GIFT OF
JANE KoSATHER
THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
THE
LIFE OF ALCUIN/
DR. FREDERICK LORENZ,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN
BY
JANE MARY SLEE.
LONDON:
THOMAS HURST, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH- YARD.
M.DCCC. XXXVII.
I
PREFACE.
THE following translation of the Life of Alcuin has
been undertaken at the suggestion of the Rev. J. G.
Tiarks, minister of the German Protestant Re-
formed Church in London, author of one of the best
German Grammars which has been published in
this country, and various other books for the use of
students. My sole object in executing the work,
has been to render an individual, who contributed
so eminently to the revival of literature, at a period
when learning was well nigh extinct, more exten-
sively known amongst his countrymen. However
numerous may be the defects, the reader may, I
hope, rely upon the accuracy of the translation, the
MSS. having had the advantage of being revised
by so accomplished a scholar as Mr. Tiarks. It is,
perhaps, needless to say, that as a mere translator,
I hold myself in no way responsible for the senti-
ments expressed by Dr. Lorenz; from some of
IV PREFACE.
which, notwithstanding the great ability he has
displayed, I may be disposed to differ. The quota-
tions from the Scriptures are translated from
Luther's version, which is universally adopted in
Germany, and consequently by Dr. Lorenz.
J. M. SLEE.
December 24, 1836.
CONTENTS,
PAGE
INTRODUCTION . . . . . .1
SECTION I.
EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL HIS
FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE.
A.D. 735 782. . . . .6
SECTION II.
ALCUIN'S RESIDENCE DURING EIGHT YEARS AT THE COURT
OF CHARLEMAGNE. A.D. 782790.
1 . Of the State of Civilisation in the Kingdom of France . 14
2. Charlemagne . . . . .16
3. Alcuin as Instructor to the King and Royal Family . 20
4. Establishment of the Higher and Lower Schools in the
Kingdom of France . . . . .48
5. Alcuin's Return to England . . . .60
SECTION III.
ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE, AND
HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS UNTIL HIS
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE. A.D. 790 796 . 64
1 . Rise and Progress of the Doctrine of the Adoptionists . 66
2. Alcuin's Theological Opinions . . . .77
History of the Controversy respecting Image-worship . 90
Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the Doctrine of
the Adoptionists and Image-worship . . .110
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
5. Alcuin's Permanent Settlement in France, and his Parti-
cipation in the Complete Suppression of the Doctrine of
the Adoption . . . . . .27
SECTION IV.
ALCUIN AS ABBOT OF TOURS UNTIL HIS DEATH.
A.D. 796804.
/ 1. Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order . . .138
P^8. Concerning Charles' Endeavours to improve the National
Language, and the Academy he is said to have founded. 146
^3. The Friends and Pupils of Alcuin . . .152
4. Alcuin as Director of the Monastic School at Tours . 168
5. Alcuin's Philosophical and Historical Works . .176
6. Alcuin's Poetical Works . . . .188
7. Renewal of the Roman Empire in the West . .193
8. Dissension between Alcuin and Theodulph . .214
9. Alcuin's Death . . . . . .225
SECTION V.
UPON ALCUIN'S CHARACTER AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE.
1. General Remarks upon History and Biography . . 22
j^- 2. Alcuin's Personal Appearance .... 238
^3. Character of Alcuin , 235
NOTES . . .... 249
ERRATUM.
Page 40, line 1 3, for permission read persuasion.
Till LIFE OF \l.< UN.
INTRODUCTION.
I in totally different aspect presented by the West of
Europe, after the destruction of the Western Human
Empire, combined with the degenerated state of Roman
< ;\ ilisation, necessarily required a new development of
the minds of those whose energy and valour had subdued
the degraded descendants of cultivated antiquity. ( >
as were the powers of mind possessed by these hardy
conquerors, the rude and warlike habits acquired in their
native forests were too firmly interwoven with their very
nature, to le immediately exchanged for the refinement
of the country they had vanquished. The effeminate
Romans accommodated themselves more readily to the
manners and customs of the invaders ; and hence, in a
short space of time, the remembrance, and a few frag-
s of former civilisation alone remained the frail
memorials of departed grandeur. It was, therefore,
unaided by external influence, that the faculties of the
northern warriors were developed. The process was
H
' 2" ' ' THE. '.LJF'E' OF ALCUIN.
indeed, slow ; so slow, that the lapse of a thousand years
was requisite to enable them to profit by the arts and
sciences, which, on their first approach, had been over-
whelmed by the tide of barbarism. This insensibility to
external influence tended essentially to the preservation
of their independence. Fortunately, most fortunately,
the heartless, prejudiced, enervated character of the then
modern Roman, who possessed not faculties even to com-
prehend, far less to imitate, the glory of his ancestors, re-
mained totally alien to the new possessors of the soil, who
imbibed only the vivifying element of Christianity. The
Christian religion was the main spring of all intellectual
efforts, during the whole of the interval that elapsed
between the loss and the recovery of ancient civilisation ;
and literature was altogether under the conduct and con-
trol of her ministers. Few were the intellectual lumi-
naries that shone forth in those days of darkness, very
few were so brilliant as to exercise any direct influence on
the present age. The venerated names, the hallowed
writings of that period, ceased to retain the importance
with which opinion had invested them, so soon as the
progress of intellect enabled mankind to appreciate and
to study those models which a gracious Providence had
rescued from destruction and oblivion. Their labours,
however, have not been in vain, their utility has surpassed
their fame. To extend the knowledge of the merits of a
celebrated man of this period, and to render a tribute to
his memory, by redeeming a portion of that debt which
mankind should gratefully acknowledge to one who
laboured so zealously and so actively for their benefit, is
the object of this work.
INTRODUCTION. J3
We may venture to assert that the time of Charle-
magne is more celebrated than known, and that the
founder of the new Romish German empire has found
more panegyrists than historians. A character like that
of Charles is too dazzling to admit of our beholding, at
the first glance, the surrounding objects so as to distin-
guish them clearly. But after accustoming ourselves to
gaze longer upon it, the inquiring eye will discover other
forms beaming, not undeservedly, with a ray of glory re-
flected from the principal figure. The more accurately
we can judge of men by those who surround them, the
more necessary and instructive becomes the contempla-
tion of their characters. A prince who is a mere warrior
delights only in those hardy pursuits inseparable from
a soldier's life, and seeks his friends and confidants in
the army. A ruler who is a mere politician prefers
the statesman to the soldier. When, however, a prince
like Charlemagne, and others who have shared, or at
least deserved to share, the same epithet, combines the
ardour for conquest with the love of literature, the sword
and the pen will be held in equal estimation ; he will
attach himself most intimately to those who have won his
confidence by a similar direction of mind, and have mani-
fested the desire and the ability to promote the welfare
of his subjects. One single man, even on a throne, can
accomplish but little without the co-operation of kindred
spirits. When, therefore, a sovereign possesses an intel-
lect sufficiently capacious to embrace noble designs, and
an eye to discern, amid the multitude, those whose energy
and talents best fit them for the execution of his plans,
he is justly celebrated ; his memory is held in grateful
4 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
honour, and his example commended to posterity. To
him belongs the rare talent of availing himself of the
various powers of others, and of uniting them for the
attainment of one object. Not equity alone, therefore, re-
quires, but it is indispensable to the right understanding
of facts, that justice should be rendered to the indi-
vidual who laboured successfully for this object. The
man whose life forms the subject of this work, devoted
his energies to the execution of Charles' noble project of
advancing his subjects towards that civilisation, the light
of which still lingered on the ruins of antiquity. This
man was Alcuin ; and who can be a more proper repre-
sentative of this honourable and distinguishing charac-
teristic of Charles' reign, than he to whom the king was
indebted for the chief of his learning, his children for the
whole of their mental attainments, and such of the young
Franks as evinced either inclination or ability for study,
for all their knowledge? |He formed, to a certain extent, the
centre of the awakened energies of this period; not because
he was the only man remarkable for literary acquirements,
but because he had pursued all the paths of knowledge
which at that time lay open to the human mind. Neither
splendid actions nor marvellous adventures, nor any of
those striking incidents that are calculated to arouse and
gratify curiosity, distinguish the life of Alcuin from that
of ordinary men ; for his combats with the devil, and his
miracles, belong to legends rather than to history. But
the successful labours of the confidant and instructor
of Charlemagne will prove, to the reflecting lover of
history, a more effectual recommendation than the most
dazzling achievements of others more renowned./ If the
INTRODUCTION. 5
investigation of the development of the human mind
under its different manifestations, be the most important
subject of history, our attention must be chiefly directed
to those individuals who have prosecuted, with the greatest
ardour and success, some one of the pursuits of their
day. Their influence upon their own times increases in
proportion as they are animated by the universal spirit of
the community, comprehend and unite in themselves the
various attainments of individuals, and advance them to a
perfection sufficient to constitute a new era in the progress
of the human mind. In times so remote, so destitute of
various and complicated interests, and so deficient in
cotemporary records as those of Charlemagne, we must
be contented to produce the king as the representative of
the political and military state, and one other personage
to represent thc^literary and religious character of the
times. With this view, we have examined and exhibited
the life and works of Alcuin. We shall first describe
the state of Anglo-Saxon civilisation at that period, in
order to shew more clearly Alcuin's literary attainments.
We shall afterwards accompany him to a more extensive
and interesting sphere of action, where, without the ad-
ventitious aid of external dignity, which his modesty
always declined, he for years effected more than was ac-
complished by prelates adorned with the most splendid
titles.
THE LIFE OF ALCU1N,
SECTION I.
EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL
HIS FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLE-
MAGNE. A. D. 735782.
THE eighth century after the birth of Christ commenced
under circumstances the most unfavourable to the arts
and sciences of the western world. The successful
irruption of the Arabs into Spain, repelled the civilisa-
tion introduced by Christianity, and confined it to the
mountains of Asturias and Biscay. The constant feuds
between the Lombards and the Greeks, scared the gentle
muses from the north of Italy ; and they found no refuge
amongst the Franks, now immersed in barbarism, and
distracted by internal discord, in consequence of the weak-
ness of the Merovingian house. Germany and Scandi-
navia were still under the dominion of Paganism. The
kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons alone offered them an
asylum. The Anglo-Saxons had been converted to
Christianity by the immediate influence of Rome, and
were therefore in more intimate union with the papal
see than any other of the western churches. The arch-
bishop of Canterbury dying at Rome in the year 668?
whither he had gone to solicit the pontifical ratification of
his title, the pope Vitalianus determined to raise to the
archiepiscopal throne a prelate elected by himself. He
nominated Adrian, an African, who declined the proffered
dignity, and recommended a monk in Rome named
THEODORE, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 7
Theodore, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, whom, at his own
request, he promised to accompany. The Anglo-Saxons
made no opposition to the right thus arrogated by the
pope. Theodore accepted the appointment ; and at the age
of sixty-six departed with his friend Adrian for England. 1
These men were well versed in Latin and Greek literature ;
and, speaking those languages with equal fluency, they
awakened among the Anglo-Saxons an ardent desire for
learning, and drew around them a multitude of scholars,
several of whom made such progress that, according to
Bede, they were as well acquainted with Greek and Latin
as with their mother tongue . After having held the
archbishopric twenty-one years, Theodore died : his
friend Adrian survived him nearly eighteen years. Their
pupils diffused the knowledge they had acquired through-
out England, and established schools in every monastery,
for the education, not only of the clergy, but also for such
of the laity as evinced any inclination for literature. The
only deficiency was a competent supply of books. Theo-
dore had brought with him Josephus, the poems of
Homer, and probably several other works of inferior note :
still they were inadequate to assuage the thirst for know-
ledge which had been excited. Many journeys to Rome
were therefore undertaken, in order to augment the
number of books from the collections in that city ; and a
library began to be the pride and ornament of monas-
teries. Benedict, the founder of the abbey at Were-
mouth, distinguished himself by repeated visits to Rome,
for the sake of introducing into his own country many
works then entirely unknown. From his school, issued
one of the most influential scholars of the early part of
8 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
the middle ages, the venerable Bede, whose learning and
writings embraced the most opposite branches of know-
ledge, and were held in equal estimation with those of
the early fathers of the church. At that period Aldhelm
and Winfrid 1 were no less celebrated ; the former for his
skill in the learning of the schools and the cloister, the
latter for his indefatigable zeal in preaching the faith of
Christ to the heathen population of Germany. The
merit of these men consists, not so much in any new dis-
coveries in the field of literature, as in their preservation
and diffusion of existing knowledge. They erected a
barrier against the threatening tide of barbarism ; and in
the seclusion of the cloister, unruffled by the storms that
agitated the world, they cherished the glorious flower of
learning, until a more propitious season again called it
forth into the light. The object of the monasteries
being thus attained, their utility ceased; and any attempt
now to restore them for the purpose of intellectual im-
provement, would be to retrograde instead of to advance.
Amongst the schools thus established in the kingdom of
the Anglo-Saxons, that at York became the most famous,
after Egbert had been appointed archbishop of York and
director of the school. Youths of the noblest families
were here ^instructed in the rules of grammar, in the
other liberal arts, and in the various branches of
theology 2 .
Alcuin was born at York about the year 735 : at
least some inference to that effect may be deduced from
a letter written by him to the fraternity 3 of that city, in
which he observes that it had watched over the tender
years of his childhood with a mother's love, had borne
EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION.
with his thoughtless boyhood with pious patience, and
with fatherly chastisement had brought him up to man's
estate. He was of noble origin 1 ; but neither the name
of his parents, nor any particulars of his family, have
been transmitted to posterity either by himself or others.
Having in early youth been designed for the church, he
was brought up in a monastery, and after a suitable pre-
paration, entered Egbert's school. The archbishop him-
self, and Aelbert one of his relations, who afterwards
succeeded him in that dignity, superintended the school.
They divided the subjects of instruction between them,
Egbert undertaking the explanation of the New Testa-
ment, and Aelbert the sciences and general literature.
Alcuin enumerates the various subjects in which the
latter gave instruction: Grammar, Rhetoric, Jurispru-
dence, Poetry, Astronomy, Physics, and the explanation
of the Old Testament 2 . It is to him, therefore, that he
ascribes the greater part of the advantages received by
himself and the young people of York. He applauds
Aelbert's endeavours to draw around him youths of dis-
tinguished talents, and to attach them to him by his in-
structions and his kindness 3 . This Alcuin himself ex-
perienced. Nothing shows more conspicuously the high
estimation in which he was held by his master, than the
fact, that he selected him for the companion 4 of his ex-
peditions to foreign countries for the purpose of trans-
planting to his native soil whatever he might discover of
novelty and value either in books or in the pursuits of
science. The age of Alcuin at that time probably ex-
ceeded twenty, and he was qualified both by years and
education to avail himself of all the advantages which such
10 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN,
a journey offered to the lover of literature. They
travelled through France into Italy, and to their ulti-
mate destination Rome.
He mentions neither the impression made upon his
young mind by his wanderings among the Franks, nor
the feelings awakened in him by the first view of the
city of Rome. We may, however, suppose that the igno-
rance and rude manners of the Franks tended to make
Rome appear to still greater advantage. For if any
place in the western world could captivate a young mind
ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, it was Rome once
the metropolis of the civilized world, and whose very
ruins recalled to mind the magnificence of by-gone
centuries, and the once flourishing state of science and of
art. Even at that time, Rome, more than any other
spot in the west of Europe, was the abode of the
sciences ; and had already laid the foundations of a new
universal dominion, which, more powerful than that de-
stroyed by the Germans, was to be upheld not by force
of arms, but by spiritual power ; and which, by means of
prejudice and superstition, was one day to bind the na-
tions of the earth in inextricable chains. Alcuin's resi-
dence at Rome probably strengthened the ideas he had
early conceived of the dignity of the pope, and prepared
him to contribute a stone to the boldly constructed edi-
fice of the hierarchy.
After his return, Alcuin remained at York as assistant
to his master Aelbert, till the latter was appointed to the
archbishop's see on the death of his relation Egbert,
which took place on the 1 1th of November, 766. Being
prevented by his office from devoting the same care as
LIBRARY AT YORK. 11
formerly to the school, Aelbert consecrated Alcuin deacon,
and inducted him into the situation he himself had oc-
cupied, and committed to him the superintendance of the
library attached to the school. If we compare this col-
lection of books with the admiration and excessive en-
comiums of cotemporaries, and consider that throughout
the whole kingdom of France, its equal not only did not
exist, but could not be procured, we may form some idea
of the state of literature at that period, and of what
Charles and Alcuin effected. " Here," says Alcuin, in
a poem, wherein he celebrates the church of York, its
superintendants and its saints, " here may be found monu-
ments of the ancient fathers, works produced in Latium
by the Romans themselves, and those which were trans-
ferred to them from the glorious land of Greece ; truths
received by the Hebrew nation from above, which Africa
has with pure light extended." If the following list does
not comprise all the books, we may rest assured that the
principal are enumerated. Aristotle, Cicero, Pompeius
(Justin's Abridgment), Pliny. Virgil, Statius, Lucan and
Boethius are the only classical authors whom he speci-
fies. In addition to these, a few ancient grammarians,
some Christian poets, and the fathers of the church, in
the Latin tongue, are mentioned. Even in those days, as
in the times of antiquity, instruction was chiefly oral, the
art of printing not having as yet given rise to the great
and extensive prevalence of books. A school was there-
fore elevated into importance by the fame of an able
teacher ; and the flourishing institution at York derived
this advantage from Alcuin : even foreigners resorted
thither to pursue their theological studies. Liudger, a
12 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
native of Friesland, of noble birth, who was afterwards
canonized, repaired to York 1 , and perhaps many others,
whose names being unaccompanied by any remarkable
event, have not descended to posterity. Alcuin main-
tained a correspondence by letter with the most distin-
guished among his scholars, many of whom were subse-
quently summoned to fill the highest offices.
Aelbert died on the 8th November, 780, and was suc-
ceeded by Eanbald, a pupil in the school at York. In
order to obtain for him the archbishop's pall, Alcuin
the following year travelled to Rome. At the same
time, Charles, king of France, accompanied by his family,
was on his way back from that city, where he had passed
the winter. He was returning to his own country, medi-
tating splendid projects for the amelioration of his people,
but in considerable embarrassment as to the means of
effecting his wishes. A great mind, like that possessed
by Charles, could not behold the ruins of antiquity,
without regretting that so highly cultivated an era should
have passed away, and without wishing again to call it into
existence. A fortunate chance led him to Parma, whilst
Alcuin was there, who, if not personally 2 , was at all
events by reputation well known to him. After a con-
versation, in which the king probably communicated to
him his designs for the improvement of his people by
education, and his difficulty in finding competent instruc-
tors, he requested Alcuin to become the organizer of all
the institutions which he meditated establishing in
France. Alcuin promised to comply with the king's
wishes, if permitted by his superiors, and, in that case, to
ALCUIN'S ASSISTANTS. 13
return to him after the completion of his present com-
mission.
On his arrival at York, he easily obtained the permis-
sion required, and returned, accompanied by some of his
pupils as assistants .5 Amongst these were Wizo sur-
named Candidus, Fredegisus or Fridugisus surnamed
Nathaniel, and Singulfus, all of whom we shall have oc-
casion to mention frequently, and who deserved and en-
joyed his confidence for the faithful service which they
rendered him. Osulf, however, who likewise followed
him, had not sufficient firmness to withstand temptation,
but yielded himself up to a course of life unworthy of a
scholar, and still more unworthy of an ecclesiastic.
Alcuin tried every means to bring him back into the
right path. He wrote three letters 1 to him, the lan-
guage of which is forcible and earnest, addressing him
in terms alternately eloquent and feeling. " Why," he
exclaims in one passage to his lost son, " why hast thou
abandoned thy father who has educated thee from thy
childhood, who has instructed thee in the liberal sciences,
and led thee in the ways of virtue, and furnished thee
with the doctrines of eternal life ? Why hast thou joined
thyself to a troop of harlots, to the revels of the
drunkard, to the follies of the vain ? Art thou that
youth who was praised by every tongue, lovely in every
eye, commended to every ear ? Alas ! alas ! now thou
art censured by every tongue, hateful to every eye, and
cursed to every ear." He represents to him, in the strongest
colours of those times, the torments of hell and th? joys
of heaven. Then he attempts to work upon his feelings
of ambition, and proposes to him, as an example, his fel-
14 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
low-pupil, Eanbald of York. But neither the hopes nor
fears of an obscure futurity, nor the sentiments of honour
had the effect upon him which Alcuin desired to pro-
duce.
With these pupils, as assistants in his new and
important vocation, Alcuin arrived in France in the
year 782.
SECTION II.
ALCUIN'S RESIDENCE DURING EIGHT YEARS AT THE
COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE. A. D. 782790.
1. Of the State of Civilisation in the Kingdom of
France.
AT the period of the conquest of Gaul by the Franks,
the natives were far superior to their conquerors in in-
tellectual cultivation. The permanent footing which the
victors obtained had, however, no influence in refining
their manners ; and their adoption of the Christian
religion contributed less to eradicate their barbarism than
to increase their superstition. Instead of the new settlers
acquiring a share of civilisation, the natives assimilated
themselves to them more than the Romans had done to
other tribes of Germany, by whom they had been sub-
dued. In times when religion forms the sole subject of
mental interest, we can judge of the general state of
civilisation by the condition of the priests. From the
moment that the Franks began to aspire to high digni-
ties in the church, such a degeneracy of manners pre-
STATE OF THE FRANK CLERGY. 15
vailed amongst the superior clergy, that we should scarcely
credit the accounts of the ignorance. and scandalous prac-
tices of many ecclesiastics, were they not recorded by
Gregory himself. Intemperance in drinking 1 , perjury 2 ,
debauchery, adultery 8 , and the most abominable cruelties
were as common among the bishops as among the rest
of the Franks. The contagion of their evil example
spread among the inferior clergy ; and had not some re-
sisted the general depravity, and distinguished themselves
by lives strict in proportion to the profligacy of the rest,
or had not ignorance and barbarism of the times been so
great that the most absurd superstitions found a ready
acceptance, it would be difficult for us to conceive how a
religion could continue to be held in estimation, whose
ministers surpassed other men not in virtue but in vice.
The lives of the clergy being subject to no inspection,
they sank still lower throughout the whole Christian world
during the restless and warlike times when the sceptre
was transferred from the enfeebled line of the Mero-
vingian house to the more vigorous hand of the race of
Charlemagne. A system, therefore, such as Popery
developed itself in its commencement, was a positive
benefit to the middle ages. In the warmth with which
Popery is both attacked and defended, it is but too often
overlooked, that there was a time when it was beneficial
to mankind, as well as a time when it degenerated through
the abuse of its power, and ripened for the destruction
connected with the accomplishment of its objects. Every
human expedient is the result only of peculiar exigencies ;
and no sooner does it cease to be necessary than it
loses its importance, which no means, however artfully
16 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
contrived, can restore, Were the Roman hierarchy now
surrounded even by an army of Jesuits, we need not
dread the thunders of the Vatican. The depravity of
the clergy, however, proves how necessary it was in those
days to create an authority distinct from the temporal
power to control their lives ; and we shall see hereafter,
that, in the thorough reform undertaken by Charlemagne
he was induced to favour the Hierarchy from a conviction
of its necessity.
Charles Mart-el had imposed military service on the
church, as well as on the other fiefs, and left it to the
choice of the ecclesiastics either to resign their tempo-
ralities, or to perform the obligations under which they
held them. The greater part preferred retaining them
by this disgraceful tenure, to the alternative of being
deprived of their possessions. Charles Martel even
rewarded many of his adherents for their services in
battle, with lands and offices belonging to the church,
and appointed bishops who had neither capacity for their
charge, nor any conception of its dignity 4 . Although,
through the zeal of St. Boniface, some of the most un-
worthy were displaced in the following reign, yet these
solitary instances had little effect on the whole system.
To reform abuses so enormous, required all the power
and vigour of a man like Charlemagne.
2. Charlemagne.
At the time when Einhard wrote the life of Charle-
magne he was unable to meet with any one who could
furnish him with information respecting the birth,
CHARLEMAGNE'S EARLY EDUCATION. 17
childhood, and youth of his hero ; and he deemed it absurd
to hand down unauthenticated reports to posterity 1 . Sur-
prising as is this confession, it will appear less strange
when we reflect, that Einhard resided at Charles's court
only during the latter part of his reign ; and that he did
not enjoy that intimacy with the monarch which has
been recorded by history, from the tradition of his
amour with the pretended daughter of the king. Pro-
bably, at that period, he had not begun to entertain the
idea of writing the life of Charles, or he could certainly have
found no difficulty in collecting the necessary materials ;
and when afterwards, in the seclusion of a cloister, he
availed himself of his leisure to prosecute the work,
whose classical style exhibits the most convincing proof
of the impulse given by Charles's institutions to the
national civilisation; much, perhaps, had escaped his
memory or seemed to him not sufficiently authentic to
be incorporated into a description, which, while it paints
such a character in the most glowing colours, should
represent only the true features. This assertion of a
contemporary must not, therefore, deter us from availing
ourselves of the account given by Einhard, and other
authors, to produce a sketch of the early education of
Charles. He was brought up after the ordinary manner
of the French nobility, being taught the use of arms, and
the usual athletic exercises of hunting, riding, and
swimming. Intellectual cultivation was considered of
so little importance for the future sovereign of a warlike
people, that he did not even learn to write; and, not-
withstanding all the pains which he took in after life to
supply the deficiency, he could never attain to a ready and
18 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
skilful use of the pen 1 . Neither was he in his youth in-
structed in the Latin language ; he understood it, indeed,
as it was then commonly spoken in Gaul, but not ac-
cording to rule, and the usage of the ancient Latin authors.
He endeavoured, at a more advanced age, to remedy this
defect also of his education ; and, if we may believe his
biographers, not without success. In conversation, where
inaccuracies are less striking, he, perhaps, made himself
understood with as much facility as he understood others ;
but the difficulty he experienced in expressing himself in
writing, is evident from a letter which he wrote from his
camp at Ens to his wife Fastrada, in 79 1. 2 The
rest of his letters, which are in a better and more
easy style, were either composed by others to whom he
communicated his ideas, or were examined and corrected
by some learned friend, as were the French works of
Frederick the Great.
Although his education was not calculated to develop
his literary talents, it did not, at all events, stifle his nobler
qualities ; and it required only an external stimulus and
excitement to kindle in him that ardent desire for know-
ledge, which he afterwards endeavoured to satisfy amid
the tumult of war, and when harrassed by circumstances
the most intricate, and business the most urgent. Deterred
by the fearful example of others, he early learnt to shun
excess and intemperance ; and throughout his whole life,
not only practised moderation himself and introduced it
into his family and household, but also issued salutary
edicts against drunkenness, in order to eradicate that
deeply rooted propensity of the Germans. His vigorous
understanding, and his mind, naturally susceptible of all
RESTORATION OF THE COURT SCHOOL. 19
that was great and beautiful, found in the circumstances
of his early youth ample materials for serious reflection
and noble resolutions. We must remember how readily
the young mind embraces all that is presented to it, and
how deep and permanent is the impression of every thing
which really awakens the imagination, in order to be able
properly to estimate the effect produced on the youthful
Charles by his father's accession to the Merovingian
throne, and his own consecration and coronation by Pope
Stephen the Third.
As Charles increased in years, and especially after he
had ascended the throne, he felt more and more keenly
the want of education, both in himself and all who sur-
rounded him. A monarch possessing a mind less exalted
than his, would, in his situation, have protected the
ignorance which he so strenuously sought to banish, and
would have despised in others that in which he himself
had no participation ; but his sentiments were far too
noble to admit of his adopting such a course, and he
endeavoured rather to remove the causes to which this
deficiency in civilisation was to be attributed. His first
step was to restore the court school, wherein the princes
and sons of the nobility had formerly been educated, but
which had been neglected during the tumult of the late
tempestuous times. In consequence, however, of the
deficiency of competent persons to establish any regular
system, he was compelled to have recourse to foreigners.
On his return from his first expedition across the Alps,
in the year 774, he brought with him two learned Italians,
the deacon Paul, author of the history of Lombardy,
and Peter, A.M. of_ Pisa. He appointed Peter master
20 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
of the court school, and himself received instruction
from him in the Latin grammar : probably, he either
died soon afterwards or was incompetent to his situation,
as the establishment made no progress until the arrival
of Alcuin.
3. Alcuin as Instructor to the Kiny and Royal
Family .
Alcuin arrived in France in the year 782, for the
purpose of undertaking the management of the court
school, the instruction of the king, and the education of
the princes and princesses. In the same year, the Saxon
rebellion commenced such a series of important and
complicated political events, that it seems inconceivable
how Charles could snatch a moment from the cares of
state to devote to literary objects. Two years of un-
disturbed tranquillity among the Saxons, had induced
Charles to believe that he might venture to introduce
French regulations among them. Accordingly, he com-
menced by ordering a general levy of the Saxon troops ;
no sooner, however, did the Saxons see themselves
collected in considerable numbers, with arms in their
hands, than the general feeling of hatred produced the
determination of turning them, not against the enemies of
the Franks, but against the Franks themselves. The
cruel severity with which Charles punished this mutiny
of the soldiers, united the whole body of Saxons against
him. Two sanguinary engagements, the only pitched
battles fought in this tedious war, distinguished the
following year (783) ; and though the Saxons were
DUKE ARIGIS OF BENEVENTUM. 21
compelled to quit the field, from the superior discipline
of their opponents, they continued, in separate parties,
to make such an obstinate resistance, that Charles did not
venture to lay aside his arms during the whole of the
summer and winter of 784-5 ; and it was only by
dreadful and barbarous devastation of the country, and
by winning over some of the principal people by flattery
and condescension, that he was at length enabled to
reduce the chiefs, and afterwards the people, to sub-
mission. The repose thus obtained was not of long
duration. Duke Arigis of Beneventum, confiding in the
distance at which his territories were placed from those
of France, in the number and strength of his fortresses,
and still more in his alliance with the Greeks, who were
desirous of restoring to the throne of Lombardy the son
of Desiderius, who had taken refuge at Constantinople,
assumed an independence which obliged the king to
cross the Alps. Charles knew well how to estimate and
to overcome the difficulties annexed to a campaign in
lower Italy. Had he determined, as usual, upon leading
the army, not till after the May-meeting, across the Alps,
he would have reached Beneventum in a season when the
heat would have rendered all military operations im-
practicable, or have produced sickness among the troops ;
but so great was his authority, or the readiness of the
Franks to serve him, that he commenced his march
towards Italy in the autumn of 786. The Duke of
Beneventum had, in his calculations, overlooked the
power and abilities of his great opponent ; and when,
early in the spring of 787, Charles suddenly entered his
dominions, he was so completely taken by surprise that
22 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
he was glad to purchase the clemency of the victor by
submission. Charles accepted his offers of subjection ;
but not till he had made a sufficient display of his power
to ensure obedience. No sooner, however, had he re-
crossed the Alps for the purpose of chastising the duke
of Bavaria for the part taken by him in this design
against France, than Arigis, having entered into fresh
negotiations with the Greeks, projected a scheme that
might have proved dangerous to the Frank supremacy in
Italy and Germany, had it been as skilfully executed as
it was ably conceived. It was concerted that the Bava-
rians and Avari on the one side, and the Greeks with
the Lombards on the other, should rise simultaneously ;
while it was expected that the Saxons would not fail to
profit by this favourable moment to shake off the yoke of
oppression. The decision and good fortune of Charles,
however, hurled back upon the author the 1 blow aimed
at the Franks. The untimely death of the duke of
Beneventum, and the wise measures adopted by Charles,
frustrated the landing of the Greeks in Italy ; and the
second participation of Thassilo in this treasonable alli-
ance was punished by the deposition of the duke, and the
extinction of the dukedom of Bavaria. The Avari, who,
according to the stipulations, invaded the French ter-
ritories, encountered, in Charles, an irresistible oppo-
nent, and involved themselves in a war which led to their
political annihilation. The Saxons, so far from venturing
on any hostile movement, accompanied the king in a
campaign which he undertook the following year, 789,
against the Sclavonians, a people inhabiting the right
bank of the Elbe. He looked upon this river as the
CHARLEMAGNE'S LITERARY EXERTIONS. 23
natural eastern boundary of his kingdom, and endeavoured
to secure it, not only by erecting fortresses, but by re-
ducing the Sclavonians on the opposite bank to subjection.
It was during these troublous times, that Alcuin first
took up his abode at the court of France, and com-
menced his labours for the mental improvement of the
king, the royal family, and the people. One cannot but
admire, with Alcuin 1 , the noble mind and extraordinary
activity of Charles, and acknowledge the superiority of a
man who, in the midst of so many distracting political cares
and warlike operations, could occupy himself with literary
pursuits, the value of which was at that time far from
being generally acknowledged. It was only by scrupu-
lously availing himself of every moment, that he could
find time for these various employments. Even during
his meals, he never failed to introduce either reading or
instructive conversation 2 . The political constitution of
France was so organised that it allowed the king to pass
the winter months in tranquillity in the bosom of his
family ; and if extraordinary circumstances obliged him
to keep the field during that season, as he was compelled
to do from the year 784 to 785, he required his family to
join him 3 . He had therefore nearly eight winter months
to spend in intercourse with Alcuin, and in literary occu-
pations. What the subjects of study were, and how they
were treated of in those times, we may best learn from
Alcuin's works ; and as the importance of learning to the
state and church of France was first recognised by Charles,
the institutions established for its propagation would na-
turally adopt the views which Alcuin as teacher, and
Charles as learner, might entertain. In his commentary
24 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
on the Book of Ecclesiastes, 1 Alcuin speaks of the
division of the then known sciences. According to him,
they are divided into Ethics, Physics, and Theology, and
were really taught in the order in which they are here
placed. This is more clearly explained in a discourse
between himself and two of his pupils, to be found in the
Introduction to his grammar. 2 The students desire to be
conducted to the higher branches of learning, and to be-
hold the seven degrees of theoretic doctrine, so often
promised. The teacher points out to them, Grammar,
Rhetoric, Dialectic, Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and
Astronomy, or, as it was then called, Astrology. The first
three (afterwards called the Trivium) formed the Ethics
of Alcuin, and the four others, or the Quadrivium, the
Physics: these two parts were only preparatory studies for
the highest of all, Theology. The knowledge of these
sciences was to form and strengthen the mind for the
understanding of the true faith, and to protect it against
the erroneous doctrines of heretics.
There are still extant manuals by Alcuin, especially on
the various branches of ethics, which enable us to describe
his mode of treating them. As far as regards the first
part of the Trivium, Grammar, he adopts the form of a
conversation between two students, a Saxon and a Frank,
who receive from their master information on those
points which they do not comprehend. Latin was not, in
those days, in the same degree as at present, a dead
language : it was still spoken in several parts of the Frank
kingdom, and constantly used in all public transactions,
and also in the church. A grammar written at that period,
must necessarily be purely practical. In our schools
ALCUIN'S GRAMMAR. 25
Latin is considered the best medium of instruction for
young people ; because it unites in itself the double ad-
vantage of being the best means of developing the under-
standing in a logical manner, and of imparting at the
same time the knowledge of a foreign language. None
of the modern languages, which, on account of their
practical utility, the philanthropist would wish to substi-
tute for it, can supply what the Latin affords. Who-
ever is well grounded in Latin, may readily acquire a
knowledge of all the modern tongues ; less because some
of them are derived from it, than because a mind which
has been strengthened by the study of the Latin grammar,
only requires a little practice, in order to comprehend the
peculiarities of a modern language, and to use it with
facility. But in Alcuin's times, Latin was not learned so
perfectly, nor with this view ; and his grammar is conse-
quently nothing more than a system of forms. (He treats
of single words and their forms, without specifying how
they are to be used in the construction of a sentence. ) We
do not find any thing that is necessary to be known,
omitted : still, we cannot but disapprove the inconvenient
arrangement, and want of accuracy in the definitions.
The beginning of the section on prepositions, may
serve as an example. 1 To the question, " What is a pre-
position?" the answer is, "An indeclinable part of speech.''
Here, an accidental outward form is made the principal
characteristic, and is so much the less accurate, as there
are many other words besides prepositions which are
indeclinable. Equally defective is the reply to the second
question on the use of the prepositions, " They must be
placed before other parts of speech, either by being
26 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
compounded with, or united to them." A peculiarity like
this can only be a sign, not a definition; and, besides,
this explanation excludes all the prepositions that are
placed after their cases. Alcuin^sgrammar is evidently
written more for the memory than the uiiderstanding.
The examples are selected from the classics, most of them
from Virgil ; some from 'Ference, Juvenal, Luca.n, and
Cicero.
An appendix to the grammar treats of orthography.
It is no small merit in Alcuin, that he recommended by
his example, and facilitated by his instructions, accuracy
in the transcription of books. (But for him, many of the
manuscripts of the middle ages would have been still
more defective than they are.) He is, therefore, entitled
to the thanks of the whole of western Europe, whose high
degree of cultivation and enlightenment is derived from
those works of antiquity preserved by the care and dili-
gence of the monks. In the monastery of St. Martin of
Tours, of which Alcuin afterwards became abbot, a room
called The Museum was specially appropriated to the
transcribers. On the walls, verses were written 1 strictly
enjoining them to avoid inserting any words not war-
ranted by the original, but founded only on their own
ideas, and cautioning them against too great rapidity in
writing. They were also recommended to make the
proper breaks 2 , and to be careful of the right^ punctua-
tion. For this purpose, Alcuin had written a book on
orthography, of which there remains only an abstract
made by a monk of Saltzburg, for the use of himself and
others. It contains a short list, alphabetically arranged,
ALCUIN'S RHETORIC. 27
principally of such words as are sounded alike but spelt
differently, of synonymous and irregular verbs.
The grammar acquainted the learner simply with
words ; the formation of sentences was taught by Logic
in the most extended sense of the term, which naturally
divides itself into two parts; Rhetoric, or the art of
convincing others, and Dialectic, or the art of distinguish-
ing truth from falsehood.
The subject of Rhetoric is discussed in a dialogue
between Charlemagne and Alcuin ; the questions of the
king serving to elicit the principles of the teacher.
The treatiseis entirely confined to forensic eloquence ;
anda the rules are taken from the Romans, so also do
their principles of jurisprudence form the groundwork of
this composition. It would have been an invaluable trea-
sure, had it described to us the actual proceedings in a
Frank court of justice, instead of representing the liti-
gations which the ancient rhetoricians had partly invented,
and partly taken from real life and from history. In
those times, when simple cases were easily decided, and
the more complicated submitted to the judgment of God,
such a system of rhetoric was of no practical importance ;
but it was calculated to give acuteness and precision to
the understanding, and accustomed the student to express
himself with ease and fluency. At the conclusion of the
treatise is a short discourse on tEc virtues. Here, also,
Alcuin retains the classification of the ancient philosophers,
but with an adaptation to the ideas of Christianity. This
appears to me sufficiently interesting to deserve a literal
quotation. " I wonder," observes the king, " that we
Christians should so often depart from virtue, though we
28 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
have eternal glory promised as its recompense by Jesus
Christ, who is Truth itself ; whilst the heathen philoso-
phers steadily pursued it merely on account of its intrinsic
worth, and for the sake of fame."
Alcuin. " We must rather deplore than wonder, that
most of us will not be induced to embrace virtue either by
the fear of punishment or the hope of promised reward."
Charles. " I see it, and must, alas ! acknowledge, that
there are many such. I beg you, however, to inform me
as briefly as possible, how we, as Christians, are to under-
stand and regard these chief virtues."
Alcuin. " Does not that appear to you to be wisdom,
whereby God, after the manner of human understanding,
is known and feared, and his future judgment believed ?"
Charles. " I understand you ; and grant that nothing
is more excellent than this wisdom. I also remember
that it is written in Job, Behold, the wisdom of man is
the fear of God. And what is the fear of God, but the
worship of God, which in the Greek is called Geoo-^ia."
Alcuin. " It is so : and farther, what is righteousness
but the love of God, and the observance of his com-
mandments ?"
Charles. " I perceive this also, that nothing is more
perfect than this righteousness, or rather that there is no
other than this."
Alcuin. " Do you not consider that to be valour
whereby a man overcomes the * Evil One/ and is enabled
to bear with firmness the trials of the world ?"
Charles. " Nothing appears to me more glorious
than such a victory."
Alcuin. " Is not that temperance which checks desire,
ALCUIN'S LOGIC. 29
restrains avarice, and tranquillises and governs all the
passions of the soul ?"
The king agrees to this also, and thus the whole
dialogue concludes.
The treatise on the second part of Logic, or the third
part of Ethics, is a continuation of the former ; and
therefore, also, in the form of a dialogue betwixt Alcuin
and his royal pupil. The rules and examples given for
the formation of syllogisms are quite in the style of
Aristotle's category, on which indeed the work is founded,
without any of the subtleties and absurd sophistry of the
later schoolmen, who were disputants by profession, and
could not calculate upon a victory on which depended
their reputation and their very existence, unless they
possessed sharper weapons of attack, and higher entrench-
ments of dialectic forms for their defence than their ad-
versaries. The examples are taken in part from the
Latin authors, particularly from the works of Virgil and
Cicero.
The three subjects of the Trivium had no particular
reference to the daily interests of life, affecting them only
in so far as they tended to the general improvement of the
mind. They were useful as the handmaidens of theology,
and intended for the support of the true faith ; but when
an impetus has once been given to thought, it is impos-
sible to prescribe its course. The mind now aroused to
philosophical research, boldly instituted an enquiry into
the dogmas of the church, testing them, not by their ex-
ternal authority but by their internal worth. It will be
seen that during the reign of Charlemagne, the pre-
tensions of the Church, and during that of his son and
30 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
successor, the administration of public affairs, underwent
a rigorous investigation. It was neither the superior
justice of their cause, nor the weight of their influence,
that procured for the sons of Louis the Pious the victory
over their father ; but the talents of men like Agobard,
who considered a reform in the state necessary, and who
hoped to see accomplished in their own way, by the sons
who were dependent on them, those schemes which the
father had neither sufficient independence of mind, nor
reckless firmness of character to execute. The science
of Ethics, therefore, as it was then taught, was important
as a means of liberating the mind from the shackles of
superstition and despotism. Had it extended throughout
all classes, as Charlemagne intended, it would have given
a very different aspect to the character of the middle
ages ; but the laity being opposed to the clergy merely as
a physical force, the latter had all the advantage of edu-
cation on their side, and of course obtained the victory in
every intellectual contest.
The four component parts of Physics were of a more
practical kind, and applicable to the objects of ordinary
life. Although Alcuin has not systematically developed
his views in any work on the subject, still there exists a
sufficient number of passages in his letters to Charles, to
indicate his method, and the share which the king took
in those scientific pursuits. Astronomy was the study that
chiefly interested him. This science affords to the mind
which has not yet arrived at a perfect consciousness of
its own capabilities, an external object to which it may
elevate itself, and from which it may obtain a standard
whereby to measure its own power ; for there is some-
CHARLEMAGNE'S CALENDAR. 31
thing sublime in the thought that the laws of nature, to
which our material being must do homage, are subordi-
nate to our intellectual faculties. The king studied it,
also, with a view to the accurate admeasurement of time,
and the formation of a fixed calendar so important for the
.regulation of life both in church and state. He required
Alcuin to calculate 1 the lunar and solar year, and to ex-
plain, from astronomical observations, the cause of the
overplus of ten hours and a half in each month, in con-
sequence of which the year gained five days, six hours,
and every fourth year an intercalary day 2 . The com-
pletion of the nineteen years' cycle, in the year 797,
having rendered the intercalation of a day necessary, in
order to avoid confusion in the calendar, Alcuin pro-
posed counting thirty-one days in the month of No-
vember. At that time, but contrary to his will, a new
method of calculation, the Alexandrian reckoning, had
insinuated itself into the court school ; and a dispute arose
as to the period when the year should commence. Those
who adopted the new method insisted that the year ought
to begin at the autumnal equinox, when the light of day
is becoming shorter, and the darkness of night longer ;
whilst Alcuin maintained that the commencement of in-
creasing light, the winter solstice, a time which also
coincided with the festival of Christmas, was a more con-
venient period. He ridicules his opponents with much
ingenuity and bitterness. " Darkness/' he says, " might
be very suitable to Egyptians; but he rejoiced that he had
escaped from it, with Moses, to live and to abide in the
precious land of light ; and that on no account would he,
nor should the king either, return to Egyptian darkness.
32 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Charles was such an attentive observer of the heavens
that nothing remarkable occurred without attracting his
notice, and awakening his reflection. From the month
of July, 798, till the same month in the following year,
the planet Mars was nowhere visible in the heavens ;
wherefore, the king, who had in vain sought for it in the
constellation Cancer, asked Alcuin whether its disap-
pearance was to be attributed to its own natural course, or
to the power of the sun, or to a miracle. 1 These facts
sufficiently attest the interest which Charles took in as-
tronomy, and confirm the passing remark of Einhard, that
the king devoted more time and pains to astronomy 2
than to any other science. It seems he was desirous of
constructing a German almanac ; at all events, the intro-
duction of German names of the months originated with
him ; some he borrowed from the Anglo-Saxon, and
some he invented. He called January Winter-month ;
February, Horning-month ; March, Spring-month ;
April, Easter-month ; May, Pleasure-month ; June,
Fallow-month ; July, Hay-month ; August, Harvest-
month ; September, Meadow-month ; October, Wind-
month ; November, Autumn-month ; December, Holy-
month.
Astronomy, like the other branches of physics, was, in
Alcuin's opinion, to be regarded as a science principally
in its reference to theology. Its object was to afford to
the doubting mind the most convincing evidence of the
existence of a Creator, to awaken in the believer the
highest veneration of the wisdom of the A Imighty, and to
strengthen his faith 1 . Even arithmetic first derived its
title to be considered a science from its adaptation to
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS. 33
Theology. The numbers in the Holy Scriptures, for in-
stance, could not escape the mystical interpretation which
it was the fashion of those times to give, and which was
held to be essential to the right faith ; they were supposed
to contain a hidden meaning, which Arithmetic would
help to disclose. Alcuin's method, and the acuteness
with which he traces through all its windings a theory,
which, however perverted it may seem, was by no means
destitute of ingenuity, will be best seen in a letter of
which the following is a literal translation. It is ad-
dressed to one of his pupils named Onias or Daphnis 1 ;
and explains the passage in the Song of Solomon, wherein
it is said, vi. 8. " There are threescore queens, and
fourscore concubines and virgins without number." He
writes thus : " An accurate acquaintance with numbers,
teaches us that some are even, others uneven ; that of the
even numbers, some are perfect, others imperfect ; and
further, that of the imperfect numbers, some are greater,
others less. All numbers are unequal that cannot be
divided into two equal parts, such as 7 or 9, which, if
divided, will be found to contain unequal parts. Of the
equal numbers, some are perfect, others imperfect. A
perfect number is one which is formed entirely of its
aliquot parts, which will divide without leaving a frac-
tional remainder, and the sum of whose parts is neither
greater nor less than the whole. Take, for example, the
number 6 ; the half of 6 is 3, the third is 2, and the sixth
1, which parts added together make 6 ; thus producing
no fractions by division, nor overplus by the addition of
the aliquot parts. The perfect Creator, therefore, who
made all things very good, created the world in six days,
34 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
in order to show that every thing that he had formed,
was perfect in its kind. On the other hand, if we divide
the numher 8, we shall find that the sum of its parts is
less than the whole. The half of 8 is 4, the fourth is 2,
the eighth 1, which parts, when added together, produce
not 8 but 7 ; 1 + 2 + 4 = 7 not 8. On this account,
when the human race after the flood replenished the
earth, they originated from the number 8 ; for we read
that 8 persons were in Noah's ark, from whom all man-
kind is descended ; thus indicating that the second race
is less perfect than the first, which had heen created in
the number 6. As Adam was formed on the sixth day
out of the virgin earth, so also our Redeemer, the
restorer of the primitive perfection was born of the Virgin
Mary in the sixth age of the world, in order to proclaim
by his coming the perfection of the number 6, which had
been intimated at the creation of the first man. We see,
moreover, the progression of numbers in certain regular
series until they become infinite. The first progression
of numbers is from 1 to 10, the second from 10 to 100,
the third from 100 to 1000. The same rule of perfec-
tion or imperfection that applies to the first series from
1 to 10, applies also to the second from 10 to 100. For
as the number 6 when divided by units is found to be
perfect, so also will the number 60, when divided by tens,
the 10 in this case taking the place of the unit. The
division of 60 into its aliquot parts is as follows ; the half
of 60 is 30, like as 3 is the half of 6 ; the third is 20, as
2 is of 6 ; and 10 stands in the place of the unit ; these
parts, when added together, make 60 : thus -
10 + 20 + 30 = 60; as 1 + 2 + 3 = 6. The same
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS. 35
rule cannot be applied to the division of 80 ; for of 80,
the half is 40, the fourth 20; the eighth 10; the sum
of which is not 80 but 70 5 for 10 -f 20 + 40 = 70.
" The sixty queens and eighty concubines are the mem-
bers of the holy church. Of these, some devote them-
selves to teaching purely from love to Christ ; others who
seek worldly advantage, labour, indeed, in the church,
but it is for the sake of temporal gain, not from a longing
after the heavenly country, that they are willing thus to
toil. The latter are compared in their imperfection to
the number 80 ; but the former in their perfect holiness
are denoted by the number 60. They are worthy the
name of queens, because they, simply from love to the
bridegroom and a desire to multiply the heirs of heaven,
seek to perpetuate a blessed succession by means of
baptism and instruction. The others, on the contrary, are
designated by the name of concubines, because, although
they also, through baptism and instruction, often produce
w r orthy sons, yet, being actuated by the love of this world
and the ambition of acquiring earthly honour, they them-
selves remain unhonoured. With such, I beseech thee,
my dearest son, avoid all fellowship ; and if through the
mercy of God thou shouldst hereafter become worthy to
be an instructor, labour unceasingly from love to him
who shed his blood for thy salvation, in order that thou
mayest obtain in recompense, not perishable riches, but
everlasting glory round the throne of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to whom be praise and glory for ever and ever.
Amen/'
All the numbers that occur in the Holy Scriptures
were at that time interpreted in a similar manner; and it
36 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
was only in this point of view that Alcuin would allow
arithmetic to possess any scientific utility or any power to
afford intellectual enjoyment 1 . Consequently, geometry,
which would admit of no such application, held a subordi-
nate rank, so long as the value of science was calculated
solely with reference to theology ; while, on the other hand,
music was held in high estimation. The importance of
music in divine service was too great, not to secure for it a
prominent place amongst the subjects of instruction in the
schools at that period. To the service of God, solemnities
are essential which are able to set the spirit free from the
common cares and interests of life, and to attune it to the
sublimest sentiments of devotion. Nothing short of a
revolution, which, in the violence with which it overturns
all existing institutions, brings about the opposite extreme,
could have induced men to sever the connection between
the arts and religion, to banish all ceremonies and to sub-
stitute a cold morality for the heart-stirring doctrines of
religion. The churches robbed of their decorations
became mere lecture-rooms, the pulpit was degraded into
the professor's chair, whence the teacher delivered to his ]
audience a discourse on morals. But as soon as the ex-
citement produced by such contests has subsided, a mere
address to the understanding will be found incompetent
to rouse men from apathy, and the necessity of adopting
some mode of external worship that shall appeal directly
to the feelings will become apparent. In the absence of
other means, appropriate music and singing are and ever
will be the simplest, and at the same time the most effec-
tual. What at that time was called music, was nothing
more than chaunting ; but this defect Charlemagne
ALCUIN'S RESPECT FOR THE POPE. 37
endeavoured to remedy to the best of his ability ; for he
himself had a taste for music, which he cultivated under
Alcuin's instruction. The choir of his cathedral was the
most celebrated in France, and was considered a model for
that of all the other churches'.
The system of Theology, and the interest taken by
Charles and his friends in the studies appertaining to it,
will find a more appropriate place for discussion, when the
controversy betwixt the orthodox church and the new
sect of Adoptionists passes under review. It is probable
that during his first residence at court, Alcuin communi-
cated to the king his views on many subjects of importance
both to the church and state ; especially his sentiments
with regard to the position of the Pope. As an Anglo-
Saxon, he was imbued with the most humble and profound
reverence for the holy see. In a letter to Hadrian the
first 2 , he acknowledges the Pope as the worthy successor
of St. Peter, and styles him the heir of the power granted
by Christ to the apostles, of binding and loosing in
heaven and on earth. He found the papal authority
already firmly established in the French kingdom, particu-
larly in that portion of it which was purely German ; for
the restoration of Christianity in those parts, where it
had been formerly professed, and the introduction of it
where it was utterly unknown, had been principally
effected by the Anglo-Saxons.
The veneration felt by the Germans for their heathen
priests was adroitly transferred by these Missionaries to
the ministers of Christianity, and particularly to the
sovereign pontiff, the Pope, of whom men conceived ideas
magnified in proportion to the distance at which he
38 THE LIFE OF ALCUJN.
governed. A model for the establishment of a hierarchy
had been already furnished in the history of the Jewish
nation, with which, through the medium of the Old Tes-
tament, the people were more conversant than with that
of their own country, and which could not fail to have a
considerable influence upon their political opinions. The
Jewish polity afforded not merely the only rule that could
be applied to public measures, and the only source from
which the principles of administration could be derived ;
but it was a pattern which seemed so much the more
worthy of imitation, as it had originated in God himself.
