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| THE LIFE OF |

ABDUR RAHMAN I

AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN I

THE LIFE OF ABDUR RAHMAN

AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN

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THE LIFE OF

ABDUR RAHMAN

AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN

G.C.B., G. C.S.I.

EDITED BY MIR MUNSHI
SULTAN MAHOMED KHAN

ADVANCED STUDENT OF CHKIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
SECRETARY OF STATE OF AFGHANISTAN; BARRISTER-AT-LAW

WITH PORTRAIT, MAPS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL I

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET

1900

/U>1973

NOTE BY THE PUBLISHER

This record of the Life and Policy of the Amir
Abdur Eahman has been entrusted to me by his former
State secretary (or Mir Munshi) Sultan Mahomed Khan.

The first eleven chapters, containing the narrative
of his early life ; of the strange vicissitudes through
which he had to pass ; of his adventures, successes
and failures ; of his eleven years' residence, or rather
imprisonment, in Russian Turkestan, and, finally,
of his accession to the Afghan throne, are written
by himself. The MS. was brought to England from
Kabul by Miss Lillias Hamilton, M.D., and translated
from the Persian original by Sultan Mahomed Khan.

The remaining chapters, consisting of an account
of the work which he has achieved in consolidating
and developing the powers and resources of his
country ; of his domestic and foreign policy ; of
his personal life and occupations, and of his advice
to, and aspirations for, his successors, were taken
down at different times by Sultan Mahomed Khan
from the Amir's own words.

Sultan Mahomed Khan was recalled to Kabul by
the Amir before the MS. of this book could be placed in
the printer's hands, and the responsibility of revising the
proofs, and seeing the whole work through the press, has
devolved upon me. I am, of course, in no way re-
sponsible for any statement contained in the book, as

vi NOTE BY THE PUBLISHES

I have no direct knowledge of the facts. My work has
been confined to the task of verifying names and places,
which has been an exceedingly difficult one, and in the
circumstances I must ask for the kind indulgence of
readers and critics. To attain to complete and syste-
matic uniformity in the spelling of Oriental names is
practically impossible : my aim has been to leave as
little doubt as may be concerning the identity of the
persons and places referred to in the text.

It would hardly have been possible to do it at
all without the invaluable assistance of Mrs Sutton
Marshall, who acted as Sultan Mahomed Khan's secre-
tary for some time while he was at Cambridge, and
who had consequently derived an intimate knowledge
of his intentions and wishes in regard to the book.
Miss Lillias Hamiltou, M.D., who was for some years
the Amir's medical adviser in Kabul, has also been
most kind in answering various questions wdiich her
personal knowledge of the country and its inhabitants
enabled her to do with authority.

For this assistance I beg; to offer Mrs Marshall and
Miss Hamilton my sincere thanks.

I also beg to thank Colonel St George Gore, E.E.,
Chief of the Indian Survey, for permission to reproduce
a part of the Government map of Afghanistan.

JOHN MURRAY.

50 Albemarle Street.
October 1900.

PREFACE

BY THE EDITOE, SULTAN MAHOMED KHAN,

MIR MUNSHI TO THE AMIR

I DO not think it necessary to waste time in trying to
prove that the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan is one of
the greatest men now living. All the European
Statesmen who have come in personal contact with
him have formed this opinion, and his remarkable
achievement in turning Afghanistan, which before
his time was a mere barren piece of land full of
barbarous tribes, into a consolidated Muslim King-
dom and centre of manufactures and modern inven-
tions, speaks for itself, and shows his marvellous
genius.

The Amir himself, conscious of the interest and
value which attach to his experiences, considers it
politic to leave behind him a written guide of
instructions for his sons and successors as well as
for his countrymen to follow, and this record I
have had the honour now to render into English
in the interest of the public.

A portion of the book was written by the Amir

viii PKEFACE

himself, and I am depositing in the British Museum,
Oriental Reading-room, a copy of the original. The
rest was written in my handwriting from the Amir's
dictation, during the time of my holding the office
of Mir Munshi.

The Amir's criticisms on some points and some
persons are rather severe, but I did not think it wise
to leave them out — firstly, because his views are
wTell known to many English ladies and gentlemen
who have had opportunities of speaking to the
Amir, and, moreover, have formed the subject of
various articles in journals and periodicals, and,
consequently, I did not like to conceal them ;
secondly, because the object in putting this book
before the public is to benefit them by communicating
the Amir's views without the least flattery.

The Amir is a very witty and humorous genius,
and is in the habit of quoting stories with every
question that he touches. These Eastern stories are
an object of special interest to the European mind.
I have therefore left them in the book as they were
written or dictated.

I have translated every word of the Amir's own
narrative of his early years, because some writers
have stated that the early part of the Amir's life is
entirely in the dark, and unknown to the world at
large.

PREFACE ix

There are many proverbs in Arabic and Persian
books which express the same sense as English
proverbs, often in almost the same words. Many
of these proverbs have found a place in these
volumes, but to show that they have not been
borrowed from English books, I have in most cases
appended in the foot-notes the name of the Arabic
and Persian works from which they are taken.

The only alteration that I have made in transla-
ting the book from Persian into English is that I
have given different titles to the chapters from those
given by the Amir. The change, however, does
not affect the book itself, or its real " Matlab."

One of the chief features of the book is that
since the time of the great Mogul Emperors — Timur,
Babar, and Akbar, etc., no Muslim sovereign has
written his autobiography in such an explicit, inter-
esting, and lucid manner as the Amir has done, and
the book is specially a novelty for the following
reasons : — In addition to its being a book of great
political significance, it is like a chapter of the
"Arabian Nights," for the reader cannot help
being interested to notice that a monarch like the
Amir, setting aside the idea of boasting, should
condescend to make a clear statement of how he
was a prisonor in fetters at one time, and a cook
at another ; a Viceroy at one time, and a subject

x PKEFACE

of the Viceroy at another ; a general at one time,
and under the command of the general at another ; an
engineer and blacksmith at one time, and a ruler
at another. In one place he paints himself as a
gardener and a peasant, and in another place men-
tions the grand reception accorded to him by the
Russian, British, Persian, and Bokhara Governments.
At one time he places his uncle, Amir Azim, on the
throne, and at another he is shown to have been
forced by him to leave Kabul. Once a ruler, and
then a subject without even a loaf of bread to
eat, and so on. The one thing which will puzzle
the mind of many European readers of the book
will be the fact of such an acknowledged experienced
traveller and statesman writing in his book his
religious beliefs and superstitions. He says he was
crowned by the prophet in his dreams ; that he
gained his victories by the help of an old flag which
he secured from the tomb of a certain saint of Herat
called Khwaja Ahrar ; that he protected himself
from the injuries of swords, guns, and rifles through
the effect of a charm he wears round his arm ; that
he learned reading and writing through the love of
a girl who was engaged to him. Being unable to
read her letters, he remained unhappy till he was
helped by the hidden mysteries of Heaven to read
them.

PREFACE xi

Lastly, I must record my hearty thanks to
Professor William Knight, of St Andrews, and
Drs Peile and Kenny, of Cambridge, for the
kind assistance they have rendered to me in carrying
out this work. Last, but not the least, my
warmest thanks are due to Mr John Murray for
encouraging me to put this book into his hand for
publication.

SULTAN MAHOMED KHAN.

CONTENTS

PAGE

CHAPTER I

EARLY YEARS ..... .1

CHAPTER II

FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA . . . .42

CHAPTER III

STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI . . . . .62

CHAPTER IV

STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI {continued) — AMIR AZIM . . 84

CHAPTER V

IN SAMARKAND . . . . . .144

CHAPTER VI

IN BADAKSHAN . . . . . .163

CHAPTER VII

MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE . . . .185

CHAPTER VIII

ADMINISTRATION ...... 200

xiv CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX

PAGE

THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT ..... 210

CHAPTER X

CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AT THE TIME OF MY ACCESSION . 220

CHAPTER XI

WARS DURING MY REIGN ..... 233

CHAPTER XII

REFUGEES AND EXILES . . . . . .293

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PORTRAIT OF THE AMIR ABDUR RAHMAN, TAKEN

WHILE HE WAS IN RUSSIAN TERRITORY {from

a photograph by Messrs Fry of Lurknow and

Pontefract) ..... Frontispiece

the FORT OF GHAZNI .... To face page 72

KALAT-I-GHILZAI ..... „ 80

OLD AFGHAN ARMS AND ARMOUR . . . „ 202

MAP OF AFGHANISTAN TO ILLUSTRATE THE AMIR'S

EARLY adventures (from the Indian Govern-
ment Survey) . . . .In pocket at end

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THE AMIR OF AFGHANISTAN.

CHAPTER I

EARLY YEARS

(circa 1853-1864)

In the year of Hijira, when I was nine years1 old,
my father sent for me to go to Balkh from Kabul.
My father was then King, and Viceroy of Balkh and
of its dependencies. At the time of my arrival I
found him besieging Shibarghan, and I remained at
Balkh for two months, at the end of which period the
conquest of Shibarghan was completed ; and, on my
father's return, I went ten miles south of Balkh to
receive him at a place called Dasht-i-Imam (i.e. Desert
of the Leader). My eyes were gladdened by the sight
of my father, who knelt down and thanked God for
my safety. We returned to Balkh together, and a
few days after, he ordered me to begin my lessons.
I tried to read and write all day, but I was very dull.
I hated lessons, and my thoughts were too much
occupied with riding and shooting. What I learned
to-day I forgot to-morrow ; but it was compulsory, and
there was no getting out of it. My tutor tried hard

1 Abdur Rahman was probably born in 1844.
VOL. I. A

2 EAKLY YEAES [chap. i.

to teach me with little success. At the end of a year
a new school, with a garden attached, was built for me,
at a place called Taktapul (Bridge of the Boards) in
the suburbs of Balkh. The reason of this was, that
Balkh was an old and unhealthy city, also that my
father was accustomed to pray at the holy tomb of the
King of the Saints, "Ali" Murtza. This blessed tomb
was nearer Taktapul than Balkh ; and, in time, my
father built his Harems, Courts, Cantonments, and
workshops there. Gardens were also planted, and in
three years a new and beautiful city sprang up.

In the spring of the fourth year my father went to
Kabul to pay his respects to his father, the Amir Dost
Mahomed Khan, appointing me viceroy in his place.
My programme during the next six months was as
follows. The hours before 8 o'clock in the morning
I employed in studying, and from 8 to 2 p.m. I held
my Court. After dismissing my Court, I slept ; and,
late in the afternoon, I rode my horse for the sake of
the fresh air. At the beginning of the winter my
father wrote to me from Kabul that my grandfather
had graciously bestowed upon me the honour of the
Governorship of Tashkurghan, for which place I was
to start immediately, accompanied by 1000 sowars,
2000 militia, and six guns. In accordance with these
instructions I set out for Tashkurghan, and on my
arrival there, Sirdar Mahomed Amin Khan (brother
of Wazir Mahomed Akbar Khan) set out for Kabul,
first handing over to me the Governorship of the place.
My father had appointed an assistant for me, called
Haidar Khan. This gentleman, who was a dignified
and clever man, was a Kizal Bash chief, who had

1853-64] GOVERNOR OF TASHKURGHAN 3

authority to keep his own flag, a military band, aud
200 sowars. His father, Mahomed Khan, was an able
man, and had a large number of followers at Kabul.
My programme at the time was as follows : From early
morning till 9 a.m. study. From 9 a.m. to 2 p.m.
holding my Court, hearing cases, and settling the
disputes of my subjects. After 2 p.m. I slept, and
later practised different kinds of military exercise, big
shooting, riding, polo, etc. Friday being a holiday,
I generally spent the whole day hunting, returning at
nio-ht to the fort of Tashkurghan. Five months after
my appointment my father and my mother (who had
been in Kabul since I left) came to see me, and I was
very glad to kiss their hands. My father stayed with
me at Tashkurghan until the following spring, when he
set out for Balkh, leaving my mother with me, and I
continued my studies, and administered the Governor-
ship of the districts. Being kindly disposed towards
the army, and the subjects of Tashkurghan, many of
whom were my personal attendants, I bestowed certain
presents on the people, and reduced the fixed revenues
on land when there was any failure in the crops.

At the end of two years my father returned, and
requested that the accounts of the province should be
submitted to him. On discovering my leniency he at
once refused to allow the concessions I had made. I
begged him not to insist on the repayment of the
money, bat he refused, saying he was obliged to do
so, as the income of the country was so small, and the
army so large. He stayed with us three months, col-
lecting about one lakh of rupees, the amount T had
exonerated my subjects from paying, and returned to

4 EAELY YEARS [chap. i.

Balkh. On his departure I resigned the Governorship,
stating that I was not invested with full power to
govern according to my ideas. I left my assistant
governor of Tashkurghan in my place, and took up
my residence at Taktapul, again resuming my studies.
On Thursday afternoons I always went shooting, re-
turning the evening of the next day, after passing one
night and two days out of doors. My shooting party
as a rule consisted of nearly 200 dogs, hawks, falcons,
and other birds of prey, 100 page-boys, and my
mounted suite, numbering in all about 500. We
generally chose to shoot and hunt in the jungles
near the Oxus, but sometimes we passed our days
fishino- in the river called Bawina Kara, which is the
only river of Hazhdah Nahr of Balkh.

At this time Wazir Yar Mahomed Khan, Governor
of Herat, wrote to my father, saying it was his pleasure
to bestow on me his daughter's hand in marriage.
His request being granted, I was engaged, which
strongly cemented the friendship between him and
my father. Another great favourite of my father's
was Sirdar Abdur Rahim Khan of the family of Sirdar
Rahinidad Khan. This man was very treacherous
and ill-natured, jealousy being a hereditary disease
in his family. He resented my influence at Court,
thinking he would lose power if I had the charge of
the army, so he made false accusations against me,
often causing my father to be angry with me without
cause. The head officer in my father's army was an
Enolishman named General Shir Mahomed Khan, who
had changed his religion. This officer, known in
Europe by the name of Campbell, was captured by my

1853-64] SHIR MAHOMED KHAN 5

grandfather's army in 1250 (Hijira) at the battle of
Kandahar against Shah Shujah. He was a very clever
military officer, as well as a good doctor. His
character was most heroic, and he had a great regard
for me. He was one of the ablest men of his day,
and occupied the position of Commander-in-Chief over
the entire army of Balkh, numbering 30,500, out of
which 15,000 were regulars, including cavalry, infantry,
and artillery. The remainder consisted of militia
soldiers, belonging to three races, Usbeg, Durani, and
Kabuli. There were eighty guns, twelve having been
sent from Kabul at the time of Sirdar Akram Khan's
governorship ; the rest being made in Kabul under
the superintendence of my father. The army was
in very good condition, being drilled regularly every
day. One day Shir Mahomed Khan asked my father
to place me under his instructions, so that before his
death he might impart his knowledge to me. My
father consenting to this, instructed me to go to the
Governor for two or three hours daily, as much to train
me as to prevent me wasting my time. I said " Ba
chishm " (by my eyes), and went willingly. For two or
three years I continued to be trained in surgery
and military tactics. My father had also sent for a
few rifle-makers from Kabul, and opened a workshop
near my school. At mid-day, after my lessons and work
were finished, I went to this school, and learned to do
blacksmith's work with my own hands, also the work
of filemen. In this way I acquired the art of rifle-
making, and I made three complete double rifles with
my own hands. These were considered better than
those made by my instructors. The before-mentioned

6 EARLY YEAES [chap, i

Abdur Rahim Khan showed great jealousy of my pro-
gress, and began intriguing against me. One day he
told my father I had contracted the habit of drinking
wine and smoking Indian hemp. I had never done
anything of the kind, but being very young, and very
unhappy with these continual scoldings, I made up
my mind to run away from Balkh to Herat, where my
father-in-law lived. When I wTas privately making my
preparations, my servants reported my intentions to
my father, who made enquiries, and finding the report
true, put me in prison, taking all my soldiers, slaves,
and servants away from me. My foolish mistake had
given colour to the accusations Abdur Rahim had been
making against me. I was one year in prison, with
chains on my ankles, and was very unhappy.

At the end of this time Shir Mahomed Khan died,
and Abdur Rahim expected to be made General in his
place, but my father suspecting him to be a traitor,
appointed instead one of his trusted personal attendants
of the Tukhi tribe, named Abdul Rauf Khan, son of
Jafr Khan, who had proved himself a very brave soldier
in many battles, and who was killed in the battle of
Kandahar. This man was also a descendant of Jafr
Khan, Wazir of Shah Husam Ghilzai, ruler of Kandahar.
When he found himself selected for the post of Com-
mander-in-Chief of the army, he refused to accept it,
saying to my father that his own son, who had been
one year in prison, and therefore punished sufficiently
for his faults, was the proper person to take the place
of Shir Mahomed Khan. My father at first refused
to listen to such a proposal, saying Abdul Rauf
must be mad to think the army could be placed under

1853-64] APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 7

my care, but being urged to give me a trial, he
finally consented to send for me.

I came straight from prison to appear before my
father without dressing my hair or washing my face,
wearing: the same clothes in which he had last seen
me, with chains around my ankles.

The moment he saw me his eyes filled with tears,
and he said, " Why do you behave like this ? ' I
answered : " I have clone no wrong, it is the fault of
those who call themselves your well-wishers that I am
in this condition." While I was speaking it happened
that Abdur Kahim appeared in the Court, and on seeing
him I continued : " This is the traitor who has placed
me in chains ; time will prove which of us is in the
wrong." At this Abdur Rahim changed colour with
anxiety and anger, but he could do or say nothing.
My father addressed himself to all the military officers,
saying, " I appoint this my lunatic son to be General
over you." To which they replied: " God forbid that
your son should be a lunatic : we know well that he is
wise and sensible, you also will find this out, and will
prove that it is disloyal people who give him a bad
character." My father then gave me leave to go and
take up my duties. I was overjoyed, and went and
refreshed myself with a Turkish bath. My servants
meantime gathered round me, congratulating me on
my release and good fortune.

The next day I took charge of the army, and
inspected the workshops and magazines. I appointed
General Amir Ahmad Khan (afterwards my represen-
tative in India), who was a commanding officer in the
artillery, as a superintendent of the workshops, and Com-

8 EAELY YEARS [chap. i.

mandant Mahomed Zaman Klian as superintendent of
the magazines. Sikander Khan (afterwards killed in a
battle between the Russians and the King of Bokhara,
and whose brother, Ghulam Haidar, is now Commander-
in-Chief in Kabul l), with another of the same name but
of the Barukzai tribe, I appointed as chief officers of
battalions. I, myself, inspected all the different depart-
ments from morning till night, reporting the progress
made daily to my father, who became more pleased
every day.

The army was so thoroughly organised that neither
before nor since has it been in such good order. One
of the reasons of this is that the present officials are
over-luxurious. In the reign of Amir Shere Ali they
were accustomed to take bribes and neglect their duties.
Now they ought to be content with their salaries, doing
their work regularly and well. A wise poet says : " Do
not consort with thieves ; they may make some effect
upon your minds." By the grace of God my people
may profit by my advice, and will gradually make
progress.

My father being satisfied with my military services,
gave me full authority over the entire army, keeping
to himself the civil affairs of the country, with the
accounts of the kingdom. After a short time my
father went to Tashkurghan, to which place I
accompanied him with my body-guard. On our
arrival, Mir Atalik's brother brought a letter with
some presents for my father, who received him warmly,
and persuaded him to return with a message for his
brother, to the effect that as his country lay on the

1 He died in 1897.

1853-64] MIE ATALIK'S REBELLION 9

side of the Oxus river, and was in close connection with
Afghanistan, he ought to consider himself under the pro-
tection of the reigning Amir of Kabul, Dost Mahomed
Khan, instead of under the King of Bokhara, and ought
to repeat the name of Dost Mahomed in his Khutba,
as their present habit was an insult to Afghanistan.
On receiving this message Mir Atalik lost his temper
with his brother, and tried to imprison him, but he
fled towards Tashkurghan. He, however, was pursued
and overtaken by Mir Atalik's sowars, at a place called
Abdan. Hearing of this, we sent a force to assist him,
but he was killed before they arrived, and all they
could do was to defeat Mir Atalik's sowars, and return
with the dead body of his brother. Mir Atalik, hearing
of the defeat of his sowars, went to complain to the
King of Bokhara (Amir MuzafTar). This King had
succeeded to the throne that year on the death of his
father, and was staying at Hissar to quell a rebellion
in that country. The King gave heed to Mir Atalik's
complaint, and sent him a flag and a tent, telling him
to erect the tent in his country, with the flag in front,
to frighten the Afghans. The credulous Mir, believing
that this was all he needed, returned to Kataghan, and
sent a defiance to us. My father reported his attitude
to the Amir, who commanded him to send an army
to take possession of Kataghan. My father invited
his brother, Sirdar Azim Khan, to leave Kuram Khost
(of which country he was Governor), and to come and
see him. I was sent as far as Aibak to receive him.

In the spring, before the army was despatched to
Kataghan, I took six days' leave to see that everything
was thoroughly in order. Being satisfied that this

10 EARLY YEARS [chap. i.

was so, I invited my father to make a personal in-
spection also. He professed himself satisfied with my
arrangements, and gave me a horse with gold harness
and saddle, also a jewelled belt and sword, saying : " Go
thou, God be with you, I leave you in His pro-
tection." I kissed his hands, and two days later
being appointed Commander-in-Chief of the army under
my uncle Azim Khan, I started. On my arrival
in the city of Tashkurghan, the people, with whom
I was very popular, received me warmly. I encamped
my force in the plain of Namazgah, and to show my
gratitude to the people, I invited all the chiefs of the
town to a banquet. They afterwards proved faithful
to me and my army. In about fifteen days my uncle
joined me, and together we started for Aibak, arriving
there after a few days' march. We halted three days,
arranging provisions and transport animals, and from
there marched towards the fort of Ghori, which was
fortified by Mir Atalik's infantry and cavalry. We
reached this fort after five days' march. On our arrival
there, I arranged my troops, 20,000 in number, with
40 guns, in front of the fort, for the enemy's benefit,
after which display we encamped in a safe place. Late
in the afternoon I inspected the situation of the fort,
accompanied by a few officers, pointing out suitable
places for guns, etc., also ordering that entrenchments
should be made. Under cover of night I gave orders
that underground mines should be laid towards the
moat of the fort, and these were finished by the
following morning.

In the afternoon Mir Atalik showed himself from
the top of the hill, with 40,000 sowars, to his soldiers

1853-64] MIR ATALIX'S REBELLION 1 1

within the fort, to encourage them to make a brave
resistance. On seeing him there, I forestalled any
attacks he might make on our entrenchments, by an
assault on his rear, with 2000 sowars, 12 mule-battery
guns, and 4 battalions of infantry. The Mir was
unaware of our approach until I ordered the heavy
guns to be fired. At this sudden attack, being
ignorant of the smallness of my force, he fled with
all his army. I returned to my camp and inspected
the mines until eleven o'clock that evening when,
after seeing the sentries were at their posts, I retired to
rest. At sunrise I inspected the troops, and sent 2000
to a distance of 12 miles as an advance guard, to pro-
vide for the safety of the transport animals, and against
any unexpected attack of the enemy, also to keep me
informed of their movements. Three days after, I
received the intelligence that 15 miles distant were
8000 sowars, concealed in a place called Chasma-i-Shir
(the Spring of Milk). The object of this manoeuvre
evidently being to attack our transports on their way
to and from the camp, I at once appointed 4000 sowars
and 2 guns, under the command of Ghulam Mahomed
Khan, Populzai, and Mahomed Alam Khan, to attack
them. This they did so successfully that after a very
slight skirmish the Kataghan sowars were defeated, and
2000 were taken prisoners. The remainder fled to
Baghlan, where their Mir was encamped.

When this news reached Kataghan, Mir Atalik being
encamped only 18 miles distant lost courage, and
retired towards Kunduz. Of the sowars I had sent to
Chasma-i-Shir, 1000 remained in possession of Baghlan,
while the others returned to my camp in triumph. My

12 EARLY YEARS [chap. i.

uncle bestowed rewards on those who had distinguished
themselves in battle, and khilats on others.

In the afternoon of the same day I visited the
entrenchments, and spoke from behind to the soldiers
in the fort, saying: "You people are Muslims, and
I also am a Muslim. You have seen the defeat of
your Mir, therefore it is folly to continue killing
my Muslims and being yourselves killed by them.
Leave the fort to me, and I will make terms to your
satisfaction." To this, they made no reply, and in
the evening I appointed certain of my officers to
attack the fort at daybreak in the following manner :
First, they were to attack Sukila, a place outside the
moat of the inner fort. This place was also surrounded
by a moat. Before the attack was made I directed
the heavy guns to be continually fired from sunrise
to morning, the object being to alarm the enemy.
Directly the guns ceased, a few soldiers were to
make several attacks on different aspects of the fort,
to draw attention from Sukila, the real point of
attack. The greater part of my force was to ap-
proach this latter place noiselessly, and, having scaled
the walls, was to cry out loudly: " Ya chahar yar."1
All this was carried out as I instructed, the eneni}?-
flying from the outer fort to the inner one. The
moat surrounding this fort was ten yards deep, and
twenty-three yards in width. Fortunately, the water
was exceedingly clear, which enabled my officers to
observe a hidden bridge composed of wattled cane,
which had been constructed about thirty-six inches
under the surface of the water. With loud cries

1 " Oh ! Four Friends."

1853-64] DEFEAT OF MIR ATALIK 13

of triumph they plunged into the water, and waded
to the opposite side. The soldiers immediately
followed, and taking possession of the bazaars, they
made holes in the walls, through which they fired
at the people within the fort.

While this was happening, I wrote a letter to
the Governor in charge of the fort, saying that if
he surrendered, I would spare the lives and property
of his sowars, and would look upon them as my
subjects. I ordered the firing to cease, and sent this
letter by one of my prisoners. The Governor and
chief officers of the fort came out to answer me
personally, and discuss the terms of surrender. They
agreed to my conditions, and opened the gates, the
inhabitants streaming out in large numbers. The
majority of these I sent to my uncle, who bestowed
khilats on the chiefs, after which he dismissed them
to their homes. Their number was fully 10,000,
but their Mir having no knowledge of war, had
only allowed them provisions for ten days, and had
I delayed my attack, they would have been obliged
to surrender. Their Mir evidently thought the
tent and flag bestowed on them by the King
of Bokhara was alone sufficient to sustain a large
army. God be praised for having created so wise
a people !

The followers of Mir Atalik were overjoyed and
surprised at our kind treatment, as their chiefs had
told them so much of the cruelty of the Afghans.
Their fears being now dissipated, they deserted in
large numbers, and returned to their homes. The
Mir left Kataghan with a few faithful followers, and

14 EARLY YEAES [chap. i.

took refuge in Rustak, under the rule of the Mirs
of Badakshan. On receiving this news, we im-
mediately marched from Ghori to Baghlan, his capital,
and from there sent letters to all the chiefs of the
country, giving them every promise of our support,
and on some bestowing khilats. We also appointed
governors and magistrates of the religious courts.
After this I left Baghlan for Khanabad, encamping
on a high ground near the river bank. I sent 2
battalions, 1000 Usbeg militia sowars, 500 Afghan
sowars, 500 militia infantry, with 6 mule-guns,
towards Talikhan. The commanding officer of this
force, Mahomed Yamen Khan, son of the great
Amir Dost Mahomed Khan, was appointed by my
uncle to be Sirdar. The army arrived at Talikhan
after crossing the Bargi river, and immediately made
entrenchments near the fort, destroying it in a short
time. My uncle and I. meantime, were busy in
Khanabad, making every alteration necessary in a
captured city, one of these being that my grand-
father's name was inserted in the prayer-books.

Shortly after this, the people of Andarab and Khost,
being persuaded by Mir Atalik and the Mirs of
Badakshan to rebel, attacked their Governor, to whose
assistance I sent 4000 soldiers from Khanabad under
the command of Sirdar Mahomed Omar and others.
My grandfather dispatched Sirdar Mahomed Sharif
Khan from Kabul, with 2 battalions and 1000
militia infantry, 1000 cavalry, and G guns. The
two armies united at a place called Buzdara, where
they fought, and severely punished the rebels, who
lost 2000 men, killed and wounded, in the field.

1853-64] EEBELLION IN BADAKSHAN 15

After this victory the two forces returned to
Khanabad and Kabul, leaving 500 men with the
Governor at Andarab. The Mir of Kataghan, on hear-
ing of the destruction of the fort of Talikhan, left
Rustak, and crossing the Oxus took up his residence
in a place called Syad, near Kolab. The Mir of
Kolab at that time was Mir Sarabeg, afterwards
defeated by the King of Bokhara. Being obliged
to leave his kingdom, he came to Kabul, where
he became a highly respected member of my Court.
Being a relation of Mir Atalik, he allowed him 10,000
sowars, while the Badakshan people gave him 10,000.
This force, with 2000 of his own men, jointly attacked
the provinces near the camp, and the forts of Hazrat,
Imam and Talikhan, and plundered all the transport
animals they could capture. The sowars whom I
had employed as advance guards constantly came in
contact with these men, and as many as one or
two hundred were killed on both sides. Those
captured I had blown from the guns. The total
number punished in this way, during the three
years of the rebellion, amounted to 5000. Those
killed by my army were about 10,000.

After a year passed in endeavouring to quell
the rebellion, Sirdar Yamen Khan wrote to sa}T he had
not sufficient troops to resist 15,000 families of the
enemies of Badakshan ; that he must either receive
reinforcements, or retire. Receiving no reply, he
finally started for Khanabad without permission. My
uncle and I consulted together. I suggested that I
should go and fight in his place, and I said that,
with God's help, I would put the country to rights

16 EAELY YEAKS [chap. i.

without further assistance than 6 mule-battery guns,
and 5000 sowars. My uncle replied that it was
a very difficult matter, and that being a young man
without a beard yet, I might lose courage. I said
I would show him if this was so, and I started the
same day. After a long march I reached Talikhan.
The army was delighted to see me, and Sirdar Yameu
Khan met me on the way. Although he was my
uncle, and far older than 1, being proved a coward, I
turned my face from him, and would not say anything
but that he was a disgrace to his celebrated father, Dost
Mahomed.

Two days after my arrival, the populations of
Rustak and Badakshan, under the instructions of Mir
Yusif Ali, brother to Mir Shah of Faizabad, appointed
2000 or 3000 sowars to plunder the country round
my camp, and in the valley of Talikhan. They
suddenly attacked my pony and camel transport
animals, which were bringing provisions under the
charge of 200 militia soldiers and 50 sowars. These
men at once despatched a messenger with the news of
their plight to me, and at the same time defended
themselves as best they could. On receiving their
message I hurriedly sent 700 soldiers to their aid,
who defeated the plunderers, bringing the camels and
ponies safely back to camp. Two days later the re-
bellious force attacked those villages which rendered
their allegiance to me, and I again sent a strong force
and dispersed the rebels, taking ten prisoners, and
capturing 200 horses.

This kind of tiling lasted for three months till
one day an Ashan, who was an ecclesiastical leader

1853-64] FIGHTING IN BADAKSHAN 17

of the Mirs of Kataghan, invited me to dinner. I
accepted his invitation, taking with me 300 cavalry
and 200 militia sowars. His house was only two
miles from my camp, and unknown to him I sent
100 sowars as an advance guard to surround the
house some distance off. After some conversation with
my host dinner was announced, and almost at the
same time one of my advance guard brought me news
that a large army had attacked them, and they were
being obliged to retire slowly. I immediately took my
host and his sons prisoners, and started to join my men.
At the same time I sent a horseman to my camp
demanding that 1000 sowars, 1 battalion, and 2 guns
should be sent at once to my assistance, suggesting
that the gunners and infantry should ride behind the
cavalry to save time. Finding the rebel army amounted
to about 10,000 in number, and were marching to-
wards us, I divided my small army into eight
divisions, stationing each division some distance from
the other, and keeping the largest division with me.
The first of these I ordered to fire, and when they
were surrounded as I expected, the second division were
to open fire, and when they were surrounded the third
was to make an attack, and so on, until they were all
engaged, and it remained for me with the largest
division to draw our swords and engage the enemy.
Meanwhile reinforcements from the camp arrived,
and I made a general attack. The rebels, exhausted
and divided by reason of having to face so many
divisions of my army, were so thoroughly defeated that
leaving their wounded — 100 dead, and 400 prisoners — in
our hands, they fled, whilst only 100 of my soldiers

VOL. I. b

18 EARLY YEARS [chap. i.

were killed. I thanked God for so complete a victory
over such superior numbers, and there was much re-
joicing among us. Amongst my prisoners were ten
or twelve chiefs of the Rustak people, who abused
the Ashan ecclesiastic, saying he was the cause of their
imprisonment, as he had written to their Mirs of his
intention to invite the Commander of the Afghan army
to deliver him up into their hands, if they could send a
sufficient army to defeat his body-guard. In expecta-
tion of success the Mirs had sent these chiefs with 10,000
sowars, only to fall prisoners into my hands. Late that
night I returned to camp, and reported the matter to
my uncle in Khanabad, sending the Ashan priest
also as a prisoner. The wounded I placed under the
care of the surgeons, and when they were recovered I
presented some of them with khilats, and others with
their travelling expenses and dismissed them, instruct-
ing them to persuade their people to give up their habit
of robbery. I also sent a message to their Mir to the
effect that if he desired to go to war, he and his brother
should openly do so, instead of resorting to the
treachery of sending an envoy to my father at
Taktapul to assure him of their friendship, when all
the time they were conspiring against him. I also in-
structed them to say, that if my father wished me to
conquer Badakshan, the Mir had not sufficient strength
to stand against me for six hours. The Kataghan
prisoners I did not release, but sent a message to
inform their relations (who had left the country, and
settled under the King of Bokhara) that unless they
returned to their homes I would execute all the
prisoners then in my hands. I persuaded these men

1853-64] MIE YUSIF ALI'S REBELLION 19

themselves to communicate with their friends, admonish-
ing them to return without fear. The result of this was
that a few Kataghan priests came as their representa-
tives to make terms with me. I gave them an oath
in the name of God, that if their people did nothing
to injure the Government of Afghanistan, and would
prove themselves peaceful and loyal subjects, I would
look upon them as my own people, and would protect
their interests. On the priests returning with these
my assurances, all the 2000 families returned to their
homes, and settled at Talikhan.

The message I had sent by the Badakshan prisoners
to the obstinate Mir Yusif Ali, had no effect on his
mind, and he continued his habit of robbery and
plunder. After a few weeks of peace, he consulted
with the Mir of Kataghan, the Mir of Kolab, and
his brother Mir Shah, and managed to persuade
them that the only way to gain a decisive victory
over me, was to combine their forces, and make
two desperate attacks simultaneously in two different
places, viz. Talikhan and dial. In this latter place
were stationed 400 infantry soldiers, 400 militia, 500
sowars, and 2 mule-battery guns, under the command
of a brave experienced officer called Sirdar Mahomed
Alam Khan. The plan of attack was as follows : — A
small body of men were to pillage the surrounding
country to deceive us into thinking there was no
organised army, but merely a handful of robbers. At
the same time, about 30,000 sowars were to hide them-
selves in the gardens of Talikhan at night under the
command of Mir Ali Wali (a cousin of Mir Atalik).
The following morning 100 of these rebels coming out

20 EAELY YEARS [chap, l

of their hiding-place plundered 100 camels, which had
been let out to graze, and the officers of the advance
guard carelessly sent 200 sowars to beat back the
rebels, and secure the safety of the camels. On learn-
ing what had been done, I explained to the officer that
he had made a mistake in sending so small a force with-
out first ascertaining the strength of the enemy, as I
felt convinced that 100 sowars would not have inter-
fered with my camels so near the advance guard, unless
their force were concealed near by, and I ordered
the entire army to be prepared for war immediately.
As it turned out, I was right, for by the time the men
were ready, we perceived our sowars, of whom only 160
had escaped with their lives, headed by one of my
bravest officers, flying towards us pursued by 40,000 of
the enemy. I had taken the precaution to place my guns
with 200 infantry on the top of a hill called Ortabuz,
and had instructed the gunners not to fire until the
word of command was given. I also placed 1000
infantry on the right of the enemy, and 500 on the
left, and with the remainder of the cavalry and
infantry I faced the enemy outside the entrenchments.
When the armies were fully engaged in battle, and
the enemy's attention was entirely occupied, I sent
the gunners to the rear, and ordered the infantry on
their right and left to fire, and redoubling my attack
in their front, they became bewildered at the sharp
showers of shell and bullets from all directions, and,
not knowing the extent of my force, lost ground, and
turning round faced the gunners. On observing them
waver I incited the cavalry to a renewed attack, which
broke their ranks, and the rout was complete. The

1853-64] THE MIES OF BADAKSHAN 21

battle had lasted nine hours, the rebels losing
3000 dead in the field, whilst our losses were estimated
at 100 dead and a number wounded. We also took
GOO prisoners with 5000 horses. I ordered a tower
to be erected out of the heads of the dead rebels to
strike fear into the hearts of those still alive. I then
wrote a full report of this great victory to my uncle,
congratulating him on our triumph.

The rebels of dial offered but slight resistance, being
only 12,000 in number. They were commanded by Mir
Bababee^ and Mir Sultan Murad. After a short skirmish
they broke and fled with their wounded, leaving 100
dead on the field. Mir Bababeg fell from his horse,
breaking his leg, and was carried away by his followers.
After this decisive victory the Mirs of Badakshan felt
convinced they could not face the trained Afghan soldiers
in the open field of battle, and that their only hope was
to continue their system of plunder and treachery.

About this time Mir Muzaffar, the King of
Bokhara, being anxious to see what treatment
the Afghans showed to the people of Badakshan,
crossed the Oxus, and took up his residence at
Charikar. My father, having only 10,500 men in
his army, and doubting the friendly relations of Mir
Muzaffar, wrote to my uncle to keep 12,000 Charkhi
soldiers out of the 20,000 he now had, and to send
8000 men under my command to reinforce him.
This number would enable him to protect the country,
and to fight if called upon to do so. There was also
a possibility of a general rebellion among our Usbeg
subjects, who were of the same nationality as the
King of Bokhara. My uncle having very little know-

22 EAKLY YEARS [chap, l

ledge of the country of Turkestan, became alarmed
at this prospect, and wrote me to leave possession
of Talikhan and start for Khanabad with my army.
1 answered that it would be better for me to hold my-
self in readiness to start if required, as it would be
imprudent to leave a country so lately conquered
after so many struggles and difficulties, with no army
to protect our interests. But my uncle would not
listen to reason, and again wrote insisting on my
starting immediately. So there was nothing to do
but obey, and the next morning I started early with
my whole army. Not having sufficient transport
animals to carry all the ammunition, I arranged that
the remainder should be divided among the infantry
and sowars, each man to carry a little extra weight.
As there would be considerable difficulty in providing
the army with food on the way to Khanabad, I sent
100 sowars to plunder and carry away as many sheep
as they could from a flock of 15,000 belonging to
the Ortabuz people.

I then divided my army into three divisions — the
advance guard under Sirdar Shams-ud-din Khan, son of
Sirdar Amin Mahomed Khan ; the militia, infantry, and
part of the cavalry to form the centre division with four
cmns ; and the third and last division with the whole of
the artillery, the remainder of the infantry, and one-
third of the cavalry. The 100 sowars who had been
sent to obtain sheep, joined me at a village called Khwaja
Changal. The Talikhan people being encouraged by
our sudden march, followed us from the rear, in number
about 5000 to 6000 sowars, but they had not the
courage to attack us. To put an end to this, T ordered

1853-64] FIGHTING NEAR KHANABAD 23

one battalion of soldiers to hide themselves in a
cave about 1000 yards in length on the road-side,
instructing them to fire when the rebels passed by.

My orders were carried out as arranged, and at the
sound of firing my men turned and attacked them
from the front. This sudden onslaught from front
and rear completely overwhelmed the sowars, who
fled in all directions, some throwing themselves into
the river, others climbing to the tops of hills, to escape
our bullets. Including men lost in this way, their
casualties amounted to 400. We continued our way
unmolested towards Khanabad, and at night-fall one
of our guns fell into a river as we were crossing it.
The soldiers failing to recover it, I dismounted, and
with a few others, managed to bring the gun to the
opposite bank, but my clothes were very wet, and
I could not leave the army to change, whilst the
soldiers dried theirs by setting fire to the dry bushes
of the jungle. About two o'clock, when we were
nearing Khanabad, we heard the sound of heavy firing,
evidently coming from the direction of my uncle's
camp. Sirdar Shams-ud-din Khan suggested that the
guns belonged to the Usbeg sowars, who must have
plundered my uncle's camp, and that our best course
was to escape towards Kabul. I replied that in the
year 1257 I had heard people admiring his bravery
in the battle fought against the English, and where
was that bravery now ? At wThich he remained silent.
I sent six sowars to my uncle, saying I had heard firing
proceeding from his camp, and I bad determined to
remain where I was, but was ready to fight if necessary
in any direction, on receiving a summons from him. In

24 EAELY YEARS [chap, l

an hour's time a man came galloping to me with the
news that the guns were fired by my uncle to cele-
brate the fact that the King of Bokhara had fled
across the Oxus from Bosaga.

Now, one of my father's personal attendants,
a brave and experienced man, a very lion in the
field of battle, named Ghulam Ali Khan, had the
care of the chief frontier guards of the Oxus ; he was
also governor of three Nahrs of Hazhda Nahr. This
man had gone to Karki and Bosaga on a visit of
inspection to the frontier. When he came across 2000
sowars belonging to the King of Bokhara, they
immediately exchanged shots, and after a small skirmish
fled towards the camp of Mir Muzaffar. The Mir
marched towards Bokhara, leaving a part of his
luggage and tents behind. These were captured b}T
Ghulam Ali, who distributed the baggage as booty to
the soldiers, sending the tents of the king to my
father. At this good news I started at once to my
uncle, and congratulated him on our mutual good
fortune. Receiving his permission the following day,
I sent 2 battalions, 1 regiment of cavalry, 2 guns,
and 500 militia soldiers to Talikhan to let the
people know that we had not yet given up possession
of their city. I also sent a message to the effect that
if the people of Badakshan misbehaved again, I should
arrive there with reinforcements without loss of time.

Meantime I remained in Khanabad, putting the
army (which I had not seen for five months) in order.
When the Talikhan people found that the army, so
lately got rid of, had returned, and there was no
hope of evading the Afghan rule, they offered the

1853-G4] VISIT TO MY PARENTS AT TAKTAPUL 25

cousin of Mir Shah in marriage to my uncle, who
accepted her with great pleasure. I was greatly averse
to this alliance, and expatiated on the drawbacks of
a union with so treacherous a people, craving rather
my uncle's permission to go and take Badakshan by
force, and so rid ourselves of the trouble of an un-
trustworthy enemy, or so-called ally, who would always
be a thorn in our flesh. My uncle, however, would
not listen, and ate the sweets of his engagement.

The Mirs of Badakshan, being satisfied with the
turn which affairs had taken, sent Mir Yusif Ali (a ve^
treacherous man) with promises of loyalty and many
presents to my uncle, who entirely changed his mind
about conquering the country. At this time my
mother, taking advantage of the general peacefulness
of affairs, begged my father to allow me to go to see
her. He consented, and wrote to me to join them
at Taktapul. I left the army in charge of the colonels
and commandants, and started with a body-guard of
400 sowars. On my way I halted at Tashkurghan, and
from there visited the blessed tomb of the King of the
Saints. I rubbed my face on the gates to give light to
my eyes from the light of his tomb, and comfort to
my heart from the help of his soul, and continued my
way to Taktapul. On my arrival I kissed the hands
of my parents, who gave much charity to the poor in
token of their pleasure at seeing me, all my relations
doing the same according; to their means. The next
day I inspected the magazines, workshops, and stores,
and finding them in good order, I added to the salaries
of their superintendents, also giving away khilats to
those of good character. All the tents and other requi-

26 EAELY YEAKS [chap. i.

sites required by my army at Kataghan I ordered to be
made at the workshops. These were completed and sent
in less than a month.

For the space of one year I was occupied with the
administration of the Taktapul army, at the end of
which time, in the spring, I started for Kataghan. One
curious accident which I may mention happened to me
on my way there. At one of our halting-places, called
Kazwinar (which means, " The playing-place of the
girls "), I went to take a walk on the surrounding hills
where the transport animals were grazing. I happened
to have missed my soldiers, when a wild camel attacked
me. I had no arms save a small dagger in my belt,
so I began running round and round a large stone.
The camel followed me many times round the stone,
till I was well-nigh exhausted, and, finding none of my
soldiers had arrived, I was obliged in self-preservation
to stop and face the camel, and picking up a big stone,
I hit him as hard as I could on the ear, which knocked
him on his knees. Before he had time to rise I drew
my dagger and cut his throat, the blood spurting all
over me. Seeing the animal dying before me, and
being worn out, I fainted, and must have remained un-
conscious for an hour. On recovering my senses I was
delighted to find the camel quite dead. To punish my
servants for so long neglecting me, I ordered each one
to receive thirty strokes, and made it a rule, that
during any private business, which necessitates my
leaving my body-guard for any short time, two or three
confidential people must always be near me. This
world is beset with dangers !

I found the army of Kataghan very pleased to see

1853-64] PEACE IN BADAKSHAN 27

me, and I conveyed to the soldiers a message from my
father, that he looked upon them all as sons, and felt
the same fatherly affection for them as he felt for me,
Abdur Rahman. At this they cried out with joy,
saying : "Every one of us will sacrifice his life for our
father, Sirdar Mahomed Afzul Khan." I also conveyed
my father's compliments, with kind messages, to my
uncle ; after which I retired to my house, where the
military had arranged a banquet, with fireworks after-
wards, in my honour. The following day I went my
usual round of inspection to the magazines, stores, and
artillery, thanking God that I found everything in such
good order. The next day I ordered a grand review to
take place.

After a week's stay I went to see the army in
Talikhan, which I also found in a very satisfactory con-
dition. The Mirs of Badakshan, hearing of my arrival,
sent me as presents six handsome slave boys, nine
horses complete with silver harness and saddles,
nine bags of honey, five hawks, and two hounds. In
return I sent the Mirs khilats and other presents,
besides a letter reminding them that when I was last
in Talikhan they had promised to give me the possession
of certain mines, consisting of one topaz, five gold,
one lapis lazuli, one malachite, and others, but that
when I had made enquiries from m}T uncle, I found
they had not done so. On receiving my letter they
authorised me to take possession of them, which I did,
forwarding some of the precious stones with the other
presents to my father.

The events of the following two years are not worth
recording. At the end of this time my uncle was re-

28 EAELY YEAES [chap. i.

called by my father, and Sirdar Abdul Ghais Khan, my
father's cousin, was appointed Governor.1 My uncle
stayed a short time in Kabul, after which he left for
his own states of Kuram Khost. I met him in Shuri
on the way thither, and received an invitation from
my father to meet him in Aibak, and to accompany
him to Balkh. Giving careful instructions as to the
proper care of my army, to the officers in Khanabad,
I went to Aibak and kissed my father's hands, and we
started together for Taktapul, where we remained dur-
ing the whole winter.

In the spring, at Noroz (New Year's Day), Sirdar
Abdul Ghais died of the plague, and trouble also broke
out at Herat, of which country Sirdar Sultan Ahmad
Khan, my grandfather's nephew, and an official of the
Shah of Persia were Governors. This man had caused
a disturbance in the provinces of Kandahar, and my
grandfather, Dost Mahomed, set out with my uncle to
punish him. They besieged the fort of Herat for
several months, and in March my father and I were
rejoiced to receive tidings at Balkh of the victory of
Farah (in the province of Herat). After thanksgivings
which this good news occasioned, my father sent me to
Khanabad as Governor-General of the army. I found
the country in very bad order. The Governors of each
town had consumed the revenues of their districts
themselves, and the late Sirdar had known nothing of
what had gone on, being more of a doctor than a
governor, who spent most of his time in prescribing for
the people. He was, however, such a coward, that he

1 His son, Abdul Rashid, was made Governor of Jellalabad by me
(1897), and dismissed, owing to his cruelty and oppression.

1853-64] AFFATRS IN BADAKSHAN 29

had been frightened by the threats of a Mir of Badak-
shan into releasing a thief who had been justly im-
prisoned. This man (Mir Shah), who had so abused his
office, was dead, and had been succeeded by his son,
Mir Jahandar Shall. Mir Yusif Ali, his brother, had
been murdered by his nephew, Mir Shah Syad, a year
before my arrival ; and this man's son had succeeded,
although he was partly a lunatic, an opium smoker,
and a drunkard. Mir Bababeg Khan, ruler of Kishm
(whose father died before the two brothers), had fallen
in love with the widow of Mir Shah, sister of Yusif Ali.
Their engagement was announced, when, furious at this
turn of events, Jahandar Shah attacked Kishm, and
taking Bababeg prisoner, married his step-mother him-
self, boasting that he had married his own mother.
Shortly after this, Mir Bababeg escaped from prison just
before m}^ arrival, and fled to Khanabad. I found also
that the soldiers had not received their pay for eight
months of the past year and four of the present. My
first care was to collect the revenues and arrears of
money due from all the Governors, and to discharge this
debt. The officers of two battalions and 400 sowars
of my uncle's army were also stationed at Khanabad,
and these men had taken advantage of the apathy of
the late Sirdar to collect and spend the revenues of the
country to a large amount. My arrival, which put an
end to their malpractices, was keenly resented by them,
and their first attempt at revenge was to induce the
army to rebel and desert to Kabul. My cousin, Mir
Aziz, who was in Kabul, and the nominal head of his
father's army, being only eleven years old, was com-
pletely under the bad influence of his tutors and

30 EARLY YEARS [chap, l

guardians, who were all allied with the officers of the
battalion above-mentioned. These men instilled into
the minds of the soldiers that the country belonged
to their master, and it was foolish to submit to Abdur
Rahman's interference and governorship. They further
suggested that they should all go to Kabul with the son
of their real master.

All this made a great impression on the minds of the
ignorant soldiers, and to add to this, we received news
of my grandfather's death. Encouraged by this sad
news, the soldiers of the two battalions and cavalry
surrounded my house, and tried to force the doors
with large stones. My army turned out and quickly
dispersed the rebels, who fled to Kabul, but their dis-
loyal officers who had brought them to this state of bad
behaviour, thought it better not to accompany them.
After waiting three days, the soldiers lost heart, and
wrote me a letter, begsfino; to be forgiven, adding; that

' OS o o o

they had been deceived by their officers. I replied,
requesting the names of those who had incited them to
rebel, and on receipt of this information I promised
pardon to all the others. I added, that if they refused
to send me these names, they could continue their way
to Kabul, as I had no need of their services. In reply,
they sent a list, including the names of eight captains,
and sub-lieutenants, with the commandants of the army,
and concluded with the guardians and tutor of Mahomed
Aziz, saying that these men had sworn on the Koran to
unite against me. After this explanation I pardoned the
soldiers, and sentenced the eight captains to be blown
from the guns, the commandants of the corps I dis-
missed, as they had been my uncle's page-boys ; so

1853-64] BATTLE AT NARIN .1

for the time being, the country was restored to
tranquillity.

As soon as the news of my grandfather's death
reached Mir Atalik, he sent his son Sultan Murad Khan to
Kataghan to stir up the subjects to rebellion. I appointed
a strong force, comprising 3 battalions, 12 guns, 1000
cavalry sowars, and 2000 militia infantry, under Sirdar
Mahomed Alam, and Sirdar Ghulam Khan, to punish
the rebels. I intended to meet the enemy at Narin
by the road of Shorab (Bitter Waters). An unfor-
tunate incident occurred at the commencement of the
campaign. Sirdar Alam was in the habit of marching
at the head of his army, accompanied by 200 sowars.
He had been repeatedly warned how imprudent it was
for a chief officer to expose himself without an advance
guard. One day he was suddenly attacked by 2000
Kataghan sowars, who had concealed themselves behind
the hills. The followers of Alam fled on becoming
aware of the number of the rebels ; but the Sirdar, being
unaccustomed to surrender, stood with a few brave men
and fought till they were all cut to pieces. When
tidings of this reached the advancing army, a detach-
ment of cavalry galloj)ed after the rebels before they
could carry the dead body of the Sirdar away, and after
a severe fight defeated the Kataghan sowars, wrho fled
towards Narin, leaving 300 dead and wounded on the
field.

The day following this encounter a decisive battle
was fought at Narin, where 40,000 rebels were massed
together. The attack began at sunrise, and continued
till late in the afternoon, resulting in the flight of the
enemy, who fought very bravely, continually making

32 EARLY YEAES [chap. i.

fresh attacks. My losses were very slight in com-
parison to theirs, being only thirty killed and wounded,
including Sirdar Ghulam Khan. The reason of so slight
a loss on our side was the order in which the army was
arranged, while the enemy being unskilled in warfare
were massed together, so that our guns did great
execution. I was proud of my army that day. The
manner in which they fought was worthy of admiration;
only those persons can appreciate this who know what
it is to be attacked by such a large body of men, and
not lose courage. The appearance of 40,000 men on a
desert plain is like the movement of a mountain.

One of the spies, whom I had appointed in Kataghan
to procure me information, was taken prisoner by
Sultan Murad Khan. When the news of my victory
reached Kataghan he was assisted to escape, and taking
a horse came straight to me ; but on arrival he fainted.
When he recovered consciousness he told me that each
day during his imprisonment he had received forty
strokes of the lash. In corroboration of this, the surgeons
told me that his body was as black as charcoal, which
proved what he had gone through. He told me that all
the people and families in Kataghan were trying to leave
the country to secure their own safety. I immediately
sent Naib Ghulam Khan Durani, a clever man (though
dilatory), with cavalry and artillery to occupy the road
at a narrow defile, though which these people would
have to pass on their way to Badakshan. I also
ordered the infantry of Talikhan to accompany the
expedition. Having cut off their retreat, I sent the
Kasi of Kunduz by the Shorab road, with two or three
Mirs of Badakshan, who were very popular with the

1853-64] SUBJUGATION OF THE REBELS 33

people, and had a great reputation amongst them.
With these men I sent letters, promising pardon to the
rebels. On finding their retreat cut off, and escape
impossible, and perceiving their army was no match
for mine, and, moreover, being satisfied with my
promises through the Mirs and priests, they came to ask
my pardon and forgiveness.

In reply, I issued a proclamation that I would
overlook the rebellion on two conditions. The first
of these was, that they should promise in the name
of God and His prophet Mahomed, that they and
their offspring would be faithful to the government
of Afghanistan, and not be persuaded by their Mirs
and chiefs to act contrary to the welfare of this
same government. Secondly, that they should pay
twelve lakhs of rupees as a fine for their misbehaviour.

After a short interval I received a reply in
which the people unanimously agreed to the above-
mentioned conditions, adding that they would be
faithful to me and my sons, and would ever be ready
to fight against my enemies, and serve me with their
lives. They also expressed their gratitude at having
been allowed to retain their property, which included
camels and horses worth 20,000,000 rupees.

I sent this treaty to my father, and the people
settled down quietly under my rule. The first thing I
did was to collect fifteen lakhs of rupees, due for
arrears of revenue, with which I paid the army all that
was due to them.

About this time a certain class of Badakshan

cloth merchants save me a or>od deal of trouble. It

was customary for merchants, trading between
vol. i. c

34 EAELY YEARS [chap, l

Badakshan and Kataofhan, to ride on horseback between
those places on certain days in the week, and it was
found that on these special days for a long time
past groups of dead bodies were constantly being
discovered. To put an end to these murders, I
appointed a few soldiers to watch the road without
themselves appearing, and I also ordered some sowars,
dressed as civilians, to travel to and fro, with instruc-
tions that if they wTere attacked they were to signal
to the soldiers. It turned out as I desired, and one
day the Badakshan merchants attacked the sowars,
who immediately sent a man on a fast horse to give
warning to the hidden soldiers. These galloped to the
spot, and took some fifty merchants prisoners, who
were brought before me. I distributed their arms,
saddles and bridles among the sowars, gave their
horses to the artillery, and the 10,000 rupees of which
they were possessed I confiscated to the Government
Treasury. On questioning these men, they owned
they had acted as highwaymen for the past two years,
owing to the contempt in which they held the
Afghans, and although they offered 2000 rupees per
head to purchase their lives, I ordered them all to
be blown from the guns, as they had committed many
crimes on my unoffending people. This punishment
was carried out on market day, so that their flesh
should be eaten by the dogs of the camp, and their
bones remain lying about till the festival was over.
When these were buried Mir Jahandar Shah, not
being aware of all that had taken place, sent the
same man to me who had acted as his envoy on the
occasion when he had intimidated Abdul Ghaiz Khan

1853-04] REPLY TO MIR JAHANDAR SHAH 35

into releasing a thief from prison. This man brought
me a letter, in which he asked why I had dared to take
his subjects prisoners, and requested that they should
be handed over to him on receipt of this letter. If
this were not done, he threatened to write to my
father and uncle that I was trying to turn the people
of Badakshan against him, their true friend. I read
this letter aloud in the public audience, and asked
the man if the Mir was in good health and quite
sensible when he wrote it. He replied in these words :
" My King, Mir Sahib, has commanded me to bring
back your prisoners to him, without loss of time, or
he will immediately take steps against you." To
this I answered: "Do not lose your temper, consider
a moment." But he refused to be warned, and said
again rudely : " Hand over the prisoners. How dare
you imprison our people ? " Without further con-
versation I ordered my servants to pull out his beard
and moustache, and to dye his eyebrows like a
woman's. I then took him to the place where the
remains of the merchants lay, and put his beard
and moustache in a gold cloth, advising him to take
it to his Mir, both as a caution, and as a reply
to the letter he had written me. With this man I
sent a strong force, consisting of 2 battalions, 2000
cavalry sowars, 1000 Usbeg sowars, 2000 infantry, and
12 guns, under the command of Mahomed Zaman Khan
and Sikander Khan, with Naib Ghulam Ahmad Khan,
to Talikhan. When they arrived there the commanders
sent this man with his reply to Mir Jahandar Shah,
who abused him, and demanded to know why he had
returned without the prisoners whom he had sent him

36 EARLY YEAPS [chap. i.

to fetch. The man uncovered his face, and threw
the gold cloth at the Mir's feet, saying : " This is what
I have suffered by carrying your idiotic messages,
and this is what you will suifer, if you are not care-
ful." The Mir, furious at this treatment, ordered his
army to repair at once to Khanabad, when he received
intelligence of the proximity of the Afghan army,
which had already practically taken the country, and
subdued the people.

On discovering the truth of this report, the Mir
was overcome, and he lost heart. The chiefs, instead
of trying to comfort him, said : " Your father saved
himself from this dangerous man by offering his
daughter in marriage ; you were foolish enough to send
him rude messages." The Mir replied : " You were
the counsellors of my father, advise me what can be
done ? " Upon this they took counsel together, and
sucg-ested that the Mir's brother should go to salaam
Abdur Rahman, with twenty chiefs, forty slave girls,
and forty page-boys ; also that he should take many
Chinese presents of silk, carpets, china, etc., and that
Mir Shah should write a letter of apology, offering
one of his sisters or cousins in marriage, so that by
this ruse the Mir might manage to save his kingdom
and himself from the fate of Mir Atalik. The Mir
having no other course open to him, was obliged to
do as his chiefs advised, and at once despatched the
apology and presents to me, at the same time writing
to my officers to " delay taking action against him for
God's sake," till his brother should reach Khanabad,
and they should receive further instructions as to the
course they were to take. My officers received this

1863-64] AN INSPIRATION 37

letter at Gulugan, in Badakshan, where they had
marched in three days, and they agreed to halt,
sending a messenger to me to report what had
happened. In due course Mir Shah's brother arrived
before me with 3000 servants and the letter in which
Mir Shah had explained his behaviour on the plea
that he was always intoxicated, and did not know
what he was doing. I smiled, and told the chiefs
that I considered his apology most reasonable. Having
no real cause to quarrel with the Khanabad people,
I received the messengers kindly, and agreed to forgive
their Mir. I also gave them khilats, but refused the
offer of Mir Shah's niece in marriage, saying that as
a daughter of his had married my uncle, there was
sufficient relationship between the family. Thus
ended, for the time being, the troubles of Badakshan.

