mmmffm
THE LIFE OF
LORD ANSON
CAPT W.V.ANSON R.N.
THE FATHER OF THE BRITISH NAVY.
0 ^. 28. The Life of Admiral Lord Anson, the Father of
I ^ the British Navy — 1697- 1762. By Walter Vernon
Anson, Captain R.N. Illustrated with 20 portraits
and plates from Contemporary engravings, and a
folding map. 8vo. (9 x 6 in.). Cloth, uncut. Lon-
don, John Murray, 191 2.
Published at "js. 6d. net. Offered at 75c.
(Weight iMbs.)
Contents: Early Life; England and Europe from the
Peace of Utrecht to the Death of George I; England and
Europe from the Death of George I (1727-40); The Voyage
round the World; Off the Coast of South America; Across the
Pacific; The Voyage Home; Arrival at Spithead in 1744; The
■British Navy in 1744; Anson's Work at the Admiralty (1746-
47); War with France (1747); The Navy and Political Influ-
ences; The Rise of Pitt; War with France; Quiberon and Que-
bec; Anson's Life and Character; Index.
"Anson has been called the Father of the British Navy ,
and in this admirable monograph we see him at close quarter 3
all through his strenuous and adventurous career. The book
contains portraits and is admirably well written." — Standard.
"The book is of real value as giving a clear insight into the
great fighting days before the age of Nelson." — Conlemporar y
Review.
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
GIFT OF
COMMODORE BYRON MCCANDLESS
THE LIFE OF
ADMIRAL LORD ANSON
THE FATHER OF THE BRITISH NAVY
1697 — 1762
BY WALTER VERNON ANSON
CAPTAIN R.N.
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1912
AiL Rights Reserved
DA
6Z
DEDICATED
TO ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET
SIR ARTHUR KNYVET WILSON
V.C, G.C.B., ETC.
IN WHOM THE NAVY AND THK WHOLE COUNTRY ALWAYS HAD
THE GREATEST CONFIDENCE. IN HIS TIME AS COMMANDER-IN-
CHIEF THE OFFICERS AND MEN TRUSTED HIM, FOR THEY KNEW
THAT HOWEVER HARD HE WORKED THEM HE WAS ALWAYS
THERE HIMSELF, AT THE HEAD OF THEM. HE KNEW THE SEA AND
ITS NEEDS AS NO ONE HAS KNOWN IT BETTER, AND ALL KNEW
THAT IF THE OCCASION SHOULD ARISE THEY WERE BOUND
TO BE VICTORIOUS, AND THOUGH PEACE MAY REIGN, PERHAPS
WILL REIGN, FOR MANY YEARS, HE WILL HAVE PASSED ON THK
TRADITIONS OF STRENUOUS EFFICIENCY, SILENTLY AND QUIETLY,
TO ALL THOSE WHO ARK COMING, AND WILL UPHOLD THEM.
PREFACE
To understand and fully appreciate the story
of the Ufe of any great character in history,
it is necessary to throw oneself into the sur-
roundings of that particular time— to see the
scenery as it was there, and the other characters
who were on the stage at that time ; and this
is especially the case in the " Life of Lord
Anson "—the Father of the British Navy, one
of the greatest and most interesting characters
who ever shed his influence over our country.
From his training in that splendid achieve-
ment, his voyage round the world, which now
reads as an almost impossible romance, he
learned that indomitable supremacy over all
obstacles, that thoroughness of preparation which
he so carefully exercised when he went to the
Admiralty, and by which all the great actions
of his time were rendered possible ; and like
all great men of action, he never talked about
what he had done. To set forth the annals of
the time in which the hero has existed, and to
note his contact with them, is only a part of his
life — the life of the man is more than his public
career. It is made up of a thousand touches,
▼11
viii PREFACE
a multitude of lights and shades, most of which
are invisible behind his official conduct. We
want to know how he talked, what he thought,
what was his standpoint as regards the great
issues of life, what he read in his hours of ease.
Anson was before all things a sailor, a man
of resource, a strict disciplinarian, but at the
same time a reasonable man, who knew when
to throw red tape to the winds. " C'est le bon
sens, la raison qui fait tout." Mahan says, *' The
onward movement of the whole body of man-
kind, which we call the public, is dependent on
each man's thorough consummate knowledge
of his own business, supplemented by an ade-
quate understanding of the occupation and needs
of his neighbours." Now, these qualities were
Anson's. Through troublous times — times of
political jobbery — whether the politicians were
for peace or war, he was the one man consulted,
always to be depended on, and always to be
trusted, and those who served under him he
never forgot. They were his lieutenants, who
became the future admirals, and carried out his
spirited policy. He was always ready to screen
a friend in trouble, as when he left the Ad-
miralty to help his friend Hawke, who in an
unguarded moment made a mistake. He had
enemies, such as Horace Walpole and Smollett,
but they never succeeded in damaging his charac-
ter, any more than the storms of the Horn, or
Brest, had any effect on him. He left his teach-
PREFACE ix
ing to the Navy which he loved. He wrote
Httle, spoke little ; he hated politics and
intrigues.
One science only will one genius fit.
So vast is art ; so narrow human wit.
Under him were brought up his particular
friends — ^Hawke, Howe, Boscawen, Saumarez,
Saunders, Keppel, Warren, Brett, Dennis, Mostyn,
men who learnt from him those great qualities
which he insisted upon. He was ever ready
to leave the duties of office to snatch a victory
over the enemy. He was always successful, for
every one under him had confidence in him,
that he must and would win, and that in a
thorough and complete manner. Warren, his
second in command at his victory over De la
Jonquierre, where he took or destroyed the whole
of the enemy's fleet, said, " I never wish to
serve under a better chief." Most of the great
improvements of the Navy were carried out
by him whilst at the Admiralty. The improve-
ment of the victualling, attention to sanitary
arrangements, the enabling of men to allot to
their dependants, the coding of the articles of
war, the creation of a uniform for officers in 1750,
the institution in 1755 of the Royal Marine Corps
as it is now, the coppering of ships' bottoms,
the standardising of ships of a class, the laying
down and building of frigates, the improvement
in signal tactics, and the decision as to when it
was worth while to repair ships or cheaper
X PREFACE
and more efficient to build new ones, are some
of the improvements which he instituted. The
example, and spirit of thoroughness, and of the
determination that no difficulties or obstacles
existed, except to be overcome, was the morale
which he made to permeate the service and to
inspire all who worked with him. If I have not
made this Life of Lord Anson worthy of him,
and interesting and helpful to those who
may read it, it is because of the difficulty of
following one who inspired, but seldom wrote
or talked, although his advice was sought by
all. I am much indebted to the Earl of
Lichfield for allowing me to copy some of the
pictures in his possession, and to Captain de
Saumarez, R.N., for lending me the picture of
Captain de Saumarez.
The works I have consulted are the following :
Corbett's " History of the Seven Years' War " ;
Captain Mahan's " Influence of Sea Power " ;
Barrow's " Life of Anson " ; Anson's " Voy-
ages," by Walter; the Newcastle and Hard-
wicke MSS. in the British Museum, and the
Admiralty Letters in the Record Office ; also
" The Political History of England, 1702-1760,"
Leadam.
W. V. A.
Decenibur 1, 1911.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
EARLY YEARS
Birth and family connections — Probable effect on him of certain
writers — Cruise up the Baltic — Peter the Great — In the fleet under
Adnairal Byng — Battle of Passaro — Command of first ship — The
Weasel in 1722 — On the coast of Carolina — Character at that time
— Popularity — Opinion of settlers — His energy — Neutrality between
parties — Appointed to Squirrel — His friendship with Sir Peter Warren
— Letter to Sir John Norris, October 1739 — War with Spain — Is
appointed to command of expedition ..... pp. 1-7
CHAPTER II
ENGLAND AND EUROPE FROM THE PEACE OF
UTRECHT TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE I
Robert Harley determines on a new election — Political jobbery —
The Duke of Ormonde corresponds with James — Whigs and Tories —
Dismissal of Harley — Anger and death of Queen Anne — George I. lands
at Greenwich — Townshend forms a Ministry — Appearance of Sir Robert
Walpole — The new King — The Primie Minister — Hanoverian in-
fluence in politics — Absence of the King in Hanover — Admiral Sir
John Norris sent to Baltic — Sir John Byng sent to Baltic, 1717 — ■
Walpole and Townshend dismissed — The Stanhope Ministry — Quadruple
alliance — Admiral Byng goes to Mediterranean — Battle of Passaro
— Spain's navy destroyed — Peace secured — Stanhope dies, 1721 —
Sir Robert Walpole succeeds — South Sea Company — Prevalence of
gambling in England — Alliance of Spain and Austria — Squadrons
fit out under Sir Charles Wager — Sir John Jennings and Admiral
Hosier — Austria retires from Alliance — Death of George 1. pp. 8-lG
xi
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER III
ENGLAND AND EUROPE FROM THE DEATH OF
GEORGE I. (1727-1740)
Walpole's Government — Difficulties at home and abroad — Holies,
Duke of Newcastle, as Secretary of State — Condition of country —
Increase of drinking habits— The officers of Navy appointed by political
interest — Methods of obtaining men for sea — Shortage of men —
Dispute with Spain about right of search — Admiral Haddock rein-
forced in Mediterranean — Anson appointed to Centurion and sent
to Africa — Stops massacre of Mahommedans — Proceeds to Barbados
— War becomes inevitable — Explanation of Right of Search — Strong
feeling in England — Merchants' petition . . • PP- 17-22
CHAPTER IV
THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
Expeditions settled on — Anson appointed Commander-in-Chief of
Squadron to South Seas — Names of ships— Great delay — Waiting
for men — Chelsea pensioners told off — Sir Charles Wager — Squadron
drops down to St. Helens — To convoy a large number of ships —
Orders received for the expedition — Additions from the Lords Justices
— Description of the ships — Long voyage to Madeira — Pizarro's
squadron — Arrival at Madeira ..... pp- 23-31
CHAPTER V
OFF THE COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA
The English and Spanish squadrons— PearZ mistakes the enemy
for friends — Narrow escape — Account of Pizarro's squadron — Squadron
leaves Madeira — Arrives at St. Catherine's — Sickly ships— A refit
—St. Julian— Gale off Terra del Fuego— Enter Straits of Le Maire-
The calm before the storm — A set-back — Continuation of storms —
Their suddenness— The ravages of scurvy in the fleet — The other
ships part company — Waiting off Socotro — Struck by lightning —
Leave rendezvous and proceed to Juan Fernandez — Miss the island —
Delay — And effect caused — Delight at sighting Juan Fernandez —
Dreadful effects of scurvy — Tryal sloop arrives — Gloucester arrives
— Blown to sea — Returns — Account of Severn and Pearl — Description
of Juan Fernandez — After 104 days — Ships leave the island — Total
losses from scurvy— Arrival at Paita .... pp. 32-42
CONTENTS xiii
CHAPTER VI
ACROSS THE PACIFIC
Lieutenant Brett in charge of expedition — Its success — Paita sacked
and burned — Appreciation of Anson's treatment of prisoners — Dis-
putes as to spoils — Anson's generosity — Squadron leaves Paita —
Oloucester arrives — She gives account of capture of a Snow — Commo-
dore gives up going to Panama — Calms and heavy rains — Arrival at
Quito — Reconnoitring ofi' Acapulcho — Hopes of meeting galleon —
Short of water — Proceed to Chequetan — Prisoners landed — Squadron
starts across Pacific — Winds and currents not properly known to
them — Centurion and Gloucester badly need repairs — Gloucester causes
delay — Her wretched state — Decision to abandon and burn her —
Gloomy outlook — They sight an island — No anchorage — Tinian
Island sighted — Centurion arrives — Description of island — Commodore
ill — Centurion blown out to sea — Terrible situation — Blasted hopes —
Anson does not despair — He builds boat — Sudden reappearance of
ship — Arrival at Macao after two yeai-s' absence of mails pp. 43-53
CHAPTER VII
THE VOYAGE HOME
After arrival at Macao, resolve to go to Canton and see Viceroy —
Finding a diflficulty in the way, Anson uses threats to force his way —
Proceeds up alone to Canton — The first British man-of-war to visit
China — The Centurion gets to sea — The Commodore discloses his
plans — Elation of the crew — Constant exercise of gunnery — Spanish
squadron fits out to intercept them — A sail discovered — The galleon ! —
Deficiency in guns' crews — Method of overcoming this — The action —
The galleon strikes — Fire discovered on board Centurion — Coolness
of Commodore — Securing the prisoners — Saumarez appointed captain
of Galleon — They return to Macao — Arrive after one month's cruise
— The success of the expedition — Chinamen appreciate treatment of
prisoners — Prisoners liberated sent to Macao — Anson proceeds to
visit Canton — Fire in Canton — Centurions to the rescue — Viceroy
provides everything — The galleon sold — The Centurion sails — Arrival
at Table Bay — Learn news of war with France — Pass through French
fleet in a fog — End of voyage ..... pp. 54-61
xiv CONTENTS
CHAPTER VIII
ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744
Arrival at Spithead — Letter to Lord Hardwicke — Saunders's arrival
— Anson refuses his own promotion because Captain Brett is not
promoted — His letter to the Admiralty — Reply from the secretary —
Letter from the Duke of Newcastle — Figurehead of Centurion — Anson
appointed to the Admiralty ..... pp. 62-72
CHAPTER IX
THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744
Remarks on the effects of the uncertainty of the succession to the
Crown causing neglect of Army and Navy — Important terms — France
preparing for war and to assist the Stuarts — Sir John Norris in the
Channel — French fleet dispersed — Actions of Brett, Howe, Saumarez,
etc. — Anson alone at the Admiralty — Bedford and Sandwich both
ill — Parliament interferes with Admiralty prerogative as to ordering
courts martial — Court martial on Admirals Mathews and Lestock —
Judge Willes interferes with court — Anson has letters from his brother
in Staffordshire with regard to rebels — Ships and privateers active —
Warren's success at Louisbourg — Admiral Vernon and the Admiralty
pp. 7S-80
CHAPTER X
ANSON's work AT THE ADMIRALTY (1746-1747)
Anson at the Admiralty in the early part of 1746 — Determined to
reform, first the material, then the spirit of the officers — The Dock-
yards— He picks out plucky actions of privateers for reward — Amends
and establishes the Articles of War — Improves prospects of officers
on active service — Improves shipbuilding, and doubles the number
of 5th and 3rd rates — Standardises ships of a class — Decides to go
to sea in command of Western fleet and carry out reforms and to show
how our ships could blockade right through the winter gales. His
restless energy — A series of short letters and orders from the flagship
— Rigorous blockade throughout the winter — Letters to Duke of Bedford
— He will risk everything for the chance of destroying some of the
enemy's ships ........ pp. 81-96
CONTENTS XV
CHAPTER XI
WAR WITH FRANCE (1747)
Results of winter blockade — Dockyards dilatory — Captains Montague
and Granville — Captain Gwynn of Falcon reports the French fleet —
Chase — Captain Dennis responds to signal — Capture of entire French
fleet — Boscawen wounded — French officers fight well — Incalculable
effect of action on events in America and India — Letter of a midshipman
on board Centurion — Admiral Sir Peter Warren's letter — Great re-
joicings in England at success, after long period of failures — He starts
unbroken career of success for England — Establishment of naval
uniform — Captain Fox destroys large convoy — Anson collects a large
fleet and gives command to Sir Edward Hawke. Hawke's action —
Escape of the two largest French ships Tonnant and Intrepide — Captain
Saumarez of Nottingham killed in attempt to stop their escape —
Escape of convoy — Hawke despatches a sloop to West Indies to give
information — Ships captured — Superiority of French ships in speed,
being straight from dockyards, whilst oxir ships had been long at sea —
Anson establishes the frigate class — His marriage with daughter of
Lord Hardwicke ....... pp. 97-109
CHAPTER XII
THE NAVY AND POLITICAL INFLUENCES
War ttill proceeding in India — Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle — Lord
Sandwich becomes First Lord in place of Bedford — Letter from Hard-
wicke to Newcastle re Anson — Anson's letter re Bedford leaving
Admiralty — Peace and reduction of Navy vote — Anson works hard to
reform materiel and organisation in spite of politicians — He constantly
objects to political appointments in lieu of fitness for such appointments
— Votes of money for German troops — Cumberland increases Army —
Pitt opposes — Insane reduction of men for Navy — Macclesfield, Anson's
nephew, adjusts the Calendar — Death of Prince of Wales, Regency —
Newcastle party get rid of Sandwich and Bedford — French preparing
for war — Pelham pays more attention to social reform than to defence —
Robinson leader of House of Comnaons — War still goes on in America —
Our generals there incompetent — Active measures of fleet during
peace — Both sides of Channel prepare for war — Boscawen's action in
America — King gets rid of Ministers who oppose Hanoverian policy —
Sir Edward Hawke comes in from Brest — Admiralty disapprove —
Hawke's letter — French, on receiving news of Boscawen's action, hasten
preparations for war : make an alliance with Austria and complain of
our actions ....... pp. 110-123
xvi CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIII
THE RISE OF PITT
Port Mahon — Appointment of Byng — His orderB — Anson's letter
to Hardwicke — Letters from Paris — Anson to Newcastle — Byng's
action — Sir Edward Hawke and General Tyrawley — Newcastle to
General York — The country furious — Bernstoff's letter on our claiming
command of the sea — France's policy on Continent — Murray retires
from the House of Commons as Lord Mansfield — King objects to Pitt
taking his place — Duke of Devonshire forms a Government — Pitt's
preponderance — Anson leaves Admiralty — Strength of our Navy — Poor
methods of recruiting — Scarcity of seamen — Court martial condemns
Byng — But recommends to mercy — Pitt advocates, King refuses —
Death of Byng — Anson not at Admiralty — Country without Govern-
ment for three months — News of Black Hole of Calcutta — Pitt and
Newcastle form Government, Anson returns to Admiralty — Active
preparations ........ pp. 124-144
CHAPTER XIV
WAR WITH FRANCE
Pitt's expedition on coast of France — Attack on Basque roads-
Howe's action — Generals refuse to land — Anson asks for Hawke
at the Admiralty — Newcastle refuses — Anson's care for the country
and the Navy — French successes at first — We subsidise Prussia —
Frederick's successes — Sir Edward Hawke hauls his flag down and comes
on shore — Awkward state of affairs — Anson decides to go to sea in
command of fleet, whilst still holding proxy as First Lord of the
Admiralty— He disciplines the fleet — Anxious for Admiral Saunders's
return from America to hand over fleet to him — His letters about our
generals and on the fleet — Boscawen sent to Cape Breton — He captures
Louisbourg — Hawke's successful attack on Basque Roads — Another
expedition on the coast — Anson and Hawke cover Howe's attempt
with troops — Large captures — The fleet alarms the coasts — Howe's
attack on St. Cas^ — Troops surprised — Great loss — Admiral Saunders
joins fleet — Anson returns to the Admiralty — Captain Dennis's action
pp. 145-165
CONTENTS xvii
CHAPTER XV
QUIBERON AND QUEBEC
France depressed by her failures — Boscawen and de la Clue — Hawk©
takes refuge in Tor Bay — His glorious action in Quiberon Bay — Great
joy of nation — Rewards — Admiral Saunders in the St. Lawrence —
Capture of Quebec and all Canada — Montcalm's prediction — Pitt's
appreciation of Saunders — The King's death — France draws Spain into
the war — Pitt anxious to forestall declaration of war — He resigns —
Anson brings over Queen Charlotte to England — He hauls his flag
down for the last time — The sun sets on his glorious career — Picking
up the threads of hie successful planning everywhere — Havannah and
Manilla captured — He does not live to see the results — Burial at
Colwich— End of Seven Years' War . . . . pp- 166-181
CHAPTER XVI
ANSON's life AND CHARACTER
Newcastle's appreciation — Anson's powers of organisation — Abilities
not confined to administration — Command of Channel Fleet — Reforms
in tactics — Julian Corbett's Remarks on Seven Years' War — The
confidence he inspired in all — The great silent Navy — His common sense
— His officers worshipped him — Rodney, Howe — His treatment of
prisoners — Sir Piercy Brett, Captain Cheap, Captain Dennis, Captain
de Saumarez — Appreciation of foreigners — His teaching was passed
on to Howe, Rodney, St. Vincent .... pp. 182-193
NOTE: "The Centurion" pp. 195, 196
INDEX pp. 197-202
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Lord Anson ...... Frontispiece
FACINa PAGE
Anson, Comjiander-est-Chief of Expedition to the
South Seas .......
Model of H.M.S. " Centurion " ...
The South Sea Squadron off St. Catherine's .
Map illustrating the Voyage to the South Seas
Reproduced hij kind permission of the S.P.C.K.
The Burning of the Town of Paita
Anson's Visit to the Viceroy at Canton .
The " Centurion " and the Galleon .
The Galleon's Silver Bell and Bowl
The Last of the " Centurion's " Figure-head .
The Commodore presenting a History of the Voyage
to King George II. .... .
The " Diamond," " Ruby," and " Invincible," Three
of the French Captured Ships .
La Gloire," another of the French Ships Captured 104
Sir Peter Warren and Sir Piercy Brett .
Captain Philip Saumarez in the Adopted Uniform
Philip, Earl of Hardwicke, Anson's Father-in-Law
Anson, First Lord of the Admiralty .
xix
22
24
32
34
42
54
56
60
70
72
102
106
108
110
146
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PACINQ PAGH
Admirals Boscawen and Sir Edward Hawke . .168
Admiral Sir Charles Saunders . . . . .172
Anson as Admiral of the Fleet with all the Yachts
escorting the Future Queen Charlotte to
England ........ 176
The " Serieux," one of the French Ships captured by
Anson, and Lord Anson escorting King George II.
on Board the Royal Yacht " Caroline " . .178
LIFE OF ADMIRAL LORD ANSON
[Frontispiece
LIFE OF LORD ANSON
CHAPTER I
EARLY YEARS (1697-1716)
George Anson was born at Colwich, in Stafford-
shire, on St. George's Day, April 23, 1697.
He was the second surviving son of WilHam
Anson of Shugborough, in Staffordshire ; his
mother, Isabella, was a daughter of Charles
Carrier of Wirksworth. He was destined for
the Navy at an early age, and it is related that
he loved to hear stirring tales of seafaring
life.
He first joined the Navy as a volunteer on
board the Ruby, Captain John Chamberlain, in
1712, when he was fourteen years of age. He
then went to the Monmouth. We hear nothing
of him then, but in 1716, at the age of nineteen,
whilst serving in the Hampshire frigate in
the Baltic, he received an acting order as a
lieutenant from Admiral Sir John Norris, who
was then in command of a squadron sent to
co-operate with the Russians, Danes, and Dutch
1
2 EARLY YEARS [chap, i
against the Swedes, who had been capturing
our merchant vessels trading to St. Petersburg,
though at the time we were not at war with
them. Here Anson had an opportunity of
seeing Peter the Great — the Russian Czar who
had been appointed Commander-in-Chief of
the Alhed Fleets. At the time a vacancy for
lieutenant occurred, and Anson was selected
for it by Sir J. Norris. He seems to have
won the golden opinion of the Admiral, for he
was selected from amongst a great many for
this vacancy.
On the return of the squadron to England
Anson's commission was confirmed, and in the
following year he was appointed to the Montagu ^
under Sir George Byng, in which ship he went
up the Mediterranean, where in the Battle of
Passaro he received his first baptism of fire
at the age of twenty-one. This battle was a
noted one. A decisive victory was obtained
without any great superiority of force, owing
to the Spanish Admiral Don Antonio Castando
not knowing whether to fight or flee ; conse-
quently his indecision caused the ships to
straggle so much, that they were easily over-
powered, by repeated concentration, of two or
more of our ships, on each one of the enemy.
Four 3^ears after this Anson obtained command
of his first ship, the Weasel sloop, June 19,
1722, and in her he was most successful in
^ The Montagu and Rupert took the Volante.
1723-35] SOUTH CAROLINA PIRATES 3
suppressing extensive smuggling which was then
being carried out from the Ports of Holland.
In 1724 at twenty-seven years of age he was
posted, and sent out as captain of the Scar-
borough to South Carolina to protect our trade
from the depredations of the pirates, to keep
a watchful eye on the Spanish cruisers, (which
were molesting our shipping and possessions,
on the coast,) and to provide convoys to
the Bahamas. In 1726, whilst still on the
coast, he received orders to burn, sink, or destroy
all Spanish ships he came across. The Spaniards
were then attempting to recover Gibraltar, but
failed in the attempt, and in 1727 the pre-
liminaries of peace were signed.
Anson continued to serve on and off on the
South Carolina station until 1735, so that he
may be said to have been twelve years on that
coast ; and he proved himself to be a very able
and efficient officer, having attracted special
notice by the ability and discretion with which
he carried out his orders. He made himself
exceedingly popular with the settlers, and to this
day Anson County, Anson Ville, Anson Mines
remain as a record of his stay in Carolina.
It is interesting to inquire what his character
was at this time. It is probable that in his early
years he may have been greatly influenced by
such writers as Defoe, who brought out
'' Robinson Crusoe " about this time ; and by
coming into contact with those who had known
4 EARLY YEARS [chap, i
Fielding, Defoe, Swift, etc., as in his later years
he may have been influenced by the writings of
Steele, Richardson, Cowper, and Johnson, or the
plays of Congreve, though politics and religious
differences ran high, and writers were un-
scrupulous (such as Horace Walpole), though
perhaps witty ; still they would only indirectly
affect a practical man of such a strenuous life.
Amongst letters which we read from people in
that country is one from Mr. Kirkpatrick, in
which he says, " Being one of the many witnesses
of your most benevolent and amiable disposition
in America," etc. Mrs. Hutchinson, a lady in
South Carolina, writes to her friend :
" He has good sense, good nature, he is polite
and well bred, free from that troublesome
ceremoniousness which often makes many people
who may perhaps rank themselves among the
most accomplished extremely disagreeable. He
is generous without profusion, elegant without
ostentation, and above all of a most tender,
humane disposition. His benevolence is ex-
tensive, even to his own detriment ; at balls,
plays, concerts I have often the pleasure of
seeing and sometimes conversing with Mr. Anson,
who I assure you is far from being an anchorite,
though not what we call a modern pretty fellow ;
because he really is so old-fashioned as to make
some profession of religion. Moreover he never
dances, nor swears, nor talks nonsense. As he
greatly admires a fine w^oman, so he is passion-
ately fond of music, which is enough, you will
1728] ANSON'S CHARACTERISTICS 5
say, to recommend him to my esteem. jNIr.
Anson's modesty, inoffensive easy temper, good
nature, humanity, and great probity doubtless
are the antidotes that preserve him from the
poisonous breath of cahimny, for amidst all the
scandalous warfare that is perpetually nourished
here he maintains a strict neutrality, attacks
no party and is attacked by none. I will give
you an account of his faults too, as well as his
virtues ; for I have nowhere said he is an angel.
In short, it is averred he loves his bottle and
his friends so well, that he will not very soon
tire of their company ; especially when they
happen to be perfectly to his taste, which is
pretty nice in both. Moreover, if fame says
true, he is very far from being a woman-hater."
One storv relates how when a General Lee
was dining with him they played for high stakes,
ending in his guest staking his large landed
possessions, which he lost. Whilst in great
trouble next day, he heard that Anson's ship
had sailed ; and soon after a letter was brought
to him, returning everything he had lost. Lee
never forgot the generosity of his host. There
is no doubt that Anson gained great experience
on this coast, and on his cruises picked up that
ample and adequate knowledge of navigation
which enabled him to supply the charts, plans,
and all details which made it possible for the
expedition in later years under Pocock to make
that successful attack on, and capture of,
Havannah and Cuba.
6 EARLY YEARS [chap, i
In 1728 Admiral Warren, returning from the
West Indies, visited America, and met Anson
on the coast of Carolina, and it was here that
commenced that close friendship between the
two which terminated only with Admiral Sir
Peter Warren's death in 1752.
On Anson's return from America he was not
long idle. He received a commission (1730) to
the Squirrel. He seems to have been in some
financial difficulty at this time ; probably this
may be accounted for from the custom of not
paying officers the money due to them for over
a year after it was due. He writes to Sir John
Norris :
" As your coming to the Chief Command of
our Fleet must have given a general satisfaction
to all the officers in it ; so, no one felt a more
sensible joy than myself. My last letter mentions
that Captain Ambrose has long been designed
for this place in the spring. I hope my orders
will come by no other conveyance than the
ship that relieves me, as it will be a mutual
advantage for us both to meet. As there have
been formerly two ships stationed here, and
the Happy sloop has to be relieved, as she has
seven years' pay due, if I could be continued a
year longer here, it would much contribute to
the establishment of my affairs, which are yet
pretty much distressed."''
In 1739 the long-expected war with Spain
broke out, and the Government decided to
1739] WAR WITH SPAIN 7
despatch an expedition against the richest and
most distant Spanish possessions. Anson and
Vernon were to be given charge of those ex-
peditions ; the account of the preparations of
the voyage, the extraordinary adventures, the
romance and difficulties experienced will be
described later. In the meantime I will give
some account of the state of Europe and America
up to this period.
CHAPTER II
ENGLAND AND EUROPE FROM THE PEACE OF
UTRECHT TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE I
(1713-1727)
The public thanksgiving for the Peace of
Utrecht on July 7, 1713, had hardly ended,
when the Ministry of Robert Harley (Earl of
Oxford) determined on another election. The
peace was unpopular with the Whigs, as was
also the Treaty of Commerce with France and
Spain, and they made the most of that, by wear-
ing wool in their hats, as a sign of concern for
the staple industries of the country, threatened
by the French treaty.
Political jobbery was rife : Lord Lansdowne,
the Ministerial Whip, boasted that he had
carried most of the Cornish boroughs by bribery,
and Harley stated that Lady Masham received
a large sum for promising the signature of the
Queen to the Spanish Treaty of Commerce.
The Qvieen was supposed to be dying, and the
question of the succession troubled everybody ;
the Tories were for James and the Roman
Catholics, the Whigs for the Elector and the
Protestant succession. But many Tories seceded
8
1714] DEATH OF QUEEN ANNE 9
from their party on account of the rehgious
question. The Protestant King was more to
them than all other questions, and it was James's
refusal to alter his religious convictions that
weakened his party. The Duke of Ormonde,
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, began a corre-
spondence with James — and Bolingbroke tried
to damage the opposition by inciting the bad
feeling of the Dissenters for the Church, by
carrying the Schism Bill.
On July 27 Harley was dismissed from
office — but before leaving he made a long
speech, warning the Queen against his suc-
cessors. He then accused them of corruption
and embezzlement. The Queen, in a tirade to
the Lords, spoke of his idleness, his unintel-
ligibleness, his untruthfulness, his unpunctu-
ality, and she said he often came drunk to
interview her. He behaved himself to her with
bad manners, indecency, and disrespect.
On Sunday, August 1, 1714, Queen Anne died.
On September 18, 1714, George I. landed
at Greenwich. Townshend was entrusted with
the Ministry. Sir Robert Walpole was made
Paymaster-General of the Forces, and Edward
Russell, Earl of Orford, became First Lord of
the Admiralty. King George was fifty-four
years of age, and had been many years Elector
of Hanover. He never learnt to like his new
kingdom, and the English people never learnt
to like a king who could not speak their language
10 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, n
and who was happiest when abroad. Added to
this, none of his Ministers could speak German —
a few of them spoke French — whereas Walpole
had to correspond with him in Latin. From
this moment the difficulties of Ministers became
great — for the King generally resided abroad,
and was always wanting supplies of either
money or troops to carry out the schemes for
his beloved Hanover. When he was abroad
the Chief Minister at the Council meetings was
called the Prime Minister, for he took the place
of the Sovereign. For six months, from July
1715, the King remained in Hanover, during
which time a rebellion started in Scotland under
the Earl of Mar. In November of the previous
year we were involved in difficulties with
Sweden — for Charles XII. returning from
Turkey found that William I. of Prussia had
guaranteed to Hanover the duchies of Verden
and Bremen. On hearing of this he declared
w^ar on Hanover. As Sweden had been making
prizes of English ships in the Baltic, the Par-
liament notified to the King that English ships
would be sent there to demand redress. Admiral
Sir John Norris was sent in command, his orders
being that if he could not obtain satisfaction,
he was to stop all Swedish men-of-war and
merchant vessels. He returned without taking
any material action, for he feared that he
should only carry out the purpose of the Prus-
sians, Russians, and Danes without in any way
1717-21] PARTY POLITICS 11
gaining advantage. When he returned a plot
was discovered in which Sweden had guaranteed
12,000 troops to be landed in Scotland to help
the rebellion. On April 2, 1717, Sir George
Byng with a fleet of thirty ships was sent to the
Baltic to attack the Swedish ships, but finding
tliey had retired to Karlscrona, and had given
up their expedition to Scotland, he returned.
Walpole was very much against the expenses
incurred in Hanover, and Townshend, the Prime
Minister, supported him. They also supported
the Prince of Wales, who was always quarrelling
with his father, and making himself popular by
his magnificent entertainments at Hampton
Court.
Stanhope took advantage of the jealousy of
the King, and succeeded in turning them out,
and forming a Ministry which lasted from
1718 to 1721. The Earl of Berkeley went to the
Admiralty. In fact there was another Whig
Government made up of different Ministers, so
that instead of two parties, Whig and Tory,
there were at least four. The Tories split up
on account of religious views. The Whigs split
up on account of the Hanoverian policy and
expenses. When to this was added the King's
absence abroad, it is no wonder that England
was in a bad state. Politics are an organised
quarrel. Parliamentary government is at its
best when everybody is either Conservative or
Liberal, but when parties are split up on every
12 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, ii
conceivable topic, and all striving for place or
power, the country's policy must be weak, and
its preparations for war bad and inadequate.
