,
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A LIFE
ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER,
FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.
16211683.
W. D. CHRISTIE, M.A.,
FORMERLY HER MAJESTY'S MINISTER TO THE ARGENTINE CONFEDERATIO1
AND TO BRAZIL.
TWO VOLUMES.
vo,, ^ )(|
r
fortiori anb $J.efo JJ0rk :
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1871.
[The Right of Translation and Reproduction is reserved.]
,/
A LIFE
OF
ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER,
FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.
VOL. I.
TO THE
(Sari of Slraftelrarg, |t.<S,
THIS LIFE OP HIS
CELEBRATED AND MUCH MALIGNED ANCESTOR
|s Inscribed,
IN ACKNOWLEDGMENT OP
AID KINDLY GIVEN FOR THE WORK,
AND AS A
MARK OF PERSONAL RESPECT.
a 2
PREFACE.
I PUBLISHED, some twelve years ago, a volume of papers
illustrating Shaftesbury's Life to the Eestoration, then
intending to make a second similar volume with the
papers which I had collected for the remaining and
more important portion of his life. Several causes
delayed the prosecution of the second volume ; and I
ultimately judged it better to relinquish it, and to
prepare from the materials which I had acquired a
connected biography of Shaftesbury. The first volume
of this work contains, either incorporated into the nar-
rative or inserted in the Appendices, all the important
materials of the volume of 1859. 1 The remainder of
this work, after Chapter VIII. of the first volume, is
entirely new.
The original materials for this Life of Shaftesbury
have been chiefly derived from the following sources :
1. The papers preserved at St. Giles's, to which the pre-
sent Lord Shaftesbury has given me access. 2. The
Locke papers in possession of the Earl of Lovelace.
1 " Memoirs, Letters, and Speeches of A. A. Cooper, first Earl of
Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor, with other Papers illustrating his Life.
Edited by "W. D. Christie." London, 1859.
-X PREFACE.
3. The papers of Mr. Thynne, afterwards Viscount
Weymouth, nephew of Shaftesbury's first wife and of
Sir William and Henry Coventry, and cousin of Lord
Halifax, which are at the Marquis of Bath's seat at
Longleat. 4. The Archives of the French Foreign
Office. 5. The Domestic Papers of Charles the Second's
Reign, in our State Paper Office.
I have also found much material, hitherto unworked
for the study of Shaftesbury's character and career, in
the large collection of Diaries, Correspondence, and
Biographies of Shaftesbury's time published in the
present century. Truth is gleaned, and new light
obtained, from casual notices in such works as the
Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn, the Eawdon Papers,
and the Diary and Correspondence of Henry Sidney,
afterwards Earl of Eomney.
The reader will see by my references in notes what
great aid I have derived from the valuable work of M.
Mignet, founded on the documents in the Archives of
the Foreign Office in Paris, on the negotiations relative
to the succession to the Spanish throne in the reign
of Louis XIV., beginning with the Pyrenean treaty and
Louis's marriage with Maria Theresa of Spain and end-
ing with the treaty of Mmeguen and the marriage of
Charles II. of Spain with Marie Louise, niece of Louis
XIV. 1 In this work M. Mignet has minutely traced the
1 " Negotiations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne sous Louis XIV. ;
ou Correspondances, Mehioires, et Actes diplomatiques concernant les
Pretentious et 1'Avenement de la Maison de Bourbon au Trone d'Espagne,
nccompagnes d'un Texte historique, et precedes d'une Introduction. Par
M. Mignet, Membre de 1'Institut, &c." 4 tomes 4to. Paris, 1835.
PREFACE. XI
negotiations and intrigues between England and France
from the beginning of the reign of Charles the Second
to the Peace of Mmeguen of 1678, and has given to the
world a large important addition to the valuable mate-
rials for the history of England in Charles the Second's
reign, which were published in the last century by Sir
-John Dalrymple. 1 It is surprising that this im-
portant work of M. Mignet has been so little noticed and
known in England. Its great size, and its being part
of a very voluminous series of government publica-
tions of original documents on the history of France,
have probably stood in the way of general circulation.
But there are few histories which equal this bulky
work in attractiveness, for the documents are arranged
with exquisite skill and connected by a commentary
displaying all the graces of M. Mignet's charming
style.
I may mention that I have myself carefully examined
in the French Foreign Office the despatches of the
French Ambassadors in England for the years 1659
to 1665, 1669, 1672 to 1674, and 1679 to 1681.
When engaged in examining them, in the year
1850, seeing the immense bulk of the correspondence,
and finding it impossible to attempt to go carefully
through the whole, I suggested to Lord Palmerston,
then at the head of the Foreign Office, that it might
1 " Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, from the'Dissolution of the
last Parliament of Charles II. until the sea-battle of La Hogue." 3 vols.
4to. 1771, 1773, 1788.
Xll PREFACE.
be worthy of the consideration of our Government to
incur a moderate expense for making complete copies,
if the French Government would permit it, which
might be rendered accessible in England to historical
inquirers, or eren published to the world. Lord Pal-
merston received the suggestion with his invariable
kindness, and acted with characteristic promptitude.
I was immediately authorized to incur a reasonable
expense on the public account, for the copies of the
despatches from England of the reign of Charles the
Second ; and Lord Normanby, then our Ambassador in
Paris, was instructed to apply for the permission of
the French Government. The permission was refused.
A distinction was made between allowing individuals
to make extracts by special permission and under the
supervision of the Director of the Office of Archives,
and allowing the publication of the whole series. I
hope that this decision may yet be reconsidered. These
despatches now belong to history. They are, alas ! the
best sources for the history of English government
during a period of humiliating memories, when the
English Sovereign, some English Ministers, and many
English legislators were the mendicant retainers of the
French King, and when the chief business of the
French Ambassador in London was the base one of
bribing members of Parliament to worry the King,
and bribing the King to resist the Parliament. Large
extracts from these despatches have been published by
Sir John Dalrymple, M. Mignet, and others ; and more
PREFACE. Xlll
are published in this work. No reserve can now lessen
the shame for both nations of the known flagrant
corruption by Louis- the Fourteenth of our King and
public men.
Some writers having cast discredit on Dalrymple's
valuable work, and doubted the truth of Barillon's
statements about money given to members of Parlia-
ment, 1 I wish to say that I have always found Dal-
rymple's extracts correct and fair, that I believe him
to be an honest, as he is unquestionably an able,
writer, and that I can see no good ground for dis-
believing Barillon's accounts of his disbursements,
which not only leave untouched but place in a strong
light the honour of Shaftesbury and Eussell, while
they prejudicially affect the reputation of Algernon
Sidney.
The want of a Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury
has been often mentioned by historical writers.
Shaftesbury has been indeed unfortunate in his fame.
He lived in times of violent party fury ; and calumny,
which fiercely assailed him living, pursued him in his
grave, and still darkens his name. He lived in times
when the public had little or no authentic information
about the proceedings of members of the Government
or of Parliament, when errors in judging public men
were more easy than now, and when venal pam-
1 See the Introduction to the "Letters {of Lady .Russell," &c.,
8vo. 1801, and Lord John Russell's "Life of William Lord Russell,"
chap. x.
XIV PREFACE.
phleteers, poets, and playwriters drove a profitable
trade in libels on public men. The power of Dryden's
poetry eclipsed all the efforts of the inferior versifiers
who battled for Shaftesbury and the Whigs: and the
undying verse of the brilliant, but not conscientious,
author of " Absalom and Achitophel " and " The Medal "
has been a powerful cause of Shaftesbury's condemna-
tion by posterity. Another of several causes has been
the willing credulity of Hume, a prejudiced friend of the
Stuarts, whose attractively written History long swayed
the public mind. The falsehoods of detraction have
produced counter falsehoods of excuse and eulogy, and
the result has been a great agglomeration of errors. It
will be seen from the first piece in the Appendices of
this volume that Shaftesbury formed in old age the
design of placing his own story before posterity, and
vindicating his fame from the calumnies of contempo-
rary faction. He has left but a small fragment, which
terminates at the moment of his entrance into public
life, before attaining the age of twenty-one. 1 There is,
1 Mr. Martyn says that a work, of which the fragment in Appendix I.
of this first volume was only the beginning, was entrusted by Shaftes-
bury, when he fled to Holland, to the care of Locke, who, after
Shaftesbury's death and Algernon Sidney's execution, burnt it from
fear of the Court. (Life, i. pp. 3, 10.) He gives no aiithority for these
statements, and I am not aware of any. There is no reference to this
story in any Life of Locke, nor in any of his published correspondence,
nor in his letters existing at St. Giles's (among which, besides many to
the grandson, the author of the "Characteristics," are some written
shortly after Shaftesbury's death to his widow and his son), nor in any
of the Shaftesbury papers, nor in the Locke papers which I have
examined at the Earl of Lovelace's. Nor is there much reason to believe
that Shaftesbury had regularly composed this work beyond where the
fragment abruptly terminates. Itj is possible that the two short
passages referring to events in 1640 (see pp. 35-6 of this volume),
PREFACE. XV
I think, no sufficient authority for the story of his
Memoirs having been burnt by Locke. But there is
no doubt that Shaftesbury's distinguished grandson, the
author of the " Characteristics," cherished the hope that
his illustrious friend and tutor, the intimate friend of
Shaftesbury in his later life, would write a biography
of his departed patron. There can be no doubt that
Locke's powers of analysis, knowledge of human nature,
and zeal for truth, applied to the portrayal of Shaftes-
bury's character, which he had had great opportunities
of studying, and to the history of his life and times of
which he had personal knowledge, would have pro-
duced a most excellent work. Boswell records a dictum
of Dr. Johnson : " They only who live with a man* can
write his Life with any genuine exactness and discrimi-
nation, and few people who have lived with a man
know what to remark about him." Locke would have
known what to remark. When Locke died, leaving
only a small collection of crude materials, just enough
to show that he had meditated a biography, there came
for a moment a new gleam of hope to the grandson,
piously attached to Shaftesbury's memory, that the
work which Locke had failed to execute might be
and the fragment of a narrative composed by Shaftesbury of events
shortly before the Eestoration, printed in Chapter VII., may have been
intended for a continuation of the Autobiography ; but I am inclined
to believe that the short narrative of events between Richard Crom-
well's fall and the Restoration was composed about the time of the
Restoration. The paper headed " The Present State, of the Kingdom
at the Opening of the Parliament, March 1679," printed in the second
volume, in Chapter XVI., may have been a part of Shaftesbury's Auto-
biography, but it is quite as likely to be a distinct memorandum.
XVI PREFACE.
undertaken by his distinguished nephew and exe-
cutor, the future Lord Chancellor King. But here
again came disappointment.
The fourth Earl of Shaftesbury, the son of the author
of the "Characteristics," who was born in 1711 and
succeeded to the title in infancy in 1713, was very
anxious, on reaching manhood, for a biography of his
great ancestor and an effective vindication of his fame;
and, shortly after he became of age, he placed all
the materials in his possession at the disposal for
this purpose of Mr. Benjamin Martyn, who had
been recommended to him as competent for the
task. Mr. Martyn was the author of a successful tra-
gedy, called " Timoleon," now forgotten, and a friend
of Dr. Birch, the well-known literary and historical in-
quirer of the last century. He appears to have begun
the work in the year 1734, and he was employed
upon it for some years. The fourth Earl and other
members of the family took an active interest in it;
and there are many judicious notes by the fourth
Earl preserved among Lord Shaftesbury's papers. Mr.
Martyn's work, when completed, did not satisfy his
patron. It is evident that Martyn had no knowledge
of history, and no capacity for writing such a work. In
the year 1766 the work was consigned by the fourth
Earl to Dr. Sharpe, Master of the Temple, for improve-
ment. The fourth Earl of Shaftesbury died in 1771 ;
his son then placed the manuscript in the hands of Dr.
Kippis, the editor of the Biographia Britannica. Dr.
PREFACE. XVU
Kippis appears to have made many suggestions. The
work was then printed. No cobbling could make a
good book of a bad one ; and the fifth Earl was justly
dissatisfied with the performance, when in print. It
is stated that the whole impression was destroyed with
the exception of two copies. One copy exists at St.
Giles's; another, having found its way into the hands
of Mr. Bentley, the publisher, was edited in 1836 by
Mr. George Wingrove Cooke, the author of the "History
of Party." 1 Mr. Cooke erred greatly in his estimate of
the value of the work which he edited, and in his own
notes and additions to the narrative increased the stock
.of errors about Shaftesbury.
One serious mistake made by Mr. Wingrove Cooke
is in ascribing to Shaftesbury the authorship of a
Letter on Toleration, which is among the papers at
St. Giles's, and which he considers "an early sketch,
from which Locke's Essay upon the same subject was
afterwards filled up." Locke is undoubtedly the author
of the manuscript at St. Giles's.
I stated, perhaps too strongly, in the notes to the
volume which I published in 1859, an opinion of the
improbability of Locke's being the author of the small
fragment of a biography, which has been printed in
Locke's works with the title " Memoirs relating to the
i " The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury, from original documens
in the possession of the family, by Mr. B. Martyn and Dr. Kippis,
now first published. Edited by G. "Wingrove Cooke, Esq., author of
'Memoirs of Lord Bolingbroke,'" 2 vols., 1836. Dr. Kippis's con-
nexion with the work does not justify his being named as joint
author.
XV111 PREFACE.
Life of Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury." 1 There are some
flagrant inaccuracies in that fragment for the period of
the Civil War. The manuscript of the fragment, which
is at St. Giles's, is in Locke's handwriting. Practically
it is for the most part a series of statements relative to
Shaftesbury's early life, of which Locke himself knew
nothing, and which he probably jotted down from
Stringer's information, as so much raw material to be
afterwards worked upon ; and Stringer, though a per-
fectly respectable man, is inaccurate, confused, and
injudicious. It contains a few statements of opinions
of Shaftesbury, which Locke learnt directly from his
conversations. In all else, I remain of opinion that
Locke is not to be held responsible for the Memoir,
found in his own handwriting, beyond his having
written out for future study and use information
given him by another or others.
I have not been able to find among Lord Shaftes-
bury's papers the rest, and doubtless the larger portion,
of the Memoir of Shaftesbury by Stringer, of which a
fragment for the years 1672 and 1673 is printed at
the end of the second volume. It is clear that Martyn
saw a longer Memoir, and took much from it for both
the earlier and later parts of Shaftesbury's life. It
would have been satisfactory to see the remainder of
Stringer's Memoir, as no reliance can be placed on
Martyn's judgment, and it may have been sometimes
inaccurately represented by Martyn, or it may have
1 Locke's Works, vol. ix., p. 266, 3d edition, 1812.
PREFACE. Xix
contained information which he has omitted to extract,
But, on the other hand, it is clear that Stringer's accu-
racy is not to be relied on, and that many of Martyn's
errors are derived from Stringer. Of Shaftesbury's
early life Stringer would have known nothing of his
own knowledge. In the years 1672 and 1673, for
which Stringer's Memoir is before us, he was in close
connexion with Shaftesbury, being one of his Secretaries
when he held the office of Lord Chancellor. He had
been previously Shaftesbury's solicitor, and continued
to be so after Shaftesbury's removal from the Chancel-
lorship, and he remained a confidential friend till
Shaftesbury's death. But Stringer's Memoir, even for
this period, though containing much useful information
and fundamentally true, as it is throughout honest, has
many mistakes of exaggeration and imperfect judgment,
which show that he is far from being an altogether safe
guide. Stringer's Memoir was written about seventeen
years after Shaftesbury's death, and twenty-seven years
after Shaftesbury ceased to be Lord Chancellor. It
was written when he was an old man, and his death,
which was in 1702, may have stopped an unfinished
work. He undertook to write the Memoir in conse-
quence of the disparaging treatment of Shaftesbury in
Sir William Temple's Memoirs, published in 1691.
Lapse of time, failure of memory, and warm zeal for
the good name of his departed patron, whom he loved,
would have all combined to impair the value of a work
written by a man who in his best days had no literary
XX PREFACE.
power, and of whom his widow ingenuously says that
writing was not poor Mr. Stringer's talent. 1
I have occasionally referred to a manuscript at St.
Giles's, which is a vindication of Shaftesbury from the
aspersions of Bishop Burnet in the " History of his Own
Time," first published in 1724, and which was written
by a Mr. Wyche, who had been an amanuensis in
Shaftesbury's service. The manuscript bears the title,
"A Vindication of the Character and Actions of the
Eight Hon. Anthony late Earl of Shaftesbury, late
Lord High Chancellor of England, from the Detractions
and Misrepresentations of the late Eight Eeverend
Gilbert Bishop of Sarum, by Philoecus." This Vindi-
cation is more a dissertation than a biography : it is
long, and unskilfully written : I have found it occasion-
ally useful, but I have not thought it worth printing.
Lord Campbell's Life of Shaftesbury in his " Lives of
the Chancellors" is freely criticised in this work. Those
who have followed the criticisms on other Lives by
Lord Campbell will not expect that his Life of Shaftes-
bury should be one of great accuracy. It is perhaps
one of the most inaccurate. In the volume which I
published in 1859, when Lord Campbell was alive and
Lord Chancellor, I inserted a minute dissection of the
first chapter of his Life of Shaftesbury, which covered
the period from his birth to the Eestoration. It is a
satisfaction to me to know that I criticised Lord
1 Letter of Mrs. Hill, Stringer's widow, to Lady Elizabeth Harris,
Appendix VIII. of vol. ii.
PEEFACE. XXI
Campbell, when he was alive, as freely as I do now
after his death. I am more anxious now to offer to
his memory the respect which I expressed for him
when he was living ; and I therefore proceed to repeat
the substance of observations which I made in the
Preface to my volume of 1859. I repeat, then, that it
is not easy, with every desire to avoid offensiveness,
to make a long and minute criticism in an agreeable
manner. I hope I shall not be thought to over-esti-
mate the talents required for writing an accurate Life,
or for exposing the inaccuracies of another. A great
author, in a biographical work which, in spite of much
injustice, and notwithstanding great subsequent addi-
tions of knowledge, has achieved lasting fame, and is
always read with enjoyment, has modestly gauged the
requirements for literary biography ; and legal or poli-
tical biography is not dissimilar. "To adjust the
minute events of literary history," said Dr. Johnson
in his " Lives of the Poets," 1 " is tedious and trouble-
some ; it requires indeed no great force of understand-
ing, but often depends upon inquiries which there is
no opportunity of making, or is to be fetched from books
and pamphlets not always at hand." There can be no
doubt that, if Lord Campbell had taken the necessary
time, and put out all the powers of his acute and
vigorous mind, to write a careful biography of Shaftes-
bury or any one of the Chancellors, he might have left
little employment for critics. As it is, he does not
1 In the Life of Dryden.
VOL. I. I
XX11 PREFACE,
depend on his Lives for lasting reputation. It will,
however, always be no mean embellishment of the
solid fame which he has secured, that, in the evening
of a life of great professional labours and successes, he
found amusement and relaxation from high duties in
pursuits of literature, and in composing a long series
of biographies which, if often inaccurate, are always
lively and agreeable, and, if often unjust, are always
unjust in ignorance and without determination of injus-
tice. I should be sorry to be unfair towards one
who, in my early life, honoured me with his friend-
ship ; and whose strong intellect, kindly nature, public
services, and great career have my respect and
admiration.
I wish specially to mention my obligations for assist-
ance and advice often kindly given by an old and
warm-hearted friend, Mr. John Forster, the author of
" The Statesmen of the Commonwealth," the " Life of
Sir John Eliot," the "Life of Goldsmith," and many
other works.
W. D. C,
i
32, DORSET SQUARE, LONDON,
April, 187].
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK I.
16211639.
Birth and parentage Baronetcies of father and maternal grandfather
The Coopers and Ashleys Sir Anthony Ashley Death of mother and
of father Sir A. A. Cooper a King's ward Losses of property by Court
of Wards Litigation with Sir Francis Ashley and Denzil Holies Sir
A. A. Cooper's wealth His guardians Goes to Exeter College, Oxford,
when sixteen His life at Oxford Entered at Lincoln's Inn Marries
at eighteen daughter of Lord Keeper Coventry Predictions of a Ger-
man astrologer His brothers-in-law, Henry and Sir William Coventry,
and sisters-in-law, Lady Savile, mother of Lord Halifax, and Lady
Pakington Sketch of his youth Page 1
CHAPTER II.
1639-1644.
Lives, after marriage, with his father-in-law Hanley bowling-green in
Dorsetshire Sir A. A. Cooper's neighbours Lord Digby Visit to
Worcestershire with Mr. Coventry Elected member for Tewkesbury,
at age of eighteen, for the Short Parliament of April 1640 Termina-
tion of Fragment of Autobiography- The Parliament quickly dissolved
Lord Coventry's death in January 1640 Letter of John Coventry,
February 1640 Lord Savile's forged letter Petition of twelve peers
to the King for a parliament Returned in a double return for Downton
to Long Parliament Petitions Holies said to have prevented his being
seated Came forward for the King in Dorsetshire in spring of 1643
Dispute about his being made Governor of Weymouth and Portland
Ultimately appointed Letter from the King to Marquis of Hert-
ford Appointed King's Sheriff of Dorsetshire In February 1644, goes
over to the Parliament His statement of his motives made before the
Committee of both kingdoms Page 24
CHAPTER III.
16441653.
Retrospect of public affairs The war in the West Sir A. A. Cooper goes
into Dorsetshire for the Parliament, Julv 1644 Appointed to act with
the army as Field Marshal General Taking of Wareham Made one of
the Dorsetshire Committee for the army Allowed to compound for his
XXIV CONTENTS.
estates with a fine of 500L Appointed Commander-in-chief of the Par-
liament's forces in Dorsetshire, October 1644 Takes Abbotsbury by
storm Narratives by himself and by one of his officers of the storming 1
of Abbotsbury Takes Sturminster and Shaftesbury Instructions of
Dorsetshire Committee Cooper's notes on the military condition in
Dorsetshire, Wiltshire, and Somersetshire, November 1644 Letter
from Colonel Butler Want of money Cooper relieves Blake besieged
; at Taunton, December Cooper's letter to Essex on relief of Taunton
Siege of Corfe Castle 1645 Endeavours unsuccessfully to gain admis-
sion into the House of Commons on his former petition, September
1645 Self-denying Ordinance Termination of Cooper's military ser-
viceHigh Sheriff of Wiltshire for the Parliament, 1647 Cooper's
Diary, 1646-50 Story of his advice to Holies to be forbearing with
Cromwell Selections from Diary Execution of Charles the First
Death of Cooper's wife His second marriage with daughter of Earl of
Exeter Subscribes the engagement and is a commissioner for adminis-
tering it Appointed member of the Commission for reforming the
laws, January 1652 House of Commons absolve him from all delin-
quency, March 1653 Page 54
CHAPTER IV.
16531656.
Cromwell's ejection of the Kump Reasons for the Act Temporary Coun-
cil of State A Convention summoned Meets, July 4, 1653 Sir A. A.
Cooper a member Proceedings of Barebone's Parliament Parties in
that assembly Questions of Church and Law Reform Cromwell allied
with the moderate party The Parliament resigns its powers to Crom-
' well, December 12, 1653 Cooper had acted with the moderate party
and Cromwell, and had promoted the resignation Idle rumour that
Cromwell meant to make Cooper Lord Chancellor Cromwell refuses
to be King, and is made Protector Cooper said to have pressed him
to be King Cooper one of the new Council of State The Instrument
of Government Milton serves under the Council Cooper elected to
the new Parliament for Wiltshire, Poole, and Tewkesbury Sits for
Wiltshire Ludlow's account of the Wiltshire election Parliament
meet, September 3, 1654 Cromwell's difficulties with the Parliament
He dissolves it Cooper ceases to attend the Privy Council His
estrangement from Cromwell Ludlow's mistakes about this estrange-
ment Death of Cooper's second wife in 1654 Story of Cooper wishing
to marry Cromwell's daughter Mary He marries, in 1656, a daughter
of Lord Spencer of Wormloighton Her character She survives
Shaftesbury Page 90
CHAPTER V.
16561658.
Cooper now in opposition to Cromwell He falls back on the Presbyterian
party Elected for Wiltshire to new Parliament Prevented by the
Council from taking his seat Is one of the sixty-five who sign a letter
to the Speaker protesting Afterwards signs Remonstrance The
Humble Petition and Advice Cromwell refuses to be King House
adjourned from June 26, 1657, to January 20, 1658 Cromwell's Peers
or "Other House" Cooper not one The 5QOI. fine for composition,
CONTENTS. XXV
imposed by Long Parliament in 1644, remitted by Cromwell Cooper's
friendship with Henry Cromwell, and letter to him Cooper and the
other excluded members take their seats on meeting of Parliament,
January 1658 Formidable opposition to Cromwell and the new Con-
stitution Debates about the "Other House" Cooper's speeches
Cromwell dissolves the Parliament, February 4 Cromwell's
death Page 123
CHAPTER VI.
16581659.
Richard Cromwell proclaimed Protector The military commanders jealous
of his civilian advisers A Parliament called for January 27, 1659
Members for England and Wales elected under old constitution Scotch
and Irish members according to Instrument of Government, but not to
sit till approved Cromwell's Peers summoned by writs of old House of
Lords Cooper elected for Wiltshire and Poole Sits for Wiltshire
Debates on bill for recognition of Richard Cromwell as Protector
1 Cooper's many speeches The " Other House" Question of transacting
k with it Cooper's long speech against time Cooper's taunts against
one of Cromwell's peers for changes His abuse of Cromwell House of
Commons agrees to transact with other House during this Parliament
Unsuccessful attempt to settle revenue on Richard Cromwell Message
to other House as to a day of humiliation Discussions thereon
Quarrel between Richard Cromwell and the military chiefs Resolu-
tions of House of Commons against the army- -Richard Cromwell
orders dissolution of Council of Officers Fleetwood and Desborough
rally the army, and force Richard Cromwell to dissolve Parliament
Fall of Richard Cromwell Page 144
CHAPTER VII.
1659-1660.
Restoration of the Rump Parliament, May 7 Committee of Safety ap-
pointedCooper's election petition for Downton of 1640 referred to a
committee Not seated Cooper elected member of Council of State
Suspicions of him as a Royalist by some colleagues --Scot accuses him
of correspondence with Hyde He denies the charge Cooper rejects
Royalist overtures Letter from Monk to Cooper Distractions of
Council and Parliament Sir George Booth's rising Cooper arrested
in Dorsetshire, and accused of complicity with Booth Council of
State and Parliament acquit him Military revolution by Lambert
The Rump suppressed, October 13 Committee of Safety nominated
by Lambert and his coadjutors, October 25 Cooper opposes Lambert
and the Committee of Safety Monk also opposes Cooper's narrative
from October 25, 1659, to February 6, 1660 Treaty of Monk's Com-
missioners with Committee of Safety Attempt to arrest Cooper
Overthrow of Committee of Safety and restoration of Rump Cooper
one of five temporary Commissioners for the Army Prompt measures
for dispersing Lambert's forces Cooper appointed member of new
Council of State Admitted as member for Downton Made colonel of
regiment taken from Fleetwood Monk's march to London Monk's
changes of conduct Admission of secluded members, February 26
Cooper commands the guard on their admission Council of State
XXVI CONTENTS.
appointed of Royalists and Presbyterians Cooper one New Parlia-
ment called for April 25 Letter of Montagu to Cooper Haselrig, Scot,
and others offer Monk the crown Monk refuses False story of Monk
aiming to be made king with help of French Ambassador Lambert's
insurrection and defeat by Ingoldsby Cooper's letter of rejoicing to
Montagu Cooper acts with the Presbyterian leaders for bringing in.
the King on conditions Meeting of Convention Parliament Monk
outstrips the Presbyterians, and brings in Charles without conditions
Cooper one of twelve Commissioners of the Parliament sent to the
King at Breda Accident on his journey Friendship with John Locke
Cooper's changes during the last twenty years Satires of Butler and
. Dryden Page 172
CHAPTER VIII.
1660.
Sir A. A. Cooper made a Privy Councillor at Canterbury His pardons
Distribution of offices and honours Privy Council Hyde Chief
Minister Committee for Foreign Affairs or Cabinet King's active
supremacy in Government Convention Parliament Sir A. A. Cooper's
speeches The Bill of Pardon and Indemnity Cooper desired no ex-
ceptions for life Monk and Cooper unjustly reproached by Ludlow
and Mrs Hutehinson Royal assent to the Act, August 29 Cooper's
speeches on details Helped to save Haselrig Trials of the Regicides
and others Cooper one of the Judges His sitting on the trial de-
fended Appointed member of Councils of Trade and Plantations
His cavalry regiment disbanded Revenue and Church questions
Abolition of Court of Wards Cooper supports postponement of Bill
for Church Settlement Defends the King in debate on grievances-
Dissolution of Convention Parliament, December 27 ... Page 227
CHAPTER IX.
16611664.
Meeting of new Parliament Cooper made Lord Ashley at the Coronation
Appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer and Under Treasurer
Violent policy of the new Parliament The Corporation, Uniformity,
and Militia Acts Lord Ashley's opposition to these measures The
King and Clarendon endeavour to check the violence of the High
Church party Bill for confirming Presbyterian ministers in vacant
livings- -Dispensing clause proposed in the Uniformity Bill by Claren-
don on the King's recommendation Refused by the Lords Charles
promises a three months' suspension of the Act of Uniformity, but
cannot fulfil his promise King's marriage Sale of Dunkirk King's
Declaration of Indulgence, December 26, 1662, advised by Bennet,
Bristol, and Lord Ashley Dispensing Bill presented to House of Lords
by Lord Roberts by the King's desire Lord Ashley warmly supports
the Bill Clarendon opposes it Despatches of the French Ambassador,
M. de Comminges Clarendon's inaccuracies The Dispensing Bill
dropped Proclamation for banishing Jesuits and Roman Catholic
priests Conventicle Act Lord Ashley grows in favour with the King
His ability and influence Bristol's attack on Clarendon Lord
Ashley and others work against Clarendon with encouragement from the
King Testimonies to Lord Ashley's assiduity and ability . Page 255
CONTENTS. XXVH
CHAPTER X.
16641667.
Lord Ashley's position at the beginning of 1664 Attention to revenue and
trade Dutch war Opposed by Clarendon, Southampton, and Ormond
and supported probably by Ashley Appointed Treasurer of Prizes
Clarendon's hostility to the appointment Affectionate letter to his
wife, Februaiy 26, 1665 Grant of Carolina to Lord Ashley a,prl g^vpr.
others The Plague The King visits Lord Ashley at Wimborne St.
briies's Session of Parliament at Oxford, October 1665 Appropriation
Clause in Supply Bill unsuccessfully opposed by Clarendon and Ashley
The Five Mile Act Opposed strongly by Southampton and Ashley,
but prosecuted by Clarendon Bill for general imposition of oath
against endeavouring change in Church or State opposed by Ashley
Letter to his wife from Oxford, November 23, 1665 Beginning of
acquaintance with Locke Friendship of Locke and Shaftesbury
Session of 1666-67 Complaints of expenditure and misappropriation-
Act against importation of Irish cattle Supported by Ashley Earl of
Ossory's insult and apology Discussion with Viscount Conway--
Kumoured possible Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Secret treaty between
Louis XIV. and Charles II. Dutch fleet enters the Thames and burns
three men-of-war at Chatham Peace of Breda Death of Earl of
Southampton Office of Lord High Treasurer put in commission and
Lord Ashley one of the Commissioners Clarendon's account of the
appointment of the Commission Proceedings of the Commissioners
; Sir William Temple and Lady Fanshawe blame Shaftesbury for their
' economies Clarendon removed from the Chancellorship Lord Ashley
unjustly accused of conspiring against Clarendon Opposes the im-
peachment of Clarendon without specific treason assigned and falls into
disgrace with the King for supporting Clarendon Clarendon's exile
Lord Cstonpbell's misstatements Charge of licentiousness against
Shaftesbury Paye 276
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX I Page iii.
APPENDIX II ,, xxv.
APPENDIX III Ivi.
APPENDIX IV Ixiii.
APPENDIX V Ixxiv.
APPENDIX VI , Ixxviii.
ILLUSTRATION.
Sm ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, BART Frontispiece.
(From a Painting by SIK PETER LELY.)
INDEX.
Though bearing in succession the titles of "Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper," "Lord
Ashley," and "Earl of Sfiaftesbury," the Earl is uniformly referred to in this
Index under the name of SHAFTESBURY, which, for the sake of brevity, is indicated
by the letter S.
Abbotsbury stormed and burned by S., i.
6267 ; App. II. xxx.
" Absalom and Achitophel" (see Dryden).
Act of Uniformity, its mischievous nature,
i. 259; opposed by S., 261; clause pro-
posed to enable the King to dispense
with its provisions, 263 ; rejected, Act
passed, 264 ; its effects, 265, 268 ; Charles
II. 's declaration, 266 ; bill introduced to
dispense with the Act, 26G; "Dispens-
ing BUI" supported by S., 267269;
dispensing clause proposed by Charles
II., rejected by House of Lords, App. VI.
Ixxviii, ii. 72.
Admiralty, Duke of York Lord High
Admiral, resigns on the passing of the
Test Act, ii. 141 ; the office put into
commission, 144.
Agricultural depression in 1667 and 1668,
remarks by Pepys, 300.
Ague, S. attacked 'with, i. 84.
Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, for peace be-
tween France and Spain, ii. 12, 13.
Albemarle, Monk, Duke of, as General
Monk supports Richard Cromwell, i. 145 ;
his first letter to S. , 182 ; opposes the
proceedings of Lambert, 193 ; his own
subsequent proceedings, 193 203 ;
enters London, 204 ; '* Narrative " of
his proceedings by S., 205212; offer
by the Republicans to make him King,
his refusal, alleged influence of S., 215
218 ; effects the Restoration, 220 ;
made K.G. and Privy Councillor, 227 ;
other honours conferred on him, 228 ;
made Duke of Albemarle, 229 ; appointed
a Treasury Commissioner, 305 ; his
notice of Sir W. Morrice, ii. 45.
Aldersgate Street (see Thanet House).
Ambassador's plate, a customary gift, re-
fused by S. and the Treasury Commis-
sioners, i. 308.
Amsterdam, S. arrives there after his
flight from London, ii. 452 ; contradic-
tory accounts of his reception, 452, 456,
460 ; made a burgher, 452, 457, 461
death of S. at, 455; his will, 457
459.
Ancestors of S., i. 2.
Anecdotes, of S.'s sagacity, ii. 104; of
Locke's playfulness, 106.
Apple trees planted by S. at Wimborne St.
Giles, ii. 49.
Arlington, Earl of, as Sir Henry Bennet,
appointed Secretary of State, his opposi-
tion to Clarendon, i. 265 ; letter from
him to S., 275 ; his power after the fall
of Clarendon, ii. 2 ; his rivalry with
Buckingham, 4 ; defeats Buckingham's
plan for a French alliance, negotiates
with De Witt, triple alliance of England,
Holland, and Sweden against France,
11 ; again opposes Buckingham's in-
trigues with France, 13 ; opposes fresh
negotiations with France, 13 ; Colbert
endeavours to gain his support, 14 ;
further intrigues, 15 ; attempts to estab-
lish a French alliance and restore Popery
in England, 16, 18 ; signs secret treaty
with France for war with Holland and
restoration of Popery, 19, 55 ; 8. igno-
rant of this treaty, 22 ; joins Buckingham
in fresh negotiations, 22 ; signs mock
treaty, 26 ; and further treaty, 28 ; re-
ceives present from Louis XIV., 31 ; his
rivalry with Buckingham, letter from S.
to Morrice, 45 ; promotes the war with
Holland, 80; created an Earl, 84; ac-
companies Buckingham to Louis XIV.,
Colbert's eulogy of him, 85; disappointed
at not being made Lord Treasurer, 98 ;
alarmed by the opposition of the Com-
mons, abandons the " Declaration of
Independence," 134 ; supposed to have
aided the " Test Act," 136 ; disposed to
abandon the Popish design, 139 ; informs
S. of the secret treaty, 90, 140 ; attacked
by the House of Common*, 188 ; Lord
Chamberlain in 1679, 328 ; supports pro-
1 osed grant of Phoenix Park to Duchess
XXX
INDEX.
of Cleveland, App. IV. xlix ; speech in
conference with Charles II., App. VII.,
cxxi.
Army, in a minority in the Council of
State, i. 177; disbanded, S. ceases to
hold his colonelcy, 249 ; Duke of York
Commander-in-Chief, resigns on the
passing of the " Test Act," ii. 141 ;
mustered at Blackheath for war with
Holland, 146 ; encamped at Yarmouth,
147 ; voted a grievance by House of
Commons, 155 (see Desborough, Fleet-
wood, Military Power).
Ashley, Anne, mother of S., i. 1, 5.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, maternal grandfather
of S., i. 1, 2 ; his career and pedigree, 3.
Ashley, Sir Francis, grandunele of S., i.
79 ; his sudden death, 11, App. I. ix.
Astrology believed in by S., i. 20.
Astrop mineral waters prescribed for S. ,
i. 295.
Aubrey, John, on equestrian processions
of the Judges to Westminster, attempt
of S. to revive the custom, ii. 168.
Autobiographical sketch of S., from 1621
to 1645, diary, January 1646 to July
1650, i. App. II. xxv.
Autobiography of S., fragment from birth
(1621) to 1639, Preface, xiv, i. App. I. iii.
B.
Bahamas, the, granted by Charles II. to
S. and five others ; his attention to the
affairs of the colony, i. 288 ; ii. 60.
Bankers, their advances to Government
(see "Stop of the Exchequer").
Banks, Sir John, his son placed by S.
under the care of Locke, ii. 235.
Barbadoes, plantation there belonging to
S., who binds two boys for the planta-
tion for seven years, i. App. II. xxxiv.
Barebone's Parliament nominated (see
Parliament).
Barillon, French Ambassador, his reports
to Louis XIV. on the marriage of Wil-
liam and Mary, ii. 247 ; his negotiations
to maintain the French alliance, 255 ;
bribes Buckingham and Opposition
members, 267 ; negotiates with Charles
, II. as to French subsidies, 274 ; despatch
to Louis XIV. on the Privy Council,
App. VII. cix ; his account of negotia-
tions for French subsidy, 305; letter
to Louis XIV. on proposals of Charles
II. for subsidy and treaty, 359 ; on views
of S. as to the Duke of York, 371 ; on
the designs of Monmouth and Duchess
of Portsmouth, 379 ; on conversation
between S. and Charles II. about Mon-
mouth and the succession, App. VII.
cxvi.
Baronetcy, institution of the order, i. 2.
Bath visited by S , i. 83 ; App. II. xliii.
Bear-baiting, bears killed by Col. Pride
for its suppression, i. App. IV. Ixxi.
Bedloe, a perjured witness in support of
Titus Oates, ii. 287, 300.
Beer, "size" of, at Oxford University,
i. 17, App. I. xii.
Belvoir Castle, S.'s son married there to
Lady Dorothy Manners, ii. 36.
Bennet, Sir Henry (see Arlington).
Bishops excluded from the House of
Lords, i. 55 ; restored, 257 ; letter from
S. to Bishops as to sequestrated livings,
ii. App. IV. liv.
Black Bull Inn, Holborn, the property of
S., i. 7.
Blake, his defence of Lyine and Tauuton,
i. 59, 72.
Booth, Sir George, his insurrection to
favour the Restoration, its defeat, i. 185 ;
S. arrested on a charge of participation
in it, 185 ; his acquittal, 186 ; complicity
of S. asserted by Ludlow, App. III. Ixi.
Bordeaux, M. de, French Ambassador, his
account of the ejection of the ' ' Rump "
Parliament, i. 94.
Bowls, the game practised by S., i. 24,
App. I. xiv., App. II. xxxviii, xliii.
Bradshaw. the regicide, attainted, his
body exhumed, i. 247.
Breda, S. sent there by Parliament to in-
vite Charles II. to return, i. 221 ; his
accident on the journey and its conse-
quences, 222 ; treaty of peace with Hol-
land signed there, 304.
Bribes given by Louis XIV. to Charles II.
to prorogue Parliament ; to members
to espouse the French alliance (see
Louis XIV. and Parliament).
Bridgman, Sir Orlando, appointed Lord
Keeper, ii. 1 ; deprived of the Great
Seal, 93 ; hesitates to seal the "Declara-
tion of Indulgence," 94; is succeeded
by S. , 93 ; causes of his removal, 95 ;
S. ace-used of urging his dismissal, 162 ;
the charge refuted, 163.
Bridgwater, Earl of, letter from him to S. ,
ii. 362.
Bristol, Earl of, character of him by S.,
i. 26. App. I. xviii ; his attempt to im-
peach Clarendon, 272 ; a promoter of the
Dutch war, 278.
Brodrick, his reports to Hyde on the
politics of S., i. 180, 181, 202.
Broghill, Lord, afterwards Earl of Orrery
(see Orrery).
Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of,
released from prison by the aid of S., i.
155 ; his power after the fall of Claren-
don, ii. 2 ; caricatures Sir W. Coventry,
who is sent to the Tower, 3 ; his rivalry
with Arlington is supported by S. , 4 ;
in favour of toleration of Dissenters, 5 ;
supports Charles II. in his desire for a
divorce, 8 ; supports a French alliance
against Spain, 10, and against Holland,
13, 15; promotes a fresh negotiation
with France against Holland, 13 ; is sent
to Paris to negotiate, 23 ; his paramour,
Countess of Shrewsbury, pensioned by
Louis XIV., 24 ; urges S. and Arlington
to form a French alliance, 22 ; his igno-
rance of the secret treaty promoted by
INDEX.
XXXI
Arlington, 24, shared by S. and Lauder-
dale, 55, 85; signs mock treaty with
France, 26, and further treaty, 28 ; his
objections to give prominence to the
French navy, supported by ',S., 29 ; his
personal views in the French treaty, 30 ;
disappointment at not commanding
forces; receives presents from Louis
XIV. ; similar presents to S. and others,
31 ; his rivalry with Arlington ; his
notice of Sir W. Morrice ; letter from
S. to MoiTice, 45 ; his loss of 3,0001.
by the "Stop of the Exchequer," 68;
sent with Arlington to Louis XIV. ; his
debts, necessity for bribing him, 85 ; is
told of secret treaty by the Duke of
York, 86 ; his fraud on Parliament; in
concealing it, 186; attacked by the
House of Commons, 188; discarded by
Charles II., 203 ; joins S. in opposing
Danby's Test Bill, 206; moves for a
dissolution of Parliament in conse-
quence of the prorogation for fifteen
months, 230 ; supported by S., Salis-
bury, and Wharton, 231 ; called to ac-
count, ordered to ask pardon, refuses,
and is sent to the Tower, 232, 233 ;
petitions the King for release, 237 ;
released, 239 ; record of imprisonment
cancelled, 260 ; bribed by France, 267 ;
stated by Stringer to have become a
Roman Catholic, App. III. xxxiii.
Burnet, Bishop, his suggestion that Crom-
well offered to make S. King refuted,
i. 105 ; his notice of Sir W. Morrice,
ii. 45; ascribes the "Stop of the Ex-
chequer to S., 66 ; letter from widow of
Stringer on his misrepresentations of S. ,
App. VIII. cxxiii; his errors with re-
ference to S.. 121, 137.
Burton's Diary, reports of S.'s speeches in
Richard Cromwell's Parliament, i. 148
168 ; other notices of S., 138, ii. 46.
Butler, Colonel, his letter to S. on the
siege of Corfe, i. 71.
Butler, Samuel, his Satire on S., in
" Hudibras," i. 223 ; ii. 435.
C.
Cabal, or Cabinet, temp. Charles II., its
constitution, i. 230; its origin, 231, 232;
of Lord Lauderdale, complained of by
Clarendon, 273; its members in 1667
named by Pepys, ii. 2 ; its members in
1670 named by Andrew Marvel, 43 ;
change in the meaning of the word, 53 ;
rival "cabals" in the same ministry,
Pepys's use of the word in the sense of
" cabinet, 1 ' 54 ; its powers explained, 64 ;
cabals at Court in 168, 370.
"Cabal" Ministry (Clifford, Arlington,
Buckingham, Ashley Lauderdale), its
notoriety, ii. 53, App. III. xxxvi ;
caused by the results of the Dutch war,
54 ; its members not unanimous, their
colleagues, 54, 55.
Cabinet (see Cabal).
Campbell, Lord, his Life of S., Preface,
xx xxii ; his errors and misrepresenta-
tions, i. 53, 60, 74, 75, 76, 89, 98, 103, 113,
117, 249, 256, 274, 310, 314, 315, ii. 69,
95, 96, 151, 162169, 172, 176, 177, 2D1,
428, 453, 457.
Canonbury House, Islington, a residence
of S., i. 24, App. I. xiv.
Capel, Lady, aunt of the first wife of S.,
i. 75.
Carlisle, Earl of, letter to from S. advo-
cating a new Parliament, ii. 200.
Carlyle's errors with reference to S., i. 93.
Carolina, granted by Charles II. to S. and
eight others, his attention to its affairs,
i. 288, ii. 160.
Cashiobury, the early home of S., i. 6,
App. I. v.
Castlemaine, Lady (see Cleveland, Duchess
of).
Catherine, Queen of Charles II., accused
by Titus Gates of participation in plot
to assassinate the King, S. supports
address for her removal from Whitehall,
ii. 300.
Cattle (see Irish Cattle Bill).
Cecil, Lady Frances, the second wife of
S., their marriage, i. 86, App. II. Iv ;
her death, 120.
Cellier, Mrs., her connection with the
"Meal-tub" Plot, ii. 348; her alleged
intent to murderS., 349.
Chancellor, Lord, S. appointed, ii. 93 ; the
office not uniformly held by a lawyer,
96 ; conduct of S. when Chancellor, in
connection with politics, 112 154 ; his
dismissal, 155 ; Stringer and Martyn's
accounts of it, App. III. xli, xlii ; his
conduct as a judge, 162 178 ; receives
the usual protecting pardon, 157 ; ex-
planation by Lord Keeper Finch, 159 ;
equestrian procession of S. to West-
minster, 167 ; his speech on swearing
in Baron Thurland, 169 ; Stringer's ac-
count of his family, officers, and cere-
monies, 171 ; his official costume criti-
cized by Roger North, 172; right, of
appeal to House of Lords maintained by
him, 209 ; appeal from one of his decrees
dismissed, 286 ; letters to and from him
when Chancellor, App. IV. xlvi Ivii ;
his speeches as Chancellor, App. V Iviii
Ixxvi ; speech on Dr. Shirley's appeal,
App. VI. Ixxxiv.
Chancellor of the Exchequer, S. appointed
by Charles II., i. 256; retains the office
after the fall of Clarendon, ii. 4.
Chancery, Court of, its abolition passed by
Barebone's Parliament, i. 100 ; reformed
by Cromwell's Council, 113.
" Character of a Trimmer," its authorship,
i. 21.
Charles I., his cause espoused by S. in
1643, i. 40, 43 ; his negotiations with S.
in 1643, 41 ; his letter to S. in 1644, 48 ;
letter to the Marquis of Hertford, 45 ;
separation of S. from him, 47, App. II.
INDEX.
xxix, ii. 463 ; his campaign in Dorset-
shire, Devonshire, Cornwall, and Berk-
shire, ii. 61 ; his trial and execution, 77,
85.
Chnrles II., S. accused of being in his
interest, his denial, i. 179 181 : sup-
posed letter from him to S., 182; his
hopes of a Restoration, 185 ; intrigues
for it, 205212 ; supported by S. con-
ditionally, effected by Monk uncon-
ditionally, 220 ; King enters London,
221 ; the subject of Dryden's flattery
and satire, 224 ; his supremacy in the
Government, i. 232, ii. 13, 64; his fa-
vourites, and their opposition to Cla-
rendon, i. 233 ; discussions in Parlia-
ment on his revenue, speech of S.. 250 ;
creates Hyde Earl of Clarendon, and S.
Baron Ashley, appoints the latter Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer and Under
Treasurer, 256 ; opposed to the legisla-
tion of the High Church party, his desire
for religious toleration, 262, 263, 270 ; his
marriage, 265 ; his desire to pass the
" Dispensing Bill," 267 ; his estrange-
ment from Clarendon, 272 ; S. rises in his
favour, 271 ; appoints him Treasurer of
Prizes in the Dutch war, 279 ; Clarendon
remonstrates, Charles confirms the ap-
pointment, 280 282 ; grants Carolina
and the Bahamas to S. and others, the
attention of S. to the affairs of the
colonies, 288 ; visits S. at Wimborne St.
Giles, 289 ; appoints hint; a Treasuiy
Commissioner, 307 ; dishonourable pro-
posals to Miss Stuart, her marriage to
the Duke of Richmond, 309, 310 ; makes
Buckingham chief favourite and leading
minister, ii. 2 ; his efforts for religious
toleration, 6 ; his desire for a divorce,
8 ; plan for legitimatizing Monmouth
supported by S., 9; his intrigues with
France, 14 ; declares himself a Roman
Catholic, his natural son a Jesuit, 16 ;
attempts to establish Popery in England,
17 24, 26, 78 ; supports Lord Roos's
Remarriage Act, attends the debate in
House of Lords, 42 ; at a wrestling
match in St. James's Park, 45 ; enforces
a " stop of the exchequer," its immediate
consequences, 56 ; the King's "explana-
tory declaration" appeases discontent,
57; makes a ''Declaration of Indul-
gence" for Dissenters and Roman Ca-
tholics, 71 ; his object in promoting the
Dutch war, 78 ; creates Ashley Earl of
Shaftesbury and Baron Cooper, 84 ; his
negotiations with the Pope to establish
Popery, 87, 89, 99 ; speech to Parliament
defending " Declaration of Indulgence,"
113 ; appoints S. Lord Chancellor, 93 ;
justifies the issue of new writs by S.,
120 ; dismisses him, 155 ; makes Lady
, Castlemaine Duchess of Cleveland, and
Mademoiselle de Querouaille Duchess of
Portsmouth, 160 ; his lavish gifts to
them, 161 ; his opinion of S. as a judge,
178 ; his desire to restore him, 180, 182 ;
dismisses him from the Privy Council,
and orders him to leave London, 198 ; dis-
cards Buckingham, 203 ; his secret per-
sonal treaty with Louis XIV., 210; bribed
by Louis XIV. to prorogue Parliament,
210 ; incensed by application of S. to the
King's Bench for release from the Tower,
239; his debts, supply granted, 240;
urged by Parliament to oppose France,
241 ; dissatisfied with amount of sup-
plies, 242 ; bribes offered by Spain
and Germany for English alliance,
243 ; refuses to submit to Parlia-
mentary dictation, 244 ; sends Courtin
to Louis XIV. for subsidy, obtains it,
and adjourns Parliament, 245 ; relaxes
severity of S.'s imprisonment in the
Tower, 249 ; offers alliance to France for
600, OOOZ., 268 ; applies for six million
francs annually for three years, 270 ;
speeches to Parliament, and amplifica-
tion of them by S., 113, 154, 274, 292,
298, 331, 372, 382, 404, App. V. Ixiii,
Ixxii ; proofs that he was a Roman
Catholic, 289 ; his belief in the Popish
Plot, 292 ; alleged intent to murder him,
294 ; refused a subsidy by Louis XIV. ,
305 ; disavows a marriage with Mon-
mouth's mother, 308, S64 ; account of his
character and conduct by S., 309 311; re-
fuses to approve of Seymour as Speaker,
316 ; pardons Danby, 318 ; urges him to
fly, and deserts him on his surrender,
319 ; remodels his Privy Council, with S.
as President, 323 ; speech to Parliament,
331 ; asserts his right to prorogue and
dissolve, 355, 356 ; sends for the Duke
of York, 356 ; dissolves Parliament
against advice of Council, S. enraged,
342 ; his illness, Duke of York sent for,
343 ; recovers, orders Monmouth to leave
England, 344 ; fresh intrigue for subsidy
from France, 345 ; treaty not concluded,
346 ; dismisses S. as President of the
Council, 347 ; further attempt to obtain
French subsidy, 359 ; is reconciled to
Monmouth, 360 ; agrees to send Duke of
York from England, 371 ; attends debate
on bill for his exclusion, 377 ; and on
proposal by S. for his divorce and re-
marriage, 380 ; prorogues and dissolves
Parliament, 386 ; meets Parliament at
Oxford, protected by guards, 401 ; ob-
tains subsidy for three years from France
on a verbal treaty, 402, 403 ; speech to
Parliament, on succession, 404 ; dis-
solves Parliament, 405 ; his conversation
with S. about Monmouth and the suc-
cession, 408, App. VII, cxvii ; reigns
without a Parliament, 469 ; refuses S.
leave to retire to Carolina, 419 ; anxiety
to strengthen evidence against him,
420; suggests and pays for Dryden's
satires on S., 429, 434 ; intrigues to elect
sheriffs of London, 444 ; his misgovern-
ment a justification of S.'s rebellion,
450 ; memorial to, from S. , as to religion,
land, and trade, App. II. v ; advice
INDEX.
xxxm
of S. to him for development of trade,
ix ; memoir by Colbert, on his views as
to the Dutch war and establishment of
Popery, xii ; his conference with Privy
Council, App. VII. cxx.
Charlton, Sir Job, Speaker of the House
of Commons, official speeches to him by
S., ii. App. V. Ixi.
Cheke, Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower, his
kindness to S., ii. 415.
Chicheley, Commissioner of Ordnance,
notices of by S. and Pepys, i. 287.
" Chits, the," nickname applied to Sun-
derland, Godolphin, and Hyde, ii.
353.
Christian names of Shaftesbury, i. 5, 134,
App. I. iv.
Church reform (see Religion).
Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), his de-
scription of S. in 1643, i. 44 ; errors in
his account of S., 47 ; his intrigues for
the restoration of Charles II., 180, 181 ;
made Lord Chancellor and a Peer by
Charles II., 229; his cabinet, 232; his
Declaration to conciliate Presbyterians,
252; created Earl of Clarendon, 256;
opposed to High Church measures, 262 ;
his conduct with reference to Act of
Uniformity and " Dispensing Bill," 262
270 ; his account of support of " Dis-
pensing Bill "by S., 269; S. in favour
with Charles II., opposes him, 271 ;
Bristol's attempt to impeach him, its
failure, 272 ; unfavourable to war with
Holland, 278 ; dissatisfied with appoint-
ment of S. as Treasurer of Prizes, 279 ;
remonstrates with the king and S., 280,
281 ; joins S. in opposing appropriation
clause in supply bill, 289291 ; opposes
bill to prohibit importation of Irish
cattle, his strictures on the support of it
by S., 299 ; objects to putting Treasury
in Commission, 305; suggests S. as a
necessary Commissioner, 306 ; his ani-
mosity to S., 307 ; deprived of the seals,
influence of Lady Castlemaine, 309 ; op-
poses the king's designs on Miss Stuart,
310 ; S. accused of contributing to his
fall, 310 ; the charge refuted, 311, 312 ;
his exile in France, Act requiring his
surrender for trial, illness and death,
313; his "History of the Rebellion,"
314 ; his notice of Sir William Morrice,
ii. 45.
Clarendon, Laurence Hyde, second Earl,
with Sunderland and Godolphin, chief
ministers, nicknamed "the Chits," ii.
353 ; supports the Duke of York, 370 ;
his speech in Committee of Privy Coun-
cil advising arrest of S., App. VII.
cxviii.
Cleveland, Duchess of (Castlemaine, Lady),
her opposition to Clarendon, i. 233 ; S.
attends the king in her apartment, 311 ;
created Duchess of Cleveland, ii. 160 ; S.
opposes grant of Phoenix Park, Dublin,
to her, 160 ; letters of Essex to S. against
the grant, App. IV. xlvii liv.
Clifford, Lord, appointed (as Sir Thomas
Clifford) Commissioner of the Treasury,
i. 305 ; promotes Charles.II.'s scheme for
establishing Popery, ii. 55 ; first pro-
poser of the " Stop of the Exchequer,"
58, 62, 65 ; his advice given to the king
himself, 64 ; created a Peer, 84 ; ap-
pointed Lord Treasurer, 97 ; speech of
S. on swearing him in, App. V. Iviii ;
his violent speech against the Test Bill,
137 ; his Popish enthusiasm, 139 ; resigns
as Lord Treasurer on the passing of
the Test Act, 141; his retirement and
death, 143 ; anecdotes of him by Evelyn,
144 ; extracts from Williamson's corre-
spondence, App. III. xxxii.
" Clubmen " in the Civil War, i. 41.