I must repeat a wonderful experience, or inspiration,
which came to me at this time, and about which it gives
me much pleasure to write. One day when I was
holding my Court, I received a letter from Amir Azim's
daughter who lived at Kabul, and who was betrothed
to me. She had instructed her messenger to deliver
the letter into my hands only, and that it was not to
be shown to any one, and the reply was to be written
and sealed by me. As I have before mentioned, I
was never fond of reading and writing, and I had
forgotten what little I had ever learned. Imagine
my disappointment on receiving this letter ! I felt my
heart beating, and I blamed myself very much that
while I boasted of being such a fine man, I was really
most unmanly, being so ignorant. On retiring that
night I wept bitterly, and prayed to my God with

38 EARLY YEARS [chap. i.

all humility, beseeching the souls of the Saints to
intercede for me. I repeated this praj^er : "0 God,
send a light into my heart, and enlighten my mind,
so that I may read and write. Thou shalt not make
me ashamed in the eyes of Thy creation." At last,
being overcome with weeping, towards morning I fell
asleep. I dreamed that the figure of a holy man ap-
peared to me. He was of middle size and very straight,
with almond eyes, and delicate eyebrows, a long beard,
and an oval-shaped face, also small long fingers. He
wore a brown turban and a striped cloth around his
loins, and carried a long staff, at the end of which was
a piece of iron. He appeared to be standing at my
head, and saying very quietly: " Abdur Eahman, rise
and write." I awoke with a start, and seeing no one,
I slept again, and again the same figure appeared to
me, saying, " I say write, and instead you sleep." I
hesitated, and awaking a second time, and seeing no
one, I again fell asleep. For the third time the holy
man appeared, saying with evident annoyance : " If
you sleep again, I shall pierce your chest with my
staff." At this I was frightened and awoke, but not to
sleep again. I called to my pages to bring pen and
paper to me, and began thinking of the letters I used to
write at school, the unseen power of God representing
the shapes of the letters before my mind one after
another. My memory helped me to recollect what I
had read, and I scribbled on the paper one word and
then another. In this way I finished a letter before
sunrise of about sixty or seventy lines. Some of the
letters were not joined and others hardly formed.
When I read this over I found I could read it all, and

L853-64] AX INSPIRATION 30

I also noticed the mistakes, of which there were many.
I tore this up, and re- wrote it, being so happy and
glad I could hardly contain myself. On rising that
morning I opened one or two letters addressed to me
from the governors, and finding I could understand
the subject of the letters, my pleasure was multiplied
ten times. When the hour arrived to attend the Court,
the secretary, whose duty it was to read my letters,
came to me as usual, but I said : " / will read my
letters to-day, and you shall correct my mistakes."
He smiled, and said : " But your Highness cannot read,"
at which I opened a letter saying, ''Hear if I can."
With that I commenced to read, and dictated the replies.
In this way we got through 200 letters, and answered
100. At the end of a few days I was quite inde-
pendent of my secretary's help, and read and answered
my private letters myself. Some days after I re-read
the Koran, and gave money away in the names of
the Hoty Saints and Prophets. I also wrote to my
father an account of the providential help which
enabled me to read and write. I sent this letter
through my guardian, and when at first my father
doubted the truth of my story, my guardian said :
" You know your son could not write anything to you
which was not the truth. How could he show his
face to you if he told you a lie ? ': My father at last
believed him, and presented him with 5000 tangas1 and
a valuable khilat. To me he sent one gold-mounted
sword, ten sheets of gold cloth, and a few pieces of
woollen material. I praised God, and wrote my thanks
to my father for his kindness.

1 A coin of Bokhara = 4d or I rupee (Kabul).

40 EAKLY YEARS [chap. i.

No sooner had the countries of Badakshan and
Kataghan settled down peacefully, than I experienced
trouble with Kolab. The Mir of that country, named
Shah Khan, appointed 2000 sowars to plunder 13,000
sheep belonging to the Kataghan people, which were
grazing near the Oxus, as is the custom in the winter.
Hearing of this, I sent 2000 sowars to release and
return the sheep to their rightful owners. The
plunderers had already succeeded in crossing the Oxus,
and my sowars forded the river at a shallow point on
horseback. A severe fight took place on the opposite
side, in which the plunderers lost 500 killed, while
many were taken prisoners, and the sheep released.
My force did not return at once, but halted there,
expecting reinforcements with instructions to conquer
Kolab ; but, receiving no further orders from my father,
I sent for them to return. I restored the sheep to
their owners, who offered me 6000 of them, it being
the custom of the country that one-third of all plunder
taken from robbers belongs of right to the Govern-
ment. I refused the sheep, but accepted 8000 gold
coins offered me instead, out of which I gave 3000 to
the soldiers, keeping the remainder myself. I wrote to
Mir Shah, warning him that on such an incident being
repeated, 1 would take Kolab away from him. The Mir
answered with many apologies, sending presents, and
promising that such a thing should not happen again.
I then sold the prisoners for one lakh of tangas
(5000 sovereigns), thus making 10,000 out of the
transaction !

The different countries were very peaceful after this
for some time, and I took the opportunity of adding

1853-64] PACIFICATION OF BADAKSHAN 41

3000 ponies and 2000 camels to our supply of transport
animals. About this time I received a letter from my
father, announcing his intention of coming to visit
Kataghan, and saying that he would let me know a
month beforehand. I answered: " Bakheir braiyed."
(Come safely).

CHAPTER II

FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA
(1863-65)

Now I must turn the attention of my readers towards
Herat. When this country was attacked, my grand-
father was ill,1 and Sirdar Shere Ali Khan was most
attentive to his father, while his other sons, Sirdars
Azim, Amin, and Aslim, owing to their hatred of their
step-brother, entered into intrigues with Sultan
Mahomed, Governor of Herat, who was the enemy of
Amir Dost. In this way they much irritated their
father by their behaviour. To be friends with their
father's enemies ! God forbid that I should ever fall
into such bad ways ! Dost Mahomed was buried close
to the tomb of Khwaja Ansar at Herat. After this,
his sons, finding they could not succeed to the throne,
proclaimed Shere Ali as Amir, and departed without his
permission or knowledge, to their own states. Amir
Shere Ali, finding himself deserted by his brothers, made
his son Yakub, Governor of Herat, and started for
Kandahar. On arriving there, he found that his
brothers still did not visit him.

Meanwhile my uncles escaped from Herat to their
states; Aslim being Governor of Hazhda Nahr and Azim
Governor of Kuram Khost. They soon began to create

1 Du.~t Mahomed died June 9, 1863.
12

1863-65] FAMILY TEOUBLES 43

trouble towards Kabul where Mahomed Ali, the Amir's
eldest son, had been appointed Governor by my grand-
father at the time he left for Herat. This Mahomed Ali
wrote to his father at Kandahar, urging him to return
soon to Kabul, or there would be a rebellion. On
hearing this, Shere Ali left his brothers unpunished,
started for Kabul, thinking he must first deal with his
step-brother, before he punished the faithlessness of
his own brothers. On his arrival at Ghazni he sent a
Koran as a pledge of his sincerity to my uncle Azim,
telling him that as he was the eldest, he wTould always
respect him as his elder brother, and that he must come
and see him once in Ghazni. Being reassured, Azim
visited Shere Ali ; and they renewed their oaths on the
Koran, after which my uncle returned to his states,
leaving his eldest son, named Sarwar Khan, as com-
panion to Shere Ali, who returned to Kabul. Sirdar
Aslim, who was at Bamian when Shere Ali arrived at
Ghazni, escaped to Balkh, leaving his family and estate
behind. My father was at Balkh at the time, and I
wrote to him not to encourage Aslim, who was a
mischief-maker, and not to allow him near him. He
answered that it was impossible to send him away, as
he had come to seek his protection. Shere Ali now
broke his oath with my Uncle Azim, and sent an army
against him, under the command of Sirdar Kafik-i-Din,
a very clever man. My uncle, being unable to with-
stand such a powerful enemy, fled to the dominions of
Her Majesty the Queen in India, while Shere Ali took
possession of Katawaz, Zurmat and Loghar states, be-
longing to my father, and which had been presented to
him by his father. These states were now in the

44 FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ii.

charge of Ahmad Kashmiri, who had been brought up
by my father. These injustices committed by Shere
Ali naturally did not improve the feeling of his
brothers towards him, and there were many mischievous
people ready to stir up enmity in my father's mind
against him. Among these people were rny uncles,
Sirdar Aslim Abdul Rauf, and Sirdar Amin Khan of
the family of the Gunners,1 who were great intriguers.
According to his promise, given some time back, to visit
me, my father came to Khanabad as my guest, accom-
panied by these mischief-makers, and at the same time
Ahmad brought him a letter from the Amir, assuring him
that he had no desire to take Turkestan from him, and
that his feelings were all of a friendly nature. This
Ahmad was a traitor, being paid by his master to spy out
my father's actions, and to circumvent any plots made
against Shere Ali. My father and his advisers were
accustomed to meet together for private conversation,
and I was excluded from their conference, in case I
should disagree with their plots. This I should have
done had I known what was going on, and I was
grieved to hear that my father had been persuaded
that many of the Kabul Sirdars were willing to accept
his rule, and that his best course was to make friends
with Mir Atalik, by giving him back the country of
Kataghan, and so to unite the armies of Balkh and
Kataghan, and start for Kabul. Mir Atalik agreed to
this, and directly afterwards we received the news that
Shere Ali was marching on Turkestan.

My father sending me to take his place at Taktapul,
announced his intention to meet Shere Ali himself. I

1 Descendants of the old Artillery officers of the Mogul Emperors.

L863-65] MY FATHEB OPPOSES SHERE ALT 45

tried bard to dissuade him from this, begging him to
let me go instead ; explaining that if I was defeated
by Shere Ali, he would be there to support me, but
if fortune deserted him, I could not manage to put
matters right. My father saw the justice of my
proposal, but his friends, the traitors, overruled him,
by persuading him that he understood the Kabul
jjeople, and would be better able to communicate with
them. Believing this to be the case, my father turned a
deaf ear to my entreaties, and I was sent to Taktapul.

During my Governorship of Khanabad I had saved
fourteen lakhs of rupees, after paying the army salaries,
and my father ordered boxes to be made for the con-
veyance of this money, with which he started to Bajgah,
which country is situated midway between Kabul and
Balkh. The officers commanding his army were
Ghulam Ahmad, Naib Mahomed, Colonel Sohrab, and
Colonel Wali Mahomed. These officers my father
sent one day's march ahead to take possession of the
hill-tops surrounding the pass, but instructed them on
no account to fight until his arrival. I think I have
mentioned before that Ghulam Ahmad, although a good
officer, was a very lazy man, and on this occasion he
did not carry out his instructions, but, instead, post-
poned taking the hills until the next day. In the
meantime the experienced officers of Shere Ali's army,
among whom were Sirdar Eafik Khan, and General
Sheikh Mir, took advantage of the delay, and posted
their men all along the hill-tops, so that before the
lazy Ghulam Ahmad awoke the next morning, he was
fired upon from these heights. The consequence of this
mistake was disastrous, and, in spite of the bravery of

4G FLIGHT FEOM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ir.

my army, they were defeated, leaving the strong pass
in possession of the enemy.

News of this encounter reached my father, who
hurried on to be in time to help his officers, but at
a place called Kara Kotal his defeated army met him
with the sad news. He had no choice but to return
with the fragments of his army, and he halted at a
place called Doab (Two Rivers), being one day's march
away. He arranged his men and guns carefully, and
prepared to make another stand against the enemy
at that place, but the disloyal Sirdars, having contrived
to place him in this position, now turned against him,
and wrote to the Amir, explaining that the army
trained by Abdur Rahman was too strong for him to
stand against, and that he must resort to intrigues, or
he would meet with defeat. Shere Ali, listening to this,
sent Sultan Ali, son of Sirdar Kuhandil of Kandahar,
with an oath on the Koran, in which he undertook to
look upon Afzul as his father, and saying he was de-
termined not to disgrace the name of their father Dost
Mahomed by fighting against his son. My father being
deceived by these assurances, took the Koran on his
eyes, and kissed it, starting out for the camp of Shere
Ali, leaving his army to return, although they all
begged him to fight it out. On his arrival at his
brothers camp the Amir walked out to welcome him,
and kissed his stirrups, thus treacherously flattering
him, and expressing his sorrow for thinking of going
to war with his elder brother. He also put a chair for
my father, waiting on him himself. My father, whose
conscience was innocent, praised God that he and his
brother were again friends, and after a few hours re-

1863-G5] SHERE ALI AT TAKTAPUL 47

turned to his camp, from which he sent 7000 sheep,
and 2000 kharwar of flour and barley for the horses,
because Shere Ali was short of provisions.

The following day Shere Ali visited my father
in his camp, and on his return sent Mahomed Rafik
to request his permission to go on a pilgrimage to
the tomb of the King of the Saints, after which he
would go to Kabul, where he had much business. My
father gave his permission, and sent his army by the
Darah-i-Yusuf towards Balkh, starting himself with 3000
sowars of his body-guard to accompany Shere Ali by
the road of Afak.

When the army arrived at Taktapul, where I was
staying, I wrote to my father that he had made a
great mistake in sending his army away from him,
but he turned his face from me. The Amir sent
his son Mahomed Ali to the Saint's tomb, thinking
I should go and pay my respects to him there, but I
only wrote to welcome him, saying that if he would
take the trouble to call on me, I should be pleased to
see him. He replied that at present he was anxious
to return to his father, but, God willing, we would meet
again. When my father arrived at Mazar, I went to
kiss his hands ; at the same time I tried to persuade
him that Shere Ali was playing him false, and asked
permission to take the Amir prisoner when he should
arrive. But my father, lifting the Koran, said : " For
the sake of this Holy Book, do not do such a disgraceful
thing." I answered : " You will see my uncle will not
mind doing this disgraceful thing." The following
day Shere Ali arrived, and passed the night at the
Saint's tomb. My father visited me at Taktapul, from

48 FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ii.

whence he sent presents to his brother, announcing his
intention of going to wish him good-bye. I begged
him not to do so, but, as usual, he would not listen to
me, and started for Tashkurghan, where the Amir broke
the terms of the treaty he had made, and thrust my
father into prison.

When the army heard this they were furious, and de-
manded to be led against the Amir, and I marched with
this purpose to Mazar, where I pitched my tents, when
I received a letter from my father, instructing me not
to fight, saying if I did so, he would disown me. I
read this letter to my army, who, being angry at my
determination to remain inactive, deserted for Kabul,
leaving me with only 500 or 600 followers. At midnight
I received another letter from my father, ordering me
to go to Bokhara with all these loyal followers who
were desirous of following me. I started at once, and
travelled so fast, that by sunrise I was half-way to the
frontier. On my arrival at a place called Daolatabad,
I saw about 2000 sowars standing round a hill, on
which were some more people. I sent a messenger to
make enquiries about these men, and learned they were
Usbeg sowars of Balkh. Upon hearing this I started
towards them, and they salaamed me, explaining that
they were attending a marriage ceremony. I then
asked what those sowars were doing on the top of the
hill, and they replied they were Afghans, and had
nothing to do with them. From this I inferred they
must be Naib Ghulam and Abdur Rahim Khan, who
had parted from me the night before, and I sent a
man to them inviting them to join me. They refused
to do this without a written proof that my messenger

1863-65] FLIGHT TO BOKHARA l'.'

was speaking the truth, and when 1 had satisfied

them as to my identity they joined my followers.
Ghulam Ahmad was alone, having missed the others
by night. We all started at once towards the Oxus,
and the Usbeg sowars also prepared to go with us,
but I told them they must return, at which they pro-
tested they were willing to serve with my army. I
replied, I did not require their help, and again re-
quested them to return. I knew well that the Usbegs
hate the Afghans, always being ready to do them an
injury. At last they consented to turn back, and we
continued our way past Hazhda Nahr, after which
there were no more villages or habitations, only a
sandy desert reaching to the Oxus. Seeing a field of
water-melons, I gave directions to my followers for
each to take two melons and two water-melons in
their horse-bags, in case they should not be able to
procure water on their way through the desert.

When we had journeyed about half-way towards
the Oxus, about half of my sowars dismounted to eat
their melons. I tried to dissuade them from doing
this, telling them they had not chosen a safe place,
and suggested their eating the melons on horseback,
but Naib Ghulam Ahmad said it was better to pass
the heat of the day in the shade, and after a short
rest they would ride after me. At this they spread
their carpets under the jungle trees, and rested in
their shade. I took thirty sowars and all the money
we had and continued my way, leaving the lazy
Ghulam Ahmad with 240 sowars behind. The chief
officers of his force were Nazir Haidar, Abdur Eahim,
Colonel Sohrab, Colonel Nazir, Commandant Sikander

VOL. I. D

50 FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. n.

Charkhi, Commandant Haidar, son of Sikander Charklii,
also forty captains and risaldars. I may mention that
I had left in Taktapul my son, aged three years, with
his cousin, Sirdar Azim Khan, aged fifteen years. Both
boys were in the charge of Sikander Khan Orukzai, and
Ghulam Ali. After continuing my way for some nine
or ten miles, I was stopped by a sowar who had
galloped after us, bringing news that the Usbeg
sowars, whom I had dismissed, had followed us
instead of returning to their homes, and had attacked
Naib Ghulam and his men, whom they had found
asleep beneath the trees, and who had despatched their
messenger to me to go to their assistance. I said :
" How wise my people are ! Instead of escaping and
saving themselves, they are anxious for me to be
killed with them. It is not only bravery a soldier
requires in time of war ; he must also have the sense
to escape in times of necessity. To escape a danger is
also a victory." I explained to the messenger that
when I had 300 followers I did not fight, and now I
was not going to do so with thirty only. One of the
officers with me, named Nazir Khan, returned for the
sake of his brother Sohrab, who was behind.

We then continued our way to the Oxus, and
arriving a short distance off, I directed my men to
halt while I galloped on with a single follower to
hire a boat. I did this in order not to frighten the
boatmen by our numbers. 1 found only one boat to
be had, and many raisin and almond merchants of the
Turkoman tribes disputing over the hire of the boat.
One of them had already placed his cargo on board
with ten camels. I dismounted and got into the boat,

1863-66] CROSSING THE OXUS 51

upon which the sailors demanded in Turkish who I
was. I replied in the same language, "A merchant,"
and during the dispute that followed, I sent my sowar
to fetch his comrades, who arrived to the surprise of
the sailors and merchants who endeavoured to seize
the boat. I pointed my rifle at them, saying: "The
moment you enter the boat I will shoot you." At last
they agreed to dispute no longer, and asked a sowar
who I was. On his replying : " Sirdar Abdur Eahman,
son of Afzul Khan," they salaamed me and apologised.
I forgave them, and divided my men, half of whom,
with their horses, were to fill the boat with me; the
other half were to remain behind, of necessity. These
I advised to borrow pickaxes from the sailors and raise
sand-walls for their protection.

When we had almost crossed the Oxus, I saw
another boat in front, and I ordered one of my men
who was a fast swimmer to go on and make enquiries.
He returned with the news that it was Abdur Rahim
with an envoy from the King of Bokhara, and we
were delighted to meet. I landed in Bokhara territory
at ten, it being a six-hours' journey. The boatmen
put their horses at my disposal, but I preferred waiting
on the shore till any detachment of the others should
arrive. I gave them ten gold coins to bring food for
themselves and our horses. Abdur Rahim and the
envoy went on with the boatmen, and to him I gave
200 tangas, instructing him to buy ten sheep, and
to have the mutton ready cooked, also to provide 300
loaves of bread for my sowars, who were to arrive the
following day.

I wrote to the Mir of Shirabad under the King

52 FLIGHT FROM IJALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ii.

of Bokhara, informing him of my arrival in his terri-
tory, and asking him to send 200 sowars across the
Oxus for the support of my sowars. On receiving my
letter the Mir agreed to send 400 sowars and several
boats early in the morning for this purpose. At day-
break I heard the firing of guns, and after some ten
volleys I awoke my sowars, persuading them that the
firing came from their comrades as a token of pleasure
on their embarkation. To the boatmen I promised
fifty sovereigns for each boat they brought me up to
the number of twenty. They replied that, as there
was fighting going on on the opposite side of the river,
they would not take the risk of going across. I hesi-
tated a few minutes, and then ordered my page-boy,
named Hassan, to bring a package of 1000 sovereigns
which was in his charge. We counted these coins
before the boatmen, to whom I promised them all if
they would bring the boats. They would not believe
this was my real intention, but I said they could take
them away now, if they sent their men for the boats.
Iu short, thirty boats arrived, and we travelled so fast,
that in little more than two hours we had crossed two-
thirds of the river.

I found that m)^ sowars whom I had left asleep in
the desert, after being attacked by the Usbegs, had
gradually retreated fighting until the Oxus was reached.
These sowars, seeing there were no boats, desisted fight-
ing for the night, thinking to capture their enemies in
the morning. This was the firing I had heard, and my
sowars being encouraged by the sight of my boats
fought bravely. The others behind their sand en-
trenchments also took courage to fire on the enemy,

1863-65] IN' BOKHARA 53

who finally tied in confusion. We all crossed the
river safely, and the sowars took every advantage of
the meal 1 had ordered to be prepared for them, having
eaten nothing for thirty-six hours. We slept very
soundly in the houses of the boatmen until the after-
noon of the following day, when I started for Bokhara,
halting; one night at Aliabad, where the Mir of Shirabad
and the chiefs of the country came out to receive me.
We went to the Mir's house, which was prepared for
my reception, and remained as his guests for ten days,
after which the King sent a letter to me, inviting me
to go to see him, and I started at once. The first
day I halted at Shorab, the second day at Sar-i-ab, and
so on, staying one night at Bilak, Chakbazgalah,
Chasnah, Hafizar, Pihi Karah Sakh, Kharaz, and
Kadukli. I stayed five days at Karchi, from thence
I went to Bokhara, passing Khoja and Kakar. The
Wazir of the King, with the Kazi, or head priest and
the Kotwal, came to receive me, also some of the
chief officials, at a place called Kakar, and they
escorted me to a house which had been prepared for
my reception. The guest-receiver, or host, came and
salaamed to me, and I was given banquets for nine
days, after which the King sent khilats for me and
my officers, with 10,000 tangas for me, and 1000 each
for my officials, 500 or 600 for those of lesser degree,
and 200 for each of my sowars. He also sent two
sets of gold-plated harness for me. In return I sent
him one gold-handled sword, one set of gold-mounted
harness weighing 12,000 sovereigns, one gold-covered
dagger, 200 gold coins, one jewelled belt, price £400,
with two Arab horses of my own breeding, also

54 FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ir.

gold-mounted English saddles, nine pieces of gold
cloth, nine pieces of Kashmir cloth, nine Kashmir
shawls, nine Kashmir shawl turbans, nine pieces of
white muslin, and nine gold caps. The King had
also sent me some clothes, with three shirts and
trousers. The trousers had no straps to them, and
I was told they were worn by the King himself, at
which I was surprised, as they were made of four
different coloured cloths — red, white, crimson, and
green.

When 1 and my officials had put on these clothes,
a servant came to say that the King would like to
see us. On our arrival at the palace, the Wazir re-
ceived me, leading us to the King's rooms. The custom
of the Kings of Bokhara is this. The King sits in a
big house with two or three favourite page-boys. All
his officials sit round the house on small raised terraces
under the wall. At the door of the house there are
two door-keepers who peep in occasionally to see if
the King makes any sign with his eyes. If he gives
them a wink, they run to see what he requires, re-
treating backwards to repeat the message to the
Hudachi, or head of the Court. When I arrived near
these door-keepers they ran to the King, then back to
the Hudachi, saying their King had been pleased to
accept my presents. I was then told to take the
bridles of my two horses in my hands, also to balance
the tangas on my back, and make a bow to the King.
I replied that the tangas were one man's load ; the
two horses required two grooms, and that I would not
put my head on the ground for any one in existence.
I added : " I am created by God, and shall kneel to no

1883-65] THE KING OF r.oKHARA 55

one but Him." The door-keeper, who had never heard
such a reply from any one before, was much annoyed,
so I offered to take my message to the King myself,
or to go to some other country. At last the Wazir
said something to the Hudachi, who went to the King,
returning to tell me that His Majesty accepted my
salaams. I entered the house, saying in the ordinary
way, "Salam Aleikum" ("Peace be on you"), and I
shook hands with the King, who told me to sit by his
side. I sat with proper respect and addressed him
during our intercourse with due courtesy. We talked
together for an hour, when I returned to my house.

Two months after this the King appointed one of his
servants to tell me that he was kindly disposed towards
me, therefore it was advisable that I should give him
1000 sovereigns and three handsome page-boys. I
replied : " These boys are to me as sons. To give gold
away is the part of sovereigns. I gave to the King
presents, according to the custom, and now I expect
gifts and grants from him in return." Ten days later
the same man came to me, and said : " The King sends
you his salaams, and wishes to make you one of his
Court officials, so that you should attend on him every
day. He is very friendly towards you." I replied
that I had never been a servant, and did not know how
to behave as one, upon which the man assured me that
if I accepted the service I should be given an estate.
I replied : " I pray for the King's long life, and do not
require money or estates." The man then told me
that if I did not accept the post I should get into
trouble, which idea I repudiated, saying that only those
who did wrong got into trouble, besides I was under

56 FLIGHT FKOM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. n.

the King's protection. T expressed myself willing to
obey his commands in any other way. I did not
see how I could accept such a position, never having
been required to perform such duties even for my
grandfather, the Amir of Kabul. I also suggested
to the man, that if I agreed to become an official, I
could not be idle all day, as the others did, and if I
worked for my pay, the King would become dissatisfied
with those in his present Court. I repeated a maxim
which applied to me, " Neither is a camel's load on my
back, or am I on a camel's back," i.e. " Neither the
King of subjects, nor a subject of the King." After
all this the man discovered that his advice to me
was so much waste of breath, so after writing down our
conversation he left me.

When I had first arrived in Bokhara, I had ap-
pointed a confidential servant at twenty sovereigns a
month to let me know all that was passing in the
palace. The etiquette is that everything is done
verbally, nothing being written, therefore all those in
the Court get to know what is going on. In the month
of Ramadan (Fasting) all the officials did very little,
fasting daily, and I had no rest from the fear of the
Kotwal's assistants, as from the day I refused the post
the King had offered me at Court, I was watched,
being little more than a state prisoner. I took no
apparent notice of this, not mentioning it to my
servants.

On the day of Id the King's servants brought
me two robes, a turban, and a handkerchief as
khilats, saying the King had been kind enough to
command my presence at the palace at sunrise

1868-65] A SACKED FEAST 57

next morning, to join in the Id congratulations.
When I arrived there I saw forty men sitting
in a large hall, amongst them being one Mahomed
Khan, one of the writers of Balkh.1 I was appoints I
to sit on the lowest terrace with twenty men, while
Mahomed Khan was on the highest terrace with ten
men. Meanwhile the King arrived, and the people
rose and kissed his hand. I followed suit, and he
retired. After this a great many trays of refreshments
were brought, containing sweetmeats and confec-
tionery. A table-cloth was spread, and the food was
placed on it. The servants then retired, and those
present immediately began eating as much as they
could. Those sitting further away filled their hand-
kerchiefs and returned to their place, eating the food
before them, like so many cattle, who also require no
plates. I was gazing amazed at all this, when some
one said to me : ' ' This is a sacred feast of the King,
why do you not eat V I took a cake, saying I did
not want anything more. As soon as possible I went
to the praying-ground, where I was shown a place
selected for me by the King. I noticed that among
those present were Naib Ghulam Mahomed, and Com-
mandant Sikander Khan, with about forty former
followers of mine who had joined the King's service a
month before. These men ignored me, not even
salaaming;. The Kino- then arrived riding; a white horse,
wearing a long aigrette on his turban and another on
the head of his horse, while a third was on his horse's

1 He was formerly Mir of Saripul, who having rebelled against
Afghanistan and being defeated by our army under Ghulam Ali and
Colonel Wali Mahomed Khan, had sought refuge in Bokhara,

58 FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ii.

back. He wore a Kashmiri Arab belt round bis waist,
and about twenty or thirty yards of gold cloth around
his head as a turban. He carried a jewelled dagger
in his belt, and was swaggering a good deal. All the
people bowed almost to the ground at every third
step, but I stood motionless. The King came and sat
opposite to me, calling the Takbir,1 while every one
repeated his prayers. I noticed that three of the
straps fastening the King's turban had come undone,
and when the prayer was finished he could not raise
his head for fear of his turban dropping off. I could
not bear to see this grand King disgraced, so I salaamed
to break my prayers, and leaning forward I fastened
the straps. God is forgiving, and although I lost my
prayers I was pleased to have done a good act. At
the end of the prayer, the King mounted his horse,
the people meanwhile bowing to the ground. When I
was free to do so, I retired to my house. A short
time after this the King instructed the Kotwal to
accuse me of intercourse with other people's wives,
but this accusation fell to the ground, as it was proved
I was never alone, having always sixty or seventy
people following me about. Next, the King advised
that mischief should be made among my servants, so
they should all leave me.

At this time news arrived that the Russians had
taken Tashkend, and intended to take Bokhara.
The King left at once for Samarkand, leaving me and
my followers behind. I immediately sent a servant
to my uncle, Mahomed Azim at Rawal Pindi in
Her Majesty's dominions, with a letter in which I

1 That is the Magnification "Allah Akbar" ("God is the greatest").

1863-65 RETURN TO AFGHANISTAN 59

expressed my determination to release myself — Inslia'
nllah (God willing) and start for Balkh, and begging
him if he could possibly leave India by the road
of Swat, to go thence to Chitral and Badakshan,
so that we might meet at Balkh. I also wrote
to the army at the latter place, and to the King
of Bokhara at Samarkand, asking his permission to
return to my country. 1 sent this letter by Nazir
Haidar Khan and Commandant Nazir. On hearing
of what I had done, the Wazir of the King, the Kazi,
and Kotwal of Bokhara sent a message to me, de-
manding to know why I had sent to the King
without their permission. I replied: "The King-
has man}'- servants, I do not acknowledge any of
them to be my superior." They then said they
would send after my messenger, but I gave them
to understand that if they did this, I would depart
without the King's or their permission, leaving them
to explain my action to him. The King did not
reply to my letter, and kept my messenger with him,
so in a few days I again sent to him General Ali Askar
Khan, and at this second letter the King consulted
with his advisers, who suggested that as I had re-
ceived no support in money or provisions from the
King since the beginning of the year, it wTas of no
use my remaining at Bokhara. The King listened
to this, and ended by giving me the permission I
desired, to leave his kingdom. The King also wrote
to the Wazir to find out whether my servants would
prefer to accept his service or remain with me, but
the letter wTas not very explicit, and the Wazir
understood the King; to mean those servants who

GO FLIGHT FROM BALKH TO BOKHARA [chap. ti.

were at present in my service, instead of those who,
after having arrived with me at Bokhara, had gone
over to the service of the King. In consequence
of this misunderstanding the Wazir sent a message
to ask me to send my servants to receive some
instructions which the Kino- had sent for them. At
this I naturally thought the Wazir intended taking
them all prisoners, and myself afterwards, so I
refused his request, saying that if he had any
message for my servants, he could come and repeat
it in my presence. My followers also agreed to this,
saying they would fight on my behalf, and their
dead bodies could be taken to the Wazir, for they
refused to go alive. They armed themselves to the
teeth, and I sent the messenger back with our reply.
In answer he sent his secretary, who delivered the
King's message to me, but my servants replied they
had come to Bokhara to serve their own prince,
and not to act as slaves to the King.

Two days after this, when I was preparing for our
journey, Sikander Khan with Naib Ghulam and all
their followers, having their sleeping rugs and bed-
ding strapped to their shoulders, came to me with
the news that the Kino; had asked for a signed
paper from each of them, admitting that they were
his slaves, and on their refusal, he had dismissed
them, upon which they had returned to me. Dur-
ing this conversation a great many creditors had
followed them, clamouring for the payment of their
debts, which amounted to about 2000 sovereigns.
I remarked to Naib Ghulam that had they remained
faithful to me he would have spent more than this

1863-65] START FOB BALKH 61

sum himself. He was unable to raise his eyes to
mine.

I then asked Commandant Sikander what he
intended to do. He told me that he had lost his
heart to one or two women of Bokhara, and if they
refused to accompany him, he would rather stay
behind. I sent to those people, offering them 1000
sovereigns to go with us, but they refused, so
Sikander preferred to remain behind also. I bought
horses and harness for Ghulam and his followers, as
theirs had been sold to pay their expenses. In
five days our preparations were completed, and we
started for Balkli.

CHAPTER III

STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI

(1865-1867)

I must now return and mention Shere Ali's doings
from the time of my flight from Balkh.

When I turned my back on that country the
Amir went there, after six da)Ts' halt at Tashkurghan.
His first act was to send our wives and children as
prisoners to Kabul, taking my father about with
him in all his journeys. After appointing Sirdar
Fatten (son of Akbar Khan), his nephew, to be
Governor of Balkh, he left for Kabul, and at once
set about preparing for war against his own brothers,
Amin and Sharif Khan. His preparations being-
completed he started for Kandahar, leaving his son
Ibrahim, and Sirdar Naizar Khan in charge of
Kabul. My father accompanied him as a prisoner,
but our families he left behind with neither money
to defray their expenses nor guardians to look after
them. My father wrote a letter to him from prison,
in which he remonstrated about his actions, saying
he had treated his step-brothers so badly, and now
he was going to treat his own brothers in the same
way. He added : " Do not disgrace yourself further
by being the cause of bloodshed, or the consequences

-67] DEATH OF MAIIOMKD ALI KUAN 63

may be serious for you, and you will repent."
Heedless of this warning, Shere Ali fought for two
days 1 with his brothers, the result being that his
brother Amin was killed as well as his own son
and heir-apparent, Sirdar Mahomed Ali Khan.

On hearing of these casualties my father again
wrote to the Amir, saying: "Your wickedness will
mean an unhappy future for you, sorrow be upon
your head." At the death of Amin Khan, his
dead body was brought before the Amir, who said :
" Throw the body of this dog away, and request my
son to come and congratulate me on his victory."
His officials, not daring to tell him the truth, brought
his son's body to him, and when it was a short way
off, he said : " Who is this other dog ? " In reply
the body was laid at his feet, whereupon he began
tearing his clothes, and throwing dust upon his
head. When this wild grief was exhausted he
fainted, remaining in this state for an hour. On
recovering he began talking to the body of his son
and again fainted. This continued for two days,
when he sent his son's body to Kabul, and the
body of Amin was buried by his servants in
Kandahar at the door of the sacred Khirka. Shere
Ali was sometimes delirious and sometimes sane on
his way to Kandahar, and when he arrived there,
he cried like a lunatic. I took this opportunity of
leaving Bokhara, and on my arrival at Shirabad, I
wrote letters to the army at Balkh and its depen-
dencies, with the result that I was unanimously
invited to join the soldiers in that country.

1 June 5, 6, 1865.

64 STRUGGLE WITH SHEEE ALI [chap.iii.

I must here give a short sketch of the life of two
brothers, Wali Mahomed and Faiz Mahomed Khan.
These men were Governors of Akcha, my father
having granted them this province. They were the
sons of a slave girl, and when at Kabul had 2000
rupees annual salary during the lifetime of Amir Dost
Mahomed. On his death they enlisted the sympathies
of my step-mother, Bibi Marwarid, who wrote a letter
to my father, stating that their mother was most
anxious for them to be accepted as his slaves, and
that they were short of money for their expenses.
In answer my father sent 5000 rupees for Wali
Mahomed and instructed him to go to Balkh. When
he arrived there, he was given 1 battalion, 6 guns,
1000 militia, and 1000 sowars with the province of
Akcha. My father also sent for Faiz to bring his
family with him. Now Wali Mahomed was a traitor,
and had afterwards joined Shere Ali in his plot to
take my father prisoner. In consideration of his assist-
ance, Shere Ali had taken Wali with him to Kabul,
leaving his estate to his brother Faiz. At the present
time Faiz was asked to render his accounts of the
country, which, owing to certain monopolies on his
part, he was unable to do. I heard from my spies
that Wali was also discontented, so I decided to send
a letter to them by Nazir Haidar, and General Ali
Askar, in which I mentioned that 200 sowars of the
Hazhda Nahr cavalry, who were under Wali's com-
mand, had already joined me at Shirabad, and I
promised rewards if they would do the same. I also
sent for the chief of the robbers of the province,
and after giving them khilats and rewards, I bor-

1865-gt 1 THE MIK OF SHIEABAD 65

rowed 3000 sowars from them. When the King of
Bokhara gave me leave to return to Balkh, he
also wrote to the Mir of Shirabad that he was not
on any account to allow me to remain there longer
than three days. Now, as I had accumulated 2500
sowars, and the Mir had only 100, it was for me, and
not for the Mir, to decide how long I should stay at
Shirabad. The Mir was very perplexed how to act, and
came to ask my advice, telling me if he ordered me
to go I should probabty kill him, while if he disobeyed
the King's command he would kill him, so he was
between two stools. I told him I would suggest
a way out of his difficulty. First, he must write to
the King that Abdur Rahman had too strong a force
to be turned out against his will, and he (the Mir)
was awaiting further commands. This letter I advised
him to send by a very slow messenger, and if the
King should remark on this, he must say he fell
seriously ill on the road, almost to the point of death,
but God saved him to enable him to appear in the
King's mighty Court. This plan pleased the Mir, who
sent a letter by a trustworthy messenger, according to
my suggestion. I hurried my arrangements forward,
but in a few days I heard that the army of Sari] ml
had rebelled, and, killing their new officers, had started
for Akcha. On receiving this news I started at
once and halted some hours at Wazirabad, and from
there I reached the Oxus. There were only two boats
to be had, so, placing my trust in the Almighty, 1
ventured with thirty of my bravest sowars and officers
to cross. The officers with me were Colonel Nazir
Khan, Colonel Wali Khan, and my confidential slave,

VOL. I. E

66 STKUGGLE WITH SHEEE ALI [chap.iii.

who was a perfect Hod in the field of battle (he is
now my Commander-in-Chief). At the time I am
speaking of he had no beard, but I had tried his
skill several times in warfare, and observed that he,
single-handed, was equal to forty sowars. Another
man of noted bravery with me was my slave Frihad.
We crossed the Oxus, and in due time the remainder
of my followers crossed also. We marched all night,
and at sunrise arrived at a villao-e in the Akcha
province, called Chilak Sarabad. Halting there, I sent
a message to the two battalions who had come with
the artillery of Saripul, and also to the battalions of
good militia, who possessed the six guns presented by
my father to Wali Mahomed. After despatching these
letters I slept, having had no rest for three nights.
My letters so pleased the soldiers, that they responded
immediately to my proposals, and about 1000 came
on foot to receive me. I gave them many assurances
of kind treatment, and in return they swore to fight
for me. They also told me that since I had left they had
all been unhappy, and were awaiting my return to show
their courage against the treacherous Shere Ali Khan.

We all left for Akcha, and were received there by
Faiz Mahomed, but he was half mad, and said he had
not wished me to come, but his army had invited me.
I said: "It does not matter, you are a wise man." I
encouraged the army by assuring them that we should
certainly be victorious over Sirdar Fatten Mahomed,
who appointed 2000 Militia sowars, and 5000 Usbeg
sowars to fight against us. These sowars having the
fear of punishment from me before their eyes for their
former disloyalty, were abusing their officers for alienat-

1865-67] FIGHT AT NIMLEK 67

ing them from the service of my father and myself,
who treated them like brothers and sons, and who
had made them owners of camels, horses, and flocks
of sheep. Fatten Mahomed placed his infantry in a
fort called Nimlek, arranging his cavalry outside. His
army was under the command of Shahabdin, son of
Wazir Ahmed, a former servant of my father's, who
had treated him very kindly. On one occasion he
had appointed Wazir Ahmed Governor of a town in
Balkh, and he having stolen two lakhs of rupees from
the revenues, had been pardoned by my father, who had
also made him and his sons Khans over 100 sowars,
and presented them with flags and an army. Shahab-
din and Fatten Mahomed were always drunk. The
officers having filled Nimlek with sowars, encamped
the remainder of their army just out of Taktapul
facing me. I wrote a letter to Shahabdin, in which
I said : " Oh traitor, the kind treatment you have
received from my hands you have forgotten, and are now
serving my enemies for a few bitter mouthfuls of spirit."
To the army I wrote as follows: "You are my army,
therefore I will not fight against you. If you wish
to kill me, I will come to the fort to-morrow, and you
shall shoot me, and obtain rewards for killing your
old employer." This letter melted their hearts, and
leaving 100 men in the fort, they started for my camp.
Shahabdin hearing of their desertion sent some Kanda-
har and Usbeg sowars to stay their progress, and the
fighting began. On my ordering my sowars to the
field, they rushed in with good-will, overwhelming the
enemy, who fled in such haste as to leave 400 horses
in our hands. Shahabdin also fled towards Taktapul,

6S STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap. in.

and on his taking flight all the Taktapul sowars
started to join me, and the battalions dispersed.
Sirdar Fatten leaving all his property, departed for
Tashkurghan with 300 or 400 sowars, at the same
season as that in which I had fled for Bokhara in the
previous year. This world is full of experiences and
trials, of ups and downs.

On my arrival at Balkh the army salaamed and
welcomed me. I sent Naib Ghulam Ahmad to Taktapul
to pacify the subjects, and two days later I joined him
and assured the army of future kindness and my good-
will. After improving the condition of the army I
promoted Ali Askar Khan to be General of the artillery,
and Nazir Khan to be General of the infantry. Other
officers I raised to the ranks of Colonels and Generals,
also promoting all the soldiers who had been with me
from the beginning of my journey.

Soon after I started for Tashkurghan, where Sirdar
Fatteh Mahomed was stationed with six battalions.1 I
was anxious to free the country of them entirely. I
entered Tashkurghan quite unopposed, and after stay-
ing there two days I went to Aibak. Fatteh Mahomed
and Shahabdin, who were at Ghori, fled towards Kabul
by the Hindu Kush, and during their flight Shaikh
Ali of the Hazara tribe, plundered all their property.
By this time Mir Atalik was dead, and his son Sultan
Murad was Governor and Mir of Kataghan. He salaamed
me, and gave me 500 horses, 200 camels, 2000 sheep,
4000 loads of corn, with 40,000 rupees and other
miscellaneous presents. I expressed my sympathy
on the death of his father, and said : " When my father

1 Slieve Ali had appointed his nephew, Fatteh Mahomed, Governor of Balkh.

18G5-G7] AMONG THE HAZAEAS 69

gave the country of Kataghan to your father, he retained
to himself the Tajik, the Arab, the old Afghan and
Hazara tribes, only giving the Kataghan people to you.
I will observe the same rule." He replied that Shere
Ali had done the same, except that he exacted one lakh
of rupees annually for the revenue, but instead of being-
content with this, he had ended by taking three lakhs,
and wanted more.

At this time I received a letter from my uncle from
Badakshan, in which he said he was at Faizabad, where
he intended marrying the daughter of Mir Atalik,
and after the ceremony he would join me. As I had
made my arrangements, and the winter was fast
approaching, while Shere Ali was still absent from
Kabul, I started for Bamian, and crossing the Kara
Kotal and Badkak Passes, halted at Bajgah, and from
thence I entered Bamian. I gave khilats to the
Mirs of Hazara, and asked them to collect 2000 khawars
of wheat and barley, 1000 khawars of butter, and 3000
sheep for my army. I waited at Bajgah until these
supplies were being collected, and also to await my
uncle. He arrived in a month's time, and I wTent
with my army to meet and welcome him. He told me
of all the troubles and difficulties of his journey through
Chitral, and of the cold treatment of the English
Government, which he resented, as he was the medium
of friendship while at Jamrud between his father Dost
Mahomed and the British Government. He told me
that at the end of the Mutiny in India, all the people
were persuading Dost not to join the English, and the
rupture would probably bring the kingdom of Punjab
under the rule of Afghanistan, as it wTas before. If

70 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap. in.

Dost had agreed to this, there was no doubt Punjab
would have been in our possession by this time,
but he (my uncle) had advised his father to keep
his promise to the English, as he would have
earned a bad name in the eyes of the world if he
broke his word. He expected to be rewarded by
the British Government, and went to India for this
purpose.

On becoming aware of their treatment, my uncle
had tied to Banu, and entering Swat, he went near
the Star of the Saints, viz. Ahmed. After staying
there a short time he entered Chitral by Dir and
Kotal Lahore, and from there returned to Badakshan,
through the Pass of Dora Kotal, reaching Kataghan
and Ghori, to Bajgah. I expressed great joy at his
safe arrival, and said I thanked God that he was with
me in the place of my father. We at once opened
communication with the Kabul chiefs, and after ten
days entered Kohistan through Ghorband. I have
mentioned before that Sirdar Sharif Khan had been
taken prisoner at Kandahar, and his brother Amin
Khan was sent to fight against me at Tutam Dara,
but on receiving a letter from my uncle, he came and
salaamed him, and embraced his brother, who was with
us. How short-sighted is Shere Ali to send such men
to fight against his brother's friends.

Amin Khan dismissed his army, which returned to
Kabul, and I entered Tutam Dara, through Charikar
to Saidabad. By this time winter had arrived, and the
snow was waist deep. With the aid of the cavalry I
cleared the road to make way for the camels which
trampled down the snow, enabling the infantry to pass

1865-67] SHERE ALT'S DIFFICULTIES 71

over. The artillery was dragged over last with great
difficulty.

Our inarch was so severe that we could only travel
two hours daily. In this way we made slow progress,
but at last arrived at Tharak-hal. Shere Ali's army was
stationed at Khwaja. I took advantage of the hills
and posted my army on the heights, where they
remained some time, awaiting some movement on
the part of the enemy, but none was made. I
observed through the telescope that no proper pre-
parations had been made to protect Kabul from an
invasion.

After resting that night, I received the following
morning a letter from Shere Ali's son at Kabul, in
which he promised to release my father and leave the
country of Turkestan if I would agree not to attack
Kabul for forty days. To this I agreed, because it
would have been extremely difficult to fight in that
heavy snow, and if they were true to their promise
we could return to Balkh in the spring. Meanwhile
Sirdar Mahomed Rank Khan, and General Sheikh Mir,
who were courtiers of Sirdar Ibrahim, had quarrelled
between themselves, and Sheikh Mir, having a large
number of followers, had defeated Mohamed Rafik, who
was a clever man and a Wazir of Shere Ali. After his
defeat he discovered a plot in which his life was to be
attempted, so he escaped from Kabul by night, and took
refuge at Tagao, and when I arrived at Charikar he
joined us, giving us information of the maladministra-
tion of the rule of Shere Ali. This man was now
with us, and on our agreement to remain neutral for
forty days, we returned to Kohistan with the army.

72 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap. in.

My uncle remained at Cliarikar, which is twenty-seven
miles from Kabul.

In due time March arrived, and the time of Shere
Ali's son's promise had elapsed. When I saw no hope
of it being carried out, I marched on Kabul, and
arrived at the fort of Dodah Mast. Azim Din Khan,
who had been sent with 1000 militia soldiers to stop
my advance, abandoned the place after a few rounds of
shot, and returned to Kabul. My uncle entered Kabul
with a large escort,1 and on going into the house of
Sirdar Shain Khan, the Chiefs and the Wazirs salaamed
him. Meanwhile, as Sirdar Ibrahim Khan had fortified
the fort in Kabul, my army laid siege to it for nine days,
after which General Shaikh Mir and others opened the
gates. Shere Ali's son, who was sitting in his harem at
the time, came out and salaamed us. Thus we took
Kabul, and Shere Ali's son fled to Kandahar.

After six weeks of quiet we received news that
Shere Ali was marching towards us. I had prepared
my army for this, and dividing my sowars into three
divisions, one of wdiich I left at Kabul, I started
with the other two divisions for the Surkh Sano- Hill.

The reason I left part of my sowars at Kabul with
my uncle was because a daughter of Fatteh Sing was
attacking Kabul from Jellalabad, where the army had
been stationed during the winter. Some 3000 soldiers
whom I had lately employed I also left with my uncle.
I took with me 9000 sowars and 30 guns. I directed
Mir Eafik Khan to accompany me to Ghazni, and left
Shaikh Mir with my uncle at Kabul. When I
reached Ghazni, I found that Nazar Wardak had already

1 February 186G.

> 'S3

■

1865-07] FIGHT NEAK SAIDABAD 73

fortified the fort. I surrounded it, but it was too
strong to be taken by my small mule-battery guns, and
I did not consider it wise to waste any powder and shot,
of which I had only a limited amount. The enemy in
the fort was encouraged by a daily communication from
their Amir, in which he told them he was marching
with 40,000 soldiers to their relief. Eleven days
passed in inaction, until Shere Ali's army was within
one day's march from Ghazni, when my spies brought
me the information that his troops were all well trained
and amounted to 40,000 in number. Hearing this, I
consulted with Mir Rank Khan, and we agreed it was
impossible to fight against such a large army in an open
field with our small force. We therefore retreated to a
narrow pass, where our small numbers would have a
better chance. Mir Rafik demurred at first to this plan,
saying that the army would probably lose courage and
desert if we marched them back, but I over-ruled this
objection, persuading him that my army was trained to
follow me anywhere, and was not composed of ordinaiy
Afghan soldiers. Saidabad was a very narrow pass,
having small hills rising from one end to another ;
we arrived there that night. During our retreat
Shere Ali ordered 10,000 Herati and Kandahari
sowars to attack our rear, and also to take possession
of the road to Kabul, so that we should be unable
to escape if the fight next day went against us. These
detachments of the enemy came across 600 of my
followers whom I had sent ahead as an advance guard,
and engaged them in battle. These sowars fought
bravely, gradually retreating, and, as they did so,
sending me word of their difficulty. Directly the

74 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap. in.

messenger reached me I sent to their assistance two
battalions of infantry, who arrived unexpectedly, and as
Shere Ali's sowars were massed together in a large body,
a few shots did great damage, putting them to flight.
My soldiers returned in triumph with booty, and we
continued our march to Saidabad.

When Shere Ali heard of his defeat he sent another
detachment of the same strength to their aid, but they,
finding the ground deserted and my army in full
retreat, returned to the Amir with the news that, being
discouraged by his numbers, I had turned m}T face from
him and refused to fight. Upon this the Amir ordered
a triumphal salute to be fired, and directed the cavalry
to pursue us and take me prisoner. On our arrival at
Shashgao about 9 a.m., we were surprised by this
cavalry. I was marching behind the transport with
four battalions and twelve mule guns. I had appointed
Sirdar Rank with one division to march to the right of
the baggage, and General Nazir with Abdur Rahim in
front of the transport. On the near approach of the
enemy's cavalry I marched very fast, taking advantage
of a large roadside cave in which to secrete one battalion,
with orders to be ready to fire the moment they heard
my guns. I then ordered my sowars to march on
slowly, and directly I observed the cavalry pass the
cave, I turned my twelve guns to their front, ordering
immediate fire. Simultaneously my hidden battalion,
who were quite close to the enemy, fired, with the result
that 1000 sowars fell, and after a short skirmish the rest
were put to flight. Very soon, however, they rallied
again, and followed my force without having the courage
to attack us. They followed us for some time till I

1865-67] SECOND FIGHT AT SA I DAP-AD 75

ordered 1000 sowars to attack them. This was carried
out successfully, aud 150 were taken prisoners. These
men I released, telling them it was impossible for them
to fight against my trained army. On experiencing
my kind treatment, and observing the bravery of my
soldiers, they returned to Shere Ali. On their way
they cut off a hundred heads of the Wardak subjects,
whose villages they passed through. These heads they
presented to Shere Ali, saying they belonged to the
Afghan sowars. But very soon after, the relations
of these sacrificed Wardaks arrived to complain to
Shere Ali of the treatment of his cavalry. Hearing
their complaints, he called the chief officer to explain
the truth of the matter. This man said that Abdur
Rahman's soldiers were very difficult to fight against,
and had the field of battle been a desert his sowars
would have been surrounded, so that none could have
escaped.

The Amir marched upon Ghazni, where he rested
four days, and, leaving my father a prisoner in the fort
there, continued his march against me at Saidabad.

I had taken up a strong position at this latter place,
having arranged my guns on the tops of the hills, and
prepared for fighting. After four days' march the
Amir halted in front of our entrenchments. I had
previously plundered a village called Unchi, to secure
provisions for twenty days. The people of Unchi had
refused to allow me to buy the food. My army con-
sisted of 7000 men, while the Amir possessed 25,000
with 50 guns. We were soon engaged in a struggle,
which was exceedingly severe. The smoke of the guns
and cannons rendered the sun practically invisible.

76 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALT [chap.iii.

It was not before 4 p.m. that the fighting ceased, and
I found I had lost 2000 men killed and wounded.
Shere Ali's losses were estimated at more than three
times the number.1 Directly I was sure that God had
granted the victory of the day to me, I appointed
a band of fast cavalry to ride to Ghazni to release my
father, but before they arrived, the sentries, hearing of
my victory, had set him free, and salaamed him. The
chiefs who were set free with him were as follows : —
Sirdar Sarwar Khan, son of Sirdar Azim, Sirdar Shah
Narwaz Khan, Sirdar Sikander, his uncle, and Mahomed
Omar, brother of Sirdar Sultan Jan, Governor of Herat,
These last mentioned were taken prisoners at Herat,
The former Amir, finding the fort of Ghazni in our
hands, fled to Kandahar, and his cavalry (which
originally had belonged to my father) left him directly
he was defeated, and returned to our allegiance.

Before the war began I had written to my uncle to
come and assist me, but though he came to within a
short distance, he did not join me, preferring to watch
the progress of the battle from afar. His son,
Mahomed Aziz, who was only seventeen years old,
fought very bravely by my side. My father also
wrote me a letter in which he expressed his pleasure
at my victory. I was delighted to receive this, and
praised God. I answered his letter by asking permis-
sion to pay my respects to him, but he replied that
he was soon coming to join me, and that I had better
not leave my army.

For four days my soldiers plundered Shere Ali's
treasury and goods, and on the fifth day my father

1 May 10, 1866.

1865-67] RETURN TO KABUL 77

arrived. I went at the head of my soldiers to receive
him. Dismounting from my horse, I kissed his feet,
thanking God man}' times for his release. The next
day I determined to follow Shere Ali to Herat, and my
father consented to look after affairs in my absence,
but my uncle would not agree, which made me angry,
and I suggested that if he objected to the danger of
war, he might join me after Shere Ali was captured.
My father being influenced by my uncle's objections,
added his voice, with the result that we all left for
Kabul. The people there received us very gratefully,
and dispensed much charity. We entered the palace,
and I read the Khutba l in the name of my father as
King, and the chiefs gathered together to congratu-
late him on becoming Amir, saying that he, being the
eldest son of Dost Mahomed, and their rightful heir,
they were pleased to acknowledge him as their ruler.
They also said that only a few of the military chiefs
acknowledged Shere Ali as Amir, and that they never
approved his rule, nor his act of killing his real brother,
and imprisoning my father, who, being older, should
have stood in place of a father to him. They lamented
the loss of Shere Ali's son, through his own sin, in
which we joined.

The summer passed pleasantly, my father adminis-
tering state affairs, while my uncle and I looked after
the army. In the autumn the Amir informed me that

1 Khutba is the sermon preached by the Mahomedan clergy in the
mosques on their Sabbath day, which is Friday. On New Year's Day and
such other holy days the name of their King must always be mentioned
in the sermon. It is customary in Afghanistan, when they proclaim a
new ruler, to enter his name in their sermon, which is called " reading
the Khutba in hi> name."

78 STRUGGLE WITH SHEEE ALI [chap.iii.

Shere Ali had made arrangements to march from
Kandahar on Kabul, to which I replied that had he
allowed me to follow him after my victory, he would
have been unable to prepare for another war. He then
asked me how many days it would be before I should
be ready to start, and I told him that I had foreseen
all this, and I had therefore kept my army in readi-
ness to start at a moment's notice, and was prepared
to do so that day. He was much surprised, and said
it was the first time an Afghan army had been ready
to start for war the same day as war was declared.
Without leaving the Amir's presence I gave directions,
and in four hours my army, amounting to 12,000
soldiers, encamped near the palace of Kabul, left for
Dihburi. My father examined my arrangements before
I started, but found nothing lacking in my preparations.
The Amir turned his face to my uncle, and asked
if his army was ready to accompany me. He replied
that, except for tents, they had nothing else ready,
and would take a month to prepare for the journey.
I agreed to wait for him at Ghazni, and after kissing
my father's hands, I started for that place. After
waiting twenty days there, I heard that Shere Ali
had reached Kalat Tokhi, upon which I wrote to
the Amir to enquire when my uncle proposed to join
me, saying that as he had only 3000 sowars, it was
a pity my whole army should be delayed for him.
I also said that my cavalry only amounted to 4000,
which number was not sufficient for me, and should
my uncle be delayed longer, some cavalry must be
sent after me at once. After despatching this letter,
1 left for Mukur. Hearing this, Shere Ali fortified

1065-67] ADVANCE TOWARDS KANDAHAE 79

Kalat and remained there. After waiting at Mukur
twelve days for my uncle, I started for Kalat.

The following day 10,000 sowars, under the command
of Shah Pasand Khan and Fatten Mahomed, were ap-
pointed by Shcre Ali to plunder the country surround-
ing my camp. I heard from a spy that these men had
hidden themselves about six miles away, and later on,
on arriving at a place called Chashma-i-Panjak, I was in-
formed that they had spent the night on an old fort.
Upon this I ordered General Nazir Khan and Abdur
Rahim, with 1000 cavalry sowars, 1000 Durani sowars,
2 battalions, and 6 guns, to make a night attack
on the fort. This order was carried out and the enemy
surprised, with the result that they fled, leaving 300
dead and 1000 prisoners in the fort. Of my army only
one man was killed, as the enemy never attempted to
fight, but fled panic-stricken. These prisoners I sent to
Ghazni. Shere Ali being crestfallen at his bad fortune,
did not attempt to fight for eleven days, during which
time my uncle arrived with cavalry and infantry, and
I informed him of what had happened. From our posi-
tion there were two roads, one leading to Kandahar, via
Kalat-i-Ghilzai ; the other passing through the territory
of the Hotaki people into Nawa Arghastan, runs again
through Mundi Hisar into Kandahar. These two roads
are separated by a high mountain, and it occurred to
me that, as Shere Ali had taken great pains to fortify
Kalat, if we marched by the road of Arghastan, his
labour would be lost. I mentioned this to my uncle,
who agreed to my plan, and we started by that road.