As soon as Stanhope had formed his Govern-
ment— he brought about the Quadruple Alli-
ance between Great Britain, the States- General,
and the French and Dutch against Spain. On
June 18, 1718, Sir George Byng set sail with
twenty ships of the line, with orders to proceed
to the Mediterranean and compel the Spaniards
to abandon the hostilities which they were
preparing against Sicily and Sardinia. He was
not instructed to attack them ; but at the same
time he received verbal orders that he need
not be afraid of doing too much. The King
is said to have expressed a hope that he would
destroy the Spanish fleet. Byng arrived, and,
finding that the Spaniards were attacking
Messina, offered an armistice, which being re-
fused he resolved to attack them. The Spanish
fleet put to sea without any definite plans as to
whether they should fight or not. Byng came
up with them off Cape Passaro. They were
overtaken ship by ship — eighteen ships of the
line besides smaller vessels were destroyed, but
the Rear Admiral George Canocke (an English
captain) with ten ships escaped. This defeat
paralysed all the designs of the Spanish. Many
people blamed the action of Byng for attacking
without a Declaration of War ; but considering
his verbal instructions and the course which the
1718] SPANISH FLEET DESTROYED 13
able Spanish Minister Cardinal Alberoni was
pursuing against us, he deserves every credit
for taking upon himself this responsibility. He
received a congratulatory letter from the King,
and was created Viscount Torrington. After
the action there were some Spanish ships
anchored within the Mole at Messina. Byng,
who was anxious to see all the ships destroyed,
and in order to settle the dispute as to their
possession, arranged that they should be sunk,
which was carried out by batteries erected on
shore.
He also detached Captain Walton to capture
and destroy some of the escaped ships, which was
effectually done.^
In the following year the French, in pursuance
of the terms of the Alliance, invaded the north
of Spain, and destroyed the dockyards. They
burnt nine ships of the line on the stocks, besides
the material for several more — an English
attache at the French headquarters having
advised it. So that the whole of the Spanish
navy was destroyed. Spain, recognising that
she could do nothing abroad without a navy,
gave way ; and as England and France insisted
on the dismissal of Alberoni, the Spanish as-
1 As the despatch of Captain Walton regarding the capture
of the Spanish ships has been held up to admiration for its brevity —
" Sir, we have taken or destroyed all the Spanish ships upon this
coast. Tlie number as per margin. G. Walton" — we may
8up[)ose that Anson, who was on board the Montagu, heard of it
and was perhaps influenced by it in sonie of his brief reports.
14 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, ii
sented, and yielded to the Quadruple Alliance.
Austria was established in the Central Medi-
terranean, in Naples and Sicily, England at
Gibraltar and Port Mahon — whilst Sardinia be-
longed to the House of Savoy, and remained
so until the King of Italy became also King of
Sardinia.
At the same time that we were settling our
policy in the Mediterranean, we had also to
reckon with Russia, who under Peter the Great
was endeavouring to make the Baltic a Russian
lake. But by the diplomatic pressure of Eng-
land and France, and the presence of a large
English fleet, the Czar, who knew the English
power personally, gave way, and peace was
assured, England having gained the assurance
of the security of British trade ; and Hanover,
having the duchies of Verden and Bremen secured
to her.
On February 5, 1721, Stanhope, our most
energetic Minister, died.
Sir Robert Walpole succeeded, and in con-
junction with Fleury, the French Regent (the
French King being only thirteen years of age),
strove for peace. Walpole had immense interest
— obtaining his power by political bribery on a
large scale. He desired peace on account of the
unsettled state of affairs at home; and also
because he was anxious to repair the finances,
which were in a bad state, and to develop com-
merce. Both countries succeeded in increasing
1724] THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY 15
their trade, in this time of peace, to an enormous
extent. In the midst of our prosperity a crash
came that shook England. It was caused by
the failure of the South Sea Company, which
held £10,000,000 of the National Debt. People
had become almost mad with gambling in South
Sea stock. It was stated that few men in
London minded anything but the price of its
shares. (Gambling was rife in England in all
sorts of bogus companies, so much so that a Bill
had to be brought in to restrain them.) The
indignation in the country was so great that
it is said that it extended to the King, who
was President of the Company, and that if the
Pretender had landed then he would have had
a good chance of ascending the throne. Some
people attributed the idea of the Company to
the imagination of Defoe. Walpole used all
his powers of speech, and those of his pen, in
screening the Government — many of whom, in
conjunction with many members of Parliament,
were involved.
Early in 1725 it became evident that Spain
had decided to overlook her differences with
Austria, and that they had signed a treaty at
Vienna, with a secret clause in which the
Emperor engaged to help Spain to regain Gib-
raltar and Minorca in exchange for the guarantee,
by Spain, of Ostend. It seemed probable that
Russia would join in.
Immediately squadrons were fitted out.
16 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, ii
Sir Charles Wager sailed on April 17, 1726,
to the Baltic with twenty ships. Sir John
Jennings was sent to the coast of Spain to pro-
tect Gibraltar, and a third squadron, under
Admiral Hosier, was sent to Porto Bello, on the
Isthmus of Darien, to blockade the galleons which
were assembled there. But so vacillating were
Walpole's orders, and so much did he wish for
peace, that Hosier was kept blockading there,
off that pestilential coast, with the strictest
orders not to fight— causing a mortality quite
appalling in its results ; no less than 4,000
men died of disease, and the Admiral himself
succumbed.
Austria, realising that she could do nothing at
sea against us, withdrew from the Alliance.
On June 3, 1727, King George I. left London
for Hanover with Townshend and Hay in at-
tendance. He was seized with a paralytic
stroke, and died on June 12, aged sixty-eight.
He was buried at Hanover. It is said of him
that to his clear conception and honest ful-
filment of duty, as a Constitutional Sovereign,
Great Britain owes a great debt.
Walpole still remained Prime Minister, but
Byng, Viscount Torrington, succeeded the Earl
of Berkeley at the Admiralty.
CHAPTER III
ENGLAND AND EUROPE FROM THE DEATH OF
GEORGE I. (1727-1740)
Walpole had some difficulty after George I.'s
death in ingratiating himself with George II. ;
for the more he had come into favour with the
late King, the more he had estranged himself
from the Prince. But by judiciously showing
the new King that he was loyal to him now he
was the ruler, and by getting through Parliament
an augmented and unexpectedly large civil list,
or vote of money for the Crown, he succeeded
in making his services agreeable to the new
monarch. It was necessary in those times to
use all means to strengthen the position of a
Minister, if he was to have any power to deal
effectively with the difficult situation at home
and abroad. There were difficulties at home,
where the security of the House of Hanover
was still uncertain ; and difficulties abroad —
especially with France, with whom many ques-
tions were still unsettled. Dunkirk must be
dismantled or destroyed, as a possible source of
danger, and a harbour from which privateers
preyed upon our commerce. The erection of
2 ^7
18 WALPOLE'S GOVERNMENT [chap, hi
posts by the French on the Mississippi and on
the Canadian frontier, to the danger of the
colonists in the West, must be stopped. The
ownership of the islands in the West Indies,
St. Vincent, Dominica, and St. Lucia, must be
settled, and we can hardly understand now
how real the prayer of the Litany was to men
in those days : " for all prisoners and cap-
tives " — for the Huguenots were still captives,
and the torture chamber, the scaffold, the
galleys, and the gaols were all at work, at the
instigation of the French priests.
One question only, that of the West Indies,
was settled for the time by arbitration.
In 1727, Holies, Duke of Newcastle, became
Secretary of State for the Southern Department.
In 1730 his brother Pelham became Paymaster-
General of the Forces, and in 1733 Sir Charles
Wager relieved Byng, Viscount Torrington, as
First Lord of the Admiralty. Lord Hardwicke
became Lord Chancellor in 1737. (With New-
castle, Hardwicke, and Sir Charles Wager we
shall have much to do later on in the career of
Lord Anson.) Walpole continued to strengthen
himself in the Government. He first estab-
lished the rule that all Ministers were responsible
to the Prime Minister, and he only to the Crown.
He would brook no opposition to the Govern-
ment from officials ; for he said, " He would
be a most pitiful Minister who should be afraid
to advise the cashiering of an officer in con-
1738] DIFFICULTY IN PROCURING SEAMEN 19
stant opposition to the Government." Walpole's
was a strong Government, and he used his
influence for peace at almost any price, but his
administration was undoubtedly corrupt.
Society both high and low in England was,
for the most part, in a corrupt state, for, besides
gambling, drink was ruining the country. A
heavy restriction having been put on French
brandy, the habit of drinking gin had grown
to such an extent that it was ruining thousands,
and the scenes depicted by Hogarth were not
overdrawn. The men for the ships were taken
from the merchant service by force, if they
could be obtained, otherwise they were taken
by press-gangs, or from the gaols. They were
knocked into shape often by rather brutal
methods.
The officers were often men appointed by
political interest with no qualifications. The
attractions of the service were mainly those of
prize money. The ships were unhealthy, the
food was bad — often owing to the rascality of
the contractors — and the men were crammed
together in very confined and badly ventilated
spaces ; and the diseases and deaths were
enormous. Finding that means must be
devised for procuring seamen, Walpole brought
in a Bill to establish a register of all seafaring
men. The Opposition, led by William Pitt (a
subaltern of the King's Own Regiment), who had
lately entered Parliament, strenuously opposed
20 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, iii
it, calling it slavery. The Bill was defeated,
and so the same means of obtaining seamen was
resorted to as before. Our Navy consisted at
the time of eighty-four ships and was supposed
to have on its books 28,870 seamen, but only
21,000 had been obtained. In order to check
the habits of drinking, a heavy duty was put on
spirits, which had the effect of increasing the
smugglers to a large extent. Admiral Vernon,
who was in the Channel, took active measures
against them, and found that in so doing he came
into collision with powerful interests. Just at
this time a dispute arose between this country
and Spain, as to the Right of Search — and the
Opposition were in favour of war. Walpole was
in favour of a treaty ; still the Opposition were
not prepared to vote for the supplies necessary
for the Navy. So often does it appear in our
history that those who involve their country
in war, will not vote for the necessary preparations
in time of peace.
On May 23, 1739, Spain demanded the with-
drawal of Admiral Haddock's squadron from
her coasts, at the same time insisting on the
Right of Search. War therefore became in-
evitable.
In July Admiral Haddock was strongly rein-
forced in the Mediterranean ; Sir John Norris
was placed in command of a fleet to protect
our coasts. On December 9, 1739, Anson was
appointed to the Centurion (60 guns), and sent
1739-40] THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 21
to the coast of Africa to protect our trade from
the French there. Here he prevented a mas-
sacre of Mahommedans which a French ship was
about to perpetrate. Having carried out his
instructions, he proceeded to Barbados, where
he received orders to return to England ; and
he arrived home on July 21, 1739.
Spain would not allow her colonists to trade
except with the mother country ; and the mother
country not providing them with what they
wanted, they traded with the English and other
nations — who smuggled their wares into the
West Indies and South America. The Spaniards
placed Guarda Costas to stop this, but they
could not do it effectively over such a large
extent of coast ; so that to overcome this diffi-
culty, Spain stopped and searched our vessels
on the high seas, with her men-of-war, and
often accompanied this search with insult and
violence.^
A tremendous feeling was caused in England
by the stories told of the ill-treatment of our
^ In 1737 a petition was forwarded to the House of Commons
by the merchants, as follows : " For many years past their
ships have not only been frequently stopped and searched,
but also forcibly and arbitrarily seized upon the high seas by
Spanish ships fitted out to cruise under the plausible excuse
of guarding their coasts ; that the commanders thereof with
their crews have been inhumanly treated and their sJiips carried
into Spanish ports and there condemned with their cargoes,
in manifest violation of the treaties subsisting between the two
Crowns ; that the remonstrance of His Majesty's Ministers at
Madrid receive no attention ; and that insults and plunder must
soon destroy their trade."
22 ENGLAND AND EUROPE [chap, hi
merchant ships by the Spaniards in the West
Indies. They had always had the reputation
of being cruel — for one of their bishops (the
Bishop of Chiopos) relates that in the past times
since the discovery of the West India Islands,
which were then inhabited by a most peaceful
and delightful race of men, over 2,000,000
men had been destroyed by the Spaniards in
their greed of spoil. But when those cruelties
were practised on our own countrymen it raised
such a storm that the popularity of the war
declared on October 19, 1739, is accounted for.
GEORGE ANSON ESQ.
IJiTE^EIP±:D/TION TO THE SOl'TFI SEAS
TKISffilift
LORD AKSOX, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF EXPEDITION TO THE SOUTH SEAS.
p. 22J
CHAPTER IV
THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
(1740-1744)
Scorn thou to suffer, then. Do thy part ! Be mindful of thy
name and trouble not !
If, kno-iving thy duty and thy task, thou bid'st duty and task
go by,
That shall be sin.
Krishna.
Having in the previous chapter given some
account of the politics and state of Europe and
the country up to the end of 1739, it is now
intended to give some account of the great and
notable voyage round the world which was
accomphshed by Capt. Anson from 1740 to
1744, the full account of which is written by
Richard Walter, chaplain of H.M.S. Centurion.
It had been resolved by the Government at
the end of 1739, when war with Spain was in-
evitable, to fit out an expedition to attack that
country in her distant settlements, and thus
to cut off her resources which would prevent her
from carrying on the war.
There was to be one expedition under Anson
to attack Manilla — another under Captain Corn-
wall to go round the Horn, and attack the towns
28
24 THE COMMODORE'S ORDERS [chap, iv
on the west coast of South America, and at the
same time Vernon was to attack Carthagena,
and to be joined by the latter expedition across
the Isthmus of Panama. On November 18,
1739, Sir Charles Wager sent for Anson, and gave
him his orders ; and he started to make all
preparations. But in January 1740 Sir Charles
Wager informed him that the expedition to
Manilla was abandoned. This was a great blow
to him ; but he was informed that he was to
carry out the expedition to the South Seas with
his squadron, and on January 10 he received
his commission appointing him Commander-
in-Chief with the following ships :
The Centurion, 60 guns, 400 men, George Anson, Captain and Com-
mander-in- Chief.
Captain Richard Norris.
Captain the Hon. E. Legge.
Captain Mat. Mitchell.
Captain Dandy Kidd.
Captain the Hon. J. Murray.
And two pinks as victuallers.
He remained waiting for his orders, which he
did not receive till June 28, though they were
dated January 31. They were orders from the
Duke of Newcastle, signed by the King ; and
an additional instruction from the Lords Justices,
as the King was absent in Hanover. On the
receipt of these instructions, Anson repaired to
Spithead, resolved to sail with the first fair
wind. Though he knew he was 300 men
short, yet as Sir Charles Wager informed
,, OloucesU
3r,50
300
,, Severn,
50
300
„ Pearl,
40
250
„ Wager,
28
160
„ Tryal,
8
100
00
T*(
t^
-^
Iz;
}-i
f^
0
<
n
„
" ^
'A
O
1— 1
a
c
t3
H
T-t
;s
H
—
"3
O
o
C/3
"•
W
H
H
h
C
J
H
C
O
1740] DIFFICULTIES IN MANNING 25
him that an order from the Board of Admiralty
was despatched to Sir John Norris to draft the
men he wanted, to him, from his fleet, he ex-
pected to receive them ; but on asking Sir John
Norris for the men, he informed him he could
not spare them, as he wanted them for his own
ships. Admiral Balchen, who succeeded to the
command when Sir John Norris sailed, sup-
plied him with — instead of 300 seamen — 170
men, of whom 32 were from the hospital, 37 from
the Salisbury, and 98 Marines. This was not
all, for Colonel Bland's regiment and three
independent companies of Marines who had
been ordered to embark were countermanded
by the War Office, and instead of them, 500
Pensioners were ordered to be sent from Chelsea
Hospital. In spite of Anson's expostulations,
he was told that the War Office considered these
men to be the fittest men for such an expedition !
The inhumanity of sending on such an ex-
pedition men worn out with wounds and in-
firmities, acquired in the service of their country,
was represented, but it was of no avail, though
Sir Charles Wager supported the representations
of Anson, who was certain that few of them
would arrive at the scene of action, as the
delays that had taken place would force him to
round the Horn at the worst season of the year.
A more moving scene could hardly be imagined
than the embarkation of these invalids, who,
having spent their lives in the service of their
26 CRUEL ORDERS [chap, iv
country, were thus being sent to almost certain
death, for no purpose whatsoever. It was on
August 5 they were ordered to embark, but
only 259 made their appearance, for all who had
limbs and strength to do so deserted, leaving
only the helpless. It is said that one man
with a wooden leg was sent down three times,
but turned up in London after a short interval.
To supply the place of the 240 invalids who
deserted, there were ordered on board 210
recruits, detached from different regiments, which
had only just been raised.
On August 10 the squadron dropped down to
St. Helens, but owing to delays (Anson having
been ordered to take under his care the out-
ward-bound trade) it was not till September 18
that they got clear. Just before sailing, two
invalid officers were landed by Anson on account
of age and infirmities, but the Lords Justices
sent orders for them to be re-embarked, and
that no further men were to be landed. The
whole transaction is an instance of the folly of
allowing men to interfere with, and give orders
for, the details of an expedition of which they
have no knowledge, and also of the mistake of
allowing officers, who in their time have been
brave, energetic, and capable men, to remain at
the head of affairs when that energy is worn out.
Sir Charles Wager was seventy-eight, and not
strong enough to resist the insane orders of the
Justices.
1740] ORDERS FOR THE CRUISE 27
The orders Anson received were as follows :
" Instructions for our trusty and well-beloved
George Anson, Esq., Commander-in-Chief of our
ships, designed to be sent into the South Seas in
America. Given at our Court at St. James
the 31st dav of Januarv, 1739-40, in the 13th
year of our reign.
" Whereas we have thought proper to declare
war against the King of Spain for the several
injuries and indignities offered to our Crown
and people, which are more particularly set
forth in our declaration of war, and whereas in
pursuance thereof we are determined to dis-
tress the said King of Spain and his subjects
in such manner, and in such places, as can be
done with the greatest prospect of success, and
the most to the advantage of our own subjects,
we have thought fit to direct, that you,
taking under your command our ships herein-
after mentioned, shall proceed with them, ac-
cording to the following instructions. You are
to receive on board our said ships 500 of our
land forces and to proceed forthwith to the
Cape de Verde Islands ; after re victualling, you
are to proceed to St. Catherine's, off the Coast
of Brazil, or such other places as may be con-
sidered more proper ; revictualling there, you are
to proceed with our ships under your command
into the South Seas, either round Cape Horn,
or through the Straits of Magellan, as you
shall judge most proper according to the
season of the year, and winds and weather shall
best permit. When you shall arrive on the
28 ORDERS FOR THE CRUISE [chap, iv
Spanish coast of the South Seas you are to use
your best endeavours to annoy and distress the
Spaniards, either at sea or on land, to the
utmost of your power, by taking, sinking,
burning, or destroying all their ships and vessels
that you shall meet with, and particularly
their boats and all embarkations whatsoever,
that they may not be able to send any intel-
ligence by sea along the coast of your being
in those parts. In case you shall find it prac-
ticable to seize, surprise, or take any of the
towns or places belonging to the Spaniards on
that coast that you may judge worthy of making
such an enterprise upon, you are to attempt it,
for which purpose we have not only ordered
the land forces, but have also thought proper
to direct that an additional number of small
arms be put on board the ships under your
orders, to be used as occasion may require by
the crews of the said ships or otherwise, as you
shall find most desirable for our service. And
you are on such occasions to take the opinions
of the captains of our ships under your command,
at a council of war."
After long and detailed instructions with
regard to attacking settlements, stirring up
revolt against the Spaniards, securing the trade,
and operating across the Isthmus of Panama
with forces on the opposite side, the instructions
proceed :
" If you shall find no occasion for staying
1740] ORDERS FOR THE CRUISE 29
longer in those seas, and shall judge it best to
go to the north as far as Acapulcho, or to look
out for the Acapulcho ship, which sails from that
place to Manilla at a certain time of the year,
and generally returns at a certain time, you
may possibly in that case think it more desirable
to return home by the way of China, which you
are hereby authorised to do or to return home
by Cape Horn, as you shall think best for our
service and for the preservation of the ship and
men on board."
To these orders was attached a letter from
the Lords Justices :
" His Majesty having been pleased to suspend
your sailing orders from England till this
time, when the season of the year will permit
you to make your intended voyage directly
to the South Seas, either by going round Cape
Horn or through the Straits of Magellan, you
are to regard that part of the instructions
whereby you were ordered (in case you should
be too late for your passage into the South
Seas) to proceed to River Plata to be at
present out of the question, and of no force.
Whereas a letter written by the Governor
of Panama to the King of Spain has fallen
into our hands, which letter contains material
advice relating to the situation of the
Spaniards, you are to have regard to the
intelligence there contained, in the execution
30 DESCRIPTION OF SQUADRON [chap, iv
of the orders given to you in His Majesty's
instructions."
'' (Signed),
Hardwicke. Devonshire.
Wilmington. Holles Newcastle.
Dorset. Pembroke.
Richmond Lennox. Islay.
AUBIGNY. R. WaLPOLE.
Montague. Chas. Wager."
Three of the ships of the squadron, the Cen-
turion, Gloucester, and Severn, were 4th-rate
ships, the Pearl a 5th-rate. The Centurion
was about 1,000 tons and was a short ship with
plenty of beam, probably a fairly good sea boat,
but slow in sailing and far slower when she
had been more than six weeks at sea and the
barnacles, oysters, and weed had encrusted her
bottom. Their hulls were painted yellow, or,
as we should call it in modern days, mast colour.
They had a blue stripe right round the ship
below the nettings, and inside they were painted
red, probably an oxide of lead or iron. In
any sort of bad weather it was necessary to
keep all gun ports closed, so that the ventilation
on the crowded decks was very bad. One
can see these ships, with 150 sail of merchant
vessels which they were convoying, making
quite a fine sight with their white sails as
they heeled over to the fresh breeze. On
September 29 the whole of the convoys had
left ; but the south-westerly wind being so
1740]
ARRIVAL AT MADEIRA
31
strong it was forty days before the squadron
reached Madeira, which in ordinary times would
only take a sailing vessel some sixteen days.
On October 25 they anchored off Madeira, and
here they were informed, by the governor, of a
Spanish fleet consisting of —
One 64-gun
ship .
. 700 men
„ 74 „
)? '
. 700 „
>> 54 ,,
5 > '
. 500 „
„ 50 „
99
. 450 „
„ 40 „
99
. 350 „
which under Don Joseph Pizzaro was on the
look-out for them.
Whilst at Madeira Anson wrote a letter to
the Duke of Newcastle :
" After a passage of forty days I arrived
here October 27 with the squadron of H.M.
ships under my command, during which time
we buried two of the invalid captains (Araund
and Coley) ; the oldest lieutenants are appointed
to succeed to their command. I have given leave
to Captain Norris to return to England for the
recovery of his health. The ships being all
watered I intend to proceed to-morrow to sea.
"G. Anson."
CHAPTER V
PIZZARO'S SQUADRON
Had they come across the Spanish squadron,
which was a much stronger one than theirs,
they would have had to throw overboard most
of their cargo and provisions in order to fight
their guns ; but fortunately for them, the Span-
iards had given them up, on account of their
long delay, and proceeded to try to round the
Horn in order to be on the west coast of South
America in time to prevent the English from
doing damage to their settlements. They had
with them a complete regiment to reinforce
the armed settlements there. Somewhere near
Cape Horn the two squadrons were so near
one another that the Pearl, one of our vessels,
having separated from the squadron, mistook
the Asia for the Centurion, and having got
within gunshot of the Spaniards, narrowly
escaped being taken.
Pizzaro with his squadron encountered such
a storm in February whilst off Cape Horn that
they were blown to the eastward ; the Hermione
foundered at sea, the Guipuzcoa was sunk off
32
^^,
ti
ym
r
'A
«
w
X
H
-M
<
a
H
CO
^
o
u
fci
o
O
£
_u
|25
1^
O
Ph
>,
Q
CQ
<
t>
C
0)
W
a
H
/,=^
1740-41] SICKNESS COMMENCES 33
the coast of Brazil, and the Admiral himself
in the Asia arrived in the River Plate with
only two of his ships. They seemed to have
gone through hardships similar to those of our
own squadron, with famine added ; for running
short of provisions, they were at one time
offering four dollars apiece for rats, when they
could be caught. They lost nearly all their
men. The Guipuzcoa lost all her spars, had to
throw her guns overboard, and pass her cable
round the ship to keep her from opening her
seams. Finally the Asia, with 100 men, was
all that was left to Spain of this squadron.
If our expedition had done nothing else than
draw off a strong squadron to its destruction,
it had accomplished much.
Then our squadron left Madeira on Nov-
ember 3, and reached St. Catherine, in Brazil,
on the 18th, all the crews being very sickly.
The first care here was to get the sick on
shore. Each ship was ordered to erect two
tents, one for the sick and one for the surgeon
and his apparatus. The Centurion landed eighty
sick, and the other ships as many in proportion
to their crews. The ships were then thoroughly
cleansed, smoked between decks, and every
part washed well with vinegar.
All vessels were then thoroughly refitted — -
but they did not leave until January 18, owing
chiefly to defects in the masts of H.M.S. Tryal.
On the 21st they encountered a gale during
3
84 VIOLENT STORMS [chap, v
which the Tryal lost her mainmast, and the
Pearl disappeared and was not seen again for
a month. The Gloucester took the Tryal in
tow, until they arrived in St. Julian.
On Friday, February 27, they left St. Julian,
and till March 4 they had little wind, but the
weather was thick and hazy. Off Terra del
Fuego they encountered a gale to which the
Centurion could only show a reefed mizen.
The weather clearing on March 7, they entered
the Straits of Le Maire, when they supposed
that after getting through they would have
a clear passage to the coast of Peru, and they
revelled all night in the thought of the successful
commencing of the object of their expedition.
But they were ignorant of the calamities that
awaited them, and that the squadron would
soon be separated never to unite again.
Just as they reached the southern extremity
of the Straits of Le Maire, the serenity of the
sky was suddenly obscured, and they observed
all the signs of a coming storm, and presently
the wind shifted and blew in such violent squalls
that they were drifted back to the eastward, so
that the next morning the wind and currents
had brought them back twenty-one miles east-
ward of the Straits of Le Maire ; and now they
realised that it was quite possible they might
not be able to weather the Horn at all, and the
distresses they went through for the next three
months could not be easily imagined. Such a
J\&o
■■■\
SE^ or , -n
?^
irorfjt I.^
tMTSCIIATf:A ,
u>iJ.
^
€>
J?
^
r
j^
ZCtuuif/^v* I.
.Nea
•£ja'
SAJfOWICl
c
s? O'n f^ ^y „ \<> jj'
c
Bj pirnuu.tn ef it,»Stc.*^ far l>tamiyi;»gCt<niVa<>Hr,o^led^t
1741] STORMS AND SCURVY 35
continuous succession of storms, which raise such
short and mountainous seas there, are now well
known ; but the writer of tlie voyage says " that
this unusual appearance filled us with continual
terror "—the quick heavy rolling causing the
men, unless lashed, to be thrown against the
sides of the ship. Some men were killed from
this cause. One of the seamen was thrown over-
board and drowned, one dislocated his neck,
and one was thrown into the hold and broke his
thigh. What was particularly distressing to
them was the fitful suddenness of the violent
squalls accompanied by snow, so that one mo-
ment they would make sail and the next were
under bare poles — the men being sometimes
frost-bitten in handling the sails. After forty
days, when they thought they were clear of the
Straits, they discovered land, and found that
the easterly current had set them back nearly
to the entrance again. Their men were then
falling sick of scurvy and dying fast. All this
was owing to the delays in England causing
them to reach Cape Horn at the worst season of
the year.
Although Anson in his official report merely
says, with his usual brevity, " I had my topsails
reefed for fifty-eight days," the accounts of
those on board show that they went througli
exceptionally bad weather, terrific storms and
very heavy seas. In these storms, with sails
split, yards, spars, and rigging carried away,
86 DREADFUL EXPERIENCES [chap, v
with seas washing over them, and terribly
afflicted with scurvy, they battled on day after
day— losing in one day the distance they had
gained in many days before; and on March 31,
Anson in his report says, " My men are falling
down every day with scurvy," and on May 8,
*• I have not men able to keep the decks or suffi-
cient to take in a topsail, and every day some
six or eight men are buried."
On April 24, during a heavy storm and thick
weather, the other ships parted company. On
April 30 the Centurion found herself to the
north of the Straits, and again thought her
trials were over as regards the weather. But the
scurvy had played havoc with the men. Their
long stay at sea, the fatigue, and despondency
had done their work, and there were few men on
board who were not afflicted with disease — forty-
three had died in April, but in May they lost
eighty more ; and by the middle of June, having
lost two hundred men, they could at last muster
only six men in a watch. On May 8 the Cen-
turion arrived at the rendezvous off Socotro,
but found none of the other vessels there.
She cruised there for a fortnight, but it was
not a safe place, for the land was steep, and
at the same time a lee-shore without any anchor-
age. Whilst waiting off this place to see if any
of the other ships would join, they were struck
by lightning in a storm — many men being
wounded. Then one of the most violent storms
1741] JUAN FERNANDEZ IN SIGHT 87
they had experienced came down and blew all
their sails away, carried away some of their
standing rigging — and a heavy sea, striking them,
shifted the ballast, and they were nearly lost.
They now decided to go on to Juan Fernandez.
They tried to reach it on a parallel of latitude ;
but on May 28, the master thinking they had
gone too far to the west, they went about and
stood for the coast of Chili, causing a delay of
eleven days — which, with a disabled ship, a crew
all suffering from scurvy, so that there were
only six men in a watch who could work, and
water scarce, was most unfortunate, some seventy
men being lost during this time. However, on
June 9 Juan Fernandez was in sight.
To so wretched a condition had they come,
that it was only by the officers and their servants
working, that they were able to fetch the
anchorage. It is scarcely credible how much
they longed to be on shore, as they saw the
beautiful verdure of the island, and every valley
with its cascade of fresh water.
Even the sick crawled out of their hammocks
to gaze with delight on the scene. When they
had anchored, the men proceeded to catch
fish, which were abundant, and a boat returned
with seals and grass. Soon after anchoring the
Tryal sloop arrived. Captain Saunders in-
formed them, that out of his one hundred com-
plement, he had buried thirty-four, and that
scurvy was so bad, that only himself, his lieu-
38 ANSON KEEPS UP THEIR SPIRITS [chap, v
tenant, and three men were able to work the ship.
Tents were now erected on shore, and the sick
were conveyed there. Anson, with his accus-
tomed humanity, worked hard himself, carrying
the wounded in hammocks along the stony
beach to the tents. Vegetables of various
kinds and fish were abundant on the island, and
the sick began to recover, though at first some
six to eight men were buried each day. On
June 21 the Gloucester was sighted, and a boat
was immediately sent to her with water and
provisions. But she was in a dreadful state ; over
two-thirds of her men had been buried, and it
was a fortnight before she could be brought into
the bay, and soon after this she disappeared
again for a week. Her crew were reduced
by scurvy to eighty all told.
It seems that this dreadful disease is more
fatal to those who are despondent, or in low
spirits, and there is no doubt that the crews
had had every reason to be despondent. But
all along Anson cheered, inspired, worked him-
self, and thus prevented a total collapse. The
arrival of the Tryal sloop so soon after the
Centurion's arrival made the Commodore hopeful
of seeing the other vessels soon.
The Gloucester was reduced to such a state
that if it had not been for the supply of water
and provisions sent to her, everybody on board
must have perished, and she could not have been
navigated at all into port unless she had kept
1741] THE SEVERN, PEARL, AND WAGER 39
the crews of the boats sent to her assistance.
It was not till July 23 that she succeeded in
coming in to anchor. The only other ship that
arrived was the Anna, pink victualler : for
they found out, on their return to England,
that the Severn and the Pearl had put back to
the Brazils when they parted company, while
the Wager — Captain Cheap — made for Socotro,
from which place Captain Cheap intended to
make Baldivia, which was the first place to be
attacked, as he had on board the mortars and
field guns necessary for that attack. Whilst he
was beating off the coast, he fell down a ladder,
dislocated his shoulder, and was on the sick-
list, after which the Wager drifted to the shore,
struck on a rock, and was bilged. The crew got
on shore, but became demoralised, pillaged the
ship and broke into the spirit room ; many got
drunk and were drowned, and amongst those
on shore, a mutiny also began, because the
captain wanted to go on in his boats to Juan
Fernandez, whereas the crew wished to return
to England. It ended by the captain shooting
a midshipman named Couzens, who was sup-
posed to be the leader of the mutineers.
Thirty of their men died, and eighty went off
in the long boat and cutter to the south, and
after some time they arrived at Rio Grande, in
Brazil — but reduced to thirty men all told.
Captain Cheap started in the barge on Decem-
ber 14 to the northward, but after great
40 JUAN FERNANDEZ [chap, v
trials and perpetual bad weather had to return
to Wager Island, quite disheartened, and suffer-
ing from hunger and fatigue. Having come
across an Indian who consented to pilot the
eleven men who were left, they started for Chiloe ;
but after a few days, when the captain and
officers were on shore, the Indian and six men
deserted them, and were not seen again —
so that Captain Cheap, Mr. Byron, midshipman,
and Mr. Campbell, with nothing but the rags
which barely clothed them, were left on shore.
Luckily an Indian appeared, took compassion on
them, and took them in canoes to Chiloe, where
the Spaniards treated them with great humanity.
Their trials had lasted twelve months.
