " saving the honour of the ecclesiastical
order." It is not probable that the letters of
which the Abbot of I'Aumone was the bearer,
which were written when the danger was less
striking, would be of a different tenour.
A Circular letter from the Pope^^ to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and his suffragans, written
about this time, gives them the clearest directions
for their conduct. " You know that you have
received the episcopal charge for this purpose,
that you may govern the Churches committed
to you for the honour of God and the profit and
salvation of your subjects, provided that the
liberty of those churches be in no ways dimin-
ished but be preserved by your zeal and pains.
Hence by these apostolic letters we command
your fraternity and enjoin in virtue of holy obe-
dience that if the illustrious King of the Enghsh
exact from you at any time that which shall be
12 Materials, v. p, 84.
I164] THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON.
against ecclesiastical liberty, you in no way
attempt so to do, nor bind yourselves to him in
anything, especially against the Roman Church,
nor presume to bring in any new form of promise
or oath, other than that which bishops have been
accustomed to make to their kings. And if you
should have already bound yourselves to the King
in anything of the kind, know that 3 0U must by
no means observe what you have promised, but
must recall it, and strive to reconcile yourselves
to God and the Church for so sinful a promise."
It has been supposed that this letter reached the
English Bishops before the Council of Clarendon.
But in any case the letter shows us that the
Abbot of I'Aumone could not possibly have shown
to St. Thomas letters from the Pope justifying
any concession to the injury of the Church and
the Holy See. A general promise to observe the
royal customs must necessarily have meant some
compromise of those ecclesiastical rights, of which
the Archbishop was the official guardian, and that
compromise was unlawful.
Such would be the judgment of a Catholic on
the fall of St. Thomas. The spirit which has
generally moved modern historians would, if it
were consistent, find still less to blame. Some
writers find fault with the Saint for yielding when
he did, others for not yielding sooner. On their
own principles they are equally inconsistent. The
first, in order to place the conduct of the Saint
in a really blameworthy light, are obliged to rely
upon singularly insufficient evidence, or to distort
the facts of history. Thus some, trusting to the
144
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 13
mendacious pamphlet afterwards written by Gil-
bert Foliot, accuse him of a wilful and deliberate
perjury; while others assert that he signed, though
he afterwards refused to seal, the Constitutions
of Clarendon.
A Protestant is more consistent, who blames
St. Thomas for refusing his immediate and abso-
lute consent. In his eyes, to make an exception
in favour of his order is to falter in his allegiance;
and he fondly persuades himself that the Consti-
tutions of Clarendon, identical in spirit, and
almost in the letter with the modern statute-law
of England, were in reality the ancient customs'^
of the realm : as if it were possible in those days
for anything to be the unwritten common law of
the land which was contrary to the coronation
oath of the Sovereign, or to become law in spite
of the protests of the Church, who was herself a
component part of the constitution of the country.
The King had no claim to exact more than the
oath of fealty gave him. Now, besides the asser-
tion of St. Thomas, which we have given above,
we have a singular proof from the Constitutions
of Clarendon themselves what the terms of the
oath were ; that is, what the profession of obedi-
ence and submission was which the King had a
right to exact from a prelate according to the law
of the land. The twelfth constitution, after
speaking of vacant sees and of elections in the
manner we have already quoted, says : " And
13 " These customs had never been written before, nor had
they even existed in the realm of England " (Fitzstephen, p. 47).
This is beyond dispute with respect to some of them.
1164] THE COUNCIL OF CLARENDON. I45
there the elect, before he is consecrated, shall do
homage and fealty to our Lord the King, as to
his liege lord, of life and limb, and his earthly
honour, saving his order." Even by those who do
not see as Catholics see, St. Thomas should be
regarded as the opponent of a tyrannical effort of
one estate to triumph over another, and under a
specious pretence really to introduce a change in
the constitution of the country.
K
CHAPTER XIV.
NEGOTIATIONS.
1 164.
The King asks that the Archbishop of York may be legate — the
Abbot-elect of St. Augustine's — Gilbert Foliot's profession —
King Louis of France — St. Thomas asks the Pope to confirm
the Constitutions of Clarendon.
The first effort of the King to crush our Saint,
after the Council of Clarendon, was to send
the Bishop of Lisieux and the Archdeacon of
Poitiers to the Pope, to try to gain from him
that the Archbishop of York might be legate in
England instead of St. Thomas. The Pope re-
plied, that York had ever been subject to Can-
terbury; "and shall be," he added, "as long as
I live." The King hardly listened to their answer,"
but immediately despatched Geoffrey Ridel, Arch-
deacon of Canterbury, and John of Oxford to the
Pope, to renew the same request. On the re-
fusal of his Holiness, they represented to him,
on their knees, the precariousness of the life of
St. Thomas, if the King were to be irritated by
another repulse ; and to save the life of the
Saint, which he believed to be in danger, the
Pope gave them the letters, dated Sens, Febru-
I Materials, v. p. 85.
1164]
NEGOTIATIONS.
147
ary 27, 11 64, transferring the office of legate- to
the Archbishop of York ; but the messengers
were hampered by a promise which they made
in the King's name, and which they offered to
confirm by an oath, that they would not deliver
them without the knowledge and permission of
the Pope, or, as another version of the Pope's
letter^ has it, without the consent of St. Thomas.
Even with these terms, which rendered the con-
cession absolutely nugatory, the messengers
would fain return rather than empty-handed.
After showing the letters about for a short time,
as if to lead people to believe that he had re-
ceived power over the Saint, the King, who had
never made much of them, returned them to
the Pope. The Holy Father, who had much
regretted that he had granted the letters at all, re-
ceived them with such satisfaction as to cause
no little astonishment. They reached him on
the same day with the news of the death of
Octavian, the Antipope,^ which event gave some
hope of peace to the Church. The letters and
messages which the King's ambassadors brought
were, according to the account of apparently
two different witnesses,^ who were residing at the
Court, of the humblest tenour ; though the report
2 Roger of Pontigny (p. 38), Hoveden (Ann. p. 282 b), and
apparently some of the other writers, express themselves as if
the King himself had been made legate. The letters are, how-
ever, very clear.
3 Materials, v. p. 87.
4 Octavian died at Lucca on the Wednesday after Low Sun-
day, April 20, 1164.
5 Materials, v. pp. 89, 94.
148
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [cHAP. 14
reached the Bishop of Poitiers that they were
indignant and abusive. These messengers pre-
tending that it was necessary for them to return
immediately, the Cardinals of Naples, Porto, and
Pavia, who took a part adverse to St. Thomas,
petitioned the Pope with much energy, though
quite unsuccessfully, for ampler and more abso-
lute letters, conferring the office of legate upon
the Archbishop of York.
In the matter of the cross of the Archbishop
of York, a very curious thing happened. The
Pope's letters from Montpellier, had conferred
on him the privilege, " as his predecessors had
enjoyed it ; " but in some later copy, or other
letters obtained from the Pope by Roger, the
words per totam Angliavt^ were by an oversight
inserted. These were recalled by letters from
Sens, dated January 21st.
On another point the decision of the Holy
See was more adverse to St. Thomas. We have
seen that Clarembald, the Abbot-elect of St.
Augustine's, had refused to receive the blessing
of the Saint, unless it were in his own church,
and without any profession of obedience. To
gain this and some other points, which we have
yet to mention, St. Thomas sent to the Pope at
different times several of his most faithful follow-
ers, who afterwards bore exile and hardships
with him, as the Bishop of Poitiers, Master
Henry, Gunter of Winton, whom Herbert calls
C "Ex oblivione potius quam ex industria contigit . . . non
enim tenorem priorum literarum memoriter tenebamus " (Mate-
rials, V. p. 69J.
NEGOTIATIONS.
149
"a simple, faithful little man," Hervey of Lon-
don, who died on such an embassy, and several
others. Many of the Saint's letters to his friends,
and their accounts in return to him, are extant,
and from one of them we learn how anxious he
was upon this and some other points. If the
chronological arrangement of these letters were
not so open to doubt, it would be far easier to
write the history of these events. As it is, it
would seem as if the letter of the Pope to
Clarembald, dated Montpellier, July loth, must
have been the first answer, and that an entirely
favourable one, to the Saint's petition ; but that
afterwards the Abbot-elect had shown to the
Pope the privileges granted by the Holy See to
the Abbey of St. Augustine, and that in conse-
quence of them an imperative order was issued
to St. Thomas to perform the benediction, with
the addition, that if he delayed, the Pope would
send for Clarembald, and perform it with his
own hands. The moderation of the King's mes-
sengers, mentioned above, probably promoted
this measure. Eventually Clarembald was de-
prived by Alexander III.'' He never received his
abbatial benediction, and was ejected by Arch-
bishop Richard, St. Thomas's successor.*^
There was yet another question which St.
Thomas carried for solution to the Pope. It
7 The Bishops of Exeter and Worcester, and the Abbot of
Faversham, who were sent as a commission from the Holy
See to examine into the truth of charges of a personal character
made against him, report him to have been a fearfully wicked
man (Ep. Jo. Sar. ii. p. 268).
Gerv. p. 77.
150 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 14
had been raised at the Council of Tours ; but
now that he felt that Gilbert Foliot was taking
an undutiful part against him, he much wished
to exact from him a fresh profession of canonical
obedience, which in those days was a matter of
considerable moment, being a personal obligation
similar in its nature to feudal homage amongst
laymen. Gilbert, on his consecration to Here-
ford, had made his profession to Theobald as
his Archbishop ; and St. Thomas wished him
now to repeat it to him, the plea being his
translation to London. The argument which
the Bishop of Poitiers used to the Pope was,
that if the translation had been to another pro-
vince, it would absolve from the former pro-
fession, and render a second necessary. This
was, however, overruled as bad canon law, by
which the first profession held until the person
making it became subject to another jurisdiction ;
and consequently a second profession could not
be required from Gilbert, unless it were the local
custom of that Church to make a personal pro-
fession to the Archbishop himself, and not to
him and to his successors in his office.^
John of Salisbury, who had been banished^"
9 Materials, v. p. 130.
10 Fitzstephen (p. 46) says, that the King sent not only John of
Salisbury, but also John the Treasurer of York, into exile, that
St. Thomas might not have their help against him. The latter
is as incorrect as his statement that the Bishops sealed the
Constitutions of Clarendon ; for John the Treasurer of York,
who figures so well in his story of the Burgess of Scarborough
(p. 44), was made Bishop of Poitiers while the King was friendly
with St. Thomas, and he was consecrated by the Pope himself
in the Council of Tours (Diceto, Imag. p. 536). This good
prelate was a friend worthy of St. Thomas.
I164] NEGOTIATIONS. 15!
or the sake of St. Thomas by the King, probably
soon after the Council of Clarendon,'' wrote to
the Saint as soon as he reached Paris, telling
him that, to his astonishment, he found the
affairs of the two councils, which had been then
held, widely known, and much exaggerated. On
these reports reaching his ears, Louis, the King
of France, offered St. Thomas a safe refuge in
his country. The Saint answered," that while
there was no one on the face of the earth, save
the King of England, in whom he had greater
trust, or towards whom he entertained more
well-merited gratitude, than the King of France,
he was bound to refuse the gracious offer ; for
there was some hope of peace being restored
between himself and his Sovereign. " And do
you, if it please you,"' the letter concluded, " if
you should happen to speak with him, blame
him for ever thinking evil of a man who has
served him so much and so faithfully, who has
ever loved him with a true love, and upon whom
he has conferred so many honours." The efforts
to promote peace here spoken of seem to have
had a partial or temporary success, for in a
subsequent letter '^ to the King of France, St.
Thomas tells Louis that there is but one thing
11 Materials, v. p. 95. This letter Mr. Froude dates from Paris,
October, 1163, that is, immediately after the Council of West-
minster ; but the other council mentioned in the letter, which
John of Salisbury calls " of Winchester," is evidently Clarendon ;
and therefore the letter cannot bear date earlier than the begin-
ning of 1 164.
12 Materials, v. p. 70.
13 Ibid. p. 80.
152 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 14
to disturb the newly restored and perfect peace
between himself and the King, and that was a
report which annoyed the King, that the Arch-
bishop had denounced him to the Pope and to
the King of France as a persecutor and oppressor
of the Church ; and St. Thomas begs Louis to
bear witness that the report was untrue. The
fact was, that the King's actions had been abun-
dantly sufficient to give birth to such a report,
and St. Thomas had done nothing more than
state his case. About this time the Saint wrote
to King Henry himself, in a tone quite calculated
to attain his end, urging upon him that God
would never leave the state of the Church in
England unavenged, and promising him every
blessing in God's name if he would remedy its
evils.
St. Thomas has never received the credit he
deserves for the efforts which he made at this
time for the restoration of peace. The account
just given of his correspondence with King Louis
is a proof of his exertions. Another is afforded
by the way in which he met the mediation of
Rotrou de Beaumont, the Bishop of Evreux.
This prelate, who was the son of the Earl of
Warwick, and was afterwards raised to the
archbishopric of Rouen, had gone to the King
at Porchester, who had told him that in one
way only could peace be restored, and that was
by the Archbishop's gaining from the Pope a
confirmation of the customs. St. Thomas,
fearing to give the King a fair cause for com-
plaint, actually sent such a request to the
NEGOTIATIONS,
Pope, considering, doubtless, that the Uberty of
the Church was at least as safe in the Pope's
hands as in his own. This may have been the
moment of the pacification of which St. Thomas
speaks to King Louis. As the Saint had antici-
pated, the Pope absolutely refused any such
confirmation, though the constitutions were repre-
sented to him as those to which St. Thomas and
other bishops had promised their assent. The
letter of the Pope, it must be said, makes no
mention of any application from St. Thomas for
the approbation of the constitutions, but Edward
Grim and William of Canterbury say it explicitly,
and the former adds that the Pope's refusal was
attributed by the King to the Saint.
Thus was St. Thomas prudently warding off,
as far as was in his power, the coming trouble ; but
in spite of all his efforts it advanced apace upon
him. Meanwhile, by the Pope's order, prayer
was offered up to God for him in holy Houses,
where the odour of St. Bernard's sanctity was
yet fresh, Citeaux, Clairvaux, and Pontigny.
14 Materials, v. p. 86. Dated Sens, February 27, 1164.
CHAPTER XV.
THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON.
1164.
St. Thomas tries to see the King — his unsuccessful attempt to
cross the Channel — he returns to Canterbury — interview
with the King — Council summoned at Northampton — John
he Marshal and his appeal — St. Thomas reaches Nor-
thampton— interview with the King before the Council met —
proceedings of the first day — fine for contempt — John the
Marshal — accounts of Chancellorship — second day's proceed-
ings— further money demands — the Saint deserted by his
retainers — third day spent in consultations.
On the ultimate failure of negotiations, St.
Thonnas attempted to obtain a personal inter-
view with the King, and with this intention he
went to Woodstock. He was not admitted into
the royal presence, and retired towards Canter-
bury. He then went to Romney,' intending to
try to cross the sea and visit the Pope, in spite
of the illegal, though royal, prohibition of Claren-
don. Accompanied by two or three of his per-
sonal attendants, he made two attempts in the
night to cross the Channel ; but without success,
either on account of the unfavourable wind, or
through the fear of the sailors, who represented
it as unfavourable and that a return was neces-
sary, lest they should be punished by the King
I So Fitzstephen (p. 49), and Roger (p. 40). "His manor
called Aldington" (Alan, p. 325).
1164] THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON. I55
for having assisted the Archbishop. The time
was not yet come in God's purposes for the
shepherd to be separated from his flock. St.
Thomas was greatly fatigued by this useless
tossing on the sea, and landed much exhausted.
To this time we must probably refer a little
stor}^',^ which is characteristic of the times in the
attention it mentions as given to sortes, or pas-
sages taken from books by hazard. When St.
Thomas was seeking safety by flight, early one
morning, as he was walking along and meditating
on the sadness of his condition, he was met by a
certain clerk. " Whither away ? " he inquired.
" I am going," quoth the scholar, "to school at
Canterbury. For I have heard," he continued,
"that it pleases our noble Archbishop to maintain
poor scholars. I have hopes therefore of finding
support under the wings of his fatherly affection
and goodness ; for I am but a poor orphan, and
have no means of supporting myself." " And
what book are you reading, my son," asked the
Archbishop kindly, " and where is your lesson ? "
" Cato," answered the scholar, " and here is my
lesson —
Esto animo fortis, cum sis damnatus inique.
The Saint took the verse for an omen, as a
message of comfort from Almighty God ; and
telling the clerk that, when he next saw the Arch-
bishop, he should approach him with confidence,
and, asking his charity, show the verse for a
2 It is told by Fordun in his Scotichronicon, and quoted by
Mr. Brewer in his edition of Giraldus, De Instruciioiie Principum,
Anglia Christiana Society, 1846.
156 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 15
token, he gave him some money, and they sepa-
rated with mutual comfort.
On a report of the flight of St. Thomas, a panic
seized his followers, who accordingly separated.
One of them, bolder than the rest, went to the
Archbishop's own room at Canterbury, and there
sat after dusk on the following evening pondering
in sadness on his master's fortunes. When it
was very late, he said to a boy who was with
him, " Go and shut the outer door of the hall,
that we may sleep more safely." The boy went
out with a light, and saw the Archbishop sitting
in a corner and alone ; on which he ran away
in a fright, thinking he had seen a ghost. The
clerk would not believe him till he came himself,
when he found St. Thomas, who, after some
refreshment, summoned a few of the monks of
Canterbury, and told them the whole state of
the case.
The next morning some of the King's officers
arrived to confiscate his property ; but when
they found that he himself was there, they re-
tired in confusion. The King was greatly relieved
when he heard that the attempt to cross the
Channel had not succeeded ; for he had every
reason to fear that the result of a personal inter-
view between St. Thomas and the Pope would
be that the country would be placed under an
interdict.
The Archbishop once more went to Woodstock,
where he was admitted to see the King, who
concealed in a great measure his hostility to the
Saint, though to St. Thomas's practised eye it
1164] THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON'. I57
was sufficiently evident. Of the recent attempt
to leave England he merely said, as if in joke,
that he need not have tried to go, as if the
country were not large enough to hold them
both. The interview was but short; but the im-
pression was left clearly enough on St. Thomas's
mind, and expressed by him to his intimate
friends, that the time was now arrived when he
must either give way disgracefully, or fight the
battle bravely. His resolution had long been
taken.
The King summoned a full Council to as-
semble at Northampton. It would appear that
the Archbishop was not summoned in the usual
way, as his dignity deserved, but as a culprit, to
answer before the King, and even that not per-
sonally, for the King would not write to him,
but through the Sheriff of Kent. The pretext
for this indignity was, that he had not appeared
personally before the King when cited to show
why he had not done justice in his own Court
to John the Marshal. This man had laid a
claim before the Archbishop to Mundeham, a
portion of the archiepiscopal manor of Pagham.^
The King had previously made a law, that if in
the process of a cause either party felt themselves
aggrieved, they could stay all proceedings, and
3 The result of this appeal to the King was that he alienated
Mundeham from the Church, and thus, in 1169, we have in the
list of persons excommunicated: "The man, other than the
King, who holds the land of Mundeham, of the manor of Pag-
ham, which the King took from the Church of Canterbury on
account of John the Marshal " (Materials, vi. p. C02).
158 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, 15
carry the cause by appeal to a higher court, if
the party thus appeahng could take oath that
justice was not done. Of this power the Marshal
availed himself ; but in spite of the remonstrances
of the judges of the Archbishop's Court, he pro-
duced from under his cloak a book of versicles
called a tropary/ and on that he made his oath.
He complained to the King that justice had been
refused him on account of his fidelity, and ob-
tained a summons against the Archbishop to
appear in the King's Court on the feast of the
Exaltation of the Holy Cross. On the day
named the Archbishop did not appear ; but he
sent four of his knights, bearing his own and
the Sheriff's attestations to the invalidity of the
appeal. The King was very angry with the
Archbishop for not appearing in person, and he
would hardly let his knights go free, even on
bail. At the instance of the Marshal the Arch-
bishop . was peremptorily summoned to Nor-
thampton, to answer, as well for the original
cause, as for the contempt.
On Tuesday, the 6th of October, 1164, St.
Thomas arrived at Northampton. He was met
on the way by some of his domestics, who told
him that the King had permitted his lodgings
to be occupied ; on which he despatched word
that he would come no further, if this were not
rectified. Henry accordingly gave the requisite
order. St. Thomas availed himself of the hos-
4 Tropes were versicles that were sung before the Introii
(Ducange). Canon Robertson was the first to point out the ordi-
nary mistake of calling this " a book of songs."
1164] THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON. 159
pitality of the monks of St. Andrew's ; which
monastery was then in all the glory of its resto-
ration by Simon de St. Liz, the Earl of Nor-
thampton and Huntingdon. On the day when
he entered, the King was out hawking, so that
they did not meet.
On the following morning, the Saint, after his
Mass and Hours, went to the castle, where he
waited in the antechamber while the King heard
Mass. On his entrance St. Thomas rose to meet
him, and showed himself ready to receive the
customary salutation of a kiss, if the King should
offer it ; but he did not do so. The Archbishop's
first request was for leave to visit the Pope,
which was absolutely refused. He then requested
that William de Curci might be removed from
one of his lodgings ; to this the King assented.
He then said that he had come to obey the
summons in the case of John the Marshal. Henry
replied that he was in London in his service in
the Exchequer, but that he would soon appear.
Nothing further was transacted on that day ; but
the King bade St. Thomas return to his lodgings,
warning him that on the following day the cause
would be tried.
On the second day, that is, the Thursday,
the Council assembled. All the Bishops of
England were there, except Rochester and an-
other who had not yet arrived. There were
likewise several bishops of the King's dominions
in Normandy, besides the earls and barons. The
Archbishop was accused of the contempt of his
non-appearance to the King's summons in the
l6o ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY, [chap. 15
case of the Marshal. The Saint's reply was,
that his absence had been caused by illness, and
that he had sent his knights to represent him ;
but it was not listened to, and Henry pressed
for judgment. The Council decided that the
homage and observance of earthly honour, to
which the Archbishop was sworn, had laid upon
him the obligation to attend at the royal sum--
mons ; and for the contempt they sentenced him
to the confiscation of all his moveable property
to the King's mercy. This was apparentl}' held
equivalent to a fine of five hundred pounds of
silver, for thus the penalty is stated by other
writers. We are told that a difficulty arose in
pronouncing judgment between the bishops and
the barons, both parties acquiescing in the sen-
tence through fear of the King, yet neither wish-
ing to bear the odium of such a proceeding. The
barons pleaded that the spiritual order ought to
pronounce a sentence affecting one of themselves;
the bishops, on the other hand, replied, that it
was altogether a secular judgment ; that they
were not there as bishops to try their own su-
perior, but that they sat as peers in the Council
and the equals of the barons on the trial of a
peer. The King began to be angry at such a
question being mooted, and the Bishop of Win-
chester was obliged, though much against his
will, to pronounce the sentence. St. Thomas at
first thought of resisting it, as emanating from
an incompetent tribunal ; but he was persuaded
not to allow a mere question of money to
stand between himself and Henry. He therefore
n64] THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON. l6l
offered bail for the sum, which was accepted,
the Bishops standing his sureties, with the excep-
tion of Gilbert Foliot, whose refusal was re-
marked.
On the conclusion of the question of contempt,
the case of John the Marshal was brought for-
ward ; but whether it was that the Archbishop's
statement was too strong to be answered, or
that the King was anxious to enter into the
more vexatious questions which he had in store,
it is plain that it was not proceeded with. We
are told that the Marshal lost within the year
his two sons, whom the portion of Church pro-
perty he aimed at would have gone to enrich,
and that he himself soon followed them to the
grave, which St. Thomas attributed to the anger
of God and St. Anselm.
Another cause was brought forward against
the Saint on the same day. The King demanded
the restoration of three hundred pounds, which
the Archbishop had received from the Castelry
of Eye and Berkhampstead. The Saint first
pleaded that he had not been summoned to
render any such account ; but he did not refuse
to reply that he had spent the money in question,
and very much more, while he was Chancellor,
in the repairs of the Tower of London and of
the castles in question. The King declared that
he had not authorized any such expenditure,
and demanded judgment ; on which St. Thomas,
still determined that money matters should be
no pretext against him, offered as bail for the
sum the Earl of Gloucester, William of Eynes-
L
l62 ST, THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 15
ford, and another of his feudal retainers. This
closed the day's proceedings.
Friday began with a new demand on the part
of the King. He claimed repayment of five hun-
dred marks which had been lent to St. Thomas
during the war at Toulouse, and for other five
hundred for which he had stood surety for him
in a loan from a Jew.^ To this was added the
astounding demand that he should immediately
account for the incomes of all vacant bishoprics
and abbacies, which had been paid into the
Chancery while he was in office. St. Thomas
expressed himself as totally unprepared for any
such application, which had come upon him
Vv'ithout warning, and he begged to be allowed
to consult his suffragans and clerics. In this
the King acquiesced. The irremediable character
of the breach being now, however, apparent to
all, his soldiers and military retainers, being
anxious to retain the King's favour, deserted our
Saint ; on which he supplied their place by the
poor and needy, and he triumphed much in the
exchange.
Saturday was spent in consultation with the
Bishops at one time, and Abbots at another.
The character of the demand made upon St.
Thomas may be estimated from the fact, that it
was accounted equivalent to the enormous sum
5 Herbert (p. 298) represents this day's proceedings as a
demand for the repayment of five hundred silver pounds lent
by Henry to St. Thomas when Chancellor. He says that, in
spite of the danger of giving the King offence by such an act,
five men were found willing to stand surety for the Saint, each
for one hundred pounds.
1164] THE COUN'CIL OF NORTHAMPTON.
163
of thirty thousand marks. Henry of Blois, the
Bishop of Winchester, who had consecrated him,
and who always took a hvely interest in him,
reminded him of the declaration of the Prince in
the King's name at his election, that the Church
was to receive him free from all secular obliga-
tions ; and this the venerable Bishop could the
better do, as he had himself at that time elicited
the declaration. On the King's disallowing it,
and declaring that he had been no party to any
such liberation, and that he had never ratified
it, and St. Thomas being reminded that all his
moveable property had already been confiscated,
the generous Bishop offered the King two thou-
sand marks on his behalf ; but they were refused.
After this their consultations were much divided.
Those who knew Henry's mind best, declared
that he would never be satisfied until St. Thomas
resigned the archbishopric. Hilary of Chichester,
who was so inclined to favour the King, that
St. Thomas, looking back upon these times from
his exile, said that he had held amongst them
the place of Judas the traitor, is reported to have
said, " Oh, that you were only Thomas, and not
Archbishop 1 " Henry, he declared, had said
that the kingdom should not contain him as
king and Thomas as archbishop, and by a resig-
nation only of his see could peace be restored.