My plan of marching was invariably as follows.
The baggage I sent in front with strict orders never to

80 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap.iii.

unload until I arrived. Following; behind were General
Nazir Khan, Abdur Rahini, and a few other officials.
I marched on one wing of my troops to prevent side-
attacks. On our arrival at a place called Dewalak 1
gave the word to halt. My uncle and I remained about
a quarter of a mile behind, having with us two guns,
and 200 sowars. At this moment some sowTars brought
me word that a flock of sheep appeared to be coming
towards us, but on looking through the telescope, I
found the supposed sheep to be part of the enemy's forces.
Upon this I gave the order to the 200 sowars with me
to continue climbing up and down a hill, four or five at
a time, to give the appearance of being a large number,
and to o-ain time. I also sent a messenger to Abdur
Rahim to hasten to us and prepare for battle. In a
short time all Shere Ali's troops appeared in the follow-
ing order— 10,000 from Pusht-i-Rocl, 3000 from Herat,
10,000 Kandahari, and 4000 of Shere Ali's own sowars
from Kabul. All these troops were marching towards
us, when my officers came to me and advised me to ride
on to join our army. But I objected on the ground
that the enemy would observe our small numbers, and
their cavalry would probably cut us off, whereas, by
constantly moving, and keeping fires burning, they
would take some time to discover our real number
before they would attack us. To this they agreed, not
knowing; how anxious I was setting-. On one side the
enemy were arranging themselves in fighting order, but
evidently delaying their march upon us until they dis-
covered our strength. On the other hand, as our troops
were so far away, it would take some time before my
messenger would reach them, and they could come to

1865-67] ADVANCE AGAINST SHERE ALT 81

our assistance. At last I observed Abdur Rahim in
the distance, but before he could join us the enemy
charged our guns (which made small impression on their
large numbers), and, after killing two gunners and
wounding one, they managed to take possession of
them, while the remaining gunners escaped. When
they were engaged in dragging my two guns away, I
sent two battalions of infantry and two more under
Abdur Rahim to surround them on all sides. In the
struggle that ensued 500 of the enemy and many horses
were killed, and our guns were rescued. I pursued the
remaining sowars towards the south of Kalat. On their
reaching a village called Thalia late in the afternoon,
they stationed themselves on the hills called Tabak Sar.
We halted close by, from where we could see Shere Ali
in the fort of Kalat, without the help of a telescope.
1 could also see that the arrival of the defeated sowars
discouraged the rest of the army, and they were moving
about within their entrenchments dispiritedly. I took
great pains to form my line of battle, and pointed out
the hills on which to place the guns. My troops com-
prised twelve battalions of 600 soldiers, 2000 cavalry
sowars, and 1000 Durani sowars. The rest of my men
were in the camp. I stood on the hill till dusk, return-
ing without the enemy's knowledge, and directly it got
dark I marched my army back to my camp, wThere we
arrived about 2 a.m. From that time, by the grace of
God, rain fell until ten the next morning, making the
roads muddy and the tents wet. We halted two days,
and then started for Kandahar, upon which Shere Ali
also marched in that direction, and there being one

range of mountains in between us, my army was march-
vol. i. f

82 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [chap.ih.

ing on one side, while his marched on the other. We
hoped to reach Kandahar before Shere Ali, and he in-
tended stopping us on the way thither. WTe continued
in this way for five days. Our armies were about 5000
paces distant from each other, but neither army was
prepared to attack the other.

On the 5th we arrived at a place very suitable for a
battle, and Shere Ali also halted. I arranged some of
my guns with flags on the hill-tops to deceive the
enemy, the others I hid behind the hills. I sent all
superfluous baggage on ahead, and also directed General
Nazir and Abdur Rahim with 3 battalions and
1000 militia infantry to take possession of the caves
adjoining the road by which Shere Ali would have to
pass. Observing that I had occupied this road, Shere
Ali was obliged to fight, and he formed his men in posi-
tion. When he noticed my few men on the hill- tops,
and that my baggage had gone on, he said to his officers
that they would make one attack, as the enemy had so
few men. He therefore attacked my sowars on the
hills, and simultaneously I ordered those hidden to
come out, and when the battle became serious, and both
sides were getting exhausted, I sent for Abdur Rahim
and General Nazir, who attacked the enemy's flank and
rear. A short time after this, Shere Ali's army gave
way and fled towards Kandahar, and I allowed my
sowars to plunder their baggage. We also captured
thirty-five guns. I marched to my camp, which was
thirteen miles distant, and had a long sleep, as in the
last fifteen days of anxiety and small skirmishes, I had
not slept more than two or three hours daily. I awoke
next evening and ate, and then slept again until the

1865-67] VICTORY AT KALAT-I-GHILZAI S3

following morning. Having rested so long, I felt very
well, and thanked God for my victory.

The following day I went towards Kandahar with
my uncle, and entered the city five days after. Shere
Ali had fled straight to Herat. On our arrival at
Kandahar my uncle was anxious to go to Kabul, and
leave me behind ; but I refused, saying that 1 would
go to Kabul, and he must remain as Governor. I
arranged to procure transport animals and riding horses
for my men, and for the artillery, as during the winter
those I had had become very weak, and had to be
turned out to graze and get strong.

I must here mention an officer in my uncle's army,
named Fatten Mahomed, son of Sultan Ahmad Khan.
This man's father was captured by Shere Ali at the
battle of Herat, and my father had released him, and
appointed him Governor of Hazarajat. He had run
away from this latter appointment, and had joined
Shere Ali, who placed him at the head of his cavalry,
so that he was now fighting against me. What can
be thought of the character of one who fights against
the man to whom he owes his freedom, and joins him
who took him prisoner? An evil-minded man cannot
be made good by culture. In gardens grow flowers,
and in jungles grow thorns.

CHAPTER IV
struggle with shere ali — continued

AMIR AZIM

(1867-1870)

Now I must draw the attention of my readers to
Balkh. I have mentioned that after taking that
country, I appointed Faiz Mahomed with Nazir Haidar
Khan and General Ali Askar Khan, as Governors.
When I arrived at Bamian, Faiz Mahomed had been
quarrelling with the General and Nazir. On hearing this
I wrote to them to refrain from disagreeing at such a
time, when I had to attack Kabul. In the winter I had
sent to Faiz for 1000 pack ponies; and that traitor, seeing
me engao-ed in warfare, refused to send them. After
the victory of Saidabad, my father wrote to him in-
viting him to come to see him. This invitation he
also declined. About this time my cousin, Sirdar Sarwar
Khan, was sent with 8000 sowars and Ghulam Ali to
Bamian, for the administration of Hazara. At the
same time Shere Ali was marching from Kandahar to
Ghazni, and I faced him at Kalat, as mentioned above.

During this time Sirdar Faiz became more and more
troublesome, and at last my father ordered Sarwar
Khan to march against him. This officer left Bamian
at once for Balkh, and the}" met at a village called Ab-i-

1867-70] REBELLION OF FAIZ MAHOMED 85

Kali, live days' march from Aibak. This encounter
resulted in the defeat of Sarwar Khan, who rallied his
men, and again offered battle at Bajgah, but was again
defeated. Sarwar fled, and many officers and men
were taken prisoners by Faiz Mahomed, who killed
Nai! i ( ihulam and Ghulam Ali, with two or three other
important officials. He then returned towards Kataghan
and Badakshan, which countries he took from Mir
-lahandar after a small skirmish. Mir Jahandar came
to complain to my father in Kabul, but he had no army
there with him, and hearing that Faiz was marching
on Kabul, he sent for me to check his advance. On
receiving his letter I started at once, although I
was very weak, suffering at the time from kidney
disease. I could not ride my horse, so was carried in
a " Gakht-i-rawan " (moving throne); and, making two
days' march in each day, I arrived on the 5th day
at Ghazni.

On my arrival there I received a letter from my
father, saying I need not hurry, as the traitor Faiz
had returned towards Balkh and Kataghan. I was
pleased with this news, for although I was better in
health, my men were very tired with their long
marches. I halted at Ghazni for five days, and then
started for Kabul. My father sent many people to
receive me, and to these I gave friendly assurances.
I was delighted to kiss my father's hands, and to pay
my respects to my mother. 1 encamped my army on
the banks of the Kabul River, going once daily to see
my parents, returning always to the camp to sleep.
Thus the time passed until the summer, when cholera
broke out in Kabul, and my father suggested that I

86 STRUGGLE WITH SHERE ALI [Chap. iv.

should go to stay in the Bala Hissar,1 as the air in
the tents was unhealthy. I dismissed my soldiers, who
dispersed to their homes, and I left for Bala Hissar.

Soon after I heard that my father had taken the
disease, and the medicines which the ignorant druggists
of this country know of were being tried upon him,
until the malady turned to cholera fever, and he was
very ill. At the same time, news came that Shere Ali
had arrived at Balkh, and being reinforced by Faiz
Mahomed, had marched with him on Kabul. I im-
mediately wrote to my uncle, telling him of the danger-
ous condition of my father's health, also that Shere Ali
and Faiz were marching against us, and though I
wished to be free to fight them, I could not leave my
father till he came to take my place. I had no answer
to this letter for a long time, so I arranged for my spies
to bring me an account of Shere Ali's marches, and
prepared to go and fight him, when he was within two
days' journey of Kabul. I was surprised one day to
hear that the enemy had returned to Panjshir, and in-
tended entering Kabul Kohistan suddenly. Upon this
I took leave of my father, who prayed for my success,
and started for Charikar. My uncle also arrived at
Ghazni, but halted, with the intention of remaining
there until the war was over. When I reached Chari-
kar my spies reported Faiz Mahomed's intention to
come through the Panjshir Valley. On hearing this I
marched all night, and at sunrise arrived at a place
called Gulbahar, and Kala Alahdad, which is at the
mouth of the valley. I arrived at the head of my
entire army, and Faiz Mahomed also reached the top of

1 Persian — Bala = high ; Hissar = palace or fortress.

1867-70] DEATH OF AMIS AFZUL 87

the mountain. I afterwards learned that he was sur-
prised to see the Kabul army in front of him, for the
Kohistan chiefs had invited him to come through their
country, as he would be less likely to meet with re-
sistance, and that the unexpected evil had taken hold
of his throat. He also received a letter from Shere Ali,
telling him not to continue his march till he arrived,
which he expected to do in two days. Faiz was much
upset at this, and sent many reproaches to Shere Ali,
explaining that Abdur Rahman had arrived, and would
kill them both, if he waited longer.

He made entrenchments on the hill-tops that night,
and next morning I attacked his position. The fight-
ing was very severe, as Faiz had the advantage, being
above us, but after many hours I succeeded in taking
possession of some of his sangars. When he heard of
this he came from behind the hills, and I fired a shell
straight at him, hitting him in the stomach. The salt
which he had eaten of us was thus exposed — so ended
the life of a traitor, his end being worthy of his char-
acter. I took nearly all his army prisoners, and Shere
Ali fled to Balkh with 2000 sowars whom he had
brought from Herat.1 I sent the dead body of Faiz to
Kabul, to his elder brother, Wali Mahomed, and his
mother, and returned there four days afterwards myself.

My uncle received tidings a few days later at
Ghazni of my victory. Immediately on arriving in
Kabul I went to my father, and found him in a dying
condition. The ladies of the harem called loudlv

to him that Abdur Rahman had arrived, and was wait-
ing for an audience. He was unable to speak, but

1 September 13, 1867.

88 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

moved his hand towards me, and seeing that he would
never speak again, I wept. After spending some time
with him, I left for my camp, and paid attention to my
military duties, going twice daily to see my father.
The third day after my return, being a Friday, he
departed from this world, leaving in my heart the
sorrow of our parting. But I was contented to
acquiesce in the desire of my God. After all the
proper funeral services, his coffin was deposited in the
place appointed by him, in the fort of Hoshmend Khan,
being his own property, and broken-hearted I returned
to Kabul, giving feasts to the poor and helpless people.
Three days after, I said to my uncle (Mahomed
Azim) that as long as my father was alive, he was his
younger brother, and I was as a younger brother to him
(my uncle) ; now my father was dead, I would look
upon him as occupying his place, and I would take
his myself, leaving my place to his eldest son. My
uncle replied that I was the rightful heir, being the
late Amir's son, and he would be my servant. But I
replied : " Your white beard, uncle of mine, makes it
unfitting for you to be a servant of any one. I am
young, and therefore will serve you as I served my
father." We discussed this question for four days, and
on the Friday night I invited the Kabul Royalty and
chiefs of the provinces, and gave orders that the Khutba
should be read in mv uncle's name. When this was
done, 1 first offered the hand of allegiance, and the
other Sirdars followed my example, and we congratu-
lated him. I then returned to my camp, and for
forty days and nights the priests repeated the Koran,
and offered their prayers, with much charity to

7-70] ACCESSION OF AMI II A/AM 80

the soul of my father. A few months after his
death, the mischief-makers turned my uncle against
me, persuading him that while I was in Kabul his
influence was limited. It would therefore be better
that I should be sent to Balkh, while his own son
was appointed in my present place. I must mention
the names of these disloyal people who, with their
fathers, have pulled the noses of his camels, the Amir
being a puppet in their hands. They are as follows :
Sarfaraz Khan (Ghilzai), Sahib Jadak Ghulam Jan, Malik
Shere Gul (Ghilzai), Nawab Khan, Sufi Khan (Kayani),
Mahomed Akbar Khan (Ghilzai), Mir Akbar Khan
(Kohistan), Mir Jan Abdul Khalik, son of the before-
mentioned Ahmad (Kashmiri), and Malik Jabar Khan.
These men prejudiced my uncle so much against me,
that one day when I went as usual to salaam him,
I was stopped outside by the doorkeeper, who told
me that the Amir Sahib was asleep. I had to sit
at the door from morning up to one in the afternoon,
whilst all the servants and other officials were goinc;
in and out. His luncheon was then served, and I
was surprised at the kind of sleep he was enjoying.
After this I was allowed to go in, and upon my doing
so, I saw all his officials sitting round him. I sat
down also, and when asked to go in to dinner, I said
I had had mine, and sat in a corner until the)- had
finished. The courtiers then began whispering to
each other, so I got up and walked away. This in-
triguing and secrecy lasted two or three days, when
my uncle told me it was better I should go to Balkh.
I assured him that his wisest policy was to send his
son Abdullah, with Abdur Rahim, General Nazir, and

90 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

such other military officers of my army who were in-
habitants of Balkh, with twenty-four guns, leaving
me free to remain in Kabul to be at his service when
required. I considered if Shere Ali marched from
Herat I should then be able to resist him. My uncle
said: "The country of Balkh cannot be managed without
you," and seeing by this that he wished to get rid
of me, I left for Balkh in ten days, leaving my family
in Kabul. It was winter at the time, and the ground
was covered with deep snow. I suffered a good deal,
and about 300 of my army lost their hands and feet
by frost-bite.

I must mention that before I started the Amir had
ordered Mahomed Ismail, son of Sirdar Amin, to march
at the head of 1 battalion, 6 guns and 5000 cavalry
sowars to Hazara, and Colonel Sohrab with 400 cavalry
and 4 guns to march to the mouth of the Bajgah
valley to meet me. These officers came to salaam
me, and I requested them to return with me as far as
Balkh, and help me to fight the people of that country
who had rebelled. I promised to send them back the
following spring. They did as I requested, but
Colonel Sohrab received a letter from my uncle with
instructions to return at once with or without my
permission. A few days after, the Governor of Bamian,
who had been appointed by me, wrote to tell me
that he had received orders to o'o to Kabul to render
his accounts and to receive his dismissal. The only
answer I could give him was that he must obey
the Amir. When I arrived at Aibak, after a severe
journey and many difficulties, the Mir of Kataghan
came to pay his respects to me, bringing many presents,

l867-70] THE MIES OF BALKH 01

including 400 camel and 1000 horses. From there
I started for Tashkurghan. I found the country
much upset in consequence of the maladministration
of Shere AH. The Mirs of Balkh, who had taken
refuge in Bokhara, Kolab, Hissar, and other directions,
wore invited by Shere Ali to return to their country,
which he had sold to them with the guns, taking
payment in cash. These idiots, believing he had the
I lower to sell the country, had handed over the money
to him, and immediately plundered the Afghan in-
habitants, saying that they had been sold to them by
Shere Ali. To this the Afghans replied that Abdur
Kahman was their king, and they did not acknowledge
Shere Ali as Amir. This caused much discussion,
which ended in bloodshed, and when I arrived the
Mirs, afraid of the consequences, fled to Akcha,
Andkhoi, Shibarghan, and Maimana, and fortifying the
fort of Nimlek, endeavoured to raise levies to fight
against me.

I went from Tashkurghan to Mazar, and thence
to Taktapul. Some days after my arrival, the officers
of Ismail's artillery and infantry reported to me that
Ismail did not appear very friendly to me, and they
would be glad if I would take them into my army.
To this I replied : " My uncle, Amir Azim, having
appointed you to serve under Ismail, I cannot transfer
you until I receive his permission to do so." I
promised to write to my uncle, which I did, but in
answer my uncle said that any one who spoke against
the light of his eyes, Ismail Mahomed, would be a
traitor and a liar. I showed this letter to the officers,
and left for Nimlek, the fort being; held against me.

92 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

I tried hard by friendly assurances with an oath
on the Koran to persuade the people not to be
ruined by fighting against me, but they, believing
the fort could not be taken, would not listen. It
seemed almost impossible to cross the moat, which
was about 330 yards long and 50 yards wide. Next
day I arranged my guns, and at sunrise ordered the
attack. By 9 a.m. the gate of the fort was destroyed
and two minarets. My army threw down 10,000
trusses of dry hay in the moat to make a bridge
across, and gaining foothold, they reached the walls.
The rebels and inhabitants of the fort set fire to large
bundles of cane, and threw them in the faces of my
advancing troops, also attacking them with bayonets
when they were climbing the walls. Notwithstanding
this, they managed to gain a footing, and soon entered
the minor fort, although 700 were left dead and
dying in the attempt. All those in the fort were
put to death, 2500 in number, only one man being
found alive, and that because he had thrown himself
into a dry well. He told me that the Mirs on hearing
of my march towards Balkh, selected 2500 of their
bravest men, who voluntarily offered their lives for the
protection of this fort. They had been given khilats,
swords, guns, etc., as a reward for their services.

I asked the commander of the fort, Kara Khan,
son of Ashan Sadur, Mir of Balkh, why they did not
accept the Koran which I sent them as an oath, to
which he replied: "You know as well as I do, that
this fort has never been taken before, therefore we
were convinced of its impregnability." I knew thai
this was so, as my uncle had besieged it for eighteen

l867.70] CAPTUEE OF NIMLEK 93

months, and then was obliged to make a treaty with
the defenders, as his provisions had run out. By the
grace of God I had taken this fort in six hours, and
avenged all the cruelties practised on the Afghans in
this country. The next day I released this man, send-
ing him with an account of the capture of the fort to
the Mirs. I then marched against Akcha. The in-
habitants came out to meet me, offering their salaams,
and apologising for their Mir's behaviour. I forgave
them, as the fault had originated in Shere Ali selling
them the country. The Mirs fled towards Maimana,
all except Mir Hakim Khan, who submitted himself to
me, and the Mir of Saripul, named Mahomed Khan,
sent me many presents. This man was mentioned by
me before, when I gave an account of his residence at
Bokhara. I returned his presents, and sent a letter
with a new governor to take possession of his country,
and he also fled towards Maimana.

Arriving at Shibarghan, I restored the former Mir
Hakim Khan, and sent a new governor to Anclkhoi.
Mir Hakim, being grateful for my kindness, offered to
me the hand of his daughter in marriage. At first I
refused his offer, but afterwards accepted it. The
guardians of Ismail reported to me that he was an
enemy of our government, and I must take precautions
against him. This warning being the same as that I
had received from his officers, I advised them all to
write to the Amir, adding; their seals. I also wrote to
my uncle on the subject, but he paid no attention to
our letters, except to abuse us all. He sent me orders
to go to Maimana at once, but as this would have
been unwise, I remonstrated with him, saying that as

94 AMIB AZIM

[chap. IV.

my army had travelled all the winter, enduring many
hardships, and having fought and gained a victory
since then, it was due to them to have a long rest. I
added that, owing to the disturbed state of this country,
it was most important I should remain here until the
inhabitants had grown accustomed to our rule. To
this he replied that he was certain Shere Ali would
send his army to fight against his sons, Sarwar and
Aziz, at Kandahar, and should this happen, and result
in the defeat of his sons, he would consider it my
fault. I wrote in answer, suggesting that he should
send some other reinforcements to Maimana, and
allow me to remain here near him, in case Shere Ali
attacked Kandahar. I added that the siecre of
Maimana would of necessity mean a matter of months,
and Shere Ali might take advantage of my occupation
at a distance to march on Kabul. My uncle would
not heed any of my advice, writing that if I was
his friend I would go; if I was not, I could do as
I chose. I was much disappointed, and felt inclined
to write: "If I am not afraid of Shere All's enmity,
I am not afraid of yours." But, on second thoughts,
I desisted, considering that as I had put him on the
throne, I ought to uphold him in everything. I there-
fore appointed governors in all directions, and started
for Maimana by Andkhoi. At the same time I
despatched a letter to the Amir, advising him of my
departure, adding that I was sure he would be sorry
for the fact one day.

I reached a village within one day's march of
Maimana, when he wrote me that the sons of Shere
Ali were marching against Kandahar, having already

1867-70]

SIEGE OF MAIMANA 95

taken Larah. He requested me to send half of my
troops to Kabul at once, keeping the remainder to
besiege Maimana. He also desired me to send the
" Light of his Eyes" (Ismail) with this force. I replied
to these commands that I had warned him of these
possibilities, which had already come to pass. As
he would not listen to me, and it was now impossible
for me to besiege Maimana with only half my army,
I could not come nor send to his assistance.

1 thereupon proceeded on my way, and arranged
for entrenchments to be made outside the fort. I
erected my tent on a hill called Tal Ashikan, about
1500 paces from the fort, on higher ground. When
I had opened the siege I received another letter from
my uncle, in which he said that his son, Mahomed Aziz,
had been defeated by Mahomed Yakub, and was a
prisoner in his hands. Yakub had also seized the
province of Pusht-i-Rod, and he commanded me at once
to send the half of my army to him. But I again
refused, saying that as I was in the face of the enemy,
and besieging the fort, I had not sufficient troops to
send half away.

I attacked the fort vigorously, but could not take
it, because Mahomed Ismail had told the enemy of
the hour we intended to attack them. They judged
from the force of my attack that they might not be
able to resist a second one, so the Mir of Maimana sent
his son, with some chiefs and priests, also an oath
on the Koran to me, offering 40,000 sovereigns as
annual tribute to us. He sent, too, presents of horses
and other things. I agreed to his conditions, because
of the troubles in Kabul, upon which the Mir came

90 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

himself to salaam to me. I took possession of the fort
with the six guns which were in it.1 Hussein Khan
(the Mir) interceded on behalf of the other Mirs, and I
forgave them also.

My uncle wrote to Ismail, saying he had written
five letters to him, asking him to return, and he had
taken no notice. I handed Ismail this letter, explain-
ing that I did not give him the former ones, as I had
need of his force, but now as I did not require him
any longer, he could go. The following day he started,
and I left also for Balkh. Mahomed Ismail, being
in his heart a traitor, made long marches on purpose,
to arrive there before me, so as to plunder the city,
but I suspected his intention, and did not allow him
to get ahead of me. On my arrival at Balkh, I received
a letter from Colonel Sohrab, saying he had brought
Sirdar Sharif Khan (according to instructions received
from my uncle) to Taktapul, and I was to see that
he was kept in proper confinement. Now this Sharif
Khan was the uncle of Ismail, and I thought that
most probably Ismail would attempt to release him.
Accordingly I sent two battalions and one battery
the same night, with instructions to march day and
night to fortify Taktapul. They marched through the
sandy desert across through Akcha and Balkh, thence
to Taktapul. Ismail arrived the next day with
intent to attack the city and release his uncle, as I
had suspected, but finding my army already there,
he changed his mind, and returned towards Mazar.
On arriving there, he forced the governor, with threats
of torture, to give him all the government money,

1 May 1868.

1867-70] MAHOMED isMA IL AT KABUL 97

amounting to 30,000 tangas, after which he marched
to Tashkurghan to plunder the treasury there, but
the people being advised of his intent, fortified them-
selves, and prepared to resist him. On becoming
aware of this, he altered his course to Bamian, plunder-
ing everything he passed on his way. My uncle
having heard nothing of his misbehaviour wrote to
him at Bamian, asking him to come to Kabul as soon
as possible, as he was going to Ghazni to fight against
Shere Ali, who had conquered Kandahar, and was
marching to Kalat. This Ismail, with the title of
" Light of the Eyes," wrote in reply that his two
battalions, artillery, and sowars would not let him
leave for Kabul until he had paid them twelve months'
salary. At the same time the news of his march
from Taktapul reached my uncle's ears, and he sent
me word that I had been right in saying Ismail was a
traitor. I replied that he had yet to have many
services rendered him from the "Light of his Eyes;"
I added : "For God's sake, do not leave Kabul, wait a
month, when I shall be able to help you." I sent
at once 2000 brave men to him under the command
of Ghulam Ali (Populzai) until my arrival.

The following day I took fever, which did not
leave me for twenty-one days, and directly I re-
covered I started for Kabul. At the time of my
illness I had appointed Abdur Rahim and General Nazir,
with other officers, to make all necessary preparations
for the journey, and these being carried out, I started
for Tashkurghan, and thence to Aibak, where a page-boy
of my harem, disguised as a Fakir, met me with

the news that Amir Azim had gone to Ghazni, and
VOL i. g

98 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

Sirdar Ismail, with a few chiefs of Kohistau, was be-
sieging Kabul. There were only 200 soldiers in the
fort, who fought for six days, when the Kabul
inhabitants went over to Ismail, and opened the
gates to him. He immediately turned my family,
as well as that of the Amir, out of the palace,
and proclaimed Shere Ali Amir. I heard through
my page-boy that my mother was much upset. I
also received a letter from Sirdar Sarwar Khan from
Ghori, in which he said that his army had suffered
defeat at Ghazni ; and having become separated in
flight, had missed the Amir without knowing in
what direction he had gone. This news depressed
me much, and I wrote to Nazir Haidar, Governor of
Balkh, to send men to search for my uncle. They
discovered him at Balkhab, which place he had
reached through Hazara. I wrote to the Governor
of Balkh to send him 100,000 tangas, with riding-
horses, and everything he required, and giving up
my intention of marching against Kabul, I started
for Ghori, at the same time advising General Nazir to
desist from his project of marching upon Bajgah.

When we reached Ghori, Mir Jahandar Shah, who
was with me, offered his niece (daughter of Mir
Shah Jat) to me in marriage. I refused this offer,
saying that the connection my uncle had formed
with his family was sufficient for me. But, upon
his insisting, I accepted her. Mir Mahomed Shah (to
whom Faiz Mahomed had given Mir Jahandar Shah's
country) sent presents to me, which I returned, saying
he must either give the country back or leave in
any direction he chose. To Mir Jahandar himself

1867-70] MARCH TO GHAZNI 99

I crave 200 sowars, under Shah-ud-din Khan, to take his
country. I remained at Ghori, putting the affairs of
Kataghan straight, whence I wrote to my uncle to
come and join me. To this he replied that 1 must
o-o to him, but as I was staying at Ghori for the
purpose of commanding the roads of the Hindu
Kush and Kabul, I could not leave. My uncle,
satisfied with my explanation, came to me, and I
welcomed him. He was very anxious to secure
Kabul again, and insisted on my marching against
Shere Ali. I explained how important it was that
we should wait till spring, and that we could do
no good in such snowy weather, but, as usual, he
would not heed me, and said that if I did not leave
at once, he would go to Bokhara. I promised to
be ready to fight in six months, and did my best
to get him to take my view of the situation, but
all to no purpose. I was obliged to start with him
for Bamian, through the road of Badkak and
Shuluktu. From Bamian we arrived at Gardan-
dawal, where 3000 Herati sowars of Shere Ali's
were stationed. They fled to Sar-i-Chasma on my
approach, upon which my army advised me to
follow them, so that Shere Ali would lose courage.
I agreed to this suggestion, but my uncle refused,
and insisted on going to Ghazni by the Nor and
Dara-i-sokhta roads. We reached Ghazni after many
troubles, the season being severe. Khodainazar
Wardak fortified the fort, and we encamped at
Roza. My uncle had previously sent his son Sarwar
to Sarfaraz Ghilzai in the direction of Tazan. He
had great faith in the loyalty of the Andra subjects,

100 AMIE AZIM [chap. iv.

and being one day's march from their country, he
wrote to them for help. After a few days they
came to our camp, but refused to give any help
or to accept our khilats, so my uncle was again
deceived.

Shere Ali, hearing we were at Ghazni, marched
against us. This was greatly to our disadvantage,
as we should have had a better chance of success if
we had attacked him at Kabul. On reaching Shash-
o-ao, he found the snow about a yard deep, and he
had no provisions, neither was there any sunshine.
We, on the other hand, were encamped on a sunny
level ground where there was no snow, having large
stores of provisions.

One day we had sent our camels as usual for
provisions under convoy of 2 battalions and 6 guns,
when they were met by 10,000 of Shere Ali's
sowars. I happened to be looking through the
telescope at the time, and observing a large body
of the enemy approaching, I sent 2000 sowars, who
were ready at once, to their assistance. These men
soon reached the spot, and attacked the enemy from
the rear with drawn swords. Our sowars were
greatly encouraged with this reinforcement, and did
great execution with their guns, so that the enemy
being surrounded lost great numbers, especially as
being raw levies from the country and not properly
trained, they fell over one another in their efforts
to fly, and for this reason about 1000 horses were
captured, with 4 guns, and many prisoners.

The same night Shere Ali appointed 10,000
sowars to attack my transport animals at Nani and

1867-70] FIGHTING NEAK GHAZN1 101

Shandip, under Fatteli Mahomed. On receiving in-
formation to this effect, I employed spies to bring
me news of their halting-place for that night. I
sent 2000 sowars, 6 mule-battery guns, and 6 horse
artillery, with 2 battalions of infantry, and 500
militia, under Abdur Kahim and General Nazir, to
take them by surprise. These marched the whole
night, and before daybreak attacked and put the
enemy to flight. This skirmish was so successful
that the Herati sowars fled to Herat, and the
Kandahari to Kandahar, leaving 3000 wounded,
killed, and prisoners.

After this triumph I wrote to the military officers
of Shere Ali's army, saying that 1 was very fond of
them all, and asking why they fought against me.
They replied that they hated my uncle, and be-
ing tired of his cruelties, had joined Shere Ali ;
also adding that, if my uncle were not with me,
they would submit to me. I showed this letter to
my uncle, and said that as long as I had remained
at Kabul these people were satisfied, and it was his
treatment that had caused them to rise against us.
To this he could find no reply.

Shere Ali being in trouble for provisions, moved his
position to Zanakhan (a place close to Shashgao),
where there are six or seven forts. He was thus
enabled to obtain food. About this time U137 uncle
thought it would be advisable to attack Zanakhan,
and in the event of it falling into our hands, Shere
Ali would be unable to obtain provisions. I tried
to make him understand that in such severe weather
it would be extremely unwise to march out of our

102 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

position, as the snow lay waist-deep on the ground.
It would be impossible to make entrenchments,
neither could the sowars stand in such snow at
night. My uncle, with his usual obstinacy, refused to
believe that my plan was the wiser, and insisted on
my attacking and taking the forts of Zanakhan. These
forts were nearer Shere Ali's camp than mine, and if
I could take them in a few hours all would be well ;
but Shere Ali would probably seize the opportunity
to attack me with his whole force at daybreak, and if
by that time they were not taken, I should have very
little chance of success against him. It would also
necessitate the troops marching all day and over heavy
snow towards night. Besides this, I should have had
to leave half my army with my uncle, and the re-
mainder would not be sufficient to face Shere Ali.
I explained all this at length to him, but he still
refused to be convinced : and, as he insisted, I was
obliged to start, which I did at sunset.

On reaching the fort I took up my position in front
of it, and after failing to induce the Militia sowars to
give it up in a friendly manner, I sent General Nazir,
with 5 battalions, 24 guns, 2000 militia infantry,
and 4000 cavalry sowars — in fact nearly the whole
of my army — to the top of the surrounding hills,
to make entrenchments during the night, to place the
guns in advantageous positions, and to make all prepara-
tions for a battle next day, as I foresaw the following
day would be the decisive battle. By this time it was
dark, and the cold most intense. Our sufferings were
very severe, sitting all night in the snow.

The morning dawned, and the fort was still impreg-

70] NEGLIGENCE OF NAZIR KHAN L03

liable. I sent a messenger to my uncle to come at once
with 1000 cavalry sowars and 500 Kataghan sowars,
also to send Sultan Murad with 3 battalions, and
batteries of horse artillery. I pointed out to him that
Shere Ali would attack us, and the result one way or
the other would decide everything. My uncle replied
to my message that the cold was so intense, he would
start directly it got warmer, although my messenger ex-
plained that as it would take three hours to reach
Zaiiakhan, he ought to start immediately, and the
tisfhtinij would beo-in at sunrise.

Owing to the intensity of the cold, General Nazir
drank a great quantity of wine and spirit, and fell
asleep before the guns had been placed on the hill-tops,
or any entrenchments made. At sunrise a sowar came
galloping to me with the news that Shere Ali had
arrived with all his army. I had only forty sowars
with me, and I galloped with these men to the hills,
only to find all the guns in the valley, with no gunners,
artillery, or magazines. I climbed the hill, and found
Shere Ali's army quite close, in good fighting order,
and General Nazir still in an intoxicated sleep. I
awoke him saying : " Why have you done this ? You
are responsible for your behaviour. Where are the
gunners, the soldiers, and transport animals ? " He
replied: "It wTas so cold I permitted them to sleep
in the camp, they will arrive directly." 1 said, "You
will see directly what will happen." He replied : " I
will tear Shere Ali's mouth." In spite of my depres-
sion and disappointment I could not help laughing,
seeing he was drunk. As wre had no army to fight,
and those few who were with me had fled in all direc-

104 AMIR AZIM [chap. 17.

tions, the enemy proceeded to take our guns. Being
anxious to escape, and the enemy being all round me,
I joined some of these sowars who were chasing a
small body of men, calling out, "Catch them." In this
way I travelled two miles, and directly I was able I
disguised myself, and joined a few of my sowars, who
were looking for me. With these men I turned my
steps towards Maimana, where I met my uncle, and
explained to him all that had happened, saying : "If
you had only listened to me, I should not be in this
plight now." I then inquired for twenty loads of gold
coins which I had left in his care. He replied he did
not know, as he had fallen asleep while the treasurer
had moved the loads. I said I had left the money with
him, not with the treasurer, and now we were defeated
and had no money. The road to Balkh being closed
by heavy snow, we could not return there, so were
obliged to go the Waziri Hills. Before we had decided,
200 or 300 sowars of the enemy appeared. Seeing a
frozen canal on my right, 1 crossed with four sowars,
and the rest were pursued and captured by the enemy's
cavalry within my view from the opposite side of the
river. I was most disappointed to see all this without
being able to help. Later in the day my uncle joined
me with Abdur Rahim, and 300 sowars. Towards
night we reached the fort of Zurmat, tired, ruined, and
broken-hearted.1

After resting two hours in the village, we rode on
again. At 8 a.m. we arrived at Sar Boza. The in-
habitants, thinking we were some of Shere Ali's troops,
came out in a large body and fired a shell, but recog-

1 Jan. 1869.

,-70] SHE RE AIl'S VICTORY 105

nizing us, they apologised, while their Maliks and
priests brought food for us and our horses. One priest
gave me a copper drinking-cup as a present, and
another gave me a jug. I bought a hubble-bubble, and
some tobacco ; not having smelt tobacco for two days, I
greatly enjoyed a smoke. All the property I possessed
in the world was one copper cup, one jug, and one
hubble-bubble, also one small rug, either to wear or
stand upon, also the suit which I was wearing in battle,
a sword, rifle-belt, revolver, and riding-horse. A few
days before I had possessed in my treasury 800,000 gold
coins of Bokhara, 20,000 English sovereigns, 20,000
drams of gold, eleven lakhs of rupees, Kabuli, five lakhs
of rupees, Kunduz (each of which is equal to an Indian
rupee), 10,000 khilats, cooking utensils for 2000 people
(the number that used to eat with me every day), 1000
camels — in fact, I possessed more property than any
one in Afghanistan. However, this did not weigh upon
me heavily. My grief was at being parted from all my
kind and sincere servants, who had brought me up so
kindly, and of wdiose fate I was ignorant.

The same afternoon I started from Sar Roza, taking
one Amir Mahomed, a man of the Kharoti tribe, as a
guide. We went to Birmal, wdiere we arrived after
8 p.m. Dismounting, we found some ground from which
the snow had been cleared, and set light to some wood
to warm ourselves. The people of the fort of Birmal
came to speak to us, and began quarrelling with me,
during which my sowars and uncle rode on, leaving me
behind. Soon after, seeing my opportunity, I seized
a horse which an inhabitant of Birmal was going to
mount, and putting one foot on the stirrup, I jumped

106 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

on. The man tried to throw me down, upon which I
drew my sword, and he let go, I hastened on, and my
uncle was surprised to see me. I asked him why they
ran away leaving me alone, and they had nothing to
answer. As none of us knew the road, we were at a
loss which way to go, and consulted among ourselves. I
suggested halting there until daylight, when we could
see our way, and they agreed. We slept on the top of
a hill. On lighting a fire my uncle said we should be
seen and followed, and it would be better to endure
the cold. I replied I was not such a coward, and
would take the risk, as my followers would lose their
hands and feet if we had no means of keeping warm.
Soon after, about forty people of the Kharoti tribe
came, and said they were looking for us, and only
discovered us from the light of our fires. They placed
their houses at our disposal, and provided food for us
and our horses, paying us every attention, for which
I am greatly indebted to them. We left them in the
morning, furnished with a guide, and towards sunset
we reached the fort of the Pir Koti tribe, taking the
people by surprise. They attempted to shut the
gates, but I galloped in without hesitation, and my
followers close after me. They were obliged to welcome
us, and asked us to remain as their guests, but we
refused, and only taking tea we started again, but
without a guide, and as there were many paths and
valleys on every side, we were again puzzled as to our
correct route. I went ahead, telling my followers to
came after me. until we came to some habitation
where we could secure a guide. We had gone about
four miles when we met a sowar, who asked who we

1867-70] DAYS OF ADVERSITY 107

were. Hearing 1 was Abdur Rahman, he galloped

to me, and kissed my feet, telling me he was my

father's old servant, and the servant also of Dost

Mahomed, and he reminded me of many things which

happened when I was young. As he was a guide by

trade, and offered to go with us, I decided to trust

him. He told me that the Waziri country was two

days' journey by road, but he could showT us a quicker

route over a high mountain, and by going that way

we should arrive that afternoon. My uncle was so

afraid the guide might be deceiving; us that he
© © ©

proposed going by the longest route, but I was sure
he spoke the truth, and we started for the mountain.
Gaining the top of one high hill, we were surprised
by the sight of an army which seemed to be following
us. All my sowars dispersed, except forty brave men
who remained with me.1

These men and a few sowars turned and faced the
enemy, But for some reason they all dispersed as
suddenly as they had appeared, leaving about ten
men, who fled on our firing the guns. This danger
over, we again started, and a few miles further on we
overtook our sowars and my uncle. On climbing
another mountain we were stopped by 200 sowars of

1 Their names are as follows : — Abdur Rahim Khan, Parwana Khan (now
Deputy-Commander-in-Chief), Abdullah Khan (now Viceroy of Badakshan
and Kataghan), Jan Mahomed Khan (now my Treasurer), Faramurz Khan
(Commander-in-Chief of Herat), Said Mahomed (Colonel of the body-guard),
Mahomed Sher Khan (Colonel of the cavalry), Abmad Khan Rasildar (who
died at Samarkand), Mahomed Alah Khan, Rasildar Haidar Khan (whom
I made Commander-in-Chief at Kandahar, but who was obliged to fly to
Kakar, because of his cruelties and oppression), Commandant Naibulla
Khan, Colonel Marsirili (now at Kabul), Colonel Merab Khan (brother
of General Nazir) and Mir Alam Khan (now General of artillery at
Balkh.)

108 AMIR AZIM [chap.it.

the same tribe. Our numbers being about 300, I
dismounted, and prepared to fight, but before I began,
I tried to tell them it would not be to their advantage
to fight without reason, but they said I had wounded
five of their men, and they intended to avenge
them. I divided my men into three divisions, sending
one division to the right, one to the left on higher
ground, and with the third I attacked the enemy.
Being surrounded, they were soon vanquished, and we
again continued our way.

Very soon we espied the forts of the Waziri country,
called Murgha. My uncle, who knew the people,
wrote letters to the Maliks, which he sent by our
guide. In consequence of this, 100 sowars came out
to welcome us, and about 1000 footmen played
national music in our honour. They feasted us for
two clays, and fed our horses. We endeavoured to
induce them to accept money for their kindness, but
they refused. Sirdar Abdullah (son of Abdur Rahim)
had placed 200 gold coins at my disposal, and this was
all the money we had in the world. Abdullah had
sewn this money in his cartridge-belt, and it was
black with powder. After two days' rest we started
again, and halted in another part of the country,
where we were asked to pay for our necessities,
and on my offering some of these coins, the natives
refused them (thinking they were copper), and
demanded rupees. Hearing that Sher Jan had 1000
rupees, I offered to exchange my gold coins for them,
but he refused, saying, "If no one will take them
from you, who will accept them from my hands." At
last I was obliged to take the money by force, giving

1867-70] IN THE WAZARI COUNTRY 109

him 100 sovereigns in return. With this money I
bought provisions for men and horses.

Two days later, we entered into the forts of Malik
Adam Khan Waziri, who received me very warmly, and
entertained us that night in his fort. The following
day we reached the next village, where the people
also received us very warmly, and gave us a banquet.
Next day both Maliks who had acted as guides
took leave and returned to their country, and we
entered Dawa, an Afghan village outside the Indian
boundary,

I must mention an interesting incident which
happened to me a short time before. The first night
I entered the Waziri country I had eaten nothing since
my defeat, and I told my sowars I was very hungry,
and should much like a piece of meat. They had
one piece of money between them, and with this
they bought some mutton, butter, and onions. We
had no cooking utensils, and the people in that
country only used clay pots. However, my men
managed to procure an iron saucepan, and in this
I cooked some of the meat, making also some gravy.
I had been obliged to tie the saucepan to some sticks
to hang it over the fire, and as I was going to take
the cooked meat out of the saucepan, a dog, thinking
the hanging string was the intestines of some animals,
seized it in his mouth and ran off with the whole
thing. My sowars ran after the dog, but the meat
was upset. From this I learned again the power of
God. Three days before I had 1000 camels to carry
my cooking utensils, and now one dog could run
off with my cooking pans, together with the food. I

110 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

could not help smiling at so humiliating an incident,
and eating the piece of bread without the meat, I
went to sleep.

At Dawa, Sirdar Mahomed Khan (whom my uncle
had sent to Jagi and Khost to his mother's brother),
arrived with forty sowars and General Ali Askar Khan
and Moa Zula. A few days later we celebrated the
Id Festival, the people of Dawa coming to join in
our thanksgivings. To these I gave sweatmeats and
turbans, welcoming them. My expenses were now
becoming heavy, as we were then about 600 in
number, and I was much pressed for money. Imagine
our gratitude when a servant of Abdur Eahim came
from Kabul on foot to bring us 2000 sovereigns.

o o

This act of loyalty impressed us all. The man had
formerly been Abdur Rahim's treasurer, and having
no shoes, had bound up his feet (which were torn
and bleeding) with bits of carpet. He asked leave
to return to Kabul to look after the family of Abdur
Rahim, and also to execute further commissions for
us. I gave him permission to return, also offering
him a horse, which he refused, preferring to go on
foot in case we might need the horse for our own
use. I changed the sovereigns for 20,000 rupees,
with which I bought medicines, clothes, and provisions
for my followers.

Meanwhile, mv uncle received a letter from two
English officers of the districts of Banu and Peshawar,
asking why we were staying at Dawa instead of taking
refuge in British territory. My uncle replied after
compliments : " When the Viceroy of India writes me
a letter of invitation, promising not to take us beyond

1867-70] A MESSAGE FROM THE ENGLISH 111

the Indus, we will come." To this letter he asked me
to affix my seal, but I refused, saying I had never
seen the benefit of English friendship, and if he, after
being once deceived in them, cared to trust again,
he could go alone. I asked him why his opinion
of the English had altered so much since he left
Rawal Piudi, when he complained to mc of their
cold treatment. He replied that his opinion was
just the same, and that he had no intention of
going to their country, but was corresponding ' ' for
something to do." I answered: "Do you call lying
something to do ? It is not a good habit. Answer
them plainly that you will not put yourself under
their Government, as you have no hope of benefit
from them." At last he wrote as I suggested, but
I would not put my seal, saying my name was
sufficient, and that I was not a recognised person.
He complained of this, and at last, being angry, I
broke my seal into pieces, but told the messenger to
take a verbal answer from me, to the effect that
" I never would have anything to do with them.
They were the enemies of my friends, whose enemies
were my enemies." The man returned to Peshawar
and Banu, and I suppose repeated my message.

AVe remained at Dawa eight days longer, and
then left for Kaniguram, at which place we arrived
after five days' journey. We halted there for seven-
teen days till our horses were recovered, there being-
quantities of green grass growing. I had an attack
of fever, which lasted five days, but I started for
Wana, halting there two days, after which we crossed
the Gomal river. As we readied the opposite side

112 AMIS AZIM [chap. iv.

we saw a man running towards us, waving a hand-
kerchief in his hand. I sent AH Askar Khan back
to find out what he wanted. To his surprise, he
discovered the supposed man to be a woman, who
had been stolen by the Waziri tribe from Afghanistan
at the ag;e of twelve years. She was now twentv,
and had seized the opportunity to come to us for
protection. I comforted her, giving her a horse to
ride, and promising to return her to her parents.

Starting from there we reached the territory of
the Sherani people, at a place containing only two
habitations. They had no rice, only one sheep, four
goats, and three fowls to sell. "We were then 300
in number, the others having left me to go to Banu.
We bought these animals, and managed somehow to
subsist on them. Next day we reached one of the
villages of Kakar Zhob, where we bought flour,
butter, and mutton, also cooked food enough to last
two days, doing the same in future. We next
arrived at a village called Dihbring, where we laid
in a store of provisions. Besides what we required,
the inhabitants brought a large quantity of different
stores, which they insisted on our buying, but I
refused ; on which they left the goods on the ground
and went away. The next morning, finding the stores
were untouched, and that we were not to be forced
into buying them, they very reluctantly took them
away, scolding me all the time. When we had
started a few miles, we saw about 2000 men stand-
ing awaiting us in our road, carrying naked swords.
One of them took hold of the bridle of my uncle's
horse, but before he had time to draw his sword I

1867-70] AJNT IMPOSTOE L13

galloped up, and placed my rifle against his chest,
threatening to shoot. He dropped the reins, and
when I demanded to know what they wanted of us,
they replied that the name of that place was
"Zhob," and if we did not pay them twenty rupees
a head as duty, they would not let us go. I argued
that if we gave in to them the whole Kakar country
would also intimidate us into paying duty, so I
refused, and made ready to fight. Seeing this, they
declared they were only joking, and let us go on
our way.

Before we arrived at the end of our day's march,
an old man at the head of ten disciples, wearing a
white turban, with hair matted on each side of his ears,
and carrying a stout stick in his hand, appeared in our
road. This apparition had been preceded by two of his
followers, who told my uncle that they were chiefs of the
country, and on the appearance of this old man they
bowTed low to him, saying to us : "This is a holy Saiyad."1
At this my uncle rose, and after kissing his hand, seated
him beside him. I had seen many impostors of this
kind, and his appearance gave rise to the suspicion
that there was something behind all this saintliness.
It was my habit on going into every fresh village to
make the acquaintance of some inhabitant, and pre-
sent him with a few rupees to give me information
of all that was going on there. On my making en-
quiries of such a spy, he told me that the old man
was a celebrated thief, having a band of 100 robbers
under him, and he had brought forty of them with
him to plunder our property. I reported this to my

1 The descendants of Mahomed's daughter Fatima.
VOL. I. H

114 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

uncle, who would not credit the story, and, instead,
told his son Sarwar that the "Saint" was to be a
guest in the camp for that night. Near sunset, a
few men surrounded the wells from which my
servants wished to water our horses. Seeing this,
and being on the look-out for treachery, I had re-
course to the ruse of dividing up my horses into
small bands, and sending a double escort of men to
water them in different parts of the village at differ-
ent times, without approaching those wells near our
camp, where the robbers were waiting, and where
they expected the horses would be watered. In this
way our horses (300 in number) all arrived safely
in camp. My uncle and his son had about fifty
horses, and their followers who looked after them
brought word to him that the men surrounding the
well refused to allow them to go near it. At this
the "Saint" professed anger, saying: "I will go
with the horses and command the people to allow
your servants to give them water." This he did,
and when some distance off, he sent the grooms on
to draw water in buckets, and when they were thus
employed he and his men ran off with thirty horses,
twenty being rescued by our sowars, of whom five
were wounded. I was present when these men re-
turned with the story, and laughed heartily at my
uncle, saying : "I told you this afternoon, but you
would not listen. You forget a well-known maxim
that ' There are many devils in the guise of men ; do
not give your hand to all.' " My uncle and his son
Sarwar spent their night lamenting the loss of their
horses and dressing the wounds of their servants.

1867-70] EN THE KAKAE COUNTRY 115

The next march my uncle's followers were obliged
to ride behind the backs of the others. On the eleventh
day we arrived early in the afternoon at a village in the
Kakar country, where my followers laid in provisions
for themselves, and I was looking about for a young nit
sheep for myself. Finding one, I paid twenty rupees
Kabuli for it, the price agreed upon to the owner.
When we were about to kill it, the owner said he had
changed his mind, and wanted it back, but when I said
he could have it, he changed his mind again, so it was
killed for me, at which he threw my money at me, de-
manding that I should make his sheep alive. I replied
I had not sufficient power to do this, but he could have
the dead body of his sheep as well as the money. He
refused again, insisting on my performing the miracle !
At this I was obliged to resort to a trick, and turning
to a priest who was standing near, I told him the man
had been cursing him all the time. At this the priest
turned his face to the owner of the sheep, to whom I
said, " Curse me if you like, but do not insult the wife
of this holy man, who is a prophet." The priest was
naturally furious, and called the man a pig for insulting
his wife, and the sheep owner cursed him in return.
At this they began to fight, and I took both sheep and
rupees away, leaving them to settle their little differ-
ence. Half of the inhabitants were on the side of the
priest, and half on the side of the sheep owner, and
after a good fight the people interceded. An hour or
two after, the sheep owner brought me two jugs of cus-
tard, two trays of bread, and one young baked sheep,
offering me salaams. I said to him, a little time ago he
was rude, and now he was respectful, and noticing from

116 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

his conversation that he was quite reasonable, I asked
him why he had made the sheep an excuse to pick a
quarrel with me. He replied that Sarwar Khan had
treated him badly when at Kandahar, and therefore he
took his revenge on me. I replied : " Sirdar Sarwar is
here himself, why do you quarrel with me instead of
with him ? " and he explained that as I had appointed
Sarwar Governor of Kandahar, he held me responsible.
We talked for some hours until he returned home, and
I went to sleep.

Next day we started on our way again, in a heavy
wind and dust storm. When we were near our halting
village, the chief of the tribe came out with two sowars
to receive us. Before he met us, one of his servants
came to tell us that " Shah Jahan Padshah is on his
way to receive you, you must dismount and embrace
him." My uncle asked me what we should do. I re-
plied that before deciding I would go on in front. I
went on, and saw two men coming towards me. I
asked one of them where his king was, to which he
replied that his companion was he. This so-called king
wTas an old man, wearing a coat of old sheep-skin, which
was patched in parts with different pieces of coloured
cloth, where the skin was worn. He wore on his head
so dirty a turban as to disguise the material of which
it was made. It also had no conical-cap in the
centre. On his feet were woollen socks, without any
shoes. His mare was nothing but skin and bone, with
bells tied to her knees, and the saddle was of wood.
The bridle was of hair-cloth, with bells tied to the
corners. I smiled at such a grand apparition, and ap-
proaching him, I said it would be a pity to dismount to

1867-70] SHAH JAHAN PADSHAH 117

embrace our Amir, that he had better welcome him
verbally. To this he agreed, and I galloped back to
Bay the " Shah Jahan " would welcome him without
dismounting. When they met, my uncle's horse took
fright at the extraordinary apparition covered with
jingling bells, and began to rear and jump about. My
uncle was very frightened, and called to me to help him,
but 1 laughed, and said I could not interfere between
two kings. He cried : " For God's sake, suggest some-
thing, or my horse will throw me off. This is not the
time for joking." 1 replied : " If you will give me some-
thing, I will help you." He offered me one of his two
swords, and I agreed. I first quieted my uncle's horse,
and then went to Shah Jahan, asking him to come with
me to make arrangements to receive his followers. He
told me he had prepared some goats' flesh soup, and had
forty pieces of Indian corn bread. I assured him it was
too grand, but wre would go ahead and see about it.
With this excuse I got him away from the horses.
After going on for about a mile I said I had forgotten

some necessaries, and must go back to fetch them. At
first he would not agree to go on without me, but on
ni)' saying I would bring back sugar with me, he was
delighted, and consented at once. I returned to my
uncle, and asked what he thought of so grand a king,
and he laughed. On our entrance to the village we
began hunting for the king, for some time in vain, but
at last discovered him in a hut made of straw. He told
me that he had sent for fuel from the jungle with which
to cook, but it had not yet arrived. Also, the bread
was not baked, because the sheet of iron on which it
was baked had been borrowed for a marriage ceremony.

118 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

I replied : "It does not matter if you have nothing to
eat, we are your guests." I then sent for our own pro-
visions, and we asked the people if this was their king
and chief. They replied in the affirmative, upon which
I said : " How wise a people to have for a ruler so power-
ful a king," and the more I flattered them the better
pleased they were. We stayed that night in the jungle,
and next day the king came and told me that our next
halt would be in the village of his cousin, Dost Ma-
homed, who would give us a warmer reception than he
had done. He said it would be better for us to start
early. We enquired for a guide, on which he offered
his own services. I suggested to my uncle that there
was perhaps some reason for this, but he did not think
so, and we started.

At the end of our first day's march we arrived at
the bottom of a high mountain, and the next day we
had to cross another, passing through a village where
there were no inhabitants. I told my uncle that our
devil guide was leading us astray, and we had neither
grass for the horses or food for the men. I asked him
what we should have done if we had not had provisions
for two days with us. We halted in the desert at
night.

The next day Dost Mahomed came to meet us with
2000 followers, sending a man on first to tell us he
was at our service. He asked us why we had come
such a difficult way, and not kept to the road, and
when he found our gaude was his cousin, he demanded
that he should be given over to him as his enemy for
having taken us by the mountains to escape passing
his village, and by so doing cast a disgrace on him.

1867-70] "THE KING OF DEVILS" 119

He told us we must retrace our steps a long distance
to get to his house, where he hoped to entertain us,
having prepared Indian hemp for us to smoke, and
provisions for my followers. I said to my uncle: "If
you had been warned by me, this would not have hap-
pened. What are we to do between these two devils ? ':
During this conversation a few thieves who had been
sent by Dost Mahomed to plunder anything of ours
they could come across, had attempted to steal our
baggage, for which they were fired upon and wounded.
On hearing this, Shah Jahan went and hid himself, and
I suggested leaving the place in the night, or the
followers of Dost Mahomed would fight us. At last
we found Shah Jahan, and told him that as he had
brought us there he would have to take us back again.
He said he had hidden for fear we should hand him
over to his enemy, Dost Mahomed, but we promised not
to do so, and marched with him all that night, although
the cold was severe. We passed no village where we
could get food until the afternoon of the second day,
when we arrived at a deserted village, to be again
disappointed. I asked the King of Devils where the
people were, and he said the people come in the spring,
and leave for the top of the high mountain which lay
before us, so soon as it got cold. I said : " Curses be on
your father, we and our horses have no strength left,
this is due to your mischief." He said we had better
go on to the mountain and meet the people there, who
would give us food. He said he could not go with us, as
the tribe was hostile to him and his family. We were
glad to get rid of such a man, and gave him leave to go,
and after sunset we arrived on the mountain near the

120 AMIR, AZIM [chap. iv.

habitation of the tribe he had spoken of. They re-
ceived us very kindly, after just preparing to fight us,
thinking we were sowars of a rival tribe. We were
very pleased to eat again, and feed our horses, but they
would not allow us to pay for any provisions.

We accepted their hospitality for two days, when
we started for Pishin via Kotal Sairi. On our
entering a village near Pishin, a spy reported to me
that the governor had collected 40,000 rupees of the
revenue, which he intended sending to Kandahar. I
consulted with my uncle, saying I would ride on all
night, and surprise the village before sunrise, and secure
the money. My plan was frustrated by a few servants
who, in hope of reward, started before me to inform the
Governor of my intention, and enabled him to collect
a few hundred men from the surrounding villages to
strengthen the fort. I had, fortunately, sent a spy
ahead to wait for my arrival, and this man returned
with the news of the treachery of five of my uncle's
sowars. Failing to achieve my purpose, I returned to
Karez Wazir, where we halted two days. The inhabi-
tants of this place called themselves Sivards, but I
do not think they have any right to the title, for the
reason that generosity, courtesy, and mercy are the
attributes of Sivards, while those men had none of these
qualities — they are handsome, well-built, and wealthy,
but very hostile among themselves, having the habit of
killing each other, which naturally causes disputes.
After leaving this place we halted in a village called
Abrag. On our way to Nushki, rain fell heavily all
the day, and the wind was very cold. We got soaked,
and our hands and feet were nearly frozen. We

1867-70] AT CHAGHAI 121

arrived after many difficulties, but the people received
us very kindly. The next day we departed, and our
march lay through a sandy desert where there was no
water. We were obliged to retrace our steps, and were
told it would be better for us to go by the Kharan road,
although it would prove longer by four or five days.
1 decided, however, in favour of the desert, and hiring
200 camels to carry sufficient provisions, we started
again through the desert. By God's help it rained
each day, which gave us sufficient water for our needs.
At the end of the tenth day we arrived in sight of
Chaghai. The road was entirely broken up by the rain,
and we were obliged to dismount, and lead our horses
in mud knee-deep. At the end of our march both
men and horses were well-nigh exhausted. I myself
cooked some meat and distributed it among; men who
were almost fainting ; the horses meantime lay down,
unable to rise again. Only one horse (my own Arab,
being a foal from my grandfather's stable) remained
standing.

For two days we were in the utmost straits, but
the third day we entered Chaghai. We were surprised
that the Khan of the village would not welcome us.
We remained there some time, and after a fortnight a
servant came to my uncle with the tidings that the
Khan and Mir asked permission to pay their respects
to him. I asked why they had not done so before, and
was told the reason was, that all their subjects had
gone to the desert to graze their horses. They were
now returned, and 500 had collected to salaam us.
On our acceding to their request, the Khan came out of
the fort on foot, with 500 followers behind in a single

122 AMIK AZIM [chap. iv.

line, and preceding him were two dancing boys of nine
and twelve, who looked quite unlike human specimens,
having no clothing save one small loin cloth, and matted
hair which had never seen soap and water. There was
one band of music, and this was our grand reception —
the preparation for which had taken fifteen days ! We
stayed at Chaghai twenty-five days, during which time
our horses had grown quite fat, having plenty of grass
and hay.

Setting out again towards Palalik, by the side of the
Helmand river, after six days Ave entered Kheil-Shah
Gul, so named after Shah Gul, a Baluchi chief. This
village was uninhabited save for two old men, who were
doing their best to escape notice. On enquiring why
the village was deserted, they first said they did not
know, but on my insisting, they told me that the army
of Mir Alam Khan, of Kanat, under the command
of Sirdar Sharif Khan Seistani, was on its way to
plunder their property. For this reason they had
fled to a place near by to hide themselves. My uncle
told them we would go to aid them, if we were led to
their hiding-place. This the old men did, and Shah
Gul was pleased to receive us, and glad of our help.
He gave us a banquet, and at midnight two of his spies
reported that the Seistani sowars, having passed through
the next village, would enter his district on the morrow.
Shah Gul told us he intended going next day to a
fortified place on a mountain with his subjects and
their property. My uncle asked my advice, to which
I answered that they could go if they liked, but
we would also go to meet the Seistanis, if Shah Gul
would give us a guide. This he did, and on his

1867-70] SHAH (JUL THE FUGITIVE 123

leaving for the mountain, we departed in the opposite
direction.

