The life of Dr. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, in the reign of King Henry VIII

- : t

■'■

-

.

fc^1

w S,

PRINCETON, N. J.

Shelf.

C/

BR 1725 ,F5 L4 1855 v. 2
I Lewis, John, 1675-1747.
The life of Dr. John Fisher

THE

LIFE

OF

DR. JOHN FISHER,

BISHOP OF ROCHESTER IN THE REIGN OF KING HENRY VIII.

WITH AN

APPENDIX OF ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS.

BY THE REV. JOHN LEWIS, A.M.

AUTHOR OF THE LIFE OF JOHN WICKXIFFE, D.D., BISHOP PECOCKE,

ETC.

NOW FIB ST PRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
PREPARED BY THE AUTHOR FOR THE PRESS.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION,

BY

T. HUDSON TURNER, ESQ.
VOL. II.

LONDON :
JOSEPH LILLY, 19, KING STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

1855.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

Chapter XXIII. — 1. K. Henry dissatisfied about his mar-
rying his brother s widow : the Bishop takes the Queens
part. 2. Some account of this matter. 3, 4. The King
opens his mind to Sir Thomas More, Sfc. 5. Moves at
Borne for a divorce. 6. Archbishop Warham proposes
to the Bishops the Kings scruples. 7. The King gives
the Legates leave to execute their commission. 8. The
Bishop pleads for the Queen, 9,10. Writes against the
divorce. 11. So does William Tijndal. 13. The King
asks the opinion of the University of Cambridge. . 1

Chapter XXIV. — 1. The University of Cambridge decrees
the Bishop public exequies. 2. Sends the Statute to him
with a Letter. 3. The Bishop's answer to their Letter. 27

Chapter XXV. — 1. The Commons complain in parliament
of their being oppressed by the Clergy : the nature of
their grievances. 7. Bills brought into parliament to
redress them. 8. The Bishop of Rochester's Speech
against them in the House of Lords. 9. The Commons
complain of it to the King. 10. He sends for the Arch-
bishop, and accepts the Bishops explanation of his
meaning. 11. Baily's feigned story of the Bishop's be-
haviour in convocation. 12. Observations on it. . 30

Chapter XXVI. — 1. The Bishop revises the Statutes of
St. John's College in Cambridge, and settles his own be-
nefactions to it. 2. Orders Trentals and Exequies to be
done for hint. .....•• 46

iv CONTENTS.

Chapter XXVII. — 1. The King orders a Translation of
the New Testament in English. 2. Sends to Oxford for
an authentic account of Dr. Wiclifs opinions condemned
there. 3. Forbids the purchasing from Rome any thing
prejudicial to his jurisdiction. .... 49

Chapter XXVIII. — 1. The Clergy in a premunire, and
ransom themselves and estates by giving the King a sub-
sidy, and 2. by owning his supremacy : which is opposed
by the Bishop of Rochester. 3. Remarks on this speech.
4. The King acknowledged to be supreme head, Sj-c. and
the clergy pardoned. 5. Some of the Bishop's family at
Lambith poisoned. ...... 56

Chapter XXIX. — 1. The Bishop's house at Hailing
robb'd. 2. Account of the Clergy's submission. 3. The
King communicates to the Commons the determinations of
the foreign Universities concerning his marriage with
Q. Katharine. •-.,... 77

Chapter XXX. — 1. The Commons in parliament make a
representation to the King of the greatness of the
grievance of the proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts
ex officio. 2. Complaint made of these proceedings in a
printed book, $c. 3. Sir Thomas More's answer to this
b°ok 89

Chapter XXXI. — 1. Archbishop War ham is succeeded by
Cranmer, who hears the debates in Convocation about the
King's marriage, and, 2. Pronounces the Sentence of
of Divorce. 3. The Bishop's troubles. 4. An Act against
Appeals to Rome. 5. Pylcher and Bechyng abjure. 98

Chapter XXXII.— 1. An account of Elizabeth Barton,
called the Holy Maid, or Nun of Kent. She names the
Bishop of Rochester on her examination, among her con-
federates. His conduct in this affair. 4. It is brought
before the parliament, 6. The Bishop is condemned as
guilty of misprision of Treason, which the King pardons.
7, 8. Of the Holy Maid of Ipswich. . . .106

CONTENTS. V

Chapter XXXIII. — 1. It is enacted in parlement, that all
of full age should swear to the succession as established
on the Kings marrying Queen Anne. 2. The Bishop of
Rochester summoned to take this oath. 3, 4, 5. He refuses
it. 6. Is sent prisoner to the Tower. 7. Archbp. Cran-
mers advice concerni?ig him and Sir Thomas More. 131

Chapter XXXIV. — 1. The oath of succession ratified in
parliament. 2, 3. The Bishop's goods seized. 4. He
complains to the secretary of his poverty and distress. 5.
The College of St. John's write the Bishop a Letter of
Condolance. 6. Attempts made to persuade the Bishop to
take the oath. 7. Interrogatories put to him ; the Bishop's
answers. . . . . . . . . 143

Chapter XXXV, — 1. The King's supremacy enacted. 2.
It's made high treason to deprive the King of this title.
3. The Bishop acquainted with this by his brother Ro-
bert. 4. So?ne account of the King^s supremacy. 5. A
correspondence by letters betwixt the Bishop and Sir
Thomas More discovered. 6. The Bishop proceeded
against on the forementioned statute. . . .157

Chapter XXXVI. — 1. The Bishop made a Cardinal. 2.
A Commission given out for his Trial. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. The
trial put off on account of his illness. Some account of
the Trial. 8, 9. He is found guilty and condemned. 10.
His Speech after his condemnation. 11. He is carried
back to the Tower. 12. Reflections on this account. 177

Chapter XXXVII. — I. A story of the Bishop' s cook in the
Tower. 2. The writ is sent for his execution. 3, 4. He is
carried from the Tower to the scaffold, where his head is
cut off. 5. The executioner carries away his head and
sets it on London Bridge, and his body is buried in Al-
hallows Berking Church-yard, just by in Tower-street. 192

Chapter XXXVIII. — 1. The reflections made on the
Bishop's trial and execution. 2. By Lee, archbishop of
York. 3,4. By the archbishop of Spalato. 5. By his

VI CONTENTS.

friend Erasmus. ....... 202

Chapter XXXIX.— 1, 2, 8. Books written by the Bishop
in the Tower, §c. . . . . . . 211

Chapter XL. — 1. A description of the Bishop's person. 2.
His character. 3. His friends, $c. . . . 215

Chapter XLI. — 1. An Act for reviewing the Canon Law,
Sfc. 2. Queen Anne : an account of her. . . 221

A Collection of papers, Sfc. relating to Bishop) Fisher s
Life 253-416

THE

LIFE

OF

DR. JOHN FISHER,

BISHOP OF ROCHESTER.

CHAP. XXIII.

1. K. Henry dissatisfied aboid his marrying his brother s
widow : the Bishop takes the Queens part. 2. Some
account of this matter. 3, 4. The King opens his mind
to Sir Thomas More, fyc. 5. Moves at Rome for a
divorce. 6. Archbishop Warham proposes to the Bishops
the King's scruples. 7. The King gives the Legates
leave to execute their commission. 8. The Bishop pleads
for the Queen. 9,10. Writes against the divorce. W.So
does William Tyndal. 12. The King asks the opinion
of the University of Cambridge.

1. ABOUT this time the King's great business, as it 1528.
was commonly called, or his divorce from Q. Katharine,
came on the stage, in which our Bishop was very warm
and active on the Queen's behalf, insomuch, that he would
very freely dispute for the lawfulness of her marriage, and
frequently declare his mind in that matter. One instance
of this is, that Staphileus, an Italian bishop, being here in strype's
England as Pope Clement's ambassador to the King, he, Memon.
either to make his court the better, or that he was so per- vol. i. p.
suaded in opinion, seemed fully satisfied about the justice
of the King's cause : on which account he was sent back
to Rome with instructions concerning it, both publick and
secret. On this occasion, the Bishop of Rochester and

VOL. II. B

2 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, one Dr. Marmaduke, one of the King's Chaplain's, were
XXIII
L_ ordered to attend him in his journey so far as Canterbury

or Dover. By the way the Bishop and Staphileus hap-
pened to talk of the King's divorce, and fell into a dispute
about it, in which they were both very warm and earnest.
Staphileus took the King's side, and Bishop Fisher the
Queen's. But Staphileus had so good an opinion of his
own arguments and his management of them, that he
thought, at least, he had completely baffled and silenced
the Bishop. Of this he sent Cardinal Wolsey an account,
and told him he wished he, the King and Queen, had
been present to hear this debate, for their satisfaction on
both sides ; a fuller account of which, he said, Dr. Mar-
maduke, who was with them, would give him. But Sta-
phileus, it's plain, reckoned too fast : since, as will be
seen hereafter, far enough was the Bishop from being
convinced, and yielding to the force of his arguments.
Lord Ba- 2. The Queen had been married to the King's elder
of K. Hen. brother Prince Arthur, November 14, 1502, the prince
vil.p.206,jjemg then aDout fifteen years of age, and the ladie about
eighteen. In the beginning of April following" the prince
died, and left the princess a young widow. But such ex-
pectance was there of her being with child by the prince,
who was forward and able in bodie, that it was above half
a year after his death before prince Henry was created
prince of Wales. The fortune or marriage portion of this
princesse was two hundred thousand ducats, wherof one
hundred thousand were paiable ten days after the solem-
nization of the marriage, and the other hundred thousand
at two annual payments : for which her jointure was to be
the third part of the principalitie of Wales, and of the
dukedome of Cornwall, and of the earldome of Chester,
to be after set forth in severaltie. As the prince died
without issue, there was a necessity either of sending back
the widow to Spain, and consequently of returning the
hundred thousand ducats which the King had received,
or in case she stayed in England, of giving her the third

DR. JOHN FISHER. 3

part of the principality of Wales, of the dukedom of chap.
Cornwall, and of the earldom of Chester, which was settled x^1,
on her in marriage. Both these things were equally
grievous to a prince of Henry's frugal and parsimonious
temper. It was therfore projected, that the princess
should be contracted to the King's younger son Henry,
now prince of Wales. This proposal was agreed to by
the King and Queen of Spain, on condition the Pope's
dispensation was first procured ; for which this necessary
reason was alledged, that not only Arthur and Henry
were brothers, but moreover that Arthur's marriage with
Catharine was solemnized in form and consummated.
But against these proceedings Warham, Archbishop of
Canterbury, very warmly remonstrated, and told the King
plainly, that this match was contrary to the law of God,
with which the Pope had no power to dispence. But
notwithstanding this the contract was concluded. A bull
was procured from Pope Julius II. to dispense with it, in
which it was recited, that in a petition lately presented to
him, Henry and Catharine had set forth, that Catharine
had contracted marriage with the late prince Arthur, per
verba de prcesenti, and that the marriage had been solem-
nized in form, and she perhaps carnally known by him.
However, such an impression the Archbishop's remon-
strance seemed to have made on the King, that the very
day the prince his son entred on his fourteenth year, he
caused him to make in private a protestation against this
marriage, though before trusty witnesses, and to declare,
that his consent was not voluntary. And not content with
this, the King on his death bed strictly charged the prince
never to solemnize and consummate this his marriage
with Catharine. But notwithstanding all this, Henry
being now come to the crown, resolved to marry the
princess. This resolution of his is said to be chiefly
owing to the counsel of Fox, Bishop of Winchester, our
Bishop's great friend and patron. He very much insisted
on the Pope's dispensation, and the unlimited power of

4 THE LIFE OF

chap. Christ's vicar, and positively affirmed, that seeing the
_____ l_Pope had given a dispensation, it was a certain proof
that he had the power, and that was enough to satisfy the
King's conscience, that no person upon earth could limit
or so much as enquire into the papal authority ; and though
such a power should be ascribed to a general council, yet
no English council could pretend to it. To these argu-
ments concerning conscience, the Bishop added others,
drawn from reasons of state and the King's interest. He
urg'd, that in all likelihood the King would have, during
the course of his reign, many disputes with France,
England's old enemy; and whether the war should be
offensive or only defensive, an alliance with Spain was ab-
solutely necessary : that the sending back the princess
Catharine after her being contracted, would be an affront
to King Ferdinand, which he would certainly revenge, by
making a league with France, which could not but en-
danger England, or, at least, put it to a vast expence :
that, besides, if the King refused to consummate his mar-
riage with the princess, he must resolve either to restore
her dower, or let her enjoy her settlement ; whereas by
marrying her he would save the hundred thousand ducats
the King his father had received, get an hundred thou-
sand more, which the King of Spain was to pay, and avoid
the charge he would be at in marrying another princess,
who could not be brought into England without great ex-
pence. The Bishop added, that the princess was of a
very sweet and virtuous temper, which was capable of
making a husband perfectly happy: and that there was
no room to question her being still a virgin, since she her-
self affirmed as much, and withal offered to submit to be
tried by matrons, in order to shew that she spoke the truth.
2. With these sentiments ,_of the Bishop's, which were
approved of by a great majority of the council, the King
himself closed: so it was resolved, that he should con-
summate the marriage, which accordingly was publickly
solemnized, June 3, 1509 ; and he had several children by

DR. JOHN FISHER. 5

the Queen, who all dyed young, except the lady Mary. CHAP.
After this there appeared no farther disquiet in the King's XXIIL
mind, nor any sign of an intended divorce, till the year
1524, when Cardinal Wolsey, by his legantine mandate,
published a bull of the Pope's against those that con-
tracted marriage within the forbidden degrees. This
mandate is yet extant in the register of Fisher, Bishop of Coll. No.
Rochester. In it is intimated, that Pope Clement V. in
the council of Vienna, decreed those to be excommuni-
cated, and not to have the benefit of absolution till they
were separated, who, laying aside the fear of God, did
knowingly contract marriage within the degrees of con-
sanguinity and affinity contrary to the canonical sanctions,
to the peril of their souls ; but that the apostolical See,
and Roman pontiffs, considering that there might arise
grievous scandals if the marriages of this sort knowingly
contracted, and by carnal copulation consummated, were
dissolved by divorce ; to obviate scandals of this nature,
and, that the women might not for ever remain defamed,
were induced to dispense with those who had knowingly
contracted marriages within the degrees prohibited as
aforesaid. Upon which many who were desirous to con-
tract marriages within the degrees prohibited, and hoping
they should be able to obtain of the apostolic See leave and
absolution, and a dispensation, had presumed commonly to
contract such marriages, and to consummate them by carnal
copulation under such a prospect. To remove therfore
this abuse and corruption, the Pope declared his resolu-
tion never to dispense hereafter with those who knowingly
contracted marriages within the degrees prohibited, al-
though they had consummated them. Whether this bull
revived in the King the consideration of his own case, and
the advice given to his father concerning it by Archbishop
Warham, it seems pretty plain, that from hence com-
menced the King's shyness towards the Queen ; since in
1531 he told Simon Grineus, that he had abstained from
her for seven years upon scruples of conscience. How-

6 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, ever, these scruples the King concealed very carefully
. from the world for some years ; and the immediate occa-

1526.

1527.

sion of their being made public seems to have been given
Mar. 2, by the French embassadors who came to England three
years after the publication of this bull, to treat of several
matters, and particularly of a marriage between the princess
Mary and the French king, or the duke of Orleans his
April 30, second son. This alternative was at last agreed, tho' it re-
mained some time in suspence, because " the president of
" the Parliament of Paris doubted, whether the marriage
" between the king and her mother, being his brother's
" wife, was good or no." The Bishop of Tarbe made the
same objection, and renewed it to the King's embassadors
in France, as appears by the King's speech to the mayor
and citizens of London concerning his scruples, where he
says, When our ambassade was last in France, and motion
was made that the duke of Orleans should marry our sayd
daughter, one of the chief councaylores to the French ki?ig
said, it were well done to know whether she be the King of
England's lawfull daughter or not ; for well known it is,
that he begat her on his brothers wife, which is directly
contrary to God's law and his precept. That this coun-
cilor was the Bishop of Tarbe is affirmed by the Bishop
of Bayonne, in the account he gives of this speech to the
court of France in a letter dated Novemb. 27, 1528: yet
this very Bishop of Tarbe was afterwards promoted to be
a cardinal, and was so far from retracting his opinion, that
when he was Cardinal of Grandemont, he in a letter
dated March 27, 1530, thus wrote to the French court :
that " he had served the Lord Rochford, Anne Boleyn's
" father, all he could, and that the Pope had three several
" times said to him in secret, that he wished the marriage
" had been already made in England, either by the legate's
" dispensation, or otherwise, provided it was not done by
" him, nor in diminution of his authority, under pretence
<:ofthelawsofGod."

3. Others impute these scruples of the King's concern-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 7

ing the lawfulness of his marriage to Cardinal Wolsey's CHAP.

management. Monsieur de Thou tells us that the Cardi- XXIIJL

nal, to be revenged of the Emperor, got the Bishop of Thuani
™ \ v , -r. , , -, .it/-- Histo.lib.i.

Tarbe, the French embassador, to propose to the rung

at his audience his contracting affinity with the King of
France, by marrying his sister, the widow of Charles duke
de Alencon, and to tell him, that he was at liberty from
the marriage bond which he had contracted with Katha-
rine, as being what was prohibited by the law of God.
Rooper affirms, that the Cardinal not ignorant of the Life of Sir
King's inconstant and mutable disposition, meant to make
it an instrument to bring about his ungodly intent to with-
draw his devotion and affection from the Queen ; and ac-
cordingly devised to allure the King to cast fancie to one
of the French King's sisters ; and that for the better at-
chieving therof, he requested Longland the Bishop, being
ghostly father to the King, to put a scruple into his Practise of
Grace's head. This, Tyndal tells us, was then the com- Marborch,
mon report. Polydore Vergil says, that the Cardinal re- 153°-
senting Q. Katharine's reproofs of his vicious course of
life, consulted with Longland about the lawfulness of her
marriage ; and that they two having determined that the
marriage was unlawful, the Cardinal himself undertook to
make the King sensible of it, and to persuade him no
longer to continue in a state so dangerous to his soul, his
family, and his reputation. But to these different accounts
what the King himself told the Pope's legates at the
Black Friers seems a proper answer ; that so far was
either Longland Bishop of Lincoln, or the Cardinal from
infusing these scruples into his mind, that they were first
occasioned by certain words spoken by the Bishop of
Bayonne, as has been already said, and that thereupon
he moved the doubts he had about this matter to Bishop
Longland his confessor ; for he said the French embas-
sador's having made doubt of, and desired satisfaction
about his daughter's legitimacy, on account of the Queen's
being his own brother's wife, presently raised such doubts

8 THE LIFE OF

chap, and scruples in him, that his conscience had been conti-
xxm
'__ nually vexed ever since, lest by continuing in that sin after

knowledge, he should draw God's indignation against
Rooper's him. To the same purpose his Majesty told Sir Thomas
Thomas Moore, to whom he first opened his mind about this
Moore. matter before his going embassador to Cambray, that he
Levit.xx. was very much affected with those words of Moses, If a
man shall take his brothers wife it is an unclean thing, he
hath uncovered his brother's nakedness, they shall be
childless : as if he thought so many of his children dying-
was owing to his taking his brother's wife. His Majesty
likewise observed, that Thomas Aquinas, whom he chiefly
valued of all the casuists, was of opinion, that the laws of
Leviticus about the forbidden degrees of marriage were
moral and eternal, such as obliged all Christians ; and that
the Pope could only dispense with the laws of the Church,
but not with the laws of God, for this reason ; that no
laws can be dispensed with by any authority but that
which is equal to the authority that enacted it. Our
chronicler, Hall, therfore tells us, that this season, 1527,
began a fame in London, that the King's confessor, the
Bishop of Lincoln, called Dr. Longland, and divers other
great clerks, had told the King, that the marriage between
him and the lady Catharine, late wife to his brother prince
Arthur, was not good, but damnable.

4. Rooper tells us, that on Sir Thomas Moor's excusino-
himself as unfit to meddle with such matters, and to give
him his opinion of the places of Scripture which the Kino-
shewed him as seeming to him to justifie the scruples he
had, and intimating to his Grace, that it was a case of such
importance as to need great advice and consideration, and
accordingly desiring him to take time to consider of it advi-
sedlie, the King resolved to consult Tunstall and Clarke,
Bishops of Durham and Bath, with other learned men of
Life of Bp. his privie council. Baily informs us, that the King was
Fisher, 8f.c. pleased to send for the most able bishops and divines that
he could think of, to consult with about the lawfulness of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 9

his marriage: and that among all these there was not any CHAP,
one in all his kingdome of whom he had a greater opinion
both for honesty and learning, than the Bishop of Ro-
chester : that accordingly he was one of those who upon
this occasion was summoned to meet at the Cardinal's
house at Westminster, where, after much debating of the
businesse, and that the Bishop had fully answered and
confuted all the reasons and arguments which were there
given and used concerning the validity of the King's mar-
riage, to the satisfaction of most of the bishops, he con-
cluded, that there was no manner of occasion for making
any question about it ; seeing the marriage betwixt the
King and Queen was good and lawful from the beginning,
and that therefore it was necessary to remove that scruple
from the King's breast as soon as possible, and so this
conference was ended. Upon which the Cardinal advised
the King to send for the Bishop, and to work upon him
by fair means and gentle usage ; since all did, and was
likely to stick in him, as the only remove to his divorce ;
and that if his Majesty could take him off, all the rest
would follow and be concluded by his judgment. This
advice of the Cardinal's the King, we are told, followed,
and accordingly the Bishop being sent for, and come into
the King's presence, his Majestie treated him very cour-
teously, and spoke very kindly to him, and at last took
him with him into the long gallery ; where having walked
some time with him, and much complimented him on ac-
count of his great learning and exemplary vertue, he at
length in the presence of the dukes of Norfolk and Suf-
folk, and some bishops that were there, declared his mind
to him concerning the business of his marriage which he
had now in hand. His Majesty accordingly told him how
much his conscience was vexed and disquieted about it,
and how, on that account, he had secretly consulted with
his ghostly father and several other men, from none of
whom had he as yet received any satisfaction. And ther-
fore he said, upon special confidence which he had in- his

10 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Lordship's great learning and judgment, he had now made

choice of him, to take his advice above that of all others ;

and therfore he required him to give him his opinion of
this matter freely, wherby he might be sufficiently in-
structed in his conscience, and no longer remain in doubt
and suspence.