Others, however, expressed their hopes that the
Church would suffer no such disgrace at his
hands ; and they were the advisers who knew
St. Thomas best.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FIGHT.
1 1 64.
Sickness of St. Thomas — Tuesday the 13th of October — rumours
of violence — appeals to the Holy See — Mass of St. Stephen —
the Archbishop's Cross — threats — the Bishops avoid taking
part in a sentence — the Barons' message from the King — the
Saint's reply — the Bishops' conduct — the Earl of Leicester's
speech — St. Thomas's answer — insults — the Saint returns to
the Monastery.
Sunday was comparatively a day of rest. St.
Thomas remained within doors, taking diligent
counsel with such as were best able to advise
him, and scarcely giving himself time for refresh-
ment. The next day was looked forward to by
all as that on which the issue of these exciting
proceedings would be seen. But in the middle of
the night St. Thomas was taken ill with a violent
pain in the side, so that to give him any relief
they were obliged to place heated pillows where
the pain was. This was a sickness to which the
Saint was subject, particularly in times of unusual
anxiety ; and it was from the natural chilliness
of his constitution, and his liability to this mal
de flanc, that he was accustomed always to wear
such a very unusual quantity of clothing. The
pain lasted through the greater part of Monda}',
and prevented him from attending the Council ;
THE FIGHT.
and the King, believing the illness to be feigned,
sent several nobles to see whether it were true.
The Archbishop promised them, that if he were
not better the next day, he would be carried to
the Court in a litter rather than stay away.
However, towards night he recovered.
The following day, Tuesday, the 13th of Oc-
tober, was one of great moment in the life of
St. Thomas, in the history of the Church in
England, and, it might be added, of the town in
which these great events happened ; for it is
owing to the heroism of St. Thomas on that day
shown at Northampton, that the diocese of which
that old town is now the see has been placed
under his patronage. The town yet bears traces
of its ancient devotion to St. Thomas in its hos-
pital and its well, which bear his name ; and the
very castle in its ruins is revered by a Catholic,
not for its olden glories and royal pageantry,
but because it was hallowed by the trial of St.
Thomas. The blessed Saint cannot but look
down with favour on the scene of the struggle,
which he called, after St. Paul and the early
martyrs, " fighting with beasts ; " especially since
it has been placed under his protection by the
Rome that he loved, by the Holy Apostolic See
whose champion he there was.
It was the anniversary of the solemn day'
when all England had assembled in Westminster
Abbey, and St. Thomas had translated the relics
of St. Edward the Confessor. The festival of
I Alan (p. 330) says that it was the very day on wh'.l; in
previous century, the Normans had entered England.
l66 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. iG
the 13th of October is the dearer to us from the
association of St. Thomas with the great Saint
we then venerate, whether we think of him at
Westminster doing honour to St. Edward, or at
Northampton bearing his witness for the Church
and for Christ.
A rumour had been current that in the course
of that day violent measures would be taken
against his person. Some of the courtiers, who
had an affection for him, had warned him of it ;
and the Bishops, calling upon him very early in
the morning, attempted to make use of this fear
to induce the Saint to resign. They pointed out
the certainty of his condemnation for high trea-
son, on account of his rejection of the royal
customs ; and they asked what use there was
in his archbishopric when he had incurred the
hatred of the King. His answer was character-
istic : " Brethren, you see how the world opposes
me ; but I mourn still more that the children of
my Mother should fight against me. For even
if I were to hold my peace, after ages would tell
how you have left me alone in the contest, and
how twice in these two days you have judged
me, who, sinner though I be, am your Arch-
bishop and Father. And now I gather from
what you say, that you are ready to assist in
passing, not a civil sentence merely, but also a
criminal one, against me ; but I command you
all, in virtue of your obedience and under peril
of your order, not to be present in any judgment
against my person. And lest you should do so,
I appeal to our Mother the Church of Rome, the
1 1 64]
THE FIGHT.
167
refuge of all the oppressed. If, as the rumour
runs, secular hands are laid upon me, I order
you, in virtue of obedience, to use ecclesiastical
censure in behalf of your Father and Archbishop.
Be sure of this, that though the world should
roar, the enemy rise up, or the body tremble
(for the flesh is weak), yet, by God's help, I will
not be base enough to give way, nor to desert
the flock intrusted to me."
On this Gilbert Foliot immediately appealed
to the Holy See against his precept, that they
should use censures in case of violence being
shown to him ; and the Bishops left, excepting
Henry of Winchester and Jocelin of Salisbury,
whose sympathies were altogether with the Saint,
though they were afraid to show it. When he
was left alone, he prepared himself for the con-
test like a true bishop.
He entered* the church, and said the Mass of
St. Stephen at the altar of the Protomartyr with
very great solemnity and devotion. His tears so
blinded him, that more than once he was obliged
to break off the prayers unfinished. Two things
were particularly noted in this Mass by the King's
party : that he had chosen one, the Introit of
which began with the words, " For the princes
sat and spake against me ; " and that he cele-
2 This was in consequence of the advice a religious, whom
he had consulted, had given him (Rog. Pont. p. 45). Herbert
(p. 304) suggests that perhaps the reason of his use of the pallium
was, that it was the feast of St. Callistus, Pope and Martyr. This
is, however, a mistake, for St. Callistus' was the following day.
Wednesday the 14th.
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. ^chap. i6
brated, though it was not a festival, with his
pallium, which was unusual.
The Saint would have gone to the Court vested
as he was, and bare-footed, if some of the Temp-
lars with whom he was intimate had not per-
suaded him not to do so. His wish was, he said,
to let the Court see who he was, whom it had
twice judged. At their urgent entreaty, he laid
aside his mitre and pallium ; he threw his black
cappa as a canon-regular over the sacred vest-
ments, and, looking to the trial before him, he
carried concealed about his person the Blessed
Sacrament of the Altar. On the way to the castle
he said to his cross-bearer, Alexander Llewellyn,
that he regretted that he had not come as he at
first proposed. \\'hen he dismounted from his
horse, he took his cross into his own hand, and so
entered the castle. Gilbert, the Bishop of London,
was standing in the gateway at that moment ;
and Hugh de Nunant, Archdeacon of Lisieux,
who was in the Archbishop's train, said to him,
" My lord of London, why do you suffer him to
carry his cross?'" The Bishop answered, " Good
man, he always was a fool, and always will be."
Robert de Melun, whom he had consecrated
Bishop of Hereford, met him as he was entering,
and begged to be allowed to act as his cross-
bearer ; but he would not permit it.
The King was in an inner room. The Arch-
bishop advanced to the council-chamber and took
his usual place, still holding his cross. The
Bishops surrounded him ; Gilbert Foliot being
the nearest to him. The attention of all was
1164] THE FIGHT. l6g
riveted upon him, when the Bishop of London
said that he looked as if he were prepared to
disturb the world. "You carry your cross," he
said ; " now, if the King were to draw his sword,
what hope would there be of peace?" St. Thomas
answered, " If it could be so, I should wish al-
ways to carry it in my own hands ; but I know
what I am now doing. I would preserve God's
peace for myself and the Church in England.
Say, if you like, that if you were here, you would
think otherwise. If my Lord the King were now,
as you say, to draw his sword, it would be but
a bad token of peace." St. Thomas was probably
thinking, Fitzstephen tells us, of the troubles of
the Council of Clarendon.
The Bishops were summoned to the King, and
remained in the inner room for a long time. The
Archishop of York arrived late purposely, that he
might not be identified with the King's council,
and he had his archiepiscopal cross carried before
him ; and this he did in virtue of a fresh appeal
to the Pope against a prohibition which he had
recently received from Rome. They were no
sooner assembled than the King bitterly com-
plained of the manner of St. Thomas's entry,
saying, that so to bear his cross was to treat
him as if he were not a Christian king. The
courtiers then took up the accusation, declaring
that he had always been vain and proud, and
that his present act was an insult not to the
King merely, but to the whole kingdom ; and
the cry that he was perjured and a traitor be-
came so loud, that it impressed with a sense of
170
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. iG
imminent danger those who remained in the
council-chamber with our Saint : so much so,
that on some persons leaving the room where
the King was and entering the lower room,
St. Thomas and those who were with him imme-
diately made the sign of the Cross.
Herbert of Bosham sat at the Saint's feet, and
Fitzstephen was not far from him. They each
relate to us a few words that they interchanged
with St. Thomas at that trying moment. The
latter reports that Herbert bade him in a low
voice have his sentence of excommunication
ready, if any of them should dare to lay hands
upon him. Fitzstephen overheard it, and ob-
served in a little louder tone, " Far be it from
him ; not so did the Holy Apostles and Martyrs
of the Lord, when they were taken ; rather, if it
should so happen, let him pray for them and
forgive them, and possess his soul in patience.
If he should suffer for justice sake and for the
liberty of the Church, then, by God's grace, his
soul would be at rest and his memory in bene-
diction. But if he should pass sentence against
them, all men will think that through anger and
impatience he had done all he could to avenge
himself." John Planeta, who was standing by,
and Ralph de Diceto, then Archdeacon of London
and afterwards Dean, the well-known historian,
were both of them affected to tears.
Herbert's advice was such as we should have
expected from his impetuous disposition, as we
see it on several occasions when he appears on
the scene before us, and in which he resembles
11G4] THE FIGHT. I7I
not a little the Saint his master. He tells us
that some of the ushers with rods and wands
passed into the room where they were, pointing
with threatening gestures at the Archbishop and
his companions ; on which, while the others
crossed themselves, St. Thomas stooped down
and said to Herbert, who was sitting at his feet,
" I am afraid for you ; but do not be afraid for
yourself, for you shall share my crown." Herbert
answered, " We must neither of us fear ; for you
have raised a noble standard, by which not only
the powers of earth but those of the air are over-
thrown. And," he added, " remember that once
you were the standard-bearer of the King of the
Angles, and were never overcome : it would
indeed be a disgrace to be overcome now when
you are the standard-bearer of the King of the
Angels."
After a while Fitzstephen attempted to speak
to the Saint again, but a king's marshal standing
by prevented him ; on which, by raising his eyes
and moving his lips, he made signs for him to
look up at the crucifix he was carrying, and to
occupy himself in prayer. St. Thomas under-
stood him ; and several years afterwards, when
he was an exile in France, he met Fitzstephen,
then on his way to the Pope at St. Benedict's
on the Loire (Fleury), and told him what a con-
solation his hint had been to him.
The Bishops were meanwhile, by the King's
leave, taking counsel together ; for they were not
prepared to join with the nobles in passing sen-
tence upon their Archbishop, and yet they did
172
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. iG
not see how they could otherwise avoid the
King's anger. They at length agreed to propose,
if they were permitted to be absent from this
judgment, to appeal to the Holy See against the
Primate for perjury, and to pledge themselves
not to rest until he was deposed. They told
Henry how the Archbishop had appealed from
their former sentences to Rome. On this the
King sent several barons to inquire of the Saint
whether he acknowledged this appeal ; for he
was his liege subject, and was bound by an
especial oath at Clarendon to his constitutions,
in which it was enacted that Bishops should assist
at all judgments except those of blood. They
were also to ask whether he would give bail that
he would abide by the sentence of the Court
regarding the accounts of his chancellorship.
St. Thomas answered thus : "I am bound, my
lords, to the King my liege,^ by homage, fealty,
and by oath : but the oath of a priest is ever
accompanied by justice and equity. In all devout
and due subjection, I obey the King for God's
sake in all things saving God's obedience, the
Church's dignity, and the honour of a Bishop in
my person. I am not bound to give any account
of my chancellorship, for I was summoned only
for the cause of John the Marshal. I remember
and acknowledge that I have received many
dignities and offices from the King, in all of
which I have served him faithfully on both sides
3 "A liege lord was a lord of a free band, and his lieges were
privileged free men, faithful to him but free from other service."
Confused with the Latin ligatiis, bound (Skeat).
THE FIGHT.
1/3
of the Channel ; and I rejoice to think that,
after spending all my income in his service, I
incurred debts for him also. When, by God's
permission and the King's favour, I was chosen
Archbishop of Canterbury, before my consecration
I was delivered over by the King to the Church
of Canterbury free from all secular claims ; though
now in his anger he denies it, yet you and most
ecclesiastics in the kingdom know it well. I call
upon you, then, to testify to this truth to the King ;
for it would not be safe, though it is according
to law, for me to bring witnesses against him ;
neither need I do it, for I am not now pleading
my cause. If since my consecration I have not
made the progress I could have wished, I do
not impute it to the King or to any one else,
but solely to my own sins. Yet God can give
grace to whom and when He wills.
" I can give no sureties for the accounts. All
the Bishops and my friends have already been
bound ; nor ought I to be held to find bail in a
cause which has not been judged against me.
As to the prohibition I have placed upon the
Bishops, I acknowledge that I told them that
they had condemned me too severely for a single
absence which was not contumacious ; and there-
fore I appealed against them, forbidding them
during this appeal to judge me for a secular
cause committed before I was Archbishop : and
I again appeal ; and I place my person and the
Church of Canterbury under the protection of
God . and of my Lord the Pope."
At the close of this dignified address, the nobles
174
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. i6
returned to Henry in silence. Others, however,
of his partisans were not so respectful. Some
said, talking to one another, but loud enough
for St. Thomas to hear, " King William, who
conquered England, knew how to tame his
clerics. He put in prison his own brother Odo,
the Bishop of Bayeux, who rebelled against him.
He cast Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury, into
a black dungeon. And Geoffrey Count of Anjou,
our King's father, caused Arnulf, Bishop-elect of
Seez, and many of his clerics to be mutilated,
because he had counted himself as elected to
Seez without his consent."
When the King received St. Thomas's reply,
he urged the Bishops by their fealty to him to
take part in the sentence the barons were about
to pronounce. They objected the Archbishop's
prohibition, which Henry declared had no force
against the express provisions of Clarendon. The
Bishops urged that they would be placing them-
selves in the power of the Primate, and that it
was therefore for the good of the King and the
kingdom that he should acquiesce in their ab-
sence. At length he )'ielded ; and they entered
the room where the Archbishop was, and took
their places near him. Robert of Lincoln was
weeping, and some others could hardly resti"ain
their tears.
Whilst the debate was continuing in the inner
chamber, Roger Archbishop of York passed
through, calling to two of his clerics who were in
the council-chamber, Master Robert le Grand and
Osbert de Arundel, "Let us go away; for we
THE FIGHT.
ought not to see what will soon be done with my
lord of Canterbury." " No," replied Master
Robert, " I will not go till I see what God wills
in his regard ; for if he should strive unto blood
for God and His justice, he could not have a finer
or better end." The Archbishop of York went
away, and Bartholomew Bishop of Exeter fell at
St. Thomas's feet. " My father, have pity on
yourself, have pity too on us ; for the hatred
against you is our destruction. The King has
just issued a decree, that whoever should take
your side should be accounted guilty of high
treason." It was further reported, that Jocelin
of Salisbury and William of Norwich were to be
mutilated for resisting the King ; and they also
had pleaded with the Archbishop for their own
safety. St. Thomas replied to Bartholomew :
" Fly hence ; for you savour not the things that
be of God."
After the entrance of the Bishops, Hilary of
Chichester thus addressed St. Thomas : " My
Lord Archbishop ; saving your grace, we have
much to complain of you. You have placed us
your Bishops between the hammer and the anvil
by this your prohibition ; of disobedience to you
on the one hand, and of the King's anger on the
other. Lately, when we were assembled at Clar-
endon, his highness urged upon us the observance
of his royal dignities ; and to prevent mistake,
they were shown to us in writing. At length we
gave them our assent ; you in the first place, and
afterwards we, your suffragans, at your command.
When our Lord the King bade us swear to them,
176
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 16
and affix our seals, we replied that a priest's
word was sufficient, and that we had pledged
ourselves to observe his dignities in the word of
truth, in good faith, without deceit, and lawfully.
The King was therewith content. But now you
force us to go against them by forbidding us to
be present at a judgment when he requires it of
us. From this oppression, and lest you should
injure us further, we appeal to the Pope, and
under a protest we obey your prohibition."
St. Thomas answered : "I hear what you say,
and, by God's help, I will attend the appeal. At
Clarendon nothing was granted by me, or by you
through me, but saving the honour of the Church.
For, as you yourselves say, we added these three
clauses, in good faith, without deceit, and lawfully,
by which the dignities which our churches have
by Papal law were secured. Whatever is against
the Church or the laws of God cannot be kept in
good faith, and lawfully ; nor has any Christian
King a dignity which is the destruction of the
Church's liberty, to which he has sworn. Besides,
these very royal dignities our Lord the King sent
in writing to the Pope for confirmation, by whom
they were returned condemned. The Pope then
taught us what to do ; for we are ready with the
Roman Church to receive what he receives, to
reject what he rejects. Furthermore, if we fell
at Clarendon, for the flesh is weak, we must take
courage, and in the strength of the Holy Ghost
contend against the ancient enemy, who is ever
striving to make him fall who stands, and to
prevent him from rising who has fallen. If, then,
THE FIGHT.
in the icord of truth, we s\\ore to what was
unjust, you know that an unlawful oath is not
binding."
The Bishops, being exempted from joining in
the judgment, sat apart. In a short time the
barons appeared, leaving but a very few of their
number with the King. St. Thomas was about to
rise to them as they entered ; but Herbert whis-
pered to him, that to receive them sitting would
impress them with a deeper sense of the truth
that they were judging their father, and would
become him better who was carrying his cross.
The Archbishop remained quiet, and gave no
sign of fear on their drawing near. The two
earls, Robert of Leicester and Reginald of Corn-
wall, who had so often come to him from Henry,
were the foremost.
The Earl of Leicester began : " The King com-
mands you to render up your accounts, as you
yesterday promised to do. Otherwise hear your
judgment." "Judgment?" said the Archbishop.
He then rose, and continued, " Son and earl,
hear me first. You know, my son, how intimate
I was with our Lord the King, and how faithfully
I served him. It therefore pleased him that I
should be advanced to be Archbishop of the
Church of Canterbury. God knows, I willed it
not, for I knew my own weakness : and rather for
the love of him than of God I gave way, which
to-day is clear enough, when God and the King
have both deserted me. Still, in my promotion,
when I was elected before Henry, the King's son
and heir, who was appointed for that purpose, the
M
178
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 16
question was asked, How did they give me to the
Church of Canterbury ? And the answer was,
Free from all worldly ties. I therefore am not
hound, nor will I plead, respecting them." " This
is different," said the earl, "from what the Bishop
of London told the King. But how will you
avoid his judgment ? You are his subject, and
have many castles and possessions in fief and
barony." The Archbishop answered : " I have
nothing in fief or barony ; for whatever kings
have given to the Church, they have given as a free
alms ; and the King himself in his privileges has
declared and confirmed the same. Wherefore,
by the authority and office which God's ordinance
and the law of Christendom give me over you,
I forbid }'our passing judgment upon me." The
Earl of Leicester replied : " Far be it from me to
transgress the command of such an authority to
m}^ soul's detriment ; I now hold my peace, and
as far as I am concerned, I leave you free." He
then turned to the Earl of Cornwall, and said to
him, " You hear that the Archbishop in God's
name has imposed silence upon me ; do you,
therefore, what remains, and say what the King
has ordered." He answered, " I will not venture
upon what was not ordered me." The Earl of
Leicester then said, " I beseech you, my lord, to
wait until your answer is brought to you." " Am
I, then, a prisoner?" St. Thomas asked. "No,
by St. Lazarus, my lord," was the earl's answer,
with his usual oath. The two noblemen were
moving away, when St. Thomas added, " Son
and earl, yet listen. By as much as the soul is
THE FIGHT.
179
more worthy than the body, by so much are you
bound to obey God and me rather than your
earthly King. Neither law nor reason permits
children to judge and condemn their father.
Wherefore I decline the judgment of the King
and yours, or that of any one else ; for, under
God, I will be judged by the Pope alone, to
whom before you all I here appeal, placing
the Church of Canterbury, my order, and my
dignity, with all thereto belonging, under God's
and his protection. And you, my brethren
and fellow- Bishops, who have served man
rather than God, I summon to the presence of
the Pope ; and so, guarded by the authority of
the Catholic Church and of the Holy See, I go
hence."
Some of those who stood by called him per-
jured and traitor ; on which he turned upon them
and said, that if it were lawful, and his priestly
orders did not forbid it, he would defend himself
against them by appeal to arms from such
charges. He left the council-chamber, still bear-
ing his cross ; and as he passed through the hall,
a multitude of people of all sorts collected there
insulted him. In the middle of the hall was a
quantity of firewood ; and he stumbled over a
bundle of faggots. Randulph de Broc called out
against him, "The traitor is going away;" and
he, with several others, threw straws and other
trifles after him, raising a clamour as if the four
quarters of the city were on fire or invaded by
an enemy. The Earl Hamelin, the King's ille-
gitimate brother, called the same things after
i8o
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. i6
him, to which he answered, " If I were a soldier,^
my own hands should prove you false.'*
When in the court, he mounted his horse and
proceeded to the castle-gate, which they found
locked.'* But one of his servants, by name Peter
de Mortorio, saw a bunch of keys hanging up ;
and the first that was tried proved to be the right
one. Outside the gate, when it was opened, they
found a great multitude of people ; some suffering
from the king's evil, who were waiting for the
3 According to William of Canterbury (p. 39), Randulph
received for answer, "Your cousin was hanged for his crimes,
which has not happened to any of my relations ; " and Hamelin
was saluted by the titles, " varlet and bastard:" but Garnier
(fol. 13, 10) says, " li sainz huem ne dist mot, mais avant s'en
ala ; " and Grim (p. 399), in like manner, has, " nemini quicquam
respondens ; " Fitzstephen, who was there, mentions (p. 68) the
insults, but no such rejoinder; and Herbert (p. 310) says, "he
turned a stern countenance upon those who were reproaching
him, and answered, that if his priesthood did not prevent him,
and it were allowed, he would defend himself against them in
arms from their charges of perjury and treason. And so we
departed from the council : the disciple who bears witness of
these things saw them, and now writes this. He at that moment
was the only follower the Archbishop had, as he bore his cross
from the inner room till we reached the hall." We have followed
Roger of Pontigny (p. 52), who perfectly agrees with Herbert.
This Hamelin Plantagenet Count of Warrenne, after the Saint's
martyrdom, had recourse to him quern vocaverat in vita proditorem,
and was cured of blindness of one eye (Will. Cant. Mirac. p. 452).
Isabel, the sole daughter of William de Warrenne carried the
earldoms of Warrenne in Normandy and of Surrey in England
successively to her two husbands, William of Blois, son of King
Stephen, and to this Hamelin, son of Geoffrey Count of Anjou,
father of King Henry H.
4 Garnier (fol. 13 b, 7) says, the servant's name was Trunchez,
and both he and William of Canterbury (p. 40) inform us that
the porter was chastising a boy. The absence of the porter they
looked upon as providentially saving St. Thomas from imprison-
ment.
1164]
THE FIGHT.
181
exercise of that healing power which St. Edward
the Confessor had bequeathed to his descendants,
and others in fear and anxiety lest he should have
been killed. They raised a loud cry on seeing
him : " Blessed be God, Who has saved His
servant from the face of his enemies." Herbert
could not find his horse in the crowd, so the
Archbishop took him up behind him to the
Monastery of St. Andrew. They were accom-
panied by the poor ; and the Saint had some
trouble to guide his horse, hold his cross, and
give his blessing to the crowds who fell upon
their knees as he passed. He called it, as it truly
was, a glorious procession ; and that evening the
poor were admitted in great numbers to dine
with him.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE FLIGHT.
1 164.
Return to St. Andrew's — dinner with the poor — visit of two
Bishops — three others sent to the King — preparation for a
night in the church — Herbert's private orders — St. Thomas
leaves Northampton — rides to Lincoln — by boat to the
Hermitage — the Saint's flight made known — the King's
letter to King Louis of France — St. Gilbert of Sempringham.
The cross that had been borne so prominently
that day found its resting-place by the altar of
our Blessed Lady. The Saint there prayed for
some time ; and then rising up, he asked whether
it were yet time for None. Learning that the
hour was past, he sang None and Vespers, and
then went to dinner. At the meal it was seen
how few of his followers remained. Of a retinue
of about forty who had come with him scarcely
six were left ; but their place was filled by the
poor, who had accompanied him rejoicing from
the Castle. " What a glorious procession," he
said, " has brought us from the face of the
troubler. Let the poor of Christ come in and
dine with us." Thus not only the refectory but
the courts of the monastery were filled. He sat a
long time at table, and was very cheerful. William
Fitzstephen said, " This has been indeed a sad
day." "The last," St. Thomas replied, "will be
II64]
THE FLIGHT.
183
sadder." And then, after a while, he added the
following saintly exhortation to his followers :
" Dwell in silence and in peace. Let no sharp
word proceed from your mouth. If any one speak
against you, do not answer him ; but suffer him
to speak evil of you. The superior part is to
suffer, the inferior so to act. We are masters
of our own ears, as they are of their tongues.
The evil is not spoken against me ; but against
him who, when evil is spoken, recognizes it in
himself."
When the King was informed, it was be-
lieved by the Bishop of Hereford, as St. Thomas
was leaving the castle, that the courtiers were
saying and doing things insulting to him, he
ordered proclamation to be made through the
streets, that no insult should be offered to him,
nor any of his followers be in any way interfered
with. It does not seem unnatural to suppose
that the King was anxious that these insults,
though doubtless pleasing to him, as his own
conduct towards the Saint sufficiently shows,
should not be attributed to himself; for this he
knew would be a strong presumptive argument
against him in the eyes of the Pope and of all
Christendom.
While the Saint was still at table, the leaders
amongst the Bishops of the opposition to him
and of subserviency to the King, Gilbert of
London and Hilary of Chichester, came to him
to say that they had found out a conciliatory
course. They urged that it was but a money
question between him and the King. If, then,
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 17
he would leave for a time two of his manors,
Otford and Mundeham, in the King's hands as a
pledge or surety, they thought that he would not
retain them, nor urge his claim for the money,
and would restore the Archbishop to favour.
The Saint answered, " Heccham, I am told, was
once a manor of the Church of Canterbury ; and
the King now retains possession of it. I have,
then, a claim to its restitution ; though under
these circumstances it is more than I can hope
for. Nevertheless, sooner than resign the ancient
rights of the Church of Canterbury over even
that manor to the King, to put an end to my
troubles or to recover his favour, I would undergo
any danger, or even death." And so saying, he
laid his hand upon his head. Did he already
know where his death-wound would be inflicted ?