Now to return to Juan Fernandez — the island
was like a paradise to the crew. It abounded
with fruits and vegetables ; and Anson, who
had with him garden seeds of all kinds and
stones of fruit, for the better accommodation
of those who came after, sowed lettuces, carrots,
and other vegetables— also plums, apricots,
and peaches, which latter some of the Spaniards
who waited on him in later years, to thank him
for his generosity, stated to be growing pro-
fusely. It was from this part of the world
that he brought home that beautiful blue sweet
pea which is called after him.
About the beginning of September, after a
residence on the island of 104 days, the ships
were ready to proceed. The sickness had
1742] TERRIBLE LOSS THROUGH SICKNESS 41
entirely ceased, and those men that were left
had recovered their usual health and strength.
But what a record was disclosed !
Grew on leaving Had buried Left
England
The Centurion
. 506
292
214
,, Gloucester
. 374
292
82
„ Tryal
81
42
39
Totals . . .961 626 335
On board the Gloucester every invalid sent
to her in England had perished, and only two
marines were left out of forty -eight.
On board the Centurion only four invalids
remained out of fifty sent on board, and only
eleven Marines out of seventy-nine.
A man less gifted with equanimity, and the
steady perseverance which so strongly dis-
tinguished Anson's character, must have been
very much distressed at the prospect ahead,
for 335 men were scarcely enough to navigate
the three ships remaining to him — to say
nothing of fighting. He might meet Pizzaro's
squadron, for he did not know it was dispersed.
He could not attack the Spanish settlements
with troops, for they did not exist, and even
the Acapulcho ship would be too strong for
such weakness ; but he could not bear the
thought of leaving his enemies to triumph,
and to abandon all, so he ordered the ships
to disperse and cruise for the capture of
vessels.
42 PRIZES [chap, v
The Tryal first captured the Nuestra Senhora
del Monte Carmel, with twenty-five passengers.
The Centurion fell in with a prize of 600 tons ;
and as the Tryal was in a bad condition, it
was decided to abandon and scuttle her, and
transfer all her officers and men to this prize.
The Centurion then captured another vessel,
of 800 tons ; and when off Paita she captured
the Nuestra Senhora del Carmen, with forty-three
seamen, 400,000 dollars, and with information
that decided the Commodore to attack the
town of Paita. He must take it by surprise,
as his men were few ; but a risky undertaking
like this appealed to him, and he determined
to attempt it. A description of the attack will
be given in the next chapter.
i
,'t-
?1
CHAPTER VI
CAPTURE AND BURNING OF PAITA
Lieutenant Brett was appointed to command
the expedition. He had fifty-eight picked men
in the eighteen-oared barge and two pinnaces told
off for him. Then, well provided, they landed
in the dark, and by shouting and cheering and
beating of drums produced the impression that
they were a large force. They first surrounded
the governor's house, in order, if possible, to
secure him, whilst Lieutenant Brett and a
party marched to the fort, which after firing
a few shots was precipitately abandoned. He
then proceeded to the Custom House, to get
possession of the treasure which was lodged
there. The inhabitants, taken by surprise, had
run away without taking time to dress. Even
the governor, it is stated, who had been married
only a few days, had left his wife, a girl of
seventeen, in bed, and fled.
In the morning, when the Centurion ap-
proached the shore, the English flag was flying
on the fort, and soon after the boats came off
with the treasure taken. The enemy, encamped
43
44 COURTESY TO PRISONERS [chap, vi
in the hills, with some 200 horse, besides infantry,
never ventured to resist. Anson sent several
messengers to the governor desiring him to
come and treat for the surrender of the town
and its ransom, but he persistently refused,
although he was told that to save the town
a supply of cattle and necessaries was all that
was wanted. He was then informed that if
he did not comply the town would be burnt.
On the third morning the boats were employed
in bringing off the most valuable parts of the
effects, and the town was set on fire and de-
stroyed. The treasure which fell into their
hands was estimated at £30,000. Many pris-
oners of note were taken, amongst whom was
the son of the Vice-President of Chili. The
Spaniards had evidently mistaken the expedi-
tion for that of buccaneers, of whom they had
heard stories no less atrocious than those with
which the English were primed ; and it was
some time before Anson, with his kindly dis-
position, which was so characteristic of him,
could reassure them. But after the President's
son had been on board two months he became
so fond of the Commodore that it was with
regret that he landed, with all the other prisoners,
at Paita. Anson was amply repaid for his
generosity to the prisoners by their cordial and
grateful remembrance of his treatment and
courtesy, which was spread through every
corner of Spanish America.
1742] A DISPUTE 45
Immediately after the taking of Paita bad
feeling and jealousy broke out between those
who had remained on board, and those engaged
in the attack — the one party claiming the
spoils on account of the fatigue and dangers
they had passed through, the other party saying
they would have been equally ready to take
an active part if they had been allowed
to do so. This point had been decided in
ancient times by King David — " that those
who minded the substance should share the
spoils " (1 Sam. xxx. 24). Anson, on hearing
of the dispute, mustered all hands on deck, and,
after explaining to them that the ship and her
crew brought, and took away, the landing
party, thus taking an equal share of the work,
he ordered the spoils to be divided equally
amongst all, according to their rank. And,
he said, " to prevent those in possession from
murmuring at the diminution of their share, I
give my entire share to be divided amongst
you." So little did the Commodore care him-
self for money, in comparison with the carrying
out of his duty.
From Paita to Macao
From Paita to Quito. The day after leaving
Paita the Gloucester joined, having taken two
prizes, one a small dhow containing about
£7,000 in specie besides other cargo, and the
46 OFF ACAPULCHO [chap, vi
other a large boat. When they had captured
her the prisoners alleged they had only cotton
stowed in jars ; but though this appeared to be
true, the captors were suspicious, as when they
had surprised the crew they were dining off
pigeon pie on silver dishes : so they took the
jars of cotton on board, and on examination it
was found that the cotton concealed doubloons — ■
altogether the amount in these jars was about
£12,000. The treasure was going to Paita.
The Commodore had intended to go to Panama
to get some news of Admiral Vernon's expedi-
tion, but on board the Carmelo (the prize the
Centurion took) were papers showing that the
attack on Carthagena had failed, so that he
determined to proceed northward to Acapulcho
to get news of the galleon, but being short of
provisions he would call at Quito first. They
experienced frequent calms and heavy rains
till, on December 3, they anchored in Quito.
Having obtained supplies of turtle, and watered
the ship, they left, on December 12, for the
coast of Mexico. It was not till the end of
January that they neared Acapulcho, and the
Commodore decided to send in a boat to ascer-
tain news of the galleon. The barge was sent
in on February 6, with two officers, the crew,
a Spanish pilot, and an Indian. After some
days the boat returned, having coasted for
some distance without discovering the harbour,
but they saw some hills which they thought
1742] SEARCH FOR THE GALLEON 47
must be Acapulcho, so the ships got under way
and a second time the boat was sent in. After
some days she returned, having made out tlie
harbour, and having captured tiiree negroes
in a boat fishing there. From these men it was
ascertained that the galleon had arrived on
January 9, but would return to Manilla, sailing
about March 14. This nev/s filled them all
with delight.
Every preparation was now made; the five
ships were placed so as to be able to intercept
the galleon, and the crews of the Centurion
and Gloucester were reinforced from the Tryal
prize, the Carmelo, and the Carmen. Everybody
was on the look-out, and all examining the horizon
for the appearance of the Spanish ship ; but days
passed, and weeks, and she never came. The
Commodore, thinking that he had been dis-
covered, and that therefore the galleon would
not sail, made a plan to take the town by sur-
prise ; but it was well defended, for in addition
to the crew of the galleon 1,000 soldiers were
forming the guard of the treasure. His plan
was to make a stretch out to sea, and then
under cover of the night stand boldly right
into the harbour and attack the town and
batteries, whilst 200 men in the boats would
take the fort. This plan was not carried out;
finding the siiips short of water, he decided
to go to Chequetan, where he knew they could
fill up. Here it was decided to destroy the
i
48 ACROSS THE PACIFIC [chap, vi
Tryal prize, the Carmelo, and the Carmen, so that
after taking all that was useful out of them,
and transferring their crews to the Gloucester
and Centurion, they were prepared for scuttling.
Thinking that the galleon might put to sea on
hearing that the squadron was at Chequetan,
Anson sent a cutter to cruise off Acapulcho
and report ; but a strong current having forced
them down the coast, it was six weeks before
they returned, almost starved. The prisoners,
consisting of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians,
were now placed in two launches belonging to
the prizes, and given fourteen days' provisions,
after which they were given their liberty.
They reached Acapulcho safely, and the Cen-
turion and Gloucester stood to sea bound for the
coast of China.
Before leaving England Anson had collected
together all the information possible to get hold
of about the navigation of the Pacific, and
had also obtained much information from the
prisoners on board the prizes. But still tlie
passage across the Pacific, except to the Spanish
trade between Acapulcho and Manilla, was
little known then ; so that it was seven weeks
before they got into the trade winds, for they
got continued calms and foul winds where they
had expected to get a fair trade wind, and
had hoped to have reached China by that time.
From all this buffeting about, the Centurion
and Gloucester showed signs of wear and tear.
1742] ABANDONING THE GLOUCESTER 49
Their masts were badly sprung, and the Glou-
cester had only a stump of a main mast left ;
and so they became very anxious for their
safety, from the delay thus caused. It was not
want of fresh provisions, or want of good water,
for the heavy rains gave them plenty of that.
But they might be reduced to such a state that
they could not navigate their vessels, or they
might all die of scurvy. It was not known in
those days that lime juice was a preventative,
and the surgeon gave up all hopes of being able
to stop or cure the disease.
One disaster after another took place, for they
got into a storm which carried away the spars
of the Gloucester, and the Centurion began to
leak badly, so that the crews were constantly
at the pumps. The Gloucester also reported
that she was leaking so badly that she had no
less than seven feet of water in the hold, and
asked for assistance. Her masts and spars were
gone, her decks giving way, and she had only
sixteen men and eleven boys able to keep watch,
and these were infirm and sick. The Commodore
sent them provisions, and sent on board his
carpenter to report, and the carpenter sub-
stantiated everything. What could be done ?
The Centurion's crew, reduced by disease, could
only barely keep her own pumps going, and
certainly could give no assistance. In these
circumstances the Commodore decided to aban-
don the Gloucester, so he sent his boats to assist
4
50 THEY SIGHT THE ISLE OF TINIAN [chap, vi
her to clear out all the stores, prize money,
and goods that could be removed, and to
bring them on board the Centurion ; also to
remove the sick, which was done with great
care, but in doing which several men died. The
boats' crews worked away at this until they
were so fatigued that they could remove no
more, and had to leave the prize goods on
board the Gloucester, also much stores that they
would have liked to save. It was then resolved
to burn her to prevent her falling (wreck
as she was) into the hands of the enemy.
When about twelve miles away, a black column
of smoke showed that the Gloucester had blown
up, her guns, as the fire reached them, having
been heard to signal her burial.
But now the sickness increased ; eight to
ten men were buried each dav, and much time
had been lost with the Gloucester, during
which the current had drifted the Centurion to
the north. Then a gale came on, in their teeth,
and everything seemed hopeless, when their
hopes were raised suddenly, by sighting an
island ; but on sending a boat to sound, it was
found there was no possible anchorage. Again
their disappointments almost overwhelmed them,
till, on the next day, the island of Tinian was
sighted. Knowing that the Spanish settlement
of Guam was not far off, the Centurion hoisted
Spanish colours and tried to disguise her
wretched condition. Having captured a boat
1742] AT TINIAN ISLAND 51
with a Spaniard and an Indian on board, they
found that the island was a store for the soldiers
at Guam — that there were cattle, hogs, fowls,
oranges, limes, and bread fruit on the island.
The Centurion came to an anchor ; but out of
all the crews of the Gloucester, Tryal, and her
own, seventy men were all that could be mus-
tered who were able to work, and it took five
hours to furl her sails. The island seems to have
been a perfect pai'adise, and it was extremely
fortunate that they came across it, for if the
ship had not been driven out of her course
to the north, she would never have seen it
and never had an opportunity of curing her
sickness.
It was computed there were no less than
10,000 cattle (which were snow-white with brown
or black ears) roaming about on the island,
enormous quantities of fowls, and on the two
lakes in the centre of the island were large
quantities of duck, teal, etc. What could be
more delightful !
The first thing they had to do was to remove
all their sick on shore.
After some time most of the sick recovered ;
but the Commodore himself was ill, and landed,
to try to recover, in a tent rigged up for him.
Whilst on shore, at the time of the Equinox,
September 21, a tremendous gale came on, and
there being no slielter the siiip was driven to
sea, witii Lieutenant Saumarez and a small
52 CENTURION DISAPPEARS [chap, vi
part of the crew on board, whilst the Commo-
dore and some 113 of the crew were left on
shore. The ship fired guns of distress. This
was a terrible misfortune, for the Centurion
might either be lost or unable to regain the
island ; in which case the Spaniards from
Guam might come and attack, and take as
prisoners the crew on shore, who had little
powder left to use in their defence.
Anson immediately set to work himself, with
the assistance of those who were able, to cut
in two a Spanish barque, to lengthen her,
and make her fit to carry them all to China.
Whilst on this work two boats under sail were
reported, which were supposed to be the sur-
vivors of the Centurion. This affected them
so much that it is said that the Commodore
repaired to his tent, and was for a short time
overcome at the failure of all his prospects.
A little later they were discovered to be only
local boats. As they were finishing the boat
the want of nautical instruments was disclosed,
but at last a small compass was found in the
hold of the barque. Part of a quadrant was
found in one place, and part in another. After
nineteen days' terrible anxiety, the Centurion re-
appeared. On its being reported, it is related that
the Commodore, for the first time, broke through
his reserve, and throwing down his axe joined
the rest in their transport of joy.
The ship was now refitted, provisioned and
1742] ARRIVAL AT MACAO 53
watered, and on October 21, 1742, put to
sea bound for Macao.
Passing to the southward of the Island of
Formosa, the Centurion sailed through a vast
fleet of Chinese fishing boats which continued
almost to their arrival at Macao. They tried,
ineffectually, to obtain a pilot amongst the
Chinese fishermen ; but not knowing their lan-
guage, they found it impossible to make them
understand, for at every request made they
held up fish, thinking that must be what the
strangers wanted. At last, when they had got
nearer the shore, a Portuguese pilot offered him-
self, and eventually took them in to the anchor-
age. There had been some anxiety on leaving
the island of Tinian, because the ship, having
lost her bower anchors, had only the sheet
anchor to depend upon ; but by using the small
anchors of the prizes, strengthened by guns
lashed to the shanks, they were enabled to
make quite useful extempore anchors. On
November 13 they brought to off Macao. It
was just two years since they had had any
news of events in Europe, or any chance of
communicating with home. They had passed
through, in this time, more adventures, disasters,
loss of life, and disappointment than any ex-
pedition before or since, and all overcome by the
steady perseverance, firmness, and the indomit-
able courage of the Commodore.
CHAPTER VII
PROCEEDINGS AT MACAO
On arrival at Macao, Anson arranged with the
Portuguese governor to anchor in the harbour
of the Typa ; but finding that he could only get
provisions for one day at a time, he resolved
to go up to Canton to see the Viceroy. The
Custom House officer having refused leave to
the boat to proceed, Anson threatened to man
and arm his boats and proceed up in spite of
him. Finding he was determined, the officer
gave way, and Anson proceeded up alone to
Canton. At first he tried negotiations through
the Chinese merchants, but these signally failed,
so that under a threat he forced the Custom
House officer at Macao to convey a letter direct
to the Viceroy, who immediately sent down a
Mandarin to visit the ship. This was the first
British man-of-war to visit this place, and Anson
succeeded at last in impressing the Viceroy with
the dignity of the flag of England, and that
they must not be treated like a merchant vessel.
All the presentable men, dressed in the clothes
of the soldiers, were fallen in as a guard to
64
z
<
o
as
O
o
z
<1
z
o
z
o
ii
o
t-l
H
Ph
o
1743] THE COMMODORE'S PLAN 55
receive the Mandarin; and having told the officials
that if he did not receive supplies — which would
be well paid for — he might be driven to take
them by force, they at last gave the Commodore
all he wanted to reach Batavia.
Anson now having got to sea, his crew
refreshed, and augmented by the addition of
twenty-three men — Dutch, Lascars, and Indians
— his ship properly refitted, and the people
all so convinced that he was going to Batavia
that thev had sent mails on board for that
place, he summoned all his crew on deck and
told them that his design all along had been to
capture the Acapulcho treasure ship, according
to his orders to do so (if practicable), and that
he now intended to recross the Pacific and
make the attempt. He further informed them
that he had reason to suppose that this year
there would be two ships instead of one —
probably they would be in company — that they
mounted forty-four guns each, with crews of
500 men, whereas he had but 200 men and
thirty boys, but that he hoped for success,
knowing the spirit of his men ; and that though
it was supposed that the enemy's sides were
too thick for the Centurion's shot to penetrate, he
guaranteed that he would place the ship so close
alongside that that would be no difficulty, the
shot probably passing through both of them.
The crew were much elated, and gave cheer
after cheer. They were constantly exercised
56 ACTIVE PREPARATIONS [chap, vii
at the guns and small arms, as they had been
all through the voyage, and were very efficient,
a target being suspended from the yard-arm at
which they were constantly firing. Although he
took every precaution to escape observation, he
was reported in Manilla, and two ships of thirty-two
guns, one of twenty, and two of ten each were
fitted out to attack him; but owing to the monsoon,
and their dilatoriness, they never succeeded in
getting to sea. The whole of June our men watched
day and night, with the long-boat towing astern —
drilling incessantly, impatiently expectant.
On June 20, at sunrise, they discovered a sail
from the masthead. The Commodore instantly
stood towards her, and at 7.30 a.m. they were
near enough to see from deck that she was the
galleon. The galleon commenced by firing a
gun. Thirty men, marksmen, were picked out
and sent into the tops of the Centurion, who
proved their splendid marksmanship during the
action. As Anson had not sufficient men to fire
the guns, two men were stationed at each, to
keep them loaded, whilst the crews flew round
to work and fire them ; consequently a perpetual
fire of well-directed shot was kept up, instead
of the broadsides intermittently. Towards 1 p.m.
the Centurion got close to her enemy, and
was able, with her bow guns, to interfere with
the Spaniards clearing away the cattle, pro-
visions, stores, etc., in the way of their guns.
The Centurion was brought up alongside to
a
<
o
Q
a
•\
'■4
o
o
;:
<
t5
H
o
<
<
^
73
<
>(
O
3
:q
a
y
Q
^
<
M
;^
«.*
■*
>
o
I—
>-
K
IS
03
O
IN
K
«i;
a
H
A
^
&
H
to
►ti
iJi
a
^
•,*
D
<
^
^
J
aj
^
HH
z
_4
^
<!
s
^
g
>
IB
o
^
o
H
o
u
u
a
r^
►J
z
'M
b
t>
'M
111
o
<!
ffl
JH
o
D
<:
o
Ss
a
pi
2;^
-1
H
O
*-J
M
S
a
Q
— <
tf
O
.-*
O
W
Z
z;
o
o
P5
S
1^
Ph
S
/5
kJ
o
SI
o
;
la
<;
S
B
H
w
CO
o
J?;
m
-H
W
u
0
^
X
ri
'A
Q
><
pa
0
A.
Q
Q
o
S to
lO
^
o
n.
;;
M«
1743] CAPTURE OF GALLEON 57
leeward, to prevent escape — Anson's plan being
to lay across her lee bow, where he got all his
broadside into his enemy and she could only
work her foremost guns ; such was the action
for half an hour. Shortly after, the mats which
the galleon had placed on her nettings, to
prevent boarders, took fire, and blazed violently.
All this time the top riflemen had picked off
all the officers, driven their men from their
tops, and cleared their quarter-deck. The
enemy continued to fire briskly for another
hour, but the Centurion's grape-shot swept her
decks, and the general was wounded. Her
ensign was shot away early in the action ; and
now her men, being no longer able to face the
fire, deserted their guns, and the standard of
Spain was hauled down. The galleon was
called the Nuestra Senhora de Cabodonga and was
commanded by General Dom Geronimo de
Montero, a Portuguese who was said to be the
most skilled and courageous of those employed
by Spain. She was much larger than the Cen-
turion. She had 36 guns in ports, 28 pedresoes
mounted on the gunwale quarters and top, and
firing a four-pound ball. She carried 550 men,
and was particularly prepared against boarding.
She had 67 men killed and 84 wounded, whilst
the Centurion had only 2 killed, and 1 lieutenant
and 16 wounded, all of whom but one recovered.
So little skilled were the Spanish sailors in
comparison with those of the Centurion.
58 SECURITY OF PRISONERS [chap, vii
No sooner had the galleon struck than a
lieutenant came to the Commodore and informed
him that the Centurion was dangerously on
fire near the powder room. He received this
news apparently unmoved, in order that there
should be no panic, and gave such orders
that it was extinguished at once, though it
was a near shave, the fire having got good
hold.
The Commodore appointed the galleon to be
a ship in His Majesty's service, and gave the
command to Lieutenant Saumarez, his first
lieutenant ; and before night all the prisoners,
except a few for navigation purposes, were
sent on board the Centurion. " We now heard
that the other treasure ship had probably
reached its destination during our delay in
Macao." The securing of the prisoners was a
source of great trouble, for they more than
doubled their captors, and openly expressed
their discontent at being beaten by a crew so
small, and comprising so many youths. All
but the officers and wounded were placed in
the hold, from which a funnel to the open air
was built, to prevent their taking advantage
of the crew, whilst working the sails. Four
loaded swivel guns, in charge of a sentry, were
then placed, one being at the top of each funnel.
The officers were all lodged in the first lieutenant's
cabin, under a guard of six men, and the
general in the Commodore's cabin, with a sentry
1743] DIFFICULTIES WITH THE CHINESE 59
over him, whereas all the ship's officers and
men remained armed day and night, and ready.
On July 11, nearly a month afterwards,
they anchored at Macao again. The treasure
taken amounted to about £400,000. If to
this be added the destruction of £600,000 more,
it may safely be assumed that £1,000,000
sterling represented the damage to the Spaniards
caused by the expedition, to say nothing of
the loss of Pizarro's big squadron. They could
not get permission to pass the forts at the
entrance of the Canton River, but under threats
Anson forced the pilot to carry him past these
forts ; and though the pilot was punished by
the authorities, it was amply made up to him
by the Commodore afterwards. Some Spanish
officers, being allowed to visit Canton on parole,
were examined by the Chinese authorities,
and amongst other things they reported how
well they had been treated (much better, they
said, than they should have treated the English
had they been the vanquished). This favour-
ably impressed the Chinese. Having been
brought up to the second bar, at the request of
the Chinese, and really also to relieve himself
of great inconvenience, Anson liberated all
the prisoners, the Chinese conveying them to
Macao, whilst the Centurion gave them eight
days' provisions.
Having a great difficulty with the provisions,
which the contractors contrived every sort of
60 ANSON INTERVIEWS VICEROY [chap, vii
trick to enhance in price when bought by
weight, and also objecting as he did to an
EngHsh man-of-war paying duties, Anson deter-
mined to go and see the Viceroy at Canton,
whether he hked it or not. Informing him
he should arrive at Canton on a visit, he manned
the barge with men dressed as Thames water-
men— scarlet jackets, blue silk waistcoats, silver
buttons and badges — and in spite of all risk he
proceeded alone up the river. In case of acci-
dent to himself, he appointed Lieutenant Brett
to the temporary command of the Centurion.
Every sort of ruse was employed to prevent
the visit, but as Anson said that any insult or
annoyance they should put upon him would be
amply repaid, and that he did not believe for one
moment they would treat him with anything but
the respect due to him, he proceeded to Canton.
During his stay at Canton a fire broke out,
and Anson immediately repaired to the scene,
but was stopped by the Mandarin. When the fire
had become quite unmanageable, the Mandarin
came to him and begged him to save the town. On
Anson calling his sailors to the rescue, the men,
always to be depended on under his directions,
soon prevented the fire spreading, to the great
delight and astonishment of the Chinese, who
had never seen such work before. The Viceroy
having personally been a witness to this episode, it
made it much easier on his visit to him the next
day for Anson to obtain all he wanted.
.S7. Barbara Ora pro \ohis .'
THE SILVER BOWL AND THE SILVER BELL.
From the Spanish galleon, now in llio possession ol Do Saumarez.
p. W>]
1743-4] HOMEWARD VOYAGE 61
On December 7, the provisions and stores
having all been procured, and everything ready,
the Centurion and her prize stood down the
river, and on December 12 anchored at Macao.
Here the galleon was sold for 6,000 dollars,
which was greatly below her value. On Jan-
uary 3 the Centurion anchored in the Straits
of Sunda, and on March 11 arrived in Table
Bay, Cape of Good Hope. Here they continued
till April, and during the stay enlisted forty
new men. On April 3, 1744, they weighed,
passing St, Helena on the 19th. On June 10
they spoke an English ship in the Channel,
from which they learnt that we were at war
with France ; and on June 15, they arrived at
Spithead, after three years and nine months,
having with special good luck passed through
a considerable French fleet, cruising in the
Channel, during a fog. This might have been
fatal, for if they had been discovered they
would certainly have been destroyed, whereas
they escaped this fleet at the end of the expedition
as they had escaped the Spanish fleet at the
beginning.
CHAPTER VIII
ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744
On arrival at Spithead Anson wrote to Lord
Hardwicke :
" My Lord,
" I ought to have written to your lord-
ship on arrival at Canton, when in all prob-
abihty my expedition was at an end, as to any
service I could undertake against the enemy;
but I was so ill satisfied with my success —
being abandoned by one part of my squadron,
and the remainder being either wrecked or
reduced to such a condition, by the bad treat-
ment we met with in passing Cape Horn,
that it was not possible for me to keep them
above water. These misfortunes gave me an
uneasiness I could not express to your lord-
ship ; which was not a little aggravated by
the reflections of what I could have under-
taken for His Majesty's service if the squadron
had got into the South Seas in tolerable
plight — for I have good reason to believe that
with one fourth part less strength than I
carried from Spithead I should have left the
Spaniards a very uneasy remembrance of my
62
1744] LETTER TO LORD HARDWICKE 68
having been in this part of the world. After
my ship was fitted in China, I determined to
attempt the galleon from Acapulcho, though
I had not half my complement of men. Here
fortune favoured me ; for I met her at the
entrance of her port, with nearly three times
mv number of men to defend her. After an
hour and a half's engagement within pistol shot,
the admiral struck his flag and became my
prize. Though the expedition has not had
all the success the nation expected from it,
which is a great misfortune to me, I am per-
suaded no misconduct can be justly laid to my
charge as Commander-in-Chief ; and I should
have great pain in returning to my country,
after all the fatigue and hazard I have undergone
in endeavouring to serve it, if I thought I had
forfeited either your lordship's favour and
protection or the esteem of the public.
" Mr. Keppel is my third lieutenant. I have
recommended the bearer, Mr. Dennis, my first
lieutenant, to the Secretary of State, and hope
they will prefer him, for he well deserves it.
" Anson."
It had been known in England— from the
arrival of Mr. Saunders and some of the other
officers, who had come home in a Swedish
vessel from Canton — that the Centurion was
there, but that news was previous to the
taking of the galleon ; and Anson received
letters from his friends saying that the country,
and the Admiralty, were prepared to confirm
64 ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744 [chap, viii
whatever he did, so that his request for the
promotion of his first heutenant he fully ex-
pected to be granted.
Imagine his feelings when, after reporting
his expedition to the Admiralty, he simply
received the acknowledgment of his letter —
this after being nearly four years absent, and
having suffered more hardships than almost
any human being had been through. But he
wrote again — stating how he had made Mr. Brett
acting captain of the Centurioriy and asking
for the confirmation of this order.
He received an answer that he had no
power to make such an appointment, and that
it could not be confirmed.
On June 19 three promotions to rear-
admirals appeared in the Gazette, and Anson's
name was one of the three. With this pro-
motion he received a letter stating that the
King had been pleased to raise him to the rank
of Rear-Admiral of the Blue.
But the Admiralty would not accede to his
request to promote his first heutenant.
Directly after receiving this letter Anson
replied to the Admiralty, as follows :
''June 24, 1744.
" I am extremely concerned to find myself
under the necessity of resigning a commission
I have lately been honoured with, and which
I return enclosed to your lordships. It has
1744] ANSON RETURNS HIS PROMOTION 65
ever been my opinion that a person trusted
with command may and ought to exceed
his orders, and dispense with the common rules
of proceeding, when extraordinary occasions
require it. In what I have acted I have
had no other view than the honour and advan-
tage of H.M. service. Since upon appHcation
to your lordships you have not pleased to
confirm it, it is with great mortification I
am obliged in the matter to decline a service
which has been, and ever will be, the great
pleasure and pride of my life.
" I am, my lords,
" Your most obedient humble servant,
" Anson."
An answer to this letter of Anson's came
from the Secretary of the Admiralty, Corbett
— but it was too late to alter the fact that
Anson had declined his promotion, and that
the Admiralty had accepted his letter and
withdrawn his promotion. As this letter is an
excellent one, I give it in full :
" The Admiralty.
" Though the giving of advice is the most
hazardous office of friendship, it is (in proper
season) the sincerest proof of it. It is from
that motive I address this letter to you — the
first occasion you have ever given me for it
in a course of more than twenty years' happiness
of your acquaintance. The conduct you have
shown in a late perilous expedition, the happy
5
66 ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744 [chap, viii
completion of it with so much judgment and
resolution, has distinguished your character in
an uncommon manner, and made you to be
regarded as one of the ablest to serve and
support your country.
" Is it possible for one of such excellent
endowments to justify so tenaciously an act,
irregular, unnecessary, unprecedented, as to
make the confirmation of it a condition of your
continuance in the service or of the acceptance
of the late mark of His Majesty's regard for
you?
" The reason you urge for insisting on the
commission you gave constituting a captain
under you in the Centurion, is, that it has ever
been your opinion 'a person entrusted with
command may and ought to exceed his orders,
and dispense with the common rule of proceed-
ings, when extraordinary occasions require it.'
" Your opinion is very just. When a com-
mander finds his orders or instructions insuffi-
cient, and he can do his country better service
by violating or exceeding them, it indicates a
great mind to judge and make a successful use
of such occasions.
" But the application of this rule does not
avail here. You are named to go with a squadron
upon a distant expedition, without any captain
under you in your own ship. You accept the
command, and serve all the time, according
to those terms. But after the whole expedition
is at an end, and not one ship is left with you but
your own, nor any other service to perform
but to return home, you appoint a captain under
1744] CORBETT'S LETTER 67
you. Do any of those extraordinary occasions
appear here wherever common rules of pro-
ceedings should be dispensed with ? Does a
journey of a few hours to an audience of the
Vice-King at Canton come up to it ? The pre-
caution you took before setting out, to secure
the King's ship and the treasure in case any
accident happened to your person, was a prudent
and necessary measure, but the trust was con-
ditional and to take place upon an inability to
act yourself, which did not happen.
" If what I have been saying, dear sir, has
any tone of conviction, you will no longer insist
on an act your good sense must condemn, when
you consider that the Lords of the Admiralty
have a true regard for you, are much concerned
for the temper you are in with them, and would
gratify you in anything that consisted with
reason and the rules of their office. They have
given you proofs of it. You took the galleon
into the King's service, and they have confirmed
the officers you appointed to her, and yet there
seemed as much reason to commission any
merchant ship, for she never was to serve as a
man-of-war against the enemy, which is the only
reason of putting prizes into commission. I
am well assured that the captain you contend
for would be provided for to his satisfaction, as
well as others who have served with you in the
voyage, and are under your protection.
" In the present case the Lords of the Ad-
miralty had no precedent ; and would you make
one ? It cannot be defended. The moment
it is admitted, the Admiralty is no longer
68 ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744 [chap, viii
master of any rule or order ; but every com-
mander who goes abroad without a captain
may appoint one as soon as he is clear of the
land of England, and insist upon it from the
precedent.
" An admiral of great rank, in the Mediter-
ranean, wanted a second captain. His reasons
were specious : he had a very large fleet under
his command, and the assistance of only one flag
officer, who was infirm ; himself was next in
post to the only admiral who is allowed two
captains. But as the establishment did not
allow it, they could not act generously — because
there was no precedent ; it was not granted, and
not being granted, was not assumed.
" The late Lord Torrington, under whom we
both served, and now revere his memory, in his
expedition to Sicily gave a commission to a
person to be a lieutenant contrary to rule.
Lord Berkeley, being then at the head of the
Admiralty, would not confirm it. In ten years
after. Lord Torrington coming to the Admiralty
and being solicited to continue the commission,
refused it, saying he would never ratify any
act of his own which he was convinced to be
wrong. This is one of the many things I have
admired in him : moderation, and obedience
to laws, and rules of Government are truer
characteristics of a great man than defending
singular opinions.
" I will trouble you no more, but leave it to
your consideration which is most praiseworthy —
to give up a hasty resolution, which (as far as
I can hear) all your brother officers condemn,
1744] SACRIFICE TO PRECEDENT 69
as all must who deal sincerely with you ; or in
a sullen fit to fly in His Majesty's face, give
matters for pleasure to his enemies, and throw
yourself out of a service you have been bred to,
and in which you have so well succeeded ?
" I am, with most sincere regard and esteem,
" Dear sir,
" Your most obedient and most humble servant,
" Thomas Corbett."
Unfortunately this letter was not received by
Anson until after his commission as an admiral,
which he had returned, had been cancelled.
Lord Winchilsea did not act with generosity
towards Anson — and his colleagues were of no
assistance. Sir Archibald Harrison, Sir Charles
Hardy (who died next year), Mr. Cockburn,
Dr. Lee, Lord Baltimore, and Mr. Phillipson were
unknown men — and it was to such a Board that
he was sacrificed. Though Corbett 's letter is
excellent, it seems to depend almost entirely on
reverence for precedent. A precedent may be
a general guide, but by strong men could be
always ignored in a case where generosity could
not possibly have injured His Majesty's service.