The Carlovingian family availed themselves of these
opinions to promote their own advancement, and gave the
theory a practical adaptation. Pepin concealed his usur-
pation under the authority of the Pope, and sanctified his
person and the crowa which he had so unjustly acquired,
by causing himself and his family to be solemnly anointed
first by St. Boniface, and afterwards by the Pope him-
self. It is recorded in the Old Testament, that the high
priest Samuel nominated and anointed a king at the com-
mand of God, and that at the bidding of the same God,
he deposed him in order to place another on his throne.
The idea that the Pope was to be regarded as a second
Samuel, who, like the former, was authorised to depose
one king and consecrate another, was too convenient,
not to become henceforth an important principle in all the
political movements of the middle ages. Alcuin, there-
fore, naturally regarded the authority of the Pope as the
highest upon earth, and ventured to avow his sentiments
to Charlemagne himself. In the same degree as
the see of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, was
SCALE OF TEMPORAL DIGNITIES. 39
superior to every earthly throne, the Pope who occupied
his see could not but be considered superior to every
earthly power. Next in rank to the papal came the im-
perial dignity of the Byzantian emperors who governed
the second Rome ; and then followed that of royalty.
Alcuin adds, however, by way of sweetening the bitter
pill with a little flattery, that if King Charles theoretically
held the third rank amongst the rulers of the earth, he
practically by his power, his wisdom, and the splendour of
his kingdom held the first. 1 It is by no means surprising,
that while opinions such as these were current in the
world, the decretals of the false Isidorus should have
been forged, and obtained credit. Though the grossness
of the forgery is apparent on the very face of the work,
the sentiments which it contained were neither new nor
unheard of, but were compounded of principles already
universally acknowledged, and of inferences deduced from
those principles. The whole scheme of the Roman
hierarchy, as it afterwards displayed itself, was devised at
this period, and although retarded by subsequent un-
favorable circumstances, it was sufficiently matured to
burst forth at the first call of a bold and intrepid spirit in
all its imposing grandeur.
C The sentiments of Alcuin with regard to the war in
which Charlemagne was engaged with the Saxons,
deserve some notice, although they had no influence on
the course of events. He could not but applaud the
efforts of the king to introduce the Christian religion
among the Saxons ; but the manner in which he strove to
accomplish his wish by no means met his approval. Men
of energetic character, like Charles, are usually inflexible
40 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
in the prosecution of their designs, and look upon every
concession to existing circumstances as a proof of weak-
ness. The acceptance of Christianity by the Saxons, as
Charles desired, involved not merely a change of their
religion, but also of their civil constitution, which was
founded upon it ; so that the nobility, whose pre-eminence
was derived solely from their priestly office, struggled
less for their gods than for their rank and political ex-
istence. Alcuin was aware of the manner in which his
pagan ancestors, who were descended from the same
stock, and had professed the same religion as the Saxons,
had been converted to Christianity. He knew that it
had not been effected by external violence, but by permis-
sion. The king and his nobles willingly resigned the
influence they possessed as priests, since the new religion
secured to them equal influence through the medium of
bishopricks and abbacies. He thought it his duty to
recommend to the king a similar mode of proceeding.
He counselled him to present Christianity to the Saxons
under its fairest aspect, and to alleviate the burthens
attached to it as much as possible at its introduction.
Above all things, he warned the king against the imme-
diate imposition of tithes. The Christian clergy were in-
debted for this tribute (the idea of which was borrowed
from the Old Testament) to the artfulness with which
they laid claim to the position of the Jewish priesthood,
thereby transferring to themselves the advantages enjoyed
by that body. Alcuin's reasons do honour both to his
heart and to his understanding, since they prove that he
was entirely free from the blind zeal of the priests. He
doubts, in the first place, whether the tithe be a necessary
ALCUIN'S OPINIONS CONCERNING TITHES. 41
burthen upon Christianity, as it would be difficult to find
an instance wherein the Apostles exacted this tribute, or
bequeathed to their successors any right so to do. If
Charles, however, were determined to insist on the tithe,
he entreats him at least to consider, that a tax which the
established Christians reluctantly consented to pay 1 ,
would naturally alienate the minds of new converts from
a doctrine which they saw to be oppressive even at its
announcement. In his opinion, the introduction of the
tithe system would not be advisable, until Christianity
had been acknowledged by the Saxons as the means of
salvation, and had become endeared to them in such a
degree, that they would consider no burthen connected
with it as too heavy. He urges, therefore, the sending
of such of the clergy as were more concerned for the
welfare of the church than for their own advancement,
and whose characters were calculated to enforce the doc-
trines which they taught. In conclusion, he mentions
three subjects with which converts should become
acquainted, previous to their baptism ; first, the doctrine
of the immortality of the soul, with a description of the
joys prepared for the good in heaven, and the torments
which await the wicked in hell ; then that of the Holy
Trinity ; and lastly, the most important doctrine, that of
the redemption of mankind by Jesus Christ 2 . Charles
did not follow this salutary advice ; and to his obstinacy,
may be attributed the long continuance of tiie Saxon
war for years, and which he could not bring to a conclu-
sion until he had executed some of his chief adversaries,
banished others, and conciliated the rest by the grant of
fiefs.
42 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
In what other political affairs, Alcuin was engaged
during his first residence of eight years at the Frank
Court, we are ignorant, as the portion of his extensive
correspondence, which is extant, refers to a later period)
but we know that his (chief efforts were directed to litera-
ture, for not only the king, but his sons and daughters
likewise were under his tuition. The more Charles felt
the value of a learned education, the more anxious he
became that his children should be carefully instructed,
that he might never hear from them the reproach which
he, perhaps, sometimes silently cast upon his father.
Under such circumstances, however, education easily
takes a wrong direction, for if it endeavour too greatly
to accelerate the progress of cultivation at a time when it
is neglected by the many, and appreciated only by the
few, it inevitably tears asunder all sympathy between the
pupil and his contemporaries. Whilst he looks upon
them as Barbarians, they regard him as a Sybarite, and
thus is engendered a feeling of mutual hostility which
cannot but be injurious to the state. A proof of this
was exhibited in the education, and consequent fantastic
schemes of Otho III. king of Germany, and emperor of
Rome. Charles, however, was wise enough to avoid this
error by combining intellectual instruction with the na-
tional studies of the Franks. The beautiful simplicity of
those times may be seen in a picture, sketched by Einhard,
of the domestic life of Charlemagne. Whilst the
sons perfected themselves in corporeal exercises, rode
with their father to the chace, or accompanied him to
battle, that they might acquire under his own eye that
proficiency in the use of arms so necessary to a Frank
DOMESTIC LIFE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 43
prince, the daughters remained at home occupied in
weaving or spinning. At dinner, the whole family as-
sembled at the same table. When travelling, the king
rode between his sons, and his daughters followed like-
wise on horseback. Both were instructed by Alcuin in
all the learning of the times. 1 A small treatise still to
be found among Alcuin's works containing the substance
of a conversation between himself and Charles's second
son Pepin 2 , shows the method by which he endeavoured
to quicken the faculties of the mind, and impart a facility
of expression. For example, Pepin is asking for infor-
mation respecting certain words, Alcuin explains them,
not by giving their precise signification, but by circum-
locution, or by rendering the sense with a poetical turn
of expression. Many of the answers are sufficiently
striking and acute to awaken reflection. The prince asks
for instance, " What is the liberty of man ?" and receives
for answer, " Innocence." To Pepin's question :
" W 7 hat is the Moon ?" Alcuin replies, " The eye of
night, the dispenser of dew, the herald of tempests."
These are attributes of the moon belonging either to its
nature or its effects, arrayed in the mantle of poetry. At
the conclusion, they exchange parts, and Alcuin proposes
to his pupil problems to solve, and questions to answer,
calculated to habituate the mind to quickness of appre-
hension, and a facility in discovering the most compre-
hensive terms to express every idea. W T e perceive from
Alcuin's letters, that at a later period, the princes Charles,
Pepin, and Louis, honoured and respected him as their
master, and that the king's sister and daughter, Gisla a ,
sought his instructions, both verbally and by writing.
44 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
In the year 796, Louis having made a successful cam-
paign against the Avari, and taken numerous prisoners,
Alcuin wrote to King Charles, entreating him to ransom
them, which request, being seconded by the prince, was
granted. Alcuin expressed his gratitude in a letter to
the prince, and annexed to it a list of exhortations which
deserve to be quoted as a specimen of his style, and as
illustrating the position in which he stood towards his
royal pupil, " Most illustrious prince," he writes, " seek
to adorn thy noble rank by noble deeds, endeavour with
all thy might to do the will and promote the honour of
almighty God, that through his favour, which is above
all price, the throne of thy kingdom may be exalted, its
limits extended, and the people subdued to thy govern-
ment. Be liberal to the poor, be kind to strangers,
devout in the service of Christ, and hold in reverence the
ministers of his church, whereby thou wilt receive the
assistance of their fervent prayers. Let thy conduct be
upright and chaste. Love the wife of thy youth, and
suffer no other woman to share thy affections, that the
blessing of God that rests upon thee may descend to a
long line of thy posterity. Be formidable to thy foes, be
true to thy friends, favourable to Christians, terrible to
Heathens, accessible to the poor, prudent in following
counsel. Listen to the counsel of the old, but employ
the young to execute it. Let justice and equity prevail,
and let the praise of God resound at the appointed hours
throughout thy kingdom, but especially in thy presence.
Such pious regard to the duties prescribed by the church,
will render thee acceptable to God, and honoured by man.
Let feelings of humility dwell in thy heart, the words of
ALCUIN'S STYLE OF EXHORTATION. 45
truth on thy lips, and let thy life be a pattern of integrity,
that it may please God to prosper and protect thee 1 ."
Alcuin is fond of indulging in such exhortations to
young people, though nothing can be more inefficacious
than a list of precepts. In communicating the doctrines
of morality, they must be addressed either to the feelings,
or to the understanding ; a cold enumeration, therefore, of
virtues that imparts no distinct ideas to the one, nor any
glow to the other, must necessarily fail to produce the
desired effect. Alcuin himself was a living example to
the pupils who immediately surrounded him ; but to his
friends at a distance, he wrote these, as they-seem to me,
well intended rhetorical flourishes.
Two letters addressed to Charles the younger, the
king's eldest son, contain similar sentiments. The first
congratulates him on his coronation, an event with which
we are made acquainted only by these letters, and which
must have taken place in the year 800. It admonishes
him to fulfil the duties of his high station, and advises him
to take his father as a model for his conduct 2 . Although
Charles the younger exactly resembled his father, and
was his favourite, Alcuin does not seem to have been
well satisfied with him. The mind of this active prince
was more disposed for the stirring business of life than for
the stillness of contemplation, and was less influenced by
the exhortations of his master, than the latter hoped and
expected ; perhaps also, like Charlemagne in his
younger days, he was more attached to the society of
women than accorded with Alcuin's views. At all events,
he thought it necessary to ask his permission to lay before
him, in a friendly correspondence, some remarks on many
46 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
parts of his conduct which he considered censurable. He
proposes to him as an example, his brother Louis, who
not only listened to his counsel, but followed it. 1 None
of his letters to Louis are extant ; but from the passage
just quoted, we may infer that he held the highest place in
his estimation, and that he expected France would enjoy
golden days under his administration. The submission
to the will of God, which Alcuin admired so much in
Louis, and his humility towards the ministers of the
church, were qualities that originated less in real piety
than in a want of independence of spirit. It is, therefore,
a mark of narrow-minded partiality, if Alcuin wished that
Louis might become the sole successor of his father, and
no proof of his great political sagacity, if he considered
him the most worthy. 2 The very docility which, in his
youth, Louis displayed towards Alcuin, became afterwards
ruinous to the French empire. A prince must, at all
times, but especially under circumstances such as those
of France, at that period, be something more than a
learned and a benevolent man.
It was, however, quite natural that the female part
of the family of Charlemagne submitted to Alcuin's
instructions with unlimited confidence, and found his
system of Theology so much the more pleasing, the more
scope it afforded for the exercise of the feelings, and the
less it required the exertion of the understanding or of
speculative reasoning. Charles's sister, Gisla, often
applied to him for consolation and information ; he wrote
expressly for her, and one of her Christian friends, Rich-
trud, or Columba, a commentary on the Gospel of St.
John, of which I shall hereafter speak more particularly.
IMMEDIATE INFLUENCE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 47
It is natural to suppose that Charles's daughters enjoyed
similar advantages. This supposition is indeed partly
confirmed by facts. Alcuin, in a letter to the king, re-
quests him to reply to some questions which had been
proposed to Alcuin by one of the princesses. In a psalm
sung during divine service, she had been struck by these
words, " All men are liars." She enquires, therefore,
whether this applies to infants, and dumb persons, whose
lips have never uttered a word ? She asks farther for the
explanation of a passage in the same psalm, which is to
her incomprehensible. " What shall I render unto the
Lord for all his benefits towards me." In another psalm,
it seems to her, that the assurance, " The sun shall not
burn thee by day, nor the moon by night, 1 " is falsely
expressed ; as she cannot understand how the same pro-
perty could be ascribed to the moon, whose nature is cold
and damp, as to the sun 1 .
The ardour with which Charles studied the sciences,
and caused his family to be instructed therein, could not
fail to influence all around him. As the taste of the
Court refined, a literary tone became predominant, which
none but those whose minds harmonised with it, could
appreciate or enjoy. It was, however, principally the
immorality of the clergy that shocked the religious
feelings of Charles, and their ignorance that disgusted
his cultivated understanding. Whoever, therefore, now
aspired to preferment, either in the church or state, was
obliged to imitate the example of the king, and obtain his
favour on conditions entirely different from those of
former times. Thus, without any compulsory edict,
reform rapidly advanced ; and Alcuin hoped to see a new
48 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Athens arise in France, possessing privileges higher than
the ancient, in proportion to the superiority of the wisdom
of Christ to the philosophy of Plato. 1 In the new system
of civilisation, Charles was, as it were, the sun, whose
light illuminated, first the narrow sphere of his own
family, then the more extensive circle of his immediate
acquaintance, and was finally to spread over the ever-
widening orbit of the whole nation. The establishment
of schools was, however, requisite for the attainment of
this object ; and this became Charles's first care, as soon
as he had awakened a desire for improvement, and pro-
cured competent teachers.
4. Establishment of the higher and lower Schools in
the Kingdom of France.
From the preceding exposition of Alcuin's opinions re-
specting the theory and practical adaptation of the sciences
then in use, it will be readily concluded, that in the
schools about to be erected, theology and philosophy
would form the chief subjects of education. What the
church and state require of those who devote themselves
to their service, depends upon the exigencies of the times
and the nature of circumstances. The government of
France with regard to its finances, its military consti-
tution and its laws, was so simply organised, that there
needed not a distinct profession for each branch of public
business, nor was any other knowledge required than that
which was essential to common life. A vigorous arm^ a
courageous heart, and a sound understanding, fitted a
man in those days for the management of the affairs of
state ; so that he who to-day presided in a court of
EDUCATION OF THE CLERGY. 49
justice, appeared the next day at the head of an army, or,
at another time, was seen in a foreign court charged by
his sovereign with a diplomatic commission. It was
requisite, that he should be acquainted with Latin^as all
written negotiations were carried on in that language.
The ecclesiastic, however, had to pursue another course
of study, yet Latin formed also the groundwork of his
learning ; for none but a few distinguished men made
such progress in Greek and Hebrew as to be able
to read the sacred writings in their original tongues-
Amid the strife of contending sects and contradictory
opinions, the Christian religion had been gradually erected
into a solid fabric of doctrines and ceremonies. The
whole of western Christendom adhered at that time to the
Catholic faith, which was beginning to separate from the
Greek church, and to assume the characteristics of the
Roman Catholic. The doctrines of the orthodox church
were contained in the works of the fathers who had either
philosophically expounded the Holy Scriptures, or had
opposed the heresies of their times. It was necessary
that the ecclesiastic should study these also ; and in order
rightly to understand them, he was obliged to make him-
self acquainted with the sciences which have been
characterised in a preceding chapter. In the establish-
ment of new schools, regard was naturally paid to these
demands of church and state ; but as ordinary minds aim
at no higher objects than those proposed by the state ;
some institutions which may be denominated Universities,
enlarged the course of instruction for the benefit of those
who were ambitious of knowledge.
In the latter part of the ninth century, a monk of the
E
50 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
monastery of St. Gallen, collected the anecdotes of Charle-
magne, which were current at that time, but like
similar records of the great men of modern times, they
are for the most part either fictitious, or the truth is so
disguised, that it cannot be recognised. They have,
however, an historical value, so far as they show the
opinion entertained, in the time of Charles Le Gros, of
the founder of the Carlo vingian dynasty, fallen as its
power then was. The worthy monk gives, in his peculiar
facetious, blunt style, much information respecting the
efforts made by Charles to promote civilisation ; and
relates the following anecdote when speaking of the estab-
lishment of schools. Two Irishmen well skilled in all
secular and ecclesiastical learning, came with some English
merchants to the coast of Gaul, and offered wisdom for
sale, " Does any man lack wisdom ? Let him come and
take it, for here it is to be sold." The king no sooner
heard of these adventurers, than he sent for them, and
inquired whether they really had the article. They
answered in the affirmative, and assured his majesty, that
they were willing to dispose of it to every man, if the king
would grant them a convenient dwelling, assign them
pupils of promising abilities, and supply them with that
without which human life cannot be sustained food and
clothing. Charles retained them in his palace for some
time, and when the affairs of his kingdom called him into
the field, he commanded one of them, named Clemens, to
remain in Gaul, and placed under his tuition boys of all
ranks from the highest to the lowest class. The other
he sent into Italy to the monastery of St. Augustine at
Pavia, in order to establish a school there. Encouraged
PREPARATORY MEASURES. 51
by this favourable reception, proceeds the monk, Alcuin
came to Gaul, where his endeavours were crowned with
such success, " that the modern Gauls or Franks
might have been compared with the ancient Romans or
Greeks."
This narrative confounds earlier with later events, and
in the transition to Alcuin betrays evident marks of a
tradition which is founded, indeed, upon fact ; but to
which additions have been made without much regard to
their truth or falsehood. The Irishman, Clemens, appears
to be identical with one of that name who was an
eminent professor among the Franks in the middle of
the eighth century ; but who, by his heretical opinions,
incurred the displeasure of St. Boniface, on whose accu-
sation he was condemned by the pope 1 . But tradition
has embellished his history with those fanciful decora-
tions which are observable in the narrations of the monk
of St. Gallen, and, like every thing else that regarded
intellectual improvement, have a reference to Charle-
magne. It appears, however, that previous to Alcuin's
arrival, no public school of importance, except the court-
school existed on the Cis-alpine territories ; and even
after his arrival, five years elapsed before any decided
step was taken. It was necessary to promote to
bishoprics and abbacies, men capable of seconding
Charles' designs, before he could attempt to execute
them. The court-school, under Alcuin's superintendence,
furnished, as might be expected, some able scholars ; others
were attracted from foreign countries by the king's
liberality, or rescued from obscurity by his penetration,
and removed from an inferior sphere of action to a posi-
E 2
52 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
tion more worthy of their talents. He elevated St. Paulinus
to the patriarchate of Aquileia ; Leidrad obtained the
archbishopric of Lyons. Theodulph, the bishopric of
Orleans ; Arno, Alcuin's most intimate friend 1 the arch-
bishopric of Saltzburg ; all men illustrious for the extent
of their learning, and full of zeal for its diffusion. When
Charles returned from Italy in the year 786, (whither
he had marched to oppose the duke of Beneventum), he
brought with him a number of Italians capable of in-
structing in singing, organ-playing, grammar, and
cyphering. 2 \ Having taken all these preparatory steps,
the king caused circular letters to be sent to all the
bishops and abbots in his kingdom, commanding the
establishment of schools. In these letters, he says, that
in the official reports that had been sent to him from the
monasteries, he had perceived with much displeasure the
imperfect and awkward manner in which thoughts in
themselves correct were expressed ; and could not, there-
fore, help doubting whether the meaning of the Holy
Scriptures, and the doctrines of the Christian religion
were properly understood. To call their attention to
how much depended upon the right or wrong use of
words, he reminds them of the passage in the Gospel
where it is said : " By thy words thou shalt be justified,
and by thy words thou shalt be condemned." In order,
therefore, to remedy this evil so perilous to the soul, he
commands that a school should be attached to every
cathedral church, and every monastery, without, however ?
specifying more minutely what was to be taught 3 . The
kind of evil designed to be removed by this means, proves
that originally the education of the clergy only was con-
GENERAL DIFFUSION OF EDUCATION. 53
templated ; ideas upon this point, however, soon became
more enlarged, and, in pursuance of supplementary edicts,
instruction was extended even to the lowest classes of the
laity. The command is given in such positive terms,
and obedience so forcibly inculcated by threats of the
royal displeasure, that considering Charles' severity
against wilful disobedience, the vigilance of his govern-
ment, which, by means of its emissaries, was acquainted
with the condition of the most distant provinces, neglect
was not likely to ensue* The chronicles of the monastery
of Fontenelle afford an example of the manner in
which the king's mandate was executed even where there
were no competent teachers. A man named Gervold,
was, at that time, abbot of this monastery ; to whom the
king's indignation at the ignorance of the clergy must
have been so much the more formidable, as his own con-
science was not quite clear in this matter. He hastened
to obey the king's command in the best manner he
was able. He opened a school in his monastery, in which
singing, if nothing else, was taught ; for, adds the
chronicler, "if he had not much skill in other sciences, he
was a proficient in the art of singing, and was not defi-
cient in sweetness or power of voice. 1 " He soon after
associated with himself the presbyter, Harduin, who had
for some time lived as a hermit ; but as an opportunity
presented itself of employing his talents and acquire-
ments for the benefit of others, he returned to the society
of men, and gave instructions in writing and cyphering. 2
This monastery of Fontenelle, may serve as a represen-
tation of all the other schools that were founded in
consequence of the royal command, but did not attain
54 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN,
to sufficient celebrity to be even incidentally mentioned
in the writings of that period. Without entering into
a detailed account of each separate school, a general de-
scription may suffice. They were divided into three
classes : to the first belonged all wherein the seven liberal
arts, and the theological sciences were taught, and which,
although chiefly designed for the education of the clergy,
were open nevertheless to all who were desirous of
qualifying themselves for secular employments. The
school belonging to the monastery of St. Martin at Tours,
which Alcuin founded at a subsequent period, and raised
to eminence by his personal superintendence, may be consi-
dered as a specimen of this class. In a letter to the king ?
Alcuin gives the following account of it : " I, your
Flaccus, in accordance with yonr admonitions and wishes,
endeavour to administer to some in the house of St.
Martin, the honey of the Holy Scriptures ; others I would
fain intoxicate with the pure wine of ancient wisdom ;
others 1 begin to nourish with the fruits of grammatical
subtleties ; many I seek to enlighten by the order of the
stars. But above all things, I strive to train them up
to be useful to the holy church of God, and an ornament
to your kingdom ; that the unmerited mercy shown to
me by Almighty God, and your liberal kindness, may not
be altogether fruitless. 1 "
This account states distinctly enough, that the object
of the school at Tours was to give a liberal education to
the officers of the church and state. All the schools of
the first class had indeed the same object, but all had not
the same means of attaining it as that at Tours, at the
head of which was Alcuin himself seconded by the pupils
UNIVERSITIES. 55
who were best qualified to assist him. From what we
can learn of other cathedral schools 1 , it appears that the
greatest part of them stood in the same relation to the
school at Tours and the court-school, as with us a public*^
school stands to the Universities. The title or character
of university, or, in other words, of an institution where
all the sciences of that period were taught, depended
upon the personal qualifications of the director, and was
not conferred on any particular place. The court-school
naturally maintained this character the longest, because
in that institution there were never wanting men of dis-
tinguished abilities, who preferred residing where their
talents would be best appreciated and rewarded ; with the
rest, however, it was changed with the Principal, and was
transferred at different times to different monasteries. At
the sixth Parisian council held in the year 829, the
assembled fathers presented a petition to the emperor,
Louis the Pious, in which they most urgently but humbly
besought his highness to establish by royal authority public
schools in the three most convenient places in the empire,
after the example of his father, and not to suffer the ef-
forts made by Charlemagne for the increase of knowledge
to fail from neglect. "This," added they, ''will conduce
to the advantage and honour of the holy church of God,
to the benefit of the state and to the everlasting glory of
the emperor himself 2 ." From this passage it appears,
that in the reign of Charlemagne, there were places of
tuition specifically denominated public schools, which fell
into decay after his death ; but the utility of which, to
the church and state, was so generally acknowledged, that
their re-establishment was desired. They must have
56 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
been something different from the monastic schools, as
they, so far from having ceased in the reign of
Louis the Pious, were precisely at that time
most flourishing, and in the most vigorous opera-
tion ; an instance of which may be found in that of
Fulda. These public schools were probably the superior
establishments or universities, which were under the im-
mediate direction of the state, and not subject to any
bishop or abbot. The council urges the erection of three
such schools, evidently with the design of establishing one
in each of the three principal divisions of the French
monarchy France, Germany and Italy. Whether, how-
ever, among the schools founded by Charlemagne,
three only were characterised as public schools is un-
known to us, and equally so the places where they were
situated.
In order to attain the object proposed by the schools
of the first class, a library was indispensable ; it consisted
at its commencement of only a small collection of books,
which, as we shall presently see, was augmented by copies
of works deposited in English libraries, and also by pre-
sents from Italy arid even from Constantinople. The
alliance entered into by Charles' father, Pepin, with the
Byzantine court, had also influenced the literary efforts of
that period, by affording an opportunity of acquiring the
Greek language, with which Alcuin appears to have been
but imperfectly acquainted 5 . A native of Greece, the
eunuch Eliseus, resided some time at the Frank court,
for the purpose of teaching Greek to Charles' daughter,
Rotrudis, who was betrothed to the emperor Constantine
VI. The king probably availed himself of his assistance
CHURCH MUSIC. 57
in learning the little, which, according to Einhard's
account 1 , he knew of that language. The discipline in
these schools was severe, and the pupils were under con-
stant superintendence, in order to restrain them from
habits of idleness, from vain amusements, and frivolous
occupations 2 .
To the second class, belonged the seminaries for sing-
ing and ctiurch music ; of which those established at
Metz and Soissons were originally the only ones, and
long continued to be the most renowned. Charles was
greatly annoyed by the French mode of singing ; for,
besides, that their harsh guttural dialect was by no means
adapted to melody, the people imagined the beauty of
singing to consist in the loudness of the tone, and conse-
quently endeavoured to out-scream each other. The
reproach of the Italians was not unjust, that the French
roared like wild beasts. It was only necessary for Charle-
magne to have once heard the Roman church music,
to cause him to desire and attempt an improvement in that
of his own subjects. The national vanity of the French
rendered them unwilling to admit the superiority of the
Roman singing, but Charles proved that it was far better,
and commanded that it should be adopted. Pope
Hadrian I. who willingly seconded all the king's efforts
for the reformation of the church, presented him with
his two best singers, Theodore and Benedict, one of whom
Charles established at Metz and the other at Soissons.
There, every one who desired to teach singing in any of
the other schools, or to become a chorister in a church,
was now compelled to acquire the Roman method of
singing ; in consequence of which this art became thence-
58 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
forth general on this side the Alps, and as perfect as the
discordance of the French voices would permit 1 . Instruc-
tion was also given at those institutions in organ-playing ;
but so long as organs could only be obtained from foreign
countries, a few, and those probably the principal,
churches could alone be provided with them. The first
organ seen in France was sent in the year 757, as a
present from the Byzantine emperor, Constantine V.
to king Pepin ; and it was not till the year 826, that
organs began to be built in France. At that time, a
Venetian, named George, presented himself to Louis the
Pious, and offered both to build organs, and to teach the
art to others ; an offer which the emperor accepted with
pleasure, and ordered the artist to be provided with every
requisite. 2
The schools in which the commonest education
was given, composed the third class, and were designed
for those who moved in the subordinate ranks of life.
Intellectual cultivation was not to be confined merely to
the clergy, or to those among the laity whose birth and
wealth called them to fill eminent stations in society ; but
knowledge was to shed its beneficial influence upon the
lowest classes. The decree made by Charles on this
point, was published in the year 789, ami enforces again
and again upon the monasteries the duty of establishing
schools, in which reading, writing, cyphering, and
singing, should be taught 3 . We see, in the instance of
bishop Theodulph, of Orleans, how that command was
obeyed; and there exists no reason to suppose, that
it was not by degrees similarly attended to by the rest of
the bishops. Theodulph caused a school to be opened in
CHARLEMAGNE'S INSPECTION OF THE SCHOOLS. 59
every village within his diocese, and expressly forbade the
masters to accept from their pupils any other remunera-
tion for the instruction afforded, than the voluntary
presents which the parents might bestow, as a proof of
their affection. 1 This regulation was necessary, in order
that the poor might not be deterred from attending the
schools. Thus, was a more universal education secured
to the lower orders, at the conclusion of the ninth cen-
tury, than France can boast of in the nineteenth ; and it
is impossible to calculate what might have been the effect,
had the same spirit and zeal that first called these schools
into existence, protected them until they had taken suffi-
ciently deep root to subsist without external support. For
in that case, the mental superiority of one class of society
would never have been so great, as to allow of their op-
pressing the minds of the other classes, and assuming
a kind of guardianship over them. Charles himself
omitted nothing that could be serviceable to these insti-
tutions, and is even said, personally, to have acquainted
himself with their arrangement and management, and to
have ascertained the progress of the pupils by actual
visits, exciting them to diligence, and deterring them from
idleness. An anecdote related by the monk of St. Gallen.
is illustrative of this, and though it was, perhaps, in-
vented at a subsequent period, it is nevertheless founded
on the fact, that thanking himself personally inspected
the schools. According to the worthy monk's account,
Charles once visited the school erected in pursuance of
his command by the Irishman, Clemens. On examining
the pupils, he made the very natural discovery, that the
sons of the nobility, confiding in their rank and riches,
60 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
in no degree answered his expectations, whilst, on the
other hand, the poor availed themselves of the opportunity
afforded them of obtaining, by their own exertions, that
which fortune had denied them. The king graciously
commended the latter, and encouraged their zeal by pro-
mising to promote them to high offices, and honourable
stations in the church and state. The idle scholars,
on the contrary, he reproved sharply, assuring them, with
an impressive oath, that their birth was of no value in his
eyes, and that it was their talents only that would e^er
entitle them to receive any mark of favour from him 1 .
Sentiments like these were peculiar to Charlemagne
and no doubt similar occasions occurred in which they
could not fail to produce an effect.
5. Alcuin s Return to England.
The relation in which Alcuin stood towards Charle-
magne, during the time of his first residence with him,
may be compared to that of Voltaire or other learned
Frenchmen towards Frederick the Great. They lived at
the court of the king of Prussia, without rendering
themselves his subjects by accepting any appointment,
and without entering into any closer connection than that
of mutual good-will and reciprocal benefits. In the same
way, Alcuin was simply the preceptor and counsellor of
Charles ; and the two monasteries assigned him 2 , are to be
considered less as an office under the government, than a
provision for defraying his necessary expenses . He looked
upon his residence and exertions among the French as
temporary, and terminating when the king's wishes were
accomplished. He, therefore, avoided seeking any
ALCUIN'S ATTACHMENT TO ENGLAND. 61
permanent appointment, and refused to accept any when
offered. So little did he desire to break off his connection
with the kingdom of Northumberland as a subject, and
with the church at York as a deacon, that he longed for
nothing more earnestly than to be liberated from the dif-
ficulties and literary privations consequent upon his resi-
dence at the court of Charlemagne 1 , and to be able to re-
turn to his books and learned occupations at York. "I have
never been unfaithful to the people of England," he could
conscientiously reply to the accusation, that he had become
a Frank and had forgotten his native country 2 . He
proved his fidelity by the use which he made of his in-
fluence with the French king to procure several advan-
tages for the English church, and to maintain a good
understanding between Charlemagne and the princes
of the Saxon heptarchy, among whom Offa, king of
Mercia, held the first rank. He declined, it is true, the
propositions made to him by the Anglo-Saxon princes, to
take up his abode at their court ; but he sent some of his
own pupils to supply his place. But there were duties
which he owed to the kingdom of Northumberland, and
the church at York ; and these he remembered so soon
as he saw the literary institutions established by Charles
in active operation, and the king surrounded by men
capable of continuing and extending the work when begun.
He then asked Charles's permission to return to his own
country. Charlemagne knew too well how to value
a man like Alcuin, to be willing to lose him, and prized
too dearly the rare happiness of possessing a true and
sincere friend, not to desire his longer, and, if possible,
permanent residence, and to offer every thing that might
62 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
induce him to remain. But as Alcuin's conscience bore
him testimony that he had not been allured to France 1
by any prospect of worldly gain, but solely by the hope
of being useful to the church and to science, the offer of
high dignities and great riches made less impression upon
him than the condescending request of a powerful prince.
He therefore replied, " My lord king, I will not refuse
thy wish if I can fulfil it without violating the commands
of the church. Although I possess no small inheritance
in my own country, I will willingly resign it, and in
poverty serve thee, and remain with thee. Let it be thy
care to obtain the permission of my king and my bishop."
This seemed reasonable to Charles, as well as Alcuin's
wish to revisit his native country after so long an absence.
k He therefore dismissed him, with letters to the king of
Northumberland and the archbishop of York. In order
to retain him in his service, during his journey, he invested
him with the character of a public ambassador, and com-
missioned him to renew the good understanding between
the French monarchy and Offa king of Mercia 2 . Offa, in
consequence of the superiority of his talents, and the
vigour of his operations, which were not restrained by
any regard to right or wrong, had become the most
powerful among the Anglo-Saxon kings ; and Charles had
entered into alliance with him soon after his first journey
across the Alps. Since the year 788, however, this
harmony had been interrupted by misunderstandings
occasioned by the political affairs of Wessex, so that even
the commercial intercourse between France and England
had ceased. After the death of Cenulph, king of Wes-
sex, in 786, Offa, by his interposition, had procured the
ALCUIN AMBASSADOR TO ENGLAND. 63
throne for Britherich, in spite of the juster claims of
Egbert. The deposed prince sought first in Mercia that
safety which he could no longer hope to find in Wessex,
until the marriage of Britherich with Offa's daughter
Cadburga, rendered this retreat also dangerous. He
therefore quitted England in 788, and took refuge at the
court of Charles the Great, where he experienced a
friendly reception, and found an opportunity of cultivating
his talents, and of forming himself upon the model of a
great king. The friendly treatment of Egbert, and the
protection which many of his adherents found at the
French court, were regarded by Offa and Britherich as
expressions of hostility against them, and occasioned the
interruption of the harmony which had hitherto existed
between the two nations. Alcuin acquitted himself of
his commission so successfully, that peace was not only
re-established with Offa, but was, a few years later, con-
firmed by a treaty, in which Charles engaged to secure
to the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims, who were desirous of
making a pilgrimage to Rome, a safe and free passage
through his dominions, and also to take the merchants
under his especial protection 1 .
64
SECTION III.
ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE,
AND HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
UNTIL HIS PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE.
A. D. 790796.
SHORTLY after Alcuin's arrival in his native country,
there occurred one of those revolutions, of which the
annals of Northumberland present so many instances.
The division of the natural atrength of the kingdom, the
mixed population, and the vicinity of the Scottish frontier,
beyond which every rebel found safety, and frequently
support, facilitated and occasioned sudden changes in the
government. One king hurled another from his throne?
only to give place in his turn to a third within the space
of a few years. Alchred was scarcely seated on the
throne, when those who had elevated him to it deserted
him. He took refuge in Scotland and resigned his
crown to Ethelred, against whom the thanes, Ethelwald
and Heardbert, raised the standard of rebellion in 778,
and compelled him to seek safety by flight. The sceptre
was now transferred to the hands of Alfwold, who wielded
it with sufficient vigour to retain it for the space of ten
years. He could not, however, eventually escape the
fate of his predecessors ; like them, he fell a victim to
the inconstancy and treachery of the nobles of Northum-
berland, in the year 788 1 . Alchred's son, Osred, took
MOTIVES OF ALCUIN'S RETURN TO FRANCE. 65
possession of the vacant throne, which he occupied at the
period of Alcuin's arrival at York, in 790. A strong
party, however, was already formed against him, who
were desirous of recalling Ethelred from exile, after a
banishment of twelve years. Alcuin was a witness of
Ethelred's success, and of the revengeful cruelty
with which he punished the injuries he had for-
merly received, and wherehy he endeavoured to secure
the future stability of his government. The country
continued for two years in a state of distraction, when
the imprisonment and execution of Osred terminated for
a while these intestine commotions. These events again
involved Alcuin in occupations from which he had hoped
to escape at York, and rendered him the more disposed
to return to the court of France, where the supreme
power being lodged in the hands of an energetic ruler,
repressed the aristocracy, instead of becoming their tool.
A similar scene of confusion was soon repeated, which
so disgusted Alcuin with his own country that he
sought in France, and at length obtained in the abbey
of Tours, the repose and advantages no longer to be
found at York. He 'was, moreover, recalled to the con-
tinent by pressing letters from Charlemagne, who needed
Alcuin's counsel and learning, not only for the purpose
of investigating and suppressing a religious doctrine which
had sprung up within his dominions, and threatened a
dangerous schism, but also of opposing the pretensions
of the Byzantine court, which demanded that the reso-
lutions adopted at its instigation by the pseudo-oecume-
nical council at Nice, with regard to the worship of
images, should be binding upon the churches of the West
F
66 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
as well as of the East. Both points were of too vital
importance to the theory, as well as the practice of
religion, and affected too nearly the peace of the king-
dom, to allow Alcuin to remain indifferent. He displayed
in the management of both, the greatest and most praise-
worthy zeal ; and happily succeeded in securing the
maintenance of the orthodox doctrine, and the public
tranquillity. The first point was concerning a new view
of the relation of Jesus to God as Father.
1. Rise and Progress of the Doctrine of the
Adoptionists.
No sooner was Christianity secured from external
persecution by becoming the prevailing religion of the
state, than disputes respecting doctrines and opinions
rendered it dangerous to the government by which it
had been embraced. No language can express, and no
imagination conceive, with adequate distinctness and
accuracy, that which was the subject of controversy.
Hence the adjustment of one cause of contention origi-
nated a new subject of strife. The temporal power
which had regulated spiritual affairs during the time of
paganism, was no longer in a condition to interpose ; for,
with Christianity, an organised ecclesiastical body had
forced its way into the political constitution, and arro-
gated to itself the sole right of determining points of
doctrine. The temporal power, therefore, could not
interfere in these controversies without appearing as a
party desirous of securing the victory, and a solid foun-
dation for its own favourite sentiments, under the pre-
THEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES. 67
tence of an anxiety to maintain the public tranquillity.
In every contest of that description, it had to encounter
the opposition of those who struggled for the triumph of
their own opinions, regardless of existing circumstances,
and even of the danger of involving in one common ruin
the altar and the throne. The only means, therefore, of
preserving the tranquillity of the state, was to summon
an oecumenical council; but if such an assembly were
with much difficulty convened, and if after many fierce
debates, it came to a decision, this very decision usually
proved the fruitful germ of cruel persecutions, and of
conflicts still fiercer and more dangerous. In subsequent
times wherein different interests prevailed, and colder
spirits received the dogmas of the church with indifference,
or regarded them as absurd, these controversies have
been considered errors of the understanding, and deplored
as the lamentable result of ignorance and superstition.
Such a view, however, is too partial and circumscribed
to be correct. It is always gratifying to contemplate the
mind in a state of activity, under whatever form it may
develop itself; and the object to which intellectual power
is directed, is of far less importance than the amount of
the force which is employed. It is among the noblest
benefits conferred by Christianity on mankind, that at a
time when political freedom was groaning under the iron
yoke of despotism, throughout the whole extent of the
Roman empire, she opened new prospects to the mind,
inspiring apathy itself with animation, and supplying men
with courage and strength to support their convictions in
the face of tyranny, or to die in their defence. Freedom
and energy of mind forsook politics, and fled within the
F 2
68 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
precincts of religion ; and although the contentions con-
cerning the Trinity and the nature of Christ have not the
same practical utility as the disputes upon political rights
and the best form of government, yet they are equally im-
portant in the history of the human intellect. Convictions
are errors only in the eyes of those who do not participate
in them. So long as they serve to stimulate the powers
of investigation, they are deserving of respect ; and if in
later times they appear absurd or trifling, it is because we
forget the fate of all human efforts which, with the change
of the objects of interest, cease to be interesting.
The mystical portion of the history of the founder of
the Christian religion was a boundless field of contention,
and an inexhaustible armoury for the controversialists of
the primitive church. The relation of Jesus to his
Heavenly Father, and to the third person in the mysteri-
ous union of the Trinity, long agitated the Christian world.
At length, after many furious debates, and when the
passions of mankind had been exhausted in persecution,
the decision of the first oecumenical council at Nice pre-
vailed, and the divinity of Christ, as well as his identity
with the Father and the Holy Spirit, became an established
principle of the orthodox church. Arianism, on the ruin
of which the orthodox system was founded, was speedily
avenged by the startling consequences to be deduced from
it. /Out of the controversy upon the Trinity, arose the
yet fiercer contest concerning the single, or the double
nature in Christ. The orthodox doctrine of the union
of the Divine Spirit with a human soul and human body,
was unsatisfactory, in proportion to the incomprehensi-
bility of the connection, and the unwillingness of mankind
THE PATRIARCH NESTORIUS. 69
to resort to faith in all doubts of the understanding. ) It
was impossible to prove the union of the two natures,
without new doctrines, new sects, and new disputes.
Some, in order to avoid dishonouring the Divine Spirit by
any gross admixture with a material substance, supposed
Christ to have had a merely apparent, not a real body ;
others endeavoured to avoid the admission that God had
permitted himself to be born of a woman in the ordinary
way of human birth, by regarding Jesus merely as a
perfect man who was filled, at his baptism, but not before,
with the Logos or Divine Spirit. So little effect had these
and similar views in removing previous convictions, that
the worship of the Virgin Mary as the mother of God began
to be universal. Such a practice, which was no where au-
thorised in Scripture, was revolting to the mind of Nesto-
rius, patriarch of Constantinople. He vented his indigna-
tion in sermons couched in the most violent language ; and
was led on from one position to another, till he at length
asserted that the two natures of Christ were distinctly
separate. He allowed that God and man were united in
Christ, but maintained that all that was exalted and sub-
lime in him was to be ascribed to the divine, whilst all
that was inferior or ordinary must belong to the human
nature. The elevated station of the patriarch gave con-
siderable weight to his opinion, and his doctrine found
some partizans, but a still greater number of opponents,
who, after many turbulent synods, finally succeeded in
depriving the heretical patriarch of his see, driving him
into exile, and surrendering his adherents a prey to per-
secution. The council held at Chalcedon in 451, at last
established, on the authority of Pope Leo, the doctrine
70 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
received to the present day by both the Catholic and Pro-
testant church, that there existed in Christ two natures,
but only one person.
This decision, instead of putting an end to the contro-
versy, only gave it a new direction, and theology continued
to nourish the flame of spiritual excitement in the Byzan-
tine empire, and often kindled it into a frightful confla-
gration. The west of Europe enjoyed, in this respect, a
much greater degree of tranquillity. The Western
monarchs had too little taste for theological inquiries, the
clergy, at least the greater part of them, were too ignorant,
and the people too much occupied by other interests, to
admit of such commotions as those which agitated the
East. Since the extinction of Arianism, the Pope had
become the champion of Western orthodoxy, the represen-
tative of the West at the Eastern councils, and the source
of the true and only saving faith. The ignorant and the
indolent were well content to acquiesce in this arrange-
ment, and to pronounce, without further examination, a
sentence of condemnation against all who differed from
them. Before the time of Charlemagne especially, the
French clergy were better qualified to use temporal
weapons against the enemies of the country, than to wield
the spiritual sword against the enemies of the church.
Since the accession of Charles, society had undergone so
great an alteration, that men of ability and intelligence
were no longer wanting both for attack and defence in a
religious dispute. When, therefore, even in the kingdom
of France, people began to entertain views of the doc-
trine out of which the Arian, Nestorian, and so many
other disturbances had arisen, differing from those
CHARLEMAGNE'S ANXIETY TO PREVENT A SCHISM. 71
already established, the example of former times and the
actual situation of the Byzantine empire, where the flames
of discord were raging at that very time, served as a
warning of the consequences of a schism in religion.
Charles' interference, therefore, in a dispute concerning
an obscure and abstruse doctrine of religion, is to be re-
garded less as a proof of his piety than of his anxiety for
the welfare of his subjects. His duty as a sovereign
required that he should stifle at its birth a contest, in
which excited passions and conflicting interests might
easily overslep the limits of a theological controversy, and
form the commencement of a violent and protracted
struggle, which would shake the church and state to their
foundations. The mode of his interference is remark-
able ; and his whole behaviour in this affair, affords the
honourable testimony, that he paid such regard to the
exercise of the reason and the freedom of investigation,
as to authorise an impartial examination of truth. Instead
of persecuting with fire and sword those who dissented
from the established doctrine, he gave them an opportunity
either of proving their opinions by argument, or of sub-
mitting to a triumphant refutation. This moderation is
the more commendable, as the new doctrine was first
advanced in a Mahommedan country.
Whilst Spain was under the dominion of the Saracens,
the Christian religion was tolerated there, as in all other
Mahommedan countries ; but the slight connection of the
Spaniards with the rest of the Christian world, the passive-
ness of the temporal government with respect to the creed
of its subjects, and the scoffs of the infidels which compel-
led an examination of many of the dogmas of Christianity,
72 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
concurred in rendering them liable to deviate from the
orthodox faith. Hence the defection of Archbishop
Elipandus of Toledo. He had probably heard so many
doubts respecting the divinity and incarnation of Christ,
that his belief began to waver. He was impressed with
the idea, that Christ, as man, could not stand in the same
relation to God, as Christ, as God ; and that what might
justly be attributed to the divine nature of the Redeemer
must be denied to his human capactiy. Distrustful of
his own powers of comprehension arid elucidation, he was
anxious to resort to the counsel and assistance of others,
and accordingly applied to Felix, bishop of Urgel, one of
the most esteemed prelates in that part of Spain which,
since the year 778, had been incorporated with the king-
dom of France. Felix had so distinguished himself by his
learning and virtues, that Alcuin, at an earlier date, had
entered into a correspondence with him. 1 The answer
of the bishop was such as to confirm his doubts. A
contemporary chronicler 2 says, " he most imprudently,
thoughtlessly, and in opposition to the doctrines of the
Catholic church, not only replied that Christ was the
adopted son of God, but in some books written to the
aforesaid bishop, endeavoured most obstinately to defend
the wickedness of his opinion." Elipandus was so con-
vinced by his reasoning, that he immediately assented to
his proposition. The tenets of the new doctrine repre-
sented Christ in a double relationship as Son and God.
According to his divine nature, he was a real, as man he
was only an adopted son of God ; and his Godhead itself
was, in the former case, a true, in the latter, a merely
nominal, or titular divinity. 3
REFUTATION OF THE OPINIONS OF ELIPANDUS. 73
Elipandus now endeavoured to disseminate his opinions
with all the zeal of a new convert, and to persecute those
of a different faith with all the fury of bigotry. 1 It was
natural, that one placed in his exalted station should gain
many proselytes, and thereby become more firmly per-
suaded of the correctness of his own views ; but the
number of his adversaries was by no means inconsider-
able. Amongst these, Etherius, bishop of Uxama, or
Osma, and the presbyter Beatus, were the most distin-
guished. The bishop of Toledo loaded both with such
accusations, that they deemed it due to their own honour
and the welfare of the church, to expose the errors of the
doctrine of the Adoption. 2 As touching the doctrine
itself, they appealed in their writings to faith. 3 The
proofs which they adduce from the testimony of the
apostles, the miracles of Jesus, the words of the Re-
deemer himself, and also from the confessions of the
devils, are calculated rather to justify faith, and to expose
the errors of their opponents, than to render the subject
itself more clear and distinct. They maintained that
faith must precede knowledge, and be, in religious matters
especially, the preponderating principle, because, in every
investigation, we incur the hazard of falling into the snares
of destruction. 4 To the confession of faith of the Adop-
tionists, they opposed the orthodox symbol of faith, and
demonstrated that their deviation from it was unauthor-
ised by the books of the Old or New Testament. In
order to terrify the heretics, they exhibited the splendid
array of faithful and triumphant heroes who adorned
their ranks. " With us," said they, "is David, that mag-
nanimous hero who struck the infidel Goliath in the fore-
74 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
head with a little stone, and with one blow felled him to
the earth : with us is Moses, who overwhelmed Pharaoh
with the Egyptian host in the Red Sea, whilst he led his
own people through on dry land : with us is Joshua
who shut up five kings in a cave, after he had defeated
Amalek : with us is father Abraham, who, with his three
hundred servants, overcame and spoiled five kings : with
us is the bravest of mankind, Gideon, who with the as-
sistance of his three hundred chosen men, discomfited
the Midianites as one man : with us is Samson, who,
stronger than a lion and firmer than a rock, overthrew,
alone and unarmed, a thousand armed men : with us are
the twelve patriarchs, the sixteen prophets, the apostles,
the evangelists, with us are the martyrs and ministers
of the church : with us is Jesus, son of the Virgin, toge-
ther with the whole church which has been ransomed by
/ris blood, and extended throughout the world." In conse-
quence of the struggle respecting the new doctrines, a more
exalted and divine position was assigned to the Man in
Christ, whom the Adoptionists regarded as an ordinary
man. In this the two prelates were very successful.
The pure and immaculate conception, of course, makes
a wide distinction between the incarnate God and ordinary
men who are conceived and born in sin ; besides,
nothing is impossible with God, and the miracle consists
in the fact that God remained God even as man. The
doctrine of the Adoptionists is repugnant in itself;
for the separation between a true and an adopted Son,
destroys the Son, as effectually as the assertion that God
may be partly God, and partly not God, annihilates the
Godhead. 1 Moreover, the human body of Christ typically
SYNOD OF NARBOXNE. 75
represents the church, of which Christ is the head. On
the other hand, all who secede from the orthodox church,
represent the body of the devil who is Antichrist. To
prove this position, and thus overturn the doctrine of
Elipandus, is the object of the second book of the work
quoted above. 1
From this refutation, which is written with considerable
spirit and animation, though deficient in acute logical
reasoning, it is evident that the passions of the parties
in Spain had been sufficiently enkindled to burst forth
into a flame which might have proved dangerous to the
state, had Elipandus possessed the power of attacking his
adversaries with other weapons than those of calumny.
The Saracenic government, however, paid little regard
to the theological disputes of the Christians ; and in the
Christian kingdom of Asturias, Etherius and Beatus
were careful to suppress the heresy. 2 Still, through the
medium of Bishop Felix, the contagion spread to the
Spanish frontier ; and in consequence of the connection
of these provinces with France, it soon extended itself
beyond the Pyrenees, and raged in Septimania with such
violence as to awaken the attention of Charles. On this
account, a provincial synod was held at Narbonne in
788, but separated without even examining, much less
coming to a decision upon the new doctrines. 3 As they
continued to acquire credit ancl celebrity, the danger
increased, and the necessity for the interference of the
sovereign became imperative. A more timid prince would
have interposed the strong arm of power ; but Charles
was too just to condemn, unheard, a man renowned for
wisdom and morality ; and as he possessed sufficient
76 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
authority to hold the passions of the contending parties
in check, he was enabled to show the deference due to
learning, without hazarding the repose of the state. He
therefore commanded an investigation, and summoned a
synod at Ratisbon in 792, before which he cited Bishop
Felix to appear, in order to justify himself and his
opinions from the reproaches wherewith they had been
assailed. Felix obeyed ; but failing, either in learning or
courage, to defend his opinions in the presence of the as-
sembled bishops, he abjured them as heretical and de-
serving the condemnation pronounced upon them by the
synod. 1 From Ratisbon, he was sent to Rome, accom-
panied by Angilbert, in order to renounce his confession
of faith in the presence of Pope Hadrian I. Here
he again recanted his errors, and declared (confirming
the declaration with a solemn oath) that he regarded
Jesus Christ, not as the adopted, but as the real and
beloved son of God. 2 Felix then returned to Urgel ; but
here he encountered so many reproaches from his fol-
lowers for his fickleness, that he yielded to the urgent
entreaties of his friends, 3 and, unmindful of his oath,
again returned to his former doctrines.
Charles might now have punished him as a relapsed
heretic, and have suppressed, by forcible means, errors
which had been condemned by their very author ; but it
is probable that Felix justified his relapse by fresh argu-
ments, so that the king deemed it more advisable to
oppose argument by argument. This determination
may have been also in some degree influenced by the
situation of the Spanish frontier. A violent persecution
might easily induce the Adoptionists to throw themselves
ALCUIN OPPOSES THE HERESY OF ELIPANDUS. 77
into the arms of the Saracens ; and to seek under their
dominion that toleration which Elipandus enjoyed, but
which was denied to them by a Christian king. Charles
therefore wrote to Alcuin, inviting him to return, and en-
t renting that he would not withhold his assistance in an
affair of such moment both to the church and to his king-
dom. 1 He could not have selected an abler or more
zealous champion of orthodoxy than Alcuin, nor one
more ready to oppose the innovations of the heretics.
He had been educated in the church, all his studies had
been directed to theology, and his soul clung to the
orthodox doctrines. It may be proper here to exhibit his
theological views, and his mode of interpreting the Bible.