The two Bishops went to Henry, and reported to
him what the Archbishop had said, and thus
increased his anger against the Saint. These
false brethren must have known what St. Thomas
would answer ; and their use of what he had
replied proves that their wish for reconciliation
was feigned, and that they really strove to urge
matters to extremities.
During their meal the book that was read
aloud was the Tripartite History on the persecu-
tion of Liberius ; and when the text happened to
be quoted, When they persecute you in one
city, fly to another," St. Thomas raised his eyes,
and meeting those of Herbert, his flight was
understood between them, though no word was
uttered by either. Before he left the table, he
1164] THE FLIGHT. 185
ordered his bed to be carried into the church,
and placed behind the high altar ; which was
done before them all. They sat until nightfall,
when, after grace, St. Thomas sent the three
Bishops, Roger of Worcester and Robert of
Hereford, whom he had consecrated, together
with Walter of Rochester, his chaplain, to the
King, to request leave to depart on the morrow,
and a safe-conduct to enable him to visit the
Pope. They found Henry in high spirits, but he
refused to give any answer until the following
day. This reply was considered to be ominous
of danger ; and the impression was confirmed by
secret messages from some of the King's privy-
councillors.
We are told that the Saint had spent one of
the former nights in the church in vigil and
prayer with his clerics, taking the discipline' and
genuflecting at the name of each Saint in the
Litany. Some of them, thinking that he was
about to repeat this pious exercise, asked leave to
watch with him. He said : " No, I would not
have you troubled." His chamberlain, by name
Osbern, was placed to prevent any one coming
to that part of the church, his instructions being
to say that the Archbishop was fatigued with his
day's work and was not to be disturbed ; and
when the monks came to sing Compline, they did
so in a low voice, believing him to be asleep
behind the high altar. The Saint took into his
confidence two lay-brothers who were in his
train, named Robert de Cave and Scailman, and
I Facta afflictione : Fitzstephen, p. 69.
l86 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 17
a faithful domestic of his own called Roger de
Brai,^ and bade them prepare what was neces-
sary for his departure. Lest suspicion should be
excited, he directed them not to take any of his
own horses, but to procure others for their use.
These men performed their part well ; and four
good horses were kept in waiting outside the
monastery-gate, as if they belonged to strangers
who were visiting within.
The Litanies were said, and a genuilection
made at each saint's name ; and then St. Thomas
gave his parting instructions to his faithful Her-
bert. He was to go to Canterbur}- ; and after
collecting what he could of the Archbishop's
income, to make the best of his way to St. Omer
in Flanders, and await the Saint's arrival at the
famous Monastery of St. Bertin ; for thither he
proposed to go, if capture or death did not
prevent him. Herbert mentions with emotion
that the Saint gave into his particular charge a
book for which he had an affection, for fear lest,
when his property was rifled, as he might expect
after his departure, it might be lost : showing
what he valued most of all the precious and
magnificent things by which he was surrounded
when in state. Poor Herbert was thus, to his
distress, left behind, and separated from his
beloved master.
The night was dark and rain was heavily fall-
2 Gamier (fol. 14 b, 10) calls Roger de Brai " un brun, un
prode bachelor." Perhaps he is the same person as " Brun son
vaslet" (fol. 46 b, 1. 13), who used to wash his hair-shirts for
him. Brother Scailman was subsequently imprisoned, but made
his escape (Materials, vi. p. 77).
THE FLIGHT.
187
ing, so that every one was within doors, and
objects could with difficulty be distinguished.
Guards had been set, as they had previously
ascertained, at all the gates of the town except
the north gate, which, as it happened, was the
nearest to St. Andrew's ; and, availing them-
selves of the oversight, St. Thomas, with his
three companions, quietly passed through the
streets of Northampton. His last preparation
had been to take off his stole, which he had
constantly worn since his consecration ; and he
took nothing with him except his pallium and
his archiepiscopal seal. He wore his usual black
cappa, and his hair-shirt next to his skin was
his armour. In the course of that night's ride,
the cappa became so heavy with the wet, that
twice he had a piece cut off to make it lighter.
By morning he reached a village on the Lincoln
road called Graham (perhaps Grantham), about
five-and-twenty miles from Northampton and half
wa} to Lincoln. He here was able to sleep a little;
and after this rest he pushed on the remaining
distance to Lincoln. He lodged with a fuller of
the name of Jacob; and here he changed his dress
for that of a lay-brother, and determined to pass
by the name of Brother Christian.^ Two of his
companions were Brothers of the Order of the
Canons Regular of St. Gilbert of Sempringham,
commonly called Gilbertines, which accounts for
his taking refuge almost exclusively in their mo-
nasteries. Taking boat on the river which passes
2 So Roger of Pontigny. Grim says that he was called Brother
Dermannj
i88
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
CHAP. 17
through Lincoln, he reached a soHtary place in
the midst of the waters called the Hermitage,
belonging to the nuns of the Order of Sempring-
ham. This was a distance of some forty miles
by water. As the place was one where he was
very safe from pursuit, he remained there for
three days. The faithful lay-brother was once
so overcome by seeing the Archbishop sitting at
his solitary meal of a few herbs, that he was
obliged to leave him for a while, lest his tears
should distress the Saint. Robert de Cave alone
had accompanied him, Scailman and Roger
having been sent by land from Lincoln to Sem-
pringham ; but they rejoined him later.
It is now time that we should return for a
few minutes to Northampton, before we follow
St. Thomas on his further wanderings. One of his
companions, whom he had left behind, aad who
knew nothing of his intended flight, afterwards
told Herbert and others that he had that night
a dream in which he heard a voice sing those
verses of the Psalm, "Our soul has escaped like
a sparrow from the snare of the fowlers ; our
snare is broken, and we are delivered." The
story is worth repeating from the pleasure it
affords us to introduce the words of that text.
In the morning, the Bishop of Winchester,
unconscious of what had taken place, came to
speak with the Saint. On his inquiring of
Osbern, the Chamberlain, how the Archbishop
was, he received for answer : " He is well ; for
last night he left us, and is gone we know not
where.'' With a deep sigh, and tears in his
11G4] THE FLIGHT. 189
eyes, the venerable Bishop said, "And God's
blessing go with him ! " When the flight first
came to the King's ears, he was silent through
anger; and at length he said, "We have not
yet done with him:" and he then gave special
directions that all the ports should be carefully
guarded, to prevent his leaving the kingdom. A
council was then held ; and it was determined
that, in order that his flight might seem to have
been unnecessary, and only done to irritate the
King, all the Archbishop's possessions should be
secured unmolested, and none of his officials be
removed during the appeal. The Bishops, who
had already pledged themselves to Henry to
carry on the appeal before the Pope, were or-
dered to get ready ; and the following were
selected for the journey : Roger the Archbishop
of York, Gilbert Bishop of London, Roger of
Worcester, Hilary of Chichester, and Bartholo-
mew of Exeter. To their party were added
Richard of Ilchester, John of Oxford, and Guy
Rufus, all ecclesiastics ; and amongst the laymen,
William Earl of Arundel, Hugh of Gondreville,
Reginald of St. Valery, and Henry Fitzgerald, a
royal favourite. Henry gave them letters to Louis
King of France, and to Philip Count of Flanders,
begging them not to receive into their kingdoms
a traitor, who had fled from his country, Thomas,
ihc laic Archbishop of Canterbury.
Henry had yet to learn that it did not come
within his royal prerogatives to unmake an Arch-
bishop of Canterbury at will. Nothing could be
more instructive, or throw more light on the
igo
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 17
cause for which St. Thomas died, than this
exphcit statement that he was a traitor and that
he had been tried and found guilty of treason.
As far as we are acquainted with the proceedings
of the Council of Northampton, no accusation
was brought against St. Thomas that could
be construed as treasonable in the slightest
degree. The only accusation, that did not resolve
itself into a mere money claim, was contempt by
non-appearance at a royal summons, when John
the Marshal appealed from the Archbishop to the
King. The treason, and the only treason, in the
case was the refusal of St. Thomas to acquiesce
in the Constitutions of Clarendon. This was the
cause of the anger of the King, who could not
bear that any one should stand between him and
any claim he might choose to make. St. Thomas
was the official guardian of the King's coronation
oath ; and his sole treason, the punishment of
which fell upon him seven years later, was the
courage with which he withstood a tyrannical
usurpation, and appealed to the Holy See in
defence of the rights of the Church.
Our acquaintance with Henry's letter to Louis
is due to a French source, ^ for it has not been
preserved in any English collection of letters. It
will be well to give it in full, as its terms are a
perfect justification of the flight of St. Thomas.
" To his lord and friend Louis, the illustrious
King of France, Henry, King of England, Duke
of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou,
3 Materials, v. p. 134, taken from Gallicarnm Rcrum Scyiptoi'CS,
Ed. Brial, vol. xvi. 107,
1164] THE FLIGHT. I9I
greeting and affection. Know that Thomas, who
was Archbishop of Canterbury, has been pubUcly
judged in my Court in a full Council of the
barons of my kingdom to be a wicked and per-
jured traitor against me, and under the manifest
name of a traitor has wrongfully departed, as my
messengers will more fully tell you. Wherefore I
pray you that you do not permit a man infamous
for such great crimes and treasons, nor his men,
to be in your kingdom. Let not this great enemy
of mine, if you please, receive from you or yours
any help or counsel ; for to your enemies in my
kingdom neither I nor my land would give any.
Rather, if you please, efficaciously help me to
avenge my dishonour on my great enemy, and
aid me to seek my honour, as you would wish me,
if needs were, to do to you. Witness, Robert
Earl of Leicester at Northampton." We may
now turn from these angry words to pleasanter
thoughts.
It is ever delightful to be able to connect the
memories of Saints together ; and the following
account of St. Gilbert of Sempringham deserves
its place in the history of St. Thomas. After the
flight of the Archbishop, it soon became bruited
abroad that houses of the Gilbertine Order had
given him refuge ; for it was, as he himself tells
St. Gilbert,'* the religious order that he preferred
above all others. St. Gilbert, then in his seventy-
third year, was cited before the King's justiciars,
and accused of having sent a sum of money to
the assistance of St. Thomas in his need. Fear-
4 Materials, v. p. 2G1
192
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 17
ful punishments had been decreed against all
who had dared to abet the traitor ; and St. Gilbert
had but a sorry prospect if he were found guilty.
The judges, probably moved by the universal
respect in which the aged founder of the Order
of Sempringham was held, and by the fame of
his sanctity, offered him an immediate release
from all proceedings, if he would but swear that
the accusation was untrue. This he absolutely
refused to do ; but when he was ultimately re-
leased, he voluntarily declared that truly the case
was so, but that to have taken the oath required
of him, would have been to have created an
impression that he thought it wrong to act in
the way that had been laid to his charge. This
great Saint lived to hear of the martyrdom and
canonization of the Archbishop, in whose holy
cause he so sympathized ; and he went to join
him in Heaven, after he had spent a century of
holy years on earth.
CHAPTER XVIII.
EXILE.
1164.
From the Hermitage, by Boston, Haverholme and Chicksand to
Eastry — the Saint hears Mass in concealment — embarks at
Sandwich and lands near Gravelines — adventures — is recog-
nized— goes to Clairmarais — Herbert arives from Canterbury
— the King's party pass — St. Thomas goes to Eldemenstre.
and to St. Bertin's — interview with Richard de Luci — the
Saint escapes from the Count of Flanders by the help of the
Bishop of Therouanne — he reaches Soissons — Louis receives
Henry's letter and St. Thomas's envoys.
When St. Thomas left the Hermitage, he went
to St. Botolf's (Boston), which was ten miles off ;
and thence by water to Haverolot (Haverholme),
a place also belonging to the Canonesses of St.
Gilbert. He now directed his course towards
Kent ; and as he would henceforward be passing
amongst people who were likely to be acquainted
with his personal appearance, he only travelled
by night. He stopped at Chicksand, in Bedford-
shire, on his way southwards. This was another
house of Gilbertine Canons ; and one of them,
of the name of Gilbert, he added to his party.
This resting-place of our Saint had a celebrity in
after times, and the miracles there wrought were
a testimony of Whose cause it was for which
St. Thomas was a wanderer. At length he
N
194
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. chap. iS
reached a village belonging to his see, named
Eastry, close to Sandwich, and about eight miles
from Canterbury. Here he was lodged in the
priest's house, from which a little window opened
into the church ; and here he assisted at Mass
without the knowledge of the people or even of
the priest who celebrated. A cleric, who had
been trusted with the secret, brought the Pax,
or kiss of peace, to him from the altar. It would
have been affecting to see the devotion with
which, from his place of concealment, the Saint
gave his episcopal benediction at the end of
Mass to the faithful, who were unconscious of
his presence.
On All Souls' Day, Monday, the 2nd of No-
vember,' nearly three weeks after the memorable
Tuesday at Northampton, a little before day-
break, St. Thomas embarked at Sandwich, on
board a small boat which had been prepared
for him by the priest who had given him shelter ;
and two priests undertook the labour of rowing
him across the Channel, with a few others who,
John of Salisbury says, did more harm than good.
The very, same day the Bishops and other
messengers from the King also embarked. The
weather was very stormy, and our Saint must
have been in great peril in his open boat ; for the
ship that carried the Bishops was in such danger
I Herbert (p. 326) has here made another mistake in the dates.
He says, that St. Thomas crossed on Tuesday, November 2nd,
being the fifteenth day from his departure from Northampton.
Fitzstephen (p. 70) corroborates Herbert in saying that it was
All Souls' Day. This withdraws one from the list of the critical
Tuesdays of our Saint's life.
1164] EXILE. 195
that the Bishop of London had taken off his
cappa and cowl through fear of shipwreck. St.
Thomas landed towards evening, on the sand at
low water, at a part of the coast called Oye- in
Boulogne, about a league distant from Gravelines,
which seaport town they now made for, as best
they could. They went on foot ; until at length
the Saint, who was unaccustomed to the heavy
dress and shoes of a lay-brother which he wore,
and who v/as wearied out by the roughness^ of
the passage, lay down on the ground, and de-
clared that he could go no farther unless they
carried him or found him something to ride upon.
After some seeking, they at length found a boy,
whom they begged to go and hire a beast. He
went to the nearest village ; but remained away so
long, that they w^ere much frightened lest he should
have given some notice which should betray them.
The Saint had, however, fallen several times, and
his hands were bleeding, so that they were obliged
to await the result. At length the bo}' returned,
leading by a straw halter an ass without a saddle,
which they were glad to hire for a piece of silver.
They threw a cloak over the animal, and thus
St. Thomas rode for about two miles: he then
found it easier to walk. In passing through a
village, a woman who saw him was much struck
2 See Note F.
3 Herbert (p. 325) is not consistent with himself, when, a little
later on (p. 330), he says that though the King's envoys in their
ship had a rough and dangerous passage, those who crossed with
St. Thomas told him that they in their boat had had a calm sea.
They must have meant that it was a wonder that in such
weather they could have crossed in an opsn boat at all.
196
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 18
with something unusually noble in the expression
of his face ; and seeing his fatigue, she ran into
her house to find a stick to offer him. Finding
nothing at the moment but one which had been
used as a spit and on which fish had been hung,
and the state of which betrayed the uses to which
it had been put, she ran out and offered it to
him : and he thanked her for it earnestly with
all gratitude. A little further on, a knot of young
men were standing together, one of whom had a
hawk on his hand. St. Thomas forgot for a
moment where he was ; and looking at the bird
with his old manner, drew forth the exclamation
from one of them, " If I am not mistaken, that
is the Archbishop of Canterbury ! " Brother
Scailman promptly answered him, " Did you
ever see the Archbishop of Canterbury travelling
in that fashion?" The fright, one of his bio-
graphers observes, was probably satisfaction
enough for the momentary vanity.
At the house where he slept on the Monday
night in Gravelines, he sat at the meal with the
three Gilbertine brothers in the lowest place, and
was called by his companions Brother Christian.
The host, however, noticed a practice which we
have already recorded of him as Archbishop, that
of sending to others portions of what was set
before him. From his platter, he gave some food
to the children and to the people of the house ;
which caused the host to look at him narrowly.
He could not help noticing his great height, his
broad and calm forehead, and particularly his
long and beautiful hands. It had already been
EXILE.
rumoured thereabouts that the Archbishop of
Canterbury had fled from Northampton ; he
therefore called his wife, and told her his sus-
picions. She no sooner had heard it than she
ran in ; and after looking at him for a while, she
went to her husband, smiling and saying, " Cer-
tainly, good man, it is he." The good hostess
then became very zealous, bringing her nuts and
apples and cheese, and placing them before
Brother Christian. Poor Brother Christian
would gladly have dispensed with these kind
attentions ; but she was indefatigable.
After supper the host drew near, all smiles.
Brother Christian asked him to sit down by him
on the bench ; but he refused, and sat on the
floor at his feet. After a little, he said, " My
lord, I give God thanks that you have come
under my roof." Brother Christian replied,
" Why, who am I ? Am I not a poor Brother,
and am I not called Christian?" "I know,"
replied the host, " that, whatever you are called,
you are a great man, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury." St. Thomas no longer concealed himself;
but starting early the next day, to keep his host
from talking about him and so betraying him,
he took him part of the way with them to
Clairmarais, a Cistercian monastery near St.
Omer. This journey was made on foot, and the
roads in winter time were very muddy and slip-
pery. He arrived at Clairmarais about nightfall,
and by the computation of the people of the
place, he had walked that day about twelve
leagues.
ST. THOMAS OF CAXTERBURV. 'chap. iS
The cause of all these precautions was the
hostility of the Count of Flanders. The King of
England had been a party some years before to
a sacrilegious marriage between Matthew Count
of Boulogne, the brother of this Philip Count
of Flanders, and Mary of Blois, daughter of the
late King Stephen, who was Abbess of Romsey.
St. Thomas, when he was Chancellor, had op-
posed this marriage ; and the dislike for him
which the Count had then conceived was quite
reason sufficient to render it necessan,' for him
to remain concealed. And besides. King Henry
had sent Count Philip, his kinsman, a letter
against St. Thomas couched in the terms that he
used in writing to the King of France.
Herbert of Bosham, with some others of the
Saint's followers, had obeyed the directions he
had given before leaving Northampton : and had
now been awaiting him for four or five days at
the neighbouring monaster}- of St. Bertin in the
outskirts of the town of St. Omer. The very night
of his arrival, Herbert came to Clairmarais to see
his master ; and his delight at meeting him was
tempered by his compassion for the toils and
perils he had undergone. St. Thomas recounted
to him how he had travelled by night and on
foot : how he had put on the habit of a iay-
brother, in which he saw him ; and all that had
befallen him under the name of Brother Chris-
tian. On Herbert's showing himself much
moved by the change of his master's circum-
stances, St. Thomas answered : '' If we have
received good from the hand of the Lord, why
1 164] EXILE. 199
should we not receive evil?" This brou.c^ht to
Herbert's mind the text, "The just man will
never be sorrowful, let what may happen to him."'
Their conversation must have been not without
its share of amusement when St. Thomas re-
counted to his faithful friend his adventure the
night before with his host and hostess. Herbert's
account of the way in which he had been able
to fulfil the commission intrusted to him was
very brief. The King's order, issued with an
intent to injure the Saint, had been productive
of good ; for if the proclamation had not been
made that his goods and followers were not to
be molested, Herbert would not have been able
to leave the country or to bring anything with
him. As it was, he had succeeded in bringing
a few silver vessels and a hundred marks in
money ; a sufficient!}- scanty supply for an exile
of indefinite duration. St. Thomas was, however,
very thankful for this assistance, and hopeful for
the future.
The King's party arrived at St. Omer on the
same day with the Saint ; and as it was publicly
known that St. Thomas was expected at the
Monastery of Clairmarais, it was thought better
that he should not ren^iain there, lest, if his
enemies came, they might find in his fallen state
matter for exultation. Accordingly, after Matins
that very night, he took boat, and was conveyed
to a solitary place surrounded by marshland
called Eldemenstre,"* which was venerated as
having once been a hermitage of St. f>ertin.
i See Note F.
200
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. i8
Towards morning, as they were going, one of
his party said to him, " My lord, you are weary
with travelHng, and we are coming to most hos-
pitable people, who will rejoice over your escape ;
do them the favour, on your arrival, of allowing
them to break the abstinence." " No," said the
Archbishop, " to-day is Wednesday and we must
abstain." " But, my lord," the other still urged,
" we must not put them to trouble, and perhaps
they have no supply of fish." " That is for God
to provide," said St. Thomas ; and as he said the
words, a great fish— it was a bream — leapt into
the Saint's lap ; which incident made them very
merry till they reached their destination.^ He
remained at the hermitage for three days ; and
on the fourth, at the pressing invitation of Gode-
schall, the Abbot of St. Bertin's, he took up his
abode in that monastery.
Meanwhile apparently Richard de Luci had
been separated from the rest of the royal party,
and had been sent with the King's letter to the
Count of Flanders. On his return he visited the
Archbishop, and tried every argument to induce
him to return with him to England. Finding
his persuasions without effect, he tried threats.
St. Thomas stopped him, saying, " You are my
man, and ought not to speak to me so." Richard
retorted, "I give you back my homage:" to
which the Saint said, " You never borrowed it
from me."
5 Alan (p. 336) who tells this story, assigns it to the journey
from the hermitage to St. Bertin's, but that could not have been
on the Wednesday.
EXILE.
201
After this St. Thomas sent two abbots to the
Count of Flanders, to request a safe-conduct
and free passage through his territory. The
Count sent word that he would take counsel
upon the matter, and added that he had
power enough to keep an archbishop within his
dominions.^ Milo, the Bishop of Therouanne, an
Englishman by birth, coming on a visit to St.
Thomas, the Saint consulted with him what had
better be done on this ominous answer. They
purposely protracted their interview until night ;
and when it was dark the Bishop rose as if to
leave, the Archbishop accompanying him to the
door with torches. St. Thomas then ordered the
lights to be taken away, as if he had a few more
words to say in secret to the Bishop ; and as
soon as the attendants were gone, he mounted
a white horse which the Bishop had had prepared,
and they rode away together to the Bishop's
cathedral city, where they arrived that night.
The next day, accompanied by the Bishop of
Therouanne and the Abbot of St. Bertin's, he
safely reached Soissons, where he had previously
bidden his followers rejoin him. He was thus safe
from the Count of Flanders, and within the terri-
tory of the King of France.
The remainder of the King's party, on the day
after their arrival at St. Omer, carried Henry's
6 It is strange that Fitzstephen (p. 71) should say that the
Count promised him all he desired, and liberally provided him
with horses, clothes, and other requisites. The Count of Flan-
ders had certainly received John of Salisbury with promises of
help some months before this (Materials, v. p. 96).
202
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. iS
letter to Louis, whom, after three or four days'
travel, they found at the royal castle of Com-
piegne. On reading the phrase, Thomas the late
Archbishop of Canterbury, King Louis demanded
of them again and again who had deposed him.
At length he said, " Truly I am as much a king
as the King of England ; yet I could not depose
the very least of the clerics of my kingdom."
St. Thomas had despatched Herbert and another
trustworthy person of his suite to follow the
King's messengers diligently, travelling always at
the distance of a day's journey from them, so
that accurate information might be had of all
their proceedings. Consequently, on the day
after the departure of the King's Bishops, Her-
bert and his companion reached Compiegne.
They were admitted to an immediate audience ;
and when Louis learnt that they formed part of
the Archbishop's household, he kissed them and
received them ver}" graciously and kindly. The
relation of all that St. Thomas had undergone
moved him very much, the more that he had
formed a friendship for him when he was Chan-
cellor. Louis then told them the purport of the
King of England's letter, and what answer he
had given to it. He added, " Before King Henry
had so hardly treated so great a friend of his
and a person of such station as the Archbishop,
he should have remembered the verse, ' Be ye
angry and sin not.' " Herbert's companion
amused the King by answering, " My lord, per-
haps he would have remembered it if he had
heard it as often as we do in the canonical
EXILE.
203
hours." The next morning, before their depar-
ture, the King had taken counsel with those
about him, and promised the Archbishop security
and protection in his kingdom, declaring that it
was an ancient glory of the Crown of France to
protect and defend exiles, and especially church-
men, from all persecution. Herbert and his
companion, much delighted with their perfect
success, did not pause to send the Archbishop
word of the refuge that was open to him ; but,
according to their instructions, hastened on after
King Henry's messengers ; and they reached
Sens, where Pope Alexander III. was staying,
on the day after their opponents.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE POPE.
1 164.
King Louis sympathizes with St. Thomas — the envoys on both
sides see the Pope — the public audience of King Henry's
ambassadors — they leave Sens, and St, Thomas arrives — he
is received by the Pope, and after three weeks spent at Sens,
he retires to Pontigny.
The messengers of the King of England had
urged Louis to write to the Holy Father in their
favour, trying to persuade him to take part
against the Archbishop by some very unworthy
motives, as, that he now had in his power the man
who in the war of Toulouse had acted with such
vigour and effect against him. So far from acqui-
escing in their request, he called Brother Franco,
the Pope's Chamberlain, who was staying with him
at Compiegne, and charged him with a message
to the Holy Father in favour of St. Thomas. In
fact, the sympathy for the cause of the exiled
Primate was there so widespread, where King
Henry had no power to repress and counteract
it, that the English Bishops and other nobles
who were on their way to the Pope considered it
unsafe to proceed openly ; so they put William
de Albini, the Earl of Arundel, into the chief
place, and all the others rode as if they were
1164]
THE POPE.
205
members of his household and train. On the
day after their arrival at Sens, Herbert and his
companion reached it also ; and on that very
evening they had an audience of Pope Alexander.
They related to the Holy Father, with all devo-
tion and humility, in the Archbishop's name all
that he had undergone during and since the
Council of Northampton ; and the Pope's fatherly
and compassionate heart was so moved, that he
said with tears, " Your lord is yet alive, you tell
me ; he can, then, while still in the flesh, claim
the privilege of martyrdom." As they were very
weary, the Pope soon dismissed them with his
apostolic benediction much consoled.
On the following day the Holy Father held a
Consistory of Cardinals, to give public audience
to the Ambassadors of the King of England.
Herbert and his companion were also present.
Gilbert Foliot, the Bishop of London, was the
first to speak. "Father," he said, "the care of
the whole Catholic Church is yours : those who
are wise, your prudence directs and strengthens ;
those who are unwise, your apostolic authority
corrects. Your wisdom will never account him
to be wise who trusts to his own wisdom, while
he overthrows the concord of his brethren, the
peace of a kingdom, and the devotion of a king.