The Bishop, Baily says, having heard all this, fell im-
mediately upon his knees, and in that posture would have
delivered his mind to his Majesty ; but the King pre-
sently lifted him up with his own hands, and blamed him
for offering to kneel : wherupon he spake to the King to
the following purpose.

" I beseech your Grace to be of good cheer, and not to
" disquiet yourself one whit concerning this matter, nor to
" be dismayed or troubled at this businesse ; for there is
" no heed to be taken of these men who account themselves
* so wise, and do arrogate to themselves more knowledge
' and learning in divinity than had all the learned fathers
" of the Church, and the divines of Spain and England, to-
" gether with the See apostolic that were in your father's
" time, by whose authority this marriage was approved,
" confirmed, and dispensed with as good and lawful.
" Truly, Sir, my sovereign lord, you rather ought to make
" it a matter of conscience, than to make any such scruple
" in so clear and weighty a matter, by bringing it in ques-
" tion, than to have any the least scruple in your consci-
" ence ; and therfore my advice is, that your Grace with
" all speed lay aside those thoughts, and for any peril that
" may happen to your soul therby, let the guilt rest on
" mine. And this is all that can be said by the loyallest
" of subjects ; and whether I have said well herein or
" otherwise, I shall not refuse to answer any man in your
" behalf, whether it be publicly or privately. And I doubt
" not but there are as many worthy and learned men
" within your kingdom which are of my opinion, as of the
" contrary, if they might be permitted to speak with free-
" dom, who hold it a very perilous and unseemly thing

DR. JOHN FISHER. 11

" that any such thing as a divorce should be spoken of; CHAP.
" to which side I rather advise your Grace to incline than

" to the other." If this was really the Bishop's speech to
the King, and not made for him by this writer of his life,
it must be owned to be an instance of very plain dealing,
and a full proof that the Bishop was not afraid constantly
to speak what he thought to be the truth, or boldly to re-
buke those who opposed it. But I find no notice taken by
any other writer of these times of either such a convention
of bishops and divines about this affair at the Cardinal's
house, or of the Bishop's, in particular, being tampered with
by the King to favour his divorce. However this be, Baily
tells us, that to this advice of the Bishop's the King replied
not one word, but, like one displeased, immediately turn'd
his back on the Bishop, went out of the room, and never
look'd a favourably on the Bishop from that time forward;
which, if true, is very different from the manner of the King's
behaviour toward Sir Thomas Moore on the very same
occasion. Rooper tells us, that tho' the King did not very Life of Sir
well like of Sir Thomas's answer and advice to him on Moore,MS.
his consulting him about this his great matter, as no wise
agreeable to his desire, yet he both presently took them
in good part, and oftentimes had therof conference with
him again.

5. The King having, in prosecution of this affair,
moved at Rome for his divorce : after many delays there,
legates were, at length, appointed to try this cause. A July, 1527.
bull for that purpose had, it seems, been granted to the
Cardinal, April the 13th, 1528, empowering him and the Rymer's
Archbishop of Canterbury, or any other English bishop to Bp egyr.
hear, examine, pronounce, and declare concerning the net's Sup-

DicniGnt

validity of the marriage of King Henry and Queen Kathe- &c. p. 37.
rine, &c. and to give a plenary sentence upon the whole
matter, &c. But, however it happened, no use was ever

a The Bishop himself afterward in a letter to the King observed, that his
Grace wrote to him grievous letters, and after that spoke to him the most
fearful words for shewing him his mind and opinion in this matter.

12 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, made of this bull. Another bull was after that desired
xxm- and obtained, which bears date June the 8th, from
Viterbo. But, it seems, they did not think they had the
Pope fast enough tied by this, and therfore they obtained
from him on the 23d of July a pollicitation, or solemn
promise in the word of a pope, that he would never, nei-
ther at any person's desire, nor of his own motion, inhibit
or revoke the commission he had granted to the legates to
judge the matter of the King's marriage.

6. In the mean time Archbishop Warham, by the
King's command, called to him such bishops as were in
town, and proposed to them the King's scruples about his
marriage ; which, it's said, he had conceived in his con-
science from many and various causes. The paper, drawn
up, and signed and sealed by them on this occasion, imports
that the King had not only consulted them, but the Car-
dinal, and some other prelates of the kingdom, and doc-
tors of divinity and law, and had sent them, in a little
book in writing, the reasons and causes which moved his
Majestie's mind ; that they might give him their advice
for the freeing and extricating his conscience from scru-
ples of this nature, and establish tranquility, both of body
and mind to the King, his succession, and kingdom. They
therfore declare, that having read these reasons, and ma-
turely examined them, they thought fit to answer, as also
they did every one of them answer in particular, that the
King's conscience was agitated and disturbed not without
very grievous and the greatest of causes : and that it
seemed to them highly necessary, that in order to a disqui-
sition of the said cause, the judgment of their most holy
lord the Pope should be consulted, and that the cause be
left to his examination for the discussion of it, and be de-
termined and concluded by his sentence. This paper was
dated July 1, 1529, and signed and sealed by Warham,
Tonstall, Fisher, Kite, West, Standish, Longland, and
Clerk, Bishops of Canterbury, London, Rochester, Car-
lisle, Ely, St. Asaph, Lincoln, and Bath.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 13

This, Cavendish, who wrote Memoirs of Wolsey's life, CHAP.

XXIII

on memory about thirty years after, and Baily, &c. from

him, represent as if the Archbishop, by the King's com- 115 ed>
mand, required the opinions of all the bishops, under their 1708.
hands and seals, concerning this matter, and that they all
accordingly declared, that they judged it an unlawful mar-
riage, except the Bishop of Rochester, who refused to set
his hand and seal to this declaration; and that tho' the
Archbishop press'd him very earnestly to it, yet he per-
sisted in his refusal, saying, that it was against his consci-
ence ; that this afterwards occasioned a dispute betwixt
these two prelates in the King's presence. For the King,
in his speech to the court, held at the Black Friars, Lon-
don, about his divorce, referring himself to the Archbishop
for the truth of his assertion, that the bishops had de-
clared, as has been now said, under their hands and seals,
their opinion of the unlawfulness of his marriage ; the
Archbishop affirmed it, and added, as Cavendish says,
that he doubted not but that all his brethren there present
would acknowledge the same. On which the Bishop of
Rochester, it's said, replied, Not so, my lord, you never
had my hand to that instrument, nor never shall. To which
the Archbishop, Cavendish tells us, made this shifting
answer : that indeed himself wrote the Bishop's name, but
that he did it with his consent, who allowed him to do so,
and to put his seal to it : both which facts the Bishop de-
nyed. But besides, that this is very different from the
authentic account given before, it is not at all likely, that
Bishop Fisher, who scrupled in his conscience to subscribe
this supposed instrument himself, would have consented
to so weak an artifice as the letting another do it for him.
And supposing he did so, yet it's hard to conceive how
the Archbishop, however he might write the Bishop's
name without his leave, should come by his seal without
his knowledge or consent. All the objection that, so far
as I see, can be made to this paper, so far as the Bishop
is concerned in it, is, that his Lordship's name is not here

14 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, written as I find it elswhere. At the bottom of the several
'__ pages of his examination, in the subscriptions of his letters

his name is written thus, Jo. Rqffs, wheras here it is written
J.Roff.

Be this as it will, whilst Cardinal Campegius, whom the
Pope had joined with Wolsey in his commission to judge
the matter of the King's marriage, was on the road hither,
the Emperor's ministers produced an authentic copy of a
certain brief of Pope Julius II. by which that Pope con-
firmed the dispensation of the marriage of Henry with
Catherine, notwithstanding the first marriage of Catherine
with Arthur* had been consummated : instead of which in
the bull of dispensation it was notwithstanding that the
marriage, SfC. had been celebrated, and c it may be con-
Life of Sir summated. This, I presume, is the brief meant by Rooper,
p 5{ 'which, he says, was found upon search in the treasurie of
Spain, and was sent to the commissioners in England, to
supply the imperfection found in the dispensation. How-
ever this be, it was, it seems, intended to make appear by
this brief, that Pope Julius was not surprised, seeing he
supposed, that the marriage had been consummated. But
several reasons are given to prove this brief a forgery.

1. It was not entred upon the register at Rome, nor was
there any docket or memorandum of any such instrument.

2. It was not to be met with in the King's paper office, or
among the records. 3. The dispensation having been
granted at the request of Catherine, that princesse could
never have alledged, that her marriage with Arthur had
been consummated, seeing since the commencement of the
process touching the divorce she had affirmed the con-
trary on oath. 4. According to the date of this brief,

* eleven. December 26, 1503, it must have been granted *ten
months before Julius's d promotion to the popedome. On

b Illudque carnali copula consummaveritis.

c Illudque carnali copula forsan consummavissetis.
Novem. 1. d Meatus Romao 37, Cardinalibus Kal. Novem. die Mercurii hora 16,
Novem. 26. coronatus 6 Kalend. Decembris die dominico hora 22, 1503. According to

DR. JOHN FISHER. 15

the other hand, it is said, that this brief was no forgery • CHAP.

. XXIII.

or, however, that the English court suspected it was not,

is pretty plain from the instructions sent to the King's
agents, to dissuade the Pope from sending to Spain for
the original ; and that as to the date, the Cardinal was
not assured of the force of that objection, and therfore ad-
vised the ambassadors to examine farther into the matter.
For it's said, if the brief could have been proved a forgery,
the King must have carried his point, and by consequence
would not have been so averse against a hearing at
Rome.

7. On the 31st of May this year, the King, by a war- A D 152q#

rant under the great seal, gave the legates leave to execute History of

. . \ • i , , _the Refor,

their commission ; upon which they sate the very same day, vol. i. p. 72.

and ordered a peremptory citation of the King and Queen
to appear there on the 18th of the next month. On this
occasion the Queen, according to the leave she had given
her, chose the Bishops of Rochester and St. Asaph, and
Dr. Ridley, to be of her counsell, and defend her cause.
Tho' Baily tells us, that the Queen would chuse none at Life of Bp.
all, as suspecting the indifferency of such as were the F''sher»
King's own subjects. Wherfore for fashion sake these
counsellors were assigned her, John Fisher Bishop of Ro-
chester, Henry Standish Bishop of St. Asaph, Thomas
Abell, Richard Fetherstone, Edward Powell, all doctors
in divinity : and of civilians and canonists, William War-
ham Archbishop of Canterbury, Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop
of London, Nicholas West Bishop of Ely, and John
Clerk Bishop of Bath. Of all these the Bishop of Ro-
chester seems to have been most highly esteemed and
valued by the Queen, for his great learning and judgment
in matters of conscience ; since it appears by his Lord-
ship's answers some time after, to certain interrogatories

the custom of the court of Rome in dating briefs, the computation, it seems,
begins at New Year's day ; wheras in the date of bulls it begins at Lady Day.
But unless the same reckoning be observed in the registring the Pope's ac-
cession, this objection is a nicety only.

16 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Put to him about this great matter of the King's, that she
XXI11, often sent for him, to advise with him about matters relat-
ing to her conscience long before this affair of her divorce
was set on foot ; and afterwards sent frequent messages to
him, and often consulted him. And therfore, as being
most privy to her secret thoughts, the Bishop was after-
wards asked, whether he had never heard from her that
she despaired of God's mercy, or that she had been guilty
of perjury in swearing, that she was never carnally known
by prince Arthur, but was left by him a pure virgin. To
which the Bishop answered, that she never had said any
such thing to him. Cavendish tells us, if there be much
Memoirs of credit to be given to him, who, it's said, wrote upon me-
Wolsey, p. mory almost thirty years after, that on the King's counsel
117. producing the evidence of the consummation of the mar-

riage of the Queen with prince Arthur, which he repre-
sents as doubtful to be tryed, and what no man knew, the
Bishop of Rochester said, Yes, he knew the truth; to
whom the Cardinal replied, How can you know the truth
more than any other person ? Yes, forsooth, My Lord,
quoth the Bishop, / know that God is the truth itself, and
never saith but truth, and he saith thus, Quos Deus con-
junxit, Homo non separet, Whom God hath joined toge-
ther let no man put asunder. And forasmuch as this mar-
riage was joined and made by God to a good intent,
therfore I said I knew the truth, and that man cannot break
upon any wilful action that which God hath made and
constituted. So much do all faithful men know, replied
the lord Cardinal, as well as you, therfore this reason is not
sufficient in this case ; for the King's counsel do alledge
many presumptions to prove, that it was not lawful at the
beginning ; therfore it was not ordained by God, for God
doth nothing without a good end ; therfore it is not to be
doubted, but if the presumptions be true which they alledge
to be most true, then the conjunction neither was, nor could
be, of God. Therfore I say unto you, my lord of Ro-
chester, you know not the truth, unless you can avoid their

DR. JOHN FISHER. 17

presumptions upon just reasons. To which the Bishop CHAP,
made no answer.

8. Baily tells us, that the Bishop upon this occasion
stood up, and spoke to this effect : That all this was no
more than what had formerly been deposed, and throughly
debated by the best and learnedst lawyers that could possi-
bly be got : that himself very well remembred the time, and
was not ignorant of the manner of their proceedings, when
all these allegations, in respect of what was then produced
to the contrary, were adjudged vain and frivolous, upon
which the marriage was concluded, and afterwards ap-
proved and ratified by the See apostolic, and that in so
large and ample a manner, as that he thought it very hard
now again to call the same in question before another

judge ; which, I believe, will be thought more to the pur-
pose than what is said above.

9. Not content with thus pleading for the Queen in
person, the Bishop wrote a e defence of her marriage in
opposition to the divorce in the Latin tongue. Of this we
are assured by Robert Wakefield, the Bishop's Hebrew
tutor, who on this occasion opposed his Lordship, and
quotes a passage from it : tho' the book itself was so effec-
tually suppressed, that I cannot find any one who has ever

seen it. In the Cotton Library is a letter of Thomas cieop. E. 6.
Bedyll's, a clerk of the council, and much employed by foL 168,
Mr. Secretary Cromwel, to Bishop Fox of Hereford, the
King's almoner ; in which he tells his Lordship, that he Coll. No.
had delivered all Mr. Fisher's books, late Bishop of Ro-
chester, devised by him in the defense of the King's grace
first unlawful marriage, and against his second lawful mar-
riage to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to be seen and
weighed by him, and such as gave attendance on him at
that time, for the answere to be made to fCocleus books

e Sir Thomas Moore informs us that Clerke, Bishop of Bath, and Thomas
Abell, who was afterwards condemned as guilty of misprision of treason, on
account of the nun of Kent, wrote in defence of the Queen's marriage.

1 John Cochlaeui, who wrote several books against Luther, Melancton,

C

18

THE LIFE OF

CHAP.
XXIII.

Hody de
bibliorum
texti : p.
467.

and others. He likewise told his Lordship, that he had
from the father confessor of the monastery of Sion a book
of Bishop Fisher's in defence of the King's first marriage.
But what he added bears hard on the Bishop, and is a
very severe reflection on his conduct. He tells the al-
moner, that he had the father confessor alone in a very
secret communication concerning letters of Fisher's men-
tioned by father Rainold in his examination, which Fisher
assured the King he never shewed to any other man, nor
would. Wheras the confessor owned to him, that Fisher
had sent copies of these letters of his to him, and to Rai-
nold, and to another brother of their's deceased, whose
name he did not remember, directed to the King, and of
the King's answer; and that he likewise sent to them
with the said copies a book of his, made in defence of the
King's first marriage. Baily tells us, that a little before
the Bishop's trouble, he gave to the then Prior of Ro-
chester, Walter Philips, (who was afterwards, on the
suppression of the priory, made Dean of Rochester, and
died 1570) with his own hand, a large volume which his
Lordship had compiled, containing in it the whole story
and matter of the divorce ; but that Philips, on notice
being given to him of certain commissioners in the reign
of K. Edward VI. being ordered to search his house for
books, for fear burnt it ; which he afterwards very much
regretted and lamented. Whether this was the same with
that mentioned by Wakefield I cannot say. But be this
as it will : Wakefield tells us, that Rochester, in a little
book which he wrote against the divorce of Q. Catherine,
has these things concerning a certain text of Leviticus.
" This is not in the Hebrew original nor in the Chaldee

Calvin, and Velenus, &c.and a letter of invective, wherin he reflected on
K. Henry, directed to the King himself. For thus Sir Richard Morysine, a
gentleman of his bed-chamber, entituled his book which he wrote in defence
of his Majesty, and dedicated to Mr. Secretary Cromwell, Apomaxis calum-
niarum convitiorumque quibus Johan. Cochlceus — Henrici VIII. nomen ob-
scurare, rerum gestarum gloriam fcedarc, est edita, non tam ad Regem quam
in Regis invidiam, cpistola studuit.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 19

" translation, nor in the seventy in Greek; but, which not CHAP.

" rarely happens, thro' the unskilfulness of the copier, that '-

" which was written by some one as a note in the margin,
" has been inserted in the text. And since this is neither
" found in the seventy, nor in the Hebrew nor Chaldee, it
" is plain, that by no means it ought to be received for
" Holy Scripture." To which Wakefield thus replied :
" Because, reverend father, sais he, you have here called
" me off from the streams i. e. the translations to the foun-
" tain of the Hebrew veritie, in which you fancy yourself
" skilled, and would willingly be thought so by others, I
" very gladly and freely accept the condition. Do you
" therfore take care how you hereafter oppose the Hebrew
" verity, and object the lakes and corrupted marshes to
" me, who about eighteen years since taught you, and our
" common friend g Thomas Hurskey, Hebrew, contrary to
" your own order, and the law which you have made."

By a letter from Lee, then Bishop elect of Litchfield
and Coventry, it appears, that when the Bishop was after-
wards in trouble for refusing to take the oath of succes-
sion, his Lordship offered to swear never to meddle more
in disputation of the validity or invalidity of the marriage
with the lady dowager, as Q. Catharine was then called,
for " as for the case of the Levitical prohibition, Lee said,
" his conscience was so knit, that he could not send it off
" from him whatsoever betided him."

10. What the Bishop's sense of this matter was, he
briefly explained in a letter sent by him to Cardinal Wol-
sey at the beginning of this dispute. To this purpose he
expressed himself; that " having consulted all those
" speechless masters which he had by him, and diligently
" discussed their opinions, and weighed their reasons, he
" found there was a great disagreement among them, a
" great many asserting, that it was prohibited by the
" divine law, whilst others, on the contrary affirmed, that

s D. Thomam Hurskey totius Ordinis Gilbertinensium praefectum venera-
bilern, patriaeque nostra? post te jubar atquc decus.

20 . THE LIFE OF

CHAP, "it was by no means repugnant to it : and that truly hav-
XXIIL " ing weighed the reasons on both sides in an even scale,
" he thought he saw it easy to unravel all the arguments
" which they produce who deny it to be lawful by the
" divine law, but not so easy to answer the others : so
" that he was fully persuaded, that it cannot be proved by
" any solid reason, that it is prohibited, by the divine law
" now in force, that the brother of a brother deceased
" without children shall take his wife : which, if true, as
" he did not doubt of its being most certain, who is there
" now that considers the plenitude of power which Christ
" has conferr'd on the Pope who can deny, that the Pope
" may dispense, for some great cause, with a brother of a
" brother deceased without issue taking his wife ? But
" that granting the reasons on both sides equal, and that
" neither weighed down the other, yet would that oblige
" him to be more inclined and yielding to the Pope's side :
" that he knew it was allowed by both parties, as a part
" of the amplitude of the Pope's power, that it was lawful
" for him on hearing the opinions of divines and lawyers
" concerning that matter, to interpret ambiguous places of
" Scripture : for that otherwise in vain had Christ said to
" him, Whatsoever thou shalt lose on earth shall be losed
tl in heaven, $c. ; that therfore since it very manifestly ap-
" pears, that the Pope has more than once declared by his
" proceedings that he may, in the aforesaid case, dispense
"with the second brother, this alone would powerfully
" move him to give his assent, altho' he had not produced
" the best proofs and reasons, but that both parties were
■' equal in their assertions. But that now, since he plainly
" perceived, both that the reasons on their side who de-
" fend the Pope's power in this matter are more convinc-
" ing, and that he observed besides in what words, and
" how very fully the power is given by Christ to the Pope ;
" and that lastly he understood, by the clearest evidences,
" that a dispensation of that nature took effect, he had no
e( scruple remaining ; but that it was lawful for the Pope

DR. JOHN FISHER. 21

" to grant such a dispensation, that a brother may take the CHAP.