A ft or some hours' marching we observed the dust of
the advancing sowars, whereupon we prepared to fight.
Going ahead of my uncle with my followers, I arranged
my line of battle, but the Seistanis were so surprised at
seeing me, that they showed no intention of resisting us,
but came to make enquiries as to who we were. We
explained that we were Afghans, and not Baluchis, on
hearing which the chief came to salaam us. I sent for
my uncle, and we told them we were there to help
Shah Gul and his subjects who were under the Afghan
rule, and therefore the Seistanis must not interfere with
them. The chief agreed not to do so, but stipulated
that Shah Gul should salaam to him for the sake of
retaining his prestige. I told the subjects of Shah Gul
that they must allow him to do this, but his sister was
so anxious for his safety that she would not allow him
to go. I offered to remain with them as security, if he
went with my uncle. At last they consented to this,
and I impressed upon my uncle to send him back at the
end of four or five days at latest. Seven days passed,
but no Shah Gul, and all his people came to claim the
fulfilment of my promise, saying they had already
waited two days longer, and they were convinced their
chief had been taken prisoner. I assured them this was
not so, and offered to go and bring Shah Gul back with
me, but they would not agree, saying, " As long as he
remains away, you are our prisoner." I prepared my 200
sowars for a probable attack, and shortly after they
came in a body with drawn swrords. I ordered half my
sowars to fire, and the other half to attack them with

124 AMIE AZIM [chap. iv.

swords. At this they fled towards their stronghold,
and I loaded 200 camels with our baggage, and started
in the direction Shah Gul had gone. His subjects soon
followed us, apologising for their behaviour, and I took
them to Seistan when I returned their camels.

On our arrival, after two days' journey, at the village
I enquired for my uncle and Shah Gul. The former
told me there were two chiefs, Sirdar Sharif Khan, chief
of the Seistani sowars, and Musa Yusif Hazara, head
of the body-guard of Mir Alam Khan. This latter
man had imprisoned Shah Gul, and paid no heed to my
uncle's objections. I went straight to this chief, and
shook hands without dismounting, saying : " Where is
Shah Gul ? " and hearing he was in his tent, I called
loudly, "Shah Gul, come forth," at which he appeared.
I asked the chief the reason why he had imprisoned
him, and he replied, it was his intention to take him
to his chief, Mir Alam. I said : " I sent him with vou,
giving myself as hostage for his safe return. He is
not your subject that you should take him before Mir
Alam." I then took Shah Gul and a servant who
had been imprisoned with him, and sent them with
ten of my sowars to his own people, who were
rejoiced at his safety.

After halting three days, we marched with the
Seistanis to their country. Arriving the second day at
the Helmand river, we found a clan of fifteen houses
of Kandahar subjects, being attacked by some sowars
belonging to the same Hazara chief who had wished
to plunder the Palalik tribe. The inhabitants of
the houses fortified themselves, and shot fifty
Hazara sowars, wounding 100. Meanwhile, the neigh-

1867-70J TKOUBLKSOME HAZAEAS 125

bouring villages collected together and prepared to
resist the sowars. Things had arrived at this pass
when our army reached the village. I ordered my
servants to give a good thrashing to the Hazara chief,
who had sent his sowars to plunder these villages, and
I cheered the inhabitants by promising to make terms
with their enemies to ensure their future safety. I
went on foot to the fort, which I found garrisoned,
and having no guns or ladders it was impossible to
effect an entrance, so I sent a servant to make terms.
This man was allowed to enter, and explained to them
that their troubles were all due to one Hazara chief,
whom Abdur Rahman had had punished and sent away,
and that they might return in peace to their homes.
Hearing this, several chiefs came out of the fort to
salaam me, and I assured them that I regarded them
as brothers, as they also were Afghans. We all
marched back together, our road taking us for two
days and two nights through the villages of these
people, who gave provisions to us, but none to the
Seistani sowars, whom we were obliged to feed until we
arrived at Banjar. There the militia sowars went to
their homes, and the military returned to Mir Alam
Khan to bring him to receive us.

Sirdar Sharif Khan gave us a feast lasting two days
in his place called Sharifabad. The third day we
marched to the fort of Mir Alam, who came out to
receive us, embracing my uncle and myself, after
which we entered his new fort. He had made great
preparations for our reception, and had erected new
tents around the fort for our sowars, and larger ones for
my uncle and myself. He had also appointed a clever

126 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

man as host to look after our comforts. They kept us
twelve days with them as their guests. After which
we started for Kolab Seistan. At the time of our taking
leave Mir Alam bested us to take all the tents and
furniture with us ; saying that as he was a neighbour
of ours, he wished to show us every hospitality. We
refused, with thanks ; but, on his insisting, we
accepted two or three small tents. He also gave us
10,000 Persian rupees for our expenses to Birjand.
I gave this money to my uncle, saying I had
sufficient for myself, if I did not pay his expenses in
future, as I was in the habit of doing, I had still 200
gold coins left of the money brought by Abdur Kahim's
treasurer.

Quitting Kolab Seistan (called Hamun by the
inhabitants) we entered Bandan, thence through Neh
into the Lut desert, and from there into Birjand, where
two of Mir Alam Khan's sons received us very warmly,
and his mother entertained us at a banquet.

It was the 5th of Muharram when we entered
Birjand, and on the 12th of the month we went towards
Mashhad, in which place is the sacred tomb of the eighth
Imam (Biza). We entered into the city of Sirahiyan,
where we saw the grand ruins of the old buildings.
Our next halt was at Nisi, a very unhealthy place,
where the water is salt and bitter, and the inhabitants
have built large tanks to catch rain-water, which they
drink. They have dug two wells, but though the water
is good for cooking, it cannot be drunk. Unfortunately,
just before we arrived at this village, my uncle got an
attack of severe fever, and we were obliged to stay until
he recovered, which he did not do for quite a month, and

1867-70] ON THE KG AD TO MASHHAD 127

by that time my money was all spent. I begged him
to let me arrange a travelling throne for him, as he was
still weak ; but he replied it was impossible, as there
were no trees to procure wood from. Without replying,
I cut from the building the people use as their mosque,
four pieces of wood ; and, when they objected to this, I
explained that we were strangers, and suffering from
illness, and therefore I was using God's property for the
best purpose, namely, to help his suffering children,
which satisfied them. By the evening of the same day
I had completed this travelling throne, and we marched
to Turbat-Isa-Khan, and thence to a place called Karez
Shahzadah, which was considered very healthy. The
Shahzadah had erected a very nice building for himself
there, where my uncle took up his abode for a time,
during which I cooked his food myself and nursed him.
We were not short of servants, and his son Sirdar
Sarwar was with us, but, notwithstanding my uncle's
unkindness towards me, I was more fond of him than
his own son was, for during his illness, which lasted
f^rty days, Sarwar had only called twice to enquire after
his father's health, occupying himself instead with
private business.

One day some apricots were sent to my uncle, but
as the fever had only left him a few days, I begged him
not to be so unwise as to eat them. He would not
listen to me, but began to eat the apricots, and I told
him 1 had attended to him day and night, having very
little sleep except during the last few days, when I had
rested a little, but should he get ill again, I should have
to be again in attendance. However, he finished the
plate of apricots, and I was so angry to think that all

128 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

my services throughout my life were wasted on my
uncle — for I was now reduced to selling my arms for
his comforts — that I begged leave to go to Turbat-Isa-
Khan. He gave me permission, and I made a two
days' inarch in one night, as I had no money to keep
men and horses, besides the heat of the day was so
trying. I halted in one of the buildings used by a
Shahzadah who had since gone to Tehran, and I pre-
pared another house for my uncle's reception.

At this place a merchant of Herat, named Kazi
Hassan Ali, who had lived here for several years, came
to me, and offered me as much money as I required for
my expenses, saying he possessed one lakh of Kabuli
rupees of his own, and two or three lakhs of Persian
rupees intrusted to him for commercial purposes. I
replied that I was grateful for his offer, but as I could
not return the money, I was obliged to refuse it,
although I would gratefully accept food for my men
and horses during our stay there. My uncle arrived
six days after, and this same Kazi undertook to pay
his expenses also, and as our men's suits were worn
out, and their saddles and harnesses also, he offered
to give me new ones for them. I refused for my
followers, but my uncle accepted the offer for his.
In fact this man did us such great service, that as long
as 1 live, I cannot sufficiently return his kindness.
For an ordinary man to bear such heavy expenses
requires a liberal mind.

My uncle being careless about his food, again fell
ill, during which time I nursed him for ten days and
nights. After a few days the Governor of Mashhad,
hearing of our arrival, sent by instruction of the Shah

1867-70] IN MASHHAD 129

one travelling throne with twenty-four mules for my
uncle. He wrote, saying he had heard of my uncle's
illness, and had sent the throne to carry him to Mashhad.
We accepted this attention, and started for Mashhad
at the end of a month. By this time our debt to the
Kazi mounted to 70,000 Kirans (Persian coins = 6d.
each), my uncle having borrowed 60,000 and I 10,000.
This good man accompanied us to a hill called Salaam
Tadai, five days' march from Turbat Isa ; from this place
the people said they could see the blessed tomb of the
Eighth Imam. I was much comforted to observe the
light of God shining on the tomb, and prayed to Him
after reading the Koran. On leaving this place, we
were met by six Arabian horses, jewelled and properly
saddled and bridled, pulling two carriages with 1000
sowars behind, being servants of the blessed tomb.
This was the property of the Shah's cousin, and we
were guided to the palace with great pomp, and told
we were to take up our residence there. For three
days we wrere guests of the blessed Imam, and after
that we remained as guests of the state. The cousin
of the Shah, having gone to fight against the Turkoman
people, was absent, but he returned after ten days,
when he invited my uncle, his son Sarwar, myself, and
a few officials to dinner, and expressed many friendly
feelings towards us.

The following day the Shah's uncle Hamza Mirza
came himself to see us, and after the interview I went
to the blessed tomb, to rub my face in the dust, to give
my eyes light and my heart comfort. The Wazir of
the Shah, who is employed as sweeper of the tomb,
invited me to his house, and I was pleased to accept

VOL. I. I

130 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

the invitation. During the fifteen days of my stay at
Mashhacl I had a touch of fever, but God cured me, and
on my second visit to the Shah's uncle, I asked if they
would kindly give me leave to go to Turkestan by the
way of the Pass of Gazba Taj an, and Urgunj. I also
asked for a guide to accompany me to the frontier of
Persia, to a place called Daragaz, where Ali Yar Khan
was Governor. In reply, I was told that my requests
would have to be submitted to the Shah before an
answer could be given me, and that they would be
telegraphed immediately. I waited two days, when
the servant of the Shahzadah came to me, and after
smoking hubble-bubble and drinking tea, he told me he
had telegraphed to the Mir Munshi of the kingdom, who
had asked the desired permission of the Shah. Before
granting my requests, the Shah had requested me to
20 and see him at Tehran, when, if I still wished to go
to Turkestan, he would give me leave. To this I
replied that I would rather not go to the Shah at
present, but if I did not succeed in gaining my purpose
elsewhere (of rescuing Afghanistan), then I would return
and visit him. I did not think it wise after seeing
such a great King as the Shah, to leave him and appeal
for help to another kingdom. Others would then think
the Shah had refused his help, and it would be a kind
of insult to him. The servant asked for two days in
which to consider my resolution. At the end of that
time I was told that the Shah would prefer my visiting
him, but if I decided not to do so, I could go to
Turkestan when I wished, but the Shah would always
look upon me as his son, and I was to look upon Persia
as my home. For all the kindness shown to me I

1867-70]

TO URGUXJ 131

thanked the Shahzadah's servant warmly, and asked
him to beg the indulgence of the Shah for me. He
gave me from the Shahzadah one chief with ten sowars
and a letter to Ali Yar Khan, who came out to meet
us at the end of our six days' march with 1000 sowars.
He allotted to me a garden to stay in outside Dara-
gaz, a very healthy and comfortable place. This man
received me so warmly, one would have thought him
an old friend, and he kept me with him a month,
during which time he asked for some security from the
Turkoman people for my person, as he told me they
were robbers.

About this time some Turkoman merchants with
1000 camel loads of commercial products came to trade
in Daragaz, and these men Ali Yar Khan held as
security. I started with three sirdars of Taj an, one of
them named Uzbeg, the other Aziz, and the third
Urtak, these men were to act as guides to me as far
as Urgunj. I was escorted by the Khan and 1500
sowars to Ishkabad. There was a good deal of shoot-
ing to be had in the rice fields on our way, and as we
had good guns and horses, we spent two or three hours
daily amusing ourselves in this way.

After passing Ishkabad the Khan took leave,
leaving a few sowars with me to take the news of my
safe arrival back to him. We rode all that night,
and next morning reached the jungle which skirts
the streams of Herat. On the banks of the streams
were melons and water-melons growing, and at the
ripening season it is the custom for the inhabitants
to take up residence in the fields, and eat nothing
but these two different kinds of melons. Their horses

132 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

meanwhile eat green reeds, there being no other kind
of grass.

The following day we arrived at Taj an, and halted
with these gipsy people for five days, firstly, to get
provisions, and secondly, on account of my health, as
I needed rest, having been kicked on the leg by a
horse.

On the sixth day we started for Urgunj. Of the
three sirdars who accompanied me, one returned to his
country, and the other two, Aziz and Usbeg, went on
with me. We marched all night up to 10 a.m., when
we arrived at a well, the water of which was verv
bitter. We stayed there two days, starting at mid-day,
and riding till morning, only halting to feed our
horses with corn. About 10 p.m. on the fourth day
we came to another well, wThere the water was more
bitter and dirtier than the former one, but we were
obliged to drink it, our horses too could go no further,
and we had to halt six days to give them a thorough
rest. After this we continued our march by night,
sleeping through the heat of the day, till we came across
a caravan of the Turkoman people, who, thinking we
were Persians about to attack them, hid themselves.

I must here mention that the Persians and Turko-
mans are enemies, although they are both Muslims, yet
their high priests being servants of the Devil, instruct
them to kill and sell each other. This is an ignorant
infamy. God says that all true believers are brethren
and parts of each other, and though these two tribes
call themselves Muslims, they treat one another as
heathens through ignorance. Thus do the unbelievers
triumph over the true and faithful, the cause being

, 867-70] WANT OF WATER 133

that the latter are disunited. Islam itself has no
faults, it is we who are full of faults.

We were able to ask a few stray Turkomans if
there were any wells near, and they replied, if we rode
on at the pace we were going, we should reach one
before daybreak. We continued our way till the sun
increased in power and our horses could travel no
further, but we saw no signs of a well, and our
tongues were parched with thirst, and those of our
horses were as dry as wood. I cut the tongues of
some of them, but there was no blood, and I squeezed
the juice of a lemon in my mouth and rubbed my
tongue on that of my horse, but still there was no
moisture.

From this want of water I learned the fact that
hell itself is in a person's body, as he gets as hot as
fire without drink. We went on till evening, when
we came to a well, but only four of my followers
arrived with me, the others having dropped behind on
the road. After drinking a little water, I thought of
my lost servants, and could not help weeping at their
fate. I found one horse which I had got from the
Ishkabad people, and which was not so exhausted as
the others, and placing two buckets of water on it,
sent a man to ride back and to find, if possible, the
rest of my followers. I instructed him not to lose the
trace of the horse, and gave him a compass in case he
should be in doubt of his way. He found all my
men, who had fallen from their horses, having no
power to help themselves through thirst. He poured
a little water in each man's mouth until he recovered,
and in time brought them all back to me. We

134 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

remained at the well seven days, when the caravan of
the Turkomans which I have mentioned before arrived,
and hearing who I was, some of them came and
apologised for sending us purposely out of our road to
die of thirst, thinking we were Persians. I had come
to the end of my store of food, so they gave us
provisions for four days, and I bought sufficient for
three more. They left the next morning, but we
stayed there for three days longer. The city of
Khiva was distant about five days' journey from the
well.

We marched in this direction, halting outside the
city under some trees, whence I sent a few men to buy
provisions. The Khan of Khiva asked my servants for
whom they were buying food, and on their replying
for their master, Sirdar Abdur Kahman, son of the
late Amir Afzul, and grandson of the great Dost
Mahomed, he sent a Wazir to me, who told me they
considered it most improper that I should pass a night
in such an inconvenient place. He insisted on taking
us to the city, where they had arranged a few nice
houses for us all, and welcomed us very warmly.

After two days' feasting the Khan of Khiva and
Urgunj sent his Wazir to me, with the news that he
intended coming to see me. I suggested that as I
was a stranger, and of no consequence in Khiva, it
would be more fitting if I went to him, and I rode to
the palace. Arriving there, I saw sixty guns and gun-
carriages, but all the gunners were negroes. I had
never seen so many in one place before. They fired
fifty guns as a salute to me, and the Khan walked out
to receive me. I dismounted, and we shook hands,

1867-70] THE KHAN OF KHIVA 135

and hand-in-hand we walked into the Durbar hall. A I
that time t did not know the Turki language, therefore
the Khan appointed an interpreter to translate the
conversation between us. We spoke together for two
hours, during which time he told me that he regarded
me as his elder brother, as his father Mahomed Amin
was most friendly to my father at the time of his
residence at Balkh, and he thanked God that we had
met. He offered me two of the seven cities now under
his rule, and at any time I chose to go to Balkh, he
would lend me 100,000 sowars and footmen, who
would conquer the city for me, so that we might
remain friends and neighbours. I thanked him for
his generous offer, and told him that I would answer
him in a few days, and give him a few suggestions as
friendly advice, which might be useful to him. I then
took leave, and his servant, who was acting as a
guide, told me that the Khan had arranged his own
residence for our use, and I should find my followers
in the garden. This garden and house was about
200 paces from the city, and had very nice buildings
in it.

About two hours later the Khan's treasurer came
and said he was instructed by his master to give me
as much money as I required, to the amount of
200,000 sovereigns. The Wazir also corroborated
this fact. I said : " God prosper your Khan for a good
man, I cannot find words to express how greatly I
am indebted to him. What should I do with 200,000
sovereigns ? My expenses daily amount to 30 Kirans."1
The next day the treasurer brought me 1000 gold coins,

1 Persian coins, 6d. each.

136 AMIR AZIM [chap. rv.

saying the Khan had instructed him to do this every-
day. At last I accepted this, telling the man to hand
the money to my treasurer, and each day he brought
a similar amount, although, as I had said, my expenses
only came to 30 Kirans daily.

Five days later the Wazir came to ask for my
answer to the Khan's suggestions, and for the advice I
had offered. I answered that I thought it wise (if the
officials agreed) that the Khan should send me as his
Envoy to Russia, accompanied by a few of his own
confidential officials, to make arrangements between
them and the Russian Government. Otherwise I foresaw
that one day the Russian army would arrive near
Urgunj, and the handful of men they kept for their
protection could not fight against such a great power.
The Khan consulted with his advisers upon the wisdom
of my advice, but the people never having experienced
the power of a great nation, did not agree, saying,
" Death awaits the Russians if they come near Urgunj."
The Wazir returned to me with this news, saying that
the Khan and a few officials approved of my plan, but
the people had replied as above. I answered, " If the
people are so ignorant, I cannot stay among them,"
whereupon the Wazir disclosed to me an arrangement
of the Khan to marry his daughter to me, so that in
time the people would accept my advice.

I answered that the people would soon be jealous of
me, and would turn into my enemies if I accepted the
Khan's offer of two of his cities, and therefore it was
not safe for me to remain among them, and I would go
to Bokhara. The Wazir was distressed by my resolve,
and warned me that the King of Bokhara did not give

1867-70] BOKHARA 137

away ordinary food to my followers who found their
way there, and he had made my cousin Ishak a state
prisoner ; he advised me instead, to send for my people
from his country, but I insisted on going, saying that I
had business there, and requested him to ask permission
of his Khan for me. The Wazir took leave, promising
to bring a reply the next day, which he did, saying the
Khan was very disappointed to part with me, but if I
insisted, he was obliged to let me go, but he hoped I
should wait two days to allow of him making arrange-
ments for my journey.

On the third day he gave me 150 camels, with
provisions, carpets, and tents, and when I went to bid
him good-bye, he expressed his great regret at my
departure.

After journeying five days I arrived at the Oxus, and
crossed from the frontier of Guz and Shorab Khan,
which is now under Russian Government. From there
I marched seven days, arriving at Kara Kol, one of
the dependencies of Bokhara. My servants who were
there, as well as my cousin Ishak, were all pleased to
hear of my arrival, and sent letters expressing their
pleasure. Reaching Bokhara on the third day, I found
that the King had gone to fight against Mir Sora Beg
at Hissar and Kolab, under the instructions of the
Russian Government, as the Mir had not accepted their
suzerainty. As I had some friendship with the King,
I wrote to him informing him of my arrival, and
asking if he would prefer that I should remain at
Bokhara until his return, or that 1 should go to him at
Hissar, as I was shortly to be at Samarkand. The
unjust King wrote, inviting me to go to see him. 1

138 AMIR AZIM [chajmv.

produced the gold coins which the Khan of Khiva had
given me, and bought riding-horses and other necessities.
I also sold all the camels, which were also his gifts, and
in this way prepared every necessary for my journey
(with 500 sowars). I started for Hissar (releasing the
slaves who had also been presented me by the Khan),
and arrived there in ten days. On my way there I saw
a high piece of ground, which had been prepared to
receive the tents of the King. This ground was
covered with blood. At first I supposed this was due
to the amount of cows killed for charity to celebrate
the King's victory over the new country, and asked
why they had not been killed farther away. The
villagers sighed, and replied : " This is the blood of
men, not of cows." It appeared that fifteen days
previously, when the King's tent was pitched there,
the fort of Herat had fallen, and 1000 prisoners had
been brought to the King. He had at once ordered
their throats to be cut in front of him. I was shocked
to hear of this cruelty, and said they may have been
guilty, but no one kills prisoners. The people replied
that hundreds of victims had been murdered by the
King, without fault or trial. I was surprised to hear
this, and thought to myself that this triumph of the
Russians over Turkestan is caused by the neglect of
the Muslim rulers of God and His religion. They
make the true believers slaves, and kill human beings,
who are God's creation, without fault. The King does
not care for the laws laid down by God and His
prophet, and the priests who are guardians and in-
structors of those laws take no notice of their violation.
I was very disappointed to find that Bokhara, which

1867-70] AMONG THE RUSSIANS 139

had the reputation of being a very religious country,
acted so contrary to the teachings of Mahomet. I
regretted the carelessness of the Muslims who are mad
in their own conceit, so that the unbelievers, finding
them ignorant and hostile to each other, take advantage
of this. I wept over the death of these innocent people,
and appointed a few sowars to cover over their blood
with earth, in the shape of graves.

After passing a night in despair and unhappiness,
I entered Hissar, where the King had sent 1000 sowars
under a few officers to receive me. I took up my
abode in a house which had been prepared for me.
After three days the King's servant came with an
invitation, and I went to see him, after which I
returned, and he sent me 10,000 tangas (6d.) with
a few pieces of gold cloth.

After staying in Hissar a few days, I started
for Samarkand. The Russian Governor received me
very kindly, and gave me and my servants houses
to stay in, paying us every attention as a host. I
was shortly afterwards invited by the Viceroy of
Turkestan to visit him in Tashkend, all necessary
arrangements being made for my journey by the
Samarkand Government. I was received with all
kindness. Next day I was invited by the Viceroy to
see him. He received me very kindly, and, after
returning my visit, invited me to a conversazione,
where I was interested to observe the Europeau habits.
They receive their guests in a large hall, and the
guests walk from room to room to have quiet chats,
smoke, or take fruits. This continued until 2 a.m.,

140 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

after which we all retired to our homes. The followino-
day the Viceroy returned my visit, and I walked to
the gates of my house to receive him. After making
enquiries after each other's health, I gave him some
presents, consisting of a jewelled sword, six pieces of
valuable Kashmiri cloth, and two pieces of gold cloth.
He sat with me for two hours, when he took his leave.
The next day General AlikhanofT invited me to lunch,
and we passed the day in a very friendly way. During
the few days I was there, several other Generals invited
me to their houses.

Meanwhile the great festival of the Russians, which
they call Christmas, arrived. This is the birthday of
the son of their God. On this day the Viceroy sent
me his carriage, and an invitation by his secretary to
go to his house. We drove together, and the Viceroy
met me on foot as usual, taking me to the same hall
where the former reception had taken place, all the
officials and their wives and daughters being present.
There was everything to eat, of the Halal and Haram.
The friends never stopped eating till midnight, when
they began kissing each other, saying, " Christos,
Christos," after which we all bade our host good-bye,
and retired to our houses.

After three days of these ceremonies, the Viceroy
again sent his secretary with his carriage, inviting me
to see the parade of their army. The infantry, cavalry,
and gunners all saluted, and the parade began. It was
very well arranged, and at the end they blew up an
artificial mine. The following day the secretary came
again with the intelligence that the lord would like
to see me, and we had an interview. After taking tea

1867-70] AN INVITATION FROM THE CZAR 141

he told me the great Czar had enquired after my health
by telegram, for which I expressed my thanks. He
then informed me that the Emperor had graciously
invited me to go to Petersburg to visit him, that he
might give me all friendly assurances. I assured him
that I looked upon the country of the Czar as a haven
of refuge, and had come so far for the purpose of
expressing to him my hope of hopes, for which I
desired success and prosperity. The lord enquired
whether I would go to Petersburg, and I promised him
my answer the next day. I discussed the advisability
of taking the journey with my confidential servants.
They unanimously declared they would not let me go,
as they could not do anything without me. I pointed
out to them that there were many refugees like myself
in Russia, and the Czar never invited any of them to
go to see him, and I ought to comply with his request.
But although I tried my best to persuade my followers,
they would not agree that I should go. The next day
I went to see the Viceroy, and, after taking tea,
exchanging compliments, and smoking, I told him
that I thought his King had shown me great kindness,
but I was a new arrival in his country, and had 500
followers with me, who had all travelled a long distance,
and after making due preparations, I would go if I
were invited. To this he replied, " Very good, I will
telegraph to the Czar."

Two days afterwards, the secretary again arrived
with a carriage to take me to the house of the Viceroy.
He informed me he had telegraphed to the Prime
Minister, who was authorised to say that the Czar
approved of my suggestion, and had ordered a place

142 AMIR AZIM [chap. iv.

to be bought for me, either in Samarkand or Tashkend,
according to my choice. I was also given 1250 sums1
monthly for my expenses. I replied I had come under
the protection of the Emperor, and what he gave I
accepted. 1 was also informed that the Czar had asked
for my photograph, and those of a few of my officials ;
to this I agreed, saying they should be ready next
day, after which I took my departure. The following
day the secretary drove us to a photographer, but my
officials refused to allow their portraits to be taken, say-
ing : " He who allows his photograph to be taken turns
an infidel." Up to now I had always given my followers
credit for some sense, but now I perceived the}?- had
none. The secretary enquired of me why they had not
been photographed also, and I replied they were cone
of them officials or chiefs of any tribe, but my own
servants, therefore I honoured them, but that they are
not of sufficient importance to be photographed for the
King. He thought I was very wise, as, should the
Czar have asked to what rank they belonged, we should
have had nothing to say. In future, I did not ask the
choice of my servants so much, as they had twice
refused my requests ; I also had not much opinion of
their wisdom. A few days after the secretary again
fetched me for a festival of the Governor, and we again
enjoyed music, refreshments, and entertainments until
midnight. On this occasion I asked permission to go
to Samarkand to look after my followers. To this he
assented, and gave me a letter to General Abramoff.

The next day I went to Kaufmann, and taking leave
of him, I started for Samarkand by the way I had

1 A Russian coin.

1867-70] ARRIVAL IN SAMARKAND 143

come. I visited General Abramoff, who told me he
had been instructed by the Viceroy to buy any place
and garden that I chose, up to the price of 100,000
roubles. I replied that the King of Bokhara
possessed Government gardens, and I would send a
servant to see these, and give my answer later. My
servants looked about for several days, and I also
made enquiries, and, finally, wrote to the General
that there was a garden at the gate of Kalandar
Khana, which belonged to the Bokhara Government.
The size was two acres, and it was situated in a
very healthy spot, having springs in it. I chose this
garden, so that the General should not waste money
in buying a new one, but give me one which already
belonged to the Government. In the end I took up
my residence there, and for my cousin, Sirdar Ishak
Khan, I took one house on mortgage in the city, and
one for my servants from the people of Samarkand.

A few days afterwards the same chiefs who had
refused to consent to my going to the Czar to put
my case before him, began asking leave one by one
to take leave of me, and some went without leave.
The soldiers stuck to me and served me faithfully,
while the chiefs had been nothing but a cause of
annoyance to me.

CHAPTER V

IN SAMARKAND

(1870-1880)

Many events happened to me while in Samarkand,
but if I record them all my book will never end.
I must, therefore, note only those which will be
beneficial to my people. I spent eleven years
altogether in the Russian city, spending my days
hunting and shooting. Twenty ridino-horses, with
ten pack ponies, were always ready in my stables,
and fifteen sowars, with double and single breech-
loaders, always accompanied me ; also some good
hawks, falcons, and other birds. So I passed my
time in amusements to beguile my griefs. I fixed
the sum of Rs. 5 monthly for each soldier in my
service, and more for my officials, according to their
rank. As I have already mentioned, most of them
had already left me, for which I was not sorry. We
were very hard up for money most of our time, as
our expenses were heavy, and my monthly subsidy
from the Government very small, but, as I had no
claim on the Russians, I was more than thankful for
the small sum they allowed me. If any mention of
money arose during my conversation with the Govern-
ment officials, I used to say the money they gave me

144

1870-80] IN RUSSIAN TERRITORY 145

for expenses was more than I deserved, and I prayed
that God would preserve their Empire for their kind-
ness to me. During any of their festivals General
Abramoff and others would invite me to their houses,
which invitations I always accepted with pleasure.
The General always treated me as a friend, and when
I required money or anything else, I would send my
treasurer (Sirdar Abdullah Khan, son of the late Abdur
Rahim, who is now Governor of Kataghan and Badak-
shan) to him, and the General would make an appoint-
ment for me to see him. At these interviews I
would explain my difficulties. In short, I was treated
very respectfully, and never bothered with court
ceremonies. I was free to go to see the officials
whenever it suited me, or vice versd. I was in the
habit of remaining ten or fifteen days in my house,
and the same time in the country shooting.

So passed the eleven years of my stay in Russia.
My only anxieties and griefs were the fate of my
family, my mother, and my son Abdullah, who were
prisoners. After two years of my stay in Samarkand,
the friendship of the Afghans and the Russians grew
stronger and stronger, and the communication between
Shere Ali and the Government became more frequent.
I discovered that Mahomed Alam Khan, Governor of
Balkh, was in the habit of sending envoys to Amir
Muzaffar, Kino- of Bokhara, who forwarded these letters
to General Abramoff and the Viceroy of Tashkend.
The Russians would reply to the letters through the
same medium until the matter became publicly known
and published in the newspapers, but as my readers
will know all this, I will return to my own story.

VOL. I. K

146 IN SAMARKAND [chap. v.

On my first arrival in Samarkand, I had married the
daughter of the King and Mir of Badakshan, and in the
second year the Almighty gave me a son, whom I
named Habibullah (Beloved of God). He is now my
eldest son and heir-apparent. Two years after his
birth God gave me another son, whom I named
Nasrullah (Victory of God), and in due course two
more were born, and one daughter, who died when
only a few years old.

After a few years of my stay in Samarkand, the
Russian Government sent their troops towards Shahr-i-
Sabz, and the General told me that I had better go too
with my followers. To this I replied that in the
beginning I had told the Viceroy and himself that 1
would not accept any service under the Russian
Government, but if they wished, I undertook to
persuade and bring the Mirs of Shahr-i-Sabz to their
salaams, so that they should accept their terms.
General Abramoff replied it was too late to do this,
as the proclamation or ultimatum of war had been
issued. I thereupon pointed out that it was out of
the question for me to join their force, also, that if the
people of Samarkand rebelled, my 300 followers had
no arms, and I should like 300 guns to be given us,
with cartridges for their use in time of necessity.
These he promised, and the officers in charge of the
magazine carried out the order. They all marched
against Shahr-i-Sabz two days later and seized the city,
writing also to the King of Bokhara to send his army
via Karki to frighten the inhabitants. The Russian
army attacked the fort of Shahr-i-Sabz four times, but
could not conquer it, and General Abramoff was

1870-80] RUSSIANS TAKE SHAHR-I-SABZ 147

wounded by a bullet, although not seriously. Out of
the 5000 Russian soldiers who made the attack, 2000
were killed and wounded. They then sent a messenger
to the people of Shahr-i-Sabz proposing an armistice of
six days, saying that a great power like Russia would
not break their oath and promise. The inhabitants of
the city agreed, being deceived by the great power, and
of the 12,000 gunners in the fort, 1000 went towards
the hills to bring their families and children from where
the army of the King of Bokhara was marching upon
them. The Russian army, finding the fort deprived of
its strength, suddenly attacked it at midnight three
days later, and although the 1000 men left in it tried
hard to repulse them, the fort was taken, and the Mirs
of Shahr-i-Sabz fled with 300 sowars by the mountains
towards Kokand. The Russian General, after giving
the city into the charge of the King of Bokhara's
officials, returned to Samarkand with his army.

The day following General Abramoff's return, I
went to make enquiries after his health. His wound
was only a slight one, and he offered me a gold snuff-
box, a double-barrelled gun, and one large telescope
from the plunder obtained from Shahr-i-Sabz. I told
him that according to our religion I could not accept
the plunder of Muslims. I was indignant at the breach
of faith of the Russians, and soon took leave of their
General. The deceived Mirs on arriving at Kokand
were taken prisoners by the Khan of the town,
named Khudayar, who sent them to the Viceroy at
Tashkend. keeping their servants and property him-
self. These Mirs were kept in confinement for eighteen
months, after which they were released, and a fixed

148 IN SAMAEKAND [chap, v

salary was given them. Mir Baba Beg aud Mir Sora
Beg with their brothers and a few followers were still
state prisoners in Tashkend in 1888, their wives
and families having been sent to them by the King
of Bokhara.

Two years later the Kussian army prepared to fight
against Urgunj, and the Governor of Tashkend himself
arrived with the army in Jazak, and invited me to go
to meet him there, as he was going by the road of the
sandy desert of Nur Ata. I drove to Jazak, arriving
after two days. The Governor received me very
warmly as usual, saying he was pleased to meet me.
He enquired if I and my followers would go with
him to Urgunj, for which journey he would make all
necessary preparations. I replied, that it would take a
month to make arrangements for my followers to start
with him, and he was only to stay there four days ;
besides their quarrel was with Muslims, and as we
were of the same faith, our religion forbade our
fighting against the true believers. I mentioned also
that I was a person without army or power, and my
going would not add prestige to the Russian army, nor
would my staying away reduce its strength. To this
the Viceroy said he was only thinking of my own
pleasure, and that my going with him was not com-
pulsory. I answered that I was quite happy under
the protection of his Government, and my pleasure
lay in hunting and shooting, as I had taken a dislike
to war after my long experience of it. I said this as
a joke, laughing. He told me he had ordered me two
Turki tents near him, for which I expressed my
thanks. They were pitched some thirty paces from

1870-80]

KUSSIAN INTENTIONS 149

that of the Czar's cousin, and forty from his
Viceroy's.

The Governor was in the habit of coming five or
six times daily to see me, and we passed twenty days
in this way. One day he sent for me and told me the
army was on the point of marching to Afghanistan,
and enquired if I would go too. I replied, if they
intended taking Afghanistan themselves, what was the
use of my going ? but if they wished to give it back
to me, they had only to give me orders, and I would
guarantee to retake my country, only employing 1000
infantry, 1000 cavalry, and one battery. I promised
to pray for them, saying I was far happier hunting and
shooting at Samarkand. I did not really believe they
were going to Afghanistan with a few hundred men ;
they knew the Afghans were warriors, and not like
the Urgunj people, therefore, I wras sure they had
other objects in view.

Nothing was done until autumn came, which found
them still discussing the advisability of sending an
army to Kabul, but meantime a serious plague broke
out in the Eussian Army. The soldiers left the
cantonment in fear, and 600 carriages were full of the
sick and dying, who were taken to a place set apart for
them. When the Viceroy took leave and started for
Tashkend, I reminded him of my prophecy, and said :
1 You see you did not go to Afghanistan after all your
preparations." He agreed that I had been right.

At the end of the winter and beginning of spring,
it was proclaimed that Amir Shere Ali had turned
against the English, and that the friendship between

150 IN SAMAKKAND [chap. v.

him and the Eussian Government was increasing daily.
A little later the Muslims and priests of the Kokand
people rebelled.

What happened was as follows, and it is an interest- •
ing story. About 50 priests and 200 chiefs had
promised on certain conditions to help the Eussian
Government against the people of their own religion.
I do not know the nature of these conditions. These
chiefs and priests disguised a shoemaker, giving him
the name of Tolad Khan, who was the cousin of
Khudayar Khan, the King of Kokand. The Eussians
had heard of Tolad Khan, son of Musa Khan, the late
King of their country, but had never seen him. The
dishonest priests wrote to the Kokand people that
Khudayar Khan intended to hand over the country
of Kokand to the Eussians, and it was the duty of
all the Muslims to dethrone him, and to acknowledge
his cousin Tolad Khan their King, as they had done.
The ignorant people rallied around this Tolad Khan
and dethroned Khudayar Khan, after which the
Eussians took the country, giving nothing to the
priests and chiefs, according to their promises. Tolad,
their impostor King, received no reward either, and
many of the chiefs were taken prisoners and killed,
while the Eussians took Kokand and built a new city
there, called Shahr-i-Sim, which is a very beautiful
town, and still remains in their possession.

I must now return to Shere Ali. After a lons^
communication, he was convinced of the firm friend-
ship of the Eussian Government, and entered into
hostilities with the officials of the British Government,
turning his face from Her Gracious Majesty, the Queen,

1870-80] SHERE ALI DEFEATED BY THE ENGLISH 151

to that of His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia. He
had not sufficient sense to understand that property
which is not saleable in one market was of no value
in the other. In other wrords, " What you do to your
enemies you will do to your friends." He lost his
credit by being faithless and untrue to one side, and
promised things which no sensible Government could
believe, viz. : that he would allow them to make
roads through Afghanistan towards India, that he
would ensure the safety of their telegraph wires, and
would allow them to build railways towards India,
and would join them in fighting against the English.
In return for these concessions, the Russian Govern-
ment had promised that the country adjoining the
Indus, and which formerly belonged to Afghanistan,
and is the hereditary property of Afghan Kings, being
part of their country, should be taken and returned
to Shere Ali. The Russian Cossacks were rejoiced
that they were going to be led towards India, and
their rejoicings wTere great at the prospect of plunder.
Their calculations were upset, however, by the English
and Shere Ali meeting in the Khyber Pass and at
the mountain of Shutar Gardan, called Peiwar Kotal.
The Amir could not stand against them, his army
being untrained ; and the Amir fled to Balkh, to
which place he had sent his family some weeks before.
He released his son Yakub from prison, and left him
as ruler of Kabul. The English army arrived at Gand-
amak, and opened communication with Yakub from
Jellalabad, who gave them Shalkot (Quetta), Khyber,
Kuram, and Pishin. He also accepted one of the
English officials, called Louis Cavagnari, as a British

152 IN SAMAKKAND [chap. v.

Ambassador at Kabul. Meanwhile Shere Ali on his way
to Balkh talked like a lunatic. He said the Afghans
did not assist him against the English, and he would
go to Eussia, and bring back the Cossacks to his aid,,
and would give them as rewards the wives of the
Afghans. However, he died in Balkh very soon after-
wards,1 and the chiefs at Kabul acknowledged Yakub
Amir, although the army and subjects were not
willing to submit to his rule. I have heard that
the British Envoy looked upon himself as Ruler of
Afghanistan, and dictated to Yakub what he should
do. This boasting was disliked by the Afghan people,
and they attacked him. Some say it was with the
knowledge of Yakub, and the other version is that
the mother of Abdullah Jan (the heir-apparent) had
given 3000 sovereigns to Daoud Shah Khan to incite
the people to rebel against the presence of Cavagnari,
and to kill him, so that Yakub should lose his
kingdom. This last account is credited by the
Afghans at Kabul.

Daoud Shah Khan was at that time Commander-in-
Chief, and belonged to one of the lowest classes of
the Ghilzai tribe. When he was a boy, he was em-
ployed as a shepherd at a place called Deh-i-Sabz, and
it was not until after he was twenty that he came
to be employed at Kabul. The village of Deh-i-Sabz
(green village) is a suburb of Kabul, well known
for growing the best crop of melons. In consequence
of the murder of Sir Louis Cavagnari,2 the British
army, under Lord Roberts, marched against Kabul,
to make enquiries into the matter, and to revenge

i February 1879. 2 September 3, 1879.

1870-80] DEATH OF SHERE ALT 153

the breach of faith committed by a cowardly and
dishonest people. Yakub Khan came to receive them,
but the British officers, seeing through his hypocrisy,
took him prisoner, and sent him to India.1 They took
possession of Kabul and Kandahar, and ruled there
with justice and peace.

Before Shere Ali fell ill and died, he sent repre-
sentatives to the Governor of Russia, Their names
were as follows: — Sirdar Shere Ali Khan Kandahari,
Kazi Peshawri, Mufti Shah, Mahomed Munshi, Mahomed
Hassan, with a few personal servants of the late Dost,
and two or three military officers. These men arrived
at Samarkand, while Shere Ali remained in Balkh, ex-
pecting the Russian army to be sent to his aid. The
Russian Governor expected to see Shere Ali himself,
and had decorated some very fine gardens for his recep-
tion. While they were waiting for him and making-
different plots against the English, Shere Ali died,
as before mentioned, thus upsetting their plans. I
went to Tashkend to obtain information about coming
events, and Yakub wrote to the Russian Viceroy,
saying he intended to carry out his father's promises
and agreements with them to the letter. The Viceroy
was very pleased to receive this assurance of friend-
ship, and forwarded the letter to Petersburg. Yakub
also said he was anxious about Abdur Rahman's
existence, and would be glad if they would remove
him from Samarkand. At this time I noticed that
the feelings of the Russians were not so friendly
towards me, but I pretended not to notice any
difference in their manner to me, acting as though

1 December 1879.

15-4 IN SAMARKAND [chap. v.

I was trying to pass my time in amusements all
day. When I reached Tashkend, Shere Ali's officers
were already there, and I appointed private spies
to give me all information of their doings. From
these spies I heard that they had entered into an
agreement with the Viceroy for each one to carry
out certain conditions, in return (I imagine) for the
help of the Russian army. The conditions were as
follows : — Sirdar Shere Ali was to submit the province
of Kandahar to them. The Munshi was to submit
the Kasil Bashis of Kabul, together with that of
Hazarajat. The Mufti was to submit all the Ghilzais.
The Kazi agreed to submit the Peshawar, Swat, and
Bajaur Tribes. After receiving this information I
left Tashkend and returned to Samarkand, and the
representatives of Shere Ali went there also.

Now I must tell of my cousins, for whom I had
provided since my stay in Samarkand. They were
three in number, named Mahomed Sarwar Khan, Sirdar
Aziz, and Sirdar Hassan. On the arrival of the above-
mentioned envoys, Sirdar Sarwar wrote a letter
addressed to Shere Ali Kandahari on my behalf. He
asked for my seal. I refused to give it him, saying
I did not wish to invite Shere Ali Kandahari to see
me, as he and his companions had entered into treaties
with the Russians against me. Upon this Sarwar told
me that Shere Ali had made an oath on the Koran
with him. I laughed, and said : " These men do not
care for the Koran, why should they care for oaths
upon it ? ': I argued in this way for some time, but
the Sirdar insisted on my sealing the letter. I was
very angry, and threw my seal towards the Sirdar,

1870-80] I AM SENT TO TASHKEND 155

saying I would not seal the letter with my hands,
and would have nothing to do with the traitors. The
Sirdar attached my seal and sent the letter to Shere
Ali Kandahari. 1 assured him he had made a mistake,
and would one day regret it. One of my followers
named " Ghazi " Jan Mahomed, a very irreligious and
dishonest man (although named a Ghazi), had grown
a beard to deceive people into thinking him a grey-
haired honest man, but his heart was as black as
charcoal. This man was sent with the letter to Sirdar
Shere Ali, who on reading it despatched it to the
General of Samarkand, who in turn forwarded it to
Kaufmann, the Viceroy.

When five days had elapsed, and the Ghazi had
not returned, I told Sarwar he had ruined me, that
notwithstanding my refusal he had insisted on adding
my seal to the letter. On the 6th day, while we were
out riding, a servant came galloping after us with
the news that the Governor of the city, with the
interpreter of General Ivanoff, were waiting for me
at my house. I turned to Sarwar, and said : " This
is the fruit of the seed sown by you." I returned, but
Sarwar delayed doing so. After polite enquiries and
taking tea, the Governor told me the Viceroy wished
to see me at Tashkend. I said I would start to-morrow
at ten o'clock, but the Governor said I must go at
once. I refused definitely, and he left me. I there-
upon sent for my cousins, and gave them instructions
what to do in my absence. I told them I expected
to be made a prisoner and sent to Tashkend, and
exhorted them to escape to Balkh, in order to reach
Turkestan. They must communicate with the army

156 IN SAMAEKAND [chap. v.

and subjects of Balkh. I gave them letters addressed
to people there, in which I stated that I had sent my
cousins to their country, and should appreciate any
service done to them as if it had been done to me.
I gave them an extra seal, in case it should be necessary
to write any more letters on my behalf. I also gave
them 4000 Kabuli rupees for their expenses on the
journey. This I had saved from the 15,000 "sums"
the Viceroy had given me two months before. This
sum is equal to 5000 Indian rupees. After delivering
these instructions I went to my harem.

At twelve o'clock the same night the Governor came
with the interpreter, 300 cavalry sowars, and 200
policemen, and ordered my servants to bring me out
of my harem. They awoke me and delivered the
message. The Governor said I must go with him,
as the Viceroy required my presence. I replied : " Had
I known I should be taken as a prisoner, I would have
gone with him that morning." I put on my uniform
and started. The sowars surrounded me with naked
swords, and the police constable preceded us. I had
taken two servants with me, one named Faramurz
Khan, now Commander - in - Chief of Herat, the other
named Jan Mahomed Khan, now Lord of the Treasury
at Kabul. On our arrival at General Ivanoff's quarters,
I enquired why I had been sent for, and he answered :
" General Kaufmann has ordered you to go to Tash-
kend, and he will acquaint you with his reasons."
On seeing General Ivanoff, I asked him what crime
I had committed that I bad been fetched by armed
sowars in the middle of the night. He demanded
of the Governor why I had been treated so badly,

1870-80] A PRISONEE 157

to which the Governor replied, he was obliged to
take this large escort, in case my followers had resisted
and refused to let me go. As a proof of the truth of
this, he said they were armed to the teeth, and if
I had not gone willingly with him, it would have
been difficult to take me by force. The General said
it was folly to bring me away as a prisoner, and he
answered it was foolish of the General to send him
at such a time. While they were blaming one another
I listened quietly, till at last the General said I could
return home, if I said I would come to him at
eleven the next morning, when he would send a deputy
and a carriage to escort me to Tashkend. So I re-
turned to my house, and found the door of the garden
locked. On ordering my servants to open it I found
my cousins, with their friends, already asleep, and
quite regardless of what might happen to me. My
sons, my wife, as well as Parwana, who is now Deputy
Commander-in-Chief at Kabul, and Kurban Ali. my
present household treasurer, were awake, wTeeping for
my fate. I was disappointed and heart-broken at
seeing my cousins and all my servants asleep. I had
brought these men up like my children, and this was
my reward. Entering my harem, I comforted my wife
and my sons, and gave them instructions what to
do in the event of anything happening to me. I then
made preparations for my journey.

Next morning, on the arrival of the promised
carriage, I started, taking with me Parwana Khan,
and Nazim-ud-Din (afterwards a Cavalry Colonel),
and on reaching the house of the Deputy, I found
them writing letters, and so I told them I had

158 IN SAMARKAND [chap. v.

not slept at all, and would now take the advan-
tage of the delay, and sleep if he would allow me
to do so. He gave me permission, and I tried to
sleep, but being unhappy, was unable to forget my
troubles longer than two and a half hours, after which
we started. My carriage passed the door of Shere Ali
Kandahari, to show him I was a prisoner. The whole
world was dark in my eyes from anger and grief, and
I thought to get down from my carriage and kill some
of my enemies before I myself was killed, but recover-
ing my senses, I argued with ntyself that such impulses
belonged to idiots, that the wise wait for proper
occasions to revenge themselves. I told myself that
the world was full of troubles and difficulties. 1 was
nearly motionless for two hours, after which I regained
my senses and recovered my peace of mind. We were
travelling for two days and one night, when we reached
Tashkend. I was given the same bungalow as before,
a very nice house, which had cost 100,000 roubles to
build. Attached to it was a nice garden, and stabling
for carriages and 30 horses. I was accustomed to
stay in this house four times a year when I went to
see the city for pleasure. I was there for a different
purpose now, and I wondered what would become
of me. When the bearers and cook appeared as
usual, the interpreter and secretary took leave. I heard
nothing from the officials for two or three days, at the
end of which the secretary drove to my house, and,
after the customary politeness, he told me the Governor
wished to see me, so we drove together, and I was
received as warmly as usual.

The Governor made me sit near him and enquired

1870-80]

GENERAL KAUFMANN 159

about my journey. I told birn I did not know bow I
had travelled. He laugbed, and said : " Tbe Samarkand
people say you have become naughty." I replied that it
was to the credit of his Government that I bad been
made so. At this he pulled out a letter and asked
me what it was. I said: "Give it me," and I saw it
was the letter which Sarwar had sent to Shere Ali
Kandahari. I said: "Though it is not in my hand I
have sealed it." He asked me why I had done so.
I replied if there was anything against his Government
in the letter I was to be blamed, but why should I
not have some private communications of my own.
He agreed, but said I ought to have asked permission
before I wrote the letter. I replied that he was so
far off, that before I could have obtained his per-
mission, the Afghan Mission would have returned to
Balkh. On saying this I tore the letter in half. He
looked at me, and then said : " Go to Samarkand, your
family is unhappy about you." I said I had been
disgraced in Samarkand by being taken prisoner, and
I would not return on any account, but if he would
give me a house there, I would settle down in Tashkend.
The Viceroy answered I could choose which house 1
preferred. My object in this was to be at a more
convenient point for entering Afghanistan, so that
when the opportunity occurred I could escape. I
selected a house, and after passing one night there, I
went to Samarkand to fetch my family, with whom I
returned and settled down.

I was very much occupied making my preparations
for my journey to Afghanistan, and after many dis-
cussions with General Kaufmann I obtained leave

160 IN SAMARKAND [chap. v.

from the Kussian Government to start for my country.
One day I disappeared quite suddenly to go and stay
with some merchants who had promised me money,
and also with the object of finding if I was followed
by detectives. I borrowed 2000 sovereigns from the
merchants, and returned, rejoicing to find that I was
unobserved. On arriving at my home I found all my
servants searching for me in despair. Sirdar Abdullah
Khan was standing at the door of my house looking
most depressed. On my calling to him, he salaamed me,
and expressed his pleasure at my return. Leaving the
money in his charge, I entered the house. He followed
me, asking where 1 had obtained the sovereigns. I
explained that I had borrowed them, but cautioned
him to say nothing about it, in fear we should get into
trouble. The next morning I hired a carriage and
went to the horse-market. The people salaamed, and the
horse-dealers, on hearing what I wanted, came to me.
From them I bought 100 good horses. I sent Abdullah
to buy saddles, harnesses, and other necessaries for my
journey and for my soldiers and followers. In this
way I made preparations for rny journey in three days.
The fourth day being Friday, I started on my journey
after prayers, wishing all my friends and acquaintances
good-bye. That night I halted on the banks of the
Chilchic River.

Next morning, when I started, I was on the road to
the new Russian city, where I saw a wonderful sign
from God. I heard a soft noise of many horses
behind me, to the number of about 20,000, and when
they came nearer the noise got louder, until it seemed
to me they joined my followers, and after riding with

1870-80]

AT KHOJEND 161

them about 500 yards, went on ahead. By this I
reasoned that God had cleared my road for me, and I
should be successful in consequence. On arriving at
a place near the river I halted, and the Governor of
the town (a Russian) sent an invitation for me to dine
with him. 1 at first refused, but on his insisting, I
accepted. He asked me during dinner how much the
Russians had allowed me for my expenses during the
journey. I replied : " They have done me great
kindness in allowing me to go back to my country. I
did not require anything more of them. God is kind,
and He will look after my requirements." On my
saying this the Governor (an honorary Colonel) left
the room, returning with 5000 "sums," of which he
begged my acceptance. I thanked him gratefully, but
refused, saying I wTas not in want of it. At last,
finding I would not be persuaded, he brought one six-
chambered revolver, and a breech-loader rifle, and
asked me to accept them as a remembrance of him. I
did so, and passed the evening happily with him.
The next morning some friends who had accompanied
me from Tashkend, and the Colonel, took leave of me,
and I started for Yartepe. Late in the evening I
reached this town, and rested there two days. From
there I went to Paskit, halting three days, and on to
a village called Jintak Li. The next day I arrived in
the city of Khojend, where I stayed with a friend for
six days.

After three days of my stay I wTent to the horse-
market with the intention of buying horses, but finding
only a fewT bad ones in the market, I enquired of the
people where I could buy some good pack ponies. A

VOL. I. l

162 IN SAMARKAND [chap. v.

man standing by asked me to go with him to take
some coffee or tea. I did so, and found he had been a
chief of Khojend before the Russians had taken the
country, and as all the important citizens had been
deprived of their posts, the chiefs had been obliged
to open shops and trade like merchants. My new
friend fetched other chiefs, also shop-owners, to meet
mc, and comforted me by telling me they had very
good horses. They soon sent for 100, out of which I
bought thirty, and they gave many assurances of their
friendly feelings towards me.

CHAPTER VI

IN BADAKSHAN

(1880)

After remaining another three days in Khojend, I

again started on my way. I intended going towards

Kokand, but as I was told the passes were covered with

heavy snow, I left the road, and started for Ura-Tepe.1

I sent a messenger to the sons of Mir Jahandar

Shah (who were at Kokand) with a messenger and

4000 rupees, saying that I was leaving for Ura-Tepe,

hut they must stay in Kokand until they heard again

from me. It will be remembered that Mir Jahandar

was my father-in-law. He had been sent out of the

country by Shere Ali. His sons, to whom I was writing,

had killed their father, and been imprisoned for doing

so by the Russians, but released by me after three

years, on my giving security for their good behaviour.

After my first day's march I reached Bimao. As

it was dark and muddy, and I was a stranger, I

called at a shop, and asked to be accepted as a

visitor, saying I was one of the Islamic chiefs. They

received me kindly, and each took two of my sowars

to their houses, one of them taking possession of me.

They expressed great sympathy with me, and the

1 Called Pumbah Faroshi.

168

164 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vi.

next morning gave us loaves of bread and other food
for our journey. After marching two days I arrived
at Ura - Tepe, where I took lodgings in a sarai.
The Hindu inhabitants came to ask me to their-
houses, as being more suitable for me, and many
merchants who had sarais also invited me. I
apologised, asking to be excused, but they insisted,
and I sent several of my officials in my stead. A
friend of mine, also a merchant, hearing of my arrival,
came to ask me to be his guest, and I was obliged
to accept. I at once wrote to my cousins, instructing
them to start for Balkh, and to follow the directions
I had laid out for them when in Tashkend. I stayed
at Ura-Tepe twelve days, buying khilats and other
necessities, the merchants helping me a good deal.

I marched from there to the Auchi Pass, which
leads through a mountain, and is the route any one
would take coming from Samarkand. This pass is
near to Hissar and Kolab, and it is impassable in
winter owing to heavy snow. I followed this route
to get to Badakskan, but I found the mountain like
a hen's egg, being white with snow. Next day we
reached its base. It was so high I was afraid we
should never reach the top, but I put my trust in
God, and we began the ascent. When near the top
I found the cold intense, owing to a bitter wind
which was blowing. The snow reached to our knees,
and we allowed our horses to go in front, and held
on to their tails to help us up. When we had
climbed for three or four miles, my servants and
followers were alarmed at the cold, and I cheered
them on, but a few were badly frost - bitten. I

1880] A SEVERE WINTER JOURNEY 165

ordered my Muezzin (the priest who chants prayers)
to call on the name of God ; he had only done so
about seven times, when, by the grace of God, the
wind dropped, and the cold appeared to be much
less severe. Thus God saved our lives owing to
our faith. Both my shoulders felt as if they were
dislocated by pulling myself up by the tail of
my horse, but I was obliged to march on. Of the
100 followers who started with me, only myself and
ten others reached the top. I was so tired I could
not move my feet, therefore I descended by sitting
on the snow and slipping down. Five of my followers
arrived at the base before me, and when I also reached
the base, I found about 300 inhabitants with wood,
which they set alight to warm me ; they also took
me to their houses, and several volunteered to climb
the mountain to fetch the rest of my men. It was
sunrise when I reached the village, and on dismounting
from my horse I was so tired that I fainted. The
villagers put me to bed in a house which had been
made warm, and I slept until sunset, when I awoke
to find my joints aching severely, and I could only
walk with difficulty. I found all my followers had
been safely brought in, and I gave a sovereign to
each villager, and five to each of their Maliks, with
khilats, which pleased them greatly.

We remained ten days in this village, by which
time all my men had recovered. I enquired if I
could possibly get to Hissar, but on being told there
were four more mountains, I decided to go to
Samarkand instead. By this road there was only
one mountain called Tilgar, but there were ten

166 IN BADAKSHAN [chat.yi.

difficult places to cross, viz. — Finwar, Pulkheshk,
Varzimunar, Lak Lak, Paskhanda, Mornin, Janat,
etc. The people say about this latter place that
there is a danger of falling into the pit of Pulsirat
(a pass leading to Paradise, according to an old
Eastern belief), the only difference being that there
is fire on the former and ice on Janat. I passed
these places with great difficulty and danger, resting
two nights in the villages of Panjkand, thence to
Kara Tarash and Maghian, resting there two days.

I carried with me a flag from the sacred tomb of
the Saint Khwaja Ikrar, concerning which I had had
a curious dream some years before ; the Soul of the
Khwaja had appeared to me, and said : " My dear son,
take the highest flag of my tomb, and when
you go to Afghanistan carry it with you, it will
bring you victory and triumph." I had given the
meat of two goats for the Soul of the Khwaja in the
name of God, and said my prayers to him. Un-
furling this flag, I started for Shahr-i-Sabz, arriving at
a. village called Joz, where the Governor received
me. He had previously received a letter from the
King of Bokhara, forbidding him to allow any one to
sell me any provisions, as I had escaped from the
Russian Government. The Governor welcomed me,
saying his infidel King had sent these instructions,
and he was obliged to keep away from me. I sent
him word not to be anxious about me, God was my
support. I found that none of the villagers would
let us go near them, so I halted in a mosque, telling
my followers to remain on the banks of the river.
We removed snow from the ground ; tied our

1880] APPEAL TO THE KING OF BOKHARA 167

horses there, and climbed to the top of the mosque,
whence we called loudly to the villagers : "If you
will sell us provisions, 0 villagers, we shall be
obliged, but if you will not, we shall be obliged to
take them by force. If you are willing to fight, we
are ready. You are Muslims, and so are we, therefore
how much better it would be for us to remain friends,
and buy provisions for ourselves and our horses." J
then ordered my servants to enter the village, and
the people brought out the Holy Koran, asking me
not to plunder, and they would sell us all we wanted
now that they had a good excuse to disobey the King's
orders. They brought food for us, and told me they
were well-wishers of my grandfather, Dost Mahomed,
and were glad to do me service.

I passed that night comfortably with the chiefs,
and the next day I started for Shahr-i-Sabz, the sacred
tomb of Khwaja Am Khana, the Blessed Leader of the
Faithful, being near this city. I halted there, and
wrote to the King of Bokhara in this style : —

"I, Sirdar Abdur Rahman, write to my exalted uncle,
saying I had entered this sacred place, and have the intention of
marching to Afghanistan. If you will give me permission to do
so, I will come and pay my respects to you, after which I will
start for my country."

The next day he replied : —
"For God's sake do not come to me — T cannot see you."