Not long since a difference arose between the
State and the priesthood ; the occasion was un-
important, and a little moderation would have
checked it all. But my lord of Canterbury,
trusting to his own private opinion and neglect-
ing our counsel, has urged matters unnecessarily
200 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. iQ
far, without considering the mahce of the times
or the harm that might come of it ; and thus he
has entangled himself and his brethren. And if
we had given our assent, matters would have
become worse. But when we withheld it, as we
were bound to do, for him to persist was to cast
a reproach upon the King, upon ourselves, and,
I might say, upon the whole kingdom. And, as
if to heap infamy upon us, without any violence
having been shown to him or a threat used
against him, he fled ; even as it is written, ' The
wicked man flieth when no man pursueth.' "
The Pope interrupted the speaker: "Spare,
brother." "Shall I spare him, my lord?" said
the Bishop. The Holy Father continued :
" Brother, I did not say spare him, but spare
thyself." At this rebuke Gilbert vras so discom-
fited as to be unable to proceed.
Hilary of Chichester, who was renowned as a
good speaker, then began: "My Lord and Father,
your blessedness is ever careful to restore to a
state of peace and concord whatever has been
wrongfully done to the harm of many, lest one
man's immoderate presumption should destroy
many, and create a schism in the Catholic
Church. To this point his lordship of Canter-
bury has been inattentive, when he left the
mature counsels of others to bring trouble and
anxiety upon himself and his followers, the King
and his kingdom, the clergy and people. Such a
course a man of such authority ou^lit never to
have followed." In this last sentence Hilary used
the word oportiicbat, and he repeated it in the
THE POPE.
207
next ; adding to his error by treating it as a
personal verb. " Neither ought his followers to
have joined with him, if they had been w^ise."
This repetition of his mistake caused a general
laugh ; and one of the bystanders saying, in allu-
sion to the sound of the word he had used, "You
have come to a bad port,"' he suddenly broke off
his speech.
The Archbishop of York was more careful.
" Father, no one can be better acquainted with
my Lord of Canterbury than myself. From the
beginning I have known that it was his nature
never to leave an opinion which he had once
formed. It is therefore easy to believe that his
present obstinacy rests on insufficient grounds.
The only remedy for this that I can think of is,
that your discretion should lay a heavy hand
upon him. I will detain your Holiness no longer."
The Bishop of Exeter followed. " Father, it is
not necessary for me to say much. This is a
cause which can never be terminated in the
absence of the Archbishop of Canterbury. We
therefore beg that you will send legates to
England to hear and adjudge this cause between
the Archbishop and the King." After this the
Bishops sat in silence.
The Earl of Arundel was standing amongst
the soldiers ; and when he found that no one else
w-as willing to speak, he asked a hearing. He
thus began in his Norman-French : " My lord, we
unlearned people know nothing of ^vhat the
Bishops have said. We must therefore say, as
well as we can, why we have been sent. It is not
208
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 19
that we should contend with nor insult any one,
especially in the presence of so great a man, to
whose authority all the world rightfully bows ;
but that in your presence, and in that of the
whole Roman Church, we might present to you
the devotion and love which our Lord the King
ever has borne and still bears towards you. By
whom, I ask, does he represent it ? By the
greatest and noblest of his dominions ; by arch-
bishops and bishops, by earls and barons : and if
he had any greater and nobler than they, he
would have sent them to testify his reverence for
you and the Holy Roman Church. To this we
may add, that when your Holiness was but newly
promoted, you experienced his fidelity and devo-
tion in the way in which he placed himself and
all he had at your service ; and we firmly believe,
that in the unity of the Catholic Church over
which you rule, one more faithful than he could
not be found, nor one more anxious to preserve
peace. Nevertheless my Lord the Archbishop of
Canterbury is equally perfect in his own degree
and order, prudent and discreet in the matters
which concern him, but, some people think, too
sharp. Now unless there were this dissension
between the King and the Archbishop, the State
and the priesthood would both rejoice in a good
King and an excellent Prelate. This is what we
petition, that your Holiness would do all that can
be done to remove this dissension, and to restore
peace and tranquillity." The earl's moderate
speech was very well received, and produced a
favourable impression.
1 1 64]
THE POPE.
209
The royal ambassadors urged their King's
request that St. Thomas might be sent back into
England, and that one or two Cardinals might be
deputed with full legatine powers to adjudge the
whole matter on the spot. Henry felt, and truly,
that while the Archbishop was out of his do-
minions his cause had nothing but its own m.erits
to trust to. His wish to have St. Thomas once
more in his power, and the hope that the choice
of the Cardinal to fill the office of Legate might
fall on some member of the Sacred College who
was favourable to himself ; or if this were not the
case, that bribery and the other thousand arts in
which a Court is practised might help forward the
result,^ were motives sufficient to induce him to
urge this measure. The Pope represented that
the Archbishop himself was not now far off ; and
that if the King's representatives would but wait
for his coming, the cause could be tried by him-
self in person. The Bishops replied that their
instructions were imperative, and that they were
bound to depart with their answer in three days'
time, without waiting for the Archbishop. The
Pope was very unwilling to delegate judges in
the matter from whom no appeal should lie to
himself; "this," he said, "is my glory, which I
I It is said, that an offer was made to the Pope, if he would
depose St. Thomas, not only that Peter-pence, which were now
diverted into the Treasury, should be paid, but that they should
for the future be exacted, and confirmed by the King for ever,
from every inhabitant of the country — "from every house from
which smoke ascends, in cities, towns, boroughs, and villages"
— which would bring in an additional income to the Holy See of
a thousand pounds of silver (Fitzstephen, p. 74).
O
2IO ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. rcHAP. 19
will not give to another."' But his position waa
one of extreme difficulty and delicacy in refusing
the King's request. From the time of his own
accession to the Chair of St. Peter, an Antipope,
upheld by the power of the Emperor, had led
many of the children of the Church from their
allegiance to him.self. Recent events in England
showed that the power of King Henry was suffi-
cient to plunge all his extensive dominions into
schism, if he should become personally alienated
from, the Pope ; and the Holy See has ever borne
with everything that was not in itself sin to avert
sin. Some of the ambassadors secret!}- showed
the great danger of such a schism ; and some of
the Cardinals, amongst whom William of Pavia
was prominent, recommended a course concili-
atory to the King of England. But these motives
and this advice were not sufficiently powerful to
induce the Pope to send St. Thomas into the
power of his enemies, from whom he had with
such difficulty escaped in order that he might lay
the Church's cause before the Church's Head ;
and consequently, when their three days were
expired, the King's ambassadors returned without
success. Their departure was accelerated by a
fear lest the strong feeling against them in the
kingdom of France might place themselves or
their propert}- in danger.
We left St. Thomas at Soissons, unconscious of
the success of Herbert of Bosham's interview
with King Louis. The day after, the King himself
happened to come to the same place ; and
learning that St. Thomas v.as there, he went to
THE POPE.
211
visit him, and showed the most Hvely compassion
and interest in his circumstances. Before Louis
left him, he made an offer to supply him with all
that he could need ; but the Archbishop said that
he was provided for the present, though the time
might come when such help would be necessary
for him. Learning that he was on his way to the
Pope at Sens, he ordered his officials to afford
him every assistance.
During the stay of St. Thomas at Soissons
many personages of great importance in France,
principally ecclesiastics, amongst whom was
Henry the Archbishop of Rheims, the brother of
King Louis, came to visit him to show their
sympathy ; and some of them accompanied him
to Sens, so that he travelled through France with
a party of more than three hundred horsemen.
The Archbishop's numerous suite, travelling on
one bank of a river towards Sens, were seen by
the King's messengers from the other bank on
their return ; and the latter thought it better to
send back one of their number, Guy Rufus Dean
of Waltham, to return to Sens, and report how
St. Thomas was received by the Pope and
Cardinals.
The sympathy with the Saint's sufferings
which the Holy Father had shown to Herbert,
led him to receive St. Thomas with great affec-
tion. After spending several days at Sens, the
Saint thought it was time for him to explain to
the Holy Father how the steps which he had
taken had become necessary ; and for this he
could choose his own opportunity, for the Pope
had left the opening of the subject to his own dis-
4
212 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 19
cretion. The Pope's salutation to him was, "The
Church has two sons, firm columns on which she
rests, Thomas of Canterbury and Luke of Gran."
It was not in the public Consistor}-, but in the
Pope's own room, on an occasion when the
Cardinals were present, that St. Thomas related
the whole history of the Constitutions of Clar-
endon, acknowledging openly his own fall ; and
he concluded by producing the very copy which
he had then received from the King's officials.
As the Pope had never seen them before, we must
suppose that the purport only of some of them
had been sent to him for confirmation at an early
period of the dispute. They were now read aloud;
and the Pope's sentence upon them was, that
while there were some among them that the
Church might tolerate, there were others that
were of such a character that nothing could save
them from condemnation. The Holy Father then
spoke with some severity of the Saint's former
consent to them ; but he praised his wish to
bring them in person to the Holy See, of his
sincere devotion towards which his recent suffer-
ings were a sufficient pledge.
St. Thomas seems, ever since he spoke at
Northampton of the share that the King had had
in his election, to have had in view the step
which he now took. He took his ring from his
finger, and resigned the Archbishopric of Canter-
bury into the hands of the Pope, expressing his
sense of the manner in which the King's decla-
ration of his wishes might have influenced the
election ; adding, that to have resigned before,
when the Bishops urged him to such a course to
1164]
THE POPE.
213
gratify the King, would have been an abandon-
ment of the Church's cause. Some of the Car-
dinals were very anxious that the most should be
made of this opportunity of restoring peace to
England, and they therefore advised that the
resignation of St. Thomas should be accepted ;
that another, who would please the King better,
should succeed him ; and that he should be ap-
pointed to some other dignified see. But others
of the Sacred College felt how truly the cause of
the Church was bound up with our Saint, and
that if the royal power were permitted to make
this inroad upon the Church's liberties, it would
be impossible to prevent further aggression. The
Holy Father therefore restored his archbishopric
to St. Thomas, declaring that his conduct had
shown him to be the fittest for the office. Having
been now three weeks ^ in the Court of the Pope,
it was time for them to choose a refuge ; and the
holy Cistercian Order furnishing the separation
from the world and the constant service of God
he required, the Abbey of Pontigny in Burgundy
was chosen ; and, having been first recommended
to the abbot and brethren by the Pope, to their
great joy and consolation, he entered the monas-
tery, in which he was to spend the first two years
of his exile.
z Herbert, p. 357. Grim (p. 404) says a month. The Pope
annulled and revoked the sentence passed by the Bishops and
barons in the first day at Northampton, of forfeiture of all the
Saint's movable goods to the King, as being "both contrary to
the form of law, and against ecclesiastical custom, especially as
he had no movable goods but those of his Church" {Materials,
V. p. 178). This document is conjecturally assigned by Jaffe to
June of the following year.
CHAPTER XX.
PONTIGNY.
1164 — 1166.
Life of St. Thomas at Pontigii)- — Abbot Guichard and his hospi-
tality— Roger of Pontign}- — sacred studies — the King confis-
cates the Saint's possessions, and banishes four hundred of
his relatives and friends — public prayers for him forbidden —
the exiles come to Pontigny — they are provided for by the
charity of Christendom — the Saint's austerities — he takes the
Cistercian habit — he is made Legate — Abbot Urban sent to
King Henry — three letters to the King — Henry's sharp
answer, and the Saint's anxiety.
St. Thomas began his new life as an exile on the
Feast of St. Andrew, 1164. He had chosen the
Monastery of Pontigny because its resources were
such, that his stay there with his followers would
be no burden, and because it had a great reputa-
tion for hospitality, a character which those good
Cistercians well deser\'ed. Its Abbot Guichard
had in the previous month of June been specially
recommended to him by his friend the Bishop of
Poitiers' as "a venerable man of incomparable
sanctity," who had undertaken to communicate
secretly with the Pope on St. Thomas's affairs.
The good Bishop, who had been the Saint's
companion of old in Archbishop Theobald's
I Materials, v. p. 113.
1164 — ii66]
PONTIGNV.
household, did him the good service now, together
with Isaac, Abbot of I'Etoile, of recommending
him to the prayers of the holy community of
Pontigny ; and at the same time told him that he
might be sure of temporal help from the monas-
tery, which, thanks to the Abbot's good manage-
ment, could best of all Cistercian houses afford
him succour. The promise of his friend was
fulfilled in the amplest manner. The good reli-
gious were kindness itself to the poor exiles,
providing, as one who experienced their hospi-
tality records, meat and other things for their
guests, which their own rigid rule prevented them
from sharing in themselves. When St. Thomas
had spent three or four days there, he entered the
chapter-house ; and after recounting to them the
cause of his Church, he commended it and him-
self to their prayers. He and his followers lived
in a series of monastic cells, near together ; and
he was waited upon by a monk named Roger,
whom he ordained priest, and who afterwards
was in all probability the writer of a very inter-
esting biograph)- of the Saint.
The time was now come that St. Thomas had
longed for all his life. He often said, that when
he was Lord High Chancellor of England he had
desired a quiet and retired life, that he might
devote himself to sacred studies ; and when he
became Archbishop of Canterbury, he felt stilf
more the need of that learning, which, except in
leisure that he could not then command, he could
never acquire. He now studied canon aw, under
Lombard of Piacenza, that he might the more
2l6
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
successfully prosecute the cause of the Church ;
but it was not long before he found from his own
experience, what his good friend, John of Sahs-
bury, afterwards wrote to him, that such studies
in one of his position had a tendency to check
spirituality ; and he therefore studied far more
assiduously the great science of dogmatic theo-
logy. His readings in the Holy Scripture with
Herbert of Bosham were resumed ; and this
study acquired such charms for him, that soon,
after the Office in choir, he always had some book
of Scripture in his hands, the Psalter and the
volume of Epistles being his favourites. Though
this manner of life was consolatory after the try-
ing scenes he had lately passed through, yet at
Pontigny the Saint had to bear crosses of great
severity, in addition to the thought of the sad
state of his spouse the Church of Canterbury
during this his separation from her.
The Pope had sent a messenger to King Henry
to accompany the Bishops and others on their
return ; and they found him on Christmas Eve
at Marlborough. He was so angry that the Holy
Father had not consented to his request, that
St. Thomas should be sent back into England, to
be there tried by legates delegated by the Pope
with plenary powers, that by a public decree he
confiscated all the possessions of the Archbishop
and Church of Canterbury ; and he passed a
sentence of banishment against all the relations
of St. Thomas, against all his household, and
even against all the relatives, " the fathers and
mothers, brothers and sisters, nephews and
IiG4— ii66] PONTIGNY. 217
nieces," of his followers.^ Our Lord permitted
this decree to be issued on Christmas Day, the
anniversary of His own entrance upon His home-
less exile ; as if to console all who were suffering
such hardships for His sake. The decree further
enjoined, that an oath should be exacted from
every person thus exiled, that they would go
personally to St. Thomas at Pontigny ; for the
King well knew how his tender heart would be
wounded at the sight of such suffering inflicted
on all who were dear to him, for no motive but
their connection with him. The decree was cruel;
but it was rendered still more cruel by Randulf
de Broc, the old enemy of St. Thomas, to whom
its execution was intrusted. The very next
morning, with the King's apparitors and officials,
he appeared at Lambeth, where the oath was
exacted from every one who had any connection
with the Saint, that they would leave England
with the first fair wind, and that they would not
tarry by the way until they had shown themselves
in their misery to St. Thomas. Those who had
given him a night's shelter during his wanderings,
and even the relations of his clerics, were treated
2 The King's first instructions to the sheriffs through England
were worded thus: "I command you that if any cleric or lay-
man in your bailiwick shall appeal to the Roman Court, you
shall take him and keep him safely till you know my will ; and
all the income and possessions of the clerks of the Archbishop
you shall seize into my hand, as Randulf de Broc and my other
ministers shall tell you. And you shall take by sureties the
fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, nephews and nieces of
all the clerks who are with the Archbishop, and their chattels,
until you know my will thereon ; and you shall bring this brief
with you when summoned " {Materials, v. p. 152).
2l8 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
in the same manner ; delicate females and chil-
dren, and even infants in arms, not being ex-
cepted ; so that the whole number amounted to
not less than four hundred. A few escaped actual
banishment ; but their condition in England was
as hard to bear. They wandered about in dread
of arrest ; their friends feared to see them, for it
was dangerous to speak with them ; and there
was a penalty against those who harboured or
helped them. A priest, named William of Salis-
bury, was imprisoned in Corfe Castle for six
months. Three others, who were more wealthy,
bought off the persecution against them : Stephen
of Everton and Alfred of Wathemestede, each
for one hundred pounds ; Thurstan of Croydon^
paid one hundred marks, after he had been con-
fined for an entire day in a filthy gaol in London
amongst thiev^es. Few, if any, escaped as easily
as William Fitzstephen, the biographer, who
wrote a rhyming prayer, supposed to be addressed
to Almighty God b}- the King ; and presenting it
to his majesty in the chapel at Bruhull, it took
the King's fancy, and he was not afterwards
molested. The Bishop of London might, if he
had been so inclined, have relieved the destitu-
tion of such at least of the Archbishop's clerics
as were deprived of their ecclesiastical revenues ;
for Henry placed them in his hands, and his
official, Robert Uscarl, was very diligent in mak-
ing the most of the benefices, though not for the
3 Thurstan the cleric in whose house in Kent St. Thomas was
ill before he was raised to worldly honours, as Jordan of Plum-
sted has told us (Siipni, p. 14).
1 1 04 — 1 1 66 J
PONTIGNY.
219
advantage of the rightful owners. It was not
until he had been frequently reproached by the
Pope with this connivance with the King's in-
justice, that the Bishop of London ceased to hold
these benefices. Towards the close of the year
he transferred them to the royal treasury.
St. Thomas also felt very much a decree by
which the King forbade his name to be publicly
mentioned in the prayers of the Church. It was
remarked of Gilbert Foliot, as a specimen of his
policy, that while St. Thomas was in disgrace, he
omitted his name from the prayer, but when
there was some expectation of a reconciliation,
he reinserted it. So, again, some time after-
wards, when the King and his son, or, as he was
called, the young King, were in accordance, he
used to pray " for our Kings ; " but when they
quarrelled, he resumed the old form, " for our
King."
Many of those who were thus cruelly exiled,
especially those whose age or sex rendered the
journey very difficult, were absolved by the Pope
from the oath which had been extorted from
them, of at once seeking St. Thomas. These,
therefore, stayed in Flanders. But as the number
of exiles was very great, the Saint's noble heart
was wrung by the frequent arrivals at the Abbey
of Pontigny of these sufferers who had offended
neither God nor man. The news of such a
measure of persecution struck all Europe with
astonishment. It was not long before powerful
and wealthy people, even those who were per-
sonal strangers to the Saint, offered their assist-
220
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. Tchap. 20
ance ; and in this work of charity, as might be
expected of them, the great nation of France
was prominent. Some were sent by the Arch-
bishop to a considerable distance with letters
commending them to the protection of lay per-
sons and ecclesiastics ; and before very long the
poor exiles found that Christendom would not let
them suffer anything in addition to the violent
breach of every tie that bound them to their
country and their home.
" If any one is a defender of the law," St.
Thomas wrote to Stephen the Chancellor of the
King of Sicily, " he is held to be an enemy of the
King. We are scattered, we are proscribed. Our
crime is the assertion of ecclesiastical liberty ;
for to profess it is under our persecutor to be
guilty of high treason. He alone is believed to
be a faithful subject, to whom contempt of reli-
gion is pleasing, who persecutes the law of God,
who despises priests, who venerates as something
sacred the cruelties of former tyrants. Because
we have dared to speak for the house of the
Lord, we are in exile with all our relations and
friends, one of whom is Gilbert, my sister's son,
who I affectionately ask may be relieved, when
need be, by the liberality of your highness."
The effect produced upon St. Thomas himself
was very great. We have already mentioned that
he habitually wore a hair-shirt, and that he was
in the habit of very frequently receiving the
discipline in secret. In addition to these rigours,
with which he prepared his soul for the crosses
4 Materials, v. p. 247.
1 164 — 1 166]
PONTIGNY.
221
God destined for him, he now attempted an
austerity in his diet, to which he had been unac-
customed all his life. The sluggishness of his
circulation, which rendered so much clothing
requisite, made it imperative on him to take
nourishing food ; and for the same reason, he
found the use of hot spices, like cloves and
ginger, absolutely necessary, even in considerable
quantities. In like manner, the wine that was
provided for him was always of good quality ;
though he used it with the greatest moderation.
He had ever been sparing, though his food had
been delicate ; but now he bade the lay-brother
who served him bring him the simple conventual
fare amongst the dishes which they prepared for
him. That it might not be observed that he ate
nothing but herbs, he dined apart from his
followers. After a few days of this unaccustomed
austerity, he fell ill. On one occasion, when
Herbert went to him for his usual study of
Scripture, finding that he was seriously unwell,
he urged him very much to say what was the
cause of the illness. St. Thomas attempted to
change the subject ; but at length, in answer to
his friend's importunity, he said that he was not
certain, but that he imagined that his illness was
owing to this change in his manner of living.
He was induced to lay this aside and resume his
former diet, when his health was soon restored.
The Saint was not, however, content with the
mortification of his assiduous study and the
simplicity of his new convent home ; but the
very coldness of the stream that flowed past the
222 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
monastery was made by him an instrmnent of
penance, to subdue his flesh and to bring himself
into subjection.
^^'hile St. Thomas was at Pontigny, he re-
quested the Holy Father, who was still at Sens,
to send him the habit of a monk. The Pope
blessed one of thick rough cloth, and forwarded
it to the Archbishop, with a message to the effect
that he had sent him such a one as he had, and
not such as he could have wished. He was
invested with the habit privately by the Abbot of
Pontign}-. Alexander Llewellyn was standing by ;
and when he saw that the capuce or hood was
disproportionately small, he said in his dry way,
" It is serious enough, but whether it is regular
or not I am sure I do not know. It is plain that
my lord the Pope has not fitted over well the
hood to the cowl." St. Thomas said with a laugh,
" It was done on purpose, lest you should mock
me again, as you did the other day." " How and
when was that, my lord?" said he. "The day
before yesterday, when I was vesting for Mass
and had put the girdle on, \"ou asked what stuck
out so behind. Now you would call me hump-
backed, I suppose, if my hood were over-large.
So, you see, I am only protected against your
gibes." The fact v.as, that the hair-shirt which
the Saint wore from his neck to his knees was
ver}' thick and stiff, and gave him an appearance
of greater size than he really had ; for though his
face was full, he was really very thin.
Giraldus^ says that St. Thomas had the custom,
5 Giraldus Cambrensis, Dc Instnictione Principum, Anglia
Christiana Society, Ed. Brewer, 1846, p. iSG.
11C4 — ii66]
PONTIGNY.
223
when he was wearied by study, of visiting his
clerics in turn, and asking them what they had
discovered of interest in the course of their
reading. On one occasion coming thus to Alex-
ander the Welshman, he asked him what book he
had in hand, and was told, "All Martial's works."
"A very proper book for you," rejoined the Saint,
for Alexander was a facetious man, as Giraldus
and Herbert of Bosham have both recorded of
him. " The book is worth transcribing," he said,
"if it were only for the two lines I was reading
just as 3'ou came up ; they so exactly fit our case.
Di mihi dent, et tu, quee tu Trojane mereris,
Di mihi dent, ct tu, qvias volo si merui."
Gods and thou grant me, Trojan, what thy merits claim I
Gods and thou grant my wish, if I deserve the same !
The Martial was transcribed accordingly, and the
copy probably found its way in due time to Can-
terbury. And indeed we are told in general that
the Saint made use of his stay in this religious
house to get copies made for the Church of Can-
terbury of all the best books in the French
libraries. He also was at some pains to ascertain
what privileges different great churches had ob-
tained from the Holy See, in order that he might
gain as many of them as possible for his own.
Meanwhile time was rolling on, and messengers
were constantly passing between the parties who
were engaged in this struggle. Apparently at
first both the Pope and St. Thomas seemed to
consider it very advisable that some little time
might pass by, in order that the King's anger
224
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
might cool down. After a while, the Pope, seeing
no improvement, gave great weight to St.
Thomas's cause by making him his Legate over
England. In the course of his second year at
Pontigny, he felt that the time was come for him
to exercise the power committed to him. He
chose a Cistercian Abbot of one of the dependen-
cies of Pontigny, of the name of Urban, a person
described as admirably fitted, from his gentle and
winning manners, for the office ; and by him he
sent letters to the King. The Pope had forbidden
St. Thomas to use his powers until the Easter
(April 24th) of 1166 should be past ; and in the
interval he had written to urge Gilbert Foliot to
use all his influence with the King to induce him
to repent. The application had been quite fruit-
less ; but Gilbert had used all his sophistry to put
Henry's conduct in a favourable light before the
Pope. The letter^ which St. Thomas sent by
Urban soon after Easter was of the gentlest and
most conciliatory tenour. " My lord, the daughter
of Sion is held captive in your kingdom. The
Spouse of the great King is oppressed by her
enemies, afflicted by those who ought most to
honour her, and especially by you. Oh, remember
what great things God has done for you ; release
her, reinstate her, and take away the reproach
from your generation." This short extract will
show the style of the letter, the bearer of which
speedily returned, without having been able in
the least to move or soften the King.
Another extract will show the yet gentle though
0 Materials, v. p. 266.
1 164 — 1 166]
PONTIGNY.
225
stronger tone in which the Saint wrote his second
letter'' to Henry. " Now I am straitened above
measure ; for a spiritual power has been assigned
to me by the same God under whom you hold
temporal dominion ; and my office constrains me
to address your Majesty in a manner which as
yet my exile has prevented. It is my duty to
exhort you, nay, to warn and rebuke you, lest, if
any thing you have done amiss, which, indeed,
you have, my silence may endanger my own
soul."' This letter being as fruitless as that which
preceded it, one of a still more solemn character
was sent, and by a messenger whose appearance
and reputation would add to its weight. A monk
of the name of Gerard had won for himself, by
his austerities, the surname of The Discalced.
He was a man whose peculiar gift it was to
reconcile those who were at variance, and he was
further remarkable for a very apostolical liberty
of speech. Gerard, with another religious, took
charge of the Archbishop's letter, of which the
following is an extract : " You are my liege lord,,
and as such I owe you my counsels ; you are my
son in the Spirit, and I am bound to chasten and
correct you. . . . Let my lord, therefore, if it
please him, listen to the counsels of his subject,,
to the warnings of his Bishop, and to the chas-
tisements of his father. And first, let him for the
future abstain from all communion with schis-
matics. It is known almost to the whole world
with what devotion your Majesty formerly re-
ceived our lord the Pope, and what attachment
7 Materials, v. p. 269.
P
226
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
you manifested to the See of Rome ; and also
what respect and deference were shown you in
return. Forbear then, my lord, as you value )-our
soul, to withdraw from that see its just rights.