The best means of accomplishing this, will be to
characterise and exhibit some specimens of his exegetical
works.
2. Alcuin s Theological Opinions.
If the Christian religion be not regarded as the summit
of devotional feeling, but only as the immediate revela-
tion of God, afforded to us by the books of the New and
the preparatory writings of the Old Testament, it appears
as an isolated historical fact. The mode of conduct
which it prescribes, becomes a law for all succeeding
ages ; and it is only necessary to oppose that which has
been, in order to refute any deviation from it. Whatever
the Holy Scriptures, according to their usual interpreta-
tion contain, and whatever the distinguished and recog-
nised Fathers of the church have taught, is received as
truth, and is sufficient to suppress every other doctrine.
The struggle is -not for truth as such, but for the mainte-
78 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
nance of an historically authenticated and acknowledged
truth. This position, which by a new party-name may
be denominated that ol^ supernaturajist (in contradis-
tinction to a rationalist) was that assumed by Alcuin in
theology. In the Bible, he discerns not only the spirit,
but the words of God ; and perceives in the sacred
writings of the Jews, the latent indication of a future
salvation and mercy, which has been realised in the New
Testament. In order to maintain this position, it was
necessary to have recourse to mystical interpretations and
dialectic subtleties ; both of which peculiarities distinguish
the explanatory works of Alcuin. To ordinary expres-
sions an importance is attached which renders them
extraordinary ; and arguments are substituted for the
simple meaning which often surprise us by their ingenuity,
or please by their spiritual turn, but which, on closer
inspection, are found to be devoid of foundation. /We
have a short commentary of Alcuin's, in the form of
question and answer, on the first book of Moses or
Genesis 1 , the object of which is to point out the* revela-
tions and latent indications of a future salvation con-
tained in the simple and sublime tradition of the
Hebrews respecting the origin of the world, the state of
innocence and simplicity in which our first parents lived,
their elevation from this condition to that of self- con-
sciousness and intellectual perception, and the historical
description of the patriarchs. -The account of the
creation of the woman, for example, gives occasion to the
following questions : " Why was the woman made of
the rib of the man whilst he was sleeping, instead of being
formed like him out of the dust ?" The answer to which
ALCUIN'S EXEGETICAL WORKS. 79
is, " Evidently on account of the mystery, to indicate that
Christ, out of whose side the source of our salvation
flowed, for the sake of the church fell asleep on the
cross."
Q. "What reference to Christ has the following
passage, < Therefore shall a man leave his father and
mother, and cleave unto his wife ?'
A. " The Redeemer left his father, because he appeared
to men not in the form in which he resembles the
Father : he left his mother, inasmuch as he renounced
the synagogue of the Jews, of whom he was born after the
flesh, in order to cleave unto the church that was to be
gathered together from among the heathen."
Even the most secret thoughts and designs of the
Almighty are made the subjects of interrogation ; and
Alcuin is so little at a loss for an answer, that one might
suppose he had sat in council at the creation of the
world.
Amongst his explanatory works, we also find a
Short Explanation of the Ten Commandments. 1 He
divides these, according to their respective characters, into
two parts. The first three refer to the Holy Trinity, but
the rest to the interests of man. The first command-
ment exhibits God the Father as the only object of our
worship ; the second forbids us to regard the Son of God
as a created being, because every created thing is perish-
able; the third relates to the Holy Spirit, through whom
we are promised eternal rest.
TheJPsalter was, at that time, one of the most im-
portant and favourite books of the old Testament. The
fine selection it offers of sacred songs, was so well suited to
80 X ^HE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
the service of the church, as to render it indispensable
in divine worship. Such a strain of feeling pervades the
psalms in which David breathed out Kis. noble spirit ; his
repentance for former sins, his mourning "ewer afflictions
and perplexing events, his rejoicing at the |^fp vouch-
safed by the Lord, and his praise of God's greatness and
glory, are expressed with such truth of nature and such
poetical beauty, as cannot fail to touch every human heart.
In addition to this interest, which Alcuin experienced in
common with the rest of mankind, he felt the peculiar
satisfaction of discerning, in these sacred songs, the latent
mysteries of the Christian religion, and saw everywhere
the Redeemer and his redeemed church glorified. In his
exposition of some of the psalms of David, he either
amplifies the idea, subjoins to the words of the psalmist
some moral precepts, pious meditations, and beautiful
thoughts, or discovers and explains an allegorical mean-
ing 1 . The latter is especially remarkable in his exposi-
tion of the Song of Degrees, or the fifteen psalms of
David in full choir 2 . These, according to his view, con-
stitute the steps by which we mount upwards to the joys
of the Lord. Humility is placed lowest as the first step ;
this leads us to the second step, Faith, and thence to the
third, Desire after the heavenly Jerusalem. The fourth
step, Confidence, and the fifth, Patience, must be sur-
mounted before we can attain on the sixth the firmness
of the eternal Jerusalem, and those who are striving after
it. Here, repose from the exertions that have been made,
and the delightful view of the lovely prospect is granted.
On this account, the psalmist celebrates in the succeeding
psalm (cxxvi.) the praise of our Redeemer, and our
COMMENTARY ON ECCLESIASTES. 81
deliverance from the bondage of the Devil, and the chains
of sin. In like manner, each of the following psalms forms
one of the higher steps which conduct to the habitation
of the Lord. On reaching the topmost, which is placed
immediateljsjlbefore the entrance (Ps. cxxxiv.) we are in-
structed in the duty which those have to perform who are
admitted; and what could this duty be, but to praise the
Lord with heart and voice ?
In the commentary on the Song of Solomon 1 , Alcuin
not only endeavours to prove that all the expressions in
the Old Testament have a reference to the future re-
demption of man by Jesus Christ, but also attempts to
explain the mystical signification of the numbers that
occur therein. As specimens of the most remarkable
passages have already been given, and as opportunities
will yet occur of exemplifying his peculiar style, we will
merely observe, with regard to this treatise, that neither
the amorous expressions, nor unequivocal admiration of
female beauty, which so strikingly characterise this
portion of Scripture, prevent the commentator from
discerning in them a representation of the Christian
church under the figure of the bride of Christ.
Alcuin wrote a commentary on the Book of Eccle-
siastes for the benefit of his pupils, Onias, Candidus and
Nathanael, after, as he expresses it, "they had flown from
the nest of his paternal care into the open firmament of
worldly occupation;" that is, after they had repaired to
the court of Charlemagne, where they continued to be
the objects of his unceasing anxiety, and of the hope that
they would not disgrace their teacher. No book appeared
to him better calculated to arm them against the allure-
G
82 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
ments of worldly grandeur, by exhibiting its nothingness
and vanity, and to turn their hearts to that which is
eternal and unfading, than the book of Ecclesiastes. The
greatest part of the commentary is copied from St.
Jerome; a fact which Alcuin by no means desired to
conceal, nor indeed had he any cause to be ashamed of
it, for, as I have already had occasion to remark, the
scarcity of books in those times, rendered an accurate,
copy of a useful work as valuable as a correct edition of
an ancient author is at the present day. 1
Alcuin concludes his exposition of the Old Testament
with an interpretation of the names of all the ancestors of
Cbrist, according to their literal, allegorical and moral
sense. For example : Abraham signifies literally the
father of many nations. The name, taken in an allegorical
sense, may be understood to signify the father of all be-
lievers, to whom we must all cry, Abba, Father ! The
moral lesson to be deduced from this name is, that we
should be the fathers of many virtues, and possess by
inheritance, an accumulation of good works. 2
All the peculiarities which are observable in the disser-
tations upon the Old Testament from which we have
quoted, are combined in the exposition of the Gospel of
John 3 . A work which affords more than any other, an
opportunity for speculation, allegory, and the mystical
interpretation of numbers. Whenever an established
principle of religious doctrine is in danger of being un-
settled, or violated by the explanation, the exact literal
sense is contended for with dialectic acuteness. In other
places, where this is not the case, a free and arbitrary
construction overleaps all the limits of fair interpretation ;
EXPOSITION OF ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL. 83
in order to exalt the most ordinary into extraordinary
circumstances, and to transfer the scenes of simple and
natural life into the regions of the sublime and heavenly.
The extraction of a few passages will enable the reader
to judge of the manner, and thereby of the spirit of the
times.
Gospel John i. 1. " In the beginning was the
Wordy and the Word was with God, and the Word was
God." This may be understood in two ways. The
Father is the beginning, therefore the expression is
synonymous with, in the Father. In the Father is the
Son, whom the Evangelist calls the Word. We must
not, however, be led into error from the answer of the
Son of God, who, in the course of this Gospel, replies to
the question of the Jews, " Who God himself was ?"
" The beginning, 1, who now talk with you. If then the
Son is the beginning who has a father, how much more
must God the Father be the beginning, since he has a
Son of whom he is the father? For the Son is the
the Father's Son, and the Father truly the Son's Father,
and God the Father ; but not God of God whilst the
Son is God of God. The Father is light, but not of
light ; the Son is also light, but light of light. So the
Father is the beginning, but not of the beginning ; the
Son is the beginning, but a beginning of a beginning.
That which was in the beginning no more terminates
with time, than it commences with the beginning. The
Son, therefore, as the beginning, ceases not with time,
nor was he preceded by the beginning, whether we
refer the passage, in the Beginning was the Word, to the
beginning of creation or of time. Every created thing
G 2
84 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
which had a beginning, was then the word of God, b}
which all things are made. The Evangelist, therefore,
repeats four times was, was, was, was, in order to express
that the co -eternal Word of God the Father preceded all
time. The other Evangelists relate that the Son of
God appeared suddenly among men ; but John declares
that he had been with God from eternity, for he says,
" and the Word was with God." The others call him
" very man ;" but John assures us that " he was very
God," in the expression " and the Word was God." The
others say, that " he lived among men for a time as
man ;" John, on the contrary, represents him as God
with God from the beginning ; for he says, " the same in
the beginning was with God"
The latent meaning which Alcuin discovered in this
passage, and explained according to the received doc-
trine, he transfers by means of allegorical interpretations
to passages wherein it does not exist. He considers
every number to involve some mysterious meaning, and
the name of every place to imply something beyond the
mere appellation. When the Evangelist relates : " And
the third day there was a marriage in Cana ;" both the
number and the place appear to the commentator to be
important and mysterious. For example, the third day,
indicates the third grand epoch in the development of
the human race, on attaining which, they are worthy to
receive the divine doctrine of Christ. The time when
men lived merely in imitation of the example of the
patriarchs, constituted the first epoch ; that of the written
law under the prophets, the second ; and the third and
last, the period when the Redeemer himself appeared in the
CONVERSION OF THE WATER INTO WINE. 85
flesh. " In Cana of Galilee," signifies that the marriage
was celebrated in the zeal of perfected conversion, 1 (in zelo
transmigrationis perpetrate,) emblematically representing
that those are chiefly deserving of the favour of Christ,
who, in the zeal of pious enthusiasm and devotion, have
by good works passed from vice to virtue, and from earthly
to heavenly things. The conversion of water into wine
indicates the purifying of the ancient doctrine, which had
been defaced and corrupted by the Pharisees. Here,
again, Alcuin's strong bias towards allegory, leads him to
seize and expatiate upon the most trivial circumstances-
And there were set six water-pots of stone, after the
manner of the purifying of the Jews, containing two or
three firkins a piece. The six vessels which held the
water, are the pious hearts of the saints, whose perfect
life and faith, during the six ages that preceded the an-
nouncement of the Gospel, remain as a pattern to the
human race. The vessels are, with propriety, of stone,
because the hearts of the just are strong, having been
strengthened by faith in, and love for, .that stone which
Daniel saw, " torn without hands from a mountain, and
which became so great a mountain, that it filled the whole
earth" (Dan. ii. 34-35). Zachariah, speaking of it,
says : " Upon one stone, are seven eyes " (Zach. iii.
9.) ; that is, in Christ dwells the universality of
spiritual knowledge. The apostle Peter alludes to it
in the following words, " to whom ye are come as to a
living stone ye also as lively stones are built up a
spiritual house." (1. Pet. ii. 4-5.) With propriety, also,
were the water-pots set after the manner of the purifying
of the Jews ; for to the Jewish nation only was the Law
given by Moses ; but Christ has imparted the grace and
86 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
truth of the Gospel both to heathens and to Jews. We
are told that each contained " two or three firkins a
piece," to intimate that the writers of the Holy Scriptures,
sometimes speak only of the Father and the Son, for
instance ; " Thou hast made all things in wisdom :" for the
strength and wisdom of God is Christ. Sometimes also they
mention the Holy Spirit, as in that passage of the Psalms ;
" By the word of the Lord were the heavens made, and
all the host of them by the breath of his mouth" The
Word, the Lord, and the Spirit, constitute the triune
Jehovah. Quite as great a difference as between water
and wine, was there between the sense in which the Holy
Scriptures were understood, previously to the coming of
the Redeemer, and that in which he himself expounded
them to the Apostles, and their disciples bequeathed as
a perpetual rule. The Lord, who at the commencement
of creation made all things out of nothing, could indeed
have filled empty water-pots with wine, but he chose
rather to make wine of water, in order, emblematically,
to teach that he came into the world, not to relax or
abolish, but rather to fulfil the law and the testimony of
the Prophets.
It would be unjust to desire that our knowledge, and
the degree of moral and political civilisation which we
have attained, should be regarded as the sole criterion of
judgment, instead of using it as a mere standard of com-
parison between earlier times and the present. The
contemptuous shrug, and the scornful smile of compassion
with which we are apt to regard the efforts of past ages,
may one day be bestowed upon many of our pursuits,
should posterity feel equally disposed with ourselves to
INTEREST EXCITED BY ALCUIN'S WORKS. 87
overlook that which is really good, and to see that only
which is defective, We should look back upon the
former state of intellectual culture, upon the steps whereby
society has risen to its present grade of refinement, with
the same respect as that with which a man of mature
age regards the feelings and ideas of his youth, There
seems, therefore, little cause to fear that the portions of
Alcuin's works which we have noticed, will tend to diminish
the merit of his laudable exertions in the opinion of the
reader, especially, as notwithstanding the weakness of
argument, so much talent is displayed, that even in those
who had no concern in ecclesiastical affairs great interest
was excited. Omitting the commentary on St. Paul's
Epistles to Titus, Philemon and the Hebrews', which
are composed in a manner precisely similar to those already
quoted, we will adduce in proof of our observation, a
letter which also exhibits the participation of Charle-
magne and his courtiers in these theological investigations.
An officer in the army of Charlemagne, who probably
felt particularly interested in the account of the zeal with
which Peter drew his sword in the defence of Jesus, and
smote off the ear of Malchus, was unable to reconcile the
passage in which Jesus bids his disciples buy a sword,
(Luke xxii. 36.) with another passage in the Gospel of
St. Matthew, wherein he says, " all they that take the
sword, shall perish with the sword." (St. Mat.
xxvi. 52.) He, therefore, applied to the king for
an explanation. Charles was so thoroughly ac-
quainted with Alcuin's manner, that he would not have
hesitated to explain the sword as meaning, allegorically,
the word of God ; had it not involved the contradiction,
that all they that take God's word must perish by God's
88 *k/ jfl/^THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
word. In this dilemma he had recourse to his oracle in
spiritual matters, Alcuin, and laid before him his own
and the soldiers' scruples 1 . Alcuin solved the question,
by directing the king's attention to the different circum-
L stances under which the same word is used in these two
\ different passages. By the sword mentioned by Matthew,
/is to be understood revenge for injuries sustained, because
; whoever practises this crime brings ruin upon himself.
j The sword spoken of by Luke signifies, throughout, the
\ word of God, which we must purchase with all our pos-
sessions; as it alone can enable us to resist the devices
of the old serpent.
The king also desired to know what Jesus meant to
imply by the words, " He that hath a purse, let him take
it, and likewise his scrip : and he that hath no sword, let
him sell his garment, and buy one ;" and why, when the
disciples replied that they had two swords, he said, " It is
enough ?" Alcuin interpreted the purchase of the sword
to signify the renunciation of the world, he supposing
that by the purse is to be understood private, by the scrip
public property ; and the word garment denotes sensual
pleasures, which must be resigned before we can become
soldiers of Christ worthy of wearing that sword. The
two swords indicate body and soul ; because, if we do the
will of God with these, it is enough. Alcuin requested
the king to communicate this explanation to the warrior ;
and then, for the benefit of the king, proceeded to remove
a difficulty in which he had entangled himself while un-
ravelling this knotty point. The question arose, Why
does the sword, if it is the word of God, cut off the ear
of his adversaries ; as it is through the ear that the word
ALCUIN'S LIBERAL VIEWS. 89
of God penetrates to the secret recesses of the heart ?
" What," exclaims Alcuin, " what does it impoit but that
the ear of unbelief is cut off to be healed again by the
application of divine mercy, and that, by putting away
the old man, we maybe transformed into new creatures. "
On this account also the servant was named Malchus,
for Malchus means, by interpretation, king, or one \\ho
is to be king (regnaturus) ; because we, in our old state,
were the slaves of sin, but in the new state, when healed
by God's mercy, shall be kings and rulers in common
with Christ. In order to impress upon us that every
one who confesses Christ must never cease to forgive his
enemies, he himself omitted not to heal his persecutors,
even during the period of his agony."
It had already been attempted to establish the principle
that the Scriptures should remain closed to the laity, in
order that they might produce more magical effects in the
hands of the clergy. Alcuin was far from entering into
the narrow policy of desiring to base the power of the
clergy on the ignorance of the people ; but rejoiced that
the laity had at length begun to occupy themselves with
the Gospel, and wished that the king possessed many
such soldiers as him, to whose questions he had replied 1 .
Alcuin's intimate acquaintance with the sacred scrip-
tnres, and the works of the Fathers, his anxious care for
the purity of doctrine, and his skill in maintaining it
with the light weapons of dialectic art, or the weighty
arms of learning, rendered him the fittest champion of
the orthodox church against the innovations of the
heretics. His aim was neither to establish any new, nor
to destroy any ancient principle, but simply to uphold
90 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
and confirm those which already existed, and which he
recognised as true. His presence was the more desira-
ble to Charles, as besides the controversy respecting the
adoption, he was engaged in a theological dispute con-
nected with his diplomatic relation to the Byzantine
empire. This was no other than the contention regarding
image-worship, which was at length decided, after having
for many years excited the most violent commotions in
the Christian world in the East ; aud after having caused
the Pope to separate himself from the Byzantine empire,
thereby paving the way for the restoration of the western
Roman empire. The decision, however, was such as
accorded neither with the religious sentiments of the
western part of Christendom, nor with the political pre-
tensions of Charlemagne. A short review of the whole
subject may, therefore, be proper, before we proceed to
consider this decision, which, as well as the determination
upon the doctrine of the Adoptionists, resulted from the
synod held at Frankfort-on-the-Maine ; we shall thus be
better enabled to judge of Alcuin's participation therein.
3. History of the Controversy respecting Image -worship.
The primitive Christians derived their aversion to
image-worship from the Jews ; and the more they en-
deavoured to mark the distinction between the new reli-
gion and pagan idolatry, the more confirmed became
their abhorrence. The adoration of Gods, the work of
men's hands, was so strictly prohibited by the Mosaic
law, and so totally irreconcileable with the doctrine of
Christianity, which teaches that God must be worshipped
only in spirit and in truth, that the introduction of a
INTRODUCTION OF IMAGES. 91
custom derided and despised by the Christians, into the
Christian church, seemed of all evils that which was least
to be feared. Yet, no sooner had the religion of Jesus
become predominant, than the great mass of mankind,
who had been led to embrace Christianity, less from con-
viction than from expediency, transferred some of the
customs and sentiments of paganism to the religion of
the state. These abuses obtained a firm footing with
the greater facility, since the chasm which had divided
paganism from Christianity, was filled up by the over-
throw of the former, and as the latter had no longer to
encounter opposition, the vigilance of jealousy was re-
laxed. The feelings of the people, which require to be
excited by some material impression, were readily in-
dulged with a visible object of reverence ; and it was
permitted to honour the cross as the symbol of our re-
demption, or relics of the saints as cherished memorials
of the excellence of distinguished and pious men. There
was, however, but one small, almost imperceptible, step
from the relics to the images of saints; and from regarding
them with respect, to worshipping them with devotion.
If God, as such, could not be depicted, still his incarna-
tion afforded an opportunity both to the pencil and the
chisel, of presenting him in a visible form to the worship
of the faithful. His divine mother also became a subject
for art and adoration. Miracles were related of the
images, which magnified their importance arid increased
their number; and in a short time, all the churches and
chapels in the Byzantine empire were filled with pictures
of Jesus, of Mary, of saints, and of angels. Since the
sixth century, believers had again bowed the knee to
92 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
images, and probably even worshipped, in the ancient
deities of Olympus, the heroes of the Old Testament, or
the saints of the Christian church. A mere alteration
of the names of many statues of pagan times, was all that
was requisite to adapt them to the system of the new church.
How easy was it to convert the god of poetry and music
into the royal psalmist of the Old Testament, or to give
to the lion-taming Hercules a scriptural allusion under
the name of Samson ; and by a similar alteration to secure
safety and respect to the images of other Gods ! Art is
more indebted than religion to this evil thus introduced
into the church. To it she owes the preservation of the
classical designs of antiquity ; and if no new works were
produced, still the practice was maintained, which would
have entirely ceased, had the same abhorrence of the arts
of painting and sculpture prevailed in the Christian, as
in the Mahommedan world. Religion, on the contrary,
felt that she was acting in opposition to her precepts, and
was placed in an element, which to her, was not only
foreign, but adverse. It was only necessary, once boldly
to avouch, and to prove this fact, in order to create a
formidable party. The lower order of the people were
too much attached to images, easily to suffer themselves
to be deprived of them : the monks who derived a consi-
derable revenue from the preparation and sale of these
objects of adoration, were too much interested in the
maintenance of that species of worship, not to offer the
most violent opposition to every attempt at its abolition.
The ignorant fanaticism of the people inflamed by the
selfishness and superstition of the monks rushed to the
protection of the images, when the Byzantine emperor
LEO THE ISAURIAN. 93
Leo, the Isaurian. urged their removal. Political interests
mingled in the contest, and gave it an extension and an
importance which few theological controversies have at-
tained.
The Isaurian Leo the III. was indebted to his military
talents for his elevation to the throne of Byzantium,
already tottering from internal convulsions, and assailed
by external foes. He merited, however, his good fortune
by the vigour with which he defended the state from the
attacks of the Arabs, and protected its internal tran-
quillity from the plots of traitors. With his reign, there-
fore, a period of prosperity might have commenced to the
Byzantine empire, had not his repugnance to images in-
volved him in a quarrel with his subjects, in which he
and his successors impaired the strength without in-
creasing the glory of the state. His adversaries have
endeavoured to trace this repugnance from the most im-
pure source ; but it probably sprang from his intercourse
with the Arabs, and his efforts to convert the Mahom-
medans and Jews in his dominions. Their abhorrence
of the image- worship of the Christians was the great
stumbling block to their conversion, nor could force
compel, nor persuasion induce them to exchange their
worship of the one true God for Christian idolatry. The
determination of the emperor to remove this obstacle by
reforming the service of the church, became the more
confirmed, in proportion as he became convinced, by a
comparison of the present state of Christian worship
with that of the primitive church, and with the precepts
of the Old and New Testament, of the justice of the
reproaches cast upon Christianity. This comparison,
94 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
also rendered it the more easy for those ecclesiastics who
were favourable to his views to prove, by philosophical
and historical reasons, the sinfulness of image-worship, and
the right possessed by the sovereign of checking by his
imperial authority a dangerous abuse. The difficulties,
however, attending the measure, restrained the emperor
from any rash or violent proceeding. He first, though
unsuccessfully, endeavoured to draw over to his interests
the theological academy at Constantinople, a learned in-
stitution connected with the public library. The members,
consisting partly of monks, of course opposed a system
which would deprive the monastic order of a lucrative
branch of their profession, and destroy their chief influence
with the people. Leo retired from the struggle for the
moment, but only to wait for a more favourable period,
which, appearing to have arrived in the year 726, he
assembled a Silentium or secret council of clerical and
lay officers, and required them to declare the worship of
images to be unlawful, and dangerous to the salvation of the
soul. In pursuance of this sentence, all the images in the
churches were removed from the altars and lower parts
of the building, and placed at such an elevation as to be
inaccessible to the devout touch of the faithful. These
half measures, however, only rendered the emperor odious
without attaining their object ; and two years later, he
found himself compelled to command, in a second edict,
what he had merely advised in the first, viz. that all
images of angels, saints, and martyrs, should be entirely
removed from the churches. The refusal of the patri-
arch Germanus to subscribe this decree, delayed its
execution till the year 730, when he resigned ; and
REBELLION OF THE PEOPLE. 95
Anastasius, an ecclesiastic who was more favourable to
the system of the emperor, took possession of the pa-
triarchal see. Resistance now commenced on the
part of the monks, and the people whom they had
instigated to rebellion. Their first attack was made
upon a statue of Christ, which was placed over the gate
of the palace Chalke. The captain of the body-guard
mounted a ladder in open day, and endeavoured with an
axe to hew down the image which was in high reputation,
on account of its wonder-working power. The concourse
of people attracted by this outrage first used entreaties,
but finding these ineffectual, they had recourse to violence.
The ladder was overthrown, and the captain and his
companions slain. Once freed from restraint, the pas-
sions of the people hurried them on to the commission
of still greater excesses ; they attacked the palace of the
patriarch, and yielded only to the military force which
the emperor despatched to restore tranquillity. The
attachment of the troops enabled the emperor to enforce
obedience to his commands ; but he did it at the peril of
his throne, and with the loss of a province of his empire.
The defenders of the images fled with the objects of their
veneration to the islands of the Archipelago. There,
their fanatic zeal and hopes of assistance from heaven
induced them to collect a fleet, with which they boldly
appeared before Constantinople, for the purpose of hurl-
ing the enemy of Christ from his throne. But as the
expected miraculous assistance was not vouchsafed, they
were easily defeated and punished. Italy, however, lay
at a greater distance, and possessed in Pope Gregory
II. a stronghold, to which the enemies of the Iconoclasts
96 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
could flee. The pope renounced all connection with the
Byzantine empire; and, to protect himself against the
Greeks and Lombards, entered into that alliance with
the French, which was afterwards productive of such
important consequences. His exhortations and example,
together with the writings of John of Damascus, kept alive
the spirit of contention in Byzantium itself. An earth-
quake, which in 741, converted many of the most mag-
nificent cities of Asia and part of Constantinople into
heaps of ruins, afforded the monks an opportunity of
representing this calamity as the effect of the wrath of
God at the impious attacks upon the images, and of
exasperating the minds of the people against the em-
peror, who had rendered himself still more obnoxious, by
the imposition of taxes, for the purpose of rebuilding the
cities which had been overthrown. Such was the situa-
tion of affairs at the time of Leo's death, which took
place in 741. He bequeathed to his son, Constantine V.,
who had already been associated with him in the govern-
ment, the empire, and the task of executing the
measures which he had begun 1 . The Byzantine his-
torians describe the emperor Constantine as an incarnate
devil, they do not allow him one good quality ; and yet,
what they themselves relate of his actions, contradicts
their sentence, and is indeed as convincing a proof of
the consummate talent of Constantine, as of the falsehood
of the calumnies propagated by his enemies. The
severity and cruelty which he exercised towards a faction
which was labouring for his overthrow, and either defied
his authority by open rebellion, or sought to undermine it
by secret intrigues, instead, of being matters of reproach
to the emperor, were, in fact, the mournful consequences
REVOLT OF ARTABASDUS. 97
of the necessity in which he was placed, either of giving
up his convictions, or of establishing them on the ruin of
his adversaries. The implacable hatred of the monks
had manifested itself at the beginning of his reign, in a
way which put it out of his power to adopt milder mea-
sures. The advocates for the use of images had formed
themselves into a political party, and cast their eyes on
Artabasdus, brother-in-law to the new emperor, who
secretly favoured image-worship, or at least professed to
do so in order to gain popularity, and thereby the throne.
The suspicions of Constantine were indeed awakened,
but he durst not make any attempt against his brother-
in-law in Constantinople, and, therefore, under pretence
of needing his advice, ordered him to join him in an ex-
pedition against the Arabs, which he undertook imme-
diately after his coronation. The guilty conscience of
Artabasdus divined the motive of this command, and
urged him to anticipate the emperor. He appeared at
the head of an army, and had almost succeeded in
capturing the surprised Constantine. This step rendered
the breach decisive, and whilst Constantine was assembling
a force in his native country, Tsauria, for the purpose
of repossessing himself of the throne, Artabasdus was
crowned emperor at Constantinople, and immediately
restored the worship of images. The patriarch Anastasius
changed his sentiments, and under Artabasdus defended
the images with as much vehemence as he had opposed
them under Leo and Constantine. The civil war which
was now breaking out was so intimately connected with
the dispute regarding images, that they must stand or
fall according as the one or the other party should prove
98 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN,
victorious. On the side of Artabasdus was the advantage
of a greatly superior force, on that of Constantine energy
of mind and military talents, which compensated for the
deficiency in the number of his troops. The unskil-
fulness of his adversaries afforded him an opportunity of
attacking them singly : he defeated Artabasdus him-
self at Sardio, and his son Nicetas at Ancyra. The
same month, September 743, he appeared before the
walls of Constantinople; but, as his adherents within the
walls durst not hazard any attempt to deliver it into his
hands, he was compelled to besiege it Artabasdus had
thrown himself into the capital, and defended it with the
greatest obstinacy, hoping to be relieved by Nicetas, who
was endeavouring to form an army in Asia from the
wreck of his party. In October, Nicetas approached with
an armed force, but was driven back to Nicomedia by
Constantine, and there not only defeated in a general
engagement, but himself taken prisoner. The perse-
verance with which Artabasdus, notwithstanding this
disaster, continued the defence of Constantinople only
delayed his inevitable fate. Constantine took the city
by storm on the second of November, and his enemy,
who had vainly attempted to escape, not long after falling
into his hands, he, as well as his son, was punished by the
loss of sight.
Constantine, being once more in possession of the
throne, endeavoured to secure it by the total destruction
of the opposite party. Search was made for those who
had adhered to his enemy, and all were punished either
with death or mutilation. The contemptible character cf
the patriarch Anastasius, which rendered him a useful
DECREES AGAINST IMAGES RENEWED. 99
instrument in the hands of the emperor, saved him from
receiving any other chastisement than that of insult ; and
he retained the highest ecclesiastical dignity in the em-
pire. The more reason the emperor had to dread a
political faction in the defenders of images, the more
imperative it became upon him to maintain and propagate
his own opinions. The abolition, therefore, of image-
worship was not merely a matter of religious discipline,
but a necessary measure for the security of his person
and dynasty. The danger from which he had escaped
had, however, taught him sufficient prudence to delay
the execution of his design until he had restored tran-
quillity to the distracted empire, and associated his son
with him in the government. In the year 753, he
ventured to hold several Silentia, in which the decrees
against image-worship were renewed and rendered still
more severe. Preparatory to their publication throughout
the empire, he introduced them in those provinces, the
governors of which were devoted to his views. The
simplest means would have been to have it abolished by
a resolution of a general council ; but as neither Leo nor
Constantine could calculate upon the majority of the
bishops being favourable to their system, this method
had hitherto been unattempted. However ready an
individual ecclesiastic may be, when opposed singly to
the temporal power, to submit to its decisions, he assumes
a very different position when the support of a numerous
body invested with the right of examining and deter-
mining, raises him above the influence of fear. The
spirit of opposition, which in individuals is dumb from
conscious weakness, then displays itself openly and
H 2
100 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
vigorously. This impediment, so justly to be feared,
seemed, however, to be removed by the death of Anas-
tasius, which left the patriarchal see vacant. The hope
of obtaining the first ecclesiastical dignity in the kingdom
was a bait at which Constantine felt certain the bishops
would catch, and by which they would suffer themsehes
to be taken. As it was easy to foresee that the emperor
would be guided in his choice of a patriarch, by the
degree of zeal displayed in his cause, he might reasonably
look for support rather than opposition from the bishops,
among whom there were few who did not aspire to the pa-
triarchate. Relying on this circumstance, Constantine
summoned a council at Constantinople, in the year 754,
which so well answered his expectations, that the assembly,
consisting of three hundred and thirty-eight bishops,
acceded to his wishes, and adopted them as a law of the
church. Image-worship was rejected as an invention of
the devil to allure mankind to a new species of idolatry,
and the emperor represented as an Apostle, inspired by
God himself to frustrate this device of Satan. In con-
clusion, a curse was pronounced upon all the worshippers
of images, especially upon the former patriarch Germanus,
and the monk John of Damascus 1 .
The emperor had now succeeded in obtaining, in a
a canonical manner, the right of suppressing image-
worship ; and, accordingly, commanded that all images
should be removed from the churches and sacred edifices,
but with as little violence as possible ; wishing merely
to deprive them of their sanctity in the eyes of the people,
and the adoration paid to them, without denying thei
merit and utility as works of art. But it was no eas;
:
CONSTANTiXE' A^D'THE POPE. 101
task to put the decision of the council into execution.
First, as regarded the pope, he was placed at so great
a distance, and was so secure under the protection of the
French, that he would not fail both to persevere in his
opposition to the Iconoclasts, and, probably, widen the
breach with the Byzantine court to an irreparable extent.
Any attempt to reduce him to obedience by force would
have been as expensive as ineffectual ; no other course,
therefore, remained to the emperor but that of endea-
vouring to withdraw from him the protection of France,
and thus compel him to resume the relation in which he
formerly stood to the empire, if he would avoid becoming
the prey of the Lombards. For the accomplishment 01
this purpose, Constantine entered into negotiations with
the French king, Pepin, whom he sought to attach still
more firmly to his interests by proposing a matrimonial
alliance between his son Leo and the princess Gisla, the
sister of Charlemagne, who has already been introduced
to the reader as the diligent pupil of Alcuin. The pope
saw and warded off the threatening danger ; he frustrated
the union, in order to render his own connection with the
French monarch still firmer; and effected his project
with a facility proportioned to its tendency to promote
their common interest. The controversy upon images,
therefore, severed one of its fairest provinces from the
Byzantine empire, placed the pope in an independent
position, and laid the foundation of a princely power
established in his own territories, which amply indem-
nified him for the loss of the revenues he had derived
from Sicily, and also furnished the French king with an
opportunity of obtaining a firm footing beyond the Alps.
102 THE LIFE OF 'ALCUIN.
It was not, however, in the West only that the spirit of
opposition continued to rage ; it still remained unsub-
dued in the Eastern provinces, and even in the capital
itself, notwithstanding the decision of the council of
Constantinople. The fanaticism of the monks considered
no means as unlawful in the defence of a sacred cause,
and feared no punishment which might obtain for them
the crown of martyrdom. Their pious zeal irritated and
wearied the patience of the emperor ; and from 761, scarcely
a year elapsed wherein we do not find recorded some act
of violence against the images, and of cruelty towards
their worshippers. But as the persecution of individuals
only increased the obstinacy and fury of the rest, the
emperor was compelled to subdue resistance by force.
In pursuance of this design, all the bishops were deposed
who refused to subscribe to the decrees of the council.
In the year 768, the monasteries at Constantinople were
dissolved, and the buildings either demolished or con-
verted into barracks. The monks were compelled either
to marry, or to evade the severity of the emperor by a
voluntary banishment. These measures were also ex-
tended to the refractory provincial monasteries, and carried
into execution by military force 1 , for the army was devoted
to their victorious sovereign, and attached to his principles.
There can be no question that a commission entrusted to
such rough hands was often executed with as little regard
for the preservation of literature and arts, as for right
and justice ; but the impossibility of suppressing an ex-
asperated faction, and at the same time keeping within
the bounds of moderation and equity, and the necessity
of exercising severity towards all who refused to comply
LEO THE FOURTH. 103
with the decree for the abolition of images, which had
been regularly issued by a convocation of the elergy, will
sufficiently excuse the emperor in the opinion of every
impartial mind. Constantine was indebted to the energy
of his character, for the satisfaction of seeing the public
worship of images abolished before his death, and of
receiving a guarantee for the future, in the oath taken
by his subjects, that they would never again pay them
adoration. This oath would have been performed, had
his successor prosecuted his measures with the same
energy and firmness with which he had adopted them 5
but Leo IV. who ascended the throne in 775,
was of too feeble a character to execute such a task.
Under the influence of his wife Irene, who concealed her
veneration for images and monks, that she might be
enabled to promote their interests the more effectually,
he annulled some of the statutes of his father, and miti.
gated others. The apparent state of public tranquillity
led him into making concessions, which contained the
germ of future disturbances ; and by granting the monks
permission to return and hold high offices in the church,
he again introduced into the state practices subversive of
the existing order of things. When he discovered the
images of saints secretly adored by his wife, it was too
late to repair his error ; for, before he had arrived at any
determination on the subject, he died, September the 8th,
780. Irene, as guardian to her son, Constantine VI., who
was yet a minor, was now intrusted with the reins of
government ; and nothing but the fear of resistance,
especially on the part of the army, withheld her from
immediately legalising the introduction of images, She,
104 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
however, commenced preparations for this measure by
putting a stop to all persecutions, and placing no im-
pediment in the way of erecting images in various places.
At the same time she made advances to the Roman
pontiff, and entered into so close an alliance with Charle-
magne, that she betrothed her son, Constantine VI.,
to the French princess, Rotrudis. But, notwithstanding
that she openly displayed her predilection for images, it
was long before she ventured upon taking any decided
step. More than half a century had elapsed since the
commencement of the controversy, so that the greater
part of the existing generation had been educated in the
prevailing opinions, and most of the bishoprics were
occupied by men who owed their elevation to their
hostility to image-worship. The empress, therefore,
durst not attempt so important a change as the restora-
tion of image -worship without some plausible pretext.
This was immediately afforded by the patriarch Paul,
who, as had been previously concerted, publicly resigned
his dignity. Paul had been appointed to the patriarchal
throne by Leo IV., after he had, in presence of the
emperor, solemnly declared himself inimical to images.
In the year 784, he suddenly abandoned the archiepis-
copal palace, and betook himself to a cloister, where he
professed to all those who visited him, either at the
instigation of the empress, or from motives of curiosity,
that remorse had driven him from a see, the acceptance of
which had excluded him from communion with other
churches, and deprived him of the favour of the saints .
that he could only hope to obtain pardon for his sin by
deep repentance ; and that there was no other means of
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 105
averting the curse which was hanging over the empire,
than that of annulling the impious statutes against the
images. A way was thus opened for the accomplishment
of the project which the empress had most at heart : the
execution of which devolved upon the successor of Paul,
whose death occurred in that same year. Irene took care
to render the interests of the church dependent upon her
will, by raising her private secretary, Tarasius, to the
patriarchate. The pliant courtier testified equal readiness
to comply with her wishes, by the condition which he
annexed to his acceptance of the highest ecclesiastical
dignity, namely, that a general council should examine
anew the lawfulness or unlawfulness of image-worship.
In consequence of a flattering letter of invitation, Pope
Hadrian I. sent two nuncios to Constantinople, and, by
adopting the artifice of admitting some ecclesiastics as
ambassadors from the patriarchs of Antioch and Alex-
andria, the synod assumed the authority of an ecumenical
council. Although the adverse party was unable to pre-
vent the summoning of this synod, they appeared in great
numbers to express their disapprobation, and were en-
couraged in their opposition to the court by the veteran
troops of Constantine, who declared themselves ready to
protect them, and to defend the principles of their revered
general. When, therefore, the first session was opened
in the Church of the Twelve Apostles, August 7th, 786,
the soldiers, who had taken possession of the church on
the preceding day, rose and excited such a tumult that
the patriarch was unable to obtain a hearing, and the
empress herself was compelled to request the assembly
to yield to a force which it was useless to resist, and to
106 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
break up the meeting. After the departure of the court
party, the Iconoclasts remained in the church under the
protection of the soldiers, and confirmed all the decrees
against images.
The failure of this first attempt on the part of the
empress, rendered her aware of the obstacles to be sur-
mounted before she could make a second and more
successful effort. Regardless of the interest of the state,
she artfully contrived to disarm and disband the veterans ;
and, after having surrounded herself with a guard of
newly levied troops, she summoned, in September 787,
a council at Nice, not daring to trust the citizens of
Constantinople. On this occasion she had the prudence
to invite only such bishops as were favourable to her
plans, or who at least showed themselves willing to change
their sentiments. A detachment of the new legions was
despatched thither to be ready in case of need. Under
these circumstances, there could be no doubt as to the
result of the deliberations of the assembly. The reso-
lutions of the council of Constantinople were refuted and
condemned, together with all who adhered to them, and
the worship of images again made an ordinance of the
church, with, however, the nice distinction, that to the
saints and images only prostration of the body
rrjffiQ) was due, whilst the worship of the heart
belonged to God alone. Thence the council removed
to the capital, in order there to confirm their resolutions.
In that city also, measures had been so well concerted,
that every thing passed off with the utmost tranquillity.
Amidst loud acclamations of joy, the empress, together
with her son, subscribed the decree, which, as the act of
GERMAN INDEPENDENCE. 107
an oecumenical council, was to be received as valid by
the whole Christian world. It was, therefore, sent to
Pope Hadrian I., in order that he might communicate it
to the sovereigns of the West.
In the West of Europe, a proper position, in relation
to divine worship, had hitherto been assigned to images.
They served rather to ornament sacred edifices, and to
deepen the solemn impression which such places are
calculated to make, than to awaken or become the objects
of devotion. The predilection for image-worship, which
the Romans had transferred from paganism to Christianity,
was unfelt by the Germans who had adored their former
deities, not so much in artificial representations as in
natural objects. Superstition existed nevertheless among
them also, but under a different form. They worshipped
the relics rather than the images of saints, and expected
to receive from the former, what the Greeks hoped to
obtain from the latter assistance in the time of need,
protection in the hour of danger. The decree of the
Nicene council was the less likely to meet with a favour-
able reception among the Germans, as prostration of the
body, in the Greek sense, conveyed a totally different
meaning to the natives of the West, from that which it
imparted to the subjects of Oriental despotism. The
free-born German was accustomed to behold in his feudal
sovereign, only the first among his equals, and to bow
his knee to God alone ; whilst the Greek would not
think of denying to the saints the homage which he
offered to the emperor. Neither the language nor the
habits of the Western nations accorded with a practice,
which, being familiar to the inhabitants of the Byzantine
108 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
empire, might be adapted to religious purposes, without
exciting in them any painful feelings. In addition to the
aversion of the Western church to image-worship, the
friendly correspondence between the Byzantine and
French courts was at the same time broken off ; the blame
of which, indeed, rested entirely with Irene. The am-
bitious empress was not disposed to suffer the reins of
government to be wrested out of her hands ; and the
friends of image-worship, who had every thing to hope
from Irene, and, on the other hand, every thing to fear
from the dubious sentiments of the youthful Constantine?
encouraged her in her purpose of retaining possession of
the throne to the prejudice of her son's rights. She
could not, however, but regard the projected marriage of
Constantine with a daughter of Charlemagne as an im-
pediment to her design, as it was easy to foresee that the
French monarch would not permit the degradation of his
son-in-law. She, therefore, annulled the contract betwixt
her son and Rotrudis, and forced him to accept an
Armenian maiden as a consort. At the same time, she
entered into an alliance with Charles' enemies, the duke
of Beneventum and Prince Adalgis of Lombardy, and
endeavoured to put an end to the French influence in
Italy, by restoring to the Lombardian kingdom its former
constitution, a plan which, as has been already related,
entirely failed. Under these circumstances, it may easily
be imagined that the pope found himself placed in a
dilemma, on receiving the resolutions of the Nicene
council for the express purpose of communicating them
to Charlemagne. He was aware of the aversion felt by
the French clergy to image- worship, and of the just
REJECTION OF THE DECREES OF NICE. 109
displeasure entertained by Charles against a court which
had so grievously offended him. Hadrian had, therefore,
abstained from giving him any intimation respecting the
council at Nice, and of the part taken by himself in their
deliberations, but had endeavoured to keep him in igno-
rance of the whole transaction. Now, however, that con-
cealment was no longer practicable, he despatched a copy of
the Nicene resolutions to Charles in the year 792. The
French monarch would, at any time, have hesitated to con-
cede to an assembly, summoned without his knowledge or
consent, and in which the West of Christendom was repre-
sented only by two nuncios from the pope, a right to im-
pose laws on the whole Christian world ; but he had now a
double motive for refusing to permit a hostile court to
prescribe to him the course he was to pursue. He,
therefore, resolved not to submit to the resolutions of
the Nicene council, but to reject them through the in-
strumentality of a general council, to be held in the
West of Christendom. He sent a transcript of the acts
to England, and requested Alcuin to refute them, and
to procure their condemnation in that country ; then he
begged him to return to the continent, in order to be
present at the council, which he proposed summoning to
decide upon this matter, and upon the doctrine of the
Adoptionists. Alcuin composed a treatise, in which he
proved that the worship of images was inconsistent with
the doctrines of Scripture, and the authority of the
Fathers. This treatise determined the sentiments of the
English princes and bishops : the Nicene council, though
attended and sanctioned by the pope, whose authority
had formerly been undisputed by the Anglo-Saxons, was
110 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
pronounced to be illegal; and Alcuin was invested with
full powers to impart their decision to the French
monarch 1 .
4. Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the
Doctrine of the Adoptionists and Image-worship.
Alcuin returned to Charlemagne at the conclusion
of the year 792, or the commencement of the following
year, attended, as ambassador of the Anglo-Saxon
church and state, by a retinue of English ecclesiastics. 2
Their presence was necessary to give the conference, which
was about to be held, the authority of a general council
of Western Christendom ; for the king's command could
ensure the attendance of the bishops and abbots residing
in all the German states, which had been Christianized
and united under the French sceptre. But Britain was
sufficiently independent of France, to refuse, if she pleased,
all participation in this assembly ; and, from her insular
situation, so secure, as to be under no apprehension from
the resentment of a king who was destitute of a navy.
That she nevertheless showed herself willing to unite
with the French, is to be attributed to the influence of
Alcuin.
Previous to the convocation of the council, Alcuin
endeavoured to convince the Adoptionists of their error.
He wrote to bishop Felix 3 , earnestly importuning him to
renounce his heresy : " Venture not," he exclaims, " to
enter upon a useless contest. The truths of the Gospel
illuminate the whole earth. Let us only maintain and
propagate the doctrines it teaches. What can we, frail
mortals, amongst so many of whom love begins to grow
COUNCIL OF FRANKFORT. Ill
cold, imagine better than to adhere to the principles of the
Apostles and Evangelists, with all the firmness and
fidelity of true faith, without inventing new names, bring-
ing forward strange conceits, or desiring to acquire a vain
reputation by some novelty in doctrine, whereby we may
bring upon ourselves censure, whilst we hoped to obtain
praise ?" The tone of this letter was not calculated to
produce a favourable result. Alcuin too hastily pre-
supposed Felix to be in the path of error, and exalted
himself above him with too much arrogance 1 , not to
provoke a quarrel. Felix consequently composed a trea-
tise in defence of his opinions, and in opposition to
Alcuin ; but before he had completed and transmitted it
to him, the Spanish bishops, who concurred in the new
doctrine, appealed to the justice of King Charles, re-
presenting, in their letters, that their opponents were
heretics, whilst they, on the other hand, only endeavoured
to uphold the true faith in its purity 2 . Nothing, there-
fore, remained to be done, but to refer the matter to the
decision of an ecclesiastical council, which was accord-
ingly summoned by the king, in the year 794. The
place appointed for the conference was Frankfort, a royal
villa on the banks of the Maine. This place was then
of recent origin, and owed the foundation of its future
splendour to the number of bishops and abbots, and the
vast concourse of lay nobility, who were attracted thither
from all parts of the French kingdom. The natural con-
sequence of numerous and frequent convocations, and of
the more than usually long residence of the court and its
retinue, was to draw together a number of people, anxious
to supply the demands for the commodities of life which
112 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
were thus created. Artizans and merchants took up
their abode there for the purposes of trade, aud the place
being favourable for traffic, they made a permanent set-
tlement. The frequent mention of Frankfort, subsequently
to the year 794, proves that the prosperity and import-
ance of this town began and increased with the meetings
which were held there. 1 The number of bishops is said
to have been three hundred, in which computation the
abbots and clergy who accompanied them are not in-
cluded. Many years had elapsed, since the West of
Europe had beheld so splendid an assemblage of church
dignitaries as the present council presented. It is, also,
the first which was constructed on principles which
formed henceforth the basis of the political and ecclesias-
tical privileges of the West $ and therefore the form and
manner of its constitution possess claims to our atten-
tion independently of the importance of the subject of its
deliberations. It consisted of the three following divisions
occupied by the members according to their nation and
rank. The church of Rome, which was represented by the
Pope's legates, Stephen and Theophilactus, naturally took
the precedence as guardian of the Apostolical traditions.
Next in order, came the church of Lombardy, at the head
of which stood the archbishop of Milan and the patriarch
of Aquileia ; the third part was formed by the Cis-alpine
clergy. To these three constituent parts, which were of
a spiritual character, was added a fourth, consisting of
Charles, as the son and protector of the holy church
of God, and his chief lay nobility ; for their consent was
essential, in order to execute by temporal means, that
which might be spiritually determined 2 . To the king
DISPUTATION AT FRANKFORT. 113
ikewise, belonged" the right of introducing the matters
to be treated of, and of appointing the order in which
they should be brought forward. Amongst the subjects
proposed for the deliberation and decision of the council,
the doctrine of the Adoptionists and the worship of images
came first under discussion ; and as it was with these two
points only that Alcuin was engaged, they merit a
detailed and exclusive narrative, Alcuin was recom-
mended to the assembly by Charles himself, and on this
powerful recommendation admitted. 1 It appears that he
took with him the first book which he had written in refu-
tation of the sentiments of Felix, and in which he had
collected the testimony of the Fathers against the new
doctrines. 2 At least, it is certain that he presented it to
the Abbot Benedict of Anian, who was then at Frankfort
to take it home with him, in order to fortify the clergy
of Septimania against the dangerous influence of their
heretical neighbours. 3 Neither Felix, nor any of the
Adoptionists, attended the conference of Frankfort ; con-
sequently there was no one to be found who possessed
either the desire or the ability to oppose the testimony of
the fathers, the decree of the pope, and the majority of
the bishops, whose adherence to the ancient doctrine was
probably the result more of convenience than conviction.
The decision of the council at Frankfort was, therefore, a
ratification of the sentence of condemnation which had
been pronounced two years previously at Ratisbon. 4 The
resolutions of the council were communicated to the Arch-
bishop Elipandus, and the bishops residing in those
parts of Spain which were subject to the Saracens, by
means of a document transmitted in the name of the king ;
114 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
but in consideration of the independent position of
Elipandus, it was in the form less of a rigorous com-
mand than an urgent and convincing exhortation. The
principle that so numerous an assembly of the church
could not err, was therein assumed ; for if the Lord had
promised that where two or three were gathered together
in his name, he would be in the midst of them, could any
one doubt that he had been with, and enlightened the
minds of a venerable assembly convened for his honour ?
The Adoptionists were required to return into the bosom
of the church, and to subscribe the annexed orthodox
confession of faith, or to prepare themselves to be de-
nounced as heretics, and excluded from communion with
that church in which alone salvation was to be found 1 .
In this document, no notice was taken of Felix, because it
seemed evident that he, as a French bishop, must ac-
knowledge the authority of a council summoned by the
king, and ratified by the pope, and submit to its deci-
sions. We shall, however, presently see that he did
neither the one nor the other, but, on the contrary, brought
forward new arguments in favour of his opinions, which
appeared to the king of sufficient importance to call for
a fresh examination.
For the present, however, the affair seemed to have
been settled in a legitimate way, to the great satisfaction
both of the king and the pope. Their views differed
with regard to the decision of the second point image-
worship. Regarded as a matter of religion, image-
worship was an abomination to the inhabitants of Cis-
alpine Gaul. Considered in a political point of view, the
unreasonable demand of the Byzantine court, that a
INDEPENDENCE OF THE WESTERN CHURCH. 115
council summoned by its authority should be recognised
as oecumenical, and that resolutions adopted in a great
measure by military constraint, should be received as
general laws of the church, was a claim which wounded
the pride of the French king. Willing, as Charles might
be, to concede to the pope, as head of a church which in-
herited the Apostolical traditions, a superiority in wisdom,
and authority in ecclesiastical matters ; still the pope had
not been represented at the council of Nice as the head of
the church, but simply as an equal among equals. There,
he was no more than any other archbishop of the Byzan-
tine empire, a rank which was no longer reconcileable with
his totally altered position. In the course of the contro-
versy upon images, the relation in which he stood to
France, had procured for him so much influence with that
nation, and so important a part in its constitution, that it
was impossible for him to return to his former position
with regard to the court of Byzantium, without causing
the utmost confusion. By the re-introduction of image-
worship, the cause of disunion had indeed been removed ;
but it was not so easy to annihilate consequences as to
annul resolutions, or to restore a state of things, when
once it had passed away, as statues and pictures. It was
necessary, therefore, to substitute a new subject of dissen-
sion for the opposition to images, which, for the moment
at least, was* terminated. A declaration of independence
on the paii of the Western church, in no way affecting the
supremacyof the pope, would prevent him from renewing
his alliance* Vith the Byzantine empire, and lead him by
the natural course of events to contribute to the founda-
tion of a Western empire, independent of the East. Whilst
116 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Charles was endeavouring, at the expense of religion,
to disengage politics from the confusion in which they
were involved, he rendered the most essential service to
the papal authority. The defenders of the interests of
the holy see have cause to be dissatisfied with the deci-
sion of the council of Frankfort, only in so far as it
rejected a doctrine which has subsequently become pre-
valent in the Catholic church . It may, however, afford
them some consolation to know, that the assembled
fathers were led astray by misunderstanding and passion.