At this, I thought to myself, his face was not worth
seeing, being a supporter of the Russians. I started,
intending at first to go to Shahr-i-Sabz, but I went
instead to Yakobagh, thinking I had better pass the

168 IN BADAKSHAN" [chap. vi.

base of the mountains. After marching about half my
journey, we saw 2000 or 3000 cows grazing in the
distance, and my followers thinking they were sowars
sent by the King of Bokhara to fight against us, we.
turned our faces, and marched by another way towards
the city, although it had not been my intention to
enter it. After marching about four miles we saw the
cattle coming towards us. The gates of the city were
closed to prevent my entering. Some hundreds of my
servants and courtiers who had been left in Samarkand
had entered the service of the King of Bokhara, and
he had thought that if I went to the city they would
leave him and join me. For this reason he had written
to me not to go there, but had told my followers he
expected me shortly. In consequence they joined
together and arranged a feast for me. Finding the
main gates closed, I went to the other gate, where,
luckily, I found a former servant, to whom I gave a
letter addressed to those in the city, asking them to
join me, as I was waiting for them to go to Afghanistan
with me, but if they did not do so by late that after-
noon, I would start towards Yartepe. The man took
my letter to General Nazir, Kazi Jan Mahomed, and
other chiefs, who took my messenger prisoner, and hid
my letter from my other servants within the city.
Consequently I waited for them in vain, and finally
started for Yartepe, which was a long day's march, and
which I reached by 3 a.m. I halted there for three
days, and was joined I y ten of my servants, who had
escaped from Shahr-i-Sabz. They told me they had
not seen my letter. At this I was disappointed with
the cowardly action of my officials.

1880] AT HISSAK 169

Three days later I started for a place called Kalta
Minar. The King of Bokhara had sent 100 sowars
after me to watch my movements, but when I reached
this place at dusk, I perceived them on the bank of
a river. I ordered my sowars to fire on them, with
the result that ten or fifteen were killed or wounded,
and the others fled. After this incident I considered
it necessary to march forward at once, and though
very cold I started immediately, and traversed three
days' marches called Karah Khali, Chilik Shorab,
and Bunda, arriving at this last - named place
at bed-time the following night. The two last
towns belong to Hissar. The next day I reached
Baisun, and thence by way of Sari-asiya, Yurchi,
and Regar, into Hissar. I heard that the King's
son was in the city, but on becoming aware
of my arrival he left the city for a place on the
mountain called Karah Dagh. The only clean and nice
place in Hissar was the Inn of the Drunkards and
Smokers, and I halted there. As the King and his
son had behaved very badly to me, and oppressed
the poor of the country, I conceived the idea of
taking their horses and those of the chiefs holding
civil appointments in the city. With this object in
view, I told Sirdar Abdullah Khan to tell them that
he wished to say a few private words to them, at
the same time, in order to convince them that their
King was really friendly towards me, and only showed
coldness as a matter of policy, because he was afraid
of the Russians, and would incur suspicion if he
appeared t< o friendly. The Sirdar wrote this letter
to them, and I arranged to conceal myself behind a

170 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vi.

curtain, and when they came to see him, he was to draw
this aside and bow to me, and after explaining to
them who I was, he must take their horses by the
bridle, and offer them to me, saying : "As you are a
Prince, these chiefs present their horses to you."
This all happened as arranged, and by this ruse
I took six of their horses and started for the Oxus,
first writing to thank their King for the kindness
and presents his chiefs had offered me, and saying
I would receive him at Kabul in the event of his
falling out with the Russian Government.

I passed one night in Hissar Shadman, the next in
Tangi Kak, and proceeded by Kurgan Tepe, where I
rested six days, to Khwaja Gulgun, where I had a
bad attack of neuralgia, but God cured me in three
days with medicine.

Here I learned on inquiry that Shahzadah Hassan
(son of Mir Shah) and his uncles, Mir Yusif Ali and
Mir Nasrullah, had divided the countries of Rustak,
Kataghan, aud Badakshan equally amongst them, the
former ruling the province of Faizabad, the latter
Rustak, and the last Kushani. 1 wrote to Shahzadah
Hassan, sending the letter by a servant called Mir
Alam, acquainting him of my arrival at Khwaja Gulgun.
It will be remembered that this Mir was my father-
in-law's brother.

After despatching this letter I started for Sujah Ab,
a village on the Oxus, opposite Rustak. I reached this
village after two days' march, and I crossed the river
on the third day, entering the village of Rustak in
the evening. Shahzadah Hassan did not receive my
advances kindly, but took my messenger prisoner, and

1880] CROSSING THE OXUS 171

wrote to me not to cross the Oxus, as they had vowed
that if a piece of their land was touched by the feet
of an Afghan, they would throw that piece of land
out of the country as well as myself as being impure.
This letter reached me in the above-mentioned village.
I replied as follows : —

0 idiot, 0 ungrateful coward, 1 brought you and your
brothers up for many years, and I related myself to your
cowardly family, believing you would do some service for me
in the time of necessity. I have now discovered my mistake,
and learned your true character. If I had feared death I
should not have come so far. To-morrow will decide which
of us is the stronger, O coward."

That same night the Shahzadah appointed 1000
sowars to guard the river to prevent my crossing. When
it was quite dark twenty of my guard fired across at
them, and they, thinking we were a large body of men
about to attack them, fled, and six of them were taken
prisoners. I had only 100 sowars to fight and ten
to carry flags, etc., and we had to face 12,000 enemies
the next day. I knew that no courage, however
great, could succeed against such a number, but as
I had given my life for the service of God, and knew
all those verses of the Koran which promise rewards
to those who sacrifice themselves for the suffering,
to me 10,000 were the same as 1,000,000. The love
of God was in my heart, and I was fighting for that
love, and was happy to think that on the morrow
I would die in His service. I knew that if J escaped
this time, the people of Badakshan and Kataghan would
kill me, and if I escaped them, I had to face the
English army, so, considering all these dangers, I

172 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vi.

had little hope of living. If the Almighty wishes
to protect a humble person, he need not fear the
whole world. My heart was so strong that if I had
had to face the army of the whole world, they would
appear as insects under my feet. I say this in the
name of God. This is not bravery, but simply a
feeling which He has given me. I distinctly want
to tell all true believers what happened to me. This
is the experience of my life, that if they have true
hearts in the service of God, He will ensure their
success. The result of my belief is, that I am a King
to-day.

The next morning, putting my trust in God, I
started to face the army of Shahzadah Hassan. After
twelve miles' march, I saw the enemy, 12,000 strong
with twelve flags in their midst, coming towards me.
When we arrived about the distance of a mile apart,
I saw to my astonishment that the enemy began to
disperse gradually in different directions, as if under
the influence of an evil spirit. I could not understand
what had happened. In the meantime, a body of
sowars belonging to the Mir of Badakshan, the cousin
of Shahzadah Hassan, was approaching from another
direction praising God. I told my sowars to remain
where they were, and I marched on with a few chiefs,
to find out the intention of the sowars. On reaching
them they told me they had come to salaam Abdur
Eahman. I answered them that if they submitted to his
rule, they must approach him only in small bodies at
a time. They selected a few chiefs and returned with
me, upon which I told them that I was Sirdar Abdur
Eahman. They were surprised and saluted me,

1880] ARRIVAL AT RUSTAK 173

asking if I wished them to follow and kill the army
of Shahzadah Hassan. I returned that I had not come
to kill Muslims, but for the religious war. 1 assured
them that if those flying sowars would become friends,
I would take them all with me to fight against the
English.

I entered Eustak, and took up my residence in the
fort of the Mir, outside the city, and from there the
chiefs came to visit me with presents and friendly
assurances. I gave them khilats, and they became
faithful subjects. A wise man will understand how I
conquered the hearts of these 20,000 men in one day,
because the hearts of men are in the hands of God,
who turned them that day towards me.

The people and chiefs made themselves into a
Jirga, and brought me presents. I ordered them to
accumulate 2000 sowars and 1000 militia in a few days,
and to send them to Faizabad, under the command of
Mir Baba Jan. This command they accordingly carried
out, and the detachment departed with the messenger
who had acted for me, and who had been imprisoned
by Shahzadah Hassan. He now carried a letter in
which I had written :

"O Muslims, I am not come to fight Afghans who are true
believers, but to make Ghaza. Therefore it is necessary that
you should all obey my commands, which are those of God and
His prophets. We are all God's slaves, but Ghaza is a duty of
us all."

I signed this letter "A Muslim," and trusted they
would act as my friends. This letter was addressed to
the people. I also wrote one to the chiefs and Mirs,

174 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vi.

which I entrusted to Mir Baba. The contents were as
follows: —

"Mir Skahzadah Hassan, chiefs and subjects of Faiza, I
inform you that I have come to release the country of Faiza
from the hands of the English. If I succeed in doing so
peacefully, well and good, otherwise we shall have to fight.
You are all Mirs, and should not let the country of true
believers fall into the hands of the Feringis. If they gain
our country, our reputation will go too, and the people of the
world will think the Mirs had no shame or pride, and through
the fault of disunion, had lost their country and their faith.
Hearken to my advice, 0 Mirs. If you will not listen, it is
plainly my duty to make Ghaza against you also, as infidels.
Make up your mind either to be supporters of God and
Mahomet, or to be prepared for war."

The chiefs and people on reading my letters went to
their Mir, saying they felt it right to submit themselves
to me, and so save their country from falling into the
hands of the infidels, but their Mir replied that he was
a friend of the Sikhs of Kashmir, and would rather go
there than submit to a Muslim. To this the chiefs
replied, if they had known he was a follower of the
Hindus they would never have had him for their Mir,
and he had better go to Kashmir as soon as possible.
So the idiot Mir went to Kashmir, via Chitral and
Ladak, with his children and family, but he died soon
after, leaving his family without support. The people,
on the other hand, submitted to my rule.

A few days after this I wrote to Mir Sultan Murad,
Mir of Kataghan, saying I had come to release the
country of Afghanistan from the hands of the English.
and asking him if he would allow me to pass through

1880] PREPARATIONS 175

their country, and also help me with money or men.
They replied as follows : —

" We have no power to fight or to offend the English, there-
fore we cannot let you pass through our country."

I replied to this, that by his resolution he joined
hands with the infidels, and I should bring Ghaza
also against him, but I could not make him change
his mind, so I wrote about 1000 small letters
addressed to the army of Balkh as follows : —

" You people of Afghanistan, I inform you that I am on
my way to Rustak, but your Mir, Sultan Murad, will not allow
you to meet me when I come."

These leaflets I sent by a man disguised as a beggar,
telling him to throw them into the mosques, streets,
and cantonments ; the people would then find them,
and would look after Mir Sultan for me.

Now I must return to affairs in Badakshan. As I
have before mentioned, I gave my cousins Sirdar
Sarwar and Sirdar Ishak their travelling expenses,
with 60 breech-loaders and 12,000 cartridges, also
letters addressed to the Turkoman people. I in-
structed them to leave Samarkand for Turkestan.

I must mention there was a certain man called
Ghulam Haidar, of the Wardak tribe, who had risen to
the post of Colonel in Shere Ali's time, and had held
this post when Yakub became Amir. When Yakub
introduced Sir Louis Cavagnari to Kabul as English
Resident, he appointed Ghulam Haidar Governor-
General and Viceroy of Balkh. This Ghulam in his
new capacity appointed one Kadir Khan (of the Kazil-

176 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vi.

bashi tribe) to be Governor of Shibarghan, and one
Ghulam Muhazadin Nassari as Governor of Saripul,
also Mahomed Sarwar as Governor of Akcha. Now
when my cousins Sarwar, Ishak, and Abdullah Kudus,
arrived in Turkestan, Ghulam Haidar sent 2000 or 3000
sowars (of the tribe of Kazil- bashi) without giving in-
formation to the people quietly to take them prisoners.
My cousins heard of this in time, and being unable to
fioht, left the Balkh road and went towards Shibarghan,
whence they communicated with the Governor, who was
also a Kazil-bashi. It is possible the Governor gave
them some hope of help, for when they arrived in
Shibarohan it was late and dark, and Sarwar announced
his intention of going into the city to see the Governor.
His brothers all dissuaded him from such an unwise
step, but he preferred to follow the advice of a servant
called Sharbad of Khost, saying they must let him
go to the fort or he would shoot at them, so he and
his servant went alone to the fort. Arriving at the city
gate they knocked, and in answer to enquiries, an-
nounced that they had a letter from General Ghulam
Haidar to the Governor of the city. They were at
once admitted, but Sarwar was recognised by the
guard, who asked him his real object in entering the
city. On his explaining, the guard told him to go
away, or he would be taken prisoner by the Governor,
but if he would return the next day with his sowars,
he and the people would submit to him. Knowing
that Abdur Rahman had taken Badakshan, Sarwar
refused to listen to all this, saying the Governor had
invited him, and would kiss his hands and feet, and
submit to him. In short, directly he came before the

1880] DEATH OF SARWAE KHAN 177

Governor his hands and feet were tied, and he was
sent under the guard of a colonel and his sowars
quietly towards Ghulam Haidar at Mazar, by the road of
Dasht Arzana. They reached Dehdadi with their un-
fortunate prisoner at daybreak, sending a messenger
on to Ghulam Haidar with their news. This General
consulted with his Chiefs and advisers, and came to the
conclusion that it would be wisest to put Sarwar out of
existence at once, for fear of a rising among the hill
tribes and Usbegs, should they hear of his arrival in
Shibarghan. In consequence of this decision, Ghulam
Haidar appointed his Wazir named Razwarn, and a
courtier named Ghulam Muhazadin, to kill the Sirdar.
They carried out their orders, and buried the body of
Sarwar under a wall at Dehdadi, carrying his head to
Ghulam Haidar, in proof of their obedience.

In the meantime, Abdullah Kudus and Ishak, hear-
ing nothing more of their brother, went to Maimana.
The Wali of this town, who was named Dilawar Khan,
instructed the Turkoman subjects to take them prisoners
and send them to him. The people refused to do this,
saying they were the cousins of Abdur Rahman, and
they would serve him to the death, and the 2000
houses joined the Sirdar's. But the Governor being
anxious to imprison them (Abdullah and Ishak), sent
them under pretence to Herat, where Mahomed Ayub
was staying, who also tried to secure their imprison-
ment. Ghulam Haidar, on receiving the head of
Sarwar, wrote to Sultan Murad, informing him that the
army had put Sarwar to death, and he hoped he would
do the same to Abdur Rahman, or also send him to
him as a prisoner, but Sultan Murad replied that

VOL. I. M

178 IN BADAKSHAN [chap, vl

Abdur Rahman was out of his reach, being in
Badakshan.

It will be remembered that I had sent Mir Baba to
Faizabad. After a few days I wrote to him with in-
structions to return to Rustak with the army, so that
by joining the two armies I might make Ghaza against
the Mirs of Kataghan, who did not desire the Muslims
to make any progress in the world. Mir Baba wrote to
me, saying he thought I had better go to Faizabad
and show myself to all the people there, and start for
Kataghan after doing so. Consequently I at once set
out, taking with me Mir Mahomed Omar (whom I had
appointed a Governor at Rustak), some chiefs, and 2000
sowars. On our arrival at a place called Argu we
rested, and that night my tea supplier awoke me,
saying that a half-naked man, who had the appearance
of an idiot, demanded admittance to me. I sent for
this man, who gave me a letter which ran as
follows : —

" I, the writer of this letter, am an Afghan merchant, and
have heard that Mir Baba Khan has consulted with a few
chiefs of Badakshan and his secretary Dabir, to take you
prisoner and send you to the English. This will leave the rule
of Badakshan to their family in future. For God's sake, do not
come to Faizabad."

I was most restless, thinking of various plans all
night, and in the morning I sent for Mahomed Omar,
with the other chiefs of Rustak, asking their advice.
They read the letter, and answered, that Mir Baba was
an ungrateful coward, and there was no doubt the
merchant was right and his tale probably true.
Mahomed Omar said he had always been an enemy of

1880]

TREACHERY OF MIR BABA L79

Mir Baba, and therefore would not go to Faizabad. 1
answered if he liked to return he could do so, but that
1 would continue my way, not being afraid of the Mir.
So I gave him leave to take his sowars to keep Rustak
safe from attack, and they started. I also sent Abdullah
to watch his movements and report to me. Placing my
confidence in God, I continued my way. After going on
a few miles we arrived at a hill called Razgan, when we
perceived 6000 sowars coining towards us headed by
Mir Baba. 1 ordered my sowars to stop, and said I
would go ahead, and if they noticed that the sowars
were unfriendly towards me, they were to fire. I
then galloped on, and finding I was received warmly,
I signalled to my sowars to join us. I talked to the
Faizabad sowars, and said I had heard they were
famous horsemen, and should much like to see them
running races. At this they began racing, and I told
my followers in Pushto to surround the Mir. In this
way we marched, the Mir in our midst, until we
reached Faizabad, when I ordered my followers to take
possession of the fort, and I kept thirty sowars at
the gate as guard.

After three days Mir Baba received a letter from
Ghulam Haidar, asking why I had not been sent as a
prisoner to him. At the same time another letter came
from the King of Bokhara, with khilats and four horses
with gold harnesses. He said that General Ghulam Haidar
was a well-wisher of his, and had promised this country
to the King, therefore he (Mir Baba) ought immediately
to imprison me. He was also told I had fled from Russia,
therefore, any one who killed me would not suffer punish-
ment. Mir Baba, who did not believe in God, but only

180 IN BADAKSHAN [chap. vr.

in rich people and their wealth, began inciting the people
of Badakshan against me. One day he came to me and
proposed a shooting expedition, as there were so many
partridges about. I agreed, but asked when the army-
would be ready to return, as arranged. To this he
answered, that 1 ought to give him 20,000 sovereigns
with which to bribe the people, but I explained I was
keeping my money for expenses to fight against the
English, and did not require sowars to be bribed into
my service, having already 10,000 Kataghanis and
10,000 Bustakis, and expecting hundreds of thousands of
Afghans to join me directly I reached Kabul. As a fact,
the boxes which the idiot Mir thought were full of gold
contained cartridges, and I had only 1000 sovereigns in
the world. On our arranging a shooting expedition, I
was warned by several Badakshanis that the Mir meant
treacherously by me, as he had arranged with his
secretary and chiefs to take me prisoner and kill me
the next day. Hearing this, I ordered thirty of my
followers to go shooting with me, and instructed them
to watch Mir Baba, and be prepared to fire, but not to
do so until I pointed my rifle towards the Mir. After
giving these instructions, I joined Mir Baba, and we
started for the mountains. I found on arriving at the
base that we were joined by 500 armed sowars. The
Mir's footmen were also armed as for a war. Finding
there were no partridges, I said to Mir Baba on my
left, that I had heard when I left Badakshan he had
intended taking me prisoner and sending me to the
English as a service to them ; if this were true, he
could not find a better opportunity of doing so than the
present moment. I then turned 1113* rifle at the chest of

1880] PUNISHMENT OF MIR BABA 181

Mir Baba and twenty of my followers turned theirs
towards his companions. They were frightened at
this, and cried out : " Do not kill us. We do not care
for our Mir, you appointed him over us." Satisfied by
their attitude towards Mir Baba, I did nothing further,
but we started to return. Three days later I sent
Ashan Aziz, a chief of Rustak, to invite Mir Baba to
spend a pleasant evening wTith me. He came, with
300 armed men, but my guards would not allow them
to pass, saying it was neither necessary or reasonable,
but that he could take thirty inside with him. The
Mir was so angry that he began cursing the nation of
the Afghans, and ordered his sowars to take the fort
by force, and his bugler to sound the signal for them
to fire. They carried the first gate by storm, and my
guards hastening back locked the inner gate, and a
servant came running to tell me we were ruined.

I was sitting wearing a loose robe and a jacket, but
I carried a seven-chambered revolver in my pocket. I
got up, and started with my men to the gate, where I
perceived 5000 armed men outside. I told my servants
it would be impossible to fight against so many, so I
would go out and mingle with the crowd in order not
to be noticed, and if I got hold of the Mir's neck before
being recognised, we were safe, but if I was killed I
would leave them under God's protection, and they
could fight or not as they chose. I then went out of
the gate, hiding my revolver under the sleeve of my
overcoat.

By great good luck I passed through all the men
unnoticed, and came near the Mir, and seizing his neck
from behind, I placed my revolver against his temple.

182 IN BADAKSHAN [chap, vt

I said : " Hold now, this is the same Afghan you were
cursing. Throw down your sword, or I will shoot." Mir
Baba cried out, and implored me to remove my revolver,
saying he would then throw his sword down, but I only
twisted his neck tighter, until at last he threw his sword
on the ground. I then said : " Order your men to come
out of the fort." This he also did, and I told my men in
Pushto to take possession of the outer gate also. I said
to the Mir : " I invited you as a friend under my roof,
why have you behaved so treacherously?" And then,
turning to the people of Badakshan, I said : " Are you
going to fight for me, or for this coward, who cannot
move his hands ? " And the people, seeing their Mir at
the point of death, said: "For you." Upon which I
ordered them to return to their homes. When they had
obeyed my instructions, I took the Mir with ten sowars
to his house, and ordered his wife and family to give me
a dinner there. The next morning I returned to the
fort, and took a long rest, thanking God for my safety.
I must mention that Mir Baba and Mir Omar were
at enmity with each other, and I made great efforts
to reconcile these two Mirs in friendship. I at last
succeeded, and Mir Omar came to Faizabad with 4000
sowars, halting outside the city at a place called
Jozun. I received a letter, saying they intended
giving khilats to each other as a proof of their newly-
made friendship, and they asked me to join the cere-
mony. I accepted, and sat between the Mirs, and in
front was a large lump of sugar and trays of sweet-
meats. When the Mirs had thrown khilats on each
other, after making vows of friendship, Mir Baba said
to me sarcastically : " Now that we two brothers have

1880] A TRAP 183

joined hands, we can divide the big piece of sugar."
1 knew when he spoke like that, that his remarks were
meant for me, and I said : " You will find it very-
difficult," and ordered the piece of sugar to be removed.
A few hours after this I left them, but I was anxious
in case they were concocting more treachery against
me, and every day I urged a start, and as often they
made excuses.

About this time the leaflets which I had had
distributed broadcast in Balkh got into the hands
of the military authorities, who intimated to Ghulam
Haidar that they were anxious to make Ghaza against
Mir Sultan Murad, as he was a friend of the English.
Ghulam Haidar thought this a good excuse for taking
Mir Sultan's country, and, moreover, he supposed that,
as I was near by, I should be frightened lest the army
was coming against me, wThich would probably result
in my being taken prisoner by the people of Badakshan.
He accordingly sent his nephew with 5 battalions
and 1200 sowars, with 5 batteries of artillery to
fight against Sultan Murad. On the arrival of this
force in Tashkurghan the sowars began to say anions
themselves that they would punish the Mir for not
allowing Abdur Rahman to make Jihad with them.
Sultan Murad receiving information on this point, wrote
to Mir Baba and Mahomed Omar not to keep me any
longer, or the army would revenge itself on them as
well as on him. This letter was sent without my
knowledge, and I also received one in which he asked
me to come to Kataghan, as he was anxious to give
me a warm reception. Knowing nothing about the first
letter, I was most surprised to receive the second one,

184 IN BADAKSHAX [chap. vi.

and said, as Mir Sultan had first objected to my coming
to him, " Why has he suddenly turned round and invited
me." Finding my suspicions aroused, the messenger
spoke the truth, and told me what I have related
above. I replied we would go to-morrow, and Mahomed
Omar prepared to accompany me, but Mir Baba said he
would do so later on. I ordered him to bring with him
fifty rifles and fifty horses saddled and bridled for fifty
Afghans whom I had released from prison. I started
two days later, and arrived at Mashhad of Badakshan
which is called Kishm. There was also another old
fort called Kala Jafar, and notwithstanding Sultan
Murad's messenger insisting on my continuing our
march, I refused to go further until Mir Baba and
the Rustak sowars joined me, my desire being to
delay until Mir Sultan was properly punished for
detaining me.

Six days later news was brought to me that Sultan
Murad had been defeated by the army of Balkh, and
had fled with his family and the ex- King of Kolab.
Tidings came soon afterwards that they had fled in
our direction, and were quite close to us. Hearing
this, I sent Abdullah Khan with forty sowars to receive
them on my behalf. AVlien they arrived I comforted
them by saying I would not harm them, but would
treat them kindly if they would serve me faithfully.
I promised Sultan Murad to allow him the rule of
Kataghan again when I was in power, and I sent him,
with Abdullah Khan and 600 sowars to Talikhan
to give the people friendly assurances from me. I
followed them almost immediately, arriving in Talikhan
in two days.

CHAPTER VII

MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE

1880

While all this was going on, Ghulam Haidar was
at war with the other half of the Balkhian army, which
had rebelled against him on account of his murder of
Sirdar Sarwar. He had started for Taktapul, taking
witli him 3 battalions of artillery, 3000 cavalry sowars,
and 1000 militia infantry. The rebels had taken refuge
in the fort of Taktapul, which had been built by my
father and Dost Mahomed, and had taken five years
to complete. I remember now hearing it discussed
when I was about twelve years old, and now I am forty-
three. 1 remember what they said as if I had heard it
yesterday. It had been intended as a protection for
the royal families, should we at any time lose Kabul
and need a refuge from any foreign powers, and it
was consequently very strong and well built. Ghulam
Haidar arrived outside this fort, and opened fire on
the rebels inside, but after a long engagement, in which
neither army had gained any advantage, the rebels
called out loudly : " We are not rebellious, but are
fighting against Ghulam Haidar and the Kazil-bashes
for having killed the son of your and our King at
Dehdadi. We ought to be loyal to our royal family."

186

186 MY ACCESSION TO THE THEONE [chap. vn.

On hearing this the army stopped fighting, and attacked
the General and the Kazil -bashes, who fled with his
200 body-guard towards Mazar, closely followed by
the army, who pursued him so persistently that he
was obliged to fly to Bokhara, across the Oxus and
the Abdu Pass, leaving his property and family at
the mercy of the soldiers, who plundered the property
of the Kazil - bashes as well as his own, after taking
their families prisoners. The rebels also released two
of my officials from prison and appointed them to posi-
tions of trust. The armies of Tashkuro;han, Katadian,
Shibarghan, Saripul, and Akcha soon heard what had
happened, and imprisoned in their turn all officials
appointed by Ghulam Haidar. At this time I arrived
at Talikhan with 6000 Rustaki and 2000 Kishm sowars.
When Ghulam Haidar 's nephew and his generals were
attacked by the Kunduz army the officials fled, but
Ghulam's nephew shot himself to escape their wrath.
After this all the armies came to me and salaamed.
I knelt down and praised God, and said : "0 God,
You have of course the power to release the country
from the hands of the unbelievers, and You have
the power to punish those who are in league with them,
and to help true believers. Power is in Your hands,
Almighty ! " When the armies joined me, I sent
Sirdar Abdullah with letters to the army remaining
at Kunduz, thanking them for their loyalty, and
telling them I looked upon them all as my religious
brethren and parts of my body ; I added, I am sending
Sirdar Abdullah to you to enquire after your good
health, and to take you the news of my safety until
we see each other, as I must remain here for a

1880] INCREASE OF MY FORCES 187

iVw days to make arrangements for provisions and
money.

I remained in Talikhan while Abdullah carried this
letter across the Kunduz River. The army was delighted
to hear from me, and illuminated the camp with fire-
work*, and gave banquets in token of their joy. They
said prayers for the blessed soul of our Prophet, and
through the medium of his holy soul prayed God to
relieve the Muslims of Afghanistan from the hands
of the English, begging Him to give us either victory
over them, or to turn their hearts towards us. I
received a letter from them, in which they congratu-
lated me on my safe arrival, saying they were sure
God was on their side, and had sent me to them
to save them from being trodden under the feet of
another patron. I gave thanks to God for His goodness
to me in turning so many hearts in my direction.

I waited two days for Mir Baba Khan, Mir of
Faizabad, but finding he did not arrive, I sent a
letter to him, in which I enquired why he did not
join me, and he replied he thought there was no need
for him to do so, as the army had surrendered to me.
I sent an answer to this, saying he must come to me,
or I would go to him. He consulted with his
councillors, who advised him to join me, or I might
send an army to compass his ruin. Listening to their
advice he joined me with 6000 followers at Talikhan.

The next day I sent an invitation to Mir Baba,
Mir Omar, and Mir Sultan Murad, with their chiefs,
to appear in the court, and when they arrived I
addressed them as follows: — "You know in what
position I stand at present, that I have come on Jihad,

188 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap. vn.

and our army lias neither food or money. All the
rulers of this country must bring money according to
their position, and the subjects must provide for the
sowars as their guests. One sheep must be the present
from every two houses, also one bag of wheat or barley.
After this I will give them no more trouble." I re-
quested an answer the next day, and dismissed the
court. I also wrote to Sirdar Ishak, saying I had
not heard from him since their start for Maimana,
and I should be glad if he would come to Mazar and
take charge of that country during such time as I
was busy here. He received my letter in the desert
of Andkhoi, having heard that I had taken Badakshan
and Kataghan, and on receiving my letter he started at
once, reaching Mazar in three days, whence he wrote
that he had arrived, and was without provisions for
his army.

In the meantime the Mirs and Chiefs sent me word
that they had acceded to my request, and had arranged
to send me 300.000 rupees in cash, and would give
me more in future, if necessary, in consideration of the
fact that I was relieving them from the hands of a
foreign enemy, so they were willing to do all in their
power to help me. I ordered some provisions to be
put in the fort of Khanabad, and some in a few other
places. I also wrote to Sirdar Ishak, saying that if
he would send me 12,000 camels, I would load them
with food and return them to him. At the same
time, a merchant named Yar Mahomed Khan, an
inhabitant of Tashkurghan, brought some presents for
me. I could not understand why, out of so many, he
alone should bring presents. I discovered soon after

1880] MIR BABA'S RENEWED TREACHERY 189

that the former Viceroy of Balkh, named Loi Naib, had
left a few thousand sovereigns with this man, after
having plundered the Government money of 4000
Russian gold coins, 10,000 Bokhara gold coins, 60,000
Kabuli rupees, and 2000 pieces of 100 rupee notes.
This money was taken from the treasury of Balkh,
and the merchant had come to acquaint me with the
fact. I sent him, with my page Faramurz (now
Commander-in-Chief of Herat), to Tashkurghan to
take this money in charge and bring it to me.
They accordingly went, and returned safely with this
large amount of money.

The day following was the first Nauroz (New Year's
Day), and to celebrate it I ordered 6000 girls and
women of the Afghan nation, who had been made
slaves by the Turkomans at Shere Ali's death, to be
released and handed over to their relations. Before
my order was carried out, Mir Baba Khan took my
messengers prisoners, arguing that I should soon be
engaged in war with the English, and if they delayed
releasing the poor women I would soon be too busy
to remember them. Several of my messengers who
did not agree to remain silent were killed, and one
threw himself into the river, where he was supposed
to have been drowned, but he escaped, and came to
me disguised as a beggar, and told me all that had
happened. Hearing this I lost all patience with Mir
Baba Khan, and took him, with a fewT of his councillors,
prisoners. I appointed Mir Mahomed Omar Governor
of Faizabad, and his brother Governor of Rustak, and
again ordered the release of the women slaves, and
also that of the brothers of my wife, who were

190 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap. vn.

lying in the prison of Shigknan. I sent all these
poor prisoners to their friends, and thanked God for
endowing me with power to help my nation.

The following day I reached Kunduz, and a salute
of 101 guns was fired by the soldiers in my honour.
They rejoiced greatly to see me, and brought 200
officers, who were my enemies, into my presence, with
the intention of cutting their throats to please us. I
would not permit this, and ordered their release.

The next day, while I was inspecting the artillery,
I was astonished to see one man come forward, and,
after salaaming, throw himself at my feet. I raised
him, and found him to be Nazir Mahomed Sarwar, son
of Nazar Haidar, who had left me at Samarkand. At
first he expressed great contrition, but after my saying
that I forgave him, he told me he had come from Kabul
with a letter for me. I returned to my tent, and
Nazar told me he had undertaken to act as a messenger
of the British Eesident, and had crossed the Hindu
Kush, where the frost and cold were severe and the
snow came above the knees of a man. I opened the
letter, and found the contents to be as follows : —

" My Exalted Friend Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan,
" After greetings from your friend Griffin, and wishes for
your good health, I write to inform you that the British Govern-
ment are pleased to hear of your safe arrival in Kataghan. They
will be glad to know in what way you have left Eussia, and
your plans and intentions."

I read this letter to my army, as it was the begin-
ning of my relations with the British Government, and
I did not think it wise to reply to it before first con-
sulting my army. I was afraid of mischievous people

188o] COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE ENGLISH 191

who might say I was plotting to hand over their
country to the English, which would have been my
ruin. I also considered that the opportunity had
arisen which would prove to me how much authority
they gave me in my foreign relations. After reading
this letter out loud, I said I should be glad if the
chiefs would help me to compose an answer, as I did
not wish to do anything without first consulting my
new friends, all of whom I wished to join in the
composition of the reply. They asked for two days'
delay, and on the third day brought me about 100
letters, some of wThich ran as follows : — " 0 English
nation, you must leave our country. We will turn
you out, or die in the attempt." Another demanded
compensation for past losses and damage before they
would enter into communication with them at all.
Another wrote that they required 100 crores of
rupees for the destruction of their guns and forts,
or they would not allowT one Englishman to reach
Peshawar alive, as they did on a former occasion.
One chief had written : "0 treacherous infidels,
you have taken India by treachery, and now you
would annex Afghanistan in the same way. We will
resist you as long as wre are able, and then another
power like Russia will join us to fight against you."
In short, they presented me with all this rubbish and
nonsense. I read these letters out loudly, and after
I had done so, I suggested that I also would compose
one in their presence, so that they should not think I
had consulted with any one beforehand. I took a sheet
of paper and pen, and asked my God, who is the
God of all creation, to inspire me to write a suitable

192 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap, vil

answer. I then wrote, in the presence of 7000 Usbegs
and Afghans, as follows : —

" To my Exalted Friend Geiffin Sahib,
" Representative of Great Britain,

" Greetings from the writer, Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan.
I am pleased to receive your kind letter, expressing your
pleasure on my safe arrival in Kataghan. In reference to
your enquiries as to how I left Russia, I left it with the
permission of the Viceroy, General Kaufmann, and the Russian
Government. My only intention in doing so was to help my
nation in much perplexity and trouble. With compliments,
etc."

After reading aloud this letter to my army, I asked
whether they approved of it. They replied that they
were willing to fight for their religion and country
under my command, but they did not know how to
communicate with kings. On the oath of God and
their prophet, they invested me with full authority to
write what I thought fit. Raising their loud cries of,
" Oh, Chahar Yar l (Oh, Four Friends), this letter which
you have written is the correct answer, and to it Ave
all agree."

As they approved my letter, it was handed over
to Nazir Mohamed Sarwar Khan, who left Kunduz
after four days' rest for Kabul.

I also marched slowly towards Charikar. At the
same time I sent a verbal message to the British
officials at Kabul, to the effect that I was on my way
to Charikar to settle matters with them. On the
30th of April Griffin Sahib sent a letter again, urging

1 Chahar Yar means " Four Friends," i.e. the four most beloved com-
panions of the Prophet, i.e. Abu Bekr, Omar, Osman, and Ali. This is
the usual cry or joy-song, repeated in the time of war by the Afghans.

1880] LETTEB TO SIR LEPEL GRIFFIN 103

me to try to go to Kabul and to hold the reins of the
Afghan kingdom. I wrote an answer to this letter
on the 16th of May as follows : —

"My valued friend, I had, and still have, great hope from
the British Government, and your friendship had justified and
ei mailed my expectations. You know well the nature of the
people of Afghanistan. The word of one man can effect
nothing until they feel that I speak for their good. But the
people want to know the answers to the following questions
before giving me permission to proceed to Kabul. Their
questions were as follows : —

1. What are to be the boundaries of my dominions ?

2. Would Kandahar be included in them ?

3. Would a European envoy or a British force remain in

Afghanistan ?

4. What enemy of the British Government am I expected

to repel ?

5. What benefits does the British Government promise to

confer on me and my countrymen ?

6. And what services do they expect in return ?

" These I must place before them, and in concert with them
1 will, having ascertained how far I can do so, agree to such
terms of a treaty as I can accept and carry out. I trust in
God for your honour that this nation and I may some day
unite to do you service, although the British Government has
no need of it, but occasions of necessity may yet arise in this
world."

By the help of God the people were coming in
crowds to pledge the Oath of Allegiance, and were rcany
to render all kinds of services with life and money.

So by the time that I entered from Panjshir r into

' Name of a province under Afghan rule, which means five lions or
five tigers ; for there are these five tombs of the five saints of the
Mahomedans. The province is called after their name.
VOL. I. N

194 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap. mi.

Charikar, about 300,000 Ghazis were concentrated and
had joined me. I thanked God for bringing so many
people, who were all very glad and pleased to look upon
me as their future King, into submission to my will,
They promised me sincere service to fight against
Britain, to which I replied that there was no need
to fight against Britain, as the British had written to
me, inviting me to accept the throne of Kabul.

Again, on the 14th of June, Griffin Sahib wrote the
answers to my questions as follows : —

After compliments :

" I am commanded to convey to you the replies of the
Government of India to the questions you have asked. Firstly,
with regard to the position of the ruler of Kabul in relation to
foreign powers. Since the British Government admit no right
of interference by foreign powers in Afghanistan, and since both
Prussia and Persia are pledged to abstain from all political
interference with Afghan affairs, it is plain that the Kabul
ruler can have no political relations with any foreign power
except the English ; and if any such foreign power should
attempt to interfere in Afghanistan, and if such interference
should lead to unprovoked aggression on the Kabul ruler,
then the British Government will be prepared to aid him,
if necessary, to repel it, provided that he follows the advice
of the British Government in regard to his external relations.

"Secondly, with regard to limits of territory, I am directed
to say that the whole province of Kandahar has been placed
under a separate ruler, except Pishin and Sibi, which are
retained in British possession. Consequently, the Government
is not able to enter into any negotiations with you on these
points, nor in respect to arrangements with regard to the
north-west frontier, which were concluded with the ex-Amir
Mahomed Yakub Khan. With these reservations the British
Government are willing that you should establish over

1880] I AM PROCLAIMED AMIR 195

Afghanistan (including Herat, the possession of which cannot
be guaranteed to you, though Government are not disposed
to hinder measures which you may take to obtain possession
of it) as complete and extensive authority as has hitherto
been exercised by any Amir of your family. The British
Government desires to exercise no interference in the internal
affairs of these territories, nor will you be required to admit
an English Resident anywhere; although, for convenience
of ordinary and friendly intercourse between two adjoining
states, it may be advisable to station by agreement a Mahomedan
agent of the British Government at Kabul."

I wrote a short answTer to the above letter on the
22nd of June, but did not give my consent to their
separating the town of Kandahar from the kingdom,
on the ground that Kandahar was the town of the
Royal Family, and without including such a town the
Kingdom was of very little value.

Placing my confidence in God, I entered from
Kohistan1 into Charikar. The British army were
rather uneasy about the large forces of the Ghazis
which were gathering. The chiefs of Kohistan, Kabul,
and other people who were fighting against the British
were joining me daily, and taking the Oath of Allegiance ;
those who could not come themselves communicated
with me by letter or other means. My spies reported
from Kabul, that the British officials were rather per-
plexed about my intentions towards them. On the
20th of July all the chiefs and heads of the Afghan
tribes who were present proclaimed me as their King
and Amir at Charikar, and wrote my name in the
Khutba as their ruler. The people were pleased, that

1 This word Kohistan means " hilly province." It is one of the north-
west provinces of Kabul, and is the home of very eminent Afghan chiefs.

196 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap. vii.

God had delivered their country into the hands of their
own Islamic ruler.

Griffin Sahib also held an audience at Kabul on
the 22nd of July, proclaiming me Amir before the
British officials and Afghan chiefs, and on this
occasion made the following speech : —

" The course of events having placed Sirdar Abdur Rahman
Khan in a position which fulfils the wishes and expectations of
the Government, the Viceroy of India and the Government of
Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen Empress, are pleased to
announce that they publicly recognise Sirdar Abdur Rahman
Khan, grandson of the illustrious Amir, Dost Mahomed Khan,
as Amir of Kabul. It is to the Government a source of satis-
faction that the tribes and chiefs have preferred a distinguished
member of the Barakzai family, who is a renowned soldier, wise
and experienced. His sentiments towards the British Govern-
ment are most friendly, and so long as his rule shows that he is
animated by those sentiments, he cannot fail to receive the
support of the British Government. He will best show his
friendship for the Government by treating those of his subjects
who have done us service as his friends."

On the 29th of July a telegram from Simla
informed the British officials at Kabul of the severe
defeat of the English army at the hands of Ayub
Khan, which occurred at Maiwand. On hearing this,
Griffin Sahib, without losing any time, rode on to
Zimma, a town about sixteen miles from Kabul, with
a small detachment of cavalry, to meet me there,
and to make arrangements about their future move-
ment-. The conference lasted three days, from the
30th of July till the 1st of August. I asked Griffin
Sahib for a formal agreement of our understanding

1880] CONDITIONS OF BRITISH SUPPORT 197

with each other which I could show to my people,
ami he handed over to me the following document : —

" His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General in
Council has learnt with pleasure that Your Highness has
proceeded toward Kabul, in accordance with the invitation
of the British Government. Therefore, in consideration of the
friendly sentiments by which Your Highness is animated, and of
thf advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and people from the
establishment of a settled Government, under Your Highness'
authority, the British Government recognises Your Highness as
Amir of Kabul. I am further empowered, on the part of the
Viceroy and Governor-General of India, to inform Your High-
ness that the British Government has no desire to interfere in
the internal Government of the territories in possession of Your
Highness, and has no wish that an English Resident should be
stationed anywhere within those territories. For the con-
venience of ordinary friendly intercourse, such as is main-
tained between two adjoining states, it may be advisable that
a Mahomedan agent of the British Government should reside,
by agreement, at Kabul. Your Highness has requested that
the views and intentions of the British Government, with
regard to the position of the ruler of Kabul, in relation to
foreign powers, should be placed on record for Your Highness'
information. The Viceroy and Governor-General in Council
authorises me to declare to you that since the British
Government admits no right of interference by foreign
powers within Afghanistan, and since both Persia and Russia
are pledged to abstain from all interference with the
affairs of Afghanistan, it is plain that Your Highness can
have no political relations with any foreign power except
with the British Government. If any foreign power should
attempt to interfere in Afghanistan, and if such interference
should lead to unprovoked aggression on the dominions of Your
Highness, in that event the British Government would be
prepared to aid you to such extent and in such manner as may

198 MY ACCESSION TO THE THRONE [chap. vii.

appear to the British Government necessary, in repelling it,
provided that Your Highness follows unreservedly the advice of
the British Government in regard to your external relations."

Griffin Sahib requested me to go to Kabul to
wish the British officials "good-bye," before they
marched out of the country. He also asked me to
make such arrangements as were necessary for their
safety, and also to supply the provisions for the
British army, which was marching under General
Koberts to Kandahar, and under Sir Donald Stewart
to Peshawar. 1 undertook to do my best in this
matter, and gave him every possible satisfaction and
assurance as to the safety of the British as far as
the frontier. I told him that it was my opinion that
General Roberts should start for Kandahar as soon
as possible, and after his departure I would go to
wish Sir Donald Stewart "God-speed." On the Sth
of August General Roberts started from Kabul, en route
for Kandahar, with a portion of the army, and I
appointed Sirdar Mahomed Aziz Khan, son of Sirdar
Shams-ud-din Khan, with a few other officials accom-
panying General Roberts' force as far as Kandahar,
to see that the people on the road did not oppose
them, and to provide food for themselves and for
their transport animals. The tribes on the road
obeyed my commands, conveyed to them by my
above - mentioned officials, and did not offer any
opposition on the road. Consequently General
Roberts reached Kandahar safely, and Ayub, being-
defeated on the 1st of September, fled towards
Herat.

Sir Donald Stewart and Griffin Sahib left Sherpur

1880] ESTABLISHED ON THE THRONE 109

for Peshawar, on the 10th of August, and I went to
wish them "good-bye" a few minutes before they
started. We held a durbar for about fifteen minutes,
in which compliments were exchanged, and our inter-
course was of a friendly nature. It was also agreed
upon, in the course of our negotiations, that thirty guns
of the Afghanistan artillery, which were at Sherpur
at this time, should be handed over to me ; also that
about nineteen lakhs of rupees which had been collected
out of the revenue of the country by the British during
their stay there, and spent by them to supply provisions
for the army, and in building the fortifications, should
be refunded to me ; and, further, that the new forts
which were built at Kabul by the British should not be
destroyed.

This ended the Second Afghan War and occupation
of Afghanistan by the British. In this way again the
throne and reins of the kingdom were delivered into
my hands, who, by the ties of blood, nationality, and
religion, was entitled to the whole country. The
Afghan people were pleased to find their country in
the hands of their Islamic King, and I was thankful
to God who had entrusted me with this service, thereby
enabling me to deliver my people from the sufferings
that they were undergoing from the unsettled con-
dition of the kingdom. I then began my work of
putting the country in order, peace, and progress,
but the task was not a very easy one.

CHAPTER VIII

ADMINISTRATION

On my succeeding to the throne, and after the depar-
ture of the English from Kabul, I placed my foot
in the stirrup of progress and administration. In every
town which was under my rule at this time I appointed
the officials I shall now proceed to mention. To the
larger and more important towns I appointed men of
the greatest ability and merit ; in the smaller towns,
where the duties would be less in proportion, I
placed men of average ability. These officials were as
follows : —

(1) The Governor (a),1 together with his Secretaries and

Staff.

(2) The Kazi (b) (Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court) with

his subordinate.

(3) The Kotwal (c) (Head of the Police Department),

together with the force of Police, Secretary, and the
members of the Rahdari 2 Department,

The notes to this and other following chapters are by Sultan Mahomed
Khan, Mir Munshi.

1 The small letters («), (6), (c), etc., refer to notes at the end of this
chapter, giving, in fuller detail, the duties attaching to these various
offices.

2 There is a system in Afghanistan by which no person can travel from
one town to another without having a paper, in the shape of a passport,
issued from the above-mentioned office. The word Rahdari means literal lv
" a passport." For people travelling in the country itself, this passport is
issued under the seal of the passport officer, countersigned by the seal of the

200

chap, via] MY FAMILY EEASSEMBLED 201

(4) Kafila Uashi (d) (Head of the Caravan Department),
■with a Board of Commerce (e), called Pnnchait (/);
the office in which all accounts of daily income and
expenditure are kept (//) ; the Tax-collector's Office,
called Chabutra (?i) ; the Treasury (i) ; and a force
or army (/) necessary for keeping peace in the
town.

1 issued orders addressed to the chiefs of all the
various tribes aud provinces, urging them to keep the
country peaceful, to treat their countrymen and fellow-
subjects kindly ; if they did this they might expect
in return kind treatment, rewards, and royal favours
from me. I concluded by giving them assurances of
my friendly feeling and kind sentiments towards them
all.

I now sent for my family and my two sons,
Habibullah Khan and Nasrullah Khan, who had been
left in Russia, under the care of the confidential
servants I had sent to bring them. I also sent for
my relatives who were at Kandahar, and on the 22nd
of November of the same year I married another wife,
the daughter of Mullah Adikullah, whose mother is one
of my aunts. This marriage was arranged through,
and in the house of, my uncle, Sirdar Mahomed Yussif
Khan. My youngest child, Mahomed Omar, is the son
of this, my latest married wife. In a short time all
my children and family, my mother, sister and sons,
who had not seen me for years, were brought together,
and we praised God for granting us this happiness after

Kotwal and the Governor of the town ; but for those who go out of their
own to travel in a foreign country, for any business whatsoever, it is
countersigned and sealed by the Amir's own son, in the name of the
Amir.

202 ADMINISTRATION [chap.

we had been in exile for nearly twelve years and passed
through so many difficulties and troubles.

The country exhibiting a rebellious spirit, I ap-
pointed private detectives and spies to report to me
all that went on among the people, thus finding out
with abundant proofs those who were loyal and friendly ;
these were kindly treated, but those who were un-
friendly, and stirred up mischief and strife, were severely
punished. The ringleaders and worst offenders were
the fanatic priests and headstrong chiefs who had been
partisans of the late Shere Ali's family. These were
treated according to their actions, some of them being
banished from the country, while others suffered the worst
fate of all for their misdeeds. All this time I worked
very hard, writing all my letters myself with my own
hand, as I could not trust anybody else to do it for me.

There were two matters of the greatest importance
that claimed and obtained my close attention. The
first was that there was no money to pay the army,
or for any other Government expenditure ; the second
matter was that there were no arms, ammunition, or
military stores. I dealt with the first of these matters
in this way : I established a mint of my own, where
rupees were coined by means of hand dies, because
there was no machinery for the purpose. Now, how-
ever, I am fortunate in possessing coining presses in
my mint, made upon the same system as those
employed in European countries. This will be gone
into more fully in its proper place. The British
Government had given me some money coined in
the mint at Calcutta ; these rupees I ordered to be
melted down, and, after 6 per cent, of copper had

viii.] FUNDS AND WAR MATERIALS 20P,

been added to the alloy, they were re-coined into
Kabul rupees.1 I also commanded my officials to
purchase silver from the country, to melt it down,
add a considerable quantity of copper to it, and coin
into rupees, in this way making some profit. More-
over, I ordered to be refunded to the Treasury sums
of money which, under the former Government, had
been borrowed or looted by people, as also other sums
that had been entrusted to them by Government for
official payments, which sums they had retained in
their own hands and used for other purposes.

After this general proclamation many people refunded
the money they owed and, in order to get the re-
mainder from those who would not pay, I appointed
collectors, giving them instructions to force the debtors
to give up these moneys. I further appointed accoun-
tants, whose duty it was to examine the accounts, and
to see that all unpaid taxes were recovered.

To provide against danger to the country from
rebellion or war, I commanded that sufficient military
stores and provisions should be collected ; that trans-
port animals should be purchased and everything
connected with the army put into an efficient condition.
In this way I was prepared for any emergency.

To meet the second difficulty, as above mentioned,
namely, the lack of war materials, I employed all the
workmen available to make rifles, cast guns and shells, and
to make cartridges by hand, as there was no machinery
in the country. But the hand-works which had been
established by my grandfather under my father's

1 The value of the English rupee is sixteen pence, that of the Kabul
rupee twelve pence.

204 ADMINISTEATION [CHap.

direction, and under my own superintendence, as
previously mentioned in my book, were still being
carried on at Kabul, though on a somewhat small
scale. As the works had fallen into a bad condition,
I re-organised them upon a much larger scale. I also
ordered my officials to buy as much war material as
they could get from the people of the country who
had looted arms and ammunition, or from those who
had stores to sell. In this manner, shortly after, when
I was called upon to go to war against Ayub, I had
bought 15,000 shells, though of rather a damaged kind,
and other arms and munitions in proportion. These
precautions proved of the greatest service to my
country. I then proceeded to select a few of the
best military officers from the late Shere Ali's army,
sending also for all the officers who served under my
command before my exile, thus forming a considerable
and strong army in a very short time. I abolished
the old rule of forcible conscription, as practised by
the late Shere Ali, substituting for it the voluntary
enlistment of all those who were desirous of entering
the army and were fit for such service.

In every cantonment and for every battalion I
opened hospitals x wherein sick and wounded soldiers
might be treated. I also erected schools for the
education of the soldiers. For the safety of travellers

1 The native druggists are the physicians in these hospitals. There
were no public hospitals until 1895. The hospitals mentioned by the
Amir were reserved for the sole use of the army, the public going for
medical advice to two dispensaries ; at one of these, European remedies
were to be had, at the other Eastern drugs were dispensed. From these
two places the public could obtain as much medicine and drugs as they
recpiired without any payment. Even these dispensaries did not exist
before the reign of the present Amir.

vni.] PUBLIC WORKS 205

I appointed guards ; and having assured the merchants
of my country that they might travel on the roads
without fear, I gave them every encouragement to
promote the commerce of both imports and exports.
Next, I appointed official surveyors to lay out roads
and build caravanserais, and to look after other
miscellaneous arrangements which would secure the
comfort and safety of travellers and render the
country happy and peaceful.

I cannot enumerate in detail the various matters
that engaged my attention at the beginning of my
reign, in order that the country should be put under
a proper form of Government. The following story
will illustrate the position of the Government and
its necessary departments as they existed before my
time.

A man, having employed certain contractors to lay
out a garden for him, paid them in advance, on the
condition that it should be finished by such and such
a date. The contractors spent the money, forgetting
all about the garden. Accordingly, on the day
appointed for the completion of the work, they in-
formed their employer that the garden was ready, and
they conducted him to a piece of ground.

" But," he said, " there are no plants in this piece of
ground."

They replied, " Everything else is complete except
the plants."

" But there is no irrigation canal for watering the
garden ! "

Again they replied that everything else was done,
except the watering canal.

206 ADMINISTRATION [chap.

" But," said he, " there is no fence or wall about
the garden to guard the plants from destruction by
animals ! "

He received exactly the same answer ; that the wall-
only remained for the completion of their contract.

" But," he exclaimed, " the land has not even been
ploughed yet ! "

The usual answer was given, that everything else
had been done, the ploughing of the land excepted.

The Government of Afghanistan was in exactly the
same condition — " everything else was complete," but
nothing that was required was in existence.

During the time that I was busy in arranging affairs
in Kabul and in the south-east direction, I appointed
Sirdar Abdullah Khan Tokhi * Governor of Badakshan.
I also appointed my cousin, Mahomed Ishak, together
with Sirdar Abdul Kudus Khan, as Viceroys of
Turkestan,2 so that they who look after the adminis-

1 This gentleman is the most trustworthy and confidential official that
the Amir has, and he is at present in personal attendance upon him.

2 (^4) Mahomed Ishak is now in Russia ; we shall have a great deal to
say about him in future chapters.

(B) Abdul Kudus Khan is now the Usher, or Chamberlaiu, at the
Amir's Court. He is the most powerful official throughout the whole of
Afghanistan at the present time. More than ninety members of his
family hold the highest offices in the Government. He is the man who
took Herat from Ayub in 1881, as will be described in the next chapter.

All the English historians are wrong in their identification of this man.
In the first place, they say that he is the son of Sultan Jan, and grandson
of the notorious vizier, Akbar Khan. This is not true. He is cousin to
Akbar Khan, not his grandson ; his father, Sirdar Sultan Mahomed Khan,
was the brother of Amir Dost Mahomed Khan, and not his grandson, as
English historians make out. Another error is, that Sirdar Sultan Jan is
not his father.

In the second place, he was not one of Ishak's officials, but was
appointed by Abdur Rahman as an assistant to Ishak at the time of their
leaving Russia, and he was sent to occupy Herat by the order of the
Amir himself.

viir.] SHERE ALI WALI 207

tration of the south-western provinces of the country
act according to my instructions. The south-eastern
frontier was under the British, who had appointed
Shere Ali Wali, and they were still in Kandahar. The
British, however, removed the said Wali from Kandahar,
allowing him a pension and residence at Karachi (in
India). On the 21st of April, 1881 the city of
Kandahar was evacuated by the English army and
handed over to me, in consequence of which I made
that place a province of my Government.

As far as I can judge, the causes that led to the
removal of the Wali from Kandahar by the British
were as follows: —

(1) Mahomed Ayub had made all necessary preparations

and arrangements at Herat, and collected a large force
to attack Kandahar ; Shere Ali was not strong enough
to oppose him, as he had proved his weakness once
before when fighting against Ayub.

(2) The people of Kandahar and the other Islamic com-

munities in general were not friendly towards the
Wali. He was very unpopular, and lived in constant
fear of rebellion and danger of assassination.

(3) I also had not made any agreement about the separa-

tion of Kandahar from the rest of my kingdom, nor
had I given my consent to it, though I regarded
Kandahar as the home of my ancestors and the
capital of some of the former rulers of my country,
but at this time, when the English requested me to
take the town into my possession, I accepted it,
though with great hesitation and deliberation.

On the one hand, I considered the position in which
I should be placed by accepting the town a very
serious one. For this reason : I knew that Ayub

208 ADMINISTRATION [chap.

was ready to attack the town immediately, without
giving me any time for preparation for its defence. I
knew also that the country, being still in an unsettled
condition at Kabul itself, if I left Kabul in order to
fight against Ayub at Kandahar, I should be away
for months, and there would be danger for Kabul itself
during my absence.

On the other hand, the kingdom of Kabul, without
Kandahar, was like a head without a nose, or a fort
without any gate. I was the last person in the world
to appear before the nation as a coward, or as one who
would be afraid of any danger that stood in the way of
possessing the capital of my predecessors. On con-
sidering the above advantages and disadvantages, I
found that the risk was very great; still, placing my
confidence in God, as usual, I accepted the town, and
appointed Hashim Khan Governor of the city.

(a) The above-mentioned are the various departments for the adminis-
tration of the Government in every town under the Amir's rule. Strictly
speaking, there are no positive restrictions limiting and separating the
authority of any one official from that of another. Cases often go before
any court to which the applicant chooses to take them. Eoughly speaking
however, the Governor is considered to be the head of all other depart-
ments in bis town, and is looked upon as a Court of Appeal superior to the
courts presided over by other officials. The main duty of the Governor is
to collect the revenues from the landowners, etc., to settle the disputes of
landowners, to keep peace in the provinces, and to forward the king's pro-
clamations and commands from time to time to the other officials of the
town and to the king's subjects in his territory. Over certain small
< iovernors are bead Governors ; and over the head Governors are the
Viceroys, who are called Naib-ul-hukuma (Deputies of the Sovereign) ; and
above tin; Viceroys and all the beads of military and other departments,
the Amir's eldest son, Prince Habibullah Khan, is considered a supreme
Court of Appeal.

(b) The Ecclesiastical Court of the Kazi is looked upon as the highest,
and hence it is not limited to religious subjects, but all civil cases, what-
ever their nature, may be brought here. Generally speaking, business

viii.] GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS 209

differences and religions disputes are settled here ; as also cases of divorce
and cases concerning marriage and inheritance. Cases punishable by
death are also judged here. The Chief Judge of this Court is called Kazi,
and his subordinates Muftis. Cases are decided by a majority.

(c) The Kotwal exercises much greater authority in criminal cases than
any other criminal official whatever. He is, in a way, head of the Police
Force, Judge of the Criminal Court, in charge of the Intelligence Depart-
ment— in fact, one of the most powerful officials in Eastern kingdoms.
In all old Oriental books we read stories and poems recounting the tyranny
and oppression and cruelty of the Kotwals. A Kotwal settles the small
criminal cases and forwards the most serious ones to the capital.

(d) Kafila Basin is an official who supplies the transport animals to
travellers ; it is his duty to see that those who hire out the animals do not
cheat or behave badly towards those who hire their camels, mules, or other
transport animals. He gets his commission from those who hire the
animals, and gives an account of every transaction to the Government, out
of which all the expenses of this establishment are paid by the Govern-
ment, and the balance is paid into the Government Treasury.

(e) The Board of Commerce settles disputes between merchants. The
President of the Board presides over this court, and its members are elected
from among the various communities of merchants of both religions,
Mahomedans and Hindus in proportion.

(/) The Revenue Office settles the accounts of the revenue, and keeps
a record of the annual revenue which every landowner must pay to the
Government.

(gr)^The Roznamcha are the officers of the daily income and expendi-
ture. This is the Office in which copies of all the documents which are
issued from every office, either for collecting the revenues or for spending
them, are kept.

(h) The Chabutra are tax-collecting officers. This office is only to col-
lect the duties which are placed on commerce, which is charged at the rate
of 2£ per cent, on all exports and imports.

(i) The Treasury. The revenue or tax-collectors of a town do not
receive the money themselves which they collect, but simply issue orders
that such moneys are to be paid into the Treasury of that town, also for the
payment of the various expenses. Orders on the Treasury are issued by
the heads of the different departments.

(j) In every important town a small force or army is kept for times of
necessity.

All these various departments send their final reports to the head
department of the province ; from the latter they go to the chief de-
partment of the capital of Kabul.