Remember, moreover, the profession you made to
my predecessor at your coronation, and which
you deposited in writing upon the altar at West-
minster, respecting the rights and liberties of the
Church in England. Be pleased also to restore
to the see of Canterbury, from which you received
3"our consecration, the rank which it held in the
time of } our predecessors and mine ; together
with all its possessions, its villages, castles, and
farms, and whatever else has been taken by
violence, either from myself or my dependents,
lay as well as clerical. And further, allow us to
return in peace and quietness to the free dis-
charge of our duties.
" Should your Majest}' be pleased to act in this
manner, you will find me prepared to serve you
as a beloved lord and King, faithfully and de-
votedly, with all my might, in whatsoever I am
able, — saving the honour of God and of the
Roman Church, and saving my order. But other-
wise, know for certain that yoii n'ill feel the ven-
geance of God.'"
This letter was delivered to the King in May,
1 166, at Chinon,^ where he was holding a meet-
ing9 of his nobles to take counsel against St.
Thomas. The answer that it drew was a bitter
complaint '° from Henry addressed to the Abbot
of Citeaux, that "your Abbot of Cercamp brought
8 Materials, v. p. 266. 9 Ibtd. p. 381. 10 Ibid. p. 365.
3164 — ii66]
PONTIGNY.
227
a writing from Thomas, who was once our Chan^
cellor, and read it with his own Hps, in which we
were charged with breach of faith and as it seems
with schism, with other words of anger and pride
which are derogatory to our honour and person."
This sharp answer to his letter proved to the
Archbishop that the King's heart was not b}' any
such measures to be softened towards him. These
three extracts of letters have been given, not
only on account of their importance as the hearty
efforts of the Saint for reconciliation before he
proceeded to stronger measures, but also that
they may leave upon the reader's mind the im-
pression which the perusal of the whole corres-
pondence would produce, that the Archbishop
never resorted to vigorous remedies before every
effort to render them unnecessary had been made
without effect. St. Thomas was now very anxious;
for he felt that the time had arrived when he
could be no longer silent regarding the wrongs of
his see before the Church and Christendom. The
power of the keys was in his hands, as Arch-
bishop and Legate ; and he dared not leave it
inactive. How these thoughts must have moved
him, as he prayed and fasted and did penance for
the conversion of the King ! how his heart must
have burned within him, as he worked with the
simple Cistercian brethren in the hay-field and
the harvesting, and in all their out-door labours !
— for he must have felt what a responsibility lay
upon him of using rightly the great powers
intrusted to him. What wonder that his heart
should have failed him, and in his humility that
228
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 20
he should have thought, as we are told he did
think, of resigning his archbishopric into other
hands ? The dismay at such a proposal of those
who, as well as himself, were suffering for the
Church, and their lively sense that it would be a
desertion of the cause of God, persuaded him
that it was a suggestion of the tempter, and that
this was a time when personal feelings could not
be allowed to interfere with deeds to be done in
God and for God.
CHAPTER XXL
VEZELAY.
1166.
King Henry dallies with schism — his angry words against St.
Thomas — he appeals to the Holy See against the Saint, who
absents himself from Pontigny when the Archbishop of
Rouen and the Bishop of Lisieux bring notice of the appeal
— St. Thomas is confirmed in the primacy and made Legate
— his letters to England — he goes to Soissons, and thence to
Vezelay, where he publishes various censures — the Bishops
appeal — the Pope confirms the censures — the King threatens
the Cistercian Order — St. Thomas leaves Pontigny — he fore-
tells his martyrdom to two successive Abbots — he promises
the monks a reward — St. Edmund's relics rest in the abbey
church — an altar erected there to St. Thomas after his mar-
tyrdom— miracles.
King Henry had been urged by his hostility to
St. Thomas very far towards flagrant schism.
That the remark that the Saint made in the letter
last quoted was very gentle, when compared to
the lengths which the King had gone, is suffi-
ciently plain when we read the opening sentence
of Henry's letter to Reginald, Archbishop of
Cologne, who was the greatest amongst the
followers of the Emperor and the Antipope. " I
have long wished for an opportunity to recede
from Pope Alexander and his perfidious Car-
dinals, who dare to uphold against me the traitor
Thomas, once Archbishop of Canterbury." Though
230
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
he never actually carried into full effect the
wicked intentions here expressed, yet it was con-
fidently asserted that he had sent John of Oxford
and Richard of Ilchester as his ambassadors to
the Emperor, at the Diet of Wiirzburg, at Whit-
suntide, 1 165, to pledge his word that he would
bring "fifty Bishops" to obey the Antipope;^ and
he knew full well to what spiritual censures such
rebellious and schismatical proceedings subjected
him. This consciousness, therefore, together with
the many causes of complaint which the Church
previously had against him, led him, with much
reason, to fear that some sentence would be
passed against himself, and perhaps against the
whole country. He held consequently several
councils on the Continent ; one more especially
at Chinon, as we have already said, where, after
complaining bitterly of the letters which St.
Thomas had written to him, and of similar letters
to the Empress Matilda his mother, he used with
tears words which have a terrible prominence on
the page of history ; for they are, by a singular
coincidence, the ver}' same as those which, four
years later, led to the martyrdom of St. Thomas.
He declared that the Archbishop would take away
his body and soul ; and he called the knights
I Materials, v. p. 185. The Emperor Frederic Barbarossa in
his diploma respecting the canonization of Charlemagne at Aix-
la Chapelle, says that it was done "at the earnest petition of ou
dearest friend Henry King of England, and by the assent and
authority of the Lord Paschal," the Antipope. The effect of this
canonization, in itself of course null, has been by the tacit con-
sent of subsequent Popes and the lapse of time, equivalent to
beatification (Benedict XIV. De Canon. SS. lib. i, c. ix. n. 4).
ii66] VEZELAY. 231
around him traitors, for they had not zeal enough
to relieve him from the molestations of one man.^
On this the Archbishop of Rouen rebuked the
King with some warmth ; yet, from the very
gentleness of his disposition, with less severity
than God's cause demanded.
The Bishop of Lisieux, who was ever tempo-
rizing, recommended an immediate appeal, as the
only means of preventing the Archbishop from,
passing sentence ; and Henry consenting, the
singular spectacle was shown to the world, of the
King who was at war with the Holy See, and who
had made laws to prevent appeals, himself ap-
pealing to that authority. To the Bishop of
Lisieux was added another courtier, the Bishop
of Seez ; and they hoped, by hastening to the
Archbishop, and giving notice of the appeal, to
be able to delay matters until Low-week in the
following year. The Archbishop of Rouen accom-
panied them ; professing, however, that he did so
in order that he might seize every opportunity to
promote peace, and not as taking any part in the
appeal. The Saint had timely notice of their
coming from one of his friends who was at King
Henry's Court ; and not wishing to see them, he
left Pontigny.
It has been already said that, prior to writing
the three letters to the King in the last chapter,
St. Thomas had been made Apostolic Legate. A
2 "Tandem dixit quod omnes proditores erant, qui eum adhi-
bita opera at diligentia ab unius hominis infestatione nolebant
expedire " (Materials, v. p. 381).
232
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
bull 3 had been issued, probably on the 8th of April,
1166 (the date it bears is questioned), granting to
St. Thomas and his successors in the see of Can-
terbury, the primacy of England, as fully as it
had been held by Lanfranc and Anselm and his
other predecessors. Very shortly after this, that
is on Easter Day, the 24th of April in this year,
1166, by letters dated from the Lateran,'^ the Pope
made St. Thomas his Legate over all England,
save only the diocese of York. Of these letters
the Saint sent two copies to England ; one to the
Bishops of Hereford and Worcester, who on the
whole had shown themselves the most sensible of
their duty to the Archbishop, and on whom he
had an especial claim as their consecrator, and
the other to the Bishop of London, especially
commanding them to communicate them to their
fellow-suffragans and to the Bishop of Durham.
The letter was placed in the hands of the Bishop
of London at the altar at St. Paul's on the festival
day, June 30, 1166. Its authority produced a
great impression upon him, and he wrote to the
Kings in this strain: "The high authority by
which we are now opposed and overwhelmed,
compels us to have recourse to your Majesty for
counsel and support. No appeal can suspend
3 Mateyials, v. p. 324. Vide supra, p. 21.
^ The date given is Anagni, Oct. 9, but as this is impossible,
and as the Pope's letter to the Bishops announcing the Arch-
bishop's legation is dated April 24, from the Lateran, the same
date is reasonably assigned to the concession itself [Materials,
V. p. 329). Herbert (p. 397) expressly says that St. Thomas wa
Legate at Vezelay, that is in June.
5 Materials, v. p. 417.
VEZELAY.
an apostolical mandate, which admits of no alter-
native but to obey or be guilty of disobedience.
. . . Your Highness will provide against the
disgrace, nay the extinction, which threatens us,
if you grant us your royal permission to obey the
apostolical mandate and pay the amount of
Peter's pence, and of your royal clemency make
restitution to the clerics ; and if you give the
Bishops a command that, in case the Arch-
bishop's letters contain any matter contrary to
the customs of the country, they may appeal at
once to the Pope or to the Legates who are ex-
pected." Poor Gilbert must have bitterly experi-
enced by this time how hard it is to serve two
masters as different as God and mammon. Well
might he write to the Pope, " To tell the truth in
a few words, while matters are in this state
between my lord the King and his lordship of
Canterbury, it is impossible for me or any other
Bishop in this kingdom to obey the commands of
the one and avoid the insupportable anger of the
other."
There is an interesting letter^ extant, from the
Pope to the Suffragan Bishops of the Province of
Canterbury, written a little later than this, ex-
plaining the difference between the powers of a
Metropolitan and of a Legate. Some of the
Bishops had asserted that St. Thomas could
interfere with no cases coming from their dio-
ceses, unless they were brought before him by
appeal. This the Pope says is true when an
Archbishop is acting as Metropolitan, but if he
6 Materials, v. p. 297.
234
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
be Legate of the Holy See, he can and ought to
hear all causes that come before him from all the
dioceses of the Province, whether they come by
wa}' of appeal or by complaint of the parties.
St. Thomas left Pontigny soon after he re-
ceived these Legatine powers, and he went to
Vezelay, prepared to use them. This intention
however he kept to himself, not communicating it
even to the intimate friends of his household.
He spent three days at Soissons, keeping vigil by
night at three celebrated sanctuaries there. The
first was a shrine of our Blessed Lady ; the
second of St. Drausin, the patron of champions,
and much frequented by knights about to engage
in judicial combats from all France and Italy;''
and the third that of St. Gregory the Great,
some of whose relics' were there venerated. On
the 3rd of June, 1166, the day after the Ascen-
sion, he went to Vezelay. On the same day he
received a message from King Louis, testifying to
an illness of the King of England, which had
prevented him from attending a conference be-
tween them, for which Henry had been very
anxious. The Saint consequently postponed his
intention of passing censure upon the King. At
the petition of the Abbot and the community,
St. Thomas celebrated the High Mass on the
festival** of Pentecost ; and after the Gospel, he
7 John of Salisbury says, "Here Robert of Montfort kept
his vigil before his combat with Henry of Essex " {Materials,
V. p. 382). St. Drausin (Drausius) was the 22nd Bishop of
Soissons, the founder of the famous abbey of Notre Dame.
8 Herbert (p. 391), writing several years afterwards, says
that it was the feast of St. Mary Magdalen (July 22nd), to whom
the Church was dedicated, and whose relics were there
ii66] VEZELAY. 235
mounted the pulpit and preached an energetic
sermon. After it, he pubKcly explained what
were the real causes at issue between himself and
the King, and his own fruitless efforts for a recon-
ciliation ; to the astonishment of all, but more
especially of his own followers, whom he had not
informed of what he was about to do. With
every mark of the deepest emotion, he warned
King Henry by name of the sentence hanging
over him. This he afterwards told Herbert he
was obliged by his conscience to do.
But if the King escaped the censure he deserved,
several lesser offenders were punished. John
of Oxford was excommunicated by St. Thomas as
Papal Legate for two offences : for schism, in
communicating with the Emperor and with
Reginald Archbishop of Cologne; and for usurping
the deanery of Salisbur)-, against the Pope's com-
mand. Equally publicly, before the large con-
course of people assembled from all nations,
St. Thomas excommunicated Richard of II-
chester,9 then Archdeacon of Poitiers, for corn-
honoured ; but John of SaHsbury, in a letter written at the
time (Materials, v. p. 383), says that it was Pentecost (June 12th).
Gervase (p, 200) follows Herbert ; but Nicholas of Mount
Rouen mentions the proceedings at Vezelay in a letter which
says, that it was expected that on St. Mary Magdalen's day
sentence would be passed on the King (Materials, v. p. 421), and
in the same letter a meeting of the Bishops, subsequent to these
proceedings, is said to have been held about the feast of St. John
(June 24th).
9 This Richard of Ivelchester, or Ilchester, who, according to
Godwin (De Prasul. Angl. p. 216), had also the surnames of
Topclif and More, succeeded Henry of Blois as Bishop of Win-
chester. At the time of his election, he professed himself very
devout to St. Thomas. John of Salisbury wrote in 1173 to
236 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
municating with the Archbishop of Cologne,
Richard de Luci, JoceHn de Bailleul, as the
authors of the Constitutions of Clarendon, and
Randulf de Broc, Hugh of St. Clair, and
Thomas FitzBernard, for usurping the posses-
sions of his Church ; and he also published a
decree excommunicating ipso facto all who should
injure the Church of Canterbury. Finally, he
suspended Jocelin the Bishop of Salisbury, for
manifest disobedience, because he had conferred
the deanery of his church on John of Oxford ;
though he had been duly warned that he was not
to give it to any one whom the King might name,
but to wait until the Canons of Salisbury, who
were in exile with St. Thomas, could unite with
the rest of the chapter to exercise the right which
belonged to them of electing their Dean.
In addition to these sentences, he published
anew the Pope's condemnation of the following
Constitutions of Clarendon, excommunicating
any one who should act on their authority :
1. That a Bishop may not excommunicate any
tenant of the King without the King's license.
2. That a Bishop may not punish any person
of his diocese for perjury or breach of faith.
3. That clerics be subjected to lay tribunals.
4. That questions of churches or tithes be tried
by laymen.
recommend him to Humbald the Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia,
saying, "He loves your friend the glorious Martyr of Christ
with such affection, that he has made himself his servant ; so
that he consoles his followers, many of whom flock to him in
their necessities, and he tries with all his might to imitate him "
(Ep. Jo. Sar. ii. p. 277).
VEZELAY.
5. That no appeals be made for any cause
whatever to the Apostohc See, except with the
permission of the King and his officials.
6. That no Archbishop, Bishop, or other digni-
tary, may attend a summons from the Pope with-
out the King's leave.
These, he said, were not the only enactments
of Clarendon which are against the Divine law
and the constitutions of the holy Fathers. The
Archbishop absolved all the Bishops from the
unlawful promise which they had made of ob-
serving these constitutions ; and wrote to them
all to that effect, as the Holy See had given him
instructions.
The Bishops of Lisieux and Seez, with the
Archbishop of Rouen, as has been already inti-
mated, did not lind St. Thomas at Pontigny when
they came with notice of the King's appeal.
When he returned, he found the formalities of
the notice awaiting him ; and though many of
his followers advised him to disregard the appeal
as being invalid, yet he determined to do nothing
whatever without the Pope.
All the parties concerned appealed to the Pope
from St. Thomas's sentence. Gilbert Foliot inter-
ceded with the King that the Bishop of Salisbury
might have leave to do so ; and the words in
which he makes the request shows how sadly he
was changed from the fervent religious of Clugny
and Gloucester, or the zealous Bishop of Here-
ford. Two clerics consequently arrived at Pon-
tigny; one on the part of the Bishop of Salisbury,
and the other on that of John of Oxford. The
238 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
latter denied that his master had had any schis-
matical intercourse with the Emperor or with
Reginald of Cologne ; and said that, as a member
of the household of one of the clerics of the
chapel-royal, he was charged to inform the Arch-
bishop that the King himself instituted an appeal,
for the term of which he named the second
Sunday after Easter of the following year. St.
Thomas replied, that he came without any proof
that he was sent by the King ; and still further,
that as he confessed to having communicated
with John of Oxford, an excommunicated person,
he was himself excommunicate ; and therefore
that his appeal was invalid.
The Bishops met on the 24th of June ; and
they also appealed, naming next Ascension Day
as the term. They wrote two long letters;'" one
to St. Thomas and the other to the Pope. St.
Thomas and his followers read in these letters the
10 Afatcrials, v. pp. 403, 408. Though written in the name of
all the Bishops, these bore the seals but of three — London,
Winton, and Hereford (Materials, vi. p. 65). The last two names
it is not a little surprising to find in such a position. Neither
St. Thomas nor the Bishop of Winchester forgot the relation-
ship then felt to be incurred by consecration {Ibid. p. 345).
Henry of Winton was one of the first of the English Bishops
who dared to act according to the laws of the Church and his
conscience ; and the affection St. Thomas bore him is beautifully
shown in the conclusion of one of his letters to him (Ep. St.
Tho. i. p. 338): "May your holiness fare well, father to be
beloved, and remember to commend to God in your prayers
your creation, — I speak of our littleness." To Robert of Hereford
St. Thomas wrote, "Doha super te, /rater, fili mi primogcnite." For
putting his seal to this letter the Bishop of Hereford received
a very severe and cutting rebuke from Ernisius, the Abbot, and
the Prior of St. Victor's at Paris, in the name of his former
scholars {Materials, v. p. 456).
II 66]
VEZELAY.
239
Style and spirit of Gilbert Foliot ; and in a very
full answer" to them the Saint says so. This
drew from Gilbert's pen a letter," which was in
all probability never sent ; for it, and it alone, of
all the letters on the subject, is not noticed either
by St. Thomas or any of his correspondents ; a
letter which is so calumnious, that its very false-
hood is regarded by one modern writer as a proof
of its spuriousness ; a letter which probably
never was delivered on account of its very
calumny, the exposure of which could not have
been difficult ; and which has provided modern
opponents of St. Thomas, who consider its being
unanswered as a proof of its unanswerableness,
with matter for what they very truly call a view
of the conduct of St. Thomas through the whole
controversy, from the beginning to the end, very
different from that to be found any where else.
These lesser appeals were all unsuccessful.
When Bonus Pastor Sunday (the second after
Easter) of 1167 came, Jocelin of Salisbury did
not appear to prosecute his appeal ; and the Pope
confirmed the suspension, and all the other
sentences passed at Vezelay. He also commanded
the Archbishop to condemn all who had usurped
Church property ; and though he did not give
any especial directions regarding the King, he
expressly left the Saint's own ecclesiastical
powers free ; and he wrote to the Bishops, warn-
ing them that all such sentences he would uphold.
The stay of St. Thomas at Pontigny was now
coming to an end, owing to the machinations of
II Materials, v. p, 490. 12 Ihiil. p. 521. See Note C.
240 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 21
the King of England. Although the appeals were
pending, the King immediately sent over into
England Walter de Lisle, who is described as a
good man, and an unwilling bearer of such orders,
with commands that all the ports should be very
strictly watched, lest any sentence passed by the
Archbishop should find admission. In another
parliament at Clarendon, he exacted an oath
from the Bishops and nobles, that they would not
give the Archbishop any assistance, nor receive
any letters from him ; and he also included in
the oath the receipt of any letters from the Pope,
and appeals to any one save himself. In the
September following, on Holy Cross Day (Sept.
14, 1 166), the general chapter of the Cistercian
Order was held as usual. The King sent them a
letter to the effect that they were harbouring one
of his enemies ; and warned them that, as they
valued their possessions in his dominions on
either side of the Channel, they should cease to
do so. After the three days of the chapter,
Gilbert, Abbot of Citeaux, the Bishop of Pavia,
who had once been a monk of the order,
and several other Abbots, came to Pontigny.
They showed the Saint the letter which they had
received ; and added, that they did not send him
away from amongst them, but they left the matter
to the dictates of his own prudence and affection
for their order. The meaning of this message
was sufficiently plain ; and St. Thomas replied,
that he would certainly go elsewhere ; and that
he trusted to the Lord, who feeds the birds of the
air and clothes the lilies of the field, to provide
1 166]
VEZELAY.
241
for him and his fellow-exiles. On the following
day the Abbots departed, leaving Guarin de
Galardim, the good Abbot of Pontigny, and his
charitable community full of sorrow at their
approaching loss, and of compassion for the
homeless Prelate and his household. The true
sympathy and warm active charity of this noble
abbey more than compensates for the want
of heroism shown by the chapter of Citeaux.
Abbot Guichard, who had been summoned to
Sens by the Pope, that he might introduce our
Saint to him, and who had so gladly and hospit-
ably received him, had been consecrated at
Montpellier by the Pope himself to the Arch-
bishopric of Lyons on the 8th of August of the
previous year (1165);'^ but his successor had
inherited his charity and his hospitable spirit as
well as the abbatial mitre and staff.
While St. Thomas was at Pontigny, he received
from God a foreknowledge of what was to happen
to him. One day, after he had said Mass, while
he was making his thanksgiving before the altar
of St. Stephen with that fervour which dis-
tinguished all his devotions to the Blessed Sacra-
ment, he heard a voice, which called, "Thomas!
Thomas!" He answered, "Who art Thou,
Lord ? " And our Lord said to him, " I am Jesus
Christ, thy Lord and thy Brother ; My Church
shall be glorified in thy blood, and thou shalt be
glorified in Me." When the Saint was leaving
the church, he found that he had not been alone,
13 He did not obtain possession before St Martin's day, No-
vember II, 1 167 {Materials, vi. 279).
G
242
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 2T
as he thought, but that the Abbot was waiting for
him by one of the columns, and had heard all.
The Saint bound him to silence on the subject
until the promise should be accomplished.
The successor of this Abbot received a similar
intimation ; for on the day of his departure from
Pontigny, the good Guarin accompanied the
cavalcade on its way ; and it was remarked that
St. Thomas, who was usually very cheerful in
travelling, was now very sorrowful, keeping apart
from his companions and fellow-travellers. The
Abbot urged him very much to tell him what was
the matter, upbraiding him freely for the effemi-
nacy of his attachment, as it seemed to him, to
the home he was leaving. At length the Saint,
under a promise of secrecy, told him that the
cause of his sorrow was a revelation he had
received, in a vision the night before, of the mar-
tyrdom by which this trouble was to end. " Yet,"
he said, " I am not so sorrowful for the revela-
tion, for which I rather give the Most High all
the thanks in my power ; but I grieve for those
who follow me, and have borne so much for me,
for I know for a certainty that when I am struck
down, the sheep will have no shepherd." The
Abbot smiled, and said, " So, then, you are going
to be martyred. What has a man who eats and
drinks to do with martyrdom ? " His answer was
saintly in its humility : " I know that I am too
fond of worldly pleasures ; but the Lord is good,
who justifies the wicked, and He has deigned to
reveal this to me, who am all unworthy." He
then recounted the vision, that in some church,
1166]
VEZELAY.
he knew not where, he was defending his cause
before the Pope and Cardinals, the Pope being on
his side, but the Cardinals against him, when
four soldiers rushed in, and in that same church
attacked him, and cut off that part of his head
that was anointed at his consecration, now
marked by his tonsure ; and from this he gathered
that it was God's will to make known to him that
by a hard though precious death he would glorify
Him. He told this vision afterwards to the
Abbot of Val-luisant also, under similar con-
ditions of secrecy ; and after his martyrdom both
these witnesses made it public. With what fer-
vour St. Thomas must have spent the four years
that were to intervene, with this sense of his
coming martyrdom ever before his eyes, we may
piously conceive.
On his departure, he made a promise to the
monks that a successor of his should recompense
them for their goodness to him. When Cardinal
Stephen Langton received shelter from them,
while excluded from his see by King John, he
made a grant to the abbey of fifty marks sterling
from the revenues of the benefice of Romney.
To this St. Edmund, under similar circumstances,
added ten ; and the blessed Archbishop Boniface
of Savoy, '5 in 1264, out of gratitude to them for
the refuge thus afforded to three Archbishops of
14 Martene, Thes. Nov. A need. iii. p. 1873.
15 At the prayer of King Charles Albert, Pope Gregory XVI.,
by a decree 7th September, 1838, approved of the immemorial
honour this English Archbishop has received at Hautecorabe in
Savoy, where he is buried and venerated as a saint.
244
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap, 21
Canterbury,'^ gave them the whole of the tithes
of the same rectory. But the fulfilment of St.
Thomas's prophecy was a far nobler treasure ;
and he was afterwards understood by the monks
of Pontigny to have referred to the holy relics of
St. Edmund, of which their church was and still is
the resting-place ; and this is asserted in the bull
of his canonisation by Pope Innocent IV.''' The
first cure performed at St. Edmund's tomb was
that of a poor cripple, whom the monks called
Thomas, out of gratitude to our Saint.
But long before there was an altar of St. Ed-
mund in that grand old Abbey church of Pon-
tigny, there was an altar of St. Thomas of Can-
terbury ; and we have the account of a miracle
wrought by St. Thomas's intercession in a letter'^
written by Peter Abbot of Pontigny to Benedict
Prior of Canterbury in the year 1176 or 1177.
One of the monks named Ponce had suffered for
ten weeks from paralysis of the right side united
with epilepsy. He obtained his Abbot's leave to
vow a pilgrimage to St. Thomas, but instead of
any improvement, he grew so much worse that in
the middle of the night his attendants summoned
the Abbot and a part of the community from
Matins to give him Extreme Unction. The fol-
lowing day, which was Saturday before Palm
Sunday, he seemed to be dying, and everything
16 Martene, Thes. Nov. Anccd. iii. pp. 1247, 1254, 1255, 1824,
1853, 1904-
17 Lyons, 11 Jan. 1247. Bullar. Roman. Alban Butler (Nov. 16)
erroneously says Innocent V.
18 Will. Cant. pp. 512, 532, 533.
ii66]
VEZELAY.
was prepared for his funeral. But in the evening,
waking up from the sleep of death, he rose and
began to walk with the help of sticks. Soon
he found that he was quite well, and with his
attendants he hastened down to the church, where
the Abbot was at that moment giving holy water
to the monks after Compline. When the Abbot,
who tells the story, had recovered from his stupe-
faction, he sprinkled him also with holy water,
and Brother Ponce went to spend the night in
thanksgiving at the altar of St. Thomas.