Noah might have refused to build the Ark, there
being no precedent for the flood — as far as we
know.
A letter from the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary
of State, was more appreciative :
70 ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744 [chap, viii
"Whitehall, June 15, 1744.
"Captain Anson,
''Sir,
" I received this morning by Lieutenant
Dennis the favour of your letter of yesterday's
date, with the agreeable news of your success
in capturing the great Acapulcho ship and of your
safe arrival at Spithead, after the many fatigues
and dangers that you have gone through in the
course of your expedition. I laid it immediately
before the King, and have the satisfaction to
acquaint you that His Majesty was pleased to
express his great approbation of your conduct
and to give you leave to come immediately to
town as you desire. As I hope very soon to
have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall only add
the assurances of my being, with the greatest
truth and regard,
" HoLLES Newcastle.
" P.S. — I am extremely obliged to you for your
goodness to Mr. Keppel and Mr. Carpenter. I
will not fail to mention to His Majesty your
recommendation for your lieutenant, Mr. Dennis,
whom I will also recom.mend to the Lords Com-
missioners of the Admiralty. Give me leave
very particularly to assure you that I take a
great part in the good fortune and in the honour
you have acquired for yourself and the service
you have done to your country."
Anson's service had gained him not only the
applause and admiration of his countrymen, but
of all Europe.
THK LAST OF THE FIGURE-HEAD.
p. 701
1744] THE CENTURION'S FIGURE-HEAD 71
The following effusion appeared at this time
on the arrival of the Commodore and after the
death of Mr. Pope :
Ulysses' voyage lives by honour's pen,
Who many cities saw, and many men.
Ye muse inventive, dropped to barren theme,
With gentle Circe, and dire Poh'^pheme.
Shipwrecks and suffering, fancy could display
In a small portion of the midland sea.
But what to Anson's work Ulysses' toils ?
Or what to Indie's wealth were Illion's spoils ?
The world surrounded, all her nature viewed.
Each climate tried, each danger now subdued.
Our second Drake, arrived on British ground,
Requires no Pope his honour to resound.
When the Centurion, in which this wonderful
voyage took place, was broken up, her figure-
head, a celebrated carved lion, was sent to
George III., who presented it to the Duke of
Richmond, Master-General of the Ordnance.
The Duke placed it on a pedestal near Goodwood,
where it served as a sign to a public-house.
William IV. saw it and admired it, and having
procured it, it was placed at the head of the
staircase at Windsor. It was afterwards sent to
Greenwich Hospital to be placed over the Anson
ward ; but some time afterwards it fell down,
and being found by the present writer in an out-
house, abandoned to decay, it was removed to
Shugborough, where, in the hands of the present
Earl of Lichfield, what remains of it sound
rests in peace. It stood sixteen feet from
72 ARRIVAL AT SPITHEAD IN 1744 [chap, viii
the ground, and on the pedestal were these
words :
Stay, traveller, awhile, and view
One who has travelled more than you.
Quite round the globe, through each degree,
Anson and I have ploughed the sea,
Torrid and frigid zones have passed,
And safe ashore arrived at last.
In ease, with dignity appear
He in the House of Lords, I here.
Anson was not left long in neglect. Win-
chilsea and his Board were turned out in
December 1744. The Duke of Richmond suc-
ceeded at the Admiralty, and Anson was at once
selected to serve on the Board, and on April 20,
1745, in the following year, to make amends for
his former treatment, he was raised two steps,
to Vice-Admiral of the White. The Duke of
Bedford, Lord Sandwich, and Anson, Legge, and
Grenville were the chief members of the Board.
Anson, who was wisely given a free hand to do
so, took the greatest pains in his selection of
officers for command ; and assured the King
that in the approaching war he should at least
hear of no courts martial.
-,2»^
^■^^
THE COMMODOKK I'HKSKNTING AN ACCOUNT OF JUS VOYAGES TO lllS
MAJESTY KING GEORGE II.
p. 721
CHAPTER IX
THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744
The prolonged series of wars which began when
the establishment of civil order under Cromwell
permitted the nation to turn from internal strife
to external interests, had been for England
chiefly maritime, struggles occurring at short
intervals. The Navy was alive and growing; as
each war began, young officers appeared to carry
on the traditions they had grown up in. But the
internal dissensions after the death of Queen
Anne renewed the condition of disquietude ;
and this, with the weariness of war, produced
an unsatisfactory state of affairs. Walpole,
who had been at the head of affairs for twenty
years, had a passion for peace : the consequence
was that our Navy and Army had been neg-
lected, and the equipment allowed to go into
decay, sapping the professional interest and
the competency of the officers. Now we shall
see in the next Board how things are improved,
when the ability of Anson is backed up by the
political power of Newcastle and of Bedford,
and with the great capacity of Hardwicke,
73
74 THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744 [chap, ix
The times were most important. France
was negotiating a family compact with Spain.
France and Spain were to have such a fleet
as would control the Mediterranean, and large
fleets were assembled at Brest and Rochefort.
Every effort was also to be made to assist the
Stuarts.
Having drawn our ships away from home,
the French were to make an attack by landing
troops, supported by the fleets then at Brest
and at Rochefort. Sir John Norris with twenty
sail confronted a similar number of the French
in the Downs. Owing to a storm, the French
fleet was dispersed, but not before they had
shown their superiority to ours in speed of
sailing. One of the finest single actions ever
fought took place this year. Prince Charles in
the Boutelle sloop, accompanied by the Elizabeth
(64 guns), carrying arms for Scotland, was at-
tacked by the Lion (54), commanded by Anson's
old flag-captain, Piercy Brett. They fought side
by side till they were both reduced to a state
when they could fight no longer — the sloop at the
same time raking the Lion, until beaten off by
her stern-chasers.
Howe also came into notice. Serving under
Vernon in the Channel, he came across two
French ships whilst he was in the Baltimore
sloop and in company with the Greyhound
frigate (Capt. Noel) on May 1. The French were
at anchor when he attacked them. Howe was
1746] SINGLE ACTIONS 75
wounded in the head. He had been one of the
midshipmen of the Severn, which ship was with
Anson in his voyage and returned to England,
faihng to round the Horn.
The Nottingham too (Captain P. Saumarez,
60 guns) had a splendid action with the Mars,
(64). The action lasted two hours, and showed
the superiority of the English gunnery ; for
the French had forty-two killed and wounded,
whilst the Nottingham had only twelve killed
and wounded.
It was a great year (1746) for single actions,
and Anson's officers were well to the front.
At this period Anson was left alone at the
Admiralty. The Duke of Bedford was laid
up with the gout, and Lord Sandwich was taken
dangerously ill. An affair of very considerable
importance occurred with w^hich he had to deal,
and which required much tact. The nation was
very indignant about the action in the Mediter-
ranean and the disputes between Admirals
Mathews and Lestock, and the House of Com-
mons moved for an inquiry. A motion was
made that certain of the officers should be
examined at the Bar of the House of Commons,
without giving the Admiralty sufficient time to
take the necessary proceedings for a court
martial. A petition was made to the King for
a court martial to be held. To this the King
assented. This was most unusual, and struck
at the authority of the Admiralty, in whom
76 THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744 [chap, ix
alone was invested the power to order a court
martial. Anson remonstrated with the Duke
of Newcastle, and begged him to speak to the
King. As the King and Newcastle saw at once
that it was necessary to uphold the Admiralty
as by law established they yielded, and no case of
such interference has occurred since. The end
of this trial is well known. Admiral Mathews
was cashiered, and Admiral Lestock acquitted.
Eleven captains were tried and only two ac-
quitted— four of the nine others were tem-
porarily cashiered, three were dismissed and
placed on half pay, one died on the passage
home, and one deserted into Spain. An extra-
ordinary event happened in connection with this
affair. The President of the Court Martial
was arrested by the Court of Common Pleas
on a charge of having passed an illegal sentence
on an officer some time previously in the West
Indies. The Court, being very indignant at
their President being so arrested, passed reso-
lutions derogatory to Chief Justice Willes.
These resolutions were forwarded to the Ad-
miralty and by the Admiralty to the King,
who expressed his displeasure at the indignity
offered to the Court Martial — by which the
discipline of the service would suffer. Chief
Justice Willes, however, held that the dignity of
his Court had suffered, and sent to arrest all
members of the other Court, but they having
been advised of the strict legality of this pro-
1745-6] ANSON'S BROTHER 77
ceeding, tendered their apologies to the Lord
Chief Justice. It seems probable that if they
had moved their Court to Spithead they might
have escaped this humiliation.
Anson had three letters from his brother in
Staffordshire as regards the rebels who were
marching through Derby. He was in some
danger from them. One letter says :
" I am in good spirits upon finding we are
quit of the rebels without any apprehensions
of their return. They marched out of Leek
yesterday morning for Congleton and Maccles-
field. The Duke, I am told, has put himself
a leurs trousses with 3,000 foot and five regiments
of Horse Dragoons, and will take up his quarters
at Will Mills, Leek, to-night, as the Pretender
did two nights ago.
"The rebels were greatly exasperated at their
reception in Derby. Their behaviour since has
been much fiercer, and at Ashbourn and on the
way to Leek they have plundered, ravaged, and
murdered three people and wounded others —
so that they are much detested here."
The Duke of Cumberland got up with them
at Clifton, near Penrith, and after a skirmish
obliged them to retire. At Carlisle they left a
garrison and most of their guns which were sur-
rendered to the Duke of Cumberland, after the
main body had retreated into Scotland.
There were no great fleet actions at this time,
but our ships and our privateers were most
78 THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744 [chap, ix
active, and brought in a great many prizes,
defeating every attempt of the enemy to get
out of their ports.
Anson's old friend Warren sent him tidings
of his capture of Louisburg, and how after
capture many prizes had been secured by
hoisting the French flag, one ship alone having
£600,000 on board. Commodore Warren was
made a rear-admiral and a baronet. An
event occurred at this time which caused
Anson much pain, though as junior member of
the Board he probably only carried out the
orders he received from the King — but the
offence occurred at a time when it was most
necessary to enforce strict discipline, as evidenced
by Mathews's trial.
Admiral Vernon had just been made Admiral
of the White, and told to hoist his flag in the
Downs in command of the North Sea and the
Straits. Vernon seems to have been unwell ;
his correspondence with all, high and low, was
querulous and peevish. He was dissatisfied
with himself and all around, and constantly
threatened to resign. How often this occurs in
the life of great men who have done good service !
Ill-health it may be, age it may be, but a whole
life of good work is wrecked by some insubordi-
nate or hasty or querulous act ; and how much a
friend is wanted to write a letter of advice such
as Corbett wrote to Anson ! What could be done
under the circumstances ? There is a state of
1745-6] ADMIRAL VERNON 79
war. An officer is placed in a responsible
position at a moment of danger, and he asks
to leave that post ; without any apparent
reason, he writes to the First Lord of the
Admiralty desiring to be relieved of his
command.
He receives on the following day this letter :
" Whereas you have been appointed by us to
command a squadron of His Majesty's ships in
the Downs in order to observe and watch the
preparations and motions of the enemy at
Dunkirk and the neighbouring ports of Flanders
and France, and to prevent their sending any
succours from thence to His Majesty's rebellious
subjects in Scotland, as also to guard the coasts
of this kingdom from any attempts of the
enemy to land there with an armed force ; and
whereas since our appointment of you to the
command of that service you have in several
letters expressed to us your dislike and dis-
satisfaction with the situation you have been
placed in, and an inclination to resign your
command, which uneasiness, and desire of
resigning, you have again repeated to us in your
letter of yesterday's date : We have taken the
same into our consideration, and do, in regard
to your so often mentioned desire of laying
down your command (and there being an ex-
perienced officer on the spot to succeed you in
it), signify hereby our consent thereto ; and
therefore do require, and direct you, to deliver
up the command of all His Majesty's ships, etc.,
to Admiral Martin, and to give him either such
80 THE BRITISH NAVY IN 1744 [chap. IX
original orders as are in your hands unexecuted,
or else attested copies of the same, and having
so done, you are to strike your flag and come
ashore."
His own publication of his quarrels in the West
Indies, his querulousness, and bad temper un-
fitted him for command. He was undoubtedly
a brave and capable officer, but he would not
remain quiet. He was always writing, always
complaining. He now wrote two anonymous
pamphlets, and was summoned to appear before
the Board. The Duke of Bedford, the Earl of
Sandwich, Rear-Admiral Anson, Mr. Grenville,
Mr. Legge, and Lord Barrington were present.
Vernon was asked if he wrote the pamphlets.
The Board met again on April II, 1746. The
Duke of Bedford acquainted the Board that
he had attended the King that morning, and had
informed His Majesty of what had passed
between them and Admiral Vernon as to the
publication of these two pamphlets ; and what
had passed thereupon at his attendance there
the previous night ; and signified His Majesty's
pleasure that the said Vice-Admiral Vernon
should bestruck off the list of flag-officers.
Resolved that the same be done.
CHAPTER I X
anson's work at the admiralty (1746-1747)
When Anson came to the Admiralty, probably-
full of the wretched organisation of the dock-
yards, the supplies, and the poor state of the
moral amongst officers, he determined to set
to work to reorganise the former, to instil, with
the whole of his power, a new spirit into our
services, and to raise the standard of '' what
was expected of officers." The first thing was
to inspect and overhaul the dockyards. This
Anson contrived to get Lord Sandwich to do.
It was the first time that anything of the sort
had been done.
In the minutes of the proceedings they
found that the men were generally idle, the
officers ignorant, the stores ill-arranged, abuses
of all kinds overlooked, the timber ill-assorted
(that which was longest in store being under-
most), the standing orders neglected, the ships-
in-ordinary in a very bad state, filled with women
and children, and that the officers of the yard
had not visited them, which it was their
duty to have done ; that men were found
treated and paid as officers who had never
6 81
82 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
done duty as such (for which their lordships
reprimanded the Navy Board, through the
Comptroller) ; that the Storekeeper's accounts
were many years in arrears — and what was
more extraordinary was that the Navy Board
had never required them. In short, negligence,
irregularities, waste, and embezzlement were
so palpable that their lordships ordered
notices to be put up in the dockyards offering
rewards for information. Everything, in fact,
was left to the resident Commissioner, who
left all to the Principal, and he left it to his
inferiors.
This inspection was most salutary, and has
been found ever since to be a necessary and
useful custom.
There were many very plucky actions of
privateers which Anson seems to have taken
great care to notice, and reward — Captain
Phillips and the Sole Bay, the master of
the Shoreham, Captain Molineux Shouldam,
and others. Anything that he could do to
hold up a standard to the Navy of what was
expected of them, he did. The Articles of War
at this time were very carelessly drawn, and
caused serious inconveniences and hardships,
and innumerable scandals.
A committee was instituted, to consider and
amend these articles, and by the new Act these
defects were remedied. Articles 12 and 13
were made very binding, in which death was
1745-6] PROMOTION OF OFFICERS 83
the only punishment allowed. The 12th lays
down : " Every person in the Fleet who through
Cowardice, Negligence, or Disaffection shall in
time of Action withdraw or hold back, or not
come into the fight or Engagement, or shall not
do his utmost to take or destroy every ship
which it shall be his duty to engage, and to
assist and to relieve all and every of his Majesty's
ships, or those of his allies, which it shall be his
duty to reheve and assist, etc., shall suffer death."
This article was a very necessary one, con-
sidering the numerous cases in which there had
been a bad spirit shown. Without mentioning
and perpetuating the names of those who are
no more, it is only necessary to read the
history of those times to realise it.
Another subject, and one on which Anson
must have had much communicating with the
officers, was that of promotion. There were
very great grievances on this score. Numerous
officers of a great age, as captains, saw their
juniors selected over them, and had no course
open to them but to serve on as slighted and
disappointed men.
Anson brought out a regulation that those
specially selected officers should be made Rear-
Admirals of the Blue, those above them Rear-
Admirals only. The latter were tlien super-
annuated with a Rear-Admiral's pension.
The next thing he seems to have determined
on was that some improvement must be made
84 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
in the shipbuilding. It was found that no
estabhshment had been made since 1717, and
that these regulations had been long since
discontinued, ships being built according to
some design without any standard or uniformity,
so that ships of the same rate were of unequal
dimensions, and their stores were not inter-
changeable, which was both inconvenient and
extravagant. Ships were not built as strongly
as they ought to be, were crank, and heeled over
so much in bad weather that they were not
able to fight their lower-deck guns, at the same
time that ships of other nations were able to do
so. The Admiralty called on the chief construc-
tor and the principal officers of private yards to
report. These recommendations were sent to
the chief officers in the service, after which
orders standardising ships of a class were issued.
From this time the number of ships built
was increased. The 1st rates, i.e. ships carry-
ing 100 guns, and the second rates, 84 to 90-
gun ships, being too cumbrous and expensive,
were discontinued. But the number of 5th
rates (30 to 44 guns) and 3rd rates (64 to 80
guns) were more than doubled. The 4th rates
(50 to 60 guns) were too light for the line of
battle, and too large for cruising. The 5th
rates (30 to 44) and the 6th rates (20 to 30)
were the best cruisers and the sloops of 10 to
20 were the best for combating the privateers
and smugglers.
1746] THE WESTERN SQUADRON 85
All the stores of each class were to be the
same for that class.
In the early autumn of 1746 Anson decided
to go to sea in charge of the Western Squadron,
and having obtained the permission, and at
the desire of the Duke of Bedford, he hoisted
his flag in the Yarmouth.
It seems that so many failures having occurred
lately, viz. the disgraceful action of Mathews
and Lestock, the actions of Commodore Mitchell
and Commodore Peyton, etc., had tended to
dispirit and weaken in the public mind that
confidence in the Navy which it ought to
have, and Anson had determined to try to
restore this confidence, if possible. He was
entering on a most strenuous work, to prove the
ability of our Western Squadron to keep its
place as a guard and a threat at the entrance
of the Channel, and to control the ports of Brest
and Rochefort in spite of all the gales of a
stormy winter.
As Vice-Admiral of the Blue in Command
OF THE Channel Fleet, 1746, whilst at
the same time holding a Seat on the
Board of Admiralty.
Arrival at Portsmouth from London . August 9, 1746.
Sailed from Spithead . . . ,,27.
Put into Plymouth . . . . „ 31.
Sailed . ..... September 3.
Put into Plymouth .... October 28.
Sailed ...... November 9.
At Sea . ..... January 28, 1747.
86 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
This was a strenuous time. Privateers were
doing considerable damage off the Scilly Isles
and south of Cape Clear. The French fleet
was in Brest, and had to be watched, like a cat
watches a mouse ; and French ships were expected
home from the West Indies.
On August 9, 1746, dated on board H.M.S.
Yarmouth, Anson writes :
' As soon as she is rigged, I desire that their
lordships will be pleased to remove Captain
Brett from the Lynn to be my captain in the
Yarmouth, to appoint John Campbell to be
my first lieutenant, Robert Wilson second lieu-
tenant, John Spence third lieutenant, and
Thomas Saumarez fourth lieutenant."
We begin now to see his restless energy —
his determination to see improvements and to
combat the inefficiency of the dockyards. He
writes, " There is a great delay in fitting the
ships owing to want of riggers," and he says,
*' I have ordered the ships at Spithead to send
all available men to reinforce the dockyard
riggers." He says : " I have ordered Admiral
Steward to inquire into all the delays at the
Port. I believe the Ordnance Office will come in
for a large share of blame, as they have allowed
their channel to be blocked up." He then
alludes to a mutiny on board the Sunder-
land, which he has inquired into. One might
have supposed that it would have been caused
1746] BLOCKADING 87
by bad food or want of pay — but it was caused
by the captain having retreated from three men-
of-war, which he sighted, and which the men
thought he should have engaged, though far
superior in force to him. Anson says he
absolves from blame the first Heutenant, whom
he thinks a good officer and a clever fellow,
which is more than he can say of the captain.
But what a state of affairs is disclosed, by part
of his letter, with regard to the pay of the men !
The Lynn is about to pay her men two weeks
in six of their pay, but as some of the ships
are seven years in arrear he thinks this would
cause discontent !
He reports, August 8, 1746 :
" Admiral Boscawen in the Namur, with the
Prince Frederick and Hampton Court, have just
come into Spithead. Have ordered them into
harbour to be cleaned and refitted. Their
lordships will see they are very sickly, having
418 sick on board."
Considering the food, and the constantly being
at sea in bad weather, with ports closed, with
sailors who had been pressed into the ships
from anywhere, how can we be surprised at
the sickness ? When Boscawen comes in he
reports (he had just returned from America) :
" The last part of my cruise has been as
unsuccessful as the first, not having met with
88 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
any of the enemy. If my orders had enabled
me to go south to Finisterre instead of Cape
Ortegal, I should have fallen in with the French
ships from San Domingo."
In looking through all orders given by Anson,
one sees, in spite of a limit of station, that
the commanders are authorised, if in receipt of
intelligence, to pursue the enemy beyond the
limit of their station, and return to it again
on condition of leaving some vessel to report
they have done so. He says :
" The supply of beer is not to be had at
Portsmouth ; as the captains all agree that the
men's health depends chiefly upon it, I have
ordered Plymouth to supply."
After which he writes, some time later :
" The beer of the squadron being out — •
some part having proved bad as it had been
brewed in a hurry, in the summer season-
it has made our water fall short. I have put
in, to boot-hose-top ^ and complete provisions
for four months."
1 Boot-topping is the old operation of scraping off the grass,
slime, shells, etc., which adhere to the bottom, near the surface of
the water, and daubing it over with a mixture of tallow, sulphur
and resin as a temporary protection against worms.
Boot-hose-tops are laid on about three strakes of plank below
the water's edge, with tallow.
This is chiefly performed where there is no dock or other com-
modious situation for breaming or careening, or when the hurry
of a voyage renders it inconvenient to have the whole bottom
properly trimmed and cleansed. The term was more recently
appUed to sheathing a vessel with plank over felt.
1746] RIGOROUS BLOCKADE 89
He gives the ships Httle time in harbour,
and takes less himself, so determined is he that
the duties shall be rigorously carried out.
" Their lordships will see as soon as two of
the ships at any of the ports are cleaned, and
refitted, they are directed to sail for the most
likely station for the enemy's privateers to
cruise in, as if ever they take any privateers
it must be when they are first cleaned. The
Augusta has been out three times off Scilly,
without being able to come up with them.
" I have sent their lordships a copy of the
printed signals, with my additions, and desire
that the 17th article of the day, and the 12th
of the night, may be sent to all cruisers and
convoys."
The ships which put into harbour to refit
alwavs find orders for them from Anson — Boot-
hose-top and Revictual, and then proceed to
cruising stations. There is no time to be
lost. Even if a ship is short of guns, she has
to take the nearest size, like a purser's shoe.
For instance, he says :
" I have ordered the storekeeper of H.M.
Ordnance to supply them with such guns as he
has in store, that are nearest the size of their
own, until such time as they do arrive."
He constantly writes to the Board about the
want of preparation in the dockyards, and the
red-tape :
90 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
" Ships cannot be cleaned until orders arrive
from the Admiralty Board. The Commissioner
refusing to give directions without having
received that order, a standing order should be
lodged with the Commissioner, in time of war,
to clean all cruisers which have been off the
ground six weeks, as soon as they arrive, which
could be finished before the orders arrive from
the Board, and they will then be ready for
service."
The Board agree to this ; but later on in
December Anson writes that —
" the Weasel is coming back from port and is
not being cleaned because she is just short of
six weeks, although she will be over six weeks
when she joins me, and foul and useless."
Frigates. " I have no frigates nor sloops
with me, since I left England." There seemed
to be no zeal in the dockyards or sympathy for
ships on such arduous duty !
THE FLEET OFF BREST IN THE WINTER OF 1746
"Boot-top-hose, revictual, and rejoin,"
Were the orders we found waiting us in port;
For there was not any rest when we blockaded Brest,
All the winter when the days were growing short.
The stoutest hearts might quail at the fury of the gale,
But Anson he had braved them all before.
For more hardships he had borne
When he wintered off the Horn
When he circled round the world in '44.
The gales that we encountered and the spars that we had lost,
The food, beer, and water running out.
It was never done before, but we guarded well the shore
When Anson ruled the fleet in '46.
1746] RIGOROUS BLOCKADE 91
For he drilled the ships in order, as they'd never been before,
And the p^i^'ateers he scared them all away ;
For he swept the Channel clear so our trade need have no fear,
And we never left off watching night or day.
For the fleet was always there, though sometimes our poles
were bare ;
All that winter the French were in a fix ;
For we always were prepared, and that was all we cared,
When Anson ruled the fleet in '46.
He writes :
" Captains complain that they are served
with fresh meat only twice a week when they
come in off a cruise and on beef days with one
half flour. I desire their lordships will give
directions for them being supplied with fresh
meat every day as a means of recovering men
from scurvy, of which they are seldom free."
False information. " On the 14th I took the
Prudenta Sara, which left Havanah, August 27,
and they threw all their papers into the seas ;
but on rummaging her chests I found several
papers saying her men-of-war will not arrive
in Europe till December or January, as they
say the nights are then long, the winds westerly,
and English men-of-war do not choose to keep
the sea at that rigorous season, which for two
years past has enabled their ships to get home
in safety. I send you a list of their ships in
Havanah. By this it seems Mr. Cay ley's
intelligence must have been very bad. 1 am
apprehensive that the French and Spanish
know the channel by which our intelligence
92 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
comes, so we seldom have any information but
what misleads us/
" The Augusta, Princess Louise, and Salisbury
have been fourteen weeks off the ground, and
must be cleaned if it can be done without loss
of time." He sends a list of ships with masts dis-
abled, and says, "But if it should take time to
replace, I shall make them serviceable if possible,
as I am determined to keep ready for sea."
About this he writes to Cleveland, the Secre-
tary of the Admiralty, on October 31, 1746 :
" It frequently happens in winter time that
Channel cruisers spring or carry away their
masts, and are sometimes obliged to wait
several days till new ones are made, to the great
hindrance of H.M. service. I therefore desire
their lordships will give directions to the Navy
Board to have always a set of masts ready
finished at all His Majesty's yards, for ships
of the 3rd rate and downwards.
" The Portland is just arrived in Corson Bay.^
I find the Panther is ordered to the East ; but as
she is the only clean ship I have, I have sent
her to cruise off Ushant with the first ships that
are ready, to intercept D'Anville's squadron."
On November 4 he writes :
" I intend to employ this squadron cruising
ten to twenty leagues off Ushant till the end of
1 He begs the Secretary to keep or destroy his letters himself,
and not to let them get into the hands of his clerks.
2 Now called Cawsand Bay, but then always spelt as above.
1746] WINTER BLOCKADE 93
November — longer if I receive intelligence which
may make it necessary.
'* I am sending three ships at a time to clean.
" Some of the fastest vessels are stretching out
100 leagues to the westward, between latitude 48°
and 49° 20', to clear the Channel of privateers.
"• The water of the Lynn and Maidstone being
now out, they must return to Plymouth, where
they will find orders to boot-hose-top, revictual,
and join me."
Much delav was caused bv the smaller vessels
being delayed in Plymouth, and amongst
other things he writes to complain that the
pursers of small ships stay ashore, under pre-
tence of buying necessaries, till the ships sail
without them, greatly to the detriment of the
service. One can understand how he would
appreciate the conduct of any captain who was
not always wanting repairs.
He always speaks very highly of Captain
Cotes of the Edinburgh^ which, having been nine
months off the ground, he has ordered to Ply-
mouth to refit, etc., and then to cruise eighty
leagues to the west of Scilly, sometimes making
Cape Clear for ten days, and then join off Cape
Finisterre. Dated November 9, 1746.
On December 1 he writes detailing the
capture of the Mercury, a French hospital ship,
and the driving ashore of a privateer. Then
he writes : "I am greatly in want of frigates ;
94 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
for if I should happen to come to an action.
I have not any one to repeat signals."
The winter gales then set in. After the taking
of the Mercury, he writes on December 4, 1746 :
(I
I have endeavoured to keep either ten or
fifteen leagues off Ushant, but the winds of these
three or four days have blown so extraordinarily
hard at S.W. that, notwithstanding I have carried
so much sail as to disable several of the ships
in their masts and yards, I have not been able
to keep my station ; but am driven ten leagues
to the north of it, and indeed the winter gales
blow so excessively hard there is no possibility
of keeping long on any station. I have been
induced to risk my masts and yards upon con-
viction that the French men-of-w^ar and trans-
ports must get into port in a few days. I shall
cruise off Ushant till the middle of the month.
" I have sent in the Salisbury with bowsprit
sprung, and the Namur with mainmast sprung."
On December 15 he writes :
**The Augusta has received so much damage in
her spars that I have been obliged to send her to
Portsmouth to clean and refit, and have directed
her when that service is completed to cruise
sixty to one hundred leagues to the westward
of Scilly for the protection of His Majesty's
subjects, and annoyance of the trade and
privateers of the enemy. I also have to send
in to refit the Hampton Court, Prince Frederick,
Elizabeth, and Princess, being so much damaged."
1746] STRENUOUS BLOCKADE 95
What hardships some of these ships under-
went one sees by Captain Mostyn's orders to
his detached squadron thus ordered home :
'* To Captain Rogers, Elizabeth.
" Captain Cochrane, Princess.
" Whereas the Hampton Court is so sliort of
water as to be obhged to issue Ih pints per
man per day, without allowance to mix with
brandy or to boil the oatmeal, you are there-
foo-e to put the ships under your command on
Ij pints of water per man ; to two- thirds
allowance of brandy, and to serve it raw, that
you may be better enabled to supply H.M.S.
Hampton Court and Prince Frederick with water,
as soon as boats can pass."
This seems to be the last of their privations,
however, for on February 6, 1747, having kept
watch the whole of the winter off Brest, he
reports :
" Returned on February 1 with a hard gale
and thick fog. Brought to five leagues off Port-
land, then to back of the Wight, and anchored ;
but at 4 a.m. the cable parted. The Yarmouth
drove up the Downs, and asked permission to
go to Woolwich, as the weather was so extremely
bad — but Keppel was sent to cruise off the
Channel, to intercept privateers, and Boscawen
off Cadiz."
Anson, in a letter to the Duke of Bedford,
says :
96 WORK AT THE ADMIRALTY [chap, x
" How cordially I have cursed the Dutch,
who I find prevented General de Jonquiere's
whole fleet falling into my hands the last winter,
when he came from Chibaton — by one of their
vessels informing him he was within twenty
leagues of me, and must see me the next morning ;
upon which he altered his course, and steered for
Rochefort."
He also writes to the Duke of Bedford :
" My men begin to be sickly and most of my
ships very foul — but the hopes of destroying
the enemy's fleet will make me risk health and
everything else."
The active state of efficiency to which Anson
had brought both the Navy and the administra-
tion of the Admiralty was seen to bear fruit.
News having been received that two powerful
expeditions were being fitted out — the one to
try to recapture Cape Breton in the west, and
the other to attempt the subjugation of our
settlement in the East Indies — Anson set sail
in command of a fine fleet, with his flag flying
in the Prince George (90), Captain Bentley.
CHAPTER XI
WAR WITH FRANCE
(1747)
There had up to now been no great result of
this arduous task of blockading Brest. True,
the Channel had been kept clear for our trade,
and many privateers captured. The fleet had
been drilled, and brought into first-rate order, and
had shown that no storms or bad weather could
drive the ships from their blockade ; but they
still suffered from the delays of the dockyards.
It was difficult to keep the blockade if ships
sent back to clean and refit were not promptly
attended to, and Anson keeps on calling atten-
tion to this. The Duke of Bedford, who was
First Lord of the Admiralty, agrees always to
his proposals, but it seems that the dockyards
would not facilitate matters. On April 17, 1747,
Anson writes as follows to Cleveland, Secretary
of the Admiralty :
" I found on my arrival at Plymouth that
none of the frigates were clean. This, as you
will easily perceive, was no small disappointment
to me, as I had sent previous orders to their
7 97
98 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xi
captains to clean and hold themselves con-
stantly in readiness to sail at a moment's warn-
ing. I feel the want of them very much in
disciplining my ships ; and shall be still more
sensible of it if I meet with an enemy's fleet,
having nothing with me to repeat my signals —
it being absolutely necessary that there should
be two frigates, as there are two divisions to re-
peat signals, etc. The 10th inst. the Viper and
Speedwell fell in with the fleet, the latter of
which had been three weeks off the ground, and
informs me that though he has been at Plymouth
a fortnight, and applied several times to the
Commissioner to be cleaned and tallowed —
which might have been done in a tide — yet he
could not obtain that request before he sailed.
" I have twice mentioned to you the necessity
of frequently cleaning those small vessels, in
consequence of which their lordships have sent
repeated orders.
" I should be extremely obliged if their lord-
ships would frequently send me out clean ships,
in lieu of which I would send in those of my
ships which become foul, and I should be by
that means enabled to destroy the enemy's
privateers, so that they will not be able to harry
the trade."
On May 2 he writes again, reporting the capture
of many privateers by his ships ; but complains
again to the Admiralty of delay in fitting ships
at Plymouth, which, with his zeal for efficiency,
he finds most trying. He suggests that there
should be an extraordinary supply of masts,
1747] THE GRENVILLES 99
and spars, and sails, with standing orders to
issue them at once on demand. He then re-
ports that he can never rely on the tiTith of
intelligence from the Dutch — their information
proving to be wrong, and also contradictory ;
he observes that Danish information is generally
correct.
Two of the vessels selected to serve under
Anson were the Defiance (60), Captain Grenville,
and the Bristol (50), of which William Montagu,
a brother of Lord Sandwich, was captain.