Colbert de Croissy, M., French Ambas-
sador, his notices of S. and other states-
men, and political intrigues, ii. 3, 14 31 ;
on the " Stop of the Exchequer," 57 ; the
Dutch war, 79, 80, 83 ; his eulogy of
Arlington, 85 ; o:: the design to establish
Popery, 89 ; on the appointment of S.
as Lord Chancellor, 97 ; on speeches of
Charles and S. to Parliament, 121 ; on
the " Declaration of Indulgence," 134,
135 ; on the Test Bill and Clifford's vio-
lent speech, 137 ; on Charles II.'s desire
to marry Mary of Modena, 147 ; on the
endeavour of Louis XIV. to bribe S.,
182 ; memoir to Louis XIV. on " affairs
in England, and the views of Charles II.
about the Dutch war, and establishment
of the Roman Catholic religion," App.
II. xii xxi.
Coleman, Secretary to the Duchess of York,
his letters proving the Popish Plot, ii.
287, 294 ; examined in Newgate by S.
and others, 297, 301.
College, Stephen, a follower of S., tried
and executed for treason, ii. 417, 418.
Comminges, Count de, French Ambassador,
his notices of S. and Clarendon, i. 267,
268, 271.
Commission for the trial of the Regicides,
S. a member of it, his sitting as a Judge
defended, i. 243, 247.
Commission to command the army, S. a
member of it, i. 201.
" Committee for Foreign Affairs," origin of
the Cabinet, i. 231.
Committee for Sequestrations, its report
on the estates of S., i. 60.
" Committee of both Kingdoms " Eng-
land and Scotland (1644), i. 57.
"Committee of Safety," formed by the
"Rump" Parliament, i. 175; another
formed by Lambert, 191; its proceedings,
192, 199; opposed by S., 193.
Commonwealth established after the fall
of Richard Cromwell, i. 173.
Conventicle Act (see Religion).
Convention Parliament (see Parliament).
Conway, Lord, his quarrel with S. on
Irish affairs, i. 301 ; letter from him to
S., with papers on Irish affairs, ii. 5;
appointed Secretary of State, ii. 387 ;
XXXIV
INDEX.
speech in Committee of Privy Council,
App. VII. cxix.
Cooper, Cecil, first son of S., i. 87.
Cooper, Sir George, his grateful letter to
his brother, 8., ii. 262.
Cooper, Philippa, sister of S., i. 6.
Cooper, Sir John, father of S., i. 1 ; his
ancestors, 2.
Cooper, Sir William, gives bail for S. on
his release from the Tower, bail dis-
charged, ii. 441 ; letter to Stringer on
death, will, and funeral of S., 459.
Corfe besieged by the Parliament, i. 71 ;
S. ordered there, 74, 75, App. II. xxx,
xxxi.
Corporation Act passed by Charles II. 's
Parliament, opposed by S., i. 258, 260 ;
repealed in 1828, 300.
Coste, Peter, on Locke's friendship with
and opinions of S., i. 298, ii. 469.
Council of Officers, under Fleetwood, its
* effect in the fall of Richard Cromwell,
i. 169173 (see Desborough, Fleetwood,
Wallingford House).
Council of State appointed by Cromwell,
i. 94 ; S. added to it, 99, 102 ; his ap-
pointment renewed, 106 ; S. and other
members excluded from sitting, 124 ;
they apply to the Speaker, and are re-
ferred to the Council, 125 ; Richard Crom-
well recognized by it, 144; another
formed by the Rump Parliament, 176 ;'
S. a member of it, 177, 182 ; superseded
by a "Committee of Safety," rival
council formed by Lambert's party, 191 ;
its proceedings, 199 ; a new council
appointed, 202, 213 ; S. again a member,
202 (see Privy Council).
Court of Chancery (see Chancellor, Chan-
cery).
Court of Wards, abuses in, S.'s litigation
in it, i. 7, 10, 11, 70, App. I. vii ; abo-
lished, speech of S., 250.
Courtin, M. , French Ambassador, obtains
subsidy from France for Charles II.,
offers him a bribe to prorogue Parlia-
ment, ii. 227, 245.
"Coursing," an old custom at Oxford
University, i. 16, App. I. xi.
Coventry, Henry, sent to S. on his dis-
missal for the great seal, ii. 155 ; letter
to Sir J. Williamson on imprisonment of
S. in the Tower, 249 ; resigns as Secre-
tary of State, 359 ; violent speech against
S., 364 ; notices of, by Burnet and North,
App. III. xxiv.
Coventry, Margaret, first wife of S., her
marriage, his eulogium of her, i. 19;
her family, 21 ; her sudden death, 85.
Coventry, Sir John, assaulted and woun ded,
letter to S. from him, " Coventry Act "
passed, i. 38.
Coventry, Sir William, Commissioner of
the Treasury, his prominence in the fall
of Clarendon, i. 21, ii. 2 ; caricatured by
Buckingham, sent to the Tower, 3.
Cromwell, Henry (son of Oliver Crom-
well), letter from S. to him, i. 135.
Cromwell, Mary, statement that S. sought
her in marriage ; its improbability, i.
120, App. III. Iviii.
Cromwell, Oliver, remits the fine on
sequestration of the estates of S., i. 61 ;
sent to the relief of Taunton, 74 ; in-
crease of his power, 77 ; thanks S. for
advice to Denzil Holies, 78 ; ejects the
Rump Parliament, his motives, 90 93 ;
appoints a Council of State, 94 ; nomi-
nates the Barebone Parliament, 95 ; S.
and others deputed to ask him to join
it, 96 ; said to have offered S. the office
of Lord Chancellor, 103 ; zealously sup-
ported by S. 103, 105 ; refuses to be
King, 104; made Protector, 105; his
' ' Instrument of Government " opposed
by Parliament, 105110, 115118; dis-
solves Parliament, 118 ; S. separates
from him, 119, 123 ; " Petition and Ad-
vice " to him to assume the title of King
refused, 130 ; " Peers " appointed by
him, 133; debates thereon, dissolves
Parliament, 138 ; his death, 142 ; his
memory abused in a speech by S., 160,
App. IV, Ixv ; motives of S. for sepa-
rating from him, 163 ; his body exhumed
and hung at Tyburn, 237247.
Cromwell, Richard, nominated as one of
" Cromwell's Peers," i. 133 ; named by
his father to succeed him, 142 ; recog-
nized by the Council as Protector, 144 ;
proclaimed, 145 ; summons " Oliver
Cromwell's Peers " to the " other
house," 147 ; bill in Parliament for hig
recognition, 148 ; discussion on its terms,
149 ; bill to settle revenue on him,
opposed by S., 164 ; compelled by Fleet-
wood's party to dissolve Parliament,
170 ; his fall, 171, 173.
" Cromwell's Peers " summoned to the
"other house" (see "Other House,"
and Parliament).
Cronstrom, M., letter to S. on appoint-
ment as Chancellor, ii. App. IV. xlvii.
Cropredy Bridge, battle of, i. 58.
D.
Danby, Earl of (Sir Thomas Osborne),
created Viscount Latimer and Earl of
Danby, succeeds Clifford as Lord Trea-
surer, ii. 144 ; speech of S. on swearing
him in, 145, App. V. Ixxi ; opposes Dutch
war and French alliance, 149 ; proposes
a non-resistance "Test Bill," 203;
opposed by S. , 204 ; his reasons against
. ,
e bill, 205, App. VI. Ixxvii ; his sym-
pathy with Holland. 227 ; aids the King
in obtaining a subsidy from France, 245,
246 ; promotes treaty with Holland
against France, 255; bribe offered him
by Louis XIV., 256 ; his letter to Mon-
tagu, applying to France for large sub-
sidies, 270 ; intrigues of Duke of York
for his removal, 283 ; accuses Montagu
of Popish intrigues, his letters for
INDEX.
XXXV
French subsidies produced, his impeach-
ment, 304 ; negotiates with Opposition,
305 ; new Parliament adverse to him,
306 ; account by S. of his character and
conduct, 312 ; pardoned by the King,
318 ; his flight, bill passed against him,
surrenders for trial, 319 ; dismissed as
Lord Treasurer, 320 ; his pardon de-
clared illegal by Parliament, 332 ; ac-
cused of ordering the murder of Godfrey,
true bill against him, 409 ; notices of,
by Stringer^ Burnet, Evelyn, and S.,
App. III. xxxiv.
Dangerfield, his plot, charging S. and lead-
ing Protestants with conspiracy, ii. 348 ;
states he was hired to murder S., 349.
Death, punishment of, in 1646-7, i. 8184.
Da Bordeaux, French Ambassador, on the
offer of the throne to Monk, i. 216.
"Declaration of Indulgence " (see Re-
ligion).
De Ronquillos, Don Pedro, Spanish Am-
bassador, urges appointment of S. as
Lord Treasurer, ii. 370.
Desborough supports Richard Cromwell, i.
144 ; his jealousy of the Council of State,
145 ; his share in the deposition of
Richard Cromwell, 169173 ; his com-
mand in the army, 188.
De Witt negotiates the Triple Alliance,
ii. 11.
Diary kept by S. from 1646 to 1650, i.
App. II. xxxii.
Digby, Lord, quarrel of S. with him on
the election for Dorsetshire, action for
slander brought by S., 1,0001. damages
recovered, and 152Z. costs, ii. 214, 215,
220, 222, 224.
Dispensing Bill (see Act of Uniformity and
Religion).
Dissenters (see Religion).
Dolben, Archbishop of York, his friend-
ship for S., ii. 47 ; advocates divorce
and remarriage of Charles II., 381.
Dorchester, surrenders to the King's army,
i. 43.
Dorchester House, Covent Garden, a resi-
dence of S.,i. 33.
Dorsetshire, S. appointed Sheriff, i. 46 ;
its position between King and Parlia-
ment, 52 ; military services there of S.,
i. 5975 ; quarrel of S. with Lord Digby
at the election in 1675, S. recovers
damages for slander, ii. 215, 216.
Double returns of members of Parliament,
i. 37.
Dover, secret treaty between France and
England against Holland signed at,
ii. 19 (see Arlington, Buckingham,
Charles II., Colbert, Louis XIV.).
Downing, Sir George, Ambassador to the
Hague, ii. 79.
Downton, Wilts, S. elected memberfor it in
a double return, i. 36, 40, 76 ; his attempt
to obtain his seat in the " Rump " Parlia-
ment, 176 ; application for his seat,
described by Ludlow, App. III. Ix ;
claim at last recognized, 202.
Dryden, his satires on S. in
and Achitophel" (Monmouth and S.),
and "The Medal," Preface, xiv, i. 54,
98; their bitterness and falsehood,
general character of his satire, i. 223
226 ; does not ascribe the "Stop of the
Exchequer" to S., ii. 69; his incon-
sistency, 70 ; his eulogium of S. as a
judge, 175 ; becomes a Roman Catholic,
289; accuses S. of inventing circum-
stances in the Popish Plot, 288, 289;
falsehood and inconsistency of the
charge, 290, 300 ; eulogizes Halifax, ii.
875 ; extracts from his poem, " Absalom
and Achitophel," 429 432 ; from " The
Medal," 432 434; the satires suggested
and paid for by Charles II., 429, 434:
his "Albion and Albanius," 437; Lord
Macaulay's opinion of him, 474.
Dunkirk sold to France, i. 265.
Dupuy, valet of the Duke of York, ac-
cused of the murder of Godfrey, ii. 409.
Durham House, Strand, a residence of S. ,
i. 24.
Dutch war, declared, opposed by Claren-
don, promoted by S., i. 278 ; popularity
of the war, 279 . S. appointed Treasurer
of Prizes, Clarendon's dissatisfaction,
279 ; he remonstrates with the King
and S., 280; appointment of S. con-
firmed, 282 ; questions as to the appropri-
ation of prize-money, 283 ; secret treaty
between Louis XIV and Charles II.,
peace concluded, 303, 304 ; Triple
Alliance of England with Holland and
Sweden against France, ii. 11 ; secret
treaty between CharlesII. and Louis XIV.
against Holland, 18 ; war against Hol-
land commenced by England and France,
27 ; treaty between Holland and Spain-
77 ; object of Charles II. in promotion
the war, 78 ; supported by S. , his rea,
sons, 78 ; attack on the Dutch fleet
before declaration of war, denounced as
piratical, 81 ; grievances stated in de-
claration of war, 82 ; sea fight near
Southwold Bay, Earl of Sandwich killed,
84 ; victories of Louis XIV., 84 ; negoti-
ations, 85 ; treaty between France and
England not to make peace without
agreed conditions, 86 ; conditions re-
jected by Holland, 87 ; official speech of
S. as Lord Chancellor, 114 ; severe
comments on it, 115, 117; unpopularity
of the war, 145; the Dutch form
alliances, 148; opposed by S., 149;
negotiations for peace, 185 ; peace con-
cluded between England and Holland,
191 ; Charles II. mediates between
France and Holland, 210; secret per-
sonal treaty between Charles [I. and
Louis XIV., 211 ; ineffectual negotia-
tions, 227 :-Courtin, French Ambassador,
treats with S., 228 ; Charles II. urged
by Parliament to join allies against
France, 241 ; negotiations with Prince
of Orange for peace, 246 ; endeavour of
Charles II. to make peace, 254 ; terms
XXXVI
INDEX.
refused by Prance, 255 ; treaty between
England and Holland, 256 ; negotiations,
bribes, and subsidies, peace of Nimeguen
between France and Holland, 265276 ;
S. s written opinion on the peace of
Nimeguen, 281 ; memoir of Colbert to
Louis XI V., App. II. xii.
Dysart, Countess of, afterwards Duchess
of Lauderdale (see Lauderdale).
Elections to Parliament (see Parliament)
Elizabeth of Bohemia, Princess, letter
fromhertoS.,i. 275.
Ely Rents, Holbom, the property of S i
7, 8 ; App. II. xxxii, xlvi.
Emigration, the result of religious in-
tolerance, iii. 7.
Essex, Earl of, his mysterious death in the
. Tower, various opinions on, ii. App
VIII. cxxv.
Essex, Earl of, the Parliamentary General
his services in Dorsetshire in connection
with S., i. 58, 72; letter to him from
S., ii. 101 ; his proceedings as Privy
Councillor, ii. 328 ; resigns as first Com-
missioner of Treasury, 352 ; dismissed as
Privy Councillor, 387; petitions against
meeting of Parliament at Oxford. 890;
his letters to S. against granting Phoenix
Park to the Duchess of Cleveland, App
IV. xlvii liv.
Evelyn, John, proposed marriage of his
niece to S.'s son,ii. 35; describes atten-
dance of Charles II. in House of Lords
on Lord Koos's Remarriage Act, 42 his
notice of Sir W. Morrice, 45; on the
qualities of the sycamore, 51 ; ascribes
the " Stop of the Exchequer" to Clifford
65 ; member of Council of Trade and
Plantations, 93.
Exchequer, Chancellor of (see Chancellor
of the Exchequer).
Exchequer (see "Stop of the Exchequer").
Execution of Charles I., i. 85.
Executions in Dorsetshire for desertion
horse-stealing, &c., i. 8184, App. II ,
xxxiv xli.
Exeter College, Oxford, life of S. there,
i. 1518.
Exeter, Earl of, his daughter married to
S., i. 86.
Exeter House, Strand, the residence of S
when Lord Chancellor, ii. 166 ; disposed
of by him to builders, 222, 223, 224
Fairfax replaces Essex as Parliamentary
General, i. 75 ; tribute to him by S.,
Falston House, Salisbury, proposed by S
to be garrisoned, i. 69.
Fanshawe, Lady denounces S. for refusing
to give Ambassador's plate, i. 309.
Faria, Francisco, states he was hired to
murderS., ii. 350.
Fell, Dr., Dean of Christ Church, Oxford
letter of S. to him, recommendin^ Locke
for preferment, his servility to royalty
deprives Locke of his studentship, ii.'
Ferguson, Rev. Robert, joins S. in an in-
tended rising satirized in "Absalom
and Achitophel," ii. 447; accompanies
S. to Amsterdam, 452 ; legacy left to
him by S., 458.
Fiennes, Nathaniel, attacked in a speech
byS.,i. 161; App. IV. Ixvii.
Fifth Monarchists excluded by S from
toleration, ii. 6.
Finch, Sir Heneage, succeeds S. as Lord
Keeper, ii. 157, 158 ; his account of the
protecting pardon given to S. as Chan-
cellor, 159; as Lord Chancellor, urges
Charles II. to disown the Duke of York
370 ; his speech in conference with
Charles II. App. VII., cxx.
Fire of London, its effects, ii. 7.
Fitzharris, Edward, impeached by Com-
mons for treason, Lords resolve to pro-
ceed at common law, S. protests, ii. 407
accuses Danby of ordering the murder
of Godfrey, 409 ; tried and executed in-
terest of S. in his trial, 410.
' Five Mile Act," against Dissenters, sup-
ported by Clarendon, opposed by S., i.
292.
Fleetwood concurs in the recognition of
Richard Cromwell, i. 144 ; his jealousv
of the Council of State, 145 ; his share
in the deposition of Richard Cromwell
169173 ; made Commander-in-Chief bv
the "Rump," 188; appointment re-
voked, 189 ; takes S. prisoner, released
on parole, attempts to arrest him again
197 ; S. made Colonel of his regiment of
horse, 203 ; letter to him from S. and
others on their attempt to secure the
Tower of London, App. V. Ixxiv
Foreigners (see Naturalization of Fo-
reigners).
Fortune telling, skill of S. in, i. 29 ADD
I. xxiii.
Fox, Charles James, his opinion of S. ii.
France, at war with England, secret treaty
between Louis XIV. and Charles II
peace concluded, i. 303, 304; at war
with Spain, negotiations for an English
alliance, ii. 9, 10 ; defeated, 11 ; peace
concluded, 12 ; secret treaty with Eng-
land for war with Holland, 19 ; mock
treaty made to enlist support of S. and
Lauderdale, signed by them, 26 ; a fur-
ther treaty signed by them, 27 ; joined
by England, commences war with Hol-
land, 27 ; S. averse to French alliance,
28, 29 ; endeavours of S. to improve
treaty, 29; unpopularity of alliance
145 ; opposed by S., 149 ; intrigues with
English statesmen, 227, 228 ; endeavour
of Charles II. to make peace, 254 ; terms
refused by Louis XIV., 255 ; English and
Dutch alliance against, 256 ; progress of
INDEX.
XXXVll
negotiations, peace of Nimeguen, 265
276 ; French bribes and subsidies, 267,
268 (and see Dutch war, Louis XIV.).
Fuller, Dr. , Bishop of Lincoln, letter from
him to S., ii. 193.
G.
"Gantelope" (gauntlet), running the, a
punishment for deserters, i. 81.
Gardening, apple trees planted by S. at
Wimborne St. Giles, ii. 49; remarks
by S. on planting timber trees, on the
s\camore, and wall fruit, 50; Locke's
observations on vines, olives, &c., writ-
ten at the request of S., 49 : Evelyn's
remarks on the sycamore, 50; letter
from S. to Locke, 61 ; 8. commissions
Locke to buy orange and other trees,
vines, and seeds for him, 220, 221.
Gardening in the seventeenth century, i.
App. I. xviii.
Gentry of the West of England in the
seventeenth century, i. 25.
Godfrey, Sir Edmund Bury, murder of, ii.
296, 409.
Godolphin, Sidney, made Privy Councillor,
ii. 352 ; with Sunderland and Laurence
Hyde, chief ministers, nicknamed " the
Chits," 353.
Goldsmiths' Hall, fines for recovering
sequestered estates received at, i. 70.
Government interference in Parliamentary
elections (see Parliament).
Grafton, Duke of, son of Charles II. by
Duchess of Cleveland, married to daugh-
ter of Arlington, ii. App. II. xiii.
" Granadoes " used by S. in the storming
of Abbotsbury, i. 62 ; proposed to be
used to murder S. , ii. 350.
Grey, Lord, his calumnies against S., ii.
400 ; joins S., Monmouth, and Russell,
to raise an insurrection, 445 ; his account
of participation of S. in intended rising.
447, 448.
Grimstone, Sir H., letter to S. on the state
of the records, ii. App. IV. lv; notice
of him by Burnet, Ivi.
Guerden, Dr., first tutor of S., i. 12, App.
I. vi.
Guinea stock, speculations of S. in, ii.
226.
Guizot, M., his notices of S., i. 186, 190 ;
on the offer of the throne to Monk, i.
217.
H.
Habeas Corpus Act carried by S. , its pro-
visions explained, ii. 333, 334; said to
have been carried by a trick, 335.
Hale, Sir Matthew, a member of the Law-
Reform Commission (1052), i. 87.
Halifax, Lord, his relationship to S.,i. 22,
121 ; made Privy Councillor, ii. 84 ; his
mission to France during the Dutch
war, Colbert's account of him, 85 ; his
VOL. I.
ignorance of the design to establish
Popery, 8(5 ; presents petition of S. for
release from the Tower, 257 ; his pro-
ceedings as Privy Councillor, 328 ;
promotes design for introducing the
Prince of Orange, 341 ; opposes bill for
exclusion of Duke of York, 375, 376 ;
address for his removal, 381 ; speeches
in Committee of Privy Council, advising
arrest of S., App. VII. cxviii.
Hallam, his opinions of S., ii. 472.
Hampden, his attempted arrest by Charles
I., i. 55.
Hampton Court Palace offered to, but
refused by, Cromwell, i. 103.
Hanley bowling green, Dorsetshire, i. 25.
Harwich, flight of S. from London, his
stay at, ii. 451.
Haselrig, Sir Arthur, his description of
the ejection of the "Rump" Parlia-
ment, i. 93 ; refuses to sit as one of
"Cromwell's Peers," 133 ; his influence
aft a member of the Rump, 173, 188 ; his
intrigues with Monk described by S. ,
212 ; excepted from the " Pardon and
Indemnity Bill," his life spared on an
address from Parliament, supported by
S., 241, 243.
Hastings, Mr., account of him by S., i. App.
I. xv.
Hawking, practised by S. , i. 14.
Hawles, Sir John, condemns Chief Justice
Pemberton's charge on the trial of S., ii.
425.
Hebden, the Russian resident, his notices
of S., i. 274.
Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I., her
letter to S. as to payment of her pen-
sion, i. 317.
Hertford, Marquis of, commands the Royal
army, i. 48.
Hewson, Colonel, one of "Cromwell's
Peers," attacked in a speech by S., i.
161.
Highmore, Rev. John, chaplain to S. , his
letter to S. on the "Meal-tub" Plot, ii.
351.
Hill, Mrs. (widow of Stringer), letter from,
on Burnet' s misrepresentations of S., ii.
App. VIII. cxxiii.
Holland (see Dutch war).
Holies, Denzil (afterwards Lord Holies),
his relationship to S., i. 11 ; his litigation
with S., 39 ; his opposition to Cromwell,
advice to him by S., 78 ; co-operates
with S. in the House of Lords, ii. 200 ;
presents petition of S. for release from
the Tower, 257 ; letter from him to S.,
their early litigation and late friendship,
365.
Hooke House, Dorsetshire, proposed by
S. to* be garrisoned, i. 69.
Horses belonging to S., his instructions
when in the Tower for their sale, ii. 418.
Howard of Escrick, Lord, committed to
the Tower, ii. 411.
" Humble petition and advice " to Crom-
well to assume the title of King, i. 130 ;
XXXV111
INDEX.
discussed in Richard Cromwell's Parlia-
ment, 148, 151.
Hunt dinner at Tewkesbury, i. 28, App. I.
xxi.
Hyde, Ann, Duchecs of York (see York).
Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (see Clarendon).
Independents (see Religion).
Inspruek, Archduchess of, her proposed
marriage to the Duke of York, ii. 148.
"Instrument of Government," promul-
gated by Cromwell, i. 105110, 123;
superseded by Parliament, 130.
Interest of money, Parliamentary report
on, ii. App. I. v.
Ireland, its representation in Richard
Cromwell's Parliament, i. 146, 158 ;
quarrel between Lord Conwayand S. on
Irish affairs, 301 ; inclination of S. to
be Lord-Lieutenant, 303; 'letter from
Lord Conway to S. on politics, ii. 5 ;
speech of S. on its condition, Lord
Ossory's reply, 321 ; S. informs Privy
Council of a plot there, 363 ; " con-
cealed lands " belonging to the Crown,
general value of land, App. IV. liii,
liv ; speech of S. on the state of, App.
VI. cii.
Irish cattle, bill to prohibit importation,
supported by S , i. 299 ; discussion on
the bill, 300 ; quarrel between the Earl
of Ossory and Lord Conway and S.,
300.
Ireton, the regicide, attainted, his body
exhumed and hung at Tyburn, i. 237,
247.
Isle of Wight, S. appointed governor, i.
213, 249.
J.
James II. (see York, Duke of).
Jenkins, Sir Leoline, appointed Secretary
of State, ii. 359; speeches on foreign
affairs, App. VII. cxix, cxxi.
Keck, Abraham, a merchant of Amster-
dam, death of S. in his house, ii. 455.
La Cloche, James, a Jesuit, natural son of
Charles II., ii. 16.
Lambert, Colonel, his influence in restor-
ing the "Rump" Parliament, i. 173;
defeats Sir George Booth's insurrection,
185 ; his discontent with the Parliament,
188 ; suppresses the "Rump" by mili-
tary force, 189; efforts of S. to restore
it, 193 ; " Narrative " by S. of his pro-
ceedings, 194 ; imprisoned by the
"Rump," 218; escapes, raises troops,
is defeated, letter thereon from S. , 219 ;
condemned as a regicide, his life spared,
248.
Land, decay of rents, remedies proposed
by S. , ii. 6 ; registration of titles recom-
mended, 7 ; " concealed lands " belong-
ing to the Crown in Ireland, App. IV.
liii. liv. (see Registration of Titles).
Lauderdale, Duke of, his co-operation with
S. against Clarendon, i. 273 ; letter to S.
for payment of a grant from the King,
16 ; supports an alliance with France
against Holland, ii. 22 ; his ignorance-
of the secret treaty, 24 ; shared by S.
and Buckingham, 55 ; signs a mock
treaty excluding provision for restoring
Popery, 26 ; receives present from Louis
XIV., 31; attacked by House of Com-
mons, 155, 188 ; addresses for his re-
moval, 272, 329, 332.
Lauderdale, Duchess of, Burnet's notice
of her, ii. App. III. xxiii.
Law-reform Commission (1652), S. ap-
pointed a member of it, i. 87, 89.
Law-reforms projected in Barebone's Par-
liament, i. 100 ; ordinances by Crom-
well's Council, 113 (see Chancery, Court
of Wards).
La Chaise, confessor to Louis XIV., his
correspondence with Coleman on Popish
Plot, ii. 294.
Le Clerc, on Locke's friendship with S., i.
297.
"Letter from a Person of Quality" (1676),
ascribed to Locke, his denial, i. 261,
293 ; explains reasons of S. for support-
ing " Declaration of Indulgence," ii. 74 ;
ordered by House of Lords to be burnt,
supposed to have been written by S.,
207, 285.
Letters and Reports by S. , on the storm-
ing of Abbotsbury, i. 62 ; to the gover-
nor of Poole on military affairs, 68 ;
to Earl of Essex on the relief of Taun-
ton, 72 ; to Henry Cromwell, 135 ; to
Charles II., 179 ; to Montagu on Lam-
bert's defeat, 219 ; to his wife, 285, 294 ;
to Fleetwood on attempt to secure
the Tower of London, App. V. Ixxiv ;
to Locke on the marriage of his son,
second Earl, ii. 3537 ; to Sir W. Mor-
rice, 44, 47, 100 ; to Dr. Fell, 48 ; to his
Bailiff, Hughes, 49; to Locke on the
" Stop of the Exchequer," 61 ; to Earl of
Essex, 101 ; to Duke of York, urging
him to renounce Popery, 150; to Mr.
Bennett, on his quarrel with Lord Digby,
216 ; to Locke, consigning to his care a
son of Sir John Banks, 235 ; to Charles
II. and Duke of York, and circular to
Peers, whilst imprisoned in the Tower,
251254 ; to his bailiff, 261 ; to Bishops
for information as to sequestrated liv-
ings, App. IV. liv ; to Russell and other
Privy Councillors, advising them to
resign, 357 ; to Locke, 361 ; to Locke
on arrangements for his residence at
Oxford, 398400.
INDEX.
XXXIX
Letters to S., from Montagu, i. 214 ; Prin-
cess Elizabeth of Bohemia, 275 ; Arling-
ton, 275; Lauderdale, 316; Henrietta
Maria (Queen of Charles I.), 317 ; Lord
Conway, ii. 5 ; Sir W. Morrice, 46, App.
IV. xlvi ; Charles II. dismissing him as
Lord Chancellor, 145 ; Dr. Fuller, Bishop
of Lincoln, 193 ; Eftrl of Salisbury, 258 ;
M. Cronstrom, App. IV. xlvii ; Earl of
Essex, xlvii liv ; Sir H. Grimstone,
Iv ; Sir R. Southwell, App. VII. cvii ;
Ormond, on Irish affairs, 337; Rev. J.
Highmore, 351 ; Earl of Bridgwater, 362 ;
Lord Holies, 365; Locke, on politics,
367 ; Locke, on arrangements for his
residence at Oxford, 392.
Letters, Lady S. to Earl of Sunderland, i.
122 ; Locke to Earl of Pembroke, 261 ; Sir
Peter Pett to Archbishop Bramhall, 262 ;.
Locke to Earl of Pembroke, 296 ; Lady
Dorothy Ashley to Locke, ii. 38, 39; Lady
Ashley (wife of S.) to Locke, 40; Lord
Conway to Sir George Rawdon, 43 ; T.
Thynne to Sir W. Coventry, 98 ; Sir W.
Coventry to Thynne, 149 ; Stringer to
Locke on imprisonment of S. in the
Tower, 236, 239, 248, 250, App. VII.
cxii ; H. Coventry to Sir J. Williamson,
249 ; Danby and Charles II. to Montagu,
270 ; Coleman, secretary to Duchess of
York, to La Chaise, confessor to Louis
XIV., 294 ; Lady Russell to Lord William
Russell, 307; Barillon to Louis XIV.,
359 ; Sir Thomas Cheke to Sir Leoline
Jenkins, 415 ; Lady S. to Locke, 450 ;
Sir William Cooper to Stringer, 459 ;
Locke to Stringer, on proceedings of
Parliament at Oxford, 1681, App. VII.
cxii cxv ; widow of T. Stringer to
Lady Elizabeth Harris, grand-daughter
of S.,'on Burnet's misrepresentations,
App. VIII. cxxiii,
Lingard, his errors with reference to S.,ii.
120.
Locke, John, his "Commonplace Book,"
i. 35; his Life of S., Preface xv, xvii,
40, 47 ; its errors, 78, 80, 195, 197,
219 ; dedicates " Essays of Nicole" to
LadyS., 122; his intimacy with S.,
its origin, 222 ; accident to S. on their
journey the cause of satires and lam-
poons, 222, ii. 438, 456 ; his denial of
pamphlets ascribed to him, i. 261 ; pre-
pares for S. a constitution for Carolina,
288 ; friendship of S..for him, 295298 ;
his verses, his work on the "Human
Understanding," 297 ; advises a surgical
operation on S., ii. 34; letters to him
from S. on the marriage of his son to
Lady Dorothy Manners, 3537 ; from
Lady Dorothy Ashley, 38, 39 ; from Lady
Ashley (wife of S.), from S., 40; letter
from S. to Dr. Fell, recommending
Locke for preferment, 48; his "Obser-
vations on the Growth of Vines, Pro-
duction of Silk," &c,, written at the
request of S., 49 ; letter to him from S.
proving that the latter opposed the
" Stop of the Exchequer," 60 ; appointed
Secretary to Council of Trade and Plan-
tations, 93; anecdote of, 107; his ill-
health, residence at Montpelier, letters
to him from Stringer, 219224; letter
from S. to 'him, consigning to his care a
son of Sir John Banks, 235 ; letter from
S. to him, 361 ; from him to S., on poli-
tics, 367 ; makes arrangements for S. to
reside at Oxford to attend Parliament,
their correspondence, 391401 ; his re-
collections of S.'s conversation, 468 ;
Coste's account of his opinions of S.,
469 ; letter to Stringer on proceedings
of Parliament at Oxford, App. VII cxii.
London, petitions for the recall of the
"Rump" Parliament, i. 1T3; Monk's
proceedings there described by S., 207
212 ; riot in the City, design to murder
S., 362 ; the City beg Charles II. to follow
the advice of Parliament, his astonish-
ment, 374 ; sheriffs elected by Court in-
trigues, 443 445 ; S. joins Monmouth
and Russell to promote an insurrection,
undertakes to raise men in Wapping,
446 ; meetings to arrange plans, 446,
447.
Long Parliament (see Parliament).
Lords, House of, as nominated by Crom-
well 'see Parliament).
Louis XIV., his negotiations with Charles
II. for an alliance against Spain, ii. 9;
against Holland, 18; secret treaty of
Dover, 19; further negotiations with
Buckingham, 23 ; urges Charles II. to
treat with the Pope for establishing
Popery, 24 ; prefers alliance to establish-
ment of Popery, 135 ; endeavours to
bribe S. to return to Court, 182; his
anger at negotiations for peace with
Holland, 185 ; bribes Charles II. to pro-
rogue Parliament, 209 ; his secret per-
sonal treaty with Charles II., 21 ; offers
Charles II. another bribe to prorogue,
bribes members to support French alli-
ance, 227 ; prosecutes war against the
Dutch and their allies, 240 : grants siib-
sidy to Charles II., who adjourns Par-
liament, 245 ; his annoyance at the mar-
riage of William and Mary, 246 ; refuses
terms of peace proposed by Charles II.
255 ; offers further bribes for proroga-
tion, 256 ; his intrigues with English
statesmen, 267, 280 ; applied to by
Charles II. for large subsidies, 268, 270';
agrees to his terms, and signs a secret
treaty, 273 ; not ratified by Charles, L'7<i ;
refuses Charles II. a subsidy, 305; at-
tempts of Charles II. to obtain French
subsidy, 359; gives Charles II. a sub-
sidy for three years on a verbal tr. at y.
402, 403; despatch from Barillon to
him on the Pi-ivy Council, App. VII.
cix.
Ludlow, Edmund, a candidate for Wilt-
shire, his account of the election, de-
feated by S., i. 112 ; his statement as to
the separation of S. and Cromwell, 119 ;
2
INDEX.
his erroneous statements as to S,, 238 ;
from his Memoirs
referring to S., App. III. Ivi.
Lulw.orth, Dorset, during the rebellion, i.
67.
Lund, his deposition as to design on the
life of S.,ii. 305.
Luttrell, Narcissus, his Diary, notices of
danger to S. before his flight to Holland,
ii. 448.
Lyme, besieged by Prince Maurice, i, 58.
Lytton, Lord, lines on S. in his poem "St.
Stephens," ii. 430.
Macaulay, Lord, on S., and Dryden's
satires, i. 224, 225, ii. 474; on the
treacheiy of Dr. Fell, 48 ; his opinions
of S. refuted, 474482.
Manners, Lady Dorothy, her marriage to
Anthony Ashley, son of S., letters of S.
to Locke on the subject, ii. 3537.
Martyn,Benjamin,employedby fourth Earl
to write Memoir of S., Preface, xvi, xviii ;
his work improved by Dr. Sharpe and
by Dr. Kippis, edited by G. W. Cooke,
printed, the copies destroyed, Preface,
xvi, xvii ; errors in his Life of S., i. 40,
53, 75, 89, 102, 113, 116, 136, 182, 183,
195, 293, ii. 459, 479, App. I. iii, IL
xxviii, xxxi ; his account of the opposi-
tion of S. to the Corporation Act and
Act of Uniformity, i. 260, 261 ; of the
support given by S. to the " Dispensing
Bill," 268.
Marvel, Andrew, on the motives of S. for
supporting Lord Roos's Remarriage Act,
ii. 43 ; on the King's claim to dispensing
power in religion, 73 ; praises opposition
of S. to Danby's Test Bill, 206.
Mary of Modena, Queen of James II,, wish
of Charles II. to marry her, ii. 147 ; her
marriage to the Duke of York, 148 ; S.
advocates her divorce and remarriage of
the King to a Protestant, 377, 378.
Massal, an Italian spy, employed by Arch-
bishop Bancroft, his offer to murder Sir
William Waller, ii. 454 ; his account of
the death of S. , 455.
Maurice, Prince, commands the Royal
army, i. 43, 45, 58, 59.
Mazarin, Duchess of, her influence with
Charles II. in French interests, ii. 384.
" Meal-tub" Plot, charging S. and leading
Protestants with conspiracy, 348.
Medal struck to- commemorate acquittal
of S., ii. 428; Dryden's poem, "The
Medal," 432.
Medici, Cosmo de, dines with S. in English
style, preserves the bill of fare, ii. 110.
Mews, Dr., Bishop of Bristol, his letter
canvassing for Lord Digby as member
for Dorsetshire, ii. 218.
Mignet, M., his " Histoiy of the Nego-
tiations relative to the Spanish succes-
sion," Preface, x., ii. 13.
Military government taken by Parliament
from Charles I., i. 55.
Military power reorganized by Cromwell,
i. 108, 110 (see Army).
Militia Act passed by Charles II. 's Par-
liament, its miscliievous nature, opposed
by S., i. 260, 261.
Milton, his connection with Cromwell and
Thurloe, i. 111.
Minors sitting in Parliament, i. 30.
Monk (see Albemarle).
Monmouth, Duke of, his legitimization pro-
posed by Buckingham, ii. 9 ; a plenipo-
tentiary to Lons XIV 7 ., 85 ; S. favours a
project for declaring him legitimate, 148 ;
S. favours his succession to the throne,
329, 330 ; suppresses Scotch rebellion,
S. proposes his commanding a troop of
Guards, 341 ; ordered to leave England,
goes to the Hague, 344: deprived of
offices, S.'s connection with him, 347 ;
proposal that he should join the Prince
of Orange, 353 ; returns to England, 354 ;
reconciled to Charles, 360 ; Charles de-
nies marriage to his mother, 364; sup-
ports bill for exclusion of the Duke
of York, 376 ; resolution of Parliament
for his restoration to favour, 386 ; con-
versation between Charles II. and S. as
to his succession, 408, App. VII. cxvii ;
visits S. in the Tower, 413 ; joins S. and
Russell to raise an insurrection, 445 ;
arrested at Stafford, released on bail,
446; complains of recklessness of S.,
449.
Montagu, Earl of Sandwich (?ee Sandwich).
Montagu, Ralph, Ambassador at Paris,
letters to him from Danby and the King,
pressing Louis XIV. for large subsidies,
ii. 270 ; accused by Danby of Popish
intrigues, his papers seized, produces
Dauby's letters, Danby's impeachment,
303, 304.
Mordaunt, Lord, his agency in the resto-
ration of Charles II., i. 181, 184.
Moreton, Sir George, account of him by
S., i. App. I. xvii.
Morrice, Sir W., a coadjutor of Monk,
letters from S. to him, ii. 44, 47, 100 ;
from him to S., 46, 100, App. IV.
xlvi ; his learning and rhetoric, 45, 46 ;
judge of a wrestling match before
Charles II., 45.
Mulgrave, Sheffield, Earl of, lines on S. ill
his "Essay on Satire," ii. 430.
X.
Nappeir, Sir Gerar<l, account of him by
S., App. I. xvii.
Natural! , atiou of foreigners proposed by
S. for improvement of trade, ii. 7; his
memorial to Charles II., App. I. v ;
proceedings hi Parliament, v, vi.
Newbury, battle of, i. 61.
Nimeguen, peace of, between France and
INDEX.
xli
Holland, ii. 276 ; S.'s written opinion of
the peace, 281.
North, Roger, ascribes the "Stop of the
Exchequer" to S., ii. 66; his misrepre-
sentations of S. 's conduct as Chancellor,
ii. 162169, 172, 174.
Norton, Sir Daniel, guardian of S.', i. 13.
Nottingham, Lord Chancellor (see Finch,
Sir Heneage).
Noy, Attorney-General, counsel for S. in
Court of Wards, i. 10. App. I. ix.
o.
Oates, Titus, his perjuries in connexion
with the Popish Plot, ii. 287, 291, 293,
2iM, 300.
Oath or Test of Protestantism (see Reli-
gion).
Olivian, Dr., his predictions respecting S.,
i. 20, App. I. iv, v, xiii, xiv.
Orange, Prince of, advises rejection of
terms of peace with Holland, ii. 87 ;
his visit to England, and marriage with
Mary, daughter of the Duke of York,
246, 247; Charles II. negotiates with
him for peace, 246 ; his influence with
the King, 254 ; design of English states-
men to place him on the throne, ii. 339 ;
views of S. thereon, 340. 341 ; his own
views of succeeding to the throne, 345 ;
proposal that he should join Monmouth,
352, 354; favours bill for exclusion of
Duke of York and himself, 387, 888.
Orleans, Duchess of (sister of Charles II. X
supports an alliance of England with
France, ii. 13, 14, 15, 19, 21 ; her death,
22.
Ormond, Duke of, made Lord Steward by
Charles II., i. 229 ; envy excited by his
wealth and station, 300 ; removed from
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, ii. 4 ; his
friendly relations with S., 47, 322; as-
cribes the "Stop of the Exchequer" to
Clifford, 65 ; acts in the Cabinet with
Arlington and S. against France and
Popery, 144 ; joins S. in opposing Dutch
war and French alliance, 149 ; letter to
S. on Irish affaire, 337.
Orrery, Ean o f, attacked in a speech by S.,
i. 161, App. iv. Ixvii.
Osborne, sir Thomas, afterwards Earl of
Danby ( se e Danby).
Ossory, Earl of, his quarrel with S., or-
dered by the House of Lords to apologize,
i. 300301 ; replies to reflections of S.
on his father, ii. 322 ; comments of
Ormond on his speech, 338; ordered to
Tangier, his death, 368.
"Other House, the," comprising "Peers"
named and summoned by Cromwell
(see Parliament).
Otway, his satire on S. in "Venice Pre-
served," ii. 437.
Oxford, life of S. at Exeter College, i. 15,
18, App. I. x, xi ; Parliament meets there,
289; second Earl of Shaftesbury sent
there, 285, 286, 294 ; S. visits him, 294,
295 ; Parliament called at, ii. 386 ;
Locke's arrangements for residence of
S. there, 391 401 ; townsmen refuse to
lodge King's guards, 401 ; Parliament
meets, 404 ; dissolved, 405.
Oxted, Surrey, S.'s residence at, i. 75.
P.
" Pardon and Indemnity Bill " introduced
for supporters of the Commonwealth,
i. 235 ; exception of the regicides, dis-
cussed in Parliament, 235 342 ; regi-
cides tried and executed, others spared,
243-248.
" Pardon, protecting," granted to S. on
his dismissal as Chancellor, ii. 157, 159.
Pardons granted by Charles II. to sup-
porters of the Commonwealth, including
S. i. 228.
Parliament, minors sitting in, i. 30 ; "the
Short" (1640), 31; "the Long," 35;
double return of members, 37 ; Parlia-
mentary cause joined by S., 47, Y7, 86 ;
his statement of his motives, 49 ; its
proceedings in 1641-1644, 55, 56 ; tie
"Rump," its supremacy in the Com-
monwealth, 77 ; it absolves S. from
delinquency, 89 ; the Rump ejected by
Cromwell, number of its members, 90
93 ; descriptions of the scene, 93 ; Bare-
bone's Parliament nominated by Crom-
well, 95 ; its proceedings and character,
96, 98, 99 ; its powers resigned to Crom-
well, 102; New Parliament, S'. elected
for three places, 112; its opposition to
Cromwell, 115 ; its dissolution injurious
to Cromwell, 124 ; meets again, S.
elected for Wilts, but with others ex
eluded by the Council of State, 124, 125,
126; "Remonstrance" of excluded
members, 127 ; " Address " to Cromwell
in favour of two Houses and of his being
King, carried, 128, 129; altered to a
"Petition and advice," creation of
another House earned, 120 ; adjourned,
reassembled as two Houses, 132 ;
" Cromwell's Peers " summoned to the
"other House" by IJichard Cromwell,
133, 147, 158, 164 ; debates on the "other
House," 137 ; dissolution, 138 ; speeches
of S., 139, App. IV. 65 ; New Parliament
summoned by Richard Cromwell, 146 ;
its peculiar constitution, 147 ; " other
House," the speeches of S. against it dur-
ing Richard Cromwell's Parliament, 148
168 ; his long speech against time, 160,
App. IV. Ixiii ; power of Parliament to
make peace and war upheld by S. 157 ;
Fleetwood's party compel HichardCroni-
well to disserve, 170: the "Rump"
restored, 173 ; its sovrn-ixn authority,
number of its members, 175 ; S. fails to
recover his .seat for Downton, 176 ; Par-
liament fails to satisfy the army, 187,
188 ; is suppressed with military force by
xlii
IXDEX.
Lambert, 18ft ; exertions of S. to restore
it, 19.3 ; share of S. in its restoration,
201 ; S. admitted to sit for Downton,
'29-2 ; Monk's proceedings described by
S., 205-212; the " secluded members "
admitted, 212 ; S. leaves the republi-
cans and joins the royalists, 213 ; new
Parliament of Lords and Commons, S.
represents Wiltshire, 220 ; " Convention
Parliament," bill passed with the assent
of Charles II. declaring its legality, 234;
discussions on " Pardon and Indemnity
Bill," for supporters of the Common-
wealth, 235242 ; S. in favour of spar-
ing the lives of the regicides, 238 ;
adjourned, 243 ; reassembles, 249 ; dis-
cussions on revenue and the ehuri;'..,
speeches of S., 250, 251 ; dissolved, 253 ;
new Parliament meets, S. in the House
of Lords as Baron Ashley of Wimborne
St. Giles, 255 ; bishops restored to the
House, its first measures high church
and royalist, 257 ; Corporation Act, Act
of Uniformity, and Militia Act passed,
provisions of these acts, their mis-
chievous nature, 258260 ; opposed by
S. , 261 ; discussions on Act of Unifor-
mity, 261, clause to enable the King to
dispense with its provisions, 263 ; re-
jected, Act passed, 264; "Dispensing
BUI" supported by S., 2G7 269; address
to Charles II. to banish Jesuits and
priests, Conventicle Act, 270; ses-
sion at Oxford, discussion on appro-
priation clause in Supply Bill, opposed
by Clarendon and S., 289 291 ; " Five
Mile Act," supported by Clarendon, ^
opposed by S., 292; "Non-resistance
Oath Bill " rejected, 293 ; bill to pro-
hibit importation of Irish cattle, Claren-
don's strictures on support of it by S.,
299; Earl of Ossory quarrels with S.,
ordered by the House of Lords to apo-
logize, SOU ; Commons propose to im-
peach Clarendon for general treason,
Lords refuse to join unless particular
treason assigned, 313 ; scheme for "com-
prehension " of Dissenters rejected,
Conventicle Act renewed, ii. 6 ; Com-
mittee on land and trade, opinions of
S. adopted, 8 ;. question of privilege
arranged by suggestion from S., 19 ;
money granted for war, dispute as to
right of Lords to alter money bills, 27 ;
Buckingham objects to making war
without advice of Parliament, S. con-
curs with him, 30; discussion of Lord
Roos's Remarriage Act, Charles II.
attends debate in House of Lords, 42 ;
bill supported by S., his motives, bill
passed, 43 ; privilege, letter by S. to
Morrice, 45 refusal to find means to
remove the "Stop of the Exchequer,"
70 ; clause in Conventicle Act asserting
King's supremacy, modified by Com-
mons, 73 ; repeated prorogations, another
at instance of Louis XIV. , 92 ; meets
after an interval of two years, strong
opposition to arbitrary power, S. Lord
Chancellor, discussion on writs issued
by him during prorogation, 112 ; King's
speech, defends ' ' Declaration of Indul-
gence," official speech of S., 113 ; custom
for Chancellor to make such a speech,
115 ; King justifies the issue of new
writs, 120 ; places of the Chancellor and
Heir-apparent, 118; discussion on issue
of writs, precedents in favour of the
practice, statements of Bishop Burnet,
T. Thynne, Roger North, and Bishop
Parker adverse to S., their inaccuracy,
121125 ; right of the House to issue
writs in future established, 126 ; minis-
terial influence in elections, 126 ; letter
from S.to Recorder of Chester in favour
of Duke of York's friend, its failure, 127;
supply granted, 128 ; discussion on
" Declaration of Indulgence," addresses
to the King, his evasive replies, 128,
129 ; addresses of Commons against
" Declaration of Indulgence," 129 ; King
appeals to Lords, reasons of S. for this
step, 129134; its failure, 132; Decla-
ration cancelled, 131 ; "Test Act," im-
posing Protestant oath on officials,
passed, 135 ; Clifford's violent speech,
137 ; supply granted, 140 ; satisfaction
of Commons, 141 ; Commons' address
against Duke of York's marriage to Mary
of Modena, 152 ; official speech of S. as
Chancellor, 154 ; supply refused, 154 ;
Buckingham conceals secret treaty, 186 ;
speech of Charles II. on French alliance,
opposition led by S., 187; address to
remove Papists from London, 188 ; dis-
cussions on restraining Popery in the
royal family, 189 ; prorogued to gratify
Louis XIV., 199 ; letter from S. to
Earl of Carlisle advocating new Parlia-
ment, 200; Danby's Test Bill opposed
by S., discussions and speeches, dispute
on privilege, prorogation, 203, 208 ;
further prorogation for fifteen months,
209 ; interference of Peers in elections,
letter from Bishop of Bristol canvassing
for Lord Digby, 218 ; Earl of Bristol
attacks S. and Lord Mohun, and is
ordered to ask pardon, 219 ; legality of
long prorogation disputed, 226, 230 ;
Buckingham supported by S., Salisbury,
and Wharton, moves for dissolution,
ordered to ask pardon, they refuse and
are sent to the Tower, 230233 ; the
question discussed in House of Com-
mons, 234, 236 ; S. kept in confinement
by repeated adjournments, 236 ; supplies
restricted, 242 ; alliance against France
urged, members bribed by Spain and
Germany, 243 ; S. petitions the Lords,
is heard and released, 257260 ; record
of his imprisonment cancelled, 260 ;
bill against Popery in House of Lords,
265 ; alliances urged upon the King,
intrigues of Louis XIV., Buckingham
and members or Opposition bribed, 266,
267 ; war against France again urged,
INDEX.
xliii
26S, 271, 275 ; address to remove Lauder-
dale, 272 ; resolves to disband army and
stop supplies, 275 ; S. distrusts the King
and fears French power, 279 ; members
bribed by France, 280; speech of S.
on claim to Purbeck peerage, 286 ; in-
trigues of Duke of York for dissolution,
283, 285 ; S. protests against Bishops
voting in trial of a peer for murder,
286; inquiries into the Popish Plot,
measures against Papists, their exclu-
sion from Parliament, 297 ; called the
" pensioned Parliament," prorogued and
dissolved, 305 ; new Parliament meets,
306, 316 ; Speaker Seymour's election
opposed by the King, 316 ; Serjeant
Gregory agreed to, 317 ; debates on
Danby's attainder, 319; S. advocates
his banishment, 320 ; speech of S. on
the state of the nation, 321 ; meetings
of the Commons on Sundays, 329, 331 ;
stringent measures against Papists and
the Duke of York, 329, 330 ; bill to ex-
clude him from the succession, 331 ;
Danby's pardon declared illegal, sudden
prorogation, 332 ; indignation of S. , 333 ;
Habeas Corpus Act carried by S., its
provisions explained, 333, 334 ; dissolved
against advice of Privy Council, 343 ;
new Parliament meets in fifteen months,
343 ; prorogued, petition for its meeting
presented to Charles II. by S. and other
Peers, 354 ; other petitions, 355, 356 ;
Charles issues proclamation against
"seditious" petitions, receives them
with anger, 355 ; Parliament meets after
fourteen mouths, 356 ; King's speech,
372 ; discussions on Popery, Commons
pass bill for exclusion of Duke of York,
372, 373 ; thrown out by the Lords, 374 ;
again discussed, speech by S., 383 ;
divorce of the Queen, and remarriage
of Charles to a Protestant, advocated by
S., 377, 378 ; address to the King to re-
move Halifax, 381, 385; also Worcester,
Clarendon, and others, 3S5 ; other strong
resolutions against lending to the King,
3S5 ; prorogation, and dissolution, 386 ;
new Parliament called at Oxford, 386 ;
pj.ition from S. and other Peers for
meeting at Westminster, 390 ; its recep-
tidii by the King, 390 ; instruction by 8.
for guidance of members, 391, App. VII.
cxi ; S. prepares to reside at Oxford,
correspondence with Locke, 391 401 ;
Charles II. 's last Parliament meets at
Oxford, King's speech, his expedient for
Duke of York to govern by a regent,
rejected, exclusion uAl adhered to, dis-
solution in ten days, 404,405,409 ; Locke's
account of proceedings, 406, App. Vii.
cxii; speeches of 8. as Chancellor on
election of Speaker (CharLmi), App. V.
Ixi ; speeches of S. in amplification
of the King's speeches, Ixiii, Ixxii ;
speeches of 8. to Speaker (Seymour),
Ixix ; speech of S. on Dr. Shirley's appeal
from Chancery to the House of Lords,
App. VI. Ixxxiv ; on the Purbeck Peer-
age, xcvi ; on the state of the nation,
xcix ; on foreign policy and religion,
cii ; instructions supposed to be by S.
to members elected in 1681, App. VII.
cxi ; letter from Locke on proceedings
of Parliament at Oxford, cxii.
Parliamentary soldiers condemned to
death, reprieved by the influence of S.,
i. 82, 83.
"Peers," Cromwell's (see Parliament).
Pemberton, Chief Justice, refuses to admit
S. to trial on bail, ii. 416 ; and to admit
his indictment of the magistrate and
witnesses, 417 ; his charge to grand jury
on trial of S., 421 ; strictures thereon by
Sir John Hawles and Lord Campbell,
425, 426.
Pembroke, Earl of, tried by his peers for
murder, ii. 286.
Pensioned Parliament (see Parliament).
Pepys, Samuel, on the conduct of S. as
Treasurer of Prizes, i. 283, 284, 307 ;
other notices of S., 271, 273, 274, 298 ;
on agricultural depression (1667, 1668),
300 ; on proceedings of Treasury Com-
missioners, 308 ; on connection of S.
with Clarendon after his fall, 311 ; names
members of Cabal in 1667, ii. 2 ; on S.'s
support of Buckingham, 4 ; illness of S.
and surgical operation, 34 ; dines with
S., conversation of S. and Lady Ashley,
106 ; asserts that S. took a bribe, 107 ;
and was greedy of money, 109 ; elected
M.P., accused of being a Roman
Catholic, reference to S., letter from
him, Iy4.
Peters, Hugh, his share in Law Reform
Commission (1652), i. 87, 88 ; executed
as a regicide, 243.
Phoenix Park, Dublin, proposed grant of,
to the Duchess of Cleveland, ii. App. IV.
xlvii liv ; particulars of its area and
value, liii, liv.
Pilkington, Sheriff of London, dinner
given by him to S. and his party, ii. 441,
442.
Plague, notices of the, i. 289, 295, ii. 7.
Plantations (see Trade and Plantations).
Planting (see Gardening).
Poole, Dorsetshire, during the Rebellion,
i. 67 ; S. elected member for, 112 ; S.
again returned to Richard Cromwell's
Parliament, sits for Wiltshire, 147.
Popery (see Religion).
Popish Plot of 1678 (see Religion).
Portland, surrenders to the King's army,
i. 43 ; 8. appointed governor by Chas I. ,
46.
Portsmouth, Duchess of (Mademoiselle de
Querouaille), so created by Charles II.,
ii. 160 ; S., as Treasurer of Prizes, re-
fuses her warrant, 161 ; her influence
on public affairs, and in the interest of
France, ii. 308, 320, 326 ; account of her
character and conduct by S., notice
of, by Evelyn, 311 ; Charles refuses
ministers' request to dismiss her, 360
xliv
INDEX.
indictment against her as a recusant,
grand jury dismissed, 366 ; endeavours to
gain S. as Secretary of State, 3U7 ; sup-
ports bill for exclusion of Duke of York,
374 ; loses favour with the King, 387 ;
Charles jealous of her political con-
nexion with Sunderland, 403.
Presbyterian party in the Parliamentary
army replaced by Independents, i. 75,
76, 77 ; Cromwell's fear of it the cause
of the ejection of the " Rump," 92 ;
joined by S. in opposition to Cromwell,
124 ; S. leaves it and joins the Republi-
cans, 180 ; Presbyterians join Royalist
rising under Sir George Booth, 185.
Presbyterians (see Religion).
Presents by Louis XIV. to plenipoten-
tiaries for signing treaties, ii. 31 ; given
by S. to his son's bride, 35, 36 ; by
Louis XIV. as bribes to English states-
men and members of Parliament (see
Louis XIV.).
Pride, Colonel, attacked in a speech by S.,
i. 161, App. IV. Ixviii ; accused of
cruelly killing bears, Ixxi.
Prideaux, Bishop of Worcester, tutor of
S. at college, i. 14, App. I., x.
" Prime Minister," a name of French
origin, not used by Clarendon, i. 230.