The Book of Miracles by William of Canter-
bury, in which this story is given, mentions two
other persons belonging to Pontigny. One of
them was Robert, who had been a servant of
St. Thomas when he was Chancellor, and had
become a lay-brother at Pontigny. He was
suffering from a quinsy, which took away his
power of speech, and for a week he had been
without food. In the night he heard a voice
saying, " Brother ^Robert, can you not speak ? "
The sick man paying no attention, the same
thing was repeated, and the third time he
heard, " Robert, speak to me, I am Thomas."
Looking up, he saw his old master by the light of
the lamp, and calling out in his eagerness,
"Thomas, Thomas!" the quinsy broke and the
good monk used his newly-recovered speech in
prayer and praise.
The other story tells us that Guarin, Abbot of
Pontigny, being elected Archbishop of Bourges,
in 1174, the day of his consecration came, and
only two Bishops appeared for the consecration.
246 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. Tchap. 21
As the morning wore on, and all were fretting at
the delay, one of the Abbots present said that he
had dreamt the night before that Alexander the
Welshman, St. Thomas's cleric, had come to say
that his master would be present as a fourth
Bishop at the consecration on the following day.
Dinner-time coming, the Archbishop-elect re-
turned to his palace, giving up all hope of conse-
cration for that day, when the Bishop of Cahors
galloped into the town, he and his suite having
been detained and nearly lost in a flood. The
consecration was now able to proceed, and the
third Bishop having come, the promised presence
of the fourth was piously inferred.
CHAPTER XXII.
SENS.
1 1 66.
The Saint leaves Pontigny — hospitality of King Louis, by whom
he is maintained at Sens — the Pope's journeys — St. Thomas
accompanies him to Bourges — subsequent miracle where he
lived — "sweet France" — John of Oxford successful in his
appeal — the Saint remonstrates against the appointment of
Cardinal William of Pavia as Legate — Cardinals William and
Otho appointed Legates, with full powers — John of Oxford
lands in England — St. Thomas, John of Salisbury, and Lom-
bard of Piacenza write to the Pope.
When the exiles were left together, on the an-
nouncement having been made which led to the
decision to leave Pontigny, the question was
discussed whither they now should go. They
seem to have been very cheerful in their difficulty,
one of them saying, to the amusement of the
others, that they must go where they could, as
they could not go where they would. Herbert's
mind reverted to the interview he had had with
King Louis ; and he reminded St. Thomas of the
promises and offers which that King had made to
him at Soissons two years before, which he had
declined at the time. The Saint said, " It would
seem, my brother, that you are looking out for
the pleasures of a city and a King's Court, which
hardly suit our bonds in the Gospel." He was.
248 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 22
however, persuaded that, as they had no choice
left, it would be better to send Herbert on another
visit to King Louis, as his first had been so
successful. The King was travelling when Herbert
found him ; and on the motives that made St.
Thomas wish to move being told him, he cried
out to those around him, " O religion, O religion,
where art thou ? Those whom we believed to be
dead to the world, fear its threats; and professing
to despise the things that perish, for their sake
turn back from the work of God which they had
taken in hand, and drive God's exile from them."
Then, turning to Herbert, he said, " Salute your
lord the Archbishop, and promise him in my
name, that though the world and those who are
dead to the world desert him, I will not. Let him
tell us what city or castle or other place of our
dominions he would prefer, and he shall find it
prepared for him." The city of Sens, while Pope
Alexander had resided there, had been frequently
visited by them, and seemed to them to combine
all that the)' could wish ; St. Thomas therefore
chose the royal abbey of St. Columba, a small
distance from Sens, famous as the resting-place
of the holy virgin from whom it takes its name.
Here he remained, living at the expense of the
King of France,' from St. Martin's Day, No-
I Gerv. p. 201. The Pope had recommended King Louis, in
a letter from Montpellier, Aug. 6, 1165, to assign to our Saint
any French bishopric or abbey that might fall vacant {Materials,
V. p. ig8). The report was general at one time that he had been
made Chancellor of France (Ibid. p. 421). The Pope blamed
the Abbey of Pontigny and the Cistercian Order very severely
for their timidity [Ibid. v. p. 426).
ii66] SENS. 249
vember nth, 1166, until his exile was exchanged
for martyrdom.
After Easter in 1165, that is, when St. Thomas
had been about six months at Pontigny, Pope
Alexander departed from Sens on his way back
to Rome, in answer to the request made to him
by the Roman clergy and people. He left Mont-
pellier after the Assumption, and entered Rome
on the 23rd of November, amidst unusual festi-
vities. He was not left there long in peace ; for
in the following year the schismatical Emperor
Frederic Barbarossa besieged the city, in order
that he might place the Antipope on the chair of
St. Peter. The siege being successful, the Pope
was obliged to leave Rome ; and he went in the
disguise of a pilgrim to Gaeta, and from thence
to Benevento. It was not until 1171, when St.
Thomas's labours were over, that he returned to
Rome. Alan says, that on the Pope's departure,
the Archbishop accompanied the Holy Father as
far as Bourges ; and the further assertion of the
same biographer cannot be otherwise than true,
that this was the last time that they met upon
earth.
While at Bourges, St. Thomas received hospi-
tality from the canons of St. Outrille (Austre-
gisilus), and they considered themselves abund-
antly repaid by a miracle that was wrought at his
invocation years afterwards on a young man
attached to their church. This we learn from
a letter^ of John of Salisbury to Prior Odo,
written before 1175. The miracle was related at
2 Will. Cant. p. 458.
250 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 22
Bourges in the presence of the King of France at
an assembly of Bishops and nobles, " where all
were praising the liberality of the martyr, his
courtesy and magnificence towards men, his faith,
his zeal for the law and the perseverance of the
constancy which he had had in God from the
beginning of his promotion."
From Bourges the Pope addressed a letter^ on
the 17th of May, 1165, thanking the communit}' of
Pontigny for all their kindness to the Archbishop,
and begging that St. Thomas might find their
charity ever more fervent, in spite of all threats and
terrors. It was not with these hospitable monks
only that the exiles met with kindness. William,
the Archbishop of Sens, and the clergy and people,
received them with much joy ; and they were
entertained in so kind a manner in their new
home, that Herbert, who is the only one of St.
Thomas's biographers who was with him at this
time, writes with much feeling the praises of
" sweet France." Who can yet tell what graces
that country has received and still receives from
the glorified martyr, with whom in his trouble the
warm-hearted nation so nobly sympathised ?
The King's appeal had for some time past been
prosecuted. He had sent John of Oxford to the
Pope, who managed to convince the Holy Father
that he had been guiltless of schismatic inter-
course with the Emperor and his adherents ; and
who justified himself for having accepted the
deanery of Salisbury, in spite of the Pope's pro-
hibition, by the extraordinary statement that he
3 Materials, v. p. 172.
ii66] SENS. 251
had been forced to accept it by the King. How-
ever, he resigned it into the Pope's hands ; and
the Holy Father absolved him from his excom-
munication, and himself conferred the deanery
upon him, investing him with a gold ring by his
own hand.* He afterwards boasted that he had
received a personal exemption from the authority
of the Archbishop of Canterbury or any other
Bishop.
Having been thus successful with his own
affairs, he prosecuted with great apparent success
those of his master. The King's request was,
that Legates might be appointed to hear and
adjudge the whole case, especially requesting that
the Cardinal William of Pavia might be one of
them.
St. Thomas had also his messengers and repre-
sentatives with the Pope. He represented in
several letters that the King of England had
imprisoned a priest, who is called William the
Chaplain, 5 whose brother was on one occasion
the bearer of letters ; and the Saint argued that
the King was theveiove. ipso facto excommunicate.
He also pleaded very warmly against any Legates
being sent, and especially against William of
Pavia. " May it please your Holiness not to
expose our innocence to peril at the hands of my
lord William of Pavia, through whom our perse-
4 Materials, vi. pp. 141, 170, 177.
5 This is William of Salisbury, who as we have already seen,
was kept in Corfe Castle for six months (Supra, p. 14). He was
imprisoned in the diocese of Salisbury, which was therefore
placed under interdict [Materials, vi. p. 32). The Pope wrote to
the King requiring the release of the priest (Ibid. v. p. 169).
252
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 22
cutors boast that they will cause us to be deposed.
Whether he is to come with such powers, we
know not ; but this we know, that unless cona-
pelled by your Holiness, we shall never trust
ourself to any judge except your Holiness. Far
be it from the Church of God that such things
should be accomplished, as a priest, who is one of
the clerics of our above-named friend and lord,
but just now has promised to the King of
England, that as Legate he will determine the
cause at issue between us to the King's liking.
The brother of the priest who is in prison will
communicate the rest. May it please your Holi-
ness to compassionate ourself and them, and the
whole Church of God.'"" Similar letters were
sent to the Cardinal Henry of Pisa, at whose
persuasion, it will be remembered, St. Thomas
accepted the archbishopric ; and to the Cardinals
Hyacinth and Boso, who had been his constant
friends in the Sacred College.
St. Thomas had not been long at Sens when
his messengers returned, who had been sent to
oppose the appeal which John of Oxford was
promoting in the King's name. They reported
his absolution and restoration to the deanery of
Salisbury, and that he had succeeded in obtaining
from the Pope that Legates should be sent, and
that the Cardinals, William of Pavia, priest of
St. Peter's Chains, and Otho, deacon of St.
Nicholas in the Tullian Prison, should be ap-
pointed. This was arranged towards the close of
the year. The particular powers with which these
6 Materials, vi. p. 53.
SENS.
Cardinals were to be intrusted it was not very
easy for St. Thomas to ascertain. The letter-'
which the Holy Father wrote to him to announce
the appointment spoke of the peace which he
hoped they would be able to effect between him-
self and the King, bidding him give way in any-
thing that would promote agreement, " saving
your own and the Church's honour," as the letter
twice qualifies it ; and it advises him to trust
William of Pavia, for he had solemnly promised
the Pope to do his utmost to promote an under-
standing. The Pope's letter to the Bishops* dated
from the Lateran, December i, 1166, speaks
more plainly of the powers of these Legates, as
" persons de latere nostra, with fulness of power to
hear this cause and such others as they shall
judge expedient, and to terminate them canoni-
cally,. as the Lord shall enable them." He added
faculties by which any one whom St. Thomas
had excommunicated might be absolved in danger
of death, under the usual conditional oath of
submitting themselves to the judgment of the
Pope in case of recovery. In like manner, in his
letter to the King,^ the Pope says that he has sent
them " in the fulness of his power," and that he
had "committed to them the fulfilment of his own
office in all things, with that fulness with which
7 Materials, vi. p. 123.
8 Ibid. p. 88.
9 Ibid. p. 125. A copy of this letter was sent to St. Thomas
by a friend, under a strong injunction that he should show it to
no one but Master Gunter, for so the transcriber had strictly
promised Master Walter [perhaps de I'lsle] from whom he
had it.
254
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 22
the Roman Church was accustomed to delegate."
The tenour of these letters shows that John of
Oxford was not without reason in boasting of his
success. But he exaggerated it when he said
that the King was exempted from the power of
all bishops, so that the Pope alone could excom-
municate him, and when he spoke of one Legate
only, to be sent with full powers. Cardinal William
of Pavia, the Saint's avowed enemy. The ap-
pointment of Cardinal Otho as co-Legate was
held largely to mitigate the dangers arising from
the hostility of the Cardinal of Pavia ; or, as the
Bishop of Poitiers puts it/° "The malice of one
star, if not extinguished, is tempered and weak-
ened by the conjuncture of another star, more
propitious and favourable."'
The following account of the arrival of John of
Oxford in England is from St. Thomas's own pen."
The facts mentioned in it were related to him by
the Bishop of Hereford's chaplain, a canon
regular and a trustworthy person, whom the
Bishop had sent over to make his excuses to the
Archbishop for not appearing, in answer to three
summonings which he had received from St.
Thomas to appear in person before him by the
Purification. " On his landing, he found our
brother the Bishop of Hereford waiting for a
wind to cross the water, and in concealment ; for
the King's officers would have prevented his
crossing openly. On finding him, he forbade him
to proceed, first in the name of the King, and
then of his Holiness the Pope. The Bishop then
JO Materials, vi. p. 150. " Ibid. p. 147.
ii66]
SENS.
inquired, as I am assured by his messenger, who
came afterwards to excuse his lordship's non-
appearance, ' whether he had any letters to that
effect.' He asserted that he had, and that the
Pope forbade him, and the other Bishops as
well, either to attend our summons or obey us in
anything till the arrival of the Pope's Legate a
latere, who had been obtained by the King, and
was coming with full powers to determine the
matter on which they had appealed, and the
principal cause and all its incidents. The Bishop
insisted on seeing the letters ; but he said that he
had sent them on with his baggage to Win-
chester, about twelve miles from Southampton.
On considering the matter, the Bishop sent back
his cleric to Winchester, Master Edward, in
whose veracity I confide ; and he saw the letters
in company with the Bishop of London, who was
likewise waiting to cross the water. When the
Bishop of London saw them, he said aloud, as
if unable to restrain himself, ' Then Thomas shall
be no more Archbishop of mine.' "
And here we must interrupt the perusal of St.
Thomas's letter to say that Robert de Melun
returned to his see at Hereford, and there died.
His death was caused, according to Fitzstephen,'^
by mortiiication at not being allowed to obey the
Archbishop's letter of summons. He died on the
28th of February, 1167.'^ The see was kept vacant
12 Fitzstephen, p. 87.
13 Godwin, p. 483. It is clear from the events above narrated,
that to assign the death of the Bishop of Hereford to the year
1 166 (Materials, iii. p. 87) must be an error, due probably to that
256 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. chap. 22
six years ; and then Robert Foliot, cousin to the
Bishop of London, who was at this time Arch-
deacon of Oxford, succeeded him.
The narrative in the Saint's letter continues
thus: "John of Oxford added, that his own
person was privileged, so that we had no power to
excommunicate him, or even rebuke him, except
in the Pope's presence; and that he might present
the deanery of Salisbury to any one he pleased ;
and that our authority was in all points curtailed
till the Legates' arrival."
This news produced the greatest consternation
amongst all St. Thomas's friends. The Saint's
own warm disposition led him to feel it deeply,
and to express himself on the subject strongly.
The letter from which the above extract is taken
was written to one of his retinue, named John,
who was representing him at Rome, and it con-
tains the following reflections, which place before
us in a strong light his disappointment and
anxiety :
" If this is true, then without doubt his lord-
ship the Pope has suffocated and strangled, not
only our own person, but himself and every
ecclesiastic of both kingdoms, yea, both churches
together, the French and the English. For what
will not the Kings of the earth dare against the
clergy under cover of this most wretched prece-
dent ? And on what can the Church of Rome
rely, when it thus deserts and leaves destitute the
fertile source of misdatings, the ancient commencement of the
new year on Lady day. On the 8th of January Robert Bishop
of Lincoln also died (Hoved. fol. 293 b).
1 1 66]
SENS.
persons who are making a stand in its cause, and
contending for it even unto death ? And what if
anything should befall his Holiness the Pope,
while the King and others are in possession of
these privileges and exemptions ? They will be
transmitted to posterity, from whose hands none
will be able to wrest them. Nay more, let the
Church say yea or nay, other princes will extort
like privileges and exemptions for themselves, till
in the end the liberty of the Church perishes, and
with it the power and jurisdiction of the Bishops.
For none will be at hand to coerce the wicked-
ness of tyrants, whose whole efforts are at this
day concentrated against God's Church and
ministers. Nor will they desist till these are
reduced to like servitude with the rest.
" However, the result is as yet unseen ; what
we do see is, that whether the above assertions
are true or false, we, at any rate, are troubled
above measure. No obedience or respect is now
shown us in anything, either by the Bishops or
Abbots, or any of the clergy ; as if our deposition
was now a settled thing. Of one thing, however,
let his lordship the Pope assure himself ; no con-
sideration shall induce us to enter the King's
territories as a litigant, nor to accept our enemies
as our judges, especially my lord of Pavia, who
thirsts for our blood, that he may fill our see,
which, as we understand, is promised him in case
he rids the King of us. There is another thing
that grieves us. The great men of France —
nobles, bishops, and other dignitaries — as if
despairing of our cause, have sent back our un-
R
258
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 22
happy co-exiles, whom their charity has sustained;
and these must perish of cold and hunger, as
some, indeed, have perished already. Be careful
to impress all this upon his lordship the Pope,
that if, as we even yet hope, some zeal of God
remains with him, he may take steps to relieve
us."
John of Salisbury wrote the Holy Father a
strong letter on the subject, and so did Lombard
of Piacenza, the future Cardinal Archbishop of
Benevento, who now styles himself "subdeacon of
the Roman Church."'^ The latter urged upon the
Pope first the anger of the King of France, who
declared that " his Holiness could not have given
him greater molestation if the cause for which he
was sending Legates had been to take away his
own crown." After saying that the result was,
that " the sweet savour of his Holiness's name
was in part impaired," he adds, " and what makes
matters still worse, it seems the general belief
that the day of victory for his lordship of Canter-
bury and your Holiness was at hand. For the
King was so terrified when the day of appeal had
lapsed, that he asserted that the Bishops had not
engaged in it by his commands or advice, and
that he would take no part with them in the
matter. The Bishops, too, were in such a strait,
and in such dread of an interdict, that some were
sending messengers to his lordship of Canterbury,
and others were on their way to attend his sum-
mons, when John of Oxford, as if with legatine
authority, forbade them to obey in your Holiness's
14 Materials, vi. pp. 17O, 170; cf. ihid. p. 497.
SENS.
259
name. On this occasion the Bishop of Hereford
was recalled, when he was actually at the sea-side
waiting to cross." Finally, he says that he " has
often heard it asserted, and in many quarters,
that the King's whole hope rests in your Holi-
ness's misfortunes, and in what I pray God of
His infinite mercy long to avert — your death ; for
he asserts that he will never recognize your
successor till all the dignities and customs of his
realm have been acknowledged by him. And now
it is believed that these Legates have been de-
manded by him only in subtlety, that for the time
he may evade excommunication and his realm an
interdict ; and that thus he hopes, during your
Holiness's life, to render void the Archbishop's
authority, till he can make terms with your
successor."
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
1 167.
Double dealings of John of Oxford — limitation of the powers of
the Cardinal Legates — their long journey — letter of William
of Pavia and two draughts of an answer — the Cardinals visit
St. Thomas at Sens and King Henry at Caen — meeting at
Les Planches between the Cardinal Legates and the Saint —
the Cardinals return to the King who shows them discourtesy
■ — councils and conferences — fresh appeals — the Cardinals'
departure.
Matters were not, however, really as bad as
they seemed. John of Oxford was well known
to St. Thomas to be so reckless and unscrupulous
a person, that he currently went amongst the
Archbishop's friends by the nickname of " the
Swearer." Two of the King's envoys, John
Cumin and Ralph of Tamworth, who left Rome
on the 1st of January, and reached Poitiers by
the Purification, told the Bishop of that place,
who was one of St. Thomas's greatest friends,
that John of Oxford ingratiated himself with the
Pope, by suggesting that peace might be restored
between the Archbishop and the King, if any one
could be found to negotiate it faithfully ; having
the effrontery to say, that he would undertake to
do this himself. For this reason the other royal
envoys loudly called him a traitor to the King ;
ii67]
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
261
because for his own ends he promised to do
what the Kinj:^ regarded as impossible. But after
a while what was rumoured and suspected from
the beginning became certain, that John of
Oxford had gone much further, and in the King's
name had sworn to all the Archbishop could
have wished, before the Pope granted the lega-
tion, with a view to pacification. Thus writes
John of Salisbury to Milo Bishop of Therouanne
"We hope in our Father, Who is Lord of all,
that before long he will turn this storm into a
gentle breeze ; although the Church's enemies
boast that a worse shipwreck awaits us. It is
not true to say that the Church of Rome has
turned against us, and that our lord the Pope
has assented to all the petitions of the King of
England. Perhaps people were misled by finding
that those who had been excommunicated were
absolved at the return of John of Oxford ; and
that he himself, as if he had done right in com-
municating with the schismatical emperor, had
had the deanery of Salisbury restored to him
from the Pope's own hand. But any one who
paid attention to what was done at Rome would
see, that though the Pope was deceived, he al-
ways faithfully upheld our cause and the Church's.
Before John was absolved, he publicly swore (and
I hope he did not perjure himself) that he had
done nothing among the schismatics against the
faith of the Church, or the honour and service
of the Pope. He then produced commendatory
I Materials, vi. p. 198. " Miloni Episcopo Morinorum."
Therouanne was destroyed by Charles V. in 1553, as the old and
very neat chronogram records ; DcLctI Morlnl.
262 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. ^chap. 23
letters and petitions from the King, which said
that he was to be beheved with the credit that
was due to the King himself. Acting on this
authority, he committed to the judgment of the
Pope the cause at issue between the King and
the Archbishop, respecting the wicked customs,
that at his pleasure they should have all force
or none, and that peace should be concluded
with the Archbishop on the terms the Pope
might dictate. When he had confirmed this
with an oath, he obtained from his Holiness a
promise that the legates should be sent. It is
reported that they have been stopped on their
way, in consequence of the discovery of the
Swearer's treachery." How far King Henry was
responsible for obtaining favours from the Pope
on conditions which he never meant to fulfil, it
is hard to say; most probably, John of Oxford,
finding his powers ample, preferred an apparent
success, gained through an unscrupulous oath,
which he must have known his master would
not ratify, to returning unsuccessful. Besides,
the moment was critical. The legatine powers
conferred upon St. Thomas were bringing the
Bishops to a sense of their duty ; and the King,
who found the battle difficult with the Archbishop
alone, would have been unable to contend with
the clerg}- of the kingdom, if united. It was
therefore essential to gain some concession from
the Pope, which should hamper St. Thomas, at
least for a time ; and it was gained, though with
a terrible violation of the sanctity of an oath.
When these things reached the Pope's ears,
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
265.
notwithstanding the letters of remonstrance
which have been ah-eady gi^■en, he was very
unwilhng to give up all hope of a reconciliation.
John of Oxford had written to him to say that
the King of England had liberated such eccle-
siastics as he had imprisoned ; and that he was
willing to confirm to the Church all that liberty
which she had had in his realm in the time of
King Henry his grandfather. This phrase, which
makes its appearance now for the lirst time, though
it is afterwards repeated, is but a quibble ; for
the King professed to claim the Constitutions of
Clarendon on the very ground that they were
customs. Still it seemed to the Pope that peace
might be concluded, and he therefore wrote ^
from Rome, on May 7, 1167, to the Cardinals,
William of Pavia and Otho, that their first duty
was to console the Archbishop, and that their
only task was to arrange this reconciliation to
the satisfaction of both parties ; commanding
them not to set foot in King Henry's dominions
until the reconciliation had taken place. Similar
instructions were sent to them from Benevento,
on the 22nd of August. This was practically to
take away the powers of the Legates, and to
restore his liberty to St. Thomas ; and Humbert,
the Archdeacon of Bourges, afterwards Arch-
bishop of Milan, and ultimately Pope Urban III.,
who went to meet them at Chateauroux, wrote to
the Archbishop,^ that, as far as he could learn
from them in person, such was the case.
The year 1167 was far advanced before the
2 Materials, \i. pp. 200, 232. 3 Ibid. p. 202.
264
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 23
Cardinals arrived who had been named legates in
the previous December, but whose powers since
May had been restricted to a mere mediation.
Cardinal Otho wrote from Montpellier, where he
was waiting for his co-legate William of Pavia,
that his journey had been long because it had
been necessary to go to Venice in disguise, owing
to the state of Italy, where the Emperor was
with his troops ; and that he had stayed some
time at Brescia, his native place. This Cardinal
St. Thomas did not dread as a mediator, as he
did his colleague William of Pavia, who also
wrote, but in a style that made the Saint seri-
ously uneasy. Considering that they had no
powers whatever, but were simply peacemakers,
the following sentence left the impression that
its writer intended to assume an authority that
did not belong to him, which, as he was noto-
riously a partisan, might have serious conse-
quences : " Our venerable brother Otho, Cardinal
Deacon, and ourself are on our way to his (the
King's) territory, with a commission to determine
the questions at issue between your lordship and
himself, as shall seem to us best for the interests
of the Church of God ; and we would seriously
press your lordship, as far as in you lies, to avoid
all steps that may tend to widen the breach, but
zealously to co-operate in whatever may facilitate
an arrangement." To this letter St. Thomas
prepared two several answers, but they were
never sent ; for John of Salisbury, whom the
Saint consulted respecting them, freely con-
demned them, as far too severe and not respectful
1167]
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
265
enough to be sent to a cardinal-legate ; and he
himself suggested a substitute. There is scarcely
anything so beautiful in the life of St. Thomas as
the spirit in which he received and encouraged
John of Salisbury's constant and free criticisms
on himself and his proceedings.
As the Cardinals had to pass by Sens, they
naturally visited St. Thomas first. They had to
thank the intercession of the Saint with King
Louis for their liberty of passing through France,
which that King was strongly inclined to refuse.
They then went on to visit King Henry, who
was at Caen ; with whom they spent a long time
without sending the Archbishop any account of
their proceedings. This was quite in accordance
with the idea which the friends of St. Thomas
entertained, that the King's sole object was to
protract all negotiations, and that he was insin-
cere in treating about terms of reconciliation at
all. However, St. Thomas was summoned by
them to a conference, to be held on the confines
of France and Normandy, at a spot between the
towns of Trie and Gisors.
On the night before the conference the Arch-
bishop dreamed, as he told his companions on
the way, that poison was offered him in a golden
cup. In the course of the day, they thought
they saw it verified in the person of the Cardinal
William of Pavia, whose proposals were plausible
and elegantly put, though they were destructive
of the liberty of the Church. The King of France
was himself present at the interview, and he had
provided for the Archbishop's accommodation.
266
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 23
In a letter, in which St. Tliomas liimself describes
this interview to the Pope, he says that his ene-
mies tried to wear him out vvith journeys and
expenses ; and that, as he and his fellow-exiles
had but three horses at their disposal, he was
obliged to ask for another week, besides the tea
days' warning which the Legates gave him. At
this slight delay. King Henry, it would be hard
to say why, took offence. When King Louis
learned the straits to which the Archbishop was
reduced, he amply provided him with means to
travel with his fellow-exiles to the appointed
place of conference. " God in the richness of
His mercy reward him," wrote St. Thomas to
the Pope.
At the interview, which was held at Les
Planches on the i8th of November, 1167, the
Legates were attended only by the Archbishop of
Rouen, the King of England having kept about
him such of the English Bishops as he had
summoned, who were all St. Thomas's greatest
enemies, — the Archbishop of York, and the
Bishops of London, Chichester, and Salisbury,
with, for appearance' sake, the Bishop of Wor-
cester. Many, however, of lower rank represented
the King's interest at the conference.