For in the manner in which Charles had the subject laid
before them, it could not but meet with unanimous oppo-
sition and rejection : but it is difficult to determine
whether ignorance of Greek or wilful misrepresentation
was the cause of the misconception. In the first place,
the council summoned by Irene was not acknowledged as
oecumenical 1 . It may, indeed, appear strange, that in
the official documents, Constantinople is mentioned as
the place of that meeting ; but this change of name is
easily accounted for by the fact, that the legates of the
pope were summoned originally to Constantinople ; and
when the council, after having commenced its delibera-
tions in the capital, was compelled to dissolve in conse-
quence of the tumultuous proceedings of the soldiers of
Constantine, they remained, in order to accompany the
assembly to Nice, without requiring or receiving any
fresh credentials. The Synod at Nice was considered by
them merely as a prolongation of that at Constantinople,
and the more so as on the breaking up of the assembly,
the members returned to Constantinople for the purpose
of procuring the signature to their resolutions. The less
CARLOVINGIAN PAPERS. 117
importance is to be attached to this discrepancy in the
names, as, in the first place, it is not entirely groundless,
and in the next place, the fathers assembled at Frankfort
were not ignorant of the real place of meeting 1 . But the
resolutions of the Byzantine council were perverted, and
brought before the council at Frankfort in a hateful form ;
for, regardless of the distinction made by the Greeks
between worship of the heart and prostration of the
body, the very principle, viz., that the same reverence
was due to images as to the Holy Trinity, which had
been disclaimed by the Nicene council, was represented
as the decision of that body. This principle was naturally
denounced as heretical 2 . It is impossible to avoid sus-
pecting that the king abused his privilege of propounding
the subjects of deliberation, and by a false representation
endeavoured to excite the passions of the assembly, and
bring them over to his interests. Although nuncios
from the pope were present, and could have explained to
the members that they were under a mistake, it does not
appear ihat they either did so, or had any authority so to
do. The Catholic church, therefore, can more easily
get over the decision of the council at Frankfort, which
was the result of a false statement, than the treatise
which appeared in the name of Charlemagne, justifying
the rejection of image-worship. This work is best known
under the title of the Carlovingian Papers, and would de-
serve especial notice, as one of the most remarkable literary
productions of that period, even were Alcuin not its sup-
posed author. As it attacks in forcible and vehement
language, and not without considerable strength of argu-
ment, an object which has become dear to the Catholic
118 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
church, it could not remain free from hostile assaults.
The first printed edition appeared in the year 1549, with-
out the name of the printer and editor, who did not ven-
ture to declare himself ; but it is known that we are
indebted for it to Jean de Tillet, a French bishop 1 . It
was immediately reprinted in Germany ; but the scarcity
of the two first editions proves how eagerly and success-
fully the Catholics sought to suppress them. Fortunately,
the Protestants took under their protection a treatise
exposed to such danger, and thus rescued it from the an-
nihilation which threatened it 2 . The Roman hierarchy,
having thus failed in suppressing the work, endeavoured,
at least, to cast -a suspicion upon its authenticity. Taking
advantage of an external similarity, the Catholics asserted
it to be the production of Karlstadt, who, in the beginning
of the reformation at Wittemberg, began, and preached
in favour of, the destruction of images, although the con-
tents throughout clearly refuted this statement. It is
only necessary to read the Carlovingian Papers, and see
"how exalted a position is assigned to the Pope and church
of Rome 3 , to be persuaded that so zealous a reformer as
Karlstadt could not have had the remotest share in such
a composition. The sentiments therein expressed, as well
as the language and style, belong much more to the time
of Charlemagne ; and no impartial reader will doubt its
genuineness, when to these internal evidences is added the
incontestible historical testimony afforded by a passage in
a letter from Archbishop Hincmar to his nephew, wherein
he not only mentions that he had read the Carlovingian
Papers, when a pupil at the court-school, but also quotes
an entire chapter from them 4 .
ALCUIN THEIR AUTHOR. 119
Almost as little doubt can exist, that Alcuin was the
author of this production, as of its authenticity. Whilst
in England, he had written a treatise against image-
worship, which he took with him to the council at Frank-
fort. He was therefore better entitled than any other
man to prosecute the subject, and was called upon to do
so by the confidence of the king, which no one possessed
or deserved in a higher degree than Alcuin. In this
work, abounding in quotations, both from the Fathers
and classical authors, we discern no symptom of a paucity
of books, the want of which, Alcuin, some years later,
felt so much in France ; which also furnishes a proof,
that the greater part of it was written in England. The
style confirms, instead of contradicting this assumption. 1
But the treatise may so far deserve to bear the name of
Charles, as it is throughout stamped with the impress of
his mind. The feeling which he entertained towards the
court and pretensions of Byzantium, transfused its bitter-
ness into the pen of Alcuin, and led him not merely to
expose and systematically refute the errors of the Nicene
council ; but also prominently to exhibit every thing that
might wound the pride of the empress Irene, or render the
vanity of the Greeks ridiculous. This is apparent in the
criticism upon the letter of Irene, addressed to Pope
Hadrian, with which the Carlovingian Papers commence, 7
and likewise in the manner in which the pope is placed in
his relation to the imperial court. The principles avowed
in this work are in perfect accordance with the sentiments
of Alcuin, which have already been expressed, regarding
the dignity and infallibility of the papal see 3 . It is
proved^ by the example of St. Jerome, that in all times
120 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
the most learned and enlightened men had not held their
own judgment in such high estimation, as to allow them
to dispense with the advice of the pope. The avowal
which the author makes in the name of the king is very
remarkable ; he declares that he had endeavoured, from
the commencement of his reign, to form the Cisalpine
churches on the model of that of Rome, and to establish
a perfect unanimity with that church, to the head of which
the keys of heaven were committed 1 . So far, the advo-
cates for the rights of the Roman church have no reason
to complain of a treatise which satisfies their most ambi-
tious wishes. But the pope had declared himself the
protector of images, and the author of the Carlovingian
Papers was decidedly opposed to them. In a series of
chapters, he refutes, following step by step the acts of the
Nicene council, the arguments drawn from the Bible in
favour of image-worship. This refutation constitutes a
large and important portion of the work, but requires the
less minute description, as it is throughout written in the
style of Alcuin, which has already been sufficiently ex-
hibited. The Nicene council, for example, had adduced
as a proof of the admissibility of image-worship, that
Solomon set up the images of oxen and lions in the
temple. In refutation of this, the author observes, that
he himself did not condemn images when used as memo-
rials or ornaments, but only when they were regarded as
objects of sinful adoration ; but as to the images in the
Temple at Jerusalem, it was manifest that the Nicene
council had been under the influence of a lying spirit?
when it sought to support its errors by a circumstance
which signified a mystery of the church. For the oxen
REFUTATION OF THE DECREES OF NICE. 121
and lions were symbolical figures of the apostles, and
their successors placed by Christ in his church, who were
to display towards the good and the penitent the patience
of oxen, but who were to exercise towards the obdurate
the fury of a lion. 1
In the third book, the author proceeds from the consi-
deration of the general testimony of the Holy Scriptures,
to the particular decrees of the bishops forming the
council of Nice ; and could with the greater facility refute
them both by argument and ridicule, as they were in con-
tradiction not only to the manners of the West of Europe,
but likewise to common sense. It was not difficult to de-
monstrate that the reverence paid to the statues of the
emperor was no justification of that shown to the images
of saints, but that the one was as objectionable as the
other. If heathen customs were to be adopted in the
churches, then it would soon come to pass that the houses
of God would be turned into theatres, and the abode of
peace be filled with the performances of gladiators. The
apostle, however, enjoined us not to take the emperor and
the world for our examples, but said, " Be ye followers of
me, even as I also am of Christ" 1 (ICor.xi. 1). "There-
fore," exclaims he, "far be it from the Catholic religion,
that the perverted customs of profligate heathenism should
be imitated and adopted by Christian sobriety. 2 " To various
weak points of this description, which the Nicene council
had exposed to attack, by resting their arguments upon
local interests, instead of general and rational principles?
maxims were added which were revolting to the moral
feelings. They adduced, for example, the following
anecdote, as an evidence of the lawfulness of image-
122 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
worship : A certain monk had been so long and griev-
ously tempted by the devil to sensual indulgence, that he
longed to rid himself at any price of the torment; and at
last, at the desire of his tormentor, sacrificed to him the
worship of images, binding himself with a solemn oath
never again to offer adoration to an image. No sooner
did his abbot hear of this, than he cried out in a transport
of rage. " It had been better for thee to have visited
every brothel in the city, than to have denied to the
images of the Lord, or of his Holy Mother, the adoration
that is due to them." The council at Nice assented to this
principle, by inserting the story in their acts, and by
bringing it forward as an argument. " Is not this,"
exclaims Alcuin, or the author of the Carlovingian
Papers, " is not this an unparalleled absurdity ? a ruinous
evil ? an insanity wilder than has ever yet been known ?
It had been better for him, he says, to have been guilty
of an action forbidden both by the law and the Gospel,
than to abstain from that which is commanded by no law,
either human or divine ! It had been better for him, he
says, to have committed a crime, than to have avoided a
crime ; better to defile the Temple of God, than to despise
the worship of senseless statues ! Let him tell us, whether
he can any where find that the Lord has said, ( Thou
shalt not refuse to worship images ;' whereas, it is known
to all the world that he has commanded this, ' Thou
shalt not commit adultery.' Let him tell us, whether he
can any where find that the Lord has declared, * If thou
seest an image and adorest it not, thou hast sinned;'
while every one x knows that he has said, ' Whosoever
looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed
OPINIONS REGARDING IMAGE-WORSHIP, 123
adultery with her already in his heart.' Whoever
attempts to support his assertions by such examples as
this, proves that he possesses folly of no ordinary kind,
but that it surpasses that of all others. 1 "
The Greeks had carried their opinions both for and
against image-worship to extremes, and consequently
supported them rather by sophistry than solid argument.
The author of the Carlovingian Papers, on the contrary,
had assumed a moderate position between the contending
parties, and was thereby enabled, unfettered by partiality,
to rebut all their fallacies, and expose the absurdities of
their speculations. He often feels himself obliged to re-
iterate the declaration that he did not prohibit the pos-
session, but the adoration of images ; that he desired not
that men should turn away with disgust from the images
which had been placed in churches either as decorations
or memorials, but that it was the superstitious abuse of
them which he condemned 2 . Having taken this position,
the decree of the Iconoclasts at the council of Constanti-
nople, appeared to him just as reprehensible as the oppo-
site error into which that of Nice had fallen, whilst the
result of his investigation was recommended by the ap-
probation of Western Christendom, by the assent of the
understanding, and by the authority of one of the most
eminent among the Popes, Gregory the Great 3 . In pur-
suance, therefore, of the sentence of this pope, it was
enacted as a fundamental law of the Western churches,
that images should be permitted to remain outside the
churches, and that it was equally unlawful to insist upon
their adoration, and to consent to their destruction 4 .
Charlemagne transmitted, by the hands of the abbot
124 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Angilbert, the acts of the Frankfort council, together
with the work composed in his name, to Pope Hadrian ;
requiring him not merely to confirm the decisions of the
said council, but also demanding, with a passionate eager-
ness, resulting from his personal feeling of hostility to-
wards the Byzantine court, the formal condemnation of
the Emperor Constantine, and his mother, Irene. This
placed the pope in an embarrassing situation. On the
one hand, he durst not be guilty of the inconsistency of
condemning a council to which he himself had sent a
legate, and of which he had approved ; and, on the other,
it was equally impossible to refute the arguments, and
overcome the aversion of the French clergy as to dispute
the authority of Gregory the Great. This occurrence
might easily have produced a breach between the French
monarch and the papal see, had Hadrian not been a man of
too peaceful and estimable a character to sacrifice, to the
passion of the moment, the advantages which the Romish
church derived from her close alliance with France, and
the respect and regard which he entertained for the king.
He pursued the line of policy by which the papal power
has become so enormous that of never attempting to
wrest from circumstances what they did not warrant
freely, or, at least, apparently. The Carlo vingian Papers
offered advantages to the papal see which easily induced
him to forget or overlook those which they refused.
The recognition of his supremacy by a general council
of the West, sufficiently indemnified him for a departure
from the opinions which both he and some of his pre-
decessors had cherished, in reference to image-worship,
especially, when, as in this case, the personal authority
DECISION OF THE FRANKFORT COUNCIL. 125
of these popes could so easily be secured, by ascribing to
their views motives which coincided with the principles
of the Frankfort council. For Hadrian could excuse
the opposition of his predecessors to the Iconoclasts, on
the ground recognised even by that council, that the
destruction of images was as great a crime as their ado-
ration ; and exonerate himself on the plea of desiring to
terminate the dissensions between the Eastern and
Western churches. This consideration induced him
once more to lay before the king some arguments in
justification of image-worship ; but as he at last granted
that the views of Gregory were correct, the king waved
his unreasonable demand of a formal declaration of
hostility against the Byzantine court ; and thus the clouds
dispersed which had for a while obscured their amicable
relation to each other.
The decree of the Frankfort council was confirmed
anew by the synod held at Paris by Louis the Pious, in
the year 825, on account of the controversy which had
again arisen in Byzantium, respecting images 1 . But, in
process of time, this subject, as well as others of more
importance to the church, lost its interest ; and as the
images remained in the churches, and, as it was left to
the conscience of each individual to determine in what
light they were to be regarded, the worship of images,
which had been so strenuously resisted by Charlemagne
and his contemporaries, gradually insinuated itself into
the Catholic church. The elements were in existence ;
and it would have afforded cause, both for surprise and
regret, had they not developed themselves. In a state of
civilisation, such as that produced by the exertions of
126 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Charlemagne, a sensible object of adoration was requisite.
It is true, that relics afforded such an object ; and in that
point of view retained their importance: but, besides these
dark and gloomy objects, images presented themselves
in a brighter and more cheerful light, and maintained the
reputation which miracles had conferred upon them, by
miracles 1 . So long as the efforts of art are principally
exercised upon subjects possessing a religious interest,
we find, universally, rude and barbarous conceptions
corresponding with religious narrow-mindedness. An
interesting proof of this fact is furnished by the stiff and
uniform figures which constituted the first attempts of
the Greek art of sculpture, as well as by the spiritless
pictures of saints and gods, which were the humble be-
ginning of an art which has since been carried to such
perfection. Art was contented to be the hand-maid of
religion, until she acquired an independent position, and
laid claim to an intrinsic interest, besides that derived
from religious association. The sanctity and reputation
of miraculous power belonging to an ancient picture,
conferred on it an importance which would never have
been accorded to it as a work of art. But the Jupiter of
Phidias, or a Madonna of Raphael, instead of borrowing
splendour from, reflected a lustre upon, religion. In
proportion as art had freer scope, and increased in energy,
religious views were expanded ; and as religion, by al-
lowing the use of images, contributed to accelerate the
perfection of art, so she, in her turn, advanced the in-
terests of religion. But this beneficial result would not
have been attained, had the Frankfort council carried
their principle to the extreme ; and not only prohibited
ALCUIN'S PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE. 127
the worship of images, but also excluded them from
sacred edifices. The plan pursued respecting images
does honour to the intelligence and sagacity of the men
who devised it. The animation of style, ingenuity of
argument, and extent of learning, displayed in the Carlo-
vingian Papers, render them a striking monument of the
high state of mental cultivation of that period, and of its
intellectual superiority to the succeeding centuries. It
is no slight praise to them that the Romish hierarchy
disputed their authenticity, and ascribed their origin to a
period eminent for intellectual energy, and which, by
emancipating the mind from many of the fetters of pre-
judice and superstition, facilitated the progress of religious
independence and enlightenment.
5. Alcuins Permanent Settlement in France, and his
Participation in the Complete Suppression of the Doc-
trine of the Adoption.
Two years elapsed between the period of the Frank-
fort council and Alcuin's permanent settlement in
France ; during which time, he appears to have re-
mained in his former relation to the King. At the
request of Charles, he delayed his return to England,
without altogether relinquishing the design, and with-
out suffering his attention to be withdrawn from his
native country, the state of which filled him with the
greatest anxiety. The Normans, those bold navigators,
were then beginning to extend their voyages, and to
make their unwelcome descent upon more distant
shores. The skilful measures taken by Charle-
magne, deterred them from repeating their fruitless
128 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
attempt upon the coasts of his kingdom : but England,
divided among weak princes, was a tempting and easy
prey. In the year 793, they landed at Lindisfarne,
devastated the country with fire and sword, profaned
the sanctuary, murdered some of the monks belonging
to the monastery of that place, and dragged away others
into captivity. 1 Alcuin was on the continent when this
event took place. He regarded it with more anxiety, per-
haps, than others of his cotemporaries ; for, taught by
the experience of the past, he had a deeper insight into
the future. A comparison between the present state of
England, and the condition of Britain at the time of the
invasion of the Saxon pirates, forced itself upon him ;
and the similarity which he fancied he discovered,
afforded him little consolation. 2 Every letter, there-
fore, addressed by him to his friends in England at this
period, contains a warning of the threatening danger,
and an exhortation to maintain internal tranquillity, in
order to be able better to repel an external foe. " Our
ancestors, 5 ' he writes to the archbishop of York, 3
" although heathens, acquired possession, with God's
assistance, of this country. What a reproach would it
be to lose as Christians, what they gained as heathens !
I allude to the scourge which has lately visited those
territories, which have been inhabited by our ancestors
for nearly 350 years. In the book of Gildas, the
wisest of the Britons, we read, that these very Britons
lost their country in consequence of the rapacity and
avarice of their princes, the corruption and injustice of
the judges, the carelessness and indolence of the bishops
in preaching, and the licentiousness and immorality
ALCUIN'S DETERMINATION TO REMAIN IN FRANCE. 129
of the people. Let us take heed that these crimes pre-
vail not in our times, that the blessing of God may
preserve our country in that prosperity which his mercy
has condescended to bestow." He concludes his letter
with an exhortation to keep a vigilant eye upon the
morals of the people, that the mournful catastrophe
might be averted which he saw but too distinctly ap-
proaching, if the disturbances which had so often con-
vulsed the kingdom of Northumberland were not
speedily terminated. In order to contribute to the ex-
tent of his ability towards the maintenance of internal
tranquillity, he addressed a letter to king Ethelred,
and to the nobles and people of Northumberland, 1
wherein he adduces examples from the earlier history
of the country, to enforce his earnest exhortations ; and
endeavoured, by depicting hell in the most appalling
colours, to deter the king from injustice, the nobles
from sedition, and the people from disobedience. 2 At
the same time he resolved to return to York, that
his personal authority might add weight to his admo-
nitions. He had already obtained the consent of
Charlemagne to this journey, and received from him
presents for Offa, and other Anglo-Saxon princes,
when, in the year 796, Ethelred was murdered. Alcuin
saw, with equal indignation and sorrow, that his deluded
country was beyond the aid of exhortation or advice,
which he alone could offer; and therefore abandoned the
idea of returning home, and resolved to make France
his permanent abode. 3 This resolution remained un-
altered, when, a few months after Ethelred's murder,
the death of Eanbald I. archbishop of York, which
130 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
took place on the 29th July, 796, opened to him
the most certain prospect of obtaining the vacant see.
There is not the slightest doubt that he would have
been elected, had he accepted thB invitation which he
received as a member of the church of York. As, how-
ever, he conjectured that he was invited not to assist
in the election of another, but to be raised himself to
the archiepiscopal throne, and as he had no desire to
purchase, at the expense of repose, high ecclesiastical
dignity, he excused himself on the plea of sickness and
King Charles' absence in Saxony; 1 and merely ad-
monished his spiritual friends in York to regard merit
and worth only, in their choice, and to beware of
simony, a crime which he compared to the treachery of
Judas : for whosoever betrays and sells the church,
betrays and sells the Lord Jesus Christ, with whom it
forms one body. Alcuin had the pleasure of seeing his
former pupil, Eanbald II. chosen. Had he him-
self been ambitious of church preferment, the highest
dignity in the kingdom of France would not have been
withheld from him ; but his wishes were confined to a
station which would afford the repose necessary to his
years and constitution, enfeebled by sickness, and enable
him to devote himself entirely to his favourite occupa-
tions. A residence at court was less adapted to this
purpose than the tranquillity of a cloister ; and he
therefore requested permission of Charlemagne to
retire to the monastery of St. Boniface at Fulda, and
to distribute its revenues, which had been assigned him,
amongst his pupils. 2 The king did not entirely accede
to this request, considering it unbecoming to suffer a
ALCUIN ABBOT OF TOURS. 131
man like Alcuin to live as a simple monk, under the
control of an abbot. But I therms, late abbot of
the monastery of St. Martin, at Tours, dying at this
identical period, the king appointed Alcuin to his office ;
thereby providing for him the tranquillity he desired,
and affording him an opportunity of extending his
labours for improving the condition of the clergy and
the younger part of the population. The monks of
St. Martin lived in a manner which was anything but
becoming their profession ; ' and Charles knowing
Alcuin's vigour of mind and exemplary conduct, ex-
pected that when the community was placed under his
management, the abuses which prevailed there would
cease. 2 We shall hereafter see how far Alcuin justified
these expectations. This section will conclude with a
connected account of his participation in the complete
suppression of the doctrine of the Adoption. Although
he had retired from the world, he had involved himself
too deeply in the controversy, and considered resist-
ance to the new doctrines too meritorious a work to
desist from it. Besides, he had received a personal
affront from his adversaries. Felix had composed a
book in answer to the letter in which Alcuin had ex-
horted him to abandon his errors, and, having completed
it, sent it first to Elipandus and the other adherents of
his doctrine, and then, by their advice, not to Alcuin
himself, but to King Charles, from whom they hoped
to experience more equity and impartiality. Charles
transmitted it to Alcuin, against whom it was chiefly
directed, charging him at the same time to reply to it. 3
As Alcuin, however, saw, from the tone which the
132 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Adoptionists had assumed towards him, that his argu-
ments alone would make no impression upon them, he
entreated the king to transfer the commission to more
suitable persons, at the same time exhorting him
to take more vigorous steps, and use his temporal
power for the suppression of the heresy. " Arise''
he thus concludes his letter, " arise, thou champion of
Christ, chosen by God himself, and defend the bride of
thy Lord ! Think how thy enemy would rejoice were
thy bride dishonoured ! Reflect that the wrong which
thou sufferest to fall upon thy son, will recoil upon thy-
self. How much more oughtest thou to avenge with all
thy might, the injury and reproach cast upon the Son
of God, thy redeemer, thy protector, the dispenser of
all thy blessings ! Come forth valiantly in the de-
fence of her whom God has entrusted to thy guidance
and protection, in order that temporal power may assist
thee in acquiring the treasures of spiritual gloiy." 1
This letter is evidently dictated by a spirit of anger, on
which, perhaps the wound inflicted on his vanity had
no little influence. Charles, however, did not comply
with Alcuin's wish of immediately interposing with
passion and violence, but had sufficient forbearance to
submit the matter to another examination. For this
purpose, he required Alcuin to nominate the persons
whom he desired to have as his coadjutors in the dis-
pute with Felix. It is interesting to discover on this
occasion, which, amongst Alcuin's learned friends in
France, enjoyed most of his esteem. He, of course,
first nominated the Pope as being the source of the true
faith ; then the Patriarch Paul, of Aquileia, Bishop
SYNOD OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 133
Richbod of Treves, and Bishop Theodulph of Orleans. 1
Charles selected from the names submitted to him, be-
sides the Pope, the Patriarch Paul. Pope Leo, suc-
cessor of Hadrian I., proclaimed his sentiments, not
by a written manifesto, but through the organ of a
synod of Italian clergy assembled at Rome. The
doctrine of the Adoption was, as might be anticipated,
again rejected, and Charles urgently required to execute
a sentence which had been pronounced for the third
time. In consequence of this, the king summoned in
May 799, a numerous meeting of the bishops and theo-
logians of his kingdom at Aix-la-Chapelle, and dis-
patched Archbishop Leidradus, of Lyons, to Urgel, to
bring Bishop Felix himself by force. It was insisted
upon, that he should here, in person, either prove the
truth of his opinions to the satisfaction of all, or
solemnly and penitentially abjure them. lAlcuin was
selected by the king to oppose Felix, and to dispute
with him publicly. 2 He had prepared and brought
with him his seven books against Felix, which he after-
wards published, and from which we may judge of the
manner in which he handled the subject in the disputa-
tion, which was held in the middle of May. The words
of Scripture, taken in their strictest sense, and the de-
crees of the fathers, were to him sufficient arguments to
refute the new doctrine. That the name Adoption, is
to be found neither in the Old nor the New Testament,
nor yet in the works of the Fathers, ought of itself to
have convinced Felix of his error. 3 " Could God,"
asked Alcuin, " produce from the flesh of a virgin, a
real son or not ? If he could not, he is not omnipotent ;
134 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
if he could and would not, then you must give a reason
why he has not chosen to do so. But, if you can tell
that, then the will of the Most High God is compre-
hensible by the human mind, and the Apostle's assertion,
that God is incomprehensible, is false." 1 In a similar
manner, he avails himself of the words of^ the Holy
Scriptures. When, for example, it is said, that at the
baptism of Christ by John, the voice of God proclaimed
" This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased"
(Matt iii. 17), Alcuin asks to which person of Christ
does this refer ? If the voice refers to Christ as one
person, then this one person to whom the words were
addressed is altogether God's beloved Son, although of
two natures ; if it refers merely to the divine nature,
then this only was baptised and not the human nature,
for it was to that which had received baptism that the
voice was addressed. But it was not God, but the Man
in Christ that was baptised by John in Jordan ; it was
therefore the man in him that was called by God the
Father, the Son of God, t6 upon whom," (it is thus that
Alcuin proceeds) " the Holy Spirit also descended in
the form of a dove, to prove that he who was baptized,
even he was the Son of God. And on this point the
baptiser himself says : " And I saw and bare record that
this is the Son of God."
In a similar strain of argument, and with consum-
mate learning, Alcuin contended with his opponent at
the synod of Aix-la-Chapelle, in the presence of
Charlemagne, numerous prelates and learned men. It
is to be regretted that we are not in possession of the
arguments brought forward by the opposite party ; but
FELIX ABJURES HIS ERRORS. 135
that they were weighty, and that Felix acquitted him-
self valliantly this time, may he inferred from the fact
that the disputation lasted nearly a week. He was,
however, ultimately compelled to recant his error a
second time, and abjure it with a solemn oath. 1 The
issue of a conflict in which he stood alone against
a host, the advocate of an opinion contrary to the au-
thority of the fathers, whom his adversary regarded
as the sole standard of truth, and by whom he would
have justified any innovation, could not be otherwise
than disastrous to Felix. But as there was reason to
doubt the sincerity of his recantation, and in order that
he might be punished for the obstinacy with which he
had defied the authority of the Pope and the council, he
was not permitted to return to his bishopric, but was
publicly deposed and consigned to the custody of the
Bishop of Lyons, who assigned him a monastery within
his diocese for his residence. Although Felix here
composed and published his confession of faith, he ap-
pears in his heart to have continued attached to his old
opinions until his death, which took place in the year
818. But after the disputation at Aix-la-Chapelle, he
sank into insignificance, and his doctrine was sup-
pressed in France. It seems, from Charles' conduct
towards the Adoptionists, that the principle of the
priests that all things are lawful against heretics, was
at that time unknown, or else that Charles was too
honourable to admit or practise it. It was not until
after he had allowed Bishop Felix a second time to
defend a doctrine which had once been condemned by
its author, and then rejected by a general council, that
136 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
he punished him, and that not by the stake, but by
deposition and banishment to a monastery.
The orthodox party being now victorious, could em-
ploy the enormous power of the French monarch against
Felix and his adherents on the Spanish frontier, and
enforce their arguments by menaces and violence ; but
Elipandus cared little for the decrees of the French
clergy and councils against his favourite tenets. His
years, and the pertinacity with which old age adheres
to its opinions and prejudices, rendered Alcuin's at-
tempts to convert him ineffectual. He wrote to him
in the year 799, 1 and transmitted the letter by the
envoy whom the king had commissioned to bring Felix
from Spain. He addressed him in the most affectionate
terms, imputing the whole of the fault to Felix ; but
Elipandus was so satisfied of the truth of his opinions
and the error of his opponents, that he wrote a bitter
reply, the offensive vehemence of which appeared even
in the style of the address. In this he calls him a new
Arius, an opponent of the holy Fathers, and hopes if he
should be converted, that he may have everlasting
salvation, but if not, eternal damnation. 2 The tone of
this epistle convinced Alcuin that all his efforts to per-
suade the old man would be unavailing, but he thought
it due to his injured honour and the well-being of the
church, to answer it, " in order," as he says, 3 " that the
minds of any may not be led astray by the perusal of
that letter ; for we have heard that it has fallen into
the hands of others before it reached us to whom it was
addressed." This was the origin of the four books
against Elipandus, in which Alcuin again refuted the
TRANQUILLITY OF THE CHURCH RESTORED. 137
assertions of the Adoptionists, by citing passages from
Scripture and the works of the Fathers. 1 That they
effected the conversion of the archbishop of Toledo, is
not probable ; but he was silenced : and the tempest
which had threatened the unity of the Western church
passed away, without injury to the constitution of the
church or state. We must not, however, on that ac-
count, be restrained from considering the contest in all
its political importance, and from ascribing to Alcuin,
as the principal and successful opponent of the new
sect, a large measure of the applause due to the pre-
server of the tranquillity of the west of Europe.
SECTION IV.
ALCUIN AS ABBOT OF TOURS, UNTIL HIS DEATH,
A.D. 796804.
ALCUIN'S determination to renounce his native country
now cost him a less painful struggle, as in consequence
of the change which had been effected by his co-opera-
tion, he found himself placed in entirely different cir-
cumstances from those which attended him on his first
arrival in France, when he came for the purpose of
striving, in conjunction with a few others, against the
ignorance and barbarism of the French clergy. He
could at present obtain in France, his adopted country,
a double measure of that which had rendered a re-
sidence in England agreeable to him ; quiet, to pursue
his literary occupations, and a circle of learned and in-
138 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
telligent men, who either reckoned themselves among
his friends or his numerous pupils. His correspondence
shows him to have maintained a friendly intercourse
with nearly all the eminent men inhabiting the ex-
tensive territories of the French kingdom. As the
greater part of them were indebted to him for the first
impulse given to their intellectual powers, and as he
exercised considerable influence over the minds of the
others, a brief account of them and their labours may
here find an appropriate place, and the rather, as
the biography of Alcuin is merely a frame in which
to exhibit the picture of the Jiterary efforts of that
period. We have already sufficiently adverted to the
encouragement which they received from Charlemagne ;
not only did his commands operate upon the ecclesias-
tical order, but his example affected no less powerfully
the laity who surrounded him. In addition to his
favourite science, Astronomy, he pursued, from motives
of piety, the study of Theology, which, even in the
latter years of his life, occupied so much of his atten-
tion that he undertook to correct the Latin Gospels, by
comparing them with the Greek original and a Syriac
translation. 1 He was both a competent judge of the
literary qualifications of the clergy, and capable of
superintending the means employed to produce a re-
formation in that body.
I. Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order.
On Charles' accession to the throne, he found bar-
barians, hunters, soldiers, and drunkards, placed at the
ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 139
head of the church he bequeathed to his successor an
intelligent and influential clergy. This vast change was
the effect of the persevering efforts which he made from
the first year of his reign to wrest temporal weapons from
the hands of the ministers of the church, to induce them
to quit the camp and the chase for their own peculiar
province, and to confine them to a sphere of action in
which they might render themselves of more importance
than if they stood exactly on a level with the feudal
nobility. tThe military service imposed by Charles
Martel on the clergy, had been followed by the debase-
ment of the morals and destruction of discipline of the
ecclesiastical body. The first step, therefore, taken by
Charlemagne, was to issue a proclamation prohibiting
the ministers of the church from bearing arms, or
appearing in the camp, with the exception of a few who
were required to perform divine service and carry the
relics of saints. But though the warlike bishops might
grant that it was unlawful to shed Christian blood, they
held it quite consistent with their vocation and dignity to
draw the sword against heathens. Charles, however,
forbad their taking any part in the war against the Pagan
Saxons and Sclavonians, requiring of them no other
assistance but their prayers for the success of his arms.
To this prohibition was annexed another, forbidding the
clergy to hunt or to range the forests with dogs and
hawks'. That this edict was ineffectual, appears from
its republication the following year, 789, in a more severe
form 2 . Hunting was a national amusement, of which a
free man would not easily suffer himself to be deprived,
and therefore, to save appearances at least, Charles was
140 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
obliged to connect the permission to hunt, expressly
granted to some monasteries, with objects which might be
regarded as consistent with the clerical profession. The
clergy were permitted to kill the hart and the roe, but
only so many of them as were necessary to procure leather
for the binding of books. 1 This was also an indirect
method of promoting the increase and circulation of
books, as the love of sport among the clergy might be
gratified in proportion to the extent of their library.
The love of spectacles, and the pleasure which the
ecclesiastics derived from the jests of buffoons, and
dramatic representations was, to Alcuin especially, as re-
pulsive as their passion for the chase. We are ignorant,
indeed, of the nature of the theatrical and mimic perform-
ances which were then practised ; but they must have
been, on the one hand, sufficiently interesting to captivate
and rivet the attention of men of letters ; and, on the
other, must have contained something which induced
Alcuin to believe that an indulgence in them was perilous
to the soul ; although it is very possible that he went too
far, and, like many sanctimonious persons of our own day,
condemned, with unreasonable and ridiculous zeal, the
theatre, a thing in itself innocent. His friend and pupil
Angilbert, who appears, in the publications of those times,
under the name of Homerus, a man whom Charles
honoured with his confidence, and frequently employed
in important embassies, drew upon himself the censure of
Alcuin on account of his love of shows. A letter ad-
dressed to another of his pupils, Adelhard, who lived
with Angilbert, proves to us his anxiety for the salvation
of the soul of his friend, his efforts to wean him from that
ALCUIN'S AVERSION TO THEATRES. 141
which he regarded as injurious, and his joy at having suc-
ceeded. " That which thou hast written to me," he says,
in the letter to Adelhard, " concerning the amendment of
my Homerus, is a delight to my eyes. Although he
has ever pursued an upright course, still there is no one
in this world who ought not to forget the things which
are behind, and press forward until he has obtained the
crown of perfection. The only thing in him which grieved
me, was his passion for theatrical representations, which
vain shows placed his soul in no small jeopardy. I have
therefore written to him on the subject, to prove to him
that my affection is always on the watch. Indeed, it
appears to me inexplicable, that a man so wise in other
respects, should not perceive that he is acting in a manner
unworthy his dignity, and in no way commendable 1 ." It
is probable, that it was at the instigation of Alcuin, that
the king, in the decree against hunting, published in the
year 789, also interdicted theatrical amusements to the
clergy under pain of deprivation. But mere edicts and
prohibitions would have failed to eradicate a deeply rooted
custom founded upon prejudice and habit, if the king had
not, in the manner already described, provided for the
education of competent men, and conferred appointments
upon them, and, by the respect with which he treated,
and the influence which he allowed them, given others
an example to stimulate their imitation, and spur their
ambition. I He frequently required the bishops, and
superior clfergy throughout his realm, to preach upon a
subject selected by himself, which sermons were reported
to him by his emissaries 2 . He also, by the advice of
Alcuin, who maintained, not without reason, that much
142 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
instruction was to be gained by philosophical queries 3 ,
often proposed various questions to the clergy, to which
they were obliged to give a written reply. The queries
proposed, had generally a reference to literature, or af-
forded an opportunity of embarrassing by irony, those
who were acting in a manner unbecoming their profession,
and of forcing from them the confession, that their actual
condition was irreconcileable with their true calling. For
instance, we meet with the following passage. " We
wish that they would tell us truly what they understand
by the declaration that they have renounced the world,
and how those who have renounced it are to be distin-
guished from those who still cleave to it ? Does the dis-
tinction merely consist in being unarmed and unmarried ?"'
In this way, a spirit of inquiry was constantly kept alive
among the clergy ; and no man ventured to aspire to any
ecclesiastical office, who was conscious of not possessing
the requisite qualifications. We may, therefore, conclude
hat by the year 796, when Alcuin resolved to settle
in France, the reformation of the ecclesiastical order
was completely effected, and that only here and there a
priest was to be found who belonged to the old system.
Charles was now enabled practically to evince the respect
which he entertained for the clergy, and to yield to them
that influence which was due to their profession and ex-
ternal power, and which they merited by their intelli-
gence and talents. They held henceforth the rank as-
signed to them by the Carlovingian constitution the first
in the state. The Carlovingian dynasty established their
throne on Christian principles, or at least on those
borrowed from the sacred writings of Christianity, and
CARLOVINGIAN DYNASTY. 143
transformed the French into a Christian government. It
is true, that the Merovingians had embraced the Chris-
tian religion, and caused themselves and their court to be
baptised ; but they changed nothing beyond the outward
form, and that with the same indifference, as, under other
circumstances, they would have adopted a new uniform.
The Merovingian king retained the same relation to the
French as he had previously held ; the Carlovingians,
on the contrary, presented to the Germans an entirely
different aspect of regal power. From the Bible, they
became acquainted with kings, who, elected by the nation
and consecrated and crowned by the Almighty, derived
their authority from God. ' Consecration by the priest
placed the Carlovingian kings in this position. They
subscribed themselves " by the grace of God," and were
accustomed to regard their authority as derived imme-
diately from God, and to consider every other power in
the state as proceeding from, and subordinate to them.
Whilst, therefore, the Merovingian sovereign was satis-
fied at his inauguration to be borne aloft on a shield,
before the eyes of the people, amidst the acclamations of
the by-standers, the Carlovingian system rendered conse-
cration by a priest an essential and important ceremony.
The Christian doctrine of the sacredness of the marriage
contract formed also one of the fundamental laws regard-
ing the succession. Under the Merovingian dynasty,
the son of a concubine was as eligible to succeed to the
throne, as the son of a lawful wife ; and it would even
appear that some of that house practised polygamy.
Under the Carlovingian race, all illegitimate descendants
were excluded from the succession ; and examples of a
144 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
departure from this rule occur only in times of confusion
and distress, and were the consequence of revolutionary
and illegal commotions. The same principle from which
this and similar proceedings arose, induced the Carlovin-
gians to exterminate every vestige of paganism from among
the Germans ; and to enact strict laws for the solemn
observance of Sunday, and fasts ; as maybe found among
the ordinances concerning the discipline of the church.
A reformation of the clergy was, therefore, necessary in
a political point of view. They were the principal sup-
port of the throne, and therefore held the second rank
in the state, but it never entered into the contemplation
of Charlemagne, to regard the ecclesiastical power in any
other light, than as subordinate to the regal authority.
The king preferred employing the bishops and abbots in
political transactions, because he expected more from
their superior intelligence, than from men engaged in
military pursuits, and was the more willing to entrust them
with an extensive jurisdiction, as he felt convinced that a
faithful minister of religion would be the most impartial
administrator of law and justice. Charles had adopted
measures for the administration and superintendence of
his extensive dominions, as wise as the limited means he
then possessed would admit of ; but if the most perfect
constitution still leaves scope to wicked men to commit
injustice ; this must doubly be expected from a kingdom
such as France was at that time, notwithstanding the
most upright intentions and utmost precautions of the sove-
reign. " I have no doubt of the good intentions of our
lord the king," writes Alcuin to his intimate friend, Arno,
" and am convinced that he desires to order all things by
THE CLERGY EXEMPTED FROiM MILITARY SERVICE. 145
the measure of justice ; but amongst his ministers there
are fewer who uphold than subvert justice, fewer who
promote than impede it, because there are more persons
who seek their own advantage than the glory of God." 1
Arno proposed to Alcuin that he should advise the king
to empower deputies to administer justice in the pro-
vinces, and to appoint such only as were above the sus-
picion of accepting a bribe. These commissioners could
be selected only from among the clergy, or the highest
ranks of the laity ; and we find, that, influenced by Al-
cuin's counsel, the king nominated certain deputies in the
year 801, selecting especially such men as were possessed
of sufficient wealth to despise the despicable gains ob-
tained by bribery and corruption, and who were not defi-
cient in acuteness and information to investigate the most
complicated affairs. 2 It might naturally be inferred, even
if it were not expressly mentioned, that they consisted
chiefly of archbishops, bishops, and abbots. Possessing
now an influence so great, it was easy for the clergy to
resign the honour of military service ; and they therefore,
in conjunction with the whole nation, presented a petition
in the year 803 to Charlemagne at the diet at Worms,
begging him to release them from the duty of feudal
service. In the contract which secured to the bishops
immunity for their church lands, it is expressly enacted,
that for the future, only so many ecclesiastics should
accompany the army as were requisite for the perform-
ance of divine service, the administration of the sacra-
ments and preaching. At the same time, the assurance
was added, that their honour was in no wise injured by
this arrangement ; but rather would be augmented in
146 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
proportion as they fulfilled their duty towards God and
the holy church. 1 Though much may be said against
the position which was assigned to the clergy by Charle-
magne, and though it cannot be denied that they were
thereby placed in circumstances inconsistent with their
peculiar vocation, still the exertions of the king to
elevate the church which had been suffered to fall into
contempt, to encircle so venerable and important an insti-
tution with external splendour, and to encourage a spirit
of holiness within it, entitle him to the applause which
subsequent times have bestowed upon him 2 . Frederick
the Great, the admirer and imitator of Charlemagne,
caused him to be canonised ; and surely his genuine
piety, his endeavours to promote discipline in the church,
to maintain the true faith, and to reform the ecclesiastical
order, render him more worthy of a place in the calendar
of saints, than many others who owed this distinction to
superstition and party spirit.
2. Concerning Charles' Endeavours to improve the
National Language, and the Academy he is said to
have founded.
As the clergy were the chief instruments in the
restoration of literature and science, and as it was for
them that learning was principally intended, it followed,
as a necessary consequence, that all education partook of a
theological character, and that Latin was more cultivated
than the national language. The clergy, whose taste
had been refined by the cultivation of classical learning,
on the one hand, despised their native language as a bar-
IMPROVEMENT OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE. 147
barous dialect, whilst, on the other, their Christian zeal
led them to shrink from it as dangerous, from its asso-
ciation with paganism. The peculiar bent of Alcuin's
mind rendered him particularly desirous, not only that
the language should be neglected, but that every trace of
the heathen condition of the country should be obliterated ;
in which opinion, all who had been educated in his school,
as well as those prelates whose views were similarly
directed, concurred. Jerusalem and Rome possessed
more interest in their eyes than the forests of their an-
cestors; and they sought to withdraw attention from them,
and fix it on those cities glittering in the splendour of
religion and philosophy. Hence, we find, in the writings
of that period, that whenever a reference is made to
history, the examples are taken from Judea, Rome, or
Greece, and rarely from the records of national history,
which even in those early times was strangely disguised,
and associated most oddly with the deified heroes of an-
tiquity, with the Trojan warriors and Alexander the
Great. f/But notwithstanding the education of Charles
had given his mind also a bias in that direction, and that
he was compelled by the Carlovingian constitution to
eradicate all the remains of paganism from among the
people, still his penetrating genius, unshackled by the
trammels of religious zeal, saw the importance of culti-
vating a national literature, and the necessity of improv-
ing the national language. As Alfred the Great en-
deavoured to substitute Latin for German among the
Anglo-Saxons, and as he, in order to inspire the laity, in
particular, with a taste for the sciences, himself translated
some interesting works from Latin into German ; so
148 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Charlemagne perceived, that to advance the national
civilisation, it would be necessary to introduce a foreign
education, like as a hushandman grafts into his trees a
branch from a superior stock to improve their quality and
increase their produce. The only man in his immediate
circle, who was competent tor such an undertaking, was
Deacon Paul of Lombardy, son of Warnefried. His
history of the Lombards proves that he was well ac-
quainted with the songs and traditions of his country,
since it is in part composed of them in the same way as
the historical work of Jornandes is compiled from the
Gothic poems and legends. But, after a short residence
with Charlemagne, Paul, probably dissatisfied with the
relation in which he stood to the monarch who had anni-
hilated the independence of his native land and over-
whelmed with ruin his benefactor King Desiderius, had
withdrawn from court and retired to the monastery of
Monte Casino, where he lived until the year 799.
Charles appears to have met with little support from
Alcuin in his schemes for the promotion of the national
literature, as is evident from the fact, that amongst the
numerous letters written on scientific subjects, this matter
is not once touched upon. But he was not thereby
deterred from putting his own hand to the work. His
biographer relates, that the king caused to be written
down, and learnt by heart, some old German, or, as they
are called in elegant Latin, barbarous songs, which cele-
brated the deeds and wars of former kings. 1 It is well
known, that the Germans, like other nations, who were
ignorant of the art of writing, or amongst whom it is not
in general use, perpetuated the memory of their heroes?
CHARLEMAGNE'S GRAMMAR. 149
both from a sense of gratitude and to kindle emulation, by
songs which were communicated orally from one to
another. The songs, however, collected by Charlemagne,
seem not to have extended into the remote history, or to
have comprehended many tribes of the German nation,
if, indeed, we may speak of the Germans in those times as
one nation. They were probably limited to the race of
the Franks, and to the deeds and praises of the Merovin-
gian kings. By this collection, the king hoped to form a
basis, on which to construct a grammar of the German
language. He, himself, commenced the task, but did
not complete it 1 ; and nothing remains of this work of the
great monarch, but the German names which he bestowed
on the winds and months. The extinction of this species
of literature was the work of the ecclesiastics. Heathen
songs were to them an abomination, and the mind of
Louis was too feeble to shake off the thraldom of the
priests ; and, like his father, entertain, on this subject,
opinions unswayed by them. Bishop Theganus boasts
of Louis, that, in his later years, he would not listen to
the heathenish songs which he had learned in his
youth, and even forbade their being taught. 2 It was
thus, that, in subsequent times, the classical studies of the
clergy became distinct from the ordinary education of
the people ; and if any effort were made to associate the
German language with Christianity, as was attempted by
Ottfried's German paraphrase of the Gospels, it proved
ineffectual, from want of support from the superior clergy.
Learning again retreated to the monasteries and clerical
institutions, and the people sank into profound ignorance.
Charlemagne's design of introducing universal civilisa-
150 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
tion failed, less because he had entered upon a wrong
course, than because the more educated portion of the
community chose to adopt a path which separated them
from those who were yet uneducated. One consequence
of this was, that the clergy, from their political position,
were subsequently involved in temporal pursuits, and, in-
stead of disseminating learning amongst the people, in-
troduced ignorance into the church. Although, from
these unfavourable circumstances, the glorious attempt
of Charlemagne failed to attain its object, still its singu-
larity places it in a light the more conspicuous, and it
merits, perhaps, as great, if not greater admiration, than
the valour by which he conquered, and the wisdom with
which he governed, such a vast extent of territory.
This detail shows, that, in his anxiety for the improve-
ment of the German language and literature, Charle-
magne stood almost alone, and that there is no founda-
tion for the assertion which has been made, that one of
the academies founded by Alcuin at the court of France,
was established expressly for the study and advancement
of the German language. Opinions and statements are
to be met with in history, which have been originally
introduced from a certain external probability, and which,
raving once succeeded in obtaining admission, claim a
prescriptive right to the place they have usurped, although
owing it solely to misconception. To this class, belongs
Charlemagne's academy. Charles, as well as his learned
friends, are mentioned in the writings of that period under
assumed names, from which it has been inferred, that
some literary society or academy existed at the French
court, in which, as in modern times, the members adopted
ASSUMED NAMES. 151
some name according to their fancy or their partiality for
this or that author. Fixed rules, and a distinct object, to
attain which all the members labour in common, are ne-
cessary to constitute an academy ; but no allusion is made
to a society of that description, either in cotemporary
works, or the letters of Alcuin, who had ample opportunity
of mentioning the fact, and was, of all men, least likely
to omit doing so. The assumed names in no way refer to
a literary society, unless a meaning be assigned to them
belonging to the habits of a later period, rather than to
what was customary and possible in the days of Charle-
magne. It is, however, only necessary to have read
Alcuin's works with attention, to discover, that, from his
predilection for allegory, he often bestowed names on his
friends in jest, which, from their appropriateness remained
attached to them in earnest, and became affixed to their
real names as surnames, as, for example, Rabanus Maurus.
The signification which has been attributed to them, is
proved to be erroneous by the circumstance, that not only
one surname was given them, but two, and even three,
which varied with the circumstances to which they re-
ferred. So King Charles is usually called David, but
many times, also, Solomon. As, in those days, historical
references were chiefly derived from the Old Testament,
so, on the one hand, nothing could be more flattering than
a comparison with him who was peculiarly the founder of
the Jewish kingdom, the brave, the single-minded, devout
son of Jesse ; and, on the other, with his successor, famed
alike for his magnificence and his intelligence, and who,
in the middle ages, was honoured as the type of spiritual
wisdom. Alcuin himself was called Flaccus and Albinus;
152 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
the former, probably for the same reason as procured the
name to the Latin poet, or because he was particularly
partial to Horace, whose lyric verse he imitated in the
judgment of his cotemporaries, not without success ; the
latter appellation is manifestly a mere accommodation of
his Anglo-Saxon name to the euphony of the Latin
tongue. Amongst others, the two brothers, Adelhard
and Wala, had double surnames ; the former was called
Antoninus and Augustinus, the latter Arsenius and Jere-
miah. Einhard, the private secretary and biographer of
Charlemagne, is a striking instance of the reason why,
and the way in which, these names were given. He was
a mathematician, and skilled in architecture, for which
reason, Alcuin calls him, after the Jewish architect, of
whom mention is made in the books of Moses, Bezaleel 1 .
We may, therefore, venture to affirm that this pretended
academy is a mere fiction, without in any way detracting
from the renown of Charles, whose zeal in the cause of
literature is proved by too many splendid examples to
need the aid of such suspicious evidence.
3. The Friends and Pupils of Alcuin.
Although there existed among the clergy and learned
men of France, no society regulated by formal and fixed
rules, and united for the purpose of effecting some specific
purpose, still, a similarity of sentiments and education led
them in one and the same direction, and gave to their
efforts a character of uniformity, especially as Alcuin
was their common centre. His influence is every where
perceptible ; throughout the whole of that period the
ST. PAULINUS. 153
predominating system was that introduced by him, and
favoured by the principles of the Carlo vingian constitu-
tion ; namely, that of identifying all learning with the-
ology, and particularly of transforming philosophy into a
science of Christianity. Science, like the government,
was Christianised, if the purpose to which it was applied?
that of establishing and defending the dogmas of the
church, and protesting against every thing that savoured
of heathenism and heresy, entitled it to that distinction.
As Alcuin advanced in years, his feelings on this sub-
ject became more acute, and at length led him so far
astray, that he forbade his disciples to read those philoso-
phical and poetical compositions of antiquity, the perusal
of which had cultivated and fascinated his own youthful
mind. 1 We, therefore, feel the less surprised, on finding
that he took no part in the plans of Charles for the
improvement of the German language and literature,
and that, from his great influence, his example had a
powerful effect on others. The greater part of the dis-
tinguished ecclesiastics in France were his pupils, and
the few who were not among that number, were too
feeble to resist the general current, even had they
adopted contrary opinions. But this was not the case,
as his friends, whose education had been entirely inde-
pendent of him, entertained similar views. Amongst
them was St. Paulinus. He was a native of that part of
the French kingdom known by the name of Austrasia,
but had been brought up and educated in Italy, where he
was still residing, when Charles, for the first time, crossed
the Alps. He does not appear at that time to have at-
tracted the attention of the king ; but when the treason-
154 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN,
able confederacy entered into by several of the dukes of
Lombardy, with Duke Rotgaud of Friuli, at their head,
compelled Charles to march a second time into Italy, in
the year 776, Paulinus was amongst those on whom
the king bestowed the confiscated estates, after he had
forcibly suppresed the rebellion. It was, of course, the
interest of the French monarch to place a portion of the
lands of Lombardy and the highest ecclesiastical dig-
nities in the hands of Franks ; and it was to this cir-
cumstance, and the confidence which he had inspired,
that Paulinus was indebted for his installation at that
time, or soon after, as patriarch of Aquileia, whose re-
sidence was in Friuli. 1 Alcuin valued him highly.
" Since I have become acquainted with thee, dearest
friend," he writes to him, " I have ever loved thee, and
my heart has formed a bond of friendship with thy
heart." 2 He gave a proof of the estimation in which he
held him, by proposing him as his coadjutor in the con-
troversy with the Adoptionists. Paulinus engaged in the
contest with so much ardour, that almost all his writings
are upon the doctrine of the Trinity. 3 He died shortly
before Alcuin, who had, therefore, an opportunity of
honouring him by an epitaph.