VOL. I. 0

CHAPTER IX

THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT

I have said before that when f first succeeded to the
throne of Kabul my life was not a bed of roses. On
the contrary, I was surrounded by difficulties of all
kinds. Here began my first severe fight, against my
own relatives, my own subjects, and my own people. I
had hardly settled down in Kabul, and had had no
time for military preparations, when I found myself
obliged to go to war. After Mahomed Ayub had
been defeated by the English he remained in possession
of Herat, and from that very same day of his defeat
he occupied himself in making preparations for war.
Having collected a very strong force, he marched
from Herat against Kandahar. As mentioned above,
I had anticipated this danger, but it had to be
faced.

There were several things in Mahomed Ayub's favour
and against me. He possessed better war materials
and arms, a larger army, and, above all, the ignorant
priests had proclaimed a holy war against me, which
told in his favour. They alleged that I was friendly
to the English, and that my rival was the Ghazi.
He had 12,000 trained soldiers with him under the

210

chap, ix.] AYUB CAPTURES KANDAHAR 211

command of the following officers : — Hussain Ali,
Commander-in-Chief; Naib Hafizullah, Deputy Com-
mander-Chief; General Taj Mahomed, son of Arsla Khan
Ghilzai ; Sirdar Hassan Khan ; Sirdar Abdullah Khan,
son of Sirdar Sultan Jan and grandson of Mahomed
Azim Khan ; Sirdar Ahmad Ali, son of Mahomed Ali ;
Nur Khan ; Sirdar Abdul Salam of Kandahar ; and
Kazi Abdul Salam, son of Kazi Mahomed Said.

He left Musa Jan, son of Yakub, and Khush Dil,
son of Shere Dil, with a few thousand soldiers, at Herat.
Sirdar Shams-ud-din and Sirdar Hashim, who were my
Governors at Kandahar, appointed the following to
meet the attacking army of Ayub : — Ghulam Haidar
Tokhi, Commander-in-Chief; Sirdar Mahomed Hassan,
son of Sirdar Khush Dil, of Kandahar, and Kazi Said Din,
now Viceroy of Herat, together with 7 regiments of
infantry, 2 batteries of artillery, 4 regiments of
regular cavalry, 3000 militia cavalry, and 7 regiments
of militia infantry.

The two armies met on the 20th of July at Karez,
near Girishk, where severe fighting took place. At
first victory seemed to turn in favour of the army of
Kandahar, which fought very bravely. Nearly all
Ayub's cavalry fell back defeated and fled in all
directions. Only about eighty heads and chiefs of
Ayub's army were left on the field with a very small
number of followers. These thought that it was im-
possible to try to save their lives by retreating, as all the
army had left them, and therefore they considered it
better to die bravely than to be killed in running away.
So they all united and made a rush on the main body
of the Kandahar army, making straight for the Com-

212 THE ANNEXATION OF HEEAT [chap.

ma nder-in- Chief and Kazi Said Din, who, being defeated
by this small handful of plucky officers, fled towards
Kandahar. Sirdar Abdullah Khan and several other
officers of Ayub's army were killed in this battle.
Ayub marched on and took the city of Kandahar
without further resistance or fighting.

Of my officers, Hashim and Ghulam Haidar fled
towards Kalat, Sirdar Hassan fled to Mecca. Shams-
ud-din hid himself in Khirka,1 Mahomed Ayub, having
promised not to punish him if he would come out of
the sacred building, caused him to be beaten with
sticks when he did come out.

When I heard this, 1 felt obliged to start myself
for Kandahar, leaving my eldest son, Habibullah Khan,
as Governor of the city of Kabul, and Parwana Khan,
Commander-in-Chief, as the head of the army. I
had about 12,000 fighting men with me, together
with the following officers : — Ghulam Haidar Charkhi,
Commander-in-Chief ; Faramurz, Commander-in-Chief
(the first is dead, the second is now at Herat) ; Ghulam
Haidar Khan Tokhi, also Commander-in-Chief. There
were many others whose names need not be mentioned
here.

About 10,000 people of the Tokhi and Andra and
other tribes also joined me on my march to Kandahar
against a force of Ayub's, numbering 20,000. Several
mullahs had sealed a religious proclamation, saying that

1 Khirka denotes the "mantle" or robe worn by Mahomed, which
has been carefully kept by a succession of Mahomedan sovereigns ever
since that time, and is now at Kandahar. It is believed that if a person
guilty of any crime or offence whatsoever, once enters the room where this
garment is kept, he is not to be touched by anybody unless he comes
out of the building of his own accord.

ix] BATTLE WITH AYUB 213

I, Amir Abdur Kahman, was an infidel, as I was the
Deputy of the English. It is said by some people that
Ayub had compelled the mullahs to seal these docu-
ments against their wish.

After a few days' quick marching I got as far as
a village called Tamuryan, about four miles from
Kandahar, and Ayub, leaving his camp, which was at
Khel-i-mulla Alim, a mile from Kandahar, retreated to
the cantonment of the city of Kandahar. On the 22nd
of September 1881, the two armies faced each other
in the ruins of the old city of Kandahar. Ayub's army
had lost courage somewhat on account of a few mis-
takes made by Ayub before the commencement of
the battle.

Firstly. — He did not come out of the town of
Kandahar at all to meet the advance of my arm)',
and instead of taking the offensive and attacking me,
he gave me the choice of attack, by which he showed
his cowardice to the army.

Secondly, — He made a mistake in leaving the city
of Kandahar unoccupied.

Thirdly. — In retreating from the village of Khel-i-
nmlla Alim.

Fourthly. — From the beginning of the battle until
the end he did not join in the fighting himself, but
watched it from the top of Kotal-i-Chahalzina half a
mile away from the camp. All these things were
sufficient to dishearten his army, by showing that
he was afraid to join in the fighting himself.

Fifthly. — He had hidden his cavalry, consisting of
7000 sowars, behind the rocks, on the above-men-
tioned hill, so that, at a critical moment, when the

214 THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT [chap.

battle was in full swing, lie could order the cavalry to
make a rushing charge.

He, however, became so nervous, that he forgot all
about the cavalry, so that they did not get a chance of
fighting from the beginning of the battle until the end.
In fact, they were behind the rock all the time, and he
never once appeared on the field to encourage his army.
Notwithstanding this, some competent and brave
officers and good fighting soldiers fought very well.
His artillery also, which was placed on the top of the
old Kandahar hills, in a very strong position, and which
kept in good order, did very good service. For two
whole hours the fighting was very severe, and it was not
known with whom was the victory. My army was
beginning to fall back a little on its right and left, but
the main force in the centre, where I was standing my-
self behind 1000 foot soldiers of my body-guard, were
working well under the encouragement that I gave them
by my presence. Every soldier was so busily engaged
in the battle, that a few of my orderlies also were
pushing forward to fight, and I had only one groom by
my side. At this moment, when I had pushed well
forward, Ayub's forces began to show signs of weakness,
and these four regiments of my own infantry, which had
submitted to Mahomed Ayub's command at the time of
their former defeat at Girishk, changed their mind. It
had been the usual custom of the whole of the trained
soldiers, before my reign began, that the moment they
saw one party stronger than the other, they left the
weak and joined the strong. These four regiments,
therefore, seeing that the victory was turning in my
favour, at once turned their rifles from the top of the

a.] DEFEAT OF AYUB 215

old city, and fired at that body of Ayub's army
which was fighting hard with my forces. On the
other hand, my army, when they saw this incident,
pushed forward, and fired with their guns and rifles
full in the face of the enemy, who thereupon fled in
all directions, Ayub Khan, being thus defeated, re-
turned to Herat.

At the time of my leaving Kabul for Kandahar,
I had instructed Sirdar Kudus Khan to march from
Turkestan on Herat, thinking that Ayub would be
sure to leave that town insufficiently protected against
attack. Sirdar Kudus Khan thereupon made an
immediate attack, accompanied by 400 cavalry sowars,
400 infantry soldiers and 2 guns of mountain artillery.
Loi Naib Khush Dil, whom Ayub had left to defend
Herat, sent out a small force to stop my army on its
way ; but his force was defeated and my soldiers
arrived at Herat. Khush Dil had not the courage to
come out of the town and take part in the fight him-
self; his plan was to send out a few soldiers every
day to fight against Kudus, but they submitted to
Kudus without fighting at all. On the 4th of August,
Kudus Khan took the fort by making a strong
assault.

To introduce my readers to Sirdar Kudus Khan.
I may mention that at the time the English were at
Kabul he had started for Tashkend to join me, but
as I was about to leave Kabul myself, I wrote to him
on his arrival at Samarkand, to wait there for my
arrival. As 1 have elsewhere mentioned, Sirdar Sarwar
Khan, Ishak, and Kudus had been sent by me to
look after the administration of Turkestan, and Kudus

216 THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT [chap.

is to this day one of my most valuable and reliable
servants.

Ayub Khan was informed, on his way to Herat,
that his soldiers had lost that town, which was now
occupied by Sirdar Kudus Khan. He therefore fled
toward Mashhad in Persia. I now appointed Fara-
murz x Commander-in-Chief, together with some cavalry,
infantry, and artillery, with orders to march immediately
to Herat. After making the necessary arrangements
at Kandahar, I left for Kabul.

One of the priests who had accused me of infidelity,
named Abdul Rahim Akhund,2 Kakar (a tribe of
Kandahar), had hidden himself under the Prophet's
robe. I ordered that an impure-minded dog such as
he should not remain in that sacred sanctuary ; he
was accordingly pulled out of the building, and I killed
him with my own hands.

On my return to Kabul from Kandahar I was
delighted with the services rendered by my most reli-
able servant, Parwana Khan,3 Deputy Commander-
in-Chief, and my son, Habibullah Khan. My son
was only a little boy, yet he did a great thing in

1 He is the most popular Commander-in-Chief and confidential
servant of the Amir. He was brought up as the Amir's page-boy from his
earliest days, and the important city of Herat is now intrusted to his
care.

2 His son, Maulvi Abdul Rauf, conducts the priests' examinations at
Kabul. He is one of the Amir's courtiers.

3 This man was more trusted by the Amir than any of his son's officials
or relatives. He had been in exile with the Amir, and when the Amir
was in difficulty about obtaining money, he sold himself for a slave. This
he did three or four times, and was afterwards redeemed by the Amir. He
was most beloved by all the Amir's subjects in the country up to the last
moment of his life. He died in 1894. One of his sons is the Amir's
favourite, and the other four sons are the favourites of the Amir's four
sons.

IX.]

A KINGDOM IN DISORDER 217

going among the .soldiers and speaking in my behalf
to the chiefs ; he was neither nervous nor afraid, and
in everything he followed the counsel of Parwana Khan.
Mirza Abdul Hamid Khan, and certain other officers,
whom I had appointed as his advisers. During my
absence the people of Kohistan, the people of Hissarak,
Mahmud of Kunar, Abdul Rashid, Juma Khan, and
Mahomed Hussain, of Wardak, had tried to incite a
general rising ; but, by the wise policy and friendly
assurances of those whom I had left at Kabul, no
really serious trouble resulted from these intrigues.

The defeat of Mahomed Ayub and capture of
Herat by my officials made me master of the whole
of the kingdom of my father and grandfathers. There
was still, however, a great deal to be done before I
could really call myself master or sovereign of the
country. As I have mentioned elsewhere, every priest,
mullah, and chief of every tribe and village considered
himself an independent king, and for about 200
years past the freedom and independence of many of
these priests wrere never broken by their sovereigns.
The Mirs of Turkestan, the Mirs of Hazara, the chiefs
of Ghilzai were all stronger than their Amirs, and,
so long as they were the rulers, the King could not
do justice in the country. The tyranny and cruelty
of these men were unbearable. One of their jokes was
to cut off the heads of men and women and put them
on red-hot sheets of iron to see them jump about!
There were man}^ other worse customs than this, but
1 will not mention them, for fear of shocking the
readers of my book. Every chief, official, prince, and
the King himself had parties of assassins and large

218 THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT [chap.

numbers of hired robbers and thieves, and as the
robbers used to kill the travellers, traders, and other
rich merchants of the country, and to plunder their
property and money, that stolen property was divided
between the employers and employed. Every one of
those robbers had a band of his own armed with rifles
and guns. I will relate in the next chapter what a
desperate struggle I had with two of these robbers,
named Sadu and Dadu, who defeated my army
several times. One of them now hangs in a cage,
where I put him, on the peaks of the Lataband
Mountain.1

Many of these priests taught as Islamic religion
strange doctrines which were never in the teaching of
Mahomed, yet which have been the cause of the down-
fall of all Islamic nations in every country. They
taught that people were never to do any work, but only
to live on the property of others, and to fight against
each other. Of course it is natural that every one of
these self-made kings should have levied separate taxes
on their subjects ; so the first thing I had to do was
to put an end to these numberless robbers, thieves,
false prophets, and trumpery kings. I must confess
that it was not a very easy task, and it took fifteen
years of fighting before they finally submitted to my
rule or left the country, either by being exiled or
by departing into the next world. The next chapter

1 This means the " Mountain of Rags," and it is called hy this name
because some superstitious people think that if they hang a rag of cloth on
the peaks of this mountain, they will obtain children or anything else
they want from God. The greatest Empress of India, called Nurjehan, was
born on the peak of this mountain when her father and mother were
exiled from Persia to India.

ix.] CIVIL WARS 219

will be devoted to an account of these civil wars,
which lasted from the time of my succession until
the present day. After which I shall return to the
narration of other circumstances connected with my
life. It was necessary, first of all, to clear out all
those who were opposers of every kind of justice,
civilisation, progress, education, and liberty of the
people.

There are many prejudiced and ignorant people
who blame me for these civil Avars, and think that
my treatment of the people was very harsh. But even
in the most civilised countries of the present day
examples are not wanting to show that they had
at the commencement of their history to fight against
their own people, who did not at first understand the
conditions of civilisation. In this very century grave
disturbances were caused by the working classes in
England against their own Government. I am proud
to say that in the short time under my rule the
people have made such good progress towards civilisa-
tion, that persons possessing great riches and wealth
can travel safely throughout my dominions, by night
as well as by day, whilst, on the other hand, on the
borders of Afghanistan, in the parts under British
rule, nobody can move a step without being protected
by a strong body-guard.

CHAPTER X

THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AT THE TIME OF MY

ACCESSION.

" He giveth honour to whom He pleaseth ;
And He degradeth whom He pleaseth ;
In His supreme hands is the power
Of doing as He pleaseth." — Sadi.

People may have thought that from the day 1 suc-
ceeded to the Kabul throne, the era of my happiness
and enjoyment began, but it was not so ; on the
contrary, from that very moment the time of my
liberty and freedom ceased, and times of difficulty,
disappointments, anxieties, and grief increased. The
readers of this book are aware that, though I took
a very active part in the affairs of the kingdom at
the time, when my father and uncle, Azim, were
Amirs of Kabul, yet the whole responsibility rested
with them. There is no doubt about the truth of
the saying : " The greater the position the greater
the responsibilities, and the greater the responsibilities
the greater the anxieties."

" Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown."

Our religion teaches us that every person is re-
sponsible for his actions before the Almighty Judge

•2-2U

qhap.x.] RESPONSIBILITIES OF A RULER 221

on the Day of Judgment, but Kings are not responsible
for their actions alone ; they have, moreover, to answer
for the peace and comfort of the subjects who are
placed under their care by their Creator. One of the
greatest saints, the Maulvi Roum, gives the following
Btory in the poem :

"A goat hurt its foot at the bridge of Bagdad ; the ruler of
the time, Omar, was reproached by God.1 "

In one of the traditions of Mahomed, it is said that
at the Day of Judgment the Almighty King of kings
will first address the kings of this world as follows : —

" To whom does the kingdom of this world belong
to-dav ? "

And the unanimous answer from all the sovereigns
will be: "To Thee, 0 Allah, who art the only One
powerful of all."

And then the Almighty will ask : "If you all
knew that, why did you not try to care for the peace
and comfort of those who were given unto you by
Me?"

Considering that I should have to answer for the
above-mentioned responsibilities for the peace of my
people at the Day of Judgment, and considering the

1 The above-mentioned poem refers to an accident generally believed
in by all the Muslim community, stating that, when Omar, the second
companion of Mahomed, succeeded to the throne, during his reign one of
the bridges of the city of Bagdad was in a state of bad repair. It hap-
pened one day, therefore, when a dock of goats was crossing the bridge,
the foot of one of them was hurt by the stones of the bridge, and Omar
was inspired to give an explanation to the Almighty to this effect, that
as he who was the King, and responsible, had not attended to keeping the
bridge in proper repair, that was the cause of the pain and grief to the
unfortunate goat ; and it is this story to which the Amir refers when
quoting the poem.

222 THE COUNTEY AT MY ACCESSION [chap.

unsettled condition of my country, I fell into heavy
orief and sadness of heart.

Looking at the circumstances and the condition of
the country, I thought it was not only difficult, but
impossible, to put it in order and to make any progress.
Of course, no one had any idea that Afghanistan would
make such marvellous progress as, by the help of the
All-Merciful Allah, it has made during the short time
of my reign. Not only were all the causes of the
country's ruin present in the highest possible degree,
but all the sources of progress were at the very lowest
ebb ; and not only at the lowest ebb, but there was no
evidence that they even existed. But as the Almighty
had placed this responsibility upon me, I begged and
prayed of Him to help me in tending the flock of
human beings intrusted by Him to my care, so that
I might not be disgraced in the eyes of this world
and at the Day of Judgment. I did not lose courage,
placing my confidence on the promise given by God
in the Koran to His Blessed Prophet, Mahomed : " To
those who place their confidence in God, and do not
lose courage and patience, God's help is sufficient for
them ; He is in truth the supporter of those who
work without losing patience." In short, if I were
to mention the trouble and unhappy conditions in
which the country was placed at this time, it would
require a whole volume to describe them. I will,
therefore, give only a short account of the state of
affairs in Afghanistan at the time of my succession
to the throne, in order to interest my readers, and
to enable them to judge for themselves what a
difference there is in the condition and progress of

x.] CAUSES OF MY DIFFICULTIES 223

the country at the present day, as compared with the
former state of things.

I should like to record a few of the causes of my
difficulties. They were as follows : —

Firstly. — I, as King of the country, at the time of my succes-
sion to the throne, had to face the difficulty of having no house
to live in, because the palace of Bala Hissar,1 which was the
ancestral home of my forefathers, had been destroyed by the
English army, and there was no other house ready. Neither
was there any lodging where I could live temporarily, there
being no hotels at all in Afghanistan. I think there are
very few, perhaps hardly any, examples in history where a
king has been without a room in which to sleep. Until the
time that I built a new palace for myself, I lived in tents
and in borrowed nmd-houses belonging to my subjects.

In the previous chapters of this book, my readers
are informed that I was accustomed from my childhood
to live in the open air, and my buildings were always
out in the gardens, where I could get plenty of fresh
air. It was very hard for me to live in the dirty,
close, airless lanes, in these mud-houses, full of holes,
where the everlasting noise and righting of the mice were
the first battles I had to face, and their noise kept me
awake all the night !

Secondly. — There was not a penny in the State Treasury
with which to pay the army or any of the state servants ; not
only that, there was no such thing as a Treasury at all ! The
revenue from the country had been already borrowed and
collected for a year or two in advance by Shere Ali, Yakub,
and the English army, so I could not collect anything from
the revenue myself, because it had been borrowed already.

Thirdly. — War materials and ammunition, which were

1 High palace.

224 THE COUNTRY AT MY ACCESSION [chap.

necessary for keeping peace in the country, did not exist ; the
thirty old Afghan guns, which I had taken over from the British
officials, were in such a condition that if a gun had a barrel
it had no carriage, and if it had a carriage the axle was broken,,
or the wooden wheels and the gun carriages were only waiting
for the first pull to fall into pieces. Finally, if some were
complete, there were no shells to fire from them ! Of course a
piece of stone or a stick is more useful than a cannon without
any ammunition, because no soldier can beat his enemy with
the barrel of a cannon, but he can beat him with a stick !

Fourthly. — Herat was separated from my kingdom and
placed under the rule of Ayub, who was stirring up the
people against me, and preparing for the war. Kandahar was
placed by the British under the rule of Sirdar Shere Ali, the
then Wali of Kandahar, who was, on the other hand, persuad-
ing people to join his party. At Maimana, the Governor,
named Dilawar, was intriguing against me. In the country
itself, owing to the weakness of the character of the former
kings — Shujah, Shere Ali, and Yakub— every chief, syad, or
mullah was proclaiming himself an independent ruler, and
extorting money from the subjects. The Kings had neither
the courage nor the power to punish such usurpers and to
put the country into a state of peace and order.

The records of Shere Ali's office, which are now in
the possession of my officials, show that a fine of fifty
rupees was the only punishment imposed upon one
person for murdering another, proving that the lives
of men and women w*ere cheaper than the life of a
sheep or a cow. In consequence of this laxness, from
one small province alone, Najrab, in which there are
20,000 families, the fines that were paid into the
Governor's hands at that time amounted to 50,000
rupees annually, wThich means that 1000 murders were
committed in a year.

x.] ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 225

The supporters at Kabul of Shere Ali's family,
ignorant mullahs and so-called Ghazis, who are rightly
named by the Afghans " Tazis," l were stirring up the
people against me, by saying that I was an infidel
because I was a friend of the English, who were infidels,
and therefore every Muslim should make a crusade
against me.

The system of administering justice was such that
the most humble were able to bring their claims
before the sovereign, by the simple process of getting
hold of the sovereign's beard and turban, which meant
to throw one's complaints on the shame of his beard,
to which he was bound to listen. One day I was
going to the Hum-hum (Turkish - bath), when a man
and his wife, running fast, rushed into the bathroom
after me, and the husband, having got hold of my
beard from the front, the wife was pulling me at the
same time from behind. It was very painful, as he
was pulling my beard rather hard. As there was
no guard or sentry near to deliver me from their
hands, I begged them to leave my beard alone, saying
that I could listen without my beard being pulled,
but all in vain. I was rather sorry that I had
not adopted the fashion of the Europeans, whose
faces are clean shaven. I ordered that in the future
a strong guard should be placed at the door of the
Hum-hum.

Another system was that whenever the trays of
sweetmeats were brought into durbar, the ministers and
officials, instead of waiting for their share, used to
rush at it, throwing themselves on each other, that

1 Hungry dogs.
VOL. 1. P

226 THE COUNTRY AT MY ACCESSION [chap.

each might get as much as he could by force, and
though I tried hard to explain to them that it was
a disgrace to them and to their King that they should
behave like wild animals in his presence, they paid '
no attention to my words. Once, on the day of the
Id Festival, they irritated me so much by fighting
amongst themselves for the sweetmeats, that I ordered
the soldiers of the guard to beat them as hard as they
could, and I was half amused and half sorry to see
their heads broken and bleeding; from blows that had
fallen upon them from the stakes of the soldiers. But
this treatment was effectual in putting an end to such
a foolish and unpleasant habit.

I will now give an example of the great wisdom
exhibited by the counsellors and ministers of the
sovereign. Once, when bread and flour were very dear
in the market, there was fear of famine ; and my
ministers, whom I consulted at that time, strongly
advised me to nail the ears of the corn and flour sellers
to the doors of their shops, in order to force them to
make the corn and flour cheaper. I could not help
laughing at this valuable advice, and since that day
till the present time, I have never asked advice from
my counsellors !

The claimants to the throne were so numerous, that
it is impossible to make a list of their names. My
family and children were left in Eussia. I was obliged
to send away from me a few of my confidential servants
to look after the administration of the country, and
I was surrounded by disappointments and difficulties,
without an adviser and without a friend. But he who
places his confidence in God alone, in God alone there

x.] DIVIDED POWEK 227

is sufficient company for him at times of difficulty and
sorrow.

The neighbouring foreign Governments, too, were
the cause of much anxiety to me, owing to their taking
offence if I showed a little more partiality to one than
to another.

Historians and experienced statesmen can under-
stand that when a kingdom falls into such a state of
ruin, and gets divided among small petty chiefs, it
takes a long time to put it into the shape of a strong
consolidated kingdom ; see, for example, the Indian
Empire, which was divided into many small states,
owing to the weakness of the last Mogul Emperors —
what a long time it has taken, and what trouble it
has given, what mutinies it has caused to the British
Empire ; and this, notwithstanding the marvellous
wisdom, experience, and knowledge of British states-
men. In the same way, the weakness of the kingdom
of Afghanistan was so great, that whenever the Kino-
went a few miles out of his capital, he used to find
some one else King on his return, and the only
course open to him was to run away ! Then Shcre
Ali, being unable to fight against the chiefs of his
subjects himself, introduced another system, which he
thought was a very wise one. This was to set his
own chiefs and officials against each other, and to
encourage them to cause bloodshed, and a law was
made, that if any one wanted to kill his enemy, he
had only to place 300 rupees per head in the Govern-
ment Treasury and to kill as many as he liked. Of
course, the King thought he was doubly benefited
by this plan : first, he got rid of rebellious chiefs

228 THE COUNTRY AT MY ACCESSION [chap.

without taking any trouble himself, as they killed
each other ; secondly, he got 300 rupees for the life
of each individual killed in this way.

The popular poem of Sadi, runs as follows : —

" Upon every nation of which God approves
He bestows a virtuous ruler ;
If He desires to lay the land desolate,
He places it in the grasp of a tyrant."

Thank God, Afghanistan is not now like the same
country, for there are only five murder cases in the
whole kingdom during the year, which is a number
that beats the record of many other civilised countries.
The people had got into such bad habits of living
and mischief, that as the eldest sons of the then
Amir, Shere Ali, named Yakub and Ayub, revolted
against their own father at Herat, one may consider
that if the sons of the King set such a good, virtuous
example, what lessons might not the subjects have
learned from them !

" I am in sorrow from the actions of my own,
What, therefore, can I expect from the actions of those who
are not my own ! " — Sadi.

The King and all his chief officials were given up to
personal indulgence of all kinds ; the subjects, on the
other hand, were immersed in difficulties, owing to the
heavy taxation laid upon them by these cruel officials.
The mosques were overrun by the pariah dogs that
made their homes in them, finding them deserted by
those who used to pray therein. Friday, which is
the Sabbath Day, and therefore devoted entirely to
prayer, became the day for gambling, mischief, playing,
joking, throwing stones at each other. Outside the
town, in the graveyards in the neighbourhood of

x.] PROGRESS NOW MADE 229

Kabul, called Jubba,1 many people were wounded in
fighting with each other there. The following quota-
tion from the Koran is appropriately applied to the
ruined condition of the people at that time : " Allah
does not ruin the nation unless the nation ruins itself
by its own wrong actions."

Praise be to God that the same country, which was
in the deplorable condition I have described, has made
such marvellous progress, blessed by peace and pros-
perity, that its friends are rejoiced, and look upon the
people as a strong nation, which may be of great help
to them, whilst its foes look upon them as a strong,
dangerous enemy. They are such peaceful, obedient
subjects to me, that they are ready to carry out all my
orders and instructions with the greatest delight and
affection. In the wars of Hazara and Kafiristan they
have proved their devotion and loyalty to me to the
utmost. They have shown, to my great delight,
that they regard the interests of my Government as
identical with their own. They went in crowds at
their own expense to fight against the Hazaras and
Kafirs, looking upon those who had rebelled against
the Government as their enemies. A further proof
of love and regard for the welfare of the Government
was exhibited in 1895, when Government servants,
merchants, landowners, and people of every class
among my subjects, paid one-tenth of their annual
income into the Government Treasury without my
asking for it, requesting me to buy ammunition and
war materials with the money, that their country
might be protected against foreign aggressors. The

1 A rocky piece of ground.

230 THE COUNTRY AT MY ACCESSION [chap.

same nation that was always engaged in rebellion
and fighting against me in the early part of my
reign, as will be described later, has become the
most peaceful, obedient, law-abiding, and civilised
nation. They busy themselves in learning every
kind of industry and manufacture, and making
provision for the progress of their country generally
and for their own happiness. By the help of God,
there are signs of still greater progress and prosperity
to be seen in the lives and conduct of the people.
Having described the condition of the people at the
time of my accession to the throne, I will proceed
to give an account of the events which followed.

I followed with the greatest care the advice which
Mahomed gave to one of his followers described in
these verses : " The Prophet called out loudly, ' Place
your confidence in God, but watch your camel.' " *

Two incidents occurred from which I drew much
comfort, as they gave me hope that I should not fail in
my mission as a King, and that I should be successful
in the end.

One night, before I left Russian territory for Afghanistan,
I dreamt that two angels took me by my arms and brought me
into the presence of a Sovereign who was seated in a small

1 It is taught in the Mahomedan preaching that everything is subject
to the will of God, but God only helps those who help themselves. An
example in illustration of this verse is given in the following story. One
of Mahomed's followers entered a mosque where Mahomed was seated to
say his prayers, leaving his camel outside the gate of the mosque. On
Mahomed enquiring under whose care he had left his camel, the man
answered : " I put my trust and confidence in God." But Mahomed said :
" Place your confidence in God, but Wcitch your camel at the same time."
In short, Mahomed's philosophy on this point teaches that people must
try their best and leave the issue in God's hands. They must not expect
t ) reap wheat where they have sown barley !

«.] MY DREAM 231

room. He had a very mild, gentle face, of oval shape, a round
beard, and beautiful long eyebrows and eyelashes. He was
wearing a large loose garment of a blue colour, and a white
turban. His whole appearance was the perfection of beauty
and gentle nature. At his right hand another tall and rather
thin man was seated. He had a long grey beard and a kind
face, full of thought. Next to him was another, not so tall, a
middle-sized man, with fairer complexion than the old gentle-
man on his right hand, with a pen-box before him. He was
somewhat richly dressed, and had several Arabic manuscripts
written on certain sheets of paper, which he had placed in front of
him. At the left hand of the King was seated another man with
a golden-coloured beard, thick moustaches and eyebrows, large
straight nose, and a very kindly, benignant expression on his
face. He resembled a statesman more than a saint, as compared
with the other three I have described, and he was the tallest
of all. By his side was placed a long whip. Seated next to
him was another man, extremely handsome, and in appearance
resembling the king more than any of the others present. He
was dressed somewhat like a military officer of ancient times,
and carried a sword. His face showed great cleverness, and his
general bearing was that of a warrior. He was the shortest of
all in the room. At the moment that I was being brought into
the presence of this Sovereign and his four companions, I saw a
window which led into the room suddenly open, and another
man was brought before them. The King addressed the man
who had just been brought before him in the unspoken
language of the eyes, so that I did not hear the King's words,
but only the answer, which was : " I will destroy the Churches
of other religions and build them into mosques, if I am made
King." The King seemed rather displeased at this answer, and
ordered the angels who had brought him in to take him away,
which they instantly did. Then I was asked the same ques-
tion, and I answered : " I will do justice and break the idols
and place Kalima instead." 1 When I had said these words the

1 Means " to give unity."

232 THE COUNTRY AT MY ACCESSION [chap. x.

Four Companions looked at me with a kindly expression on their
faces ; it was an expression of consent to appoint me King. I
was inspired at the same moment with the knowledge that the
king was the Blessed Prophet Mahomed, the two men at his
right hand were his companions Abu-Bekr and Osman ; the two
at his left hand were his companions Omar and Ali. Upon
this I awoke, and was so happy to believe that the Prophet and
his Four Companions, whose authority it is to appoint the
sovereigns of Islam, had chosen me as the future Amir.

The other incident is this : —

When listening to the troubles of my countrymen one
day, I was so grieved that I went to the blessed tomb of Khwaja
Ahrar to ask his spirit to help me. I wept bitterly for the
disappointments and difficulties of my life, and, tired out, went
to sleep on the floor. There I dreamt that the soul of the saint
appeared to me, saying : " Go thou to Kabul ; thou wilt be
future Amir. Take thou one of the flags from my tomb ; erect
that flag in front of thine army, and thou shalt always be
victorious." I possess that flag now, and my army has never
been defeated.1

1 It is the custom amongst the superstitious Mahomedans to erect
flags at the tombs of such deceased persons as they believe to be saints.
They usually illuminate these graves at night, especially on Thursday
night.

CHAPTER XI

WARS DURING MY REIGN

In the same year that Ayub was defeated,1 as mentioned
before, I had to fight against another chief. This was a
battle to be fought against Syad Mahmud of Kunar. "
Syad Mahmud was son-in-law of the notorious Wazir
Akbar, and was therefore a supporter of Shere Ali's
party. At the time of my succession to the Kabul
throne he nominated himself King of Kunar, which was
considered his state. He had taken his residence on a
hill, called Madi, about six miles' distance from Kunar,
and on my starting for Kandahar he attacked my
territory with 400 or 500 followers out of my dis-
loyal subjects of Kunar. He was foolish enough to
think that having 400 or 500 men armed with old
guns to support him, he would be able to make
himself a king. My officials, named Sirdar Abdul
Raswul and Mir Sina Gul, opposed him, but he would
not fight. He returned to the same hill again, where

1 In 1881.

3 (.4) A province on the north-east of Kabul, near the Indian frontier.

(B) Syad Ahmed, who was the cause of certain troubles on the Indian
borders, is a son of the above-mentioned Syad Mahmud. The Indian
Government made him a very handsome allowance. He returned to
Kabul in 1897, and is now a favourite of the Amir.

233

234 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

he kept on intriguing with the ignorant fanatics of
Kunar. Six months later, having by this means
collected a large number of followers, he again rose
against me. At this time, I had returned from
Kandahar after my victory, so I appointed Ghulam
Haiclar Charkhi my Commander-in-Chief, and Abdul
Ghafur to fight against Syad Mahniud. My Com-
mander-in-Chief, having fallen from his horse on the
field of battle, broke his ankle, but my brave soldiers
continued fighting until they forced Mahmud to fly
towards India, thus decisively defeating him, and
burning the houses of those people who protected
him.

In the same year, 1881, Shere Khan, son of Ahmad
of Kilman, falsely called himself Amir Shere Ali, and
tried to deceive people into acknowledging him as Amir
Shere Ali, and to join him in a rebellion against me.
But before he succeeded in causing any serious trouble
he was taken prisoner, and died in captivity.

In the year 1882, the following small battles took
place : —

Dilawar Khan, Wali of Maimana, who considered himself
a supporter of Ayub and Shere Ali's family, having realised
that Ayub was defeated by me, and, further, that he could no
longer maintain his independence, as the province of Maimana
was within the boundaries of my dominion, tried every possible
means to keep himself isolated. In consequence of this desire
he first wrote to the Russian officials ; but, receiving no help
from them, he wrote to Sir Robert Sandeman, Governor-General
in Baluchistan, saying that he considered himself a servant of
the British Government, and asking for help. In reply he
was told to submit to my rule, as neither the British nor the
Russian Governments could, according to their treaties, inter-

xi] MINOR WARS 235

fere in the internal policy and affairs of Afghanistan. He was
accordingly left alone to suffer for his stupidity. I instructed
my Governor of Turkestan, named Mahomed Ishak, to send an
army against Dilawar Khan, which he did, but he reported
to me that the Wali was too strong to be defeated. I believe
that Ishak was playing me false, and that he was disloyal all
the time that I had been regarding him as a sincere well-wisher
and loyal official. His disloyalty was proved later on.

In the same year I sent forces against Mir Yussif
Ali, of Sliignan and Roslian,1 the causes for which
procedure were as follows : —

Though the above-mentioned Mir had announced him-
self an independent ruler, he was not contented with that ; he
considered that perhaps I should annex his country to my own
dominions at some future time. To avoid this, therefore, he
first commenced negotiations with the ruler of Kokand, and
later, with the Russian Government. He invited Dr Laberd
Regel, the Russian Explorer, to Shignan, and put the following
complaints before him : That the Amir of Afghanistan wished
to annex his country to his own dominions, and he considered
himself under Russian protection. I was already tired of the

1 " Two small hill states extending from the Pamirs across the Panja or
Upper Oxus. These miniature principalities, between which there is a
close connection, had been under the ride of Mir Shah Yusuf Ali, the
descendant of Shah-i-Khamosh, a dervish from Bokhara, who first converted
the Shignis to Islam, then ruled over them. Like many other Chiefs in
this part of Central Asia, the native rulers also claimed descent from
Alexander the Great, of Macedon. Legends of Sikandar Zilcarnein,
Alexander of the Two Horns, are still current in the country about the
Upper Oxus. (Sikandar, after he had conquered the regions of the world,
took counsel with his wise men, saying : ' Find me a place out of reach of
the Sultans of the time, where I may place my descendants.' The
counsellors chose Badakshan, Tarikh-i-liasidi). One tradition is, that a
famous magician, who had helped Alexander to capture Bagdad, cast
spells about him, and transported him to Kali-i-Khumb in Darwaz.
Many years afterwards, Alexander's daughter, Diva Peri, having trans-
formed herself into a bird, discovered where her father was, killed the
magician, and set the imprisoned King at liberty." — Wheeler.

236 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

troubles he had made in Afghan territory, and intended to
punish him, sooner or later, waiting only for a suitable time.
On this occasion, however, my detectives and spies in various
towns, viz. Kokand, Roshan, Shignan, and Bokhara, informed
me of his intentions, and that he had submitted himself to
Russian rule. They also informed me that he had invited the
Russians to his country, a fact that caused me anxiety ; because
if the Russians once occupied Roshan and Shignan, I could not
repel them, and my Government would be unsafe. I therefore
ordered General Katal Khan and Sirdar Abdullah Khan — the
latter Governor of Kataghan — to march against Mir Yussif Ali.
After a small skirmish the Mir was taken prisoner and brought
to Kabul, together with his family. I then appointed Gul Azar
Khan, of Kandahar, Governor there, and when a Russian
Official, M. Ivanoff, who had been invited by the Mir himself
to enter with his forces into the country arrived, it was already
occupied by my Governor. The Russian claim on this country
went on for years, and was not settled quite clearly until Sir
Mortimer Durand's Mission visited Kabul in 1893.

After I took possession of these provinces, I put an
end to the atrocities practised upon the subjects by the
Mir, putting a stop also to the harsh, unbearable system
of slavery. I will not say much about the bad habits
and nature of the Mirs of these provinces, as I have
said enough about them in the early part of my book.

In the year 1883, the Shinwari tribes, lying towards
the south-east of Jellalabad all across the Peshawar
road, who had been always troublesome to the rulers
of Kabul, became quite unbearable. For many 3^ears
they had been in the habit of looting the Kafilas,
murdering the travellers, and plundering the properties
and flocks of the villages. During; the whole of the
late Shere Ali's rule, the Peshawar road was most

«.] THE SHINWAKIS 237

dangerous, on account of the plundering by these
robbers; indeed, all along the road, as for as Kabul,
nobody could travel without fear of being murdered
and plundered. I therefore considered it expedient to
put an end to such cruelties and dangers which
constantly threatened those who had dealings with
these tribes.

In the winter of 1883 I left my son, Habibullah
Khan, in charge of Kabul, as Governor, and myself
went to Jellalabad to endeavour to restore peace and
good order to the country round. I accordingly in-
vited the chiefs and priests of the Shinwaris to meet
me, speaking to them very gently, in a friendly voice,
as follows : " It is against the wish and commands of
God and His Prophet, that you should rob and plunder
other Muslims." Though I tried very hard to persuade
them to stop their bad habits, they had plundered and
robbed for so many years, that they paid no heed to my
advice. I may mention that Shahmad, who was
Governor of Jellalabad in the time of Amir Shere Ali,
used to punish those who complained against the
robberies of the Shinwaris, arguing that the complainer
was trying to make trouble between him and the
Shinwaris.

At last, being tired of their obduracy and in-
attention to my advice to stop plundering the country,
I began to make preparations to punish them. At
this time, Nur Mahomed, son of Sirdar Wali Mahomed,
together with the notorious robbers of the Sala Khel
tribe, named Sadu and Dadu, joined the Shinwaris,
making up a force of about 15,000 fighting men to
oppose my army. I appointed General Ghulam Haidar,

238 WARS DURING MY REIGN" [chap.

now Commander- in -Chief of Turkestan, together with
3 battalions of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 2
batteries of artillery to fight against them. My subjects,
who lived in the neighbourhood of the Peshawar road,
requested me to give them permission to fight against
the rebels, as they were tired of being robbed, but I
refused, stating that it was my duty to punish those
who interfered with the safety and peace of my subjects.
The fighting took place four times in four different
places, called Hissarak Valley, Achin, Mangal, and
Mango Khel. In every one of these battles the rebels
were defeated, leaving many killed and wounded upon
the field. After this, the rest of the rebellious tribes
became subject to my rule. The Mango Khel were
either killed entirely or fled towards Tirah.

I ordered that the heads of all those who were
killed in battle should be piled up in the shape of two
big towers — one at Jellalabad, the other at the residential
place of Shahmad, who had encouraged them in their
misbehaviour ; so that people, when looking at those
towers built with the heads of the rebels, should know
that this is the reward for those who kill travellers. I
will give two lines from a Pushto poem, which gives the
character of the Shinwari people :

" You may try gently for hundreds of years to make friends,
But it is impossible to make scorpions, snakes, and Shinwari, friends."

At the end of this very same year, 1883, the
Mangal and Zurmat1 tribes rebelled against me.
This rebellion was caused by events mentioned else-
where, which was practically at the root of all the

1 These are two provinces under Afghan rule, lying south-east uf
Kabul, near the borders of India.

xi.] DILAWAR KHAN OF MAIMANA 239

Civil Wars. In addition to this, some of the Fraris1
were the cause of this stirring up of the people to
rebellion. A force was sent from Kabul, under the
command of General Saif-ud-Din to stop the rebellion.
This General was one of those lazy, stupid officers who,
under Shere Ali, had got into the habit of taking their
salary and doing nothing for it. Acting upon this
principle, he did not fight against the rebels, and was
consequently brought back to Kabul as a prisoner in
the month of April 1884; another army under the
command of General Katal Khan 2 and Yayah (a
priest), being sent to replace him. After a little
fighting the people were defeated, and, submitting
themselves, became peaceful subjects ever after.

In 1884, it was considered necessary that Dilawar
Khan, Wali of Maimana, who had proclaimed himself
an independent ruler, and against whom an army was
sent by Mahomed Ishak without any result, as men-
tioned in a previous chapter, should be brought to his
senses. This time I was determined to give him no
chance of holding aloof any more. I therefore gave
instructions that two separate forces should proceed on
Maimana; one of them was sent from Herat under the

1 The word "Frari" means literally "one who has run away," but it is also
a general term used to denote the following : (1) Those who have saw, I
their lives by running away from their country are called Fraris ; (2) those
who are sent out of the country into exile by order of the Government are
also called Fraris, or, sometimes, Iklirajis (expelled); (3) those persons
who accompany or follow their Chief or Sovereign into exile when he
is banished from his own country are called his Fraris ; as, for example,
all those men, from a Brigadier to a drummer-boy, who accompanied the
Amir to Russia, are called his Fraris, and also all who are with his rivals,
either with Ayub in India, or with Ishak in Russia, are called their Fraris.
'■ This gentleman died in 1895; he was a nephew of the well-known
Commander-in-Chief, Ghulam Haidar, who also died in 1898.

240 WARS DURING MY REIGN [CHap.

command of a Brigadier, Zabardast Khan,1 which
consisted of 1 battalion of the Herat infantry, 200
sowars of cavalry, and 6 guns.

The Jamshidi chief, named Yalun Dush Khan, also
accompanied the Brigadier, with 600 militia soldiers.
This army, under the Brigadier's orders, left Herat
for Maimana on the 10th of April. At the same time
Mahomed Ishak was instructed by me to march from
Balkh with 5000 fighting men. The fort of Maimana is
a very strong one, but after a few days' siege and a
small skirmish, the insurgents submitted to my rule.
Dilawar was taken prisoner for his misdeeds and
brought to Kabul. Mir Hussain Khan, who had been
a prisoner in Dilawar's hands, was released from gaol,
and appointed Governor of Maimana in the place of
Dilawar.

In the same year, having practically made myself

1 This official has now retired. His father, Mir Alam Khan, is
Governor of Kandahar, and his younger brother, Faiz Mahomed, is the
Kabchi Bashi (the Head of the Keepers of the gate of the Royal Court).
This is an office of secondary importance only, and consists in arranging
the seats and chairs for the courtiers of the Sovereign ; also to introduce
all persons to the Sovereign who wish to see him. The first officer in this
department is a Gentleman Usher called Aishak Akasi. This last office is
now held by Sirdar Kudus Khan above mentioned, the Conqueror of Herat.
When state officials or guests of the state, or any of the subjects, chiefs,
or foreigners come to see the Amir, either on his own account or upon
Government business, with or without an invitation from the Amir, he
must wait outside the Court Hall in a waiting-room. He must then give
his name, and, if requested, the reason of his visit to the Amir, to one
of the Assistants of the Head Doorkeeper. This Assistant thereupon
reports all particulars concerning the visitor and his business to the
Head Doorkeeper ; or, if he is absent, to the Gentleman Usher, who is
always in the presence of the Amir from the moment that he awakes until
he goes to bed. On being reported to the Amir by the Head Doorkeeper
or Usher, the visitor is either invited to go in, or refused audience, as the
case may be. In this way every one must approach the Amir through the
intermediary of the Head Doorkeeper or the Gentleman Usher.

m.| SETTLING BOUNDAKIES 241

master of Kabul and the Kingdom of Afghanistan, in-
cluding the three most important provinces of the
country which had been separated from it, namely,
Herat, lately under Ayub ; Kandahar, under Shere AH
Willi : .Mahnaua, under Dilawar, I considered it neces-
sary to mark out and delimit the boundaries of my
dominions with the Foreign Powers. I will not con-
sider the Boundary question in the present chapter ;
a special one will be devoted to it. I merely allude
here to that one point which led to a war, as will be
hereafter mentioned.

A Boundary Commission was appointed by the
Governments of Great Britain and Afghanistan on the
one side, and by the Russian Government on the other,
to divide and mark out the frontier line between Russia
and Afghanistan. The head of the English Mission was
Sir Peter Lumsden.

In the first place, the Russian Government were
not very well pleased at my being so friendly with the
English, and, as it were, turning my back upon them.
I must confess that I never forgot the kindness shown
to me by them during my stay in their territory, but
for all that, I am bound to be friendly with the English
for two reasons : — ( 1 ) because I had made an agree-
ment with them ; and (2) it suits me and my interests
better.

Secondly. — They were irritated at the idea of the
Afghan Government having the courage to put an end
to Russian aggression by marking out its boundary
line.

Thirdly. — They preferred that the Afghan Govern-
ment and Russia should divide the frontiers of their

VOL. I. Q

242 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

respective Governments without England's interference
on behalf of Afghanistan.

Fourthly. — My going to visit Rawal Pindi was a
very sore point with the Russians, because the Russian
newspapers had spread rumours, at the time of the
English leaving Kabul in 1880, to the effect that the
British had not left Kabul on their own account, and
on friendly terms with Abdur Rahman — but that on the
contrary, they had run away from Kabul, after being
defeated. One of the chief reasons for my going to
Rawal Pindi was to contradict these false statements,
and to show the Russians that I was a friend to the
British. Furthermore, that the relations between the
Government of Great Britain and my own Government
continued to be still more strongly cemented than
before. For the above-mentioned reasons, and perhaps
also for the usual habit of the Russian policy to move to-
wards the East, one detachment of the Russian army ad-
vanced towards Panjdeh. Having foreseen this danger,
I considered it advisable to send a strong force to keep
the Russians from entering and taking possession of the
town of Panjdeh as I had done before by taking posses-
sion of Shignan and Roshan before M. Ivanoff entered.
But the more I tried to impress on the English
Government that it was of vital importance that a
strong force should be sent at. once to protect Panjdeh
from Russian aggression, the less notice was taken of
my appeal. The answer I received from them was :
" Whatever place is in the possession of the Afghan
army, the Russians dare not touch it." Not only that,
but the assurances of the British as to the safety of
Panjdeh went so far to comfort my mind, that on

«.] THE PANJDEH AFFA1K 243

the 21st of November 1884, Sir Peter Lumsden wrote
to me that he would see that no fighting took place
between the Russian and Afghan armies. Meanwhile,
the Russian force was advancing rapidly, and on the
13th of March 1885, the Russian army concentrated
at Kazaltcpe and fortified that place. The Afghan
army was at Aktepc, towards the left of the Oxus
River. It consisted of only 140 gunners with 4 brass
guns, and 4 mountain battery guns, and a small force
of infantry. On the 30th of March, the Afghan
army was at Pul-i-khishti and the Russian army was
at Kazaltepe, only a mile distant from each
other. On the 29th of March, General Komaroff sent
a message to the Afghan General to remove his army
towards the right bank of the river, otherwise fighting
would take place and they would attack the Afghan
army.

Up to this moment the English officials of the
Mission and their soldiers had given every assurance
to the officials of my army that Russia dare not attack
them so long as they did not move from their station ;
and, further, that if the Russians attacked my soldiers
without any moving forward on their part, it would
be a breach of the Conventions existing between the
Powers, for which they [the Russians] would be called
to account. My General, named Gaus-ud-Din, who was
strictly instructed by me not to do anything contrary
to the advice of the British officers of the Mission, being
satisfied by the promises of the English officials, re-
mained in his position. The following day, the 30th
of March, a full brigade of the Russian army attacked
the small Afghan force lying there ; the English officials,

244 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

on hearing this news, together with their army and
followers, fled towards Herat.

General Gaus-ud-Din Khan, and the other officers
of the Afghan army, reminded the English officials
of their assurance that the Russians dare not make an
attack upon the Afghan position, and that if such an
attack were made the Afghans were to ask for English
help. Relying upon these assurances, therefore, they
must not be left to meet the Russians sinole-kanded.

But this did not stop the flight of the English. The
Afghans requested the English to lend them their
rifles, as they would be at a disadvantage with their
muzzle-loading rifles against the breech-loaders of the
Russians. The rifles and powder of the Afghans were
also greatly damaged by damp and rain, and were of
very little use. But the English, who had promised
to stand by the Afghans, refused to lend them their
rifles, leaving this small force of brave Afghans to
fight for themselves and be killed upon the battlefield.
The English fled towards Herat without a moment's
delay. I heard a statement, though I cannot be re-
sponsible for its truth, that the English army and
officials were so frightened and nervous, that they fled
in wild confusion, not knowing friends from foes, and
owing to the intense cold, several of their poor native
followers lost their lives in falling from their ponies
as they rode along. Some of the officials also were
thrown from their horses — I will not mention their
names. But the brave soldiers of the Afghan army,
who were proud of the prestige attaching to their
nation, felt themselves bound to keep it up by fighting
so tremendously, that a large number was killed or

-xi] THE RUSSIANS AT PANJDEH 245

wounded. But, alas! owing to the wretched rifles
they had, and to their small numbers as compared with
the forces of the enemy, they could do little, and a
small number only reached Herat after the defeat.
This cavalier treatment by the English has had the
effect upon the Afghan nation of minimising the English
prestige until the present time. I have tried hard
to assure my people that Mr Gladstone was at that
time the Leader of the Liberal Party, who were then
in power, and that this was the reason why such a weak
policy was adopted, otherwise the English would have
made the Russians pay for their wrong-doings. My
people, however, would not listen to this version,
saying : "If in the future we happen to be at war
with an enemy, how are we to know whether the
Liberal or Conservative Party is in Power ? ' And,
further, " If the Liberal Party was unable to help us,
why did not the English army and the heads of the
Mission tell us that they would run away at the last
m< tment ? So, according to the proverb, ' forewarned
is to be forearmed,' we should have made different
arrangements, if we had known that the English
did not intend to keep their promises." It would
have been an easy matter, from the month of
December, when these misunderstandings began, to
the 30th of March, for the Afghan army to have
reached Herat from Kabul for the protection of
Panjdeh, though there was no need to send an
army from Kabul, there being a sufficiently large
Afghan force stationed at Herat and Turkestan. In
short, the Russians took the town of Panjdeh by
force on the 30th of March 1885. and as no one

24G WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

has had the power to re- take the town, it is still in
their possession.

1 was at Rawal Pindi, discussing matters with Lord
Dufferin, and on the very eve of Lord Dufferin giving
me assurances of British support in the event of
Russian aggression upon Afghan territory, the news
of the Russian aggression and taking of Panjdeh was
sent me by Lord Dufferin himself. But I was not
a man to get excited, and therefore took the matter
calmly as a lesson for the future.1

In the same year, 1885, I issued instructions for
the subjugation and annexing to my dominions of the
people of Kilman. Kilman is a peak of mountains
lying towards the north-east of the province of
Lamkan.2 In addition to my desire to make these
people peaceful subjects and to leave them independent,
I had a special reason for their subjugation. This

1 In 1895, when Mr Curzon, now Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India,

was discussing matters with the Amir personally, I had the honour of

being the medium of intercourse between my Sovereign, the Amir, and Mr

Curzon. During the course of conversation the Amir mentioned the

Panjdeh incident, speaking strongly and bitterly, though under the veil

of humour. Curiously enough, Mr Curzon answered that it was not his

Government that was in power at that time, but the Liberal Government

of Mr Gladstone. The Amir laughed heartily, saying : " I am sorry that I

am not a prophet, neither am I inspired to know whether at some future

time, if I am in trouble, a Liberal or Conservative Government will be in

power. Also, it yet remains to be proved whether the Conservative Party

will take a different course, when an occasion arises, to that taken by the

Liberal Party." One of the Amir's favourite sayings is that the cleverest

thing in the British Constitution is the arrangement whereby there is always

one party or the other to put the blame upon when mistakes are made.

2 This is the richest and most fertile province lying between Jellalabad
and Kabul on the northern side of the Peshawar road. It is called
Laghman, which is a corruption of the word Lamkan. The Afghan
historians state that one of Noah's sons, called Mihtar Lamak, was the
first who landed after the great Deluge ; this province is therefore called
after his name. There is a huge tomb near Mandrar, a town in Lamkan,

xl] SUBJUGATION OF XI L.MAX 247

reason was that every person, who used to rebel or
commit murders and other crimes in the neighbourhood
of Jellalabad l used to seek protection on these peaks
of the Kilman Mountains. There was no road leading
to this valley, and, in fact, no guns could be trans-
ported there, nor could horsemen ride into the valley.
The only possible path for foot-passengers was exceed-
ingly narrow, with steep precipices on either side. So
narrow was this path that only one man at a time
could walk along- it, and two or three men could
easily defend it against a large army by throwing
stones down upon them from above, because, however
numerous the army might be, they could only approach
in Indian file — one after the other. This was the
cause of their strength and the reason that they had
not been conquered by any force before this time.

The officers in charge of my army were : — Ghulam
Ilaidar Khan Tokhi, Commander - in - Chief ; Dost
Mahomed Khan Jabar Khel (this gentleman is blind

called the tomb of the prophet Lam or Lamak. How far this tradition is
true I cannot tell ; though, on the other hand, it is generally believed in
Kabul that the Devil was thrown into the Valley of Laghman when ex-
pelled from Paradise. This is the reason, according to the statement of the
Kabulese, why the people of Laghman are so clever in deceiving and
taking in other people. The Laghmanese, on their side, say that the
Devil was first landed on the hill of Asmai, lying to the west of the city
of Kabul, and therefore the Kabulese are greater devils than the
Laghmanese. The larger part of the people, however, believe that the
last-mentioned place has the honour (?) of being the Devil's first resting-
place on earth. I myself believe the people of Lamkan to be the
cleverest business people of all the tribes in Afghanistan, and I will leave
the task of deciding which is really the Devil's place for these two tribes
themselves to decide.

1 This is the principal town between Kabul and Peshawar, and it is
an important headquarter of the army. The town founded by the Great
Emperor Akbar, of Delhi, was formerly named Jellal-ud-din, after whose
name the town is called Jellalabad, which means "founded by Jellal."

248 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

now) ; Mir Sana Gul (now in the Amir's service) ;
Mahomed Gul Khan Jabar Khel (he died in prison
in 1896); and Mahomed Afzal Jabar Khel (he is also
dead). There were two kinds of soldiers under these
officers, namely, regulars and some militia from the hill
tribes, who were especially skilled in mountain-climbing.
AVhen it grew dark the officials pulled themselves up
by ropes to the top of the peak of one of the hills, not
going near the path held by the rebels ; and having
in this way concentrated their forces without the enemy
in the valley knowing anything of their movements,
they attacked him. The enemy's force was not a
large one, only 1000 families being the whole popula-
tion. After a slight skirmish the people were defeated,
and they accordingly made peace, promising to live
as peaceful subjects in the future.

But they broke their promise and Oath of Allegiance,
and, in 1886, treacherously killed one of my Lieutenant-
Colonels, together with 200 soldiers under him, who
were stationed there. This time the above-mentioned
Commander - in - Chief attacked and conquered them,
driving the whole population before him out of the
valley, and not leaving a soul behind. Other lands
were given to them, in compensation for those they
had lost, in the provinces of Girishk, Zurmat, and
Khost, far away from their original homes. They
were replaced by the people from Lamkan and other
provinces.1 In this way the troubles of this valley
ended for ever.

1 The usual mode of exile in Afghanistan is that when a certain tribe
or family commit a serious crime or rebellion or intrigue, so that there is
any real or probable danger of the peace being broken, such people are
removed from the province or place where they have been agitating and

xi.] BEBELLTON IN 188G-1887 249

The General Rebellion in 1886 and 1887.

Of the Civil Wars which occurred since the day of
my accession to the throne up to the present day,
some were, comparatively speaking, small, and were
speedily put down by an ordinary force and attention,
without causing me much anxiety, or being followed
by any serious consequences. There were others which
took rather a serious form, and extended over a long
period; more than that, there were troubles and signs
of a general rebellion all over the country, which
resulted in four civil wars ; namely : — (l) The war
with Mahomed Ayub at Kandahar, in 1881, as I
have before mentioned. At this time the ignorant
priests had tried to incite the people all over the
country to rise against me in a religious war, but
they failed to do so; (2) the Ghilzai rebellion, about
which I shall write in this section, lasted for about
two years ; (3) Mahomed Ishak's rebellion at Turkestan
in 1888 ; and (4) Hazarajat in a general rising in
the years 1891, 1892, and 1893. The two last-named
will be mentioned later on ; here we are only concerned
with the general Ghilzai l rising.

exercising such evil influence, and sent to another part of the kingdom.
Here they are given lands and homes, equal in value to the immovable
property they have left, such as houses and lands. There are some excep-
tions to this rule ; for instance, those who are the Amir's enemies, and
who have friends living in India or Russia, are sent into exile to the
places where their friends live.

1 Ghil, in the Pushto or Afghan language, means a thief, and Zai means
son : the meaning of the whole word is, consequently, "stolen son." The
story of the origin of this word is as follows : One of the daughters of an
ancient Afghan King fell in love with a prince, called Mir Hussain, who
was in exile, and married him without her father's knowledge, and a son

250 WARS DUEING MY EEIGN [chap.

The causes which led to this general rebellion and
their consequences are as follows : —

(1) The first cause, as I have said elsewhere, was that
during the reign of Shere Ali and Yakub, owing to their bad
administration and weakness, nearly every mullah and khan
(chief) considered himself independent, and they gave them-
selves the airs of princes and prophets. The mullahs and
khans of the Ghilzais came largely under this category ; they
were the strongest, most warlike and bravest tribe in Afghanis-
tan ; in numbers, also, they were one of the three largest tribes
of the country ; viz. Duranis, Hazaras, and Ghilzais. The
Turkomans also are a very large tribe under Afghan rule;
some may say that the Hazaras are also Mongolians, but
they are included in the Afghan tribes, for the reason that
they are spread all over the country, and not separate, as
the Turkomans are. The Ghilzais had very influential chiefs,
with a considerable number of fighting men. These khans
or chiefs, as well as their armies, were very cruel and harsh
to the subjects, their cruelties, their unlimited authority,
their excessive taxation, their robberies and plunderings,
their attacks on the caravans, their constant warfare with
each other, the wholesale slaughter of humanity in general,
were well known to the people, not only of the country itself,
but to the world at large. It was natural, therefore, that I,
who was the least likely person in the world to allow such

was born to them. The King, upon making enquiries about the child, was
informed by his daughter that, as nobody knew that her husband was a
prince, she was afraid that her father would not consent to her marriage
to an ordinary person, though she knew him to be of royal birth. The
father jokingly replied that her child should be called " Ghilzai," meaning
"stolen son," and so the descendants of that child are called Ghilzais,
now one of the bravest and strongest tribes in the country. In this tribe
still, with very rare exceptions, the women choose their husbands for them-
selves, and they are not shut up in harems. The ceremonies connected
with selection of husbands, their engagements and marriages, which are
most interesting and peculiar, are described in my book " On the Marriage
Customs and Social Life of the Afghans," which I hope shortly to publish.

xi.] CAUSES OF THE REBELLION 251

misbehaviour under my very eyes, should be hated by them,
and that every possible attempt would be made to upset my rule.