St. Thomas was accompanied by John of
Salisbury, Herbert of Bosham, Lombard of Pi-
acenza, Alexander the Welshman, Geoffrey prior
and Guarin canon of Pentney, Robert and Gil-
bert canons, the two last named being the
Archbishop's chaplains, John the Cantor, Alan,
Richard, Henr}- and many others.
iiCy]
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
267
Wc have the fullest accounts of all that passed,
as both parties sent their reports to the Pope,
and John of Salisbury has recorded the trans-
actions in two documents^ The Legates opened
conference b}- dwelling at some length on the
charity of the Pope and their own anxiety for
peace and for the safety of the Archbishop of
Canterbury and his companions. They then
spoke of the difiiculties of their journey, which
had been very long. They had left Rome in the
middle of March, ^ and it was November when
they reached Normandy. They then approached
the matter before them b}' enlarging on the great-
ness of the King of England, his inflexibility, the
badness of the times, the necessities of the
Church, which, in every part of the world but
France, was beset with enemies. They spoke,
too, of the many favours the King in times past
had delighted to heap upon the Saint ; and they
recounted the wrongs of which Henry now com-
plained. Amongst the latter he reckoned the
war which had broken out between himself and
both the King of France and the Earl of Flan-
ders, which he attributed to St. Thomas. They
ended by asking his advice how they might them-
selves hope to recover the favour of the King,
whose displeasure they had incurred when he
found that their powers were not as extensive as
John of Oxford had led him to expect. "With-
4 Materials, vi. pp. 281, 245, 25G, 261.
5 The Bishop of Poitiers had been told by John Cumin and
Ralph of Tamworth that they left Rome on the ist of January.
nCy (Materials, vi. pp. 123, 147).
268
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY.
[chap. 23
out much humility and moderation," they said,
with the view, it was thought, either of frighten-
ing or provoking the Archbishop, " and without
showing so great a prince very much honour,
they would not be able to appease his indignation
or find a remedy for so many dangers."
St. Thomas rose, and with great calmness, yet
with his eyes sparkling and the colour in his
face, addressed the Legates in Latin with fluency
and elegance. He opened his reply by thanking
themselves and the Pope for the interest they
took in him and his fellow-exiles. He answered
their address point by point, showing the ground-
lessness of the King's complaints and exposing
the wrongs of the Church. With regard to the.
war, in order to deprive such reports of any
colour of probability, for a long time past he
had purposely abstained from all personal inter-
course with the King of France, the only recent
instance being the interview in which he had
obtained a safe-conduct for the Legates at their
request. This matter was further confirmed the
next day by the appearance of King Louis in
person before the Legates ; and he there asserted
on oath that the Archbishop of Canterbury had
always counselled peace, on such terms as should
secure the honour of the two Kings and the
tranquillity of their people.
St. Thomas expressed himself as ready to show
to the King all such humility and loj-al obedience
as was consistent with the honour of God and
the Apostolic See, the liberty of the Church, the
dignity of his office, and the preservation of
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
269
Church property ; and, if this seemed too much
or too httle, he promised to be guided by the
advice of the Legates, as far as his circumstances
and profession permitted. The Legates replied
that they had not come to give him counsel, but
to take counsel with him and to promote a
reconciliation.
William of Pavia then asked whether, " inas-
much as we are not better than our fathers,"
the Saint would not in their presence promise
to observe to King Henry whatever customs his
predecessors had observed to former kings. All
questions would then be at an end, and he might
return to his see in peace. The Archbishop's
answer was that none of his predecessors had
ever been forced to make such a promise to any
king ; and as for himself, by God's help he would
never promise to observe customs that were
clearly contrary to the laws of God, that over-
threw the rights of the Holy See, and destroyed
the liberty of the Church. In the presence of
the Cardinals themselves and of many others
the Pope at Sens had condemned these customs,
and had absolved the Archbishop from his pro-
mise, and the Saint added that the Pope had
then used an expression worthy of his apos-
tolic office, which please God he would never
forget, that he should have bent his neck to
the executioner sooner than have given con-
sent to such wickedness and for temporal ad-
vantages or for the love of life have abandoned
his priestly duty. The Constitutions of Clarendon
that had been condemned were then read, and
270 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [cHAr. 23
St. Thomas asked the Legates whether a priest
could observe them without periUing his order
and his salvation. The Cardinal of Pavia recom-
mended the Saint to resign his see ; which, St.
Thomas answered, would be to abandon the cause
of the Church. He also refused to return to Can-
terbury without anything being said on either
side of the subjects in dispute, quoting the
English proverb, " Silence gives consent."
They then proceeded to ask, whether the Saint
would submit to their judgment as to the points
in dispute between himself and the King. The
question placed him in the dilemma of submitting
to an arbitrator like the Cardinal William of
Pavia, whom he knew to be a partisan of the
King's, or of refusing an arbitration in what
might seem a factious manner. His answer was,
that before any such arbitration should take place,
restitution must first be made of all the Church
property which had been unjustly taken away ;
and that then he would be prepared to submit
to the judgment of any one whom his Holiness
n:iight appoint.
The Legates finally asked the Archbishop if, in
case of another appeal being made by the
Bishops, he would consent to their hearing evi-
dence upon it, and adjudging it. The Saint had
already heard a rumour of the nature of this
appeal, which it was proposed to make in the
name of the Bishops of England. As he v^^as
aware, but a ver}^ few were assembled at Rouen,
and m.ost of the other Bishops knew nothing of
it ; while of those who did know of it. many dis-
1167] THE CARDINAL LEGATES. 27I
approved it, as being rather an evasion than an
appeaL For these reasons he answ ered, that he
had received no instructions from the Pope upon
the subject ; but that on receiving them, he
would return such an answer as lie might judge
reasonable. In conclusion, the poverty of him-
self and his friends disabled them from under-
taking law-suits and expensive journeys ; nor
would he consent to encroach on the bounty of
the King of France by asking him to maintain
them in other men's houses. The Archbishop
parted from the Legates with mutual expressions
of good-will.
The Cardinals'' now i-eturned to the King. On
the Thursday after the interview, they arrived at
the monastery of Bee ; the day after, at Lisieux ;
the third day, at St. Pierre-sur-Dives ; the fourth
day, that is, the Sunday before Advent, they
passed through Argentan. The King came out
two leagues to meet them ; and welcoming them
cordially, attended each to his lodgings.
The day following, that is, Monday, the 27th
of November, early in the morning, after Mass,
they were invited to attend the King, and entered
the council-chamber with the Archbishops,
Bishops, and Abbots who had admission. On
their reappearance, after a space of about two
hours, the King came out as far as the outer
door of the chapel, and there said publicly in
the hearing of the Legates, " I trust my eyes may
never light upon another Cardinal." In such
haste was he to get quit of them, that, though
C Matci'ials, vi. p. 2G9.
272 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 23
their house was at no great distance, he would not
await the arrival of their horses, but mounted
them upon the first that could be found near
the chapel. Thus the Cardinals took their de-
parture, with four attendants at the most.
The Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots stayed
with the King, and re-entered the council-cham-
ber, where they remained till evening. After
this, they visited the Cardinals, all in evident
confusion ; then, after remaining some time, they
returned to their houses. The day following they
were closeted with the King till twelve o'clock ;
then visited the Cardinals ; then returned to the
King, and again to the Cardinals, carrying secret
messages backwards and forwards. The day
after, that is, the vigil of St. Andrew, the King
rose at daybreak, and went out to hunt and
hawk, so that it was surmised that he absented
himself on purpose. Very early the Bishops met
at the chapel-royal, and adjourned to the council-
chamber ; here they deliberated in the King's
absence, and then withdrew to the church, near
which the Cardinals lodged.
When the Cardinals had taken their seats to
hear what was proposed, and the others were
arranged on each side, the Archbishops of Rouen
and York, the Bishops of Worcester, Salisbury,
Bayeux, London, Chichester, and Angouleme,
with very many Abbots, and a great multitude
both of clergy and laity, at length the Bishop
of London rose, his pointless and inelegant ora-
tion sufficiently evincing the troubled state of
his mind. He opened it as follows :
1 1 67]
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
"Your lordships have heard that letters were
brought to us from his Holiness the Pope, which
we have now in our hands, in which his Holiness
signified to us, that on receiving your summons
we should come to meet you, for that your
lordships were intrusted with full powers to
decide the cause now pending between his lord-
ship the King and my lord of Canterbury, and
also that between the Bishops of England and
the same Archbishop.
" In consequence, as soon as we heard of your
arrival in these parts, we hastened to meet you,
ready to abide by your decision, and to take our
parts as well in accusation as defence. In like
manner, my lord the King is prepared to ratify
any sentence which you may pronounce respect-
ing himself and his lordship of Canterbury.
Since, then, no impediment is raised on the part
either of the King or of your lordships or of
ourselves, to thwart his Holiness's instructions,
let the blame rest where it is due.
"But because, with his accustomed precipita-
tion, the Archbishop strikes before he threatens,
suspends and excommunicates before he admon-
ishes, for this reason we anticipate his headlong
sentence by an appeal. We have appealed already
before this, and we renew our appeal now ; and
in this appeal all England includes itself."
He then spoke of the claim raised by the King
for the sum of forty-four thousand marks on ac-
count of revenues which passed into St. Thomas's
hands as Chancellor ; and he was witty at the
Saint's expense, saying, that he apparently believed
s
274 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 23
that promotion remitted debts, as baptism does
sins. He proceeded to the danger of a schism,
in case of severe measures against the King ; and
he complained that the x\rchbishop defamed the
King respecting the statutes of Clarendon, pro-
testing publicly that the King would relax the
statute which forbade appeals ; that it was only
for the sake of the poorer clergy that he had
enacted it, and now that they were ungrateful for
it, he would annul it; and that if the cause was
civil, they should contend before a civil judge ;
if ecclesiastical, they might choose their own
court, and contend as they would.
Lastly, he said that St. Thomas imposed unfair
burdens upon him, commanding him to disperse
his briefs through England, and that forty cou-
riers were not enough for this ; and, as a further
grievance, that he had withdrawn from his juris^
diction nearly sixty churches, on the ground that
they had formerly paid rents to Holy Trinity or
St. Augustine's; and that he had his Dean'' in
the City of London to judge the causes of these
exempt churches, and thus undermined the autho-
rity of the Bishop, who was in this manner more
aggrieved than any other Bishop.
The Legates stated that they had no powers
to act as judges over the Archbishop, but only
as mediators : on which, the Bishops named
St. Martin's in the following year as the term
of their appeal, that is, November iith, 1168.
The Bishop of Salisbury joined in the appeal,
7 This official of the Archbishop is the well known Dean of
the Arches.
THE CARDINAL LEGATES.
in his own name and that of the Bishop of Win-
chester. A cleric of Geoffrey Ridel, Archdeacon
of Canterbury, appealed in the name of his
master ; so, probably to ingratiate himself with
the King, did one of the monks of Christ Church,
Canterbury, who had been sent to the court to
implore Henry's protection against the exactions
of the infamous Randulf de Broc. This monk
had at the same time another commission. Prior
Wibert had died September 27, 1167, and the
Convent of Christ Church now sent to the King
about the appointment of a new prior. John of
Salisbury wTote^ to reproach the monks for their
disloyalty to their Archbishop, and said that those
who heard their representative join in the
appeal of the Bishops, scoffed at him, saying
that it was almost hereditary for the monks of
Canterbury to hate their Archbishop. " They
had been no comfort to Anselm when twice exiled
for justice sake. They had despised Ralph,
hated William, set snares for Theobald, and now
for no reason they persecuted Thomas."
When the conference was over, the Cardinals
sent two messengers to St. Thomas, who, on the
day after the feast of St. Lucy, December 14th,
delivered to him letters^ prohibiting him, in the
Pope's name and their own, from issuing an}'
excommunication or interdict until the Pope had
been consulted.
The Bishops also sent two messengers, Walter,
precentor of Salisbury, and Master Jocelin, chan-
cellor of Chichester, to announce the appeal, and
s Materials, vi. p. jci, 0 Ibid. pp. 284, 277.
276 ST, THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 23
renew it in the Archbishop's presence ; but he
would not give them a hearing ; first, because
one of the Bishops was London, whom he re-
garded as excommunicate, and had denounced
as such to the Cardinals ; secondly, because they
had held communion with excommunicates whose
absolution had been fraudulent.
The Archbishop wrote back to the Cardinals,
that he well knew, and that they could not be
ignorant, how far their commands were binding
on him ; and that by God's grace he should act
as he thought most for the interest of the Church.
He sent them also a verbal message by their
messengers and his own, finding fault with their
conduct for manifold and obvious causes. Like-
wise he called on them to fulfil the Pope's in-
structions about the excommunicates, either
urging them to satisfaction, or replacing them
under sentence.
The Cardinals left the King on the same Tues-
day after Vespers. On their departure, the King
entreated them most humbly that they would
intercede with the Pope to rid him of St. Thomas
altogether. In asking this, he shed tears in the
presence of the Cardinals and others. William
of Pavia seemed to weep too ; but Cardinal Otho
could scarcely conceal his amusement.
CHAPTER XXIV.
" MEANWHILE."
1168.
Absolutions of excommunicated persons — proposed translation
of St, Thomas — messengers to the Pope from both sides-
conferences between the two Kings at Nantes — John of Salis-
bury, Herbert of Bosham and Philip of Calne have inter-
views with King Henry — the Pope suspends the Saint's
powers — St. Thomas expostulates with the Pope.
The departure of the Cardinals left matters
balanced much as they were before their arrival,
although eventually their commission resulted in
the most serious reverse St. Thomas experienced.
He had now cause of complaint to the Pope, that
the Legates had, as far as their power went, sus-
pended him from all authority. On the other hand,
the King was apparently not unwilling to give
up the two most obnoxious articles of Clarendon:
that which prevented appeals to the Pope, and
that which required the clergy to plead in the
secular courts, even in ecclesiastical causes. The
Cardinals, however, still continuing in the neigh-
bourhood, application was made to them for
absolution by persons, who, after being excommu-
nicated by St. Thomas, had been absolved in
England. This absolution had been principally
obtained from the Bishop of Llandaff, on John of
2/8 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
Oxford's return from Rome, in virtue of a frau-
dulent interpretation of the powers sent by the
Pope in favour of those who were in peril of
death, and who should make oath to obey the
orders of the Holy See on their recovery. All
parties now regarding these absolutions as invalid,
the Cardinals William and Otho issued^ orders
to the Bishops of Norwich and Chichester to
repeat them after a similar oath. The Pope,^ who
had been informed by St. Thomas of what had
taken place, ordered them to replace the censure,
unless the parties should at once make restitution
of the Church property they had usurped. This
letter was sent^ to the Legates by St. Thomas,
first, copies by a canon regular of St. John's, and
then the originals by Osbert, a subdeacon of the
Holy See; but the Cardinals said that the Church
revenues had been received by the King's man-
date and authority, and therefore that, as long as
the}- were in his territory, it was impossible to do
justice on the usurpers. Cardinal Otho was now
plainly either over-persuaded by his colleague, or
over-awed by the King, for the present proceed-
ings are inexcusable.
. With regard to the proposal of William of
Pavia, that the Saint should be translated to
another see, which had been taken up in some
quarters rather warmly, and amongst others, to
St. Thomas's great mortification, by the Bishop
of Worcester, he wrote in these striking terms :
" We wish our lord the Pope and our other
I Materials, vi. p. 306.
2 Ibid. p. 311. 3 [bid. p. 315.
Ii68] "meanwhile." 279
friends to know, and do you take care to impress
it upon them, that sooner than suffer ourself to
be torn from our Mother the Church of Canter-
bury, which has nourished and raised us to our
present station, God the inspector of hearts
knoweth we would consent to be slaughtered.
Let them waste no labour on such a prospect, for
there is no calamity which we would not prefer
to that. You may inform them also, that if every
other grievance were removed, yet so long as that
man retains the possession of our own or any
other church in his dominions, we would rather
die any death than basely live and suffer him to
enjoy them with impunity." In a letter'* written
not very long before, the Saint had represented to
the Pope that the King held in his own hands no
less than seven vacant bishoprics in the two pro-
vinces of Canterbury and Rouen.
Meanwhile messengers on both sides were con-
stantly going to and from Benevento, where the
Pope was. To use Herbert's graphic words,
" The threshold of the Apostles was worn by our
messengers and by our adversaries : both parties
run to and fro, hurry and bustle. Some of both
die on the way, but others succeed them, and on
both sides the number increases. And to speak
of our own people only, the multitude of our
fellow-exiles afforded us such a supply of messen-
gers, that it seemed as if God had permitted so
many to be banished for our advantage. Here
was a poor Archbishop and his ragged and
wretched fellow-exiles showing a brave resistance
4 Materials, vi. p. 253.
280 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
to citizens and kings, to cardinals and persons of
wealth ; and I then at least learned that gold and
silver cannot be brought into comparison with a
man of learning and energ}', let him be as poor as
he may."
John of Salisbury, in May 1168, wrote the fol-
lowing account 5 of the proceedings at Benevento
to the Bishop of Exeter, with whom he kept up
an active and friendly correspondence : " Both
parties were courteously received ; but the King's
envoys, as their cause was worse, so their pomp
and ostentation was greater ; and when they found
that they could not move his lordship the Pope by
flattery or promises, they had recourse to threats;
intimating that the King would follow the errors
of Noureddin, and enter into communion with a
profane religion, sooner than allow Thomas to
act any longer as Bishop in the Church of Can-
terbury. But the man of God could not be
shaken by terror any more than seduced by
flattery. He set before them the alternative of
life and death, and said that, though he could not
prevent their choosing the way of those that
perish, despising the grace and patience of God,
yet by the grace of God, for his part, he
would not recede from the right way. Their
spirit then quickly subsided ; and, as they
perceived that they could not make any pro-
gress this way against justice, they sent envoys
to the King of Sicily, with the King's letters
which they had brought as their credentials, in
the hope that the King and Queen of Sicily might
5 Materials, vi. p. 406.
ii68]
" MEANWHILE."
281
aid them in obtaining something from his lord-
ship the Pope to the prejudice of the Church,
But his most Christian Majesty the King of the
French, presaging this wicked \>o\\cy, had written
to the Archbishop elect of Palermo, identifying
himself with the cause of the Church and of the
Archbishop of Canterbury. What has been the
success of either party is as yet unknown. In the
mean time messengers arrived from the Legates
whom the King of England had procured from
the Pope, but did not at all agree in their
accounts ; for whatever one said in the Pope's
Court, the other unsaid. But there is nothing
certain known about these either, as to the
answers they will bring back to their respective
masters. Supplication was made to the Pope,
on the part of the King and the Legates, backed
with other interest, in behalf of the Bishop of
Salisbury; and at length it was conceded that the
Pontiff would pardon him his offence, and write
to his lordship of Canterbury, requesting and
counselling him to take off the sentence of sus-
pension, and to receive him back into his favour
and affection, on condition that he gives security
in his own person, and sends two of the principal
clerics of his church, the Dean being excepted, to
make oath that the Bishop has ordered them, and
not afterwards revoked the order, to swear in his
name and stead that he will make satisfaction to
the Archbishop for his contumacy and miscon-
duct. From this it may be surmised that the
Pope was either ignorant of the sentence of the
legates, by which they absolved the aforesaid
282
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
Bishop, or that he did not think fit to ratif}' it.
The same Bishop had before obtained letters
nearly to the same effect, which, however, did not
impose upon him the oath ; but these he did not
think fit to use, either because they were dis-
pleasing to the King, or else that they were
not considered sufficient. What award each party
would bring back was unknown, when the bearer
of the aforesaid letters returned ; but his lordship
the Pope has written to his most Christian
Majesty that he will not fail the Church of God
nor his friend of Canterbury, whenever he can
uphold him with justice."
Various conferences were now held between
the principal nobles of both kingdoms, and finally
between the two Kings of England and France,
at Mantes, on the 12th of May, the Sunday after
the Ascension, with a view to promote peace.
Probably about this time, though it may very
possibly have happened in one of the previous
years,^ an effort was made by the intercession of
King Louis to reconcile some of the Archbishop's
followers to King Henry, that so the revenues of
their benefices, of which they stood in great need,
might be restored to them. Henry gave them a
safe-conduct for going and coming to and from
Angers, where he had spent Easter. On Low
Sunday the King gave them audience. The
C Canon Robertson assigns it to 1166, in which case the date
of Low Sunday would be May i. Fitzstephen places it after the
events of 1169, but he has placed the excommunications of ii6g
before the conference at Les Planches in 1167, so that his order
of events cannot be relied on (Materials, iii. p. 98).
Ii68] " MEANWHILE." 283
first who was introduced was John of Salis-
bury, who, after sahiting the King, begged for
a peaceable restitution of his benefices, as he
had never wilfully offended him, but was ever
ready to be faithful and loyal to him, as his
earthly lord, saving his order. On the King's
part it was answered him, that he was born in
the King's dominions, that his relations there
had their subsistence, and that there he him-
self had risen to riches and station : therefore,
as a subject of the King, he ought to have been
faithful to him against the Archbishop and every
one else. An oath was then proposed to him,
that he would be faithful to the King in life and
limb, and in preserving his earthly honour against
all men ; and expressly that he would lawfully
keep his written customs and royal dignities, let
the Pope, or the Archbishop, or his own Bishop,
do what they might. He replied, that he had
been brought up from his youth by the Church of
Canterbury, that he was sworn to the obedience
of the Pope and of his Archbishop, and that he
could not desert them, nor could he promise to
observe the customs; but he was willing to pledge
himself to receive whatever the Pope and the
Archbishop received, and to reject what they
rejected. This did not satisfy the King, so he
received orders to leave. This unsuccessful visit,
John of Salisbury afterwards complained, cost
him thirteen pounds and two horses, which he
could ill afford. He had previously consented to
leave the Court of the Archbishop, but he had
constantly refused the terms that were now
offered to him.
284 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. chap. 24
Master Herbert of Bosham was called for, and
entered. The King said to those near him, " Now
we shall see a specimen of pride." Tall and
striking in person, he had on a dress peculiarly
calculated to set it off; a tunic, and above it a
mantle of the green cloth of Auxerre hanging
over his shoulders, and reaching, after the Ger-
man fashion, to his ankles. After the usual salu-
tation, he took his seat ; was interrogated in the
same manner with John, and made for the most
part the same answers. On mention of loyalty
and the Archbishop, he said that the Archbishop
above all men was most especially loyal, for that
he had not suffered his majesty to go astray
unwarned. Of the customs he said as John had,
and added that he wondered the King had put
them in writing. " For in other kingdoms like-
wise there are evil customs against the Church ;
but they are not written, and for this reason there
is hope, by God's grace, that they may become
disused."
The King, wishing to take him in his words,
asked, "And what are the evil customs in the
kingdom of our lord the King of France ? "
Herbert. " The exaction of toll and passage
from the clergy and pilgrims. Again, when a
Bishop dies, all his movable goods, even the
doors and windows of his house, become the
King's. So, in the realm of the King of the
Germans, though these and similar evil customs
exist, they are not written."
The King. " Why do you not call him by his
proper title, the Emperor of Germany ? "
Ii68] "meanwhile." 285
Herbert. " His title is King of Germany ; and
when he styles himself Emperor, it is ' Emperor
of the Romans, the ever-august.' "
The King. " This is abominable. Is this son
of a priest to disturb my kingdom and disquiet
my peace ? "
Herbert. " It is not I that do it ; nor, again, am
I the son of a priest, as I was born before my
father entered orders ; nor is he a King's son,
whose father was no King when he begat him."
Here Jordan Tarsun, one of the barons sitting
by, said, "Whosesoever son he is, I would give
half my barony he were mine." This speech
made the King angr}', but he said nothing. After
a little he dismissed Herbert, who withdrew.
Philip of Calne, entered next. He was by
birth a Londoner, and for two years before
the Archbishop's exile he had studied in the
Holy Scriptures at Tours,^ at which place he
had also taught law. He was a man of great
reading and very eloquent, but in poor health,
and on this account he had not accompanied the
Archbishop, nor had he been sent to Rome, nor
mixed up in proceedings against the King. All
this was explained to Henry, and he had influ-
ential advocates, who reported to his majesty
that he had said, when he heard that his property
in England had been confiscated on the Arch-
7 Tours is probably a mistake of Fitzstephen's for Rheims.
Philip was recommended by St. Thomas to Fulk Dean of
Rheims, whom the Saint afterwards thanks for his kindness to
him. John of Salisbury speaks of Philip as living at Rheims
(Materials, v. pp. 1G6, 258, 422).
286
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
bishop's account, "Good God, what does our
good King look for from me?" The King was
anxious not to seem to have granted nothing
graciously, so he remitted the oath which had
been proposed to the others, and restored Philip
to his favour and to his possessions. He then
rose, and turned to other business.
If it was in this year, 1168, that this attempt
was made to restore the Archbishop's followers
to Henry's favour, its resumption was rendered
impossible by the news which reached the King
from the Pope in the middle of the summer.
His envoys ^ — Clarembald, the Abbot-elect of
St. Augustine's, whom, it will be remembered,
St. Thomas had refused to bless as abbot several
years before; Reginald, Archdeacon of Salisbury;
Simon de la Chartre, and Henry of Northampton
— had unexpectedly returned with letters from
the Pope, not only confirming the prohibition
placed upon St. Thomas by the Legates, which
was a virtual suspension, but actually suspending
the Archbishop by his Apostolic authority. It
was conveyed to the King in these words:**
"We, however, are unable to forget our fatherly
affection for your person, but wish in all things,
as far as duty will permit, to honour and attend
to you as a Catholic Prince and most Christian
King ; and in the sure hope and belief that your
discreet prudence will perceive how in the things
of God and those which pertain to the Church,
it is more glorious to be conquered than to
conquer ; and confiding that He, in whose hands
Materials, vi. p. 377.
" MEANWHILE."
287
are the hearts of kings, will deign to mitigate
your indignation, we have laid our commands
on the Archbishop, and altogether inhibited him
from attempting, on any account, to put forth
either against yourself, or your land, or the
nobles of your realm, any sentence of interdict
or excommunication, until you take him back
into your favour, and he is reconciled to you,
or from presuming in any matter to aggrieve
you.
" And since it is certain that those letters,
which we last addressed to your magnificence
by your envoys, a year ago, are for the future
without force; if, in the meantime, the aforesaid
Archbishop shall in any matter presume to
aggrieve yourself or the nobles of your realm,
you are at liberty to show these present letters
in attestation of our pleasure, and to demonstrate
that you and yours are beyond the reach of his
attacks."