" wife of another brother that is deceased without issue." !_

By all which it seems pretty plain, that what the Lord

Bacon observed of this affair is true, that the plenitude of Reign of K.

the Pope's power of dispensing was the main question. ^JJg^

11. But they were not only such as defended the pleni-
tude of the Pope's power who now opposed the King's
divorce. William Tyndale, who was reckoned by Sir
Thomas Moor as much the head of the Protestant party Dialogues,
here in England, as Luther was in Germany, the next 1 e"page>
year after this wrote against it in the following manner ; Practice of
which, he said, he would have done sooner if he could g^^Tr-
have brought it to pass. " hThe controversy and strife of bock, 1530.
" the matter, and all the doubt and difficultie, he said,
" standeth in this, that Moses in the xviiith. of Leviticus
" saith, Thou shalt not unhele the secrets of thy brother s
"wife, for * they are thy brothers secrets,- which is as *thatisthy
" much as to say, Thou shalt not take thy brother's wife, p^yite! S
" And in the xxvth. of Deuteronomie he saith, that if a Tyndal's
" man die without issue, his brother must marrie his wife : tj™ psentat.
* which two texts seem contrary, the one forbidding, and
" the other commanding to take his brother's wife. But
" the text is to be understood thus : that Moses forbiddeth Levit.xviii.
" a man to take his brother's wife as long as his brother '
" liveth ; as in the text following, when he forbiddeth a
" man to take his neighbour's wife, be meaneth while his
" neighbour liveth : for after his death it is lawfull. And
" therfore John rebuked Herod for taking his brother's
" wife from him, his brother being yet alive. Or at the
" uttermost, if they will strive and shew no cause why, it
" can intend no further than that a man may not take his
" brother's wife if he have issue by her, which I suppose
" an indifferent thing to have her or not, as they can agree.
" But if his brother die childless, that then he ought to
" have her, and that she is bound to offer herself to the

h This and what else relates to the divorce in this book is omitted in the
edition of it among Tindal's Works reprinted 1573.

22 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. " other brother by the law of Moses, and that it is lawful
" now thoy no commandement."1 According to this deter-

mination Tyndale stiles the divorce a plucking the King
from his righte wife, and imputes it to the Cardinal, as a
contrivance of his to be revenged of the Emperor for op-
posing his pretensions to the popedom. He concludes
with telling us, that " he serched what might be said for
" their part who were for the divorcement, but could find
" no lawful cause of himself by any Scripture that he ever
" red :" and that " if the King's new marriage be not well
" proved, and go forth with good auctority, so shall we
* Mary. " yet follow the *pryncess styll ; or, if she be sent another
" waye, some other whom we shall suppose more rightu-
" ouse enheritour : and so the new prince, or the King's
" son by his second marriage, if he has any, is like to goo
" after King Henry of Windsor's prince and King Ed-
Gerard, " ward's children." But to this exposition of the words of
tom. vii. p. Moses, which was not Tyndal's alone, it was answered,
162, col. l. tjjat marrying a brother's wife when the brother was yet
alive was adultery, and that this was distinctly prohibited
v. 20 of the same chapter.

It was, it seems, the opinion of those of the Roman Church
that not all the degrees which were prohibited in the
xviiith. of Leviticus were forbidden by the law of nature,
but only some of them, viz. the marriage of a son with the
mother, of a father with his daughter, of a brother with a
sister german, of a brother with a half sister, of a son in
law with his mother in law, and of a father in law with his
daughter in law. In the rest of those degrees, the Church,
i. e. the Pope, had, they said, a power of granting dispen-
sations. Of this opinion Melancton seems to have been
A. D. 1536. who in his letters to Camerarius, four years after K.
Henry's cfivorce, tells him, that " the English had hitherto

' When brethren dwellc together, and one of them die and have no child,
the wyfe of the deade shal not be given out unto a straunger ; but her bro-
ther in lawe shall goe in unto her, and take her to wyfe and marry her.
Tt/ndnVs Translation of the Pentateuch.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 23

"disputed about the divorce, and pressed him so sore, CHAP.
" that he had scarce time to breath ; that they contended, .

" that the law concerning the not marrying a brother's EPist- lib-

iv. p 183
" wife was not dispensable, wheras it was his and his col- 185.

" leagues opinion that it was." On the contrary, Come- Com. in
lius, a Lapide, informs us, that " there were some k doctors ^f"** VU1-
" in several universities who affirmed, that all the degrees
" which are rehearsed in the eighteenth chapter of Levi-
" ticus are so absolutely forbidden by the law of nature
" that they void, or make null the marriage, and can't be
" dispensed with by the Pope." But then he adds, " that
" these doctors were corrupted by the King of England's
" angelets :" which is a very short way of confuting their
arguments. The learned Lutheran, Dr. John Gerard,
thus determined this question : " that all and singular the Loci Com.
" prohibitions of the degrees in Leviticus xviii. are not ^/"Jj ' j
" merely Levitical, pertaining only to the positive law, nor
" only obliging the Jews in the time of the Old Testa-
" ment, or whilst that lasted, but are of natural right, and
" oblige Christians also under the New Testament ; and
" that therfore there is no room left for any humane dis-
" pensation, or for any man's dispensing with them." To
this Cardinal Bellarmine, among other things, objected the
manifold dissension of the Lutherans in this point from
one another. He instanced in Wicliff, Luther, Bucer,
Melancton, and Chemnitius, &c. who, he said, maintained,
that being a kin in the first degree only was an impedi-
ment of marriage, and that in the right line, and not in the
collateral : that only those degrees of kindred forbidden,
Levit. xviii. were impediments of matrimony, and that ther-
fore the rest which are added by the Church are to be re-
jected : that, as it is not lawful by any means to contract
marriage within the degrees expressed in the xviiith. of
Leviticus, so neither is any dispensation of the Church to

k Ratio eorum erat,quod Chananaei contra has leges peccantes punitisunt
a Deo, ut patet, v. 24. atqui Chananaei non habebant aliam legem qnam na-
turae : ergo leges hae sunt leges Naturae. Cornelius a Lapide, ibid.

24 THE LIFE OF

chap, be admitted. To this Gerard reply'd, that they all agreed,
!_ that the Levitical precepts are of natural right, and ther-

fore admitted of no dispensation ; and, that as for what
they added of liberty of conscience in human prohibitions,
that was to be taken of either the Pope's prohibitions,
which don't oblige the conscience, or of the prohibitions
of the magistrate, or of a prohibition that hindered the
marriage contract, but did not break it. By all which
it should seem as if both Luther and Melancton had
altered their opinions, that marriage within the degrees
here forbidden might be dispensed with ; and that it was
the common belief of the Lutheran divines, as well as of
those who were called Calvinists or the Reformed, that to
marry a brother's widow was an incestuous marriage, for-
bidden by the law of God and of nature, and consequently
not to be dispensed with by any man, who has no power
by his privileges to make void the commandments of God.
A. D. 1529. 12# The same year, or rather the latter end of the last,
net's Sup- the King sent his letters dated the 16th of February, to
Ple'"e.n* t0 the University of Cambridge, requiring their opinions of
of the Ref. what many, he told them, of the greatest clerks in chris-
P* tendom had affirmed in writing, that the marrying the bro-

ther's wife, he dying without issue, was forbidden both by
the law of God, and by the law natural. To consider of,
and resolve this question, the senate of the University de-
*Dr. Wil- puted the * Vice-chancellor and 'ten Doctors, the two
master. Proctors, and seventeen Masters of Arts, to whom they
gave full authority to determine the question proposed to
them, and to answer it in the name of the whole Univer-
sity : only the question was to be disputed publicly, and

1 In the form of the Grace proposed on this occasion are set down the
names of the Doctors and Masters as follows. The Doctors— Salcot, Watson,
Reps, Thomson of Michael Coll. Venetus, Edmonds, Downes, Wygan,
Crome and Boston. The Masters— Mydelton, Heynes, Mylsente, Shaxton,
Latymer, Symon, Mathew, Lonforthe, Thyxtell, Nycols, Hutton, Skyp,
Goodrick, Hethe, Hadway, Deye and Bayne. The two Proctors names
were, Swynburne and Blythe.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 25

the determination that they should make was to be read CHAP.

xxm
in the hearing of the University. Accordingly, about a

month afterwards the Vice-chancellor, at a meeting of the March 9*
University, or in full senate, reported to them, that the
persons deputed by them had with great care and dili-
gence examined the question proposed to them by the
King, and had considered both the places of Scripture re-
lating to it, and the opinions of expositors or commentators
concerning them: upon which they had likewise had a
public disputation, as was well known to them all ; so that
now, after great labour and all possible industry, they were
come to the determination which he was now to read to
them, which was as follows : that the marrying the bro-
thers ivife deceased without children, she being known by
her former husband by carnal copulation, is prohibited to
us Christians at this day by the divine law, and the law of
nature. It does not appear, that with this affair the
Bishop of Rochester at all concerned himself as Chan-
cellor : or, that the University any wise applied to him to
have his advice and concurrence. What authority and
influence his Lordship had over this learned body has in
part been shewn already, and will appear further by what
will be said by and by. But the Bishop's opinion of this
question could be no secret to the University, and, per-
haps, the fears of their exposing him yet further to the
King's displeasure might influence them not to interest
him in an affair which was so likely to turn to the disad-
vantage of a man whom they so highly honoured and re-
spected. However this be, Sir Thomas Moore was pleased Roper's

to make the following reflection on the bishops and clergy, Life of sir

it tt • • • , ... , ■ • • Th- Moore>

and the two Universities, subscribing this opinion, so MS.

directly contrary to his own and the Bishop's, that " it

" was great pitie, that any Christian prince should

" by a weake clergy, lacking grace constantlie to stande to

" their learning, with flatterie be so shamefullie abused."

As if what the clergy did on this occasion was done against

their consciences, to compliment a prince of whom they

26

THE LIFE OF

CHAP
XXIIi.

Warham.

Coll.
No. 27.

stood in fear. A reflection it must be owned not very
consistent with a tender conscience! since its what has
alwais ben observed, that they who have the most scrupu-
lous consciences themselves are most tender how they
judge the consciences of others. I have put these things
together, tho' a little out of time, because, as they relate to
the same thing, so they may give the reader a better view
of it. I must now return to what was done concerning the
Bishop about two years before.

13. It seems as if about this time the Bishop was sent
for by the Archbishop to his palace of Knole in Kent,
about twelve miles from Rochester, to try, as it seems, if
he and they who were with him, could convince his Lord-
ship of the lawfulness of the King's divorce. This the
Bishop took ill, and complained of it, because, as he said,
the Archbishop did not vouchsafe to apprize him in his
letters of the business for which he sent for him, that so
he might have been better prepared to make his answer
to those who were then with the Archbishop. However,
when he came to Knole he prayed his Lordship that he
would not suspect that he had a mind to sin against the
Holy Ghost, by either opposing a known truth, or not ad-
mitting a truth that could be evidently demonstrated
either by the writings of the Universities, or any others :
which, so far as I can find, was all the satisfaction that the
Bishop would give the Archbishop and those who were
with him.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 21

CHAP. XXIV.

1. The University of Cambridge decrees the Bishop public
exequies. 2. Sends the Statute to him with a Letter.
3. The Bishop's answer to their Letter.

1. TOWARDS the conclusion of the year 1528, the Jan. 30.
University of Cambridge, to shew how much they loved
and honoured their Chancellor the Bishop of Rochester,
made a statute for celebrating his public exequies. In this
statute, which I've placed in the Collection, the University Coll.
recited the unwearied application of his Lordship to pro-
mote their interest, and, in particular, his giving them a
cope of cloth of gold, to be used in the exequies of per-
sons of distinction, his advising the Lady Margaret to
ordain an University Preacher and Divinity Lecture, and
to found the two colleges of Christ's and St. John's, and
his being himself so great a benefactor to these societies,
especially the last, as to deserve the name of a founder.
For all which reasons, and to shew their gratitude, they
had, they said, decreed in their senate, that his Lordship
should have, as usual, an annual liturgy, that is, an anni-
versary of exequies and masses, such as they are obliged
by covenant to hold every year for the other founders and
their principal benefactors, to be performed in St. John's
College on the day of his death, or on some other day
within eight days after.

2. This statute* the University sent to the Bishop with a
long letter full of compliments to this effect : that their Coll.
obligations to his Lordship were such as they knew not
how to express ; since it was owing to him that the noble
endowments and benefactions of the Lady Margaret,
which were designed to be bestowed elswhere, were setled
with them : that therfore, because they were unwilling to

a In the Bishop's Register this statute is entred, and dated Jan. 30, 1529.

28 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, make a return of bare thanks, they had decreed him yearly
exequies for ever, which if they understood that it was
received with the same pleasure with which they offered
it, they should be very much rejoiced.

3. To this the Bishop returned for answer, that the
Lady Margaret, who was so very desirous of their interest,
deserved indeed to be always remembred by them; but
as for himself he was only an officer in these affairs, to do
what he was under the highest obligations to do. For
since that illustrious matron had made him her confessor,
it was his duty to advise her for her soul's health, and
there was nothing that seemed to him more meritorious in
her disposal of such an estate, than the educating at her
charge a multitude of young persons who afterwards, when
they were grown up to be men of learning and virtue,
should preach Christ's gospel successfully throughout our
Britain : he therefore had done nothing in this matter but
what was his duty ; that indeed this benefaction might
have been setled in some other University, but then he
should have acted contrary to the oath he had taken to
promote the interest of their's ; for which reason he ought
not to own the many thanks they gave him to be his due,
since he had done nothing but what was his duty to do.
That incomparable woman their patron, who had truly
deserved of them, ought, he said, to have her praises and
glory intirely to herself. As for him it was certainly suffi-
cient, that with so great benevolence they so kindly ac-
cepted his good intentions to serve them, which, he assured
them, should never be wanting. But the privilege or
favour which they had now conferred on him was so great,
that it was fitter for kings than for a poor bishop : since
what glory more illustrious can any one have in this world
after his death, than to have a company of the most
learned men to stand by his poor body, and do so great
reverence to it ! As for himself, truly, horror took hold
of him, and he trembled every limb of him, when he
thought of so great an honour being to be done to his

DR. JOHN FISHER. 29

ashes; but that God forbid that he should not embrace CHAT.

the devout prayers of so great and so learned a Body, 1

since he was not one of those who denied a purgatory, as
being sensible that a great many souls, after their depar-
ture hence, wanted a great deal of, and a long purgation.
His Lordship concluded, that he wanted words to return
them thanks for their kindness to him, and only desired of
them this one thing, that the exequies which they had
now decreed the performance of for him every year, should
be ascribed to the name of the very good lady, their com-
mon patron : to wit, that as in Christ's College she had
obtained the remembrance of their prayers, so she might
also in like manner have it in St. John's ; and if they be-
stowed on him the fellowship of their prayers with her, it
was abundantly sufficient, and more than he deserved;
since whatsoever there is of glory, as 'tis only her due, so
he thought it should be given to her alone. Notwith-
standing, the assistance of their prayers, which they now
so freely promised him, he very willingly embraced, and
therfore gave them immortal thanks.

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXV.

1. The Commons complain in parliament of their being
oppressed by the Clergy : the nature of their grievances.
7. Bills brought into parliament to redress them. 8. The
Bishop of Rochester s Speech against them in the House
of Lords. 9. The Commons complain of it to the King.
10. He sends for the Archbishop, and accepts the
Bishop's explanation of his meaning. 11. Bailys
feigned story of the Bishop's behaviour in convocation.
12. Observations on it.

A.D. 1529. 1. 1 HE next year the King summoned his parliament to
meet, August the 9th. It was opened accordingly No-
vember 3, when the Commons, being assembled in their
house, they began to consider the grievances wherwith the
spiritualtie, they said, had for some time oppressed them,
contrary to both law and right : of which they mentioned
Hall's the six following : — 1. The excessive fees which the ordi-
Hen^VIli. naries took for the probates of wills. An instance of this
foi. 188, a. Was given to the House by Sir * Henry Guilford, who told
trailer of them on his fidelity, that he and others, being executors
Houshold S to ^ir William Compton Knight, paid for the probate of
his will to the Cardinal, and the Archbishop of Canterbury
666l.UsAd. a1000 mark sterling, or almost seven hundred pounds: an
incredible summ one would think, considering the value of
money at that time ! However on this, it seems, others
made their complaints of the like extortion. The taking
very excessive fees for probates of wills, we shall find was
no new grievance. So long agoe as 18 Edw. I. 1289, a
memorable petition of the citizens of London wa3 pre-
sented to the King in parliament, wherin they complained

a Tho' the synod of London, A. D. 1342, had given a good smart allow-
ance for the probate and business of a testament as 20*., at least, of the
money of that time for every 100/. of the inventory, yet the market by this
time was very much risen. Sir Hen. Spclman de Sepultura, p. 31.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 31

of the officials and *ministers of the Church, their several CHAP.

XXV
vexations, citations, and undue and burdensome exactions,

by which they extorted more from the people than all the * officers-
lay courts. And therfore they petitioned, that the King
would suddenly apply a remedy to this grievance, that so
the people might not be ruined insensibly. From this
time forwards in several parliaments, from the 8th of
Edward the Third, frequent complaints were made by the
Commons of their ill usage on this occasion. But so pow-
erful was the influence of the Lords Spiritual on the
Upper House, that all was to no purpose. On the con-
trary we find, that in the 15th yeare of this reign an Act
passed, wherby it was accorded, that the ministers of holie
Church — for prove and accompt of testaments, or for tra-
vaile taken about the same — shall not be impeached nor
arrested, nor driven to answer before the King's justices,
&c. But this law, we are told, was avoided and annulled
this same year, as not legally passed, and but a pretended
statute; tho' yet with this declaration, that the articles
contained in it, which by other statutes have been ap-
proved, should be observed. Five years after the Com- Cotton's
mons agen prayed remedy ; that wheras men were about £ h£fs'
to prove wills before the official of some certain commis-
sary therunto deputed in the cathedral churches, they now
made men come to places uncertain, and being come,
would not let them have the probate of the wills, sans
faire raunceon meintenant a la quinte on partie des Mens
contenues al testament, without extorting from them on the
spot a fifth or part of the goods contained in the will. To
which complaint the answer was, that the King would
speak to the Archbishop and other prelates, that such
wrong might be redressed. But, it seems, this grievance
was not thus remedied. For in the 50 of Edward III. an ibid. p. 127.
Act was made, that the bishops do certainly appoint what
shall be taken for a probate of a testament, and an acquit-
tance upon that account. But neither had this, it seems,
its desired effect, and therfore in the first year of the next

32 THE LIFE OF

CxW" re*&n ** was Praye£l in parliament, that it may be certainly
... appointed what ordinaries shall take for the probate of a

will or testament, and making of the acquittance. To
which answer was made, that the King had charged them
to take but reasonably therfore. But still the complaint
continued. For the very next session of the parliament, we
find the Commons requiring remedy against the extortions
of ordinaries for probate of testaments, to which they add
the flights of false summoners there uttered, unless the
poor do bribe them with money, which they call the bishops
arms. In the first year of K. Henry V. the Commons
ibid. p. 536. made a large complaint and prayer to redresse the mani-
fold oppressions of the ordinaries for probate of testaments,
&c. to which the answer was, that if the bishops upon the
King's charge to them given did not redresse the same, the
King would then do it. Accordingly in the third year of
his reign, an bAct was passed declaring what ordinaries
should take for the probate of wills. But this Act was to
continue till only the next parliament, when it was not made
perpetual, because the ordinaries did then promise to re-
form and amend their oppressions and exactions. But so
far, it seems, were they from keeping their words, that the
Commons now declared, that the said unlawful exactions
were greatly increased against right and justice, and to the
impoverishing of the King's subjects.

2. The second grievance now complained of by the
Commons, was the great polling and extreme exaction
which was used in taking of corse-presents or mortuaries.
These, at first, were voluntary, as is intimated in the very
name corse-present, and were given by will, but by degrees
they grew to be a custom; insomuch that Gray, Arch-
bishop of York, in his constitutions, 1250, stiles this corse-

b In this Act it was recited, that wheras in the time of K. Edward III.
2s. 6d. or 5*. at the most, was paid for the probate of any will with the inven-
torie, now diverse ordinaries took for the same 40s. or 60*. and sometime
more, at the rate perhaps of 20*. in the 100/. But this was still much short
of 1000 marcs !

DR. JOHN FISHER. 33

present a, principal legacy, and orders it to be demanded CHAP,
by the rector, vicar, &c. but with the fear of God before,
his eyes, and according to the present usage or custom of
the province. But frequent disputes happening betwixt
the clergy and their parishioners about this present, Arch-
bishop Winchelsea, A. D. 1305, ordained, that if a man,
at the time of his decease, had three or more living crea-
tures among his chattels, of what sort soever they were,
the second best should be reserved for the church, where,
when he was alive, he used to receive the sacraments.
This constitution was afterwards reinforced by another of
Archbishop Langham's, 1367, much to the same purpose.
The reason of this payment is very differently guessed.
Archbishop Langham said it was as a recompence for the
tithes and offerings which the deceased had in his life
time thro' fraud or forgetfulness withdrawn. But there is
some doubt made of this ; because in the ancient formu-
laries of wills, and by the canons of the synod of Exeter,
it is expressly directed, that in all wills there should be an
especial legacy of somewhat to the parson for c tithes and
oblations forgotten or omitted. Sir Henry Spelman ther- de Sepui-
fore thought, that as the lord of the fee had the best ej ,40^541'
beast of all of the persons deceased by way of an heriot,
for the support of his body against secular enemies, so the
parson of the parish had the second best, as a corse-pre-
sent or mortuarie, for defending his soul against his spiri-
tual adversaries. A later writer fancied, that as here in Johnson's
England the Church of old claimed a third part of the ecc1. Laws,
deceased's goods, the mortuary was intended as a compo-
sition for that third part. Tho' by the constitutions of
Winchelsea, &c. mentioning three animals, and ordering
the parson one of them, one is apt to think, that by one-
third of the defunct's goods, was never meant any more

c In some ancient wills we find provision made for the mortuary besides.
Thus in a will of one Robert Thoft, 1414 : Item, lego Rectori ejusdem eccle-
sie, nomine mortuarij. mei, meliorem vestem usualem. Item, lego summo
altari pro oblitis decimis et oblacionibus xii.
VOL. II. D

34 THE LIFE OF

chap, than one-thirtl of his living stock, or rather of the best

xxv • • .