The poet Sadi says :

" The reason why the meadow-snake doth bite the shepherd
Is that the shepherd's hand is first to break the snake's head."

(2) I had imprisoned Shere Khan Tokhi Ghilzai, who had
rebelled in 1881, as has been mentioned in a former chapter,
and several of his friends and followers were offended about it.

(3) Asmtullah Khan and other Ghilzai chiefs were friends
or relations of the late Shere Ali's family, and therefore were in
communication with my enemies. They were intriguing amongst
the tribes, and for this Asmtullah Khan was arrested in 1882.
He was a Ghilzai chief, and the cause of some of the agitation.

(4) The well-known mullah, Mushk-Alim (" fragrance of the
universe " — I called him Mush- Alim, " the mouse of the universe,"
a more appropriate name for him than the first, because his
face was like that of a mouse, and his behaviour still more
contemptible) — joined with the so-called Ghazis who used to
extort money from the people. They called themselves Ghazis
and Mullahs in order to appear like great men and people of
importance in the eyes of the subjects. As I had stopped all
this nonsense, they tried to give me trouble by using the great
inlluence they exercised over the ignorant, uncivilised people
of the Ghilzai nation, to which they themselves belonged.
They continued their intrigues for years, and succeeded in
kindling a fire from which sprang a civil war which caused
groat bloodshed and misery to thousands of people.1 Allah

1 One of the Amir's favourite sayings is: "More wars and murders
have been caused in this world by ignorant priests than by any other class
of people;" and further, he frequently says that, if it were possible, he
would kill every one of them. He also says that the great drawback to
progress in Afghanistan has been that these men, under the pretence of
religion, have taught things which were entirely contrary to the principles
and teaching of Mahomed, and that, being false leaders of religion, the
sooner they are got rid of the better. He has once or twice tied up their
long beards to a rope, or to each other's beards, ordering the one to pull
away from the other.

252 WAES DURING MY REIGN [chap:

says in the Holy Koran, by His Blessed Prophet, Mahomed,
" Live ye on God's earth with justice and peace, and do not
be the cause of quarrels and bloodshed, as the Almighty Allah
loveth not those who break the peace on His earth." Alas !
the actions of the priests are quite contrary to the teachings of
the religion to which they belong.

(5) I had issued orders to collect the revenue from the
country, which was in arrears, and people did not like to pay.

(G) In such a country as Afghanistan, where the Treasury
was empty, and a great deal of money was required for the
internal expenses, as well as for the building and keeping in
order of the fortifications of its frontiers against powerful
foreign aggressors, who, like hungry vultures, are anxious to
swallow their weak victim, money was badly needed. Nearly
half the revenue of the whole kingdom was given by the Govern-
ment as allowances to the mullahs, syads,1 and numerous so-
called saints, or holy leaders, under the name of Pirs. This
was a double injury and cause of the ruin and weakness of
the Government. (1) There was a loss of half the state
revenue which was collected by these people, who had no
right to it, and did nothing to earn it. (2) It induced people to
live a lazy life and get Government money for doing nothing,
rewarding them for being helpless creatures of no use to their
country or to themselves. I put a stop to these numerous
allowances, which were such a burden on the Government
Treasury, with one stroke of my pen, by saying that salaries
would be paid to those only who performed services according
to their merits, and they would have to pass certain examina-

1 The descendants of Mahomed, through his daughter Fatima, are
Syads. The word me;ms Sirdar or head. It is a curious thing that
though the only descendants of Mahomed are from his only daughter,
Fatima, who also did not leave many children, yet the Syads are to be
found spread over every Mahomedan country in such large numbers, that
the Amir says he does not believe that they are all Syads ; in fact, accord-
ing to Mahomed's own words, they do not prove themselves to be true
Syads, because they do not follow his example as they ought to do amongst
their fellow-believers in ten points — generosity, charity, mercy, kindness
to eacli other, piety, virtue, love of peace, self-sacrifice, etc.

xi.] END OF GHILZAI REBELLION lo-

tions to prove their right to be paid. In this way the
allowances of all these self-important men, including the
family of the above-mentioned "mouse of the universe," and
many other mice of the same kind, were stopped. This money
was paid to the brave soldiers who were employed to kill such
miserable injurious mice, so that they do not make holes in
people's houses by their unjust extortions any more.

This step caused the greatest sensation among the
mullahs, leaders of religiou, and so-called saints, who
complained loudly, and the rebellion with which we
have to deal was the result of this summary treatment,
Luckily, however, in this rebellion, I got rid of all the
''mice" for ever.1 The first attempt made by these
people to overthrow my rule was reported to me in
April, 1886, when they wrote a letter addressed to Her
Majesty, the Queen of England, forwarding it through
Sir Oliver St John. In this letter the Ghilzais said : —

" If you ever intended to benefit and support the depressed and
oppressed people of Afghanistan, you could not find a better
chance than this, but you must give us help without any delay."

Whether this letter ever reached any of the responsible
ministers of the British Government or not I cannot
say, but this much I do know, that it produced no
answer to the rebels. They further invited Mahomed
Ayub to come over from Persia to join them, but his
attempts to enter the country were unsuccessful. This
will be alluded to later. What other means the rebels
took I am not concerned about ; so much, however, is

1 In the Persian language the word, Mushk-Alim, meaning " fragrance,"
which was the name of the mullah, signifies also a "small mouse," if a little
more accent is placed upon it, without altering its construction, and the
Amir thus makes a sarcastic use of the word, veiled in its ambiguity, to
denote a small and insignificant thin^.

254 WARS DURING MY REIGN

[chap.

certain, that after intriguing secretly with no success,
they openly took up arms against me, as I will proceed
to relate.

The war commenced in the autumn of 1886 by
Shere Khan, son of Mir Ahmad, killing the son of
Sirdar Gul Mahmud Khan, grandson of Sirdar Kuhan-
dil Khan of Kandahar, on his way from Kandahar to
Kabul, at a place midway between Mashaki and Chahar-
deh, Shere Khan took possession of his wife, family, and
property, and carried them away. Another raid was
made at Mashaki by the Ghilzai people of Andar and
Hotak on one battalion of the Durani nation, which
was marching from Kandahar towards Kabul, with Mirza
Syad Ali, which, having been only lately recruited,
were as yet without arms. In this raid the Ghilzais
carried away 140 Government camels, 80 tents, and
30,000 rupees. On hearing of the trouble caused by
the Ghilzai tribe, to which Mushk-Alim belonged, I
ordered out General Ghulam Haidar Khan Tokhi, Haji
Gul Khan, Commandant (now Brigadier), and Colonel
Mahomed Sadik Khan (now Brigadier at Kandahar),
together with 2 battalions of infantry, 4 regiments of
cavalry, and 2 batteries of artillery. This force arrived
at Ghazni, where small engagements took place at two
places called Dahan-i-Shir and Nani, in which the rebels,
being defeated, dispersed.

During the winter the people were quiet, but all
the while they were engaged in secret plots and pre-
parations to stir up all the Ghilzais against me, and,
having succeeded in their plans, a general rising took
place in the month of March. A mullah, Abdul Karim,
son of Mushk-Alim, issued a proclamation in the month

xi] THE HOTAK REBELLION 255

of March, 1887, to the effect that he had already 12,000
fighting men with him, and therefore, if these tribes
also joined him, the victory would certainly be
theirs.

As it was reported to me that in the risings of the
autumn of 1886, which are described in the preceding
paragraph, the people of Hotak had also taken part, I
instructed Sirhand Sikander Khan (now dead), father
of General Ghulam Haidar Khan, to march from
Kandahar to the Hotak province, and to collect one
sword and one rifle per house, as a fine from the people
of Hotak. The arrival of Sirhand added to the fury
of the already discontented people of Hotak, and a
general rebellion broke out throughout Andra, Hotak,
Tarakki, and other Ghilzai tribes, who, having sent their
wives and families to Waziri, Zhob, and Hazara, took
arms to fight against my troops. At that time I had
not a strong army in the Ghilzai country, and large
towns, such as Ghazni, Kalat-i-Ghilzai, and Maruf,
were insufficiently fortified. General Ghulam Haidar
Khan had only two battalions of infantry, and three
regiments of infantry with him. I at once gave orders
that 600 foot soldiers, under the command of Colonel
Sufi, in the same month of March, should march out
to support Sikander Khan's column. I also ordered
some militia infantry and the newly-formed Durani
battalion to join Sikander Khan. The last-mentioned
body of men did not prove to be of very great service.
1 also quickly sent other forces from Kabul to support
General Ghulam Haidar Khan.

The fortunes of war turned first in favour of the
rebels. Isa Khan, Governor of Maruf. was defeated

256 WAES DURING MY REIGN [chap.

on his way, as he was going to join hands with Sikander
Khan. The rebels who defeated him were under the
command of Shah Khan Hotak. On the 12th of April,
Sikander Khan opened a battle at the same time and -
place with the rebels, where he was at first defeated,
but he finally obtained the victory.

At the same time war was going on to the north
also, where General Ghulam Haidar was fighting
gallantly against the Tarakki and Andri Ghilzais, and,
after a hard struggle, succeeded in pushing his way
through to join hands with the forces of his father,
Sikander Khan, who had been defeated by the Hotaks.
This junction of the troops took place in May, the
united forces comprising 4 battalions of infantry, 2
regiments of cavalry, and 18 guns. In addition to
these were some loyal subjects, under the command of
Bahlol Khan Tarakki, helping the Government army.
The enemy's force numbered 30,000 fighting men, who
had given the title of Amir to their leader, Shah Khan
Hotak. The rebels were continually being reinforced
and supported from all directions ; the disloyal Ghilzais
were also rising to join them. It was rumoured that
they had sent a request for help to the Russians, and
the people of Maimana, Herat, and Ayub in Persia,
which had been responded to by the people of Herat
and Maimana.

The greater number of my army, stationed at Herat,
were Ghilzais who, hearing that their nation and
kindred had arisen against me, changed their attitude
also, and on the 6th of June 1887, a considerable
number of the Hazara battalion of the Ghilzais,
stationed at Herat, mutinied in the fort of that town.

x. 1 SUCCESS OF GHULAM HAIDAR KHAN 257

The number of these disloyal soldiers who mutinied
was about 800. They plundered part of the magazine
and surrounded my Commander-in-Chief in the fort,
making him a prisoner. But my other soldiers, who
were also at Herat, remained loyal, and took up arms
against the traitorous mutineers who could not stand
before them, and finally left Herat for Andra to join
the rebels there. Some of the disloyal soldiers also
joined a large force of the rebels which had gathered
at Murghab, and this fact, by greatly encouraging the
rebels, caused much anxiety to the loyal officials. It
was feared that many people were only waiting to see
which way the scale balanced to throw in their lot
with the rebels. At this critical moment when the
traitors from my own army had joined hands with
the rebels, rumours were spread abroad by the ignorant
mullahs and by my enemies to the effect that Herat
was in the possession of the rebels, and that the people
of Maimana and other parts of the country had risen.
But my brave General, Ghulam Haidar Khan, succeeded
in defeating and dispersing the rebel army, wherever
he encountered them. At this time he defeated a large
gathering of the Hotak tribe, at Ata Gurh, and having
broken them up into small parties, he left his father
in charge of the place, himself marching further north,
where he fought another battle with the Tarakki tribe,
near Dand-i-Aba Istadah. Here he gained the victory,
and marched towards Murghab, where the mutinied
soldiers of Herat were joined in strong force with the
rebels. I hastened to send two battalions of infantry
and 400 cavalry sowars from Kabul to support the
chief in the month of June, and on the 27th of July

VOL. I. R

258 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

these combined forces defeated and dispersed one of the
columns of the rebel army which was on its way to join
the main body. After accomplishing the defeat of these
rebels, the General marched against their important con- '
centrated main body. The transport and Commissariat
arrangements for moving and feeding the rebel troops
were so bad, that the men were almost at the point of
death from scarcity of food. In short, they were de-
cisively defeated by the General, and though small
skirmishes continued during the month of August, they
were of no very great importance, as the general spirit
of rebellion had been cooled down by the disastrous
defeat of the enemy.

Mullah Abdul Karim fled towards Kuram, his
brother Fazal Khan being taken prisoner and killed.
Timur Shah Ghilzai, who was my Deputy Commander-
in-Chief, and had been found guilty of negligence at
the time of the war of Panjdeh, in 1885, but whom
I pardoned at the time, was reported to have taken
an active part in the rebellion against me ; with him
also were one of the captains and an orderly. He was
taken prisoner and brought to Kabul, and I ordered
him to be stoned to death on the 13th of July, for the
crime of high treason. This execution was meant as
a lesson to other military men, that they might know
how wicked it was for a man, who had been raised to
such a high and exalted position as Deputy Commander-
in-Chief, to take up arms against his own master, whose
salt and bread he had eaten for so many years.

When General Ghulam Haidar Khan returned to
Kabul, after his glorious victory, I raised him to the
rank of Deputy Commander-in-Chief, and gave him

x,.] MOVEMENTS OF AYUB 259

a diamond medal for his services. I also sent a large
number of soldiers of the Kabul army one day's march,
to act as a guard of honour for his reception, under
Parwana Khan. Thus ended the serious troubles with
the Ghilzais for ever.

Ayub, having heard the news of the victory of the
rebels, fled from Persia, unknown to the Persian Govern-
ment. But the shrewd and clever system of my In-
telligence Department is such that no person of any
importance can move in Persia, Russia, India, or in
Afghanistan, without being noticed and reported.1

1 There is no country in the world, perhaps not even in Russia, where
there are so many spies and such a perfect Detective Department as in
Afghanistan. Every house is believed to have a spy ; a wife is afraid of
her husband being set as a spy upon her, and the husband is afraid of his
wife. There are not wanting many instances where children report against
their parents, as did the son of Sirdar Dalu against his own father ; the
wife of Mistri Kutb betrayed her own husband. In fact, there are
hundreds of cases of this kind every year in which sons, relatives, and
dearest friends betray suspected persons, who, being proved guilty, are
punished, and the spies are rewarded by the Amir. This is the cause of
a general terror ; every one fears everybody else. But the Amir is obliged,
for his own safety, to be on his guard against the plottings and machina-
tions of a people who have killed their kings and chiefs in the past, and
who are always intriguing with the Amir's enemies both inside and outside
his dominions. I will quote one out of many instances to show how im-
portant it is to keep a strict watch all over the country. In 1891, when
nearly the whole of the army was sent out of Kabul to fight against the
Hazaras, a number of men in good positions joined in a conspiracy and
about a hundred men joined them. One night they determined to fire the
gaol, which was in the centre of the city of Kabul, and at a time when the
small force of city police were engaged in putting out the fire, a service
usually performed by them ; the Amir would thus be left without a
sufficient guard, and the coast would be clear for them to go and kill him.
It would then be an easy matter to raise a rebellion and sack and plunder
the city and all over the country. The Amir, having his spies in the cells
of the gaol, was informed of the plot only a few hours before the mischief
was to be done ; the plotters were caught, together with the letter of com-
munication with those in the cells of the prison.

Those who blame the Amir for this department and for setting spies
upon the people, must remember that he is forced to it for his own safety

260 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap

On hearing of Ayub's proposed movements, I placed
guards all over the frontier, to take him prisoner on his
crossing the borders into my dominions. When he
arrived at my frontier at Ghuryan, he saw my guards
there waiting to welcome him, and instead of gaining
the Kabul crown, he had a very unpleasant time in
saving his own life. He fled to the desert of Khorassan,
where he hid himself, and escaped with very great
difficulty from the grasp of those who were waiting to
offer him the crown ! As the poet says : —

" Any person who knocks his head against the solid rock,
does not hurt the rock, but breaks his head."

After a hard struggle and with great difficulty,
Ayub managed to hand himself over as a state prisoner
into the hands of General Maclean, the Viceroy's Agent
at Mashhad. After some correspondence, the wise step
was taken by Lord Durferin, the Viceroy, to bring Ayub
from Persia to India, where he is still living, and safe
from falling into the hands of my brave soldiers.

Ishak's Rebellion

I now come to the third and most important civil
war which took place in 1888; the causes which led
to it and the consequences that were the result are
mentioned further on for the information of the readers

and that of his family. Of course there are many instances of false reports
being made by the ^pie>, who have been bribed by enemies who thus seek
to revenge themselves cm those who have offended them. When such
reports are found to be false the spies are severely punished. A mullah,
named Kishmash, once made a report against the Amir's own son. The
charge was proved to be untrue, and the spy was blown from the mouth of
a gun.

xl] ISHAK'S REBELLION 2G1

of my book. I have mentioned elsewhere that before
I started from Russia for Afghanistan by one road, I
had sent three of my cousins, namely, Sirdar Kudus
Khan, Sirdar Sarwar Khan, and Ishak Khan, towards
Maimana. The full details of their journey have been
given in previous chapters. But to introduce the
principal rebel, Ishak Khan, my disloyal and traitorous
cousin, I must give some account of him. He was an
illegitimate child of Mir Azim, my uncle, and his
mother was an Armenian Christian girl, who was one
of the women in the harem, and not one of my uncle's
wives. The readers of this my book are fully
informed of the character of Ishak's father from what
they have read in previous chapters. They will also
remember the services I rendered him in placing him
on the throne at Kabul, after my father's death. My
father had been the King, and I ought to have succeeded
him, but I offered the throne to my uncle. All the
services that I rendered him up to the moment of his
death, and the kind treatment and protection I showed
to his son Ishak and his other sons need not be
repeated here, as they have been already given
elsewhere. These kindnesses were all forgotten, and
my readers can form their opinion of the ingratitude
of Ishak. It must also be remembered that all the
mischief caused in our family was from the hands of
Mir Azim, who made my father and Shere Ali enemies
to each other. The same love of mischief-makins; was
in the nature of Azim's son, Ishak, and was sure to
show itself sooner or later. When I left Russia I
exacted an Oath of Allegiance from my followers, and
I have now at Kabul the Holy Koran which was

262 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

signed and sealed by Mahomed Ishak at that time
also, he swearing to give me loyalty, sincerity, and
allegiance.1 Having appointed him as Viceroy and
Governor of Turkestan in the first year of my reign,
I placed full confidence in him and in his Oath of
Allegiance. All the Governors and military officers
whom I used to send from Kabul to Turkestan were
strictly instructed by me to look upon Mahomed Ishak
Khan at all times as my brother and son. The weekly
applications he used to make to me at Kabul, which
are now in my office, are full of assurances of his
obedience and faithfulness. He always addressed me
as a most sincere son and obedient servant would
address his father and master. He signed his letters
with the words, "Your slave and humble servant,
Mahomed Ishak." In consequence of this I addressed
him, "My dear son and brother." Having not the
slightest idea of his disloyalty, I placed the best rifles
and arms to be got at Turkestan under his disposal,
because he was on the frontier of Russia, and I thought
it wise to keep the largest stores of every kind there —
war materials as well as food, forage and provisions of
all kinds ready for any case of emergency — and I
continue to do so still. I did not know then that my
own weapons and money would be used against myself,
and the bullets from the best breech-loadino- otitis and

o o

1 The Koran is more used in Afghanistan for making and breaking
oaths than for purposes of religious instruction and learning God's com-
mands. Oaths on the Koran between brothers and friends are being made
and broken all day long. Examples are many of the ease with which
oaths are taken and broken. I will mention one only : Amir Shere Ali
made an oath on the Koran with Amir Afzul the day before taking him
prisoner.

xi.] ISHAK'S REBELLION 2G3

rifles which I had placed in his hands would be fin 'd
at my own breast. He was as false as his father. From
the very first day that I left him at Turkestan, he
represented that the expenses of the army, which I
had stationed there in strong force, were so great that
the income of the country was insufficient to pay them.
I therefore frequently sent money to him, which I
collected from other provinces, so that my soldiers
might be paid. All this time Ishak was collecting gold
and guns, making secret preparations, and intriguing
against me. He posed before the people of Turkestan
as a holy saint and a very virtuous strict Mahomedan.
He would get up early in the small hours of the
morning to attend prayers in the mosque, a procedure
which misled one portion of the Mahomedans, namely,
the mullahs, who only care for those people who say
long prayers and keep fasts without taking their actions
into account. These ignorant mullahs did not remember
the saying of the holy saint, Abdullah Ansar, which
runs as follows : — " To keep many fasts is to save your
food ; to say many prayers is the business of the idle
widows to escape work ; but to help others is the true
devotion of heroes." The same saint says also : 'l To fiy
in the air is no miracle, as the dirtiest flies can do it ; to
cross the rivers without a bridge or boat is no miracle,
as a terrier-dog or a dry piece of straw can also cross it,
but to win and help the suffering hearts is the miracle
required from holy men." i

1 Superstitious people used to believe that a person who is really a saint
can cross a river without boat or bridge, and that they could fly from one
town to another, which is also now the belief of occultists, and it is to this
belief that the great philosopher of Herat, Abdullah Ansar, refers. There
are many traditions connected with these supposed miracles ; one con-

264 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

The second deceit that Ishak practised upon the
uneducated Mahomedans was that in addition to beino;
an ecclesiastical leader and mullah, he entered into the
group of the disciples of one of the Dervishes of the
Nakhshbandis. This famous mystic sect of Dervishes,
entitled Nakhshband, was founded in the time of
Tamerlane by a holy saint of Bokhara, named Khwaja
Baha-ud-Din.1

There is no doubt that the teachings of the founder
of this sect were most reasonable as well as sacred, but
many of the pretenders of his sect are false ; their

cerning the tomb of a saint called Shahshid, at Kabul, may be given. This
tomb has been newly restored and rebuilt by the Amir Yakub. The
saint who is buried therein was named Khwaja Ishak of Khatlan, and
lived in the kingdom of Kolab, several hundred years ago. He once saw a
group of the followers of one of the greater saints, named Mir Syad Ali of
Hamadan, crossing the Oxus river without any bridge or boat, and he
asked their leader to let him ride behind him on his horse and so get over
the river. At one spot where the water was very swift the man told the
saint to grasp him round the waist, so that he should not fall into the
river. The saint replied : " I will hold you tight in this world as well as
in the next." The thought that all men were parts of the one soul of God
was revealed to the man's soul, and made such an impression on him, that
he became a devoted disciple of this saint.

1 There are four principal mystic sects in Mahomedanism, viz. :
(1) Nakhshband ; (2) Kadriya, founded by Shere Abdul Sheikh, about
700 years ago, he is buried at Bagdad ; (3) Chishtia, founded by Muin-
ud-Din, a few years later, he is buried in Ajmir in India ; and (4) Suhar
Wardi, founded by Shahab-ud-Din. Sixty-four sects are flourishing all
over the Islamic community, and the tombs of their founders are the
centre of great devotion from all parts of the country. There is not space
here to give the different practices of these devotees, but this much may
be said, that the name Nakhshband was given to its founder owing to a
tradition which arose that he was in the service of a potter, his duty being
to attend to the firing furnaces. One day, as he was repeating in his heart
the name of " Allah," he engraved by a miracle the same word " Allah "
on every one of the pots which were in the furnace, so that it could be
read by every one. Therefore the name of Nakhshband — an engraver —
was given to him, and it is believed that, by being merely his disciple, the
love of God is being impressed on the hearts of every one.

XI.]

ISHAK'S PECULATIONS 26;

principal reason for making disciples being to extort
money from them, that they themselves might lead a
lazy life. They forget that it is entirely against the
teachings, as well as against the practice of our Holy
Prophet, who used to work hard himself, and against
the practice of the founder of this sect, Nakhshband,
who, as it has been shown, worked as a potter, and
devoted his thoughts to the divine worship of God.
The practice of his teachings is given in the following
extract from a Persian poem : —

" Keep your hands occupied in work, and your heart occupied with the
love of your Beloved [he means God]. Be outwardly occupied in the
business of the temporal world and inwardly occupied with the culture of
your so\il and things of the spiritual world."

As the Turkomans are specially devoted to this sect,
Ishak Khan joined them to curry favour with the
Turkomans who were under his governorship. The
false Pirs of Mazar-i-Sherif told Ishak that they were
inspired, and that the Khwaja Nahkshband had
bestowed the throne of Kabul upon him. Ishak
believed this, and publicly proclaimed himself Amir of
Afghanistan.

We must go back for a little while to mention that
three years before the rebellion it had been reported to
me that Ishak had collected more revenue than he gave
account of to me, that he had more than sufficient
money for all requirements from the income of the
province, and he was not justified in asking for more
money to be sent him. Upon hearing this, I sent
one of my officials to go into Ishak's accounts and give
me a true report. But although I was told that Ishak
was playing me false, I could not bring myself to believe

2GG WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

anything against him. On several occasions similar
reports had been made, but not only did I ignore
them, but strictly forbade people from speaking against
Ishak.

Next year I wrote asking him to meet me and to send
in his accounts, but he excused himself on the pretext
that he was ill, and sent the accounts by the hands of
one of his assistants. I was informed about this time
that his intrigues had become unbearable ; he also
exacted oaths sworn upon the Holy Koran from many
people to be faithful to him, and those who would not
swear he punished or put to death secretly. When I
heard that he was ill I sent one of my Court physicians,
Abdul Shakur (who is now at Kabul), to treat him.
This clever physician, knowing that his letter might
be seized by Ishak's men, wrote to me that Sirdar
Ishak' s indisposition was mainly mental, thus delicately
hinting that there was nothing at all the matter with
him except malice towards me. Notwithstanding this,
and the constant succession of reports which were sent
me from various sources, I hesitated to believe in their
truth.

But just about this time I had a long and severe
attack of gout that lasted for several months. In the
month of June, 1888, I became very seriously ill at my
summer residence on the Lamkan Hills, about eighteen
miles from Kabul ; this attack continued until the
month of August. Nobody was allowed to see me
excepting the Court physicians and my personal
attendants. As I am always accessible to people who
wish to see me on any business, even when I am ill,
the fact that no one was permitted to approach me

XI.] ISHAK'S COINAGE 2G7

now gave rise to a rumour that I was dead, and that
the news was kept from the people.1

The disloyal Ishak to whom this report of my death
had been taken, claimed to be my successor and the
new Amir, deceiving many of my loyal subjects by
saying that, as I had always treated him as a brother
and son, he had the best title to the throne ; adding
that he intended to march on Kabul at once, so that the
country should not fall into the possession of the
English, as might easily happen, seeing that it was
without a ruler. Ishak actually set to work and coined
his own rupees, with the following inscription upon
them : —

" La illah Amir Mahomed Ishak Khan." (There is no God
but one, and Mahomed Ishak Khan is His Amir.) 2

When I heard this news I ordered General Ghulam
Haidar Khan Orakzai, Deputy Commander-in-Chief,
and General Wakil Khan (dismissed for his cowardly
behaviour and defeat in running away when fighting
against the bad Mahomed Ishak), Commandant Abdul
Hakim Khan (son of the distinguished General Abu
Ahmad and nephew of General Omar Ahmad Khan,

1 Miss Hamilton, M.D., lias described how she used to see the Amir, at
the time he was so ill and under her treatment, teaching the bricklayers
how to build Russian stoves in his own rooms, even putting the mortar
and bricks in place with his own hands ; and many Europeans who have
come into personal contact with the Amir also bear witness to his great
capacity for work, that even when seriously ill he cannot be idle.

2 The first half of the inscription is the usual Kalima or religious phrase
of the Mahomedans, and the next is Mahomed Rasululah, meaning that
there is no God but one, and Mahomed is His messenger and prophet. I
have seen this rupee myself, and I must say that it was a most audaciuiH
stroke on the part of Ishak to substitute his name in the sentence for that
of the Prophet.

268 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

the Amir's military instructor and personal adviser,
and grandson of General Shahab-ud-Din Khan, the
first instructor of the Afghan artillery, now in charge
of the Elephant Battery at Kabul) ; Brigadier Faiz
Mahomed Khan (now in charge of the Amir's body-
guard) ; Colonel Haji Gul Khan ; Colonel Abdul Haya
Khan ; and others, together with four regiments of
cavalry, thirteen battalions of infantry, and twenty-six
guns, to march against Ishak by way of Bamian.1

On the other side Sirdar Abdullah Khan Tokhi,
then Governor of Kataghan and Badakshan (now in
personal attendance upon the Amir), marched from the
East towards Balkh. On the 17th of September,
General Ghulam Haidar Khan's forces reached Aibak,
two days' march from Balkh ; and on the 23rd of the
same month, Sirdar Abdullah Khan's forces joined hands
with that General. On the 29th of September the battle
was fought in the Valley of Ghazni Gak, three miles
south of the town of Tashkurghan. The battle was a
very severe and tedious one, as Ishak's army, numbering
from 20,000 to 24,000 soldiers, together with himself
and his son Sirdar Ismail, were trying their best to
win the victory, knowing that this battle would decide
the fortunes of both parties, one way or the other. On
the other hand, readers of the preceding chapters in this
book know that I had no more devoted and trusted
friend than Sirdar Abdullah Khan, or a better trained

1 Bamian is the most important town in the centre of Afghanistan, near
Ghazni, and is supposed to have been flourishing at the time of Budda,
whose huge statue is still standing outride the town. This statue is con-
sidered to be the most famous work of art existing among the ruins of
Central Asia. The statue is so gigantic that hundreds of pigeons have
their nests inside the ears of the figure.

„.] DEFEAT OF ISHAK 269

and experienced officer than General Glmlam Haidar
Khan. Neither of these officials were to be defeated
easily. Mahomed Ishak was a coward, as was his father
before him ; he did not fight in person, but his military
officers, who were selected men given to Ishak by my-
self to face the Russians if necessity arose, were all
brave and experienced men, such as, for instance,
General Mahomed Hussain Khan, Colonel Fazal-ud-din
Khan, and others.

From early in the morning until late night the
soldiers of both armies fought hard and steadily ; so
many were killed and wounded on both sides that they
could not be counted. At length, late in the after-
noon, one column of my army, under the command of
Sirdar Abdullah Khan, General Wakil Khan, and
Commandant Mahomed Hussain, and Abdul Akin, was
cut off from the main body and very severely defeated
by Ishak's forces, under Mahomed Hussain Khan
Hazara.1 On the other hand, while the battle was
still raging between General Ghulam Haidar Khan
and the enemy, some of the disloyal soldiers, having
joined General Mahomed Hussain, galloped towards the
hill where Mahomed Ishak was seated, to submit them-
selves to him. He, thinking that these men were
galloping towards him to take him prisoner, and that
his army was defeated, fled away. His army continued
to fight against General Ghulam Haidar Khan until
long after sunset, till it was quite dark, while Ishak
busied himself in running away as fast as he could.

1 This General was taken prisoner by the Amir's army, and was kept at
Kabul as a state prisoner ; he ran away in 1895, and has never been heard
of since.

270 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

When the news was taken to the soldiers that their
master had fled, they lost heart, and were ultimately
defeated. In short, on the 29th of September, a
glorious victory was won by my General, Ghulam
Haidar Khan.

The other part of my army that had been defeated,
on the other hand, fled so heedlessly, that they did not
rest until they reached Kabul ; many, indeed, went to
their own country and homes without going near
Kabul. They spread reports all over the country that
General Ghulam Haidar Khan had been killed ; that
the whole of my army which had been sent against
Ishak was dispersed ; in fact, that my rule was at an
end. I did not, however, follow the example of some
of the Afghan rulers, such as Shere Ali Khan, or my
Uncle Azim, who ran away after a defeat. I waited
patiently for a day when, luckily, the next morning,
after the defeated army had reached Kabul, the news
of the victory and rout of the enemy was brought.
This proved that victories are in the hands of God ;
that though the enemy's forces were at first victorious,
and my army was defeated, yet still, as it was
the wish of God that I should continue to be the
ruler of the flock of His creation — His people of
Afghanistan — the enemy fled, and the victory was in
my hands.

Some of Ishak's officers galloped to him to give him
the news of the victory of his army ; he would not
believe them, and killed them on the spot, saying that
they were traitors, and wanted to stop him treacherously,
so that they might give him into the hands of his
enemies.

tt] TURKESTAN 271

As a reward for the distinguished services rendered
by my brave General, Ghulam Haidar Khan, I sent him
another diamond star and raised him to the rank of
Commander-in-Chief of Turkestan, which post he still
holds.

After this defeat of Ishak, it was considered neces-
sary for me to go to Turkestan, for several reasons,
the principal ones being: (l) To put the country into
a proper state of order, and under proper administration,
which had been left entirely in the hands of Ishak for
several years past ; (2) to take steps to send away from
the country such disloyal traitors as Sultan Muracl, who
had taken part in helping Ishak, so that there might
not be any more sources of mischief and trouble in the
country ; (3) it wTas reported to me that one of the
neighbouring powders had played a part in causing the
rising, a fact that had encouraged Mahomed Ishak to
rebel ; (4) it was reported to me that some of the
responsible officers in my army stationed at Turkestan
were not loyal, and would have joined Ishak if he had
not been such a coward. This story, I am glad to say,
was proved to be untrue, as I found upon making
personal enquiries on the spot. It was also my in-
tention to go to Herat and build there strong fortifica-
tions all along my north-western frontier to stop
Russian aggression ; this intention, however, was not
quite successfully carried out for want of money. I
had expected that the Indian Government wrould have
helped me. But as this wras not forthcoming, I spent
as much of my revenue as could be spared upon works
of defence, the principal and most important fort being
one newly built by me at Dehdadi, near Mazar-i-

272 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

Sherif.1 This is the largest and strongest fort -through-

<ZJ CD O

out the whole of my dominions ; it is situated on the
top of a hill looking down upon and commanding the
valley through which runs the main road from Eussian
territory to Balkh, the capital of Turkestan.

I left my son, Habibullah Khan, as Kegent at Kabul,
starting myself in the autumn of 1888 for Mazar-i- Sherif,
whence I did not return until July 1890. At this time
my most faithful and loyal old servant, General Amir
Ahmad Khan, my envoy in India, died during my stay
at Turkestan, and Lord Lansdowne, who had succeeded
Lord Durierin in the Viceroyalty of India, wrote to me,
giving me advice on the internal affairs of Afghanistan.
This advice I could not take, which probably displeased
him ; this matter will be further discussed in its proper
place.

1 These words mean " sacred tomb." It is believed that the fourth com-
panion of Mahomed, and his son-in-law, Ali, the husband of Fatima,
Mahomed's only child, is buried in this tomb. Fatima is believed by
Mahomedans to be the Queen of Paradise. It is the shrine to which
Mahomedans from all parts of the world make pilgrimages, and all the
successful sovereigns from Central Asia go there to do homage and give
offerings to pay the expenses of keeping the tomb in perfect condition.

Two places are said to be the seat of Ali's tomb ; one is Najaf in Arabia,
the other in the above-mentioned town. The reason for this doubt is
owing to the fact that Ali's body was not found after he had been cruelly
murdered when he was engaged in his devotions, and people believe that
his body was carried away by the angels, one half of the community
pinning their faith upon Mazar-i-Sherif, the other half upon Najaf. Some
people, either through ignorance or from some ulterior motive, give a false
impression to the minds of people of the Christian world, by saying that
Mahomedans believe that women have no souls. This note shows, how-
ever, that not only do they believe in the teaching of the Holy Koran, that
women have souls, but that Mahomed's daughter, Fatima, is the Queen of
Paradise, who has great power in interceding for the souls of women who
deserve Heaven, ecpially with the Virgin Mary and Eve, and other women
who are believed by the Mahomedans to be privileged to intercede for the
souls of sinners.

xi.] A NAEEOW ESCAPE 273

Sultan Murad, of Kunduz, fled and joined Ishak in
Russian Turkestan, where he still resides.

The people of Badakshan also rebelled during the
time I was at Mazar-i-Sherif. I punished them, and
they gave me no further cause for anxiety.

Another event happened also during my stay in
Turkestan. In the month of December 1888, when
I was reviewing my troops at Mazar-i-Sherif, one of the
soldiers fired a shot at me from his rifle. I had a very
narrow escape from being killed ; this narrow escape
is as much a mystery to me as it was to those who
were present, because it is impossible to understand
how the rifle bullet made a hole through the centre of
the chair in which I was seated, and instead of going
into my body, hit and seriously wounded a page-boy
who stood behind me. I keep that chair as a curiosity ;
I am a stout man, and the chair was only just large
enough for me, and it is puzzling to imagine how the
bullet missed passing through my chest. My belief is
that if God wishes to save a person's life, nobody can
kill him ; for a verse in the Koran says, " Thy death is
fixed, and it will neither come a moment sooner or later
than that fixed time." There must be some other cause
also to which I owe my safety, and I believe the follow-
ing story will explain it. When I was a boy it was
reported to me that a certain holy man had a charm
which he wrote on a piece of paper, and any one keeping
that charm about his person could never be injured by
any firearm or weapon. At first I did not believe in its
power to protect ; I therefore tried it by tying it round
the neck of a sheep, and though I tried hard to shoot

the animal, no bullet injured her. This was a logical
vol. i. s

274 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

reason for my believing in the effectual protecting
power of the charm, so I placed it upon my right arm,
and have worn it from boyhood until this day. My
belief is that the bullet might have passed through me,
yet without any sign or effect being visible.

The motives which led this soldier to try and shoot
me were unfortunately not found out, as a General
who stood close to him killed him with one blow of
his sword then and there, though I called loudly not
to kill him till further enquiries should be made,
as I believed the soldier had been employed by some
strong and secret enemy.

The other important event that occurred during my
stay at Turkestan was that two of my wives gave birth
to sons, one born on 15th September 1889, named
Mahomed Omar, after the second companion of the
Prophet ; the other born in October, was named
Ghulam Ali, after Mahomed's fourth companion and
beloved son-in-law Ali ; this boy is in Turkestan now for
the comfort of my people, that they may be able to see
him as I, their King, cannot be with them. Mahomed
Omar is a rather delicate boy. He lives at Kabul, and
he occasionally attends the durbar of his eldest brother,
Habibullah, as do all his younger brothers, and with
the same ceremony as pertains to my own durbar.1

1 The Amir orders all his sons to live in their respective houses in the
city of Kabul, whence they go about once a week to pay their respects to
the Amir, after which they proceed to the Amir's eldest son, Habibullah
Khan, for the same purpose. This is a very clever practice on the Amir's
part, because the young princes are taught to look upon their eldest
brother as second only to their father ; and, as a matter of Court etiquette,
pay homage to him as well as to the Amir. (The Shahzada, who visited
England in 1895, is a true brother of Habibullah Khan, the Amir's eldest
sun ; all the others are the offspring of other wives.)

xi.] HAP.ir.ULLAH KHAN 275

On my return to Kabul, on the 24th of July, I
found that during my two years' absence my son,
Habibullah Khan had governed the country so wisely,
cleverly, and so entirely in accordance with my wishes,
that I conferred two orders upon him, one for his
distinguished services in the administration of the
kingdom ; the second for having very bravely put
a stop to a mutiny, which was caused by my own
soldiers of the Kandahar- Hazara battalion. He acted
most bravely on this occasion, riding alone into the
midst of the rebellious soldiers without showing any
fear of their injuring him. By this plucky behaviour
he showed the soldiers that he placed confidence in
them ; otherwise he would not have ventured among
them without any body-guard. He promised to listen
to and consider their grievances, and he put a stop to
the mischief. He also put down one or two other
minor attempts at rebellion, which had been reported
to him as likely to occur at Jaji and Mangal. Since
that time I authorised him to hold the public durbar
in my stead, as I have such full confidence in his tact
and wisdom. I reserve to myself the duties attaching
to foreign affairs, together with the more important
and weighty matters connected with the internal
administration of my country.

As this chapter is supposed to be devoted to an
account of civil wars and other disturbances, I will
not here dwell further upon matters not immediately
connected with them.

276 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

The Hazara War.

This is the last of the four great civil wars that
took place during my rule, and I consider that the
prestige, the strength and power, as well as the peace
and safety of my kingdom, have gained more by this
war than perhaps any of the others.

(1) The Hazara people had been for centuries past the
terror of the rulers of Kabul, even the great Nadir who con-
quered Afghanistan, India, and Persia being unable to subdue
the turbulent Hazaras ; (2) the Hazaras were always molest-
ing travellers in the south, north, and western provinces of
Afghanistan, and when their maraudings were put an end to,
the country became entirely peaceful and settled ; (3) they
were always ready to join the first foreign aggressor who
attacked Afghanistan, as they believed that every Afghan was
an infidel. The Hazaras themselves are Shias, while the others
are Sunis.1 Even the greatest Mogul Emperor, Sultan Babar,
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, relates in his Auto-
biography, that he was unable to fight against this strong
nation in open battle. I will quote his words, which run as
follows : — " I took the field in this way, and by falling upon
them by surprise at night we took the pass of Mirkh, and by
the hour of morning prayers fell upon the Hazaras and beat
them to our hearts' content." The Sultan Babar's Autobio-
graphy also shows that they were even at that time, in the
habit of making raids upon travellers on the roads which they
rendered dangerous, and not to be traversed unless protected
by a strong guard.

To give a little information about the Hazara

1 The Sunis are Mahomedans, who believe that the four companions of
the Prophet have equal power ; the Shias believe that the fourth com-
panion of Mahomed, named Ali, was his only true companion, and that the
other three had unjustly taken precedence over Ali.

xi.] THE HAZARAS 277

tribes to my readers, I may mention that they arc
planted in the heart of Afghanistan, holding the
strongest valleys and mountain peaks extending west-
ward from Kabul, Ghazni, and Kalat-i-Ghilzai to the
neighbourhood of Herat and Balkh. In addition to
this large tract of country which forms their home in
the very centre of the country so strongly fortified by
nature, the Hazaras are spread over the country, and
are to be found in every province, village, and town.
It is a saying in Afghanistan that they would have had
to work like donkeys if it were not that the slaving
donkeys of Hazaras do all the work for them.1 The
Hazaras are a mixed race, originally descended from
a military colony, founded by the Mongols. Abdul
Fazal writes in the sixteenth century, that they were
the remains of the army of Maryn Khan, grandson of
Chengiz Khan. The general belief in Afghanistan is
that a great many of the western invaders of India
were in the habit of giving houses and lands to their
own people all along the road to India, in order to
safeguard their rear ; and that this is the reason why
the Mongols planted the Hazaras from one end of
Afghanistan to the other, from west to east, just as
Alexander the Great did in the case of the so-called
Kafirs from Kokand and Badakshan to Chitral and the
Punjab borders. These people are all Shias.

Having introduced to the readers of my book this
great, hard-working, brave nation, their homes and
origin, I will proceed to give an account of the causes

1 All the hardest, dirtiest, and most menial work is done by the
labouring classes of the Hazaras, and there is scarcely a house without its
Hazara servant, in the form of slaves, stablemen, etc.

278 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

and consequences of the war. Though they were in
the habit of disturbing the peace of travellers on the
roads, yet this in itself was not sufficient to justify me
in taking serious steps against them ; and in the second
place, some of their chiefs were friendly towards me,
which called for kind treatment from me in return.
But in 1888, when I was irritated and grieved about
the great disaster in Turkestan, and was marching to
Mazar-i-Sherif by way of Turkestan, one of the tribes
of the Hazaras, called the Sheikh Ali tribe, inhabiting
the country lying towards the north-west of the
province of Bamian, having risen against me, stopped
my officials from buying provisions and forage for my
soldiers and animals. This caused me a great deal of
trouble on the journey. On my way back to Kabul in
1890, I left Sirdar Kudus Khan as Governor in
Bamian, instructing him to invite the Hazara chiefs
from time to time to see him, and by giving them
allowances, rewards, and khilats, to persuade them to
become peaceful subjects.

The first trouble was once more caused by the
Hazaras of the Sheikh Ali tribe, who were talked over
by Mir Hussain and some other chiefs, to take up arms
and recommence their fighting and raids upon the cara-
vans ; they also attacked one of my Afghan detach-
ments. For this I determined to send an army against
them ; they were defeated, some were killed, others
submitted to my rule, the remainder being brought
to Kabul as prisoners. I treated the prisoners very
kindly, and soon restored them to their homes with
admonitions to keep the peace in future, and to be
loyal subjects.

xl] THE HAZARAS 279

In the spring of 1891 some of the Hazaras once
more began their raids on the travellers, whereupon my
military officials, who were stationed at Ghazni, wrote
to certain Hazara chiefs, especially to those of Uruzghan,
to the effect that our four neighbouring Governments
would consider it a cause of weakness if our own
subjects could not agree to live peaceably ; we should
get a bad name, and it was therefore advisable that
they should recognise the suzerainty of our sovereign
and cease from strife. The Hazaras had raided and
plundered the neighbouring subjects for about 300
years past, and none of the Kings had had the power
to make them absolutely peaceful. They considered
themselves rather too strong to be defeated, and were
very proud of their power. They accordingly wrote
a reply to this letter, to which the seals of some two
or three dozen chiefs were attached, saying : —

"If you Afghans are proud of the support of a temporal
Amir, we are prouder still of the support of our spiritual Amir,
the Master of the sword of Zulfikar."

They meant that as Shias they should look upon
AH as next to God, and inferred in this letter that Ali
was stronger than I. There is no doubt that Ali was
our spiritual leader and companion of our Prophet, and
the support of his holy spirit and soul is great. This
also is certain, that such support is never granted to the
wicked and rebellious. Their letter continued :

"And why did ye Afghan officials mention four Govern-
ments in your letter as being your neighbours ? Why did ye not
say five Governments were your neighbours, so as to include
ours ? We advise you, for your own good and safety, that ye
keep away from us."

280 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

On seeing this letter, I ordered out Sirdar Abdul
Kudus Khan with a force from Bamian, General
Shere Mahomed Khan from Kabul, and Brigadier
Zabardast Khan from Herat, to punish the Hazaras
in the spring of 1891. The command and full authority
of these three officers was given to Sirdar Kudus Khan.
The strongholds of the Hazaras were very difficult to
take, owing; to the awkward hills and the absence of
roads. But Sirdar Kudus Khan fought bravely and
wisely, and, having defeated the enemy, occupied the city
of Uruzghan, which was the strongest centre of the Hazara
people. After this defeat many of the chiefs submitted
themselves to my rule, and the Sirdar sent them to
Kabul to see me. I treated all who came (about 100)
with great courtesy and very kindly, as I knew that
they had been independent for centuries. I would not
be harsh with them, but tried to win them over by
kindness. I gave them all valuable khilats (robes of
honour), and 1000 to 2000 rupees cash to each, which
they considered abundant compensation for the loss of
crops and harvests at the time when they were occupied
in fighting. I then gave them leave to return to their
homes.

The Hazaras remained quiet in the winter, but in
the spring of 1892 they rebelled more seriously.
Mahomed Azim Khan Hazara, to whom I had given
the title of Sirdar, to give him equal rank with my
royal family, and appointed as Viceroy of the Hazaras,
treacherously joined the rebels, and was, in fact, the
chief moving power in this second rebellion. This man,
being a well-known official of my own appointing,
exercised great influence over the general community

xl] THE HAZAKAS 281

of the Hazaras, who rose to his call in large numbers
against me ; this time they had more reason than before.

Another traitor, named Kazi Usgar, who was looked
upon as the spiritual and ecclesiastical head of the
Hazaras, was the supporter of Azim in this rebellion.
This time they closed the doors between Kabul and
Kandahar and other parts of the country to stop the
movement of my forces. I ordered General Mir Ata
Khan of Herat, who was at Kabul with a strong army
of about 8000 men, to march against them from the
Ghazni side, and Mahomed Hussain, Hazara chief, who
was one of my personal attendants, and enemy of the
above-mentioned Mahomed Azim, from the southern
direction, to march against the disloyal Sirdar Azim.
The rebels were defeated, and Azim was brought
prisoner to Kabul, together with his family, where he
died in prison.

Mahomed Hussain Hazara, on returning to Kabul
after this victory, was so kindly treated by me, that I
gave him a diamond star and the hat of a prince ; in
fact, he was more honoured than any of his people or
tribe, and, to crown all, I appointed him Governor of
Hazarajat. As Sirdar Abdul Kudus Khan had been
seriously ill, I invited him to come to Kabul to be
treated by my physicians.

This traitor, Mahomed Hussain, who had been
raised to such an exalted position in Hazarajat for
his past services in battle, and upon whom I had
bestowed so many honours, turned against me. He
was not contented with inciting the newly conquered
Hazaras to rebel, he further persuaded the Hazaras
of Bihsud and Surkhsang, lying towards the north-west

282 WARS DURING MY REIGN [CHap.

of Ghazni, who had always been fierce subjects, to
rebel. They plundered the Government war materials
and ammunition and swords. This time the fire of
rebellion blazed all over the country wherever the tribe
of Hazaras existed — so much so that many of those
men of the tribe who were prisoners at Kabul and those
who were in personal attendance upon me, and very
kindly treated by me as confidential servants, ran away
and joined the rebels. The people of Dihafshar and
Hazaras of other villages in the suburbs of Kabul went
over to the enemy, and, as stated before, the Hazaras
being mixed up with the Afghan population all over
the country, the danger of a universal rising was great.

It was at this time that the Indian Government was
pressing hard, on the one hand, to send their Mission,
under Lord Roberts, with a strong army, which would
have appeared to the Afghans as if the English were
going to occupy the country because I could not
manage the rebels myself. On the other hand, there
were some troubles brewing at Maimana. Omra Khan
of Bajaur was causing anxiety and threatening the
Jellalabad forces, and the Indian Government would not
allow him to be punished.

I was obliged to take all possible means to stop this
general rebellion and anxiet}'-.

I ordered the Commander-in-Chief, General Ghulam
Haidar Khan, to march from Turkestan with all the
army that he could muster. This force was to march
against the Hazaras from the north-west, and another
force from Herat, under the command of Kazi Said-ud-
Din, Governor of Herat. I also sent Sirdar Abdullah
Khan from Kandahar, and Brigadier Amir Mahomed

xl] DEFEAT OF HAZARAS 283

Khan of Taghab from Kabul, to march from the south-
east. In this manner the rebels would be attacked
from all directions.

Other Afghan chiefs had applied several times to
raise a force of country people at their own expense
to fight against the Hazaras, whom they looked
upon as enemies to their country and religion. I
had not given them permission to do this heretofore,
but now I gave a general order that everybody
would be allowed to go and help in the punishment
of the rebels. The armed forces and volunteers who
offered their services, numbering between 30,000 and
40,000 fighting men, started for the country of the
Hazaras from all directions, under their respective
chiefs and heads.

Before the arrival of these volunteers the Hazaras
were defeated from three directions by the Commander-
in-Chief, Said-ud-Din and Sirdar Abdullah Khan, who
had all joined hands to fight with Brigadier Mahomed
Khan, near Uruzghan. The Brigadier fought with very
great courage and skill, and, having defeated the com-
bined forces of the rebels, took prisoners Mahomed
Hussain Khan, the traitorous Hazara chief; Rasul
Khan, another Hazara statesman ; Tajei Khan, the
Mir of the Hazaras, and Mahomed Hassan Hazara,
who was known by the name of Sangkhurd ( = as
hard as a stone, referring to his bravery), together
with several other Mirs, chiefs, and warriors. All
these prisoners were brought to Kabul, and the
country was cleared of all these mischief-makers.
The people are quiet, peaceful, orderly subjects, and
all anxiety or fear of rebellion is at an end, and the

284 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

man is not to be found who could incite the people
to rebellion, for he does not exist.

Brigadier Amir Mahomed Khan, on his return to
Kabul, was made the first General in the army, and I
appointed him as officer in charge of the capital of
Kabul and the Royal Palace and my household. This
is the greatest distinction for a military officer in
Afghanistan, greater even than being Commander-in-
Chief away from Kabul. This gallant General, however,
deserved it, for his glorious victory. All the officers
who took part in this war were rewarded according to
their services. Some of the Hazaras asked to be re-
appointed in their own country, but I think that the
words of the poem appropriately describe the relations
between the Hazaras and myself : —

"As long as you remember your son and I remember my tail,
To think of our friendship is an impossible tale." 1

It may be said that the Hazara war which has just
been described was the last civil war that occurred in
Afghanistan, and I earnestly hope that there will be no
more danger of civil war in this country, as I believe

1 This is one of the favourite stories of the Amir, and he often relates
it. The words quoted are supposed to have been spoken by a snake which
had bitten the gardener's son. One day the gardener seized the snake and
tried to kill him, but the snake rushed into his hole, and as he did so one
half of him being inside, the other half outside, the gardener gave him a
blow with his spade and cut off the snake's tail. This frightened the
snake, who woidd not leave his hole any more in the daytime. The
gardener, however, was anxious to catch and kill him. So one day he
went to the hole, and said : " Oh, my dear friend, I myself and all the
flowers of the garden miss you so very much ; do come out and let us have
your company ; do not leave us wretched and unhappy at your absence ! "
The snake is supposed to have made the answer, given in the poem, to the
gardener's sweet words, which mean: "As long as yon remember that
your son died from my biting him, and I remember that you cut off my
tail, no friendship is possible between us."

xi.] COLONEL YANOFF 285

that the policy adopted by me is calculated to keep a
general peace at home. The Afghan subjects and chiefs
are sufficiently enlightened to know the advantages of
peace and the disadvantages of wars and rebellions, and
I may confidently hope that my subjects will be as
peaceful in the future as could be desired.

I have not considered it necessary, in this chapter
dealing with the civil wars, to mention all the small
skirmishes, such as those with the Shinwaris and other
frontier robbers, or with Omra Khan of Jandol ; they
were of minor importance. I must, however, mention
two or three skirmishes between my officials and the
Russians, in addition to that of Panjdeh already
mentioned, which was a battle of great importance.
In the spring of 1892, Colonel Yanoff, the same
Russian officer who arrested Captain Younghusband
in August 1891, advanced towards Shignan, and in the
month of July came in contact with the Afghan detach-
ment under the command of Captain Shams-ud-Din
Khan, at a place called Somatash, towards the extreme
east of Yashilkol ( = Yellow Lake). Colonel Yanoff
ordered my official, Captain Shams-ud-Din, to get out
and leave the place to him (Yanoff). The Captain
replied that he was the servant of the Amir of Kabul,
and was subject therefore only to the orders of his own
master, and not to any Russian official. The Russian
Colonel gave him one blow in the face with his fist.
This was such an insult that the Afghan Officer could
not allow it to pass, and at the moment Colonel Yanoff
was pulling out his sword, the Captain pointed his
revolver and fired at Yanoff. This bullet missed the
Colonel, hitting only his belt, whence it glanced off

28G WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

and wounded a soldier who stood by the Colonel's side,
whereupon a fight took place. As there were altogether
only ten or twelve Afghans, and Colonel Yanoffs force
was a strong one, it was impossible to fight against such
odds. Still with their usual bravery, Captain Shams -
ucl-Din and his Afghan soldiers fought till they were all
killed on the spot.

Notwithstanding this illegal and impolitic action on
the part of the Russians, no effectual steps were taken
by the British Government, and of course I myself,
being bound by the terms of my Treaty, had not the
power to treat directly with Russia. This incident may
be put down in the same category as the occurrences at
Panjdeh.

At the time of the Hazara rebellion also, one of the
Russian officials marched straight through Afghan
territory ; this was a distinct breach of faith on the
part of the Russian official, but he excused himself when
he found some Afghan officials watching him, on the
ground that he was not sober.

In the month of September, 1893, the Russian
officials, having heard that Sir Mortimer Durand's
Mission was on its way to Kabul, marched one detach-
ment of their soldiers to Murghab, an Afghan town
of Badakshan, and threatened the Afghan forces there.
On hearing this news I at once communicated with Sir
Mortimer Durand (who had by this time reached
Jellalabad, midway between Peshawar and Kabul), as
well as with the Indian Government. Sir Mortimer
sent an urgent reply to my letter, advising me most
earnestly to instruct my General, Syad Shah Khan,
who was near Murghab, not to fight against the

xi.] THE DURAND TREATY 287

Russians, who were going to take this town by force,
as usual.

But I knew that if the Russians were left to their
usual practices, they would take one town after the
other, and attack my forces on the borders, and there
would be no stopping them. Luckily, however, the
Afghan officials this time taught them a lesson, and
showed them that they could not always have their
own way. General Syad Shah Khan answered the
Russian guns with a strong fire ; and they, seeing that
my soldiers meant business, and that there was to be no
humbug this time, retreated, leaving the victory in the
Afghans' hands. This victory added much to the
prestige of the Afghan army. Since then the Russians
seem to have stopped their incursions on Afghan
territory, and this was the last of the skirmishes.

In consequence of the Durand Treaty of 1893, several
provinces which came under the sphere of British in-
fluence, fought hard against the Indian Government,
and fortunately those who were considered my subjects
stuck to their Treaty and submitted to my rule without
any trouble, excepting the "Waziris, who tried their
usual tactics, but without doing any harm. But one
nation which did fight against me were the people of
Kafiristan.1

I did not like to take by war the country of
Kafiristan, which, by the Durand Treaty, was agreed
to be part of Afghanistan. My idea was to make the
people my peaceful subjects by kindness and clemency.

1 This is a country or a series of mountain ranges lying towards the
north and north-west of Afghanistan. Stan means " country " or " home,"
the word Kafiristan therefore means the home of the Kafirs, just as
Afghanistan and Turkestan are the homes of the Afghans and Turkomans.

288 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

To accomplish this, I had several times invited many
of their chiefs to come to Kabul, and sent them back
overloaded with rupees and other rewards, so that they
should go and talk about it wTith their countrymen.
They were such savages, however, that they used to
exchange their wives for cows from the neighbouring
Afghans, and thus ensued many disputes whether
the cow or the woman were of greater value. They
did not appreciate my kindness, and with the money
I had given them bought rifles to use in fighting
against me.

About this time Russia, having taken Pamirs, drew
near to Kafiristan from several points, and continued to
advance. I considered it useless to wait any longer.
The reasons that caused me to invade Kafiristan some-
what suddenly were as follows : —

(1) I thought that if the Russians took Kafiristan unex-
pectedly and suddenly, they would claim it as independent
country, and would therefore say they were justified in keeping
it, and I believed it would be difficult to force them to leave
it after they had taken it.

(2) As many of the Afghan towns in the provinces of Panj-
shir Laghman and Jellalabad used to belong to the Kafirs in old
times, the Russians might persuade them to reclaim their old
possessions from the Afghan rulers. In this way it would
cause the ruin of the Afghan Government, as it would give the
Russians an excuse for interfering with the Afghans.

(3) That this warlike nation on the whole north-western
border of Afghanistan, from east to west, would be the cause of
great anxiety from the rear, at a time when my Government
might be occupied in a war with any other country. It was
also considered of very great importance to conquer them on
account of commerce, trade, and the opening up of the roads

xl] CONQUEST OF KAFIRISTAN 289

from Jellalabad, Osmar, and Kabul towards the north and
north-western army stations of Afghanistan. The last, but not
the least, reason for my conquering them was that they were
always fighting with the neighbouring Afghans, many murders
being the result on both sides ; and the miserable system of
slavery was also encouraged. They were such a brave race
of people that I considered they would in time make very
useful soldiers under my rule.

For the above reasons, I was determined to conquer
Kafiristan. Before doing so, however, I had to consider
the question of preparation and the best time for invad-
ing the country. The former was not a difficult matter ;
the latter, however, required grave thought. After
some deliberation, I came to the conclusion that my
army must make the attack in the winter, when heavy
snows and frost cover the peaks of the mountains. My
reasons for choosing the winter for attack were these : —

(1) I knew that the Kafirs would not and could not fight in
the open field against my brave trained soldiers, but would
climb to the tops of the mountains, where it would be very
difficult to convey the heavy guns.

(2) I thought that if I attacked them when the passes were
open, they might go over into Russian territory, to try and
persuade the Russians to interfere on their behalf and get
their country back for them ; in which case Russia would
claim suzerainty over the country, including the whole terri-
tory lying on the northern and western borders of my country.