Privilege (see Parliament).
Privy Council, S, nominated by Charles II.,
i. 227 ; its constitution, 229 ; motion to
remove Duke of York, he withdraws,
298; reorganized by Charles II., S. ap-
pointed President, ii. 323 ; its origin
and constitution, 324 ; salary of S., 327 ;
King dissolves Parliament against its
advice, 342 ; S. dismissed as President,
347 ; Russell and others resign at insti-
gation of S. , 357 ; discussion in Com-
mittee, arrest of S. urged by Halifax and
Clarendon, 412, App. VII. cxviii : S.
arrested, examined, and' committed to
the Tower, 412, 413 ; S. dismissed from,
197 ; Barillon's despatch to Louis XIV.
on its new constitution, App. VII. ex.
Prize money (see Dutch war).
Procession, equestrian, of S. as Chancellor,
to Westminster, ii. 167.
"Project of Association" for defence of
religion and Protestant succession, ap-
proved by S., used against him at his
trial, ii. 423 ; opposed by the Court,
addresses in "abhorrence" of it, 443.
Punishment of death in 1646, i. 8184.
Purbeck Peerage, speech of S. on a claim
to the, ii. App. VI. xcvi.
Pyne, a servant of S., his humour, i. 28,
App. I. xxii.
Q.
Querouaille, Mademoiselle de, Duchess of
Portsmouth (see Portsmouth).
R.
Radnor, Earl of, speech in conference with
Charles II. ii. App. VII. cxxi.
Raleigh, Carew, son of Sir Walter Raleigh,
related to S. by marriage, satire on him,
i. App. II. xxxiii.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, his head buried in
his son's coffin, i. App. II. xxxiii.
"Rawleigh Redivivus," notices of S. in, i.
47, 52, 249, ii. 459 ; on equestrian pro-
cession of S. as Chancellor, ii. 168.
Records, report of Master of the Rolls to
S. on their condition, ii. App. IV. Iv.
Regicides, discussions in Parliament as to
their punishment, some executed, others
spared, i. 235242; S. in favour of
sparing all, 238, 242 ; S. one of their
judges. 243 ; his acting so condemned,
244 ; defended, 24-4247, ii. 465, 476 ;
punishment of Lord Monson and others,
i. 248.
Registration of titles to land, proposed by
8.. ii. 7; his memorial to Charles II.,
App. I. v ; proceedings in Parliament,
v., vi.
Religion, Independents in Parliament and
the army, i. 75, 76, 77 ; their predomi-
nance in Barebone's Parliament, 95, 101 ;
Cromwell's " Instrument of Govern-
ment," 109; S. a Commissioner for
ejection of ministers in Wilts and
Dorset, 113 ; debates in Parliament,
speeches of S., 250251, 252; Acts
passed by High Church party to im-
pose oaths, Act of Uniformity, opposed
by S., 258 261; passed, 264 ; its effects,
265, 268 ; bill introduced to dispense
with it, 266; "Dispensing Bill," sup-
ported by S., 267269 ; copy of the bill,
App. VI. Ixxix ; address of Parliament to
Charles II. to banish Jesuits and Priests,
Conventicle Act passed, 270, 277 ; <; Five-
Mile Act" against Dissenters, opposed
by S., 292 ; " Non-resistance " Oath Bill,
rejected, 293 ; religion in Dorsetshire,
described by S., App. I. xx ; Dispen-
sing clause proposed by Charles II. in
Act of Uniformity, rejected by House of
Lords, App. VI. Ixxviii; Buckingham
and S. favour toleration of Dissenters,
ii. 5; scheme of "comprehension" re-
jected by Parliament, 6 ; new Conven-
ticle Act passed, 6 ; Roman Catholics
not included in S.'s views of toleration,
6 ; toleration urged by S. in a paper on
trade, &c., 6, 7 ; attempt of Charles II.
to establish Popery, supported by Ar-
lington, secret treaty, Buckingham,
Lauderdale, and S. ignorant of it, 16
24, 28 ; " Declaration of Indulgence,"
for Dissenters and Roman Catholics,
issued by Charles II. , supported by S. ,
71 ; his statement of his reasons, 74 ;
debates on Dispensing Bill, 72 ; clause
in Conventicle Act asserting King's su-
premacy, modified by House of Com-
mons, 73; Buckingham and S. learn
the design to establish Popery, 86,
87; Charles II. defends "Declaration
of Indulgence," promises Parliament
to preserve Protestant religion, 113 ;
INDEX.
xlv
Charles II. 's speech to Parliament, is "re-
solved to stick to Declaration of Indul-
gence," 113 ; debates thereon, addresses
to King against it, his evasive answers,
128, 129 ; beginning of Test Act, 129 ;
King appeals to House of Lords without
success, 129, 130 ; cancels Declaration,
S.'s announcement, 131; his reasons for
appeal to the Lords, 132 ; " Test Act "
passed, imposing Protestant Oath on
officials, supported by S., 136; public
fear of coercion into Popery, 146; S.
regarded as the protector of Protes-
tantism, 149; S.'s fear of assassination
by Papists, 150 ; addresses of House of
commons against Duke of York's mar-
riage with Mary of Modena, 153 ; S.
leads opposition in House of Lords, 187 ;
carries address to remove Papists from
London, 188; discussions on restrain-
ing Popery in the royal family, 189;
measures aimed against Duke of York,
193 ; Danby's Test Bill, opposed by S.,
his reasons against it, 203205, App. VI.
Ixxvii ; proofs that Charles II. was a
Roman Catholic, 288, 289 ; Popish Plot
of 1678, its mixture of truth and false-
hood, perjuries of Titus Gates, 2S7 301 ;
murder of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey,
exclusion of Papists from Parliament,
299, 409 ; the measure supported by S. ,
299 ; Catholic Emancipation Act (1829),
repeal of Test and Corporation Acts
(1828), 299, 300; five Roman Catholic
Peers sent to the Tower, 297 ;
Charles II. asserted by S. to be con-
cerned in the plot, 310 ; Parliament
expresses belief in the plot, bill intro-
duced against Popery, 318 ; speech of
S. on danger to Protestantism, 321 ; S.
opposes imposition of oaths on Dissen-
ters, 328 ; stringent measures against
Popery and Duke of York, 329, 330 ;
bill to exclude him from the succession,
331; "Meal-tub" Plot, accusing S.
and Protestants of conspiracy, attempts
by its authors to murder S. , 348, 349 ;
riots in the city, 362 ; S. informs
Privy Council of a plot in Ireland, 363 ;
Duke of York indicted by S. .and others
as a recusant, grand jury dismissed, 366 ;
debates, Duke of York's Exclusion Bill,
passes the Commons, rejected by the
Lords, 372 374 ; again discussed, speech
by S., 383; S. advocates the King's
divorce and marriage to a Protestant,
:;77 ; strong resolutions by Parliament,
386 ; Bill for Relief of Dissenters passed,
Charles II. refuses assent, S. moves for in-
quiry, 386, 405, 406 ; penal laws against
Dissenters put in force, 443 ; memorial
li-om 8. to Charles II. on Indulgence to
Dissenters, &c., App. I. v; proceed-
ngs in Parliament, v., vi ; memoir of
Colbert to Louis XIV. on the views of
Charles II. about establishing Popery,
App. II. xii. ; reasons of S. against
Danby's Test Bill, App. VI., Ixxvii ;
speeches of S. on Protestant doctrine
Ixxxi ; on Popery and the state of the
nation, c.
Reports and Letters by S. (see Letters).
Remarriage Act, in favour of Lord Roos
(see Roos, Lord).
Reynolds's description of ejection of
" Rump " Parliament, i. 93.
Roekbourne, Dorsetshire, the property of
S. , i. 1, 8.
Roberts, Lord, introduces Dispensing Bill,
to mitigate Act of Uniformity, i. 266,
supported by S., 267; made Earl of
Radnor and President of Council, ii.
347.
Roman Catholics ^ee Religion).
Romney, Henry Sidney, Earl of, Envoy
to the Hague, promotes design to intro-
duce the Prince of Orange, ii. 339 ; con-
fers with S. , 340 ; extracts from his
Diary, 339, 353, 375, 431.
Ro:>s, Lord (afterwards Duke of Rutland",
his divorce, bill in Parliament to
enable him to remarry, ii. 41 ; sup-
ported by Charles II., opposed by Duk.
of York, King present at the debate,
scene described by Evelyn, bill sup-
ported by S., his motives, 42 ; Lord
Roos afterwards twice married, 43.
" Rose," the ship, interest of 8. in its
trade to Guinea, App. II. xlvi.
Running the gauntlet, a punishment for
deserters, i. 81.
" Rump," joke on the word by S., i. 209.
Rump Parliament (see Parliament).
Rupert, Prince, commander of the newt in
1673, ii. 146 ; joins S. in opposing war
and French alliance, 149.
Russell, Earl, his misrepresentation of S.
in "Life of Lord William Russell," ii.
290.
Russell, Lord William, refuses a briba
from France, ii. 267 ; his cordial action
with S., 291 ; his statement before ex-
ecution, 292 ; his communications with
S. in the Tower, 279 ; moves address to
remove Duke of York from the Privy
Council, Duke withdraws, 298; letter
to him from his wife, 307 ; speech
against Popish successor to Charles II.,
331 ; resigns as Privy Councillor at
instigation of S., 357 ; urges severity to
Duke of York, 371 ; becomes bail for S.
on his release from the Tower, bail dis-
charged, 441 ; joins S. and Monmouth
to raise an insurrection, 445 ; his caution
opposed to confidence of g. , mind of
S. probably affected, 449 ; his uniform
co-operation with S., 291, 477, 478, 480,
Preface, v.
Russell, Lady William, her opinion of S.,
ii. 307, 438, App. VIII. cxxvii.
Rutland, Countess of, letters to Locke
referring to S., ii. 39.
Rutland, Earl of, marriage of his daughter
to Anthony Ashley, son of S., ii. 35.
Ruvigny, Marquis de, French Ambassador,
his notices of S., i. 273, 278, 292 ; envoy
xlvi
INDEX.
to negotiate a French alliance, ii. 9 ;
bribes English statesmen, 11 ; renewed
negotiations, 13 ; his endeavour to bribe
S. to return to office, 181, App. III.
xliv.
Ruvigny, M. (son of the Marquis), treats
with Opposition on behalf of Louis XIV. ,
ii. 267 ; treats with Louis and Charles
for French subsidies, 274.
S
St. Giles's, S. lays the first stone of his
house there, i. 86 (see Wimborne St.
Giles).
St. James's Park, wrestling match before
Charles II., ii. 45.
St. Martin's Lane, house there occupied
by S., ii. 223.
Salisbury, Earl of, supports motion for
dissolution in consequence of proroga-
ti on for fifteen months, ii. 230; ordered to
ask pardon, refuses, sent to the Tower,
232 ; petitions King for release, 237 ;
released, 239 ; letter to S. on his peti-
tion for release, 258 ; record of im-
prisonment cancelled, 260; resigns as
Privy Councillor, 3S7.
Salisbury Plain, S. elected for Wilts on, i.
112.
Bancroft, Archbishop, employs an Italian
spy. who reports to him the death of
S., ii. 455.
Sandwich, Montagu, Earl of, letter to S.,
i. .214; made K.G., 227; created Earl
of Sandwich, 229 ; made President of
Council for Trade and Plantations, ii. 8 ;
killed in sea-fight in Southwold Bay,
84, 96.
Savile, Lord, his forged letter to the
Scotch Commissioners i. 35.
Scandalum Magnatum, actions of, brought
by S. after his release from the Tower,
ii. 441 ; not allowed to be tried in Mid-
dlesex, discontinued, 442.
Schomberg, M. , appointed Commander-in-
Chief, ii. 146.
Scot, Thomas, accuses S. of Royalist
intrigues, his denial, i. 179 ; executed
as a regicide, 243.
Scotch army enters England (1644), i. 57.
Scotland, its representation in Richard
Cromwell's Parliament, i. 146, 158 ;
speech of S. on the state of,, ii. App. VI.
ci ; speech of S. on Lauderdale's
government, ii. 321.
Scroggs, Chief Justice, dismisses grand
jury from trying indictment against
Duke of York, ii. 366.
"'Sell-denying Ordinance," its effect on
the Civil War, i. 75.
Sequestration, fine incurred by S. remitted
by Cromwell on petition, i."l34.
Seymour, Edward, Speaker of the House
of Commons, official speeches to him by
S. , biographical notices of him, ii. App.
V. Ixix.
Shaftesbury, Dorsetshire, taken from the
Royalists by S., i. 67, App. II. xxx.
Shaftesbury (Anthony Ashley, second Earl
of), his birth, i. 87 ; sent to Oxford,
visited there by S., 285, 286, 294 ; nego-
tiations for his marriage, ii. 32 ; letter
from S. as to proposed marriage with
niece of the Earl of Warwick, 33 ; with
niece of John EA'elyn, married to
Dorothy, daughter of Earl of Rutland,
letters from S. to Locke on arrange-
ments for the marriage, 35 37; birth
of his son (third Earl), letters from Lady
Dorothy Ashley to Locke referring to
S., 38, 39; Act of Parliament enabling
him as a minor to .acknowledge tines, &c.
of lands, 38 ; notices of, in Stringer's
correspondence with Locke, 222, 223,
224 ; satirized by Dryden, his character,
431.
Shaftesbury, third Earl, his birth, ii. 38 ;
his education entrusted to S. who visits
him at Wimbome St. Giles, 224 ; his
education by S., 248; letter from Lady
S. to Locke on his illness, 450.
Shaftesbury, fourth Earl, employs Martyn
to write Memoir of S. Preface, xvi.
"Shastou," the old spelling of Shaftes-
bury, Dorsetshire, i. 67.
Sheriffs of London elected by Court in-
trigues, 443445.
Shirley, Dr., speech of S. on his appeal
from Chancery, ii. App. VI. Ixxxiv.
Shorthand written by Sir W. Morrice,
Secretary of State, ii. 45.
Short Parliament (see Parliament).
Sidney, Algernon, references to S. in his
correspondence, ii. 328.
Sidney, Henry (see Romney, Earl. of).
"Size" of beer at Oxford University, i.
17, App. I. xii.
Skinners' Company, S. a member, con-
gratulatory dinner to him on his acquit-
tal, ii. 441.
Soldiers, Parliamentary, reprieved by S.'s
influence, i. App. II. xxxviii, xliv.
"Solemn League and Covenant " con-
cluded (1643), i. 57; signed and ad-
ministered to others by S., 86.
Southampton, Earl of, made K.G. by
Charles II., i. 227, appointed Lord Trea-
surer, 229; his connexion by. marriage
with S., 257; acts with S. in opposing
High-Church measures, 261 ; his death,
304.
Southwell, Sir Robert, letter to S. on an
alleged design upon his life, ii. 305,
App. VII. cvii.
Speculations of S. in Africa and West
Indies, mines in Cardiganshire and
Somersetshire, and a Derbyshire ' ' dis-
covery," ii. 226 (see Bahamas and Caro-
lina).
Speeches, Charles II. to Parliament, ii.
113, 154, 274, 292, 298, 331, 372, 382,
404.
Speeches of Privy Councillors in Com-
mittee for Foreign Affairs, and con-
INDEX,
xlvii
ference with Charles II. , ii. App. VII.
cxviii.
Speeches of S. on creation by Cromwell
of a second House of Parliament, i.
138 ; in Richard Cromwell's Parliament,
reported by Burton, 148 ; extracts and
references to them, 148 168: long speech
against time on the " other House," 160,
App. IV. Ixiii ; in favour of leniency to'
the regicides, 241, 242, 243, 247 ; on
revenue and the Church, 250, 251, 253,
254 ; against Corporation Act, and Act
of Uniformity, 260, 261; on " Dispen-
sing.Bill," 268, 269 ; on swearing in
Clitford as Lord Treasurer, ii. 97 ; as
Lord Chancellor, official, 113; Strin-
ger's account of its preparation, 117 ;
custom for the Cmcellor to make such
a speech, 115 ; on swearing in Danby
as Lord Treasurer, 145 ; on opening
Parliament, official, 154; on swearing
in Baron Thurlaud, 169 ; quoted by
Earl of Essex, App. IV. xlix ; against
Danby's Test Bill, 205, 206 ; to Court
of King's Bench on habeas corpus for
release from the Tower, 238 ; in House
of Lords, for release, 258 ; on the power
of France, its mastery of the seas, 278 ;
on the state of the nation, 321 ;
against imposing oaths on Dissenters,
328 ; in favour of bill for exclusion of
Duke of York, 375 ; on King's divorce,
and marriage to a Protestant, 377, 378 ;
again on bill for excluding the Duke of
York, ordered to be burnt by the hang-
man, 383, App. VI. cii ; when Chan-
cellor, App. V. Iviii Ixxvi ; after his
Lord Chancellorship, App. VI. Ixxvii
cvi.
Spain and France, war between, ii. 9 ;
peace concluded, 12.
Spencer, Margaret, third wife of S., her
family and character, i. 121 ; her letter
to Sunderland, 122 ; letters of S. to her,
285 ; letters from her to Locke, ii. 40,
450 ; named by S. as his sole executrix,
jewels bequeathed to her, 458.
Stafford, Viscount, found guilty of treason,
ii. 382.
Stillingrieet, Bishop, obtains prebend at
request of S., ii. 193.
"Stop of the Exchequer" enforced to
raise money for Dutch war, description
of the measure, ii. 56 ; blame ascribed
to S., 56 ; proofs that he opposed it, his
remonstrance to Charles II., 58, 59 ; his
letter to Locke, statements of Sir W.
Temple and Evelyn, of Ormond and
Lord Mohun, 60, 65, 66 ; assertions to the
contrary by Lord Keeper Finch, Roger
North, Bishop. Burnet, and in Life of
James II., 66 68 ; weakness of these
statements, errors of Lords Campbell
and Macaulay, 68, 69 ; Dryden does not
accuse S. of it, 69 ; Parliament refuses
to lind means to remove the "Stop,"
interest to bankers reduced, annuities
granted, final arrangement, 70; ics in-
fluence on S. in refusing to be Lord
Treasurer, 92; continued by Charles II.
in Council, 98 ; official speech of S. as
Lord Chancellor, 114 ; bankers sued by
their creditors, S. as Lord Chancellor
stays proceedings, 164, 165.
Storming of Abbotsbury by S., i. 6267.
Strangers in the House of Commons, one
sent to Newgate, i. 148.
Strangways, Sir John, his house stormed
and burnt by S., i. 62, App. I. xix.
Stringer, Thomas, secretary to S., "Frag-
ment of a memoir of S." by him,
Preface, xviii, xix; ii. App. III. xxh;
errors in his accounts of S., i. 40,
209, ii. 132; his communications used
m Martyn's Life of S., ii. 58 ; his
statement of the discovery by S. of
Charles II. 's design to establish Popery,
88 ; refusal by S. to be Lord Treasurer,
90 ; on official speech of S. as Lord
Chancellor,. 117; his account of /S.'s
family and ceremonies as Lord Chan-
cellor, 169;, of Ruvigny's attempt to
bribe S. to return to office, 181 ; letter
to him from Sir William Cooper/ on
death, will, and funeral of S., ii. 459 ;
letter of his widow to Lady Elizabeth
Harris, granddaughter of S., on Burnet's
misrepresentations, App. VIII. cxxiii ;
letter from Locke to him, on proceed-
ings of Parliament at Oxford, App. VII.
cxii ; his letters to Locke (see Letters).
Stuart, Miss (afterwards Duchess of Rich-
mond), dishonourable proposals of
Charles II. to her, i. 309.
Sturminster, S. marches against Royalists
at, i. 67, App. II. xxx.
Sunderland, Earl of, his relationship to S.,
i. 121 ; appointed Secretary of State, ii.
307 ; his desire to give office to S., 320 :
his scheme to introduce the Prince of
Orange, 339 ; sends for Duke of York on
Charles II. 's illness, 343; his fear of S.
and Monmouth, 344 ; applies to S. to be
First Commissioner of the Treasury, he
refuses, 352 ; with Laurence Hyde and
Sidney Godolphin (chief ministers),uick-
named " the Chits," 353 ; urges Prince
of Orange to come to England, 360 ; his
desire to conciliate S., 370 ; urges Charles
II. to send Duke of York from England,
371 ; supports bill for his exclusion from
the succession, 376 ; dismissed from
Privy Council and as Secretary of State,
387.
Sunning Hill, S. there to drink the Astrop
waters, i. 295.
Suppressed passages from Ludlow's Me-
moirs referring to S., i. App. III. Ivi.
Sycamore, the (see Gardening).
Sydenham, Colonel, with S. at the taking
of Wareham, i. 59; at the storming of
Abbotsbury, 63 ; his opposition to Bare-
bone's Parliament, 101 ; named on the
Council of State, 110.
xlviii
INDEX.
T.
Taunton besieged by the Royalists, re-
lieved by ., i. 72, App. II. xxx.
Temple, Sir William, negotiates Triple
Alliance, ii'. 11 ; sent to the Hague to
support it, 13; ascribes "Stop of the
Exchequer" to Clifford, 65; again sent
to the Hague, peace of Nimeguen con-
cluded, 276 ; his account of new Privy
Council, 325 ; promotes design for intro-
ducing the Prince of Orange, 339 ; dis-
missed as Privy Councillor, 387.
" Test Act " (see Religion).
Tewkesbury, a hunt dinner at, represented
in Parliament by S., i. 27, 28, 30, App. I.
xxi; S, again elected for, 112.
Thanet House, Aldersgate Street, occupied
by S., ii. 225, 400 ; S. arrested at, 412 ; S.
absconds from, to avoid arrest, concealed
in the City and Wapping, his flight to
Holland, 446, 447.
Thurland, Baron, speech of S. on swearing
him in, ii. App. V. lix.
Thynne, Thomas, presents petition JJpr
meeting of Parliament, rejected by
Charles II ii. 355.
Tillotson, Bishop, his attempt to induce
Lord William Russell to disavow his"
opinions, ii. App. VIII. cxxvi.
Timber, remarks by S. on planting, ii. 50.
Tongue, a perjured witness with Titus
Gates, ii. 287, 291.
Tooker, , guardian of S., i. 13.
Tower of London, secured for the Parlia-
ment by S., i. 200, 202; his letter to
Fleetwood thereon, App. V. Ixxiv ; S.
committed thei-e for disputing legality
of long prorogation, ii. 232; his treat-
ment, 234, 236, 240, 247, 249, 250 ; kept
in confinement by adjournments of Par-
liament, petitions the King, 237 ; appears
in King's Bench on habeas corpus, offers
bail, judges have no jurisdiction, ^39 ;
his speech, App. VI. xciv ; petitions
King and Duke of York, circular letter
to Peers, 250254 ; petitions House of
Lords, debate thereon, is heai'd, makes
submission, and is released, ii. 257200,
265 ; visitors to him in confinement, 261 ;
record of imprisonment afterwards can-
celled, 260 ; five. Roman Catholic Peers
imprisoned, 297; Lord Howard of Escrick
committed for treason, 411 ; S. com-
mitted, 413 ; applies for trial or bail,
refused, 414; his illness, kindness of Sir
Thomas Cheke, the Lieutenant, 415;
further applications for trial or bail
refused, attempt of ministers to
strengthen evidence, 416 ; 8. indicts
magistrate and witnesses, indictment
rejected, 417 ; applies for leave to retire
to Carolina, the King refuses, 419 ; tried
by special commission, 419 ; judge's
charge, evidence, grand jury ignore the
bill, 421 425 ; fresh endeavours to
strengthen evidence, 419, 420, 421 ; S.
released on bail, his bail discharged,
441 ; joy at his acquittal, 427, 441 ;
mysterious death of Lord Essex, App.
VIII. cxxv.
Trade and Plantations, Council for, S.
appointed a member, i. 249 ; his atten-
tion to these subjects, 277 ; measures
for improvement of trade, proposed by
him, ii. 6; new Council, Earl of Sand-
wich president, 8 ; S. appointed presi-
dent, Lord Culpeppei' vice-president,
Waller and Evelyn members of Council,
Locke secretary, 93 ; Council superseded
by Charles II., Committee of Privy
Council appointed, 222 ; Parliamentary
report on 'decay of, App. I. v ; advice
Qf S. to Charles II. for its development,
described by Martyn, App. I. ix.
Travelling 'in the seventeenth century,
i. 286, 287.
Treasury, death of Earl of Southampton,
Treasury put in Commission, i. 304 ; S.
appointed a Commissioner, 305 ; Pepys'
note on management of Commission,
308 ; Charles li.'s proposal to make S.
Lord Treasurer, refused ii. 90, App. III.
xxvi ; Clifford appointed Lord Treasurer,
97 ; speech of S. on swearing him in,
App ^. Mi ; Danby succeeds him, 144;
speech of S. on swearing him in, 145,
App. V. Ixi ; Dauby disinissed, office put
in Commission, 320 ; Essex resigns as
First Commissioner, post refused by S.,
taken by Laurence Hyde, 352.
Tregonwell, John, account of him by S.,
i. App. I. vii, viii, xviii ; Lord Digby's
quarrel with S. at his house, ii. 215.
Trenchard, Sir Thomas, notice of by S.,
App. I. xix.
Trial and acquittal of S., 421425.
Trial and execution of Charles I., 85.
Trial of the regicides (see Regicides).
Triennial Act repealed, i. 277.
Triple Alliance of England, Holland, and
Sweden against France, ii. 9; intrigues
to break it, 12 ; Dryden accuses S. of
breaking it, 69.
"Tucking" freshmen, an old custom at
Oxford, i. 17, App. I. xii.
Tunbridge, visit of S. to, i. 75.
U.
Uniformity (see Act of Uniformity).
Uvedall, Sir William, account of him by
S., i. App. I. xvii.
Vane executed as a regicide, i. 248.
Vicars's Parliamentary Chronicle, on the
storming of Abbotsbury, by S., i. 64.
W.
Waller, Edmund, member of Council of
Trade and Plantations, ii. 93.
Waller, Sir William, Parliamentary Gene-
ral, his connexion with S., i. 58, 69.
Waller, Sir William, takes refuge at Am-
INDEX.
xlix
sterdam, admitted a burgher, ii. 452 ;
offer of Massal to murder him, 455.
Walfingford House (site of the present
Admiralty), the residence of Fleetwood,
i. 167 ; meetings there to oppose Richard
Cromwell, 169, 173, 188, App. III. lix, '
Ixi, App. V. Ixxv.
War cup, a magistrate, prepares charge of
treason against S., ii. 413; indicted by
S., admission of indictment refused, 417.
Wardrobe of S. in 1672, ii. 102.
Wards (see Court of Wards).
Wareham, garrisoned by the Royalists,,
taken by S., i. 59, App II. xxix; its
destruction proposed by S. , 69.
Warwick, Earl of, proposed marriage of
his niece to S.'s son, letter from S. to
the Earl, ii. 32, 33.
Weymouth, surrendered to the .King's
army, i. 4^ ; S. appointed governor, 45 ;
retaken by Essex, 58. 1
Wharton, Lord, supports motion for dis-
solution in consequence of prorogation
for fifteen months, ii. 230 ; ordered to
ask pardon, refuses, sent to the Tower,
232 ; petitions King for release, 237 ;
released, 239 ; record of imprisonment
cancelled, 260.
Wheelock, John, servant of S., accom-
panies him in his flight, ii. 451 ; S. dies
in his arms, 455 ; legacy left -to him by
8., 458. '
Whitelocke's allusions to S. , i. 76.
"Whole Duty of Man," its authorship,
i. 22.
Wight, Isle of, S. appointed Governor,
i. 213, 249.
Wilkins, Dr., appointed Bishop of Chester,
joins in a scheme of "comprehension"
of Dissenters, ii. 6.
Wilkinson, Captain Henry, endeavour to
suborn him to give evidence against S..
ii. 419.
William III. (see Orange, Prince of).
Williamson, Sir Joseph, Secretary of State,
extracts from his correspondence, ii. 136,
142, 150, 155, 249, 307, App. III. xxxii.
Willis, Dr., consulted by S. at Oxford,
i. 294.
Wilson, Samuel, secretary to S., com-
mitted for treason, ii. 419 ; removed by
habeas corpus, 440.
Wiltshire, S. appointed sheriff (1647), i. 80,
83 ; represented by S. in Barebone's
Parliament, 95 ; S. elected member for,
112 ; again elected, but excluded by the
Council of State, 124; takes his seat
under the "Petition and Advice," 136;
represented by S. in Richard Cromwell's
Parliament, 147.
Wimborne St. Giles, Shaftesbury's birth-
place, i. 1, 4; church rebuilt by his
father, 4j S. lays first stone of his house
there, 86; S. created "Baron Ashley'
of Wimborne St. Giles, extract from his
patent of peerage, 256 ; S. visited there
by Charles II., 289 ; Locke resides with
S. there, ii. 35, 38; described as "sweet
St. Giles" by Lady Ashley, daughter-in-
law of S., 39; letter from S. to his
bailiff, on planting timber, apple trees,
&c., 49 ; "orders for Lord Shaftesbury's
house, settled July 1675," 211 ; funeral
of S. at, 461.
Worcestershire, when visited by S., i. 27,
App. I. xxi.
Wrestling match in St. James's Park, for
1,000?. before Charles II., ii. 45.
Wyche, his "Vindication" of S., Preface,
xx.
York, Charles I. at, i. 55.
York, Ann Hyde, Duchess of, anecdote of
her, ii. 104 ; her death, 141.
York, Duke of (afterwards James II.),
opposes High Church measures, i. 263 ;
attends the cabal, or Cabinet (1667),
ii. 3 ; supports alliance with France
against Holland, 13 ; becomes a Roman
Catholic, meeting at his house to esta-
blish that religion, 16 ; opposes Lord
Roos's Remarriage Act, 42 ; quarrels with
S. about his place in the House of Lords,
118 ; resigns office on passing of Test Act,
death of his wife, Ann Hyde, 141 ; com-
ments on his retirement and avowed
Popery, 142, 143 ; marriage with Mary
of Modena, 147 ; addresses against it from
House of Commons, 152.; letter to him
from S. when prisoner in the Tower, 253 ;
promotes alliance against France, 255 ; in-
trigues with S. ami others for dissolution
and removal of Dan by, S. 's memorandum,
the Duke's perversion of the truth, 283
285 ; letters of Coleman pressing the
Duke's claims to assistance from France.
295 ; address proposed for his removal
from the Privy Council, he withdraws,
298; new Parliament adverse to him,
306 ; makes conditions for leaving Eng-
land, 308 ; departs for Brussels, 309 ; ac-
count by S. of his character and conduct,
314 ; resolution of Parliament against
him, 330 ; bill for kis exclusion from the
succession, 331 ; proposal to make him
King of the Romans, 340 ; sent for on
illness of Charles II., 343; returns to
Brussels, 344 ; sent for by Charles, 356 ;
d by S. and others as a recusant,
.jury dismissed, 360 ; urged by
7Miuisters to leave England, 370; he
>t the King's request, 371 ; ex-
it of Charles II. for his governing
.vgenoy, 404; rejected, 405; his
< induct as King, 462,
A LIFE
OF
ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPEK,
FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.
LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY.
CHAPTEE I.
16211639.
EBRATUM.
Vol. I. page 10, line 22, for "wish" read "wit."
WAIU. cuoi-Gia-iii-iaw, xjauj oavue, moiiier 01 ijoru namax, ana
Pakington Sketch of his youth.
ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, the future Earl of Shaftes-
bury, was bom on July 22, 1621, the nineteenth year
of the reign of James the First. He has himself been
careful to note that he was born " early in the
morn," and that he was "the eldest child then living
of his father and mother." 1 His father was John
Cooper, created in the next year a baronet, of Kock-
borne in Hampshire. 2 His mother was Anne, the only
child of Sir Anthony Ashley, knight, who was also in
1 Autobiographical Sketch of 1646 prefixed to Diary, Appendix II.
2 Kockborne is close to the borders of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire,
" within a few miles of Wimborne St. Giles.
VOL. L B
LIFE OF SHAFTESBTJRY.
CHAPTER I.
16211639.
Birth and parentage Baronetcies of father and maternal grand-
father The Coopers and Ashleys Sir Anthony Ashley Death
of mother and of father Sir A. A. Cooper a King's ward
Losses of property by Court of Wards Litigation with Sir Francis
Ashley and Denzil Holies Sir A. A. Cooper's wealth His
guardians Goes to Exeter College, Oxford, when sixteen His
life at Oxford Entered at Lincoln's Inn Marries at eighteen
daughter of Lord Keeper Coventry Predictions of a German
astrologer His brothers-in-law, Henry anfl Sir William Ooveirtry,
and sisters-in-law, Lady Savile, mother of Lord Halifax, and Lady
Pakington Sketch of his youth.
ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, the future Earl of Shaftes-
bury, was born on July 22, 1621, the nineteenth year
of the reign of James the First. He has himself been
careful to note that he was born " early in the
morn," and that he was "the eldest child then living
of his father and mother." 1 His father was John
Cooper, created in the next year a baronet, of Kock-
borne in Hampshire. 2 His mother was Anne, the only
child of Sir Anthony Ashley, knight, who was also in
1 Autobiographical Sketch of 1646 prefixed to Diary, Appendix 11.
2 Rockborne is close to the borders of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire,
and within a few miles of Wimborne St. Giles.
^ I. B
2 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
the next year made a baronet, of Wimborne St. Giles
in Dorsetshire. He was born in his grandfather's
house at Wimborne St. Giles, near Cranborne; "he
was nursed," he has written himself, " at Cranborne
by one Persee, a tanner's wife." l
The date of Sir Anthony Ashley's baronetcy is
July 3, 1622, and that of Sir John Cooper's the day
after. The order of baronets had been created by
James the First ten years before, and in the present
year he completed the number, two hundred, of which
it was originally provided that the order should consist,
and which, it had also been stipulated, was never to be
exceeded. Every baronet then paid one thousand and
ninety-five pounds for the honour. No one was admitted
to it who was not possessed of a thousand pounds a
year, clear of encumbrances, and who could not prove
descent from a grandfather on the father's side who had
borne arms. 2
" My parents on both sides of a noble stock, being of
the first rank of gentry in those countries where they
lived," is Shaftesbury's own account of his ancestry. 3
The Coopers appear to have been persons of con-
sideration in the West of England, for at least two
generations before Sir John Cooper, the father. 4 Henry
the Eighth granted the manor of Paulet in Somerset-
shire, taken from the Gaunt's Hospital in Bristol, to
Kichard Cooper of Eockborne, Sir John Cooper's grand-
1 Autobiographical Sketch.
2 By the rules of the order every baronet was also a knight ; so
Shaftesbury, in the Fragment of Autobiography, describes his father
as " knight and baronet." (Appendix I.)
3 Fragment of Autobiography, Appendix I.
4 Collins's Peerage (Brydges), iii. 545.
1621. HIS ANCESTRY. 3
father. 1 Sir John Cooper's father was member of
Parliament for Whitchurch, in Hampshire, in 1586.
and received the honour of knighthood from Queen
Elizabeth. Sir John Cooper himself sat in the House
of Commons for Poole, in the first and third parlia-
ments of Charles the First, 1625 and 1628. 2
Shaftesbury's lineage on the mother's side was more
ancient and distinguished. The Ashleys, a younger
branch of an ancient Wiltshire family, 3 had been
planted at Wimborne St. Giles since the reign of Henry
the Sixth ; and their ancestors, traced through heirs
female, had been lords of that manor from before the
reign of Edward the First. 4 Sir Anthony Ashley in-
herited the property late in life, on the death of his
cousin, Sir Henry Ashley, without issue. 5 He had been
bred to public employment, and had probably already
enriched himself in the service of the State. He had
been for many years one of the Clerks of the Privy
Council. In 1589 he went as Royal Commissioner in
Norris and Drake's expedition against Portugal, and in
1596 he was Commissioner for embarking the troops
and Secretary to the Council of War in the expedition
of Lords Effingham and Essex against Cadiz. 6 Essex
knighted him with many others after the capture of
Cadiz. On his return home he was charged with
1 Collinson's Hist, of Somersetshire, iii. 100.
2 Willis's Not. Parl. ii. 411. He was John Pym's colleague.
Coker's Survey of Dorsetshire, p. 14.
4 See the Ashley pedigree in Hutchins's Hist, of Dorsetshire, iii. 174.
5 Burke's Extinct Baronetcies, Ashley of Wimborne St. Giles.
6 Camden, Ann. Elizabeth (Hearne), p. 720. Strype's Annals of
Reform, iv. 400. Some of Shaftesbury's biographers have made the
mistake of calling Sir A. Ashley Secretary at War to Queen Elizabeth.
There was no such office in those days.
B2
4 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
peculation, was imprisoned, and was for some time in
disgrace. When, late in life, he became the proprietor
of Wimborne St. Giles, he was a liberal benefactor
of the parish. He rebuilt the parish church, and built
and endowed almshouses for the relief of eleven old
persons. 2 He is said to have introduced the cultivation
of cabbages from Holland. 3
Shaftesbury appears to have derived from his mother's
side the "pigmy body" of Dryden's satire. He describes
Sir Anthony Ashley as " of a large mind in all his
actions, his person of the lowest," and he says that
" his daughter was of the same stature ; " while of Sir
John Cooper, his father, he says that he was "very
lovely and graceful both in face and person, of a mode-
rate stature, neither too high nor too low." 4
Old Sir Anthony Ashley felt the liveliest interest in
the grandchild born to inherit the ancient possessions
of his house. He caused him to be christened, in devia-
tion from custom, with the double name of Anthony
Ashley ; " for notwithstanding," says Shaftesbury, " my
grandfather had articled with my father and his
guardians that he should change his name to Ashley,
1 Archoeologia, xxii. 172 ; Birch's Mem. of Q. Eliz. ii. 49, 95, 144,
171. Several letters preserved in the Cotton and Lansdowne MSS. in
the British Museum show that Sir A. Ashley's official life was not free
from suspicion on other occasions.
2 Hutchins's Hist, of Dorsetshire, iii. 193.
8 Evelyn's " Acetaria, a Discourse of Sallets : " " Tis scarce a. hundred
years since we first had cabbages out of Holland, Sir Anthony Ashley
of Wiberg St. Giles in Dorsetshire being, as I am told, the first who
planted them in England." The "Acetaria" was published in 1699.
Ben Jonsoii in his " Volpone," first acted in 1605, describes a busy
newsmonger as receiving weekly intelligence " out of the Low Countries
in cabbages."
4 Fragment of Autobiography, Appendix I.
1628. HIS MOTHER'S DEATH. 5
yet, to make all sure in the eldest, he resolved to alter
his name so that it should not be parted with." 1 In the
same year, 1621, in which Anthony Ashley Cooper was
born, the old grandfather, then in his seventieth year,
married a second wife, a very young lady, by name
Philippa Sheldon, related to the great favourite, the
Duke of Buckingham. But this second marriage seems
to have made no ill-will ; a daughter born to Sir
John and Lady Cooper two years later was christened
Philippa after Lady Cooper's stepmother. Sir Anthony
Ashley lived long enough to choose his grandson's first
tutor, whom he chose because he was a Puritan, and
he died, at the age of seventy-six, on January 13,
1628. 2 Anthony Ashley Cooper was then in his
seventh year.
Six months after his grandfather's death Anthony
Ashley Cooper's mother died of small-pox. Her death
was on the twentieth of July, 1628. She left two chil-
dren besides Anthony, a daughter Philippa, two years
1 Fragment of Autobiography. Two Christian names were then
uncommon. Sir Simonds P'Ewes, having occasion to name Sir A A.
Cooper in 1641, in his Journal of the Long Parliament, explains, "He
named Anthony Ashley in his baptism " (Harl. MSS. in British
Museum, 162, p. 213 a). Cromwell is said to have called him Marcus
Tullius Cicero, the little man with three names. (Martyn's Life of
Shaftesbury, i. 168.) Camdcn mentions that there was a provision in
Sir John Cooper's marriage settlement, that, if he or any of his heirs
should obtain a peerage, the title was to be Ashley (Britannia, Gibson's
ed. i. 63) ; and this is confirmed by a note of the fourth Earl of Shaftes-
bury preserved in the family papers, stating on the authority of
Mr. Stringer, that Sir A. A. Cooper was ignorant of such a stipulation
when he chose the title of Baron Ashley after the Restoration, and was
much rejoiced, on his afterwards becoming acquainted with the settle-
ment, that he had unwittingly complied with this provision.
2 Sir A. Ashley's young widow married Carew Raleigh, the son of
Sir Walter, and survived her second husband, who died in 1667. Sir
A. Ashley's first wife, Shaftesbury's grandmother, was Jane, daughter
of Philip Okeover, Esq. , of Okeover in Staffordshire.
6 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY. CHAR I.
younger than Anthony, and a son George, two years
younger than Philippa. 1
Sir John Cooper afterwards made a second marriage
with Lady Morrison, widow of Sir Charles Morrison,
knight, of Cashiobury in Hertfordshire, and one of the
daughters and co-heiresses of the great City mercer,
Sir Baptist Hicks, created by Charles the First Viscount
Campden. 2 He died within three years after his first
wife's death, March 23, 1631. He had no children
by his second wife. She had had one daughter by Sir
Charles Morrison, who lived to inherit Cashiobury, and
who passed it to the family to which it still belongs :
for she became the wife of the gallant, ill-fated Lord
Capel, the victim of one of the Commonwealth High
Courts of Justice, and was the mother of the not less
ill-fated Earl of Essex, a political associate of Shaftes-
bury in the reign of Cha,rles the Second, whose myste-
rious death in the Tower on the morning of Lord
Eussell's trial is one of the melancholy incidents of
the Eye House Plot. Cashiobury being the jointure
house of his second wife, Sir John Cooper lived there
frequently with his family after his second marriage,
and Cashiobury was thus the home of Lord Shaftesbury
during a portion of his boyish years.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper had lost both his parents
before he completed his tenth year. He inherited, with
other property, very extensive estates in the four counties
1 Philippa Cooper married Sir Adam Brown, baronet, of Betchworth
Castle in Surrey, and died at a very advanced age in 1701. (Aubrey's
Surrey, ii 307.) George Cooper married, in 1647, one of the daughters
and co-heiresses of Alderman Oldfield, of London.
2 Banks's Dormant and Extinct Peerages, iii. 140.
1631. ENCUMBERED INHERITANCE. 7
of Hampshire, Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, and Somerset-
shire. 1 But Sir John Cooper had encumbered this
inheritance by gambling and extravagance, and the
young baronet's fortune was now further injured by the
gross injustice of a relative, by maladministration of
the Court of Wards, and by great litigation.
Inheriting estates held by tenure of knight-service of
the Crown, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper became a King's
ward ; and all his property so held was, during his
minority, under the control of the Court of Wards.
Sir John Cooper had left considerable debts, and now,
by corrupt means and by the active instrumentality of
Sir Francis Ashley, a brother of old Sir Anthony, an
order for sale was obtained from the Court of Wards,
by which the young baronet's interests were greatly
injured. Sir Francis Ashley was the King's Serjeant,
and as such had great influence with the Attorney of
the Court of Wards. Thus he obtained a decree of sale
in which his own friends were named commissioners to
the exclusion of the trustees appointed by Sir John
Cooper, 2 and properties were sold, much below their
1 See the report of the Inquisition held at Rockborne under the
Court of Wards after Sir J. Cooper's death, in Collins' s Peerage
(Brydges), iii. 546. The only property there mentioned, out of the
four western counties, is "in the county of Middlesex, a messuage in
Holborn, called the Black Bull, and divers tenements in Muschamps."
It appears from the Diary, that Ely Rents, Holborn, formed part of
Sir John Cooper's estate (Append. II., November 29, 1647). Sir A. A.
Cooper inherited other property, which did not come under the Court
of Wards. In the Diary are mentioned a plantation in Barbadoes and
an estate in Derbyshire (March 23, 1646; September 11, 1649).
2 Sir Francis Ashley does not appear to have been one of the com-
missioners himself, though Shaftesbury, in the Fragment of Auto-
biography, says that he was. Many papers relating to these proceedings
are preserved in the records of the Court of Wards in the Chapter
House, where I have seen a list of the commissioners, which does not
contain Sir F. Ashley's name.
LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
value, to Sir Francis Ashley and some of the commis-
sioners themselves. The trustees, however, refused to
convey the lands to these purchasers, and applied to
the Court of Wards for time to sell to greater advantage,
and for permission for Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to
buy, he having property not in wardship from which he
could do so. This was refused, unless the purchaser
should consent. One, the purchaser of Pawlett, con-
sented; 1 but Sir Francis Ashley and Mr. Tregonwell,
a Dorsetshire neighbour, who had contracted for Eock-
borne, were obdurate. The trustees were then ordered
by the Court to convey the estates to those purchasers
who insisted ; they refused, and were put in prison and
not released till they had executed the conveyances. 2
" Thus," says Shaftesbury, in his Autobiography, " was
my estate torn and rent from me before niy face by the
injustice and oppression of that Court, near relations,
and neighbours, who, I may truly say, have been
twenty thousand pound damage to me."
Shaftesbury proceeds to relate how he ultimately
1 Pawlett was bought for Sir A. A. Cooper for 2,500?. (Diary, Jan. 21,
1648.) His property of Ely Rents, Holborn, was bought for him for
1.800Z. (Ibid. Nov. 29, 1647.)
2 The account in the text is taken from the Fragment of Auto-
biography. But who were " the trustees " imprisoned is doubtful.
The three trustees appointed by Sir John Cooper's will were Sir Daniel
Norton, Mr. Edward Tooker (his brother-in-law), and Mr. Hannam of
Wimborne ; the last declined to act. It appears by a note among the
papers at St. Giles's, that Robert "Wallop and Francis Treuchard were
committed to the Fleet, June 16, 1634, for refusing to assign Darner-
ham and Loders to Sir F. Ashley. It is therefore probable that sales
had been actually made by the trustees of Sir John Cooper's will to
friends in trust for Sir Anthony ; and that "Wallop and Trenchard, the
friends to whom Damerham and Loders were so sold in trust, were the
trustees imprisoned. Wallop was in this way trustee for Ely Rents.
(Diary, November 29, 1648.)
1631. LITIGATION IN COURT OF WARDS.
recovered Rockborne, and behaved generously to his
ungenerous neighbour's descendant :
"Yet Mr. Tregonwell had not good success in his
hard dealing, for he was so greedy of a good bargain
that he looked not into his title, and this manor proved
entailed on my father's marriage with my mother, my
father having left this out of the fine he passed on all
his other lands when he conveyed them for the discharge
of his debts, not intending to sell the place of his
father's bones, especially when his other land would
more than serve to pay all. This blot was soon hit,
when I came to manage my own matters ; and Mr.
Tregonwell's grandchild and myself came to an agree-
ment, I suffering him to enjoy his own and his lady's
life in the manor, in which I designed to bury all
animosity or ill-will as well as lawsuits betwixt the
families."
With Sir Francis Ashley there was further litigation.
The trustees, after the forced conveyance, preferred a
bill against him to enforce execution of a trust to which
the property was subject, and which he tried to evade.
Sir Francis, knowing that the trustees derived the means
of litigation from an estate of Sir Anthony's which was
not in wardship, then made an endeavour to bring this
property within the control of the Court of Wards.
The property thus exempt from wardship had come to
the young baronet from his grandfather, probably under
his mother's marriage settlement, and the deed had been
drawn by the famous Noy, who was at this moment
Attorney-General. Shaftesbury, describing these pro-
ceedings when he. was an old man, speaks of this last
10 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
endeavour of Sir Francis Ashley as a wicked design for
the total ruin of his fortune. His trustees made him
go himself to Noy to endeavour to prevail on him to
be his counsel. The influence of the Attorney- General
in the Court of Wards would probably be all-availing ;
but he might, on the other hand, be unwilling to appear
against the Crown.
" Mr. Noy was then the King's Attorney, who being
a very intimate friend of my grandfather's had drawn
that settlement ; my friends advised that I was in great
danger if he would not undertake my cause, and yet
it being against the King, it was neither proper nor
probable he would meddle in it for me ; but weighing
the temper of the man, the kindness he had for my
grandfather, and his honour so concerned if a deed
of that consequence should fail of his drawing, they
advised that I must be my own solicitor, and carry
the deed myself alone to him, which, being but thirteen
years old, I undertook, and performed with that pert-
ness that he told me he would defend my cause
though he lost his place. I was at the Court, and he
made good his word to the full without taking one
penny fees." l
Sir Francis Ashley appeared for himself.
" My Lord Cottington was then Master of the Wards,
who, sitting with his hat over his eyes, and having
heard Sir Francis make a long and elegant speech for
the overthrowing of my deed, said openly, ' Sir Francis,
you have spoke like a good uncle.' Mr. Attorney Noy
argued for me, and my uncle rising up to reply (I
being then present in Court), before he could speak two
1 Fragment of Autobiography.
1634. LITIGATION IN COURT OF WARDS. 11
words, he was taken with a sudden convulsion fit, his
mouth drawn to his ear, was carried out of the Court,
and never spoke more." l
This was in 1634, and in 1641 there was still liti-
gation about Sir Francis Ashley's purchases between
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper and the heir of Sir Francis,
the celebrated Denzil Holies, who had married Sir
Francis Ashley's only child. 2
The exactions and corruptions of the Court of Wards
were soon to have an end. The Civil War broke it up,
and its functions then ceased, never to be revived, for
one of the first acts of the legislature after the Eestora-
tion was the abolition of the Court of Wards and the
military tenures connected with it; and Sir Anthony
Ashley Cooper was then able to avenge the losses of his
youth by giving a helping hand for the abolition. 3
There is no reliable account of the extent of Shaftes-
bury's fortune, but with all the losses of his youth he
undoubtedly remained a wealthy man. The rental
which he inherited is stated to have been eight thousand
1 Sir Richard Baker notes Sir F. Ashley's death as, "by the will of
God," November 20, 1635. (Chronicle, p. 417, ed. 1684.) Noy, who
was made Attorney-General in January 1634, died August 9, 1635.
(Howel's Letters, i. 241; Notes and Queries, 1st Ser. i. 211.) There
must therefore be a mistake in Baker's date of Sir F. Ashley's death.
Sir F. Ashley was a conspicuous defender of the arbitrary system of
Charles the First, and was committed to custody by the House of Lords
in 1628, on account of the violence with which he argued at the bar of
that House for the Crown, against the Petition of Right.
2 It appears by a note preserved among the family papers that Sir
F. Ashley had promised to reconvey Damerham and Loders, two of the
manors he had become possessed of, to Sir A. A. Cooper, when he became
of full age, and that there was a suit against Holies to compel execution
of this promise. On February 13, 1637, the Court declared the promise
voluntary and not binding, and pronounced Holles's demurrer good in
bar of Sir A. A. Cooper's suit.
3 " Sir A. A. Cooper spoke against the Court of "Wards and for the
Excise." (Parl. Hist. iv. 148, November 21, 1660.)
12 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
a year, 1 which would be equivalent to more than
twenty thousand at present. He estimates his losses by
the Court of Wards at twenty thousand pounds, which
at the then rate of eight per cent, interest would be
a loss of 1,600/. a year. He may have made some
addition to his property by his three marriages with
daughters of peers, of Lord Coventry, the Earl of
Exeter, and Lord Spencer of Wormleighton. He was,
through life, careful of his fortune and eager to improve
his income by trade and speculation. On the other
hand it is to be said, both to the honour of his character
and as a sign of his wealth, that there is no trace of his
having made any unworthy gains in the confiscations
of the Commonwealth, or of his having received or
sought any of the various grants so profusely given by
Charles the Second among his ministers and courtiers.
After his father's death Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper,
with his brother and sister, lived with one of the trustees
of his father's appointment, Sir Daniel Norton, at South-
wick, near Portsmouth. His first tutor, the Puritan
whom Sir Anthony Ashley had chosen, now left him.
This tutor, by name Guerden, became afterwards a
physician, and, Shaftesbury says, had great practice in
London. Shaftesbury was an acute discerner of cha-
racter ; and if the following account of his first tutor
gives the recollections of a boy of ten, his powers of
discernment must have been developed early : " This
man was moderately learned, a great lover of money,
and had neither piety proportionable to the great pro-
fession he made, nor judgment and parts to support the
1 Rawleigli Redivivus, p. 6 ; Martyn's Life, i. 36.
1635. CHANGE OF GUARDIAN. 13
good opinion he had of himself; but he served well
enough for what he was designed for, being formal, and
not vicious." 1 In Sir Daniel Norton's house he had
for tutor a Mr. Fletcher, of whom all that Shaftesbury
tells us is, that he was " a very excellent teacher of
grammar."
He now went often to London, in term-time, with Sir
Daniel Norton, who was obliged frequently to go there
on his ward's business. " He very often took me with
him," says Shaftesbury, " as thinking my presence,
though very young, might work some compassion on
the Court, or those that should have been my friends."
Sir Daniel Norton died in 1635, and the three young
Coopers then went to live with another trustee, Mr.
Tooker, who had married a sister of Sir John Cooper,
and who lived at Salisbury, and at Madington, eight
miles from Salisbury. Lady Norton had wished that
they should continue with her, looking to the young
baronet as a good match for one of her daughters, and
Shaftesbury owns that his young heart was a little
touched. " Truly, if the condition of my litigious
fortune had not necessitated me to other thoughts for
support and protection, the sweetness of the disposition
of that young lady had made me look no further for a
wife." He chose to go and live with his uncle Tooker,
and his brother and sister accompanied him :
" My uncle Tooker and Sir Walter Erie both also
pretended to take care of me ; Sir Walter Erie's son,
Mr. Thomas Erie, being of the same age with me, and
there being the nearest friendship betwixt us was
1 Fragment of Autobiography.
14 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
imaginable in our years, which increased as we grew
older, and never to expire but in both our deaths. But
my being so very young was assisted with the troubles
I had already undergone in my own affairs, having now
for several years been inured to the complaints of
miseries from near relations and oppressions from men
in power, being forced to learn the world faster than my
book, and in that I was no ill proficient : yet I had for
my diversion both hounds and hawks of my own. I
chose my uncle Tooker, my surviving trustee, for my
guardian, he being most versed in my affairs, my nearest
relation, and had the reputation of a worthy man, as
indeed he proved. He was a very honest, industrious
man, an hospitable, prudent person, much valued and
esteemed, dead and alive, by all that knew him." 1
Having had for about a year before going to the
University a third tutor, of whom no more is known
than that he was a Master of Arts, of Oriel College,
Oxford, 2 Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was sent to Oxford
in 1637, at the age of sixteen. 3 He was entered as a
gentleman -commoner at Exeter College, the college
chiefly resorted to from the western counties of England,
which was then flourishing under the mastership of
Dr. Prideaux, afterwards Bishop of Worcester. Shaftes-
bury says in his Fragment of Autobiography, that he
was "under the immediate tuition of Dr. Prideaux," and
in the short sketch of his early life, written in 1646, he
calls Dr. Prideaux his tutor, and mentions that Mr.
1 Fragment of Autobiography.
2 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
* His name had been entered, according to Anthony Wood, in Lent
Term, 1636. (Ath. Oxon. ed. Bliss, iv. 7.)
1638. LIFE AT COLLEGE 15
Hussey, "since minister of Hinton Martin/' 1 was his
servitor. He stayed at Oxford not much longer than a
year, and during this time he was entered as a student
at Lincoln's Inn, and he probably went up to London
from Oxford to keep law terms. 2
It is likely that Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper gave
little attention at Oxford to the studies of the Univer-
sity, but it cannot be doubted that his brilliant abilities
and strong will, afterwards so conspicuous on the world's
stage, were otherwise exhibited. The cares of life had
come early upon him and disturbed in boyhood the
regularity of his education ; he had " learnt the world,"
in his own expressive words, " faster than his book ; "
but the manly business of his boyhood had doubtless
helped to quicken the development of his understanding
and mould that character, compounded of grave failings
and many excellent dispositions, which has made for
him so chequered a fame. Shaftesbury's speeches and
writings give ample evidence of early culture.
His talents and genial character, aided by a liberal
allowance and his social position, made him a leader
among his college contemporaries. The following
account of himself at college is not over-modest, but it
has all the air of truthfulness :
" I kept both horses and servants in Oxford, and was
allowed what expense or recreation I desired, which
liberty I never much abused ; but it gave me the oppor-
1 In Dorsetshire ; and Shaftesbury, who was lord of the manor, had
doubtless given his old servitor the living.
2 Some of Shaftesbury's biographers have incorrectly made him
member of Gray's Inn. His name is one of the last entered in the
Lincoln's Inn register, in 13 Car. I. t 1H37-8. Lord Falkland's name
is within four or five before it.