J part of it. But however this be, it seems that the clergy,

not content with the second best living creature, extended

Cotton's their claim further. For in the 3 Rich. II. the Commons

ment g&c. m parliament petitioned the King, that parsons or vicars,

p. 185. Sec. might not have nor require any mortuaries of the

armor of any man, but that the said armor might remain

to their heirs and executors. But of the severity of some

of the clergy in demanding this fee, the present Commons

had a very remarkable and fatal instance within their own

memory. No more than sixteen years before, Richard

Hune, a merchant taylour of Saint Margarete's parish in

•New Fish- *Brigestrete, an eminent citizen, had a child died in its in-

HaH's fancy. The curate claimed the bering sheet for a raor-

Chron. K. tuary. Hune refused to let him have it, telling him, that

TT VITT

fol.50, a. the child had no property in the sheet. Whereupon the
curate cited him into the spiritual court ; and soon after
Hune was prosecuted for heresy, and emprisoned in the
Lollards tower within St. Paul's Church, where he was

sir Tbo. found dead hanging by the neck in his own silk girdle ;

Dialogues. an(^ *° aa"d to the calamity, it was on purpose given out,
that he had hanged himself, tho' the coroner's inquest
had found the contrary, and that his neck was broken
before he was hanged. Accordingly in the preamble to

21 Hen. the Act that passed this session concerning the payment
of mortuaries, as if they who drew it had Hune's case in
their view, it is recited, that " morittaries or corse-presents
" have been demanded and levied for such as at the time
" of their death have had no property in any goods or
" chatels."

3. The third grievance complained of by the Commons
in this parliament was, that priests being surveyors,
stewards, and officers to bishops, abbats, &c. had and oc-
cupied farms, granges, and grasing in every country, so
that the poore husbandmen could have nothing but of
them, and yet for that they should pay deerly. Dr. Wiclif,
I have shewn, intimates, that in his time the inferiour

DR. JOHN FISHER. 35

clergy were not only clerks in chancery and officers of the CHAP.

exchequer, but stewards of lands, of lords courts, nay XXV"

clerks of kitchens and of accounts. The same Bishop

Latimer complained of now, in a sermon preached by him at * Sermons,

Grimstorpe, 1552, that some of the clergy, rather than be^"^^' '

among their flockes, would run hither and thither, and be

clarkes of kitchins, or take other offices upon them : to

which the zealous Dr. Hevlin gave this turn, that " the History of

. _ . , J & . the Refor-

poor clergy being kept to some sorry pittances, were mation, p.

"forced to put themselves into gentlemens houses, and61,

" there to serve as clerks of the kitchen, surveyors, re-

" ceivers," &c.

4. The fourth grievance was, that abbats, priors, &c.

kepte tanne houses, and sold wool, clothe, and all manner

of merchandise as other merchants did. Wiclif tells us,

that " where in many abbies shulden be and sometime Great Sen-
i it ^i tence of

" weren great houses to harbour poor men therm, now Curse ex-

" they ben fallen down, or made swinkotes, stables, or P01^^' c'

" bark-houses." Sir Thomas Moore adds, that " in what- Utopia, foi.

" soever parts of the country the wool is finer, and conse-

" quently more valuable, there the nobility and gentry,

" and some abbats, holy men as they were, not content

" with the yearly rents and profits of their lands, which

" their ancestors enjoyed, nor reckoning it sufficient that

" living in ease and plenty they did no good, but rather

" harm to the publick, left nothing for the plough, but

" layd all down to pasture, demolished houses, destroy 'd

" whole towns, leaving only the church standing to fold

" their sheep in. So that as an unsatiable glutton, and a

" direful plague of the country, the fields being laid all in

" one, some thousands of acres were fenced with only one

" hedge. The farmers with their families were ejected ;

" they were dispossessed, by being either overreached by

" fraud, or overcome by violence, or else, being quite wea-

" ried out with abuses, were forced to sell what they had ;

" and so the poor wretches were obliged at any rate to

" shift their quarters, men and women, husbands and

36 THE LIFE OF

chap. " wives, orphans and widows, parents with their children,

XXV

" and a familie more numerous than wealthy, as husban-

" dry employs a great many hands, were compelled, I say,

" to leave their known and usual dwellings, tho' they knew

" not whither to go," &c. This occasioned a very great

Preface to increase of the poor ; so that, as Bishop Coverdale tells

his Trans- i '• 1 #■

lationof the us, a great multitude of the poor people rann thorow every
1 e' ° town a begging ; so far was it from being then known,
that the poor of the nation were supported at the gates of
the abbeys and monasteries. Had this been the case,
there had been no occasion for that warm application
which Coverdale at that time, when these houses were at
the very height of their glory here, made to those of
estates, or who had the riches of this world, " to do with
" their counsell all that ever they could, that this un-
" shamefac'd begging might be put downe, that those ydle
" folkes might be set to laboure, and that such as were not
" able to get theyr lyvynge myghte be provyded for."

5. The fifth grievance complained of was, that spiritual
persons promoted to great benefices, and having their liv-
ing of their flocke, were lying in the court, in lordes houses,
and took all of their parishioners without spending any
thing at all among them ; so that, for want of their resi-
dence, both the poor of their parishes lacked refreshment
and relief, and all the parishioners wanted preaching and
good instruction of God's word, to the great danger of
Bishop Pe- their souls. How notorious this was seems pretty plain

cock's Life *

from the following verses of our poet Chaucer :
Plowman's Some their churches neverne sie

Tale. T

JNe never o pennie thiderne send,
Tho' their poor parishens for hunger die
O pennie on them woll they not spend.
Have they receiving of the rent
•reckon. They *recke never of the remenaunt,

tthem Alas the devil hath cleane-{- hem blent

Soch one is Sathanna's sojournaunt.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 37

6. Lastly, the Commons complained, that one priest CHAP,
had tenor twelve benefices, and were resident on none of ______

them ; when there were many learned scholars in the uni-
versities who were able to preach and teach, who yet had
neither benefice nor exhibition : and whoever considers

the catalogue of pluralities in the time of Archbishop
Winchelsea, given us by a very learned and excellent pre- bp-, Gib-
late, will allow this to be a very modest representation of dex, &c.
this abuse. Thei*e we see that some had fifteen, others p' 946'
thirteen, and one no fewer than twenty-three. And indeed
so favourable was the court of Rome to this foul and corrupt
practice, that in the catalogue of the faculties there to be
granted is mentioned a dispensation, to hold any incompa-
tible benefices without any restriction, or limitation.

7. Of these very scandalous abuses frequent complaints
had been made by private persons, who had no other re-
ward for their pains than being exclaimed against as disaf-
fected to the Church and favourers of heresy ; a character
which they who gave it well knew would soon be a means
to stop their mouths, and keep them from any more find-
ing fault. But now, the King being out of humour with the
Pope, and having therfore begun to limit his jurisdiction,
this was thought a proper opportunity to have these griev-
ances redressed, of which hitherto all complaints had been
to no manner of purpose. The Commons therfore ordered

three Bills to be brought in: one for setling what fees A.D. 1529.
ought to be taken for probates of wills ; another to declare
where mortuaries ought to be paid, for what persons, and 21 Hen.
how much, and in what case none are due ; and a third to ^JJ3- c' 5'
abridge spiritual persons from having d pluralities of liv-
ings, and from taking of ferms, and keeping of tann-houses
or brew-houses.

8. When these Bills were sent up to the Lords for

d By this Bill any clerk who had more than four benefices with cure, was
allowed to hold no more than four, and for the future two were the most
that any could be dispensed with for keeping, and that too with certain pro-
visor and limitations.

38 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, their concurrence, very little or no opposition, it's said, was
xxv> made by the Lords spiritual to the two last, as being but

Hail, Chro. little concerned in them. But when the Bill concerning
fol. 50. probates of wills came to be read, both the archbishops
and the other bishops shewed great displeasure, as being
what affected their profit, and tended to lop off a consi-
derable part of their revenue, or however of their officers.
The Bishop of Rochester therfore, with great zeal and
earnestness, spoke against it to this effect, or rather
Baily's Life against them all. Their Lordships, he said, saw what
Fisher. Bills were now exhibited by the Commons against the
clergy, wherin very great complaints were made of the vici-
ousness, idleness, rapacity, and cruelty of the bishops and
abbats, priests and their officials : but that surely all were
not vicious, idle, ravenous and cruel ; and as for those
that were so, there were laws already provided : that there
was no abuse that the bishops did not seek to rectifie ; but
could there be such a setting all things right as that there
should be nothing wrong ? That he thought clergie-men
the properest persons to rectifie the faults of the clergie,
but that surely it was very wrong for such men to take
upon them to find fault with the manners of others, as
took no care of their own, and to affect to punish where
they had no authority to correct : that if the bishops did
not put the laws in execution, every one was to suffer for
his own fault ; or if they had not power so to do, if the
temporal Lords would aid them with their assistance, they
should be thankful to them. But, he said, he heard a
motion had been made for the King's having the e smaller
monasteries, and that this seemed to him as if our holy
mother the Church was to become a bondmaid, and by
degrees to be quite banished out of those houses which
the devotion and liberality of our forefathers had bestowed

e I don't find any mention made of tbis by oar historians before 1535, ex-
cept that in 1532 the King desired a bull from the Pope to erect six new
bishoprics, to be endowed with monasteries that were to be suppressed.
Hist. Rcj or. vol. i. p. 121.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 39

upon her. To what purpose else were these portentous chap.
and curious petitions of the Commons, but to bring the xxv-
clergy into contempt with the laiety, that so they might
seize their patrimony ? Their Lordships therfore ought
to take care of themselves, and of their country, and
of their holy mother the catholic Church, since the
people were subject unto novelties, and Lutheranism
spread itself among us. They should remember Ger-
manie and Bohemia, what miseries had already befaln
them, and let their neighbours' houses that were already
on fire teach them to beware of the same disaster, and
take care of their own ; for unless they interposed their
authority, and manfully resisted this violent heap of mis-
chiefs attempted by the Commons, they would see all obe-
dience withdrawn from the clergy first, and next from
themselves. He concluded, that if they searched into the
true causes of all these mischiefs which now reigned among
them, they would find, that they all proceeded from want
of faith. These last words are somewhat differently re-
ported by our chronicler Hall, as if the Bishop should say,
that for God's sake their Lordships should consider what
a realme the kingdom of Bohemia was, and that when the
Church there went downe, then fell the glory of that
kingdome : that now with the Commons was nothing but
down with the Church, all which seemed to him to be for
lacke of faithe only. This speech of the Bishop's, Baily
tells us, was received by the Lords as they were differ- Life of B
ently affected, or more or less disposed to favour the Fisher.
King's designs. However none of them made any reply
to it but the duke of Norfolk, who observed, that many of
the expressions used by his Lordship might have been
well spared ; but he was not insensible, that very often the
greatest clerks were not always the wisest men. To
which the Bishop only said, he did not remember any
fools in his time that ever proved great clerks.

9. But, when this speech of the Bishop's against the
Bills which they had sent to the Lords was reported to

40 THE LIFE OF

chap, tne Commons, they very highly resented their being thus
XXV. reflected on, and represented as a company of heretics,
and enemies to the Church, who sought to bring it into the
utmost danger, only because they had passed these Bills
for the remedying abuses which had long been complained
of without any redress, and which even now were not pre-
tended to be justified. They therfore resolved, that their
Speaker, attended with some of the members of their
House, should go to the King to make complaint to him
of the Bishop of Rochester. Accordingly, at the time
appointed by the King for their attending on him, Sir
Thomas Audley their Speaker, with about thirty of the
principal members of the House, waited on the King,
then at Yorke Place, or Whitehall, Westminster, and
being come into his Majesty's presence, the Speaker
shewed what a dishonour it was to him and the realme to
say, as the Bishop had done, that they who were elected
for the wisest men of all the shires, cities, and boroughs
within the realme of England, should be declared in so
noble and open a presence as the Lords House to lacke
faith : that this was as much as to say, that they were infi-
dels, and not christians, and as bad as Turks or Saracens ;
so that what pains or studie soever they took to serve the
commonwealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or
established, should be taken as laws made by pagans and
heathens, and not worthy to be kept by christians. Wlier-
fore he most humbly besought the King's Highness to call
the said Bishop before him, and to cause him to speake
more discreetly of such a number as was in the House of
Commons. To which the King, its said, tho' far from
liking this passionate reflection of the Bishop's, very
mildly answered, that he would send for the Bishop, and
let them know his answer ; and so the Speaker, with those
who accompanied him, returned to the House.

10. Soon after the King sent for the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and six other
bishops, to whom he declared what a complaint he had

DR. JOHN FISHER. 41

received from the Commons of the Bishop of Rochester, chap.
and how ill they took his speaking of them in such a xxv'
manner as he had lately done in his speech in the House
of Lords, and particularly reflecting on them as wanting
faith. To which the Bishop, its said, answered, that his
meaning was, that the doings of the Bohemians were for
lacke of faith, and not the doings of those who were in the
Commons House. This explanation of the Bishop's was
confirmed by the Archbishop and bishops then present,
who had all of them a great value for the Bishop of Ro-
chester. The King therefore, accepting this excuse of
his, sent a message to the Commons by the treasurer of
his houshold, Sir William Fitz-Williams, to tell them in
what manner his Lordship explained those words of his at
which they had taken so great exception : with which,
tho' they were far from being satisfied, as thinking it
a made and very blind excuse, they yet did not think fit
to proceed any further on their complaint of the Bishop ;
and so this storm raised against him blew over. But
Baily reports the Bishop's answer as less yielding and Life of Bp.
condescending, viz. that being in council he spake his
mind in defence of the Church, which he saw daily injured
and oppressed by the common people, whose office it was
not to judge of her manners, much less to reform them ;
and that therfore he thought himself bound in conscience
to defend her all that lay in his power : to which the King
is represented as replying, that he wished him to use his
words more temperately, which mild reproof, its said,
gave the Commons little satisfaction.

11. Baily, as he had fancied, that in this parliament a ibid. c. 14.
motion had been made in the House of Commons for the
suppression of all the lesser monasteries under the value
of two hundred pounds a year, and accordingly made the
Bishop to hint as much in his aforesaid speech : so he
supposes the same motion to be made in the convocation
that met and sate with the parliament, of which he makes
this formal story, that " immediately upon this complaint

42 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. " made to the King by the Commons against the Bishop,

'__ " the foresaid demand for all the small abbies and monas-

" teries within the land of the value of two hundred pound
" land and under to be given to the King was revived ; and
" the pretence for such demands of the clergy was, in
" recompence of the great charges and expences which
" the King was at concerning the divorce which he was
" put upon by the false and double dealing of the Cardinal
" and his clergy. It was said therfore, to be all the reason
" in the world that the clergie should satisfie the King
" againe for the great expences he had been at ; and this
" was urged with such importunity as if the business had
" been called upon by sound of drums and trumpets. In
" conclusion, they all agreed, that certain of the King's
" counsel should make demands hereof to the convocation
" of the clergy, which was performed with such a terrible
" shew of the King's displeasure against them if they
" yielded not to his request, that divers of the convoca-
" tion, fearing the King's indignation, and hoping by a
" voluntary condescention in these particulars to save the
" rest, were of a mind to satisfie the King therein ; which
" the Bishop of Rochester perceiving, spake as followeth :
" My Lords, and the rest of our Brethren here assem-
" bled, I pray you to take good heed to what you doe lest
" you doe you know not what, and what you cannot do.
" For indeed the things that are demanded at our hands
" are none of ours to grant, nor theirs to whom we should
" bestow them if we should grant them their desires ; but
" they are the legacies of those testators who have given
" them unto the Church for ever, under the penalty of
" a heavy curse imposed on all those who shall anywise go
" about to alienate their property from the Church. And
" besides, if we should grant these smaller abbies, &c. to
" the King, what should we do otherwise than shew him
" the way how in time it may be lawful for him to demand
" the greater? Wherfore the manner of these proceed-
" ings puts me in minde of a fable, how the ax which

DR. JOHN FISHER. 43

** wanted a handle came upon a time unto the wood mak- chap.
" ing his moan to the great trees how he wanted a handle xxv'
" to work withall, and for that cause was constrained to sit
" idle. Wherfore he made it his request unto them, that
" they would be pleased to grant him one of their small
" saplings within the wood to make him a handle, who
" mistrusting no guile, granted him one of the smaller trees,
" wherwith he made himself a handle ; so becoming a
" compleat axe he so fell to work within the same wood,
" that in processe of time there was neither great nor
" small tree to be found in the place where the wood
" stood. And so, my Lords, if you grant the King these
" smaller monasteries, you do but make him a handle,
" whereby at his owne pleasure he may cut down all the
" cedars within your Libanus, and then you may thank
" yourselves after ye have incurred the heavy displeasure
" of Almighty God." Which speech, Baily adds, quite
changed the mindes of all those who were formerly bent
to gratifie the King's demands herein : so that all was re-
jected for that time.

12. But this is all fiction and romance. It in no wise
appears by the historie of this time, that it was at all
necessary to have either the advice or consent of the clergy
in convocation for the suppression of the religious houses,
or that by the King's order they were ever consulted with
about it. Its as improbable, that any such pretence should
be virged for this suppression, as the defraying of the
charges of the divorce, when as yet it was not finished.
But the religious, as they were called, had provoked the
King by the opposition made by the generality of them to
his divorce and supremacy; and the necessities of his
government wanted extraordinaire supplies, for which his
Majestie was loath to burden his subjects with taxes. To
which may be added, the monstrous superstition and 'im-
moralities of the religious, who generally shewed but little

1 cum nihil turn minus essent quam monasteria, quin desidia:, nequi-

tiasque latibula. Ep. Andrews ad Card. Bellarm. respon. y>. 172,

44 THE LIFE OF

chap, regard to the vows which some of them owned they had
!_ made against their wills. The first motion made in par-

liament for the suppression of the lesser houses of religion

which were under 200/. a year, was in the 27th of the

King's reign, or A. D. 1536, when the Bishop had been for

Fuller's some time in his grave. One of our Church historians

History of . °

Abbeys, p. fancied that this speech of the Bishop's, if ever spoken at
Church a^ kv him, was made in parliament A. D. 1521, on occa-
?fiqt0'p" sion of the Cardinal's obtaining from Pope Clement
bulls for the dissolution of fourty of the smaller monas-
teries, provided the King and their other founders gave
their consent for that purpose. But this was long before
Bp.Bur- the King's divorce was so much as thought of. In the
of the Re- year 1532 the King is said to have desired a bull from the
VcTTi) P°Pe f°r a commission to erect six new bishoprics, and to
121 — 190. endow them with the revenues of monasteries to be sup-
pressed for that purpose. This, we are told, was granted,
and that it seems it was upon this authority that, in the
year 1533, the priory of the Holy Trinity, called Christ-
Church, near Aldgate, (now the Duke's place,) was dis-
solved and given to the Lord Chancellor Audley. But
Survey of Stowe tells us, that King Henry the Eighth, minding to
277 ed! 4°' rewar^ Sir Thomas Audley, speaker of the House of
1618. Commons, for his acting against the Cardinal, got this
priory surrendered to him in July 1531, the 23d of the
King's reign, and gave the said priorie to Sir Thomas, for
which he quotes Hall. If this were so, the Pope's bull
must have been granted before 1533. But, be this as it
will, the foregoing story of the Bishop's seems to have
been made after his death. Though if this was the
Bishop's speech, it seems some of the other bishops were
of a different opinion. Thus Gardiner, for instance,
Bishop of Winchester, 1531, tells us, that in a sermon
preached by him at Poul's Cross, the first Sunday of Lent,
1 539, he thus expressed himself, that " it is the devil's craft
" to use shift to deceive man whose felicitie he envieth,
" and therefore coveteth to have man idle, and voide of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 45

" good workes, and to be ledde in that idleness with a CHAP.

" wanne hope to live merrily and at his pleasure, and yet

" have heaven at the last. And for that purpose pro-

" cured out pardons from Rome, wherin heaven was sold

" for a little money, and for to retayle that marchaundise,

" the devyll used freres for his ministers: Nowe they be

" gone with all their tromperie — and nowe he perceyveth

" it can no lenger be borne to bye and sell heaven, both

" the marchaundise is abhorred, and the ministers also, we

" cannot away with freres, ne can abyde the name,

" nomo fryers, fye on the name and the garment."5 But
to return to the Bishop.

* Preface to his answer to Geo. Joye.