These two officers were both courageous men,
but they both preferred to cruise alone and pick
up prizes. Grenville belonged to the famous
" cousinhood," and George Grenville, his cousin,
was on the Board of Admiralty. Wishing to
carry out the wishes of his cousin and Lord
Sandwich's brother Montagu, he contrived that
an order was made out to Anson not to keep
the Defiance and Bristol with him for more
than seven days. In order to get the Duke of
Bedford to sign this order, it was put into a
letter which it was thought he would sign with-
out seeing it ; but the Duke did see it, and
refused to sign, declaring that " they should
deserve to be hanged for it if it should be done."
It must be said that both these men, Grenville
and mad Montagu, fought well in the action of
May 3, the former being killed.
Anson orders captured vessels to be burnt, so
that they may not give intelligence of his where-
100 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xi
abouts. But at last his reward appears— for
which he has watched all these winter months.
"'Pbince George' at Sea, Lat. 47.35.
"May 11, 1747.
" Having ordered the Inverness and Falcon
sloop to cruise off Rochefort and report, I
gave orders at daybreak for the fleet to spread
in a line abreast, each ship keeping at a distance
of a mile from one another, that there might not
be the least probability of the enemy passing
us undiscovered. At 7 a.m. Captain Gwynn of
the Falcon reported he had seen the French
fleet the day before at 4 p.m., and that it consisted
of thirty-eight sail, nine of which were large
ships and had the appearance of men-of-war,
the rest merchantmen under convoy.
" I called in all cruisers and made sail im-
mediately to S.W. to cut them off. At 9.30
the Namur made a signal for seeing the fleet
S.W., Cape Finisterre being twenty-four leagues.
I made the signal to chase with the whole fleet,
and by noon plainly discovered that nine ships
were shortening sail and drawing into a line
of battle ahead, three of which appeared to be
smaller than the others. I had the others
and the rest of the fleet stretched to the west-
ward with all the sail they could set.
"At 1 p.m. I made the signal for line of
battle abreast and in half an hour afterwards
for line ahead. [Observe how the fleet is
brought up altogether — but now it is necessary
for the enemy to be stopped and brought to an
action.] At 3 p.m. I made the signal for the
1747] ACTION OFF FINISTERRE 101
ship in the van to lead more hirge, in order
to come to a close engagement with the enemy,
who convinced me by their actions that their
only endeavour was to escape under the favour
of the night, finding themselves deceived as to
our strength. I then made the signal for the
whole fleet to pursue the enemy and attack
them ; without having any regard to the line of
battle. The Centurion, Captain Dennis, having
got up with their sternmost ship about 4 p.m.,
began to engage her, upon which two of the
enemy's largest ships bore down to her assis-
tance. [How pleased Anson must have been
at his old flag-captain being first ; let out of
leash, the moment he got the signal. Dennis,
who had been first lieutenant in the Centurion on
his voyage round the world, was now captain
of the Centurion ; Saumarez of the Nottingham had
been the lieutenant who commanded the prize
galleon; and Brett of the Yarmouth, his old
flag-captain — all ready to back up their chief,
as indeed were Admiral Warren and all the
other captains.]
" The Namur, Defiance, and Windsor, being
the headmost ships, soon entered into action ;
and after having disabled the rear ships in such
a manner that those astern must come up
with them, they made sail ahead to prevent
the van escaping, as did also several of the
other sjiips. The Yarmouth and Devonshire
having got up, and engaged the enemy, and
the Prince George being near the Invincible
and going to fire into her, the whole ships in
the enemy's rear struck their colours, between
102
WAR WITH FRANCE
[chap. XI
6 and 7 o'clock, as did all those in the line
before night. I brought to at 7 p.m., having
ordered the Monmouth, Yarmouth, and Not-
tingham to pursue the convoy, so that I am in
hopes soon to have a very good account of them.
The Falcon, whom I had sent after the convoy
during the action with orders to make signal for
a guidance to the ships, returned with the
Dartmouth (Indiaman).
" I have taken in all six men-of-war and
four Indiamen :
Bound to Quebec :
1 Le Serieux
66
guns
M. de Jonquiere, chef
d'escadre
2 Le Diamant .
56
»>
Captain Hoquart
3 Le Rubie
52
99
Captain McCarty
4 La Gloire
42
9t
Captain Samesse
To East Indies :
5 U Invincible ,
74
9f
Captain St. George
6 Le Jason
54
99
Captain Beccard
Company's ships—
-
1 Le Phildebant
30
»>
. Captain Cellie
2 L'ApoUon
20
>»
. Captain De Cantons
3 Le Thetis
20
J>
Captain Macon
4 Le Dartmouth
18
9»
Captain Pinoche
a
Le Rubie had struck several of her guns into
her hold, having all the guns and stores for a
new frigate at Quebec.
" I have put the prizes into a condition
to proceed with me to Spithead, and hope to
arrive there in a few days.
" The loss on our side is not very considerable
except Captain Grenville, who was an excellent
officer and is a great loss to the service in
1747] REPORT OF THE ACTION 103
general. Captain Boscawen, wounded in the
shoulder with a musket ball, is almost recovered.^
There are few of the ships whose masts and
yards are not very much shattered, therefore
I must desire their lordships will give directions
to the Navy Board to put new ones in hand
immediately. To do justice to the French
officers, they did their duty well and lost their
ships with honour, scarce any of them striking
their colours till their ships had been dismasted.
The fire on our side was much greater and more
regular than theirs, and it is very evident our
shot were better placed by the damage they
sustained in their masts and hulls. The French
general is wounded in two places, the captain
of the Gloire killed, and the second captain of
the Invincible has his leg shot off. I shall send
Captain Dennis with my despatches. Yar-
mouth and Nottingham joined me with Vigilant
(22) and Modest (22), the only Indiamen not
previously taken."
The effect of this action was incalculable,
for not only were six men-of-war captured and
five armed East Indiamen, but numbers of
privateers and merchant ships, 10,000 troops
and their general, besides all the money and
stores for the French troops in Canada, and
the guns and stores for a frigate to be com-
missioned there. It was an immense assis-
* Boscawen, in command of the Namur, bore the brunt of the
action, and on Anson's particular recommendation was promoted
to be Kear-Adiniral of the Blue.
104 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xi
tance to the other side of the world in the
East Indies. The secret committee of the
East India Company, writing to the Duke of
Newcastle, said : *' The news from Anson will be
the preservation of the East India Company."
So that the action contributed largely to the
success of both expeditions, east and west.
Specie to the amount of over £2,000,000 was
captured.
It crippled the French to a great extent, and
revived the spirits of the English. Where our
ships, foul from having been at sea, would
never have come up, as a fleet, with those
fresh from port, Anson, by giving permission to
chase and thus cause our fastest vessels to
bring their rear into action, showed his ap-
preciation of the position at once ; and, confident
in his captains, many of whom had served
with him, and all of whom he knew well, and
in the superiority of our training and gunnery,
he was able to make a complete capture of
this most important expedition.
This amusing letter was written from the
Centurion by a midshipman to his brother :
** Dear Brother,
" Here comes joy enough. We had the
great fortune to meet the French fleet with
thirty-five sail of merchantmen a-going to Canada
with ten sail of men-of-war, all ships of the line.
Captain Dennis, being the devil of a man, ran
c
c
. 4)
a .2
S >
c -
a
: o
5 2
K —
> r^
r- t^
•'1'
o
1747] AN AMUSING LETTER 105
in among the whole fleet ; we fought the French
admiral and three more men-of-war bigger than
ourselves, the half of one hour before the fleet
came up with us. Such a battle was never
known in all the world. Shot and ball flew
like hail from the heavens. I bless God I am
still alive.
" In one ship was found £3,000,000 of money,
and the French War is all ruined by this trick,
for there are 10,000 prisoners and five ships of
the line. Two of them are like towers, and
we shot the admiral.
" Dear brother, this will crush the French
for ever, and all their designs are sent on one
side. If we have justice done us we shall
have £1,000 a man. Our ship being a fine
ship for going, the Admiral hailed us after all,
and told Captain Dennis ' I wonder you should
venture so : I expected vou to sink everv moment.'
So for his brave valour we got leave to bring
an express to His Majesty the King George, with
such news the King never had before. All
England ought to be glad and sing for six
months.
" P.S. — Brother, as to the privateers, we have
taken a dozen.
" Be hanged to the French !
" Your loving brother."
It is said that Mons. de Jonquiere when
handing his sword to Anson said, *' Vous avez
vaincu U Invincible et La Gloire vous suit."
Warren, in writing to the Duke of Bedford,
says ;
106 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xi
"May 18, 1747, a few days after the battle.
" I well know his modesty will not suffer him
to acquaint you that it was owing (under God)
to his own good conduct as an officer ; so I cannot,
in justice to his high merit, avoid doing it. In
my life I never served with more pleasure, nor
saw half such pains taken to discipline a fleet.
While I have the honour to continue in it I
will endeavour to follow his example, however
short I may fall of it, and wish to be com-
manded by him rather than to command
myself."
Anson received a peerage. Warren was made
a K.C.B. The news of the victory was re-
ceived in England with great rejoicings. There
had been no such victory for fifty years.
On his return Anson was given a splendid
reception. The King received him and created
him a peer, saying :
" Sir, you have done me a great service. I
thank you, and desire you to thank in my name
all the officers and private men for their bravery
and conduct, with which I am well pleased."
Anson now returned to the Admiralty, and
one of the orders brought out by him was to
establish a uniform for the Navy.
It may seem curious, but it is stated that
previous to this, officers bought old soldiers'
coats in the Mediterranean, and trimmed them
with^black.
ps
o
C5
Ph
<
pq
d
s
K
H
P4
M
Q
I
w
CD
o
1747] NAVAL UNIFORM 107
A letter from Keppel to Saumarez, August 1747 :
" Tim Brett tells me you have made a uniform
coat after your own fancy. My Lord Anson is
desirous that many of us should make coats
after our own tastes, and that the choice should
be made of one to be general, and if you will
appear in it here he says he will be answerable
your taste will not be amongst the worst.'
?}
Evidently suggestions were called for — but
eventually a blue uniform was sanctioned and
ordered to be worn. All flag-officers and
captains adopted it. In the wardroom it was
slower in being adopted, for we hear that one
duty suit passed for officers of the watch, breeches
being black or scarlet.
In 1759 masters seem to have still worn red
coats, trimmed with black, but all lieutenants
had the uniform.
On June 21, some six weeks after Anson
had ruined the French expeditions to America
and India, Captain Fox met and scattered a very
valuable convoy coming home from the West
Indies ; forty-eight prizes were taken. The
French were altogether too weak now to resist
the new spirit at the Admiralty.
In July 1747 Sir Edward Hawke took com-
mand of the Channel Fleet.
Before the close of the year a third blow
drove the lesson well home, and did a great deal
towards bringing about peace. The French
108 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xi
outward-bound trade fleet to the West Indies
assembled at Rochelle ; eight Hne-of -battle ships
and one 64 gun-ship of the East India Company
were told off to escort them. Rear-Admiral
Desharbiers de I'Etandiere was in command,
flying his flag in the Tonnant (80), a splendid
vessel. A powerful squadron of fourteen ships
under Rear-Admiral Hawke was sent to in-
tercept them. The enemy were sighted on
October 14. The ensuing action was almost
an exact reproduction of Anson's tactics in
his late victory, almost every detail being the
same. The British approached in order, then
gave general chase. The French flagship
Tonnant and the Intrepide, Comte de Vaudreuil,
broke through and escaped, and Captain Sau-
marez, who pursued them for a time in the
Nottingham (60), was killed. It was a hard
fight, though our numbers were much superior.
Our vessels were much damaged.
The convoy escaped to the West Indies,
although Hawke despatched a sloop to give
notice there of their approach.
*'The enemy's ships were large," says Hawke,
** and took a deal of drubbing, all losing their
masts, except two who had foremasts standing.
This has obliged me to lay by these two days
past in order to put them into a condition to be
brought into port, as well as our own, which have
suffered badly."
We had taken three 74-gun ships, two 64-gun
CAPTAIN PHILIP DK SAUMAREZ IN THK NKW NAVAL DKKSS WHICH
WAS ADOPTED.
lie was l)orn in 1710, and was the son of .Matlicw i\v Sauniarc/ and
Anna ijurcll. lie was appointed hy Lord Anson when a liculcnanl in llic
Cinliirion lo he (•ai)lain ol Die nallcon. This connnission was allcrwaids
conlirnicd. lie jiallaiilK Till in action when in coininanil of llic Sdltiiniliiiin,
in Sir l^lward 1 law kc's action, whilst attcniplin;^ to slop the- 'liiuiuml (SO)
and litlrrpiilr (7 It lioni cscapin};. In 17 1(>, wlnii the in Sollinulidiii, lie
(■nna^;eil and caijlured the .A/((;.s- ((• I i.
A nioniuneid is erected in I'hnionlh (.hui<h lo his nieniofX'.
p. 1081
1747] SIR EDWARD HAWKE'S REPORT 109
ships, one 50-gun ship. A Council of War decided
that none of his ships were in a condition to send
after the Tonnant and Intrepide.
The loss of Saumarez must have been a great
blow to Anson. Sir Edward Hawke speaks well
of all his captains, except Captain Fox, on whom
he asks for a court martial.
Our own ships at this time were much inferior
to the French in speed, and it probably would
have been impossible to overhaul the convoy ; but
all was done that could be done to destroy the
enemy (which was the main point), for, as Anson
said, "If his [the enemy's] men-of-war are driven
off the seas, commerce must fall a prey or be
kept in port."
In 1748 the 40-gun ships which Anson said
were too cramped for the work of cruising were
replaced by frigates, of his own special design —
the 36-gun frigate, which proved itself so useful in
the actions of the Seven Years' War.
In the year 1748 Anson married Elizabeth,
daughter of the first Earl of Hardwicke, Lord
Chancellor — a most gifted and talented woman.
This commenced a most happy time for them
both — and also for Lord Hardwicke, who said,
"This domestic connection is the greatest
private happiness I have yet known."
They spent the first part of their life chiefly
at Carshalton, and afterwards at Moor Park in
Hertfordshire — but the greater part of their
time was at the Admiralty,
CHAPTER XII
THE NAVY AND POLITICAL INFLUENCES
1748
War was going on in India. Dupleix, the very
able French commander, and La Bourdonnais,
governor of the Isle of France, had had some
successes, amongst which was the taking of
Madras. At the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, April
30, 1748, Madras was given up in exchange
for Louisburg. In fact, the French, though
successful, had to abandon everything to the
power which was strongest at sea. The Duke
of Bedford now left the Admiralty to become
Secretary of State for the Southern Department.
On February 12, 1748, the Earl of Sandwich— a
great friend of Anson's — became First Lord.
Hardwicke to Newcastle
" Wimple, October 4, 1748.
" My dear Lord,
" If I had not been obliged to run down
to this place to attend my Lord Anson on his
visit here, I had sooner received the pleasure of
your Grace's very kind letter. Both the manner
and matter of it gave me great satisfaction.
110
l.OKI) MAKDWICKE
II is luinlly loo much to say of liini : " Tlial (lining his prdhmncd Icmirc of
the <iii-al Seal ( 17:'."- 1 7.').")i lie traiisloiiiK-d (•([iiily Iroiii a chaos of I'lrcvilriils
into a scicnlili<' systcni." Did. of Xiilinixil Umiiniiilui.
I.oril Campbell says of him: " Mis decisions have heeii, and ever will
coillimie to l)e, appealed lo as lixint; the limils and est ahiishin^; l!n' principles
of Ihal ^rial juridical sNslem called ' lupiil\,' which now not onl.\ in this
country and in oin cohmies, lint o\ cr the w hole extent of t lie t Hi ted Stales of
America ret^ulates propeit\ and personal ii;;hls more t han ancii-id eommoil
law. lie had a " passion to do just ice ' and displa\ cil the st rictest impart iaiil y,
and his chancellorship is looked hael^ upon as tlie ^lohlili a^e of e<piit.\."
p.llOl
1748] LETTER TO DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 111
" Your Grace asks what Lord Anson thinks.
I have had an opportunity of talking fully and
confidentially with him here. He is, I assure
you, extremely pleased and entirely approves,
and vou will find him a most faithful and I
believe a most useful servant to you. You
know his value in the profession. He is a man
of strict probity and honour, and with a little
cultivating you may keep him thoroughly con-
nected with you.
" Yours,
" Hardwicke."
On the removal of Bedford from the Ad-
miralty, Anson writes :
To the Duke of Newcastle
" February 15, 1748.
" My Lord,
" I take the liberty your Lordship gave
me of troubling you with a letter. [He regrets
his absence from the Board through ill health.]
I find by a letter I have received from the Duke
of Bedford that you have taken from us the
main support of our Board, and I am afraid we
resemble a ship without a commander as Lord
Sandwich is absent, which I look upon as a very
unfortunate circumstance for me who wish his
Lordship much reputation in everything he
undertakes.
" Anson."
112 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xil
1749
With the return of peace Pelham hastened
to carry out the economies he desired. Lord
Harrington moved the reduction of the Navy to
10,000 men. Despite the opposition of Sir Peter
Warren in the House of Commons, this reduction
was carried, November 27, 1749.
Since the conclusion of peace the discharges
from the Navy reached 40,000 men and from the
Army 20,000 men. Thus the estimates were
lowered to under £3,000,000. Robberies on the
highway by these discharged men were increased
to such an extent that it was scarcely safe to
go about the streets. Captain Thomas Coran,
having got Government assistance, formed a
colony in October 1749, called Halifax, in Nova
Scotia, for those out of employment. This
reduction of the number of men caused great
trouble in the service.
We see in a letter from the Admiralty, December
9, 1749, that Admiral Byng in the Mediterranean
was ordered to buy small vessels for cruisers, and
to man them by paying off one large ship, and
enlisting foreign seamen, and soldiers from Port
Mahon.
During the time that the country was at
peace, Anson was doing all he could to improve
the materiel and the organisation of the Navy.
But he had great difficulties to contend with.
Newcastle, in order to keep in power, was for
1750] POLITICAL JOBBERY 113
ever strengthening his position by gifts of place
to the supporters of his party ; and also giving
way, much against his will, to the financial
demands of Hanover. The first point will be
best illustrated by letters. Anson, who set his
face doggedly against the Navy being used
for politics, was very much against political
promotions. Newcastle was afraid of him and
tried to get Hardwicke between him and the First
Lord, but Hardwicke referred everything to
Anson. The following letter is an instance out
of many such letters :
Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to Anson
" The death of Sir Francis Eyles, Commis-
sioner of the Victualling Office, has brought upon
me several applications from ignorant people,
who do not know of how little service I am of
in the disposal of any employments which do
not depend absolutely upon the Treasury ; but
however, I must transmit them to those who can
serve them. The first is from Mr. Garth, who has
been twenty years in Parliament for Devizes, never
failed one vote, and always particularly attached
to my brother and your humble servant. His
request is in favour of his eldest son, a very
pretty young man, and one whom I am per-
suaded would make an excellent officer, and if
your Lordship would give it him I should be
extremely obliged to you. The other is from
Mr. Mallet, who is a deserving man, and has been
of service to the Government, and has long been
promised some assistance."
8
114 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xii
Anson had had quite enough experience of the
incompetence of the Victualhng officers, and was
determined not to give way. He writes :
" Moor Park, February 15, 1751.
"My Lord,
" I had the honour of your Grace's letter,
with an enclosure from my Lord Powis, recom-
mending Mr. Whitemore to be Commissioner of
Victualhng in the room of Captain Cowper. His
Lordship might as well have asked for him to be
made a captain of a man-of-war — that branch
always having been filled by a seaman — and it
has been with some difficultv that I have been
able to prevail with any captain, that was fit
for it, to accept it. This gives me an opportu-
nity of observing to your Grace, that instead
of adding to the useless people that are
allowed in that office (if we should have a war
with France), more people of business must be
brought into it.
"Anson."
Again Newcastle writes to Anson :
*'My dear Lord,
" I beg your Lordship would attend
seriously to this letter. The interest of the
borough of Ockingham (where Mr. Potter is
now chose) absolutely depends upon it.
" The King expects that I should keep up his
interest in Boroughs. I can't do it, unless I have
the assistance of the several branches of the
1751] POLITICAL JOBBERY 115
Government. Lieutenant Hunt (wliom I formerly
recommended to your Lordship) is so strongly
insisted upon, that the Corporation is lost, and
with it one or perhaps two members. I state
the case as it is, and am ever yours,
"HoLLES Newcastle."
Anson's letter in reply is most noteworthy :
" Admir^vlty, June 15, 1751.
"My Lord Duke,
" I had the honour of your Grace's letter
this morning, and always do attend seriously to
whatever your Grace recommends to me, and
shall, whenever the Borough of Ockingham be-
comes vacant by the death of Mr. Potter (and
I hope you will not wish it sooner), promote
Mr. Hunt to a command.
" I must now beg your Grace will seriously
consider what must be the condition of your
fleet if these Borough recommendations, which
must be frequent, are to be complied with. I
wish it did not at this instance bring to my mind
the misery poor Pocock (that excellent officer)
suffered from the misbehaviour of captains
of that cast ; which has done more mischief to
the public (which I know is the most favourite
point with you) than the loss of a vote in the
House of Commons.
" My constant method, since I have had the
honour of serving the King in the station I am
in, has been to promote the lieutenants to com-
mand whose ships have been successfully en-
gaged on equal terms with the enemy, without
116 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xit
having any friend or recommendation, and in
preference to all others — and this I would recom-
mend to my successors, if they would have a fleet
to he depended on.
"Anson."
The King, anxious as ever about Hanover,
began to scheme for more subsidies, greatly to
the dislike of Pelham, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer ; still, £20,000 was guaranteed to the
Elector of Bavaria for 6,000 infantry. When
Parliament opened on January 17, 1751, we
find Pitt, utterly regardless of his former policy,
resolved, if possible, to get into power (notwith-
standing the King's dislike of him) and advo-
cating the Treaty with Spain of 1750, which left
out the question of the Right of Search— which
had been such a burning one.
There was some trouble going on in Paris
about the boundaries of Nova Scotia ; and
Cumberland succeeded in getting Pelham to
assent to the Army being increased to 18,850
men, but on condition that the Navy was to be
reduced to 8,000 men. Newcastle opposed the
addition to the military, and Pitt, who got into
Parliament by Newcastle's interest, supported
him, once more incurring the King's dislike.
Pelham having assured the country that we had
nothing to fear from the navy of France —
Parliament approved the reduction of the Navy.
How such a vote could have been carried it is
1751] DIFFICULTIES OF RECRUITING 117
almost impossible to realise now. For, a large
number of men having been disbanded of late,
an inquiry had been instituted as to the increase
of street robberies which had become so preva-
lent ; and it was also shown how difficult it was,
even by press-gangs, to get enough men in time
of war. It would have been more economical
for the country to have retained its men — but
the drains to the Continent had proved too much
for the Treasury.
In 1751 a nephew of Lord Anson (Lord
Macclesfield), who was a great astronomer, pro-
posed the adoption of the Gregorian for the
Julian calendar, in order to get our dates right.
This proposal was passed, and September 2, 1751,
was called September 14.
To show the superstition of the people, it was
stated by them that the deatli of the Astronomer
Royal (Bradley) was caused by the tampering
with the Saints' days. And when Lord Parker
(Macclesfield's son) was standing for Oxford,
the mob shouted to have the eleven days of
their life restored to them which his father had
robbed them of.
At the end of this year the Prince of Wales died,
and it was necessary to appoint Regents for the
little Prince, in case of the King's death. The
Pelhams succeeded in their appointments, but
in doing so incurred the dislike of the Duke of
Cumberland ; and as the Duke of Bedford was
an adherent of his, the Pelhams decided to get
118 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xii
rid of the Duke. This they did by advising
the King to dismiss Sandwich, First Lord of
the Admiralty, and Bedford's friend. This
had the desired effect, for Bedford resigned,
Anson was appointed First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, and Holderness was given Bedford's
place — much to the annoyance of Pitt, who
wished for it.
The French were now increasing their navy,
and a Bill was passed to increase our navy to
10,000 men. This was the first result of Anson's
becoming First Lord.
Nothing in particular happened in 1752 ex-
cept that in November Frederick of Prussia
sequestered a sum of £30,000 due to English
creditors, because, he said, this amount was due
as a set-off for Prussian shipowners, whose
vessels had been seized in 1745, by English
cruisers, for carrying contraband of war.
Pelham interested himself more in social
reform than in furthering or helping our foreign
business.
In conjunction with Fielding he started the
Bow Street runners to clear the streets of robbers.
He also started the British Museum, and in con-
junction with Anson founded establishments for
training destitute boys for the Navy.
His success in managing the House of Com-
mons was greater than Walpole's, but he con-
tinued Walpole's methods of political bribery.
On March 6, 1754, he died.
1755] ENGLAND AND FRANCE 119
The King on hearing of it said, " I shall now
have no peace ! "
Newcastle took the Treasury himself, and
offered the Secretaryship of State for the
Southern Department to Fox, who, however, on
being told he would have no power, all appoint-
ments being in Newcastle's hands, declined,
and remained Secretary at War.
The King would not have Pitt, so Sir Thomas
Robinson was made leader of the House of
Commons.
The English and French were still at war in
America, though at peace in Europe. Braddock
was sent out by Cumberland, but his force was sur-
prised in the woods by Indians, and cut to pieces.
Altogether we had the worst of it in America
this year.
In 1755 a most extraordinary state of affairs
existed, for we were at peace with France,
except in India and America ; but it was im-
possible to remain so — for both Powers were
making strenuous efforts, and sending ships to
America, and preparations on both sides of
the Channel were active. Our Parliament
voted £1,000,000. As soon as the French fleet
with Baron Diskaw and his troops were ready
to start, Vice-Admiral Boscawen (with eleven
ships of the line and one frigate) was sent to
intercept them.
The French had ten ships and eight lightly
armed transports.
120 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xii
Boscawen's orders (on account of our being
at peace) were concealed from the Due de
Mirepoix, the French Ambassador ; they were,
" To attack reinforcements for Canada." Owing
to a fog off the St. Lawrence, Boscawen's force
captured only two of the French expedition.
It was a curious state of affairs. We were
seizing their merchant ships, they were forti-
fying Dunkirk, in defiance of treaties ; and
before the end of the year 300 vessels had been
taken by our cruisers, and 6,000 French seamen
carried into our ports. Yet we were not
at war. The King still remained in Hanover,
arranging treaties which he hoped Newcastle
would sanction, among others one by which 8,000
Hessian troops were to be subsidised by Great
Britain. Fox and Pitt coalesced for a little
time against the Hanoverian policy. A motion
was proposed against it in the Commons, but
was defeated ; Legge, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer— who had refused to sign the Bill for the
Hessian troops — was dismissed.
Pitt and Grenville also were dismissed, but
Fox got a seat in the Cabinet.
At this time Sir Edward Hawke came in
from Brest which he was blockading. The Ad-
miralty did not approve of this, as they wished
as strict a blockade to be carried out as Anson
had done previously.
Sir Edward Hawke writes :
1755] HAWKE'S EXPLANATION 121
"*St. George' at Spithead, October 1, 1755.
^' Sir,
" I have received your letter of the
30th inst. and am extremely sorry to find that
their lordships think any of my squadron could
have stayed out any longer. I hope they will
be of another opinion when they reflect that
most of the men had been pressed, after long
voyages, cooped up in tenders and ships at
Spithead for many months, and the water in
general long kept in new casks, which occasioned
great sickness — beside the number of French
prisoners, and the men required to navigate them
into port. For my own part, I should not have
come in had it been possible to have continued
longer out. . . . Upon the whole, I am con-
scious of having used my utmost endeavours
to answer the end of my being sent out, and of
having never once lost sight of the principal
object of my cruise. If their lordships should
be of another opinion, I am ready and willing to
resign my command to any one else in whose
abihties they may have more confidence.
" Hawke."
Another letter is dated October 9, 1755 :
Sir,
((
" I have received your letter of the
7th inst., and beg leave to return my hearty
thanks to their lordships for the trouble they
have taken to explain themselves. Let me
assure them further that my not meeting
success was not owing to want of inclination,
122 THE NAVY AND POLITICS [chap, xii
or hearty endeavours to act, could I have found
the opportunity I sought for, and I am morally
certain that had I stayed out longer the ships'
companies had been totally ruined.
" I thank their lordships for leave of absence.
I did not ask it before I wanted it. I am con-
fident the captains of H.M. ships have the
refitting of their ships as much at heart as I
have, and none can have it more.
" Hawke."
As soon as the French had tidings of Bos-
cawen's attack, their Minister was withdrawn,
and active preparations made for war.
Lord Hardwicke writes to Newcastle on July
14, 1755 :
" Though I am as weary of Hanover messen-
gers, at second hand, as your Grace can possibly
be at first hand, I cannot help saying that the
contents of their plans (that is of the Hanoverian
plans) alarmed me much. So extensive and so
expensive a plan in Germany is big with a
thousand objections and difficulties. Besides,
in the view of a general plan, it seems to be
beginning at the wrong end ; for instead of being
applied in the first place to the defence of the
lowlands, its great object seems to be making
war in Germany, which can only mean against
the King of Prussia. For the Duke of New-
castle it will be advisable to en faire dilatoire, as
Count Bernstorff writ to my Lord Granville. I
had writ this far, when I received from Lord
Anson Admiral Boscawen's private letter, to
1755-6] TROUBLES WITH FRANCE 123
hand, dated January 21. What we have done
is either too Httle or too much. This disap-
pointment gives me great concern — but I under-
stand by it that we have taken only two French
ships, and that our ships are very sickly, and
we talk of coming home. This begets a new
consideration upon our discretionary orders.
Consider, whether Hawke should not put to sea
now ? should not mv Lord President be sent
for ? J acta est alea.
" Ever yours,
" Hardwicke."
Whilst France was making negotiations with
Austria, and at the same time complaining in
England of our depredations on her commerce,
the Swedish Minister informed Newcastle (who
had an excellent information bureau) that France
was increasing her naval estimates beyond ours,
that transports were being collected, under
Marshal Belleisle, for invasion of England, and
that the French had designs on Port ]\Iahon —
having offered Spain assistance in the recap-
ture of Gibraltar and of Port Mahon and their
restoration to her, in exchange for an alliance
at sea.
CHAPTER XIII
THE RISE OF PITT
The Toulon expedition was fitting out with great
haste to convey troops to Mahon. The Consul
at Genoa confirmed the news and at the same
time came the further report, of an intended
invasion of Britain and Ireland.
The West Indies and America were also
to be attacked, and attempts to be made
on Guernsey and Jersey ; also feints were to
be made on the Sussex coast, in order to
make England keep her forces at home. On
March 23, 1756, a message from the King sum-
moned 8,000 Hessian troops to aid in the
defence of these shores, and both Houses asked
the King for Hanoverian troops ; showing the
trouble and disgrace brought on the country
by Parliament, having from motives of economy
so far reduced our standard of the number of
men, whilst at the same time light-heartedly
driving us into war.
Parliament now voted £1,000,000 ; but the
country knew that we were drifting into war un-
prepared. Cumberland and Fox were primarily
responsible for this state of affairs.
124
1756] ADMIRAL BYNG 125
At Christmas, '55, they asked for a squadron
to be sent to Port jNIahon. Admiral Bvnor, who
had pohtical interest, was appointed ; but liis
squadron could not get to sea as soon as was
intended, being short of 200 men, who had to
be collected by the press-gang. The popular
jealousy had stood in the way of any other
mode of recruiting. The spirit of some of the
officers was not what it sliould have been, and
certainly Byng was not the man to carry out
what was required of him.
The instructions to Byng were as follows :
" Instructions to Hon. J no. Byiig, Admiral
of the Blue
" Whereas the King's pleasure has been signi-
fied to us by Mr. Fox, that upon consideration
of the advices received relating to the intentions
of the French squadron to attack Minorca, a
squadron of ten ships of the line do forth-
with sail for the Mediterranean, under your
command. You are to put to sea with sucli
ships as are ready, leaving orders for the rest to
follow you as soon as possible ; and proceed,
with the utmost expedition, to Gibraltar.
" On arrival there, inquire wliether any French
ships are come through the Straits, their number,
and force, and if any transports have passed ;
and as it is possible they may be designed for
N. America, and as the ships named in tlie
margin are going to Halifax to cruise off 11 k;
mouth of the St. Lawrence, you are tlien, im-
mediately, to take the soldiers out of as many
126 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
of your squadron as together, with the ships
going to Halifax, will make a force superior to
the same, replacing them with landsmen or
ordinary seamen from your other ships, and
detach them, with Rear-Admiral West, to
Louisburg ; and he is to take the Halifax
ships under his command. //, upon your
arrival at Gibraltar, you shall not gain intelli-
gence of a French squadron having passed, you
are then to go on without a momenfs loss to
Minorca. If you find any attack made by the
French, you are to use all possible means in your
power for its relief.
" If you find no such attack made, you are to
proceed to Toulon ; you are to exert the utmost
vigilance there, and in protecting Minorca and
Gibraltar from any hostile attempts.
" Upon your arrival in the Mediterranean, you
are to take under your command the ships
named in the margin which are there.
" You are never to keep more vessels in the
Mediterranean than are necessary to execute the
services recommended to you.
" Anson.
" ViLLIERS.
" Rowley.
" boscawen.
" Edgecombe.
" March 31, 1756."
Then this letter from the Admiralty :
" We do, in pursuance of His Majesty's
pleasure, signified to us by Mr. Fox, one of his
1756] ADMIRAL BYNG 127
principal Secretaries of State, hereby require and
direct you to pay due obedience to 11 is Majesty's
directions by landing- Lord Bertie's regiment,
in case the Island of Minorca sliould be attacked,
and upon consultation with the governor the
same shall appear ready ; and you are not to
confine yourself to landing that regiment only,
but also to assist with as many men from your
squadron as may be serviceable, and the ships
can spare. You are likewise to pay due regard
to His Majesty's aforesaid pleasure in relation
to transporting a battalion from (libraltar to
Minorca."