16 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
tunity of obliging by entertainments the better sort,
and supporting divers of the activest of the lower rank
with giving them leave to eat, when in distress, upon my
expense, it being no small honour among those sort of
men that my name in the buttery-book willingly bore
twice the expense of any in the University. This expense,
my quality, proficiency in learning, and natural affability
easily not only obtained the good- will of the wiser and
elder sort, but made me the leader even of all the rough
young men of that college, and did then maintain in the
schools coursing against Christchurch, the largest and
most numerous college in the University." 1
Shaftesbury's account of " coursing " at Oxford, and
of his own achievements in resisting the " tucking " of
freshmen and a designed alteration of the "size" of
college beer, is a most curious contribution to the
knowledge of Oxford University life in the seventeenth
century.
" This coursing was in older times, I believe, intended
for a fair trial of learning and skill in logic, metaphysics,
and school divinity, but for some ages that had been
the least part of it, the dispute quickly ending in affronts,
confusion, and very often blows, when they went most
gravely to work. They forbore striking, but making a
great noise with their feet, they hissed, and shoved with
their shoulders, and the stronger in that disorderly order
drove the other out before them; and, if the schools
were above stairs, with all violence hurrying the contrary
party down, the proctors were forced either to give way
to their violence or suffer in the throng. Nay, the Vice-
Chancellor, though it seldom has begun when he was
1 Fragment of Autobiography.
1638. LIFE AT COLLEGE. 17
present, yet being begun, he has sometimes unfortunately
been so near as to be called in, and has been overcome
in their fury once up, in these adventures. I was often
one of the disputants, and gave the sign and order for
their beginning; but being not strong of body, was
always guarded from violence by two or three of the
sturdiest youths, as their chief, and one who always
relieved them when in prison, and procured their release;
and very often was forced to pay the neighbouring
farmers, when they of our party that wanted money were
taken in the fact, for more geese, turkeys, and poultry
than either they had stole or he had lost : it being very
fair dealing if he made the scholar, when taken, pay no
more than he had lost since his last reimbursement.
" Two things I had also a principal hand in when I
was at the college. The one, I caused that ill custom
of tucking freshmen to be left off : the other, when the
senior fellows designed to alter the beer of the college,
which was stronger than other colleges, I hindered their
design. This had put all the younger sort into a
mutiny ; they resorting to me, I advised all those were
intended by their friends to get their livelihood by their
studies, to rest quiet and not appear, and that myself
and all the others that were elder brothers or uncon-
cerned in their angers, should go in a body and strike
our names out of the buttery-book, which was accord-
ingly done, and had the effect that the senior fellows,
seeing their pupils 'going that yielded them most profit,
presently struck sail and articled with us never to alter
the size of our beer, which remains so to this day.
" The first was a harder work, it having been a foolish
custom of great antiquity, that one of the seniors in the
evening called the freshmen (which are such as came
since that time twelvemonth) to the fire, and made them
hold out their chin, and they with the nail of their right
VOL. i. c
18 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
thumb, left long for that purpose, grate off all the skin
from the lip to the chin, and then cause them to drink
a beer-glass of water and salt. The time approaching
when I should be thus used, I considered that it had
happened in that year, more and lustier young gentle-
men had come to the college than had done in several
years before, so that the freshmen were a very strong
body. Upon this I consulted my two cousin-germans,
the Tookers, my aunt's sons, both freshmen, both stout
and very strong, and several others, and at last the whole
party were cheerfully engaged to stand stoutly to defence
of their chins. We all appeared at the fires in the hall,
and my Lord of Pembroke's son calling me first, as we
knew by custom it would begin with me, I, according to
agreement, gave the signal, striking him a box on the
ear, and immediately the freshmen fell on, and we easily
cleared the buttery and the hall ; but bachelors and
young masters coming in to assist the seniors, we were
compelled to retreat to a ground chamber in the quad-
rangle. They pressing at the door, some of the stoutest
and strongest of our freshmen, giant-like boys, opened
the doors, let in as many as they pleased, and shut the
door by main strength against the rest; those let in
they fell upon, and had beaten very severely, but that
my authority with them stopped them, some of them
being considerable enough to make terms for us, which
they did ; for Dr. Prideaux being called out to suppress
the mutiny, the old Doctor, always favourable to youth
offending out of courage, wishing with the fears of those
we had within, gave us articles of pardon for what had
passed, and an utter abolition in that college of that
foolish custom." 1
1 Fragment of Autobiography. Anthony "Wood describes this prac-
tice of "tucking," as existing in Merton College when he entered in
1647.
1639. HIS MARRIAGE. 19
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper left Oxford before the
usual time, and too soon to take a degree ; and on the
twenty-fifth of February, 1639, when yet only eighteen,
he was married to Margaret, a daughter of Lord
Coventry, the Lord Keeper. His uncle and guardian,
Tooker, had suggested this marriage, thinking that he
had need of powerful friends. Sir Anthony, writing in
1646, when this lady was alive, describes her as " a
woman of excellent beauty and incomparable in gifts
of nature and virtue." She died suddenly in 1649 ; and
on the occasion of her death, Cooper wrote, in what is
generally the most meagre and prosaic of diaries, this
touching and exquisite piece of praise :
" She was a lovely, beautiful, fair woman, a religious,
devout Christian, of admirable wit and wisdom, beyond
any I ever knew, yet the most sweet, affectionate, and
observant wife in the world. Chaste, without a suspicion
of the most envious, to the highest assurance of her
husband ; of a most noble and bountiful mind, yet very
provident in the least things ; exceeding all in anything
she undertook, housewifery, preserving, works with the
needle, cookery, so that her WISH and judgment were
expressed in all things ; free from any pride or froward-
ness, she was in discourse and counsel far beyond any
woman."
A German astrologer, Dr. Olivian, was one of Shaftes-
bury's friends and companions in boyhood. He had
been in old Sir Anthony Ashley's house when the
young heir was born there ; he cast his nativity, and
predicted for the infant a great career. He imbued the
boy with a faith in astrology, which, according to Burnet,
c2
20 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
Shaftesbury retained in manhood. 1 Relying on his art,
he had now endeavoured to persuade the young baronet
to marry the sister of a Dorsetshire neighbour, Mr.
Rogers. Shaftesbury thus tells the story :
" This match Dr. Olivian, my great friend, earnestly
pressed me to, not only as it was every way suitable and
fit for me, but, as he positively affirmed, he saw by his
art there would be feuds and great danger to me if it
was not a match, and, if it were, he could assure me
she would prove a vast fortune ; professing he had no
concern in it above mine ; and I did truly believe so,
but I told him I could not see a possibility of her
being so great a fortune, or having considerable addition
to her present portion, since her father had divers sons
and sons married. He replied he was sure of the thing,
but could not tell me how it should be ; and this lady,
after marrying my Lord Maynard, by the death of her
brothers and strange unequal humour of her father,
came to be a very great fortune indeed."
Thus one part of the prediction was verified ; the feuds
and troubles predicted also arrived. Mr. Rogers became
a rival for the hand of Margaret Coventry, and Sir
Anthony never forgave the offence. " For Mr. Rogers,
hearing where my address was, did, by the favour of
my Lord Cottington, then a suitor to the elder sister,
earnestly press to be admitted a servant to my mistress,
but neither she nor her friends would admit it ; but yet
1 " He had the dotage of astrology in him," says Burnet, " to a high
degree ; he told me that a Dutch doctor had from the stars foretold
him the whole series of his life." (Own Time, i. 96.) Another story is
told in " Eawleigh Kedivivus," p. 7, of a prediction by the German
doctor that Sir Anthony would have a narrow escape from drowning on
a certain day, and the prediction is said to have been verified.
1639. THE COVENTRY FAMILY. 21
the offer and attempt was so open and avowed that it
began a never reconciled feud betwixt us, he having
offered me the highest injury, and merely out of
malice." l
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's marriage with a daughter
of Lord Coventry connected him with three persons who
bear important parts in the politics of the reign of
Charles the Second. Henry Coventry, one of his wife's
brothers, was Secretary of State during seven years of
that reign ; he had before been employed in diplomacy,
and was joint plenipotentiary with Holies for the treaties
of Breda. He was a man of probity, genial character,
good judgment, and superior though not splendid abilities.
Sir William Coventry, another brother, was a man of
greater mental mark ; he was Secretary of the Lord
High Admiral and the chief administrator of the
Admiralty in the first seven years of diaries the
Second's reign, was one of Charles's chief advisers at
the time of Clarendon's fall, which he much helped to
bring about, and was at that time, according to Burnet,
expected to become chief minister; 2 but he suddenly
1 Fragment of Autobiography.
2 Burnet's Own Time, i. 265, and Lord Dartmouth's and Speaker
Onslow's Notes. Sir W. Coventry has been erroneously supposed to
be the author of the " Character of a Trimmer," which was written by
his more celebrated nephew, Lord Halifax. Coventry distinctly denies
the authorship in an interesting letter to his nephew, Thomas Thynne,
afterwards Lord Weymouth, preserved at Longleat. He follows up the
denial of the authorship of the tract by avowing himself to be a
Trimmer. " I have not been ashamed to own myself to be indeed a
Trimmer, not according as the Observator paints them, but (as I think
the name was intended to signify) one who would sit upright, and not
overturn the boat by swaying too much on either side." Sir "W.
Coventry died in 1686, and left by his will 2,000. to the French
refugees, and 3,OOOZ. to redeem slaves in Barbary. (Lady Russell's
Letters, i. 193 ; Savile Correspondence, published by the Camden
Society, pp. 293-5.) Marvel, in a satirical poem of 1667, introduces
22 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. I.
lost the fickle King's favour, and was afterwards for
many years one of the most able and respected members
of the House of Commons. A sister of Sir Anthony
Ashley Cooper's wife married Sir William Savile, baronet,
of Thornhill in Yorkshire and Kufford in Nottingham-
shire ; and of this marriage was born the witty, accom-
plished, and eloquent Lord Halifax, who came to be a
chief minister towards the end of the reign of Charles
the Second, and was successively one of Shaftesbury's
friends and coadjutors, and one of his keenest adver-
saries in the last troubled years of Shaftesbury's life.
Talent was largely given to the children of Lord
Keeper Coventry ; another of his daughters, who
married Sir John Pakington, a distinguished Cavalier
baronet, is believed with good reason to have been
the author, or one of the authors, of the " Whole Duty
of Man." l
An orphan at the age of nine ; at war, while a boy,
with the rapacity and injustice of relatives ; forced, as
he says of himself, to learn the world faster than his
book, and called early by business to the thoughts and
cares of manhood ; having inherited in childhood a title
which was then a considerable distinction, and growing
up to be the possessor of a large estate ; with no father's
Sir William and Henry Coventry as the chosen leaders of the supporters
of Government in the House of Commons during Charles the Second's
first Dutch war :
" All the two Coventries their generals chose,
For one had much, the other nought to lose.
Not better choice all accidents could hit,
While hector Harry steers by Will the wit."
1 See Ballard's Learned Ladies, p. 320.
1639. SKETCH OF HIS YOUTH. 23
authority to control, or mother's love to render gentle
guidance, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper grew up to
manhood under circumstances which may serve to
account for something harsh and jarring in the course
and character of the Earl of Shaftesbury.
CHAPTEE II.
16391644.
Lives, after marriage, with his father-in-law Hanley bowling-green in
Dorsetshire Sir A. A. Cooper's neighbours Lord Digby Visit
to "Worcestershire with Mr. Coventry Elected member for Tewkes-
bury, at age of eighteen, for the Short Parliament of April 1640
Termination of Fragment of Autobiography The Parliament
quickly dissolved Lord Coventry's death in January 1640 Letter
of John Coventry, February 1640 Lord Savile's forged letter
Petition of twelve peers to the King for a parliament Returned in
a double return for Downton to Long Parliament Petitions
Holies said to have prevented his being seated Came forward for
the King in Dorsetshire in spring of 1643 Dispute about his being
made Governor of Weymouth and Portland Ultimately appointed
Letter from the King to Marquis of Hertford Appointed King's
Sheriff of Dorsetshire In February 1644 goes over to the Parlia-
ment His statement of his motives made before the Committee of
both Kingdoms.
SIR ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, being still a minor and
not yet in possession of his property, lived, after his
marriage, with his father-in-law the Lord Keeper, at
Durham House in the Strand, and at Canonbury or
Canbury House in Islington. 1
He frequently visited Wimborne St. Giles, and im-
proved his acquaintance with his Dorsetshire neigh-
bours. Bowls was then a favourite game of the English
gentry, and the county bowling-green a place of gather-
ing. Sir Anthony frequented a bowling-green at Hanley,
1 The Lord Keeper rented these two houses : Durham House from the
Earl of Pembroke, and Canonbury or, as it was called, Caubury House
from the Earl of Northampton.
1639. WESTERN GENTRY. 25
not far from Wimborne St. Giles, which was the weekly
resort of the leading gentlemen of the eastern part of
Dorsetshire. Here he used to meet his enemy, Mr.
Rogers.
" The eastern part of Dorsetshire had a bowling-green
at . Hanley, where gentlemen went constantly once a
week, though neither the green nor accommodation
was inviting ; yet it was well placed to continue the
correspondence of the gentry of those parts. Here I
omitted no opportunity, and it was often given, to show
Mr. Rogers, where his coach and six horses did not a
little contribute to their envy. His garb, his discourse
all spoke him one that thought himself above them ;
which, when observed to them, they easily agreed to.
My family alliances and fortune, being not prejudiced
either by nature or education, gave me the juster
grounds to take exceptions ; besides my affable, easy
temper, now with care improved, rendered the stiffness
of his demeanour more visible." x
Shaftesbury has sketched in his Autobiography the
characters of most of the leading gentry of Dorset-
shire and Somersetshire at the time of his marriage.
The longest and most finished of these sketches, that of
Mr. Hastings of Woodlands, is generally known, having
a place in the collection of the " British Essayists." 2
It is a graphic description, written with great humour,
pungency, and vigour. Most of the persons whom he
1 Fragment of Autobiography, Appendix I.
2 It is in the "Connoisseur," No. 81, August 14, 1755. It was firs 4 :
printed in Dr. Leonard Howard's " Collection of Letters and State
Papers," published in 1753. Horace Walpole, in his "Koyaland
Noble Authors," made a mistake, which has been generally copied, in
saying that it first appeared in Peck's "Desiderata Curiosa," where it
is not to be found.
26 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
has sketched are unknown to fame. But one young
man who appears on this list of Dorsetshire gentry,
Lord Digby, afterwards the second Earl of Bristol, was
in four years from this time Secretary of State to
Charles the First, and had a long political career, in which
great abilities and great advantages were always preju-
diced by vanity and indiscretion. " The Earl of Bristol
was relieved from all business, and lived privately to
himself ; but his son, the Lord Digby, a very handsome
young man, of great courage and learning, and of a quick
wit, began to show himself, he being highly admired by
all ; and only gave himself disadvantage with a pedantic
stiffness and affectation he had contracted."
Shaftesbury's account of himself at the beginning of
manhood, of his high animal spirits which pain could
not conquer, of his playfulness in society, and of his
wit and address which won for him at the age of
eighteen a seat in the House of Commons, would suffer
by any abridgment :
" My wife continuing at her father's house, my Lord
Keeper's eldest son, Mr. Thomas Coventry, an honest,
fair, direct man, carried me with him to see his house
in Worcestershire, where we stayed some time ; and I
grew in great respect in those parts for a pleasant, easy
humour, but especially in the town of Tewkesbury by
an accident. They having invited their neighbour, my
Lord Keeper's son, to a hunting in the chace near them
and a dinner at their town after, all the neighbour
gentry were called in to grace the matter, who failed
not to appear and pay a respect not only to the town,
but so powerful a neighbour. At the hunting I was
1639. VISIT TO WORCESTERSHIRE. 2*7
taken with one of my usual fits, which for divers years
had hardly missed me one day, which lasted for an hour,
betwixt eleven and one, sometimes beginning earlier and
sometimes later betwixt those times. It was a violent
pain of my left side, that I was often forced to lie down
wherever I was ; at last it forced a working in my
stomach, and I put up some spoonfuls of clear water
and I was well, if I may call that so, when I was never
without a dull aching pain of that side. Yet this never
abated the cheerfulness of my temper ; but, when in the
greatest fits, I hated pitying and loved merry company,
and, as they told me, was myself very pleasant when
the drops fell from my face for pain; but then, my
servant near me always desired they would not take
notice of it, but continue their diversions, which was
more acceptable to me ; and I had always the women
and young people about me at those times, who thought
me acceptable to them, and peradventure the more
admired me because they saw the visible symptoms of
my pain, which caused in all others so contrary an effect.
At this hunting the Bailiffs 1 and chief of the town, being
no hard riders, were easily led by their civility to keep
me company, and being informed of my humour, we
were very pleasant together, and they thought themselves
obliged with my respect, as liking their company and
being free with them. On the other hand, I was ready
to make them any return of their kindness, which
quickly offered itself, for part of our discourse had been
of an old knight in the field, a crafty perverse rich man
in power, as being of the Queen's Privy Council, a bitter
enemy of the town arid Puritans, as rather inclined the
Popish way. This man's character and all his story I
had learnt of them. At dinner the Bailiffs sat at the
i The chief officers of Tewkesbury were two Bailiffs, annually elected
by the burgesses, twenty-four in number, from their own body.
28 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
table's end ; Sir Harry Spiller and myself, opposite to
one another, sat near them, but one betwixt. Sir Harry
began the dinner with all the affronts and dislikes he
could put on the Bailiffs or their entertainment, which
enraged and discountenanced them and the rest of the
town that stood behind us ; and the more, it being in
the face of the best gentlemen of the country, and when
they resolved to appear in their best colours. When the
first course was near spent, and he continued his rough
raillery, L thought it my duty, eating their bread, to
defend their cause the best I could, which I did with so
good success, not sparing the bitterest retorts I could
make him, which his way in the world afforded matter.
for, that I had a perfect victory over him. This gained
the townsmen's hearts, and their wives' to boot ; I was
made free of the town, and the next parliament, though
absent, without a penny charge, was chosen Burgess by
an unanimous vote.
" During this time of my youthful days and pleasant
humour, I had one accommodation which was very
agreeable, a servant that waited on me in my chamber,
one Pyne, a younger brother of a good family, every way
of my shape and limbs and height, only our faces and
the colour and manner of our hair was not alike ; mine
was then a flaxen inclined to brown, soft, and turning at
the ends ; his was dark brown, thick, bushy, hard, curled
all over. My stockings, shoes, clothes, were all exactly
fit for him ; my hat, though my head was long and big
and his round and little, yet he wore his hair so long
and so thick that it served him reasonably well, that
being the only part of my clothes that he could not buy
and fit me by his own trial. His great felicity was to
wear my clothes the next day after I had left them off,
so very often appearing in the same suit of clothes I had
worn the day before. He had a strong mechanic genius ;
1639. END OF AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 29
he quickly learnt to trim me, and all the art of any
tradesman I used, but especially he was an excellent
sempster; he sewed and cut out any linen for men or
women, equal if not beyond any of the trade, and he
never went without patterns of the newest fashions;
and, as soon as I alighted at any place, I was hardly in
the parlour before my man had got to the nursery or
laundry, and, though he was never there before, his con-
fidence gave him entrance, and his science in that art
they had most use of gave him welcome, and his readi-
ness to teach and impart his skill, and to put them and
their ladies into the newest fashions, gave him an inti-
macy especially with the most forward and prating
wenches ; those he expected his best return from, which
was, besides the usual traffic and commerce of kisses
(the constant trade betwixt young men and women), the
intelligence of all the intrigues of the family, which he
with all haste conveyed to me, and I managed to the
most mirth and jollity I could. My skill in palmistry
and telling fortunes, which for ni}' diversion I professed,
was much assisted by this intelligence, and gave me
choice of opportunities which some would have made
worse use of than I did."
" Thus," adds Shaftesbury, " I have set down my
youthful time. What follows is a time of business
which overtook me early, and the rest of my life is not
without great mixtures of the public concern, and must
be much intermingled with the history of the times/'
And here, unfortunately, where the piiblic interest of
Shaftesbury's life begins, ends the Fragment of the
Autobiography, in which he has related with so much
spirit and humour the story of his youthful years, and
30 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
which he began in old age to compose, in order to
vindicate his fame for posterity from many calumnies of
malice and faction.
In the short autobiographical sketch of 1646, Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper says of the election for Tewkes-
bury : " In March, 1640 he was by a general and free
election of the town of Tewkesbury chosen their first
burgess for the parliament, in which short parliament
he served them faithfully." There was no contest, and
by "first burgess" must be meant that he was named
first in the return of two members. The election for
Tewkesbury was with the magistrates and all inhabit-
ants paying scot and lot, and tjie number of electors
was probably about four hundred. Sir Anthony had
not yet completed his nineteenth year ; but it was not
uncommon then, and for long after, for minors to sit in
parliament, though their doing so was contrary to law. 1
This parliament, which met on the thirteenth of April,
1640, was Charles the First's fourth parliament ; and
eleven years had passed since he had dissolved his third
parliament in anger. The long interval had been marked
by many arbitrary acts, by great discontents, by events
memorable in English history ; by Sir John Eliot's
death in prison, the imposition of ship-money and
Hampden's resistance, a multitude of arbitrary procla-
1 At one time in James I.'s reign, there were counted forty members
under age, some of them being only sixteen. The poet Waller sat in
the House of Commons when only sixteen. Monk's son is said to have
been only fourteen when he took part in a debate on Lord Clarendon's
impeachment, November 16, 1667 ; but that he was so young is
doubtful. The practice of minors sitting was put a stop to after the
Revolution by a clause of the Triennial Act, which makes void the
election of a person under twenty-one. See Hatsell's " Precedents," ii. 9,
1640. THE SHOET PARLIAMENT. 31
mations, many cruel punishments in the Star Chamber
and Court of High Commission, a large introduction
under Archbishop Laud's government of Eoniish prac-
tices into the Church, and lastly an endeavour to force
a liturgy on the people of Scotland, which raised a
rebellion in that kingdom. The formidable appearance
in arms of the Scotch Covenanters obliged Charles at
last to call a parliament, The Privy Council had unani-
mously advised it ; yet the King would not adopt their
advice, until every member of the Council had promised
to support him in extraordinary ways of raising money,
if the parliament proved untoward. 1 Charles was very
soon convinced of the untowardness of this parliament.
He endeavoured to obtain an immediate supply, pro-
mising to allow the parliament to continue to sit for
the discussion of grievances. The House of Commons,
however, insisted that grievances should first be dis-
cussed. The parliament was dissolved in three weeks.
There is no sign of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper in
the Journals, or in the accounts which we have of the
debates, of this short-lived parliament, and no informa-
tion whatever about his proceedings. It has been
generally assumed that he now voted blindly for the
King. But it has also been generally assumed that, on
the first breaking out of the Civil War, he was an
1 Clarendon State Papers, ii. 81. Secretary "Windebank to Sir A.
Hoptou, December 13, 1639: "But before his Majesty would declare
his resolution for this way, he was pleased to put another question to
the Board, whether, if the parliament should prove as untoward as
some have lately been, the Lords would not then assist him in such
extraordinary ways in this extremity as should be thought fit, which
being put to the vote, the Lords did all unanimously and cheerfully
promise that in such case they would assist him with their lives and
fortunes in such extraordinary way as should be advised and found."
J
32 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
adherent of the King ; whereas he himself states that,
as late as September 1642, after the King had set up
his standard at Nottingham, he had " not as yet adhered
against the Parliament." It was natural to infer that
the young son-in-law of the Lord Keeper Coventry would
vote on the King's side ; and most of his own relatives
were on that side also. But Cooper, as a young man,
was very likely to think and act for himself. It is to
be inferred from his account of his election for Tewkes-
bury that the feeling of the electors, with whom he had
ingratiated himself by banter of Sir Harry Spiller, was
Puritan. 1
Lord Coventry, Cooper's father-in-law, and the Lord
Keeper, had died about three months before the meeting of
this parliament, before Cooper was elected for Tewkes-
bury, and before the completion of a year after Cooper's
marriage with his daughter. He died on the fourteenth
of January, 1640, " to the King's great detriment," says
Clarendon, " rather than to his own." 2 His young son-
in-law, who was beginning life as his own master with
wealth, inherited station, great talents, and eager tem-
perament, probably lost by his death a wise and useful
counsellor. Sir Anthony continued to live with his
mother-in-law at Durham House and Canonbury, till,
at the end of a twelvemonth after Lord Coventry's death,
she gave up the two houses ; and then he went to live
1 Mr. Martyn says that Cooper was very diligent in his attendance
in this parliament, and "every day wrote an account of their proceed-
ings." (Life, i. 47.) No authority is given for this statement, and I
have found no trace among Lord Shaftesbury's papers of such a journal.
Mr. Martyn does not say that he had seen such a journal : had he seen
one, he would doubtless have given extracts.
2 History of the Rebellion, ii. 64.
1640. LETTER FROM JOHN COVENTRY. 33
and keep house with his brother-in-law, the second
Lord Coventry, at Dorchester House in Covent Garden. 1
A letter to Cooper from another brother-in-law, John
Coventry, the eldest son of the Lord Keeper by his
second wife, who was Lady Cooper's mother, is the
only vestige among the papers at St. Giles's of Cooper's
private correspondence in early life. This letter was
written in the short interval between the Lord Keeper's
death and Cooper's election for Tewkesbury. John
Coventry is mentioned by Shaftesbury in his Autobio-
graphy as one of the leading men of Somersetshire at
this time. 2 The following letter shows him a candidate
for the county for the parliament called for April. It
is superscribed, "To my truly honoured brother Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper, Baronet, Durham House, pre-
sent these."
" DEAR BROTHER, I hope you all came safe home
on Tuesday night, as I did in the morning, for my horses
began to find their legs again. We are here canvassing
very hard. Mr. Smyth and Mr. Alexander Popham are
pitched upon by the Eobins ; Sir Ealph Hopton and I
as yet stand single ; what we shall do I know not
Here is great exceptions taken, as I am told, at me for
reporting that Mr. Alexander Pppham was a banquerout,
and that the Eobins had made choice of Eobin-hood as
1 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
2 He was father of Sir John Coventry, who obtained notoriety, in
Charles the Second's reign, by a speech in the House of Commons
reflecting on the King's amours, and by the savage assault made on
him in consequence by a band of courtiers and ruffians instigated
by Monmouth, which greatly inflamed the House of Commons, and
led to the passing of an Act "to prevent malicious maiming and
wounding," which was familiarly known as the Coventry Act (22 & 23
Car. II. c. i.).
VOL. I. D
34 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. If.
an outlaw and incapable of being chosen. This is said
to be dispersed here by a letter of Sir Francis Doding-
ton's from London. I remember at Durham House
being asked (I think by yourself) whom the Eobins
would make. I answered, I thought Kobin-hood, naming
Mr. Kirton or Mr. Stroud, and Mr. Aish the clothier.
'Tis true, I said, that some of them had a mind to Mr.
A. Popham, but I knew he had refused to stand, and
that some men did doubt whether he was eligible in
respect of his brother's debts, for which I had heard he
stood outlawed. But sure I think you have not heard
me press anything with sharpness and barbarism against
him, as is pretended. This was at the table, and if I
mistake not, Mr. Ingram was present. I know Sir
Francis hath acquaintance with him ; possibly he might
tell him somewhat. Be pleased, I pray you, to speak
with Mr. Ingram and know whether he told him any-
thing, or anything more than I admit, and let me hear
from you by the return of the post what he saith, and
what your remembrance is. If he divulged not this,
you have a dangerous pack of servants. Let none see
this letter or know the contents but Mr. Ingram. Thus
in haste, with my service to my sister and my lord and
the rest of your good company, I remain,
" Your faithful brother and servant,
" J. COVENTRYE.
" ORCHARD, February 29, 1639. 1
" Keep this letter safe till I see you."
The parliament which met on the thirteenth of April,
1640, having been abruptly dissolved on the fifth of May,
Charles the First proceeded again to try his extraordinary
ways of raising money. But these were soon found
1 February 1639, is old style for 1640.
1640. LORD SAVILE'S FORGED LETTER. 35
unavailing. The Scotch army crossed the Tweed and
routed the King's forces. As a last hope of avoiding
a parliament, Charles summoned all the peers of the
realm to meet him at York. But before the day fixed
for their assembling, he found himself constrained to
call a parliament, and he announced to them, when
they met, his resolution. The parliament which had
been hastily dissolved in the spring is known as the
Short Parliament ; that which met in less than six
months after, on the third of November, 1640, was the
celebrated Long Parliament.
Two short notes by Shaftesbury, on occurrences
between the dissolution of May and the meeting of the
next parliament, which may have been intended for the
continuation of his Autobiography, may here be inserted. 1
The first refers to the letter sent by Lord Savile to the
Scotch Commissioners, urging an invasion of England,
with a number of forged signatures of leading noblemen
added to his own, which led the Scotch army to enter
England in August.
i These two passages occur in Locke's " Commonplace Book," under
date December 1680, and are printed in Lord King's "Life of Locke,"
vol. i. p. 222. The letters A. E. S. being appended to one of the
passages in Locke's manuscript, Lord King conjectured that these
initials meant Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury ; and the conjecture has
been confirmed by two references in Martyn's " Life of Shaftesbury "
(i. pp. 115, 119) to a manuscript of Shaftesbury 's as authority for the
same statements. I have not found the passages thus referred to
among the papers at St. Giles's. Martyn may have seen them, and
they may have been since lost, or he may have only learnt about them
from references by Stringer. Reference is made to one of these
passages in a note of the fourth Earl's, which is preserved. The
passages may have been fragments to form part of the introductory
historical sketch in the Autobiography which terminates so abruptly
at the Reformation, or they may have been detached notes written in
1680, for Locke's and Stringer's information. Locke sets them down
in his " Commonplace Book" as notes for Rushworth's "Collections."
D2
36 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
" This second coming in of the Scots was occasioned
and principally encouraged by a letter which the Lord
Saville, afterwards Earl of Sussex, writ with his own
hand, and forged the names of a dozen or fourteen of
the chiefest of the English nobility, together with his
own, which he sent into Scotland by the hands of
Mr 5 H. Darley, who remained there as agent from the
said English lords until he had brought the Scots in.
At the meeting of the grand Council, when the English
and Scots lords came together, the letter caused great
dispute amongst them, till at last my Lord Saville,
being reconciled to the Court, confessed to the King
the whole matter." l
The second note is on the presentation of the petition
to the King for a parliament, signed by twelve peers, 2
and contains startling statements, which are, however,
confirmed by Bishop Burnet's narrative.
" This petition was presented to the King at York, by
the hands of the Lord Mandeville 3 and the Lord Edward
Howard. 4 The King immediately called a Cabinet
1 A note of the fourth Earl of Shaftesbury, among the papers at
St. Giles's, points out the importance of Shaftesbury's testimony to
the story of Lord Savile's forgery. Dr. Lingard expressed a doubt as
to the truth of the story ; but it is too well attested to admit of reason-
able doubt. Mr. Sanford has since published a long circumstantial
account of the transaction, from a MS. in the British Museum, Add.
MSS. 15,567. See Sanford's " Studies and Illustrations of the Great
Rebellion," p. 171, and Hallam (Const. Hist. ii. 125, note).
2 Mr. Hallam has given an incorrect list of the twelve peers who
signed this famous petition : the names of Lords Paget, Wharton,
and Savile appear in his list, instead of the Earls of Rutland and
Exeter, and Lord Howard of Escrick. Compare Hallam, ii. 127, note,
with the list in Lords' Journals, iv. 188.
3 Lord Mandeville, eldest son of the Earl of Manchester, had been
called by writ to the House of Lords, with the title of Baron Kim-
bolton, by which name he is best known to us.
4 Edward, younger son of the Earl of Suffolk, created Baron Howard
of Escrick in 1628. His son, the third baron, obtained an unenviable
fame in Charles the Second's reign by his evidence against Russell
aud Sidney.
Ifi40. DOUBLE RETURN FOR DOWNTON. 37
Council, wherein it was concluded to cut off both the
lords' heads the next day ; when the Council was up,
and the King gone, Duke Hamilton and the Earl of
Strafford, general of the army, remaining behind, when
Duke Hamilton, asking the Earl of Strafford whether
the army would stand to them, the Earl of Strafford
answered he feared not, and protested he did not think
of that before then. Hamilton replied, if we are not
sure of the army, it may be our heads instead of theirs ;
whereupon they both agreed to go to the King and alter
the counsel, which accordingly they did." 1
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper *was not again elected
for Tewkesbury. He was a candidate for Downton in
Wiltshire, a borough in which he had property, and
which was near his seat at Wimborne St. Giles ; and
he was one of two candidates returned on a double
return. Neither he nor his rival could sit until it
was decided which had the right. Cooper says, in
his Autobiographical Sketch written in 1646, that the
Committee of Privileges decided in his favour, but
that no report had been made to the House. "For
this happy parliament," he writes, being in 1646, when
he wrote, a strong Parliamentarian, " he was chosen
1 Bishop Burnet tells the same of Lord Wharton and Lord Howard
of Escrick, presenting other petitions. "The Lord Wharton and the
Lord Howard of Escrick undertook to deliver some of these, which they
did, and were clapt up upon it. A council of war was held ; and it
was resolved on, as the Lord Wharton told me, to shoot them at the
head of the army, as movers of sedition. This was chiefly pressed by
the Earl of Stratford. Duke Hamilton spoke nothing till the council
rose ; and then he asked Stratford, if he was sure of the army, who
seemed surprised at the question : but he upon inquiry understood
that very probably a general mutiny, if not a total revolt, would have
followed, if any such execution had been attempted." (Own Time,
i. 29.) Lord Wharton was not one of the petitioners. Burnet's
variances, which are probably mistakes, may enhance his substantial
confirmation of Shaftesbury's story.
38 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
a burgess for Downton in Wiltshire, in the place of
Mr. William Herbert, second son to the Earl of Pem-
broke, who was chosen knight also of a county in
Wales ; Mr. Gorge, eldest son to the Lord Gorge, was
also returned ; but at the Committee for Privileges, it
was clearly decided for Sir Anthony, yet no report
made of it." This is probably quite correct. It
appears by the Journals that the question had been
referred to the Committee of Privileges, and a day
fixed for the hearing, in February 1641 ; but the
Journals then contain no further notice of the matter.
Thus the question remained in abeyance and the seat
vacant, and Cooper was kept out of the House. 1 The
case is not singular. Sir John Bramston gives an
account of a similar proceeding with his own petition
for Bodmin, which, he says, was decided in his favour
in Committee, but that the chairman, Serjeant May-
nard, would never report. 2 Obstruction may have been
given to Cooper, as Sir John Bramston thinks that it
was given in his case, from political motives. But
Denzil Holies, who was a leader in the party opposed
to the King, is said to have exerted himself, for private
reasons, to prevent Cooper from obtaining his seat.
The authorities for this statement are not unexcep-
tionable ; 3 but there is a fact which suggests that
1 Downton returned two members ; the return of one, Sir Edward
Griffin, was undisputed. Sir E. Griffin adhered to the King, and, his
seat having been declared vacant, a new writ was issued in September
1645, and Mr. Thistle waite was then elected in his place.
2 Sir J. Bramston's Autobiography, published by the Camden Society,
p. 160.
3 Locke's Memoir in Works, ix. 271. Martyn's Life, i. 143. The
identical statement in these two places was doubtless derived from
Stringer, and is introduced in order to prove Sir A. A. Cooper's magna-
1641. NOT SEATED FOR DOWNTON. 39
Holies had an interest in excluding Cooper from the
House, and which, if Holies has been calumniated, will
account for the imputation. Holies was at this time
prosecuting a suit in the Court of Wards against
Cooper, arising out of his father-in-law Sir Francis
Ashley's proceedings after the death of Cooper's father ;
and there is an entry in the Commons' Journals on
February 10, 1641, a few days before the reference
of the question of the election to the Committee of
Privileges, recording a permission given to Holies to
proceed with the suit. Sir Simonds D'Ewes in his
Diary gives a fuller explanation of the resolution : " It
was agreed in the House that Mr. Hollis, a member
of this House, having a suit against Sir Anthony
Ashley Cooper (he named Anthony Ashley in his
baptism), being an elected member of this House, but
the election being in controversy, and he not yet
admitted to sit as a member, was allowed to proceed
in the suit, being in the Court of Wards, and demand
publication of witnesses." l
In 1645, after Cooper had joined the side of the
Parliament and fought for it, he made an endeavour
to get seated on the same petition for Downton, but
still unsuccessfully. There is an entry in the Com-
mons' Journals, September 1, 1645, that Sir Walter
Erie was ordered to report on Sir Anthony Ashley
nimity in not revenging himself on Holies, when called before the
House of Commons, a few years after, as is alleged, to give evidence
about transactions of Holies at Oxford. But this story of his being
called as a witness against Holies is clearly a romance. See note at
p. 41.
1 Harl. MSS. in British Museum, 162, p. 213 a.
40 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
Cooper's election, but again no report was made. At
last, on the eve of the Eestoration, in the last days
of the Bump of this parliament, which Cooper had
then prominently helped to resuscitate, he obtained a
decision in his favour, and was declared to have been
duly elected for Downton in 1640. 1
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was therefore excluded
from taking part in the great parliamentary contests
of the beginning of the Long Parliament, which ushered
in the Civil War. He was of age on the twenty-second
of July, 1642. He had then not yet proclaimed himself
a partisan. But swords had been then already drawn
in the great quarrel of King and Parliament. On the
twenty-fifth of August, the King set up his standard at
Nottingham ; and Cooper, who was at the time visiting
in Nottinghamshire, at his brother-in-law Sir William
Savile's at Eufford, was present at this ceremony, but
only as a spectator. "He was with the King," he
says of himself, " at Nottingham and Derby, but only
as a spectator, having not as yet adhered against the
Parliament." 2
In the spring of 1643, after the failure of the nego-
tiations at Oxford, Cooper came forward in Dorsetshire
on the King's side. 3 He says of himself that at this
1 January 7, 1660.
2 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
3 The following account of Sir A. A. Cooper's proceedings, while he
supported the King's party, is derived from his own statements in the
Autobiographical Sketch, written in 1646, and from Clarendon's "His-
tory of the Rebellion ; " it is in complete contrast with the absurd,
extravagant statements, to which some have given credence, contained
in Mr. Martyn's Life, and in the fragment of a Memoir printed among
Locke's works. The accounts given by Mr. Martyn, and in the Locke
Memoir, are as follow. Sir A. A. Cooper, being a young man of
twenty-two, is represented to have proposed to the King, in an inter-
1643. TAKES THE KING'S SIDE. 41
time he " was by the gentlemen of the county desired
to attend the King with their desires and the state of
view at Oxford, to undertake the general pacification of the kingdom,
if the King would authorise him to treat with the parliamentary garri-
sons and promise a new and free parliament. The King is said to have
observed, "You are a young man, and talk great things;" but to have
given Sir A. A. Cooper the authority he desired. All Cooper's plans
are represented to have been spoilt by Prince Maurice, and on Cooper's
complaining to the King it is said that " the King shook his head with
some concern, but said little." It is further stated that, after this first
grand project was broken by Prince Maurice, Cooper started another,
which was that the counties should all arm and endeavour to suppress
both the contending armies, that Cooper brought most of the sober
and well-intentioned gentlemen of both sides throughout England into
this plan, and that this was the origin of the " clubmen; " that Cooper
was now so strictly watched by the Court, which had become jealous of
him, that he could not maintain the necessary correspondence with
distant counties ; that at this time the King wrote a very complimentary
letter begging him to come to Oxford, but that his friends dissuaded
him from going, telling him that danger lurked in the King's civility ;
that Goring, who commanded a force in those parts, had orders to seize
Cooper ; that he invited himself one day to dine with Sir Anthony, who
upon this took fright and fled to the Parliament's quarters. Most of
this is downright falsehood ; it is in itself sufficiently improbable that
Sir A. A. Cooper, when so young, should have been encouraged in such
grand undertakings, and the story abounds in anachronisms. The
clubmen, whom Cooper is said to have brought forward, did not
appear on the stage before the spring of 1645, more than a year after
Cooper had left the King's cause. Mr. Godwin has pointed out this
anachronism (Hist, of Commonwealth, i. 439, note). Goring had no
command in the west at the time when Cooper left the King's cause in
February 1644 ; he had a command there in the following autumn.
It will be observed that Shaftesbury in his Autobiographical Sketch
makes no allusion whatever to the clubmen, which is not consistent
with his having been the originator of so important a movement.
There appear to be in the whole of this elaborate story, two, and only
two, facts, on which this superstructure of confused error has been
raised : 1st, that Cooper attended the King at Oxford in 1643, with
a deputation from his county ; and 2d, that he received a flattering
letter from the King shortly before his defection. It is not unlikely
that Cooper, in supporting the King's cause, assumed a somewhat
independent tone, and that his own exaggerated accounts in later life
led a hearer, who had no personal knowledge of the events of this time,
to misrepresentation. Another gross historical error occurs in a story
told for the glorification of Cooper in the Locke Memoir, and likewise
told by Mr. Martyn, of his being called by the Parliament as a witness
against his old private adversary, Holies. Holies being accused in the
House of Commons of having transacted separately with the King
when he was sent with other commissioners to Oxford to treat of peace,
it is stated that Cooper was called as a witness by Holles's accusers, as
he was with the King at Oxford at the time, and that Cooper refused
42 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
the county." Clarendon says that the King resolved
at this time to send the Marquis of Hertford with
an army into the western counties, " the rather because
there were many of the prime gentlemen of Wiltshire,
Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire, who confidently under-
took, if the Marquis went through these counties with
such a strength as they supposed the King would spare
to him, they would in a very short time raise so con-
siderable a power as to oppose any force the Parliament
should be able to send ;" and later, after the surrender
of Bristol, Clarendon gives as one of the reasons why
the King determined to divide his western army, and
detach a portion under Prince Maurice and the Earl
of Carnarvon to Dorsetshire, " some correspondence
with the chief gentlemen of Dorsetshire, who were
ready to join with any considerable party for the
King, and had some probable hopes that the small
garrisons upon the coast would not make a tedious
resistance." Dorsetshire was entirely in the hands of
the Parliament, who held all the ports, and Clarendon
to give any answer and persisted in his refusal, though threatened to
he sent to the Tower. Now the separate conversation with the King,
which was made a charge against Holies, took place in November 1644,
nine months after Cooper had quitted the King's party. In the Memoir
in Locke's works, it is mentioned that Holles's separate transaction
with the King was on the occasion of the treating at Oxbridge, which
was even later, in the beginning of 1645 ; but this is only one error
more. The account in this Memoir and that of Mr. Martyn evidently
proceed from the same source ; and that source is doubtless Mr.
Stringer. Locke probably took these stories from Stringer, and wrote
them down, without examination at the time, in a rough draft of a
biography designed for subsequent correction. It is not impossible
that Snaftesbury, in old age, may in conversation with his friends have
given a somewhat false colour to the story of his early life ; and there
is a remarkable passage in Burnet, accusing him both of boasting and
of disingenuousness in speaking of his relations with Cromwell. (Own
Time, i. 96.)
1643. DISPUTE ABOUT GOVERNMENT OF WEYMOUTH. 43
speaks of Dorchester as "the most malignant town
in England." l
The Marquis of Hertford, as commander-in-chief of
the western army, had commissioned Cooper, with Sir
Gerard Napier, Sir John Hele, and Sir William Ogle, to
treat with Weymoutb and Dorchester for their sur-
render; and Cooper had raised at his own expense a
regiment of foot and a troop of horse, and received from
Hertford commissions as colonel of the regiment and
captain of the troop. 2 Hertford had given him also a
commission appointing him governor of Weymouth and
the island of Portland, when they should be taken for
the King. In August, Dorchester, Weymouth, and Port-
land all surrendered to the Earl of Carnarvon, imme-
diately on his arrival with his army from Bristol. Very
shortly afterwards, the Marquis of Hertford ceased to be
commander-in-chief, the King desiring to give the chief
command to Prince Maurice, who accordingly succeeded
him. V Cooper, hearing that Prince Maurice was not
disposed to respect the commission which Hertford had
given him to be governor of Weymouth and Portland,
and that he wished to appoint some one else, went off
immediately to Hertford, who was at Bristol, to press
his claim., He had indeed already acted on Hertford's
commission by nominating a commander for Portland.
Hertford, who had lately, before his removal from his
command, had a similar question with Prince Eupert
about the governorship of Bristol, took up Cooper's case
warmly. Weymouth and Portland had, in truth, been
1 History of Rebellion, vii. 94, 154, 155.
2 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
44 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
surrendered before lie had actually ceased to be corn-
man der-in-chief, and he made it a question of his own
honour with the King that the commission which he
had given to Cooper should be confirmed. Clarendon,
who was at Bristol, being then the King's Chancellor of
the Exchequer, has given a detailed account of this
incident, and describes Cooper as " a young gentleman
of that country, of a fair and plentiful fortune, and one
who, in the opinion of most men, was like to advance the
place by being governor of it, and to raise men for the
defence of it without lessening the army, and had, in
expectation of it, made some provision of officers and
soldiers, when it should be time to call them together."
Hertford spoke with Hyde on the subject, and Cooper
himself applied to him for his intercession : " And Sir
Anthony came likewise to him [Clarendon], who was of
his acquaintance, and desired his assistance, that, after
so much charge he had been put to in the expectation
of it, and to prepare for it, he might not be exposed to
the mirth and contempt of the country." Hyde wrote
to the King, who was before Gloucester, then besieged
by the royal forces, and he also "wrote to the Lord
Falkland, to take Sir John Colepepper with him, if he
found any aversion in the King, that they might together
discourse and prevail with him." The King refused.
Hertford was so much hurt that he talked of retiring to
his own house to live privately and quietly, seeing that
he had no more credit with the King. Hyde then went
to the King ; and, according to his own account, written
long after, when his feelings towards Shaftesbury were
soured, " at last, with very great difficulty, he [Hyde]
1643. CONFIRMED AS GOVERNOR OF WEYMOUTH. 45
did so far prevail with his Majesty, that he gave a com-
mission to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to be Governor
of Weymouth, which he was the more easily persuaded
to, out of some prejudice he had to the person who he
understood was designed to that government." l '"""
Such is the detailed account given by Clarendon of
this incident, of which he had excellent opportunities of
knowledge. Cooper himself makes no allusion to the
difficulty and dispute, simply saying that, after Hert-
ford's removal, he " had a continuation of all his com-
mands under the King's own hand." Clarendon has
omitted to mention that the King wrote to Hertford,
signifying his consent to the appointment of Cooper and
of the person whom he had named to command under
him at Portland, but at the same time urging him to
endeavour to persuade Cooper and his nominee to
resign after a short interval, and then, on their resigna-
tions, to confer with Prince Maurice about the selection
of successors of greater experience and military know-
ledge. The following is the King's letter to Hertford,
which completes the story :
"CHARLES R.
" Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin and
councillor, we greet you well. Upon the hearing of some
difference about the command of our town of Weymouth
and our castle of Portland, signified to us by our Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, we have written to our nephew
Prince Maurice, that our pleasure is that Sir Anthony
Ashley Cooper and the person appointed by him remain
in those commands according to the tenor of your com-
1 History of Rebellion, vii. 199.
46 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY CHAP. II.
mission granted to him ; which though out of respect to
you and your grant we have thought fit to do, and that
nothing like an affront may fall upon the gentlemen
entrusted by you, yet being informed of the youth of
the one and the want in both of experience in martial
affairs, and of the importance of those places and how
likely they are, being ports, to be attempted by the Par-
liament forces by sea, in which case, for want of an able
and experienced commander, they may run great hazard
to be lost, to the great prejudice of our affairs, we
earnestly recommend it to you to prevail with them
willingly to resign their commands after they have held
them so long as that they may not appear to be put
from them, nor your commission to have been disregarded
by us. And we recommend to you so to advise with our
nephew about the persons to succeed them therein that
both these places for the security thereof may be in the
hands of more able soldiers, and that (if such persons
be there to be found) these soldiers may likewise be
persons of some fortune and interest in those parts for
the better satisfaction of the gentry of that country.
And so not doubting of your ready compliance herein,
we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our camp before
Gloucester, the 10th day of August, 1643.
" To our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin
and councillor, William Marquis of Hertford." l
After this, Cooper was made sheriff of Dorsetshire for
the King, and he says that he was appointed president
of the King's council of war in the county. 2
But in a few months a great change took place. In
the beginning of January 1644, Cooper resigned the
1 From a copy among Lord Shaftesbury's papers at St. Giles's.
2 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
1644. GOES OVER TO THE PARLIAMENT. 47
government of Weymouth and all his commissions
under the King, and a few weeks after he went over to
the Parliament. He presented himself in the Parlia-
ment's quarters at Hurst Castle, on the Hampshire coast,
on the twenty-fourth of February, and thence proceeded
to London, where his wife joined him, after a year's
separation. She had remained in Shropshire with her
sister, Lady Thynne, while Cooper had been doing
military service for the King in Dorsetshire. 1
While Cooper represents his resignation of his com-
missions as voluntary, and his change as purely the
result of conviction, Clarendon has stated that he was
removed from the government of Weymouth, and that
he abandoned the King's cause from pique ; 2 and this
explanation of Cooper's change has been generally
accepted without inquiry. There is no doubt that
Cooper was not ostensibly removed, and so far Claren-
don's statement is unquestionably inaccurate. Claren-
don's accuracy in details can never be relied on, and
when he wrote his History, in exile, thirty years
1 Autobiographical Sketch prefixed to Diary.
3 Hist, of Rebellion, viii 60. Colonel Ashburnham succeeded Cooper
as governor of Weymouth, and Clarendon says that Cooper was removed
to make way for him. He goes on to say that Cooper " was thereby so
much disobliged that he quitted the King's party and gave himself up,
body and soul, to the service of the Parliament, with an implacable
animosity against the royal interest." It is stated in " Rawleigh
Redivivus" that Cooper was affronted by Ashburnham's being sent
into Dorsetshire with a commission as governor of the county which
overrode his own authority as sheriff; but this little biography is a
catchpenny publication of no authority, and the object of the writer
was to prove Shaftesbury an injured man. Bishop Burnet ascribes
Cooper's desertion of the King's cause to an incident which would
have occurred, and which is related in the Locke memoir as occurring,
before he became governor of Weymouth, viz. Prince Maurice's break-
ing an engagement which he had made with one of the Dorsetshire
towns, on its surrendering to him for the King. (Own Time, i. 96.)
48 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
after these incidents, he was angry with Shaftesbury.
It is even probable that Cooper's own account of his
conduct is entirely correct, and that he had no cause
for resentment. Certainly, if Cooper had been pressed
to resign the government of Weymouth in compliance
with the King's wish as it had been conveyed to the
Marquis of Hertford, his resignation might have been a
virtual removal. But there is no trace of evidence of
any endeavour made by Hertford or any one else to
persuade Cooper to resign, and it is quite likely that
the King's suggestion of his resignation, made at the
time by way of compromise between Hertford's and
Prince Maurice's pretensions, was not afterwards thought
of. It is beyond dispute that Cooper was appointed
sheriff of Dorsetshire for the King after the decision of
the question about the government of Weymouth. And
there is no reason to doubt Cooper's own statements,
written in 1646, that he was courted and treated with
honour b}^ the King to the last days of his remaining on
the King's side, and that he had a promise of a peerage
and received a complimentary letter from the King only
a few days before he went over to the Parliament.
" He now plainly seeing the King's aim destructive
to religion and the state, and though he had an assurance
of the barony of Ashley Castle, 1 which had formerly
belonged to that family, and that but two days before
he received a letter from the King's own hand of large
promises and thanks for his service, yet in February he
delivered up all his commissions to Ashburnham, and
1 In "Wiltshire, whence the Ashleys of Wimborne St. Giles came.
See Coker's " Survey of Dorsetshire," p. 14.
1644. HIS OWN STATEMENT OF MOTIVES. 49
privately came away to the Parliament, leaving all his
estate in the King's quarters, 5001. a year full-stocked,
two houses well furnished, to the mercy of the enemy,
resolving to cast himself on God and to follow the
dictates of a good conscience. Yet he never in the
least betrayed the King's service, but while he was with
him was always faithful."
On his arrival in London, Cooper appeared, on the
sixth of March, 1644, before the standing Committee of
the two Houses, now called Committee of both Kingdoms,
and made a statement explanatory of his coming over
to the Parliament, of which notes have been preserved.
As these notes come from the Committee, and not from
Cooper, they may be relied on as a report of what he
said of himself ; and this is Cooper's account, publicly
given, of his actions and motives, when he was exposed
to easy detection of any inaccurate or disingenuous
statement. There would have been enough distrust
among those to whom he went, and enough anger among
those whom he left, to ensure his being exposed, if he
had acted from resentment at a marked affront.
" Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, bart., saith that he
was Sheriff of Dorcester this year, and late Governor
of Weymouth, but he hath delivered up his commissions
of Governor and Colonel the first week of January
1643. 1
" He came into the Parliament quarters at Hurst
Castle, in Hampshire, upon the 24th of February.
" He brought in a certificate under my general's hand,
certifying his coming into the Parliament quarters before
the 1st day of March.
i January 1644, according to the present mode of reckoning.
VOL. I. E
50 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. II.
" He saith he came there being fully satisfied that
there was 110 intention of that side for the promoting or
preserving of the Protestant religion and the liberties
of the kingdom, and that he left 60 01. per annum well
stocked there ; and is fully satisfied of the justness of
the Parliament proceedings : 800Z. near Oxford, under
their power : 2,000/. per annum in the King's quarters
in Wiltshire and Dorsetshire and Somersetshire. 1
" He saith he had not made known his intentions
to any.
" That those that should come in before the 1st of
March, the Parliament would give them their lives and
liberties, but for their estates that was wholly to be
disposed of to the use of the public ; only if they took
the Covenant and behaved themselves likely to deserve
well of the Parliament, they should be allowed forty or
fifty pound per annum. Mr. Kirby's letters certified
so much.
" He saith above a month before he heard of the
Parliament declarations he delivered up his commissions
and was resolved to return to the Parliament ; being fully
satisfied of the injustice of that cause, and of the justice
of the Parliament, he was resolved to come into them
without looking to any conditions whatsoever.
" He saith he hath seen the Covenant, and desires to
take the Covenant when this Committee shall tender it
unto him.
"A better testimonial of his purposes of coming in,
and intentions to leave them, and that he is very cordial
for the Parliament, being able to do you good service,
and discovery of their designs and of their strength, and
1 From the Royalist Composition Papers in the State Paper Office,
First Series, 16,561, It is evident that these are very rough notes
made at the time Some part of the notes is in cypher ; the rest very
badly written.
1644. REASONS OF CHANGE. 51
wherein they might prepare against your enemy both
upon Poole and Wareham, by Mr. Hildeley, one of the
Committee there."
This document renders it impossible to believe that
Cooper was superseded or slighted. He probably acted,
according to his nature, impetuously. But there is
much reason to think that he acted conscientiously.
The time of his change was a time when any man
doubting or wavering would be strongly moved to decide
himself. The King had summoned his friends of both
Houses to assemble as a parliament at Oxford in
January 1644 ; the Parliament had lately concluded
the " Solemn League and Covenant " with Scotland.
Other persons of importance left the King's party at
this very time, alleging disgust at the treaty made by
Ormond for the King with the Irish rebels, and the
favour shown to Roman Catholics. Among these were
the Earl of Westmorland and Sir Edward Bering, who
gave their reasons in language very similar to that of
Cooper, that "there was no intention of that side for
the promoting or preserving of the Protestant religion
and the liberties of the kingdom." l Sir Gerard Napier,
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's neighbour and friend,
went over with him to the Parliament. A royalist
gentleman writes from Oxford, in March 1644 : " Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper and Sir Gerard Napier are both
run away to the Parliament from their brethren the
i Ludlow, i. 106 ; Whitelocke, pp. 81, 82. Holland is by mistake
named instead of Westmorland by Mr. Hallam (Constitutional His-
tory, ii. 233, note). Lord Inchiquin was another convert at this time
on account of Ormond's treaty of cessation with the Irish rebels.
E2
52 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. II.
Commons here." 1 This is a royalist who writes, and,
writing when Cooper's desertion was fresh, he imputes
no bad motive. It is right also to remember that in
the beginning of 1^4, when Cooper left the King's
party, the King's friends were hopeful, and the King's
fortunes by no means low. The result of the campaign
of 1643 had been on the whole favourable to the King's
arms. In Dorsetshire and the western counties espe-
cially, where the Parliament had had a decided ascen-
dency in the spring of 1643, the ascendency of the King
was as decided at the close of the campaign. 2 A year
earlier or a year later, Cooper might have been described
as going over to the more powerful party. Another
proof of disinterestedness is furnished by the fact that,
leaving the King's side when he did, he left much of his
property at the King's mercy ; for most of his posses-
1 Carte's Life of Ormond, iii. 254. Mr. Arthur Trevor to Ormond,
March 9, 1644. Mr. Trevor's words do not necessarily mean that
Cooper went from Oxford : Charles's parliament was then sitting
there, and Cooper, if he had remained among the royalists, would have
been probably recognised there without difficulty as member for Down-
ton. It is said in "Rawleigh Redivivus" (p. 17) that he went from
Dorsetshire, taking his brother's house, which would be near Salisbury,
on the way.