46 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXVI.

1 . The Bishop revises the Statutes of St. John's College
in Cambridge, and settles his oivn benefactions to it.
2. Orders Trentals and Exequies to be done for him.

1. WHETHER by these proceeding of the parliament
the Bishop apprehended he should soon meet with yet
further trouble, or that he had some other reason for so

A. D. 1530. doing, but the next year we find him revising the statutes
of St. John's College, and settling how or in what manner
he would have his own benefactions to that society ordered
and disposed of. It seems, likewise, as if it was about this
time that he made a deed of gift to the College of his
noble library and houshold furniture, only reserving to
himself the use of them during his life, by vertue of which
clause, he being in actual possession of them, they were
afterwards forfeited to the King. A copy of these private
statutes of his, happening to have been preserved by their
being in private hands, I have put an extract of them in the

No. 12. collection. By them it appears, that to compensate the Col-
lege's loss of the lands taken from them, as has been before
related, to the value of 400/. a year, he had thought fit,
not only to make up that loss, but to bestow on the Col-
lege a good part of his own estate for the education of
scholars in the study of divinity, and for the salvation of
his own soul. This, his Lordship adds, he had done not
only that he might, as was said before, provide for the
safety of his soul, but that, by this example of his, he
might excite a great many others in like manner to put
their helping hands to the support of the College. He
has therefore, he says, bestowed on the master and fellows
of St. John's, besides five hundred pounds, formerly by him
laid out for common uses, and some ornaments of no small
value, (of which there is a particular account given in a

DR. JOHN FISHER. 47

sort of historical panegyric on the Bishop, drawn up in his chap.
lifetime, a copy of which will be found in the Collection), XXV1-

such a summ of money as is sufficient for the purchase of No. 13.
sixty pounds a year, ultra reprisas, as they say. In con-
sideration of which endowment the master and fellows, he
says, have made him a grant of a great many things for
the salvation of his soul, which they have promised him
shall every year be duly performed within the College, and,
as it appears by indentures, obliged themselves, that he
should have power to make certain ordinances, which
should be perpetually observed for the future. Therfore,
by these writings he wills, appoints, and decrees for his
last will, that over and above the number of fellows and
scholars which by either the executors of the Lady Mar-
garet's will, or by the ordinances of other particular
founders are appointed, or shall be so hereafter, other four
fellows and two scholars of his foundation shall for ever be
maintained out of the College estate, who shall in every
thing enjoy the like profits, emoluments, and liberties with
the rest of the fellows and scholars, which have been
before ordained by him and the executors. Then he pro-
ceeds to enumerate the qualifications, &c. of these fellows
and sholars, as has been mentioned already.

2. In the fourth chapter of these statutes his Lordship
thus orders the trentals and exequies which he would have
done for him. I will, says he, that every year 24 trentals,
as they call them, shall be distributed to those who are
priests in the College of a good life and most necessitous;
and that for every trental the priest who sings it shall re-
ceive h five shillings. I will, also, that, besides them, every
year to come, for ever, on the very anniversary day of my
decease, exequies be celebrated by the master and fellows,

h This seems but half the pay which was usually given at the same time to
the friars for singing a trental, or thirty masses. Thus, for instance, John
Saket, of St. Peter's, in Tenet, by his will, dated St. Thomas's Day, 1444,
gives to the friars at Sandwich, 10*., that they might say one trentall for his
soul, &c. E. Curia Prerog. Cant.

48 THE LIFE OF

xxvi? anc* sch°lars> m ^ie College Chapel, with a morrow mass;
— during the times of which exequies and mass, two wax-
tapers shall always burn on the high altar, and four others
about the monument, for the consumption of which he
allotted 3s. 8d., and a distribution of money shall be made
after this manner, vis.

The Master shall have - -

Every one of the Fellows -

Every one of the Scholars -
provided they be all present at both exequies and mass,
from the beginning to the end. In this manner did the
Bishop provide, consistent with his belief of a purgatory,
for his soul's health ; so that he seems to have deserved
the same character that Erasmus gives of his and the
Bishop's common friend, Sir Thomas Moore, that he was
so inclined to devotion, that if he ever so little leaned to one
side more than another, he seemed to be rather supersti-
tious than profane.

s.

d.

6

8

3

4

1

0

DR. JOHN FISHER. 49

CHAP. XXVII.

1. The King orders a Translation of the New Testament
in English. 2. Sends to Oxford for an authentic
account of Dr. Wiclifs opinions condemned there. 3.
Forbids the purchasing from Rome any thing preju-
dicial to his jurisdiction.

1. ABOUT the latter end of May, this year, the King a. d. 1530.
himself had ordered a translation to be made of the New lf«l'sJIfn*

VIIL fol.

Testament into English, upon an occasion of which some 192, b.

notice must be taken. That sacred book had been about

four years before translated from the original Greek by

Wylliam Tyndal, and printed abroad. For his doing this

he gave the following reasons: "That the Papists with Preface to
11 , , j-, . , . , his trans-

wrestyng the Scripture unto their own purpose, clean lation of
" contrary unto the processe, order, and meaninge of the [he **enta"
" texte, did delude the unlearned lay people in descanting
" upon it with allegories, and amase them in expounding
" it before them in many senses, when it hath but one
" symple literal sense, that though they felt in their
" hearts, and were sure how that all is false that they said,
" yet they could not solve their subtle riddles: so that he
" found, by experience, that it was impossible to stablyshe
" the laye-people in any truthe, excepte the Scripture
" were plainly laid before their eyes in their mother
" tongue, that they might see the processe, order, and
" meaning of the text: And that, there was no roome in
" the Bishop of London's palace, where he hoped to have
" been entertained, to translate the New Testament, nor
" any place to do it in all England." The next year,
1527, he printed (at Marborch, as should seem by the ^.^
types) the five books of Moses, translated into English berg.
from the original Hebrew, and soon after a second edition
of his English New Testament was printed by some

E

50 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Dutch printers, a great part of the former edition having
xxvi I. foeen bought up and burnt by the Bishop of London.

Soon after, Tyndal likewise published a translation of the
Prophecie of Jonas, to which he prefixed a large prologue.
Of all which Sir Thomas Moore gave the following dispa-
raging character. " There are," says he, " made in the
English « English tongue, first, Tyndal's New Testament, father
341, col. 2. " of all the heresies by reason of his false translating.
342, col. l. « Ancl after_that, the five books of Moses, translated by
" the same man. Jonas made out by Tyndal; a boke
" that whoso delighte therein shall stande in perill, that
" Jonas was never so swallowed up with the whale, as by the
" delyte of that booke a man's soule may be so swallowed
" up by the devill, that he shall never have the grace to
" get out againe." However, these books were very in-
dustriously conveyed into England, and as greedily pro-
cured and read by the people. This the Popish clergy
could not endure : they complained of the falseness of the
translation, and that it was so bad that it could not be
mended: they particularly objected to the prologues which
Tyndal had placed before the several books, and the notes
at the ends of the chapters, &c. as reflecting on them and
sounding to heresy: and therefore, to deter the people
from reading them, they very severely punished all those
in whose custody any of these books were found. But the
numbers which were gone abroad were so great, and the
people so very fond of them, that a stop could not be easily
put to this innovation, as it was called. Upon complaint,
therefore, being made of it to the King, he came to the
star-chamber, May 24, and there conferred with the
bishops and other learned men of this and some other
books. The result of this conference was, that the King
thought for the present, this method should be taken as
the most discreet and religious, viz. That the translations
already published should by him be called in and pro-
hibited, and the bishops be ordered to call to them the
best learned in the two Universities, and cause a new

DR. JOHN FISHER. 51

translation of the New Testament to be made which His chap.
Grace might peruse and allow the use of to His people, XXVIL
when he should think convenient so to do, that they might
not be ignorant of the Law of God. But when the bishops JJJ**^'8
and the Universities deputies met on this occasion, instead strype,&c.
of agreeing with the King in this expedient, they solemnly
subscribed the following declaration, wherby they con-
demned all English translations of the Scripture whatso-
ever, viz. The publication of the Holy Scripture in the
vulgar tongue is not necessary to Christians; and the
King's Majestie and the bishops do well in forbidding to
the people the common use of the Holy Scripture in the
English tongue. So that notwithstanding this command Hall,
of the King's, the bishops did nothing at all to set forth a
new translation, but the people still read Tyndal's. Upon
this it seems as if some here in England who favoured the
reformation1 applied themselves to Myles Coverdale, (who
had been of the house of the Austin friers at Cambridge,
of which Dr. Barnes was prior, and was now fled beyond
sea for fear of being prosecuted for heresie) to undertake
the translation of the whole Bible into English, or rather
to finish the translation begun by Mr. Tyndal, which
through his unnatural death was left imperfect, and to
publish it without any prologues or notes. This proposal
Coverdale complyed with, "as thinking it great pity that
" we Englishmen should want such a translation so long, Cover-

. dale's Pref.

" and being grieved, that other nacyons shulde be more
" plenteously provyded for with the Scripture in theyr
" mother tunge than we." Accordingly, he tells us, " that
" to helpe him herein, he hadk sundry translacyons, not
" onely in Latyn, but also of the Douche interpreters,
" whom, because of their syngular gyftes, and specyall
" diligence in the Byble, he had bene the more glad to

1 the holy goost moved other men to do the cost therof. Cover-
dale's Ep. Ded. therefore whan I was instantly required. — id. Pref.

k hut have with a clear conscience purely and faythfully trans-
lated this out oifyve sundry interpreters. '

52 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, "follow for the most part accordynge as he was re-
'_ " quyred." With these assistances he finished this' trans-

lation, which was completed at the press October 4, 1535.
But this edition being, I suppose, quickly sold off, Cover-
dale " overlooked it better, and amended whatsoever he
" either perceived himself, or by the informacyon of other,
" that he had fayled," and dedicated it to the King, whom
he stiled Defendour of the Fayth, and, under God, the
chefe and supreme Heade of the Church of Englande.
This must be done 1536, or the beginning of the next
year, since, in his dedication to the King, he mentions his
dearest, just wyfe, and moost vertuous princesse Queen
Jane, without taking any notice of the prince, born soon

Octo. 12, after. It seems as if Tyndal intended the same thing, and
1537

was actually preparing to print a translation of the whole

Bible in English. Thus, in 1534, he wrote to John

Fox, Acts, Fryth, that George Joy at Candlemass, being then at

d 369 "' Harrow, printed two leaves of Genesis in a great form, and

sent one copie to the King and another to the mnew

Queen, with a letter to N to deliver them, and to purchase

license, that he might so go through all the Bible. But

soon after Tyndal himself was arrested by the emperors

officers, and put in prison in Filforde Castle. To this

Coverdale seems to allude, when he tells his readers, that

he " called to his remembraunce the adversite of them

" which were not onely of rype knowledge, but wold also

► ' To some translation, published by the King's allowance, reference seems

Penes to be had in one of the prayers in a little MS. book of devotions, given by

fjanl t? Cjueen Anne to her maids of honour to wear at their girdles, in the following
words : " Grante us, most mercifull father, this one of the greatest gifts that
" ever thou gavest to mankind, the knowledge of thie holy will, and glad
" tidings of our salvation, this great while oppressed with the tyrannie of thy
" adversarie of Rome and his fautors, and kept close under his Latin Let-
" ters, and now, at length, promulgate, published, and set at liberty by the
" grace poured into the harte of thy supreme power the prince." This seems
to intimate as if either a translation of the New Testament or the whole
Bible was allowed by the King before the finishing of this by Coverdale,
October 1535.

m Anne Boleyn.

Wyat, Esq.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 53

" with all theyrhartes have performed that they begunne, CHAP.
" yf they had not had impediment." But though this in- XXV11-
tended translation of the whole Bible by W. Tyndal was
thus delayed by his troubles, yet it seems to have been
afterwards resumed by George Joye, M. A. and Fellow of
Peter-House in Cambridge, who fled out of England to
Strasburg for fear of being prosecuted for heresie, George
Constantine, and John Rogers, of Cambridge, and after-
wards of the Cardinal's College in Oxford. By these were
those books of the Old Testament translated which
Tyndal had not finished, together with the Apocrypha.
And in 1587, the Pentateuch of Tyndal's translation, with
some corrections, and the addition of contents to the
several chapters; Tyndal's translation of the Prophesic of
Jonah, and of the New Testament, with all his prologues
and notes, were printed, together with the books of their
own translation, to which they added contents and notes,
and dedicated to the King by the feigned name of Thomas
Matthews. I find it intimated by some very great men, A- BP-

Wake's

that at the beginning of the year 1531, the King ordered state
a Bible of the largest volume to be had in every church. Church
But, if this be not a mistake of the year for 1535, 1537, or p. 473-
1539, I don't know any more how to account for it, than neys Hist,
they do by whom this Bible was translated. of Reform.

^ / vol. in. p.

2. This was another step towards the work of (he Re- 52.
formation — the next will carry us still further. In July,
this year, the King sent to Oxford for an authentic ac-
count of Dr. Wiclif's opinions, condemned by their pre-
decessors and by the Council of Constance. Wiclif was
well known to be a stout and learned defender of the
regale against the monks and friars, who were very zea-
lous for the Pope's supremacy. But this, perhaps, was
not the only thing in view, to have the King's supremacy
confirmed by the authority of so great a man. The Doctor
was as remarkable for his opposition to the religious, who,
for so many years had been constantly engaged in robbing
God of his tithes and offerings with such success, that they

54 THE LIFE OF

chap, had now almost engrossed them all to themselves, leaving
XXVII i

, nothing to those who trod out the corn but the chaff, as

he was for decrying the excessive incroachments of the
pontificate : and the King and his council, it's not unlikely,
might desire to see what his sentiments were concerning
them. But, whatsoever might be the reason of this mes-
sage of the King's, it's certain that His Majesty's chaplain,
Edward Leighton, was sent to Oxford with the King's
* Dated at *letter to the following purpose: That since at that present
of Wind- tune His Majesty, being moved by certain great and
3^r'i530 weignt*e considerations touching as well the repressing of
Coll. No. such errors, heresies and opinions, as were then spread
abroad in several places, as also the comfort of Christ's
Church and good Christian people, was desirous not only
to know the articles wherupon Wiclif was condemned
heretofore by the University of Oxford, but also the con-
firmation of that condemnation by the Council of Con-
stance. He therefore willed, that they, with all dispatch,
should send to him by the bearer of this letter, in writing,
under the seal of the Universitie, in as authentic a manner
as they could devise, all and singular the said articles of
condemnation of the said Wiclif, and the confirmation
therof by the said council. In what manner the Univer-
sity proceeded on this letter of the King's will be seen by
perusing the copy of their register, which I. have put in
Coll. No. the Collection. I shall only observe here the character
which they on this occasion gave of that learned confessor,
visa, after that those monsters Ebion, Cerinthus, Sabellius,
Arius, and Julian the apostate and their most filthy here-
sies were suppressed, there arose a new apostle of the
devil, who was impudent as well as rash, John Wiclif, pro-
fessor of the liberal arts and a man of a sharp wit and
smart eloquence. This man, turning the world upside
down, infected the most flourishing kingdoms of England
and Bohemia with new heresies and the most wicked
errors, and happened thus to doe in those times, when, as
the Apostle says, Men not enduring sound doctrine chose

DR. JOHN FISHER. 55

to themselves a Master who would scratch their itching CHAT.

XXVII.
ears and turn them from the truth. 1

3. On the 19th of September a proclamation was set^i1,
forth to forbid all persons to purchase, or attempt to pur- Hen. vm.
chase from the court of Rome, or elsewhere ; or to use and ° ' ' u
put in execution, any thing heretofore purchased, or here-
after to be purchased, containing matter prejudicial to the
high authority, jurisdiction, and prerogative royal of the
realm, or to the let, hindrance, or impeachment of the
King's noble and vertuous intended purposes in the pre-
mises, upon paine of incurring His Highnes indignation
and imprisonment, and farther punishment of their bodies
for their so doing at His Grace's pleasure, to the dreadful
example of all others. This proclamation, Hall tells us,
was much thought of, and every word of the same taken
much notice of. Some said it was occasioned by the
Queen's having purchased at Rome a new bull for the
ratification of her marriage. Others said it was owing to
the Cardinal's having procured a bull to curse or excom-
municate the King if he would not restore to him his old
dignities, and suffer him to correct the spiritualties without
his at all interposing and medling with the same: which
was thought most likely.

56 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXVIII.

1 . The Clergy in a premunire, and ransom themselves and
estates by giving the King a subsidy, and 2. by owning
his supremacy : which is opposed by the Bishop of Ro-
chester. 3. Remarks on this speech. 4. The King ac-
knowledged to be supreme head, 8fC. and the clergy par-
doned. 5. Some of the Bishop's family at Lambith
poisoned.

Archbp. 1 . U NDER these circumstances the parliament met by

State6 S prorogation towards the latter end of this year, viz.

of the January 16th, and the convocation of the province of Can-
Church, , _ *
&c. p. 474. terbury alter the same manner, and about the same time.

The great work of this convocation was, to purchase their
Idem. p. indemnity from the prcemunire which they had generally
incurred by their having offended against the statutes of
provision and praemunire. These offences had been ex-
cepted in the general pardon which the King had granted
to all his subjects the year before on purpose to keep the
clergy in awe, and to have a tye upon them if they should
Bp. Atter- oppose the King's measures. Wolsey had been a fa-
Riohts &c. vou"te heyond example, the sole and uncontrouled mi-
p. 80. nister of his prince : he was at that time lord chancellor
by the King's commission, and had been made legate with
his privity, and, as Bishop Gardiner informs us, at his
special instance. What he did in one capacity, as well as
in the other, was presumed to be done by the King's ap-
pointment ; and whoever had opposed him had certainly
been crushed by the royal power. The subject neither
durst, nor thought it necessary to enquire whether he had
a license from the great seal, who had himself the keeping
of it. And had Wolsey but kept his word, and attempted
nothing by this commission contrary to the King's pre-
rogative, or to the laws of the realm in vertue of it, he
might as safely have enjoied this character of legat,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 57

without any damage to himself or injury to the clergy, as CHAP.

XXVIII

Cardinal Pool afterwards did or might have done. But '_

he abused it grossly in the exercise of it, and the clergy
consented, or, at least, submitted and yielded obedience to
this his unlicensed abuse of his authority, which was cri-
minal even to the loss of liberty and estate : and could
they in any case have vouch'd the King's command for
their obeying it, the command would have been said to be
against law and no warrant. Thus were all the clergy,
and good part of the laity, unawares at the King's mercy,
and the clergy not admitted to pardon gratis, as the laity
afterwards were, but forced to ransome themselves and
their estates by a good round a sum for those times, viz.
100,000/. for the province of Canterbury, and 18,840/. and
\0d. for that of York, and by a solemn recognition of the
King's supreme headship. Though this was thought a
somewhat partial and severe treatment of the clergy, thus
heavily to fine them for doing no more than the King's
other subjects had done, of whom yet no such fine was at
all demanded, or, if it were, was not paid. The former
part of this price, or the 100,000 pounds, Bailey tells us, Life of BP.
was the price of the divorce ; for that an account was chap. 15.
given up in parliament that so much it cost the King to
obtain so many instruments as he had from the foreign
universities, and therfore when it was first proposed in
the convocation, the Bishop opposed it, and spoke against
it to this effect: "That it was not their faults, as they
" were the body representative of the clergy, that the
" King had been at any charges at all about that busi-
" nesse, for to his knowledge the clergie were generally
*' against it that any such matter as the King's marriage

a This sum was levied, as other Convocation^ grants were, on the Clergy,
in proportion to their estates or benefices. Thus, Hall tells us, that for
levying this fine every bishop in his diocese called before him all the priests,
as well chauntrie and parish priests, as parsons and vicars, which, he says,
occasioned a great disorder at the Chapter-House of St. Paul's, where the
chauntrie priests, &c. mutinied and pleaded their poverty in excuse for their
not paying any of this money. Chronicle, Hen. VIII. fol, 201 , a.