General Blakeney was making a gallant resis-
tance at Port Mahon, and it was most important
that he should be strengthened, and assistance
brought to him. But Byng on arrival at
Gibraltar, on May 4, 1756, called a Council of
War, consisting of Lieut. -General Fowkes, the
governor, Major-General Stuart, Colonel Corn-
wallis, Colonel the Earl of Effingliam, Colonel
Lord Robert Bertie, Colonel Dassaux, Lieu-
tenant Colonel Grey, Lieutenant-Colonel Colville,
Lieutenant-Colonel Crawford, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Scott. This Council came to the
conclusion that it Avas not advisable to send
troops from Gibraltar. So that Byng, whose
orders were distinct, thereupon sailed without the
troo])s. The following letter from Francis Ass-
kcll. Consul at Malaga, will show how urgently
they were looked for. The letter is dated
May 6 :
128 THE RISE OF PITT [[chap, xiii
" The night before last we had the joyful
news, brought us by a local boat, of Admiral
Byng's safe arrival at Gibraltar, and that it was
said in the garrison he was to sail for Port
Mahon last night. Pray God, speed His Ex-
cellency, for it seems as if our friends in Minorca
are in great need of succour."
On May 8 Byng weighed from Gibraltar, and
on the 19th reached Port Mahon. He said that he
found it so well invested that he could not even
land a letter, and on that day he fell in with the
French fleet. Admiral West, who was leading,
led the attack ; Byng failed to come up to his
support. Both sides lost about forty killed and
170 wounded, and the French got away, owing
to speed and clean bottoms, having lately come
out of Toulon. Byng called a Council of War,
and returned to Gibraltar. On the 13th, four
days after Byng left Gibraltar and six days
before he arrived at Port Mahon, the Due de
Richelieu with Admiral de Gallisoniere left
Toulon with 16,000 men in transports and
twelve ships of the line. General Blakeney
had 2,800 troops entrenched there. Byng
wrote to Keene : " They were too strong for
us."
Anson, when asked, said, " Byng's squadron
was strong enough to beat anything the French
had."
On June 28 the garrison capitulated with the
honours of war.
1756] PORT MAHON lliiJ
Lord Anson \vi'ote to Hardwicke (before news
of the action had arrived) :
*' My Lord,
" I have just received letters from Admiral
Byng, who arrived at Gibraltar 2nd inst., and
left it the 8th, in the morning, with a fresh and
fair gale. He had with him thirteen sail of the
line, and three frigates. I think you won't be
much pleased with the letters ; and less with
the Governor of Gibraltar's, who has sent no
troops for the relief of Port Mahon, and for a
very extraordinary reason — because ' he would
then have had fewer at Gibraltar.'
*' Anson."
A letter dated Versailles, June 2, 1756, con-
tains these statements :
*' The Resolution has been taken in the
Council to augment the Navy with twenty
ships of the line, besides what are actually on
the stocks, and this will be executed with the
greatest diligence — the Minister being now con-
vinced of the necessity of having a very strong
fleet to protect their own commerce and to
distress your nation several ways.
" As the finances are now really greatly
exhausted, there is a party in the Council who
wish that Mademoiselle Pompadour would take
the resolution to retire to a convent, and there-
by save the great expense that attends the
King's continual journeys, but I much doubt if
9
130 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
any one of them will have the courage to propose
it to the King or to Madame Pompadour.
" There was an action the 21st past between
the two fleets, very near Minorca. I have seen
many relations of it, but not one tolerable, nor
have I heard any reason why Admiral Byng
should choose to retire — for he had the wind of
us, and his fleet suffered less than ours. All the
letters complain that the siege advances very
slowly. On the 23rd past the battery on the
left was dismounted by the fire of the be-
sieged, and that on the right was much shattered
by the bombs. The want of earth for making
the trenches, and of many other things abso-
lutely necessary for carrying on a siege with
vigour, joined to the sickness which now
reigns among the troops, and the extraordinary
resistance we are met with, will run the siege
into a much greater length than was expected.
But except your fleet can land the succours,
and beat off Admiral de la Gallisoniere's, it won't
save the place."
On June 6, 1756, Anson writes to Newcastle :
" My Lord,
" I have sent you Vice-Admiral Bosca-
wen's letter. You will see he has taken eight sail
of Martinica and San Domingo ships.
" Those from Martinica sailed under the
convoy of the Prudent, of 74 guns, and two
frigates of 36 guns each, which we have heard
nothing of. I wish they likewise may fall into
the hands of our Western squadron. I find
1756] LETTERS FROM ANSON 181
Mr. Boscawen is a little alarmed with the in-
telligence he has received of the French ships
at Brest. Rear-Admiral Mostyn must have
joined him with four ships of the line ; and
Rear-Admiral Keppel will sail in a few days
with four large clean ships from Portsmouth, to
join Vice-Admiral Boscawen. He then will be
much stronger than any force they may have at
Brest. But I don't know how it comes to pass
that unless our Commanders-in-Chief have a
very great superiority of the enemy they never
think themselves safe. I wish it was possible
to have it in all parts of the world, but that
cannot be unless we know what is the desti-
nation of the French fleet. We have squadrons
in the East Indies, in America, and in the
islands ; and France has not four ships of the
line out of her own ports.
" Seamen must be had at any rate, embargo,
and every other method that can be thought of.
I must see your Grace to-morrow, upon your
articles of Vice-Admiral Hawke's instructions,
and I would prepare the list of those that ought
to be made admirals, to take rank of Saunders.
I know few of them, and yet several of them
must be recommended.
" Anson."
Again, on June 8 from the Admiralty, he writes :
To the Duke of Newcastle
"My Lord,
"Monsieur D'Abreu has been with me this
moment, and informs me he has just received
132 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
a courier from Paris. His letters are dated
June 4, giving an account that letters were
received here from the Duke of Richelieu of the
25th, and one from Monsieur Gallisoniere of the
same date. The former mentions the gallant
defence made by the garrison, where he finds
more difficulty and a better defence than he
expected — but says he does not doubt but
that he shall be master of it, as he hourly
expects a reinforcement of five battalions, and
fifty pieces of cannon.
" Gallisoniere has seen nothing of Byng — and
says he is informed by one of his frigates, the
Janson, that a Majorkine vessel saw the English
squadron, on 23rd, steering for Gibraltar, that
three of the ships were very much shattered.
There was an article also, which he did not read,
that said there was a treaty concluded between
France and Vienna. I know your Grace is
desirous to know all events as soon as possible,
let them be ever so bad — and surely worse were
never communicated. Cleveland saw the arti-
cle about Vienna by looking over D'Abreu's
shoulder while he was reading his letter to me.
Gallisoniere expects a reinforcement of six ships,
from Toulon.
"Anson."
Orders were at once given to Sir Edward
Hawke to go to Gibraltar and supersede Ad-
miral Byng; also for him to take out General
Lord Tyrawley to supersede General Fowkes, the
Governor of Gibraltar.
The instructions for Sir Edward Hawke were
1756] THE GOVERNOR OF GIBRALTAR 133
sent by Anson to the Duke of Newcastle for his
remarks, in which letter he savs :
" If Gallisoniere is returned to Port INIahon,
and Byng returned to Gibraltar, it must be
lost, and a grievous thing it will be for the
nation. Some method must be taken to get men
for our ships that want them. Sickness has been
a sore enemy to us."
In the Duke's answer he says he entirely
approves of the instructions to Hawke, but
suggests greater emphasis being put on the
destruction of the French fleet, which he is
afraid is what Admiral Byng did not pay
sufficient attention to.
The letter to the Governor of Gibraltar,
General Fowkes, from Lord Barrington was as
follows :
"Sir,
" I am very sorry that I must signify to
you His Majesty's displeasure on finding that you
have not sent a detachment from your garrison
to Minorca — according to his orders.
" The King expected exact obedience to his
orders calculated for the defence and preser-
vation of Minorca — a possession of such value to
this country, and which His Majesty has so
earnestly at heart. He orders me to acquaint
you that he is highly displeased at your con-
sulting a Council of War, whether you should
obey his instructions, and disapproves the rea-
sons contained in the minutes of that Council.
" The whole tenor of my letters of different
dates to you, and likewise of the instructions
134 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
from the Admiralty to Admiral Byng, all of
which are inserted in the minutes of the Council
of War, clearly evince the invariable intentions
of His Majesty to throw a reinforcement into
Minorca.
" This should have been at all events at-
tempted, and it was a hasty and extraordinary
conclusion to suppose that the attempt would
have failed. The opinions of two or three
Engineer officers at Gibraltar (differing from
the best of authorities here), who at a distance
from Minorca have formed their judgments on
supposed facts, and, as they say themselves, on
recollections only, is no justification ; and even
those Engineers do not assert the attempt to
be impracticable. His Majesty has sent Lord
Tyrawley to Gibraltar with a commission to
supersede you in your command there, where
he has no further occasion for your service."
Newcastle writes to Colonel Yorke, June 11,
1756:
" We must form an alliance to counteract
this formidable one (between France and Vienna)
or all Europe will be given up to France, and we
shall be drawn on to make a most unequal war,
singly, with France ; from whence we have
reasons to fear constant miscarriages — from the
fatal instances we have seen, that our armies
run away in America and our fleets in the
Mediterranean ; and when (a truth I dare scarce
trust even to you) we have hardly one ship more
to add to our squadrons abroad, or one battalion
1756] OPINIONS ON THE FAILURE 185
to our forces in the Mediterranean and in North
America. These are truths we shall feel more
and more every day. The folly of the nation and
the weakness and wickedness of our allies have
brought us into this dilemma.
" Even my good friend Bentinck admires the
defence and blames the delay in our reinforce-
ments for Port Mahon, which he should not do
unless he inquired whether it were possible to
have sent out our squadron sooner than we
did; and he, and every one now, ought to be
convinced that had our admiral behaved as he
ought to have done, our fleet was in plenty of
time to have saved Port Mahon, and strong
enough to have beat the French fleet, so that
in all human probability France must before
now have had cause to prevent them from
making this attempt. The same success we
had reason to have expected last year, from our
fleet and armies in North America."
The King, Newcastle, and the country were
furious with Byng, and with the Governor of
Gibraltar; and one cannot but think that if
Byng had been a man of daring and energy
all might have turned out differently. That
there were difliculties is evident, but not in-
surmountable ones. Mahan says : ^
" Nothing could have been worse than the
deplorable management of this action (Byng
and Gallisoniere) on the part of the Commander-
in-Chief. It is a conspicuous instance of weak
and halting execution, superimposed upon a
1 Types of Naval Officers, p. 64.
186 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
professional conception radically erroneous^ —
and it reflected throughout the timid hesi-
tancy of spirit which dictated the return to
Gibraltar under the always doubtful sanction of
a Council of War."
Whilst Admiral Byng and General Fowkes
are returning home, let us see what is thought of
our policy of war in India, America, and in
Europe, and of our claiming the command of the
seas :
" Bernstokff a Cheusses, a Rendesbourg, June 3, 1756.
" Mais elle agira selon I'equite, et selon la
sagesse, en n'outrant pas ses soup9ons et son
avidite, a attirer a elle seule, le commerce de
I'univers. Cette derniere pretention est in-
tolerable a toutes les nations auxquelles la
Providence a donne la proximite de la mer, et
le gout de la navigation ; et lorsque Ton se
voit vexe dans une partie si essentielle de ses
droits, et de la liberte naturelle, on n'a que
faire d'insinuations etrangeres pour se decider
a supposer a la violence.
" La monarchic universelle, par mer est
aussi odieuse, et aussi dangereuse, a I'Europe,
peutetre que la monarchic universelle par
terre ; et I'Angleterre n'aurait que des amis, si
elle voulait bien ne s'assurer pas, avec tante de
hauteur — sa grandeur, sa prosperite, impor-
tante a toute I'Europe, et en particulier a tous
les Protestants, c'est une verite qu'on ne peut
meconnaitre, et elle ne perdra ainsi jamais ses
amis, que lorsqu'elle entreprendra de les tyran-
niser, et qu'abolient elle-meme ces principes de
liberte, et d'equilibre, dont elle a fait autre
fois, un si heureux usage, elle vaudra s'arroger
1756] ENGLISH AND FRENCH POLICY 137
une superiorite, et des droits, que d'aiitres
nations, moins riches, mais egalement souve-
raines, ne sauraient lui accorder."
Byng and West reached Portsmouth on July
26 under close arrest. Hawke and Saunders
superseded them. West was released, and gra-
ciously received at Court; Byng's house in
Hertfordshire was attacked by the mob, and he
was burnt in effigy ; Newcastle was pelted by a
crowd. It was not fully realised in those days
the difference there was between the policies of
England and France.
Our squadrons were expected to beat the
enemies' squadrons, our armies to beat the
enemies' armies — but France carried out her
own objects quite consistently. For she was
not bent upon the control of the sea, as we were,
but only on obtaining some particular result,
and so would accept or decline an engagement
as seemed to her most advisable for obtaining
the main result.
For instance, at Minorca Gallisoniere placed
himself to leeward of Byng, and between him
and Port Mahon, As soon as Byng came down
on him before the wind, he directed his fire at
the enemies' masts and sails, at the moment
when few of his guns would bear. Then he was
able to escape, which was his object, and to help
the landing of troops at Mahon.
In the action with Hawke they were ready to
sacrifice their fleet to enable their convoy — whose
138 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
protection was their main object — to escape ; this
with other cases showing the different views of
poHcy. A French admiral has laid down that
" the power that has the fewest ships must
always avoid doubtful engagements ; it must
only run risks which are necessary for carrying
out its orders, and avoid action by manoeuvring."
That Gallisoniere was successful, from his point
of view, is as evident as that Byng was un-
successful from ours : for his main object was
to relieve Port Mahon — ^by placing himself in
such a position as to force Gallisoniere's attack
on him, and to destroy the French fleet — and
never to give up his object as long as he had a
ship left. He was not told to protect Gibraltar.
But still we know he was a brave officer, though
we cannot but believe that he erred in judgment
at a critical time.
France now was concentrating her attention on
the Continent, and giving unlimited support to
Austria against Protestant Prussia, and we were
subsidising Prussia with large sums to resist.
Frederick had marvellous successes against great
odds. But France could not under the cir-
cumstances send so many troops to North
America. Her total number of troops there in
1757 numbered only 3,000 : still, with the help
of the Indians, and owing to the incompetence
of General the Earl of Loudon, we were worsted
in every action.
At this time Murray, the leader of the House
1756] A NEW MINISTRY 139
of Commons, retired from his duties there, to
become Lord Chief Justice as Baron Mansfield,
and in October 1756 Fox retired. Newcastle
wanted Pitt to take his place — but the King
objected. He said, " He will not do my
German business." Pitt moved a vote for an
inquiry into the whole conduct of the Govern-
ment as regards the war, and particularly as
regards Minorca. The Government resigned,
and the difficulty of forming a new Ministry
was apparent. Pitt is said to have exclaimed
to the Duke of Devonshire, " My Lord, I am
sure I can save the country, and nobody else
can."
At last the Duke of Devonshire consented to
form a Ministry, and undertook the Treasury
himself, with Bilson Legge as Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Earl Granville Lord President,
Earl Gower (Granville), Lord Privy Seal (both
brothers-in-law of Pitt), while Pitt became Secre-
tary of State for the Southern Department.
Richard Grenville, Lord Temple, as First Lord
to the Admiralty, succeeded to Anson's place.
Pitt was to take the management of the war in
India and America especially under his own
direction ; whilst Holderness was to confine his
attentions to Europe. In the end Pitt really
controlled the whole of the operations of war.
His successes may be attributable to the mani-
fest change in the English outlook. The con-
denmation of Byng, and the failures in America,
140 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
woke up the country — England entered on a
maritime war at the same time that France
withdrew, to a certain extent, her interest in her
navy for that of her army. She had only
sixty-three ships of the line, and those in but
fair condition; whilst England, entirely owing
to Anson's care at the Admiralty, had 130
ships of the line. Still, we had many calls on
that navy — India, America, the West Indies,
the Mediterranean, and Home Defence ; and the
difficulty of providing seamen for all these
squadrons, with the methods then in vogue, was
very great.
(For our methods of recruiting were still poor :
we relied on the press-gang, and also on the men
who were at this time in our merchant ships
all over the world, and who could not be got
hold of at a moment's notice in time of war —
and so we had to get men by every possible
device and stratagem. The life on board a
man-of-war in peace time had few inducements
to men to enter voluntarily as they would do in
war time, when prize money was an object which
attracted them.)
Pitt was laid up at Bath with gout, and it was
not until February 17, 1757, that he took his seat
in the House of Commons.
On December 28, 1756, the court martial com-
menced on Admiral Byng, under Vice-Admiral
Thomas Smith, on the evidences of several officers
of the fleet brought home for that purpose.
1757] TRIAL OF ADMIRAL BYNG 141
They acquitted Byng of cowardice, but unani-
mously found that " he did not do his utmost
to reheve Port Mahon, or to seize and destroy
the French ships, or to assist the van of his
fleet. In accordance with Article 12 he was
sentenced to be shot," but the court recom-
mended him to mercy.
At a Cabinet Council Pitt said to the King,
" The House of Commons wishes to have Byng
pardoned." The King replied, " Sir, you
have taught me to look for the sense of my
subjects in another place than the House of
Commons." George was deaf to all petitions.
He was convinced that an example would have to
be made, and it is certain that if Byng's policy
of avoiding doubtful engagements had been
passed over, England's power would have been
badly shaken.
On March 14 Byng bravely met his death on
board the Monarque. We know the influences
that were brought to bear for his reprieve,
how letters quoting Voltaire's opinions were
sent to the President of the court, stating that
no Commander-in-Chief should be punished
for failure unless treachery were proved ;
but at the same time Voltaire stated that
bribes had been accepted by our officers under
Byng to let provisions into Genoa during the
blockade.
Anson was not at the Admiralty, for he had
left with the Ministry held responsible for our
142 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiii
loss of Minorca ; but it seems unlikely that any-
thing in Byng's conduct would have appealed to
him. He was not made that way — he certainly
would not have understood his behaviour. His
whole character and actions were always to
overcome obstacles ; and though he may be
held responsible for allowing Byng's application
for appointment to the Mediterranean, so
pressed and backed up by political interest, to
take effect, still, he would not have deemed it
possible that any officer could act as Byng did.
For not sending the expedition out earlier the
Government was held responsible, and the in-
quiry asked for by Parliament took place.
With regard to this inquiry Pitt (some years
afterwards) said :
" I was one of those who urged a parliamen-
tary inquiry into the conduct of the Ministry.
That Ministry, my Lords, in the midst of universal
censure and reproach, had honour and virtue
enough to promote the inquiry themselves.
Upon the strictest investigation it appeared
that the diligence they had used in send-
ing a squadron to the Mediterranean, and in
their other naval preparations, are beyond all
example.
" I replaced Lord Anson at the Admiralty,
and I thank God I had the resolution to do
so."
Flow he came back was as follows : Frederick
of Prussia offered the command of the Army of
1757] ANSON'S RETURN TO ADMIRALTY 143
Observation in Germany to Cumberland — which
with the King's approval he accepted, but on the
condition that Pitt should be removed from
the Government. On this Pitt's colleagues, both
the Granvilles and Legge, resigned. Temple was
dismissed from the Admiralty and Lord Winchil-
sea appointed in his place But no Government
seemed possible, and for three months none was
formed. At last, just at the moment when the
awful news of the Black Hole of Calcutta had
been received in England, and all things seemed
very dark, it was resolved that Pitt and New-
castle should combine. This time Pitt's in-
fluence was to be strengthened by Newcastle's
great political power in the constituencies and
the country, but Pitt was to guide the foreign
policy. Anson was to be asked to resume his
place as First Lord of the Admiralty, and Pitt
was to write the orders for the Admirals as well
as for the Generals, trusting Anson to carry
them out as regards the Navy.
Finding he was much wanted, Anson con-
sented to resume his post. He had been away
from November 4, 1756, to July 5, 1757. During
the spring and summer of 1757, Boscawen,
West, and Broderick kept watch off Brest
alternately ; but notwithstanding this, M. Bois
de la Mothe slipped out, carrying reinforcements
to Louisburg. Admiral Holborne, who was at
HaUfax, was directed to blockade them there ;
but he encountered such a gale that the Tilbury
144 THE RISE OF PITT [chap, xiil
was lost with all hands, twelve ships of the
line were dismasted, and the greater part had
to throw their guns overboard, so that Holborne
had to send most of the ships home for repairs,
while he himself went to Halifax.
CHAPTER XIV
WAR WITH FRANCE
As Pitt was determined to make expeditions on
the coast of France, Anson had all the ships
refitted and brought forward those in reserve.
Pitt sent instructions that in order to prevent
the attack on our own coasts, and also to
assist the King of Prussia and Cumberland, he
wished to' fit out an expedition to destroy the
French arsenals, blow up their fortifications, docks,
basins, etc., and destroy or capture their ship-
ping, and he requested to know, who was the
fittest admiral to undertake this business.
Anson immediately named Hawke, who was
appointed. The fleet consisted of 16 sail of
the line, 2 frigates, 5 sloops, 2 bombs, 2 fire-
ships, and transports with 7,000 soldiers, under
Sir John Mordaunt, with Generals Conway,
Cornwallis, Howard, and Lieut. -Colonel Wolfe.
Instructions were given by Pitt to attempt a
descent on the French coast near Rochefort —
to burn or destroy all shipping, docks, maga-
zines, and arsenals, and to annoy the enemy
in every way possible.
10 14S
146 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
The fleet left Spithead on September 8 and
anchored in Basque Roads on the 22nd. The
next day a detachment of troops under Admiral
Knowles was ordered to take the island of Aix.
Howe in the Magnanime was ordered to lead.
He stood straight for the fort, and on getting
within forty yards of it, brought up with a
spring on his cable, and gave the fort such a well-
directed broadside that within half an hour
he had driven the defenders from their guns,
and the fort surrendered. Hawke then having
sounded, and given his opinion that the troops
might land, Sir John Mordaunt proposed that
most fatal of all courses, a Council of War,
thus giving the French time to assemble their
forces. Eventually the landing was given up
by the commander of the troops, to the surprise,
chagrin and disgust of Hawke. The following
letter to Lord Anson clearly shows what he
felt :
Sir Edward Hawke to Lord Anson
" ' Ramilles,' Basque Roads, September 30, 1757.
*'My Lord,
" I have been flattering myself with the
daily hopes that the land officers would come to
a determination to land the troops, to try what
was possible to be done for their country, not-
withstanding they were of opinion it was
impracticable to take the town of Rochefort by
escalade. If there is faith in man, my Lord,
THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE LORD ANSON, BARON OF SOBERTON,
FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER OF THE ADMIRALTY, VICE-ADMIRAL
OF GREAT BRITAIN, ADMIRAL OF THE BLUE SQUADRON, AND
ONE OF HIS majesty's MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL.
p. 146]
1757] LOSS OF THE LUCKY MOMENT 147
you may believe that I have urged this to them
continually, pointing the absolute necessity of
it in the strongest terms that I could possibly
think of. But I am infinitely concerned to tell
your Lordship that you will see by their result
that all this has availed nothing. I made no
hesitation in attempting to remove every ob-
stacle out of their way that was in my power,
in which I happily succeeded, and wanted no
Council of War, nor never would have any if it
had not been demanded, to confirm me in my
opinion that it was right I should use my utmost
endeavours for my King and country."
In a letter to his father, Wolfe sums up the
situation :
" I have the displeasure to inform you that
our operations here are at an end. We lost
the lucky moment in war, and are not able to
recover it. The whole of this expedition has
not cost the nation ten men — nor has any man
been able to distinguish himself in the service of
his country except Mr. Howe, who was an
example to us all."
This caused a deep gloom and disappointment
in England, and a corresponding elation in
France.
When Anson returned to the Admiralty in
Julv 1757, a letter was sent bv him to all
Commanders-in-Chief to be very careful of
their orders, because the papers had full
accounts of them most useful to the enemy.
148 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
He also gave orders at once for six frigates to
be built to carry 36 guns, three to carry 28
guns, and one to carry 32.
He was very anxious to get Sir Edward
Hawke appointed to the Admiralty to serve
with him, as appears by the following letter
from Lady Anson to Lord Hardwicke :
" DowKiNG Stbeet, August 10, 1757.
" Lord Anson, with his respectful compli-
ments to Lord Hardwicke, begs pardon for
employing a secretary, to inform his Lordship of
an incident which happened, and which embar-
rasses him a good deal. The occasion of it is the
appointment of a successor at the Admiralty in
the room of Admiral West, who died last night
at Tonbridge. Lord Anson waited on the Duke
of Newcastle this morning to acquaint him
with it, and to express his strong desire that as
this created a vacancy in the Admiralty, it
might be filled up with Sir Ed. Hawke. His
Grace insisting very warmly upon his engage-
ment to Mr. Stanley, Lord Anson begged him
at least to defer filling it up a little (as he
said he must have made a vacancy for Mr.
Stanley), to try if he could not accommodate
both. The Duke declared at the end of the
conversation that he would go into the Closet,
and settle it for Mr. Stanley directly ; or he
would never go to the Treasury again. Whether
he has settled it accordingly is not yet known
to Lord Anson, who thinks that if he had not
shown the attention he paid to the Duke of
Newcastle, but had gone at first where his
1757] ANSON WANTS HAWKE 149
Grace said he was going, he should have found
it no difficult point to have carried it for Sir
Ed. Hawke. Mr. Pitt very civilly and reason-
ably says, as he did upon that subject when
this Board was appointed, that as there was
nobody on it whom Lord Anson had chosen,
he thought it very proper he should recommend
him now, and if Sir Edward Hawke was agree-
able to him he thought it very right he should
succeed. Lord Anson cannot help thinking
the circumstances very hard, considering the
merits of the two persons proposed, one of
whom will in all probability be very trouble-
some, and very likely a spy for Doddington.
It is certain the office is not very desirable at
this time — nor would it be a bad or a discreditable
reason for quitting it, that he had not been
able to obtain so reasonable a wish as desiring
to have an officer of the character of Sir Edward
Hawke at the Board, before Mr. Stanley.
Lord Anson would not willingly take any
further steps before he has the advice of Lord
Hardwicke ; but he is extremely dissatisfied,
and besides ' the manner of doing it ' not
listening to any chance of delay, or accommo-
dating. He very much doubts if he ought
to submit to stay at the Board, and see it
always filled up, by the Duke of Newcastle,
with persons of no use there, and of no weight
or abihties elsewhere. It is much to be wished
Lord Hardwicke could induce the Duke of
Newcastle to some scheme of accommodation,
as in appearance there cannot be a worse
addition to the Board than that proposed."
150 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
Newcastle's political strength was great, and
he carried his wish. Sir Edward Hawke was
not appointed.
At the commencement of the Seven Years'
War, England had 130 ships of the line;
France had only 63, of which only 45 were in
fair condition; and, if Spain were to join her,
only 46 more and those in poor condition. This
fact alone exemplifies Anson's care for the
country. France was concentrating her atten-
tion, too, on the Continent, not on her sea forces.
Still, France was successful at first. Port
Mahon, Corsica, and Calcutta fell to her forces,
and Montcalm was successful in Canada ; but
it was not long before England, owing to her
superiority at sea, was to enter on one long
hst of successes. Our Navy was in a state of
readiness such as it had never been in before, and
Boscawen and Hawke had large fleets at their
disposal. Cumberland having failed on the
Continent, England was exasperated with him.
Frederick was perpetually asking for troops,
but Pitt gave him instead £1,800,000. Frederick,
making use of the subsidies, asked us to make
diversions on the French coast. A force was con-
centrated for the purpose in the Isle of Wight,
consisting of 14,000 soldiers, 6,000 Marines,
fifteen ships of the line, and some frigates.
This was in May 1758. Hawke was placed in
the Channel, with twenty ships of the line, to
watch Brest. Commodore Howe, who had been
1757] SIR EDWARD HAWKE 151
selected by Anson, was given command of the
transports. The Duke of Marlborough was
placed in command of the troops. One of
the first events that happened, by Pitt's giving
the instructions, was a most important one ;
for an expedition having been decided on, to
attack Rochefort — and Howe being consulted
without Sir Edward Hawke's knowledge, as he
thought — Sir Edward struck his iiag, and came
on shore. This was a most difficult question
for Anson to decide. It was certainly a most
irregular proceeding for a Commander-in-Chief
in time of war to strike his flag, and yet
Hawke was a gallant officer and one of whom
Anson approved.
On this subject we have his letters :
To the Duke of Newcastle
"Admiralty, October 9, 1757.
" My Lord,
" I think it proper to acquaint your Grace
that Sir Edward Hawke is come to town. He
dined with me to-day, and I wish to see your
Grace, at your apartments at Kensington, at a
little after twelve to-morrow, where I will
bring the Admiral.
*' I am, etc.,
" Anson."
" My dear Lord,
" I called upon your Lordship on Thurs-
day night, but the Board has kept me in late,
152 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
considering the imprudent step Sir Edward
Hawke has taken.
" Sir Edward Hawke came to the Board on
Friday morning, and owned he had done a
very wrong thing in striking his flag without
orders, but it was from an apprehension that
Captain Howe was intended to go with 10,000
men of the King's troops to attack Rochefort,
where he had Commanded-in-Chief ; and that if
it was so, he thought he must have been mis-
represented to the King, and that thereupon his
honour required his doing as he had done. But
since upon reflecting, he finds himself mistaken,
and that he proceeded too much in a hurry,
and acknowledges he has done an irregular
thing, but that he did not do it with any dis-
regard or disrespect to the Board, but merely
thinking it would appear a slur upon him to
the world, and that it would say that he, a flag-
officer— though he had been twice to those
parts — was not thought fit to be entrusted with
the care of 16,000 of the King's troops, or to
carry on service of consequence, and that he
thought he had better not serve at all, if he
could not serve with honour. The above
minutes being read to Sir Edward Hawke, he
acknowledged them to be the purport of what
he had said, and then withdrew. The Lords
then proceeded to take the letter and minute
into consideration, and came to the following
resolution : ' That Sir Edward Hawke's striking
his flag without orders is a high breach of dis-
cipline— therefore, notwithstanding the acknow-
ledgment contained in the same minutes, the
1758] SIR EDWARD HAWKE 153
Lords do not think proper to restore him to the
command of the ships in the Channel, although,
in consideration of that acknowledgment, and
of his great services, they have not proceeded
to any further censure. Whereupon, as the
most proper measure upon this occasion, the
Lords have ordered Lord Anson to take upon
himself that command.' "
The following letters are all connected with
Anson's going to command the fleet :
From Lady Anson, as secretary, to Hardwicke
"Admiralty, May 18, 1758.
" My Lord is very happy that your Lordship
approves the part he has taken, as it is certainly
best in all respects, as affairs sta7id, not to have
the most immediate direction of the enterprise,
but it is also unfortunate enough to be obliged
to have so much to do with what seems, by
the setting out at least, to promise no great
satisfaction. I mean that it is very unpleasant
to see one may be made answerable for the
failure of what does not, nor can, depend upon
oneself. The gentleman from the country^
returned to town yesterday, and has, I imder-
stand, been at Kensington. When he was told
of what Sir Edward Hawke had done, he
received it with temper, was surprised, and
sorry like other people, and wished some means
might be found by which he miglit be preserved
to the service, and to this purpose sent a message
by Mr. Wood to Lord Anson. To-day he
1 Pitt.
154 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
assumed great discontent at its being passed
over, and said, ' The people will not like it.' "
Then on May 19, 1758, Lady Anson, as secre-
tary, writes again :
((
It gives him great pleasure to find 3^our
Lordship approves the step he has taken, as to
taking the command of the fleet at this juncture. I
believe my Lord omitted mentioning on Saturday
in his letter that Sir Edward Hawke, who is
most sincerely concerned at what is passed, has
earnestly desired to serve under him, which has
been agreed to, and he has already set out for
Portsmouth. I must add too, from what I can
hear, there seems no probability that my Lord
should return from Portsmouth till the wished-
for hour of his return thither from the expedi-
tion. My Lord will take care to leave his proxy
in blank and begs the favour of your Lordship to
fill it up for the Duke of Devonshire — if you find
he can take it.
" P.S. — It is hoped Mr. Pitt may come to town
to-morrow, but it is not certain. He is said to
be drawing up the instructions for the expedition,
and then is to call a Council upon them."
The next letter we get is from Anson himself :
" ' Royal Geokge ' at Sea, June 29, 1758.
" My dear Lord,
" I had the honour of your Lordship's very
kind and obliging letter of the 21st inst.
" Sir Edward Hawke was certainly very ill
when he left me, a good deal occasioned by the
1758] ANSON'S LETTER TO HARDWICKE 155
uneasiness of his mind from his own late conduct,
whicli with the assistance of Holbourne, and a
verv bad man his secretary, had done much
mischief in the fleet. I think and hope Admiral
Saunders will soon be in England, in whom I
could confide for keeping the fleet in such
discipline that I should have pleasure in going on
board it whenever there should be a necessity.
I have desired Captain Holmes may be made a
Rear- Admiral and sent out to me. I am glad
you are all agreed to approve the late project,
as well as the execution, for I think any differ-
ence of opinion at this time would hurt the
King's affairs. I shall therefore never mention
anything of my opinion about it — except to your
Lordship.
" By Commodore Howe's letter to me, he
was greatly surprised at receiving the Duke of
Marlborough's order to re-embark the troops so
suddenly. Howe afterwards wanted them to
land at Granville, where he undertook to put
them safe on shore ; which the General de-
clined, and proposed to Howe to send the bomb
vessels in to bombard the town, which he re-
fused, thinking it too ridiculous an operation for
such an armament, in which I think he judged
right. Certainly your army does not make the
figure it ought to do. At Virginia they were
beat by the Indians.