Theodulph, likewise, was at the court of France when
Alcuin arrived, or, at all events, entered it at the same
time with him. He appears to have been the teacher of
the court school, until he obtained the abbacy of Fleury
and the bishopric of Orleans. We have already noticed
how zealously he here endeavoured to execute the com-
mands and wishes of the king, and by that means, natu-
rally acquired the confidence and esteem of Charles, as
THEODULPH. 155
well as the friendship of Alcuin. Alcuin mentioned him,
as well as Paulinus, amongst the most learned men of
the kingdom, whose support he desired in his contention
with the heretics. The good understanding which sub-
sisted between them, was so much interrupted by an
event which will be noticed hereafter, that it was not re-
stored at the time of Alcuin's death, which occurred not
long after, and was possibly accelerated by the grief
which it occasioned him. Theodulph survived not only
Alcuin, but Charles also. At the commencement of his
reign, Louis the Pious evinced towards him the same
respect as his predecessor had done ; but Louis, as is
well known, by degrees neglected the experienced, and
tried counsellors of his father, and thereby excited the
indignation of the wisest and most distinguished persons,
which could not be otherwise than dangerous to him.
Theodulph was amongst the number of the discontented,
and fell a victim to the court intrigues, which must in-
evitably exist under so weak a prince as Louis. He was
impeached on the charge of having participated in the
rebellion of King Bernhard of Italy, and deprived of his
dignities and benefices ; notwithstanding that he protested
against these proceedings, and maintained that he could
be judged and condemned by the Pope alone, from whose
hands he had received the pall. 1 After an imprisonment
of four years in a monastery at Angers, he was liberated
and reinstated in his dignity. But the anguish of a long
and unmerited captivity, seems to have impaired his
strength to such a degree, that he was unable to reach
Orleans, but expired on his way to that city, on the 18th
September, 821. Theodulph was particularly eminent as
156 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
a poet, and, compared with his cotemporaries, whose
poetical compositions were nothing more than prose
thoughts and expressions forced into elegiac rhyme,
teeming with errors in prosody, he deserved the proud
appellation of Pindar. His poems are on moral and
theological subjects, and some of them have the honour
of retaining their place in the psalmody of the church,
even to our own times. 1
St. Benedict of Anian, was one of Alcuin's most inti-
mate and devoted friends. His noble birth opened to
him a splendid secular career, which he pursued with
some success and distinction in the early part of his life,
under Pepin and Charlemagne. He, however, speedily
became so much disgusted with the life of a courtier and
the tumult of business, that he retired, in the year 774,
to the monastery of St. Seine. When a man like Bene-
dict, weary of the world, has sought refuge from its cares
and anxieties in the tranquillity of a cloister, he must be
greatly mortified at discovering that the same jarring
interests which had distracted him without, prevail within
the sacred walls ; arid the desire would naturally suggest
itself, of reforming the monastic life, which he found so
little in accordance with his feelings. The failure of his
attempts to produce an amendment in the community of
which he had become a member, determined him to
withdraw from it, and embrace the life of a hermit. He
constructed a cell on the banks of the river Anian ; but
was not allowed to remain long in this solitude, for the
fame of his sanctity, speedily collected around him so
great a number of people who sought his instructions
and shared his principles, that he was compelled to con-
ST. BENEDICT AND LEIDRAD. 157
vert his hermitage into a monastery, over which he pre-
sided as abbot, and whence the improved Benedictine
rules soon extended to many other communities. Bene-
dict, therefore, contributed not a little towards the
reformation of the clergy, and was, on that account,
highly esteemed both by Charlemagne and Louis the
Pious. He lived in the most friendly intercourse with
Alcuin, whom, as we are informed by Alcuin's anony-
mous biographer, he frequently visited, to ask his counsel
for the salvation both of himself and his community. 1
As the place of his abode was in the immediate
vicinity of the source of the heretical doctrine of the
Adoption, and consequently exposed his flock more than
any other to its influence, he also laboured diligently to
oppose it, in which, as has been already related, he had
the benefit of Alcuin's assistance. Auricular confession
having fallen almost into disuse amongst the laity of
Septimania, Alcuin, probably at the request of Benedict,
addressed an epistle to the monks and priests of that
province, in which he proved the necessity of auricular
confession, both by texts from the Bible and from the
nature of the thing itself. 2 The editor of Alcuin's works
considers these arguments sufficiently solid and convincing,
to reclaim the Protestants of the present day from their
heretical opinions respecting confession. How much less
likely were they to fail in their effect, at the period when
they were propounded !
Leidrad, who still remains to be mentioned in the
number of Alcuin's friends, exchanged, like Benedict, a
secular for a monastic life. Charles employed him
upon embassies to various provinces, in all of which he
158 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
acquitted himself with such success, that when the arch-
bishopric of Lyons became vacant, the king considered
him the person best qualified to restore order in the
diocese, which, from bad management, had fallen into
great confusion ; and also to organise it entirely accord-
ing to the new system. Leidrad justified the expectations
of the king ; he caused the decayed churches and monas-
teries to be rebuilt, re-established divine worship in a
manner both splendid and imposing, and provided for
the education of ecclesiastics of ability 1 by founding
schools and libraries. His multifarious occupations (for,
in addition to his duties as a prelate, he was actively en-
gaged in politics) left him too little leisure to admit of
his bequeathing to posterity many written evidences of
his sentiments ; but they may be ascertained with
tolerable accuracy from the opinions of his pupil and
favourite Agobard, who, in the subsequent reign, was
eminent for his enlightened understanding and political
talents. Agobard speaks in terms of the highest com-
mendation of the theological learning and orthodoxy of
his masters After the death of Charlemagne, Leidrad
resigned the archiepiscopal throne to Agobard, and retired
to the monastery of St. Medardus at Soissons, where he
resided until his death, the date of which is unknown.
If these men, whose education had been entirely hide"
pendent of Alcuin, as well as many others whose names
and merits are less familiar to us, adopted the same views
as himself respecting those subjects which chiefly engaged
his attention, such was much more likely to be the case
with those whose minds had been formed under his im-
mediate influence. Amongst his pupils who accompanied
FREDEGIS. 159
him from England, and settled with him in France,
Wizo, Fredegis, and Sigulf were the most eminent. Wizo,
who was surnamed Candidas, has not, indeed, rendered
himself remarkable, either by his writings, or by occupy-
ing an exalted station in the church ; but he was, therefore,
the more active in disseminating instruction, and aug-
menting the number of books in France. On Alcuin's
retirement from court, he was succeeded by Wizo, who,
it appears, in the year 796, undertook, at the head of a
deputation formed of Alcuin's pupils, a journey to Eng-
land for the purpose of supplying France with some books
in which she was still deficient, by transcribing works in
the library at York. Alcuin's letters testify the confi-
dence reposed in him by his master, and the estimation
in which he was held by Charlemagne 1 .
Fredegis, who is designated in the writings of Alcuin
by the name of Nathanael, was for a while the associate
of his fellow-pupil Wizo. They entered the court of
Charlemagne together, on which occasion, as we have
already noticed, Alcuin dedicated to them his commen-
tary on the book of Ecclesiastes, hoping, by a lively
picture of the vanity and transitory nature of all human
affairs, to fortify their minds, when placed in a situation
where they might be easily tempted to forget his precepts*.
Fredegis appears, on many occasions, to have formed
part of the king's retinue, and was, in all probability,
frequently employed in a diplomatic capacity. Alcuin,
therefore, committed a great error when he recommended
him as his successor in the abbey of St. Martin; for
Fredegis, who more frequently resided at court than in
his monastery, arid who was invested with the dignity of
160 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Chancellor by Louis the Pious, suffered the discipline,
which Alcuin had established at the cost of so much
labour, to fall into utter decay. His mode of handling
philosophy and theology is quite in the style of Alcuin.
In his treatise upon Nothing and Darkness 1 , he endea-
vours to prove that they are not negative properties, but
material substances. The Bible is the source from which
he draws his arguments. He affirms that Nothing must
be something material, because out of it, according to the
testimony of the Holy Scriptures, God created the world ;
and that, although the truth of this proposition may not
be evident, it is to him not less certain than many other
declarations which appear incomprehensible, without
being so in reality. In the same way, he will rather in-
sist upon Darkness being a substance, than interpret the
texts of Scripture in any but a literal sense. It will be
found almost universally that men, whose minds are of
too contracted a nature to embrace any peculiar and in-
dividual opinions, adhere with remarkable pertinacity
to the system of their masters, and will urge it to extremes,
and even to absurdity, rather than surrender it, though
they have only outwardly adopted it without having made
it internally their own. Fredegis affords an evidence of
this obstinate attachment to ideas once imbibed. Having
taken offence at a treatise written by the enlightened and
unprejudiced Agobard, he entered the lists of controversy
with him, and displayed, in the contest, that his theological
views perfectly coincided with his philosophical notions.
But a veteran combatant, like Agobard, speedily vanquished
an adversary, unskilful and awkward in the use of
weapons to which he was unaccustomed. Fredegis,
SIGULF. 161
affirmed, in opposition to him, that the commentators on
the Scriptures were no more guilty of grammatical errors
than their authors ; that the Holy Spirit inspired not only
the sense and substance of what the prophets and apostles
wrote, but the very words and expressions which they were
to adopt ; they therefore stood in the same relation to the
Holy Spirit, as Balaam's ass did to the angel, who spoke
by the animal. He made other similar assertions with
which we are acquainted only through Agobard's refuta-
tion, in which he demonstrates, not merely their actual
absurdity, but the still more absurd consequences to
which they led 1 .
Sigulf, surnamed Vetulus, was Alcuin's most faithful
ally in the court-school, and also in that which he subse-
quently established in the monastery of St. Martin. When
Alcuin resigned his benefices, he, with the consent of the
king, bestowed the abbey of Ferriere on Sigulf, who
superintended it with dignity, encouraging and promoting
learning. The conscientious discharge of his duties left
him no opportunity of distinguishing himself, either by a
participation in affairs of state, or by literary compositions.
We are indebted to him only for an account of Alcuin's
life and labours, which a monk of the monastery of Fer-
riere, with whose name we are unacquainted, committed
to writing from Sigulf s narration.
The sphere of influence widens around an instructor,
in proportion to the length of time in which he labours in
his vocation. Immediately on Alcuin's arrival in France,
a host of young men resorted to him, the most dis-
tinguished of whom continued to enjoy his esteem and
affection, and are therefore entitled to some mention in the
M
162 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
present work. To none of those who had been his pupils
at the court-school was Alcuin so firmly attached, and in
none did he repose such unlimited confidence as in Arno,
whose surname, Aquila, denoted the qualities which Alcuin
esteemed, and value'd in him, namely, the sublimity of
his genius, which bore him as on eagle's wings above the
common interests of life.V He says of him in a letter,
" there was no prelate in France in whom he reposed
more confidence, whose eternal salvation he more ear-
nestly desired, or the consolation of whose discourse
he more longed to enjoy, both by conversation and epis-
tolary correspondence 1 ." So sincere an attachment pre-
supposes a correspondent degree of merit in the object,
and we may, therefore, conclude, without knowing the
particulars, that Arno, as archbishop of Salzburg, pro-
moted the objects of Charlemagne to the utmost of his
power, and that he acted in entire conformity with Alcuin's
views. He founded a library at Salzburg in which he
placed a careful and accurate copy of the works of his
master, Alcuin 2 .
v ' Angilbert, called also Homerus, was likewise indebted
to Alcuin for his education; and although he, in the early
part of his life, pursued a secular career, and that with
considerable success, still he constantly maintained an in-
tercourse with his former master, and devoted liimself to
those studies which endeared his memory to him. Char-
lemagne, on sending his son, Prince Pepin, to take pos-
session of the kingdom of Italy, which had been assigned
him, committed him to the care of Angilbert, who, for
some time, conducted, as prime minister, the affairs of the
state. At the expiration, however, of a few years, he
ANGILBERT, ADELHARD, BERNARIUS, WALA. 163
returned to France, in order to undertake the office of
private secretary or chaplain to Charlemagne himself.
During his residence at court, he gained the affections of
Charles' daughter, Bertha, to whom he appears to have
been privately married. At all events, they had two
sons, the historian Nithard and Harnid, who succeeded
their father in his possessions, and attained to consider-
able eminence in the subsequent reign 1 . It was, probably,
in consequence of the discovery of this union, that An-
gilbert was induced to embrace the monastic life. In the
year 790, he resigned his temporal dignities, and retired
to the monastery of St. Richarius at Centula, over which
he presided as abbot, until the year 814, when he died.
None of his writings have reached us with the exception
of a few poems 2 .
Adelhard, with his two brothers, Bernarius and Wala,
were also among the number of those who had been
brought up at the court-school under Alcuin's super-
intendence ; and their sisters, Theodrada and Gundrada,
were likewise his pupils. They were connected with the
reigning family, being the children of Bernhard, brother
of Pepin 3 . ^ The highest dignities in the church were
open to them ; in fact, as collateral branches of the royal
house, nothing remained to 'Jiem but to seek protection
in the church from the suspicious jealousy of the reigning
monarch. In this respect, the French court at that
period, resembled pretty much those of Turkey and
Persia, only with this difference, that in France the
younger branches of the royal family were buried in the
obscurity of a cloister, whilst in Turkey they are murdered,
and in Persia, deprived of sight. The natural inclination
164 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
of Adelhard, tfre eldest of the brothers, had already
induced him to select the church as his profession ; and
in order to qualify himself by study for his spiritual
calling, he had spent his early youth in Italy, particularly
at Monte Casino, then the most renowned seat of learn-
ing in that kingdom. On his return to France, he be-
came acquainted with Alcuin, under whose instructions
he completed his education. V^Adelhard was installed
abbot of Corbie, in which capacity he had ample oppor-
tunity of co-operating in the reformation of the clergy,
and of contributing his part to the dissemination of
learning. That he was diligent in the performance of
these duties, may be inferred from the confidence reposed
in him by Charlemagne, who entrusted to his manage-
ment, state affairs of considerable importance. In the
year 796, he became prime minister to King Pepin in
Italy, in the room of Angilbert $ and to use the expression
of Hincmar, frequently appeared at the court of Charle-
magne, the chief amongst the principal councillors of the
king. The generous confidence which Charles reposed
in his relatives was withdrawn by his pusillanimous suc-
cessor, whose timid jealousy prompted him to treat them
with injustice. Without any reason assigned by cotem-
porary writers, and probably merely in consequence of
calumnious reports, Adelhard was banished to the island
of Hero or Hermoutier. A monastery in the island of
Lerin was appointed for the residence of Bernarius ; and
Wala, who had not yet taken holy orders, was compelled
to become a monk. Even their sisters were detained for
sometime in captivity. In the year 821, Adelhard re-
gained his liberty, and was re-instated in his dignity.
RICULF, ARCHBISHOP OF MENTZ. 165
He was of too gentle a nature to avenge the wrongs he
had sustained, otherwise than by exerting himself zealously
in the general assemblies' of the state to promote the wel-
fare of the church and state, which the emperor neglected,
less from evil design than from weakness of understand-
ing, and partiality to his favourites. Adelhard died in the
year 826, previously to the breaking out of the civil war
in France 1 . He was succeeded by Wala, who, unlike
his meek-spirited 'brother, rendered himself conspicuous,
as one of the most violent opponents of the emperor, and
avenged himself on the cruel tyrant who had driven him
from the world, by hurling against his enemy the spiritual
weapons with which he had armed him. Little remains
to us of the writings of Adelhard. Of his most consider-
able work, " On the Order and Management of the Royal
Household, and the whole French Monarchy, under Pepin
and Charlemagne, we have merely an abstract made by
Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, for the benefit of King
Carloman 2 . This abstract has superseded the original
work ; for, at a time when books were all in manuacript,
brevity was a great recommendation.
Riculf, archbishop of Mentz, designated in Alcuin's
works by the name of Flavius Damotas, still remains to
be mentioned amongst his pupils 3 . Of him but little is
known ; he presided at a council held at Mentz in the
year 813, rendered remarkable by the wisdom of their
deliberations, and the prudence of their determinations.
Amongst other topics, the continual extension of educa-
tion was particularly urged ; and it was declared to be
incumbent on the clergy, not merely to afford parents an
opportunity of procuring instruction for their children,
166 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
but also to see that they availed themselves of the oppor-
tunity 1 . Riculf's name is likewise associated with the
false Decretals ascribed to Archbishop Isidorus ; for
Hincmar of Rheims accuses the archbishop of Mentz of
being the first who conveyed this unlucky production
across the Pyrenees, and circulated it in his diocese. In
consequence of this accusation, Riculf has been suspected
of being himself the author of the Decretals of Isidorus.
But it is impossible to believe, that a prelate educated in
Alcuin's school, and elevated by Charlemagne to the
primacy of Germany, would, had he wished to impose
upon the world, have fabricated so clumsy a deception as
to be instantly detected ; nor is it conceivable, that so
accomplished a scholar, as there is every reason to sup-
pose Riculf to have been, would have put into the mouth
of a Roman bishop of the first and second centuries,
which may be considered as belonging to the most
flourishing period of Roman literature, when Seneca,
Tacitus, and Pliny wrote, words and phrases which owed
their origin to the barbarism of the French. Neither
can any plausible reason be assigned, which could have
induced Riculf to represent the archiepiscopal dignity,
as so dependent upon the See of Rome, as it is pronounced
to be in the Decretals of Isidorus. This collection is
manifestly the production of one not very well acquainted
with the classical language of antiquity ; it is equally
evident that it was written by an inferior member of the
church, who, in order to avenge himself upon one arch-
bishop, sought to mortify all. Suspicion rests with the
greatest probability upon Benedict, an ecclesiastic of
Mentz, the individual who collected the capitulars of the
RICHBOD, ARCHBISHOP OF TREVES. 167
French kings, and published them, in the order in which
they now stand. This imposition, however, would pro-
bably not have been attended by any important conse-
quences, had not, on the one hand, the elements of which
it was constituted practically existed, so as to render it
easy to transfer them to an earlier period ; and, on the
other, had not the bishops, and the rest of the clergy,
found it to their advantage to make themselves inde-
pendent of the archbishops "and laity, by submitting to an
authority so remote as that of the Holy Father at
Rome.
Richbod, archbishop of Treves, surnamed Macarius,
also deserves a place in this brief sketch of the most dis-
tinguished men who enjoyed the advantage of Alcuin's
instruction. Alcuin's selection of him, in preference to
all his other pupils, to aid him, in conjunction with the
men already mentioned, in the controversy with the
Adoptionists, affords a flattering testimony of his learning
and talents. The treatise which Richbod wrote against
Felix, at the request of Alcuin, no longer exists ; but his
master speaks of it in terms of approbation, both with
regard to the style and the matter, and considers it as
alone sufficient to confute the heretics. 1 There is no
doubt that the industry with which he promoted the de-
signs of Charlemagne, acquired the confidence and com-
mendation of Alcuin.
JVe omit the mention of other eminent men, as Einhard,
Agobard, and others, whose minds were formed during
this period, but whose energies were not displayed till
some years subsequently ; because, although they were
indebted for their intellectual cultivation to the institu-
168 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
tions founded by the exertions of Charlemagne, and con-
ducted by Alcuin, still they were not personally instructed
by him. It is evident that Einhard became a pupil at
the court-school, .subsequently to Alcuin's resignation of
the directorship ; and although he never ceased to interest
himself in the institution 1 , and although young Einhard's
proficiency in mathematics may have excited his atten-
tion and applause 2 , as it is plain it did ; still, his connec-
tion with him was too remote to require a particular de-
scription. We, therefore, immediately proceed to the
consideration of the school established by Alcuin, in the
monastery at Tours, and the men who there received their
education.
4. Alcuin as Director of the Monastic School at Tours.
The first object which engaged Alcuin's attention after
he had undertaken the superintendence of the abbey at
Tours, was the establishment of a school. To one who,
like Alcuin, has spent his whole life in imparting instruc-
tion, and in whose very letters the tone of the pedagogue
is perceptible, teaching becomes a necessary mental exer-
cise. The school was the element which he sought, as
eagerly as the fish pants for the water in which alone it
moves with alacrity and pleasure, j It is probable that he
had at first many difficulties to encounter, from the rude
and unpolished habits of his community, who had hitherto
been more occupied in tilling the ground, than in culti-
vating their minds. Useful as the monastic orders had
been in the early stages of society, especially in Germany,
in clearing the forests, planting the plains with corn, and
the hills with vines ; yet now, something more, parti-
ALCUIN'S EXERTIONS IN THE SCHOOL AT TOURS. 169
cularly in France, was required of a spiritual fraternity.
It must have cost Alcuin no little trouble to wrest the
implements of agriculture from the hands of the monks,
in order to substitute the pen, and to make them compre-
hend, that transcribing books was more profitable than
dressing vines, inasmuch as the former occupation was
more ennobling to the mind than the latter 1 . | He suc-
ceeded, however, in overcoming every obstacle ; and as
the monastery soon became one of the most celebrated
for its internal arrangement, so Alcuin's personal qualifi-
cations speedily obtained such extensive reputation for the
school which he had established there, that numbers re-
sorted thither for instruction, f Next to the court-school,
it was the first in the kingdom, and would not have been
surpassed by that, had Alcuin been able to overcome the
irritability of old age ; and had he not been so pedantic as
to exclude from his system of education the heathen
poets and philosophers. We have already laid before the
reader, part of the letter in which Alcuin describes to
Charlemagne his exertions in the school ; 2 to which he
adds, that he did not possess the books necessary for the
attainment of his object, and that nothing excited in his
mind such a longing after his native country as this defi"
ciency in books. He therefore subjoins to this com-
plaint, a request that he may be allowed to send by royal
authority some of his pupils to England, in order, as he
expresses it, that these invaluable fruits of wisdom may
be transplanted into France, and flourish in the garden
of Tours as luxuriantly as at York. " It is not unknown
to your wisdom," he proceeds, " that in every page of
the sacred Scriptures we are admonished to learn wisdom,
170 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
for there is nothing which tends more to the attainment
of a happy life, nothing more delightful in practice?
nothing more efficacious in resisting vice, nothing more
commendable in an exalted station, and, according to the
declarations of philosophy, nothing more requisite in
governing a people, than the ornament of wisdom, the
praise of learning, and the influence of education. Hence,
the wise Solomon exclaims, ( Wisdom is better than
rubies ; and all things that may be desired, are not to be
compared to it. She it is who exalteth the humble and
abaseth the proud. By her kings reign. Blessed are
they who keep her ways and watch daily at her gates.'
(Prov. viii. 11, 15, 32, 34). Exhort then, my lord
king, the youth in the palace of your highness, to learn
with all diligence and to strive daily to acquire wisdom,
that they may make such progress in the bloom of their
youth as will bring honour upon their old age, and finally,
by wisdom, obtain eternal blessedness. I also, according
to the measure of my poor ability, will not cease to scatter
in this soil the seed of wisdom amongst your servants,
remembering the exhortation ; " In the morning sow thy
seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand, for thou
knowest not whether this or that shall prosper, or whether
they both shall prosper, which were still better." (Eccles.
ii. 6).
It would naturally be concluded that Charlemagne
granted this request, even did Alcuin's letters not in-
form us, that Wizo undertook a journey to York about
this time, at the head of a commission, in consequence,
we may reasonably suppose, of the desire expressed by
Alcuin. The copies which were made at York by the
WIZO's JOURNEY TO YORK. 171
commissioners, were multiplied at Tours, and dispersed
among the principal libraries in the kingdom. Libraries
had increased in number since they had become in
France, as in England, the chief ornaments of a monas-
tery, and an introduction to the favour of Charlemagne.
It has been already mentioned how earnestly Alcuin re-
commended accuracy and care in transcribing, and how
successfully we may judge from the manuscripts of that
period, which are remarkable for neatness and elegance
of execution. 1 The smaller Roman letters began how to
be adopted instead of the pointed Merovingian characters ;
the large letters, also, again came into use, for besides
the monogram and coins of Charlemagne, whole manu-
scripts are to be found written in this character. 2 From
the scarcity and costliness of writing materials, rich mo-
nasteries only were able to furnish extensive libraries ;
for since the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs, and the
interruption of the commercial intercourse with that
country, paper, which had formerly been one of the
articles of import, ceased to be used, and parchment
became its only substitute. It is, doubtless, to this cir-
cumstance, that the loss of many valuable works is to
be ascribed. In an old parchment volume, how often
may the writing have been effaced, in order to afford
space for the insertion of a subject possessing greater
novelty and interest, although, perhaps, it was only a
miserable legend, that usurped the place of a master-
work of antiquity ? Under such circumstances, it was
to be expected that the royal library, or that connected
with the court-school, having more resources at command
than any other, should be the richest, and less frequently
172 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
under the necessity of destroying an ancient work, in
order to insert in its place a modern composition. 1 At
all events, the efforts of this period to collect good copies
of the best works, are so much more commendable, as, in
the following century, the general interest in this subject
ceased, and only a few persevered in augmenting the
rare treasure. Louis the Pious received, amongst other
presents from Michael the Stammerer, emperor of By-
zantium, a work of Dionysius the Areopagite, which, at
the command of Charles the Bald, was translated into
Latin by John Erigena, and became the source of many
of the enthusiastic and mystical ideas of the middle
ages. The Abbot Lupus, of Ferriere, who in his letters
cannot sufficiently express his admiration and envy of
the splendid efforts which had formerly been made for
the advancement of learning, informs us that he him-
self sent for the works of Sallust, Cicero's treatise
upon Oratory, and the Institutes of Quintilian, from
Italy, because throughout the kingdom of France, he
could find only detached portions, and no perfect copy of
these books 2 .
Whilst Alcuin was actively engaged in augmenting
the number of books and increasing their circulation, he
was at the same time diligent in cultivating the minds of
men, so as to enable them to value and profit by reading.
Some of the most eminent scholars of the succeeding
century, were educated in the school of St. Martin,
amongst which number may be reckoned Rabanus, sur-
named Maurus. A letter of Alcuin's is still extant,
addressed to him, as it would appear, after his return to
Fulda, in which he desires that he would keep his pro-
RABANUS MAURUS. 173
mise, and write a book in praise of the Holy Cross (De
Laudibus S. Crucis). 1 Rabanus became first Abbot of
Fulda ; and when Alcuin's school at Tours lost both its
reputation and usefulness, under the careless manage-
ment of the Abbot Fredegis, that at Fulda rose, through
the ability of Rabanus, to so high a degree of celebrity,
as to be regarded as one of the first in the kingdom.
He rigorously pursued Alcuin's method of instruction,
in obedience, at once, to the commands of his sovereign
and the conviction of his own understanding. 2 His
talents were speedily acknowledged, and magnificently
rewarded, being raised by Louis, the German, in the
year 847, to the archbishopric of Mentz. The strictness
with which he endeavoured to enforce Alcuin's principles,
in this more extensive sphere of action, is evident from
the circumstance, that before he had enjoyed his new
dignity a year, he was called upon to suppress and
chastise a mutiny among his own people. The severity
with which he attempted to restore the discipline of the
church, which had fallen into decay under the ad-
ministration of his predecessor Otgar, was, in all proba-
bility, the cause of this rebellion, since no other is
assigned. His participation in the learned controversies
of those times, and his writings, do not belong to our
present subject.
When Rabanus was summoned from the abbey of
Fulda, to assume the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, he
transferred the direction of the monastery, and the
management of the school, to Hatto, who had formerly
been his fellow-pupil at Tours, and subsequently his
assistant at Fulda. As a disciple of Alcuin, Hatto,
174 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
therefore, continued the same system. Another dis-
tinguished scholar of this period, Samuel, who first be-
came a teacher at Fulda, afterwards abbot of the monas-
tery of Lorsch, and finally, in the year 838, was elevated
to the bishopric of Worms, is likewise to be noticed
amongst Alcuin's pupils at Tours. 1 Haimon, also, who
in the year 840, was appointed bishop of Halberstadt,
which dignity he retained until 853, received his educa-
tion in the monastery of St. Martin.
Adelbert, who, under the name of Magus, is mentioned
with much commendation by Alcuin in his letters, 2 and
Aldrich, were likewise brought up at Tours. Adelbert
distinguished himself while abbot of Ferriere, by conduct-
ing, on Alcuin's system, the school which had been
founded by his predecessor Sigulf, and by maintaining
the discipline which he had introduced. Upon his early
death, which took place in 822, his fellow-pupil, Aldrich,
occupied his place. Aldrich had rendered himself ac-
ceptable at the court of Louis the Pious, by his orthodoxy
and learning, and was, therefore, not permitted to re-
main long in a subordinate station, but was elevated by
Louis, in the year 828, to the vacant archiepis copal see
of Sens. He remained, from a sense of gratitude, firmly
attached to the imperial party, during those years of con-
fusion and distress, when Louis was exposed both to the
hostile attempts of his sons, and the treachery of his friends
and relatives. He was one of those who laboured most
zealously to abolish the measures adopted by the rebels,
and to effect the complete restoration of Louis. Ama.
larius still remains to be noticed amongst Alcuin's pupils
at Tours. Two cotemporary scholars and ecclesiastics
ARCHBISHOP AMALARIUS. 175
bore this name, both of whom rendered it illustrious ;
the one by the high dignity to which he attained, as
archbishop of Treves, and the performance of the duties
annexed to his station ; the other, by his writings. They
were, probably, both pupils of Alcuin, and, therefore, of
both, brief mention may be made. Archbishop Amalarius,
surnamed by some, Fortunatus, possessed in a high degree
the confidence of Charlemagne, who entrusted to him, in
the year 811, the important charge of regulating the
churches in Transalbingia, that part of Saxony which
had striven the longest against the dominion of the
Franks, and the introduction of Christianity. On this
occasion, Amalarius consecrated the church in Hamburg,
and executed the whole of his commission with so much
success, that the emperor, a few years afterwards, em-
ployed him on a no less important mission. In the year
813, he was sent as ambassador to Constantinople, in
order to arrange the treaty of peace, which had been
concluded with the Emperor Michael I., who had at last,
consented to recognise the imperial title of Charles, and
also to settle some differences respecting the boundaries
of their dominions. These occupations left him but
little time for literary composition; and there is no doubt
that the works published under his name, and which
have been ascribed to him, are the productions of another
cotemporary, Amalarius, surnamed Symphosius, who
enjoyed considerable reputation in the theological world,
and became involved in several literary disputes. His
writings refer, principally, to the liturgy and discipline
of the church. At the command of Louis the Pious,
and by the aid of the imperial library, he compiled
176 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
" Rules for Canons," which were as universally adopted
in France as St. Benedict's " Rules for Monks." 1 His
works on the liturgy are no less important, their object
being to render divine service uniform throughout Western
Christendom, to bring it into accordance with the Roman
church, as the most perfect model, and thereby complete
the work which Charlemagne had commenced. 2 As his
system was directed against the mode of worship which
had been introduced into many churches, he could not
fail to meet with opposition. But, notwithstanding the
resistance of a man like Agobard, and an ecclesiastic of
great renown in Lyons, the deacon Florus, the Roman
form of worship eventually prevailed, and thereby ex-
tended and confirmed still farther, the authority of the
Pope* The manner in which Amalarius interprets the
Bible, and attributes to the festivals and rites of the
church, a mystical signification, betrays him to have been
a disciple of Alcuin.
5. Alcuin s Philosophical and Historical Works.
There were many claims on Alcuin's diligence, in ad-
dition to his superintendence of the monastery and
direction of the school. His extensive correspondence,
of which we possess but a small portion, embraced, in its
wide range, the whole kingdom of France, and every
topic of interest belonging to that period. At one time
he was called upon to reply to the scientific and political
enquiries of King Charles, at another, to maintain an
intercourse with his friends and pupils, animating their
zeal by the fervour of his style, and guiding their judg-
TREATISE ON THE VIRTUES AND VICES. 177
ment by the wisdom of his remarks. In this way he
continued, even at Tours, to be the instructor and coun-
sellor of all the educated portion of society throughout
France. We have already had occasion to adduce an
instance of the ardour with which many of the lay
nobility pursued the course which Charles had adopted.
The example of a sovereign must necessarily exert an
influence on all around him ; in truth, the tone which
prevails at court, is that by which the majority of those
who frequent it regulate their course of action and mode
of thinking. We find, therefore, persons holding the
highest offices of the state in the Carlovingian empire,
manifesting for the sciences a regard previously un-
known. Amongst this number was Wido, who was for
some time margrave of Brittany. 1 The town of Tours
was situated within this district, and frequent intercourse
with Alcuin inspired Wido with so much reverence for
his opinion, that he requested him to write a book by
which he might judge of his actions and regulate his
conduct. Alcuin composed for this purpose, his treatise
on the Virtues and Vices, 2 that it might, as he says,
serve the margrave as a mirror wherein he could discover
at a glance, what he ought to do and what to leave
undone. A subject so entirely practical could not be
treated according to the strict rules of philosophy. The
author commences with Wisdom, and the three chief
Christian virtues, Faith, Hope and Charity, and then
proceeds to enumerate, without any precise order, the
different virtues and vices. He characterises each, and
endeavours by a striking description of the individual pe-
culiarities of each virtue and vice, and by interspersing
178 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
texts from the Bible, to allure the mind to the former,
and render the latter odious. Each description forms
the subject of a separate section, and is, as it were, a
short sermon. The chapter upon Humility may serve
as a specimen of the mode in which the author treats of
the virtues. 1
" We may learn how great a virtue is humility, from
the words of the Lord, who, in order to reprove the pride
of the Pharisees, said, ' Whosoever exalteth himself shall
be abased, and whosoever humbleth himself shall be
exalted.' The path of humility conducts to heaven, for
the high and lofty One is to be approached, not with
pride, but with humility. This we learn from the words ,
4 God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace unto the
humble.' (James, iv. 6). It is also said in the
Psalms, ' The Lord is high and regardeth the lowly,
but knoweth the proud afar off.' (Ps. cxxxviii. 6).
He regardeth the lowly in order to exalt them, and
knoweth the proud in order to humble them. Let us
learn humility, by which we may draw nigh unto God ;
he himself says in his Gospel, * Take my yoke upon
you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart,
and ye shall find rest unto your souls.' (Matt. xi.
29). Through pride, the angels, that wondrous crea-
tion, fell from heaven ; through humility, frail human
nature is raised to heaven. A humble deportment is
honourable among men ; for Solomon says, ' Where
pride is, there is also shame ; but wisdom is with the
lowly.' (Prov. xi. 2). Even so saith the Lord,
by the prophet, ' But I look to him that is poor and of
a contrite spirit, and who trembleth at my word.' (Isa.
EXHORTATION TO HUMILITY. 179
Ixvi. 2). Whosoever is not humble and gentle, in him
the grace of the Holy Spirit cannot dwell. Even God
humbled himself for our salvation, that all men might
be ashamed of pride. The lower the heart is sunk in
humility, the higher is its reward above ; for whoso-
ever is lowly here, shall be raised with power and glory
there. The first step in humility, is to listen with
patience to the word of God, to keep it in faithful re-
membrance, and obey it with cheerfulness ; for truth
departs from those minds which are devoid of humility.
The more humbly a man thinks of himself, the greater
does he become in the sight of God ; and, on the other
hand, the more dazzling the proud man is to his fellow
beings, the more abominable he is in the eyes of the
Lord. To perform good works without humility, is to
carry dust in the wind. How can a man of dust and
ashes be proud, when all that he appears to have heaped
up by fasting and alms-giving, is scattered abroad by the
blast of pride ? Cease then, Oh man ! to glory in thy
virtues, since in this matter thou wilt be judged not by
thyself, but by another, before whom thou must humble
thy heart, if thou wouldst be exalted by him in the day of
retribution. Descend from thy high estate that thou
mayest reach one much higher ; humble thyself that thou
mayest attain greater glory, and not be deprived of that
whereof thou boastest. Whosoever is little in his own
eyes is great before God ; and whosoever abhors him-
self, is well pleasing unto the Lord. Be therefore little
in thine own sight, that thou mayest be great in the eyes
of God. Thy worth will be the more esteemed by God,
the less it has been esteemed by thee. When in the
180 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
enjoyment of the highest honours, maintain the greatest
humility. The brightest gem in the crown of honour,
is humility."
In a similar manner, the author treats of individual
vices. As a specimen, we will select his dissertation upon
anger ;* not because it is the most beautiful, but because
it is the shortest. " Anger is one of the eight principal
vices. When no longer under the control of reason, it
is converted into fury ; in which case, a man is no longer
master of himself, but is hurried into the commission of
actions the most unbecoming. When this passion has
once taken possession of the heart, prudence is banished,
and the mind becomes incapable of judging impartially, of
reflecting wisely, or of deliberating maturely ; but
executes every thing rashly. Anger is the root whence
spring tumults, quarrels, and contentions, clamours, dis-
content, arrogance, calumnies, blood-shedding, murder,
revenge and implacability. It is to be overcome by
patience and forbearance, and by the exercise of the
reason which God has implanted in man ; also, by re-
membering, what injustice and sufferings Christ endured
for us, and calling to mind the Lord's prayer, wherein it
is said, " Forgive us our debts as we forgive our
debtors."
This treatise, which, from the nature of its contents,
deserves to be denominated moral, rather than philoso-
phical, continued to be held in high estimation in the
following century, and single chapters of it formed the
material of elaborate sermons 2 . It would, probably,
have assumed a different form, had the author not pur-
posely adapted it to the object for which it was designed,
UPON THE NATURE OF THE SOUL. 181
and the character and education of the man to whom
it was to serve as a manual. In fact, we find that his
work " Upon the Nature of the Soul 1 ," is of a totally
different character. And although it is dedicated to a
woman, Adelhard's sister, Gundrada, or, as she is other-
wise called, Eulalia, still she was accustomed to Alcuin's
theological speculations, and was as eager in the pursuit
of knowledge, and as capable of comprehending abstruse
doctrines, as Gisla and Richtrude. An acquaintance with
the then prevailing opinions respecting the science
of psychology is so important, and so interesting, that we
the more willingly present the render with the substance
and general tenor of this elegantly written treatise. Ac-
cording to Alcuin, the soul is of a threefold nature, con-
sisting of Desire, Passion, and Reason. Desire and
Passion are properties possessed by man in common with
the brutes ; but Reason is peculiar to him, and is that
which elevates him above other animals. The virtues
belonging to Reason, are the four cardinal virtues ; which,
in this treatise, as well as at the conclusion of that upon
Rhetoric, are made to harmonise with the doctrines of
Christianity''. These virtues are to control Desire and
Passion. In order to distinguish between the good and
the bad, we must ascertain whether Desire is so entirely
under the dominion and guidance of Reason, that it seeks
those things only which are profitable and reasonable; and
Passion or Anger is excited by, and exercised only against
that which is evil ; or whether Reason is too feeble to re-
strain these two propensities. The Soul is an image of
God, and remains so, as long as it continues good, and
even in souls debased by sin, this image cannot be totally
182 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
effaced. In order to preserve this pure image, we must
love God and our neighbour ; and then we shall not
transgress against ourselves, and our bodies. The Soul
possesses three faculties, Understanding, Will, and Me-
mory, by which, however, it is no more divided, so as to
lose its unity, than the Godhead by the Trinity, for
these faculties are merely relative. Independently of
these, it possesses, likewise, the power of imagination, both
in reference to the objects which we behold, for the first
time, as well as to those which we have formerly seen, or
of which we have only heard. But, however many ima-
ginations or thoughts may pass through the soul, they are
always consecutive or simultaneous. Herein consists a
wide distinction between human nature and the perfect
essence of the Deity, whose infinite mind comprehends all
things at the same time, which constitutes his omnipre-
sence. The superior origin of the human soul is also
evinced by its constant restlessness and activity, which
cease not even when the corporeal senses and powers, ex-
hausted by toil, sink into repose. Even this indicates its
immortality, which would have been quite perfect, had
the soul continued as pure as when it first came from
God's creating hand ; but it may lose a portion of its im-
mortality by sin. For as the soul is the life of the body?
so God is the life of the soul ; when the soul departs from
the body, the body dies ; in like manner, when God de-
parts from the soul, or when it departs from him, its
better part is destroyed. It retains its imperishable
nature, but loses its capacity for the enjoyment of eternal
bliss. All these properties being combined, the soul
may be defined as a spiritual reasonable essence, which
CAPACITIES OF THE SOUL. 183
is perpetually in motion, and never ceasing to exist ;
which is equally capable of good and evil, and conse-
quently perfectly free to choose between the two; to the
free will, therefore, of the soul, is to be ascribed every
action, whether ennobling or degrading. It may further
be defined as an essence, which has been created and
united to the body, in order to regulate its passions, and
is therefore invisible, incorporeal, without weight or
colour, and pervading every particle of the body. In the
beginning, it was stamped with the image of God ; and
though it may depart from its creator, and thereby forfeit
everlasting bliss, still its immortality remains, together
with a consciousness of its worth. The soul is variously
denominated according to its various capacities, but
admits of no distinction of parts or separation. " As the
animating principle, the general term, Soul, is applied to
it ; when it rises to contemplation, it is designated the
Mind; when its sensibilities are awakened, Feeling ; when
it approves or disapproves, Taste, or Judgment ; when
it draws conclusions, Reason ; when it discriminates, Un-
derstanding ; when it consents, Will ; when it recollects,
Memory*" As virtues are the beauties, so vices are the
deformities of the soul. As it is impossible to arrive at
any certainty respecting its origin, we must be content to
derive it from God. The treatise concludes with two
poems, one in Elegiac, the other in Adonic verse. Alcuin
states, that he made choice in these verses of the number
six, being the most perfect, in order to signify his desire
that she might continue to advance towards perfection.
Should she meet with any subject which she did not
comprehend, she is directed to have recourse to King
184 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Charles (at whose court Gundrada must then have been
residing), that wise king, the nobility of whose mind could
never be sufficiently admired. " Thou hast no need,"
he continues, " to enquire of us concerning the causes of
things, or the hidden principles of natural phenomena,
whilst thou hast daily an opportunity of applying to the
enlightened wisdom of the king, and beholding his
honoured countenance. Neither is it requisite for thee
to travel the long and wearisome road from Ethiopia to
Jerusalem, in order to hear the wise Solomon discourse
upon the nature of things. Behold, he is near to thee,
whom the Queen of Sheba visited, regardless of distance
and of difficulty.
Many more letters of Alcuin, in which moral and
philosophical subjects are discussed, might here be ad-
duced, were these examples and analytical investigations
not sufficient to elucidate his method of reasoning on
theories of this description. With the general extension
of education, history assumed a much more attractive
form. It was natural to anticipate, that men, who, like
Einhard and Nithard, had grown up under the influence
of an improved taste, had lived at court, had been en-
gaged in politics, and themselves taken an active part in
the scenes which they portray, should write very dif-
ferently from a monk who had rarely emerged from the
walls of his cloister. And, although the form of a
chronicle, as being the most usual and convenient, was
generally preserved, yet the style in the chronicles of
this, and the succeeding period, is much purer, and the
descriptions more copious, and in better taste. Alcuin,
however, appears to have been least adapted for an
ALCUIN'S LIFE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 185
historian. His florid, and sometimes bombastic style,
would have harmonised as little with the simplicity of
historical writing 1 , as his tendency to moralise, and to
bend the occurrences of life to suit some favourite theory,
would have been compatible with the truth, or at least with
the accuracy of history. In his hands, historical descrip-
tion would have become a vehicle for moral reflections, as
may be perceived by his letters, in which passing events
are announced in a declamatory tone, and painted in the
most glowing colours for the purpose of exhortation or ad-
monition. A life of Charlemagne, of which no traces now
remain, was formerly mentioned amongst Alcuin's histo-
rical writings, in the hope that the work might yet be
found. This expectation and hope originated in a note
affixed by Einhard to his life of Charlemagne, wherein it
is stated, that a more particular account of the actions of
Charles might be found in the biographical work of
Alcuin 1 . If such a work really existed, its loss could not
be sufficiently deplored ; for, in a character like that of
Charlemagne, every thing is important, and it is impos-
sible to learn too many particulars respecting the period,
which partly produced, and partly completed, a mighty
revolution in the West of Christendom. It seems, how-
ever, probable, that Alcuin's biography of Charles would
have been nothing more than a panegyric. If it is at all
times difficult to write the history of an eminent person-
age of our own times, whether it be attempted by an
enemy or an admirer, so as to avoid undue censure or ap-
plause, it was a task doubly difficult to Alcuin ; as he
could not yet review the whole of the life of Charles, and
was, besides, too closely connected with, and too firmly
186 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
attached to him, to form a fair and impartial judgment of
his character. The supposition appears to have arisen,
from confounding it with Einhard's biographical work ;
from which passages are cited under Alcuin's name.
The historical writings of Alcuin, which are still extant,
are of a description perfectly analogous to his style and
sentiments. They consist of the lives of the saints ; con-
sequently of men, who, by their zeal for the propagation of
Christianity, or by their sanctity, had acquired great re-
nown, and the privilege of being exhibited as an example
to others. In writing their lives, the author's object was
not so much to present an historical record of their ac-
tions and sentiments, as to display the profitable use to
which they applied their talents, so that he might thereby
stimulate the piety of the living generation ; he looked
not merely at that which they had accomplished, but
likewise at that which they might yet accomplish. These
biographical sketches may be denominated sermons to
which the life of the saint serves as a text. A well
written life of the founder, or of some celebrated inmate
of a monastery, was considered as its greatest ornament ;
it may, therefore, naturally be supposed that Alcuin, the
most accomplished and eminent author of that day, would
not fail to procure this desirable possession, for the abbey
over which he presided. He revised a Life of St. Martin,
which already existed ; and, as it was intended to be read
on the anniversary of the saint's death, he added the
usual reflections. He was quickly assailed from all
quarters with entreaties, that he would confer the same
benefit upon other monasteries, as upon his own. At the
request of the Abbot Rado, he re-wrote the Life of St.
LIVES OF THE SAINTS. 187
Vedastus 1 , to which he appended an exhortation to imi-
tate the virtues of this saint. Angilbert, abbot of Cen-
tula, likewise begged a similar favour. At his desire,
Alcuin compiled from an ancient and somewhat barbarous
work, the Life of St. Richarius, which he wrote with
more taste, and in a style better adapted to the times.
Charlemagne was so much interested in it, that he gave
the author to understand, he wished it to be written, as
if it were destined for himself 2 . Nothing affords a more
convincing proof of Alcuin's literary reputation, than that
a man like Angilbert, who certainly possessed consider-
able skill as an historical writer, should have considered
a work of Alcuin's as the greatest boast of his monastery;
and that Charlemagne should have taken so lively an in-
terest in all his compositions, that he looked forward to
their appearance with an eagerness which is scarcely
equalled, by that with which the public of the present day
hail the literary productions of the most fashionable
author. Alcuin wrote, for the benefit of Archbishop
Beornrad, the life of his countryman and relation, St.
Willibrod, not, as in the former case, from an ancient
record, but from memory and tradition. He composed
it both in a prose and poetical form, designing the former
for public reading on the anniversary of the saint, and
the latter for the private use of the archbishop 3 .
6. Concerning Alcuin s Poetical Writings.
When a language has reached a certain degree of re-
finement, and has displayed both its aptness for prosaic
compositions, and its capacity for embodying the con-
188 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
ceptions of poetry, those who have attained only a
moderate proficiency therein, easily fall into the error of
mistaking a poetic form for poetry. The most common-
place ideas and the most ordinary sentiments conceal
their poverty under the pomp of metre, and parade
with measured steps through the regions of poetry ;
while, in fact, it is only necessary to strip them of their
garb, in order to expose the ass under the lion's skin,
and the daw in borrowed plumes. When once the
attention is diverted from the sounds which fill the ear,
and fixes itself upon the actual meaning of the senti-
ments contained, we are astonished at their puerility
and absurdity. This criticism applies with equal force
to the mass of verses with which Germany is inundated
at the present day, and to the poetical attempts of the
Carlovingian period. The elegant language of Rome,
offered its classic forms to adorn the most paltry ideas ;
and all the poets of antiquity, who were known at that
time, especially the harmonious Virgil, were plundered
to clothe the poetical productions of the eighth century.
There is scarcely one writer belonging to that period
who does not attempt versification ; even the scribes
seldom concluded their tasks without annexing to them
a few verses. This species of verse-making was ac-
complished with the greater facility, as accuracy in pro-
sody was then as little attended to, as correctness in
rhyming in our day. Alcuin attempted various kinds
of poetry, but without avoiding the prevailing faults of
the age. It is very rarely, amid the multitude of cold
conceits, affected play upon words and high-sounding
expressions, devoid of sentiment, that we meet with a
ALCUIN'S POEMS. 189
passage, which if it does possess intrinsic beauty, is not
spoiled by the repulsive form in which it is clothed.
"They are usually prosaic thoughts, disguised in the
garb of poetry ; which, unused to the restraint of metre,
are expressed with awkwardness, and make a ridiculous
or pitiable appearance in a sphere, which is in no way
adapted to them.
Alcuin's poems consist of inscriptions, epitaphs,
epistles, riddles, fables, moral and religious reflections,
and historical narrations. The measure is generally
hexameter, varied occasionally with the pentameter ;
some of his verses are sapphics, and some written in
rhyme, in a less constrained form. The play upon
versification, of which the monkish poetry of later
times has furnished a number of examples, is to be
found even in his poems. One of the most common,
is to conclude the pentameter with the first half of the
corresponding hexameter. 1 The analysis of 'a poem of
some length, with the addition of a few specimens, will
be sufficient to enable the reader to judge of the poeti-
cal efforts of this period. I We select the reflections sug-
gested to the poet by the unhappy fate of the monastery
of Lindisfarne, which called forth the considerations
"Upon the Mutability of all Human Affairs." 2 The
subject is, in itself, fertile, and capable of awaking an
infinite variety of ideas. A melancholy disposition
would regard this mutability with dismay, and seek
refuge from the confusion of the earth, in the eternity
and harmony of the spiritual world; whilst, on the
other hand, a bolder spirit would discern, in the per-
petual change and apparent disorder, an ever-creating
190 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
power, which destroys the forms of to-day, only to
produce on the morrow, a new and fairer creation. Al-
cuin was incapable of contemplating it in the latter
point of view ; his consolation and his hope are derived
from another world. He commences, therefore, by
ascribing all the imperfection of our present condition
to the sin of the first man, and dates from this period,
the course of fate ; which, like an evil spirit, perpetu-
ally interposes betwixt us and our fairest hopes and
joys-
How transient all that bears created form !
Revolving seasons endless changes show ;
Fair shines to-day, to-morrow howls the storm ;
One smile of Fortune cannot shield from woe.
Soon do we see our sweetest joys decay,
Blighted by fate, inconstant as the main ;
The gloom of night succeeds the brightest day,
The buds of spring lie strewed on winter's plain.
The starry roof is gemmed with holy light,
Evanishing when rain-fraught vapours roll ;
The blaze of noon fades instant from the sight,
When southern storms convulse the trembling pole.
The loftiest rocks most tempt the lightning's flash,
The highest branches most attract the flame ;
More swift, more frequent, Fate's o'erwhelming crash
Descends on those most consecrate to Fame 1 .
To prove the truth of this assertion, the poet hurries
the imagination of the reader through the whole circuit
of history. The overthrow of powerful empires, the
decline of flourishing cities, and the rapid decay of
institutions, which the mighty spirits who framed them,
supposed they had founded for eternity, are enumerated
THE MUTABILITY OF HUMAN AFFAIRS. 191
with the dry ness of arithmetical precision, rather than
depicted with the vivid colours of poetic imagery.
The poet endeavours to escape from the conflagration
of cities, temples, castles, and villages, which have
buried whole generations under their ruins, and from
the endless confusion, consequent upon such horrors,
by recurring to some general principle to which he can
firmly adhere. This principle he discovers in religion.
WHAT, though I mark vice flourishing on high,
Thy judgments, Lord ! I seek not to explore ;
Far other life's reserved beyond the sky,
Where peace resides, and battles cease to roar.
As gold by fire refined, more brightly beams,
So shine the just, by Satan's arts assailed ',
Hence soars the soul, in purer, holier dreams,
To realms of glory, from our vision veiled 1 .
Life appears to him, to be merely a state of probation,'
which becomes severe in proportion to the ardour of
our desire to merit the love of God, but to which the
splendour of the reward will likewise be proportioned.
Having exhibited the vicissitudes to which both Nature
and Art are subject, he proceeds to show that mankind
are not exempt from change.
WHO sought the stag, roused by the bugle's tone,
See, age-oppressed, on slothful couch reclined j
Who erst in Syrian purple proudly shone,
Now shrinks, in tatters, from the wintry wind.
The lapse of years hath dimmed the eagle glance
Which marked each mote, gay glittering in the sun ;
The hand which waved the sword, and poised the lance,
Enfeebled, faintly lifts the bread it won.
192 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
The voice which, louder than the trumpet's call,
Was wont of yore, to chase each coward fear,
Hoarse, faltering, inarticulate to all,
Dies, in dull murmurs, on the listening ear 1 .
The poet proceeds, from these considerations to the
exhortation, which derives from them additional force,
not to fix the heart upon temporal blessings, but to look
forward to that infinite reward, and those enduring joys
in a future world, which will more than compensate for
all the losses and sufferings of this present life. With
this he concludes the first part of the poem, to which
it only forms the introduction, composed for the pur-
pose of consoling the monks of Lindisfarne, for the
outrage which had been practised against themselves
and their monastery. This consolation is offered in a
succession of prosaic thoughts, which would have read
much better in plain prose 2 .