2 Clare adon writes of the condition of the west in the spring of
1643 : " Dorsetshire and Devonshire were entirely possessed by the
enemy, and all the ports upon the western coasts were garrisoned by
them. The Cornish army [for the King] was greater in reputation
than numbers." (Hist, of Rebellion, vi. 151.) Contrast this with his
account of the state of things in October. " He [the King] was now
master of the whole west ; Cornwall was his own without a rival ;
Plymouth was the only place in all Devonshire unreduced, and those
forces shut within their own walls ; the large rich county of Somerset,
with Bristol, the second city of the kingdom, entirely his ; in
Dorsetshire, the enemy had only two little fisher-towns, Poole and
Lyme ; all the rest was declared for the King. And in every of these
counties he had plenty of harbours and ports to supply him with
ammunition, and the country with trade. In Wiltshire the enemy had
not the least footing, and rather a town or two in Hampshire than any
possession of the county." (vii. 298.)
1644. RECEPTION BY PARLIAMENT. 53
sions lay in the western counties, where the King then
was uppermost.
Mr. Martyn, and Lord Campbell who has followed
him, have given an exaggerated impression of the
warmth- of Cooper's reception by the Parliament, and
the importance attached to his joining them. They
state that the Parliament specially appointed a Com-
mittee to receive and examine him, 1 and Lord Campbell
says, that " the Parliament was contented to receive him
on his own terms." He was examined, like any one
else, by the standing Committee of both Kingdoms ;
and it will be seen in the next chapter that it was not
until after five months, and after some military service,
that he was permitted to compound for his estates by
a fine of five hundred pounds; that, eighteen months
later, when he had performed much military service, he
could not gain admission into the House of Commons,
although a Committee had previously decided that he
was duly elected in 1640 ; and that he was not entirely
cleared of delinquency until the beginning of 1652,
eight years later. The importance likely to attach to
him as a Parliamentary convert is also a material
point for consideration in the question of Cooper's
motives.
1 Martyu's Life, i. 141.
CHAPTER III.
16441653.
Retrospect of public affairs The war in the West Sir A. A. Cooper
goes into Dorsetshire for the Parliament, July 1644 Appointed to
act with the army as Field Marshal General Taking of Wareham
Made one of the Dorsetshire Committee for the army Allowed to
compound for his estates with a fine of 500^. Appointed Commander-
in-chief of th,e Parliament's forces in Dorsetshire, October 1644
Takes Abbotsbury by storm Narratives by himself and by one of his
officers of storming of Abbotsbury Takes Sturminster and Shaftes-
bury Instructions of Dorsetshire Committee Cooper's notes on
the military condition in Dorsetshire, Wiltshire and Somersetshire,
November 1644 Letter from Colonel Butler Want of money
Cooper relieves Blake besieged at Taunton, December Cooper's
letter to Essex on relief of Taunton Siege of Corfe Castle, 1645
Endeavours unsuccessfully to gain admission into the House of
Commons on his former petition, September 1645 Self-denying
Ordinance Termination of Cooper's military service High Sheriff
of Wiltshire for the Parliament, 1647 Cooper's Diary, 1646-50
Story of his advice to Holies to be forbearing with Cromwell
Selections from Diary Execution of Charles the First Death of
Cooper's wife His second marriage with daughter of Earl of Exeter
Subscribes the engagement and is a commissioner for administering
it Appointed member of the Commission for reforming the 1 laws,
January 1652 House of Commons absolve him from all delin-
quency, March 1653.
SIR ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER was far advanced in his
twenty-third yeax when, after some ten months' service
on the King's side, he went over to that of the Parlia-
ment. Here, as in other parts of Dryden's sketch of his
history in "The Medal," the satirist's animosity has
outrun accuracy :
" A martial hero first with early care,
Blown, like a pigmy, by the winds to war ;
A beardless chief, a rebel ere a man,
So young his hatred to his prince began."
1644. RETROSPECT OF AFFAIRS. DO
It may be convenient here to take a short retrospect,
and briefly define the present position of affairs between
the King and the Parliament. The body now exercising
power and directing war at Westminster, was very
different from the parliament which had assembled
there in November 1640. This parliament had, in
May 1641, legally framed an act to prevent dissolution
without its own consent. The Bishops were excluded
from the House of Lords by another act, legally passed
in February 1642. In the same month, an ordinance
for regulating the militia, agreed to by both Houses, was
presented to the King, which nominated a lord lieu-
tenant for every county, to obey the orders of the two
Houses, and to be irremoveable by the King for two
years. To this ordinance, transferring for two years the
government of the military force of the nation from the
King to the two Houses of Parliament, Charles refused
his assent. The King's rash attempt to arrest Hampden,
Pym, Holies, Haslerig, and Strode in the House of
Commons, had hurried Parliament to this militia ordi-
nance ; and on the King's refusal, the two Houses took
the matter into their own hands, passed the ordinance
without the King's consent, and resolved to place the
kingdom in a posture of defence. Here, then, was one
definite issue between the King and the two Houses,
which should have the control of the military force of
the nation ? Other demands were made by the Parlia-
ment before the Civil War actually began. In the
meantime, the King had established himself at York,
and the Lord Keeper Littleton had joined him there,
carrying with him the Great Seal from Westminster. At
56 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
York, in June, nineteen propositions were presented to
the King from the two Houses, containing, among
others, the following demands : That the appointments
of all privy councillors and officers of state should be
subject to approval by the two Houses ; that the
education and marriages of the King's children should
be under the control of Parliament; that Eoman Catholic
peers should be excluded from the House of Lords; that
the government and liturgy of the Church should be
reformed as the two Houses might determine ; that the
militia and all fortified places should be confided to
persons approved by the two Houses ; and that no
peers hereafter to be made should sit in parliament
without the consent of both Houses. To these proposi-
tions the King's assent could not have been expected.
Military preparations had already been made on both
sides, and civil war was inevitable. It began in August.
Now, the House of Commons sitting at Westminster
was reduced by the secession of nearly a hundred
members who adhered to the King, and of the House of
Lords about forty, only a third of the whole number,
remained at Westminster. 1 In 1642 and 1643, fortune
favoured the King's arms. The Parliament now, in
1643, urged the Scotch to come to their aid, declaring
their eagerness to reform the Church of England on
Presbyterian principles, and their fear of the King's
bringing against them an army of papists and foreigners.
The articles of cessation made by Ormond in Ireland
with the Eoman Catholic rebels, and the bringing over
1 Hallam, Const. Hist. ii. 203, note ; Sanford's Studies and Illustra-
tions of the Great Rebellion, p. 498.
1644. RETROSPECT OF AFFAIRS. 57
of Irish troops to reinforce the King's armies, added
fuel to the flames, and angered many of the King's
friends. The famous treaty known as " The Solemn
League and Covenant" was concluded between the
English and Scotch Parliaments : the Covenant, which
was to be a test of fidelity to the parliamentary cause,
bound its subscribers to endeavour to preserve the
Scotch Church as it was, and bring those of England
and Ireland into conformity with it in government,
doctrine, and practice ; to labour for the extirpation of
popery and prelacy ; and to preserve the rights and
privileges of the parliaments, and the liberties of the
kingdoms, and the King's person and authority in aid
of the true religion and liberties of the nation. A Scotch
army of twenty-one thousand men now crossed the
border, in January 1644. The Scotch Commissioners
at Westminster were joined with a Committee of both
Houses for direction of affairs ; and to this joint Com-
mittee was given the name of the Committee of both
Kingdoms. The King had summoned all his adherents
of both Houses to assemble as a parliament at Oxford,
on the twenty-second of January, 1644. There was a
call of the two Houses on the same day at Westminster;
thirty-five peers acknowledged this call, and two hun-
dred and eighty members of the House of Commons
are said to have attended at Westminster, about a
hundred more being absent on parliamentary service. 1
1 This statement is in Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 80. Mr. Hallam
thinks that there is a mistake in the statement, and that the number
of adherents of the Parliament was not so great. Mr. Sanford, who
has examined this portion of English history very laboriously, supports
Whitelocke's statement. (Studies and Illustrations, p. 498.) The two
58 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
In the middle of May 1644, two parliamentary
armies left London, under the Earl of Essex and
Waller, with ulterior destination for the West, but to
be guided by the movements of the King, who was at
Oxford. Abingdon and Eeading quickly falling into
their hands, the King, with a small body of attendants,
leaving his army, suddenly quitted Oxford, where he
found himself in imminent danger of being besieged.
He was followed by Waller into Worcestershire,
managed with great skill and energy to elude Waller's
pursuit, and within three weeks after his escape from
Oxford he was again there at the head of his army,
relieved of the presence of Essex's forces, which had
gone into Dorsetshire, and thinking himself strong
enough to cope with Waller's, which would probably
return in pursuit of him. The King shortly after
marched out of Oxford to meet Waller. The two armies
met, at the end of June, at Cropredy Bridge, where the
advantage of the fight was with the King.
In the meantime, Essex had entered Dorsetshire with
his army ; he quickly retook Weymouth for the Parlia-
ment, the King's governor, Colonel Ashburnham, who
had succeeded Cooper, abandoning it immediately on
Essex's approach, and retiring into Portland Castle ; and
he then marched to Lyme, which Prince Maurice, who
had been long besieging it, quitted as soon as he heard
of the taking of Weymouth, " with some loss of reputa-
tion," says Clarendon, " for having lain so long with such
hundred and twenty-eight members of the House of Commons, whose
signatures to the League and Covenant in September 1643 are printed
in a tract in vol. iv. of the Somers Tracts, are clearly not all the
parliamentary adherents.
1644. TAKING OF WAREHAM. 59
a strength before so vile and untenable place without
reducing it." The defence had been conducted by the
indomitable Blake, who next maintained an equally
surprising defence against the royalist besiegers of
Taunton. Prince Maurice, on abandoning the siege of
Lyme, put a garrison of five hundred men into Ware-
ham, and went off to Exeter with the main body of his
forces. Essex followed him, and Prince Maurice retired
into Cornwall. The King, no longer troubled by Waller,
marched into the West after Essex, and ultimately
discomfited Essex's army in Cornwall.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, in July, was permitted
by the Parliament to go down into Dorsetshire for mili-
tary service. He says himself: "After Weymouth was
taken in 1 by the Lord General Essex, the Committee
for Dorset going into the country, desired Sir Anthony's
company with them, which he did." 2
On the third of August he received a commission to
command a brigade of horse and foot, with the title of
Field Marshal General. 3 Cooper's first military service
was in the taking of Wareham. Together with Colonels
Sydenham and Jephson, he proceeded to besiege that
town with twelve hundred horse and foot; and they
were afterwards joined by Lieutenant-General Middleton,
with a thousand horse. They began to storm the out-
1 " Taken in ;" the usual phrase of the time when speaking of
taking a town : it occurs also in Clarendon.
" You durst not think of taking in a heart
As soon as you set down before it. "
SUCKLING, Brennoralt.
2 Autobiographical Sketch. There is an entry in the Commons'
Journals, July 10, 1644, of permission given to Sir A. A. Cooper
to go into Dorsetshire.
3 A copy of the commission is among the papers at St. Giles's.
60 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
works on the tenth of August, when the garrison im-
mediately capitulated, three hundred undertaking to
serve the Parliament against the rebels in Ireland. 1 The
governor of Wareham for the King was Colonel O'Brien,
a brother of Lord Inchiquin, who had lately left the
King's service for the Parliament in disgust at
Ormond's cessation with the. Irish rebels ; and it is
supposed that O'Brien had not been hearty to defend
Wareham.
Cooper says that he attended, by order of the Dorset-
shire Committee and Council of war, at the bar of the
House of Commons, to relate the taking of Wareham,
but there is no entry to this effect in the Journals. His
statement, however, is doubtless correct. Four days
after the taking of Wareham, he was added by a vote
of both Houses to the Committee for governing the
army in Dorsetshire; and on the same day, his case
was referred to the Committee for Sequestrations sitting
at Goldsmiths' Hall, to consider on what terms his
estates should be restored to him. 2 The Committee
made a report in a few days, recommending that he
should be permitted to compound by a payment of five
hundred pounds, and the House immediately adopted
1 Autobiographical Sketch of 1646 ; Rushworth's Collections, pt. 3,
vol. ii. p. 697 ; Vicars's Parl. Chron. iv. 5 ; Whitelocke's Memorials,
p. 98 ; Comm. Journ. Aug. 14, 1644. These different accounts vary in
details, and it is difficult to reconcile them entirely. From the ac-
counts in Kushworth and Vicars, it would appear that Colonel Syden-
ham and Sir A. A. Cooper bore the chief part in this action. The
Commons' Journals record, August 14, that letters of thanks were sent
by the Parliament to Middleton and Jephson. Cooper was probably
thanked in person, as he attended at the bar of the House of Commons
to relate what had been done.
2 Comm. Journ. August 14. Lord Campbell erroneously places the
taking of Wareham after these votes of August 14, which were the
reward of his service.
1644. COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN DORSET. 61
the report. 1 The five hundred pounds were never paid,
and it appears from a note preserved in the family
papers, that the fine was discharged by Cromwell,
thirteen years later, in 1657.
On October 25, Cooper was appointed Commander-in-
chief of the Parliament's forces in Dorsetshire, 2 and he
took the field with ten regiments of horse and foot,
fifteen hundred men in all, to encounter Sir Lewis
Dives of Sherbovne Castle, who was about the same
time appointed the King's commander-in-chief in
Dorsetshire. 3
In the meantime the King had followed Essex into
Cornwall, and there completely defeated him. The
King then returned to Exeter, and in the beginning of
October passed into Dorsetshire, and stayed a few days
at Sherborne. 4 The Parliament, on receiving the news
of Essex's disaster, had successively despatched two
armies under Waller and Manchester, to check the
King, who now hurried on from Sherborne to attack
Waller near Andover. Here he gained an advantage
over Waller : at Newbury, where he fought Waller's
forces joined with Manchester's, and contended against
an army double of his own, he neither conquered nor
was defeated ; and he then carried off his army to
Oxford, arriving there himself on the twenty-third of
November. 5
1 Comm. Journ. Aug. 22.
2 Autobiographical Sketch. The original commission is at St. Giles's.
3 "Sir A. A. Cooper, with fifteen hundred horse and foot from
several garrisons, took the field to encounter Sir Lewis Dives." (White-
locke's Memorials, p. 109, October 1644.) See also Vicars's Parl.
Chron. iv. 62.
4 Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion, viii. 148. 6 Ibid. viii. 164.
62 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
In the beginning of November, Cooper took by storm
a Cavalier garrison at Abbotsbury, the house of Sir
John Strangways. A minute and graphic account of
this action is in existence, written by Cooper himself.
The following draft of his report to the Committee for
the Parliament for Dorsetshire, in his own handwriting,
is among the papers in Lord Shaftesbury's possession.
"HONOURABLE, Yesterday we advanced with your
brigade to Abbotsbury as a place of great concern, and
which by the whole council of war was held feasible.
We came thither just at night, and sent them a summons
by a trumpeter, to which they returned a slighting
answer and hung out their bloody flag. Immediately
we drew out a party of musketeers, with which Major
Baintun in person stormed the church, into which they
had put thirteen men, because it flanked the house.
This after a hot bickering we carried, and took all the
men prisoners. After this we sent them a second
summons under our hands that they might have fair
quarter if they would accept it, otherwise they must
expect none if they forced us to a storm. But they
were so gallant that they would admit of no treaty, so
that we prepared ourselves for to force it, and accord-
ingly fell on. The business was extreme hot for above
six hours ; we were forced to burn down an outgate
to a court before we could get to the house, and then
our men rushed in through the fire and got into the hall
porch, where with -furse fagots they set fire on it, and
plied the windows so hard with small shot that the
enemy durst not appear in the low rooms : in the mean-
time one of our guns played on the other side of the
house, and the gunners with fire balls and granadoes
with scaling ladders endeavoured to fire the second
1644. STORMING OF ABBOTSBURY. 63
story, but, that not taking effect, our soldiers were
forced to wrench open the windows with iron bars, and,
pouring in fagots of furse fired, set the whole house in a
naming fire, so that it was not possible to be quenched,
and then they cried for quarter ; but we having bet l
divers men before it, and considering how many garrisons
of the same nature we were to deal with, I gave com-
mand there should be none given, but they should be
kept into the house, that they and their garrison might
fall together, which the soldiers with a great deal of
alacrity would have performed, but that Colonel and
Major Sidenham, riding to the other side of the house,
gave them quarter ; upon which our men fell into the
house to plunder and could not be by any of their com-
manders drawn out, though they were told the enemy's
magazine was near the fire and, if they stayed, would
prove their ruin, which accordingly fell out, for the
powder taking fire blew up all that were in the house,
and blew four score that were in the court a yard from
the ground, but hurt only two of them. Mr. Darby was
of the number, but not hurt. We had hurt and killed
by the enemy not fifteen, but I fear four times that
number will not satisfy for the last mischance. Captain
Heathcock and Mr. Cooper (who did extreme bravely)
were both slain by the blow of the powder. Captain
Gorge, a very gallant young gentleman, is hurt in the
head with a freestone from the church tower and shot
through the ankle, but we hope will live. Lieutenant
Kennett to Major Peutt, who behaved himself very
well, was blown up with the powder and slain ; and
Lieutenant Hill, who went a volunteer and was sent in
to get out the soldiers, was blown up with the rest, yet
since we have taken him strongly 2 out of the rubbish
1 So in the manuscript, apparently ; the meaning must be "lost."
2 So in the manuscript.
64 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
and hope to preserve him. The house is burnt down to
the ground, and could not be saved. We have prisoners
Colonel James Strangways, Major Coles, and three
captains, besides a hundred foot soldiers and thirty
horse, all Strangways his whole regiment. Sir William
Waller's officers all of them have behaved themselves
extreme gallantly, and more than could be expected in
their readiness and observance for your commands ; we
cannot say to whom you owe the most thanks, only
Lieutenant-Colonel Oxford we are extremely obliged to
for his nobleness in joining in this expedition, though
without command, only on our entreaty. Captain Starr
and Captain Woodward behaved themselves extremely
well. Our men are so worn out with duty and this mis-
chance that we are necessitated to retire to Dorchester
to refresh them. If you have anything in particular to
command us, we shall most readily obey you. To-
morrow we have a council of war of all the officers, and
then we shall conclude of what may be of most advan-
tage to your service, and by God's blessing will faith-
fully prosecute it. Colonel Sidenham has yet afforded
us no ammunition; all his men are supplied from us
hitherto besides. He makes not up his regiment either
of horse or foot ; he has withdrawn one more company
this day. We have given him orders that all the
prisoners that are officers should be sent to you. We
humbly desire you will be pleased to consent to no
exchange for any of them until Haynes be exchanged.
"A. A. COOPER."
Another account of the storming of Abbotsbury has
been preserved in Vicars's Parliamentary Chronicle,
written by an officer who was under Cooper in the
engagement, and who speaks with the highest admira-
1644. STORMING OF ABBOTSBURY. 65
tion of Cooper's gallantry. " About the eighth of this
instant November," sa) T s Vicars, " we received credible
information out of the West by a letter from a com-
mander of note and quality, of the storming and taking
of a strong garrison of the enemy's, which was Sir John
Strangwaies his house in Dorsetshire, and had been a very
ill neighbour to our renowned garrison of Lime, which
service was most bravely performed by that valiant and
loyal patriot, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Commander-
in-chief for the Parliament in that county." The letter
is as follows ; it confirms Cooper's account in all
material particulars ; the name of the officer who wrote
it I have not discovered :
" SIR, We marched from Dorchester to Abbotsbury,
where Colonel James Strangewayes and all his regiment
were in garrison; they held both the house and the
church which joined to the house : it was night before
we summoned it, and they in a scorn refused the
summons of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a very active
and noble gentleman, and Commander-in-chief, where-
upon he sent his Major-General with a considerable
party against the church, who presently assaulting it
took it and all the men in it prisoners, without the loss
of one man of our own. After this we summoned them
in writing, the second time, to yield on fair quarter or
else to expect no mercy, if they forced us to storm
them. To this also they disdained to return an answer;
upon which denial we fell on, and after as hot a storm
as ever I heard of, for six hours together, it pleased God
at last to give us the place. When by no other means
we could get it, we found a way by desperately flinging
in fired turf-fagots into the windows. And the fight
VOL. i. F
66 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
then grew so hot that our said Commander-in-chief (who
to his perpetual renown behaved most gallantly in this
service) was forced to bring up his men within pistol-
shot of the house, and could hardly then get them to
stay and stand the brunt, yet in all this time (God be
praised) we had but three men killed and some few
wounded. Now when as by the foresaid hot assault
half of the house was on a light fire, 1 and not to be
quenched, then at length Colonel James Strangways
called out for quarter, which our Commander-in-chief
was resolved no man in the house should have, in
regard they had so desperately and disdainfully scorned
his summons, and also in regard that the Cavaliers'
custom was observed to be to keep such paltry houses
and pilfering garrisons against any of our armies, that
they might thereby be sure to do us mischief, and (by
reason of our observed clemency) to have their lives at
last granted to them ; but some of our commanders
upon one side of the house, contrary to the mind of
our said Commander-in-chief, and against the opinion of
all the officers, in his absence had given them quarter,
which being granted them, we instantly rushed into the
house, which being on a light fire and their magazine in
it (I believe rather accidentally than, as some reported,
purposely and treacherously), to set on fire four or five
barrels of gunpowder, and blew up between thirty and
forty of our men ; yet, the Lord be blessed, myself and
the rest were even miraculously preserved.
" We took prisoners Colonel James Strangewayes, Sir
John Strangewayes his son, governour of this garrison,
his Major and three Captains : and not three of his
whole regiment but were either killed or taken, and the
house was wholly burnt down to the ground, and we
thereby freed of a pestilent and pernicious neighbour.
1 "A light fire," an old expression for "a bright fire."
i
1644. INSTRUCTIONS OF DOESET COMMITTEE. 67
Colonel Bruen and Mr. Crompton behaved themselves
very worthily in this action, and Captain Starre incom-
parably bravely.
" Yours,
"C. A." 1
Soon after the taking of Abbotsbury, Cooper marched
to Sturminster, and the royalists evacuated the castle
on his approach : thence he marched to Shaftesbury,
and forced the royalist garrison of that town to quit. 2
The following instructions to Cooper from the Com-
mittee for Dorsetshire, without other date than " Poole,
eight at night, 1644," were probably written in November,
between the taking of Abbotsbury and the expedition to
Shaftesbury :
" NOBLE SIK, We have received your letter and have
considered the particulars. In that which concerns the
altering your quarters, we hold it most fit to be resolved
on by the council of war upon the place, according as
you have intelligence of the motions of the enemy.
Only we shall intimate that, before Shaston 3 be resolved
on, it may be considered how safe a retreat may be
made, if a body of the enemy's horse advances to
Blandford We are very sensible of the necessity
of supplying the soldiers with some money, and have
sent you twenty pound, whereof we are fain to borrow
ten. If we had more, you may be assured those should
not want that deserve so well and are so modest in their
demands. You are now in a convenient quarter to raise
money on malignants, therefore we desire you to make
1 Vicars's Parl. Chron. iv. 67. This work is so scarce that I may be
excused for extracting the whole of a letter so closely connected with
Shaftesbury 's history.
2 Autobiographical Sketch of 1646. 3 Shaftesbury.
F2
68 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
use of the opportunity to the best advantage, and you
shall be confident of our approbation. We have nothing
else at present but that we are,
" Your very loving Friends,
THO. ERLE, ELIAS BOND,
Ri. BRODRIPP, THO. HENLEY,
Ki. BURIE, Ei. Row.
"Poole, eight at night, 1644." 1
These instructions show great straits for money. The
following memoranda were probably written about the
same time by Cooper for the Governor of Poole : 2
" 1. That if they cannot immediately send us a supply
of horse, that orders be forthwith sent for the with-
drawing the Sussex foot, and that the rest be disposed
into their several garrisons. The keeping them together
in a body does devour that provision should be sent into
the garrisons and destroys the county, besides these few
horse we have (being not above a hundred) are wholly
taken up with providing for them.
" 2. That if a considerable party of horse, sufficient to
relieve Taunton, cannot be sent us presently, we desire
that some few may be spared, with which added to
those we have already we shall be able to victual our
garrisons and subsist in the county. However, we
shall be better able to subsist without than with the
Sussex foot.
" 3. Under a thousand horse it will be now difficult to
relieve Taunton, the enemy having received the addition
1 From Lord Shaftesbury's papers at St. Giles's.
2 They are among the family papers at St. Giles's, in Shaftesbury's
handwriting, without any date, and with the heading, "Memo-
randums for the Governor of Poole." They must have been written ia
November 1644.
1644. MEMORANDA ON MILITARY AFFAIRS. 69
of a hundred horse lately from the King's army, under
Colonel Cooke, so that with those horse that lie near
Salisbury they are able to march fifteen hundred horse
and dragoons.
"4. The enemy being resolved to fortify round the
skirts of Somerset, as Sherborn, Sturten Candell, Shafton,
to make it a safe quarter for his retreat and to drive all
the parts of the counties of Dorset and Wilts unto their
quarters, being resolved both their horse and foot shall,
if they be forced to retire, live on the skirts of these
two counties, quaere, whether it will not be necessary
for us to garrison Hooke House, 1 and, if we cannot force
them from Shafton or Sherborn, to garrison in some
other strong houses near those places by which their
incursions may be restrained.
" 5. The enemy being possessed of Ivychurch and
Langford Houses, from which they make perpetual
inroads into the eastern part of our country, and bring
the northern part of Wiltshire into contribution to them,
quaere, whether we should not garrison Falston House, 2
by which we are sure to cut them off from troubling
this county, besides we shall gain the contribution of a
considerable part of Wiltshire.
" 6. Quaere, whether it be not absolutely necessary to
pluck down the town of Wareham, it being impossible
for us to victual ; if Sir W. Waller ever draw away his
foot, the town is left naked and exposed to the pleasure
of the enemy, who will certainly possess it unless it can
1 Hooke House, near Beaminster, the property of the Marquis of
Winchester, the celebrated defender of his house in Hampshire, Basing.
Hooke House was burnt down in 1647. (Hutchins's Hist, of Dorset,
i. 494.)
2 Ludlow mentions Falston House as garrisoned for the Parliament
in 1645, with one of his relatives, Major William Ludlow, as governor.
(Memoirs, i. pp. 148, 158.) Falston, Ivychurch, and Langford Houses
were all near Salisbury. Langford belonged to Lord Gorges ; it is
now called Longford, and belongs to the Earl of Radnor.
70 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
be made no town. And there can be no argument
against the demolishing it, being extremely mean-built,
and the inhabitants almost all dreadful malignants, be-
sides the keeping it will certainly starve more honest
men than the destroying it will undo knaves.
" 7. A few foot in Lulworth with a troop of horse will
keep Corfe far better than Wareham. And the lesser
number of foot we keep, the more horse and dragoons
we shall be able to maintain, with which the business
of this county must be done.
" 8. If they are unwilling to destroy the town of
Wareham, it may be left for a horse quarter ; and
they have direction, when they are forced to quit it,
to set it on fire.
" 9. That the horse of the county be all reduced into
a regiment, and there may be two troops allowed the
governors of Poole and Weymouth, Weymouth troop to
be commanded by Major Sydenham, otherwise it will be
impossible to keep them together or in any command.
" 10. That the Committee name whom they will have
to be colonel of their horse, and that they will assign
how many troops he will allow in the regiment and
whose troops these shall be, and that they will send to
my Lord General for a commission for the colonel.
"11. That there be twenty musketeers in every troop
and a full troop of dragoons at least in the regiment."
A letter to Sir Anthony from London, November 5,
1644, from Mr. John Collins, who appears to have
had the charge of his private affairs, mentions that
no step is being taken at Goldsmiths' Hall for the
recovery of his composition-fine of five hundred pounds,
and speaks of law- business still pending in the Court of
Wards :
1644. LETTER FKOM COLONEL BUTLER. 71
" Upon my late speech with Mr. Allen, 1 I find no
other but that your business at their Hall rests in peace.
In the Court of Wards business nothing stirs as yet.
In the matter of indictment of your tenants the City
solicitor is someway calling upon it, but I have used
some means lately to allay him, and, if that hold not, I
must get the Court moved for a further postponement
until the next term."
The following letter to Cooper from Colonel Butler,
who commanded at Wareham, and was directing the
siege of Corfe, again shows the great want of money
with the Parliament's forces in Dorsetshire.
" SIR, I have written in a former letter the three foot
of Colonel Raynesborough's are immediately to be drawn
off for Abingdon ; the men are loth to leave the siege if
they may have money and provision. To-morrow they
expect pay, for they buy all by the penny. I beseech
you do what may be done to send money with all speed,
for it is a business of great concernment, and I likewise
beseech you to do what you may for Mrs. Squib. We
have sent to Poole and Weymouth for men and ammu-
nition. I pray you do your utmost to second our
desires, and in sending to London, but especially send
money, and now be doing for your country and for
God's cause. A little now will be worth a great deal here-
after. I pray send money, money ; and that will take
Corfe Castle, which is in no strong condition.
" Sir, I am,
" Your faithful servant,
" Warham, Dec. 18, 1644. ROBT. BUTLEK.
" To my honoured friend Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper,
at Wimborne, these present."
1 Doubtless Alderman Allen, an active Parliamentarian.
72 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
In December, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper received
orders from the Parliament to proceed with all his
Dorsetshire forces to the relief of Taunton, where Blake,
who had before so gallantly defended Lyme, was main-
taining another equally gallant defence against the
royalists under great disadvantages. Cooper, who had
the chief command, was joined in this expedition by a
force under Major-General Holborn, and Edmund
Ludlow also joined with two hundred horse from Wilt-
shire. 1 The besiegers immediately retired on the arrival
of this relieving force. Cooper wrote to the Earl of
Essex from Taunton, announcing the easy success of
the expedition :
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY, The last night
we brought all our carriages safe to Taunton with our
horse. We find the castle in no great want of victual,
only of powder and salt. The town began to be in great
distress, and it almost a miracle to us that they should
adventure to keep the town, their works being for the
most part but pales and hedges, and no line about the
town. The enemy endeavoured twice to force it, but
were repulsed ; and since they have only kept them in
by a quartering round about the town at a mile or two
distance. Notwithstanding, the townsmen made daily
sallies and got in store of victuals, without which it had
been impossible for them to maintain such numbers of
unnecessary people. The enemy on Friday last have
1 Autobiog. Sketch. Ludlow, i. 135 ; Vicars's Parl. Chron. iv. 77. It
would appear from the accounts in Ludlow and Vicars, that Holborn
had the chief command, but Cooper distinctly states in his thoroughly
reliable Autobiographical Sketch of 1646, that he had a commission
from Essex to command in chief. Holborn made various marauding
excursions against garrisoned houses about Taunton. See the passage
in Vicars referred to.
1644. RELIEF OF TAUNTON. 73
quitted their garrisons in Wellington, Wyrwail, 1 and
Cokam Houses ; the two last they have burnt, and as I
saw him they have quitted Chidock House, whether it
be out of fear or to make a body able to encounter with
us, we cannot yet understand ; but Sir Lewis Dives his
running up with his horse to the Bridgewater forces
argues the latter ; however, we are in a very good condi-
tion, if they receive no assistance from the King's army,
which we most fear ; this country being of so great im-
port to the enemy that it will be worth their engaging
their whole army, which may prove a successful design
to them, if we have not a considerable strength ready on
all motions of the enemy to advance to our assistance.
I shall only humbly offer this to your Excellency's con-
sideration, to whose commands I shall always render
myself faithful and obedient, as becometh your Excel-
lency's most devoted, most humble servant,
"ANTHONY ASHLEY CoopEK." 2
This letter was read in the House of Commons on
December 24, and was copied by Sir Simonds D'Ewes
1 So in the manuscript ; Wyrwail may be Worthele near Plymouth.
Cokam House is Colcombe near Colyton in Devonshire, and belonged
to Sir John Pole. Chidock or < 'hideock House belonged to Mr. Arundel,
a Roman Catholic. "Wellington House was burnt down by the royalists
in the next year.
2 This letter is in Sir S. D'Ewes's Diary, preserved in the British
Museum, Harl. MSS.166, p. 1696. It was first printed by the author in
the "Memoirs, Letters and Speeches, &c. of Earl of Shaftesbury, " 1659.
There is an entry In the Commons' Journals, December 24, 1644 : "A
letter from Orchard from Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper directed to my
Lord General, concerning the relief of Taunton, was this day read.
Ordered, that it be referred and earnestly recommended from this
House to the Committee of both Kingdoms, to send a new, speedy,
and considerable supply of forces into the West." It is also stated in
Whitelocke's Memorials, Dec. 23, 1644, p, 121 : " Letters from Sir
A. A. Cooper informed of the relief of Taunton town and castle, held
out to admiration by Colonel Blake, notwithstanding his great want of
ammunition and provisions, and that the works there were incon-
siderable."
74 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. 1IT.
into his Diary. The letter was not entered in the
Journals.' It is a striking and amusing specimen of the
way in which Shaftesbury's character has been prejudiced
by biographers, that Lord Campbell, who had never
seen the letter, and knew no more than was to be learnt
from the simple notices in the Journals of the House
of Commons and in Whitelocke's Memorials, that Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper had written a letter concerning
the relief of Taunton, has said, imaginatively, that " he
wrote a flaming account of the exploit to the Parlia-
ment, taking greater credit to himself than Cromwell in
his despatch announcing his victory at D unbar." A
more modest and plain statement than that of Cooper's
letter on this occasion can hardly be conceived. The
House of Commons resolved, after the reading of
Cooper's letter to Essex, that the Committee of both
Kingdoms should be urged to send speedily a strong
reinforcement to Taunton ; and Waller and Oliver
Cromwell were ordered into the West in the end of
February for the relief of Taunton.
Thus ended the year 1644, a year of great military
activity for Cooper. The next year was passed more
tranquilly. The following is his own account in his
Autobiographical Sketch, written in January 1646, of
his proceedings during 1645 :
"In May he received divers commissions from the
Committee of the West, the chief of which was to
command in chief the forces they designed to beleaguer
Corfe Castle, which forces he was to receive from
Colonel Weldon, who then commanded in the West;
but when Sir Anthony came into the country, he found
1645. CLOSE OF MILITARY SERVICE. 75
Weldon blocked up by Goring, so that being not sup-
plied with men, he was forced to return. In June he
went with his lady to Tunbridge, where he for six
weeks drank the waters. In September his lady went
to Oxted, in Surrey, to her aunt Capel's, 1 where her
mother also was, and they both sojourned there. In
October he went down into the country, and sat with
the Committee constantly, most commonly as chair-
man. In December he was employed by the Committee,
with Colonel Bingham, to the General, who lay then at
Autree, 2 in Devon, to obtain an assistance of force
towards the besieging Corfe Castle, which they ob-
tained. 3 In the end of this month he returned to
Oxted in Surrey."
This is the concluding passage of the Autobiogra-
phical Sketch prefixed to tjie Diary, which begins on
January 1, 1646. Cooper's military service had come
to an end. It was, doubtless, terminated by that new-
modelling of the army in 1645 which was attended by the
Self-denying Ordinance, and which substituted Fairfax
for Essex as Commander-in-chief, gave Cromwell great
advancement, and removed most of the Presbyterian
leaders from commands in the army, replacing them
by Independents. As Cooper had not been admitted a
member of the House of Commons on his petition, the
Self-denying Ordinance probably did not apply to him ;
1 Lady Capel, sister of Lord Keeper Coventry's second wife : she
was wife of Sir Henry Capel, knight, of Hadham, Herts, and had been
previously married to Sir Thomas Hoskins of Oxted.
2 Ottery St. Maiy ; the General was Fairfax, who had now suc-
ceeded Essex.
3 Corfe Castle surrendered after a long siege, in April of next year,
to Colonel Bingham. Mr. Marty n and Lord Campbell erroneously
state that Sir A. A. Cooper took Corfe in 1644.
76 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
but he had connected himself with the Presbyterians
on his coming over to the Parliament, and he was
precisely one of the class of officers whom the promoters
of the " New Model " of the army did not desire to
include in the new arrangements. It is certain that he
had no quarrel with the Parliament, or with its officers
in the West. This is sufficiently proved by his own
account of his proceedings during the year 1645, which
has been quoted, and by his subsequent unintermitted
attention to various local duties in the service of the
Parliament. 1
In the autumn of 1645, after he had ceased to serve
as an officer of the army, Sir Anthony made an attempt
to obtain admission as a member of the parliament
through his original petition for Downton. An entry
in the Journals informs us that, on September 1, Sir
Walter Erie was ordered by the House to report on
a future day concerning Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's
election. But there is no subsequent entry of a report.
Cooper was not admitted. 2 The explanation of his
failure is, doubtless, to be found in the ordinance,
which had been passed in the previous year, that no
peer or commoner who had been in the King's quarters
should be admitted again to sit in either House.
Whitelocke records, on September 18 of this year,
1 Lord Campbell, whose biography was written on the plan of
imagining a bad motive for every action, says : " He was suddenly
satiated with military glory, and after this brilliant campaign never
again appeared in the field : whether he retired from some affront, or
mere caprice, is not certainly known."
2 The other seat for Downton, held by Sir Edward Griffin, who
adhered to the King, was at this time declared vacant, and a new writ
was issued, September 1645.
1646-50. MEAGRENESS OF DIARY. 77
that " Sir A. A. Cooper professed his great affection to
the Parliament, and his enmity to the King's party
from whom he had revolted, and was now in great
favour and trust with the Parliament." This probably
refers to some declaration of political faith made in
support of his endeavour to gain admission to sit for
Downton.
The seven or eight years which followed were passed
in comparative tranquillity, and were chiefly occupied
with the business of private life and performance of
local duties. Excluded from Parliament, Cooper ac-
cepted all the events and changes which these years
witnessed, and submitted to the mutilated and reduced
Parliament as the existing authority, and acted under
its orders. It is much to be regretted that his Diary,
which extends from the beginning of 1646 to the
middle of 1650, is little more than a meagre chronicle
of visits, journeys, domestic incidents, and pecuniary
transactions, and does not contain one single comment
on any of the great political events which are crowded
into this period: for these years witnessed the entire
defeat of the royal cause and the disruption of the
victorious parliamentary party, the humiliation of the
Presbyterians by the Independents and of the Parlia-
ment by the army, the consolidation of Oliver Crom-
well's power, the trial and execution of the King, and
the establishment of a Commonwealth, without King
or House of Lords, under the supremacy of the small
remnant to which military violence had reduced the
House of Commons, and which history has. branded
with the nickname of the Eump.
78 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
Though Cooper conformed always to the authority
of the actual sovereign power, it is certain that his pre-
dilections and chief personal relations were with the
members of the Presbyterian party. At the time of the
Restoration he was regarded one of this party. A story
is told, which may have some truth in it, of his having
endeavoured at the beginning of the contest between
the Presbyterian majority in the House of Commons
and the army, which ended in the forced exclusion of
the Presbyterian members, to moderate the zeal of
Holies against Cromwell. The incident referred to in
the following story, which is related by Locke, was in
the spring of 1647; it is told by him, however, with
that tone of evident exaggeration of Cooper's im-
portance which characterises the whole of Locke's frag-
ment of a memoir. The King was now vanquished, and
a prisoner in the care of the Scotch Commissioners and
army. The House of Commons wished to reduce their
army, and to despatch a portion for service in Ireland.
The army, assembled near Saffron Walden, clamoured
for payment of arrears, and an imperious petition was
presented from the army by three emissaries at the bar
of the House. The House passed a resolution in dis-
approval of the petition. Another was set on foot in
the army, when a motion was made in the House of
Commons by Holies to declare the petition seditious,
and its promoters traitors ; and there was private talk
of calling Cromwell to account. Cromwell left the
House while the discussion was proceeding, and went
straight to the army. Locke's story is as follows :
"It happened one morning that Sir A. A. Cooper,
1647. ALLEGED ADVICE TO HOLLES. 79
calling on Mr. Holies on his way to the House, as he
often did, he found him in a great heat against Crom-
well, who had then the command of the army, and a
great interest in it. The provocation may be read at
large in the pamphlets of that time, for which Mr. Holies
was resolved, he said, to bring him to punishment.
Sir A. A. Cooper dissuaded him all he could from any
such attempt, showing him the danger of it, and told
him it would be sufficient to remove him out of the
way by sending him with a command into Ireland.
This Cromwell, as things stood, would be glad to
accept ; but this would not satisfy Mr. Holies. When
he came to the House the matter was brought into
debate, and it was moved that Cromwell and those
guilty with him should be punished. Cromwell, who
was in the House, no sooner heard this, but he stole
out, took horse, and rode immediately to the army,
which, as I remember, was at Triplow Heath ; there he
acquainted them what the Presbyterian party was a
doing in the House, and made such use of it to them
that they, who were before in the power of the Parlia-
ment, now united together under Cromwell, who imme-
diately led them away to London, giving out menaces
against Holies and his party as they march, who with
Stapleton and some others were fain to fly ; and thereby
the Independent party becoming the stronger, they, as
they called it, purged the House, and turned out all the
Presbyterian party. Cromwell, some time after, meet-
ing Sir A. A. Cooper, told him, I am beholden to you
for your kindness to me; for you, I hear, were for
letting me go without punishment, but your friend,
God be thanked, was not wise enough to take your
advice." l
1 Locke's Works, ix. 278. See for an account of what passed in the
House, April 30, 1647, Ludlow, i. 190, and Holles's Memoirs, p. 89.
80 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
This story, as told, contains several historical in-
accuracies, such as occur in other parts of Locke's
memoir. 1 Fairfax was at the time General-in-chief, not
Cromwell; and no motion appears to have been made
in the House against Cromwell. There is apparent
confusion between the proceedings against Holies,
Stapleton, and other Presbyterian members in 1647 and
the violent general " purge " by the army in December
1648. But it is quite probable that Cooper tried to
temper Holles's zeal, and that Cromwell afterwards
spoke of the matter to Cooper.
Cooper was high sheriff of Wiltshire for the Parlia-
ment during the year 1647, and leave was given him
to reside out of the county during the year of his
shrievalty. 2
Some passages of his Diary extending from January
1, 1646, to July 10, 1650, are here selected, which have
interest in connexion with his life and character, or
with the habits of the time.
On February 5, 1646, Cooper records a surgical ope-
ration : " I had a nerve and vein cut by Gell and
two more, for which I was forced to keep my chamber
twelve days." On February 12, " I had another nerve
and vein cut."
On April 1, 1646, he mentions that two Dorsetshire
boys of his neighbourhood, fifteen years old each,
bound themselves to him for seven years for his plan-
tation in Barbadoes, to receive 5Z. each at the end of
the time.
i See note, pp. 40-42.
Comm. Journ. Dec. 1, 1646, Jan. 6, 1647; and see further on, p. 82.
164S. SELECTIONS FROM DIARY. 81
The Dorsetshire quarter sessions were held on the
seventh and eighth of April, u this time kept at
Dorchester, and not at Sherborne, for security." The
magistrates did bloody work : " Mne hanged ; only
three burnt in the hand/' is Cooper's summary of their
deeds.
A few days after, the Dorsetshire Committee, of
which Cooper was one, "sat in the Shire Hall, at
Dorchester, by the ordinance for punishing pressed
soldiers that ran away on the 15th of January last,
when three were condemned to die, two to run the
gantelope, 1 two to be tied neck and heels and one to
stand with a rope about his neck."
On July 27, there is an entry of a domestic incident :
" My wife miscarried of a boy ; she had gone twenty
weeks. Her brother John 2 in jest threw her against
a bedstaff, which hurt her so that it caused this."
In August he attended the assizes at Salisbury and
Dorchester, being, he says, in the commission of oyer
and terminer for the whole circuit. The judges were
Mr. Justice Kolle and Serjeant Godbolt. On August
10, the assizes began at Salisbury, and Cooper took the
oaths as a justice of the peace for Wiltshire.
" August 11 : Sir John Danvers came and sat with us.
Seven condemned to die; four for horse-stealing, two
for robbery, one for killing his wife, he broke her neck
with his hands; it was proved that, he touching her
body the day after, her nose bled fresh ; four burnt in
1 Old spelling of gauntlet or gantlet. The word is said to be of
Dutch origin ; yant, all, and lopen, to run.
2 John Coventry, the eldest of the Lord Keeper's sons by his
second wife ; see p. 33.
VOL. I. G
82 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. III.
the hand, one for felony, three for manslaughter; the
same sign followed one of them of the corpse bleeding.
"August 12. I and the Sheriff of Wilts begged the
life of one Prichett, one of those seven condemned,
because he had been a Parliament soldier. I waited on
the judges to Dorchester."
At Dorchester the assizes terminated on the four-
teenth :
" Five condemned to die, two women for murdering
their children, one of them a married woman ; one for
murder, one for robbery, one for horse-stealing : three
burnt in the hand, one for manslaughter, two for felony.
Chibbett condemned for horse-stealing. The Justices
begged his reprieve, he having been a faithful soldier to
the State."
A few days after, on the seventeenth, he went
Bryanston bowling-green, where he " bowled all day."
On October 1 he mentions : " I went to Shaftesbury
to the council of war for Massey's brigade, and got them
removed out of Dorset." The Parliament had ordered
that this brigade should be disbanded. 1
In December, he enters :
" I was by both Houses of Parliament made High
Sheriff of the county of Wilts. I was by ordinance of
Parliament made one of the committee for Dorset and
Wilts, for Sir Thomas Fairfax his army's contribution."
In March of next year, 1647, he attended the judges
as sheriff, at the Wiltshire assizes :
"March 13 : The judges came into Salisbury, Justice
1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 181.
1647. SELECTIONS FEOM DIAKY. 83
Eoles 1 and Serjeant Godbolt. They went hence the 17th
day. I had sixty men in liveries, and kept an ordinary
for all gentlemen at Lawes his, 2 four shillings and two
shillings for blew men. I paid for all. There were
sixteen condemned to die, whereof fourteen suffered.
George Philips condemned for stealing a horse ; I got
his reprieve, and another for the like offence was re-
prieved by the judge. Three more were burnt in the
hand, then condemned."
On March 29, he and his wife had another disap-
pointment "My wife miscarried of a child she was
eleven weeks gone with."
During this month of March, Cooper adds, " I raised
the country twice, and beat out the soldiers designed
for Ireland who quartered on the county without order,
and committed many robberies." These were very likely
soldiers of the disbanded Massey's brigade, of whom
Ludlow says that many gave trouble in Wiltshire, and
ultimately enlisted themselves to serve against the rebels
in Ireland, the Parliament having sent instructions and
officers for that purpose. 3
In June he took his wife to Bath, where she stayed
five weeks. "June 15 : We came to Bath, where my
wife made use of the Cross bath, for to strengthen her
against miscarriage."
The August Wiltshire assizes began at Salisbury on
the fourteenth and ended on the eighteenth. The
judges this time were Godbolt, now a Judge of the
1 Mr. Justice Rolle, afterwards made Chief Justice of the King's
Bench, in 1648. He was one of the two judges seized in. their beds at
Salisbury, in Penruddocke's royalist rising in 1655, and had then a
narrow escape of his life.
2 Lawes' s. 3 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 181.
G 2
84 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. III.
Common Pleas, 1 and Serjeant Wild, afterwards Chief
Baron. " Four condemned to die : one for a robbery,
two for horse-stealing, one for murder. Luke, that was
for the robbery, I got his reprieve." Cooper adds, "I
kept my ordinary at the Angel, four shillings for the
gentlemen, two for their men, and a cellar."
On November 12, there is a curious entry of a spe-
culation : " The little ship called the ' Eose/ wherein
I have a quarter part, which went to Guinea, came to
town this term (blessed be God !). She has been out
about a year, and we shall but make our money."
On the twenty-ninth: "My wife was delivered at
seven o'clock in the evening of a dead maid child ; she
was within a fortnight of her time."
For the first half of the year 1648, Cooper had
attacks of ague. On February 14 he enters in his
Diary, " I fell sick of a tertian ague, whereof I had but
five fits, through the mercy of the Lord." This ague
prevented his sitting with the judges at the assizes in
March. He had ceased to be Sheriff of Wiltshire,
having received his writ of discharge on February 11
from his uncle Tooker, who succeeded him. Again, on
April 29, there is an entry : " I fell sick of a tertian
ague, whereof I had but two fits, through the mercy of
the Lord."
In July he was made a commissioner of the ordinance
of Parliament for a rate for Ireland for Dorsetshire, and
also, by ordinance of Parliament, was made one of the
commissioners for the militia in Dorsetshire.
1 He had been made a Judge, April 30, 1647: he died in the next
year. (Foss's Judges, vi. 318.)
1649. DEATH OF FIRST WIFE. 85
The ordinance for the trial of Charles the First was
passed by the House of Commons on the sixth of
January, 1649. The trial began on .the twentieth; on
the twenty-seventh sentence was passed, and on the
thirtieth the King was executed. Even this great event
elicits no mention in Cooper's Diary. He was travelling
at the time, and he merely notes his movements. On
the twenty-ninth, the day before the execution, he left
his house at Wimborne St. Giles to go to London, and
on the thirtieth he travelled from Andover to Bagshot.
The entries in the Diary are these: "January 29 : I
began my journey to London, and went to Andover,
30 : I went to Bagshot. 31 : I came to London, and
lodged at Mr. Guidott's, in Lincoln's Inn Fields." This
is all.
In the next month he records: " I 7 was made by the
States a justice of peace of quorum for the counties of
Wilts and Dorset, and of oyer and terminer for the
western circuit."
In July 1649, a heavy domestic calamity befell him,,
the sudden death of his wife :
" July 10 : My wife, just as she was sitting down to
supper, fell suddenly into an apoplectical convulsion fit.
She recovered that fit after some time, and spoke and
kissed me, and complained only in the head, but fell
again in a quarter of an hour, and then never came to
speak again, but continued in fits and slumbers until
next day. At noon she died ; she was with child the
fourth time, and within six weeks of her time."
She had had no child born alive. They had been
married nine years and a half. Cooper's glowing and
86 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
touching eulogium of his wife, which here follows in
the Diary, has been already quoted. 1
In little more than nine months Cooper was again
married. One of the last entries in his Diary records
his marriage, on April 25, 1650, with the Lady Frances
Cecil, sister of the Earl of Exeter, a royalist nobleman.
A few days before this marriage, on April 19, Cooper
entered in his Diary : "I laid the first stone of my house
at St. Giles's/' 2
After the execution of Charles the First, Cooper con-
tinued obedient to the existing supreme authority, acted
as a magistrate, took the engagement to be faithful to
the new Commonwealth without King or House of
Lords, and acted as a commissioner to administer the
engagement in Dorsetshire. He mentions in the Diary
that he was sworn as a magistrate for the counties of
Wilts and Dorset, and acted for the first time since the
King's death, on August 16, 1649, about a month after
the loss of his first wife. He subscribed the engage-
ment, with a number of his brother magistrates, at
Salisbury quarter sessions, on January 17, 1650. On
January 29 he sat at Blandford, on a commission from
the Council of State, to give the engagement. On the
thirty-first he started for London, where he arrived on
the second of February, and he there received a new
commission to himself and others for giving the engage-
ment in Dorsetshire.
The Diary ends abruptly on July 10, 1650. In the
1 See p. 19.
2 The right wing of the present house was built in 1651. (Hutchins's
Hist, of Dorset, iii. 186.)
1652. COMMISSION FOR REFORM OF LAWS. 87
following year Cooper's wife bore him a son, who was
christened Cecil, and who died in childhood. On the
sixteenth of January, 1652, was born another son,
Anthony Ashley, who lived to inherit his father's
possessions and titles, and transmitted them to a son
of his own, the distinguished author of the "Charac-
teristics." fa^-
From the termination of the Diary in July 1650 to
the beginning of 1652, there is no information as to
Sir A. A. Cooper's proceedings. But it is certain that
he remained constant in allegiance to the Eump Par-
liament. On the seventeenth of January, 1652, he was
named by this Parliament one of a Commission for the
reform of the laws. A Committee of the Parliament
had been named for the same purpose some time before,
but the slowness of its proceedings caused great dissatis-
faction. It was now resolved to appoint a Commission
of twenty-one members, none of whom should be mem-
bers of the Parliament, to assist the Committee. Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper was the last-named of the
twenty-one Commissioners. The first -named, and pro-
bably the leading member of the Commission, was
Matthew Hale, the future celebrated Chief Justice.
These were associated with a motley group, in which
were a few lawyers, three officers of the army, Des-
borough, Tomlinson, and Packer, and the notorious
preacher, Hugh Peters, who, after the Eestoration, was
one of the victims selected to expiate the execution of
Charles the First, and was tried and sentenced to death
by a body of judges of whom one was Cooper.
This Commission, guided chiefly by Hale, drew up a
88 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. III.
digest of the laws, and prepared various excellent drafts
of measures, some of which, designed to simplify and
cheapen legal proceedings and facilitate conveyances,
Cooper afterwards procured to be passed by the Bare-
bone's Parliament. The celebrated Marriage Act of the
Barebone's Parliament, prescribing the celebration of
marriages before magistrates, was one of the measures
prepared by this Commission. 1
On the seventeenth of March, 1653, it is entered in
the Journals : " Resolved by the Parliament that Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper, baronet, be, and is hereby,
1 See the collection of Acts prepared by this Commission in Somers'
Tracts, vol. vi. They were printed by order of the Barebone's Parlia-
ment, immediately after its assembling. Several of these measures had
been reported to the Eump, but none appear to have been passed by
that parliament. It appears from two entries in the Journals (January
20, 21, 1653) that the Commission prepared a digest of the laws,
of which the Parliament ordered three hundred copies to be printed.
Various measures were referred by the House to this Commission for
their advice, among others a bill for a general register of lands (Journ.
Feb. 2, 1653). This bill had not come back from the Commission
when the Rump was dissolved, April 20, 1653. The registry bill
appears to have been strongly pressed on the Rump by petitions from
without (Journ. July 22, 1652), and the long time spent in discussing
it by the law reform Commission caused great complaints. Ludlow
complains of the lawyers spending three months on the word "incum-
brance" in this bill (i. 430), and see Cromwell's speech to the
Barebone's parliament (Carlyle, ii. 198). Whitelocke, who was a
member of the Committee of the Rump which this Commission was
appointed to assist, complains of the impracticability of Hugh Peters
in this Commission. " I was often advised with by some of this
committee, and none of them was more active in this business than
Mr. Hugh Peters the minister, who understood little of the law, but
was very opinionative and would frequently mention some of the pro-
ceedings of the law in Holland wherein he was altogether mistaken. "
(Memorials, p. 521.) Peters says of himself, "I rather was there to
pray than to mend laws, but I might as well have been spared. " Hale,
writing on the amendment of the laws after the Restoration, speaks of
the impracticability of the law reformers of the Commonwealth, and
admits the unwillingness of the lawyers to aid them, saying that they
feared to increase the difficulties of a general settlement of property if
the King should be restored, and feared also to increase the difficulties
of a restoration. (Hargreave's Law Tracts, p. 274.)
1653. ABSOLVED FROM DELINQUENCY. 89
pardoned of all delinquency, and be, and is hereby, made
capable of all other privileges as any other of the people
of this nation are." Now, therefore, very shortly before
Cromwell's ejection of the Rump of the Long Parliament,
Cooper was at last admitted to all privileges, and made
capable of sitting in Parliament. There is not the
slightest reason for supposing, as some biographers have
imagined, that Cooper had recently given offence to the
Parliament, or that he had ever acted against it since he
quitted the King's party. 1
1 Mr. Martyn, to explain this entry in the Journals, has invented
that the Parliament, after the battle of Worcester, had some suspicions
of Cooper and arrested him as a delinquent, and afterwards pardoned
him in order to secure his friendship as against Cromwell (Life, i. 163).
Lord Campbell has improved on Mr. Martyn's statement. "In the
beginning of 1652, he became a member of the famous Commission for
the reform of the law ; but he soon found this very dull work, and
being shut out from all civil and military distinction, he became highly
discontented, and muttered so loud against the reigning authorities
that he was actually taken up as a delinquent ; but nothing could be
proved against him except some intemperate speeches, and it was
resolved by the House, 'that Sir A. A. Cooper be pardoned of all
delinquency. ' " The dislike of the Law-reform Commission, in which
Cooper took great interest, the discontent, the loud inutterings, the
arrest, and the proved intemperate speeches, are all imagination.
CHAPTER IV.
16531656.