" In other parts of America, thougli you have
changed your generals, you have lost part of
your possessions and forts, without even making
any tolerable defence. At Rochefort your
generals saw the enemy upon the hills, and
156 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
although they knew there were no regular
troops in the country, they would not land. At
St. Malo they have found hedges and ditches.
What ground would your generals choose out
upon ? I should not wish it to be on our own.
" Though I believe the men to be good, and
the generals brave, I therefore can account for
their conduct no otherwise than by their feeling
a want of experience in themselves, which makes
them fearful of coming into an action, or putting
anything to the risk ; which must be done in all
operations of war, where success can never be
certain.
" Mr. Pitt said everything possible to his
generals to make them risk action with the
French troops ; therefore political reasons can
only make him approve. Our only remaining
hope is Louisburg. There I think we must
succeed, as no supplies of troops or provisions
have been thrown into the place.
"Anson."
On July 22, 1758, he writes to Hardwicke :
" ' Royal George,' Plymouth.
" My dear Lord,
" I am to acknowledge the favour of two
of your very obliging letters.
" The last I received this morning by messen-
ger. Though I don't think the affairs of the
Admiralty go on the better for my absence, I have
not the least thought of leaving the chief
command of the fleet while any operations are
carrying on against the enemy, which appear so
material to the King's service and support of
1758] LETTER FROM THE FLEET 157
the common cause, which shall ever have my
best endeavours and assistance.
" The command of a squadron at sea has
always been my principal object and passion,
and although possibly nothing extraordinary
in a military service may come in the way of this
fleet, I have the satisfaction myself to know that
I am rendering very material service, both to the
King and public, in putting this squadron into
a different state of discipline to whatever it has
been in yet. This I only mention to your
Lordship^ — because it would look like vanity in
me, and a reflection on those who have had
command of it. I do assure your Lordship that
when I began to exercise my fleet I never saw
such an awkwardness in going through the
common manoeuvres necessary to make an attack
upon an enemy's fleet at all ; what we now do
in an hour, what in the beginning took us eight,
which convinces me that men never do well that
zvhich they are not accustomed to, and frequently
^practised in^
" The captains excused themselves, and were
ashamed to find how little they knew of their
duties in a fleet, and most of them declared
tliey had never seen a line of battle at all, and
none of them more than once. This convinces
me of the necessity of having somebody under
me on whom I can depend for keeping the fleet
in good order, and in a condition for service
when it shall be wanted, if I am to command it —
and for that reason I should be glad to see Rear-
Admiral Saunders in a fortnight or three weeks,
if his health will allow of it, that I might have
158 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
him with me some time before I leave the fleet,
and that it might be kept in the plan of discipline
I have formed for it, and which is in a great part
new. I think your news from North America
promises success, though the French have troops
and six large ships got into port ; which will
make the taking of it of much more consequence.
But it puzzles me to account for their getting
in there. I shall sail early to-morrow morning,
for nothing can be more disagreeable for a com-
manding officer than being a few days in port,
in a constant hurry to get the ships equipped
and ready for the seas. Though I shall be
obliged to leave some ships behind me, whose
damage cannot be repaired in time to proceed
with me. I am much disappointed in not having
had some news from the King of Prussia, as I
imagined Abmitza must have fallen soon enough
for us to have an account of it."
From private letters it seems certain that
the first working of the new regime at the
Admiralty was not quite congenial. Pitt took
too much upon him, and ordered expeditions
to the coast of France, of which Anson did not
approve, and so in some ways he was not sorry
to go to sea. The King had insisted on his
leaving his proxy at the Admiralty, so that he
practically carried on the work there as well.
Directly he hoisted his flag, he got Sir Piercy
Brett to go with him as flag-captain — and the
orders he received were " to pursue such orders
as he should receive from the Secretary of War."
1758-9] AT LOUISBURG 159
It was at this time that orders were brought
out for the encouragement of seamen, for es-
tablishing a regular method for the frequent
and certain payment of their wages, for
enabling them more regularly to remit the
same for the support of their families, and for
preventing frauds and abuses attending such
payments. The greatest exertions were made in
the Naval Departments this year. The number
of seamen voted was 60,000, including 14,845
Marines. Whilst Anson was drilling the fleet
off Brest, Boscawen was sent out with twenty-
three sail of the line, six frigates, and several
smaller vessels to try to recover Cape Breton
and Louisburg, which liad been restored to the
French at the Peace. Having assembled in
Gab ares Bay, he ordered the frigates to cover
the disembarkation of the troops, under Briga-
dier Wolfe. They were received with a heavy
fire, but eventually the French fled, and aban-
doned their works.
The French then sunk a ship of the line, a
frigate, and two corvettes across the mouth of
the harbour. One of their ships of the line
caught fire, and was burnt. Two other vessels
were also burnt by our boats. Two ships of the
line still remained in the harbour, and Boscawen
was determined to destroy them— so lie landed
600 seamen in the night, under Commanders
Balfour and Laforey, who, supported by tlie lire
of the ships and the batteries which were
160 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap. xiv.
erected, captured both ships. One of them was
burnt, and the other was towed off. Louis-
burg then capitulated. Boscawen returned to
England.
It appears that the French had not heard of
the fall of Louisburg, for they were fitting out,
at Rochefort, a large fleet, with some fifty
transports, to convey troops and stores to North
America.
Anson, having heard of this, ordered Hawke,
with seven sail of the line and three frigates,
to watch them. Hawke arrived on April 4, off
the Basque Roads, where he observed five sail
of the line lying off the Isle of Aix, with six
frigates and forty merchant ships, with 3,000
troops on board. On sighting Hawke suddenly,
they were surprised, and, cutting their cables,
drifted up the Charente River, but in doing so
many of them stuck in the mud, whilst Hawke
could not get within gun shot. The French then,
by sending out launches and heaving over-
board guns and stones, dragged the ships up the
river. They buoyed their guns and stores,
but the buoys were cut away by our boats. A
large force of Marines was then landed, who
destroyed the works at the Isle of Aix, which
the French had lately erected. This answered
the scheme which Frederick of Prussia suggested,
and Pitt advocated, of harassing tlie French
coasts, and so drawing off their forces from the
Continent to protect their coasts.
1758] HARASSING THE FRENCH COASTS 161
The ships up the Charente did not appear
again during the war.
Pitt did not give up his idea of harassing
the French coasts, altliough the failure of the
mihtary part of the expedition in Rochefort
had to a certain extent cooled the views of
others as to their value. He devised another
expedition on a large scale, and talked it over
with Anson — who, though he was more in favour
of the actual sea warfare and of destroying the
enemy's ships, than of these continual attacks
on the coast, nevertheless concealed his dislike
of them, and worked cordially and energetically
for their success. Two fleets, or squadrons,
were to be organised. The one of twenty-two
ships of the line and nine frigates, Pitt requested
Anson to take under his command. He, there-
fore, proceeded to hoist his flag on the Royal
George (100 guns), with Sir Edward Hawke
second in command. The other squadron of one
ship of the line, four 50-gun ships, ten frigates,
five sloops, besides fireships and bomb vessels,
was to be under the command of Captain
Howe, who had been selected by Anson
as one of those who sailed with him on his
voyage, and who, he knew, would risk every-
thing to attain the object in view. The
large fleet was to cruise off Brest, and cover
Howe's expedition. The troops numbered
14,000, divided into five brigades, under the
Duke of Marlborough. On June 1 — a day
11
162 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
afterwards to be memorable for Howe's vic-
tory— Anson made the signal to weigh, and
stood across the Channel. On the morning of
the 2nd Howe's squadron was off Cape La
Hogue, but the weather was stormy and the
tide strong, so that it was the 5th before he
reached Cancale Bay, where it was intended
to land the troops. Howe in the Success, a
vessel he had chosen for her light draught, and
with three sloops, stood in for the shore to
cover the disembarkation, and silence the
battery which opposed the landing. The enemy
fled, and all the inhabitants deserted their
houses. The Duke thereupon ordered his troops
to proceed to St. Malo, near to which they
encamped ; but finding that it was unlikely
that they could take the place without a pro-
longed siege, and as he had intelligence that
a large force of troops was collecting to attack
him from all parts of the coast, he proceeded
to destroy the ships, public buildings, and
magazines filled with naval stores, which were
in the suburbs of St. Servand and Solidare,
setting fire to them, and creating such a con-
flagration that it blazed away all night.
Fourteen ships of war, seventy merchant
vessels, a large quantity of small craft, and
an immense quantity of pitch, oil, hemp cord-
age, and other naval stores were destroyed —
the value of which was estimated at nearly
£1,000,000. The troops then re-embarked, and
1758] HOWE'S SUCCESS 163
proceeded, in spite of the weather, to Havre;
but finding the enemy well prepared, they went
on to Cherbourg, and here, just at the moment
when everything was ready for an attack, a gale
sprung up, which made it impossible to land,
and in fact the transports were with difficulty
got safely out of the roadstead.
The forces were then landed in the Isle of
Wight, and Howe was sent for, by Pitt, to
arrange another expedition ; meanwhile the main
fleet was alarming the coast between Brest and
Rochefort by its presence.
The Duke of Marlborough did not like these
filibustering expeditions, but wanted to get
to the war on the Continent — so General Bligh
was appointed to take his place. The expedi-
tion sailed on August 1, and anchored off
Cherbourg. On the 6th, as they found Cher-
bourg much stronger than when they last
were before it, Howe moved the squadron to
Mauvais Bay, where he drove the French troops
from their entrenchments, and the British
troops were marched to Cherbourg, which they
entered without opposition, the enemy retiring
everywhere without offering any resistance.
The forts and works were destroyed, and all the
piers, basins, docks, etc., 160 guns and mortars
rendered useless, and twenty-two brass cannon
sent to England, where Pitt made a great show of
them, having them dragged through the town
to Woolwich with much pomp and ceremony.
164 WAR WITH FRANCE [chap, xiv
The next expedition was sent to Lunaire Bay
to make an attack on St. Malo. After ex-
periencing very stormy weather, which caused
their first attempt to fail, they succeeded on
September 3 in landing the troops without
opposition. The General, Commodore Howe,
and Prince Edward of York proceeded to re-
connoitre St. Malo. On account of the gales,
which made it unsafe to keep the ships in the
roadstead, they gave up the attack on St. Malo
and proceeded to St. Cas, the troops marching
along the coast to that place. They were re-
peatedly harassed by the enemies' forces con-
cealed in the woods ; and on arrival at St.
Cas it was ascertained that 10,000 troops were
assembled on the heights under the Due d'Aiguil-
lon. The French waited until all the English
soldiers except the rearguard were embarked ;
and then attacked, bringing their field pieces
to bear. A great slaughter ensued, both on
the beach and in the boats, though the ships
did their best to protect them. 500 soldiers were
taken prisoners and 200 killed, amongst whom
were General Drury, and many other officers,
whereas Lord I^rederick Cavendish, Captain
Rowley, Mapledon Paston, Elphinstone, and
Captain Duff of the Navy were taken prisoners.
This was the unfortunate ending of Pitt's
expeditions, but they had the effect he intended,
of alarming the French on the coasts and
drawing away troops from Germany.
1758] ADMIRAL SAUNDERS ARRIVES 165
Soon after Anson arrived off Brest, Sir Edward
Hawke was taken ill with fever, probably, as
is seen from letters, a great deal owing to his
chagrin in having Howe working, and getting
all the reward, on the station which properly
belonged to him ; and one cannot but sym-
pathise with him, for he behaved well under
most trying circumstances. On July 19 Anson
returned to Plymouth to water, and sailed again
on the 22nd, Admiral Saunders joining at the end
of August, and they continued their cruising
off Brest till the middle of September. Anson
then, with the greater part of the squadron,
returned to England, and Admiral Saunders
was left in command. Saunders remained
cruising till the middle of December, when he
returned to Portsmouth. Little is said of the
deeds of the cruising squadron, for, besides
covering the coastal expeditions, it effected the
capture of many good ships. Captain Dennis of
the Dorsetshire, of Centurion renown, after a
close engagement of two hours, captured the
Raisonnable (64, with 630 men), commanded by
the Prince de Montbazon, Chevalier de Rohan.
She was a fine ship, just built, and was added
to our Navy.
CHAPTER XV
QUIBERON AND QUEBEC
At the end of the year 1758 France was very
much depressed by her failures on the Continent.
She was harassed by the blockade of her coasts
and the constant attacks on her coast ports ;
and finding out that her finances would not
support the Continental war and at the same
time a maritime war, determined on attacking
England. Her commerce, owing to the activity
of our Navy, was practically destroyed, whilst
ours throve and flourished, and by our subsidies
to her enemies on the Continent she had
suffered much. Louis XV. called to his aid
Choiseul, an active Minister, who commenced
preparations to attack England ; and an army
of 50,000 men was prepared early in 1759,
to be transported across in flat boats, which
were being actively prepared at the ports of
Rochefort, Brest, and Dunkirk. At the same
time it was intended that 12,000 men should
be landed in Scotland.
Two squadrons were fitted out, one at Brest
and the other at Toulon. That these two
squadrons should join was the first move, but
16§
1759] BOSCAWEN'S ACTIONS 167
Anson had long ago decided that their junction
must be stopped, as we read in his letters to
the Duke of Newcastle. Boscawen commanded
in the Mediterranean, and was never found
wanting in an emergency. Having made an
attack on some vessels in the Toulon Roads,
in which some of his vessels were damaged, he
sent them to Gibraltar to refit. De la Clue
immediately sailed from Toulon with twelve
ships of the line, and on August 17, with a
fair wind, was bowling along through the straits.
A thick haze and a dark night favoured him,
but he was discovered by an English frigate,
which immediately on sighting him steered in
to the shore, and fired signal guns to inform
Boscawen of the fact that the French were out.
De la Clue then at once steered for the open
sea, with all lights out, thinking to escape ; but
for some reason or another five ships during
the night bore away to Cadiz, so that in the
morning de la Clue had only seven ships
with him. At 8 a.m. Boscawen's look-out ships
were sighted, and they made all sail to escape,
but the same tactics were employed as those
started by Anson at Finisterre (in which action
Boscawen was captain of the Namur) — a general
chase, in which the swiftest of our ships came
up with the slowest of the enemy. M. de Sabran
made a notable defence, for though his was the
rear ship he defended her for five hours whilst
surrounded by four of our ships, and did not
168 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
strike until his ship was so full of water that
she was with difficulty kept afloat and his
three topmasts were shot away. So nobly had
he acted, that two of the French ships escaped
to sea — and the French commodore, as he hoped
to escape capture, ran his remaining four ships
on shore on the coast of Portugal ; but here
Boscawen, disregarding the neutrality of the
Portuguese, captured two and burnt the other
two. This action was a serious blow to Choiseul ;
but he still clung to the plan of sending troops
to Scotland.
In the meantime, Conflans, with twenty ships
of the line besides frigates, was at Brest, in-
tending to seek an action with Hawke, so as to
allow the transports to proceed. A tremendous
gale coming on, Hawke had to take refuge in Tor
Bay on November 5. Conflans, having ascer-
tained this absence of the blockading fleet, slipped
out of Brest, and stood to the south. But
Hawke was not ignorant of his movements, and
after two trials to get to sea he at last suc-
ceeded, on the 14th, in sailing with the gale after
Conflans straight for Quiberon, for which place
he knew Conflans was probably bound.
Commodore Duff, who was blockading Quiberon ,
on being sighted by Conflans, separated his squad-
ron, one division flying before the wind with as
much canvas as they could carry. The French
gave chase, but almost immediately afterwards
the French and English fleets sighted one another,
n
d
a
«
M
05
Q
I
u
o
o
=3
00
«0
1759] QUIBERON 169
Conflans was astonished to find that twenty-
three sail were in sight — some of them three-
deckers — making straight for him, with twenty-
one sail only ; and besides that, Commodore Duff's
squadron of four sail of the line was about to join
the English fleet. A westerly gale was blowing,
with a lee-shore ; so Conflans determined to
run for Quiberon harbour. Studded as it was
with rocks and shoals, he deemed that Hawke
would not follow ; but he mistook his man.
Here was Hawke's opportunity at last ; and the
account of the action is one on which every
Englishman likes to dwell. Hawke was con-
fident in his captains ; he knew where there was
water for a French ship there was water also for
an English ship, and he led his fleet in before
that westerly gale. Night coming on, fifteen
of their twenty-one ships escaped, seven going up
the Vilaine River at the top of high water,
from which place they were never more to
trouble us, while eight arrived safely in Roche-
fort. Of the other seven which were taken
and destroyed, two sank from opening their
lower deck ports to fire their guns, one struck
to Hawke's ship, two were wrecked, and after-
wards burnt.
Hawke had accomplished a great deal. It
was a noble ending to his career, and a reward
for all his hardships. The chances of any attack
on our coasts vanished with the destruction
of this fleet.
170 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
Hawke in reporting the action, and the
loss of two EngHsh ships which were wrecked,
says :
" When I consider the season of the year,
the hard gales of wind on that day of action,
a flying enemy, the shortness of the day, and
the coast we were on, I can boldly affirm that
all that could possibly be done has been done.
As to the loss we have sustained, let it be placed
to the account of the necessity I was under
of running all risks to break the strong force of
the enemy. Had we had two hours more daylight,
the whole had been totally destroyed or taken,
for we were almost up with their van when
night overtook us."
Sir Edward Hawke sent his captain (Camp-
bell) home with the news of the victory. The
joy of all the nation was very great, for they
knew all chance of invasion was at an end ; and
they celebrated it with bonfires and general
rejoicings. On Campbell's arrival at the Ad-
miralty, Anson took him in his carriage to the
King. He was a blunt Scotchman, and when
Anson said to him, " The King will knight you,
he answered, " I ken noe use that will be to me.
" But your lady may like it," said Anson.
" Weel, then," rejoined Campbell, " His Majesty
may knight her if he pleases." (Campbell be-
came flag-captain to Keppel, who was much
5)
55
1759] SAUNDERS AND QUEBEC 171
attached to him.) The King gave him £500
and a sword.
On Hawke appearing in his place in Parha-
ment, he received the thanks of the House of
Commons in a long speech — ^to which he returned
thanks in a speech as modest and short as the
other was pompous and long. The King gave
him a pension of £2,000 a year for himself and
his sons, and thanked him warmly for his
great services to the country.
Whilst we have been narrating Hawke's ad-
ventures, things were not standing still in other
parts of the world, for Admiral Sir Charles
Saunders had been despatched in the Neptune
(90 guns) to America, to take charge of the fleet.
He was to proceed with Major- General Wolfe,
who was selected to command the troops, and
to attack and take Quebec.
There was a good deal of jealousy in the
Army at so young a general as Wolfe being
selected, but so there had been in the Navy
when Anson selected Hawke over the heads of
many others to command the fleet ; but both
selections were justified by the results.
On June 1 the expedition left Louisburg,
and on the 23rd the whole fleet got up to the
island of Codre in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
where they were joined by Rear-Admiral Durell
and his squadron.
They then proceeded up the St. Lawrence,
to the Isle of Orleans,
172 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
General Monckton took up a post at Point
Levis, to dislodge the enemy. The enemy sent
down rafts and fire-ships to destroy our ships,
but they were all towed clear. Wolfe took his
troops across the river — protected by the Por-
cupine, Lieutenant Jervis (afterwards Lord
St. Vincent) — and made a descent on the north
shore. The whole expedition depended on our
sea power, on our ability to prevent any suc-
cours arriving for the enemy up the river ;
and whilst cutting him off from his supplies, at
the same time to threaten him with attacks,
first at one point, and then at another, by our
free passage of the river.
Sir Charles Saunders in his report to Pitt says :
" The enemy appear to be numerous, and to
be strongly posted ; but let the event be what it
will, we shall remain here as long as the season
will permit ; in order to prevent their detaching
troops from hence against General Amherst.
The town of Quebec is not habitable, being
almost entirely burnt and destroyed. I should
have written to you sooner from hence, but
while my despatches were preparing. General
Wolfe was taken very ill ; he has been better
since, but is still pretty out of order.'*
Wolfe's illness made the troops as uneasy as
did the despatches the people in England ; but
on recovering, he found Saunders as deter-
mined and active as ever, and they formed
plans for striking the decisive blow. On the
ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES SAUNDERS.
p. 172
1759] FALL OF QUEBEC 173
morning of August 13 the armies of Wolfe and
Montcalm were in motion. The French began
to fire, and continued to do so until close to the
English troops, when the fire of the English,
reserved till then, told with such efi'ect that the
enem}^ gave way, and our men pursued them
with fixed bayonets. General Wolfe fell at the
head of his men, and Montcalm (also mortally
wounded) was carried off the field. Before he
died he wrote to tlie French King, saying
that his only consolation in losing Canada was
that, having no enemy in America, the English
colonists would in time separate from the
mother country, their interests being different,
and their want of help being no longer an in-
ducement to loyalty. His prophecy came true.
General Townsend very handsomely acknow-
ledged Saunders's share in the final victory.
In a letter to Pitt he says :
" I should not do justice to the admirals,
and the Naval service, if I neglected this occasion
of acknowledging how much we are indebted
for our success to the constant assistance and
support received from them, and the perfect
harmony and correspondence which have pre-
vailed throughout all our operations In the
common difficulties which the nature of this
country in particular presents to military opera-
tions, and which no army of itself can solely
supply. And in the immense labour in artillery,
stores, and provisions, the long watching, and
attacking in boats, the drawing up the hills of an
174 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
artillery by the seamen, even in the heat of action.
It is my duty to acknowledge for that time how
great a share the Navy has had in this successful
campaign."
Sir Charles Saunders, on returning to England,
heard in the chops of the Channel that M.
de Conflans had put to sea in great force.
He immediately shaped his course to help
Hawke, instead of returning, as he might have
done, to share the rewards being given ; but
finding that Conflans had met his defeat already,
he then returned to England. Pitt, in his
panegyric over the victory in the House of
Commons, drew particular attention to Admiral
Saunders and his merits. Even Walpole says :
" Admiral Saunders was a pattern of most steady
bravery, united with most unaffected modesty.
No man said less, or deserved more. Sim-
plicity in his manners, generosity, and good
nature adorned his genuine love of his country."
Jervis, who was the son of a neighbour of
Anson's in Staffordshire, and who afterwards
became Lord St. Vincent, having been given a
commission as a lieutenant by Anson in 1755,
had been placed under the care of Saunders, his
old shipmate, and was present in this under-
taking and the capture of Quebec.
As a mark of approval, and reward, for those
officers who had lately distinguished themselves,
Lord Anson instituted, with His Majesty's ap-
proval, appointments to the Marines, carrying
1759] DEATH OF BOSCAWEN 175
substantial emoluments. Boscawen was made
General of Marines, Saunders Lieutenant-General,
Sir Piercy Brett, Keppel, and Howe Colonels.
Our successes were not confined only to
the Channel and America ; for after repeated
hard-fought and undecisive actions in India
between those great and brilliant admirals,
Pocock and d'Ache, the latter eventually gave
up the contest, and abandoned India ; Commo-
dore Moore was successful against Guade-
loupe ; the islands of Mariegalante, the Saints,
Descade, and Petit Terre soon after fell to our
arms.
On February 6, 1760, Admiral Boscawen sailed
from Plymouth ; but getting into a terrific gale,
the Ramillies was lost, and the whole fleet re-
turned into port much disabled. After refitting,
he got to sea again, to keep watch off the French
coast ; here he remained till August, when he gave
up the command to Sir Edward Hawke, and in
an impaired state of health returned to England.
In him, soon after, the country lost one of the
most gallant and accomplished officers of that
time. He was only fifty years of age.
An expedition was fitting out to be sent, under
Keppel, to attack Belleisle, when the sudden
news arrived of the King's death, aged seventy-
seven, which caused this expedition to be
abandoned.
After Boscawen had left Canada and returned
to England, Lord Colville was left in command of
176 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
the ships, and Lord Amherst in command of the
troops.
On September 8 Montreal and all Canada
surrendered. Anson writes to Lord Hardwicke :
" Admiralty, October 5, 1760.
" I am glad to have it in my power to send
you the good news of our being in possession of
Montreal and all Canada, which surrendered
by capitulation to General Amherst on Sep-
tember 7 — the French troops, to be all trans-
ported at the French King's expense, and not to
serve again in the war. There were few men
lost, the enemy having made little resistance,
either at Montreal or Isle au Moi. Lord Col-
ville's letter was dated September 12. It is
an amazing quick passage the officer has made,
having been only twenty days from Montreal."
In 1761 it was known to Mr. Pitt that France
was drawing Spain into the war, and as M.
Bussy, the French Minister, tried to put into our
treaty, which we were negotiating, some stipula-
tions with regard to Spain, and refused to with-
draw them, Pitt was in favour of declaring
war against Spain, who was apparently only
waiting for the arrival of her treasure ships to
join in the war against us. The rest of the
Government would not consent to the war ;
upon which Pitt resigned, stating in the House
of Commons — " I was called to the administra-
tion of affairs by the voice of the people ; to
r
THE SQUADRON OF YACHTS UNDER THE COMMAND OF LORD ANSON
BRINGING FROM STADE THE FUTURE QUEEN OF GEORGE III.
—nr *t-|-i ilfiTa i"
AllKlVAl. Ol-' THE SQUADRON Al' ilAKWIClI.
p. 1701
1761-2] ANSON'S LAST SERVICE 177
them I have always considered myself account-
able for my conduct, and cannot therefore
continue in a situation which makes me respon-
sible for measures I am no longer enabled to
guide." The Earl of Egmont succeeded him,
and on January 4, 1762, war was declared against
Spain, which the Government could no longer
refrain from doing, although they were so
anxious for peace.
On July 8, 1761, Anson was ordered by King
George III. to prepare a squadron of ships of
war, and to hoist his flag and proceed to Stade,
to bring over Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg-
Strelitz, whom he was about to take as his
Queen. The Royal Caroline yacht was prepared,
renamed the Royal Charlotte, and Captain Den-
nis appointed to command her. The squadron
consisted of all the yachts, the Winchester (50),
Nottingham (60), Minerva, and Tartar. After a
very stormy passage, the squadron arrived
with Her Majesty — the Standard at the main.
Admiralty flag at the fore, and the Union of the
Admiral of the Fleet at the mizen.
It was a fitting end to Anson's career. Ac-
companied by numbers of yachts, the squadron
anchored. At sunset his flag was hauled down ;
the end of his sea career had come. His duties
at the Admiralty were not finished, but he was
never to step on board a man-of-war again. He
left the life and sea service that he loved, and
was now only to see the results of his labours- —
12
178 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
the success of his plans and the victories of our
arms. He had guided our country through
stormy times — times of pohtical trouble, times
of defeat, and times of occasional darkness ; but
all through his steady, quiet preparations and
organisation were working for that grand result,
the triumph of our sea power, and by that the
formation of our Empire. Pitt, then Lord
Chatham, speaking in the House of Lords, said
in 1770:
" I draw my information from the greatest
and most respectable naval authority that has
ever existed in this country. I mean the late
Lord Anson. To his wisdom, to his experience
and care (and I speak it with pleasure) the
nation owes the glorious successes of the last
war."
But though his career at sea is finished, we
must gather up the threads of his work at the
Admiralty for the last year of his active life.
On March 5 Pocock, who had just returned
from the West Indies, was sent with nineteen
ships of the line and 15,000 soldiers to attack
Havanah. He was furnished with plans in
Anson's possession of how to proceed by a short
route through the Channel between the islands,
and thus to take the place by surprise. Four-
teen sail of the line were destroyed in harbour.
Lord Albemarle in his despatch says :
" Sir George Pocock and Commodore Keppel
have exerted themselves in a most particular
a
X. il
Z •=■:
. ■ X
■^ Z
S5
— 1^
2
o
2
o
1762] SUCCESSES 179
manner, and I venture to say that there never
was a joint undertaking carried on with more
harmony and zeal on both sides, which greatly
contributed to the success of it."
Sir George Pocock writes to Lord Anson :
" Nothing will give me greater pleasure than
to acquaint your Lordship with the reduction
of Havanah. It is certain Lord Albemarle
exerts himself to the utmost, and is indefatigable.
Commodore Keppel has been extremely service-
able in the direction of affairs under his inspection,
and merits reward."
Vice- Admiral Cornish and Sir William Draper
were ordered to make an attack on Manilla,
which Anson from his experiences probably knew
how to attack better than any one else. The
Spaniards had not heard of the war. Manilla
was captured. Admiral Cornish was made a
baronet. He writes to Lord Anson, " It affords
me the most sensible pleasure to congratulate
you on the success of His Majesty's arms in
Manilla with its dependencies."
On January 5 Rodney sailed from Barbados
with 14,000 troops under General Monckton, and
captured Martinique, and Commodore Swanton
captured St. Lucia, Granada, and St. Vincent.
A French squadron of 15,000 troops had cap-
tured St. John's, Newfoundland, upon which
Lord Colville proceeded from Halifax, N.S., and
recaptured it, making prisoners of war of the
180 QUIBERON AND QUEBEC [chap, xv
French troops. The Honnoise was captured
by Sir Edward Hawke's cruisers with £519,700,
the share of each heutenant, as prize money,
being £13,000 and each seaman £485.
Lord Anson did not Hve to see the fulfilment
of all his plans — for he never received the letters
from Pocock, or from Cornish. He was taken
ill after hauling his flag down, and shortly
after, on returning from Bath to Moor Park,
complained of feeling ill, and lying down, death
ensued. It was June 6, 1762. He was buried
at Colwich in his own county of Stafford.
The preliminaries of peace were signed at
Fontainebleau on November 3, 1762, and thus
ended the Seven Years' War.
Lady Anson had died just two years before,
and her loss to him was irreparable. Very
accomplished, and entering into all his love for
his profession and for his country, she carried
on a great deal of his correspondence. Letters
to Anson are numerous. His letters are few ;
though he wrote on the one subject that en-
grossed his thoughts, " the sea power of England,'*
a great deal, they were letters that were more
of the character of orders, and not his thoughts,
which he kept much to himself until they
matured into actions.
On his death, the Duke of Newcastle, who
owed much to his work, and did not bear any
ill-will to Anson for his opposition to his political
JQbbery, wrote to Anson's brother :
1762] NEWCASTLE'S LETTER 181
" Clakemont, June 9, 1762.
•' Sir,
*' A very great regard which I had for my
Lord Anson, and for the friendship with which
he honoured me for years, will, I hope, be my
excuse for the liberty I take in most sincerely
condoling with you for his loss— a loss which
the public will feel as much as his friends, for
there never was a more able, a more upright, or a
more useful servant to his King and country^ or
a more sincere or valuable friend. Nobody can
be more sensible of his loss than I am, or more
desirous to show all possible respect and regard
to his memory.
" I have the honour to be, with great truth
and respect,
*' Your most obedient humble servant,
" HoLLEs Newcastle.
** Thomas Anson, Esq."
CHAPTER XVI
Anson's Life and Character
In concluding the Life of Lord Anson, I would
begin by quoting Corbett^ in his " Seven Years'
War." In alluding to Anson he says of him :
" If power of organisation is shown at its
highest by working impossibihties with im-
possible material, Anson had revealed it in
that famous voyage into the South Seas which
was the foundation of his fame. It won him
a seat on the Board of Admiralty, and indeed
more, for when Lord Sandwich became First
Lord in 1748 Anson was practically allowed
to exercise all the power. His abilities were
by no means confined to administration. During
his command of the Channel Fleet, which ended
in his well-planned annihilation of de la Jon-
quiere's squadron off Finisterre in 1747, he had
initiated important reforms in tactics. In the
early years of that war the Line had reached
its depth of rigid formation, and all progress
seemed to be arrested until Anson made his
genius felt. Amongst other improvements in
tactics he introduced the ' Line of Bearing,'
a hitherto unknown formation upon which the
^ Seven Years' War, by Julian Corbett, p. 35.
182
1762] HIS WORK 183
nicer manipulations of the Line have been
based ever since, and he started the famous
' System of Additional Fighting Instructions '
which rendered it possible for English tactics
to shake off the pernicious influence which
they had exhibited under Mathews in the
Mediterranean.
" His reforms at the Admiralty were sweeping
and active. The Articles of War which lasted
in force till 1865 were started by him. The
Royal Marines as they now exist owe their
origin to him.
" Anson was the originator of the well-adapted
combination of land and sea forces, and the
method of employing them was the strategy
that he advocated, and which Pitt approved.
" In his voyage to the South Seas he proved
that he was an exceedingly brave man morally
and physically, and a man of firm nerves and
of great resources in time of need.
" His log and instructions in that voyage
are a model of painstaking care. His volun-
teering to leave the Admiralty at a time when
the nation was dissatisfied at nothing having
been done for the first two years of the war,
and to hoist his flag and assume the command
of the fleet, to intercept the combined squadrons
assembled in port — a step that could have only
been taken to assure the country at that critical
juncture — show a readiness of resource and
great appreciation of the necessities of the
moment. It was all well planned and well
executed.
" Under his care as First Lord, the Navy
184 ANSON'S CHARACTER [chap, xvi
attained a pitch of power and pre-eminence
to which it had never before arrived. France
and Spain as sea powers were swept off the
seas. The trade of England increased every
year of the war, and such a scene of national
prosperity while waging a long, costly, and
strenuous war, a war of hard fighting, was never
before shown by any people of the world."
Mahan says :
*' The gains of England in the Seven Years'
War were very great — not only in territorial
increase, nor yet in maritime preponderance,
but in the prestige and position achieved in the
eyes of the nations, now fully alive to her
great resources and mighty power. These
results were won by the sea."
Our best way of judging Anson is by the
confidence he engendered in all the politicians,
of whatever hue, with whom he was connected.