The longest of Alcuin's poetical compositions, is an
epic poem on The Archbishops and Saints of the Church
at York*. It is in no degree superior to the ordinary
metrical histories of the middle ages ; all that Alcuin
effected, was to versify the passages relating to York,
which he found in Bede's History of the Anglo-Saxon
Church, and to give, in addition, x the history of those
dignitaries who had filled the archiepiscopal throne sub-
sequently to Bede's time 4 . As Alcuin's poetical pro-
ductions are distinguished by no remarkable peculiari-
ties, many, especially minor poems, have been unjustly
imputed to him. Amongst the poems ascribed to him,
is one on the meeting of Charlemagne and Pope Leo III.,
which is too remarkable to leave unnoticed amid those
RENEWAL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE WEST. 193
which neither increase nor diminish his fame. This
poem is evidently the production of one acquainted
with Virgil, and possessing no mean talent for poetry,
but is composed in a style much more suited to the
ardour of a youthful imagination, than to the sober
gravity of a man of Alcuin's years. A merely super-
ficial knowledge of Alcuin's mode of writing, and the
bent of his mind at this period, is sufficient to convince
us, that religious, not secular affairs, would have occu-
pied the most prominent place in any work of his ;
and that instead of an animated description of a hunting
party, we should have had a thanksgiving for the mi-
racle which restored both eyes and tongue to the mis-
used pontiff. The poem, whoever may have been its
author, is one of the best of that period, and affords a
proof how successful had been the efforts made by
Charlemagne to improve the education of the rising
generation. 1 This poem refers to an event which was
attended by the most important political consequences ;
and as Alcuin contributed to produce them, we feel it
incumbent upon us, after having recorded his literary
labours during his superintendence of the abbey of St.
Martin, to give some account of the event itself, and
of the manner in which Alcuin was instrumental in ac-
complishing it.
7 . Renewal of the Roman Empire in the West.
In Alcuin's system of government, the first plate
amongst earthly potentates was accorded to the spiritual ;
the second, to the secular power ; and amongst secular
o
194 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
governors, the imperial took precedence of the regal
dignity. 1 These opinions, which Alcuin communicated
to Charlemagne by writing, and doubtless inculcated
still more forcibly by conversation, fell not upon un-
fruitful soil. They took deep root in the aspiring mind
of Charles, and every mortification to which his pride
was subjected by his intercourse with the Byzantine
emperors in Constantinople, tended to inflame his desire
of obtaining the highest secular dignity. The extent
of his kingdom rendered it worthy the title of an empire,
and with regard to his personal pretensions, Alcuin had
already declared that no one could compete in power
and wisdom with his royal friend. The desire of in-
dividual aggrandisement entertained by Charles, was
strengthened by political considerations. Hitherto the
French king had been merely the protector of the
Romish Church, without claiming any authority over
the Pope or the Roman territories. In strict justice,
therefore, the Byzantine emperors were still masters of
Rome, and the title of Patrician, which Charles bore,
was an appellation bestowed upon a class of persons,
possessing peculiar political privileges in the Byzantine
empire. But this ambiguous and uncertain position
could no longer be maintained with safety, now that the
Pope had placed himself at the head of the French
clergy. A decisive step was necessary, in order to
sever Rome and the Papal see for ever from the By-
zantine empire, and assign the Pope a place in the
French system of government. What step could
Charles take which would prove more decisive than
that of assuming the position of the ancient Imperators,
DEATH OF HADRIAN. 195
and thus place himself upon a level with the emperors
of Eastern Rome ? But a semblance of right was neces-
sary, both to the accomplishment of this design, and
to secure the public recognition of his title ; and as an
instance had already occurred, in which the Papal sanc-
tion and consecration had pronounced a race to be
worthy of the throne, and invested them with a more
sacred majesty, from no one could this right be so
properly derived as from the Pope, who was regarded
in the West as the head of the church, and who, as
standing next in authority to the Almighty, was sup-
posed to be best acquainted with the divine counsels.
The idea of re-establishing the Western Roman empire,
was not, therefore, as has been generally represented, the
result of momentary excitement, but the gradual effect
of circumstances, which Charles' ambition only seized
upon to realise his wishes. Hadrian I., however, could
have no inducement to concur in such a project, even
had Charles intimated his wishes to him, a supposition,
which, however probable, is not supported by proof; but,
on the contrary, it must have been much more to his
advantage, beloved as he was by the Romans, to have
been as independent of the French as of the Byzantine
government. Hadrian died in December, 795. He had
been, in every respect, an estimable pontiff, and with
the exception of their transient disagreement on the
subject of image-worship, had lived with Charlemagne,
not merely on peaceable, but on amicable terms.
Charles respected his learning and piety, and, from a
feeling of personal regard, bestowed upon him those
tokens of friendship, which his successors have since,
196 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
in imitation of his example, rendered the Pope as his
due. But whilst the Pope was considered the head of
the church, and revered by those who were placed at a
distance, as a being of a superior order, he was often
made a tool in the hands of the factions, by whom he was
immediately surrounded. The tumultuary proceedings
unavoidably connected with the nomination of a new
chief, in every elective government, also accompanied
the election of a Pope, because considerable advantages
accrued to a Roman family from having one of its
members seated on the Papal throne. Thus was the
little bark of St. Peter often tossed by the tempest of
passion, and not unfrequently on the point of being
wrecked. 1 No sooner had Hadrian expired, than Leo
III., was raised to the pontificate, with a celerity which
excites the suspicion, that his elevation was the work of
a faction. To obtain the recognition and protection of
the French king, was of supreme importance to the new
Pope, who therefore, with a degree of submissiveness
which could arise only from his feeling of insecurity,
despatched an embassy to Charles to announce his
elevation, and to solicit a continuance of the friendship
which had been displayed towards his predecessor. Leo
appears to have applied to Alcuin also, as the king's
principal adviser in spiritual matters. 2 Charles con-
ceived that he had no right to interfere in the election
of a Pope ; he regarded Leo as the lawful successor of
St. Peter, and under this impression, composed a con-
gratulatory epistle, which he transmitted to Rome with
appropriate presents, by the Abbot Angilbert. In this
letter, he professes a desire to maintain with the new
ATTACK ON THE POPE. 197
pontiff, the amicable relation whioh had subsisted be-
twixt himself and Hadrian. " And as I," writes the
king, " was united in the bonds of friendship to your
predecessor, so do I desire to renew with you inviolably,
this bond of faith and love. Be it my care to defend
the holy church against heathens and infidels from
without, and to maintain the Catholic faith within ;
be it yours, most holy Father, to assist us with your
prayers 1 /'
After having secured himself in this quarter, Leo seems
to have promoted his own friends, and to have discarded
those men who had possessed the highest authority under
his predecessor. It was, therefore, natural that they,
feeling themselves aggrieved, should unite to oppose him
in order to regain, under a pontiff, elected by themselves,
the influence which they had lost. Two of Hadrian's
relations, Campulus and Paschalis, placed themselves at
the head of the hostile faction, and commenced their pro-
ceedings by circulating injurious reports, respecting the
character and conduct of the Pope, hoping thereby to
excuse the deed of violence which they meditated; for the
conspirators aimed at nothing less than the deposition or
destruction of Leo". On the 25th of April, 799, a
solemn procession was to take place ; the Pope rode from
his palace to the church, where the people and clergy
were assembled, ready to join in the sacred ceremony.
On his way thither, he was suddenly seized upon by a
party of armed men, and being abandoned by his defence-
less followers, the assailants pulled him from his horse,
threw him on the ground in the street, and attempted
to put out his eyes, and cut out his tongue. But as they
198 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
could not effectually accomplish their barbarous design,
they dragged him into a neighbouring church, where they
left him weltering in his blood, in the belief that they
had deprived him of sight ; and quitted the spot before
a party came to his assistance, who conveyed him in
safety to Spoleto, and placed him under the protection of
the French governor of that place. The story that the
Pope miraculously recovered his sight after having been
deprived of it by the malice of his enemies, is no modern
invention, but was generally believed at the time when it
was said to have occurred, and accounted for in various
ways, by men of sense 1 . The Pope himself was so firmly
persuaded that he was indebted to a miracle for the re-
storation of the faculty of vision, that he ventured to
assert the fact to Charlemagne ; indeed, nothing could so
effectually justify him, and confound his enemies, as the
visible interposition of heaven in favour of the innocent,
persecuted and calumniated pontiff. Charles, notwith-
standing, had some doubts of the truth of this narration,
and asked the opinion of Alcuin. But he was too
thoroughly a priest to return any other than an ambiguous
and equivocal answer to the enquiry. " Every Chris-
tian," he said, " must rejoice in the divine protection
which had been extended to his Holiness, and praise God's
holy name, who had frustrated the designs of the wicked 2 ."
From its commencement, Alcuin took the greatest in-
terest in this affair of the Pope. In the outrage which
had been committed against Leo, he saw not the indivi-
dual, but the church which he represented insulted ; and
therefore urged the king in the strongest, and most im-
pressive terms to fulfil his duty as the defender of the
ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE POPE. 199
church, and suffer no other object to claim his attention,
while the church remained unavenged, and until she was
restored to her former splendour. He recommends him
to conclude a peace with the Saxons against whom he
was, at that time, carrying on a war, and to delay the in-
troduction of tithes amongst that obstinate people, that
they might be more accessible to salutary council 1 . The
king could not consent to relinquish the campaign which
he had determined upon, but he commanded the Duke of
Spoleto to cause the Pope to be conveyed to the camp at
Paderborn. Here he was received both by Charles and
the assembled host with the respect due to the head of
the church. But the affair assumed a different aspect
when Leo's enemies, in order to transfer the displeasure
of the king from themselves to the Pope, appealed to
Charles, and justified their conduct by accusing Leo of
various evil practices. They denounced him as guilty of
adultery and perjury, and as one who disgraced his high
station, and deserved punishment rather than protection.
They proposed, therefore, that Leo should quietly resign
the holy see, and conceal himself and his shame from the
eyes of the world in the privacy of a cloister. These
charges could not have been entirely devoid of founda-
tion, or they would have injured, rather than benefited
the cause of the accusers. Indeed, it appears, that upon
a closer investigation, many circumstances transpired, by
no means to the credit of his Holiness. Alcuin, probably
on account of his infirm health, did not quit his monas-
tery at Tours, but his intimate friend, Arno, was at court,
and with him he maintained a constant correspondence
upon this interesting subject. He likewise tendered his
200 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
advice to the king, both through the medium of Arno,
and by letters addressed immediately to his sovereign.
Arno, in a letter written to his former instructor, deplores
the iniquities of the Pope, which letter Alcuin burnt, to
prevent its falling into the hands of any officious person,
and thereby become the cause of scandal 1 . This letter
could not have contained a report of the accusations
brought against Leo by his enemies, for they were uni-
versally known, but must have communicated the actual
result of a more strict examination. That this examina-
tion was not favourable to the pope, is evident from the
anxiety with which Alcuin sought to guard against a scan-
dalous exposure. Less interested for the Pope than for
the church, Alcuin conceived that the papal dignity was
not to suffer from the crimes of which the Pope as a man
might be guilty, and that there should be a distinction
between the office and the person of the pontiff. His
eagerness to gain the king over to his opinions, increased
in proportion to his fears that Charles would adopt some
measure injurious to the church. He urged Archbishop
Arno, who, to a certain extent, may be regarded as his
representative at court, to exert his utmost endeavours
to prevent any infringement of the rights of the Pope,
and any violation of the authority of the holy see, and the
purity of the Catholic faith ; " that/' as he expresses it,
" the shepherd of the flock may not be delivered up a
prey to the wolves 2 /' In his apprehension, the future
condition of the church depended on the decision of this
intricate subject, and she must stand or fall with her lord
and head 3 . That which he most dreaded, and conse-
quently sought most earnestly to prevent, was, that the
ALCUIN'S DEFENCE OF THE APOSTOLIC SEE. 201
Pope should be summoned before a tribunal of justice.
It must, therefore, have been the intention of Charles to
submit the charges alleged against the Pope, and his
defence, to a judicial inquiry, and to decide the question
according to law. This mode of proceeding, was vehe-
mently opposed by Alcuin. He appealed to the cano-
nical decrees of Pope Sylvester, which ordained, that a
Pope could be subjected to trial only on the accusation of
seventy-two witnesses, and those witnesses of such well-
known and unimpeachable characters, as to give weight
to their testimony against so exalted a personage ; nay,
more, it was doubtful whether the Pope, even in this case,
would be compelled to submit to the sentence, for, accord-
ing to other canonical decrees, the Apostolic see was
itself a supreme tribunal, and not amenable to any other 1 .
It would have been most agreeable to Alcuin, had the
king conducted the Pope back in triumph, as being beyond
the power of sin, and severely punished his enemies.
How far he relaxed, in reference to the Pope, from the
strictness of his moral principles, is evinced by an expres-
sion which he uses in one of his letters. " Were I in his
place, I would reply, He that is without sin among you,
let him cast the first stone at him?" This and much
more than this, Alcuin says he had communicated to the
king by letter 3 . Were we in possession of the corre-
spondence that passed upon this subject, we should, no
doubt, discover that the affair was terminated with the
understanding that the Pope should crown the king of
France emperor of Rome. That the elevation of Charles
was concerted with the Pope at Paderborn, is so manifest,
from the circumstances of the case, that we need no ad-
202 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
ditional evidence, but we are not destitute of historical
proofs which will hereafter be produced. Charles owed
his elevation less to the gratitude of the Pope, or to his
foresight of the advantages which would thereby accrue
to the holy see, than to the consummate skill with which
he availed himself of the critical situation of the Pope, to
realise his long-cherished wish of obtaining the power, the
title, and the privileges of an emperor. In order to feel
convinced, that nothing but the most urgent motives could
have induced the Pope to accede to Charles' demand, it is
only necessary to reflect, that the measure which was
contemplated, must inevitably alter his position with re-
gard to the French monarch, but whether to his advan-
tage or disadvantage, the future only could determine ;
whilst, on the other hand, it would infallibly involve him
in hostilities with the Byzantine empire, and deprive him
of his influence over the Eastern church. The desperate
situation of the Pope extorted from him a consent which,
under other circumstances, he would certainly have re-
fused.tHe purchased the protection of the French monarch,
and his reinstatement in the holy see, at the price of sub-
jecting the city of Rome to the dominion of Charles, and
renouncing for ever all connection with the Byzantine
empire 1 . After the conclusion of this treaty between the
king and the Pope, which doubtless had not been effected
without the influence and interference of Alcuin, Charles
dismissed his Holiness, who returned to Rome under a
military escort, accompanied by two archbishops, four
bishops, and three counts, who were commissioned to re-
instate him provisionally in his dignity, and to afford him
their protection. The enemies of the Pope were imprisoned,
CHARLEMAGNE'S VISIT TO TOURS. 203
in order to await their sentence from Charles, who in-
tended himself to proceed to Rome.
That the king should undertake a journey to Rome at
a time when his presence was urgently required in France,
both on account of the war with the Saxons, and the hos-
tile attempts of the Normans, in order to settle an affair
which he could have concluded quite as satisfactorily by
deputy, cannot but awaken the suspicion that he had some
object in view beyond that of reinstating the Pope, and
chastising the leaders of a Roman faction. The king
made all his arrangements for a longer absence. In the
summer of 800, he inspected the coasts of his kingdom,
for the purpose of providing against the predatory inroads
of the Normans. Whilst on this journey, he paid a visit
to Alcuin at Tours. According to the chronicles of that
period, the object of this visit of the king was to pay his
devotions at the tomb of St. Martin ; but we may reason-
ably conjecture, that it was rather to confer with Alcuin,
respecting the important change which was pending, and
to which Alcuin himself had greatly contributed. His
stay was protracted in consequence of the illness of his
wife Luitgarde, who accompanied him. She expired
June 6th, and was interred at Tours 1 . The king re-
mained at the monastery of St. Martin, until after the
death and interment of his wife. Alcuin sought to con-
sole the afflicted mourner for the loss which he had sus-
tained, by addressing to him letters of condolence 2 ; but
Charles found the most effectual consolation in the con-
stant occupation which his meditated journey into Italy
supplied. He travelled through Orleans and Paris to
Aix-la-Chapelle, and thence to Mentz, where he sum-
204" THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
moned the general assembly of the empire, to meet in
August, and where an expedition across the Alps in the
ensuing winter, was determined upon. Charles was ac-
companied by a retinue of ecclesiastics, to assist him with
their advice. Nothing would have been more agreeable
to Charles, than to have had Alcuin among the number.
He renewed his invitation to him from Mentz, begging
him to exchange for a time the smoky roofs of Tours for
the golden palaces of Rome, but Alcuin excused himself
on the plea of illness 1 . The king also desired to have
Alcuin's opinion upon the manner in which the enemies
of the pope should be punished. It is evident, that he
was convinced of Leo's guilt, and considered the motives
which his adversaries had urged in justification of their
violence, so little deserving of chastisement, that he ap-
plied to Alcuin for advice, how to extricate himself from
the affair with credit. Alcuin's reply was ambiguous
Charles' own wisdom could best decide what was due to
all parties, and would enab]e him to establish that pious
spiritual shepherd, who had been snatched by the interpo-
sition of God from the hands of his enemies, so firmly on
his throne, that he would henceforth be able to serve God
without molestation 2 .
With regard to the Pope, the king acted entirely in
conformity with Alcuin's views. On arriving at Ancona,
he commissioned his son Pepin to lead the army against
Beneventum, and himself proceeded with a considerable
retinue to Rome, where he arrived on the 24th of
November, and was received with extraordinary honours.
On the seventh day after his arrival, a convocation of the
dignified resident clergy and chief lay nobility, was held
EXCULPATION OF THE POPE. 205
in the church of St. Peter, for the purpose of deciding
upon the accusations which had been made against the
Pope. In what capacity, and by what right Charles in-
terfered in this examination, has become a matter of
factious dispute. Einhard's report is considered too im-
perfect, and that of Anastasius too suspicious, to deter-
mine with precision the part played by Charlemagne
upon this occasion. Each party has therefore given a
different representation, according to their peculiar reli-
gious or political views. In reality, the whole proceed-
ing appears to have been a mere form, and the report of
Anastasius to be correct, since it contains nothing which
is in contradiction to Einhard's account, or which does
not coincide with the sentiments of Alcuin, which have
already been adduced. 1 The assembled ecclesiastics re-
fused to investigate the charges made against the Pope.
" We venture not," they declared, " to judge the apostolic
see which is placed over all the churches of God. We
are all subject to its jurisdiction, but it can be judged by
none. Whatever the Pope himself judges to be right, in
that will we obey him, according to the ordinances of the
church." Upon this, the Pope ascended the pulpit, with
the Gospels in his hand, and in an audible voice pro-
nounced an exculpatory oath, protesting at the same
time, that he did so not by compulsion, but of his own
free will, and mentioning expressly that his example was
not binding on his successors in the holy see ; as he
himself had adopted this mode of proceeding, solely for
the purpose of removing unfavourable suspicions from
the minds of the assembly. The congregation then sang
a hymn in praise of God, the apostles and saints, and
206 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
separated, convinced that Leo III. was a legitimate
Pope. The trial of the Pope's enemies was also a mere
formality. For the sake of appearances, they were con-
demned to death ; but on the petition of Leo, the sen-
tence was mitigated, and they were only banished from
Rome and Italy.
By the time this investigation was concluded and other
affairs arranged, Christmas arrived ; and on Christmas
day, which at that period was also celebrated as the first
day of the year, Charles attended divine service in the
church of St. Peter, habited in the dress of a Roman
patrician. The king had seated himself opposite to the
altar ; when the Pope suddenly approached him, and
placed upon his head a splendid crown, amidst the joyful
salutations of the Roman people, who exclaimed ; " Long
life and victory to Charles, the divinely crowned Augustus,
the peace-bringing emperor of the Romans !" After this
salutation, the Pope, according to an ancient usage, wor-
shipped him, by pressing one hand upon his lips, whilst
with the other he touched the garment of the object of
adoration ; and Charles exchanged the title of Patrician,
for that of emperor and Augustus. Such is the account
given by cotemporary writers of this important transac-
tion, which they represent as the result of the excitement
of the moment, unconnected with any preconcerted mea-
sures. At any rate, there can be no doubt that Charles
desired it should be so regarded. He professed to have
been taken by surprise, and declared, that had be been
aware of the intentions of the Pope, he would not have
gone to the church on this solemn festival. 1 It is evident
from this expression, which Charles unquestionably used,
CHARLEMAGNE CROWNED EMPEROR OF ROME. 207
that he did not wish to appear as the author of the dis-
tinction which had been conferred upon him. In this he
may have been actuated by two motives : the first sug-
gested by the consideration, whether the French would
be satisfied with this elevation of their king, which con-
ferred upon him privileges which might be oppressive to
them. Should they be discontented, they might refuse
to recognise a political change which originated solely in
Charles' ambition, and withhold their support from an
empire as being a form of government alien to their state
system. But the affair would assume a different aspect,
if Charles were nominated emperor by the pope without
his concurrence, and even against his will. The transac-
tion would then appear in the light of a divine ordinance,
to which Charles, however unwillingly, must submit ;
and the nations across the Alps were too much accus-
tomed to revere the decrees of the Pope as the in-
spirations of the Holy Spirit, not to regard the renewal
of the Western Roman empire as an act of the Pope, and
therefore of God. This was a sufficient reason to induce
Charles to conceal as much as possible his participation
in the event. By this means, he also prevented the
possibility of the Pope's attributing his elevation to com-
pulsion, and thus in a great measure deprived the Greeks
of an opportunity of stigmatising him as an usurper.
The Pope and the people of Rome would appear in the
eyes of the Greeks, as the only culprits who had re-
nounced their allegiance to their lawful sovereign, and
elected a new governor. 1 It is worthy of observation, that
after Charles returned from Rome, he caused every vassal
who had sworn fealty to him as king, to renew his oath
208 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
to him as emperor. We are not to infer from this cir-
cumstance, that Charles conceived himself to have en-
tered into any new relation with his vassals ; but only that
he was desirous of procuring, by this means, a recogni-
tion of his imperial title. For, supposing that his new
title had involved him in a war with the Byzantine em-
perors, his feudal vassals might have refused to aid him,
on the plea, that this was a dispute which in no way con-
cerned the French kingdom ; and bade him seek soldiers
amongst the Romans, of whom he was the emperor. But
by exacting this oath, Charles converted the affair into
a French national concern, and thus gained the right to
demand that the French should protect him, their king
and his successors, in the new dignity.
Although Charles had reasons for concealing as much
as possible his participation in the renewal of the Western
Roman empire, and although he so far succeeded as
to induce historians to represent, and posterity to regard,
the transaction in the light which he desired ; still Alcuin
accidentally furnishes an evidence, that both the king
and his confidants knew perfectly well what was about
to take place in Rome. Alcuin had caused a beautiful
and unusually correct copy of the Scriptures to be made,
which he entrusted to Fredegis, one of his pupils, in order
that he might present it on Christmas Day, with a con-
gratulatory epistle to the king, to whom, as he expresses
it, he owed as many thanks and praises, for the benefits
conferred by him upon himself and his pupils, as there
were syllables in the book ; and on whom he hoped God
would bestow as many blessings as the writing contained
letters 1 . That this was no ordinary Christmas, or New
NATURE OF THE IMPERIAL DIGNITY. 209
Year's gift, is evident from the letter addressed to Charles
himself, wherein Alcuin expressly says, that he intended
it as a congratulatory offering, " to the splendour of his
imperial power 1 ." Alcuin knew as well as Charles him-
self, that he was to be proclaimed and crowned emperor
of Rome on Christmas day. A proof no less convincing
than that already adduced, is furnished by the fact, that
immediately after his coronation, even the very day on
which it took place, Charles presented to the Pope, and
the church of St. Peter, gifts of such a nature as must
have required preparation, as well as the affair itself, for
which the new emperor embellished the Roman church
with imperial liberality 2 .
When we reflect upon the vast influence which the re-
newal of the Western Roman empire, has had upon the
constitutions of modern Europe, we must regard this
transaction as the most important of Charles' life. It is
necessary, therefore, that we should acquire a just con-
ception of the real nature of the imperial dignity at that
period. Although Charles believed himself to be em-
peror in the full sense of the ancient Roman emperors,
yet each time that a dignity is revived, after long inter-
ruptions, and under different circumstances, it deviates
from its original form and object. The office of Dictator,
when resumed by Sylla and Ca3sar, after its long disuse
by the Roman republic, was totally different from that
which had been exercised by Cincinnatus and other men
in former times ; it was merely a constitutional name for
an usurped and tyrannical autocracy. In like manner,
there arose, in the beginning of the ninth century, an im-
perial power, entirely distinct from that which had been
210 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
destroyed in the latter part of the fifth century ; possess-
ing nothing in common with it but the name 1 . The new
imperial dignity, according to the views entertained both
by Alcuin and Charlemagne, was the highest secular
power on earth ; consequently it was not like the regal
power, divisible, but could only be represented by one in-
dividual. With the exception of the kingdom of the
Anglo-Saxons, and the small independent province,
situated among the mountains in the north west of
Spain 2 , all the nations of Germany were under the domi-
nion of the king of France, who assumed as emperor, no
new position with regard to them. But when the French
monarchy became again divided into several kingdoms,
then the peculiar nature of the imperial dignity manifested
itself. It formed the source whence others derived their
power ; and the centre of an ideal unity, which, in reality,
had no existence. The emperor, to draw a comparison
from the mode of government adopted in the time of the
Roman emperors, the emperor was, in a certain sense, the
Augustus, and the kings his Caesars. He was the highest
point in the scale of the political powers of the middle
ages. If we now consider the relation in which the Pope
stood to the emperor, we shall perceive that he was in-
debted for the advantages which accrued to himself and
his successors from the renewal of the empire, less to
any arrangement which was immediately made, than to
the circumstances which arose from time to time, and of
which he skilfully and successfully availed himself.
From the mere defender of the church, Charles had
become the sovereign of Rome, and consequently the
Pope was no more than the first archbishop in his
REASONS FOR NOT RESIDING AT ROME. 211
empire. Had the emperor fixed his residence at Rome,
the Pope would have occupied a situation at court, pre-
cisely similar to that held by the Patriarch of Constan-
tinople at the court of Byzantium. On this account,
Charles has been censured for not having made Rome the
capital of his empire, but we have only to consider in
what relation he stood to the French, in order to retort
the charge of want of sagacity upon his accusers. It
was to the French that Charles must look for his chief
support ; and his power over them depended upon an in-
fluence which would cease to operate at a distance, and
which his presence alone could render effective. In Rome
he would have lost this influence, and probably expe-
rienced a disappointment similar to that of Otho III. who,
some years later, dazzled by the idea of restoring the
ancient Roman empire in its splendour, abandoned Ger-
many, the centre of his power, in order to fix his residence
at Rome. But the repeated treachery of the Romans,
and the dislike of his German subjects to this system of
government, so thoroughly convinced him of the imprac-
ticability of his design, that he would indubitably have
renounced it, had he not been snatched away by a pre-
mature death.
Charles was restrained, by many weighty considerations?
from making a conquered country like Italy the capital
of his empire. It is true, that the Popes thereby acquired
a greater degree of freedom; but when the imperial
dignity was first assumed, it was never supposed, for a
moment, that the Pope had the power, either to confer
or withhold it. The coronation of Charles, by Leo III.
procured immediately for his successors no more influence
212 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
over the imperial crown, than the papal consent to the
elevation of Pepin invested them with a control over the
French regal authority. During his stay at Rome,
Charles caused his eldest son, who bore the same name
as himself, to be anointed and crowned as his successor
in the empire 1 . But when he had the misfortune of
losing this promising prince, as well as his second son
Pepin, he nominated, without consulting the Pope, his
only remaining son, Louis, his successor in the French
monarchy and also in the imperial dignity, and made
him place the crown upon his own head 2 . Louis adopted
a similar course in nominating his eldest son, Lothaire,
emperor ; and he again, on the elevation of his son,
Louis II, ; the popes, however, were sufficiently cunning
to seize, upon each occasion, a favourable opportunity to
crown these emperors a second time, as though they
thereby received, for the first time, a legitimate conse-
cration and authority. But the situation of things was
changed, when, upon the death of Louis II. who died
without issue, the kings amongst whom the French
monarchy was then divided, contested their right to the
imperial dignity. A third power was necessary to settle
this dispute, and such a power was the Papal, from which,
according to historical tradition, the restoration of the
imperial dignity had originally proceeded. Hence it
came to pass, in the ninth and tenth centuries, when the
imperial dignity was claimed by German, French, Bur-
gundian and Italian princes, that the pontifical coronation
was considered decisive ; and when, from the time of
Otho I., the imperial dignity was confined exclusively to
the German kings, the principle was already recognised,
POSITIONS OF THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 213
that the imperial crown could be conferred only by the
hands of the Pope, with this indispensable condition, that
the emperor must repair to Rome, and receive the crown
in the church of St. Peter, or some other principal church
in the city, from the Pope himself or his delegate. Thus
was formed that relation between the emperor and the
Pope, as it existed in the latter part of the middle ages.
Each appeared as the highest point of a graduated poli-
tical scale, and, as it were, shared between them the ele-
ments which constitute human nature. As man, from his
peculiar constitution, not only appertains to the earth,
and clings to its interests, but is, at the same time,
capable of higher views, and believes himself to be
destined to a future and nobler state of existence ; so the
emperor and the Pope availed themselves of this double
capacity, the former claiming his obedience as a creature
of earth, that order might be preserved in secular affairs,
the latter assuming a power over his spiritual nature, in
order to direct him in the way to heaven, and prepare
him for it. In the same degree as the blessedness of an
eternal existence surpasses in importance the interests
of this life, was the Pope regarded as superior to every
secular potentate, especially as the latter could derive
their power from God, only through the medium of the
former, as the vicegerent of Christ. As the husband-
man, from inspecting the seed, can discover the form of
the tree, which is hereafter to spring from it, so had
Alcuin, whilst the Papal power was yet in its infancy, in-
dicated its future splendour by the position which he had
assigned it, and to which he had contributed his mite.
In recording the various transactions in which Alcuin
214 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
was engaged, we could, with the less propriety, omit an
event which, in its origin and consequences, tended
mainly to establish this peculiar position of the Pope, as
there can be no doubt, that he was more deeply impli-
cated in it, than can be proved by historical evidence.
As Charles himself chose to concetti, under a specious pre-
tence, his share in a transaction, which, both in itself and
its effects, was the most important of his reign, so we
have nothing but isolated expressions, and detached
incidents, from which we can infer the extent to which
his intimate friend and counsellor participated in it.
Alcuin was prevented by bodily infirmity, from being
present at the solemn ceremony, which had conferred such
a distinction on his royal friend ; and therefore awaited
the return of Charles with the greater impatience, that he
might repeat to him, personally, those congratulations
which he had already offered by writing. He extols the
happiness of the people to whom God had given so pious
and wise a monarch ; and, in the example of Charles, be-
holds a confirmation of the truth of the Platonic sentiment,
that it is well for a kingdom, when philosophers, that is the
lovers of wisdom, hold the reins of government, or when
the king values and seeks that wisdom to which nothing in
this world can be compared 1 . He expresses his desire for
the king's return, with all the ardour of passion, and in a
style indicating rather the enthusiasm and fervour of youth
than the prudence and coldness of advanced and decrepid
age. He writes thus : " With a heart filled with anxiety,
and an ear which devoured every word that fell from
the lips of those who arrived, have I daily waited for some
tidings of my lord, and dearest friend, David, to learn
CHARLEMAGNE'S SECOND VISIT TO TOURS. 215
when he ,will return home, when he will come back to
his native land. At length the welcome sound of a
gathering multitude rung in my longing ear. Soon, soon
will he arrive ; already has he, whom thou, Alcuin, hast
so ardently desired to behold, already has he crossed the
Alps ! Many times have I exclaimed with impatient
voice : O Lord, wherefore hast thou not given unto me
the wings of an eagle ? Wherefore hast thou not granted
unto me to be transported, like the prophet Habakkuk,
for one day, or even for a single hour, that I might em-
brace, and kiss the feet of my dearest friend, that I might
behold the brightness of his eyes, and hear a word of
affection from his lips, who is dearer and more precious
to me than all that is precious in the world beside ? Or
wherefore, envious fever dost thou hold me captive, at so
unseasonable a time ; and permittest me not to move,
even with my usual activity; that I might be able, at least,
slowly to accomplish that which cannot happen so speedily
as I desire 1 ."
On his return from Italy, Charles again visited Tours ;
and we may conclude, that his conversation with Alcuin
turned upon the new position, in which his elevation had
placed him with regard to the Greeks. The supposition
that in matters of importance, Charles sought, and fre-
quently pursued the advice of Alcuin, is confirmed by so
many circumstances, that we are justified in believing, this
conference to have had some reference to the subsequent
negotiations with the Greeks ; although his letters are
silent upon the subject, both because his opinion was
given in a personal interview, and because the affair de-
manded secresy. The French chroniclers, therefore, in
THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
recording this portion of history, as well as in. their ac-
count of the imperial coronation, content themselves with
a bare statement of facts, without entering into the cir-
cumstances which produced them. The emperor be-
lieved he had merely revived an ancient, not created a
new political constitution, and therefore applied to Alcuin,
who was well acquainted both with ecclesiastical and
secular history, to supply him with the necessary histo-
rical information respecting it. The division of the Ro-
man world into two empires, had not originally destroyed
its unity. In restoring the Western empire, Charles
seemed to have assumed the precise relation to the East,
in which the former Western emperors had stood, and
it was, therefore, only requisite to obtain the recognition of
the Byzantine government. The Empress Irene was at that
time sole monarch, having set aside her son Constantine,
who, as a descendant of an Iconoclast, was a thorn in the
eyes of the monks and the worshippers of images. She
was a widow, and Charles' hand was also at liberty, his
wife Luitgarde having died, as has been already related,
in the year in which he undertook his journey to Rome,
for the purpose of receiving the imperial crown. The
amorous disposition of Charles, which his somewhat ad-
vanced age had not abated, would not suffer him to re-
main long without a wife or mistress ;' and Alcuin, both
in a religious and moral view, must have preferred that
he should choose the former rather than the latter. Fate
itself seemed to have paved the way for a union between
the new Western emperor and the empress of the East.
The idea of thus restoring the Roman empire in its full
extent and splendour, was too alluring to the aspiring
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BYZANTINE COURT. 21?
mind of Charles not to be grasped. Irene first despatched
an embassy to Charles for the purpose, according to the
French annalists, of arranging the complicated interests
of the French and Greeks in Istria, Dalmatia, and Lower
Italy. In the same year, Charles sent Archbishop Jesse
and Count Helingaud to Constantinople. The Greeks
aver, that the ambassadors were commissioned to offer
the hand of Charles to the empress, in order, by this
alliance, to re-unite the West and East under one govern-
ment ; and that she would have accepted the offer, had
she not been prevented by the intrigues of her prime
minister, the eunuch Aetius 1 . The French ambassadors
were consequently eye-witnesses of a revolution, of which
Aetius was the author, and to which he had been instigated
principally by his dread of losing, through the French
alliance, the influence which he possessed. Irene was
deposed, and her minister of the finances, Nicephorus,
ascended the throne. Thus was frustrated this project,
which, in any case, would have been impracticable, and
to the formation of which, Alcuin had doubtless lent his
aid. It affords an additional evidence, how entirely
Charles and his counsellor, misled by historical recollec-
tions, mistook the peculiar nature of their situation, and
proves the dangers and mischief arising from men of
vigorous minds, wishing to shape the course of events
according to their own pre-conceived ideas. It was not
until the year 811, that the Byzantine emperor conde-
scended to acknowledge Charlemagne as emperor, and to
address him as his colleague.
218 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
8. Dissension between Alcuin and Theodulph.
The visit of Charlemagne to Tours, on his return
from Rome, was the last which he paid previously to
Alcuin' s death ; and they appear never to have seen
each other after the emperor's departure. Charles, in-
deed, frequently desired Alcuin's presence at his court,
but he constantly excused himself, alleging his declin-
ing health, and the necessity of preparing to appear,
with tranquillity and a good conscience, before the judg-
ment seat of Him who is no respecter of persons, and in
whose presence all the fresh honours which Charles
could bestow upon him would avail him nothing 1 . In
another letter, he declared his resolution never more
to quit his retirement, and henceforward to assist the
emperor only with his prayers 2 . He, however, main-
tained an uninterrupted correspondence with him ; for
he was frequently applied to, both by monasteries and
individual ecclesiastics, who desired any favour of the
emperor, to present their petition at court, and to exert
his powerful intercession in their behalf ; in addition to
which, he had occasion to write, in reply to questions
proposed to him by Charles, and also to offer him his
advice, though unsolicited. We have an epistle of the
latter description, written shortly before his death, in
which he submits to the consideration of the emperor,
whether it would not be better to terminate the dispute
with the duke of Beneventum in some other way than
by having recourse to violence. Tn offering this advice,
Alcuin had no fear of involving himself in foreign affairs,
for he considered everything that concerned the emperor
CHARLEMAGNE'S IMPARTIALITY. 219
or his kingdom, so little foreign to himself, that he
thought it his duty to bestow more care upon them than
upon his own life. 1 Charles would willingly have per-
sued this advice respecting a war which cost him more
than it was worth, had not the duke of Beneventum
himself, encouraged by his alliance with the Eastern
empire, rejected every condition which he considered
disadvantageous to himself. The war with Beneventum,
was therefore continued, until the general peace con-
cluded by Charles with the Byzantine emperor in the
year 811.
Although Charles acknowledged, and rewarded the
services which Alcuin had rendered to himself and his
family, and returned the affection which the instructor
entertained for his royal pupil, he was far from feeling
a blind partiality towards him. Rendered independent,
by the natural vigour of his understanding of favourites
and friends, he hesitated not, whenever their interests
came in competition with the claims of justice, to
espouse the cause of the latter. An interesting proof
of this noble impartiality, is afforded by his conduct
respecting the misunderstanding which had arisen be-
tween Alcuin and Theodulph ; it exemplifies the cha-
racter, both of Charles and Alcuin, but is much more
honourable to the pupil than the master. An ecclesi-
astic in the diocese of Orleans, who was subject to the
jurisdiction of the bishop, had been sentenced by bishop
Theodulph to be imprisoned for some misdemeanour.
He escaped from confinement, and sought pro-
tection in the sanctuary of St. Martin, at Tours.
Theodulph succeeded in procuring a warrant from the
220 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
emperor, to demand the restitution of the fugitive, or, in
case of refusal, to take him by force from the asylum.
The bishop dispatched a party of armed men to Tours,
who, on producing the imperial mandate, were ac-
companied by the bishop of Tours himself to the
monastery. "Without any previous explanation with
the fraternity or the abbot, they rushed into the church.
The monks hastened to defend the sanctity and privi-
leges of their monastery, whilst others excited and ex-
horted the town's people, and especially the poor, who
lived on the bounty of the monastery, to protect the
relics of the saint from the sacrilegious violence of the
enemy 1 . The infuriated populace would have torn the
emissaries of the bishop in pieces, had not the monks
themselves rescued them from their hands, and con-
veyed them within the building. The whole affair
happened without Alcuin's previous knowledge ; but
after it had occurred, he did not disapprove it, and un-
dertook, with great zeal, to defend his monastery and
the sanctuary of St. Martin. Fearing that the trans-
action might be represented to the emperor in an un-
favourable light, he gave to his pupils, Wizo and
Fredegis 2 , who were then residing at court, a simple
statement of the facts in writing, for the purpose of
enabling them to contradict the exaggerated reports
which might reach the ears of the emperor. He also
adduced many arguments in justification of the pro-
ceeding from the ecclesiastical code, the sacred Scrip-
tures and history. " I beseech you, my dearest sons,"
he says in this letter, " throw yourselves at the feet of
my lord David, the justest and noblest of emperors,
ALCUIN'S DEFENCE OF HIS MONASTERY. 221
and demand, if the bishop should appear, to debate this
matter with him, whether it is proper that a man who
has been accused of a fault, should be dragged by force
from the sanctuary, to the punishment from which he
-had escaped? Whether it is just, that he who has
appealed to Caesar, should not be brought before
Caesar? Whether it is proper, that one who repents
of his error, should be deprived of all that he possesses,
even of his personal liberty ; and whether the word
of the Lord is to be regarded, when he says mercy
rejoiceth against judgment. (Jam. ii. 13.) If you
submit all this to the consideration of my lord
the Christian emperor, whom no advantage can allure
from the paths of truth and justice, I know that he will
not annul the resolutions and decrees of the holy fathers."
Charles sent Count Teotbert to Tours as his delegate,
for the purpose of investigating the affair ; but he con-
ducted himself with so much severity, and acted so
arbitrarily towards the people who had excited the
disturbance, as greatly displeased Alcuin 1 . The fraternity
received a mandate to surrender the fugitive ecclesiastic,
who had been the cause of the tumult, to his bishop,
Alcuin refused to obey, under the pretext that the
run-away priest had appealed to the emperor, as the
Apostle Paul had done in a similar case, and could, there-
fore, be judged only by the emperor : he evaded com-
pliance, and wrote to Charles 2 . The emperor now
made Alcuin and the whole fraternity or congregation
of St. Martin feel his displeasure, " One day earlier,"
he writes, " than your letter reached us, we received a
communication from Theodulph, in which he complains of
222 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
the injuries sustained by his people, or rather by himself,
and of the contempt shown to our mandate, subscribed
with our name, in which we commanded the restitution
of the ecclesiastic who had escaped from his prison, and
lay concealed in the church of St. Martin. And in
issuing this order, we do not conceive, as you do, that we
have committed any injustice. We have caused both
your letter, and that of Theodulph, to be again read to
us ; and yours appears much more violent and intemperate
than his, and to be destitute of the sweetness of Christian
charity. It seems to us to be nothing less than a vindi-
cation of the culprit, arid an impeachment of the bishop,
since it declares, under a specious form of words, that the
accused not only may, but ought to be permitted to make
an accusation ; whereas, it is decreed by the laws, both
of God and man, that no criminal can bring a charge
against another man. And yet you have taken him
under your protection, and persist in harbouring him,
under the pretence, that he who has already been publicly
accused and condemned by his own people has a right
to, and an opportunity of making a complaint on the
plea of appealing to the emperor. You lay much stress
upon the example of the Apostle Paul, who, when ac-
cused by bis own nation to the governor of Judea, but
before he had been tried, was sent to Caesar to be
judged by him. But this example is not applicable to
the present instance. For the Apostle Paul was merely
accused by the Jews not tried ; and since he had ap-
pealed to Caesar, they were compelled to bring him be-
fore the emperor. But this iniquitous and notorious
priest has not only been accused, but convicted and
LETTER TO THE MONKS OF TOURS. 223
sentenced to prison ; from which prison he has escaped,
and in an unlawful manner entered the church, which he
should not have dared to approach until he had repented
of his sins ; but where he continues to live, without hav-
ing, according to report, abandoned his evil practices.
This man has now, as you say, after the example of the
Apostle Paul, appealed unto Caesar, but he shall never,
like Paul, appear before Caesar ; for we command that
he shall be delivered up to him before whom he has
been accused, and by whom he has been condemned and
imprisoned, and from whose imprisonment he has escaped.
By him he shall be brought into our presence : he may
speak the truth or not. It is derogatory to our authority,
that our first order should be countermanded for the sake
of such a man as this. But we also wonder greatly, that
you alone should have ventured to resist our com-
mands and authority, since both ancient usages and law,
have determined that the ordinances of kings must be
obeyed, and that no one may presume to despise their
commands and decrees. And we cannot sufficiently
marvel, that you should listen to the request of a wicked
man, rather than to our orders. It is, moreover, plain, that
with this man, a disposition to rebellion, and a disregard
of Christian charity has been introduced among you. , For
you, who call yourselves the fraternity of this monastery,
and the servants of God, (would to God you served him
more worthily !) you yourselves know how often your
own conduct has been evil spoken of by many, and not
without reason. For sometimes you have represented
yourselves to be monks, sometimes canons, and some-
times neither. Anxious for your welfare, and wishing
224 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
to obliterate the memory of your past misdeeds, we ap-
pointed yon a skilful teacher and superintendent ; we
summoned him from a distant land, that he might in-
struct you by precept and exhortation, and that the ex-
ample of a pious man might teach you to live holy lives.
But, alas ! we have been grievously disappointed ; the
devil has found in you, an instrument to sow discord
amongst those whom it least becomes, even amongst the
teachers and doctors of the church. You, whose duty it
is to correct and reject sinners, incite others to the sins
of hatred and anger. But, with God's help, they will
not approve of your evil designs. You, however, who
have despised our commands, you monks or canons, by
whichever name you call yourselves, know that you are
arraigned before our tribunal, which our messenger will
announce to you. And should you even attempt, by
sending a letter here, to excuse your former resistance,
you shall, nevertheless, appear and make due reparation
for your past fault." 1
Although Charles, in this letter, mentioned Alcuin
with indulgence and approbation, and vented his whole
displeasure upon the monks, still its general tenor and
style must have been mortifying to him. It is certain
that he had taken infinite pains in instructing his com-
munity, arid if we may trust the accounts of others and
his own earlier reports to Charlemagne, not without con-
siderable success' 2 . The vexation, therefore, of finding
all his labours in reforming his monastery, represented
as fruitless, must have outweighed the pleasure which he
would derive from the personal commendation bestowed
by the emperor. He considered Charles, in this affair,
ALCUIN'S DEATH. 225
as partial, as prejudiced in favour of Theodulph, and as
unjust towards himself and the fraternity over which he
presided ; but in this unpleasant transaction, he acted,
not from the dictates of duty and justice, but from the
impulse of a petty jealousy. Whilst, in a letter to
Charlemagne, he defended the character and conduct of
his monks against the calumnies of their enemies, he
neglected to obey the imperial mandate, but dismissed
the fugitive to one of his friends 1 . He probably ex-
culpated himself on the plea that the culprit had escaped,
and contrived that the whole affair should sink into
oblivion.
9. Death of Alcuin.
The event just recorded, occurred in the year 803.
The indignation which Alcuin felt at the injustice which
he considered himself to have sustained, the vehemence
with which he contended for the privileges of his monas-
tery, and his grief at the reproaches of Charles, could
not fail to have an injurious effect upon his already en-
feebled constitution. He was attacked by an illness
which terminated his life on the 19th May, 804. It is.
always an evidence of the importance of a man in his
own day, when extraordinary natural phenomena are
related as having been connected with his death, and
when the day of his decease is recorded in the public
annals. Both is the case with Alcuin. It is said, that
on the night in which he died, so bright a light was seen
to shine over the church of St. Martin, that it appeared
as if the church were in flames. Heaven seemed,
o
226 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
as it were, to have opened to receive the departing spirit
of the pious man. 1 It was, also, generally reported and
believed, that a hermit in Italy had seen, at the same
hour, a celestial choir of saints, in the midst of whom,
Alcuin, adorned with a splendid garment (Dalmatica),
made his triumphant entry into heaven. 2 We cannot,
therefore, wonder that multitudes flocked around the
inanimate body, in order, that by touching or beholding
it, they might be healed of their diseases, and that many
went away cured. His soul having been deposited in
heaven, his body could be interred with the greater
satisfaction. His funeral was performed with the ut-
most solemnity in the church of St. Martin, and an epi-
taph written by himself, and engraved on a copper-plate,
points out his resting place to posterity.
HERE, gentle traveller ! pause awhile to rest,
And note the sounds which issue from the tombj
A heart like thine once throbbed within this breast,
Then learn from mine, thy destiny, thy doom.
What now thou art, I was well known to fame.
What now I am, thou soon shalt be. Decay
Hath left no vestige of each futile aim,
Save dust and ashes to the worms a prey.
Then haste to guard thy soul's eternal weal,
Nor heed the frail integument that dies.
Why purchase realms ? Behold, vain man ! and feel
The narrow bounds in which wealth, glory, lies.
Why pant to deck thee in the purple robe
Which, low in dust, the hungry worm invades ?
That form shall sink, though born to rule the globe,
As, 'neath the foul Simoon, the flowret fades.
ALCUIN'S EPITAPH. 227
Some kind return, Oh ! gentle reader ! deign
To these sad strains. Breathe out, " God rest his soul
And may this tomb no impious hand profane,
Ere the last trumpet's peal through heaven shall roll.
Then burst the sepulchre ; and spring to light !
The mighty judge, his countless myriads hail !"
Wisdom's fond lover, he erst Alcuin hight,
Now craves thy silent prayer, at vespers pale 1 .
Under these verses, the monks inscribed the follow-
ing words. " Here rest the blessed remains of Abbot
Alcuin. He died in peace, fourteen days before the
calends of June. All ye, who read this, pray for him,
that the Lord may grant him everlasting rest 2 ."
A man who devoted his whole life to religion, and
whose conduct was so holy and pious as Alcuin's, would,
of course, enjoy amongst his superstitious cotemporaries,
the reputation of working miracles. There are not
wanting legends respecting his miraculous powers of
foreseeing future events, and, by his blessing, restoring
the use of their limbs to the lame, and sight to the blind.
He was also called to sustain sundry conflicts with the
Evil Spirit, which his biographer records as an especial
proof of his sanctity 3 . But posterity has accorded him
the nobler praise, of having directed his energies to the
diffusion of knowledge, and of having contributed to
maintain and encourage the church, in the form in which
she alone, at that time, could have been beneficial.
o 2
228 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
SECTION V.
UPON ALCUIN'S CHARACTER, AND PERSONAL
APPEARANCE.
1. General Remarks upon History and Biography.
THE business of history, properly so called, is not to
delineate individual characters, but to record the total
amount of intellectual power existing in society at
large, and the external forms which such powers assume.
The mental energies of a nation, manifest themselves in
the formation of social institutions, the establishment of
divine worship, and in the productions of science and
art. It is the origin and progress of these forms, which
it is the province of history to describe. But these forms,
like every other, are in themselves, cold and inanimate ;
it is change alone which endues them with life, and the
soul of this life is man. As a soft and plastic substance
receives the impress of the mould in which it is cast, so
do the generality of mankind adapt themselves to the cir-
cumstances by which they are surrounded. In performing
her task, therefore, history has usually only to represent
the general progress of events ; and a history might be
written of many periods in which it would not be neces-
sary to describe one individual, or to bring forward any
other than general positions as the representatives of
peculiar rights, views and interests. But on a hard
substance, on the contrary, not only does the mould leave
THE PROVINCE OF BIOGRAPHY. 229
no impression : but if external force be applied to produce
it, there is danger that the mould itself will be shivered in
pieces, or at all events, that the image will be defaced, or
obliterated. Distinguished and prominent characters,
constitute this hard substance in the mould of time. In-
stead of receiving, they impart a peculiar stamp to the
period in which they live, and on quitting the world,
leave it in a condition totally different from that in which
they found it on their entrance. In such a case, history
resigns her place to biography. The foreground is occu-
pied by an individual : the opinions entertained by him,
become laws to the rest of mankind, who are guided by
his decisions ; and whilst he has drawn from his own
mind alone, the principles which have effected a change
on all around him, he becomes the source and centre of
new combinations. The individual who thus ventures to
give to his opinions the influence belonging to a long
course of events, may be said, in a certain degree, to
supply their place ; and if he usurp their privileges, he
must also fulfil their office. As all the interests of the
period in which he lives, either emanate from, or are con-
centrated in him, it becomes necessary, that we may have
a clear conception of that period, to pursue, in minute
detail, the development of his character. This is accom-
plished by biography, whose province it is to relate the
effect which individual men have had upon their own
times. Whilst the chief object of history is to record
those events which have determined the condition of man-
kind ; the business of biography is to describe the in-
fluence which individuals have had upon the course of
those events ; and if their influence have been so powerful
230 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
as to divert it into a new channel, biography becomes
history itself. It is, indeed, always important to be made
acquainted with the character of princes, or other persons
occupying high public stations, but their character should
never be made the primary object of history, unless they
were really the main-spring of the events recorded. Man-
kind have ceased to confine the history of a nation to the
personal qualities of its rulers, to consider a relation of
court intrigues, as the annals of the country, and to deem
public affairs as sufficiently explained when they have
been traced to the impetuosity of a princely lover, or the
secrets of the chamber.
It is principally in times of great excitement and dis-
order, that individuals succeed in distinguishing them-
selves. When ancient forms are destroyed, in order to
make way, not for a new system already existing, but for
one which is yet to be organised, bold and daring spirits
start forth, seize upon the materials which lie scattered
around, and fashion them according to their own views.
In the history of such times, therefore, biographical de-
scription predominates, because the achievements of the
actors were less the result of external circumstances, than
premeditated plans. The age of Charlemagne is, in many
respects, one of this description. From the time that the
Carlovingian house had placed itself at the head of the
French nation, and subsequently usurped the throne, a
number of alterations had been introduced, though the
principles which were opposed to them still existed. It
is true, that the usurpation gave a new aspect to the regal
authority, which the Carlovingians themselves had as-
sisted in degrading, but it was still as indeterminate and
IMPORTANCE OF CHARLEMAGNE'S CHARACTER. 231
unsettled, as the constitutional privileges. It was the
aim of Pepin's successor, to give permanency and stability
to these fluctuating elements, and to sweep away every
thing that impeded his views 1 . At that time, the organi-
sation of a government was not so well understood as at
present, when one day subverts a constitution, to which
the previous night had given birth, and which the follow-
ing morning is again revived under a different form. That
something of this spirit, so essential to every conqueror
essential, because without it, he is a mere destroyer
and which displayed itself most perfectly in the French
revolution, was possessed by Charles, is , proved by his
rapid organisation of Aquitaine, Italy and other con-
quered provinces. That which his father had cautiously
attempted, the more magnanimous son boldly effected.