58 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, "should be at all brought in question: and that if any

yvy [ii ox

J L. " faulty persons were among them, it was fit they should

" be questioned and compelled to give His Majestie satis-
" faction." But all this seems a feigned story, invented on
purpose to expose the King's proceedings in relation to
his divorce. The Bishop well knew how much the clergy
were under the King's lash, by their offences against the
statutes of provisors and 'praemunire, and, that to keep
them in awe the act of pardon which passed this parlia-
ment, howsoever general in other respects, yet excepted
all offences against these statutes, by which, as Sir
Sfe of s" Thomas Moore observed, a good part of the Pope's pas-
Tho. toral cure here was pared away : which yet the clergy had

Ms. been so unhappy as to maintain unwittingly. Besides, if

the design of this fine or ransome was only to defray the
expense of the suit about the divorce, and that was no
more than just one hundred thousand pounds, why was
not this sum levied on the clergy of both provinces, but all
of it raised on those of the province of Canterbury, and
the clergy of the province of York obliged to raise more ?
2. Besides the payment of this money, it was likewise
demanded of the clergy, that, in order to have the King's
pardon, &c. they should acknowledge his primacy, or su-
premacy. This the Bishop of Rochester is said, like
Bailey "s another Athanasius of the clergy, to have stoutly opposed,
Fisher P' an& tnus to nave taken it into consideration in the following
chap. 15. speech which he made against it in the upper house of
convocation. My Lords, it is true we are all under the
King's lash, and stand in need of the King's good favour
and clemency, yet this argues not, that we should there-
fore do that which will render us both ridiculous and con-
temptible to all the Christian world, and hissed out from
the society of God's holy Catholiquc Church; for what
good will that be to us to keepe the possession of our
bhouses, cloysters, and convents, and to lose the society of
the Christian world? to preserve our bgoods and lose our
b The punishment of those that offended against the statutes of provisors.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 59

consciences? Wherfore, my Lords! I pray let us con- CHAP.

sider what we do, and what it is we are to grant, the dan- '.

gers and inconveniences that will ensue therupon : or,
whether it lies in our power to grant what the King re-
quests at our hands, or whether the King be an apt person
to receive this power ; that so we may go groundedlie to
work, and not like men that had lost all honesty and wit
together with their worldly fortune. As concerning the
first point, viz. What the supremacy of the Church is *•
which we are to give unto the King, it is to exercise the
spiritual government of the Church in chief, which, ac-
cording to all that I have ever learned, both in the Gospel
and through the whole course of divinity, mainly consists
in these two points ; first, in loosing and binding sinners,
according to that which our Saviour said unto Peter when
he ordained him head of his Church, viz. To thee will I
give the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. Now, my
Lords, can we say unto the King, Tibi, to thee will I
give the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven? If you say
yes, where is your warrant? If you say no, then you have
answered yourselves, that you cannot put such Keyes into
his hands. Secondly, the supreme government of the
Church consists in feeding Christ's sheep and lambs, ac-
cording unto that when our Saviour performed that pro-
mise unto Peter, making him his universal shepherd by
such unlimited jurisdiction, feed my lambs, and not onely
so, but feed those that are the feeders of those lambs,
feed my sheep. Now, my Lords, can any of us say unto
the King, pasce Oves ? God hath given unto his Church
some to be apostles, some evangelists, some pastors, some
doctors, that they might edifie the bodie of Christ; so
that you must make the King one of these before you can
set him over these. And when you have made him one
of these supreme Heads of the Church, he must be such

&c. was perpetual banishment, and forfeiture of their lands, tenements,
goods and chatels, as by the statutes appears more at large. Cowel, Law
Interpreter, v. Praemunire.

60 THE LIFE OF

CHAT, a head as may be answerable to all the members of

'_ Christ's body. And it is not the few ministers of an

island that must constitute a Head over the universe, or at
least by such example we must allow as many Heads over
the Church as there are sovereign powers within Christ's
dominion, and then what will become of the supremacie ?
Every member must have a Head. Attendite nobis was
2. not said to kings but to bishops. Secondly, let us con-
sider the inconveniences that will arise upon this grant.
We cannot grant this unto the King, but we must renounce
our unity with the see of Rome. And if there were no
* He died further matter in it than a renouncing of Clement the
1533." ' Seventh Pope therof, then the matter was not so great;
but in this we do forsake the first four general councils
which none ever forsook ; we renounce all canonical and
ecclesiastical laws of the Church of Christ ; we renounce
all other Christian princes ; we renounce the unity of the
Christian world, and so leap out of Peter's ship to be
drowned in the wave of all heresies, sects, schisms and di-
visions ; for, the first and general council of Nice acknow-
ledged Silvester the Bishop of Piome his authority to be
over them by sending their decrees to be ratified by him.
The council of Constantinople did acknowledge Pope Da-
masus to be their chief by admitting him to give sentence
against the heretics Macedonius, Sabellius,and Eunomius.
The council of Ephesus acknowledged Pope Celestin to
be their chief judge by admitting his condemnation upon
the heretic Nestorius. The council of Chalcedon acknow-
ledged Pope Leo to be their chief head, and all general
councils of the world ever acknowledged the Pope of
Rome only to be the supreme Head of the Church, and
now shall we acknowledge another Head, or one Head to
3# be in England and another in Rome ? Thirdly, we deny
all canonical and ecclesiastical laws which wholly do de-
pend upon the authority of the apostolical see of Rome.
4- Fourthly, we renounce the judgment of all other Christian
princes, whether they be Protestants or Catholics, Jews or

DR. JOHN FISHER. 61

Gentiles; for by this argument Herod must have been CHAP.

XXVIII

Head of the Church of the Jews ; Nero must have been L

Head of the Church of Christ ; the Emperour must be
Head of the Protestant Churches in Germany ; and the
Church of Christ must have had never a Head till about
300 years after Christ. Fifthly, the King's Majesty is not 5.
susceptible of this donation. Ozias, for medling with the ^™j;
priest's office, was resisted by Azarias, thrust out of the
temple, and told, that it belonged not to his office. Now
if the priest spake truth in this, then is the King not to
meddle in this businesse : if he spoke amiss, why did God
plague the King with leprosie for this, and not the priest?
King David, when the Arc of God was in bringing home, ?/^"AV
did he place himself in the head of the priest's order ? 22!
Did he so much as touch the Arc, or execute any the
least properly belonging to the priest's function ? Or did
he not rather go before and abase himself among the
people, and say, that he would become yet more vile, so
that God might be glorified? All good Christian em-
perors have evermore refused ecclesiastical authority; for
at the first general council of Nice certain cbills were pri-
vily brought unto Constantine to be ordered by his autho-
rity, but he caused them all to be burnt, saying, Dominus
vos constituit, &c. " God hath ordained you priests, and
" hath given you power to be judges over us, and therfore
" by right in these things we are to be judged by you, but
" you are not to be judged by me." Valentine, the good
emperour, was required by the bishops to be but present
with them to reform the heresie of the Arians, but he an-
swered, " Forasmuch as I am one of the members of the
" lay-people, it is not lawful for me to define such contro-
" versies, but let the priests, to whom God hath given

c Rufinus refert Lib. 1, c. 2, quod Imperator cum oblatos ab Episcopis
libellos, quibus ob privatas injurias se invicem accusabant, suscepisset, hoc
modo eos compellaverit, Dominus vos constituit, &c. verum nonnulla a ven-
tate aliena hie Rufinum commemorare statuit Blondellus in tractatu de for-
mula, regnante Christo in veteribus monumentis usu, pag. 175. Itigij
Hi/tto. Concilij Niceni, p- 35.

62 THE LIFE OF

chap. " charge therof assemble where they will in due order."

XXVIII

_ Theodosius, writing to the council of Ephesus, saith, it is

not lawful for him that is not of the holy order of bishops
to intermeddle with ecclesiastical matters. And now shall
we cause our King to be Head of the Church, which all
good kings have abhorred the very least thought therof,
and so many wicked kings have been plagued for so doing?
Truly, my Lords, I think they are his best friends that
dissuade him from it, and he would be the worst enemy to
himself if he should obtain it. Lastly, if this thing be,
farewell all unity with Christendome ; for, as that holy and
blessed martyr, St. Cyprian saith, All unity depends upon
that holy see as upon the authority of St. Peter's suc-
cessors. For, saith the same holy father, all heresies,
sects, and schisms have no other rise but this, that men
will not be obedient to the chief bishop. And now for us
to shake off our communion with that Church, either we
must grant the Church of Rome to be the Church of God
or else a malignant church. If you answer, she is of God,
and a church where Christ is truly taught, his sacraments
rightly administered, &c. how can we forsake, how can we
flee from such a Church ? Certainly we ought to be with,
and not to separate ourselves from, such an one. If we
answer, that the Church of Rome is not of God, but a
malignant church, then it will follow, that we, the inha-
bitants of this land, have not as yet received the true faith
of Christ. Seeing we have not received any other doc-
trine, any other sacraments than what we have received
from her, as most evidently appears by all the ecclesi-
astical histories : wherfore if she be a malignant church
we have been deceived all this while. And if to renounce
the common Father of all Christendome, all the general
councils, especially the first four, which none renounce, all
the countries of Christendome, whether they be Catholic
countries or Protestant, be to forsake the unity of the
Christian world, then is the granting of the supremacy of
the Church unto the King a renouncing of this unity, a

DR. JOHN FISHER. 63

tearing of the seamless coat of Christ in sunder, a dividing CHAP.

• • • • XXVIII.

of the mystical body of Christ, his spouse limb from limb, 1

and tayle to tayle, like Samson's foxes, to set the field of
Christ's holy Church all on a fire. And this is what we
are about : wherfore let it be said to you in time, and not
too late, Look you to that.

3. If this speech was really the Bishop's, its plain his
lordship thought that the King, by being supreme Head
of the Church of England, claimed the same power and
authority over this particular church as the Pope assumed
over the Church Universal ; or, in Bishop Andrews's ad Bel-
words, that the King was transubstantiated into the Pope. Apoio.
Thus, it seems, was Calvin imposed on by such a repre- gp^i'ison'
sentation of the nature of the supremacy asserted by the of Subject,
King, viz. that all authoritie of the Chuch was abolished p. 294, 295.
by Him, and He himself made the supreme Judge, as well
in doctrine as in all spiritual regiment : and this occa-
sioned that great reformer to censure those who gave the
King the title thus explained as inconsiderate persons and
blasphemers. It is well known, that the Kings of this £ir.R,°£er

i ' . & Tuisden,

realm never doubted of their having the same power Histori.
within their dominions that Constantine had in the em- ti™ &*."
pire ; and therefore, as after he became a Christian affairs ch- 5-
of most concernment in the church had their dependence
on the emperour, insomuch that he was called Pontifex
Maximus, and, as Constantine stiled himself, Bishop of
those things that are without the Church ; so the Kings
of England were reputed and writ themselves, the Pastors
of the pastors and vicars of Christ. In the laws of King-
Edward the Confessor we find the kingly office thus Cap. 17.
described. The King, because he is the Vicar of the
Great King, is constituted for this purpose, that he might
govern and defend the earthly kingdom and people of the
Lord, from all injurious persons, and, above all, reverence
his holy Ofiurch, and govern and defend that in the same
manner. So that we often find the prince extending his
commands to the same things about which the priest used

64 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, his perswasions and admonitions. For instance, they
' ordered that children should he baptized within thirty

days after they were born, and that such priests as were
not prepared, or denied the baptizing them, should be
punished : that no person should be admitted to the Eu-
charist, or to be a godfather, or to receive confirmation
from a bishop, who did not know the Lord's Prayer and
Belief. That persons instructed should receive the Com-
munion three times a year. That matrimony should be
restrained to the sixth degree of consanguinity, &c. In
the same manner by their laws they ordered the observa-
tion of the Lord's Day, the payment of tithes, the punish-
ment of incontinency, the division of old and the erecting
of new bishoprics. They likewise, by their authority,
called the bishops and clergy of their kingdoms to meet
in councils, and sometimes presided in them themselves.
But the church of Rome, under pretence of her supre-
macie and the dignity of St. Peter's chair, grew to such an
incroaching, that the Pope pretended to have the last
appeal to him, and so drew the King of England's people
out of the realm to answer of things which belonged to the
King's court. For this purpose were contrived the bulls
of provisors, wherby the Popes disposed of all the
bishoprics and abbathies in the kingdom worth having ;
and the oath which the bishops and abbats were to take
to the Pope, of which so much has been said already,
which were contrivances to make the clergy dependent on
the Pope. For these reasons, the enacting of the King's
supremacy was very properly called, restoring the Crown
to the ancient jurisdiction ; for that, the King had no
more power given him than his progenitors the Kings of
England were used to exercise since their profession of
the Christian faith, viz. a power to order such things as
are of the outward politie or governaunce of the Church
within their own dominions. That this was the received
sense of the King and parliament at this time, viz. that
the title of supreme Head of the Church of England was

DR. JOHN FISHER. 65

enacted to declare the King to be superiour to, or the chap.
sovereign of all his subjects both clergy and laity, and that xxvm-
they were not to be subject to the Pope, who now claimed
a jurisdiction over all Christian princes and their coun-
tries, is very evident from the public acts of this time.
When the King delivered to the speaker of the House of
Commons copys of the oaths which the bishops and
abbats took to the Pope and Himself, He told him, that
he well perceived, that the clergie of his kingdome were
but half his subjects, yea and scarce his subjects at all:
since all the prelates at their consecration took an oath to
the Pope clean contrary to the oath which they took to
Him, so that they seemed to be the Pope's subjects and
not His. By the act passed two years after for recog-
nizing the King's Grace supreme Head, it was enacted,
that the King shall have and enjoy, annexed and united
to the imperial crown of this realm, all honours, dignities,
preheminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, &c. to
the dignity of supreme Head of the Church of England
appertaining ; and that he shall have full power and au-
thority from time to time, to visit, repress, redress, reform,
&c. all such errors, heresies, abuses, offences, contempts,
and enormities, whatsoever they be which by any manner,
spiritual authority, or jurisdiction, ought or may lawfully
be reformed, &c. Nothing can well be plainer than that
the King is here declared supreme in the outward regi-
ment or governaunce of the Church, or, as it is expressed 37 Hen.
in another act of the same reign, in what is commonly 1545' c* '
called ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which supremacy the
Bishop of Rome, it's there said, has endeavoured to
abolish. In the commissions now granted by the King to Bp. Bui
Bonner and other bishops, for holding their bishoprics, "ft^e
the particulars of this Spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdic- Reformati.

d Spiritual men neither pretend, nor never dyd, all that authoritie to be
given them immediately by God, but have authoritie now to do divers
things bi the grants of kings and princes. Sir Tho. Moore's Eng. Works, p.
892, col. 2.

VOL. II. F

66 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, tion are mentioned, viz. to confer holy orders in the
XXVIII. .

diocese of London, to give institution to and to deprive

y.ol\1-9o11, clerks, and to collate to ecclesiastical benefices of his own
Book. 3. . . . -i

No. 14. gift, to prove wills and grant administrations ; to visit the

cathedral, the monasteries, abbies, &c. and to enquire of
any excesses, crimes or offences whatsoever, of the cogni-
zance of the court ecclesiastical : and it is declared, that
there are some things divinely committed to a bishop by
the Word of God, which the King does not presume to
grant. To the same purpose was the oath, which, after

28 Hen. the Bishop's death, was enacted and required to be taken,

VIII. c. 10,

1536. ' viz. that from henceforth he should never consent, that

the Bishop of Rome should practise, exercise, or have any
manner of authoritie, jurisdiction or power, within this

realm but shall accept, repute, and take the King's

Majestie to be the only supreme Head on earth of the
Church of England, This was yet further explained in a
A. D. 1537. book printed the next year after the enacting this oath,
entituled The Institution of a Christian Man, and com-
posed by the archbishops, bishops, &c. in which they thus
expressed themselves : God, say they, constituted and or-
dained the auctoritie of Christian kings and princes to be
the most high and supreme above all other powers and
offices in the regiment and governance of his people ; and
committed unto them as unto the chief Heads of their
commonwealths, the chief cure and oversight of all the
people which be within their realms and dominions,
without any exception. And unto them of right — be-
longeth — to defend the faith of Christ and his religion, to
conserve and maintain the true doctrine of Christ — to
abolish all abuses, heresies, and idolatries — and, finally, to
oversee and cause that priests and bishops do execute
their power, office, and jurisdiction truly, faithfully —
which notwithstanding, — it doth not appertaine unto the
office of kings and princes to preache and teach, to admi-
nister the sacraments, to absolve, to excommunicate, &c.
— but God hath constituted Christian kings and princes

DR. JOHN FISHER. 67

to be as the chief Heads and overlookers over the said chap.

• • XXVIII

priests and bishops, to cause them to administer their ;

office and power, committed unto them purely and sin-
cerely. All this is, I think, sufficient to shew, that the
King had no notion of a power or authority conferred on
him by his being acknowledged protector and supreme
Head of the Church of England, of his having the keys of
the kingdom of Heaven, or of loosing and binding sinners,
and feeding Christ's sheep and lambs, or of doing such
things as belong to the order or office and administration
of bishops and priests. The instance therfore of King 2 Chro.
Ozias or Uzzah, is here very impertinently alledged by the
Bishop, since King Henry, by vertue of his supremacy,
did not pretend to do what appertained not unto Him but
to the priests. So as to what is said of King David, it is
not only as much forreign to the matter, but very much
misrepresented. It is not true, that the King abased him-
self among the people, by which the Bishop seems to inti-
mate as if he thought himself one of them, and inferiour
to the priests. The text only says, King David leaped ^fiSam* vi-
and danced before the Lord, or danced and played before 1 Chron.
the Lord with all his might, and that for this his wife xv-
Michael despised him, and compared him to one of the
vain fellows who openly exposed himself.. To which
reproach the King replied, that it was before the Lord
who had appointed him ruler over His people, over Israel,
therfore would he play before the Lord, and be more vile
than thus, and would be base, not among the people, for of
them he said, he should be had in honour, but in his own
sight. But the Bishop should have remembered, that
this very prince, whom he represents as ranking himself
with the people, ordered the priests what they should do,
and appointed who of the Levites should minister before
the arc, and delivered to them a prescript form of thanks-
giving of his own composure to be used by them : that he
afterwards distributed the priests and Levites according
to their offices in their service ; and that his son, King

68 THE LIFE OF

chap. Solomon, did the same, appointing, according to the order
XXVUI- of David his father, the courses of the priests to their ser-

l Kings II. vice &c. and not only so, but thrust out Abiathar the
26 27 •-•

priest, or deprived him of his place, and appointed
Zadock in his room.

The bills which the Bishop here says were privily
brought unto the Emperour Constantine at the council of
Nice, were not synodical bills, or such as were prepared
by the council for the emperour's approbation, as by the
manner of expression here used one would think they
were, but only bills of complaints exhibited by the several
bishops one against another, which, when the emperour
was acquainted with, like a wise and good prince, instead
of reading them and canvassing their contents, he threw
them all into the fire and burnt them. Rufinus indeed
tells us, that upon this occasion Constantine spoke thus to
the bishops who brought him these defamatory libels : It
is meet for us to be judged by you, but you cannot be
judged by any man. Therfore wait for the judgment of
God, who alone has authoritie to judge betwixt you. Ye
are God's given of God unto us ; and it is not convenient
that a man should judge God's. But all this rant is a
mere fiction of Rufinus's, and so the learned Blundel has
shewn it to be, as was intimated before ; for, however
Kings are in the Holy Scriptures stiled Gods, we never
Histo. find priests there called by that name. Socrates tells us,
Lib i!c 8. tnat on tne emperor's being inform'd of the business of
these bishops who came to present to him their complaints,
he told them, that Christ required, that whosoever will be
forgiven himself he should forgive his brother ; and that
he talked with them for some time of peace and concord.
Histo. Theodoret tells this story thus ; that when these libels
Lib i .c. n. were brought to the emperor, he wrapt them all together,
and sealed them with his own seal, and after he had made
the bishop's friends who had referred their complaints to
him, he burnt them in their presence, swearing he had
never read them. The same Eusebius tells us ; only with

this difference, that he represents the emperor as patiently c ** A P.

de Vita

DR. JOHN FISHER. 69

that he represents the emperor as patiently
hearing the complaints of these angry bishops against one
another, and by arguments and persuasions at length constan-
reconciling them. As to the instance of Valentinian, tini> Lib-
whom the Bishop here calls the good emperour, the story Histo.
as told by Sozomen is this, The bishops of Hellespont, Lj£ yj
and Bithynia, and the other bishops who affirmed"; that the c- 7-
son was of the same substance with the father, chose
Hyatian Bishop of Heraclea Perinthus to go on an em-
bassy to the emperor to desire of him that they might be
permitted to meet together for the correction of the doctrine
of the faith, who when he came to the emperor, and had
explained to him the commands of the bishops, Valen-
tinian made him the following answer: It is not jit indeed
for me, who am a lay-man, very curiously to pry into
things of this nature, but as for the priests, whose proper
business it is, they may meet together by themselves tvher-
soever they please. Here's not a word of the bishops re-
quiring the emperor to be present at their assembly or
council. And what if the question in dispute betwixt the
Catholics and the Arians, as the several parties were dis-
tinguished, was so intricate as that Valentinian durst not
take upon him to discusse and determine it, is this any
reason to prove, that Christian princes may not rule over
the clergy as well as the laity of their realms, or not med-
dle with the outward regiment of the Church ? The em- Histo.
peror Theodosius, whose example is next recommended, L|b v
we are told by Socrates, that he having ordered thec<1°-
bishops of the several sects to come before him, and bring
him their several confessions of faith, he took them of
every one of them, and retiring into his chamber by him-
self, he prayed to God that He would assist him to find
out the truth ; and after he had read the several confes-
sions he commended and embraced the faith of the one
substance, and condemned the other opinions as intro-
ducing a division of the Trinity, and accordingly tore in
pieces the papers in which they were contained, and fa-

70

THE LIFE OF

CHAP.
XXVIII.

James,
Corrup.
of the
Fathers,
p. 129.