Cromwell's ejection of the Bump Reasons for the act Temporary
Council of State A Convention summoned Meets, July 4,
1653 Sir A. A. Cooper a member Proceedings of Barebone's
Parliament Parties in that assembly Questions of Church and
Law Eeform Cromwell allied with the moderate party The
Parliament resigns its powers to Cromwell, December 12, 1653
Cooper had acted with the moderate party and Cromwell, and had
promoted the resignation Idle rumour that Cromwell meant to
make Cooper Lord Chancellor Cromwell refuses to be King, and is
made Protector Cooper said to have pressed him to be King
Cooper one of the new Council of State The Instrument of
Government Milton serves under the Council Cooper elected
to the new parliament for Wiltshire, Poole, and Tewkesbury Sits
for Wiltshire Ludlow's account of the Wiltshire election Parlia-
ment meets, September 3, 1654 Cromwell's difficulties with the
Parliament He dissolves it Cooper ceases to attend the Privy
Council His estrangement from Cromwell Ludlow's mistakes
about this estrangement Death of Cooper's second wife in 1654
Story of Cooper wishing to marry Cromwell's daughter Mary He
marries, in 1656, a daughter of Lord Spencer of Wormleighton
Her character She survives Shaftesbury.
FOUR years of the government of the Rump Parliament
had prostrated the forces of the enemies of the Common-
wealth in the three countries, and had also divided
that body within itself, and made it obnoxious, for
various reasons, to large portions of the republican
party. These four years had likewise consolidated the
power of the army, and established the ascendency and
fixed the ambition of Cromwell, its victorious general.
Those who interpret a great career by a single motive,
1653. EJECTION OF THE RUMP. 91
and do not allow the possibility either of generous
desires to the objects of their antipathy or of human
weaknesses to their idols, will ascribe Cromwell's sup-
pression of the Kump, according as they may be his
admirers or his depreciators, to pure patriotism or un-
scrupulous ambition. It is more probable that ambition
and a persuasion of public advantage combined to move
Cromwell to this act. The force of circumstances and
his own superiority of character had made him master
of the destinies of the country, and he would have been
more than human if he had been unwilling to grasp
supreme power when it was within easy reach. The
Kump had committed many errors, which Cromwell
probably exaggerated, and, as is inevitable even for
the wisest holders of power, had made many enemies,
whom Cromwell probably encouraged and deluded. But
a numerous executive is especially unsuited to a time-
when the ravages of revolutions are to be repaired, and
the discord of civil wars to be laid to rest, and a nation
placed again in the way of tranquil progress after
storms ; and Cromwell might not unreasonably or un-
justly persuade himself that his own clear head and
strong hand could better provide for the interests of
the Commonwealth than a distracted and damaged
assembly, in which some able and upright men were
swamped by pedants, adventurers, and fanatics. 1
1 There is no information as to the exact number of members of the
Rump Parliament, i. e. the remnant of the Long Parliament recognised
as members after the execution of Charles I. It was probably about
180. The largest number ever recorded as voting is 122, at the election
of the Council of State, November 24, 1652. The ordinary attendance
of members was about fifty. Ludlovv counted 160 who had sat in the
House since 1648 as alive in April 1659. (Mem. ii. 645).
92 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
The immediate cause of Cromwell's violent dissolu-
tion of the Eump was a dispute as to when their power
should terminate, and how their successors should be
appointed. A bill for regulating the election of future
Parliaments had long been before them, and the slow-
ness with which they proceeded in it had occasioned
many reproaches. With great difficulty they had been
prevailed on, in November 1651, to fix a day for the
termination of their own power ; and the day fixed was
three years distant, the third of November, 1654. The
bill for the election of future Parliaments provided a
much more popular scheme of representation than that of
the ancient constitution ; it was the same as that which
Cromwell afterwards adopted in the mixed constitution
known by the name of the " Instrument of Govern-
ment," though now he was vehemently opposed to it,
arguing that for the election of a sovereign assembly it
was a dangerous experiment in the distracted condition
of the country. Cromwell urged that the Presbyterians
could not be kept out of an assembly popularly elected.
This party had fought with the heir of the late King
against the Eurap ; they had been vanquished in the
field, and Prince Charles was an exile. " Let them
not," said Cromwell, " peril the republic, and revive
prostrate pretensions by a popular election which must
introduce many Presbyterians into power." He called
upon the Rump to name an early day for the termina-
tion of their own power, and to nominate a sovereign
body of moderate number as their immediate successors.
Both these demands were refused. The Rump were
now as impatient to pass their bill as before they had
1653. EJECTION OF THE RUMP. 93
been dilatory ; and at last, on the twentieth of April,
1653, as they were hurrying the bill through its last
stage, in spite of an understanding with Cromwell that
on that day no progress should be made with it, Crom-
well brought a handful of soldiers into the House and
violently broke up the assembly. 1
1 See Cromwell's account of his reasons for taking this step in his
speech at the opening of the Barebone's Parliament, which may be
read in the " Parliamentary History," or in Mr. Carlyle's work. I find
it difficult to reconcile Cromwell's objections to the popular character
of the scheme of representation proposed in the bill with another
charge which he distinctly makes against the Rump, that they designed
by this bill to continue their own power. I cannot suppose, with Mr.
Carlyle, that the bill contained a clause providing that every member
of the Rump should be a member of the new parliament without
election. (Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, ii. 177.) Perhaps Cromwell
meant to say that the bill either would lead to a virtual reproduction
of the Rump, or must let in a number of Presbyterians : excluding
clauses sufficiently stringent to keep out Presbyterians might have
produced the former result. Or perhaps Cromwell, whose object was
to justify himself and abuse the Rump, did not consider very nicely
all that he said against them. The election of the Parliament of 1654,
under the same plan of representation, verified Cromwell's expectations
as to the Presbyterian party. There are two well-known graphic
descriptions of Cromwell's ejection of the Rump, Ludlow's (ii. 455)
and the Earl of Leicester's (Blencowe's Sydney Papers, p. 139) ; but
though their descriptions are graphic, neither was an eye-witness.
Whitelocke, who was present, gives a very tame account of the scene.
Two interesting notices of this event, which will be new to most
readers, by members who were ejected, occur in the debates in Burton's
Parliamentary Diary. Sir Arthur Haselrig : " We were labouring here
in the House on the act to put an end to that parliament, and to call
another. I desired the passing of it with all my soul. The ques-
tion was putting for it, when our General stood up and called in his
lieutenant with two files of musqueteers, with their hats on their heads,
and their guns loaden with bullets. Our General told us we should sit
no longer to cheat the people. The Speaker, a stout man, was not
willing to go. He was so noble that he frowned, and said he would
not out of the chair, till he was plucked out ; which was quickly done,
without much compliment, by two soldiers, and the mace taken."
(iii. 98.) Mr. Reynolds, who is evidently badly reported says: "I
never desired any earthly thing with more earnestness, to see that
parliament fairly dissolved, and another provided to build up. The
question being put to dissolve with a very loud Yea. This done,
persons came to the door. One came in, and sweetly and kindly took
your predecessor by the hand, and led him out of the chair. I say
sweetly and gently. This was never known abroad, how near the
94 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
The Rump sat no more, and the sovereign power of
the Commonwealth was now in the hands of Cromwell,
the commander-in-chief of an obedient army of eighty
thousand men.
In a few days Cromwell appointed a Council of
State to transact the ordinary duties of executive
government. It consisted of thirteen members, in-
cluding himself. He continued to exercise the sove-
reign power with the advice of his Council of officers, 1
and he proceeded, in accordance with the recommenda-
tion which he had made to the Rump, to arrange for
the nomination of a temporary sovereign assembly.
parliament that conquered others was to conquering themselves."
(iii. 209.) It appears, from these two statements of persons present,
that the question, that the bill do pass, Avas actually put. M. Guizot
has published an interesting letter of M. de Bordeaux, the French
Minister in London, giving an account of this ?dissolution. (Hist, de
Cromwell, vol. i. App. No. 23.) M. de Bordeaux' account of Harrison's
taking the Speaker from the chair curiously agrees with Reynolds's :
"Le dit major (Harrison), le chapeau a la' main avec tout respect,
s'en alia a la chaire du Speaker, et lui baisant la main le prit par la
sienne et la conduisit hors du parlement comme un gentilhomme ferait
une demoiselle." M. de Bordeaux also puts into Cromwell's mouth a
short speech accusing the Parliament of tyranny and corruption, and
declaring his resolve to place the government in the hands of a few
respectable men, " entre les mains de pen de gens, mais gens de bien."
1 The continued exercise of the sovereign power by Cromwell and
the Council of officers after the establishment of the Council of State
puzzled contemporaries (Blencowe's Sydney Papers, p. 142), and has
puzzled Mr. Godwin, who describes the Council of officers and the
Council of State as two co-ordinate powers. (Hist, of Commonwealth,
iii. 528.) I think there is no doubt that Cromwell appointed the
Council of State for ordinary purposes of administration, retaining in
his own hands the sovereign power, which he continued to exercise
with the advice of the Council of officers. The Council of State con-
sisted of Cromwell, General Lambert (his son-in-law), General Harrison,
General Desborough (Cromwell's brother-in-law), Colonels Stapeley,
Sydenham, Philip Jones, Tomlinson, and Bennet, Sir Gilbert Picker-
ing, "Walter Strickland, John Carew, and Samuel Moyer. It exem-
plifies the inaccuracies of contemporary writers, that Lord Leicester
calls the Council of State a council of ten (Blencowe's Sydney Papers,
p. 1 41) ; and Heath names Fairfax and Deane as members of it.
(Chronicle, p. 343.)
1653. BAKEBONE'S PARLIAMENT. 95
Six weeks were spent in deliberating on the composition
of this body. At last, early in June, summonses were
issued to a hundred and forty-two persons, of whom
a hundred and twenty-four were nominated for the
counties of England, six for Wales, six for Ireland,
and six for Scotland. 1
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was nominated, with
nine other members, for Wiltshire. He accepted this
nomination, and was one of the leading members of
this assembly, and a zealous supporter of Cromwell's
views.
This is the body known by the name of the Bare-
bone's Parliament, so nicknamed from one of its
members, a notorious fanatic, who bore the singular
name of Praisegod Barebone or Barbone. A large pro-
portion of its members were religious enthusiasts, Ana-
baptists, Fifth Monarchy men, and followers of other
sects into which the Independents were subdivided, and
tradesmen and men of small means and humble position.
Cromwell, having determined to call together such a
body, was compelled to consult those on whom his
power depended, and who had supported him in his
measures against the Eump. The ministers of the
1 Hobbes mentions one hundred and forty-two as the number of
summonses issued (Behemoth, Fart iv. ) Cromwell in his address to
the assembly on its meeting says that they were "above a hundred
and forty." A member of the assembly to whom we owe the fullest
account of its proceedings, says that two, and two only, refused their
nominations. (Somers Tracts, vi. 269.) One of those who refused
was probably Fairfax. See Godwin, iii. 524. The list of the members
printed in the Somers Tracts (vi. 246) contains only 139 names. Mr.
Hallam incorrectly states 120 as the number of the assembly (Constit.
Hist. ii. 329) ; this is the number said to have attended on the first
day. Dr. Lingard incorrectly makes the number of members for Eng-
land 139, and the total 156. (Hist, of England, xi. 4.)
96 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
Independent congregations throughout the country were
chiefly advised with as to the persons to be nominated. 1
On the other hand, Cromwell's means of choice among
the gentry were necessarily limited. It may be inferred
from what followed that, if he had been free to pursue
his own inclinations, he would have appointed fewer
fanatics and tradesmen, and more country gentlemen
and lawyers. As it was, it excited astonishment that
he should have succeeded in obtaining the services^of so
many gentlemen of birth and fortune as did take their
places in this assembly. 2 Among these were Lord Eure,
who sat a solitary peer in this assembly, Lord Lisle, the
eldest son of the Earl of Leicester, Sir Charles Wolseley,
Sir Gilbert Pickering, Cooper himself, Edward Montagu
and Charles Howard, who were afterwards Earls of
Sandwich and Carlisle. Other names occur in the
list of members, which are at this day leading names
in the counties which their bearers were called to repre-
sent. Very few officers of the army were nominated ;
and Cromwell abstained from nominating himself or
any of his principal officers. One of the first pro-
ceedings of this body, after it was constituted, was to
add Cromwell, Generals Lambert, Harrison, and Des-
borough, and Colonel Tomlinson, to their number;
and Cooper was appointed to go at the head of a de-
putation to Cromwell, "to desire him to afford his
1 Tlmrloe's State Papers, i. 395 ; Somers Tracts, vi. 269.
2 Compare Whitelocke, who expresses such astonishment (Memorials,
p. 559) with Clarendon, who admits, reluctantly, that " there were
amongst them some few of the quality and degree of gentlemen, and
who had estates, and such a proportion of credit and reputation as
could consist with the guilt they had contracted." (Hist, of Eebellion,
xiv. 15.)
1653. OPENING OF BAREBONE'S PARLIAMENT. 97
presence and assistance in the House as a member
thereof." l
This assembly met on the fourth of July, 1653.
Cromwell addressed them on their first coming together
in a long speech, full of religious phraseology, in which
he justified his dissolution of the Eump, laid before
them the great task which they were called to perform
of settling the Commonwealth on firm foundations, and
urged them to proceed in a spirit of forbearance and
conciliation towards the numerous Presbyterian portion
of the nation. At the conclusion of his speech, Crom-
well delivered to the assembly a written instrument, by
which he formally devolved on them the sovereign
power, to hold it for a period of sixteen months, until
the third of November, 1654. Three months before that
day they were to nominate a body of equal number as
their successors, who again were to sit for a twelve-
month, and to make permanent provision for the future
government of the Commonwealth.
The first business of the assembly was prayer. The
commencement of their proceedings is thus described by
one of themselves: "The fourth of July, 1653, those
thus assembled and empowered did adjourn themselves
from Whitehall to the Parliament-house, to meet the
next morning at eight of the clock, and then to begin
1 Comm. Journ. July 5, 1653. Cromwell was invited to sit as
member of the Council of State. A difficulty seems to have been
started as to whether members could be added to those named in the
original instrument, without a new instrument ; and they probably
thought to get over the difficulty in this way. See Blencowe's Sydney
Papers, p. 149. After the addition of these members, all the members
of the Council of State which Cromwell had appointed were members
of the assembly.
VOL. I. H
98 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
with seeking God by prayer; which accordingly they
did, and the service was performed by the members
amongst themselves, eight or ten speaking in prayer to
God, and some briefly from the Word, much of the pre-
sence of Christ and of His Spirit appearing that day, to
the great gladding of the hearts of many; some affirming
they never enjoyed so much of the Spirit and presence
of Christ in any of the meetings and exercises of religion
in all their lives as they did that day. In the evening
of that day, Mr. Francis Eouse was called to the chair,
and chosen Speaker; and then the House was adjourned
to the next day, when the House appointed to pray
again three or four days after, which accordingly was
done by the members, principally by such as had not
done service before, when also the Lord General was
present, and it was a very comfortable day." l No words
can describe more vividly the prevailing character of
this assembly. Cooper, Howard, Montagu, and others
who had joined this assembly as politicians, must have
been far from feeling comfortable in witnessing these
proceedings. 2
1 Somers Tracts, vi. 270. Compare Thurloe, i. 338, and Blencowe's
Sydney Papers, p. 148.
3 There is no evidence, and it is not at all probable, that Cooper,
any more than Montagu or Howard, led in these prayers : they were all
members of a moderate party in this assembly, which steadily opposed
the fanatics, and ultimately broke it up. Dryden's fierce lines in
" The Medal " are satirical exaggeration, and, so far as concerns the
charge against Cooper of selling himself to Cromwell, downright mis-
representation :
" Bartering his venal wit for sums of gold,
He cast himself into the saint-like mould :
Groaned, sighed, and prayed while godliness was gain,
of ""
The loudest bagpipe of the squeaking train."
Lord Campbell, improving on tradition, and without any evidence,
says that Cooper "pretended to have received the new light, after
1653. FANATIC AND MODERATE PARTIES. 99
The assembly adopted the name of the Parliament of
the Commonwealth of England. They enlarged the
council which Cromwell had appointed to the number
of thirty, and among the additional members now
appointed was Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper.
It soon became apparent that from this assembly a
healing of divisions was not to be expected ; and if
Cromwell had bestowed on it the sovereign power in
the hope that it might become the instrument of his
own elevation, any such hope must soon have been
abandoned. Two parties, very nearly equal in numbers,
appeared in the assembly. One party acted with Crom-
well, and endeavoured to temper the violent counsels of
the other, more especially in the questions of tithes, pre-
sentations to livings, the maintenance of a clergy in
connexion with the Government, and the reform of the
laws and of the Court of Chancery. The violent party
of root and branch reformers wished to abolish tithes
and rights of presentation, and to leave the clergy
entirely to the choice and control, as well as to the
contributions, of their congregations. Cromwell's party
were ready to give up tithes, but wished to retain them
until some less irritating mode of payment of clergy
were provided ; they urged that rights of presentation
were property, and desired to preserve them, subject to
the check of a body of commissioners empowered to
eject unworthy clergymen, and having a veto on nomi-
nations. As regards the law, the violent party were for
tJie fashion of the Independents," and that, "on the meeting of the
House, he joined zealously in 'seeking the Lord,' along with the
great body of fanatics of which it was composed."
H2
100 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
constructing a complete code of new laws on principles
from which all the lawyers recoiled as fanatical : Crom-
well's party opposed this proposal, and thought it suffi-
cient to reform the laws according to the recommendation
of the Commission appointed by the Kump, over which
Hale had presided, and of which Cooper had been a
member. Almost immediately after the meeting of the
assembly, a committee for the reform of the law was
appointed, of which Cooper, being the first named, was
probably chairman ; they applied themselves to consider
the various projects of measures which the Commission
had prepared ; and Cooper from time to time introduced
bills to the House, some of which were passed. A vote
for the abolition of the Court of Chancery was passed
without a division, but disputes afterwards arose between
the two parties as to the provision to be made for the
future administration of equity and the decision of pend-
ing suits ; and the violent party, getting impatient, were
prevented only by the casting vote of the Speaker from
carrying a motion for the immediate abolition of the
Court of Chancery, without any provision being made
for these purposes. 1 On other occasions the violent
party succeeded in obtaining small majorities. It was
clear that Cromwell was not strong enough in the
assembly to master its fanatical elements, and keep it
in the ways of prudence and conciliation. The Presby-
terian clergy who had been planted through the country
while their party was predominant in the Long Parlia-
1 " It wanted not much lout that all the caterpillars of the land had
been all banished the town, as formerly the poor cavaliers were, one
voice only reserving them for a time, which will not be long."
(Letter in Thurloe's State Papers, i. 577.)
1653. END OF BAREBONE'S PARLIAMENT. 101
ment, the Universities, and the Inns of Court, were all
struck with terror at the designs of the violent party.
Some of their proceedings gave offence to the army. 1
Cromwell made up his mind to put an end to this
Parliament.
In the first days of its sitting, a committee had been
appointed to consider the question of tithes. The
appointment of this committee, carried by a majority of
seven, had been a victory gained by the moderate party,
who had thereby parried a motion for the abolition of
tithes. It was afterwards referred to this committee on
tithes to propose a plan for rejecting unworthy clergy-
men. The moderate, party prevailed in the committee,
and on the third of December they presented a report,
recommending the continuance of tithes, and the ap-
pointment of commissioners, to be divided into circuits,
and joined with four or five residents in each county,
for the ejection of ungodly ministers and induction of
godly successors. The violent party opposed the adop-
tion of this report ; a debate arose on the first paragraph,
which lasted for five days, and which ended by a vote,
carried by a majority of two, against agreeing with it.
This vote determined the existence of the assembly.
It was passed on Saturday, the tenth of December.
During the next day Cromwell arranged his plans. On
the morning of Monday his friends mustered early, and
one of them, Colonel Sydenham, 2 moved that "the
sitting of this Parliament any longer as now constituted
will not be for the good of the Commonwealth, and that
1 Thurloe, i. 368; Somers Tracts, vi. 274.
2 The same who had acted with Cooper in his first military service
for the Parliament, the taking of "Wareham, in 1644, and afterwards at
the storming of Abbotsbury. See pp. 59, 63..
102 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
therefore it was requisite to deliver up unto the Lord
General Cromwell the powers which they received from
him." This motion was seconded by Sir Charles Wolseley.
After some debate, the Speaker, who was one of Crom-
well's partisans, rose without putting the question, and,
followed by about forty members, and preceded by the
Serjeant bearing the mace, proceeded to Cromwell at
Whitehall. A resignation of the powers of the assembly
was then written out, signed by the members present,
and given to Cromwell. He accepted the resignation
with professions of astonishment and sorrow. About
seven-and-tweiity members had remained in the House,
and were consulting what they should do, when two
officers entered and requested them to withdraw. They
refused, and the officers brought in soldiers, forced them
out, and locked the doors. The paper of resignation lay
at Whitehall, to be signed by any other members who
might choose to add their signatures ; and ultimately it
had eighty signatures, which enabled Cromwell to say
that the sovereign power had been returned into his
hands by a majority of this Parliament.
Cooper's name is not mentioned in the accounts which
we have of the termination of the Barebone's Parliament ;
but there is no doubt that he acted with those who
brought about the resignation of its powers. He had
been constantly a teller for the moderate party in divi-
sions in this Parliament. He was appointed one of
Cromwell's Council of State immediately after the ter-
mination of the Barebone's Parliament. 1
1 Mr. Martyn, in a series of extraordinary misstatements, represents
Cooper as systematically opposing Cromwell in the Barebone's Parlia-
ment, and describes Colonel Sydenham's motion for the resignation of
its powers as a step hostile to Cromwell, (i. 164.)
1653. ZEALOUS SUPPORTER OF CROMWELL. 103
Two incidents recorded in the Journals show how
much Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was devoted for the
present to Cromwell and his policy. He reported from
the Council of State to the Parliament on the case of
the republican agitator, John Lilburne, who had been
banished by the Eump 011 pain of death if he returned
to England ; who, after Cromwell broke up the Bump,
had returned and had been arrested by order of Crom-
well's Council, and sent to trial; who had been tried
and acquitted by a jury amid threatening demonstrations
in his favour of large masses of the lower orders, and
whom the Council, through the medium of Cooper, now
recommended the House to retain in custody, notwith-
standing his acquittal, for the peace of the nation. 1 On
another occasion, he was deputed by the House to convey
to Cromwell an offer to place Hampton Court at his
disposal, in exchange for New Hall in Essex, which he
then occupied, and he reported to the House Cromwell's
grateful refusal. 2
There was an idle rumour during the few days which
intervened before the new government was settled, that if
Cromwell had appointed Cooper Lord Chancellor ; but f
there is no reason to believe that Cromwell had thought I
of such an appointment. 3
1 Coram. Journ. Aug. 27, 1653.
2 Ibid. Sept. 20, 26 ; Thurloe, i. 477.
It is said in an intercepted letter from Thomas Crocker to Francis
Edward, printed in Thurloe's State Papers (i. 645) : " I hear the coun-
cillors are all named last night, the oilicers chosen, and several
honours to be conferred : amongst others, Lambert, who is now, as I
conceive, general of the three nations, to be made a duke ; my Lord
Say to be chamberlain of the household ; which is yet in doubt, whether
he will accept or refuse ; my Lord Chief Justice St. John to be lord
treasurer ; Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, chancellor ; both which have
104 LIFE OF SHA.FTESBUKY. CHAP. IV.
At a council of officers assembled by Cromwell on the
day on which the Barebone's Parliament was broken up,
an elaborate scheme of a constitution was resolved upon,
which placed the government of the Commonwealth in
a single person, styled Protector, assisted by a Council
of State, and a Parliament popularly elected, according
to a reformed scheme of representation, similar to that
which had been projected by the Bump. The elaborate-
ness of this scheme shows that it must have been
already for some time under consideration ; and Crom-
well may have designed to submit it to the Barebone's
Parliament, before he gave up hopes of managing that
assembly. Lambert, who proposed the scheme to the
Council of officers, said that it had been two months in
preparation. There were those who had proposed that
Cromwell should now be made King. Indeed the scheme
was originally drawn up, with the title of King for the
chief magistrate. Cromwell refused this title, 1 and it
accepted." This is the only allusion which exists to a design of
appointing Cooper chancellor, and it is easy to see that these are idle
stories. Yet Lord Campbell has built upon this valueless statement a
singular superstructure of error. He first represents Cromwell as
having offered the great seal to Cooper before the calling of the Bare-
bone's Parliament : " After the expulsion of the Long Parliament he
intrigued with Cromwell, who was anxious to secure him, and held out
to him the prospect of being appointed Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal." Then Lord Campbell supposes that, in the Barebone's Parlia-
ment, Cooper's " views on the Great Seal were considerably dashed by
the bill for ' the immediate and total abolition of the Court of Chancery,' "
and thinks that his opposition to this bill may have led to the statement
that he opposed Cromwell in the Barebone's Parliament, whereas it is
known that Cromwell also disapproved of that bill. Lastly, Lord
Campbell thinks that the ultimate estrangement between Cooper and
Cromwell probably arose " from the promise about the Great Seal not
being fulfilled."
1 A speech of Cromwell in 1657 to a large number of officers who
then opposed his taking the title of King, which was printed for the
first time by the editor of Burton's Diary from a MS. in the British
Museum, is the authority for this statement. "He [Cromwell] said
1653. CROMWELL MADE PROTECTOR. 105
was settled that the " single person " of the new consti-
tution should be styled Protector, and hold his power
for life. Cromwell was to be the first Protector, and
his successors were to be elected by the Council. The
constitution now promulgated by Cromwell and the
Council of officers is known by the name of " The
Instrument of Government."
Bishop Burnet has said of Cooper that he was one
of those who most pressed Cromwell to accept the
kingship. An attempt has been made by Mr. Martyn
to discredit this statement, but there is no improba-
bility in the statement, which doubtless refers to this
period, when Cooper was a zealous and leading supporter
of Cromwell. 1
There was only an interval of four days between the
end of the Barebone's Parliament and the installation
of the new Constitution and of Cromwell as Protector.
that the time was when they boggled not at the word king, for the
instrument by which the government now stands was presented to his
Highness with the title King in it, as some then present could witness,
pointing at a principal officer then in his eye, and he refused to accept
of the title." (Burton, L 382.) Lambert is probably the officer here
referred to. Ludlow says, " Some were said to have moved that the
title might be king." (ii. 477.)
1 Hist, of Own Time, i. 97. The whole passage is as follows : " He
[Shaftesbury] pretended that Cromwell offered to make him king. He
was indeed of great use to him in withstanding the enthusiasts of that
time. He was one of those who pressed him most to accept of the king-
ship, because, as he said afterwards, he was sure it would ruin him."
There is no doubt that Cooper aided Cromwell against the enthusiasts,
and nothing is more probable than that he was one of those who urged
Cromwell to take the title of King. But that Cromwell should have
offered to make Cooper king is not quite so likely; and if Cooper after-
wards gave the reason which Burnet imputes to him for his advice to
Cromwell, he was guilty of a ridiculous untruth. Shaftesbury may
have boasted in his later years, and may have endeavoured dis-
ingenuously to excuse some of his earlier actions ; but, on the other
hand, Shaftesbury may have bantered Burnet, and certainly Burnet is
spiteful to Shaftesbury.
106 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
Cooper was one of fifteen members of the Council of
State named in the Instrument of Government. A
salary of a thousand pounds a year was assigned to
each councillor, but Cooper, who did not remain a
member of the Council much longer than a year, never
received any salary. 1
It is desirable to give an account of the leading
provisions of this constitution at the birth -of which
Cooper assisted.
It has been already said that the Protector was
appointed for life, and that, after Cromwell, future
Protectors were to be elected by the Council. There
was no restriction on their choice, except that none
of the late King's children, line, or family, could be
elected. The Council was to consist of not more than
twenty-one nor less than thirteen members. Fifteen
were named in the Instrument of Government, and
Cromwell and a majority of the Council were em-
powered to nil up the number twenty-one before the
meeting of the first parliament. After that time a scheme
of election, jointly by the Council, the Parliament, and
the Protector, was provided. A member of Council could
only be removed by the judgment of a tribunal jointly
appointed by the Council and the Parliament.
- 1 This is accidentally proved by a paper printed in Thurloe's State
Papers (iii. 581), giving an account of payments to members of the
Council from its first appointment to the end of 1655. In the debates
on the Indemnity Bill in the Convention Parliament after the Restora-
tion, Cooper is reported to have said, in opposing a proposal that all
officers of the Protectorate should refund their salaries, "He might
freely speak, because he never received any salary." (Parl. Hist. iv.
73.) Some letters published by M. Guizot (Hist, de Cromwell, vol. ii.
Appendix, No. 3) mention Cooper as taking a prominent part, as
member of the Privy Council, in Cromwell's reception of the French
ambassador, April 1654.
1653. INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 107
In the constitution of the Parliament there was a
great and a wise change from the mode of election of
the old English House of Commons. It was to consist
of 460 members; 400 for England and Wales, 30 for
Scotland, and 30 for Ireland. In the distribution of
the numbers for England, there was a great increase in
the number of county members, many small boroughs
were disfranchised, and members were given for the
first time to several large towns. Few towns returned
more than one member, and the number of members
for each county and for the boroughs included in it
was made as nearly proportional as possible to the
contribution of the county towards the public expendi-
ture. It was left to the Protector and Council to settle
the distribution of the sixty members for Scotland and
Ireland. The qualification for an elector was the
possession of two hundred pounds of real or personal
property. The elected were to be twenty-one years of
age, and " such, and no other than such, as are persons
of known integrity, fearing God, and of good conver-
sation." Those who had taken part against the Parlia-
ment since the first of January, 1641, unless they had
afterwards given " signal testimony of their affections
thereunto," were to be incapable of electing or of being
elected to the first four parliaments ; Eoman Catholics,
and those who had been in the Irish rebellion, were
disqualified for ever. For the first three parliaments
the members elected were to have a certificate of appro-
bation from the Council, without which they were not
to be allowed to sit ; and there was to be a clause in
every indenture of return prohibiting the members from
108 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. IV.
altering the government as settled in a single person
and in a parliament by the present Instrument of
Government.
The first parliament was to meet on the third of Sep-
tember, 1654, about eight months after the promulga-
tion of the Constitution. A parliament was to be called
once in three years, and was not to be adjourned,
prorogued, or dissolved without its own consent, for
five months after its meeting.
Where the command of the forces of the common-
wealth was to be placed, and whether any, and what,
checks were to be placed on the Parliament in legisla-
tion, the two great questions which had been battled
with the late King, and which had brought him to the
block, were difficult' problems to be solved by the
framers of this constitution, who desired to restrain the
power of the Parliament, and yet to avoid all appear-
ance of a monarchical element. It was provided that
the disposal of the militia was to be vested in the
Protector and the Parliament jointly, and, when Parlia-
ment was not sitting, in the Protector and Council.
The Protector and Council were to have the power of
peace and war, but a parliament was to be summoned
immediately after entering upon a war, and any par-
liament so specially called could not be adjourned,
prorogued, or dissolved, without its own consent, for
five months after it had assembled. All legislation
and taxation were to be by common consent of Parlia-
ment. P>ills passed by the Parliament were to be
presented to the Protector for his consent ; but if that
consent were not given in twenty days, the Parliament
INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 109
might then declare a bill law, unless it contained any-
thing contrary to the provision of the Instrument of
Government. 1
In a speech addressed to the first parliament called
under this constitution, Cromwell explained that the
fundamental principles of the Instrument of Govern-
ment, which the Parliament by itself could not infringe
upon, were four : government by a single person and a
parliament jointly, a limited duration of the Parliament,
liberty of conscience in religion, and the check of either
the Parliament or the Council on the Protector as regards
the militia. But the liberty of conscience in religion,
thus proclaimed by Cromwell as one of the fundamental
principles of the new government, was not extended to
the Eoman Catholic or the Episcopalian; these were
specially excepted from protection in the profession of
their religion and exercise of their worship, together
with " such as, under the profession of Christ, hold forth
and practise licentiousness."
The Instrument of Government declared that the
Christian religion, as contained in the Scriptures, was to
be the public profession of the three nations, and that
provision was to be made as soon as possible for a more
equal and less irritating mode of payment of clergy than
by tithes, but that in the meantime tithes were to be
i "Provided such bills contain nothing in them contrary to the
matters contained in these presents." When Cromwell found the first
parliament called under this new constitution refractory, he laid down,
as is stated in the text, four fundamental principles not to he infringed
without his consent ; and the Parliament afterwards expressly assigned
a negative to the Protector for all hills touching these four questions.
Mr. Hallam's statement, therefore, that the Protector had no nega-
tive voice on the Parliament, requires qualification. (Constit. Hist,
ii. 332.)
110 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
continued. A standing army of 10,000 horse and 20,000
foot was prescribed, and a constant yearly revenue was
to be provided for maintaining these forces and a suf-
ficient navy ; and 200,000/. a year was assigned to the
civil government. Till the first Parliament met, the
Protector and Council were empowered to raise what
money might be necessary for the support of the existing
forces. Power was given them also to make laws and
ordinances, till the meeting of the first Parliament ; but
these laws and ordinances were to be binding only until
Parliament should make order concerning them.
Such were the principal provisions of this elaborate
paper-constitution, which was destined soon to meet
with difficulties too strong for it in practice, and which,
having been violated in one essential point by Cromwell
in little more than a twelvemonth after its establish-
ment, was at the end of three years formally superseded
by another. Doubtless, Cromwell hoped that he had
now devised a constitution under which he might
obtain the co-operation of the Presbyterians whom the
Barebone's Parliament had scared, and which provided
sufficient securities against the restoration of the royal
family.
The fourteen members of the Council named, together
with Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, in the Instrument of
Government, were Lord Lisle, Generals Fleetwood and
Lambert, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Sir Charles Wolseley,
Montagu, General Desborough, Walter Strickland,
Henry Lawrence, Colonel Sydenham, Colonel Philip
Jones, Richard Major, Francis Eouse (the late Speaker
of the Barebone's Parliament), and General Skippon.
1653. JOHN MILTON. Ill
Three more members were added before trie meeting
of the Parliament, Humphry Mackworth, Nathaniel
Fiennes, and the Earl of Mulgrave. 1
A name more celebrated than that of any of Cooper's
colleagues in the Council occurs in the list of assistants
of the Secretary, Thurloe. John Milton was an assistant
in the department of Latin correspondence in the
Secretary's office, and gave the adhesion of his great
intellect and pure conscience to Cromwell's Protectorate.
The civil commotions and religious controversies of the
time had long since drawn him from the Muses ; he
had been Secretary for foreign languages under the
Council of State of the Eump Parliament, and had been
employed by that Council to answer the Latin treatise
in which Salmasius had arraigned before the civilized
world the execution of Charles the First ; and his Latin
answer to that great scholar had made his name widely
known, both for admiration and for obloquy. Shortly
after the installation of Cromwell as Protector, Milton
published, also in Latin, a second defence of the English
nation, in which he declared his approval of Cromwell's
recent acts, and counselled the Protector on the dangers
and the duties of his position. In this work he praises
several members of the new Council by name; but
Cooper is not among those whom Milton mentions.
There is no trace of personal intercourse between Cooper
and Milton either now or after the Bestoration, when
the poet's fame had made him an object of curiosity
among foreigners, and gained for him, in spite of
1 The father of the poet, author of the " Essay on Satire " and the
" Essay on Poetry," who was ultimately created Duke of Buckingham-
shire.
112 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
political passions, the notice of accomplished men even
of the Court of Charles the Second.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was elected to the first
Parliament assembled under the Instrument of Govern-
ment by no less than three constituencies, Wiltshire,
Poole, and Tewkesbury. He afterwards elected to sit
for Wiltshire.
The election for Wiltshire on this occasion has been
described by Edmund Ludlow, in a passage of his
Memoirs, which was suppressed. Ludlow at this time
held a military command in Ireland ; but the republican
party, acting in opposition to Cromwell, proposed him
as a candidate for Wiltshire, with which he was con-
nected by ancient lineage and property. The new
scheme of representation gave ten members to Wiltshire.
According to Ludlow's account, which perhaps ought
not to be taken implicitly, Cavaliers united with the
Presbyterian clergy and Cromwell's partisans in pro-
posing a list of ten candidates, with Cooper at the head,
and Ludlow's republican friends proposed him and nine
others. The gathering for the election was so numerous,
that it became necessary to adjourn from Salisbury
Town-hall to the plain of Stonehenge. There Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper, and a Presbyterian clergyman
named Adoniram Byfield, addressed the people on the
necessity of electing members who would endeavour to
reconcile conflicting interests and heal the divisions of
the State. On a show of hands, the numbers appeared
so nearly equal that a poll was necessary ; and by the
union, according to Ludlow, of Cavaliers, Presbyterians,
and Cromwellites, and by the use of force and of all the
1654. ORDINANCES OF CROMWELL AND COUNCIL. 113
influence which, the Government could exert, Cooper
was placed at the head of the poll, and all the ten anti-
republican candidates were elected. 1
The interval of eight months between the inaugura-
tion of the constitution and the meeting of the new
Parliament was well employed by Cromwell and his
Council. They availed themselves largely of their power
of making provisional ordinances to do many things
which the Barebone's Parliament had either refused to
do or had left unfinished. They repealed the engage-
ment : a bill for that purpose introduced by Cooper in
the Barebone's Parliament had been rejected. They
issued an ordinance settling the terms of union of
Scotland with the Commonwealth, which the sudden
termination of the Barebone's Parliament had alone pre-
vented that assembly from passing, as it had already
passed an act for the union of Ireland. An ordinance
was issued for the reform of the Court of Chancery, and
two others for the appointment of a body of commis-
sioners for the approval of clergymen presented to
livings, and of commissioners in the several counties for
the ejection of unworthy ministers. Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper was appointed one of the latter commissioners
for Wiltshire and Dorsetshire. 2 Peace was now made
with Holland, and beneficial treaties were concluded
1 This account is given in the first of a series of suppressed passages
of Ludlow's Memoirs, which I found, in Locke's handwriting, among
the Locke papers in the Earl of Lovelace's possession. See Appendix 111.
Mr. Martyn, in unaccountable departure from facts, states that Sir
A. A. Cooper's election for Wiltshire was opposed by Cromwell (i. 165);
and Lord Campbell has incorrectly followed Mr. Martyn in placii)g
Cooper's estrangement from Cromwell before the election of this
parliament.
2 Wood, Ath. Oxon. (Bliss) iv. 71.
VOL. I. I
114 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
with Portugal, Denmark, and Sweden. The failure of a
royalist conspiracy for assassinating Cromwell had rallied
sympathy around him, and depressed the hopes of the
friends of the royal family ; and when Cromwell met
the Parliament which assembled on the third of Sep-
tember, 1654, under the provisions of the Instrument of
Government, he might have fairly hoped that the recol-
lections of the Eump and Barebone's Parliaments, the
proofs which he and his Council had already given of
energy and wisdom, and the natural desire for an end
of change would ensure for the new constitution its
sanction and co-operation.
Any such hopes, however, were doomed to speedy
disappointment. Notwithstanding all the efforts which
Cromwell and his Council had made to secure a majority,
and notwithstanding many advantages which they pos-
sessed for procuring favourable returns, a large majority
of the Parliament showed themselves immediately de-
termined to dispute Cromwell's authority and the new
constitution, instead of acknowledging the Instrument of
Government as the foundation of their own legislative
powers. The largest party in the Parliament were
Presbyterians. A considerable number of Eepublicans
also were returned. The Eepublicans, headed by Sir
Arthur Haselrig, Scot, and Bradshaw, the celebrated
president of the court which had condemned the late
King to death, immediately offered an opposition ; and,
to perplex Cromwell and promote their own aims, the
Presbyterians aided the Eepublicans.
Cromwell having opened the Parliament with a speech,
his friends proposed the day after that this speech should
1654. PARLIAMENT OPPOSES CROMWELL. 115
be taken into consideration, with a view to an address
thanking him for the new government. But the Kepub-
licaus and their Presbyterian allies would not admit
this new government to be an accomplished fact. They
claimed the right to discuss every provision of the
Instrument of Government, and contended that it was
for them, elected by the people, now to proceed to settle
the constitution as they pleased. Instead of adopting
the proposal to thank Cromwell, they resolved by a
small majority to discuss the Instrument of Government
in Grand Committee, or, in modern parliamentary
phrase, in a Committee of the whole House, with a
view to its being altered as they might think proper,
and then passed into an act. The first clause, which
declared the government to be in " one person and the
people assembled in Parliament," was warmly debated
in committee for four days ; and when the committee
broke up on the fourth day, it was expected that a pro-
posal which had been made by Hale, now a judge, and
which he intended as a compromise, would be carried
by a large majority, to declare the government to be in
"the Parliament and a single person, limited and re-
strained as the Parliament should think fit." Cromwell
determined to make an attempt by force to prevent
further discussion of the Instrument of Government.
As the members came to the House on the morning
of the twelfth of September, they found the doors locked
and guarded by soldiers, and were told that the Pro-
tector was coming to the Painted Chamber and com-
manded their attendance there. Cromwell arrived in
state about ten o'clock, by which time there was a full
I 2
116 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
attendance of members. He made a long speech, re-
minding them with many reproaches that they were all
bound by the indentures of their returns not to alter the
government as settled in a single person and the Parlia-
ment, and ended by announcing that he should exact a
pledge not to interfere with the government as so settled
from every member before he re-entered the House.
When the members left the Painted Chamber, they
found the doors of their House still locked and guarded,
and an officer in the lobby with a paper containing the
following declaration, which each member was required
to sign : " I do hereby freely promise and engage to be
true and faithful to the Lord Protector and the Common-
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and shall not,
according to the tenour of the indenture whereby I am
returned to sit in this present Parliament, propose or
give my consent to alter the government as settled in
one person and a parliament." Within an hour about a
hundred members had signed the paper. The Speaker
was then sent for ; he came and signed it, and then
went into the House and took the chair. About forty
more members signed during the day. It was then
voted that by signing this declaration a member was
not bound to all the forty-two clauses of the Instrument
of Government, but only to the first clause, which vested
the government in a single person and a parliament.
This vote brought in more signatures ; and, in the end,
about three hundred of the four hundred and sixty
members signed the paper, and returned to the House. 1
1 Mr. Martyn continues his extraordinary misrepresentations of Sir
A. A. Cooper's course at this period by stating that he took a leading
1654. INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT DISCUSSED. 117
The House now returned to the discussion of the
Instrument of Government, admitting only that the
government should be composed of a single person and
a parliament; and though all the leading members of
the Eepublican party were excluded by their refusal to
sign the declaration which had been imposed, Cromwell
found the Parliament hardly more manageable than
before. They continued to discuss the Instrument of
Government, clause by clause, in Grand Committee, for
nearly three months. Several changes were made in it,
unpalatable to Cromwell; the power to declare war was
placed in the Protector and Parliament, instead of the
Protector and Council, as had been provided by the
original Instrument, and the election of future Protectors
was also given to the Parliament instead of the Council.
One change which was proposed by Cromwell's friends,
and which Cromwell himself is said to have greatly
desired, to make the Protectorship hereditary in his
family, was rejected by the largest majority which
occurred in the course of these discussions.
When the battle was concluded in the Grand Com-
part in the opposition, refused to sign the declaration, and was ex-
cluded from the parliament (i. 167). Lord Campbell follows Mr.
Martyn, and, as usual, states the case strongly. " When the Parlia-
ment met, he strongly co-operated with the party who were beginning
to inquire into the validity of the 'Instrument of Government.'. . . .
This made the Protector resolve by a strong hand to exclude all such
refractory spirits as Sir A. A. Cooper . . . Shaftesbury absolutely refused
to sign the declaration. Thus excluded, he intrigued against Cromwell."
Lord Campbell proceeds to say: " The Protector, rinding his opponent
so troublesome, soon after made a bold attempt to gain him over by
appointing him a member of the Council of State, with promises of
further advancement." Very little inquiry would have shown that
Sir A. A. Cooper was made a member of the Council of State eight
months before this parliament met, and that he was not excluded from
the parliament, the Journals making frequent mention of his name.
118 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
mittee, it was fought over again in the House, which
went through all the clauses as reported from the Grand
Committee. At last the Instrument of Government, as
altered by the Parliament, was embodied in a bill ; and
then it was resolved that, if the Protector did not agree
to every clause, the whole should be void and of no
effect. The object of this was, of course, to force Crom-
well into accepting all the alterations. Five days after
this resolution was passed, the House had sat five lunar
months ; and Cromwell, interpreting as lunar months of
twenty-eight days the five months during which the
original Instrument of Government had provided that a
parliament should not be dissolved without its own
consent, dissolved this Parliament on the very day on
which five lunar months of its existence were completed.
All its discussions and alterations of the Instrument of
Government now went for nothing, for the bill had not
been passed, and the original Instrument continued to
be the constitution of the Commonwealth.
No provision had been made for revenue when the
Parliament was dissolved ; and the Instrument of
Government had empowered the Protector and Council
to issue ordinances for raising money only until the
meeting of the first Parliament. In this respect Crom-
well set his constitution at nought, and an ordinance was
issued shortly after the dissolution of the Parliament for
raising money monthly by assessment.
The dissolution took place on the twenty-second of
January, 1655. On the twenty-eighth of 'December, 1654,
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, who had hitherto regularly
attended the meetings of the Privy Council, attended
1G55. SEPARATES FROM CROMWELL. 119
for the last time. What led to his retirement from the
Council, and his separation from Cromwell, ending in
decided opposition to him, there are no means of deter-
mining. It is probable that differences of opinion arose
between Cooper and Cromwell in the course of the dis-^.
cussions on the Instrument of Government ; and Cooper
probably found it difficult to maintain his position as a
supporter of Cromwell in face of the decided opposition
of his Presbyterian friends. It does not appear probable,
however, that there was an open rupture, or that Cooper
made overt opposition to Cromwell during the sitting of
this Parliament. On the twenty-seventh of November,
he was a teller, with Richard Cromwell, in a division on
one of the clauses of the Instrument of Government. It
is true that Ludlow states that Cooper opposed Cromwell
during this Parliament, but the same passage of Ludlow's
Memoirs contains other obvious inaccuracies, and this
statement, if not entirely inaccurate also, is probably an
exaggeration. Until Cooper had ceased to attend the
Privy Council, he could not have opposed Cromwell in
Parliament, even though dissatisfied with his proceed-
ings ; and there was only a short interval of three weeks
between his last attendance in Council and the dissolu-
tion of the Parliament. 1
1 Ludlow's statement occurs in the second of the suppressed passages
in Appendix III. Ludiow says that Cooper was turned out of the
Council because he opposed Cromwell in this parliament, and that
Colonel Mackworth was appointed member of the Council in his place.
There is no entry in the Council book, which I have inspected in the
State Paper Office, of Cooper's dismissal ; and according to the Instru-
ment of Government, a dismissal could only have taken place on a
specific charge of misconduct, after inquiry by a committee jointly
appointed by the Council and the Parliament. He was not succeeded
by Colonel Mackworth, who was appointed a member of the Council
120 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. IY.
One reason which has been assigned for his estrange-
ment from Cromwell is that he wished to marry Crom-
well's daughter Mary (who was shortly afterwards
married to Lord Falconbridge), and was refused. This
story is perhaps no more than a piece of idle gossip.
It is however so far possible, that Cooper was now a
second time a widower. If Cooper quarrelled with
Cromwell before the end of 1654, the quarrel was very
soon after Cooper became a widower, and so soon as
to render this explanation of the cause of quarrel
improbable.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's second wife, the
daughter of the Earl of Exeter, to whom he was married
April 27, 1654, six months before Cooper ceased to sit. This passage
in Ludlow is, therefore, very inaccurate. There is no evidence even of
Cooper having resigned his seat in the Council; and* I should infer
from a list, already referred to, of payments to members of the
Council up to the end of 1655, that Cooper, though he had ceased to
attend, was then still a member of the Council. Ludlow mentions in
the same passage Sir A. A. Cooper's unsuccessful love of Mary Cromwell
as the reason for his quarrelling with the Protector. This story is also
mentioned by A. Wood (Ath. Oxon. iv. 71, Bliss's edition), and in
Oldmixon's "Lives of the Chancellors." (i. 148.) The authority for
the story is weak. Lord Campbell has adopted the gossip as true,
and amplified it considerably ; and, forgetting that he had previously
explained the quarrel with Cromwell by Cooper's disappointment
at not receiving the Great Seal, now ascribes it, without a word of
doubt, to disappointed love. " This gracious demeanour roused in
the bosom of Sir Anthony the ambitious project of forming an alliance
with the Protectoral house, and, having been some time a widower,
he actually demanded in marriage the musical, glib-tongued Lady
Mary, afterwards united to Lord Fauconberg. Probably on account
of his dissolute morals, he met with a flat refusal. Thereupon he
finally broke with Oliver, and became a partisan of the banished royal
family. When he had only twice or thrice sat in the Council of State,
he sent in his resignation ; alleging that ' the government by one
person was against his conscience. ' " Cooper had been a regular
attendant at the Privy Council from his appointment in December
1653 to December 28, 1654, more than a year. He did not become
a partisan of the banished royal family for nearly five years after this
date. I do not know what is Lord Campbell's authority for the fact of
Cooper's resignation, with the reason alleged under marks of quotation.
1656. MARRIES THIRD TIME. 121
in 1650, died some time in the year 1654. There were
no more children by this marriage than the two sons who
have been mentioned, one of whom died in childhood,
and the other, Anthony Ashley, lived to succeed his
father.
In the course of the year 1656, Cooper married a
third wife, Margaret, daughter of the second Lord
Spencer of Wormleighton, and sister of the third lord,
who was created Earl of Sunderland by Charles the
First, and had fallen fighting for the Eoyal cause at
Newbury.
The son of this Earl of Sunderland, a boy at the time
of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's marriage with his aunt,
rose to be the chief Minister of Charles the Second
before the close of Shaftesbury's career. It has been
already mentioned that Halifax was the nephew of
Shaftesbury's first wife. Shaftesbury's connexion with
both Halifax and Sunderland was rendered closer by
the marriage of Halifax with Sunderland's sister. In
the last years of Shaftesbury's career, Halifax and Sun-
derland divided political ascendency; and, seven-and-
twenty years later, Shaftesbury fled for his life, to die in
a foreign land, from a government of which his two
nephews were the chiefs.
The third wife of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper lived to
share all the honours and troubles of his future career.
She had no children, but she reared with a mother's
care her husband's son by his second wife, and after-
wards with the same care watched over the delicate
boyhood of that son's son, the future author of the
" Characteristics." She was a woman of strong religious
122 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. IV.
feelings. It was her habit to rise at five in the morning
and spend two or three hours in private devotions. 1
Though Shaftesbury's character did not agree with hers
in this respect, they lived on terms of the warmest
affection. A letter written by Lady Shaftesbury to her
nephew Sunderland two years after her husband's
death, shows how deeply she still mourned his loss. 2
There must have been virtues and amiable qualities in
one so loved by such a wife.
1 Kawleigh Eedivivus, p. 13. Locke dedicated to Lady Shaftesbury
a translation which he made of three religious Essays of Nicole.
Locke's translation of these Essays was published for the first time in
1828 by Dr. Hancock. As this small volume is not generally known,
1 extract a passage of Locke's dedication to Lady Shaftesbury : " I
thought I could not find in all France anything fitter to be put into
your hands, than what would make you see so rare and extraordinary
a sight as a draught of some of your own virtues. For if to be con-
stantly humble in a high station, if to appear little to yourself in the
midst of greatness, is a mark of the sense of one's own weakness ; if to
be beloved of all that come near you be a demonstration that you
know how to live at peace with others; if to be constant and frequent
in acts of devotion be the best way of acknowledging a Deity : it is
certain your ladyship is in reality what the author has here given us
an idea of."
2 This letter is among the Domestic Papers of 1685 in the State
Paper Office. Lady Shaftesbury writes to the Earl of Sunderland to
beg him to make her excuses for not attending the coronation of
James the Second:
" 31st March, 1685.
"Because I think the shortest troubles are the best, I will, my
Lord, only just tell you why you read this note from your disconsolate
aunt, not make it longer by apologies for doing it. It seems, my
Lord, that in observance to forms I was to have a letter concerning
the coronation as well as those that are fit to observe the orders they
bring with them, which I am so utterly incapacitated for, that I con-
cluded at first, and indeed do think still, that it so answers itself, I
needed to take no notice of it ; but, if I am mistaken, I ask so much
friendliness from your Lordship as to do for me what is proper in this
case to be done by, my Lord, your afflicted, most faithful, affectionate,
humble servant,
" M. SHAFTESBURY."
CHAPTER V.
i 16561658.
Cooper now in opposition to Cromwell He falls back on the Presby-
terian party Elected for Wiltshire to new Parliament Prevented
by the Council from taking his seat Is one of the sixty-five who
sign a letter to the Speaker protesting Afterwards signs Remon-
strance The Humble Petition and Advice Cromwell refuses to be
King House adjourned from June 26, 1657, to January 20, 1658
Cromwell's Peers or " Other House " Cooper not one The 500
fine for composition, imposed by Long Parliament in 1644, remitted
by Cromwell Cooper's friendship with Henry Cromwell, and letter
to him Cooper and the other excluded members take their seats
on meeting of Parliament, January 1658 Formidable opposition to
Cromwell and the new Constitution Debates about the " Other
House " Cooper's speeches Cromwell dissolves the Parliament,
February 4 Cromwell's death.
IN the absence of any positive information on the sub-
ject of the differences which arose about this time
between Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper and Cromwell, it
might be conjectured that Cromwell's dissolution of the
last Parliament was disapproved of by Cooper. It does
not appear that the proceedings of that parliament,
however much they may have been irritating and dis-
appointing to the Protector, furnished sufficient cause
for a dissolution, which immediately rendered it neces-
sary to trample on Cromwell's own constitution in order
to raise money. The changes which the Parliament had
made in the Instrument of Government were, after all,
not extensive ; all the essentials of the original constitu-
124 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY. CHAP. V.
tion promulgated by Cromwell and his officers had been
retained. Moderate men generally thought that Crom-
well should have accepted the alterations made by the
Parliament, and borne with its provocations, rather than
again peril the settlement of the Commonwealth ; and
there is no doubt that the dissolution of the last Parlia-
ment lost Cromwell many supporters. 1
Cooper never returned to his seat in the Council of
State. We know nothing at all of his proceedings during
twenty months which intervened between the dissolu-
tion of the last Parliament and the assembling of another
on the seventeenth of September, 1656. But when this
Parliament assembled, Cooper was regarded by Cromwell
as an opponent.
The Royalists became very active in intrigues and
conspiracies after the dissolution of January 1655 ; but
Cooper had no connexion now or for some time after
with this party. The restoration of the heir of the late
King could only have been regarded at this period as a
remote possibility by any but the zealous adherents of
his family. Cooper fell back on the Presbyterian party,
and in the two next parliaments was one of the leaders
of the opposition which the Presbyterians and Repub-
licans combined to wage against Cromwell and his
successor. X
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was again elected by the
county of Wiltshire to serve in the second Parliament
elected according to the provisions of the Instrument
of Government, which met in 1656. But this time
Cromwell would not permit him to take his seat.
1 Ludlow, ii. 512.
1656. EXCLUDED FROM PARLIAMENT. 125
The Instrument of Government had provided that,
for the first three Parliaments called under its provisions*
all members elected must obtain a certificate of appro-
bation from the Council, in order to be permitted to sit.
This provision, designed to secure an observance of the
qualifications enjoined for members, was stretched on
the present occasion to exclude a large number of
members whose opposition Cromwell feared. The
number of members to whom the Council refused cer-
tificates of approbation is variously stated ; there is no
doubt that it exceeded a hundred, and probably it was
not far below two hundred. Soldiers at the door of the
House prevented the entrance of all who could not
produce the Council's certificates. Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper was one of the excluded. About ninety other
names of excluded members are known; among them
are Sir Arthur Haselrig, Scot, and Weaver, leaders of
the Republicans ; and Morrice, Colonel Birch, Alexander
Popham, Serjeant Maynard, and Sir Harbottle Grim-
stone, members of the Presbyterian party. Another
name in the list is that of the Earl of Salisbury, who
had sat in the Eump Parliament, and who, in the sub-
sequent reign of Charles the Second, was a zealous
member of the Opposition of which Shaftesbury was
the leader.
Sixty-five of the excluded members, among whom was
Cooper, signed a letter to the Speaker, complaining that
they had been forcibly prevented by soldiers from taking
their seats. This letter was presented in the House by
Sir George Booth, a distinguished member of the Pres-
byterian party, who had not been excluded. The House
126 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
resolved that the Council should be desired to state their
reasons for what they had done. The Council said that
the Instrument of Government had imposed on them
the duty of judging whether the members returned
possessed the prescribed qualifications; that the same
Instrument had provided that the members to be elected
should be " such and no other than such as were persons
of known integrity, fearing God, and of good conversa-
tion ;" that they had examined all the returns according
to their duty, and had not refused certificates of appro-
bation to any who appeared to them to come within the
above description ; and that for those whom they had
not approved " his Highness had given orders to some
persons to take care that they should not come into the
House." An overpowering majority of the members
who had been allowed to sit resolved to be content
with this insolent reply, and to refer the excluded
members to the Council.