(3) They are a brave nation, and if the attack were made in
the summer, fighting would be severe. Now this would entail
great loss of life on both sides ; I therefore decided to descend
upon them when they were shut up in their house during the
winter months, without giving them the chance of much
fighting.

(4) It is the habit of some Christian missionaries to interfere

VOL. I. t

290 WARS DURING MY REIGN [chap.

wherever they have an opportunity, and I thought that they
would make unnecessary trouble about my conquering Kafiri-
stan ; it was therefore necessary to lose no time in getting the
fighting over and annex the country before the news could
be spread abroad. In this last point those who have read the
criticisms in some of the English papers will know that I
was not wrong.

I accordingly made the following arrangements for
invading Kafiristan. During the autumn I quietly
massed a large number of soldiers, war materials,
ammunition, and provisions at four stations. The main
body was under several military officers of artillery,
cavalry, and infantry, the whole force being under the
command of Captain Mahomed Ali Khan. This column
was to march through Panjshir to Kullum, the
strongest and most central fort in Kafiristan. The
second force was to march under the command of
General Ghulam Haidar Khan, Charkhi, from the
direction of Asmar and Chitral. The third force was
to march from Badakshan under General Katal Khan,
and a small force was to march from Laghman under the
Governor of Laghman and Faiz Mahomed, Charkhi.

These four columns were all ready and waiting for
orders to march at any moment. As the four stations
at which the army was concentrated were on the
borders of Afghanistan, and therefore at all times
important military posts, nobody thought that there
was anything peculiar in these preparations. Until
the very moment of the attack no one had any idea
that the object of all this concentration was the surprise
and attack of Kafiristan. In the winter of 1895,
therefore, orders were one day issued for the four

xi.] PACIFICATION OF KAFIRISTAN 291

columns of the army to surround and simultaneously
attack Kafiristan from all directions. This was success-
fully accomplished, and within forty days the whole
country of Kafiristan was conquered, and the army
marched back to Kabul in the spring of 189G.
When the Christian missionaries heard of this, they
made a great stir in England, saying that the Kafirs
were their fellow Christians — though I did not find
any Christians among them ! Their religion, about
which I have written in a separate book, was a
curious mixture of ancient idol worships and
superstitions.

I removed those Kafirs wTho had fought bravely and
had been taken prisoners from their own country, and
gave them a province called Paghman, near Kabul,
where the climate is beautiful and the weather much
resembles their own. I have opened several schools
for their education, but, being a very brave nation,
nearly all the young generation is being trained for
military service. Kafiristan has been largely populated
by retired Afghan soldiers and other warlike Afghan
races, and I intend building strong forts all along the
border to protect the northern frontier. When the
Kafirs inhabited the country, this border was weak
and entirely unprotected ; it was therefore at the
mercy of the Russians, who had taken Pamirs. 1
intend to make the fort of Kullum (which is situated
in the heart of Kafiristan in the most impregnable part
of the country, owing to its strong position) the
military station for the main body of my army on
the northern frontier. Here also will be laro-e stores

of war materials and ammunition. It will be interest-

202 AVARS DURING MY REIGN [chap. xi.

ing to my readers to hear that a stone was found at
the gate of the fort of Kullum, on which these words
were engraved :

"The Great Mogul Emperor Timour was the first
Muslim conqueror who vanquished the country of this
unruly people up to this point, but could not take
Kullum, owing to its difficult position."

My commanding officer, Captain Mahomed Ali
Khan, engraved the following inscription upon the
same stone :

" In the reign of Amir Abdur Eahman Ghazi, in
1896, the whole of Kafiristan, including Kullum, was
conquered by him, and the inhabitants embraced
the true and holy religion of Islam, and engraved
a verse from the Koran, which means : ' Eighteousness
and virtue have come, and untruth has disappeared.' '

In this war, as in the war with the Hazaras, the
Muslim community of Afghanistan offered their services
voluntarily. I will also add that this was the last war
in Afghanistan during my reign.

CHAPTER XII

REFUGEES AND EXILES

There is another matter that I consider as of very
great importance during my lifetime, and which may
prove to be one of vital importance after my death,
in strengthening the claim of my son to the throne.
I have tried by every possible means to increase the
number of the rulers and chiefs of the neia'hbourinsc
states of Afghanistan about my Court, as well as
to gather together there the most influential followers
of my rivals, either from India or Russia. Most
of these men are, by my orders, the personal attend-
ants of my son, and their association is of such an
intimate character that many of them are his closest
friends. These friends would prove useful to him,
not only as experienced advisers in cases of emer-
gency, but their influence is, and would be, of very
great importance in increasing the number of followers
of my family. I might class these chiefs under four
heads :

(1) Those who were rulers on the north-western frontier
of Afghanistan, and have sought protection at my Court, owing
to their countries having been taken by Paissia. Such are Mir
Sorabeg, ex-King of Kolab, and his family ; Shah Mahmud,

294 REFUGEES AND EXILES [CHAp.

ex-King of Darwaz, and his family; Tarah Ismail of Roshan,
son of the King of Bokhara, and several others.

(2) Some Mirs and chiefs from the same neighbourhood,
such as Mir Yussif Ali's family, Mir Jahandar, Mir Hakim's
family and relatives, whose countries were annexed by myself
in the early years of my reign.

(3) Those who, having fought either with Great Britain, or,
being discontented with the friendship of Great Britain, have
come under my protection, such as Omra Khan, Mir Murad
Ali, and other frontier chiefs.

(4) Those who were either in exile from Afghanistan, or
who were companions and supporters of certain rivals of my
family. These last I may mention under five headings :

(i.) Those who had their own separate parties, such as
Sirdar Nur Ali Khan and other sons of Shere Ali Wali
of Kandahar, who are now with me, having left India ;
Sirdar Mahomed Hassan Khan, who fought against
robbers (he was also in India, but now at my Court);
Sirdar Ibrahim Khan, son of Amir Shere Ali, who is still
in India (he is my friend and pensioner); Syad Ahmad
Khan of Kunar, who is also with me now; Sirdar
Ali Mahomed Khan and other sons of my uncle, Sirdar
Wali Mahomed Khan, etc.

(ii.) The second class are those who were supporters
and companions of Ayub Khan, who had the strongest
number of followers of all my rivals. I need not mention
them one by one, but they have all deserted him except a
few, and amongst them there are not many who are not
in my pay and discontented with him.

(iii.) Those who were supporters of Yakub Khan, some
of whom have entered my service. Practically no man
of any importance is with him. In the same way, the
followers of Sirdar Hashim Khan have also deserted him,
excepting a few servants of no consequence.

(iv.) The fourth class consists of those people who lived

m.] PEACEFUL PKOSPECTS 295

in exile in India, Kussia, or Russian Turkestan, who had no
parties of their own, nor did they belong to any other
party. They had either run away from Afghanistan for
some reason, or had been sent out of the country by me on
account of misbehaviour. There are very few of this latter
class who, when they applied to me, were not forgiven and
invited to come back to their own country and homes.

(v.) The fifth class are those who ran away with the
disloyal Ishak after his rebellion in 1888, as before men-
tioned. His own brothers are at present in my service.
The rest of his followers are receiving my full attention,
and will return to their homes and become peaceful
subjects in the future.

In this way no rival to the throne of Kabul exists
to disturb my son's peace. It is an obvious fact that
even if the greatest warrior were induced by any
great Power to fight against Afghanistan, he could
not do anything single-handed, without army or
followers. I can quite understand the tactics of
diplomatists in keeping the rivals of the neighbour-
ing sovereigns in their own hands as hostages to
hold them in check in case they do not agree to
their concessions. But the tree whose roots have
been cut off cannot stand any longer, nor can a
building stand without foundation. I hope my sons
will follow my example and advice in this policy
also, and give a home to all men of any importance
from neighbouring countries who seek protection in
their dominions. Such people will always be of use
in supporting them, as well as in opposing their
enemies.

END OF VOL I.

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2. Admiral Sir Francis Drake. By L. G. Carr Laughton.

3. Admiral Viscount Bridport. By General Viscount Bridport, g.c.b., and the
Hon. Alexander Nelson Hood.

4. Admiral Viscount Hood. By General Viscount Bridport and the Hon.
Alexander Nelson Hood.

5. Vice-Admiral Sir Samuel Hood. By Admiral Sir Richard Vesey Hamilton,
g.c.b.

6. Admiral Lord Hawke. By Lord Hawke and L. G. Carr Laughton.

7. King Edward III. By the Hon. Alexander Nelson Hood.

8. Admiral Lord Anson. By the Earl of Lichfield.

9. Robert Blake, Admiral and General-at-Sea. By Major E.J. Blake.

10. Admiral Earl Howe. By Viscount Curzon, M.P.

11. Admiral Arthur Herbert, Earl of Torrington. By Vice-Admiral P. H. Colomb.

12. Admiral Lord Graves. By Lord Graves and Colonel Frank Graves.

13. Admiral-of-the-Fleet Earl St. Vincent. By Viscount St. Vincent and
L. G. Carr Laughton.

14. Admiral-of-the-Fleet Sir Thomas Byam Martin, Bart. By Sir Richard
Bvam Martin, Bart., and Admiral Sir Richard Vesey Hamilton.

15. Admiral Sir Thomas Troubridge. By Commander Ernest Troubridge, R.N.

16. Commodore John Watson. By W. Roberts.

17. Admiral Vernon. By Vernon Venables Kyrke and Major Arthur Venables
Kyrke.

18. Admiral Lord Rodney. By W. E. Grey.

19. Nelson. By Earl Nelson and L G. Carr Laughton.

This series of nineteen short biographies includes not only our great admirals, but
also a certain number of the many distinguished officers who have not commanded
fleets in historic actions.

The story of each hero is (unless prevented by exceptional circumstances) related
by one of his descendants, and, when possible, by the head of the family. The
majority of the portraits are taken from family pictures.

12 Mr. Murray* s List of Forthcoming Publications.

THE WORKS OF LORD BYRON.

A NEW TEXT, COLLATED WITH THE ORIGINAL MSS. AND

REVISED PROOFS, WHICH ARE STILL IN EXISTENCE,

WITH MANY HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED ADDITIONS.

1 his will be the most complete Edition of Lord Byron's Works, as no other Editors

have had access to the original MSS.

With Portraits and Illustrations. To be completed in 12 Vols. Crown 8vo. 6s. each.

POETRY.

Edited by ERNEST HARTLEV COLERIDGE.

Vol. I. The Early Poems.

Vol. II. Childe Harold

Vol. III. The Giaour, Bride of Abyuos,
Corsair, etc.

Vol. IV. Prisoner of Chillon, Man-
fred, Beppo, Mazeppa,
Vision of Judgment, Marino
Faliero, etc., etc.

[In the Press.

N.B.— The EDITION DE LUXE, crown 4to, 21s. net per volume, has all been
disposed of ; a few copies may remain in the hands of some booksellers.

LETTERS.

Edited by ROWLAND E. PJROTHERO.

Vol. I. 1788 to 1811.

Vol. II. 1811 to 1814.

Vol.111. 1814 to 1816.

Vol. IV. 1816 to 1820.

Vol. V. 1820 to 1822. [In progress.

A NEW WORK BY YVES GUYOT.

BOER POLITICS.

AN ANSWER TO SOME PRO-BOER STATEMENTS, BASED ON
FACTS AND DOCUMENTS.

By YVES GUYOT,

Editor of Le Steele, Paris.

Large Crown 8vo, paper covers. 2s.

There is no Frenchman who has done more to stem the tide of anti-English feel-
ing on the Continent in regard to South African affairs than M. Yves Guyot, the
distinguished editor of Le Steele. This work is mainly an answer to the charges and
assertions of Dr. Kuyper, but it deals with the whole question in such a masterly
way, that it is most desirable that it should be brought before the general public in
England in the form of a translation, with the Author's most recent additions.

Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications. 13

THE PAINTERS OF FLORENCE.

FROM THE THIRTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTH

CENTURIES.

A HANDY BOOK for TRAVELLERS in ITALY and STUDENTS of ART

By JULIA CARTWRIGHT (Mrs. ADY).

With Illustrations. Croum 8vo. 6s. net.

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF LT.-GENERAL
SIR HARRY SMITH, BART., OF ALIWAL, G.C.B.

Edited by G. C. MOORE SMITH.
WITH SOME ADDITIONAL CHAPTERS SUPPLIED BY HIM.

Demy 8vo.

CHRISTMAS IN FRENCH CANADA.

By LOUIS FRECHETTE,

With Illustrations by

FREDERICK SIMPSON COBURN.

This volume, by an author whose name is familiar to everyone acquainted with
the best Canadian literature of to-day, affords a charming insight into some of the
old Christmas customs and traditions of the Dominion.

Large Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE GREEK AND PERSIAN WAR.

By G. BRENDON GRUNDY,

Brasenose College, Oxford.

Demy 8vo.

This book will deal in detail with the campaign of Marathon, and with those of
the years 480-479 b.c. The author has personally examined the scenes of the great
events recorded, and has made surveys of Thermopylae and Plataea for the purpose
of the work. There will be introductory chapters on the relation between the Greeks
and the Oriental monarchies prior to the year 490 B.C. The book will be fully
illustrated by maps, photographs, and sketches of the main sites of interest.

14 Mr. Murray' 's List of Forthcoming Publications.

THE COMPLETE AUTHORITATIVE EDITION OF

GEORGE BORROWS WORKS.

Large Crown 8vo. 6s. each.

THE BIBLE IN SPAIN.

Edited with Notes and Glossary by ULICK BURKE.

With Two Etchings, a Photogravure, and a Map, in One Volume.

" We commend it heartily to all lovers of Borrow as the best one-volume edition
of the immortal ' Bible in Spain ' yet published." — Manchester Guardian.

LAVENGRO.

A New Edition, Illustrated.

Collated with and Revised by the Original MSS., with the suppressed portions
now for the first time restored, and the whole annotated

By the Author of " The Life of George Borrow."

With a Photogravure Portrait, and Eight Pen-and-Ink Sketches

by PERCY WADHAM.

THE ROMANY RYE.

A New Edition, Illustrated,

Collated with and Revised by the original MSS., with the suppressed portions
now for the first time restored, and the whole annotated.

By the Author of "The Life of George Borrow."

Illustrated with Seven Pen-and-Ink Sketches, and a Photogravure

by F. G. KITTON.

THE GYPSIES OF SPAIN.

THEIR MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGION, AND LANGUAGE.

[Nearly ready.

WILD WALES

With a Photogravure and Twelve Illustrations

by A. S. HARTRICK. [In preparation

Mr. Murray1 s List of Forthcoming Publications. 15

LORD M0NB0DD0,

AND SOME OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES.

By Professor KNIGHT, of St. Andrew's,

Author of "A Life of Wordsworth," "The Philosophy of the Beautiful," etc.

With Portraits. Demy 8vo. 16s.

Lord Monboddo was a distinguished Scottish Judge, and a prominent if not the
central member of a brilliant literary circle in Britain during the eighteenth century.
As a lawyer he is chiefly remembered in connection with the famous Douglas cause,
which involved succession to vast estates in Scotland. As a literary reader and
philosopher, his fame rests on his vindication of Greek study, especially of Plato and
Aristotle, and on his anthropological anticipation of Darwin's theory of the descent
of man. As author, he contributed two great works to the philosophical literature of
his country, viz.: Ancient Metaphysics and the Origin of Language. Amongst his
correspondents were James Harris (author of Hermes), Sir William Jones, Sir John
Pringle, Welbore Ellis, Dugald Stewart, Sir George Baker, Bishop Samuel Horsley,
Richard Price, etc. Amongst his friends were David Hume, Adam Smith-Fergusson
(the poet), Carlyle of Inveresk, Dr. Robertson, Sir Gilbert Elliot, and Sir John
Dalrymple, Lords Loughbrough, Elibank, etc.

The volume will contain (i) a new Life of Monboddo, drawn from family MSS.
and other sources ; (2) an estimate of his literary rank and philosophical position ;
(3) his own essay-letters — for such they were — to his literary friends, and theirs to
him, which will now be published for the first time.

DOCTRINAL SERMONS.

By the late BENJAMIN JOWETT, M.A.

Master of Balliol.

Crown 8vo. ys. 6d.

THE DAWN OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY.

A HISTORY OF EXPLORATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE

FROM THE OPENING OF THE TENTH TO THE MIDDLE

OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY (A.D. 900—1250).

By C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY,

Fellow of Merton College, Oxford.
Author ot " The Dawn of Modern Geography, from the Conversion of the Roman Empire to 900 A.D."

With Maps and Illustrations. Demy 8vo.

This volume will include an account of the Scandinavian Explorers, and the Saga
travel-literature ; of the Pilgrims and Religious Travellers, such as Saewulf and
Benjamin of Tudela : of the Merchant Travellers, such as the Elder Polos ; of the
Missionary and Diplomatic Travellers, such as William de Rubruquis and John de
Piano Carpini ; and of the Scientific Geographers and Map Makers, such as
Matthew Paris, Henry of Maintz, Lambert of St. Omer, &c. With some notice of
the Arab and Chinese Geographers and Travellers of this time, such as Edrisi, etc.

As in the former volume, the object of the present is to give a thoroughly
representative and so complete account of geographical progress during a great part
of the Middle Ages. Beginning with the changes wrought by the Northmen, this
second instalment brings down the narrative to the close of the Crusading era, and
the highest point of the Empire of the Mongol Tartars.

1 6 Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications.

THE BOOK OF SER MARCO POLO, THE

VENETIAN.

CONCERNING THE KINGDOMS AND MARVELS OF THE EAST.

Translated and Edited by the late

Colonel Sir HENRY YULE, C.B.

Revised throughout in the light of Modern Discoveries.

WITH A MEMOIR OF COLONEL YULE
(Compiled with the assistance of Miss Yule).

By Professor HENRI CORDIER,

Of Paris, Professor at the School for Oriental Living Languages; Hon. Member Royal Asiatic Society

Vice-President of the Society de Geographie; Member of the Council of the Societe Asiatique;

Scio dello R. Deputazione Veneta di Storio Patria.

With Maps and Illustration'.. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo.

THE PROGRESSIVE SCIENCE SERIES.

THE NEXT VOLUME WILL BE

HEREDITY.

By J. ARTHUR THOMSON,

Author of " Studies of Animal Life," and co-Author of " The Evolution of Sex."

With numerous Diagrams and Illustrations.
Svo. 6s.

New Edition, Corrected, and with an Added Chapter on Tropical Diseases;
an Account of Malarial Infection by Mosquitoes, and other Subjects.

BACTERIA:

ESPECIALLY AS THEY ARE RELATED TO THE ECONOMY
OF NATURE, TO INDUSTRIAL PROCESSES, AND
TO THE PUBLIC HEALTH.

By GEORGE NEWMAN. M.D . F.R.SE., D.P.H..
Demonstrator of Bacteriology in King's College, London.

With 15 Microphotographs 0/ actual organisms taken expressly for this work by Dr. Spitta,
nine kindly lent by the Scientific Press (Limited), and over 70 other Illustrations.

8vo. 6s. [Nearly ready.

A List of the above Series containing further volumes in preparation can be obtained

post free on application.

Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications. 17

, - — — -.,.., — ..-— ,

CHINA AND HER COMMERCE.

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY.

By E. H. PARKER,

Consul-General in Corea, 1886-7 ; Consul-General in Kiung Chow, 1891 ; etc, etc.

With Nineteen Maps.
Large Crown Hvo.

THE STUDENT'S MANUAL OF ENGLISH

LITERATURE.

A New Edition, thoroughly Revised and in great part Re-written.

By A. HAMILTON THOMPSON

Crown 8vo. ys. 6d.

THE STUDENT'S GIBBON.

Abridged from the Original Work by Sir WM. SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.

A NEW AND REVISED EDITION IN TWO PARTS.

Part I. — Just Published.

From the Accession of Commodus to the Death of Justinian.

By A. H. J. GREENIDGE, M.A.,

Lecturer and Late Fellow of Hertfoid College, Lecturer in Ancient History at Brasenose College, Oxford

Part II. — Nearly Ready.

By J. G. C. ANDERSON, M.A.,
Fellow of Lincoln College and Lecturer at Christ Church, Oxford.
With Maps and Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 5s. each volume.

THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SPEAKER.

Compiled by F. WARRE CORNISH, MA.,
Vice-Provost of Eton College.

This work, as its name implies, is a collection of pieces suitable for recitation at
school " speeches." The Editor has made his selection in the widest manner and
from various languages — Greek, Latin, English, German, French and Italian. He
has included drama, general poetry, orations and other prose pieces, ancient and
modern, and is in hopes that no serious omissions can be found, unless it be
those intentional ones from classics that are at everyone's command, which he has
left out to make room for others more difficult of access.

It will be noticed that he has in many cases given an extract longer than is
sufficient for a single recitation — he has done this advisedly with a view to affording
greater scope for individual requirements and individual taste.

The publisher is of opinion that the" Speaker" will be found the most complete

extant Large Hvo. 7s. 6d.

1 8 Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications.

MURRAY'S HANDY CLASSICAL MAPS.

A NEW SYSTEM.

Edited by G. B. GRUNDY, M.A.,

Brasenose College, Oxford.

The Maps in Sir William Smith's Classical Atlas, engraved at a cost of several
thousands of pounds, are regarded as among the best of the kind in existence, but
hitherto they have only been published in a costly form, practically inaccessible to
school-boys and many students.

Mr. G. B. Grdndy, of Brasenose College, Oxford, whose name is a sufficient
guarantee that the work will be done in the best and most scholarly manner, has
undertaken to edit the series to bring it up to date in the light of modern research,
and to make it suitable for School and College use.

The form of their issue is entirely novel, and will, we think, commend itself to
teachers. The maps will be published separately, mounted on cloth, with an index of
names, and folded in a cover similar to those used for tourist and cycling maps,
though somewhat larger.

By this means, instead of having to purchase at one time and bring into School or
Lecture Room an expensive and bulky atlas, the student will be enabled to carry only
the map required for the lecture or lesson in hand.

The old method of engraving and hatching the mountain ranges has been supple-
mented by colouring the contours with flat brown and green tints, which is now
recognised as the best and most intelligible way of denoting the configuration of the
land.

List of Maps at present in preparation :

GALLIA - - - -

BRITANNIA -

HISPANIA

ttatta f Northern Italy )

11 ALIA | SoDTH AND SlCiLY I

GERMANIA.RHAETIA, }

ILLYRIA, MOESIA, etc. J

PALESTINE, SYRIA, and
part of MESOPOTAMIA,
and a Map showing St.
Paul's Voyages

Northern Greece
GRAECIA- South and Pelo-
ponnesus

ASIA MINOR and MARE
AEGAEUM

THE ROMAN EMPIRE -
(at different epochs)

EGYPT and the EASTERN
EMPIRES

One sheet, is. cloth ; is. net, paper, [now ready.

One sheet, is. cloth; is. net, paper, [now ready.

One sheet, is. cloth ; is net, paper, [now ready.

Two sheets in one case, $s. cloth ;

is. 6d. net, paper. [now ready.

One sheet, is. cloth; is. tut, paper, [now ready.

Three Maps on one sheet, is. cloth;

is. net, paper. [now ready.

Two sheets in one case, 3s. cloth
is. 6d. net, paper.

Two Maps on one sheet, is. cloth ,
is net, paper.

{ Two Maps on one sheet, is. cloth ,
[ is. net. paper.

) Two Maps on one sheet, is. cloth
j is net, paper

An Index is bound in each case.
"This method of showing physical features is most effective, and lends the maps
a value which is possessed by no other classical atlas known to us. . . . \Ye
recommend all schoolmasters and students who care lor geographical matters to look
at these maps.": — Athenaum.

". . . May be taken as correct and up-to-date . . Both attractive to the

eye and informing to the mind." — Manchester Guardian.

Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications. 19

SPANISH PRINCIPIA.

PART I.
A FIRST SPANISH COURSE,

CONTAINING

GRAMMAR, EXERCISES, VOCABULARIES, AND MATERIALS

FOR CONVERSATION.

By Don FERNANDO DE ARTEAGA,

Taylorian Teacher of Spanish in the University of Oxford.

Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

This book has in the main been formed on the plan of SirWm. Smith's well-known
and deservedly popular " Principia Latina, Part I." It possesses, however, one new
feature which is as novel as it is likely to prove valuable to the student who uses the
book. English people, for the most part, who set themselves to learn Spanish, are
not children, but either would-be travellers in the country, students of its literature,
or persons engaged in commerce with Spain or Spanish-speaking countries. It has
therefore been the aim of the Editor throughout to avoid the old-fashioned
Ollendorfen sentences in illustration of the grammar, and instead to make use of
phrases and expressions which are likely to prove of practical use to the traveller and
the man of business.

LITTLE ARTHUR'S HISTORY OF GREECE.

A COMPANION VOLUME TO "LITTLE ARTHUR'S ENGLAND"
AND "LITTLE ARTHUR'S FRANCE."

By the Rev. A. S. WALPOLE, M.A.

With Maps and Illustrations. 121110. zs. 6d.

A HANDY BOOK OF HORTICULTURE.

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF

GARDENING.

With Illustrations and Diagrams.

By F. C. HAYES, M.A.,

Rector of Raheney ;

Lecturer in Practical Horticulture in Alexandria College Dublin.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

20 Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications.

A GREEK GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS.

By JOHN THOMPSON, M.A.,

Late Scholar of Christ's College, Cambridge; Senior Classical Master, High School, Dublin.

Crown 8vo.

One of the chief objects of this book is to bring within the reach of the younger
generation of students and schoolboys some of the results of the linguistic discoveries
of the present day. It is therefore written in accordance with the philological views
of the Grundnss der Vergleichenden Grammatik of Professors Brugmann and Delbriick,
of P. Giles' Manual of Comparative Philology, of G. Meyer's Griechische Grammatik and
of other scholars. Use has also been made of the Third Edition, revised by Drs.
Blass and Gerth, of Kuhner's Aus/iihrliehe Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache, and of
several school Greek Grammars in use in Germany.

The Grammar consists of two parts in one volume, Part I. containing the Accidence,
and Part II. the Syntax. The forms and spelling in use in Attic Greek are given
according to the latest authorities, and there are special notes on Homeric
peculiarities. There are also tables of Greek verbs arranged on a new plan, including
(a) a list of the chief types of verbs, (b) a list of common Attic verbs regular
according to the types in (a), and (c) a list of the irregular verbs with the
irregular forms printed in special type. This arrangement is intended to
remove many misconceptions about Greek verbs. Brief notes on syntax, &c,
are given with each verb, stating the ordinary constructions and any special uses.
There will also be Appendices on (i) Greek Weights, Measures, and Dates, (2) Accents,
and (3) Sound Changes. Particular attention has been given to the type, so that the
essential parts of Greek grammar may be made specially clear, and that the beginner
may have no difficulty in distinguishing the more important sections.

*♦*♦•♦♦♦♦♦♦»♦♦♦♦♦♦•

PUSS IN BOOTS.

Illustrated with 12 Woodcuts in Colours.

Royal i6mo. Paper Boards, is. [.Just Published.

COMMERCIAL FRENCH COURSE.

IN TWO PARTS.

By W. MANSFIELD POOLE. M.A.,

Magdalen College, Oxford,
Assistant-Master at Merchant Taylor's School,

AND

MICHEL BECKER,

Professor at the Ecole Alsacienne, Paris,
Author of " L'Allemand Commercial," and " Lectures Pratiques, d'Allemand Moderne."

PART I. — Consisting of Simple Sentences and Passages in French, with
occasional Business Letters, arranged in a manner suited for Practical Teaching,
and containing in an Appendix a clear system of French Grammar, with special
reference to the Verb, is in course of active preparation. [Crown 8vo. is. 6d.

PART II. — Comprising an Advanced Commercial Reader, will be duly
announced

Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications. 21

AN ENGLISHWOMAN'S LOVE LETTERS.

Small Crown 8vo. 5s. net.

It is obviously necessary that these letters should be anonymous, but the
publisher, without holding himself in any way responsible for their authorship,
confidently hopes that their special characteristics will be considered fully to justify
their publication. [Immediately.

A NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION OF WHYMPER'S SCRAMBLES.

SCRAMBLES AMONGST THE ALPS.

IN THE YEARS 1860-69.

INCLUDING THE HISTORY OF THE FIRST ASCENT OF

THE MATTERHORN.

By EDWARD WHYMPER.
Fifth Edition. With 135 Illustrations and Maps. Medium 8vo. 15s. net.

" Whymper's Scrambles stand unapproachable in Alpine literature." — The Times
on the last edition.

[Just Published.
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

NEW EDITIONS OF HANDBOOKS.

EGYPT.

CAIRO, THEBES, THE SUEZ CANAL, SINAI, THE COURSE OF THE
NILE FROM DONGOLA, &c, &c.

Edited by Miss BRODRICK and Professor SAYCE

With the assistance of distinguished Egyptologists and Officials.
With many New Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 15s.

BERKSHIRE.

ALMOST ENTIRELY RE- WRITTEN.

With Maps, &c. Crown 8vo. [In the Press.

NORTHAMPTON AND RUTLAND.

With Maps and Plans, forming the 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo.

[In the Press.

22 Mr. Murray's List of Forthcoming Publications.

THE LIFE OF
SIR JOHN FOWLER, BART., K.C.M.G.

A RECORD OF ENGINEERING WORK, 1834— 1898.

By THOMAS MACKAY.

IVith Portraits and many Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 16s.

[Just published.

A NEW WORK BY THE REV. CHARLES GORE, M.A.. D.D.,

Canon of Westminster.

THE BREAKING OF THE BREAD.

A STUDY OF THE INSTITUTION AND DOCTRINE OF THE

HOLY COMMUNION.

Crown 8vo.

A CENTURY OF OUR SEA STORY.

By WALTER JEFFERY.

Author of " The King's Yard," etc.

With a Photogravure Frontispiece of Lord Nelson. Crown 8vo. 6s.

CONTENTS : — Ships at the Beginning of the Century — Seaports and
Dockyards— Officers and Seamen — The Sea Life— Naval Engagements —
The Growth of our Sea Carrying — Steam - Customs of the Sea — The
Wreck List of the Century — Exploration — Pirates and Mutineers — The
South Seas — On our Coast — End of the Century Ships and Sailors.

THE LAND OF THE LONG NIGHT.

By PAUL DU CHAILLU,

Author of " The Viking Age," " I var the Viking," " The Land of the Midnight Sun,"

" Exploration in Equatorial Africa," &c.

Illustrated by M. J. BURNS.

Crown 8vo. js. 6d. [Just published.

Albemarle Street, W.

October, 1900.

MR. MURRAY'S

LIST OF

NEW AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

The Monthly Review

Edited by HENRY NEWBOLT.

No. I. (The October Number.)
2s. 6d. net.

Editorial Articles :

The Paradox of Imperialism

After Pekin

Parties and Principles
Details of My Daily Life— Abdur Rahman, Amir of Afghanistan
Surgical Experiences in South Africa — A. A. Bowlby, F.R.C.S.
War Training of Naval Officers — Lieut. Carlyon Bellairs, R.N.
Puzzles of the War — Spenser Wilkinson
Recent Eclipses — Professor H. H. Turner
On the Influence of the Stage — Mrs. Hugh Bell
Art Before Giotto (Illustrated) — Roger E. Fry
" T. E. B."— A. T. Quiller-Couch
On Loss of Time — Miss M. E. Coleridge
The Nile : An Ode — Henry Newbolt
Tristram of Blent, I-III. — Anthony Hope

■♦♦■

A NEW FRENCH GRAMMAR.

The Technical School French Grammar.

By Dr. W. KRISCH.

Some time Teacher of Latin and Greek at the Birmingham Midland Institute. Examiner in
Modern Languages to the Midland Counties Union of Educational Institutions.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6(2.

24 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

Tht three folloiving are uniform in size and style and price, and form a more
or less new departure in the publication of fiction — printed as they are by
Constable, on the best of paper, and daintily bound, for the price of Half-a-
Crown net.

OLIVER ON IONS.

Third Impression.

The Compleat Bachelor.

By OLIVER ONIONS.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

"'The Compleat Bachelor' my Baronite finds just delicious." — Baron de
B.-W. in Punch.

"One of the brightest, cheeriest, and jolliest books written for a long time

past This is a book which you should beg, borrow, or — get out of the

circulating library. Don't miss it." — Illustrated Mail.

EDITH WHARTON.

A Gift from the Grave.

By EDITH WHARTON.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

"... A writer of exceptional delicacy and power. . . . Mrs. Wharton
is very much more than a cunning fashioner of verbal mosaic. She has, added
to the modern passion for perfection of form, the older qualities that touch the
heart." — The Times.

LADY HELY HUTCHINSON.

Monica Grey.

By THE HONOURABLE LADY HELY HUTCHINSON.

Crown &vo. 25. 6d. net.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 25

THE CRISIS IN CHINA.

A Personal Narrative of Occurrences

during Lord Elgin's Second Embassy

to China in 1 860.

By the late LORD LOCH.

Third Edition. With Portrait and Illustrations. Crown Svo. 2s 6d. net.

When Lord Elgin went to China as British Ambassador in i860, Mr. Henry
Brougham Loch (afterwards Lord Loch) accompanied him as his private Secretary.
The attack of the Chinese on the combined English and French forces ; the capture
of the Taku forts ; the march on Tientsin and Pekin by the allied armies are matters
of history, but the circumstances of those events are so strikingly similar to those
which are occurring to-day that they cannot fail to attract attention.

The special interest of this Personal Narrative, however, lies in Lord Loch's
account of how he in company with Mr. (afterwards Sir Harry) Parkes, Mr.
de Normans, and Lieuts. Anderson and Phipps, together with their escorts were
treacherously captured under a flag of truce, by the Chinese, were imprisoned for 3
weeks in Pekin, and subjected to brutal treatment. Messrs. Loch and Parkes were
the only two of the party who escaped.

The book is reprinted from the Second Edition, which has long been out of print.

-♦"♦-

MRS. BISHOP'S LATEST WORK.

The Yang-tze Valley and Beyond.

AN ACCOUNT OF JOURNEYS IN CENTRAL AND WESTERN

CHINA.

Dedicated by Permission to the Marquess of Salisbury, K.G.
By Mrs. BISHOP (ISABELLA L. BIRD), F.R.G.S.

With Map and^numerous Illustrations.

8vo. £1 is. net.

" In many ways Mrs. Bishop is the most remarkable woman of the time. As an
intrepid traveller, an accomplished geographer, and a keen observer of men and
things, she has few equals, while from a strictly literary point of view, her work has,
ever since the publication of " Unbeaten Tracts in japan," shown a steady advarce,
until we have in the book under notice, a perfect model of what a book of tra\els
ought to be." — The Japan Mail.

26 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

The Constitution and Laws of
Afghanistan.

By MIR MUNSHI, SULTAN MOHAMMAD KHAN, F.R.G.S.

Barrister-at-Law,
Advanced Student of Christ's College, Cambridge.

Demy 8vo. Sewed, 2s. 6cl. net.

-♦♦-

SUPPLEMENT TO

Mr. Sydney Buxton's Political Handbook.

Mr. Buxton has prepared an Appendix to his Popular Handbook to the Political
Questions of the day, bringing the work up to date.

The Appendix consists of some 4S pp. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Or if sold with the book (the price of which separately is 10s. 6d.) 125.

-♦-♦-

Surveying and Exploring in Siam.

By JAMES MacCARTHY, F.R.G.S.

Director-General of the Siamese Government Surveys.

WITH A TRIANGULATION CHART— A LARGE MAP OF THE KINGDOM
OF SIAM AND ITS DEPENDENCIES.

77 Illustrations. Demy 8vo.
10s. 6d. net.

ISSUED BY THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

-♦♦-

The Locust Plague

AND ITS SUPPRESSION.
By iENEAS MUNRO.

Doctor of Medicine of the Universities of Edinburgh and Cordova, and Fellow of the Faculty of

Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow.

With Numerous Illustrations. Medium 8vo. 24s. net.

CONTENTS : — The Entomological and Popular Characteristics of the
Locust — Correspondence or Reflections from the Newspaper Press
respecting the Locust Plague — Means for Combating the Plague :
Introduction — The Natural Agencies at Work tending to Check the
Plague — The Artificial and Mechanical Inventions for Checking the
Plague ; Exposure of Popular Errors — Mechanical and Artificial Remedies.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 27

A NEW NOVEL BY RONALD MACDONALD.

The Sword of the King.

A ROMANCE OF THE TIME OF WILLIAM OF ORANGK.

By RONALD MACDONALD.

Second Impression. Large Crown 8vo. 6s.

" .... a good ' bustling ' romance, with plenty of adventure, well devised
and amusingly recounted." — Spectator.

" . . . . full of dramatic cleverness .... the agreeable style and live
interest keep the reader pleasantly engrossed throughout." — Pall Mall Gazette.

" .... a very charming and well-written romance." — Daily Chronicle.

-♦-♦-

A Manual of Naval Architecture.

FOR THE USE OF OFFICERS OF THE ROYAL NAVY.

OFFICERS OF THE MERCANTILE MARINE,

YACHTSMEN, SHIPOWNERS,

AND SHIPBUILDERS.

By Sir W. H. WHITE, K.C.B., LL.D.,

Late Assistant Controller and Director of Naval Construction, Royal Navy, etc.

Fifth Edition.

With Illustrations. Medium 8vo. 24s.

The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have been pleased to authorize the issue
of this book to the Ships of the Royal Navy.

♦♦

SECOND IMPRESSION.

Eighteen Years in the Khyber.

1879— 1898.

WITH PERSONAL REMINISCENCES OF SERVICE IN INDIA,

AND ESPECIALLY AMONG THE TRIBES ON OUR

N.W. FRONTIER.

By Colonel Sir ROBERT WARBURTON, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., etc.

With Map and Illustrations. Svo. 16s.

"... his excellent book. . . . The sketches of native character and habits with
which his book abounds would alone render it invaluable to all who desire to under-
stand the problem of the Gate of India. . Warburton's arguments ought to
carry great weight with the Indian Government, for no man could have been more
successful in managing the Khyber." — World.

28 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

A Popular History of the
Church of England.

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY.

By the Rt. Rev. WILLIAM BOYD CARPENTER,
The Lord Bishop of Ripon.

With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s.

" The title is perhaps, hardly wide enough for the contents ; one would almost
call the book a history of Christianity in England. . . . He has the true judicial
spirit, and is passionately eager to be entirely fair to every one. His history is
impartial to the last degree. . His book should have a very wide circulation,

and can do nothing but good wherever it is read." — Morning Post.

"It is emphatically a history of the Church as the Church of the people, and of
the Church as a religious force rather than as an ecclesiastical organisation. . . . The
book is simply, but attractively, and sometimes brilliantly written. It is not over-
loaded with names, facts, or dates ; but it does convey a clear impression of men and
events to the reader." — St. James's Gazette.

♦♦

Church Problems ;

A VIEW OF MODERN ANGLICANISM.

By Various Authors, Edited by

The Rev. H. HENSLEY HENSON.

Demy 8vo. 12s. net.

Including Contributions by H. Hensley Henson, b.d., Earl of Selborne,
E. S. Gibson, d.d., W. H. Hutton, b.d., W. O. Burrows, m.a., A. C. Headlam, b.d.,
E. W. Watson, m.a., H. A. Dalton, m.a., T. B. Strong, m.a., Bernard Wilson, m.a.,
H. C. Beeching, m.a., W. E. Collins, m.a., Lord Hugh Cecil, m.p.

-♦♦-

The Student's Greece.

A HISTORY OF GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO

THE ROMAN CONQUEST.

With Supplementary Chapters on the History of Literature and Art.
A New Edition. Thoroughly Revised and in part Rewritten.

By G. E. MARINDIN, M.A.

With many new Maps and Illustrations.

Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

" The revision could not have been entrusted to better hands. . Altogether

the work has been so improved as to render it likely to hold its place with any
competitors for another term of 40 years."— Glasgow Herald.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 29

AN ENTIRELY NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION.

Greek Testament Reader.

FOR USE IN SCHOOLS.

COMPRISING CONSECUTIVE EXTRACTS FROM THE SYNOPTIC
GOSPELS AND PASSAGES FROM THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

By THEOPHILUS D. HALL, M.A.,

Crown 8vo. zs. 6d.

" A valuable epitome of the New Testament in the original, amply supplied with
exegetical notes, and with a grammatical commentary and a vocabulary which
fit it admirably for the instruction of beginners in the study of Greek." — Scotsman

-♦♦-

Chapters from Aristotle's Ethics.

By J. H. MUIRHEAD, M.A.,

Protessor of Mental and Moral Philosophy, Mason University College, Birmingham.
Author of "The Elements of Ethics."

Large Crown 8vo. 75. 6d.

' We cannot commend these ' chapters ' too highly, not only to teachers, but to
all students of Aristotle or of moral philosophy who feel that the problems of the Old
Greeks are in any way unreal in these later days, or their solutions out of date." — Pilot.

-++■

Cathedral and University Sermons.

By GEORGE SALMON, D.D.,

Provost of Trinity College, Dublin,
Author of " Introduction to the New Testament." "The Infallibility of the Church."

Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

" Common sense, clearly put argument, learning without parade, edifying thought,
and an easy, pleasant style will be found all through ' Cathedral and University
Sermons "... no one can read them without profit as well as pleasure." —

Leeds Mercury.
♦♦

NEW AND CHEAPER EDITIONS OF THE LIVES OF TWO

INDIAN SOLDIERS.

Lumsden of the Guides.

The Life of Lieut. -Gen. Sir Harry
Burnett Lumsden, K.C.S.I., C.B.

By his brother, General

Sir PETER S. LUMSDEN,

G.C.B., C.S.I.,

And G. R. ELSMIE, C.S.I.

With Portraits, Maps, and Illustrations.

Demy 8vo. 75. 6d. net.

John Nicholson.

Soldier and Administrator.

Based on Private and hitherto
Unpublished Documents.

By Captain L. J. TROTTER.

Eighth Edition. With Portraits,
Maps,&c. Demy 8vo. js.6d.net.

30 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

Henry Hart Milman, D.D.,

LATE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

WITH SELECTIONS FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE.

By his Son, ARTHUR MILMAN.

With Portraits. 8vo. 16s.

-♦♦-

SOME WORKS ON SOUTH AFRICA.

TENTH THOUSAND OF THE SECOND
EDITION.

The Transvaal Trouble.

The Origin and Early History of

our Dealings with the Boer

Republic and of the Administration

of Sir Bartle Frere.

By JOHN MARTINBAU.

Extracted from the Life of Sir
Bartle Frere.

A new and cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo.
sewed, is.

SIXTH THOUSAND OF THE THIRD
EDITION.

The Story of the Great
Boer Trek

AND THE

Origin of the South African
Republics.

By the late
Hon. HENRY CLOETB, LL.D.,

H. M. High Commissioner for Natal, 1843 — 44

Edited by his Grandson,
W. BRODRICK CL.OETE, M.A.

Cloth, is. 6d. ; sewed, is.

Leading Points in South

African History.
On the Eve of the War. from i486 to 3oth march, i9oo.

A Narrative of Impressions during a
Journey in Cape Colony, The Free
State, The Transvaal, Natal, and
Rhodesia, September, 1889, to
January, 1900.

By EVELYN CECIL, M.P.

With Map and Illustrations.

Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

" .... is well worth reading. . .
It is observant, unprejudiced, and plain-
spoken." — Morning Post.

Chronologically arranged with a

full Classified Date-Index of

Events.

By EDWIN A, PRATT.

Crown 8vo. ys. 6d.

should prove permanently
valuable to students of the South African
question " — The Times.

"The idea is excellent, and is well
carried out, the utility of the book being
greatly enhanced by the presence of a
comprehensive index. . . . The volume
is an armoury of fact, from which con-
troversialists in this country will be able
to draw many an effective weapon." —
The Globe.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 31

Notes from a Diary.

By the Rt. Hon. Sir MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I.

FIRST SERIES, 1851— 1872. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 18s.
SECOND SERIES, 1873— 1880. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 18s.
THIRD SERIES, 1881— 1886 (India). 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 18s.
FOURTH SERIES (Just out), 1886-1888. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 18s.

" The Duff Diaries are delightful .... are full of good stories and pithy
sayings. Dip into it where we may, there is something amusing, and the

company to which we are introduced is of many kinds." — Morning Post.

-♦*-

The Railways of England.

By W. M. ACWORTH.

A NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION, WITH AN ADDITIONAL CHAPTER
DESCRIBING MORE RECENT DEVELOPMENTS.

With many Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 10s. bd

" Its graphic and vivid descriptions of railway life and work are still as true to

reality as ever, and in many respects as unique in their forceful pen-pictures

must always be a popular and widely-read work." — Engineer.

-«-*-

John Nixon,

PIONEER OF THE STEAM COAL TRADE IN SOUTH WALES.

By J. E. VINCENT.

With Portrait 8vo. 10s. 6d.

" Should, indeed, take a place besides the works of Samuel Smiles as providing
us with a portrait of a man whose life affords a remarkable example of ' self-help '
carried out with undaunted energy and in an unvarying spirit of honour and
uprightness." — Glasgow Herald

-♦♦-

A History of the Oxford Mission to

Calcutta.

By the Rev. GEORGE LONGRIDGE.
With a Preface by the BISHOP OF ROCHESTER.

With Portraits and Illustrations.

Large Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

"We venture to affirm, with little fear of contradiction, that this volume is one
of the most important, as it is certainly one of the most interesting, of recent con-
tributions, to the missionary history of the English Church." — Church Times.

32 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

Notes from My Journal.

WHEN SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 1857— 1882.

By the late Rt, Hon. JOHN EVELYN DENISON

(Viscount Ossington).

With a Preface by his Niece, Miss L. E. DENISON.

With Two Photogravure Illustrations. <\to. 10s. 6d. net

This book was privately printed in the Summer of 1899, and copies were presented
to several of Lord Ossington 's surviving friends. The interest which the record
aroused among those who are conversant with the inner life of Parliament has led
Miss Denison to yield to a generally expressed wish that a small edition of this
Journal should be offered to the public.

-♦*-

The Making of a Frontier.

FIVE YEARS EXPERIENCES AND ADVENTURES IN GILGIT,
HUNZA NAGAR, CHITRAL, AND THE EASTERN HINDU-KUSH

By Colonel ALGERNON DURAND, C.B., CLE.

British Agent at Gilgit, 1889—1894 ; Military Secretary to the Viceroy of India, 1894— 1899.

With Portrait, Map, and Illustrations.

Second Impression. Demy 8vo. 16s.

CONTENTS : — A Mission of Enquiry — First Visit to Chitral — A Month
in Chitral — Establishment of the Gilgit Agency — Visit to Hunza Nagar —
Second Visit to Chitral — Dardistan — Folk-Lore and Sport — Administration
and War — The Hunza-Nagar Expedition — The Indus Valley Rising.

-♦»♦-

The XlXth and their Times.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE FOUR CAVALRY REGIMENTS IN THE

BRITISH ARMY THAT HAVE BORNE THE

NUMBER NINETEEN.

By Colonel JOHN BIDDULPH.

With Coloured Plates, Plans and other Illustrations.

8vo. 16s.

" Ready in all that depends upon them, and willing beyond description. He did
not know that when his book was published the regiment would be making those
words good in Natal. Ladysmith has made the story of the 19th doubly interesting
just now . . not only to present and future members but to all who

are proud of the little British Army and care to know its record." — Pall Mall Gazette.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 33

FIFTH THOUSAND.

Law without Lawyers.

AN EPITOME OF THE LAWS OF ENGLAND FOR

PRACTICAL USE.

By TWO BARRISTERS-AT-LAW.

Large 8vo. Over 700 pp. Cloth extra. Price 6s.

"The best and fullest work of its kind that has yet appeared." — World.
" The two barristers who are responsible for ' Law without Lawyers ' have
produced the best book of its class that we have come across.'' — Standard.

At School and at Sea.

SKETCHES OF LIFE AND CHARACTER AT HARROW IN THE
FORTIES, AND SUBSEQUENTLY IN THE ROYAL NAVY;

WITH EXPERIENCES AND ADVENTURES ON THE AUSTRALIAN

STATION, IN THE SOUTH SEAS, IN THE BLACK SEA, IN

THE TRENCHES AT SEBASTOPOL, ETC., ETC.

By "MARTELLO TOWER," a NAVAL OFFICER.

With Illustrations.

Hvo. 16s.

" A charming book of naval recollections . . . Should prove excellent reading,
alike to those who desire amusement, or simply instruction." — Army and Navy Record
"A racy and well-written narrative." — Daily Chronicle.

-♦♦-

Authority and Archaeology
Sacred and Profane.

ESSAYS ON THE RELATION OF MONUMENTS TO BIBLICAL
AND CLASSICAL LITERATURE.

By the Rev. Prof. S. R. Driver ; Prof. Ernest A. Gardner ; P. LI. Griffith
F. Haverfield ; The Rev. A. C. Headlam, B.D.

Edited by DAVID G. HOGARTH.

Second Edition. Demy Svo. ibs.

34 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

Point and Pillow Lace.

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE VARIOUS KINDS, ANCIENT
AND MODERN, AND HOW TO RECOGNIZE THEM.

By A. M. S.

With Photogravure Frontispiece and more than forty other facsimile Illustrations of

Specimens of Lace.

qto. ios. 6d.

"Altogether a better handbook of lace certainly has not been, and, we think,
could not be, written, and those who collect lace will find in 'A. M. S.'s' book the
most valuable help in naming and dating these specimens." — Guardian.

-++-

TWO BOOKS ON ENGLISH COUNTRY LIFE.

The New Forest. A Cotswold Village.

Its Traditions, Inhabitants, and or, Country Life and Pursuits in

Customs. Gloucestershire.

By ROSE DE CRESPIGNY and
HORACE HUTCHINSON.

By J. ARTHUR GIBBS.

New and Cheaper Edition

With a Photogravure Frontispiece and other

Illustrations, and a Map. with Portrait and many Illustrations.

Second Impression. Crown 8vo. -js. 6d. ] Large Crown 8vo. 6s.

-♦"♦-

Preparatory Geography for Irish Schools.

WITH NUMEROUS COLOURED MAPS, RELIEF MAPS, PLANS
AND VIEWS OF WELL-KNOWN PLACES IN ILLUS-
TRATION OF GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

By JOHN COOKE, M.A.,

Lecturer in Geography, Church of Ireland Training College; and Examiner to the Board ot

Intermediate Education.

I2W0. is. 6d.

" Mr. Cooke's eminent services to the literature of education have seldom been

better illustrated than in this Geography for Irish Schools Mr. Cooke

claims that his Geography is suggestive rather than exhaustive. He might reasonably
have gone a step further, and claimed the high merit of charm of attractiveness.
With such a wealth of apt illustration drawn from our own country, no child could
for a moment fail to comprehend what he sees and hears." — The Irish Times.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 35

A Memoir of Richard Durnford, D.D.

LATE BISHOP OF CHICHESTER.
WITH SELECTIONS FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE.

By the Very Revd. The DEAN OF WINCHESTER.

With Portraits and other Illustrations.
8vo. 16s.

♦»

Sir Robert Peel.

BASED ON HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND PRIVATE DOCUMENTS
Edited by CHARLES STUART PARKER,

Formerly Fellow of University College, Oxford, and M.P. for the City and County of Perth.

With a Sdmmary of Sir Robert Peel's Life and Character by his Grandson,

The Honble. GEORGE PEEL.

Three Volumes.

Vol. I. — From his Birth to 1827. With Portraits. 8vo. 16s.

Vols. II. &- III. — From 1S27 to his Death in 1850. With Portraits. 8vo. 32s.

The Late Benjamin Jowett,

MASTER OF BALLIOL.

A SELECTION FROM HIS LETTERS.

SUPPLEMENTARY TO THE LIFE, PUBLISHED IN 1897.
Edited by EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A.,

AND

Professor LEWIS CAMPBELL, M.A.

With Portrait. Demy 8vo. 16s.
WORKS BY THE LATE BENJAMIN JOWETT, M.A.

College Sermons.

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 75. 6d.

Sermons — Biographical
and Miscellaneous.

Cr. 8vo. js. 6d.
Doctrinal Sermons. {In preparation.

The Epistles of St. Paul
to the Thessalonians,
Galatians and Romans

With Notes and Dissertations.

2 Vols. Crown 8vo. ys. 6d. net, each
volume.

36 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.

The Works of Lord Byron.

A NEW TEXT, COLLATED WITH THE ORIGINAL MSS. AND

REVISED PROOFS, WHICH ARE STILL IN EXISTENCE,

WITH MANY HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED ADDITIONS.

This will be the most complete Edition of Lord Byron's Works, as no other

Editors have had access to the original MSS., and the only one

authorised by his family and representatives.

With Portraits and Illustrations. To be completed in 12 Vols. Crown 8vo. 6s. each.

Poetry.

Edited by
ERNEST HARTLEY COLERIDGE.

Vols. I , II, and III. The Early Poems,
Childe Harold, The Giaour,
Bride of Abydos, Corsair, &c,
containing many hitherto unpub-
lished pieces.
" Mr. Coleridge's edition . . . might
be described as perfect, if perfection
could be predicated of anything human.
All the editor's remarks are sensible and
just, and the literary illustrations are
selected with exquisite taste and dis-
crimination. . . . The convenient, handy
size, the almost exuberant but not
extravagant accompaniment of pertinent
annotation, the pictorial illustration, and
the general elegance of every detail,
render this volume in every way so
desirable a possession as to make one
wish that it could be issued separately."
The Bookman.

Letters.

Edited by
ROWLAND E. PROTHERO.

Vols. I., II., III. and IV. from 1788 to
1820, containing many hitherto un-
published letters.

' ' The editor's work has been excellently
performed. Mr. Prothero's accounts of
Hobhouse and of Beckford, in particular,
may be cited as examples of finished
miniature biographies." — Dr. R. Garnett
in the Bookman.

" We must compliment Mr. Prothero
on the skill and admirable tact with
which he has fulfilled a delicate task."
— Saturday Review.

N.B. — The EDITION DE LUXE, crown 4/0, 215. net per volume, has all been
disposed of ; a few copies may remain in the hands of some booksellers.

[See also page 8.

-♦♦-

A Boy in the Peninsular War.

THE SERVICES, ADVENTURES, AND EXPERIENCES OF
ROBERT BLAKENEY, Subaltern in the 28th Regiment.

AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY.

Edited by JULIAN STURGIS,

Author of "John a Dreams," "Comedy of a Country House," &c.

Second Impression. Demy 8vo. 16s.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publibatioris. 37

Haunts and Hobbies of an Indian

Official.

By MARK THORNHILL,

Author of "The Adventures of a Magistrate in the Indian Mutiny."

Large Crown 8vo. 6s.

" Worthy of being classed with ' White of Selborne.' . . . Hardly a page or
paragraph can be spared." — Scotsman.

-++-

Hydrographical Surveying,

A DESCRIPTION OF THE MEANS AND METHODS EMPLOYED
IN CONSTRUCTING MARINE CHARTS.

By Rear-Admiral Sir WILLIAM J. L. WHARTON, K.C.B.,

Hydrographer to the Admiralty.

Second Edition, Revised Throughout.

With Diagrams and Illustrations. Demy 8tW. 18s.

-♦♦-

WORKS BY THE REV. CHARLES GORE, D.D.

Canon of Westminster.

A SERIES OF SIMPLE EXPOSITIONS OF PORTIONS OF THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

Crown 8vo. Green Cloth. 3s 6d. each.

The Sermon on the

Fourteenth Thousand.] iVlOUllt.

The Epistle to the

Tenth Thousand.] .LtpneSianS.

The Epistle to the

Sixth Thousand.] ±\.OITlcinS.

Vol. I.— Chapters I. to VIII.

Vol. II.— Chapters IX. to the end.
With Appendices.

The Mission of

Sixth Thousand.] the ChUrCh.

Crown 8vo. is. 6d.

The Incarnation of the

Tenth Thousand.] oOIl 01 LrOQ.

Bampton Lectures for 1891.

Sto. 7s. 6d.

Dissertations on Subjects

connected with the

Incarnation.

[Second Edition.

&V0. "]S. Gd.

38 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.
Edited by the Rev. CHARLES GORE, D.D.

Lux Mundi.

A SERIES OF STUDIES IN THE RELIGION OF THE INCARNATION

Crown 8vo. 6s.

Essays on Church Reform.

8vo. 10s. 6d.
»»

The Foundations of the Creed.

By HARVEY GOODWIN, D.D., D.C.L.,

LATE BISHOP OF CARLISLE,
Honorary Fellow of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge.

A New and Cheaper Edition (the Third). Demy 8vo. ys. 6d.

-++-

MR. MURRAY'S PROGRESSIVE SCIENCE SERIES.

VOLUMES ALREADY PUBLISHED.

Large 8vo. Cloth extra. 6s. per Volume

A Book of Whales.

By the Editor of the Series, F. E. BEDDARD, M.A., F.R.S.

With Forty Illustrations by SIDNEY BERRIDGE.
". . . . is equally adapted for private reading or for a school prize." — Liverpool Post.

River Development.

AS ILLUSTRATED by the RIVERS
OF NORTH AMERICA.

By Professor I. C. RUSSELL.

Illustrated.

Volcanoes.

By Professor BONNEY, D.Sc, F.R.S.

Illustrated.

The Study of Man :

An Introduction to Ethnology.

By Prof. A. C. HADDON, D.Sc, M.A.

Illustrated.

Other Volumes will be found

The
Groundwork of Science.

By ST. GEORGE MIVART.
M.D., Ph.D., F.R.S.

Earth Sculpture.

By Professor GEIKIE, LL.D.. F.R.S.

Illustrated.
amongst the Announcements.

Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications. 39

A Concise Dictionary of
Greek and Roman Antiquities,

Uniform with Smith's Classical Dictionary.
Condensed and Edited by F. WARRE CORNISH, M.A.,

Vice-Provost of Eton College.
In One Volume. With upwards of 1150 Illustrations. Medium Svo. 21s.

-*-*-

The Journal of Comparative Legislation.

NEW SERIES.

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SOCIETY
OF COMPARATIVE LEGISLATION.

Nos. I., II., III., IV. and V. Svo. 5s. each.

-♦♦-

Things Japanese.

BEING NOTES ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS, CONNECTED WITH
JAPAN, FOR THE USE OF TRAVELLERS AND OTHERS.

By BASIL HALL CHAMBERLAIN,

Emeritus Professor of Japanese and Philology in the Imperial University of Tokyo.

Third Edition, revised. Crown 8vo. (Printed in Japan), js. Gd.

*' The book is eminently readable and entertaining. Where there are some
thousands of curious facts recorded, it is difficult to select one. . Altogether

the book is full of fascination for those who care for things Japanese." — Spectator.

♦♦

Marine Boilers.

A TREATISE ON THE CONSTRUCTION AND WORKING OF
BOILERS OF ALL CLASSES, DEALING MORE ESPECIALLY
WITH RECENT DEVELOPMENTS OF TUBULOUS BOILERS
AND THE RESULTS OBTAINED.

BASED ON THE WORK OF M. BERTIN,
Chief Constructor of the French Navy.

Translated and Edited by LESLIE S. ROBERTSON,

Assoc.M.Inst.C.E., M.I.M.E., M.I.N.A.

With a Preface by Sir William White, K.C.B., Director of Naval Construction

to the Admiralty.

With upwards of 250 Illustrations, Demy Svo. iSs.

40 Mr. Murray's List of New and Recent Publications.
NEW EDITIONS OF HANDBOOKS.

Thoroughly Revised and Brought up to Date,

With many New Maps and Plans, of Towns.

An Index and Directory, giving all the latest information as to Hotels and Railways, &-c,
is revised and reprinted at frequent intervals and bound in each Volume.

Central Italy.

FLORENCE, LUCCA, TUSCANY, ELBA, UMBRIA, THE MARCHES, c

12th Edition. Almost entirely re-written.

Rewritten by the Rev. H. H. JEAFFRESON, M.A.

With Neiv Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. gs

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DS 'Abd al-Rahmar. Khan,

366 The life of Abdur Rahman

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