Bp. Fell's
note on
the words
Hoc erant
utique, in
Cyprian de
Unitate
Eccles.

voured the Novatians, &c. So however modest the em-
peror Valentinian was in judging himself unfit to search
into and determine this dispute, it's plain this emperor was
not so. The Historian tells us, that commending the faith
of the one substance, or of Christ's being of one substance
with the Father, he received that alone, and accordingly
established that partie by law. Has this the appearance
of his believing it not lawful for him to intermeddle with
ecclesiastical matters ? As to the quotations pretended to
be made from that holy father and martyr St. Cyprian, the
words here alleged are no where to be found in all his
writings which we now have. It has indeed been at-
tempted, as has been shewn, to make St. Cyprian write at
this rate, that on Peter alone Christ builds his church, and
wills him to feed his sheep ; that he constituted one chair,
and that the primacy and this one chair is given to Peter,
that the Church may be demonstrated to be One, and
that he who forsakes Peter's Chair, upon which the
Church is founded, does he trust that he is in the Church ?
But these readings have been demonstrated to be wilful
corruptions to support the doctrine of the Papal pri-
macy : and that these things which are scarce of so much
credit as a fable or a dream, are very indiscreetly alleged
for the confirmation of that right and more than imperial
prerogative. Since nothing can be plainer than the
father's asserting here, that the other apostles were what
Peter was, endowed with an equal share of honour and
power. Lastly, it is false in fact, that the Nicene fathers
required a confirmation of their acts from Pope Silvester.
Thus it was brag'd indeed by Fontidonius in his Apology
for the Council of Trent, but he has been demonstrably
confuted by Launoi, Chamier and Richerius. It is as
false, that all the general councils of the world ever ac-
knowledged the Pope of Rome to be the supreme Head
of the Church. There are, even within the Roman Com-
munion, who affirm, that the ePope in doctrine and discip-

' These are orders iti Christe's Church by which a pope tnayc be both ad-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 71

line is subject to a general council: that he, as well as chap.

other bishops, is subject to the canons ; and that general '_

councils have a power of reforming the Church, and of
calling even the Pope himself to an account, and of cor-
recting and deposing him. And does this look any thing
like their acknowledging the Pope to be their Head I

4. However, Bailey tells us, that this speech of the Life of BP.
Bishop's had that effect on the Convocation that they ab- Flsher'
solutely rejected what was proposed to them on the King's
part, and would not acknowledge him supreme Head of
the Church of England. It seems this was first proposed BP. Atter-
to the Convocation in these terms, Ecclesicz et Cleri j^ts, &c.
Anglicani, cujus protector et supremum Caput is solus est. P- 82> &c-
But this would by no means be admitted ; and the reason
which the lower house is said to have given for their re-
fusal was, ne forte post longcevi temporis tractum, Termini
in eodem articulo generaliter positi insensum improbum
traherentur : lest after some time the terms used generally
in that article should be drawn to an ill sense, or taken in
a wicked meaning. After three days, therefore, the King,
finding them obstinate, was prevailed with to soften or re-
strain these general terms with the addition of Post Deum
after or next to God. But neither would this form, it
seems, pass, the clergy being determined, as it's said, to
hazard all, as the Bishop had advised them, rather than
comply with it; so on February 11, the archbishop a. D. 1531.
brought in a yet further qualification of it, letting them
know that the King was contented it should run thus,
Ecclesice et Cleri Anglicani cujus singular em protectorem
unicum et supremum Dominum [et quantum per Christi Le-
gem licet, etiam supremum Caput] ipsius Majestatem recog-
noscimus : and with this salvo the supreme Headship was
acknowledged and agreed to in form by both Houses. In

monished and amended, and hath be for incorrigible mind and lacke of
amendment fynally deposed and chaunged. Sir Thomas Moore's English
Works,]}. 621, col. 2.

72 THE LIFE OF

chap, the Upper House nine bishops, viz. all that were present,
of which the Bishop of Rochester was one, subscribed to

it, which occasioned Bishop Andrews afterwards to tell
Ad C. Bel- Cardinal Bellarmine, that five years before this title of the

larmini , 1

Apoiogiam King's passed into a law, or rather, that the oath of supre-
Respoiw. p. maCy was enacted, Bishop Fisher himself had f subscribed
to it in synod ; and that two years before this decree was re-
newed in another synod, viz. That that Royal prerogative
was in every thing agreeable to the Divine law : and that
at Paul's Cross the several bishops had taught from the
May 15> pulpit, that it was allowed by the Law of God. This dis-
Hall, Chro. pute being over, and the submission finally consented to
en" ' by the clergy, the terms of the King's pardon were soon
agreed on, and the praemunire released by act of parlia-
ment. At the beginning of the next session, January 6,
the pardon of the clergy, signed with the King's own
hand, was sent to the Lords, who assented to the bill.
But when it came to be read in the House of Commons it
there met with some opposition, because those of the laity
who had any thing to do with the Cardinal were not in-
cluded in it : but on the King's signing their pardon like-
wise, which, as was said before, was done gratis, without
theyr paying any ransome, it passed very readily. In the
22 Hen. act passed for this purpose it is recited, that the most
* reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterburie,
and other bishops, suffragans, prelats, and other spiritual
persons of the province of the archbishoprick of Canter-
bury, &c. which have exercised, &c. in spiritual courts
and other spiritual jurisdictions, within the said province,
have fallen into and incurred divers dangers of the King's
laws by things done contrarie to them, and speciallie con-
trarie to the forms of the statutes of provisors, provision

1 his aliisque multis rationibus inductus ac deceptus Roffensis (de quo
postea saepissime, gravissimeque doluit) necessitati praesenti cedendum

ratus, persuasit reliquis qui firmiores adhuc erant in Clero, ut saltern

cum exceptione ilia Quantum per Dei verbum licerct obedientiam Regi in

causis spiritualibus ct ecclesiasticis jurarcnt, Sanderi de Schismate Angli-
rano, Lib. I. p. 77.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 13

and premunire: and therfore the King, of his benignitie chap.
and liberalise, in consideration that the said archbishop,
&c. in their convocation have granted him a subsidie of
100,000 pounds, is fullie pleased that it be enacted, &c.
provided that every spiritual person beneficed in the pro-
vince of York, be bound in a sum not exceeding two
years' value of his benefices, &c. to Sir Brian Tuke, Knt.
treasurer of the King's chamber, Christopher Hales, the
King's attorney-general, and Baldwin Mallet, the King's
solicitor, or the survivor of them, to paie or cause to be
paid to the collectors of such subsidie, as much of those
summes as shall be assessed upon him.

5. It seems as if before this session of the parliament
was ended whilst the Bishop, for his better attending on
it, was at his house or place in Lambith Marsh, an attempt
was made to poison his Lordship's family. One Richard Act aj
Roose of Rochester, cooke, otherwise called Richard 22 He
Cooke, having some acquaintance with the Bishop's cook, VIII> c
under pretence of making him a visit came into the
kitchen, and took an opportunity to caste a certaine venim
or poison into a vessel full of yest or barme, with which,
and other things convenient, pottage or grewell was forth-
with made for the family, wherby not only seventeen of the
said family who eat of that pottage were mortally infected
and poisoned, and one of them named Benet Curwen,
Gent, actually died of it, but also certain poor people who
resorted to the Bishop's place, and were there charitably
fed with the remains of the said pottage and other vic-
tuals, were likewise infected, and one poor woman of them
named Alice Tripit, widow, lost her life by it. This
coming to the knowledge of the parliament, they in a just
abhorrence of this detestable crime passed an act wherby
it was ordered, that the said poisoning be adjudged and
deemed high treason, and that the said Richard Roose,
for the murther and poisoning of the aforesaid two per-
sons, be attainted of high treason, and be therfore boiled

74 THE LIFE OF

chap, to death without having any advantage of his clergie :
VJI1, which sentence was accordingly put in execution the

April 5, beginning of the next year, when Roose was in this manner
Schis. put to death in Smithfield. Sanders reports, that Roose
rSfr was hired to do this by Anne Boleyn to be revenged of
76, edit, the Bishop. But the act of parliament takes not the least
sta^ii" notice of this being designed against the Bishop, but only
against his Lordship's family, with some of whom, perhaps,
Roose had a quarrel. It recites expressly, that the poison
was put into a vessel full of yest or barme, to make pottage
for the family and poor people, of which, probably, his
Lordship never used to eat. Besides, if Roose had been
thus hired, can any one suppose, that when he found
himself deserted, and sentenced by the parliament to
suffer so terrible a death, he would not have been pro-
voked to discover his accomplices ? But Bailey, to render
this as probable as he could, adds another story of a canon
bullet being shot from Anne Bullen's father's house across
the River Thames, which entred the Bishop's house in
Lambith Marsh, close by his study window : which is
highly improbable.

6. In the same session of the parliament was passed an
act concerning how aged poore and impotent persons,
compelled to live by alms, shall be ordered, and how vaga-
bonds and mightie strong beggars shall be punished. It's
observed in the preamble of it, that in all places through-
out this realm of England vagabonds and beggars have of
long time increased, and daily doo increase in great and ex-
cessive numbers by the occasion of idleness the mother and
root of all vices : and that tho' many and sundry good laws
had before this time been made, for the most necessary
and due reformation of this growing evil, yet that notwith-
standing the great numbers of vagabonds and beggers
were not seen in any part to be lessened, but rather they
daily encreased in great routs and companies. It was
therefore enacted, that the justices of the peace, &c.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 75

should, in their respective divisions, make diligent search CHAP.

and inquirie of all aged, poor and impotent people, who 1

lived, or of necessity were compelled to live, by almes of
the charitie of the people, and have power by their discre-
tions to enable such of them as they thought most conve-
nient to beg within the limits of their division, and to give
them in commandment that none of them should beg
without the limits to them so appointed ; and shall also
register the names of every such impotent begger by them
appointed in a bill or roll indented, wherof one part to re-
main with themselves, and the other in the keeping of the
Custos rotulorum. The justices of the peace, &c. had
further authoritie given them to make so many seals to be
engraved with the names of the hundreds, rapes, wapen-
takes, cities, boroughs, towns, or places, within the which
they limited any impotent persons to beg, and to make
and deliver to every one of them a letter containing the
name of such impotent person, and witnessing that he is
authorized to beg, and the limits within which he is ap-
pointed to beg ; which letter was to be sealed with such
of the said seals as were engraved with the names of the
limit, and subscribed with the name of one of the said jus-
tices, &c. The letter was to be made in the following
form :

Kane ss. Memorandum, that A. B. of Dale, for reason-
able considerations is licensed to beg within the hundred
of P. K. and L. in the said countie. Given under the
seale of that limit, tali die de anno.

The justices, &c. were to subscribe these letters thus :
Per me, A. B. unum Justiciariorum Pads. Or Majorem
Civitatis, or ballivum irili.ee, or constabularium talis Hun-
dredi, or. else in like forme in English.

If any one begg'd without such a letter such a begger
was to be set in the stockes three daies and three nights,
and to have only bread and water. If any man or woman,
being able to labor, were vagrants, they were to be ar-

76 THE LIFE OF

chap, rested and tied naked to a cart's tail and whipped till their

XWTTT •

bodies were bloodie. And after such punishment they

were to be enjoined upon their oaths to return forthwith
to the place where they were born, or where they last
dwelt by the space of three years, and there to put them-
selves to labour.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 77

CHAP. XXIX.

1. The Bishop s house at Hailing roblid. 2. Account of
the Clergy s submission. 3. The King communicates to
the Commons the determinations of the foreign Univer-
sities concerning his marriage with Q. Katharine.

1. 1 HE Bishop, as Bailey represents him, being throly A.D. 1531.
scared with these attempts to murder him, removed him-
self and his family to Rochester. Here his Lordship re-
sumed his customary labours of frequent preaching, visit-
ing the sick, and converting the seduced : and for his
recreation and diversion he used to go and look on the
workmen who were employed in the repairing of Rochester
Bridge, the "first and third pere of which were to be main,
tained by the Bishop and his tenents. But, as if his
troubles pursued him whithersoever he went, he had not
been long in his diocese, but that residing at his place of
Hailing, situate on the River Medway, about 2 or 3
miles from Rochester, some thieves broke into the house
in the night and carried off almost all the Bishop's plate.
This was done so privately that none of the family knew
anything of it till the next morning. But as soon as the
servants found the house had been rob'd, they imme-
diately went in pursuit of the thieves, and following them
through the wood to which they guessed they had betaken
themselves, they found several pieces of the plate, which
the robbers in their hast to make their escape had drop'd :
so that they brought some of the plate back again before
the Bishop knew of the losse of any. But his Lordship

a Episcopus Roffensis debet facere primam peram de ponte Roffensi, et
debet invenire tres sullivas, et debet plantare tres Virgatas super pontem.

— Episcopus Roffensis debet facere tertiam peram, & debet tres

sullivas & plantare duas virgatas et dimid. Lambarde, Perambulation of
Kent, p. 383, 386, 390, ed 4°. 1596.

78 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, coming down to dinner and perceiving an unwonted kind

XXIX .

" of heaviness and sadness in the countenances of his ser-

vants, he asked them what was the matter ? This they
appeared very loth and unwilling to tell him, looking one
upon another as if they were afraid to speak themselves,
and were therfore desirous that some one else should tell
the Bishop the story. This still increased the Bishop's
curiosity, and made him fancy that some great misfortune
indeed had happened to him, they were so loath to let
him know it. He therefore commanded them to tell him
the truth, assuring them that he was armed and prepared
for all adventures. But when they had given him a full
relation of the whole matter, and how they had recovered
again some of the plate, the Bishop, it's said, replied, " If
" this be all, we have more cause to rejoice, that God hath
" restored to us some than to be discontented that wicked
" men have taken any away, for the least favour of God
" Almighty is more to be esteemed than all the evil which
" the devil and all his wicked instruments can do unto us
" is to be valued. Wherfore let us sit down and be merry,
" thank God it is no worse, and look ye better to the
" rest."

2. Two things stood in the way of the King's designs,
the old papal constitutions, and the clergy's power of
making new ones. To remove both these the Commons
were made use of. At the very beginning therfore of the
session of parliament, which met by prorogation January
Abp. 15, towards the latter end of this year, the Commons

State again resumed their complaints against the clergy, and
of the drew them up into a solemn petition, which they presented
&c. p. 475. to the King, and the King delivered to the clergy in con-
vocation for their answer. This petition was to this effect,
That the clergy in their convocations made divers laws
concerning temporal things without the King's royal
assent, and without the assent or knowledge of the laity,
or so much as making them known to them in their mother
tongue, albeit several of those laws extended in certain

DR. JOHN FISHER. 79

causes to the King's person, his liberty and prerogative CHAP,
royal, and to the interdiction of his laws and possessions, __1__
and likewise to the goods and possessions of the laiety ;
and that they declared the infringers of the same laws,
thus made by them, not only to incur the terrible sentence
of excommunication, but also the detestable sin and crime
of heresy, &c. This petition of the Commons the arch-
bishop brought into the convocation April 12th, and to it A,D 1532-
the bishops and clergy drew up their answer April 19,
which proved far from satisfactory to either the King or
the Commons. After great debates on this subject, in
which no doubt the Bishop of Rochester had his share,
they concluded to send the Bishops of London and Lin-
coln with certain abbats, the Dean of the Chapel, and
Fox the King's almoner, to the King, with their petition,
that he would please to preserve the liberties of the
Church which both himself and his progenitors had
hitherto protected. To this the King returned his answer
in writing by his almoner at their next meeting, in which May 10.
he peremptorily required, that no constitution or ordinance
shall be hereafter enacted, promulged, or put in execution,
unless the King's Highness do approve the same by his
high authority and royal assent, and his advice and favour
be also interposed for the execution of every such consti-
tution among his Highnesses subjects. The reading of
this answer of the King's put the convocation into a great
disorder. They removed to the chapel of St. Katharine
within the monastery, and there read it a second time.
Then they were prorogued back to the chapter-house.
But the archbishop and bishops went themselves pre-
sently to St. Dunstan's chapel and agreed, that the
Bishops of Lincoln and Bath, with some others of the
convocation, should go to the Bishop of Rochester's
house, there to treat together of this answer of the King's,
and meet the archbishop the next morning at his lodging
within the palace of Westminster, and shew them their
opinions therein. By this we see what a deference the

80 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, archbishop and bishops paid to the judgment of the
'__ Bishop, in that when he was not able to come himself to

the convocation, they would not in so arduous an affair
Bishop At- conclude any thing without his advice and opinion. 'Twas

tcrliuric's

Rights, &c. easie to foresee where this would end ; for Bishop Fisher's
p. 90. principles were well known.

Hall, 3. On the 30th of May, in the afternoon, came into the

viii. House of Commons, by the King's command, the Lord
fol. 195. Chancellor attended with several of the lords spiritual and
temporal, to the number of about 12. The design of his
coming, his Lordship told them, was, to communicate to
them the determinations of the several forreign Univer-
sities concerning the unlawfulness of the King's marriage,
which His Majestie, like a vertuous prince, willing to be
satisfied in his conscience and to avoid all suspicion of
partiality, had procured. Accordingly, Sir Brian Tuke
took out of a boxe twelve writings sealed, and read them
to the House word by word as they were translated out of
Latin into English for that purpose. And after the
reading these determinations there were shewed above an
hundred books, composed by doctors of forreign parts,
against the King's marriage, which for want of time were
not read : and then the Lord Chancellor said further,
that now the several members of that house might report
in their countries what they had seen and heard, by which
means the people would be satisfied that the King had
not attempted this matter of will or pleasure, as some
strangers reported, but only for the discharge of his con-
science and the securitie of the succession of his realme.
Accordingly, Hall observes, that when these determina-
tions were published, all wise men in the realme much ab-
horred that marriage of the King with his brother's wife :
but women, and such as were more wilfull than wise or
learned, spake against the determinations, and represented
the Universities as corrupted and bribed so to give their
judgments. The pulpits likewise, and the press, inter-
posed on this occasion for and against this marriage of the

DR. JOHN FISHER. 81

King's. It has been before intimated, that Clarke, Bishop chap.

vvTv

of Bath, and our Bishoph wrote in defence of it to shew, '_

that it was lawfull. Dr. Thomas Abell likewise, who was
Queen Katharine's chaplain, both preached and wrote to
the same purpose with a more than ordinary zeal and pas-
sion. The Bishop of Rochester wrote particularly against
these judgments or opinions of the Universities, which he Co11-
himself intimates he did with the privitie of Queen Ka- rx. 39J 40.
tharine, who accordingly desired it of him when it was
scarce half finished, to send it to Paris. In it, as he seems
to intimate elsewhere, his Lordship shewed, that the pro-
hibition in Leviticus, ch. xviii. ought to be understood of
the brother's wife whilst he is yet living. This his Lord-
ship observed was proved, not only from the authorities of
many learned men and approved commentators on the Old
Testament, who constantly followed this interpretation, but
by other reasons and arguments which he there used.
On the other hand Robert Wakefield, the King's pro-
fessor of Hebrew at Cambridge, published a book to
shew, that, besides the decree of Holy Church the
marriage of a brother's wife carnallv known is altogether
unlawful, as being forbidden and interdicted both by the
Law of Nature, the Law of God, the Evangelical Law,
and the universal Custom of the Orthodox Church : and
in another book he particularly opposed what had been
written by the Bishop for the marriage.

4. During this session passed an act that no person, ^3ITHen*1
committing petie treason, murder, or felonie, shall be ad-
mitted to his clergie under subdeacon; the preamble to
which is very remarkable, as serving to shew in what
manner the popish prelates and clergy here in England
treated their sovereigns, and how little they minded the
promises which they made to them. It reports, that at a
parliament held at Westminster in the third year of King A.D. 1274.
Edward I. that prince moved the prelates of the realm,

h Bale mentions a book of the Bishop's entituled de prima matrimonio
Regis, but he seems never to have seen it.
VOL. TT. G

82 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, and injoined them on their faith that they owed to him,
L that in no wise they should deliver those clerks which were

indicted for felonie, without due purgation, so that His
Majestie should have no need to use any other remedy in
that behalf. But that notwithstanding after this monition
and injunction manie clerks convict were accustomably
delivered and suffered to make their purgations to the
great encouragement of evil doers. This occasioned the
Commons in another parlement, held in the fourth yere of
a.d. 1402. King Henry IV. to complain of this among their other
grievances, of which that prince then advertised the pre-
lates, intending at the same time to have provided remedie
for it by authoritie of the said parlement, as appertained
to his prerogative royal, for the conservation of the peace
of the crowne. But the *Archbishop of Canterbury then

* Tho. openly promised to the King, for himselfe and all other

bishops of his province, that if anie person from thence-
forth was convict of any treason which touched not the
King nor his roiall majestie, and such as were notoriously
known and reputed for thieves, and for such cause deli-
vered to any ordinarie as a clerke convict, the ordinarie,
to whom such person or persons were delivered, should
safely keep them after the effect of a constitution provin-
cial to be made by the said archbishop and bishops after

* Islip. the effect of the letters of Simon * Archbishop of Canter-

bury, bearing date the twelfe kalends of March, A.D.'
1350, and that no such traitor nor felon should make his
purgation against the said constitution.