His individual character is, therefore, so important in the
history of his own times, that it deserves to be treated
biographically. Of all the obstacles which ancient
customs opposed to the new order of things, none was so
formidable as the condition of the clergy, and the neces-
sity of reforming that order of society concurred with the
desire which Charles already experienced, of cultivating in
himself and others the learning which he respected.
Though we may regard Charleb himself as the immediate
source of his legislative enactments, and his political and
military operations ; esteem for learning was all that
could originate in himself, as he possessed no personal
means of promoting it. He could not, like Peter the
Great, compare his people with those of a neighbouring
civilised country, in order to determine in what they were
deficient ; nor could he himself acquire in foreign lands
232 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
information and ideas, and inculcate them on his subjects
with the knout. The conclusion at which Charles
arrived, not so much by actually contemplating a more
perfect State of society, as by combining facts, and drawing
inferences from a former condition of mankind, was, that
both himself and his subjects were destitute of knowledge,
which it was not merely desirable, but needful they should
possess, and that the clergy, in particular, as forming the
intellectual portion of the state, must be rescued from their
total ignorance and worldliness, and rendered more spi-
ritual. But the influence of external light was requisite
to give distinctness to these dim perceptions in Charles
mind ; and it was likewise necessary, that another should
guide him in his ideas of the mode in which the clergy
principally, and then the people were to be educated.
In this respect, Alcuin has -had a decided influence
upon him. When we desire to peruse the biography
of learned men, of artists, or of those who have distin-
guished themselves by a display of their intellectual
powers, it is only with the view of enabling ourselves the
better to understand their works ; and to see whether the
mind of the individual, in developing itself in a certain
form, and in no other, has been acted upon by external
causes, and to ascertain what those causes were. Had
Alcuin been simply a man of learning, with whose name
nothing was connected but the mention of his works,
which are now scarcely read, his biography would be
extremely short, if not altogether superfluous ; but it was
his fate to be connected with the master-spirit of his age,
to whose control, a great portion of the world was sub-
jected, and whose opinions would consequently affect the
THE IMPORTANCE OF ALCUIN's INFLUENCE. 233
condition of thousands. The influence which Alcuin
exercised over Charles, was therefore diffused over a
whole empire ; he becomes an historical character, and
his works may be received as specimens of the spirit and
taste which then prevailed. This determines the form
which his biography must assume ; which- is no other
than a frame in which to exhibit a picture of extraordinary
efforts in the pursuit of science and literature. Alcuin's
influence extended far beyond the actions which he per-
sonally performed; for, in guiding the genius of a potent
monarch, he rendered him the agent to effect his own de-
signs. All the transactions in which he was concerned, or
which are of such a nature as to leave no doubt on our
minds that he participated in them, demand a place and an
explanation in his biography. Even if they were merely
the result of opinions which he had forcibly expressed,
they must still be reckoned among his actions. Re-
garded in this point of view, the reader will discover the
reasons for relating the Life of Alcuin in the mode in
which it has been attempted in the preceding pages.
Presuming that he has awakened sufficient interest in
the mind of the reader, to render him welcome as an in-
dividual, even when unconnected with important events,
we will, in conclusion, endeavour to compose from the
scattered features of his history, a picture of his personal
appearance, and mental qualities. A portrait becomes
valuable to us, only when intellectual associations have
imparted an interest to the object represented.
234 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
2. Alcuin s Personal Appearance.
A painting was once preserved in the abbey of Ein-
sideln, which is said to be a portrait of Alcuin 1 . It ex-
hibits a German face, with coarse harsh features, in which
the austerities of monkish piety are visible. The indivi-
dual is represented in an attitude the most appropriate
to his calling- and character, that of serious reflection,
apparently upon theological subjects. The gloomy coun-
tenance, the wrinkled brow, and the compressed lips,
indicate not that spiritual and enthusiastic devotion
which fills the soul with rapture, and diffuses over the
outward features a ray of the joy which beams within ;
but profound meditation upon some abstruse subject. But
when we, in imagination, behold the furrowed brow
smoothed, when we fancy the individual before us, un-
closing his lips to communicate, with a delight that
illumines his melancholy eye, the discovery of the looked-
for result, we can discern in these harsh features, that
good-nature and kind-heartedness which Alcuin must
have possessed, to gain, in the degree which he certainly
acquired, the esteem and affection of an immense number
of persons whom he had attached to him in the course of
his life and instruction. His eyes then sparkle with
that intellectual vivacity which he evinced in many of his
writings, especially in his polemical works. Nothing but
the traces of mortification and penance will then re-
mind us, that we are gazing on a priest, who sought,
by abstinence, to gain admittance into the kingdom of
heaven 2 .
235 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
3. Character of Alcuin.
In the portrait of Alcuin, we may discern the leading
features of his character. His whole mind had a reli-
gious and moral bias. These characteristic features are
perceptible in every relation of his life. As the coun-
sellor of a powerful monarch, he endeavoured to procure
for morality, and the prevailing religion, an influence
upon legislation, quite foreign to its purpose. Laws do
not prescribe virtuous sentiments ; they produce and en-
courage them, only in so far as they repress evil. The
manner in which Alcuin sought to make the Bible the
basis of judicial decisions, and to deduce the legal ap-
pointments of private persons from moral principles, is
demonstrated by a fragment amongst his writings 1 , in
which he seems to have communicated to Charlemagne
his opinions upon the right of inheritance. He says for
instance
1. The testament of a deceased person must be held
valid, and must, on no account, be annulled after his
death 2 .
2. Whoever displays ingratitude towards the testator,
thereby proves his own unworthiness to claim the benefit
of the will 3 .
3. That the blessing of the father should descend to
the son is natural ; but they act contrary to the laws of
nature, who are disobedient or refractory to their parents.
He only can be a lawful heir, who has conducted himself
towards his parents as he is bound to do by the precepts
of religion.
236 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
4. There is a great distinction between being admitted
to an inheritance by favour, and without any obligation
(indebite), and being appointed to it by will in conse-
quence of a claim or right.
5. The more blamelessly a man conducts himself in
all the relations of life, the more is his claim to the in-
heritance confirmed.
The same characteristic features distinguish him as a
teacher. His endeavours were directed not so much to
cultivate the understanding, still less the taste, as to im-
prove the heart, and induce his pupils to pursue a moral
and Christian course. * He belonged to that class of
persons, of whom Schiller says, that they enjoy a serious
and pathetic poem like a sermon, and one which is naive
or witty, like an intoxicating draught, who are so des-
titute of taste, as to desire to be edified by a tragedy
or an epic poem, and are shocked at an ode of Anacreon
or Catullus 1 . To this is to be attributed the dislike which
he exhibited in his latter years to the Latin poets, and
his severity against an innocent partiality for dramatic
representations. For, in his more advanced life, in ac-
cordance with the character above described, he regarded
every thing only with reference to its fitness for im-
proving the moral sense, or its tendency to have a dan-
gerous effect upon the passions 2 .
Such a character professes external humility. The ap-
pellation which Alcuin best liked to bestow upon him-
self, was that of the humble Levite. He so frequently
expressed a distrust of his own powers, a readiness to
confess his errors, and to learn of others, that it would
reflect nothing but honour upon him, were his professions
ALCUIN'S HUMILITY. 237
sincere. But although, when upon one occasion, Charles
begged him to re-consider a disputed point, in order to
ascertain whether he might not himself be in error, he
declared that he was never obstinate in his opinions,
and that he knew too well that men should use their ears
rather than their tongues 1 ; this declaration is as incon-
sistent with the imperious and confident tone of his
letters, as with his writings against the Adoptionists, and
more than all, with his behaviour in his dispute with
Theodulph, which has been above related. Although
humility is the opposite extreme of pride, yet we know
how easily extremes meet. Hatred can sooner be con-
verted into love than indifference, for this simple reason,
that an object which is capable of exciting our hatred,
must possess sufficient interest to inspire love, if pre-
sented in a different light. So the step from humility to
pride, is so easy and imperceptible, that it is often made
unconsciously, and men continue, with a species of self-
delusion, to conceal pride beneath the mask of humility.
As Socrates detected vanity peeping through the rents
in the tattered mantle of Antisthenes, so must we con-
sider that humility suspicious which is too ostentatiously
displayed. The sanctimonious persons whom we meet in
our own day, attired in sombre grey, and wearing hats of
the meanest description, should reflect that behind this
mask, lurks the evil spirit of pride, leering with sly and
sarcastic glance, on the unprejudiced spectator. In the
complacency with which Alcuin, particularly in his letters
to archbishops, patriarchs, and other high dignitaries of
the church, styles himself a humilis Levita 9 who does
not discern the gratified vanity of a man, who, though
238 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
placed in an insignificant station in life, had rendered
himself, by his talents, their equal, or even their superior.
To this weakness, is to be attributed the authority which
he appears to have assumed amongst his pupils, as one
inspired with the gift of prophecy. By predicting events,
with which he may by some means have become ac-
quainted, and concealing the source of his information,
he acquired the reputation of being a prophet 1 . His
anonymous biographer relates some anecdotes in reference
to this subject, which, though not in piquancy, are yet
superior in point of truth, to those with which biogra-
phy is usually adorned. Raganardus, one of Alcuin's
pupils, sought to mortify his body by such excessive
vigils and fastings, as brought on a violent fever. When
father Alcuin came to visit him, he commanded all ex-
cepting Sigulf, 2 to leave the apartment, and then began :
" Why hast thou, without asking counsel of any one, at-
tempted to practise such extreme austerity ? Perceiving
that thou hadst an inclination to do so, I caused thee to
sleep in the same chamber with myself, but as soon as
thou supposedst that all were asleep, thou didst kindle a
light in thy lantern, and watch the whole night." Those
things which he had done most secretly, things which
God only could know, Alcuin discoverd to him, and
added : " When thou earnest to me, and I bade thee drink
wine, thou didst cunningly reply, Father, I have already
drunk enough at my uncle's ; when thou wentest to thy
uncle, and he likewise bade thee drink, thou didst say
thou hadst already drunk with me. Thou didst intend
to impose upon us, and hast deceived thyself. Beware,
when thou art cured of this fever, that thou act not again
ALCUIN'S REPUTATION OF BEING A PROPHET. 239
so imprudently. When Raganardus heard this, he was
ashamed, and frightened at having been detected ; and
finding that he could conceal nothing from Alcuin, he
asked him, in astonishment, how he had become ac-
quainted with this. Even to the present day, he solemnly
protests that no man knew it but himself. He repented
of his foolish attempt, and never afterwards acted with-
out Alcuin's counsel or command 1 ." This anecdote
shows on the one hand, Alcuin's tender care of his
pupils, and on the other, his vanity in wishing to appear
omniscient in their eyes. That he displayed the same
weakness in reference to his friends, is proved by another
anecdote, which, like the former, the anonymous author
shall relate in his own simple style. " When messengers
from the king, or some other of his friends were coming
to him, he frequently, whilst they were yet at a great
distance, predicted their arrival, the motive of their visit,
what they were bringing with them, and what they
would take away with them. Some of his pupils who
heard this, attributed this to his age, supposing that he
was childish, and his understanding impaired, until the
result convinced them of the truth of the prediction.
Benedict, that man of God, who was more intimate with
him than any other of the monastic order, often came
from Gothien to ask his holy counsel for himself and his
fraternity. On one occasion he wished to come to
Tours, without giving any one intelligence of his arrival
before he reached Alcuin's door. Whilst he was at a
considerable distance, Alcuin called to one of his servants
and said, Hasten to meet Abbot Benedict, at such and
such a place, and bid him come quickly to me. Alcuin's
240 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
messenger did as he was commanded, and after a journey
of three days, arrived at the spot to which he had been
directed, where he found Benedict, and delivered his
message. Benedict, astonished to find his design dis-
covered, hastened to Tours. When both, filled with
joy, had embraced and kissed each other, worthy father
Benedict began : " Father who informed you of my in-
tended visit?" Alcuin replied, "no man informed me
of it by words." Benenedict then enquired: "what
then, have you received a letter from any body ? " " No,"
answered Alcuin. Benedict, upon this, rejoined : " If you
have received neither verbal nor written communication
from man, tell me, I beseech you, how you became ac-
quainted with it." " Enquire no further," was Alcuin's
reply 1 . By such means as these, Alcuin obtained the
reputation of being divinely inspired, and by the practice
of all the duties enjoined by religion, confirmed the
general belief. He has not, however, attained to the
title of saint, but is simply recognised by the church as
blessed (beatus). 2
^/ An individual character, who possesses marked pe-
"truliarities, maintains a constant struggle with external
circumstances ; and it is their reciprocal influence on
each other, which imparts an interest to biography. An
individual character, as something permanent and stead-
fast, amidst perpetual change, must, if he would be dis-
tinguished, not only suffer no alteration in the universal
transformation which is going on, but must also be able
so to mould events, as to bring them into conformity
with himself. He must resemble an expert swimmer,
who not merely governs the waves, but forces them to
CHARACTER OF ALCUIN's SCHOOLS. 241
bear him whither he will ; whilst the weak give them-
selves up to the current, and are either carried down the
stream, or sink for ever. Every thing that constitutes
the material of the labours of an individual, he receives
originally from without, but fashions it within, in the
recesses of his own mind, before he brings it into action.
It is, therefore, by the performances of a man, that \ve
judge of the intellectual powers, since it is the mental
faculties which impart to his actions their peculiar cha-
racter. Thus, in recalling the achievements of Alcuin,
which have been recorded in the preceding pages, the
reader will perceive that they all bore the impress of
those mental peculiarities which have been described.
In him, everything received a religious hue; all the
sciences, with him, ranged themselves under the banner
of religion, and formed a rampart to defend theology
from the attacks of heretics and scoffers. He wished to
rear a second Athens in France but a Christian Athens.
The schools established according to his plan, are, there-
fore, now commended by many persons, on the very
principle on which others might be inclined to censure
them ; namely, that they were confined to religion, and
intended only to educate good Christians. Alcuin's
character was adapted to the necessities of his times,
and as he had only to pursue the direction in which the
natural current of events was flowing, he was enabled to
accomplish his projects with the greater facility and suc-
cess. In reviewing his character in the various relations
of his life, the first thing that strikes us as being incon-
sistent with it, is the nature of a life at court. Not that
he wanted ability to conduct himself with propriety in
242 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
every station. His letters to Charlemagne are admirable
specimens of his skill in paying an elegant compliment
without being a flatterer, and of the agreeable mode in
which he could offer instruction or reproof, without dis-
playing that presumption and self-complacency, into which
a perceptive or admonitory style is so easily betrayed.
But the bustle of a court, which was perpetually changing
its residence, was as little compatible with his love of
tranquillity, as the din of arms with his peaceful studies ;
and his admiration of Charlemagne proves that he him-
self did not possess that versatility of talent, which was
requisite to satisfy the demands of the state and of sci-
ence ; and that he would have been overwhelmed in the
boisterous element of public life. Although, in his in-
tercourse with Charles, and in the education of the royal
family and the young French nobility, he found even at
court, a soil so far congenial to his nature, as to admit of
his producing much valuable fruit, still the interruptions
to which he was exposed were so disagreeable to him,
that he longed for some abode where he might dwell in
peace, and when he had once found it, he would never
consent to exchange it for the court. In one of his letters
to Charlemagne, Alcuin wishing to compliment him, ad-
dressed him in the words with which the queen of Sheba
expressed her admiration of king Solomon. " Happy
are thy men, and happy are these thy servants, which
stand continually before thee, and hear thy wisdom."
Charles, who in all probability had frequently invited
Alcuin to his court without success, did not suffer these
words to escape him, but in his reply, desired Alcuin, if
he believed what he said to be true, to come and gather
ALCUIN'S AVERSION TO A LIFE AT TOURS. 243
\
with him the flowers of wisdom 1 . The answer of Alcuin,
in which he declines the invitation, reveals the cause
which had driven him from court : he begs the king to
excuse him, as he could find happiness only in the land
of peace, and not in the regions of discord and war. " Of
what value," he asks, " would be the weakness of
Flaccus amid arms ? What a timid hare amongst wild
boars ? What among lions, an innocent sheep, that had
been nourished and brought up in peace, and in igno-
rance of battles 2 ? " The splendid establishment which
Charles had assigned him was as little congenial with his
disposition, as the burthen of secular occupations. The
manner in which the French monarch endowed the
schools which he established, is worthy the imitation of
modern governments. The respect which he entertained
for learning, extended to those who were engaged in its
diffusion ; and he endeavoured to alleviate the difficult
and arduous duties of their profession, by placing them
above the reach of pecuniary cares. The teachers who
were appointed to the cathedral school, have in latter
times become canons, and still retain possession of their
immense revenues, without performing the duties for
which they were originally granted. The title of Scho-
lasticus or school-master, by which they continue to be
designated, seems like a reproach, since they would con-
sider themselves disgraced, were they really to execute
that office. How much more anxious must Charles have
been, to attach those men to the state by the ties of
temporal advantages, whom he regarded as the luminaries
of science and of the church. Contrary to the ordinance
of the church, which prohibited one individual from
244 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
holding a plurality of benefices, Charles conferred many
of the richest ahbeys upon his learned friends. His
motive for doing this, was his belief, that at that time,
when the number of learned ecclesiastics was small, he
should thus confide the revenues of church lands to able
hands, who, he might be convinced, would appropriate
them only to the purposes of literature and piety. Alcuin
held four of the richest benefices in France ; and we are
assured by Archbishop Elipandus, who, during his contro-
versy with Alcuin, reproaches him, amongst other things,
with his enormous wealth, and says that more than twenty
thousand vassals were maintained upon his lands. But
to aspire after high dignities or great riches, formed no
part of Alcuin's character ; and we can entertain no
more doubt of the truth and sincerity of his assertion, that
he had not been allured into France by any prospect of
temporal advantage, than of the desire which he repeat-
edly expressed to Charlemagne, that he would resume
the benefices which he had bestowed upon him. Charles
would not consent to grant this request, nor deprive him
of the means of practising benevolence ; he complied
with the wish of his instructor only so far as to permit
him to distribute amongst his pupils, the business con-
nected with the administration of his property.
With the exception of these two points, every situation
in which Alcuin was placed, was in accordance with his
character. He was not called upon to contend against
established opinions, nor to exhaust his strength in a
useless conflict. The object against which he struggled,
the ignorance and immorality of the clergy, was an evil
to which the spirit of the times was opposed, a weed in
ALCUIN A UNIVERSAL GENIUS. 245
the garden of the clmrch, which men had already set
themselves to eradicate. The unsullied purity of his
own life, which even his enemies could not impugn, and
his learning, in which no man of that period surpassed
him, qualified him particularly for co-operation in such a
work. Considering the period in which he lived, he may
be regarded as a universal genius, combining the know-
ledge of rhetoric, grammar, astronomy, poetry and phi-
losophy, with theology. It is evident, that he was suffi-
ciently acquainted with Latin, to express himself in that
language with ease and fluency ; indeed, amongst the
clergy, it was almost as well understood as their native
tongue. In addition to this, he had acquired such a
knowledge of Greek, as was necessary to enable him to
compare the original of the New Testament with the
translation ; and had also attempted the study of Hebrew,
a degree of erudition, in which few at that time partici-
pated. Besides the sacred Scriptures, the works which
he most esteemed, were those of St. Augustine, among
the fathers, and of Virgil among the classical authors.
As the maintenance of Christianity was the object at
which his writings chiefly aimed, and as he willingly
sacrificed the graces of composition to the importance of
the sentiment, we may easily conjecture on what model he
formed his style. It was the custom of the middle ages
as well as of more modern times to take the examples of
the past, as rules for regulating the present. As we
direct the student to the glorious days of Greece, and
Rome, in order, that having contemplated their institu-
tions, he may return with a matured judgment to the cir-
cumstances of his own times, and pronounce upon their
246 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN
interests, and provide for their exigencies, according to the
views which such an education must furnish ; so, in the
middle ages, the Bible and the writings of the fathers
were considered as the most worthy of imitation. The
style of Alcuin is formed more upon them than upon
classical compositions. The various contents of different
works demand a corresponding variety of style. The
animation, acuteness and satire, which Alcuin displays in
his controversial works, gives place to a pious simplicity,
and devotional sublimity in his religious writings, or to
solid arguments in his scientific treatises. The best
specimen of his style, and more especially of that peculiar
to his times, is to be found in his letters, wherein he adopts
the prevailing tone of refined society. The language of
Alcuin's letters is dignified, though sometimes inflated
and pompous. It is true, that if we compare his Latin
with the classical language of ancient Rome, we discover
an abundance of barbarous and ungrammatical expres-
sions; but the Latin of the middle ages was a distinct
language, which is entitled to be judged, not by the dead
rules of a form which has ceased to exist, but by its living
and practical use. It bore the same relation to the an-
cient Latin, as the Greek of Byzantium, to the written
language of the old Greek authors. When Hegewisch
avers, that he could see nothing to admire in the
numerous works of Alcuin, but his facility in writing 5
and that it would be in vain to take them up with the
expectation of finding either philosophical reasoning or
elegance of expression, he proves that he uttered this
opinion without having taken up these writings himself.
Whatever the intelligence and learning of the Carlovin-
STRENGTH AND STABILITY OF A GOVERNMENT. 247
gian period could produce, was combined in him, and
the circle which surrounded him. From his connection
with a monarch, who, in his endeavours to enlighten and
improve his subjects, accomplished more than the cir-
cumstances in which he was placed, and the resources
which he had at his command, seemed to render possible ;
who considered an acquisition in the field of science, as
no less important than the conquest of a province, and
who held a man eminent for learning in equal estimation
with an expert general ; Alcuin had an opportunity of
employing his talents with so much benefit to mankind, as
to secure to himself a portion of the glory which his
exertions, procured for Charlemagne. The idea, con-
ceived by a powerful monarch in the eighth century, of
basing he strength and stability of his government upon
the increased intelligence of his people, an idea, which a
thousand years later is scarcely recognised, and carried
universally into effect, appears sufficiently extraordinary
to merit the degree of attention which has been devoted
to it in this representation of the Life of Alcuin.
NOTES.
Page 7.
1 Bed. Hist. lib. iv. cap. 1. 2 Bed. I. c. cap. 2.
Page 8.
1 The former died in the year 709, the latter in 755.
2 Anonym. Vita Alcuini ap. Froben. p. Ixi: Erat siquidem ei
(Hechberto) ex Nobilium filius grex Scholasticorum, quorum
quidam artis grammatical rudimentis, alii disciplinis erudiebantur
artium jam liberalium, nonnulli divinarum scriptuarum.
3 Epist. 5. The quotations from the Opera Beati Flacci Albini,
are from the edition which has been published in 4 vols. fol. and
carefully revised by Frobenius, Abbot of St. Emmeran, at
Ratisbon.
Page 9.
1 The anonymous biographer who wrote not long after Alcuin's
death (829), and who derived his information chiefly from Alcuin's
pupil and friend Sigulf, calls him p. Ix. nobili gentis Anglorum
exortus prosapia. We learn from himself that he was related to
St. Willibrord, whose father, Wilgis, had erected a monastery on
the sea-shore in qua et post multiplices sancti laboris agones a
Deo coronatus corpore requiescit, et posteri ejus usque hodie ex
sanctitatis ejus traditione possident. Quorum ego meritis et ordine
extremus eandem cellulam per successiones legitimas suscepi
gubernandam. Vit. S. Willibrordi, in Op. torn. ii. p. 184.
2 Alcuin. Poema de Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesise Ebonu
censis, vs. 1431. sq.
3 Alcuin. 1. c. vs. 1448.
Indolis egregiae juvenes quoscunque videbat,
Hos sibi conjunxit, docuit, nutrivit, amavit.
4 This fact appears so clear to me from the two following passages,
that I have stated it as certain. The first passage is in a letter to
the fraternity at Morbach, Ep. 222, p. 286 : Olim magistri mei
vestigia secutus vestrse congregationis laudabilem conversationem
videbam et amabam, meque ipsum inter vos esse desiderabam,
520 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
quasi unus ex vobis. The second passage is in a letter to Charle-
magne, Ep. 85, p. 126: Dum ego adolescens Romam perrexi, et
aliquantos dies in Papia, regali civitate demorarer, quidam Judaeus,
Julius nomine, cum Petro Magistro habuit disputationem. It is
said of Aelbert in the poem above quoted, vs. 1457. Hie quoque
Romuleam venit devotus ad urbem.
Page 12.
1 Alfridi Vita S. Ludgeri, ap. Mabill. Sec. iv. Ben I. p. 21.
Another life of the same saint, ibid. p. 37. Liudger endeavoured
to propagate Christianity among the Saxons, and not altogether
without success ; but unfortunately, the Saxons regarded Chris-
tianity as inseparably connected with the French yoke. He became
the first bishop of Miinster after the subjection of Saxony, and
died March 26, 809.
2 The anonymous writer asserts, c. 6, p. Ixiv, that Alcuin had
been introduced to Charlemagne, previously to his meeting him at
Parma : Noverat enim eum, quia olim a magistro suo ad ipsum
directus fuerat. This passage cannot refer to the time when
Alcuin travelled to Rome with his preceptor Aelbert, as that
event must have taken place betwixt the years 755 and 760, or at
all events not later than 766. Charles did not ascend the throne
till the year 768. If the passage is worthy of credence and consi-
deration, it relates to a mission on which Alcuin was sent to
Charles as king, concerning some ecclesiastical or secular business
with which we are unacquainted.
Page 13.
1 Ep. 157, 158, 159, p. 217220.
Page 15.
1 Gregor.Tur. Hist, ecclesiast. lib. iv. cap. 12.
2 The Franks were notorious for perjury; and the bishops, in-
stead of enforcing the solemnity of an oath, pursued the same
course as the rest of the Franks. King Guntram reproached a
bishop; Gregor. VIII. 2: Tertio mihi, quod de episcopo dici
iniquum est, pejerasti, cf. ibid. cap. 9.
3 Gregor. V. 28, and in many other passages.
Page 16.
1 Gwielieb, bishop of Mentz, who was deposed during the re-
formation which was attempted by Carloman, with the aid of St.
Boniface, may serve as an example of the mode in which
bishoprics were at that time disposed of, and the way in which
the clergy conducted themselves. Bishop Gerold was killed in a
battle between Carloman and the Saxons in the year 743, and his
son Gwielieb, pro sedando patris dolore, became bishop in his
stead. In the following campaign he avenged the death of his
NOTES. 251
father, by slaying his murderer in single combat. At the council
held by Carloman in 745, Boniface accused Gwielieb, and charged
him amongst other things, with propriis oculis se per^pexisse ilium
cum canibus avibusque jocantem, quod Episcopo nullatenus
liceret. Vit. S. Bonifacii, ap. Bouq. torn. iii. p. 668.
Page 17.
1 Einhardi Vit. Carol. Mag, cap. 4.
Page 18.
1 Einh. 1. c. cap. 25 : Tentabat et scribere, tabulasque et codi-
cillos ad hoc in lectulo suo sub cervicalibus circumferre solebat, ut
cum vacuum tempus esset, manum effingendis literis assuefaceret.
Sed parum prospers successit labor prcpposterus ac sero inchoatus.
Men of learning who could not conceive that Charlemagne was
ignorant of writing, have given, in their explanation of this passage,
astonishing proofs to what absurdities preconceived notions on
philological subjects will lead. The words, tentahat et scribere
some understand to mean an attempt at literary composition, and
liters, the large initial letters which it was usual 1 in the middle
ages to write and paint with elaborate ornament. Truly, a royal
occupation ! Others have perceived the absurdity of this interpre-
tation, and have therefore attributed to the word scribere the sig-
nification of pingere ; how easy to convert literis into lineament-is !
and then every thing agrees admirably with an attempt of the king
to learn drawing. The meaning of the words is so simple, that no
sound and impartial criticism can iniDart to them any other sense
but, that Charles took great pains (though in vain) to acquire ease
and rapidity in writing. Theodoric the Goth, obtained the sur-
name of Great, without knowing how to write; and Otho the
Great did not learn to read until instructed by his second wife,
Adelheid.
2 Du Chesne Script. Rer. Franc, torn. ii. p. 187.
Page 23.
1 De Ratione Animce, in Op. torn. ii. p. 152: " Cujus mentis
miranda est nobilitas, dum inter tantas palatii curas et regni
occupationes philosophorum pleniter arcana curavit scire mysteria,
quod vix otio torpens alius quis modo cognoscere studet."
2 Einhard. Vita Car. Mag. : " Inter coonandum aut aliquod
acroama aut lectorem audiebat."
3 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 784.
Page 24.
1 Comment, super Eccles. cap. i. in p. torn. i. Op. 411.
2 Op. torn. ii. p. 268.
Page 25.
1 Grammat. 1. c. 297.
252 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Page 26.
1 They are to be found in the works of Alcuin, torn. ii. vol. i.
p. 211. N. 67.
2 Speaking of this subject in a letter to Charlemagne, he says,
Ep. 85, p. 126: Punctorum vero distinctiones vel subdistinctiones
licet ornatum faciant pulcherrimum in sententiis, tamen usus
illorum propter rusticitatem pene recessit a scriptoribus. Sed
sicut totius sapientiae decus et salutaris eruditionis ornatus per
vestrae Nobilitatis mdustriam renovari incipit, ita et horum usus
in manibus scribentium redintegrandus esse optime videtur.
Page 27.
1 This treatise on orthography is to be found in Alcuin's works,
torn. ii. p. 301 312.
2 Dialogus de Rhetorica et Virtutibus, torn. ii. p. 313331.
Page 29-
1 De Dialectica, torn. ii. p. 335352.
Page 31.
1 Alcuin, Ep. N. 70, p. 99102. 2 Ep. 68, p. 93.
3 Ep. 67, p. 90. cf. 61, p. 81.
Page 32.
1 This phenomenon is mentioned by most of the chroniclers
amongst the remarkable events of that year. It is said by Monach.
Egolism. ad a. 799: Sydus Martis a superioris anni Julio usque
ad hujus anni Julium nusquam in toto coelo videri potuit.
2 Ep. 70, p. 101.
3 Einhard says, in his Life of Charlemagne, praecipue astrono-
miae ediscendae plurimum et temporis et laboris impendit.
4 This word has been variously explained : some derive it from
the drinking horns some from the circumstance, that in this
month the stags cast their horns others from the word GOT\
which is synonymous with $ott) (dirt). Anton. (Hist, of German
Agriculture. Part I. Sec. 44), derives it from $orn (frost) ; and
supposes Horning to be a diminutive (the little Frost month) in
contradistinction to January.
5 Alcuin thus writes to the king, Ep. 68, p, 93 : Quid aliud in
sole et luna et sideribus consideramus et miramur, nisi sapien-
tiam Creatoris et cursus illorum naturales?
Page 33.
1 This letter is not to be found amongst the collection of
Alcuin's letters, but attached to his commentary upon the Can-
ticum Canticorum, torn, i, p. 408.
Page 36.
1 After having given a mystical interpretation of the numbers,
7, 6, 5, and 4, Alcuin says in a letter to Charlemagne, Ep. 65, p.85 :
NOTES. 253
Potestis ex hac speculatione vestris demonstrare familiaribus,
quam jucunda sit et utilis arithmeticse discipline cognitio.
Page 37.
1 The monk of St. Gall en says of Charles : Legendi atque psal-
lendi disciplinam diligentissime emendavit ; erat enim utriusque
admodum eruditus, quamquam ipse nee publice legeret, nee nisi
submisse et in commune cantaret. Of his choir he also says after-
wards : Nullus alienus, nullus etiam novus, ni legere sciens et
canere, chorum ejus ausus est intrare.
2 Ep. 15, p. 25.
Page 39.
1 Ep. 80, p. 117 : Tres personae in mundo hucusque altissimae
fuerunt Apostolica Sublimitas, quae Beati Petri, principis Aposto-
lorum, sedem vicario munere regere solet. Alia est Imperialis dig-
nitas, et secundae Romae secularis potentia. Tertia est Regalis
dignitas, in qua vos Domini nostri Jesu Christi dispensatio rec-
torein populi christiani disposuit, ceteris praefatis dignitatibus
potentia excellentiorem, sapientia clariorem, regni dignitate sub-
limiorem.
Page 41.
1 In the capitular upon tithes, Charles maintained the principle
that tithes must be paid, secundum mandatum Dei. Although
he himself had set a good example by subjecting the crown lands
to decimation (Baluz. Capit. t. 1, p. 332), still he found it diffi-
cult to introduce them generally. At the synod, held at Frankfort
on the Maine, in 794, the collection of tithes was again insisted
upon ; and the failure of the harvest, in that year, was represented
as a punishment for not having justly and quickly paid that tax.
Baluz. 1. c. p. 267.
2 Ep. 28, p. 37, sq.
Page 43.
1 Einhard says of Charlemagne : Liberos suos ita censuit insti-
tuendos, ut tamfilii quam filice piimo liberalibus studiis, quibus
et ipse operam dabat, erudirentur.
2 Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino
Scholastico. Op. torn. ii. p. 352354.
3 The elder Gisla is also called by Alcuin Lucia ; and he distin-
guishes her by the appellation of Soror in Christo from the younger
Gisla, who is to him Filia in Christo.
Page 45.
1 Ep. 33. p. 44. 2 Ep. 178. p. 240.
Page 46.
1 Ep. 129, p. 241 : Utinam mihi liceat saepius cdmonitionis
cartulam dirigere Almitati vestrae, sicut nobilissimus Chlodwicus,
542 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
germanus tuus, me rogavit saapiusmittereadmonitorias illi literas
quod jam et feci, et volente Deo faciam, quas etiam cum magna
humilitate legere solet.
2 It was reported amongst Alcuin's pupils, that upon one .occa-
sion when Charles came with his three sons to visit his preceptor
at Tours, he asked him ; " Master, which of my sons do you think
should succeed me in the dignity which God, unworthy as I am,
has granted me?" " Then," relates the anonymous writer in the
Life of Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 18, "Alcuin looked at Louis, the
youngest, but the most remarkable for humility, on which account
he was considered despicable by many, and said : ' Thou wouldst
have a magnificent successor in the humble Louis.' Charles only
then heard this ; but afterwards when he beheld those kings
(namely Charles the younger and Pepin) enter the church of St.
Stephen with a haughty step, and Louis with humble deportment
for the purpose of prayer, he said to the by-standers ; ' Do you
see Louis, who is more humble than his brothers? Verily, you
shall behold him the illustrious successor of his father.' After-
wards, when he was administering to them with his own hand the
communion of the body and blood of Christ, the humble Louis
bowed before the holy father and kissed his hand. Whereupon
the man of God said to Sigulf, who was standing beside him :
' Whosoever exalteth himself shall be abased, and whosoever
humbleth himself shall be exalted. Verily, I say unto thee,
France will joyfully recognise this man as emperor after his father/"
" This," subjoins the author, who wrote in the reign of Louis the
Pious (829), "this, do we with joy behold fulfilled. They are fallen
who appeared to be cedars, and the fruitful olive-tree flourishes in
the house of the Lord I 1 '
Page 47.
1 Ep. 69, p. 9699. Alcuin transferred to the king the task
of replying to this question : Quae omnia vestrae sapientiae nota
esse non dubitamus. Ideo non est opus nunc mini interpreta-
tiones harum exponere interrogationum. Alcuin's Bible in the
British iViuseum : Per diem sol non uret te, neque luna per
noctem. Ps. cxxi. 6.
Page 48.
1 In the seventy-first letter, p. 103, Alcuin says, that, if many
would follow the example of Charles, forsan Athena nova perfi-
ceretur in Francia, immo multo excellentior, quia hac Christ!
Domini nobilitata magisterio omnem Academicae exercitationis
superat sapientiam. Ilia tantum modo Platonicis erudita disci-
plinis septenis informata claruit artibus, haec etiam insuper septi-
formi Sancti Spiritus plenitudine ditata omnem secularis sapientias
excellit dignitatem.
NOTES. 255
Page 51.
1 See Ep. 135 of the letters of St. Boniface, published by Ser-
rarius. (Mentz, 1605-4).
Page 52.
1 Arno has been, by some, falsely supposed to be the brother of
Alcuin ; it is true, that he frequently designated him by this appel-
lation, but only on account of the more than fraternal affection
which he entertained for him. Alcuin's family must have been
very numerous, if all those whom he, in his letters, denominates
brothers and sisters, really stood in that relation to him.
2 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787: Et Dominus Rex Carolus iterum
a Roma artis Grammaticae et Computatoriae magistros secum
adduxit in Franciam et ubique studium literarum expandere jussit.
Ante ipsum enim Dominum Regem Carolum in Gallia nullum
studium fuerat liberalium artium.
3 The circular letter addressed to the Abbot Baugulf, of Fulda,
is to be found in Baluz. Capital. Reg. Franc, torn. i. p. 201, sq.
The chief points contained in it are the following : Notum igitur
sit Deo placitae devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nos-
tris consideravimus, utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria nobis
Christo propitio ad gubernandum commissa praeter regularis vitae
ordinem atque sanctae religionis conversationem etiam in literarum
meditationibus eis, qui donante Domino discere possunt, secundum
uniuscujusque capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere,
qualiter sicut regularis norma honestatem morum, ita quoque
docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et ornet seriem verborum, ut
qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei placere non negligant
recte loquendo. Then, after expressing his displeasure that this
had not yet taken place, and his apprehension that the salvation of
his subjects would thereby be endangered, he proceeds: Quam-
obrem hortamur vos literarum studia non solum non negligere,
verum etiam humillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim
discere, ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum mysteria
valeatis penetrare. Cum autem in sacris paginis schemata, tropi
et cetera his similia inserta inveniantur, nulli dubium est, quod ea
unusquisque legens tanto citius spiritualiter intelligit, quanto prius
in literarum magisterio plenius instructus fuerit. Tales vero ad
hoc viri eligantur, qui et voluntatem et possibilitatem discendi et
desiderium habeant alios instruendi.
Page 53.
1 Chron. Fontanell. ad a. 787 : Erat enim Gervoldus, quam-
quam aliarum literarum non nimium gnarus, cantilenas tamen
artis peritus vocisque suavitate ac excellentia non egenug.
2 It is said of him, in the chronicle above quoted: Plurimos
arithmeticae artis disciplina alumnos imbuit, ac arte scriptoria
256 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
erudivit. Harduin transcribed many ancient books, which at that
time was as useful a performance as a new edition of an ancient
author in the present day, and was one of the first who brought
the small Roman letters into use. See Histoire Literaire de France,
par des Religieux Benedictins, torn. iv. p. 367.
Page 54.
1 Ep. 38, p. 52.
Page 55.
1 See, for example, the report of Archbishop Leidrad, of Lyons,
to Charlemagne, of the schools established by him, which may be
found in Launois' treatise De Scholis celebrioribus seu a Carolo M*
seu post eundem Carolum per Occidentem instauratis (Opera, torn.
iv. p. 14).
2 Laun. 1. c. p. 17. In the acts of the council, L. III. c. 12.
ap. Harduin, t. iv. p. 1356, it is said : Similiter obnixe ac suppli-
citer Vestrse Celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes
saltern in tribus congruentissimis imperil Vestri locis scholce publics
ex Vestra auctoritatefiant, ut labor patris Vestri et Vesterper in-
curiam, quod absit, labefactando non depereat, quoniam ex hoc
facto et magna utilitas et honor S. Dei Ecclesise, et Vobis magnum
mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna accrescet.
Page 56.
1 His derivation of the Latin word epistola, from ETTL and oroXa,
is a proof of his imperfect knowledge of Greek. See Ep. 143,
p. 205.
Page 57.
1 Einhard says of Charlemagne: Grsecam melius intelligere,
quam pronuntiare poterat.
2 At all events, Alcuin recommended this discipline to his pupil,
Archbishop Eanbald II. of York, and it may therefore be inferred,
that he practised it in the French schools. He writes, Ep. 50,
p. 65 : Habeas et singulis ordinibus magistros suos, ne vacantes
otio vagi discurrant per loca, et inanes exerceant ludos, vel aliis
mancipentur ineptiis.
Page 58.
1 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787. ap. Du Chesne, torn. ii. p. 75.
2 Ann. Mettens. ad a. 757. Ann. Einhard, ad a. 826.
3 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 237 : Scholae legentium puerorum
fiant Psalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula
monasteria vel episcopia discant. He then urges the arrangement
of good and correct books, and recommends care in their use and
attention in transcribing them.
Page 59.
1. Laun. 1. c. p. 9 : Presbyteri per villas et vicos scholas habeant
NOTES. 257
et si quilibet fidelium suos parvulos ad descendas literas eis com-
mendare vult, eos suscipere ac docere non renuant, sed cum
summa caritate eos doceant. Cum ergo eos decent, nihil ab eis
pretii pro hac re exigant, excepto quod eis parentes caritatis studio
sua voluntate obtulerint.
Page 60.
1 Monach. Sangall. lib. i. cap. 3.
2 The two abbeys assigned him, were Ferrieres and the mo-
nastery of St. Lupus, at Troyes. Anonym, cap. 6 : Dedit illi duo
monasteria, Bethleem scilicet, quod altero nomine Ferrarias vo-
catur et S. Lupi apud Trecas.
Page 61.
1 In the preface to his commentary on Genesis (Op, t. i. p. 305),
Alcuin complains that secular occupations left him but little time
for literary labours, and that troublesome journeys separated him
more frequently than was agreeable to him from his books.
2 Ep. 7, p. H.
Page 62.
1 Non pro auri avaritia (testis est mei cognitor cordis), Franciam
veni nee remansi in ea, sed ecclesiastics causa necessitatis.
2 See Ep. 3, p. 6.
Page 63.
I Epist. ad Offam, Regem Merciorum, ap. Baluz. torn. i. p. 273.
Page 64.
1 Lingard's History of England.
Page 72.
1 The fourth letter of Alcuin, Ad Felicem Episcopum, is clearly
addressed to the bishop of Urgel. Alcuin had heard him so highly
spoken of, that he desired to enter into a correspondence with
him. Subsequently, when he was endeavouring to convert
him from his heresy, he reminds him of this circumstance ; Op.
torn- i. vol. ii. p. 785. Olim me ipsum celeberrimam tuse Sancti-
tatis audiens famam per quendam ex illis partibus Presbyterum
tuis sacratissimis intercessionibus commendare curavi.
2 Einhard, Ann. ad a. 792.
3 The patriarch Paul says, Contra Felic. lib. i., even at the
commencement : Nee sibi sufficiebat tantummodo Christum, qui
de virgine natus est, negare proprium esse filium Dei, sed etiam
hunc eundem non consentit verum esse Deum, sed novo et inaudito
sanctse Dei ecclesiae nomine nuncupativum Deum nominare ilium
non timet, dividens Christum in duos filios, unum vocans proprium ,
alterum adoptivum, et in duos Deos, unum verum Deum, alterum
nuncupativum Deum.
S
258 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Page 73.
1 Elipandus writes thus to the Abbot Fidelis. Qui non fuerit
confessus Jesum Christum adoptivum humanitate, et nequaquam
adoptivum divinitate, et hcereticus est et exterminetur. Auferte
malum de terra vestra.
2 Etherii, iEpiscopi Uxamensis, et Beati Presbyteri adversus
Elipandum, Archiepiscopum Toletanum, Libri duo de Adoptione
Christi, filii Dei. This treatise is in Canisii Lectt. Antiq. torn. ii.
p. 279 375. It was written in the year 823 of the Spanish era,
or 785 according to the Christian reckoning.
3 Ether, et Beat. I.e. lib. i. p. 297: Licet humana mens non
possit plene rationis investigatione comprehendere, fidei tamen
plenitudo complectitur. Nam etsi non licet nobis scire, quomodo
natus est Dei films, scire tamen nobis licet et credere, quod vere
natus sit.
4 Ibid. p. 303. Ergo in divinis rebus Fides tantummodo adsit,
et nulla quaestio remanebit, Quod si discutere voluerio et rationem
de Deo et homine facere praesumpseris, continue in laqueos per-
ditionis immergeris.
Page 74.
1 According to the above proposition, proceeds the author, p.
342 : Inseparabilis unitio est. Talis facta est ilia susceptio, quse
Deum hominem fecit et hominem Deum, et ex utroque unum
Christum.
Page 75.
1 The title of the second book is : De Christo et ejus Corpore
quod est Ecclesia,-et de Diabolo et ejus Corpore, quod est Anti-
christus.
2 At least Elipandus reproaches Beatus with having persecuted
one of his adherents, quern tu persequeris in montibus, speluncis
et in cavernis terrae latitantem.
3 The synod of Narbonne, it is said, was summoned pro multis
et variis negotiis, prasertim pro Eelicis, Urgelitana sedis Episcopi,
pestifero dogmate. But in the acts of this synod, no trace can be
found that this latter subject ever came under discussion.
Page 76.
1 Ann. Fuld. ad a. 792. Haeresis Feliciana, ipso auctore earn
abnegante, apud Reganesberg primum damnata est, Alcuin says,
seterno anathemate damnata fuit.
2 Einhard, Ann. ad a. 792, Mansi Concil. torn. xiii. p. 1031.
3 Alcuin reproaches Elipandus with Vobis exhortantibus.
Page 77.
1 Eodem sapientissimo rege jubente, Alcuin says, (torn. i.
p. 882) he had returned to France.
NOTES. 259
Page 78.
1 Op. tom.i .p. 305. This treatise, composed by Alcuin during
his first residance at the French court, and in the midst of secular
cares and occupations, is dedicated to his pupil and friend, Sigulf.
The preface is to the following effect : " As thou, my dearest
brother, hast so long been my inseparable and faithful companion,
and as I know with what ardour thou studiest the Holy Scriptures,
I have collected and dedicated to thee a few questions upon the
book of Genesis ; which I remember thou hast at different times,
proposed to me. I have done this that thou mayest always have
at hand a means of refreshing thy memory, which often loses that
which it should retain, if we do not preserve those things which
we desire to remember in writing. This is especially the case with
us, whose thoughts are distracted by temporal business, and who
are frequently exhausted by the fatigue of long journeys. As we
cannot encumber ourselves with ponderous volumes, we must
provide ourselves with abridgments, that the precious pearl of
wisdom may be lightened, and the weary traveller possess some-
thing wherewith he may refresh himself without fatiguing his
hand with too heavy a burthen. There are, however, in this book,
many difficult questions, which at present I am neither willing
nor able to solve, and concerning which thou hast not desired
information. Those which are here treated of are chiefly historical,
and for which a simple answer will suffice ; the others, on the
contrary, require more profound investigation, and a more copious
explanation." Then follow the phrases usually adopted in such
prefaces, he hopes that he will amend that which is defective, and
for that which is good thank not him but Ood, the giver of all
good.
Page 79.
2 Brevis Expositio Decalogi. Op. torn. i. p. 340.
Page 80.
1 This is particularly the case in the exposition of the peni-
tential psalms Expositio in Psalmos Pcenitentiales, ib. p. 346. sqq.
and the 118, or according to our version, the 119.
2 Expositio in Psalmos Graduates, torn. i. p. 376 sqq.
Page 81.
1 Compendium in Canticum Canticorum, ib. p. 391 408.
Page 82.
1 Comment, super Ecclesiasten, Op. torn. i. p. 410. He him-
self says: In quern librum ex sanctorum opuscuHs patrum ac
maxime de Beati Hieronymi commentario parvum composui brevi-
arium. We are assured by the editor of St. Jerome's works, that
he was indebted to Alcuin' s copy for an improved reading of many
passages.
260 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
2 This small treatise was dedicated to Charlemagne himself, as
appears from the concluding verses.
Suscipe, Rex, parvum magni modo munus amoris,
Quod tuus Albinus obtulit ecce tibi.
3 This commentary was written for Charlemagne's sister Gisla,
and her friend Richtrudis or Columba, and was so impatiently
expected by them that he was compelled to send it to them piece
by piece.
Page 87.
1 This is to be found in Alcuin's works, torn. i. p. 649 sqq.
Page 88.
1 Alcuin Ep. N. 124. p. 180.
Page 89.
1 In the above quoted letter of Alcuin to the king, we read :
Vere et valde gratum habeo, Laicos quandoque ad evangelicas
emoruisse inquisitiones, dum quendam audivi virum prudentem
aliquando dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non Laicorum.
Quid ad haec? Omnia tempus habent, et saepe posterior affert
hora quod prior non poterat. Tamen iste Laicus, quisquis fuit,
sapiens est corde, etsi manibus miles, quales Vestram sapient -
issimam auctoritatem plurimos habere decet.
Page 96.
1 Theophan. Chronogr. p. 269275 ed. Ven. A more copious
and accurate account of the controversy upon image-worship,
which is here briefly noticed as a mere episode, may be found in
Schlosser's History of the Iconoclastic emperors of the Eastern
Roman Empire. Published at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, 1812. 8.
Page 100.
1 Theophan. 1. c. p. 285 sq. A more particular account of this
council may be found in the annals of Baroniiis, for the year 754 ;
which must, however, be compared with Pagi's criticism, No.
11 sq.
Page 102.
Zonar. torn, ii., p. 87. ed. Ven, says expressly that only the
refractory monasteries were abolished, and that all the monks
who submitted to the decree of the council were allowed to live
according to their profession and vow.
Page 110.
Roger of Hoveden relates this at length in his chronicle, ad a.
792. Anno septingentesimo nonagesimo secundo Carolus, rex Fran-
corum,misit synodalem librumad Britanniam sibi a Constantinopoli
directum, in quo libro multa inconvenientia et verae fidei contraria
reperiebantur, maxime quod hene omnium orientalium doctorum
non minus quam trecentorum vel eo amplius episcoporum unanima
NOTES. 261
assertions confirmatum fuerit, imagines adorari debere, quod
omnino Dei ecclesia execratur. Contra quod scripsit Alcuinus
epistolam ex auctoritate divinarum scripturarum mirabiliter af-
Jirmatam, illamque cum eodem libro ex persona episcoporum ac
principum nostrorum regi Francorum attulit.
2 In the writing addressed to Elipandus by the council, in the
name and by the authority of Charles, in Goldast, Collect. Con-
stitut. Imperialium, p. 20 6. we find: Nee non et de Bntanniae
partibus aliquos ecclesiasticae disciplinse viros convocavimus.
3 This letter is not to be found in the collection of Alcuin's
letters, but is prefixed to his seven books against Felix, in the
edition of Frobenius, t. i. vol. ii. p. 783.
Page 111.
1 Even bishop Salomo of Constance, who lived in the tenth
century, says of Alcuin's letters: cum supercilio scriptae.
2 We are indebted to the abbot Frobenius for having rescued,
by means of his influence and wealth, these letters, as well as
many other valuable works from the dust of the Spanish libraries,
'ihey are printed in his edition of Alcuin's works., t. ii. vol. ii.
p. 566573.
Page 112.
1 Frankfort owes much to the separation of the Eastern from
the Western kingdom of France, and to the partiality of Louis the
German. It appears to have been the principal residence of the
German kings from Regino ad a. 876. Ludovicus apud Frankfurt,
principalem sedem orientalis regni, residebat.
2 That each department of the council mentioned in the text,
voted separately, is evident, from the fact that each adduced, in a
distinct report, the reasons which had led them to their decision : and
these reports were added to the letter addressed to Elipandus. In
the latter we find, ap. Gold. 1. c. 7 : Primo quid Dominus Apos-
tolicus 'cum sancta Romana ecclesia et episcopia in illis partibus
quaqua versum commorantibus et Catholicis doctoribus sentiret,
sub unius libelli tenore statuimus. Deinde secundo loco, quid
ecclesiastici doctores et sacerdotes ecclesiarum Christi de pro-
pinquioribus Italiae partibus cum Petro, Mediolanensi archie-
piscopo, et Paulino, Forojulienensi vel Aquilejensi patriarcha, viris
a Domino valde venerabilibus, intelligi vel firmiter credi voluissent,
suis propriis responsionibus exaratum posuimus libellum. Post
haec tenet et tertius libellus orthodoxorum sanctorum patrum
episcoporum et virorum venerabilium fidem, qui in Germanise,
Gallise, Aquitaniae, et Britanniae, partibus dignis Deo deserviunt
officiis, vestrisque objectionibus sanctarum scripturarum testi-
moniis roboratas obtinet responsiones. Deinde quarto loco meae
propriae unanimitati cum his sanctissimis praedictorum patrum
decretis et Catholicis statutis consensum subnexui.
262 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Page 113.
1 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 270.
2 Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 760782.
3 He mentions this in the 94th letter ad Abbates et Monachos
Gothiae, p. 139 : Sicut in libello ex parte factum est, quern direx-
imus per beatum benedictum vobis solatium et confirmationem
fidei Catholicae.
4 Caroli M. decreta ecclesiastica comitiorum Franconofort.
Capitul. I. ap. Goldast. I.e. p. 18: Ubi in primordio capitulum ex-
ortum de impia ac nefanda haeresi Elipandi, Toletanae sedis
episcopi, et Felicis Orgelitanae eorumque sequacibus, qui male
sentientes in Filio Dei adserebant adoptionem. Quam omnes
sanctissimi patres una voce contradixerunt, atque hanc hceresim
funditus a sancta eeclesia eradicandam statuerunt.
Page 114.
1 Caroli M. constitut. contra haeres. Elipand. ap. Goldast.
I.e. p. 22, 17: Post hanc,correctionem sive admonitionem Apos-
tolicae auctoritatis et synodalis unanimitatis, si non resipiscites ab
errore vestro, scitote, vos omnino pro haereticis haberi, nee ullam
vobiscum communionem pro Deo audeamus habere.
Page 116.