If the Holy Father thought that an appeal to
the King's generosity or honour was likely to be
successful, when he pointed out to him that
" it was more glorious to be conquered than to
conquer," he must have been sadly disappointed.
He published the letter as widely as he could,
sending it to all the churches and dignitaries of
both kingdoms ; although the Pope only gave
him liberty to do so, " if the Archbishop should
aggrieve him ; " and although his envoys had
sworn that it should be kept secret, and the
Pope had commanded them so to keep it, in
virtue of their obedience and under peril of an
288 ST, THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
anathema ; so that Master Geoffrey, one of the
clerics of the Cardinal, William of Pavia, openly
protested " that they had perjured themselves
and incurred an anathema."'
The Pope had never been stispected for a
moment of being moved by any inferior motive ;
but the King was so elated with this his triumph,
that he could not refrain from naming those of
the Cardinals who had accepted his gold, and
those personages who were his agents in dis-
pensing bribes. John of Salisbury wrote to
Master Lombard, who was with the Pope,
"Would that my lords the Cardinals were within
hearing of the French ; among whom it has
become a proverb, that the princes of the Church
are faithless and companions of thieves — Ecclesice
brincipes infidcles, socii fiiriim^ for they authorize
the plunder of Christ's patrimony, to share in it
themselves." The same writer also says to the
Bishop of Poitiers, " The King himself told the
Bishop of Worcester, that he and the other
Bishops were exempted from the jurisdiction of
the Archbishop ; and bade them fear no threats,
for that he had his lordship the Pope and all
the Cardinals in his purse. So elated is he, that
he boasts openly of having at last obtained the
prerogatives of his grandfather, who was, in his
own realms, at once apostolic legate, patriarch,
and emperor, and whatever else he chose."
The letter'" of the Holy Father to St. Thomas
9 "Thy princes are faithless, companions of thieves: they all
love bribes, and run after rewards " (Isaias i. 23).
10 Materials, vi. p. 421.
1 1 681
" MEANWHILE."
289
announcing the step he had taken, is dated Bene-
vento, the igth of May, 1168. It differs in a
material point from that sent to the King. In
the latter the suspension ran, " until you take
him back into your favour, and he is reconciled to
you ; " in that to the Archbishop it was, that his
powers were suspended, until he should receive
other apostolic letters to empower him to act,
which were promised, if peace had not been
arranged before the beginning of next Lent. The
Pope had always confided much in the reality of
the promises of reconciliation so freely made by
the King of England's envoys ; and he probably
thought that the step he was now taking would
have the desired result, and at once end the
suspension of the Archbishop.
The following" was St. Thomas's expostulation
with the Pope on what was by far the hardest
trial he had yet had to bear :
" O my father, my soul is in bitterness ; the
letters by which your Holiness was pleased to
suspend me have made myself and my unhappy
fellow-exiles a very scorn of men and outcast of
the people, and, what grieves me worse, have
delivered up God's Church to the will of its
enemies.
" Our persecutor had held out sure hopes to
the Count of Flanders, and others of the French
nobility, that he meant to make peace with us ;
but his messengers arrived with new powers from
your Holiness, and all was at an end. What
could our friends do for us when thus repulsed by
" Ep. S. Tho. i. p. 51 ; Froude's Remains, p. 348.
T
2g0 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
your Holiness's act, and smitten down as with
the club of Hercules ?
" Would that your Holiness's ear could hear
what is said of this matter by the Bishops,
nobles, and commons of both realms, and that
your eye could see the scandal with which it has
filled the French Court. What is there that this
man may not now look for, when, through agents
famous only for their crimes, he has circumvented
those who have the key of knowledge, overthrown
the ministers of justice, and seared the majesty
of the Apostolic See ? This King, whose sole
hope rests on the chance of your Holiness's
death or mine, has obtained the very thing he
wishes, — a fresh delay, in which one or other
of those events might happen. God avert
them !
" But your Holiness counsels me to bear with
patience the meanwhile. And do you not observe,
O father, what this meanwhile may bring about, to
the injury of the Church and of your Holiness's
reputation ? Meanwhile, he applies to his own
purposes the revenues of the vacant abbeys and
bishoprics, and will not suffer pastors to be
ordained there ; meanwhile, he riots in uncon-
trolled insolence against the parishes, churches,
holy places, and the whole sacred order ; mean-
while, he and the other persecutors of the Church
make their will their law ; meanwhile, who is to
take charge of the sheep of Christ, and save
them from the jaws of wolves, who no longer
prowl around, but have entered the fold, and
devour and tear and slay, with none to resist
1 1 68]
" MEANWHILE."
them ? For what pastor is there whose voice you
have not silenced, and what Bishop have you not
suspended in suspending me ?
"This act of your Hohness is ahke unexampled
and unmerited, and will do the work of tyrants in
other days as well as yours. Your Holiness has
set an example ready to their hands ; and doubt-
less this man and his posterity, unless your Holi-
ness takes steps to order it otherwise, will draw
it into a precedent. He and his nobles, whatever
be their crime, will claim, among the privileges
of the realm, exemption from any sentence
of excommunication or interdict till authorized
by the Apostolic See ; then, in time, when the
evil has taken root, neither will the Supreme
Pontiff himself find any in the whole kingdom
to take part with him against the King and his
princes."
There is yet another passage of this magnifi-
cent example of apostolic liberty which must be
given, notwithstanding its length, as it is valuable
for the instances which it recites of royal tyranny
and usurpation.
" Some may say, perhaps, that it was out of
hatred to myself personally, that the customs
were introduced. But in truth, from the very day
of the King's accession to power, he took up the
persecution of the Church, as if it were an heir-
loom. Was I Archbishop when his father pro-
hibited the envoys of the blessed Eugenius from
setting foot on his territory ? Was I Archbishop
when Gregory, Cardinal Deacon of St. Angelo,
foreseeing this man's tyranny, persuaded my lord
2g2
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 24
Eugenius to permit'- the coronation of Eustace,
King Stephen's son, saying that a ram was more
easily held by the horns than a lion by the tail ?
Your Holiness will recollect this history, and like-
wise the letters which were then procured by him
who is now at York, and joins the King in my
persecution, yea, aims at overthrowing the
Church's liberty. ^Vas I Archbishop when, taking
offence at an appeal, the King transferred the
Church of Bosham to the Bishop of Lisieux, who
by his rhetoric and his flatteries still holds it,'^
to the injury of the Church of Exeter ? And
what success had the Bishop of Chichester
against the Abbot of Battle i'-* when, on his daring
to speak before the Court of apostolic privileges,
and to denounce the Abbot excommunicate, he
was forthwith compelled to communicate with
him in the face of all present, without even the
form of absolution, and to receive him to the kiss
of peace ? For such was the King's pleasure and
that of the Court, which dared not to oppose his
will in anything. And this, most Holy Father,
happened in the time of your Holiness's prede-
cessor as well as of mine.
"And now, let those ^ho attribute all this to
12 " Ut Eustachium coronari noii permitteret," by an evident
error in Dr. Giles' edition. This letter has not yet appeared in
the Rolls Series.
13 When Henry, after the martyrdom, left Normandy on his
way to Ireland, to escape the Legates, Bartholomew Bishop of
Exeter crossed the Severn, and finding him at Pembroke, asked
and obtained the restoration of Bosham to the see of Exeter
(Girald. Cambrensis, Angl. Sacr. p. 427).
14 See Note D.
ii6S] " MEANWHILE." 293
hatred of myself, name, if they can, any instance
in this man's time, in which the authority of the
See of Rome has availed any single person in his
realm, so as to procure justice against himself or
his favourites. Truly I can recollect none; though
I could name many whom his hatred of the See
of Rome has brought into jeopardy.
" Achard, Abbot of St. Victor's, was elected
Bishop of Seez. What prevented his consecra-
tion, except that his election had been confirmed
by Pope Adrian ? And why did the King consent
afterwards to his being made Bishop of Avran-
ches, except that no election had preceded his
own choice ? Froger too, in like manner, was
not elected to the see of Seez, but intruded into
it : and all this before my promotion.
" And yet I doubt not that this struggle for
the Church's liberty would long ago have been
brought to a close, unless his wilfulness, not to
use a harsher term, had found patrons in the
Church of Rome. God requite them as is best
for His Church and for themselves. The Al-
mighty, All-just Lord God judge between them
and me. Little should I have needed their
patronage, if I had chosen to forsake the Church
and yield to his wilfulness myself. I might have
flourished in wealth and abundance of delicacies ;
I might have been feared, courted, honoured, and
might have provided for my own in luxury and
worldly glory, as I pleased. But because God
called me to the government of His Church, an
unworthy sinner as I was, and most wretched,
though flourishing in the world's goods beyond
294 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap, 24
all my countrymen, through His grace preventing
and assisting me, I chose rather to be an outcast
from the palace, to be exiled, proscribed, and to
finish my life in the last wretchedness, than to
sell the Church's liberty, and to prefer the iniqui-
tous traditions of men to the law of God.
" Such a course be for those who promise
themselves many days, and in the consciousness
of their deserts expect better times. For myself,
I know that my own days are few ; and that
unless I declare to the wicked man his ways, his
blood will shortly be required at my hands, by
One from whom no patronage can protect me.
There silver and gold will be profitless, and gifts
that blind the eyes of wise ones.
" We shall soon stand all of us before the
tribunal of Christ, and by His majesty and ter-
rible judgment I conjure your Holiness, as my
father and lord, and as the supreme judge on
earth, to render justice to His Church and to
myself, against those who seek my life to take it
away."
Surely these last two paragraphs were penned
by the Saint when the revelation of his coming
martj'rdom was vividly before his mind, as was
doubtless also the conclusion of a letter to the
Bishop of Hereford, written probably about the
time he left Pontigny, in which he thus speaks :
" Now to end all as it ought to be ended, since
the Lord has shown us what and how great
15 " Quoniam ostendit nobis Dominus quae et quanta oporteat
nos pati pro nomine suo et defensione Ecclesise " {Materials, v.
P- 45C).
ii68]
MEANWHILE.
things we have to suffer for His Name's sake and
for the defence of His Church, we have need that
you, and the Church committed to your care,
should pray without ceasing for us ; that where
by our merits we fail, we may by your prayers
and by those of the saints under your rule be
able to endure, and thus deserve to obtain grace
everlasting."
CHAPTER XXV.
THE KINGS.
ii6g.
The Cardinal Legates recalled — a new embassy from the Pope —
meeting between the Kings of England and France near
Montmirail — St. Thomas invited to the conference — he
stands firm, while his own followers and King Louis turn
against him — the people praise him — he refuses a second
conference — thp Kings meet again — the Pope restores St.
Thomas's powers — King Louis again becomes his friend.
The remonstrances which St. Thomas thought it
right to address to the Pope were accompanied
by letters^ in a similar strain from the King and
Queen of France and from other influential per-
sonages. The result was a renewal of the assur-
ance on the Pope's part,^that, at the time named,
St. Thomas should be left free to exercise his
powers against the King.^ The Cardinals were
recalled ; and they left, not without some sense
that the cause of the Church had sadly suffered
in their hands. In a linal interview with King
Henry, Cardinal Otho strongly pressed upon him
the duty of restoring the Archbishop. His reply
I Materials, p . 460, 462, 464, 46S.
2 Ibid. p. 4S4. 3 Ibid. p. 480.
1 1 69]
THE KINGS.
297
was, that as to the customs, he and his children
would be content to claim only those which a
hundred men from England, a hundred from
Normandy, a hundred from Anjou, and so from
his other dominions, would prove on oath to have
been claimed by his predecessors. Or, if this
condition displeased the Archbishop, he said he
was willing to abide by the judgment of three
Bishops from England, and three from his con-
tinental dominions, naming Rouen, Bayeux, and
Le Mans. Or, if this were not enough, he would
submit to the arbitration of his lordship the
Pope, but only for himself and not for his heirs.
He refused, however, to make any restitution
whatever of the property of the Archbishop and
his friends. The Cardinals were glad to leave
King Henry's dominions ; for the time was run-
ning rapidly on, and they were much afraid lest,
if Lent came, and St. Thomas then passed some
spiritual sentence upon the King, their own per-
sons might not be safe.
The Holy Father had received such strong
assurances from Henry that he v.as about to be
reconciled to St. Thomas, both under his own
hand and by his envoys, that he had regarded it
as certain to take place shortly, and accordingly
he had given it in the first instance as the period
of the suspension of the Saint's powers. As the
Lent was now approaching which he had defined
as the term to St. Thomas, he thought it might
be productive of good to send an embassy to the
King. Accordingly, Simon prior of Montdieu,
Engelbert prior of Val de St. Pierre, and Bernard
2g8
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 25
la Coudre a monk of Grammont, were senf^ to
be the bearers of commonitory letters warning
him of the sentence which would now surely fall
upon him if he did not at length do his duty by
the Church, and fulfil his promise of being recon-
ciled to the Archbishop. By their mediation, a
conference was brought about between St. Thomas
and King Henry.
Many efforts had been made and conferences
held with a view to restoring peace between
England and France. At length terms were
finally arranged and peace was concluded at a
meeting^ between the two Kings in a plain near
Montmirail in the Chartraine, on the Epiphany,
January 6th, ii6g. King Henry was now in
earnest in his desire of peace, and, by the media-
tion of Theobald Count of Blois and Father
Bernard of Grammont, the Kings joined hands
and interchanged the kiss. About the same time,
the King of England had received letters com-
monitory from the Pope in behalf of St. Thomas
through the three religious messengers. Henry
on his part had given hopes of peace, if the
Archbishop would make a show of submission.
For this reason, they counselled King Louis to
invite St. Thomas to the colloquy.
Before the conference began, St. Thomas was
surrounded by his friends, who, almost unani-
mously, tried to induce him to make his submis-
4 Materials, vi. p. 437, 43S. This letter or commission is dated
Benevento, 25th May ; but it contains the words, "ante initium
proximas Quadragesima;, quae jam quasi instare videtur,"
5 Ibhl. pp. 488, 506.
1169] ■ THE KINGS. 299
sion to King Henr}- absolutely, adding no con-
dition or clause, and leaving all the matter in
dispute to the King's mercy and generosity.
St. Thomas had proposed to substitute for the
phrase, " saving his order," the similar but more
solemn clause, " saving God's honour." At this
time, one came in and told him that he had
heard the King of England say, that he was only
waiting to be reconciled to the Archbishop, to
take the cross on his shoulder and go to Jeru-
salem ; adding, what had deceived the Saint
years ago, but was hardly likely to entrap him
now, that he only wanted a verbal consent, before
the King of France and the others who were by,
for the sake of his own honour. As St. Thomas
was entering into the conference, while it was
unknown whether he was persuaded or not by
the arguments and entreaties of all around him,
Herbert of Bosham managed to thrust himself in
amongst the crowd of great people to whisper a
warning to the Saint that, if he omitted the
clause "saving God's honour" now, he would be
sure afterwards to repent it as bitterly as he
had done his omission of the former clause in
England. There was not time for him to answer
by more than a look, when they were in the
presence of the Kings.
When he saw his sovereign, he threw himself
on his knees before him, and in this he was
imitated by his firm friend William, the son of
Count Theobald, now Archbishop of Sens ; Hugh
having died since the Saint went to live in that
city. The King raised him up, when he said.
300
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. -[chap. 25
" Have mercy on me, O my lord ; for I throw
myself on God and your majesty, for God's
honour and yours." King Henry had only been
anxious for a reconciliation with the Archbishop
as long as he thought it would promote his treaty
with the King of France, so he at once took
offence at the phrase touching the honour of
God, which had been introduced. He began to
speak in a contumelious and insulting manner to
the Saint, saying, amongst other things, that
while he was Chancellor he had received oaths of
homage and fealty from all sorts of persons on
both sides of the Channel, that he might supplant
his King and become lord of all. The Saint
began to reply ; but Henry interrupted him, and
turning to Louis said, " My lord, see how fool-
ishly and how proudly this man deserted his
Church, for he ran away by night, though neither
I nor any one else drove him out of the kingdom.
And now he persuades 3-ou that his is the cause
of the Church, and that he suffers for justice
sake, and thus he has deceived many great
people. Now, my lord the King, and holy men
and princes who are present, I ask for nothing
from the Archbishop, but that he should keep
those customs vv'hich his live immediate predeces-
sors (some of whom are Saints and are famed
for miracles) all observed to mine, and to which
he himself has assented : let him again, in your
presence, as a priest and a bishop, pledge himself
to these without any subterfuge. The sole cause
of dissension between us is, that he infringes
them, and that at Vezelay, that famous place, on
THE KINGS.
301
a high festival, he has condemned some of them,
and excommunicated those who observe them."
This speech produced a great effect. Some
people called out, " The King humbles himself
enough." The Archbishop was. silent for a while,
when Louis said, in a way which delighted the
friends of the King of England, " My lord Arch-
bishop, do you wish to be more than a saint ?
Or better than Peter ? Why do you doubt ?
Here is peace at hand." St. Thomas replied :
" It is true that my predecessors were better
and greater than I, each in their time, and al-
though they did not uproot every thing that lifted
itself against God, yet they did destroy some
things. And if any of them exceeded or fell
short in any thing, in such a matter they set us
no example. We blame Peter for denying Christ,
but we praise him for risking his life in opposing
Nero. Our fathers have suffered because they
would not withhold the Name of Christ ; and
shall I, to recover a man's favour, suppress
Christ's honour?" "This phrase," King Henry
said, " I will never receive, lest the Archbishop
should seem to wish to save God's honour, and
not I, who desire it still more." St. Thomas
reminded the King that the oath of fealty con-
tained the clause, " saving my order; " on which
he rose in anger, and v.ithdrew. The Pope's
envoys followed him, being bound to serve upon
him other letters of the Pope of a severer
character, in case the reconciliation were not
effected ; but they postponed it when the King
began to say to them that on their counsel he
302
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 25
would do what he had avoided in the conference,
lest it should not seem a free act on his part.
He promised that if they could induce the Arch-
bishop to swear to the customs, he would correct
anything that might seem harsh and intolerable
in them, by the advice of religious men whom
he would summon. He also boasted with an
oath that there was no Church in the world
which had such liberty and peace, and that there
was no clergy in such honour as those in his
dominions, though a more impure and wicked set
did not exist ; being for the most part sacri-
legious, adulterous, highwaymen, thieves, men
guilty of rape, arson, and homicide : and for
every lie he found a witness amongst the clergy
and laity about him.
On this they went to the Archbishop, whom
they found surrounded by French, English, Nor-
mans, Bretons, and Poitevins, whom they joined
in praying him to consent to omit the vital
clause. "Why," they urged, "should we be
better than our fathers ? " The Saint replied,
that the blessed Anselm was the only one of
them who had been urged to profess the customs,
and he had been driven into exile. At length
they left St. Thomas, and told the Kings of his
firmness, which was called obstinacy ; after
which, as night was coming on, the two Kings
mounted and departed together, without saluting
the Archbishop. King Henry boasted as he rode
that that day he had been avenged of his traitor.
Some of the courtiers let the Archbishop hear
them say that he was always proud, wise in his
THE KINGS.
own eyes, a follower of his own will and opinion ;
that the worst thing that had happened to the
Church was the choice of him for a ruler, and
that through him she would soon be destroyed
altogether, as she now was in part. The Saint
made no reply whatever ; which shows, if one
may venture to say so, how much good his exile
had done to his spiritual life, and how much
more his naturally vehement temper was under
control than it was when he was subjected to
similar reproaches at Northampton. He an-
swered, however, his old friend John, the Bishop
of Poitiers, " Brother, take care that the Church
of God be not destroyed by thee ; for by me, by
God's favour, it shall never be destroyed."
The majority even of his own followers were
led away by the current feeling, and were jealous
of losing the restoration to their homes, which
had seemed just within their grasp. As they
were riding away after the conference, the horse
of one of them named Henry of Houghton,'' who
was riding just before the Archbishop, stumbled,
on which the rider called out, loud enough for
the Saint to hear, " Go on, — saving the honour
of God, and of Holy Church, and of my order."
Here again the Archbishop, much as he was
pained, did not speak. When, however, they
drew up to give their horses breath, the Saint
said to his clerics: "Beloved companions, who
have suffered every thing with me, why do you
G Fitzstephen, p. 96. This Henry of Houghton, or Hocton,
relates a cure that he had obtained by the Saint's intercession
(Benedict, p. 161).
304
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 25
SO think and speak against me ? Our return
and restoration is but a little thing : the liberty
of the Church, of which the King says nothing,
is of far greater consequence. At length I will
accept the best peace I can, but you never yet
saw such short bargaining." Herbert, however,
took a better tone, by reminding his master of
the text, " Him will I honour who honoureth
Me."
They arrived at Montmirail before the King
of France. King Louis usually came to visit
the Saint on his return, but to-day he did not
do so. It was noticed that now, when, according
to the threats of one of the earls after the con-
ference, it was probable that France would no
longer afford them shelter, the Saint was far
more cheerful than usual. On the following day
King Louis remained behind ; but early in the
morning the Archbishop left Montmirail for Char-
tres on his way back to Sens. As they went,
people asked who it was that was going by ; and
when they heard that it was the Archbishop of
Canterbury, they pointed him out one to another,
saying, " That is the Archbishop who yesterday
would not deny God or neglect His honour for
the sake of the Kings." The fame of the con-
ference had already spread far and wide. The
Archbishop, who overheard what was said, was
much touched, and looked at Herbert, who tells
us that this frequently happened as they were
travelling in France.
The Bishop of Poitiers was sent after the Saint
to Etampes, to beg him once more, for the sake
1 1 69]
THE KINGS.
of peace, to leave matters unreservedly to the
Kiner. The s as before, that he would
do so, saving God's honour, and the order,
honour, and liberty of the Church ; but that he
would promise nothing to the injury of the law
of God. The Bishop returned to the King; and
in order to pacify him, he modified the answer,
saying, that the Archbishop would trust his cause
to him above all mortals, but that he prayed
him as a Christian prince to provide for the
Church's honour and his own. Henry was over-
joyed to accept such terms ; and the Bishop
wrote" to St. Thomas, telling him, that the King
invited him to an audience at Tours on the feast
of St. Peter's Chair, January i8th, about a fort-
night after the conference of Montmirail. St.
Thomas's answer,** which was a very affectionate
one to the Bishop personally, refused absolutely
any further conference, until, according to the
Pope's command, he was freely restored to his
Church and the royal favour. That this was
not to be expected, was shown by the King's
answer to the Pope's envoys, as by them des-
cribed to the Pope, " That perhaps it might
be the advice of his friends to restore him his
Church, but that to take him back into favour
he never would ; for that then he should make
void the privilege His Holiness had granted him,
by which the Archbishop's power was suspended
till he was taken back into favour."
When the King learned from Bernard de la
Coudre that the purport of the Pope's second
7 Materials, vi. p. 491. 8 p. ^q'j.
U
306 ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. ^chap. 25
commonitory letter was the restoration of the
Archbishop's powers over himself and the king-
dom, he secretly sent other messengers to the
Holy See. Another conference of the two Kings
was held, at which the Pope's envoys delivered
the second letter. It was with the greatest diffi-
culty that Henry could be brought to accept it
by the persuasion of his councillors ; but though
they induced him to abandon the word customs,
yet he still declared that the only terms on which
St. Thomas might return in peace, were a simple
promise, " in the word of truth, that he would do
what his predecessors had done." They told
him that the Archbishop would still require the
insertion of his saving clause, and that he coidd
not observe such things as the Pope had con-
demned at Sens, when he had been absolved
from his obligation or promise to observe the
customs. Henry then said that he would sum-
mon the Bishops of England, and consult with
them, as he had usually done ; but he refused
to write any answer to the Pope. He left the
Pope's envoys with anger, excepting Bernard
de la Coudre, whom he took aside, promising
to visit Grammont very soon, and to follow the
advice of the Prior.
St. Thomas's full powers were now restored ;
but the envoys begged him not to use them until
it was seen what effect the conference of Gram-
mont might have.
At length, most thoughtful people perceived
that St. Thomas was only acting with common
prudence, when he refused to omit the salvo of
1 1 69 J
THE KINGS.
God's honour. Bernard of Grammont said to
Herbert : " I would rather have my foot cut off,
than that your lord the Archbishop should have
made peace at that conference, as I and all the
others advised him."
A still more important point v^'as the return
of Kin^ Louis to his former friendliness. The
Archbishop's party went back from Chartres to
Sens, which was a two days' journey. Three
days after their arrival, they were talking to-
gether, and asking one another where they should
go. The Archbishop was as cheerful as if he
had no misfortunes, and he returned the con-
dolences of the party with quiet laughter and
pleasantry. " I am the only one aimed at ; when
I am disposed of, they will not persecute you,
so seriously at least. Be not so alarmed." They
assured him that he was the only one they were
concerned for. " Oh," he replied, " I commit
myself to God's keeping, now that I am shut
out of both kingdoms. I cannot betake myself
again to those Roman robbers ; they are always
despoiling the miserable. Let me see, — I have
heard that they are a more liberal people in
Burgundy near the river Saone. I will go there
on foot with one companion ; perhaps when they
see us, they will take compassion on our forlorn
condition, and give us subsistence for a time, till
God interposes for us. God can help His own
in the lowest misery : and he is worse than an
infidel who distrusts God's mercy." No sooner
was this said, than the mercy of God appeared
at the very door. A servant of the King of
3c8
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY. [chap. 25
France requested the presence of the Archbishop
at Court. " In order to expel us from the king-
dom," exclaimed one of the part}'. "You are
no prophet," said the Archbishop, "nor the son
of a prophet : do not forbode evil." They went
accordingly.
When they arrived, Louis was sitting and
looking downcast ; nor did he rise up, as his
custom was, to meet the Archbishop. This was
an ominous beginning. After a silence of a con-
siderable time, the King bent his head down, as
if he was reluctantly meditating the Archbishop's
expulsion, and every one was in painful suspense,
expecting the announcement, when all at once
he spi-ang forward, and with sighs and tears
threw himself at the Saint's feet, to the astonish-
ment of the whole party. The Archbishop raised
him up ; and when he had recovered himself, he
said, " O my lord, you were the only clear-sighted
one amongst us." He sighed and repeated,
" O my father, you were the only clear-sighted
one amongst us. We were all blind, and gave
you advice repugnant to God's law, and surren-
dered God's honour to the pleasure of a man.
I repent, my father, I deeply repent. Pardon
me, and absolve me from this fault. I offer
myself and my kingdom to God and to you, and
I promise henceforward, as long as I live, not to
fail you or yours." The Archbishop gave him
■ absolution and his blessing, and returned with
his suite to St. Columba's abbe)- in great joy.
And the King was as good as his word.
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