A Remonstrance, addressed to the people, couched in
the strongest language, was afterwards drawn up, and
printed with the names of ninety-three of the excluded
members appended to it. This Remonstrance declared
that whoever had advised the Protector's late proceeding
was a capital enemy of the Commonwealth : that all
who should sit and vote in the mutilated assembly were
adherents of the capital enemies of the Commonwealth,
and betrayers of the people's liberties ; that the assembly
which now sat was not the representative body of
England ; that their votes and acts were null and void ;
and that a free Parliament alone could set aside the
laws in times of danger, and justly provide for the
1657. KEMOXSTRANCE OF EXCLUDED MEMBERS. 127
future government of the Commonwealth. The paper
concludes by declaring that those who sign it are ready
to expose their lives and estates to the utmost hazard
for the service of the people, and to procure the
assembling of a free Parliament. Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper's name is appended to this printed document,
But there is reason to think that all the names which
were printed had not been subscribed to it ; and it
may be inferred from the strong language of this
Bemonstrance that it was not openly circulated.
A few of the members who had been excluded after-
wards made peace with the Council, and obtained
admission into the House. But Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper, with the great majority, remained excluded
during the whole of the first session of this Par-
liament. 1
This session lasted nine months, till the twenty-
sixth of June, 1657. Cromwell's measure of exclusion
had at last obtained for him a manageable Parliament.
It is probable, from what took place in this Parlia-
ment, that Cromwell's principal reason for assembling
it was to procure a change in the constitution, involving
1 Dr. Lingard, who is generally most accurate in details, has stated
incorrectly that Sir A. A. Cooper became Cromwell's intimate adviser
after this exclusion from Parliament, (xi. 80, note.) A little dis-
cussion in which Cooper's name was mixed up took place on December
22, 1656, during his enforced absence from this Parliament. A Captain
Arthur petitioned for payment of moneys laid out by him for the
Parliament in the, beginning of the Civil War, and said he had been
betrayed and taken prisoner by Cooper. One member, Mr. Robinson,
suggested that Sir A. A. Cooper should satisfy the petitioner ; another,
Mr. Butler, replied, " Sir A. A. Cooper has done you good service, and
the petitioner doth not say his sufferings were by him." The matter
was dropped. Captain Arthur's complaint would probably refer to
the time when Cooper was on the King's side. (Burton's Diary of
Cromwellian Parliaments, i. 204.)
128 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. UITAP. Y.
the creation of a second chamber, and the substitution
of the title of King for that of Protector.
The House had, however, sat some months before any
step was taken in promotion of such a design. But on
the twenty- third of February, 1657, Sir Christopher
Pack, an alderman and one of the members for the city
of London, suddenly presented to the House a document
elaborately drawn up, bearing the title of " The Humble
Address and Eemonstrance of the Knights, Burgesses,
and Citizens now assembled in the Parliament of the
Commonwealth," and moved that it should be received
and read. This was an address to Cromwell, stating
that the nation could never become settled while it was
left uncertain who would succeed him after his death,
and praying him to assume the title of King, and to call
henceforth a parliament consisting of two houses, and
to govern the Commonwealth in future according to the
laws of the nation, subject to such alterations as were
proposed in this document, which was to supersede the
Instrument of Government. Apparently, nothing could
have been more undignified than the mode in which
this proposal to revive royalty was brought before the
Parliament. Sir Christopher Pack was probably selected
to present the address on account of his connexion
with the city of London, and that it might seem not to
come from Cromwell himself. But -the worthy alderman
was no orator, and if there were any design to blind the
Parliament as to Cromwell's connexion with this address,
the execution was not successful. Sir Christopher
uttered a few confused words, of which all that could
be understood was that he had found somewhere, or
1657. THE PETITION AND ADVICE. 129
that some one had given him, a paper which he thought
worthy of consideration, and which he begged the House
to receive. Though the motion came before the House
without notice, the contents of the paper were probably
generally known, and a scene of violent disorder ensued.
The small minority of Cromwell's opponents in the
assembly made up by violence for their want of num-
bers. It was irregular to present such a document to
the House without leave previously obtained, and some
members endeavoured to snatch the paper from Sir
Christopher. By the violence of opposing members he
was jostled down the House as far as the bar, when his
friends rescued him and carried him back to the Speaker's
chair. After a warm debate, it was decided by a hun-
dred and fifty-four votes against fifty-four that the
paper should be read. It was then debated day by day
till the twenty-seventh of March. A motion made at
the outset that it should be discussed in Grand Com-
mittee was rejected by a hundred and eighteen votes to
sixty-three. But the House discussed separately the
various clauses of the address. The clauses constituting
another House to be nominated by the proposed king,
and to be approved by " this House," were passed with-
out a division. The substitution of the title of King
for that of Protector was carried by a hundred and
twenty-three votes to sixty-two. When the whole
paper had been gone through, the words " Address and
Remonstrance " in the title were changed for " Petition
and Advice," and a clause was added, providing that
unless Cromwell consented to everything contained in
it, no part of it should take effect. On the thirty-first
VOL. I. K
130 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
of March, the " Humble Petition and Advice " was
presented to Cromwell for his consent.
Cromwell refused to accept the title of King. There
is no doubt that he desired it, and that he had en-
couraged the preparation of the address by which the
Parliament asked him to assume that title. But unfore-
seen difficulties had arisen. His chief officers, including
his two sons-in-law Lambert and Fleetwood and his
brother-in-law Desborough, were vehemently opposed
to the title of King, and a strong adverse feeling, fanned
by the officers, appeared in the army. Cromwell took
five weeks to consider what course he would adopt, and
ultimately refused to be made King.
By Cromwell's refusal to consent to the clause which
conferred the title of King, the whole of the Petition
and Advice fell to the ground. But the House took it
again immediately into consideration, substituted the
title of Protector for that of King, and with this altera-
tion again presented it to Cromwell for his consent.
Now, however, the Petition and Advice was passed only
by a majority of three, a large number of its former
supporters absenting themselves, discontented with
Cromwell's refusal of the kingship. Cromwell gave his
consent to the Petition and Advice, as altered, on the
twenty-fifth of May, 1657.
The Petition and Advice, which now superseded the
Instrument of Government, made several changes in the
constitution of the Commonwealth. 1. The Protector
was empowered to nominate his successor during his
lifetime. 2. The Parliament was to consist of two
Houses. "The other House," as the new second
1657. THE PETITION AND ADVICE. 131
chamber is always called in the Petition and Advice,
was to be composed of not more than seventy nor less
than forty members, who in the first instance were to
be nominated by the Protector and approved by the
Commons' House, but who, after the first nominations,
were not to be admitted to sit and vote but by the con-
sent of the other House itself. 3. The number of
members of the House of Commons and the distribution
of the representation were to be newly arranged by the
Parliament then sitting. It was expressly declared in
the Petition and Advice that nothing contained in it
dissolved the existing Parliament. 4. It .was provided
that no members henceforth returned to Parliament
were to be excluded, except by judgment and consent
of the House itself; and that forty-one commissioners
were to be appointed by act of Parliament to try elec-
tions. 5. The members of the Council, who, as under
the Instrument of Government, were not to exceed
twenty-one in number, were to be appointed in future
with the consent of the Council and of the two Houses
of Parliament, and were not to be removed but by
consent of Parliament. 6. After Cromwell's death, the
commander-in-chief of the army and all field officers
by land or generals at sea were to be appointed with
consent of the Council. The Chancellor, Keeper, or
Commissioners of the Great Seal of England, the
Treasurer or Commissioners of the Treasury, the Ad-
miral, the Chief Governor of Ireland, the Chancellor,
Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal of Ireland,
the two Chief Justices and the Chief Baron in England
or Ireland, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in
K 2
132 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
Scotland, such officers of state there as by act of Parlia-
ment in Scotland are to be approved by Parliament, and
the judges in Scotland hereafter to be made, were to
be approved by both Houses of Parliament. 7. The
disposal of the standing forces was to be in the Pro-
tector, acting with the consent of both Houses during
the sitting of Parliament, and, while Parliament was
not sitting, in the Protector acting with the consent of
the Council. 8. A revenue of 1,300,000/. per annum
was settled for the support of the Government, of which
1,000,000/. was for the army and navy, and the remain-
ing 300,000. for the expenses of the civil government ;
and it was stipulated that no part of this money should
be raised by a land-tax.
An " Additional and Explanatory Petition and Ad-
vice" was afterwards passed, before the House adjourned,
which prescribed, amongst other things, an oath to be
taken by the members of both Houses, by which they
bound themselves to be faithful to the Protector, as
chief magistrate of the Commonwealth, and to abstain
from all designs against his person or lawful authority.
The House adjourned, under an act specially passed
for the purpose, from the twenty-sixth of June, 1657 to
the twentieth of January, 1658 ; and a clause in the
act commanded the attendance on that day of all mem-
bers who had been elected to the Parliament, and were
qualified according to the Petition and Advice.
On the twentieth of January, 1658, two Houses of
Parliament assembled.
Cromwell had nominated sixty-three members of the
newly-created second House. The nomination of this
1658. GKOMWELL'S PEERS. 133
assembly, which was designed to be a body superior to
the other House, and which would naturally provoke
comparisons with the old House of Lords, was neces-
sarily a difficult task ; and it is not astonishing that
Cromwell was not successful. As on the occasion of
his naming the Barebone's Parliament, he did his best
to procure the services of men of birth and station.
Seven English peers were called to the new House, the
Earls of Warwick, Manchester, and Mulgrave, Viscount
Say and Sele, Lords Falconbridge, Eure, and Wharton ;
but of these only Lord Falconbridge, who had married
Cromwell's daughter, and Lord Eure consented to sit.
Lord Broghill, an Irish peer, afterwards Earl of Orrery, a
restless intriguer through the whole period of the Civil
War and of the Commonwealth, and afterwards in the
reign of Charles the Second, and now a zealous supporter
of Cromwell, eagerly accepted a nomination. One Scotch
peer, the Earl of Cassilis, was nominated, and did not
sit. Lord Lisle, the eldest son of the Earl of Leicester,
the two sons of Lord Say and Sele, Montagu and
Howard, were on the list, together with most of Crom-
well's councillors and several of his officers. White-
locke, St. John, and Glyn represented the law. Of his
own family, Cromwell named his two sons, Eichard and
Henry, his brother-in-law Desborough, and son-in-law
Fleetwood, besides Lord Falconbridge : Lambert had
now quarrelled with him. Three of the members who
had been excluded from sitting in the Parliament in the
former year were named, Popham, Sir John Hobart, and
Sir Arthur Haselrig. Popham and Haselrig scorned the
proffered honour ; and it is difficult to understand how
134 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY. CHAP. V.
Cromwell could have expected Haselrig's acceptance.
Pride, Barkstead, Hewson, Goffe, Berry, and Thomas
Cooper, colonels in the army, who had originally pur-
sued various trades, and were not men of fortune or
social position, threw ridicule on this assemblage, and the
number of the more distinguished nominees who refused
to accept their nominations reduced this new " other
House" to about forty of Cromwell's personal adherents.
The debates in the two subsequent Parliaments, of which
full reports have been preserved, show the general con-
tempt felt for this assembly, and the large share which
this part of the new constitution had in creating diffi-
culties for Cromwell and his successor.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's name is not in the list
of Cromwell's " peers," as they came to be called. It is
clear that Cromwell had now no hope of gaming him.
It is stated, probably with truth, that Cromwell was
wont to say of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper that he
found no one so difficult to manage as that Marcus
Tullius Cicero, the little man with three names. 1 It
would seem, as was usually the case with Cooper, that
his political opposition to Cromwell was not attended
by personal enmity. In January 1658, the fine of five
hundred pounds which had been imposed on Cooper by
the Long Parliament as a composition for delinquency,
when he came over from the King's side, appears to have
been discharged by order of Cromwell on Cooper's peti-
tion. 2 A letter written by Cooper to Henry Cromwell,
the Protector's son, in the year 1657, has been preserved,
1 Martyn's Life, i. 168.
2 MS. memorandum among Lord Shaftesbury's papers.
1.658. LETTER TO HENRY CROMWELL. 135
the language of which indicates the greatest intimacy.
Henry Cromwell was at that time Lord Deputy in
Ireland, and Cooper addressed to him, on September 10,
1657, the following quaint and cordial letter :
"MY LORD AND FATHER, I hear from my brother
Moore l that your Lordship blames me for not answering
a letter of yours about some business. I really profess
I received none such, or else you mought have been
assured of an answer, for there is no person in the world
more desires to retain your Lordship's affection and
good opinion. You have many love his Highness' son,
but I love Henry Cromwell, were he naked, without all
those glorious additions and titles, which, however, I
pray may continue to be increased on you.
" My Lord, I must yet this once trouble you in the
behalf of my Lord Moore, for whom you have already
done so great favours. He has now prepared his busi-
ness fit for your last act of perfecting your goodness to
him, his Highness having referred it wholly to your
Lordship and the Council there. 'Tis not possible he
should buy any way but in land until his act pass, and
he have some for sale ; besides, the land he offers lies
so about Dublin, that it cannot but be convenient for
the State. If it be as they inform, I wish it in your
Lordship's possession on any pretence, and there will
be enough officious to get it confirmed yours ; but that
is only a fancy of iny own on the sudden.
" My request for myself is that you love me, and ever
believe there is no manner of expression enough to tell
you how really cordial and unchangeably I am, my Lord,
1 Viscount Moore of Drogheda, who had married a daughter of Lord
Spenser of Wormleighton, sister of Sir A. A. Cooper's third and present
wife : he was created Earl of Drogheda after the Restoration.
136 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
your Excellency's most devoted humble servant and
dutiful son,
" ANT. ASHLEY COOPER." x
When the Parliament met on the twentieth of January,
1658, under the new constitution of the " Petition and
Advice," Cooper and the other excluded members of the
year before took their seats in the House of Commons ;
and they took the prescribed oath of fidelity to the Pro-
tector as chief magistrate of the Commonwealth, binding
them to abstain from all designs against his person or
lawful authority.
The addition of the excluded members made the
House of Commons altogether unmanageable for Crom-
well. They had had no voice in the framing of the
Humble Petition and Advice, and they denied its
legality. On the day of meeting, the Black Kod sum-
moned the members of the House of Commons to " the
Lords' House," and there Cromwell addressed the two
Houses in a speech beginning with "My Lords and
Gentlemen of the House of Commons." No exception
was taken at the moment to the use of the word " Lords"
on these two occasions, but two days after a message
was announced by the Serjeant from " the Lords," and
the whole question of the title, powers, privileges, and
i This letter is printed from Thurloe's State Papers, vi. 506. It
escaped Mr. Martyn, who appears to have searched the Thurloe
Papers, and who makes the following statement : " Through the whole
collection of Secretary Thurloe's papers there is no mention made of
Sir Anthony but in two letters, wherein he is suspected among others
to be well-affected to the King, and to have remitted money to him."
(Life, i. 164, note.) I have not been able to find either of these two
alleged letters; and I have no doubt that any such suspicions were
without foundation.
1658. DEBATES ON "OTHER HOUSE/' 137
expediency of "the other House," was opened by the
excluded members. The message was brought by two
judges. Should the messengers be called in, was the
first question. Some opposition made to this, lest it
should be a recognition of the title " Lords " was over-
ruled, and the messengers were called in, gave their
message as from "the Lords," and withdrew. Then
came the question, should the messengers be recalled,
and told that the House would return an answer by
messengers of their own. Some were for giving no
answer at all, till the whole question of the other House
had been considered ; others were for saying that they
would return an answer to the other House 'by mes-
sengers of their own, to show that they did not recognise
the title " Lords ;" others again were for sending answer
simply that they would consider of the message. But it
was carried on a division by seventy-five votes to fifty-
one that the Speaker should inform the messengers
that the House would send an answer by messengers of
their own. It was understood that the whole question
of the other House would be debated in debating the
answer to be sent.
This had taken place on Friday, the twenty-second,
and on Monday, the twenty-fifth, Cromwell sent to both
Houses to attend him in the Banqueting House, and
addressing them this time, " My Lords and Gentlemen
of the two Houses of Parliament," made a long speech
on the difficulties of public affairs, and the necessity of
union. But it was of no use. The House of Commons,
on the twenty-eighth, appointed a Committee to attend
Cromwell and inform him, among other things, " that
138 LIFE OP SHAFTESBUKY. CHAP.
this House will take the matters imparted to them by
his Highness in his speech at the Banqueting House
into serious and speedy consideration ;" and Cromwell
highly resented that the House of Commons should
take upon itself to answer singly a speech which he had
addressed to both Houses. Still it was of no use. The
House resolved to enter on no private business for a
month, that they might devote themselves entirely to
the consideration of the Government. They proceeded
to debate the message from the other House, and this
debate went on from day to day till the fourth of
February, when Cromwell, seeing yet no probability of
an answer being returned to the "Lords' " message, dis-
solved the Parliament.
A member of this Parliament made copious notes of
the debates, which have been preserved and published. 1
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper took an active and leading
part in the opposition to the new constitution and the
new House of Lords. Five speeches of his are reported
in the debates on the message from the other House,
and summaries are given of very many more of his
speeches in the following Parliament under Eichard
Cromwell's short Protectorate. Though all these re-
ports are little more than skeletons of argument, and
the reporter has not taken pains with the language or to
preserve the speaker's style, they yet bear unmistakeably
the impress of that nervous and subtle oratory, of some
1 In the work known as the Diary of Thomas Burton, edited by J.
T. Rutt, 4 vols. 1828. Mr. Carlyle has raised doubts as to whether
the member was Burton, member for Westmoreland, and suggests that
it was more probably a Mr. Bacon (Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
ii. 545). The matter is not clear, one way or the other.
1658. SPEECHES ABOUT "OTHER HOUSE." 139
of whose efforts finished reports have been handed down
to us, and which, in the stormy days of the reign of
Charles the Second, rendered Shaftesbury so formidable
a leader of opposition.
The first position taken by Cooper in these debates
was that the House had to consider, not only what
answer they should return, but whether they should
return any answer at all. " Some," he said, " are neither
for another House nor for the title ; and if you put the
question to return an answer to the other House, you
tacitly admit such a House without further debate." l
The next day he seconded a motion of Sir Arthur
Haselrig's to have the question considered in Grand
Committee, that is, in a Committee of the whole House,
in which every member might speak on the same motion
any number of times, and every vote of which would
have to be reported to and re-affirmed by the House.
This motion was not carried, and the debate then turned
on what the first question to be decided should be,
the substance of the answer to be given or the title by
which the other House should be addressed. Cooper
made a speech in support of first considering the title,
which is thus quaintly reported : " I apprehend nobody
speaks of that notion which I have in my head. Your
order is very nice. You have a message from the Lords,
brought by the judges from the Lords. Unusual causes
produce unusual effects, and nothing so ordinary to
philosophers as to meet with such. I would rather have
us consider from whom that message is, and we can
better tell what answer to return." 2 After a long day's
i Burton's Diary, ii. 378, January 28. 2 Ib. ii. 401, Jan. 30.
140 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
debate, the House decided that the title should be first
considered. Haselrig then again tried to obtain a Com-
mittee of the whole House, and Cooper again supported
him. He followed the Solicitor-General, Ellis, who had
made a learned argument to show that, though the words
" House of Lords " did not occur in the Humble Petition
and Advice, it was clearly intended that "the other
House " should be a House of Lords. Cooper's speech
is thus reported. " I move to be turned into a Grand
Committee for three or four days. There is a great
deal more in it than appears. Admit Lords, and admit
all. It is fit that laws should be plain for the people.
We know what advantage the supreme magistrate and
the other House always get by the learned's interpreta-
tion of them." 1 By " admit Lords, and admit all,"
Cooper doubtless meant that the admission of the name
would involve the admission of a House of Lords accord-
ing to the old constitution, for such is his argument
in a second speech on this question of a Grand Com-
mittee, the last and the longest of his speeches in
this short session. He is then reported as follows,
February 3 :
" I am not of their opinion, that say there is nothing
in the name, and that, if you could get over that,
the fact would not stick ; but better abstain from
that than the people suffer. You are now upon the
brink and border of settlement, and, if you go further,
it may be you cannot stand. There is nothing but
a compliment to call a man Lord ; but if one call
himself lord of my manor, I shall be loth to give him
1 Burton, ii. 419, Feb. 2.
1658. SPEECHES ABOUT "OTHER HOUSE." 141
the title, lest he claim the manor. The gentlemen
of the long robe will tell you there is much in names.
The word King, they know, carries all. Words are the
keys of the cabinet of things. Let us first take the
people's jewels out before you part with that cabinet.
If we part with all first, when you come to abatement,
it is a question how you will redeem them. It was told
you by a learned gentleman that the writ makes them
no more than the Instrument 1 makes them, for the
Instrument makes them not peers for life, as the writ
does not. It is very clear. We are told it revives the
old Lords' House. I would fain know where the words
of revival be. The gentlemen of the long robe say
nothing of a revival."
Then with abrupt transition he answers another argu-
ment, that there must be some mode of address from the
one House to the other.
" There must be a way of address. I see no such
necessity, by the last Instrument. You passed laws
without the peers' consent after so many days. The
negative voice was denied the King. You know it was.
Thus laws passed without the King's concurrence. Con-
sider, let us not lay foundations that we may repent.
They must be extant for the future." 2
On the day on which this last speech was made, the
House divided on the question whether the motion for a
Grand Committee should be put, and the numbers were
equal. The Speaker was about to give his casting vote,
which would probably have been with the Noes, when
1 The Humble Petition and Advice.
2 Burton, ii. 435, February 3.
142 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. V.
Mr. Fagg, member for Sussex, stood up and asserted
that he and another member, Colonel Grosvenor, had
entered the House before the question was put, but that
their votes had not been counted. Mr. Fagg's vote was
allowed, and added to the Ayes, so that the first question
was carried. But the main question was immediately
afterwards negatived by ninety-three votes to eighty-
seven. It was therefore decided not to go into Grand
Committee. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was one of
the tellers for the Ayes in the division on the main
question.
On the day following this close division, Cromwell,
dissatisfied with the small majority, dissolved the Par-
liament. This was Oliver Cromwell's last Parliament.
Seven months after the dissolution, on the third of
September, 1658, he died.
The Petition and Advice had empowered Cromwell to
declare, during his lifetime, his successor in the Pro-
tectorship ; and soon after this power was confirmed, he
had nominated in writing his son-in-law Fleetwood.
But differences afterwards arose between Cromwell and
Fleetwood, and now, on his death-bed, Oliver verbally
nominated his eldest son Eichard his successor, in the
presence of Fiennes, the first Commissioner of the Great
Seal, Thurloe, and three other witnesses. The paper in
which Fleetwood had been more formally appointed was
at the same time searched for by Cromwell's desire, but
could not be found. Fleetwood, however, afterwards
waived all claims arising out of this document, if it
should be found; and Eichard took his father's place
without dispute.
1658. CKOMWELL'S DEATH. 143
From the dissolution of the Parliament in February
till Oliver Cromwell's death in September we have no
information about Cooper; but we find him again a
member of the Parliament soon called by Eichard
Cromwell, and there waging as fierce a war as he had
waged under Oliver against the Petition and Advice
and its House of Lords.
CHAPTEE VI.
16581659.
Eichard Cromwell proclaimed Protector The military commanders
jealous of his civilian advisers A Parliament called for January 27,
1659 Members for England and Wales elected under old constitution
Scotch and Irish members according to Instrument of Government,
but not to sit till approved Cromwell's peers summoned by writs of
old House of Lords Cooper elected for Wiltshire and Poole Sits
for Wiltshire Debates on bill for recognition of Eichard Cromwell
sProtector Cooper's many speeches The "Other House" Ques-
tion of transacting with it Cooper's long speech against time
Cooper's taunts against one of Cromwell's peers for changes His
abuse of Cromwell House of Commons agrees to transact with
other House during this Parliament Unsuccessful attempt to settle
revenue on Eichard Cromwell Message to other House as to a day
of humiliation Discussions thereon Quarrel between Eichard
Cromwell and the military chiefs Eesolutions of House of Com-
mons against the army Eichard Cromwell orders dissolution of
Council of Officers Fleetwood and Desborough rally the army, and
force Eichard Cromwell to dissolve Parliament Fall of Eichard
Cromwell.
THE Council assembled immediately after Cromwell's
death, and unanimously resolved to recognise his death-
bed nomination of his eldest son Eichard as his suc-
cessor. His brother-in-law Fleetwood, the Lieutenant-
General of the army, cordially concurred in this
decision, declaring that, if the written instrument by
which he had been nominated should hereafter be
found, he would regard it as null. Desborough, the
brother-in-law of Oliver, and the next in position to
Fleetwood of the military commanders, while his
1658. EICHAED CROMWELI/S ACCESSION. 145
superior in energy and influence, also zealously sup-
ported in the Council Eichard's succession. On the
following day Richard Cromwell was proclaimed Pro-
tector in London, without the slightest sign of opposi-
tion. The support of Fleetwood and Desborough had
carried that of the army. No opposition appeared in
any part of the Commonwealth, in England, Scotland,
or Ireland. Henry Cromwell, who governed as Deputy
in Ireland, gave a willing support to his brother. Monk,
the Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, declared his more
important adhesion. Addresses of congratulation came
in succession from all the counties and cities of the
three countries, and from the army. 1 The Eoyalists and
Eepublicans, who had both hoped that the death of
Cromwell would make an opening for their respective
causes, saw with surprise the tranquil succession of
Eichard; and for a few months it seemed as if the
feeble Eichard, succeeding by a doubtful title to an
usurped power, was to retain it free from the troubles
and difficulties which had ever vexed and thwarted the
great mind of Oliver.
The support of the army had placed Eichard where
he was. From the army came the first sign of trouble ;
and the army ultimately displaced him. The military
chiefs, who had zealously supported his succession to
the Protectorship, thought that, as he was a civilian, he
ought to relinquish the command-in-chief of the army,
and wished him to transfer it to Fleetwood. The army
generally approved this idea. Eichard, counselled by
1 Phillips's Continuation of Sir K. Baker's Chronicle, pp. 635, 636,
ed. 1684.
VOL. I. L
146 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
Thurloe, Fiennes, St. John, Pierpoint, and other civilians,
and following also the advice of Monk, resisted the pro-
posals of the officers, and determined to retain in his
own hands the command of the army. 1 Fleet wood, Des-
borough, and their friends, now became jealous of the
influence of Eichard's civilian counsellors, and com-
plained that they themselves were treated with ingrati-
tude. Eichard hoped that by calling a Parliament,
which the wants of his treasury rendered absolutely
necessary, he should bring to his side a power which
would hold in check the rising turbulence of the
military chiefs.
Writs were issued for a Parliament to meet on the
twenty-seventh of January, 1659. Some difficulties
had presented themselves to the Council as regards the
election of this Parliament. The last Parliament had
not made a new scheme of representation, as the Humble
Petition and Advice had enjoined. How then were the
members of the House of Commons to be elected
according to the scheme of the extinct Instrument of
Government, or according to the old law of England ?
But under the old constitution, Scotland and Ireland
were not united with England, and there was no law for
the election of Scotch and Irish members to a common
Parliament. The Council determined that the members
for England and Wales should be elected according to
the old law of the land, and that thirty members, the
1 Other leading advisers of Richard Cromwell were Dr. Wilkins,
afterwards Bishop of Chester, Lord Broglull, afterwards Earl of Orrery,
Colonel Philip Jones, and George Montagu, second son of the Earl of
Manchester (Ludlow, ii. 632 ; Pepys's Diary, i. 104 ; Clarendon State
Papers, iii. 421, 423).
1659. PARLIAMENT SUMMONED. 147
number prescribed by the Instrument of Government,
should be elected severally for Scotland and Ireland
according to the provisions of that constitution, but that
they should not be admitted to sit till the consent of the
members for England and Wales was given. With
regard to the " other House/' a question arose as to the
way in which they were to be summoned, and it was
determined to summon them by the same writs as had
been in use for the House of Lords, under the old con-
stitution. Those whom Oliver Cromwell had nominated
members of the "other House" were summoned, without
any addition. 1
The reason for reverting to the old constitution for the
election of the English members was doubtless that it
gave more scope for the exercise of government influ-
ence than the more popular scheme of representation
which had been provided by the Instrument of Govern-
ment. Eichard Cromwell soon found trouble, where he
had sought help. An indefatigable Opposition, com-
posed of Eepublicans and Presbyterians, among the
latter of whom many were now looking to the restora-
tion of the royal family, and some were secretly in
correspondence with the royal exile, endeavoured to re-
open the whole question of the constitution and Eichard
Cromwell's power ; and in three short months, Fleetwood
and the army suppressed the Parliament and drove
Eichard Cromwell from the Protectorate.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was returned to this
Parliament for Wiltshire and for Poole. For Poole
there was a double return, which was decided in his
1 Ludlow, ii. 616.
L2
148 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
favour ; and he elected, after this decision, to sit for
Wiltshire. 1
The same member whose reports enabled us accurately
to trace Cooper's course in the last session of Oliver
Cromwell's last Parliament, continued to take copious
notes in the present one ; and we find Cooper a constant
and leading speaker in opposition. The Diarist records
Cooper's first coming into the House, on the fifth of
February, as if he were a man of much consequence. 2
A few days after the Parliament met, a bill for the
recognition of Eichard Cromwell's title was proposed to
the House of Commons by Thurloe, the Secretary of
State. The introduction of this bill led to protracted
discussions, in which every objection that casuistry
could suggest was employed by the opponents of the
Government. The bill having been read a second time
without a division, a debate was immediately opened by
Haselrig on the question of going into committee, which
lasted from the seventh of February to the fourteenth.
The validity of the Humble Petition and Advice,
1 Comm. Joiirn. March 30, 1659 ; Burton, iv. 308.
2 Burton, iii. 80. Attention was called this day (Feb. 5) to Ludlow's
sitting in the House without taking the prescribed oath, and a debate
arose, which was interrupted by a member noticing the presence of a
man named King, who had been sitting in the House not having been
elected a member, and distributing pamphlets among the members.
It was moved to send King to the Tower ; several members, and
among others Sir A. A. Cooper, suggested Newgate, arguing that to
send him to the Tower would be to give him too much importance.
It was resolved to send him to Newgate. He was discharged two
days after, being adjudged mad. The debate about Ludlow was not
resumed, and he managed to continue to sit without taking the oath.
(Memoirs, ii. 619.) Later, on the same day, a motion was made to
appoint a Committee about the maintenance of clergymen in Wales.
Cooper spoke, and is thus reported : " There is a vast treasure arising
out of these revenues. I never heard of any account. I have passed
through Wales, and found churches all unsupplied, except a few
grocers or such persons that have formerly served for two years."
1659. OPPOSITION TO EICHAED CEOMWELL. 149
enacted by a Parliament from which a large number
of members had been excluded, was again impugned. It
was argued that Cromwell's nomination of his son
Eichard by word of mouth on his death-bed, and not
by a written instrument, was insufficient, even if the
validity of the Humble Petition and Advice were ad-
mitted. Abuse and derision were lavished on the so-
styled House of Lords. It was contended that the bill
should confirm the people's rights and the privileges of
the House of Commons at the same time that it con-
firmed the Protector's title, and a preliminary resolution
limiting the Protector's powers and securing the House
of Commons in the two points of the " militia " and the
u negative voice " was called for. Verbal questions were
raised, such as those which had made so large a part of
the discussions on the Instrument of Government in
1654 : it having been proposed, for instance, to "recog-
nise" Eichard Cromwell as Protector, the Opposition
contended that the word " recognise " implied a power
independent of the Parliament, and proposed to sub-
stitute "declare;" by way of compromise, the Govern-
ment party added "declare" to "recognise," and
withdrew the word " undoubted " before " Protector," to
which the Opposition had made great objections. 1 Such
were the topics urged by a multitude of speakers, chiefly
Eepublicans, during an eight days' debate. Cooper
warmly supported the proposal for a resolution saving
the rights of the Parliament, and suggested the passing
of another resolution, such as had been passed in
1 Some members objected to "recognise," as a French word.
Ludlow says that some proposed to "agnize." (Memoir, ii. 634.)
150 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
discussing the Instrument of Government in 1654,
that nothing should be binding till the whole bill was
passed. Cooper's speech is thus reported :
" You have the same state* of things now before you
as you had in the Parliament of 1654, our judgments
differing. A recognition was then proposed. It was
said that it was not consistent with the care, wisdom,
and gravity of this House, to pass the interest of the
single person but with the interest of the people. At
length a previous vote was agreed upon, that nothing in
that should be of force, unless the whole did pass. That
which is now proposed is thought impracticable, but it
was not so then.
" You are now upon a Petition and Advice which it
is told you is a law, and if you say so, the judges will
say so. Never was so absolute a government. If the
Florentine and he that sate in the great chair of the
world 1 had all met together, they could not have made
anything so absolute. Is there not another House
sitting that claims a negative over you? When you
have passed this, what is wanting ? Nothing but
monies,
" State the case. The Petition and Advice is neces-
sary to stand. A Parliament is freely chosen, and we
1 Machiavel and Pope Alexander the Sixth. There is doubtless an
omission here, as " all " must refer to more than two. The omission
may be supplied from a speech of Mr. Hobart, later in the debates,
and from a passage in Slingsby Bethel's " Narrative" of this Parlia-
ment. Mr. Hobart is reported as saying, February 28 : " For this
Petition and Advice, if Pope Alexander and Cardinal Csesar Borgia
and Machiavel should all consent together, they could not lay a foun-
dation for a more absolute tyranny. " (Diary, iii. 543). Bethel, in his
Narrative of the proceedings of this Parliament, printed in the sixth
volume of the Somers Tracts speaks of the Opposition party as
' ' showing that if Pope Alexander the Sixth, Csesar Borgia, and their
cabal had all laid their heads together, they could not have framed a
thing more dangerous and destructive to the liberty of the people than
is the Petition and Advice."
1659. SPEECHES ON " OTHER HOUSE." 151
own it. We go home by some necessity of state. Then
does not the Petition and Advice outlive us ? This may
happen, and produce inconveniences to us ; to the Pro-
tector none. Is not this security to him that he shall
be put in the great magna charta ?
" If the Petition and Advice by piece-meal comes to
be confirmed, we may not feel the smart of the Petition
and Advice in this man's time. It may happen in
another's. It may not sound well in after ages, to have
things so uncertain and liable to disputes. The laws
left doubtful, we have not been faithful to his Highness.
"I move to assert his authority together with the
liberty of the people. This will be security and in-
demnity to all. Put the case, that you should vote him
Chief Magistrate only, and then leave him to the ancient
laws to expound what that means. Shall we not leave
him to those ancient doubts and disputes which have
cost us so much blood ?
" Englishmen's minds are free, and better taught in
their liberties now than ever. A Parliament cannot
enslave the people. It may happen in after ages that
the people may claim their liberties over again. I
would have the addition and the question go all to-
gether. "We have left a bone of contention to posterity,
I fear. We may rise before all be perfected, for some
reason of state. It is not against the orders of the
House to put them together. I. would have them put
together. Let them go hand in hand." 1
Later, he made a short speech against the word
"recognise," arguing that it would take in the whole
Petition and Advice: "The word recognise goes to
things, and not to persons. I appeal to the long-robe
1 Burton, iii. 227, Feb. 11.
152 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. VI.
men, if recognise take not in all the laws, Petition and
Advice, and all powers given by that." 1 And again, it
having been urged that to carry a preliminary restriction
in the interest of the people would really be doing
nothing, as unless a clause to the same effect were
carried in committee, nothing would be secured in the
bill, Cooper replied that there would be no record in the
Journals of a clause proposed in committee and rejected :
" Votes will remain on our books when we are gone, and
it will appear that we had also care of the people. You
will have it committed, and nothing appear. I would
have both appear on our books together." 2
On the fourteenth of February, immediately after this
last short speech of Cooper's, two resolutions were
adopted by the House. The first, "that it be part of
this bill to recognise and declare his Highness, Eichard,
Lord Protector, to be the Lord Protector and Chief
Magistrate of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the
dominions and territories thereunto belonging," was
carried on a division by 223 votes to 134. After this
resolution was carried, Mr. Trevor, one of Eichard
Cromwell's party, who became Secretary of State under
Charles the Second, offered a resolution "that before
this bill be committed, this House do declare such addi-
tional clauses to be part of the bill as may bound the
power pf the Chief Magistrate, and fully secure the
rights and privileges of Parliament and the liberties and
rights of the people ; and that neither this nor any other
previous vote that is or shall be passed in order to this
bill shall be of force or binding to the people until the
1 Burton, iii. 276, Feb. 14. 2 Ibid. iii. 286, Feb. 14.
1659. SPEECHES ON " OTHER HOUSE." 153
whole bill be passed." This resolution, which was
intended as a concession to the Opposition, was passed
without a division, Thurloe alone saying " No " to it.
The consideration of the additional clauses was begun
on the seventeenth. 1 The Opposition were for beginning
with the limits of the Protector's power, and more par-
ticularly with the question of his veto, or negative voice ;
the Government party contended, on the other hand,
that the question of the other House should be first
settled. Cooper, as usual, sided with the Opposition :
" The bounding the single person is the most proper
thing in debate, and I apprehended we had now been
upon the Chief Magistrate's limitations. It is objected
that men cannot vote unless they know whether there
shall be another House. That objection is made as if
we were constituting a new commonwealth. If that
should be, then, unless you know what power your
single person shall have, how will you declare the power
of the other House, for this will still lie in your way ?
I have not heard that debated yet, whether we are upon
the footing of the Petition and Advice, or on a new
foundation, or on the old Constitution. I think we are
yet to be supposed to be upon the foot of the old Con-
stitution, unless something appears to the contrary.
1 On February 16, a motion was made by Mr. Bulkeley, a supporter
of Richard Cromwell's Government, to accuse Henry Nevil, the well-
known Republican, and author of " Plato Redivivus," of atheism and
blasphemy. The object was to prove Nevill disqualified to sit, the
existing law requiring that members should be " persons fearing God
and of good conversation," and thus to get rid of an Opposition mem-
ber. Many defended Nevill, and objected to such a charge being made
on hearsay : among others Cooper, who said : "A motion of this nature
ought to be made clearly out. To make a man an offender for a word
is hard. Manifest and open offences may be punished with more
severity. I would have the charge clear, that the defence may also
be clear and certain." (Burton, iii. 300.) In the end, after an
animated four hours' debate, the matter was dropped.
154 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. VI.
Therefore, I would not have us surprised in a vote.
We may by this put a limitation upon this that we
mean not of, and, instead of bounding the Supreme
Magistrate, be rather bounding the liberty of parlia-
ments." 1
It was decided by an overwhelming majority, 217
to 86, that the question of the other House should be
taken first.
The next day it was resolved without a division that
it should be part of the bill to declare that the Parlia-
ment consisted of two Houses. Then came the question
of the powers of the second House. A discursive debate
arose on this question. Various members of the Oppo-
sition contended for the rights of the old House of Lords,
at any rate for the rights of those of its members who
had not forfeited for delinquency. Some of the Govern-
ment party, by way of avoiding this question, proposed
that it should at once be resolved that the members of
the other House should not be hereditary ; others pro-
posed to take into consideration the powers of the
other House, and to begin with the judicial powers.
Cooper spoke for determining first whether the other
House should consist of the old Lords or of Cromwell's
nominees, before entering into the question of their
powers :
" If you would have us all of one mind, your question
must be as clear as may be. The first question ought
to be, whether there be a right or no : for where there
is a right (in all the actions of a man's life) there is a
duty ; and then matter of convenience or inconvenience
1 Burton, iii. 335, Feb. 18.
1659. SPEECHES ON " OTHER HOUSE/' 155
is out of doors. Two rights are offered to be in being :
one of the old Lords ; the other of the other House, or
new Lords, who have already a vast power in their
hands, and dangerous to the people. Some tell you the
right of one House, some of another. I offer it to you
that it is not fit, and if it may not be dangerous, to
prejudge or preclude either of their rights, before you
agree to the persons. If there be a right, then all their
boundaries must be offered to them, whether they will
pass them or not ; and I have seldom found men in
power to part with it on easy terms. It is therefore
necessary to be decided, how far we are to deliberate
and restrain them in this point. Seeing great rights are
claimed on both sides, let me be satisfied in that point
first, before I can give my vote. The consideration of
the persons is most natural. One while it is argued for
right, pro and con, and persons differ; and then they
fly off to conveniency. Matter of right and conveniency
are two different things. Therefore, now take into con-
sideration these two claims. Consider first whether the
old Lords or new Lords have a right or no, and then go
on to bound them." *
1 Burton, iii. 418, Feb. 22. On the previous day. Cooper had
joined in urging the release from prison of George Villiers, Duke of
Buckingham, on the engagement of his father-in-law, Lord Fairfax.
This Duke, who became very celebi'ated in the next reign, and closely
connected in politics with Shaftesbury, both in the so-called Cabal
ministry and afterwards, had been sent to the Tower by Oliver Crom-
well in August, 1658, as a royalist intriguer ; and he was now a pri'
soner in Windsor Castle. Cooper said he had "not so much as a
correspondence with this person," with whom in the next reign he
was so intimately associated. He urged strongly the claims of Fairfax
on the gratitude and respect of the Parliament. " Let it not be thought,
whatever is in our hearts, that we shall have ingratitude to that
person that offered the petition. The care that Lord Fairfax will have
of him in his family will be beyond all security you can care for. You
may well trust him. " Buckingham was released, on his engagement
on his honour at the bar of the House, and on Lord Fairfax's engage-
ment in 20,000, for his quiet behaviour and abstinence from intrigues
against the Government. (Burton, iii. 370.)
156 LIFE OF SHAJTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
One of the Court party now proposed that the ques-
tion should be, whether the House would transact with
the other House now sitting, as with a House of Parlia-
ment : and on this question a discussion lasted for nine
days. Arthur Annesley, the future Earl of Anglesey, a
leading member of the Presbyterian party, proposed an
addition to the question of a clause saving the rights of
the old Peers. Cooper spoke zealously both against the
proposal to transact and against Annesley's saving
clause :
" As to the old Lords, it is the way to destroy their
rights which you take to pursue them. This is a saving
that destroys the right. You bar their claim utterly by
this, whereas you know not but their claim may come
in more clearly. You make them and their interest
your everlasting enemies. A few new men, but in the
room of old men, what will the nation say? Let us
consider what we can say to posterity. The remaining
part of that famous Long Parliament would in the issue
have rendered their designs famous. Your laws and
liberties are all gone. Two negatives are in one hand.
An army is in your legislature, and 1,300,000/. per
annum for ever. To say that a law made under force
shall be a good law, and binding in reason, is against
all reason. That about the Bill of Sales is but argumen-
tum ad hominem. If our neighbours say we look well,
that will not satisfy; we must examine if we be well.
I have sat sixteen years here, ventured my life and
bought lands, and my friends and interest have done so.
I always hoped, whenever you came to settlement, you
would confirm all these sales. True, a possessory title
of Chief Magistrate was never questioned in Parliament,
but this is upon another foot, the Petition and Advice.
1659. SPEECHES ON " OTHER HOUSE." 157
Now are you satisfied of that claim? Is there that
done that will pass 40/. per annum, and yet are passing
three nations into the hands of some few persons to
them and their heirs for ever ? If there be a necessity
upon us now, where will the necessity be afterwards ?
Where will be our posterity ? You might have had as
good a government three hundred years ago. What are
you at present but a House of Parliament and a single
person? Is there any such difference than when the
Parliament was in 54 ? You must either transact, it is
said, with them, or you must not transact at all. There
is no such need. Are we bound to this or that other
House ? We are not bound. It may be they will sit
without us. I had rather they did so and raised money,
than that we should so bind ourselves as to be but
bailiffs and servants to them. It is but a shoeing-horn
to tell us the right of the old Lords is preserved by this.
I cannot consent to transact, because it is against the
rights of others, the rights of this House, and the rights
of the nation. If you think you have no need of bounds
nor approving, pass your question singly, and then I
am sure you are bound for ever. If you will put it, put
it singly. It shall have my negative." 1
And again :
" It is impossible to save the rights of others, if you
i Burton, iv. 50, March 7. On March 4, Cooper had made a short
speech on the same subject : "I would not have things misrepresented
to the House. I was here last Parliament, and the constitution of the
other House was disputed all along, and their co-ordinate power
denied still, else we had not been so soon dissolved." (iv. 14.) On
February 24, he had made a long speech, on a proposal by Thurloe,
the Secretary, to equip a fleet for support of a mediation by England
in the war between Sweden and Denmark, objecting to leaving the
question in the hands of the Protector and Council, as was proposed,
and claiming the power of peace and war for the Parliament. It was
ultimately referred to the Protector to prepare a fleet, with a proviso,
" saving the interest of this House in the militia and in making of
peace and war." (Burton, iii. 465, 493.)
158 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
own these upon that foot that they are. You cannot alter
one bit of it without their consent. Their number is to
be but seventy. If sixty already, how can that clause
of yours be practised or put in execution ? Now this
may be mended, but when you have once owned them,
you must stay their leisure. If these would give their
places to old Lords, there is one negative upon you still;
so you put two bars before their rights to bring in
the old Lords upon the Petition and Advice : upon that
foot, I should for ever abhor them, and myself for doing
it. Upon this new foot, jou cannot restore them;
though I honour them as much as any man, and wish
they were restored, but rather never see a Lord than
have them on such a foot. I would have the question
put singly, that we may not be surprised in our votes." 1
Almost immediately after this speech, Annesley's pro-
viso was put to the vote, and was carried by a majority of
seven. The main question for transacting was then about
to be put, when the Commonwealth men, seeing how
close the last division had been, called attention to the
Scotch and Irish members, and required that their right
to vote should be inquired into and decided upon before
any further proceedings were taken. The Court party
opposed this, but were obliged to give way ; and it was
not until the twenty-eighth of March that, the right of
the Scotch and Irish members having been affirmed
after very long debates, the question of transacting with
the other House was resumed. 2 Then another proposed
1 Burton, iv. 83, March 8.
2 Cooper had been active in the discussions on the right of the Scotch
and Irish members, doing of course all he could, as an opponent of the
Government, to prevent 'their being recognised. He spoke on March
9, 18, and 22, on this question. On March 9, a motion being made by
Mr. "Rulkeley, during the debate about the Scotch and Irish members,
1659. SPEECHES ON " OTHER HOUSE." 159
addition to the question was discussed, the effect of
which would have been to postpone the transacting with
the other House until it had been approved and bounded
by that House. Cooper supported. this addition.
" I have observed the fortune of the old Peers, that
the saving of their rights is the asserting of the rights
of these, which is the most destructive to them that can
be. It is clearly a putting others in their place, and is
setting up a thing that is quite contrary. The saving
of their rights is the clear proscription of their rights-
You are upon the greatest piece of prerogative that ever
was. At once you give him a whole negative in this
other House. You give him the greatest prerogative
that ever Prince had. While you have an eye to the
other House, you overlook one whole negative, and
reserve but half a negative to yourself. I think that
those additions of bounding and approving do well suit
with the new Constitution, and reach not the old." *
This proposal was rejected, and then the House came
to the main question. Scot now moved to insert the
words " during this present Parliament," and this
to declare any attempt either on the person of the Protector or on the
House to be high treason, Cooper urged the postponement. " I like
the thing very well, but it comes not in seasonably. Be the thing never
so good, it ought not to break in upon this debate. Divert not upon
this question." On March 16, he warmly supported a motion for
releasing Major-General Overton from imprisonment in Jersey, and
annulling the warrant under Cromwell's hand by which he had been
committed in 1655. "I would not only have the warrant voted
illegal, but the causes expressed, that it may appear upon your books,
which will not appear by the warrant. I would have it further added,
as another cause, that he was sent where a habeas corpus will not
reach him. I am clearly of opinion, and all the long-robe at the
Committee of Guernsey are of that opinion, that a habeas corpus
lies not to Jersey. I would have a precedent. The case of Berwick
differs much from it. They are a part of England, and send burgesses
hither." (Burton, iv. 158.)
1 Burton, iv. 284, March 28.
160 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY. CHAP. VI.
motion was supported by Cooper in a long speech,
which was regarded by the Diarist as one against time.
" Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper," he says, " made a long
speech till the House was fuller of those of his party,
and moved to second the motion that they be but for
this Parliament, and would have them bounded in
time." 1 This speech was afterwards printed in full,
and separately published, and, if it was delivered as
printed, was a very elaborate oration, intended to pro-
duce a great effect. It is a very fierce attack on the
existing order of things, on Oliver Cromwell, and on
"the other House;" and some individuals among Crom-
well's Lords are singled out for bitter personality. The
whole speech may be read at the end of the volume : 2
one extract will here suffice :
" What I shall speak of their quality, or anything
else concerning them, I would be thought to speak with
distinction, and to intend only of the major part ; for I
acknowledge, Mr. Speaker, the mixture of the other
House to be like the composition of apothecaries, who
mix something grateful to the taste to qualify their
bitter drugs, which else, perhaps, would be immediately
spit out and never swallowed. So, Sir, his Highness
of deplorable memory to this nation, to countenance as
well the want of quality as of honesty in the rest, has
nominated some against whom there lies no other
reproach but only that nomination ; but not out of any
respect to their quality or regard to their virtues, but
1 Burton, iv. 286. The Diarist remarks that neither Haselrig nor
Vane was in the House on this occasion, but that Haselrig came in at
one o'clock and Vane later. The opponents of the Government had
endeavoured, just before Cooper made his long speech, to obtain an
adjournment of the House for an hour, but had not succeeded.
2 Appendix IV.
SPEECHES ON "OTHER HOUSE." 161
out of regard to the no-quality, the no-virtues of the
rest ; which truly, Mr. Speaker, if he had not done,
we could easily have given a more express name to this
other House than he hath been pleased to do : for we
know a house designed for beggars and malefactors is
a house of correction, and so termed by our law ; but,
Mr. Speaker, setting those few persons aside, who, I
hope, think the nomination a disgrace and their ever
coming to sit there a much greater can we without
indignation think of the rest ? He, who is first in their
roll, a condemned coward; one that out of fear and
baseness did once what he could to betray our liberties,
and now does the same for gain. 1 The second, a person
of as little sense as honesty ; preferred for no other
reason but his no- worth, his no-conscience; except
cheating his father of all he had was thought a virtue
by him, who by sad experience we find hath done as
much for his mother his country. The third, a Cavalier,
a Presbyterian, an Independent ; for the Eepublic, for
a Protector, for everything, for nothing, but only that
one thing money. 2 It were endless, Sir, to run through
them all; to tell you of the lordships of seventeen
pounds a year land of inheritance ; of the farmer lord-
ships, draymen lordships, cobbler lordships, 3 without one
1 Nathaniel Fiennes, second son of Viscount Save and Sele, who had,
in the beginning of the Civil War, surrendered Bristol to the King's
army without making any defence, and had been condemned to death
by a court-martial, but pardoned by the Earl of Essex, the General-in-
ehief. He was now first Commissioner of the Great Seal, and one of
Uichard Cromwell's chief advisers. His father and a younger brother,
J ohn, were also named by Cromwell members of the House of Lords :
the father did not sit.
2 Supposed to be Lord Broghill, after the Restoration created Earl
of Orrery ; a poet and play-writer, as well as a versatile and ambitious
politician.
3 Colonel Pride, one of the lords, had been a brewer, and is said to
have begun as a drayman ; and Colonel Hewson, another lord, had been
a shoemaker.
VOL. I. M
162 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
foot of land but what the blood of Englishmen has been
the price of. These, Sir, are to be our rulers, these the
judges of our lives and fortunes ; to these we are to
stand bare, whilst their pageant lordships deign to give
us a conference on their breeches. Mr. Speaker, we
have already had too much experience how insup-
portable servants are when they become our masters.
All kinds of slavery are miserable in the account of
generous minds ; but that which comes accompanied
with scorn and contempt stirs up every man's indig-
nation, and is endured by none whom nature does not
intend for slaves as well as fortune."
It has been suggested that this speech was too strong
to have been either spoken or at the time published ; l
but there is a multitude of speeches equally strong
reported in the Diary which has been so often quoted ;
and as to publication, there would have been no obstacle
a month later, after Eichard Cromwell's fall ; indeed it
is probably then that the speech was published. As a
composition, the published speech is remarkable ; and,
like the published speeches of Shaftesbury's later career,
it gives manifold proofs of the author's literary ability.
The strong language against Oliver Cromwell, from one.
who had for a time acted with him and been of his
Council, is either revolting inconsistency, or to be taken
as a proof that he had conscientiously given his support
to Cromwell in the hope of obtaining through him a
settlement of the nation under a good government, and
had afterwards conscientiously withdrawn from him,
because unable to approve his measures. It has been
1 By the editors of the old "Parliamentary History."
1659. ABUSE OF CROMWELL AND HIS PEERS. 163
seen that there is no certain knowledge of the causes
of Cooper's separation from Cromwell. It is difficult
to understand how Cooper, with all his changes, could
have ventured to reproach any one else as " a Cavalier,
a Presbyterian, an Independent ; for the Kepublic, for
a Protector, for everything," even though his conscience
acquitted him of liability to be justly assailed in return
with the culminating taunt, "for nothing, but only
that one thing money." Cooper's pecuniary disinterest-
edness could not be called in question. It may be fairly
said that such vehement reproaches could not have
been publicly uttered by one who had been a tool or
flatterer of Cromwell, or under personal obligations to
him, for very many would be eager to retort upon him
and expose his own political changes ; and there is no
sign in the copious reports of the Diary of Cooper's
being twitted by any of his numerous adversaries in the
House with inconsistency or ingratitude. In one of
his speeches in this Parliament he had openly expressed
his regret at Cromwell's violent dissolution of the Eump,
declaring his belief that " the remaining part of that
famous long Parliament would in the issue have ren-
dered their designs famous." /'How easy would it have
been for any Government supporter to reproach him
in reply with having accepted, soon after this disso-
lution, a nomination to the Barebone's Parliament, and
having then again soon after aided in establishing
the Protectorate ! And, had he been so reproached,
how natural a defence that, regretting Cromwell's con-
duct, he had thought it his duty as a good citizen to
give aid in making the best of the situation, and 1 ad
M 2
164 LIFE OF SHAFTESBCJRY. CHAP. VI.
aided Cromwell as long as his conscience permitted,
but no longer !
The additional words proposed by Scot and supported
by Cooper, for limiting the recognition of the other
House to the term of duration of the present Parliament,
were carried ; and after an unsuccessful attempt, which
Cooper also supported, to strengthen the limitation by
further words, " and no longer unless confirmed by Act
of Parliament," the question of transacting with the
other House was at last brought to an issue, and the
following resolution was affirmed on the 28th of March
by 198 votes to 125: "That this House will transact
with the persons now sitting in the other House as a
House of Parliament during this present Parliament,
and that it is not hereby intended to exclude such peers
as have been faithful to the Parliament from their
privilege of being duly summoned as members of
that House."
No sooner had the question of the " other House "
been disposed of, and it had been settled to transact
with them, than Mr. Bulkeley, one of the constant sup-
porters of the Government, proposed, on the twenty- ninth
of March, a bill for settling taxes for the life of Eichard
Cromwell, Protector, and for a certain time after his
death. The proposal was strongly opposed, and by none
more strongly than Cooper. He opposed the introduc-
tion of the bill, but unsuccessfully : a few days later he
. proposed by way of amendment a resolution that after
the end or other determination of the Parliament, no
law of excise should be of force, and no excise should be
levied. His speech on this occasion is thus reported :
1659. REVENUE BILL REFUSED. 165
" Will you settle this revenue, and not in the body
of your government, to see what your money shall go
to support ? It is not yet said what hand you shall
have in anything. Once declare money, they may go
on without you.
"The money [that] is paid already, I would have
you put no discountenance upon it. Make a previous
vote, that after this present parliament none shall pre-
sume to levy this duty. That will keep it afoot this
parliament ; and in the mean time, you may settle it.
Nobody can complain why they want money if we be
dissolved. If you have not time to grant it, and be
willing to it, you are excused.
" I shall offer this previous vote ; and he read it
and put it to the table. He said it was not his own,
but Mr. Nevill's. ' Resolved and declared, that no law
for excise shall be of force, nor excise levied, after the
end or other determination of this parliament.' " l
Such a resolution, but even more extensive in its
terms, applying not only to excise, but also to customs
and all other imposts, was passed without a division ;
and the object of the Government in proposing the bill
was thwarted. The resolution was, that after the ter-
mination of the Parliament no tax of any sort could
be levied under any previous law or ordinance, unless
it had been expressly sanctioned by this House. This
was intended as a check on dissolution, and probably
accelerated it.