The Duke of Bedford and Lord Sandwich
entrusted him with the complete management
when he was a junior member of the Board,
and gave him a perfectly free hand, assuring
him that they should consider his acts as their
own and were ready and willing to take upon
themselves the responsibility of his actions.
In fact, he was in all respects First Lord of the
Admiralty except in name. With his great
experience in the defects of our ships (which
were deplorably bad), he set to work to
remedy them. The ships were of too little
1762] APPRECIATION 185
beam, too fine in the bows, so that their pitching
and rolhng caused the loss of their masts. They
were much inferior to the French. Speed he
recognised as the great quahty whicii was
desired in our ships, consistent with their
being good sea-boats, and good gun platforms.
To catch the enemy, to keep the sea, and to
fight their guns, in all weathers were, in fact,
the three chief desiderata. The speed depended
a great deal on the cleanliness of the bottoms,
and in 1762 the Alarm frigate was coppered.
It was not altogether a success at first, but it
was the most valuable alteration and improve-
ment possible. Pepys had advocated lead
sheeting, but nothing was done until Anson
carried out this improvement. In the earlier
part of the book I have shown what were his
improvements in the class of vessels built, and
in the origination of the frigate as a separate
class, but these are the chief improvements
in the materiel. Now as to the spirit he
started and handed on to our service. He
improved the conditions and prospects of the
officers and men enormously. He himself was
so modest and so simple in his manners, and,
though holding a seat in the House, so seldom
spoke, that he set the example, so necessary
to our service, of " The Great Silent Navy,"
always ready, always alert, clear of all
politics — seeking knowledge in times of peace
in order to be ready in time of war. Experience
186 ANSON'S CHARACTER [chap, xvi
at sea, only, can teach a sea life in all its
various requirements. We do not want talking
officers or men.
Words are like leaves, and where these most abound,
Much fruit of common sense is seldom found ;
Common sense, which is the gift of heaven ;
And though no science, fairly worth the seven,
Anson was no talker — he was no writer in
the ordinary conversational way. But every-
body who served under him worshipped him.
His band of officers worked out his policy and
carried it on to future generations.
The list of those who served under him on
board the Centurion, and who were the dis-
tinguished officers of the Seven Years' War, is
as follows :
Admiral Sir Charles Saunders, First Lord of
the Admiralty.
Admiral Viscount Keppel, First Lord of the
Admiralty.
Vice-Admiral Sir Peter Dennis, Bart.
Vice- Admiral Sir Hyde Parker.
Vice-Admiral John Campbell.
Captain Philip Saumarez (killed in action,
1747).
Admiral Earl Howe and Admiral John
Byron were in the Severn and Wager, both
of which ships were of his squadron.
He also had the power of selecting the most
promising officers to carry out the policy and
traditions of the Navy. It was he who selected
1762] HIS INFLUENCES 187
Hawke over the heads of others ; and Bos-
cawen, who served on the Admiralty Board
with him afterwards. Rodne}^ and Howe were
also his selections and owed their career to him.
Jervis, who became Earl St. Vincent, was nomi-
nated and given his commission by Anson,
and Viscount Duncan also owed his start to
Anson's care.
Rodney writes to Lord Anson from Antigua,
March 1762 :
" If I am so happy as to meet with your
Lordship's approval for hastening with so
strong a squadron to the assistance of Jamaica,
it will give me most sincere pleasure. My first
and greatest motive for such a step is in a great
measure to convince your Lordship of my
gratitude to you for promoting me to such a
great command ; as I am sensible how liable
a person of your Lordship's rank and station
is to the ' clamour of the people ' upon any
unforeseen accidents ; and shall therefore esteem
it as the happiest event of my life, if I can
preserve the island ; and your Lordship from
unjust censure."
Howe, on returning from St. Malo, assured
Mr. Pitt that he had no ambition but to avoid
disgracing Lord Anson's recommendation of
him.
Anson was the least ostentatious of all
human beings — he had no notion of display ;
as Lady Anson, in one of her letters, states :
188 ANSON'S CHARACTER [chap, xvi
" Whilst some brass guns brought from Roche-
fort were being paraded, by Pitt's orders,
through London, there were 200 or more brass
cannon that Anson himself had sent to Wool-
wich, and of which no mention was made, and
of whose existence few knew." The more one
searches, the more one discovers how much he
really did do, and how well he concealed it.
He was also most distinguished for his generosity,
and his benevolence to those in need of it.
His treatment of the prisoners in the South
Seas was acknowledged by them all, and all
the Spaniards throughout South America were
full of his generous conduct to them ; so much
so, that many English seamen were treated
with kindness in return, when shipwrecked,
simply because they had belonged to Anson's
squadron. The French admitted that their
prisoners were better treated and taken care
of under Anson's rule than they had ever
been before, and they acknowledged this in
their negotiations for peace. Anson had suc-
ceeded in prevailing on the Government to
contribute to their support, and in getting
private contributions in their aid as well.
From those who had served with Anson the
expressions of gratitude and kindly feeling are
universal.
Sir Piercy Brett writes :
" I heartily wish you joy of your promotion,
1762] APPRECIATION 189
and do assure you the compliment you pay me
in making choice of me for your captain gives
me the greatest pleasure imaginable."
Captain Cheap of the Wager writes to congratu-
late him on his return from China, dating his
letter from Germany :
*' This is the first opportunity I have of con-
gratulating you on your safe arrival, after such
a tedious and fatiguing voyage ; and your
having obtained the preferment you so justly
deserved, in the opinion of all mankind. Even
the enemies of England speak well of you. I
do assure you, no man on earth wishes for your
prosperity with a warmer heart than I do."
Captain Dennis writes :
" The spring of all my success took its rise
from your Lordship's friendship ; and one of
my greatest pleasures is that of acknowledging
it."
Boscawen writes :
*' I will do all in my power that I may con-
vince you I am not unworthy the many friend-
ships I have received from you."
Captain Saumarez writes :
" As we are now on the point of sailing, I
cannot possibly leave this place without letting
190 ANSON'S CHARACTER [chap, xvi
you know what part I take in the honours and
titles which are preparing for you ; the inward
satisfaction they give me is much easier con-
ceived than expressed. It is an assemblage
of events which rarely happens — that the
judgment of the sovereign, and the suffrages
and applause of a nation, should so solemnly
confirm, and unanimously approve of, what-
ever distinguishing marks of honour are to be
conferred on you."
It was not only our own officers who were so
attached to Anson, for foreigners seemed to have
come under his wonderful influence when they
met him, and his chivalry to his enemies won
their everlasting regard ; as instance the follow-
ing letter.
M. Hardenberg writes from Gardenberg,
le 4 juillet, 1747:
" Monsieur, — Permettez que je vous temoigne
ma joie et que je vous felicite de tout mon coeur
sur la gloire que vous vous etes si dignement
acquire dans votre derniere expedition. Jugez
de I'effet de I'amitie ; elle m'a fait po^te en
votre faveur, moi ! guide ma vie, n'ai songe a
faire des vers ; ils sont destines pour etre mis
sous votre portrait ; si vous n'en rencontrez pas
de meilleurs.
" J'ai fait allusions sur votre visage modeste,
malgre lequel vous entreprenez les choses du
monde les plus dangereuses, et j'ai tache d'y
1762] FRIENDSHIP 191
rassemblir en raccourci toutes vos belles actions.
Faites je vous prie bien des amities de ma part a
Mons. H. Legge et a mon Lord Delawar et me
croirez avee autant de sincerite que d'attache-
ment pendant toute, ma vie.
" Votre tres humble, etc.,
" FIardenberg."
The friendship of M. St. George of the Invinc-
ible continued throughout his life. This friend-
ship between the victor and the vanquished was
of a very noble and chivalrous description.
M. de St. George constantly refers to his
feelings of gratitude and affection for his treat-
ment.
No one could have been more devoted to Anson
than Lord Sandwich, who writes in one of his
letters to Anson of *' the many remarkable acts
of friendship, which you have shown to me, and
which no time, nor circumstances, can ever
efface out of my mind.'' And he never tires of
complimenting him on the efficiency of his work
at the Admiralty :
" It is impossible for any one to have the
prosperity of a profession more sincerely at
heart than I have of that of which you are
so deservedly considered as the chief director,
and to whose knowledge and ability the world
is very ready to attribute the different figure
that the English fleet has made in the last
years, from what it did in the beginning of
the war."
192 ANSON'S CHARACTER [chap, xvi
Anson must have written many letters to
Lord Sandwich, for on returning to England,
after settling the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, he
writes to Anson :
" I will say nothing to you at present upon
public affairs, any further than to return you
thanks for your consistent kindness to me, and
for the friendly advice you gave me in your
several letters ; to which you may be assured
I shall pay the strictest attention, as there
is no one living of whose friendship I am more
convinced than I am of yours, or for whose
opinion I have greater deference."
There are so many letters of appreciation
and thanks that it is impossible to enumerate
them all. But they all point to Anson's ability,
his genius, his chivalry, his generosity, and his
constant regard and work for the officers and men
of the Navy ; and to the care he took of that
Navy, to advance its welfare, in materiel and
personnel. They show his loyalty, his ambition for
his country, and at the same time his modesty
and reserve. He found the Navy in a very low
state, he left it efficient ; and the great and en-
during character of Anson's services to the Navy
of this country cannot be over-estimated.
On his conduct (as First Lord) of the Seven
Years' War, Mahan, talking of England at that
time, says :
" Her arms were triumphant during this
1762] THE END 193
short contest through the rapidity with which
her projects were carried into execution, due to
the state of efficiency to which the Naval
forces and administration had been brought."
At the end of the Seven Years' War the
Kingdom of Great Britain had become the
British Empire.
Thus had Great Britain's undoubted supre-
macy on the seas — assured and estabhshed by
Anson and the elder Pitt — been further strength-
ened under an unbroken hne of those formed in
his school — through Hawke, Howe, Duncan, and
St. Vincent ; and guided by the genius of Nelson
and the younger Pitt some forty years later,
has continued to our own time. The materiel has
changed, the position of the men since the
Regulation was established of entering boys for
training in the Navy in 1853 has immensely
altered and improved; but the same spirit
exists now, and will carry us on, if we do not
allow it to die out — ^that determination to pre-
pare in peace time to be ready to risk all in
time of need, to control the channels of com-
munication, and keep the sea free for our food and
our commerce, in war and at all times. And it
is only those who know the sea, who have been
brought up to understand it from their earliest
youth — have been wedded to it — and learnt to
overcome its difficulties, who can control it.
18
NOTE
THE ''CENTURION''
Extract from the " Royal Magazine,'' 1762, vol. viii.
" On the Centurion's return to St. Helens in June, 1744,
she was ordered round to Chatham and underwent a
thorough repair and was reduced to a 50-gun ship.
" In 1746 she was again commissioned and served
that winter in the Channel Fleet under her old com-
mander, Admiral Anson — and on May 3, 1747, being
then commanded by Captain Peter Dennis (formerly third
lieutenant of her on the famous voyage), she had a
great share in the victory off Cape Finisterre, having
the honour of beginning the engagement, and after the
victory was despatched direct to England with the
news. On the peace which followed in 1748, she was
laid up at Chatham, but immediately on the breaking
out of the present war she was again commissioned
and the command given to Captain William Mantell.
In January, 1755, the Centurion sailed for Virginia
with Commodore Keppel and General Braddock on
board, as convoy to the troops sent from Ireland
against Fort de Quesne, and thus was employed on
the first service in the present war. In 1767 she sailed
from England with Admiral Holbourn, and in the cruize
off Louisbourg on September 25 she was dismasted
with the rest of the squadron.
" In 1758 she carried 54 guns and served with Admiral
Boscawen's fleet at the siege of Louisbourg, and then
under Admiral Sanders, at the siege of Quebec, where
the service she performed at the attack of IMontmorencie,
July 31, will appear from this passage in General
195
196 NOTE
Wolfe's letter : ' To facilitate the passage of Brigadier
Townshend's corps, the Admiral had placed the Cen-
turion in the channel so that she might check the fire
of the lower battery, which commanded the ford. The
ship was of great use, as her fire was very judiciously
directed.' That winter she remained at Halifax,
under Lord Colville, and in May, 1760, contributed to
the raising of the siege of Quebec. In 1761 she sailed
to the West Indies, where she was one of Admiral
Rodney's squadron, this present year at the taking
of Martinico, and is now gone on the expedition against
the Havannah with Sir George Pocock."
The following instance of Anson's untiring zeal and
care for the country's interests is quoted — to show
how much our successes were due to him in America.
1754. Letter from Lord Anson to the Duke of Newcastle
" The Duke of Cumberland has succeeded with His
Majesty in getting him to sanction 500 Irish troops
being sent to America, but will not consent to a con-
tract for provisions being made for their victualling.
" I should not have troubled your Grace again so soon
upon the subject I last wrote to you upon, if it was
not a letter to explain that I heard from Mr. Fox
that no contract was intended, upon which I told him
I had, without any direction from anybody, taken
care that the troops should not be absolutely at a loss
for provisions when they should land in Virginia, by
sending a larger quantity of provisions in the ships-of-
war than could be immediately wanted. I am still
of opinion that if no contract be made, orders should
be given to the Commissary of the troops to take 800
barrels of beef in Ireland, which will not cost above
£1,600, for the use of the troops and to provide against
the possibility of the soldiers wanting victualling — for
I own that the idea of that kind of distress to numbers
of men strikes me strongly."
INDEX
Acapulcho, instructions about, 29,
40, 46, 48, 55
Actions, disgraceful, 85
Additional fighting instructions,
183
Admiralty, letters to, 64
Africa, coast of, 21
Aix, Isle of, 160
Aix-la-Chapelle, 110
Alarm, 185
Alberoni, Cardinal, 13
Ambrose, Captain, 6
Amherst, General Lord, 172, 176
Anna pink, 39
Anne, Queen, death of, 8, 9
Anson, Lord, birth, 1 ; Lieutenant,
2 ; posted, 3 ; South Carolina,
3 ; expedition planned, 23 ; ap-
pointed Commander-in-Chief,
24 ; difficulties in fitting out,
25 ; instructions for voyage,
27 ; Madeira, 31 ; official re-
port off Cape Horn, 36 ; hu-
manity, 38 ; settles dispute,
45 ; information collected, 48 ;
commodore ill, 51 ; as ship-
builder, 52 ; overcome, 52 ; goes
to Canton, 54, 60 ; discloses
design to take galleon, 55 ;
capture of galleon, 56, 57 ;
liberates prisoners, 59 ; puts out
fire, 60 ; arrives at Spithead,
61 ; refuses promotion, 64 ; re-
ceives advice from Corbett, 67,
68 ; Vice-Admiral, 72 ; deal-
ings with Vernon, 78 ; work
at Admiralty, 81 ; notices ac-
tions of privateers, 82 ; regula-
tions for promotion, 83 ; de-
cides to go to sea, 85 ; blockade
off Brest, 90, 97, 120 ; letters
from sea, 94, 95 ; action off
Finisterre, 100-106 ; estab-
lishes uniform, 107 ; returns to
Admiralty, 106 ; marriage, 109;
improves materiel and organi-
sation, 112; appointed First
Lord of Admiralty, 118; in-
structions to Byng, 126 ; leaves
Admiralty, 139 ; not at Admir-
alty, 141 ; Pitt's appreciation
of, 142; rejoins Admiralty, 143;
prepares for war, 145 ; wants
Hawke at Admiralty, 148 ;
news in the papers, 147 ; hoists
flag in Royal George, 162 ; Pitt,
159, 178 ; coastal attacks,
160 ; returns to England, 165 ;
Campbell, 170; escorts Queen
Charlotte, 177; death, 180;
appreciation of character, 182,
192 ; list of those who served
under him, 186; Letters: to
Duke of Newcastle, 31, 111,
114, 115, 129, 130, 133, 151 ;
from Duke of Newcastle, 70,
113, 114, 133; :to Hardwicke,
62, 148, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155,
156, 176
Araund, Captain, 31
Articles of war, 83, 183
Asia, 32, 33
Austria and the Alliance, 1 f!
B
Balchen, Admiral, 25
Baldivia, 39
197
108
INDEX
Baltimore, Lord, 69, 74
Barbados, 21
Barrington, Lord, 80, 112, 113
Basque Roads, 146, 160
Batavia, 55
Bedford, Duke of, 72, 73, 80, 97,
110, 111, 118
Belleisle, Island of, 175
Belleisle, Marshall, 123
Bentinck, 135
Berkeley, Earl of, 16
BernstorfT, Count, 136
Blakeney, General, 128
Bland, Colonel, 25
Bolingbroke, Lord, 9
Boot-topping, 88
Boroughs, 114
Boscawen, Admiral, 87, 103, 119,
120, 130, 150, 159, 160, 167, 168,
175
Braddock, General, 119
Brest, 74, 85, 89, 166
Brett, Captain Sir Piercy, 43, 60,
64, 74, 97, 158, 175
Bristol, 99
Broderick, Admiral, 143
Byng, Admiral, 112, 124, 125, 127,
128, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138,
140, 141
Bjmg, Viscount Torrington, 2, 11,
12, 13, 18
Byron, Mr., midshipman^ 40
Campbell, Midshipman, 40 ;
Captain, 86, 170
Caneale Bay, 162
Canocke, Admiral, 12
Canton, 54, 59, 60
Cape de Verde, 27
Carmel. See Nuestra
Carmen. See Nuestra
Carolina, South, 3, 4
Carpenter, Mr., 70
Carrier, Charles, 1
Carthagena, 24, 46
Cawsand, 92
Centurion, 20, 22, 24, 30, 31, 32, 33
Chamberlain, Captain John, 1
Charente River, 160
Charles, Prince, 74
Charlotte, Princess, 177
Cheap, Captain, 39, 40
Chelsea pensioners, 25
Chequetan, 47, 48
Chili, son of Vice-President of, 44
Chiloe, 40
China, 29, 59
Chiopas, Bishop, 22
Choiseul, French Minister, 166
Cleaning ship, 97
Cleveland, Secretary of Admiralty,
92, 97
Cockburn, Mr., Lord of Admiralty,
69
Coley, Captain, 31
Colville, Lord, 175
Commerce, Treaty of, 8
Conclusion, 182
Conflans, French Admiral, 168
Congreve, playwright, 4
Convoy, 30
Corbett, Secretary of Admiralty,
65, 66, 182
Cornish, Admiral, 179
Cornwall, Captain, 22
Cotes, Captain, 93
Council of War, 127, 128, 133,
136, 146
Courts martial, 75, 76, 141
Cowper, writer, 4
Cromwell, Oliver, protector, 73
Cruelty, 22
Cumberland, Duke of, 77, 124, 145
D
D'Abreu, French Minister, 131
Defiance, 99, 100
Defoe, Daniel, 15, 24
Delays, 25
De la Clue, French Admiral, 167
Dennis, Captain, 63, 101, 103, 106 ,
165, 177
Devonshire, Duke of, 139, 154
Difficulties, 17
Discharge, 112
Disease, 19
INDEX
199
Docking, 13, 82, 89
Dominica, 18
Doutelle, 74
Drinking, 19, 20
Duff, Commodore, 168, 109
Duncan, Admii-al Viscount, 187
Dunkirk, 17
Durell, Rear-Admiral, 171
Dutch, 99
E
Efficiency, 98
Elizabeth, daughter of Lord
Hardwicke, 109
Elizabeth, ship, 74
Expedition to South Seas, 22
Feeling in England, 21
Fielding, Henry, 4
Figurehead, 71
Finisterre, 88 ; action, 100
Fire, 58, 60
Fleury, French Minister, 14
Food bad, 19
Formosa, 53
Fowkes, General, 132
Fox, Captain, 107; Minister, 120,
124
Frigate, 90, 93, 148
G
Galleon, 16, 46, 47, 56, 57, 58,
59, 61
Gallisonidre, French Admiral, 132,
137, 138
Gambling, 15, 19
Gaols, 18, 19
Gazette, paper, 64
Generals, 150
George I., 9, 16
George II., 17
George, Prince, 100
Geronimo, General Dom, 57
Gibraltar, 14, 15, 16
Gloire, 103
Gloucester, 24, 30, 37, 38, 48, 49, 50
Government, opposition to, 19
Grenville, Mi-., 72, 80; Captain,
99, 102
Guam, 50, 52
Guarda Costa, 21
Guernsey, 124
Guipuzcoa, 32
Gw-ynn, Captain, 100
H
Habits, drinking, 19
Haddock, Admiral, 20
Hampshire, 1
Hampton Court, 86
Hanover, 9, 16, 24, 116
Happy sloop, 6
Hardwicke, Chancellor, 18
Hardwicke, Lord Justice, 30, 62,
73, 111, 122, 129, 148, 149
Hardy, Sir Charles, 69
Harley, 8, 9
Harrison, Sir Archibald, 69
Havanah, 178
Hawke, Sir Edward, 107, 120, 121,
122, 137, 145, 146, 147, 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154,
160, 161, 163, 169; action,
168, 169, 180
Hay, Minister, 16
Hermione, 32
Hessian troops, 109, 124
Hogarth, painter, 19
Holbourne, Admiral, 43, 144, 154
Holdernesse, Minister, 118, 139
Holies, Duke of Newcastle, 18
Holies. See Newcastle, 149
Hope, Cape, 61
Horn, Cape, 22, 25, 31, 34
Hosier, Admiral, 16
Howe, Lord, 147, 150, 151, 153,
155, 161, 162, 164, 175
Huguenots, 18
Hutchinson, Mrs., 4
Indiamen, East, 104
Inlrepide, 108, 109
200
INDEX
Invalids, 40
Invincible, 103
Jennings, Sir John, 16
Jersey, 124
Jervis, Admiral, 172
Johnson, author, 4
Jonquiere, General de, 96, 102
Juan Fernandez, 37. 39, 40
Justices, 24, 29
K
Keppel, Captain, 63, 70, 95, 130,
170, 175, 179
King absent, 24
Kirkpatrick, Mrs., 4
Krishna, 22
Lansdowne, Lord, 8
Lee, Dr., 69
Lee, General, 4
Leek, 77
Legge, Lord of Admiralty, 72, 80,
120
Le Maire, Straits of, 34
Lestock, Adniirtil, 74, 77
Lichfield, Earl of, 71 ; letter from
Anson, 77
Lion, 74 ; figiu-ehead, 71
Litany, 18
Loudon, General, the Earl of, 138
Lynn, 86
M
Macao, 45, 54, 59, 61
Macclesfield, town, 77; Lord, 117
Madeira, 31, 33
Magellan, 27
Mahan, Admiral, 135, 184, 192
Mahonmaedan, 21
Mahon, Port, 108, 109, 123, 125,
127, 137, 138
Mandarin, 55, 60
Manilla, attack planned, 22, 24,
47, 56
Mansfield, Baron, Lord Chief
Justice, 139
Marlborough, Duke ot, 162, 163
Mar, Earl of, 10
Mars, 75
Martin, Admiral, 79
Masham, Lady, 8
Massacre, 21
Mathews, Admu-al, 75, 76
Modeste, 103
Monckton, General, 172
Monmouth, 1, 102
Montagu, 2
Montagu, Captain William, 99
Montcalm, French General, 150,
173
Montreal, 176
Mordaunt, Sir John, 145
Mortality, 16
Mostyn, Captain, 95, 130
Murray, Leader of House of
Commons, 138
N
Namur, 86, 100, 167
Newcastle, Duke of, 18 ; issues
orders for voyage, 24, 30, 31,
70, 119, 180, 113, 114, 135, 151
Noel, Captain, 74
Norris, Admiral Sir John, 2, 0,
10, 20, 25, 74
Norris, Captain, 31
Nottinglmm, 75, 102, 103
Nuestra Senhora de Cabodonga,
57
Nuestra Senhora del Carmen, 42,
47, 48
O
Officers' encouragements, promo-
tions, 83
Orders, Anson receives, 26
Ormonde, Duke of, 9
Paita, 42, 43, 45
Pamphlets, anonymous, 80
Panama, 24, 28, 46
Parker, Lord, 117
Passaro, 2, 12
Peace, 14
INDEX
201
Pearl, 24, 30, 32, 34, 39
Pelham, Minister, IS, 112, 116, 117
Pensioners, 25, 26
Pepys, Samuel, 185
Peter the Great, 2, 14
Phillips, Captain, 82
Phillipson, Mr., 69
Pink victualler, 24
Pitt, William (afterwards Lord
Chatham), 19, 116, 118, 120,
139, 140, 141, 143, 149, 174,
176, 178
Pizarro, Spanish Admiral, 31, 32,
40, 69
Plata River, 29
Pocock, Admiral, 4, 115, 178, 179
Political interest, 19
Politics, 112, 115
Pope, poet, 71
Portobello, 16
Preparations for war, 20
Press-gangs, 19, 116, 140
Pretender, 15
Prince Frederick, 87
Prisoners, 44
Privateers, 17
Prize money, 19
Prussia, Frederick of, 118
Quadruple Alliance, 14
Quebec, 172, 173
Quib«ron, 168
R
Rear-Admiral, 04
Register of seamen, 19
Remitting, 159
Richardson, author, 4
Richelieu, Duke of, 132
Richmond, Duke of, 72
Rio Grande, 39
" Robinson Crusoe," 3
Rodney, Admiral, 179
Rochelle, 108
Roche fort, 74, 85, 145, 160
Royal Qeorqe, 161
Royal Marines, 183
Ritbie, 102
Ruby, 1
Russell, E., of Orford, 9
S
St. Cas, 164
St. Catherine, 27, 33
St. George, M., d-a, 102
St. Helena, 61
St. Helens, 26
St. Julian, 34
St. Lucia, 18
St. Malo, 162, 164
St. Servand, 162
St. Vincent, Isle of, 18
Sandwich, Lord, 72, 80, 110, 118
Sanitary arrangements, 33
Sauinarez, Lieutenant Philip, 51,
58; Captain, 75,108; Lieutenant
Thomas, 86
Saunders, Admiral Charles, 37, 63,
137, 157, 165, 171, 172, 174
Scarborough, 3
Scillys, 86
Sciu-vy, 34, 35, 38
Seamen, register of, 19; number
of, 20
Search, right of, 20, 116
Secretary of State, 18
Service, attractions of, 19
Seven Years' War, 180
Severn, 24, 30, 39, 74
Ships, 30, 84, 184, 185; unhealthy,
19; number of, 20
Shortage of men, 24
Shouldam, Captain M., 82
Sick landed, 33
Smith, Admiral, 140
Smugglers, 20, 21
Society, 19
Socotro, 36
Sole Bay, 82
Solidare, 162
South Sea, 24, 28
South Sea Co., 15
Southern Department, 18
South America, 42
202
INDEX
Spain, treaty with Austria, 15;
searches vessels, 21
Speedwell, 98
Spence, Lieutenant John, 86
Spithead, Anson repairs to, 24
Spoils, 45
Squirrel, 6
Stade, 177
Stanhope, Minister, 14
Stanley, Mr., Lord of Admiralty,
148
Steele, author, 4
Storms, 35, 36
Sunda, Straits of, 61
Sunderland, 86
Sussex, 124
Sweden, 9, 11
Sweet peas, 40
Swift, author, 4
Temple, Lord of Admiralty, 143
Terra del Fuego, 34
Tinian Island, 50, 51, 53
Tonnant, 108, 109
Tories, 8
Toulon, 124
Treasure, 42, 44, 45, 46, 59, 78,
104, 162, 180
Tryal, 24, 33, 34, 37, 38, 40, 47
Tyrawley, General, Governor of
Gibraltar, 132, 134
U
Uniform, 107
Ushant, 94
Utrecht, Peace of, 8
V
Vernon, Admiral, 7, 20, 24, 46,
V2, 74, 78, 79
Versailles, 129
Viceroy of Canton, 54
Victory off Finisterre, 100
Vienna, treaty of, 15
Vigilant, 103
Vilaine River, 169
Volante, 2
Voltaire, 141
Voyage round the world, 22
W
Wager, 24, 39
Wager Island, 40
Wager, Sir Charles, 16, 18, 24, 25,
26
Walpole, Sir Robert, 9, 10, 11, 14,
16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 73
Walpole, Horace, 4
Walton, Captain, 13
War, 17, 22, 39
Warren, Sir Peter, 6, 78, 106, 112
Weasel, 2
West, Admiral, 137, 143
Western squadron, 85
West Indies, 18, 21
Whigs, 8
Willes, Chief Justice, 76
Wilson, Lieutenant, 86
Winchilsea, Earl of, 143
Windsor, 101
Winter gales, 94
Yarmouth, 85, 86, 95, 102
Yorke, Colonel, 134
Printed by Hazeil, Watson <b Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury.
LIFE OF BENJAMIN DISRAELI, EARL OF
BEACONSFIELD.
BY W. F. MONYPENNY.
/« 4 or 5 volumes. With Portraits and Illustrations. Demy 8vo,
I2s. net each Volume.
Vol. I., 1804-1837, now ready.
" We congratulate Mr. Monypenny upon the first instalment of his ' Life
of Disraeli.' If he maintains in the succeeding volumes the very high level
which he has reached in the first, as we have no doubt he will, his work is
certain to be adequate and worthy of its great theme. . . . Mr. Monypenny
lets the subject of his biography speak for himself wherever possible, and as a
rule only intervenes to keep the thread of the narrative and to elucidate. . . .
The result is an altogether fascinating book." — Spectator.
RECOLLECTIONS OF A LONG LIFE.
BY LORD BROUGHTON (JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE).
WITH ADDITIONAL EXTRACTS FROM HIS PRIVATE DIARIES.
Edited by his Daughter LADY DORCHESTER.
With Portraits. Demy Svo.
Vols. I. and IL, 1786-1822. 24s. net. Vols. III. and IV., 1823-1834. 24s. net.
" The two new volumes are fully as interesting as the first instalment
published last year ; and this is no small compliment. Indeed in some
ways they are more so, for Hobhouse has become a politician of note, and
the volumes take us through the sensational years of Catholic Emancipation
and Reform. The writer is surer of himself, clearer in his views, a little
gentler perhaps in his judgments. But he is the same rugged, honest, candid
soul, very loyal to his friends and his conscience, and utterly incapable of
pose. ... It is hard to select from so rich a mine, for the author was interested
in every side of life." — Spectator.
THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM RUSSELL,
The First Special Correspondent,
BY J. B. ATKINS.
With Illustrations. 2 vols. Demy Svo. 30X. net.
" All the world knew ' Billy Russell,' and all who knew him loved him.
If all who knew him and loved him, and all who without knowing him in
the flesh loved him for what he did in saving the British Army in the
Crimea, should read these two deeply interesting volumes, they will enjoy,
as they certainly deserve, a very wide circulation indeed. Mr. J. B. Atkins
has done his work admirably. He has produced a vivid portrait of a very
memorable personality." — Times.
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, R.N., F.R.S.,
THE CIRCUMNAVIGATOR.
BY ARTHUR KITSON.
With Illustrations. Large crown %vo. 2s. 6d. net.
This book at the time of its appearance was accepted by the Press as the
best authority so far published on the Life of the " Great Circumnavigator."
In this new edition the author has been able to bring to light " some new
facts," and to clear up decisively several doubtful points.
MY LIFE'S PILGRIMAGE.
BY THOMAS CATLING.
With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. los. 6d. net.
"We jostle with politicians and preachers, actors and authors, detectives
and criminals, and we are surprised and delighted not only at the number
of all such with whom Mr. Catling was brought into intimate contact, but at
the constant urbanity he displays in regard to each. ... A life brimful of
experiences which might have made him a cynic, and it has simply left him
a cheery philosopher." — Pall Alall Gazette.
THE GROWTH OF NAPOLEON.
A Study in Environment.
BY NORWOOD YOUNG.
With Portraits and Illustrations. Demy Svo. I2s. net.
" The author commands our attention and interest at once, the more so
because amid all the welter of Napoleonic literature, his is the first attempt
of the kind made in English, and the most thoroughgoing, as he claims, that
has been made at all. He certainly brings to our notice and sets in relief a
very curious series of facts, coincidences, and conjectures.''— 6'M?«<^<y Times.
THE RISE OF LOUIS NAPOLEON.
BY THE REV. F. A. SIMPSON, M.A.
Formerly Exhibitioner of Queen's College, Oxford.
With Illustrations. Demy Svo. I2s. net.
** As a revelation of the environment and the outstanding features of the
career of Louis Napoleon the volume is unique." — Western Daily Press.
"Mr. Simpson has brought to bear upon his labour a mind singularly free
from prejudice, and a power and facility of expression rarely found, un-
fortunately, nowadays in books that claim to be historical." — Gentlewoman.
BOYISH REMINISCENCES OF H.M. THE
KING'S VISIT TO CANADA IN i860.
BY LIEUT. THOMAS BUNBURY GOUGH, R.N., then a
Midshipman on H.M.S. " Hero."
With Illustrations. Square Demy Sz/o. 8s. net.
" For spirited story-telling and gay humour it would be hard to beat . . .
told with all a sailor's inimitable naturalness ... a masterpiece of its kind.
It is the most lifelike account of life in the transitional navy which we have
seen." — Manchester Guardian.
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, LONDON, W.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
Los Angeles
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.
ac — ._
H E C E r v/ E D
r/:AIN LOAN
l-D-URl
2Q 71
^Smp LD-URU
1197-
197.3
APR 181984
MAR 1 0 1973
SEPl
3ESK
DEC 2 1564
A.M.
7i?|9iioin!i2ii
P.M.
^1314! 51 6
URL
« X
1 2 n
\.D
RECD LD-URE
IV1AY1419W
^ ' 11984
m'^^^ \\\v 121984
J^^jut 171984
MAY28|J^
Form L9-32rn-8,'58(5876s4)444
89 DEC 07 1984
OCT 2 7 1987
A^
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
AA 000 677 110 9