I Ann. Einhard. ad a. 794 : Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos
annos in Constantinopoli sub Irene et Constantino, filio ejus,
congregata et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis
erat appellata, ut nee septima nee universalis haberetur dicereturve,
quasi supervacua in totum, ab omnibus abdicata est.
Page 117.
1 S. libr. Carol, lib. iv. cap. 13.
2 Caroli M. decret. 1. c. capitul. ii. Allata est in medium
quaestio de nova Graecorum synodo, quam de adorandis imaginibus
Constantinopoli fecerunt, in qua scriptum habetur, ut qui imagines
sanctorum ita ut Deificam Trinitatem servitio aut adoratione non
impenderent, anathema judicarentur . Quam omnes sanctissimi
patres nostri omnimodis, et adorationem et servitium respuentes
contempserunt atque consentientes condemnaverunt.
Page 118.
1 Histoire Liter, de France, t. iv. p. 411.
2 Its existence was preserved by an edition published at Frank-
fort in the year 1596, and its circulation increased by an edition
published by Goldastus under the title of Imperialia Decreta de
Cultu Imaginum in utroque Imperio tarn Orientis quam Occidentis
promulgata, (Francof. 1608. 8.) ; and afterwards by its being re-
ceived amongst his collection of Imperial Constitutions. The last
and best edition is by Heumann, which appeared in 1731 at
Hanover, under the title of Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II. censura.
NOTES. 263
3 Lib. i. cap. 6.
4 Hincmari, archiepiscopi Remensis, Opera (Paris 1645, fol.)
t. ii. p. 457 : Septima apud Graecos vocata universalis pseudo-
synodus de imaginibus, quas quidam confringendas, quidam autem
adorandas dicebant, neutra vero pars intellectu sano diffiniens,
sine auctoritate Apostolicae sedis non longe ante nostra tempora
Constantinopoli est a quam plurimis episcopis habita et Romam
missa, quam etiam Papa Romanus in Franciam direxit. Unde
tempore Caroli M. imperatoris, jussione Apostolicae sedis, generalis
est synodus in Francia, convocante praefato imperatore, celebrata,
et secundum scripturarum tramitem traditionemque majorum
ipsa Graecorum pseudosynodus destructa et penitus abdicata, de
cujus destructions non modicum volumen, quod in palatio adole-
scentulus legi, ab eodem imperatore Romam est per quosdam epis-
copos missum, in cujus voluminis libro quarto hcec de universalis
nomine scripta sunt. Then follows an extract from the Carlo-
vingian Papers, lib. iv. cap. 28.
Page 119.
1 The manner in which the number Four, to which the Carlo-
vingian Papers are to be limited, is treated in the preface to the
fourth book (ap. Gold, const, imperial, p. 112), is quite in the
style of Alcuin. The number Four is a sacred number. As four
rivers flowed from one source in Paradise, so four Gospels were
derived from the source of light. The cardinal virtues are likewise
four. Therefore, as the ark of Noah was constructed of four
kinds of wood, in which both man and beast were saved from the
flood, so the author will compose his work in four books, being
like an ark, in which the church may find shelter from the floods
and storms of heresy.
2 Lib. i. cap. 25.
3 Lib. i. cap. 6. Si cut igitur ceteris discipulis apostoli et
apostolis omnibus Petrus eminet, ita nimirum ceteris sedibus
apostolicae et apostolicis Romana eminere dinoscitur.
Page 120.
1 In the chapter which we have quoted, the author says:
Quod non solum omnium Galliarum provinciae et Germania sive
Italia, sed etiam Saxones et quaedam Aquilonaris plagae gentes per
nos, Deo annuente, ad verae fidei rudimenta conversae facere nos-
cuntur, et ita B. Petri sedem in omnibus sequi curant sicut illo
pervenire, quo ille clavicularius exstat, desiderant.
Page 121.
1 Lib. ii. cap. 9. 2 Libri Carol, lib. iii. cap. 15.
Page 123.
1 Ibid. cap. 31.
2 Lib. ii. cap. 13. Saepe in hoc nostro speciali de imaginibus
264 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
op ere fateri cogimur, quod illae non haberi sed adorari a nobis in-
hibeantur, nee illarum in ornamentis basilicarum et memoria re-
rum gestarum constitutarum fugienda sit visio, sed insolentissima
vel potius superstitiosissima execranda sit adoratio.
3 The views of Gregory the Great respecting images, may be
found collected in the second chapter of the Acts of the Parisian
Council for the year 825, ap. Goldast. const, imper. p. 158, sq.
4 Lib.iv. cap.ult. Sciat dominus Apostolicus et Pater noster
et cuncta simul Romanorum ecclesia, ut secundum quod continet
epistola beatissimi Gregorii, quam ad Serenum, Massiliensem epis-
copum, direxit, permittimus imagines Sanctorum, quicumque eas
formare voluerint, tarn in ecclesia quam extra ecclesiam propter
amorem Dei et Sanctorum ejus, adorare vero eas nequaquam co-
gimus, qui noluerint, frangere vel destruere eas, etiamsi quis volu-
erit, non permittimus.
Page 125.
1 The introduction to the Acts of this Council (ap. Goldast. I.e.
p. 154), furnishes a brief account of the position of Charlemagne
and Hadrian with regard to images ; and it is remarkable for the
freedom with which the French clergy oppose the Pope himself,
without violating the authority of the apostolic see. It is observed
of Hadrian, .... per singula capitula in illorum (the worshippers
of images) excusationem respondere quae voluit non tamen quae
decuit, conatus est. Talia quippe quaedam sunt, quae in illorum
objectionem (that is, against the Carlovingian Papers) , opposuit,
quae, remota pontiftcali auctoritate, et veritati et auctoritati refra-
gantur. Sed licet in ipsis objectionibus aliquando absona, aliquan-
do inconvenientia, aliquando etiam reprehensione digna testimonia
defensionis gratia proferre nisus sit, in fine tamen ejusdem apolo-
gias sic se sentire et tenere et predicare ac praecipere de his, quae
agebantur, professus est, sicut a beato Papa Gregorio institutum
esse constabat. Quibus verbis liquido colligitur quod non tantum
scienter quantum ignoranter in eodem facto a recto tramite devia-
verit. Nisi enim in conclusione objectionum suarum retinaculis
veritatis, beati scilicet Gregorii institutis, adstrictus iter devium
praecavisset, in superstitionis praecipitium omnino labi potuisset.
Page 126.
1 Shortly after the time of Charlemagne, mankind began to
relate miraculous and extraordinary circumstances of images. So
we read in the Ann. Bertin. ad a. 823 : In territorio Cometense
Italicae civitatis, in vico Gradabona, in ecclesia S. Joannis Baptistae.
imago S. Mariae, puerum Jesum gremio continens, ac Magorum
munera oiferentium in absida ejusdem ecclesiae depicta et ob nimi-
am vetustatem obscurata et pene abolita tanta claritate per duo-
rum dierum spatia effulsit, ut omnem splendorem novae picturae
NOTES. 265
suae vetustatis pulchritudine cernentibus penitus vincere videretur.
Magorum tamen imagines propter munera, quae offerebant, mini-
me claritas ilia irradiavit.
Page 128.
1 Roger, de Hoved. ad a. 793.
2 In a letter addressed by Alcuin to the city of Canterbury, Ep.
59, p. 78, he says: Ecce, quod nunquam antea auditum fuit
populus paganus solet vastare pyratico latrocinio litora nostra, et
illi ipsi populi Anglorum et regna et reges dissentiunt inter se.
Discite Gyldam, Brittonem sapientissimum (he alludes to the
author of the Liber querulus de Excidio Britannia] et videte, ex
quibus causis parentes Brittonum perdiderunt et regnum et pa-
triam, et considerate vosmetipsos, et in vobispene similia invenietis.
3 Ep.9. p. 15.
Page 129.
1 Ep.10. Ad ^Edilredum regem et principes populumque
Nordanhumbrorum gentis.
2 We find in the letter above quoted : Heu quam misere prae-
sentem perdiderunt vitam! Sed multo miserabilius in aeternis
cruciantur tormentis. Then follows a description of the state of
the soul in hell : although the tormented soul is surrounded by a
perpetual fire, it is always in the thickest and most horrible dark-
ness; it hears nothing but the wailing and gnashing of teeth of the
lost ; feels nothing but intolerable cold, in a consuming fire
which gives no more warmth than light, and the biting of ve-
nomous serpents.
3 Alcuin mentions this in a letter to King Offa, Ep.43, p. 57.
Ego paratus eram, cum muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire et ad
patriam reverti, sed melius mihi visum est, propter pacem gentis
meae in peregrinatione remanere, nesciens, quid fecissem inter eos,
inter quos nullus securus esse vel in salubri consilio proficere po-
test. Ecce loca sancta a paganis vastata, altaria perjudis fcedata;
monasterla adulteriis violata, terra sanguine dominorum et prin-
cipum fcedata.
Page 130.
1 Ep.49, p. 63.
2 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, 8. Cf.Ep.168. p. 228.
Page 131.
1 Charles wrote to the monks at Tours, Ep.119: Ipsi quoque
nostis, qualiter jam crebro vita vestra a multis diffamata est, et non
abs re ; aliquando enim Monachos, aliquando Canonicos, aliquando
neutrum vos .esse dicebatis.
2 Et nos, writes Charles, I.e. consulendo vobis et ad malam fa-
mam abolendam magistrum et rectorem idoneum vobis elegimuB
et de longinquis provinciis invitavimus, qui et verbis et admoni-
266 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
tionibus rectam viam instruere, et quia religiosus erat, bono con-
versationis exemplo potuisset informare.
3 Alcuin wrote to the king (Op. torn. i. vol.ii. p. 787) : Vestra
vero nulli contemnenda auctoritas nostrae devotion! mandavit,
contra novas haereticae pravitatis intentiones aliquid scribere, atque
libello respondere, quern contra nos Felix quidam episcopus ves-
trae direxit auctoritati.
Page 132.
1 Ep.68,p.96.
Page 133.
1 Ep.69. p. 97.
2 Alcuin writes, in March, 799, to his friend Arno (Ep.77.
p,113) : Jam Deo volente medio mense Majo apud regem cogito
esse, quia Laidradus, filius noster, adducere habet Felicem ilium,
cum quo nobis sermonis consentio est.
3 Adversus Felic. lib.i. p. 790.
Page 134.
1 Ibid. p. 793.
Page 135.
1 Alcuin writes regarding the disputation at Aix-la-chapelle,
(Ep.l76. p.238) : Cum Felice haeretico magnam contentionem
in praesentia Domini Regis et sanctorum Patrum habuimus, sed
ille diu obduratus nullius consentit auctoritatem, nisi suse sectator
sententiae, aestimans se sapientiorem omnibus esse in eo, quod
stultior fuit omnibus; sed divina dementia visitante cor illius no-
vissime, falsa opinionese seductum confessus est, et fidem Catholi-
cam se firmiter tenere fatebatur.
Page 136.
1 It is to be found Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 863, sqq.
2 Ibid. p. 868, sq. 3 Ibid. p. 860.
Page 137.
1 Alcuin himself gives a summary of their contents, 1. c. p. 861 :
Quibus illius vesaniae literulis brevi sermone duobus libellis re-
spondere curavi, evacuans veracissimis sanctorum patrum sensibus
omnes illius adsertiones atque interpretationes pravissimas. Ill is
quoque duobus libellis alios duos adjunxi piano sermone Catho-
licae fidei de Christo Deo veritatem testantes atque sanctorum
patrum testimoniis abuntantissime confirmantes.
Page 138.
1 Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici imp. cap. 7, says of Charlemagne :
Dominus Imperator nihil aliud ccepit agere, nisi in orationibus et
eleemosynis vacare et libros corrigere. Nam quatuor evangelia
Christi, quae intitulantur nomine Matthaei, Marci, Lucae et Johan-
nis in ultimo ante obitus sui diem cum Graecis et Syris optime
correxerat.
NOTES. 267
Page 139.
1 Baluz. Capit. regum Franc, t. i. p. 189.
2 Cap. iii. a. 789, N, 15. ap. Baluz. 1. c. p. 243.
Page 140.
1 Eccard. Comment, de Rebus Franc. Orient, t. i. p. 635. Cf.
ibid. p. 731.
Page 141.
1 Ep. 144, p. 205. 2 Monach. Sangall. lib. i. cap. 20.
3 Ep. 124, p. 180 : Sapienter interrogare docere est.
Page 142.
1 Baluz. Capit. t. i. p. 480.
Page 145.
1 Ep. 110, p. 161: Tantos non habet justitiae adjutores,
quantos etiam subversores, nee tantos praedicatores, quantos prse-
datores, quia plures sunt, qui sua desiderant, quam Dei.
2 Ep. 102, p. 152: Quod vero tua bona pro multorum salute
providentia suadendum mihi censuitdulcissimo meo David (that is
Charlemagne) de Missorum electione, qui discurrere jubentur ad
'justitias faciendas, scias certissime et hoc me saepius fecisse et suis
quoque suadere consiliariis. Sed, proh dolor! rari inveniuntur,
quorum firmata in Dei timore mens omnem respuat cupiditatem,
et via regia inter personas divitum et pauperum miserias pergere
velit, Salomone attestante : Munera exccecant corda prudentum et
subvertunt verba justorum. To this belongs (the above letter is
dated 801) Chron. Moissiac. ad a. 802: Piissimus Imperator noluit
pauperiores vassos suos transmittere ad justitias faciendas, sed
elegit Archiepiscopos et Abbates cum Ducibus et Comitibus, qui jam
opus non habeant t super innocentes munera accipere.
Page 146.
1 Baluz. Capit. t. i. p. 405: Quanto quis eorum amplius suam
normam servaverit et Deo servierit tanto eum plus honorare et
cariorem habere volumus.
2 Bolland. Acta Sanctorum, d. 28 Januar. p. 874, sqq. Even in
the last century the memory of Charlemagne was solemnly com-
memorated at Aix-la-Chapelle, which owed to his preference its
origin, splendour, and historical importance ; but it is surprising
that the life and actions of St. Charles were recited from the ac-
count given by the Pseudo Turpinus. Hist. Literaire de la France,
torn. iv. p. 375.
. Page 148.
1 Einhard. Vita Caroli M. cap. 29 : Item barbara et antiquissima
carmina, quibus veterum regum actus et bella canebantur, scripsit
et memoriae mandavit.
268 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Page 149.
1 Einhard. 1. c. Inchoavit et grammaticam patrii sermonis.
2 Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici Imp. cap. 19 : Poetica carmina
gentilia, quaa in juventute dedicerat, respuit, nee legere, nee
au dire, nee docere (doceri?) voluit. Although this passage may
refer to the poems of classical antiquity, and doubtless does partly
refer to them, as even Alcuin in his more advanced age laid aside
his former favourite, Virgil, and desired his pupils to form their
poetical taste and imagination upon the works of the Christian
poets, Sedulius, Juvencus, &c. instead of contaminating their minds
with the voluptuous eloquence of Maro, yet the expressions and
the nature of the subject relate also to the collection of natural
poems by Charlemagne.
Page 152.
1 Ep. 85. p. 126. See Exodus, xxxi. 2.
Page 153.
1 The Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 19, relates of Alcuin.
" In his youth the man of God had read the works of the ancient
philosophers, and the fictions of Virgil : but now (that is in his
more advanced life) he would neither read them himself, nor
suffer his pupils to do so. The sacred poets, he said, are sufficient
for you, you need not contaminate yourselves with the voluptuous
eloquence of Virgil."
Page 154.
1 Hist. Liter, de la France, torn. iv. p. 284. 2 Ep. 36.
3 Paulinus speaks of Alcuin with the highest respect. He sent
his book against Felix to the king, quatenus hoc nostrum licet
non pretiosum quodcunque tamen munusculum ad manus rever-
endissimi viri et in divinis rebus peritissimi et prseclari, Albini
scilicet, summae religionis prsecipui oratoris Vestri, mihique super
omnia flaventium favorum dulcissimi mella, urgentibus Vestris
citius venerandis imperiis deferatur. S. Paulini. Op. p. 168. ed.
Madris. Venet. 1737. fol.
Page 155.
1 Theodulph asserts that the Pope, from whose hands he had
received the pall, could alone deprive him of it.
Solius illud opus Romani praesulis exstat,
Cujus ego accepi pallia sancta manu.
Page 156.
1 The first twelve verses of his hymn, gloria, laus et honor tibi
sit, Rex Christe redemptor, were sung in France during the solemn
procession on Palm Sunday, until the time of the revolution, and
are, perhaps again sung on this occasion.
NOTES. 269
Page 157.
1 Anonym, cap. 9. N. 17.
2 Ep. 96, p. 144 146. The same subject is discussed some-
what more at length in the treatise de confessions peccatorum, Op.
tom.ii. p. 154 156. As in all the exhortations of Alcuin, the
language is beautiful and impressive; whilst the antitheses are
happy, and frequently unexpected.
Page 158.
1 In a report delivered by Leidrad to Charlemagne, it is said,
ap. Laun. De Scholis Celeb, p. 14: Habeo scholas cantorum, ex
quibus plerique ita sunt eruditi, ut alios etiam erudire possint.
Prseter haec vero habeo scholas Lectorum, non solum qui officiorum
lectionibus exercentur, sed etiam in divinorum librorum medi-
tatione spiritual is intelligentiae fructus consequuntur. In libris
quoque conscribendis in eadem ecclesia, in quantum potui,
elaboravi.
2 S. Agobardi Opera, ed. Baluz, 1666. 8. t. ii. p. 80.
Page 159.
1 A proof of Alcuin's confidence is afforded by his letters, (Ep.
92. p. 135), in which he speaks of a letter which he would have
been sorry to see in other hands ; Candidus tantum illam perle-
gebat mecum, et sic tradita est igni. Cf. Ep. 105, 109.
2 Onias, to whom the commentary is dedicated, in common
with Wizo and Fredegis, is too insignificant to merit particular
notice. We find only two notes addressed to him, amongst
Alcuin's letters, N. 227 and 228, p. 292, which contain nothing
but assurances of his affection and exhortations to live vir-
tuously.
Page 160.
1 Baluz. Miscell. t. ii. p. 403408.
Page 161.
1 Both the work of Agobard, at which Fredegis took offence,
as well as that in which Fredegis expressed the same, have perished,
and we are made acquainted with the controversy only through
Agobard's refutation, which is amongst his works. T. i. p. 165
-191.
Page 162.
1 Ep. 110. p. 161. Non est pontifex in hoc regno, cujus me
magis fidei crediderim, aut magis ehf^^Hutem optarem in domino
vel illius sancta consolatione frui*rel in loquela vel in literis de-
siderarem.
2 Arno caused more than 140 volumes to be transcribed at
Saltzburg. It is said of him, in a Necrolog. MS. Capituli. Metro-
polit. Salisb. ap. Froben., t.i. p.lxxxi: Cujus (sc. Arnonis) vitam
270 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Albinus magister Carol! per sua scripta plurima, quce hie apud nos
sunt, multum collaudat et extollit.
Page 163.
1 Nithard himself says, in his treatise, de dissensionibus filiorum
Lud. lib. iv. p. 107., of his father Angilbert, as follows: Fuit hie
vir ortus eo in tempore haud ignotse familiae. Madhelgaudus
enim et Richardus et hie ex una progenie fuere, et apud magnum
Carolum merito magni habebantur. Qui ex ejusdem magni regis
film nomine Berchta Harnidum, fratrem meum, et me. Nithardum
genuit. This fact is contradictory to the assertion of Einhard,
Vita Car. cap. 19, that the king was so much attached to his
daughters that he would never permit them to marry, lest he
should be deprived of their society. Nullum earum cuiquam aut
suorum aut exterorum nuptum dare voluit. Einhard adds, how-
ever, that although the princesses were not publicly married, they
had had intercourse with men, and enjoyed but an indifferent
reputation. The emperor, however, shut his eyes, and made it
appear that he knew nothing of it. We may, therefore, conclude
that Angilbert's marriage or connexion with Bertha was of this
description, as Einhard rather alludes to, than distinctly mentions
it. We may 'also easily discover in the story of Angilbert and
Bertha, the foundation of those fictitious tales of the love and
marriage of Einhard and Emma, a pretended daughter of Charle-
magne, with which the monks sought to amuse their leisure, or
confer honour upon their monastery.
2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 416 418.
3 Adelhard was first cousin to Charlemagne, as may be seen in
the following genealogical table:
Charles Martel.
| J
Pepin. Bernbard.
Charlemagne- | | j
Adelhard. YVala. Bernarius. Gundrada. Theodrada.
Page 165.
1 His life has been written by Paschasius Radbertus, a pupil
of Adelhard: Vita Adalhardi, abbatis Corbegensis in T. v. act.
SS. ord. S. Benedict*.
2 Hincmar. De Ordine Palatii et Regni.
3 Ep. 40. 181 and 182. The thirty-ninth letter of Alcuin,
which is likewise addressed to Damotas, has been unjustly sup-
posed not to have been written to Riculf; and because we find, p. 54,
sed valde sollicitus sum de itinere tuce profectionis in hostem, it has
been supposed to be directed to a soldier. But why should not
the Bishop of Mentz have accompanied the king once to the field
NOTES. 271
in his clerical capacity ? Alcuin's very anxiety on this occasion,
which is comprehensible when referred to an ecclesiastic, would
have been quite inapplicable to a warrior. Cf. Ep. 41.
Page 166.
1 The acts of this council are to be found in Sirmondi, Concil.
ant. Galliae. t. ii. p. 274276.
Page 167.
1 See Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 329.
Page 168.
1 Alcuin writes thus in the one hundred and eightieth letter,
which is addressed, ad filios apud Dominum Imperatorem in palatio
commorantes, p. 242 : O quam felix dies fuit, quando in laboribus
nostris pariter lusimus literaliter seria. Sed nunc omnia mutata
sunt. Remansit senior, alios generans filios, priores disperses
gemens.
2 Ep. 85. p. 126.
Page 169.
1 These are Alcuin's own words in the letter to Charlemagne,
from which we have quoted.
2 See p. 54.
Page 171.
1 See Mabillon. Diplom, lib.i. cap.xi., and the first plates to
the fifth book.
2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 20.
Page 172.
1 In the twenty-third letter, in which Alcuin replies to the
questions proposed to him by Angilbert in the name of the king,
respecting the gender of rubus, and the distinction between the
prefixes de, dis, and, des, we find, p. 33, Miror, cur Flaccinae
pigritiae socordiam septiplicis sapientiae decus, dulcissimus meus
David, interrogare voluisset de quaestionibus palatinis, emeritae
que nomen militiae in castra revocare pugnantia, ut tumultuosas
militum mentes sedaret, dum secularis liieraturce libri et eccle-
siastics solidltatis sapienlia, sicut justum est, apud Vos inveni-
untur, in quibus ad omnia, quae quaeruntur, verae inveniri possunt
responsiones.
2 Murator. Antiq. t. iii. p. 835.
Page 173.
1 Ep. 3. Cf. Alcuin. Carm. N. 250.
2 Tritthemius says in Chron. Hirsaug. according to Meginfred of
Rabanus: Eum docendi modum, quern ab Albino didicerat, etiam
apud Fuldenses monachos inviolabilem servarejubetur. Qui mox,
ut docendi subivit officium, per omnia curavit Albinum scqui et imitari
maaistrum. ut juniores videlicet monachos primum doceret in gram-
272 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
maticis, et cum apti viderentur ad majora gravioribus etiam fir-
maret institutis.
Page 174.
1 Alcuin mentions him in the hundred and forty third letter.
2 In a letter of recommendation which Alcuin wrote to Arno, Ep.
76. p. 112. he says: Benefac, obsecro, Mago naeo nigro ; erit enim
utilis in domo Dei. Semper cum nobis fuit, bonam habuit volun-
tatem et humilitatem, seu in servitio Dei, seu etiam in lectionis
studio. Cf. Ep.89. in which, besides Adelbert, Aldrich also (Adhel-
ricus Levita) is named.
Page 176.
1 Phil. Labbei Biblioth. novaMSS. librorum. tom.ii. p. 158 195.
The Emperor Louis is said to have lent the author, for the prosecu-
tion of his work, a copiam librorum from the court library. Hist.
Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 223.
2 Amalarii de Officiis Eccles. libri iv. in bibl. pp. t.xiv. p. 934
1032.
Page 177.
1 Ann. Loisel. ad a. 799.
2 De Virtutibus et Vitiis Liber ad Widonem Comitem.
Page 178.
1 Alcuin de Virtut. et Vitiis. cap. 10.
Page 180.
1 De Virtut. et Vitiis. cap. 31.
2 The Hist. Literaire de la France, t. iv. 315. furnishes several ex-
amples of the estimation in which this treatise of Alcuin's was held,
and of its general use.
Page. 181.
1 De Animae Ratione. Op. t.ii. p. 146 153.
2 See above p. 27 28-
Page 183.
1. De Anim. Rat. N. x. p. 149: Anima est, dum vivificat; dum
contemplatur, spiritus est ; dum sentit, sensus est ; dum sapit,
animus est ; dum intelligit, mens est ; dum discernit, ratio est ; dum
consentit, voluntas est ; dum recordatur, memoria est.
Page 185.
1 This manuscript was formerly in the Thuanian library. See
Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 339.
Page 187.
1 Alcuin says, in his dedication to the Abbot Rado, Op. tom.ii. p.
163. Vitam sancti Vedasti, patris vestri et intercessoris nostri, emen-
dare studui. As to the ancient biographies, which Alcuin, as^he
says, improved, but which he, in fact, entirely recomposed, see
Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iii. p. 409.
2 In the preface to this biography ad Carolum Imp. we read
NOTES. 273
p. i75. Dumque In iis, qua rogabant, praenotandis jam jamque
animos applicarem, repente Vestrae pietatis nuntio sum prae-
ventus, uti ea qucs tractabam, sic notarem, sicut revera sapientice ves-
trce auribus infer enda.
3 These biographies are to be found in the collection of Alcuin's
works, t. ii. p. 158. sq.
Page 189.
1 N. ccxlviii. t. ii. p. 233.
Prcesul amate precor, hac tu diverte viator,
Sis memor Albini ut, prcesul amate precor.
O mea cara domus, habitatio dulcis amata,
Sis felix semper, O mea cara domus.
Amongst this play upon words may be included the troublesome
attempt, which was at this time becoming common, to begin the
verses with letters, which when joined together, formed a word
significant of the contents of the whole. Ingenuity endeavoured
to supply the deficiency of poetical talent.
2 De Rerum Humanarumic Vissitudine et Clade Lindisfarnensis
Monasterii.
Page 190.
1 De Rerum Hum. Viciss. vs. 11 26.
Nil manet asternum celso sub cardine coeli,
Omnia vertuntur temporibus variis.
Una dies ridet, casus eras altera planget,
Nil fixum faciet tessera laetatibi.
Prospera conturbat sors tristibus impia semper,
Alternis vicibus ut redit unda maris.
Nunc micat alma dies, veniet nox atra tenebris,
Ver floret gemmis, hiems ferit hocque decus.
Siderium stellis culmen depingitur almis,
Quas nubes rapiunt imbriferae subito.
Et sol ipse die media subducitur ardens,
Cum tonat undosi auster de vertice poli.
Saepius excelsos feriunt ut fulgura montes,
Summaque silvarum flamma ferire solet,
Sic major magnis subito saepissime rebus
Eveniet casu forte ruina malo.
9Ud)t$ bteibt erc>ig fyier untet bem tyotyen immel$gett>6lfce/
@S flerdnbert bie gorm tflleS im SBecfyfei ber 3eit.
(5 1 n Sag Iddjelt, ber anberc Sfliorgen bellagt fdjon ba$
(Sin gelungener Sffiurf feffelt ba6 G>Hucf ntd)t an bid).
Smmer ft&rt ba tjerbe efd)id mit Srauer bie greube/
?G5ie bie SBoge beg S^eerg ferret im wedtfelnben trom.
274 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Qldnjt Better ber Sag, balb nafyt bic ftnjtere 9lad)t fid),
(3d)5n tft tie SSlutfoe im Sens/ rceldje ber Winter jerftort.
$errlid) bemafylt tft bag ^tmmelsgewolb wit gldn&enben (Sternen
S03eld)e ein SRegengero&l! plo^lid) ben 2Cugen entjtefyt.
@clbjl Me glufyenbe onne wtrb mitten am Sage t)eubun!ett/
SOBenn \)on bem wdffrigen ^)ot fturmenb ber TCufter erbrauft,
5BSie am fyaufigjten trifft ber SSerge (Spleen ber S3li||tra^l/
Unb ba6 geuer be6 SSjalbg SSipfel oerje^renb ergretft/
(So am Sfterften brtdf)t a,erab' uber ben blu^enbjten
etn b6fe efd)ic! graufeg SSevberben
191.
1 Ibid. vs. 8388.
Talia cur, Jesus, fieri permittis in orbe.
Judicio occulto, non ego scire queo.
Alia vita tuis servatur in arce polorum,
Qua pax alma viget, praelia nulla fiunt.
Aurum flamma probat, justos tentatio mundat,
Purior utque anima sidera celsa petat.
Saturn/ @ott, bu ertaubjt/ ba^ fold&es auf (Srben
tferborgenem 9^at^, weifj id) alS @terblicf)cr ntd)t.
id^ it)etf/ bte Setnen ent>artet etn anbereg Seben/
o ber grtebe regtert/ bluttger f)aber oerftummt.
burd) geuer bag olb wirb burc^ ^rufung ber ut
geldutert/
um fo reiner fetn ctft ^tmmlifdfje vg)6^)en erlltmmt."
Pag-e 192.
1 Ibid. vs. 99 108.
Qui jacet in lecto, quondam certabat in agris
Cum cervis, quoniam fessa senectus adest.
Qui olim Sirano laetus recubabat in ostro,
Vix panno veteri frigida membra tegit.
Longa dies oculos atra caligine claudit,
Solivagos atomos quae numerare solet.
Dextera, quae gladios, quag fortia tela vibrabat,
Nunc tremit, atque ori porrigit a?gre cibum.
Clarior ecce tuba subito vox faucibus haesit,
Auribus appositis murmura lausa ciet.
28er auf bem SRufybett Uegt, t>on be TCtterg ?Dlube gefeffelt<
Mmpft' in gelbern unb ?55alb etnft mit bem f(ud)tigen S^e
NOTES. 276
einft frofyUd) unb bunt fid) in fyrtfdjen ^purpur gefletbet/
betft ein alteS ercanb btefem ben gttternben etb.
2uge, geroofynt bte (Sonnenftdubdjen &u jdfylen,
im 2Cltet bercinft bunfele gtnfternifj ein.
>iefe ^>anb/ bte eftemalS ba$ djroert unb ben mutfyigen
SSebt jefct unb gittert/ unb !aum bringt fte bte @petfc gum
feller er!tang einft^ al ber Srompete (5>efd)metter/ bte (Sttmme,
te ins 9endt)erie )fyr (eifeg eflufter nut t)aud)t"
2 So, to give one more specimen only, he says of those who
were slain in the attack upon the monastery,
Hos puta quapropter nobis non esse gemendos,
Quos melior coelo vita sibi rapuit.
Desine quapropter lachrymis hos plangere, praesul,
Quos sibi perpetuo Christus habet socios,
Teque magis facias tota virtute paratum,
Ut quo pervenias tristia nulla fiant.
3 This poem has been attributed to another author, but Alcuin
refers to himself as having composed it. For, speaking of Arch-
bishop Aelbert, he mentions, that he resigned the aichiepiscopa
see toEanbald, one of his pupils :
Tradidit ast alio caras super omnia gazas
Librorum nato, patri qui semper adhaesit,
Doctrinse sitiens haurire fluenta suetus.
Cujus si curas proprium cognoscere nomen,
Fronte sua statim prasentia carmina prodent.
The alms who obtained the superintendence of the library, is
no other than Alcuin the composer of the poem, whose name might
be read on the title-page.
4 The passage wherein he commends the learning of Aelbert is
in itself interesting, and may serve as a proof:
Ille ubi diversis sitientia corda fluentis
Doctrinae et vario studiorum rore rigabat :
His dans grammaticse rationes gnaviter artes,
Illis rhetoricae infundens refluamina linguae.
Illos juridica curavit cote polire,
Illos Aoniodocuit concinnere cantu,
Castalida instituens alios resonare cicuta,
Et juga Parnassi lyricis percurrere plantis.
Ast alios fecit praefatus nosse magister
Harmoniam cceli, solis lunaeque labores,
Quinque poli zonas, errantia sidera septem,
Astrorum leges, ortus simulatque recessus,
T 2
276 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Aerios motus pelagi, terraeque tremorem,
Naturas hominum, pecudum volucrumque ferarum,
Diversas numeri species, variasque figuras.
Paschalique dedit solemnia certa recursu,
Maxime scripturae pandens mysteria sacrae ;
Nam rudis et veteris legis patefecit abyssum.
Page 193.
1 The opinion that Alcuin was the author of this poem, has
been so long adhered to, in consequence of its seeming to confirm
the idea, that he had written something concerning the life and
history of Charlemagne, either in prose or verse. This is a
striking example of a custom, which has so long prevailed, but
which it is to be hoped, has been given up, namely, to search after,
and frequently to produce most unfairly, a proof and foundation
for every thing that an ancient author has uttered. The descrip-
tion of the meeting of the king and the Pope, will afford a specimen
of the general tone of the poem. Poema de Carolo, M. et Leonis
Papae ad eundem adventu, vs. 487, sq. in Alcuin. Op. t. ii.
p. 455:
Jam pater in campo Carolus videt agmina aperto,
Pippinum et summum Pastorem tendere contra.
Constat et inque modum populum exspectare coronas
Praecipit, atque aciem hine dividet urbis ad instar.
Ipse autem medio consistere in orbe beatus
Praesulis adventum exspectans, et vertice toto
Altior est sociis, populum supereminet omnem.
Jam Leo Papa subit que externo se agmini miscet.
Quam varias habitu, lingua, tarn vestis et armis
Miratur gentes, diversis partibus orbis.
Extemplo properans Carolus venerantur adorat
Pontificem amplectens magnum, et placida oscula libat.
Inque vicem dextras jungunt, pariterque feruntur
Gressibus, et multo miscentes verba favore.
Ante sacerdotem ter summum exercitus omnis
Sternitur, et supplex vulgus ter fusus adorat,
Pro populoque preces ter fundit pectore praesul.
Page 194.
1 See above, p.
Page 196.
1 Nothing tended so much to retard the perfect development of
the Romish hierarchy, as the circumstance of the election of a
Pope being dependant upon the party interest of Roman families ;
and nothing has promoted it so much as the successful introduc-
tion, in the eleventh century under the influence of Hildebrand,
of a mode of election which abolished this dependence.
NOTES. 277
2 How did it otherwise happen that Alcuin addressed a special
letter of congratulation to Leo III. in which he designates the
Pope the true successor of the Apostles, him upon whom the
spirit of the fathers had descended (hares Patrum}, the head of
the church, and the nourisher of the one immaculate dove ?
Page 197.
1 Du Chesne Script. Rer. Franc, t. ii. p. 685.
2 It was thus that Alcuin regarded the accusations which had
been brought against the Pope. He writes to his friend Arno,
Ep. 92, p. 134 : Intelligo, multos esse aemulatores ejusdem praedicti
Domni Apostolici, deponere eum subdola suggestione, crimina
adulterii velperjurii illi imponere qu&rentes.
Page 198.
1 Einhard, in the Annals, ad a. 799, doubts the fact : ut ali-
quibus visum est. Theophanes, in the Chronography, says most
distinctly, that the ruffians did intend to put out the eyes of the
Pope, but that they were moved by compassion to spare him :
Ov H&VTOI rfd
avrv QiXavSpwTrwv OVTWV /ecu (j)eKra^ievwv avr<$.
2 Ep. 93, p. 138 : Decet omnem populum Christianum in^hac
dementia divinae protectionis gaudere et laudare nomen sanctum
Dei nostri, qui nunquam deserit sperantes in se, qui impias com-
pescuit manus a pravo voluntatis effectu, volentes caecatis
mentibus lumen suum extinguere et se ipsos impio consilio proprio
privare capite.
Page 199.
1 Ep. 80, p. 117.
Page 200.
1 Ep. 92, p. 134, sq. Alcuin says of Arno's letters : Epistola
qu&rimonias quasdam habuit de moribus Apostolici. Sed quia ego
nolui, ut in alterius manus pervenisset epistola, Candidus tantum
illam perlegebat mecum, et sic tradita est igni, ne quid scandali
oriri potuisset, propter negligentiam cartulas meas servantis .
2 Ep. 92 : Tu vero, fili votorum meorum, labora pro summi
Pastoris incolumitate, pro sanctse sedis auctoritate, pro catho-
licae fidei integritate, ne lupinis morsibus pastorum pastor pateat.
He adds, that he would assist the efforts of Arno with his tears,
that is, with his prayers and letters.
3 Ibidem : Quis potest immunis esse in ecclesia Christi pastor,
si ille a malefactoribus dejicitur, qui caput est ecclesiarum
Christi ? Suo domino stabit aut cadet.
Page 201.
1 Memini, he says in the letter already quoted, melegisse quon-
dam, si rite recorder, in canonibus beati Silvestri, non minus
278 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN-
LXXII. testibus Pontificem accusandum esse et judiciopraesentari;
et ut illorum tails vita esset, ut potuissent contra talem auctori-
tatem stare. Insuper et in aliis legebam Canonibus, Apostolicam
sedem judiciariam esse, non judicandam.
2 Responderem pro es, si ex latere ejus stetissem : Qui sine
peccato est vestrum, primus in ilium lapidem mittat. Ev. St.
Johannis, viii. 7.
3 After the passages quoted above, he writes to Archbishop
Arno. Haec omnia et multa plura his cogitavi per epistoias meas
demandari illi (Charlemagne) propter ejus catholicam caritatem.
Page 202.
If the monk of St. Gallen is to be believed, the Pope must have
sought the assistance of the Byzantine emperor, before he applied
to the French king. But his account, lib. i. cap. 28, is replete
with errors, and altogether improbable ; it only proves the current
opinion of the ninth century to have been, that the Pope trans-
ferred the imperial dignity to the king, because he had afforded
him the support which the Byzantine emperors had refused.
Page 203.
1 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 800 : Carolus Turonis ad sanctum
Martinum orationis causa pervenit. Moratus est ibi dies aliquot
propter adversam domnse Luitgardae conjugis valetudinem, quae
ibidem defuncta et humata est.
2 In the first consolatory epistle, Ep. 90, p. 132, he pursues the
thought, that true life commences with death : Nascimur, ut moria-
mur, morimur, ut vivamus. Numquid non felicior est vitae
ingressus, quam mortis? In a second letter, Ep. 91, p. 132, he
endeavours to comfort the king by telling him that we must all
submit to the just judgment of God: Placeant nobis judicial
Dei. Justus est Dominus et recta judicia ejus.
Page 204.
1 Ep. 93, p. 137, sq. The king wrote to Alcuin to desire, in
case he would not accompany him himself, that he would send
some of his pupils, qui (these are the king's own words) te quies-
cente pro te tua munera inire valent.
2 Ep.cit.p. 137: Quidquidvero deillis (Paschalis, Campulus, and
the rest of Leo's enemies) agendum sit, vestra cautissima conside-
rare habet sapientia, quae optime novit, quid cuique conveniat
personae et quid cui sit facto retribuendum, vel quomodo ille pius
Pastor, divina ab inimicorum manibus liberatus protectione, securus
in sua sede Deo Christo deservire valeat.
Page 205.
1 Anastas.in Vita Leon.iii. ap. Du Chesne. Script. Rer. Franc,
tom.ii, p. 219.
NOTES. 279
Page 206.
1 Einhard in Vit.Caroli, cap. 28, mentions this expression, which
there can be no doubt Charlemagne used : Quod primum in tan-
turn aversatus est, ut affirmaret, se eo die, quamvis praecipua esset
festivitas, ecclesiam non intraturum fuisse, si praescire potuisset
Pontificis consilium.
Page 207.
1 Vers.de Carol. M. Imp. ap. Du Chesne, tom.ii. p. 200.
'EvrtvSev afiEifiouevoQ rov KdpovXov 6 Atwi/
'AitayoptvEi KpaTopa riiq TraXttTepaQ 'Piburjg.
Theophanes Chronogr.ibid.p. 192, also expresses himself thus, and
says explicitly, that Rome now first fell under the dominion of the
French: yvo/i?'?je TIJQ 'Puprjg air tKtivov icdipov VTTO rr\v
tZovViav T&V 3>pdyyiov.
Page 208.
1 Baluz. Capit.t.i. p-365: ut omnis homo in toto regno suo, qui
antea fidelitatem sibi Regis nomine promisisset, nunc ipsum pro-
missum hominis Ccesari faciat.
2 Ep. 185. p. 248 : Epistolam vero parvitatis meaecum sanctissimo
divinae scripturae munere die natali Domini et verbis salutationis
pacificis redde Domino meo David, cui tantas grates et laudes agi-
mus pro omnibus bonis, quae mihi meisque filiis faciebat, quantas
habet liber ille syllabas et tantas a Deo dari benedictiones illi op-
tamus, quantae in eo literae leguntur scriptae.
Page 209.
1 Ep. 103, p. 153. The expression is: ad splendorem imperialis
potentiae.
2 Anastasius. in the passage quoted above, enumerates separately
the presents which were partly procured by the rich booty that
Charlemagne had taken from the Avari in the war which was
lately concluded : diversa vasa ex auro purissimo, coronam au-
ream cum gemmis majoribus, patinam auream majorem cum
gemmis diversis then three golden goblets, one ornamented with
precious stones, the others without, besides many costly articles
of silver,
Page 210.
1 Charles, however, always regarded his dignity as a Renovatio
Imperil Romani, and was so anxious that it should appear in this
light, that he was not satisfied with the title of Imperator; but, in
order to avoid every misconception, frequently subjoined, Roma-
norum Gubernans Imperium. He likewise caused his public docu-
ments to be prepared according to the Roman imperial form, and
although no indiction existed in the French kingdom, still he con-
stantly added the number of the indiction to the date. li was an
unfortunate circumstance, and one that has been productive of much
280 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
perplexityand error, that not only Charles, but many of his succes-
sors also, entertained of their imperial dignity an idea which wa s
irreconcilable with the existing state of society.
2 Einhard, in his life of Charlemagne, cap. 15, says, however, that
these kings also acknowledged a species of dependence upon
Charlemagne : Adeo Adefonsum, Gallicae atque Asturicaeregem so-
cietate sibi devinxit, ut is, cum ad eum litteras vel legates mitteret,
non aliter se apud ilium, quam proprium suum appellari juberet.
Scotorum quoque reges sic habuit ad suam voluntatem et suam
munificentiam inclinatos, ut eum nunquam aliter } quam dominum,
seque subditos ac servos pronunciarent.
Page 212.
1 Alcuin, in his Ep. 178, p. 240, congratulates the younger Charles
on this coronation. Anastasius, the only other writer who men-
tions this fact, says: Pontifex unxit oleo sancto Carolum et
excellentissimum filium ejus regem, by which we are not to un-
derstand that the Pope anointed the illustrious son of Charles, king
(for the younger Charles had long enjoyed that dignity) ; but
Anastasius means to say that Leo anointed the son of Charlemagne,
who was already king and for what other purpose, than that of
thereby designating him his father's successor in the imperial
dignity?
2 Thegan. de Gest. Ludew. Pii, cap. 6.
Page 214.
1 Ep. 101, p. 150: Beata gens, cui divina dementia tarn pium
et prudentem praevidebat rectorem. Felix populus, qui a sapiente
et pio regitur Principe, sicut in illo Platonico legitur proverbio,
dicentis : felicia esse regna, si philosophi, id est amatores sapien-
tise, regnarent, vel reges philosophise studerent, quia nihil in hoc
inundo sapientise compari poterit.
J>age 215.
1 Ibid, p.151.
Page 216.
1 We are informed by Einhard in his Vit. Caroli M. cap. 18,
that after the death of Luitgard, Charlemagne had three mistresses,
by whom he had sons and daughters.
Page 217.
1 Theophan Chronogr. ap. Du Chesne, Per. Franc, t. i. p. 198.
*E(j)$raffav dk bi cnroGTaXkvTiQ Trapa Tapov\ov KCLL TOV HCLTTCI
A.SOVTOQ TTpoQ TTfV EtjO^vjjv, aiTOVjjLkvoi ^tvySiivai avrr)V rep
KapouXy irpbg ya/jov, /cat kv&aai ra cam KO.I ra iffTrspia' rjri^
fffv av, ft ft?) 'Aeriog EKwXucrc Trapaduvavrfvwv KCti TO
tig TOV 'idiov ddetybv
NOTES. 281
Page 218.
1 Ep. 106, p. 2. 157. 2 Ep. 104, p. 154.
Page 219.
1 Alcuin appears to have interested himself personally for Duke
Grimoald III. of Beneventum. Grimoald had resided for some
time as a hostage at the court of Charlemagne, where he probably
enjoyed the advantage of Alcuin' s instruction, and gained his affec-
tion. Charlemagne himself was so much attached to the young
Lombard, that on the death of his father, he bestowed upon him
the vacant dukedom. Grimoald at first remained faithful to
Charlemagne, and supported the French against the Greeks and
his own relations ; but, in time, the impression which Charles'
personal kindness had made, wore away ; he assumed an inde-
pendent position, in which he was supported by the Greeks.
Page 220.
1 Concursus fuit in civitate subito mendicorum ex omini parte,
suum parati defensorem defendere, says Alcuin. without mention-
ing the participation of the monks ; but there can be no question
that they were concerned in the affray. In the neighbourhood of
monasteries, the people, especially the mass of the poor, are
obedient instruments, and form, in a certain degree, a standing
army.
2 Ep. 118 ad Candidum et Nathanaelem.
Page 221.
1 Alcuin says of the delegate : Quos volebat, flagellavit ; quos
volebat, in catenam misit ; quos volebat, jurare fecit ; quos placuit,
vocavit ad Vestram praesentiam.
2 Ep. 195, p. 260. sq.
Page 224.
1 Ep. 119, p. 175.
2 His report to Charlemagne has been already quoted ; his
anonymous biographer speaks in the following terms of his en-
deavours to amend the lives of the monks and of his success :
Vitam subjectorum, quantum valuit, corrigere studuit, ac quos
indomitos accepit rationabiles honestisque moribus ut essent
fategit.
Page 225.
1 Ep. 120, p. 176, Alcuin writes to Arno: Direxi hoc animal
vitulum Encheridion meum, ut adjuves ilium et eripias eum de
manibus inimicorum suorum, et adjuva, quantum valeas, quia
venerabilis episcopus multum ardet super nos, id est, Theodulfus.
It is evident that the priest who had escaped from Orleans, is here
meant.
282 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
Page 226.
1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. xv., N. 29 : Eadem vero nocte
super ecclesiam sancti Martini ingestimabilis visa est splendoris
claritas in tantum, ut putaretur a longe positis tota igne cremari.
Quibusdam denique per totam illam noctem ipse splendor visus
est, nonnullis tribus apparuit vicibus. Aurora autem surgente
globus ille jam amplissimus super eum venisse locum visus est,
quo Alcuinus jacebat, animaque ejus egrediente ccelum penetrasse
testatus est siquidem Josephus Archiepiscopus per totem noctem
et ab eo a suis visum fuisse. Testantur multi et nunc corpore
valentes.
2 Ibid. N. 30.
Page 221.
1 The epitaph in the original is as follows :
Hie, rogo, pauxillum veniens subsiste viator,
Et mea scrutare pectore dicta tuo ;
Ut tua deque meis agnoscas fata figuris,
Vertitur en species, ut mea, sicque tua.
Quod nunc es, fueram, famosus in orbe viator,
Et quod nunc ego sum, tuque futurus eris.
Delicias mundi casso sectabar amore ;
Nunc cinis et pulvis, vermibus atque cibus.
Quapropter potius animam curare memento,
Quam carnem, quoniam haec manet, ilia perit.
Cur tibi rura paras ? Quam parvo cernis in antro
Me tenet hie requies, sic tua parva fiet.
Cur Tyrio corpus inhias vestirier ostro,
Quod mox esuriens pulvere vermis edet ?
Ut flores pereunt vento veniente minaci,
Sit tua namque caro, gloria tota perit.
Tu mini redde vicem lector, rogo carminis hujus
Et die : Da veniam, Christe, tuo famulo.
Obsecro nulla manus violet pia jura sepulcri,
Personat angelica donee ab arce tuba :
Qui jaces in tumulo, terrae de pulvere surge,
Magnus adest judex millibus innumeris.
Alchwin nomen erat Sophiam mihi semper amanti,
Pro quo funde preces mente, legens titulum.
2 Hie requiescit beatae memoriae Domnus Alchwinus abbas,
qui obiit in pace xiv Kalendas Junias. Quando legeretis, o Vos
omnes, orate pro eo et dicite : Requiem seternam donet ei Do-
minus.
3 Anonym, cap. xiii., N. 25. It is amusing to learn from, this
author, the mode in which the devil was represented at that
NOTES. 283
period. He appeared to him homo quasi magnus, nigerrimus ac
deformis barbatusque blasphemiae in eum aggerens jacula. Quid,
inquit, hypocrita agis, Alchuine ? Cur coram hominibus justum te
videri conaris, cum deceptor sis magnusque simulator? Tu putas
his tuis fictionibus acceptabilem posse te habere Christum ? The
evil spirit is driven away by a prayer.
Page 23 1 .
1 . It is in this view that the History of Charlemagne should be
viewed. He is the master-spirit of the Carlovingian period. That
which his predecessors commenced, half completed, or only pro-
jected, he erected into a solid edifice, in which his successors lived
in ease and pleasure, like thoughtless children, in a well ordered
house, which has been left them by a prudent father. They spend
their days without reflecting that the stores must be exhausted,
and that without occasional repairs, the house must decay. How
well Charles understood his duty, is proved by the following ac-
count in Einhard's Vita Car. M. cap. 29 : Cummulta adverteret
legibus populi sui deesse (nam Franci duas habent leges in pluri-
mis locis valde diversas) , cogitavit qua deerant adders et discre-
pantia unire, prava quoque ac perperam prolata corrigere.
Page 234.
1 This picture is prefixed to the edition of Alcuin's works,
published by Frobenius.
2 The Anonymus Vit. Alcuin, cap. viii. N. 14, cannot suffici-
ently extol the rigour with which Alcuin practised monkish dis-
cipline, and commends his hero for the abstinence to which he
submitted, and for the castigations, whereby, as he expresses it,
he glorified human nature.
Page 235.
1 Ep. 127. p. 190.
2 He founds this on the Epistle to the Hebrews, chap.xii, v. 17.,
wherein it is said that Esau, when he wished to inherit the blessing,
was rejected. Alcuin understood this clearly to mean, that Esau,
as the first born, had peculiarly the lawful claim to the blessing;
but his younger brother, having, as it were by a testamentary
disposition of his father, already obtained it, Esau's right was
annihilated. According to this passage of the Bible therefore, he
concludes a will must be valid, even if it should prejudice the
rights of others.
2 Exodus xxi. 17.
Page 236.
1 Letters upon the Education of Mankind. Letter 22.
2 Alcuin's letters are so full of allusions to the classic poets,
that the example of his early life is in contradiction to the precepts
284 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN.
of his more advanced years. In a letter to Angilbert (Ep. 22.
p. 31) who was then residing in Rome, and whom he requests to
bring some relics from that city, he quotes a verse from Ovid's
Ars Amandi. Strange as it may seem, that a man, who could quote
a frivolous poem when speaking upon a subject so serious and
sacred as relics were to him, should prohibit the reading of the
poets, still it is one of the inconsistencies belonging to his
character.
Page 237.
1 Ep. 67. p. 91. Quod vero in fine familiariter me admonere
curastis, ut, si quid humiliter emendandum sit, corrigatur, nun-
quam fui, Deo donante, in error e meo pertinax, nee de meis con-
fidens sensibus, nee talis, ut meliori sententice facile adquiescere
non valerem, sciens f dictum esse : scepius auribus quam lingua
utendum.
Page 238.
1 The object, that of restraining his pupils from unlawful pur-
suits, may have excused in his eyes the means, in themselves by
no means commendable, by which he sought to attain it.
2 Sigulf Vetulus is here alluded to, from whom the anonymous
writer received all that he has related to us of the circumstances
of Alcuin' s life.
Page 239.
1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. viii. N. 15 and 16.
Page 240.
1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin. cap. ix. N. 17.
2 See Histoire Literaire de la France, t.iv. p. 300. His memory
is not commemorated by any festival of the church, not even in
the monastery of St. Martin.
Page 243.
1 Ep.66. p. 89. Si hoc verum fore scitis, venite, adsistite, au-
dite et pariter in Domino in pratis vernantibus varietate florum
Scripturarum jucundantes delectemur.
2 Ep.67.p.9l. Sciatmisericordiavestra quod haec beatitude, quam
laudaverat regina Austri, non fuit in terra Philistinorum, sed in
Hierusalem, i. e. in visione pads. Ideo supplex deprecor, ut liceat
Flacco tuo ad hanc beatitudinem in terra pads et laetitise pervenire,
non in terra dissensionis et belli. Quid valet infirmitas Flacci
inter arma ? quid inter apros lepusculus ? quid inter leones agni-
culus in pace nutritus, educatus, non in praeliis versatus ?
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LD 21A-50m-4,'60
(A9562slO)476B
General L; f
Uniremty of C.
Berkeley
U. C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