Four days later, on the fifth of April, the House
resolved on a declaration for a day of fasting and
humiliation through the three nations; and it was
1 Burton, iv. 324, April 1.
166 LIFE OF SHAJTESBURY. CHAP. VI.
settled after a renewed short discussion about the
" other House/' that its title should be " A Declaration
of the Lord Protector and both Houses of Parliament."
It then became the subject of the first " transaction"
with the "other House;" but not till after much dis-
cussion as to the mode in which the " other House"
should be communicated with, and the appointment of a
committee to consider the forms. The House resolved,
on the recommendation of the committee : 1. " That
such messages as shall be sent from this House to the
other House shall be carried by members of this House;"
and 2. " That such messages as shall be sent from the
other House to this House shall not be received, unless
brought by members of their own number." The second
resolution was carried against the Government by 127
votes to 114. The message was at last sent up on the
fourteenth of April, entrusted to one member, Mr. Grove,
the original mover for a day of fasting. The Diarist
accompanied him to the " other House," and thus reports
what passed this day on that subject :
" I came late and found the House in debate about
Mr. Grove's going to the other House with the De-
claration for the fast. Mr. Grove desired instructions
whether we might stay for an answer. Mr. Bodurda.
It is not rational that he should come away without an
answer. I only know two cases where a messenger
does not stay for an answer : 1. when a herald goes to
proclaim war, 2. when an apparitor comes to serve a
citation ; he claps it upon the door and runs away for
fear of a beating. Mr. Salway. I perceive they are not
sitting in the other House ; most of them are at Wai-
1659. MESSAGE TO " OTHEK HOUSE." 167
ling-ford House. 1 It seems so they were, and not above
four in the House, but they were gathering up their
numbers while we were debating. The question was
put, that Mr. Grove, when he hath delivered his mes-
sage to the persons sitting in the other House shall
return to this House without staying for any answer.
The question was misput ; it ought not to have been
put with a negative in it. Mr. Speaker declared for the
Noes, Mr. for the Yeas, and that the Yeas go out.
Sir Arthur Haslerig and others moved that the Noes
go out, because it was not new, but the Yeas went out.
Yeas, 100, Lord Falkland and Sir Arthur Haslerig,
tellers ; Noes, 144, Mr. Annesley and Sir Coplestone
Bampfield, tellers. So it passed in the negative. Sir
Arthur Haslerig said he had the worst luck in telling
of any man, and so it proved. Mr. Grove, attended by
above fifty members, quorum myself, carried the De-
claration to the other House accordingly. After a little
stay at the door, for the Lords were reading a bill, Mr.
Grove was called in. He and all the members stood
bare, by the walls, while the Lord-keeper Fiennes and
most of the Lords came down to the bar. We made
one leg, and then went up to the high step ; and before
Mr. Grove ascended, we made another leg. He delivered
his message, his verbis, without giving them any title,
for so was the sense of the House. ' The Knights,
Citizens, and Burgesses, assembled in the House of
Commons, have commanded me to present this De-
claration for a public fast to you, wherein they desire
the concurrence of this House.' The Lords were bare
all the time, and we withdrew, with two legs. After a
little stay we were again called in, and ascended the
1 Wallingford House was then the residence of Fleetwood, and a
council of officers constantly met there ; many of the chief officers wore
l^crs. Waltiugford House was on the site of the present Admiralty.
168 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CJ-AP. VI.
step with the same ceremony; all the Lords bare,
sitting in their places, except Lord Fiennes, who was
covered, but who stood up bare and returned their
answer. ' The Lords' and then made a pause, as if
it had been mistaken ' this House will return an
answer to you by messengers of their own/ Where-
upon we withdrew with the same ceremony. It
seems, after we were all gone out, one of the Lords
called to Mr. Grove and told him they desired our
excuse for making us stay so long, for they had read
half the Declaration before they knew that we stayed.
Else they would have despatched us sooner. Mr. Grove
reported this in effect to the House at our return ; only
he left out that passage, that they said ' The Lords'
while we were delivering the message." 1
There was a little discussion the next day as to the
entry to be made in the Journals of Mr. Grove's report.
" Mr. Speaker. I desire to know what part of the
report which Mr. Grove made yesterday you would
have entered in your Journal. The whole narrative
was read. Lord Falkland. If you enter all, you will be
laughed at for your reward. Mr. Grove. If you enter
all, enter also that there was such a crowd that I could
not go in, and had like to have gone without my cloak.
Colonel White. Enter all, save that part of the colloquy
between Mr. Grove and the single member, that being
no act of the other House. Mr. Speaker (and it was
the sense of the House) : Leave it to the Committee
appointed to peruse the Journal, to insert what they
think fit." 2
1 Burton, iv. 426428.
2 Ibid. 434, April 15. The entry in the Journals, April 14, is
short: "Mr. Grove brings answer from the persons sitting in the
1659. WALLINGFORD HOUSE COUNCIL. 169
While the House of Commons was engaged in these
solemn discussions of forms, grave questions of sub-
stance were rapidly developing, comparatively unheeded,
into danger. The gathering of peers at Wallingford
Rouse, noted by the Diarist, was a gathering of the
military Lords hostile to Kichard Cromwell's command
of the army. The many parliamentary victories of the
Government over its Eepublican and Presbyterian op-
ponents availed it nothing; and the fatal blow now
came to Eichard Cromwell from the military magnates,
so numerously represented in the House of Lords, for
which his government had borne so much labour and
odium in the House of Commons. A large party of
officers, headed by Fleetwood and Desborough, had early
shown jealousy of Eichard Cromwell as Commander-in-
chief. The parliamentary Opposition, though generally
vanquished by numbers, had necessarily weakened the
Government ; and as the Government became weaker,
Fleetwood's party became bolder. A general Council
of officers had regularly sat at Wallingford House by
Eichard Cromwell's permission ; and they now passed
resolutions in offensive language, recommending the
transfer of the chief command of the army to some fit-
person in whom they could confide. Fleetwood was the
person designed. There was an understanding between
other House that, in obedience to the commands of this House, he
had delivered to them in the other House the declaration for tho
public fast, for their concurrence thereunto; that a little time after
himself and other the members of this House who accompanied him to
declare his message and went with him into the other House were
withdrawn, they were called in again, and received thts answer from
them in the other House, that they would send an answer by mes-
sengers of their own."
170 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY. CHAP. VI.
the Wallingford House officers and the Eepublican
party, who merged for the time their differences and
mutual distrust in sympathy of opposition to Eichard
Cromwell.
The Protector appealed to the Parliament. After a
warm discussion, on the eighteenth of April, it was
resolved : " 1. That, during the sitting of the Parliament,
there shall be no General Council or meeting of the
officers of the army, without the direction, leave, and
authority of his Highness the Lord Protector and both
Houses of Parliament ; 2. That no person shall have
or continue any command or trust in any of the armies
or navies of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or any the
dominions or territories thereto belonging, who shall
refuse to subscribe, that he will not disturb or inter-
rupt the free meetings in Parliament of any of the
members of either House of Parliament, or their freedom
in their debates and counsels." These votes were sent
up to the other House for their concurrence. The
" Lords " promised to send an answer by messengers of
their own, and resolved by a majority of one to debate
the resolutions offered for their concurrence, Eichard
Cromwell did not wait for the decision of the House of
Lords, but, acting 011 the advice of his Council, ordered
the dissolution of the military Council at Wallingford
House. This, however, was an act of boldness which
he had neither strength of character nor power in the
army to maintain. Fleetwood and Desborough appealed
to force, counted their regiments against Eichard's, and
demanded a dissolution of the Parliament ; and Eichard
had no alternative but to comply.
1659. FALL OF RICHARD CROMWELL. 1?1
On Friday, the twenty-second of April, the House of
Commons met in alarm, and after an uneasy sitting
adjourned to the following Monday. On the evening
of Friday a dissolution was proclaimed ; and the doors
of the House were locked, and guards placed round
the approaches to prevent the members from again
meeting. 1
This was the end alike of Richard Cromwell's Parlia-
ment and of Richard Cromwell's Protectorate.
i Ludlow's Memoirs, ii. 631642 ; Sir R. Baker's Chronicle,
p. 641, ed. 1684; Comra. Journ. April 18 22; Burton's Diary, iv.
pp. 448 and sqq. ; Guizot, Protectorat de Richard Cromwell, &c.,
i. 112129.
CHAPTER VII.
16591660.
Restoration of the Rump Parliament, May 7 Committee of Safety
appointed Cooper's election petition for Downton of 1640 referred
to a committee Not seated Cooper elected member of Council of
State Suspicions of him as a Royalist by some colleagues Scot
accuses him of correspondence with Hyde He denies the charge
Cooper rejects Royalist overtures Letter from Monk to Cooper
Distractions of Council and Parliament Sir George Booth's rising
Cooper arrested in Dorsetshire, and accused of complicity with
Booth Council of State and Parliament acquit him Military revo-
lution by Lambert The Rump suppressed, October 13 Committee
of Safety nominated by Lambert and his coadjutors, October 25
Cooper opposes Lambert and the Committee of Safety Monk also
opposes Cooper's narrative from October 25, 1659, to February
6, ]660 Treaty of Monk's Commissioners with Committee of
Safety Attempt to arrest Cooper Overthrow of Committee of
Safety and restoration of Rump Cooper one of five temporary
Commissioners for the Army Prompt measures for dispersing
Lambert's forces Cooper appointed member of new Council of
State Admitted as member for Downton Made colonel of regi-
ment taken from Fleetwood Monk's march to London Monk's
changes of conduct Admission of secluded members, February 26
Cooper commands the guard on their admission Council of
State appointed of Royalists and Presbyterians Cooper one New
Parliament called for April 25 Letter of Montagu to Cooper
Haselrig, Scot, and others offer Monk the crown Monk refuses
False story of Monk aiming to be made king with help of French
Ambassador Lambert's insurrection and defeat by Ingoldsby
Cooper's letter of rejoicing to Montagu Cooper acts with the
Presbyterian leaders for bringing in the King on conditions Meet-
ing of Convention Parliament Monk outstrips the Presbyterians,
and brings in Charles without conditions Cooper one of twelve
commissioners of the Parliament sent to the King at Breda-
Accident on his journey Friendship with John Locke Cooper's
changes during the last twenty years Satires of Butler and Dryden.
THERE were two parties among the officers who had
combined at Wallingford House, under Fleetwood and
1659. RESTORATION OF RUMP. 173
Desborough, to force Richard Cromwell to dissolve the
Parliament. Fleetwood and Desborough themselves
did not design to depose the Protector or abrogate
the Petition and Advice : Fleetwood was husband of
Eichard's sister, and Desborough of his aunt. Their
object was to take away from Eichard the immediate
command of the army, and make Fleetwood commander-
in-chief. But a majority of the officers who met at
Wallingford House were Eepublicans, and wished to
establish a commonwealth, without any single person
at the head having a share in the legislative power.
When the officers assembled, after the forced dissolu-
tion, to deliberate on what was next to be done, this
difference of opinion became manifest. Fleetwood and
Desborough found that they could not stop where
they wished. The Council of officers would not listen
to their pleadings for continuing Eichard Cromwell
as Protector. It was proposed to revive the authority
of that remnant of the Long Parliament whose sittings
Oliver had forcibly discontinued in April 1653. This
proposal found great support outside Wallingford House.
The superior officers of the army in London and its
neighbourhood assembled in St. James's Chapel to
discuss the position of affairs, and Doctor Owen and
other Independent ministers, attending to consecrate
their deliberations by prayer, improved the occasion
by dwelling on the glories of the old Eump. Lambert,
whom Cromwell had deprived of his commission, but
who, though not an officer of the army, had been
deeply engaged in the late cabals of Wallingford House,
and who now received the command of a regiment,
174 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
exerted his powerful influence among the officers to
promote the restoration of the Eump. The inferior
officers declared themselves for this measure. A
petition for the recall of the Eump was presented
from the city. Fleetwood and Desborough were
obliged to yield. A communication was opened with
a few of the most influential members of the Eump.
A committee, of which Lambert was the chief member,
deputed by the officers of Wallingford House, had
several conferences with Vane, Haselrig, Ludlow, and
Salwey, in order to obtain their consent to certain
conditions on which the officers proposed to invite
those members of the Long Parliament who had sat
after the execution of the King and till April 1653,
to resume the sovereign authority. These conditions
were an indemnity for all military and political acts
since the dissolution of the Eump, a liberal provision
for Eichard Cromwell, an effectual reformation of the
Church and the law, and the institution of a senate,
similar to the second House of the Petition and
Advice, for a check on the representative assembly
in making provision for the future government of
the commonwealth. It is clear that four indi-
viduals could not undertake to bind the whole
body ; they objected to the proposal of a senate ; they
promised to use all their influence to procure an
ample indemnity and a decent provision for Eichard
Cromwell, and as to these points they anticipated no
difficulty ; as regarded the reformation of the law
and the Church, the members of the Eump were not
likely to be less zealous than the officers of the armv.
1659. RESTORATION OF RUMP. 175
Ultimately a declaration, inviting those members of
the Long Parliament who had continued to sit after
the execution of Charles the First to resume the
sovereign authority over the three nations, was drawn
up by the council of officers, and presented by Lambert
to Lenthall, the old Speaker. On the seventh of May
Lenthall once more took the chair of the Rump in
the old Parliament House at Westminster, and thus
the power of the army re-established an authority
which, just five years before, the power of the army
wielded by Oliver Cromwell had broken. 1
Forty-two out of about a hundred and sixty members
entitled to sit under the limitation imposed took their
seats in Westminster on the seventh of May. 2 This was
just more than enough to make a House, and as many
as could be mustered in London on so short a notice.
About ninety on the whole in the end took their
seats, Some of the members whom the army had
excluded in 1648 endeavoured, on the first day of
meeting, to enter and sit also, but a military guard
kept them out.
The first care of the new rulers was to appoint a
Committee of Safety, in order to carry on the necessary
duties of administration, and provide against danger
from the Royalists, to whom the late confusions had
1 Lucllow, ii. 642651 ; Sir R. Baker's Chronicle, p. 642.
2 It is Ludlow's statement that there were now 160 members of the
Long Parliament still living of those who had sat after the execution
of the King. (Mem. ii. 645.) But Ludlow is not always accurate,
and this number is possibly an exaggeration. No more than 122 ever
voted between the execution of Charles I. and the ejection of the
Rump in April 1653. See note at p. 91 ; also Hallam's Const.
ii. 325, and Bisset's History of the Commonwealth, i. 23.
176 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
given encouragement. This committee was composed
in nearly equal proportions of officers of the army and
republican members of the House. It consisted of
Fleetwood, Desborough, Lambert, Sydenham, John
Jones, and Berry, officers of the army, and Haselrig,
Vane, Ludlow, Salwey, and Scot : Fleetwood, Sydenham,
and John Jones were also members of the House. This
committee was to continue only until a Council of
State was organized ; and no time was lost in electing
a Council of State.
Cooper, who had so vigorously co-operated with the
Eepublicans in the last two Parliaments, immediately
endeavoured to gain admission to the revived Rump
as a member, on his never- adjudicated petition for
Downton at the beginning of the Long Parliament^,
His case was referred, two days after the Eump was
reconstituted sovereign, together with the case of Lord
Fairfax, to a revived committee for examining the
cases of all members who had not sat since 1648. 1
S 1
But Cooper did not succeed at present in gaining
admission: the reason why is not known. It was
possibly a reason of form, at least ostensibly, and
there were suspicions of Cooper's sincerity as a Re-
publican which may have influenced the adverse
decision. 2 ^
1 Comm. Journ. May 9, 1659.
2 Ludlow, in one of the suppressed passages in the Appendix I.J.
says that the Committee, in Cooper's case, " alleging their powers were
at an end, it was referred to them to search their books,, and state
matter of fact in relation thereto." He also says that Cooper having
many friends in the House, those who suspected him managed to get
the question referred to the Committee, as the best way of putting
him off.
1659. MEMBER OF COUNCIL OF STATE. 1*77
There was no delay in proceeding to appoint a
Council of State, and Cooper was elected a member.
It was first resolved that this conncil should consist
of thirty-one members, twenty-one of whom were to
be members of the House, and ten to be chosen from
without. The House began, on the thirteenth of May,
by electing seven who were not of their body. Lord
Fairfax, Lambert, Desborough, Berry, Bradshaw, Sir
Anthony Ashley Cooper, and Sir Horatio Townshend,
were proposed and agreed to without a division. The
remaining twenty-four members were elected by ballot
on the fourteenth and sixteenth. They were Haselrig,
Vane, Ludlow, Fleetwood, Salwey, Morley, Scot,
Wallop, Sir James Harrington (the author of "Oceana"),
Colonels Walton, John Jones, and Sydenham, Algernon
Sydney, Henry Nevill, Chaloner, Downes, Oliver St.
John (Chief Justice), Colonel Thompson, Whitelocke,
Colonel Dixwell, Eeynolds, Berners, Sir Archibald
Johnstone of Warriston, and Sir Robert Honywood.
The last three were not members of the House. The
officers of the army were in a minority in the Council.
The election of Cooper and of Sir Horatio Towns-
hend, a young Norfolk baronet of great possessions,
whose father had been a Cavalier, but who, having
lately come of age, had acted, like Cooper, with the
Republican party in the last two Parliaments of the
Protectors, is said by Ludlow to have surprised and
disconcerted some of their colleagues. They were the
two last proposed of the seven first elected from per-
sons out of the House ; it was at the close of a sitting, 1
1 Comin. Journ. May 13.
VOL. I. X
178 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
and it may be that the House was in some degree
surprised into electing them. " Which two motions,"
says Ludlow, " being upon the rising of the House made
on a sudden, before any could recollect themselves to
speak against them, there being also an unwillingness
to disoblige those of whom there was any hope, were
consented to." 1 Cooper had been proposed by Mr.
Love, a Eepublican, and Townshend by Nevill, who
was unquestionably of the same party. Ludlow further
states that several of the Wallingford House officers
alleged that Cooper and Townshend were "assured
to Charles Stuart's interest, and that they would give
intelligence to him of all that passed," and that they
kept away from the Council by reason of distrust
of these two colleagues ; and that endeavours were
consequently used by some friends of Cooper and
Townshend to persuade them to resign, or at any
rate not to attend the Council. 2 V With Cooper, any
such endeavours, if made, were ineffectual. Ludlow
says that Townshend was persuaded to forbear from
sitting. Cooper, on taking his seat in the Council,
took an oath of fidelity to the Corfimonwealth as con-
stituted, as he had previously taken the engagement
and as later he took it again, and as he had taken oaths
of fidelity to the Constitution under the Protectors;
and whatever suspicions may have been entertained
by some of his colleagues, there is no pretence for
saying that he broke his oath by correspondence with
the exiled Charles or intrigues in his interest.
V
1 No. 3 of Suppressed Passages of Ludlow in Appendix III.
2 No. 4 of Ludlow's Suppressed Passages.
1659. ACCUSED OF ROYALIST INTRIGUES. 179
Thomas Scot, a leading Eepublican member, accused
Cooper and Whitelocke, in the Council, of correspond-
ence with Hyde, the companion in exile and chief
counsellor of Charles. Both indignantly denied the
charge, which Whitelocke says was made on the
authority of " a beggarly Irish friar beyond the seas ;"
and both were believed by the Council. Whitelocke,
himself a sufficiently supple politician, insinuates, as he
records this incident, that Cooper's solemn denial was not
necessarily true. " Sir A. A. Cooper," he says, " made
the highest professions that could be of his innocence,
and the highest imprecations of God's judgments upon
him and his posterity, if ever he had any corre-
spondence with the King or with Sir Edward Hyde or
any of the King's ministers or friends, and his expres-
sions were so high that they bred in some the more
suspicion of him ; but at this time he was believed,
and what followed afterwards is known." 1
There is every reason to believe that Cooper's solemn
denial was true. Eighteen years later, in a letter
written to Charles the Second and appealing to his
gratitude and clemency for release from imprisonment,
he denied all correspondence with the King and his
party before the Kestoration, as solemnly as he now
denied Scot's accusation in the Council of State ; and
how could he venture on a falsehood in this matter to
Charles? "I had the honour," wrote Shaftesbury to
Charles the Second in 1677 from the Tower, "to have a
principal hand in your restoration ; neither did I act in
it but on a principle of piety and honour. I never
1 Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 679, May 18, 1659.
N 2
180 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
betrayed, as your Majesty knows, the party or councils
I was of. I kept no correspondence with, I made no
secret addresses to your Majesty ; neither did I
endeavour to obtain any private terms or articles for
myself or reward for what I had done or should do."
Published letters of Eoyalist agents, the best possible
witnesses, prove that on the very eve of the Eestoration,
when Cooper's part was decidedly taken, and he was
acting with the Presbyterians to bring in the King, he
was working independently of the Eoyalists, and in a
manner which did not satisfy them. Lord Willoughby
wrote to Hyde, February 24, 1660: "Sir William
Waller and Sir Anthony are his Majesty's fast friends,
but whether the Presbyterians will not be high in
them, as to the proposals when they come to be made,
is the only doubt." 1 Brodrick, a very active Eoyalist
agent, wrote about the same time that he perceived no
desire in Cooper to be mentioned to Hyde as offering
services, such as he was empowered to offer from Charles
Howard, the future Earl of Carlisle, and from Sir
Eobert Howard. 2
At this time, a twelvemonth before the Eestoration,
immediately after the fall of Eichard Cromwell, Cooper
separated himself from the general Presbyterian body
1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 689.
2 Ibid. 681, Feb. 26, 1660. Brodrick wrote under the assumed name
of Hancock ; and after suggesting that power should be given to
Charles Howard and Robert Howard to make promises to Monk
and his party, he adds : " Sir A. A. Cooper endeavours the same way
earnestly, but I do not perceive any desire in him to be mentioned
by Hancock." Mr. Hallam has fallen into error in speaking of
Sir Anthony as a correspondent of Hyde (Const. Hist, of England,
ii. 378, note) ; the letter in the Clarendon State Papers which he
refers to was written by another Cooper, a Royalist agent.
1659. REPELS ROYALIST OVERTURES. 181
to promote the new republic, as he had separated him-
self before from his Presbyterian friends to sign the
engagement, enter the Barebone's Parliament, and take
office under the Protectorate. When the leading Pres-
byterians generally discountenanced the Eepublicans,
and were looking to Charles in exile, and many of
them were joining to prepare the movement which soon
ended in Sir George Booth's abortive rising, it was
very natural that there should be suspicions of Cooper
among the Eepublicans, and hopes of him among the
Eoyalists ; and these hopes again would increase the
suspicions. Cooper was the only Presbyterian in the
Council. Townshend was the young heir of a deceased
Eoyalist. Published letters of Eoyalists again give
aid to prove that Cooper disappointed royalist hopes
and rejected royalist overtures. Brodrick wrote to
Hyde, on May 23, that Cooper had engaged to raise
three or four hundred horse in Dorsetshire for a con-
templated rising for the King, but had not yet left
London. 1 Now this Brodrick is described by Lord
Mordaunt, the King's best agent, in a letter written
June 7, as a very indiscreet and dangerous person, and
given to drink. Brodrick's statement about Cooper was
probably an exaggeration of his own hopes : for Mor-
daunt having been asked by Hyde whether he continued
to have a good opinion of Cooper, replied, June 16 :
" Sir A. A. Cooper is rotten, and. sits ; he never knew
he had a letter, being shy when taxed by Sir George
Booth." 2 Thus we learn that the King had been led by
1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 478.
2 Ibid. 488, 490.
182 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. YIT.
his agents in London to write Jiimself to Cooper, and a
subsequent letter of Hyde gives information of Cooper's
refusal. " I am sorry," Hyde wrote to Lord Mordaunt,
July 3, " Sir A. A. Cooper hath so much disappointed
your expectations, which no doubt is not for the reason
he gives, for he is too wise to think it possible that the
King would write to any subject to assist hirn, whose
estate he had given away as forfeited, nor doth he
believe himself a delinquent of that magnitude." 1 It
is clear enough that Cooper repelled or evaded the
royalist overtures, and would not encourage Sir George
Booth. By " Sir A. A. Cooper is rotten, and sits," was,
of course, meant that Cooper was good for nothing, and
sat in the Council of State. 2
The following letter was written by Monk, who
was at this time Commander-in-chief of the forces in
Scotland, to Cooper, as a member of the Council of
State, early in June, and it is interesting as being the
beginning of their intercourse, and as showing that
1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 512.
2 Mr. Martyn, who says that he follows Stringer, states most
erroneously that Cooper never sat in this Council. Martyn refers also
in support of his statement to a tract called " England's Confusion,"
printed in the Somers Tracts (vol. vi. p. 521), by which he says it
appears that neither Sir A. A. Cooper nor Sir H. Townshend ever sat
or acted in the Council. But the tract does not say so ; it describes
all the members of the Council abusively, except Cooper and Town-
shend, saying of the latter that he was "a gentleman of too good
estate to be hazarded with such a crew," and of Cooper that he was
"a gentleman too wise and honest to sit in such company." Town-
shend probably never sat in the Council ; Cooper did. The Minutes
of this Council preserved in the State Paper Office begin only on
August 11. TJien Cooper was absent from the Council, in Dorsetshire,
and afterwards he was charged with having abetted Sir George Booth's
rising. But after he was acquitted of this accusation he attended the
Council constantly till the revolution made by Lambert and Fleetwood
in October ; and there is no doubt that Cooper had frequently sat in
the Council between May and August.
1659. LETTER OF MONK. 183
Monk regarded Cooper as an active and influential
member of the Council. Similar letters were written by
Monk to other members of the Council and to the
Speaker, who read the letter received by him to the
House : l
" HONOURABLE SIR, It is some trouble to me that,
the first time I should have occasion to write to you, it
must be to request a favour at your hands. But I hope
you will please to pardon this my incivility and bold-
ness, and place me in the list of your friends ; for I can
assure you I shall be as ready to serve you as any friend
you have. Understanding that there is a committee
appointed by Parliament for the presenting of officers to
be continued in the several regiments in England, Scot-
land, and Ireland, and knowing the officers here were,
upon the first motion, most desirous that the Long
Parliament might be recalled to return to their former
station, I make it my request to you, that you will be
assisting that there may be no alteration amongst the
officers belonging to the forces here ; for I shall desire
you to find credit herein, that you may be confident
that there is not any you can employ will be more
ready to serve the Commonwealth than they. But in
case my request for the whole cannot be granted, I shall
entreat that the officers of my own regiment of horse
and foot, and Colonel Talbot's regiment (a list whereof
1 Comm. Journ. June 9, 1659. Sir A. Haselrig was commissioned
to prepare an answer, which may be read in the Journals, June 10.
The answer was rather curt, but, though compliance was not promised,
Monk's desire was in fact complied with, the Parliament and the
Council attaching great importance to his support. Mr. Martyn says
that Cooper's exertions in Monk's favour caused jealousy, and led
to his being accused by Scot in the Council of holding correspondence
with the King and Hyde. (Life, i. 204.) But Scot s accusation was
prior to the date of Monk's letter.
184 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUKY, CHAP. VII.
I have sent enclosed), may be continued : they have
usually quartered nearest me ; and so are best known to
me. I shall also desire you will acquaint as many
members of the House as you shall think fit to engage
in this business, by doing which you will very much
oblige,
" Your humble servant,
" GEORGE MONK.
"Dalkeith, 4th June, 1659.
" For the Hon. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper,
" One of the Council of State, at Whitehall."
Cooper apart, the -new Council was a discordant
body; and divisions and jealousies soon appeared among
the army party and Eepublicans, both in Council and
Parliament, which strengthened royalist hopes, and
led in a few months to another military subjugation by
Lambert. The weak and distracted state of the Council
and the Parliament, in the month of June, is graphically
described in two royalist letters printed in the Claren-
don State Papers. " The confusions now," writes Major
Wood, June 3, 1659, " are so great that it is not to be
credited ; the chaos was a perfection in comparison of
our order and government ; the parties are like so many
floating islands, sometimes joining and appearing like a
continent, when the next flood or ebb separates them
that it can hardly be known where they will be next." 1
A more particular account of the divisions in the
Council at this time is given in a letter of June 7 from
Lord Mordaunt, who describes the members as follow.
1. John Jones, Fleetwood, and Berry, for restoring
1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 479.
1659. SIR GEORGE BOOTH'S RISING. 185
Pdchard Cromwell; 2. Salwey, Vane, Lambert, and
Haselrig for the Petition and Advice and an execu-
tive of seven Haselrig, however, not always with
the three others, and he and Salwey more Presby-
terians than anything else; 3. Ludlow, Nevill, Sir
James Harrington, and Mildmay, Eepublicans, "who
lead the House as to plurality of voices," but want
interest in the army ; 4. Overton, R Fox, and Fifth
Monarchy men. 1
Extensive preparations were made by the royalist
party for a general rising in England and Wales on
the first of August: the Presbyterian gentry entered
largely into the project, and it was the policy of the
Royalists to give prominence to the Presbyterian
element. Shortly before the first of August, Charles
moved secretly from Brussels to Calais, in order to
be ready to cross if the rising succeeded. But the
Council of State obtained timely knowledge of the
design, and prevented risings in many parts of the
country. Several who had undertaken to move failed
at the last moment. The principal rising was in
Cheshire, under Sir George Booth, and the Parliament
despatched a force under Lambert, by whom Booth
was easily defeated.
Shortly after this unsuccessful rising, Cooper was
arrested in Dorsetshire by a Major Dewey on suspicion
of correspondence with Sir George Booth. The arrest
was on a statement by a boy from Wales, named
Nicholas, that he had carried a letter to Cooper from
Sir George Booth. Major Dewey wrote to the Council
1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 483.
186 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VIT.
of State on August 21, reporting the arrest of Cooper
and the statement of the boy Nicholas. The Council
reported the matter to the Parliament, which approved
of Dewey's proceedings, and directed the Council to
institute an investigation. The Council then ordered
Dewey to release Cooper, and wrote to Cooper desiring
his attendance. They appointed a committee to con-
duct the inquiry, which consisted of the following
members : Whitelocke, Bradshaw, Sir Henry Vane,
Walton, Morley, Salwey, Johnstone of Warriston,
Nevill, Desborough, Sir James Harrington, Downes,
Eeynolds, Chaloner, Haselrig, Berners, and Berry.
This committee reported to the Council, and the
Council, on September 1.2, unanimously resolved:
"That it be humbly reported to the Parliament that
upon the examination taken before the Council or
otherwise, in the business of Sir A. A. Cooper, referred
to the examination of the Council by order of Par-
liament, it doth not appear to them that there
is any just ground of jealousy or imputation upon
him, and Mr. Neville is desired to make this report."
The Parliament adopted the report of the Council
without a division. The members present in the
Council who unanimously acquitted Cooper, were Sir
H. Vane (chairman), Colonel Thompson, Berners,
Johnstone of Warriston, Nevill, Walton, Sydenham,
Haselrig, Scot, Dixwell, Bradshaw, Desborough, Fleet-
wood, and Downes. 1 The Committee was so composed
1 Minutes of the Council of State in the State Paper Office from
August 25 to September 12, 1659. M. Guizot, who had not seen these
Minutes, has hazarded an assertion that Cooper, though acquitted, was
justly accused : "Accuse abon droit de complicite dans 1'iusurrection,
1659. DISSENSIONS OF PARLIAMENT AND ARMY. 187
that its verdict, adopted unanimously by the Council
and the Parliament, may be taken as an entire acquittal
of Cooper. Ludlow, carried away by his bitter feeling,
has given an unfair account of the judgment, stating
that " upon examination of a boy which brought, as was
supposed, a letter from Sir George Booth before his
rising, to Sir A. A. Cooper, it was found that he dis-
missed the boy with much civility, in token of con-
senting to what was done." 1 This may have been the
evidence on which he was accused, but the acquittal
was entire and unqualified.
Lambert's easy victory over Sir George Booth was,
within two months, followed by another easy victory
of Lambert over the Parliament itself. The Eump
failed, as Eichard Cromwell and his Parliament had
failed, to satisfy the demands of the army and its
officers. The Eump, immediately after its restoration,
had, on the indication of the officers of the army,
appointed Fleetwood commander-in-chief, but limited
his commission to one year ; and instead of authorizing
him to issue commissions to the officers nominated
by the Parliament, they resolved that the commissions
should be signed by the Speaker, and that the officers
should come to the House to receive them from his
hands. The army had submitted to these arrange-
ments, but most reluctantly. Soon after the suppres-
sion of Sir George Booth's insurrection of August, fifty
Sir Antoine Cooper, sur le rapport de Nevil, fut declare innocent."
(Protectorat de K. Cromwell et Retablissement des Stuart, i. 211.)
There is no known evidence on which to dispute the justice of the
acquittal.
1 No. 5 of Suppressed Passages of Ludlow in Appendix III.
188 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. VI T.
officers of the brigade which had served under Lam-
bert's orders, met at Derby and prepared a memorial
praying that Fleetwood should be made commander-
in-chief of the army without limitation of time, Lambert
major-general, Desborough lieutenant-general of the
horse, and Monk major-general of the foot, and that
no officer of the army should be dismissed from his
command except by a court-martial. The memorialists
complained that the Parliament had not shown enough
energy in suppressing the late rebellion, and had not
sufficiently punished those engaged in it or sufficiently
rewarded those who had suppressed it ; and they pressed
for settlement of the government in a representative
assembly and a senate. The memorial came to the
knowledge of Haselrig, who immediately brought it
before the House, and moved that Lambert and some
others should be seized and sent to the Tower. This
motion was not persevered in ; but a resolution was
passed, " that to have any more general officers in the
army than are already settled by the Parliament is
chargeable and dangerous to the Commonwealth;"
and by another resolution Fleetwood was charged " to
communicate the order of this House to the officers
of the army, and to admonish them of their irregular
proceeding, and to take care to prevent any further pro-
ceedings therein by the soldiers." 1 A council of officers
now met at Wallingford House, where great anger
was expressed, and it was resolved to prepare an address
to the Parliament which should not be open to the
objections made against the former memorial. This
1 Comm. Journ. Sept. 23.
1659. LAMBERT'S MILITARY REVOLUTION. 189
address was presented by Desborough and other
officers on the first of October ; and the House took
it into consideration. They were proceeding with the
consideration of it, when, on the twelfth of October,
Colonel Okey communicated a letter which he had
received, signed by Lambert, Desborough, and seven
other officers, inviting him to get signatures to the
address among the soldiers of his regiment. This
roused the indignation of the Commonwealth party.
They had just received intelligence that Monk favoured
the Parliament against the army. Encouraged by this
news, they determined to proceed vigorously. The
doors of the House were ordered to be locked, and
votes were passed depriving Lambert, Desborough, and
the other officers who had signed the letter to Okey
of their commission, revoking Fleetwood's commission
as commander-in-chief, and placing the government of
the army in seven commissioners, Fleetwood, Ludlow,
Monk, Haselrig, Walton, Morley, and Overtoil. There
had lately been much suspicion of Lambert that he
designed to make himself Protector, or even King, and
it was probable that, when the House met the next
day, a motion would be carried to send him to the
Tower. 1
The next day Lambert filled the approaches to the
House with soldiers, and prevented the meeting of the
1 Carte's Collection of Letters, ii. 203, 225, 246, 265. These letters
of royalists mention that Lambert was distrustful and jealous of Fleet-
wood, that Vane and Thurloe favoured Lambert's ambition, and that
Fleetwood was believed to be inclined to restore Charles. Hyde,
writing to Ormond, says he had heard that Lambert was saved from
the Tower by only three voices (p. 265).
190 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. VII.
Parliament. During the thirteenth and fourteenth the
rival troops of Lambert and the Parliament stood in
hostile attitude in the immediate neighbourhood of the
Parliament House in Westminster, but no collision
occurred, and Lambert triumphed without bloodshed
or even a blow. 1
The friends of the Parliament mustered strong in the
Council on the afternoon of the fourteenth, Lambert,
Desborough, and Berry being absent, and it was re-
solved, " That those persons that do exercise the chief
power and command in the army, and all others con-
cerned, be ordered to withdraw the guards about the
Parliament House and Westminster and parts adjacent,
to the end the Speaker and members of Parliament
may return to the free exercise of the legislative power
and their duty." The Council met again next morning,
when the serjeant-at-arms reported that he had given
the order of the day before to the Council of officers,
"and delivered it to the Lord Lambert, General Des-
borough, Colonel Berry, and Lord Fleetwood, and, being
withdrawn, was again called in and had this answer,
that they had received the order of the Council and
would take a convenient time to consider of it." 2
When this report was given, the Parliament had been
1 There is a very valuable and interesting letter of Mordaunt in
Carte's Collection, ii. 244, describing the positions and proceedings of
the opposed troops with much minuteness.
2 Minutes of Council of State in State Paper Office, October 13-15.
M. Guizot is in error in describing the order of the Council of State of
the 14th for Lambert's forces to retire as a compromise of the Parlia-
ment party with Lambert. (Protectorat de Richard Cromwell, &c.
i. 228.) He also in the same passage erroneously describes the Parlia-
ment party as acquiescing in the result : some Republicans gave in to
Lambert, others stood out against him.
1659. OPPOSES LAMBERT. 191
vanquished and the military revolution was complete.
The Council adjourned to the afternoon, when Fleet-
wood was present, and it was then proposed that, in
consequence of the condition of affairs, the Council
should adjourn till the end of November. This pro-
posal was negatived.
Cooper was present at these meetings of the Council
of State of the fourteenth and fifteenth of October, and
in this conjuncture he stood by the Council of State
and by the Rump against Lambert and his party. The
Council of State continued to hold sittings till the twenty-
fifth, when a new Committee of Safety superseded it :
but Cooper did not sit again after the afternoon of the
fifteenth ; nor did Haselrig, Bradshaw, Walton, or Nevill.
Bradshaw, the celebrated President of the High Court
of Justice which tried and sentenced Charles the First,
died a few days afterwards, having attended the council
in spite of illness to protest against the military revolu-
tion. Scot and Eeynolds appear to have attended the
council till it ceased to sit on the twenty-fifth ; but
they opposed Lambert. Vane, Salwey, and Harrington
left the Republican party on this occasion, and sided
with Lambert and the new Committee of Safety.
Lambert and the officers acting with him had, indeed,
on the thirteenth of October, immediately after the inter-
ruption of the Parliament, nominated a rival temporary
Council of State, consisting of ten persons, Fleetwood,
Lambert, Whitelocke, Vane, Desborough, Harrington,
Salwey, Berry, Sydenham, and Johns tone of Warring-
ton. These, however, continued to attend the sittings
of the old Council of State till it expired on the twenty-
192 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
fifth. The council of officers had also, on the thirteenth,
appointed Fleetwood commander-in- chief of the army,
Lambert major-general, Desborough commissary-general
of the horse, and Fleetwood, Lambert, Yane, Des-
borough, Ludlow, and Berry commissioners for the nomi-
nation of all officers of the army. 1 On the twenty-sixth
of October, they nominated a Committee of Safety of
twenty-three members, viz. Whitelocke (who was made
keeper of the Great Seal), Fleetwood, Lambert, Des-
borough, Steel (Chancellor of Ireland), Vane, Ludlow,
Sydenham, Salwey, Walter Strickland, Berry, Law-
rence, Harrington, Johnstone of Warriston, Alder-
man Ireton, Tichborn, Hews on, Clark, Bennet, Colonel
Lilburne, Holland, Henry Brandriff, and Eobert
Thomson, and they at the same time published a
declaration, in which they pronounced all the votes
of the Eump Parliament passed on and after
the tenth of October to be null and void, proclaimed
their desire to give full liberty to all the people of Eng-
land, to make a complete reformation of the law, and to
maintain a faithful ministry by some better means than
tithes, and declared that they had no intention of
setting up a military or arbitrary government, but that,
having appointed in the first instance a Committee of
Safety, they designed to prepare a suitable form of
government without a single person, kingship, or House
of Lords. 2
Cooper was now, with some other members of the
displaced Council of State, indefatigable to overturn the
1 Sir R. Baker's Chronicle, p. 661.
2 Ibid. p. 662 ; Ludlow, ii. 715.
1659. MONK AGAINST LAMBERT. 193
new Committee of Safety and restore the power of the
Eump. There acted with him of the late Council Scot,
Haselrig, Colonels Morley, Beynolds, and Walton,
Wallop, Nevill, and Berners.
The hopes of Lambert and Fleetwood soon received
a heavy blow from Monk, who commanded the army in
Scotland; he announced decided hostility to the revo-
lution. They had hastened after the event to seek the
support of Monk; and he replied in terms of strong
disapproval. Monk wrote at the same time to the
Speaker, declaring his intention to expose himself and
his army to the utmost hazards for the restitution of
the Parliament. He immediately proceeded to prepare
his army to move. The Committee of Safety sent off
Colonel Talbot and Dr. Clarges, Monk's brother-in-law,
to Monk, to endeavour by explanations to persuade him
to come to terms with them ; and shortly after, in orde^
to be prepared for the failure of these negotiators, the}
despatched Lambert to the North with a force of 12,000
horse and foot. Talbot and Clarges arrived at Edin-
burgh on the second of November. Monk accepted the
proposal to treat, and appointed Major Knight, Lieut.-
Colonel Clobery, and Colonel Wilks commissioners
for this purpose. He instructed his commissioners to
insist on the restoration of the Parliament ; but if the
members should refuse to sit, then, and then only, he
authorized them to discuss some other form of govern-
ment. The commissioners proceeded to York to treat
with Lambert, and, on finding that he had no power
to treat for the restitution of the Parliament, they went
on to London. There the terms of a treaty were soon
VOL. i. o
194 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
arranged by them with Fleetwood in disregard of
Monk's instructions as to the restoration of the Par-
liament. This treaty was concluded on the fifteenth
of November, and provided for the meeting on the
second of December of a general Council nominated
from the army and fleet to determine a new form of
government, and for the prompt summoning of a new
Parliament according to whatever might be the reso-
lutions of the proposed general Council.
The day after Monk's commissioners had made the
arrangement with the Committee of Safety, Cooper and
Haselrig had a meeting with them and endeavoured to
persuade them to recede, but entirely without success.
Cooper has himself narrated the course of events
and his own active proceedings from the establish-
ment of the Committee of Safety on the twenty-
fifth of October to the sixth of February, 1660, when
the Eump, which had in the meantime been restored on
the twenty-sixth of December, admitted the secluded
Presbyterian members, and made the way clear /or a
new Parliament and the restoration of Charles./ It is
only a fragment of a narrative which remains, both
beginning and ending in the middle of a sentence. It
is clear from internal evidence that this narrative was
composed or refashioned after the Eestoration ; it may
be another portion of the Autobiography of Shaftes-
bury's old age. 1
1 Clarges is always called Sir Thomas Clarges in the narrative : and
he was knighted by Charles at Breda, in May, just before the Restora-
tion. The tone with regard to Monk is hardly what would have been
Cooper's tone at the time of these events or very soon after : and the
general tone of the narrative is that of justification for posterity.
1659. HIS OWN NAKRATIVE. 195
"[General Monk was commander-in-chief 1 ] in Scot-
land, and expected no great good to himself from so great
a change, acted without the least communication with
him. He, therefore, to secure himself and his interest,
forthwith new-models his army, cashiers such officers as
he suspected, and puts in their room absolute creatures
of his own; with this army he marches towards the
borders of England, and is there faced by a stronger
army under the command of General Lambert, but
neither of them being willing to put all to a venture,
they remained in that posture whilst General Monk
sends three officers, Colonels Wilks, Clobery, and
Knight, to General Meetwood and the rest of the Com-
mittee of Safety at Westminster, to treat with them,
and to know what terms they might expect from them.
" In the meanwhile, myself and some others that
were of that Council of State which was turned out by
Lambert, constantly and privately met, turning every
stone to recover our lost power, and hearing of these
Commissioners sent up from General Monk, Sir Arthur
Haselrige and I, after several attempts, at last procured
a meeting from them at the Fleece Tavern, in Covent
Garden, where at first they told us they had the day
before made a full agreement with General Fleetwood
and, therefore, were not then capable of answering any
of our expectations ; but we laid before them the great
uncertainty their General underwent in joining with
these men, the best he could expect was to be gently
This fragment of a narrative I have found among the papers at St.
Giles; but it is not in Shaftesbury's handwriting. Mr. Martyn has
given a paraphrase of it in his Life (i. 209230), but he has inter-
woven some errors. A similar account also is given in Locke's Frag-
ment of a Memoir, with some variations, errors, and interesting addi-
tions, all most likely arising out of conversations with Shaftesbury
and Stringer.
1 The words in brackets are supplied, as indicated by the context,
to complete the first sentence.
o 2
196 LIFE OF SHAFTESBUEY. CHAP. VII.
laid aside, and then ruined with some more artifice and
caution than other men ; that if, on the other hand, he
declared for the restoring of the Parliament, he was
fully assured to be generalissimo of all their forces,
neither had he any competitor. Besides, we told them
our cause was not so desperate, for we had a great cor-
respondence and interest with the inferior officers and
common soldiers of every troop and company they had
in their army about London. Besides, we had Ports-
mouth at our devotion, and Sir Charles Coote had
assured us of six thousand men out of Ireland upon the
first notice ; Vice- Admiral Lawson, who commanded
the fleet now in the mouth of the river, was our firm
friend ; and that my Lord Fairfax, who had the greatest
interest of any man amongst the soldiers, utterly ab-
horred the present proceedings. Upon these discourses
we found Clobery and Knight very glad that there was
so fair a prospect of a better way than they were in,
and assured us they would do their best to cause
General Monk to break off the treaty, to refuse the
terms offered, and to declare for restoring the Parlia-
ment. But Colonel Wilks persisted.
"Whilst these Commissioners were returning to Monk,
we were not idle, but Sir Arthur Haslerig and Colonel
Morley went to Portsmouth, which town I had under-
taken to them should be delivered into their hands, the
Governor, Colonel Whetham, being my friend and very
long acquaintance. I was left with a commission for
general of those forces we expected every day should
revolt from them about London. 1 This matter was not
carried so secretly, but that some uncertain and dark
1 Substantially the same story is told in Locke's fragmentary Me-
moir, and it is there mentioned that Shaftesbury "would often tell it
laughing that, when he had his commission, his great care was where
to hide it." (Works, ix. 275.)
1659. HIS OWN NAKEATIVE. ] 97
discourse of it came to the Committee of Safety. So
that Colonel Cook was sent by General Fleetwood to
bring me prisoner to him, which he did, using me very
civilly, as also did the General himself, who was natur-
ally an obliging man. I quickly found upon discourse
with him that they were in a mistake, and apprehended
I was to command the forces in the West against them,
which I assured him upon my word and honour was not
so. Then the General demanded of me my word that
I would act nothing to their prejudice, which I refused
to give, declaring that I was of the Council of State,
and greatly trusted by the Parliament whom they had
turned out, and resolved to do all I could for their
restitution ; that they might give losers leave to speak,
since they were well assured we had no power to act
anything with ; the army was wholly at their devotion ;
and they could not find, perhaps, another way to lose it
than by using me and others of their old friends and
commanders scurvily ; that I knew their apprehension
of me lay in the West, because of the interest I had
there ; that, being their prisoner, and to obtain my
liberty, I would give him my parole not to depart the
city without his leave. This the General accepted, and
I was released ; but before the next day they had better
intelligence, and gave order for the reseizing me at
any rate, which was executed accordingly, 1 and at ten
1 There is an error here in Locke's narrative : he describes Lambert
as coming in to the Committee of Safety after Fleetwood had released
Cooper on his parole, and pressing for his arrest. Lambert was at this
time in the North with his army, watching Monk. Martyn also
erroneously places Lambert in London at the time of the restoration of
the Rump. Locke tells an amusing minute story of the attempt to
arrest Cooper, which he would probably have derived from Shaftesbury
himself, and which may be true : " Sir A. A. coming home to his
house in Street in Covent Garden, one evening, found a man
knocking at his door ; he asked his business : the man answered, it was
with him, and fell a discoursing with him. Sir A. A. heard him out,
and gave him such an answer as he thought proper, and so they
198 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
o'clock at night a party of soldiers broke suddenly into
my house, frighted my wife and my only child, lying-
then sick of the small-pox ; broke open all the trunks,
boxes, and closets, ran their swords into the hangings,
but lost their labour, and found me not, I being upon
notice removed some minutes before, and continued
unknown and secret in the city, until, by the assistance
of several officers that were of our party, I had got the
Tower delivered into my hands ; and all the army they
had about London, both horse and foot, drawn up in
rank and file in Lincoln's Inn Fields (without their field-
officers and captains), declaring all for the restoration
of the Parliament, which the Monday following was
restored in triumph ; and one of the first things they
did that day was to appoint me and some others Com-
missioners for the present command of their army and
forces. Whereupon I, with the other Commissioners,
1 caused several clerks to be set to work, and that night
parted ; the stranger out of the entry where they stood into the
street, and Sir A. A. along the entry into the house ; but guessing by
the story the other told him that the business was but a pretence, and
that his real errand he came about was something else, when he parted
from the fellow he went inwards, as if he intended to go into the
house, but, as soon as the fellow was gone, turned short, and went out,
and went to his barber's which was but just by; where he was no
sooner got in, and got upstairs into a chamber, but his door was beset
with musketeers, and the officer went in too with others to seize him ;
but not finding him, they searched every corner and cranny of the
house diligently, the officer declaring he was sure he was in the house,
for he had left him there just now ; as was true, for he had gone no
further than the corner of the Half Moon Tavern, which was just by,
to fetch a file of soldiers that he had left there in the Strand out of
sight, whilst he went to discover whether the gentleman he sought
were within or no ; where doubting not to find him safely lodged, he
returned with his myrmidons to his house, sure, as he thought, of his
prey ; but Sir A. A. saw through his made story, and gave him the
slip. After this he was fain to get out of the way and conceal himself
under a disguise ; but he hid himself not lazily in a hole ; he made
war upon them at Walliugford House, incognito as he was, and made
them feel him, though he kept out of sight." (Locke's Works, ix.
277.)
1659. HIS OWN NARRATIVE. 199
dispatched orders, and sent them to every field-officer
in Lambert's army; wherein, after a preamble of the
miraculous restoration of the Parliament, and the return-
ing of the London army to their duty, they were required
upon pain of cashiering immediately to march the regi-
ments to such quarters and posts as were therein assigned
them, which were carefully designed far enough distant
from each other or from the place wherein they then
lay. Those orders had their effect, and Lambert's army
vanished in an instant, not one entire regiment disobey-
ing the order. The same order we sent that night to
every county in England and place where their single
and dispersed troops lay, such as were not in regiments,
and therefore we ventured .the boldlier, and required
them instantly to disband, and sent orders and autho-
rities to some confiding persons that were near, to see it
done. These also had the effect we intended, so great
was the consternation upon this sudden and unexpected
revolution."
Though Shaftesbury, writing from his own point of
view, may make himself a little too prominent and
important, this account contains nothing at variance
with other published accounts of authority; what he
says of his own proceedings is indeed substantially con-
firmed by other statements, and several confirmatory
additions may be made to this narrative. Cooper's and
Haselrig's fruitless conference at the Fleece Tavern, in
Covent Garden, with Monk's commissioners, was on the
sixteenth of November ; and on the nineteenth he and
eight other members of the late Council of State wrote
to Monk, thanking him for his opposition to the Com-
mittee of Safety and support of the late Parliament,
200 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
and assuring him of their zealous co-operation. 1 A few
days later, the same nine, acting always as the Council
of State, passed a commission constituting Monk com-
mander-in-chief of the forces of England and Scotland.
The eight who thus acted with Cooper have been already
named : Scot, Haselrig, Colonels Morley, Eeynolds, and
Walton, Wallop, Nevill, and Berners. Cooper, Scot,
Berners, and Weaver addressed a long letter to Fleet-
wood, bearing date December 16, and soon after printed,
in which they boastingly owned an unsuccessful attempt
to get possession of the Tower ; declared that they had
acted " by authority from the Council of State, who at
the passing of that resolve had the sole legal power from
the Parliament of ordering, directing, and disposing of
all the garrisons and forces of this Commonwealth, both
by sea and land," and resented the endeavour to arrest
Cooper. 2 Cooper (}id secure the Tower eight days later,
on the twenty-fourth. " The Speaker," says Whitelocke,
"with Cooper, Reynolds, Weaver, and Berners, went
to the Lord Mayor, and discoursed with him and
the Sheriffs touching the Parliament's meeting again
speedily, and found them to like well of it ; from him
they went to the Tower, and secured that." 3 Clarendon
describes the surprise and grief of the Committee of
Safety when they heard of the defection of Admiral
Lawson, who brought his squadron into the Thames,
and declared for the Parliament. " It broke," he says,
"the heart of the Committee of Safety:" they sent
1 The substance of the letter is given in Baker's Chronicle, p. 673.
Scot signed it first of the nine, as President.
2 This letter is printed in Appendix IV.
s Memorials, p. 691, December 24, 1659.
1659. TEMPOKAEY COMMISSIONER FOR ARMY. 201
down Vane and two other intimate friends of Lawson,
to remonstrate with him ; and these, " when they came
to the fleet, found Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper and two
others, members of Parliament, who had so fully pre-
possessed him, that he was deaf to all their charms, and
told them that he would submit to no authority but
that of the Parliament." 1 A doggrel ballad of the time,
which celebrated the fall of the Committee of Safety,
recognises Cooper as one of those who chiefly contri-
buted to the event, in co-operation with Monk. 2
The first act of the Parliament on its restoration was
to appoint seven Commissioners, of whom Cooper was
one, to take temporary command of the army until the
return from Portsmouth of Haselrig, Morley, and Walton,
three of seven who had been made Commissioners for
the army by the Parliament on October 12, just before
Lambert's revolution, and the only three of those seven
who had opposed the Committee of Safety. Cooper's
six colleagues in this temporary commission were
Alexander Popham, Colonel Thompson, Scot, Colonel
Okey, Colonel Alured, and Colonel Markham. It was
these Commissioners who executed the prompt dispersion
of Lambert's forces which Cooper has related. Their
1 Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion, xvi. 106.
"Sir Ashley Cooper, Scot, and more,
Such honest hearts there are good store,
The famous Lawson and the Fleet,
And London lads in every street,
"Who vow to make subverters stare
At Tyburn in the open air
For doing what no King did dare,
And thus vows our brave George. "
This is from a ballad called "The Noble English Worthies," to be
found in Wright's " Political Ballads of the Commonwealth," vol. iii. of
the Percy Society's Publications.
202 LIFE OF SHAFTESBURY. CHAP. VII.
power lasted only for two days, for Haselrig, Morley,
and Walton returned on the twenty-eighth. A letter of
one of the Eoyalist agents, Brodrick, addressed to Hyde,
proves that Cooper's proceedings were a mystery as well
as a disappointment to the Eoyalists. Brodrick couples
him with another Presbyterian, Popham, who had un-
doubtedly been actively engaged in Sir George Booth's
rising. "Alexander Popham," writes this active agent
on December 30, " was in recompense chosen one of the
seven generals to take care of the army in the absence
of Haselrig, Walton, and Morley, expected two days
after, so that his dignity lasted double the time of
Bibulus's consulship, and to us appeared twice as ridi-
culous. Sir A. A. Cooper seems very eager in establish-
ing these people, but the friends of both these great
men find plausible excuses for every action of them." l
The care of the government of the Tower was also
entrusted by the Parliament, on the very day of its
meeting, to Cooper, Weaver, Scot, and Berners. 2 Their
functions ceased on the seventh of January, when
Colonel Morley was appointed Lieutenant of the Tower.
A Council of State, consisting of thirty-one members
twenty-one members of the Parliament, and ten not
belonging to it was appointed on the second of Janu-
ary, to continue till the first of April. Cooper was
elected by the largest number of votes among the ten
not belonging to the Parliament.
Now, at last, Cooper obtained recognition of his claim
to sit for Downton, on his old petition of 1640. Once
i Clarendon Papers, iii. 637. 2 Comra. Journ. Dec. 26.
1660. ADMITTED INTO THE PARLIAMENT. 203
more his case was referred with that of Fairfax to a
Committee ; and this time the Committee reported that
he was entitled to the seat. 1 The House immediately
adopted the report, and Sir Anthony at once took his
seat, on the seventh of January, and once more sub-
scribed the Engagement. Shortly after, he was made
colonel of Fleetwood's regiment of horse, Fleetwood
having been deprived of it. His commission was given
him by the Speaker at the clerk's table. 2
Cooper, now admitted to sit, was at once a leading
man in the Parliament. He had probably now made
up his mind to endeavour to obtain the restoration
to the House of the Presbyterian members who had
been secluded before the King's execution, and he
soon separated from Haselrig, Nevill, and other Ee-
publicans. A letter of the royalist Lord 