These letters of Archbishop Islip's, by the way, the
Archbishop tells us, were occasioned by the secular
judges putting their sickle more than usually into God's
harvest, notoriously exceeding the bounds of their judicial
power, and usurping a power over the Lord's bishops,
who, he says, are by no law subject to them in criminous

* The copy of these Letters in Sir H. Spelman, Vol. II. p. 597, is dated at
Lamhith, 12 Kal. of March, A. D. 1351, and of the archbishop's consecra-
tion the third.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 83

cases. So that they were not afraid to condemn and de- chap.

liver such as were notoriously known, and by themselves '_

and others reckoned clerks to a shameful death. But he
observed, that it was objected in parlement by the King,
the nobility, and Commons, that clerks strengthened them-
selves in their wickedness under pretence of their privilege,
and when they were taken in their crimes, or at least
justly indicted and convicted, &c. they were with so much
backwardness committed to gaol, and had so much favour,
and were so deliciously fed there, that the prison intended
for their punishment was rather a refreshment and de-
lightful solace, where they were so pamper'd in their vices
by ease, and such incitements as to grow perfectly wanton
and make their escape out of this easy custody. Not only
so, but some notoriously infamous criminals who were in
truth wholly inexcusable, were yet so easily admitted to
their purgations, as that they had sure hopes of returning
to their former evil way of living by one means or other :
so that not only the clerks thus purg'd became more
wicked than ever, but innocent clerks by such easiness
and neglect were encouraged to become criminous to the
great infringement of the peace of the kingdom. All this
was, it seems, so evident and notorious, that the arch-
bishop could not deny that there was but too good an
occasion for such a complaint, and therfore owned, that
the abuse of ecclesiastical liberty, as the exemption of the
clergy from the civil power was called, had so abounded
as to put the whole kingdom into a disturbance. Ther-
fore he now ordained concerning the imprisonment of
clerks, that they should be closely imprisoned with all
proper care according to the quality of the persons and
heinousness of their crimes. And, that if any of them
were notoriously infamous malefactors, that their enlarge-
ment would bring manifest scandal to the church and her
liberty, or to the peace of the kingdom, then every Wed-
nesday, Friday, and Saturday, they should be allowed
once a day only bread and water of affliction ; on other

84 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, days bread and small-beer, but on the Lord's day, bread,
— — ~ _ beer, and pulse, for the honour and eminence of that day,
and should have nothing given them by way of alms or
gratuity from their friends or acquaintance, or on any pre-
tence whatsoever, &c.

The preamble proceeds to observe, that Archbishop
Arundel then promised the King to deliver to him before
his next parlement the constitution provincial which he
said he and the bishops would make, and against which
no traitor or felon should make his purgation, that
if it should seem to the King, that the same constitution
were not sufficient remedie for the premisses, the King
might provide such as should appertaine in that behalf.
But so little mindful was the archbishop of this his pro-
mise, that, it seems, the constitution mentioned by him
was never notified nor shewed either by him or the pre-
lates of the realme, but continually ever since that time,
manifest thieves and murderers indicted and found guiltie
of their misdeeds, and delivered to the ordinaries as
clerks convict, were soon set at liberty by their ministers
or officers for corruption or lucre, or else because they
would in no wise take the charges in safe keeping them
were suffered to make their purgations by such as knew
nothing of their misdeeds, by which fraud all the good
and probable trial used against such offenders by the
King's laws was annulled and made void. It was therfore
now enacted, that no person which hereafter should be
found guilty, after the laws of this land, of any maner of
petie treason, murder or felonie should be admitted to the
benefit of his clergy, unless he was of the orders of sub-
deacon or above.

It was likewise ordered by another act, that wheras
hitherto there had not been provided any great penaltie
for the wilfull breaking of prisons of ordinaries by clerks
convict, wherby they should stand in dread of doing such
a thing. If any clerk convict being in prison of any ordi-
narie, did wilfully break the prison and make his escape,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 85

such his breaking of prison, &c. should be deemed and CHAP.

adjudged felony, without the privilege or benefit of his '_

clergy, or the enjoiment of any sanctuarie for the same :
and it should be at the libertie of the ordinarie to disgrade
anie such offender, and therupon the justices of the King's
Bench to give judgment against him as if he was a layman.
Provided, that if any such offender was of the orders of
subdeacon, deacon, or priesthode, then after he was con-
vict of the premisses, he was to be delivered of the ordi-
narie there to remain without any purgation.

In the same session complaint was made, that great
number of the King's subjects, as well men, wives, ser-
vants, &c. dwelling in divers dioceses of this realme, had
heretofore been often called by citations, &c. to appear in
the Arches audience, and other high courts of the arch-
bishops of this realm, far from and out of the dioceses
where they lived, and many times to answer to surmised
and feigned causes and suits of defamation, witholding of
tithes, &c. That upon the parties not appearing he or
she hath been excommunicated, or at least suspended
from all divine service, and compelled not only to pay the
fees of the court, amounting to the summ of 2s. or 20d. at
the least, but also to pay to the sumnor by whom they
were summoned, for every mile distant from the place of
their abode to the court to which they were cited the sum
of twopence, which, it was observed, was to the great im-
poverishment of the King's subjects, and on occasion of
misbehavior and misliving of wives, women and servants,
and to the great impairment and diminution of their good
names and honesties. It was therfore now enacted, that
no one should be cited to appear before any ordinarie, &c.
out of the diocese or peculiar jurisdiction where he or she
lived, except in the cases of spiritual offence, appeale, he-
resie, and probat of testaments. It was likewise ordered,
that no archbishop, bishop, &c. should demand or take
for the seal of any citation by them awarded above three-
pence sterling.

86 THE LIFE OF

chap. 5. An act was likewise made this session concerning

XXIX

1_ restraint of the payment of annates or first fruits to the

Life of Bp. see 0f Rome. This, it's said, was occasioned by an ad-
dress of the convocation to the King for such an act. Of
the rise and progress of this exaction of the popes I have
given an account elsewhere. But it's observed in this act,
that to that degree had this extortion encreased, that by
long approved experience it was well perceived, that great
and inestimable sums of money had been daily conveyed
out of the realm to the great impoverishment of it, and
sometimes to the ruin of the friends of the persons pro-
moted. Particularly it shewed, that it was evidently
known, that there had passed out of this realm, since
2 Hen. VII. to that present time, about 44 years, under
the name of annates ox first fruits, paid for the expedition
of bulls of archbishoprics and bishoprics only, the sum of
160,000/. sterling, almost fourty thousand pounds a year,
which, according to the present value of money, is near
three hundred thousand pounds ; besides other great and
intolerable sums which had yearly been conveyed to the
court of Rome. Archbishop Cranmer paid for his bulls
9000 gold ducats, which, at 4s. a ducat, comes to eighteen
hundred pounds sterling. Therfore tho' the King and his
subjects, as well spiritual as temporal, were as obedient,
devout, catholic, and humble children of God and Holy
Church, as any Christians whersoever, yet the said ex-
actions of annates were so intolerable to this realm, that it
was declared by the whole body of the realm, then repre-
sented by all the estates of the same assembled in that
present parlement, that the King was bound before God
for the preservation of the good estate of his realm to do
all he could to repress these exactions of annats, and espe-
cially then when several prelates were in extream age, and
their death soon expected, wherby great sums of money
would shortly after their deaths be conveyed to the court
of Rome for the unreasonable and uncharitable expediting
of the bulls of their successors. Wherfore it was enacted,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 87

That all such paiments, other than are declared in this CHAPi
act, should cease, and that no man should pay them on xxix.
pain of forfeiting to the King all his goods and chatels for
ever, and all the temporal lands and possessions of his
archbishopric or bishopric during the time of his having
or enjoying it. And if any person named or presented to
the court of Rome by the King, &c. was delayed at Rome
by means of restraint of bulls in apostolic and other things
requisite therto, or shall be denied any of them, if it be
for a bishopric, he should be consecrated here in England
by the archbishop in whose province the bishopric lay,
and if an archbishopric by two bishops, to be named by
the King, according and in like manner as divers others,
archbishops and bishops, have been heretofore in ancient
time by sundry the King's most noble progenitors made,
consecrated, and invested in this realm : after which con-
secration, they were to be installed, and accepted and
obeyed as archbishop or Bishop, &c. But that the pope
might not think the pains and labour taken about writing,
sealing and expediting of any bulls, &c. should not be
sufficiently recompensed and rewarded, and, that he might
more readily expedite them, it was ordered, that every
person presented to an archbishopric or bishopric should
pay for the writing and obtaining of his bulls, and en-
sealing them with lead, five pounds sterling for every hun-
dred pounds that the archbishopric, &c. is of clear yearly
value ; and that this should satisfie for the paiment of
annates, and any other charge or exaction : It was further
declared, that as the King and his parlement had no in-
tention to use in this or any other like cause, any manner
of extremity or violence without urgent occasion given to
the contrary, but their principal desire was to disburden
the kingdom of the great exactions beforementioned, and
the intolerable charges of annates, the parlement thought
it convenient to commit the final determination of this
matter to the King, so that it seemed to him meet to move
the Pope and his court amicably and reasonably to com-

88 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, pound or extinguish the payments of the said annats, or

L else to moderate the same in such wise as might be born

by the kingdom. But if no redress could be had by these
amicable means, and that the Pope would enforce the
continuance of these exactions by excommunications, in-
terdicts, &c. they should be no wise regarded, but that all
sacraments and divine services should continue to be mi-
nistered notwithstanding, and the excommunications, in-
terdicts, &c. should not by any of the prelates, &c. of this
country, nor by any of their ministers or officers be any
time published or executed.

Of the contents of this act the Pope was informed and
certified, to the intent that by some gentle ways the ex-
actions complained of might be redressed and reformed.
But so stiff, it seems, was his holiness, that he returned no
answer to the King, nor would enter into any treaty about
this matter. And therfore after waiting near two years
the King gave his roial assent to the above-said act,
which by the act itself he had power to suspend till Easter
1533, or the beginning of the next parlement.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 89

CHAP. XXX.

1. The Commons in parliament make a representation to
the King of the greatness of the grievance of the pro-
ceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts ex officio. 2.
Complaint made of these proceedings in a printed book, .
Sfc. 3. Sir Thomas More's answer to this book.

1 . AFTER Christmas the parliament began againe to Jan. 15,
sit, and among divers grievances complained of by the H^j ' Hen
Commons was mentioned the cruelty of the ordinaries for vin- fo1-

202.

calling men before them ex officio, or by reason of their
office : for they would send for men and lay accusations
against them of heresie, and say they were accused and
exhibit articles against them, but no accuser should be
produced. This to the Commons was very dreadful and
grievous; for the party so cited and prosecuted must
either abjure or be burnt, for *purgation he might make * See the
none. But, it seems, that at this time they were but on ill 5h°sto£the
terms with His Majesty, having addressed him to dissolve bet i3Ct
them, and refused to pass a bill concerning "wards and ritualtie
primer season, which had been sent to them from the a"<*temP°-
Lords. When therfore they, with their speaker, attended
the King with their representation of this and other
grievances which they had drawn up, His Majestie told
them that he perceived their complaint consisted of divers
articles against the clergy, of great and weightie conside-
ration, and that, as it was not the office of a king, who is
a judge, to be too light of credence, so he had not nor
would not use the same, but would hear the parties that
were accused speake before he gave any sentence : that

a Daily men made feofments of their lands to their uses, and declared
their wills of their lands with such remainders, that not only the King but
all other lords lost their wards, marriages and reliefs, and the King also lost
his primer season, and the profit of the livery, which was to him very preju-
dicial and a great loss. Hall. Hen. VIII.

90 THE LIFE OF

chap, he much commended them for resolving not to contend

XXX

. or quarrel with the clergie who were their Christian
brethren, but should commend them more if they would
not quarrel with him who was their sovereign Lord and
King, especially considering that he sought to live peace-
ably and quietly with them. But tho' the Commons were
thus disappointed in the design they had formed against
the ordinaries, this shews what a spirit was now raised
among them.
Londiniin 2. Of these proceedings of the ordinaries ex officio,
Thomas complaint had been lately made in print bas one great oc-
Bartheleti casion 0f the division which there was between the spi-

prope r

aquagium ritualty and the commonalty. Another occasion of the

intersignio sa^ division, said that writer, hath bin by reason of divers

Lucretia? suites that have been taken in the spiritual courts of office,

excus. cum that is in Latine ex officio : so that the parties have not

Chap.vii?" known who hath accused them, and thereupon they

& viii' have sometimes been caused to abjure in causes of here-

syes ; sometimes to doo penance, or to pay great summes

of money for redeeming therof; whiche vexation and

charges the parties have thought have come to them by

the judges and the officers of the spiritual court, for they

have known no other accusers, and that hath caused much

people in divers partes of this realme to thinke great

malice and parcialitie in the spiritual judges. And if a

man be ex officio brought before the ordinary for heresy,

if he be notably suspected of heresye he must c purge him-

* excom- self after the will of the ordinary, or be *accursed, and

that is by the law Extrava: de hsereticis cap. ad abolen-

dum. And that is thought to be a very hard law, for a

man may be suspected and not guilty, and so be driven to

a purgacyon without profe or without offence in him, or be

accursed. And it appeareth de hcereticis lib. vi. in the

chapter in fidei favorem, that they that be accursed and

b The pacifyer betweene the spiritualtye and the temporaltye.
c Hall, as is before said, represents it otherwise, that the party accused
might make no purgation, but this must be a mistake.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 91

also parties to the same offence may be witnesse in he- CHAP,
resy. And in the chapter Accusatus perag : licet it '

appeareth that if a man be sworne to say the truthe con-
cerning heresy, as wel of himself as of other, and he firste
confesseth nothing, and after, contrarye to his first saying,
he appeleth both himself and other, if it appeare by ma-
nifest tokens, that he doth it not of lightnes of minde, ne
of hatered, nor for corrupcyion of money : that then his
witnesse in favour of the faith shall stand as well against
himself as agaynst other. And yet it appereth evidentlie
in the same court and in the same matter, that he is a per-
jured person. Thys is a daungerous lawe, and more like
to cause untrue and unlawful men to condemne innocentes
then to condemne offenders. And it helpeth little that if
there be tokens that it is not doone of hatred nor for cor-
rupcion of money, that it should be taken ; for sometime a
wolfe may shew himself in the apparel of a lambe, and if
the judge be parciall, suche tokens maye sooner be ac-
cepted then truly shewed.

In the chapter there that beginneth Statuta queedam it
is decreed, that if the By shop or other enquirers of he-
resy see, that any great danger might come to the accusers
or witnesse of heresye by the great power of them that be
accused, that then they may command, that the names of
the accusers or witnes shall not be shewed but to the
Bishop or enquirers, or such other learned men as be
called to them, and that shall suffise though they be not
shewed to the partie. And for the more indempnitie of
the said accusers and witnes it is there decreed, that the
Bishop or inquirers maye injoine such as they have
shewed the names of such witness unto, to keepe them
close upon payne of excommunicacyon for disclosing that
secrete without their lycence. And surely this is a sore
law, that a man shal be condemned and not know the
names of them that be causers therof.

And though the sayde lawe seems to be made upon a
good consideracion for the indemnitie of the accusers and

92 THE LIFE OF

chap, witnes, yet it seemeth that that consideration cannot suf~

J__ fise to prove the lawe reasonable. For it seemeth that the

accusers and witnes might be saved fro danger by
another way, and that is by this way. If the Bishoppe or
inquirers drede ; that the accusers and witnes might take
hurte as is saide before, then might they shew it to the
Kynge and to his counsaile, beseching his Grace of helpe
in that behalf, to save and defend the accusers and witnes
fro thextort power of them that be accused. And if they
would do so, it is not to suppose but that the Kinge would
sufficientlie provide for their savegarde. But for as
muche as it shoulde seme that spirituall men somewhat
pretend to punish heresies onely of their owne power,
without calling for any assistance of the temporall power,
therfore they make suche laws as may helpe furth their
purpose as they thinke : but surely that is not the charit-
able way to put the knowledge of the names of the ac-
cusers and witnesse fro him that is accused, for if he knew
them he might percase alledge and prove so great and so
vehement cause of rancour and malice in them that accuse
him, that theyr saying by no lawe oughte not to stand
against him : And that spirituall men pretend that they
only should have the whole enquiry and punyshment of
heresy it appeareth Extra: de hereticis li: vi. Cap. Ut
inquisitionis. perag. prohibemus. Where al powers, and
al lordes temporall and rulers be prohibite that they shal
not in any maner take knowledge or judge upon heresy e,
sith it is mere spiritual, and he that enquireth of heresye,
taketh knowledge of heresie. And so the summe called
Sumtna Rosella taketh it titulo excommunicat. perag. iiij.
And if that be true, it semeth then, that all justices of
peace in this realme be excommunicate : for they by au-
thorise of the King's commissions, and also by statute en-
quire of heresies. And I thinke it is not in the Churche
to prohibit that for though it were so that the temporall
menne may not judge what is heresye and what not, yet
they may, as it seemeth, by their owne authoritye enquire

DR. JOHN FISHER. 93

of it and infourme the ordinary what they have found. CHAP

YYY

And also if a metropolitaine with all his cleargye and

people of his dyoces fell into heresie, it wold be harde to
redresse it without temporall power. And therefore tem-
porall men be ready, and are bounde to be ready, to op-
presse heresies when they ryse, as spirituall men be. And
therefore spirituall menne may not take all the thanke to
themself when heresies be punished, as though theyr cha-
ritie and power onely dydde it, for they have the favour
and helpe of temporall men to dooe it, or elles many times
it would not be brought about.

Nevertheles, myne entent is not to prove the sayde
lawes al wholly to be cruel and unreasonable : for I knowe
well, that it is right expedient that straite lawes be made
for punishmente of heresies that be heresies indede, more
rather then any other offence, and that the discrecyon of
the judges spirituall may right well asswage the rigour of
the said lawes, and use them more favourably againste
them that be innocentes, then agaynst them that be wille-
full offendours, if they will charitably search for the trouth.
But surely if the saide lawes shoulde be putte into the
handeling of cruell judges, it might happen that they
should many times punishe innocentes as well as offen-
dours, but I trust in God it is not so. Neverthelesse,
whether it be so or not, certain it is, that there is a great
rumour among the people that it is so, and that spirituall
men punishe not heresie only for zeale of the faith, and of
a love and a zeale to the people with a fatherlie pittie to
them that so offend as they ought to doe, how great
offenders soever they be, but that they dooe it rather to
oppresse them that speake anythynge agaynst the world-
lye power or riches of spirituall men, or agaynst the great
confederacye that, as many menne say, is in them to main-
tayne it.

And thoughe many spirituall men may be found that
have right many great vertues and great gifts of God, as
chastitie, liberalitie, pacience, sobernesse, temperance,

94 THE LIFE OF

chap, cunning and such other, yet it will be hard to finde ani

L_ one spirituall man that is not infect with the sayd desire

and affeccion to have the worldly honour of priestes ex-
alted and preferred. And therfore if any layman reporte
any evil of a prieste, though it be openli knowen that it is
as he sayth, yet they wyll be more diligente to cause the
leyeman to cease of that saying then to dooe that in them
is to refourme that is amisse in the prieste that it is spoken
of, taking as it were an occasion to dooe the lesse in suche
reformaciouns because leyemen speake so muche againste
them. But surely that will be none excuse to spirituall
rulers before God, when he shall aske accoumpt of his
people that were commytted unto theyr keping.

It is a commoun opinion amonge doctours, that none is
an hereticke for that only that he erreth, but for that he
defendeth opinatively his errour. And therfore he that
erreth of simplicitie maye in no wise be saide an heretyke.
And Summa Rosetta in the title Hcereticus in principio,
sayth, that a man may erre, and merit therby : and he put-
teth this example. If a simple unlearned man heare
the preachyng of his bishoppe that preacheth sharpely
againste the faith, and he believeth it with a redy mind to
obey, this man meriteth, and yet he erreth, but that is to
be understand where ignorance excuseth. Then it semeth
that it is not ynough to prove, that a man is an hereticke
for that he hath holden opinions againste that ye churche
teacheth, ne that he oughte not to make any purgacyon
nor abjuracion for it, for that that he helde in such case
was not his fayth, but the fayth of the Churche was his
fayth, though happelye he were not then fully avysed of
it. And therfore St. Ay dan, when he helde the wrong
part of keping of Easter, was no heretike, and some say,
that Saynt Chadde was of the same opinion as St. Aydan
was which in likewise was no heretike, for theyr desire
was to know the truth, and therfore it is not read, that
they made eyther purgacyon or abjuracion ; ne yet the
abbot Joachim which neverthelesse erred, for he was

DR. JOHN FISHER. 95

ready to submitte him to the determination of the Churche, CHAP.

and therfore he was neither holden as an heretike ne com- '_

pelled to abjure. Then, if this be soothe, it were great
pitie, if it should be true as it is reported, that there
shoulde bee so great a desire in some spirituall menne to
have menne abjured, or have the extreme punishment for
heresy, as it is said there is. For, as some have reported,
if any will witness, that a manne hath spoken anye thinge
that is heresie, though he speake it onely of an ignoraunce
or of a passion, or if he can by interrogatories and ques-
tions be drieven to confesse anie thing that is prohibited
by the Churche, anon they will dryve him to abjure, or
hold him atteynted without examining the entent or cause
of his saying, or whether he had a minde to be refourmed
or not. And that is a verye sore waye, our lorde be more
mercifull to our soules then so grievouslie to punishe us
for every light defaulte.

And here, some saye, that because there is so greate a
desyre in spirituall menne to have menne abjure, and to be
noted with heresye, and that some as it were of policy
dooe noyse it, that the realme is full of heretykes, more
then it is indede ; that it is very perillous, that spirituall
men shoulde have authoritie to arrest a man for every
light suspecion or complaynte of heresie, till that desyre of
punishment in spirituall men be ceased and gone : but
that they should make processe agaynste them to bring
them in upon payne of cursinge ; and then if they tarie
fourty daies, the Kinge's lawes to bringe them in by a
writ de excommunicato capiendo, and so to be brought
forth out of the King's gaole to aunswere . But surely as
it is somewhat touched before in the vii. chapiter, it
semeth, that the churche in time past hath doone what
they could to bring about, that they might punish heresy
of themself without calling for any help therein of the se-
cular power. And therfore they have made lawes, that
heretikes might be arrested and put in prison, and stockes
if nede wer, as appereth Clementinis de Jiereticis cap.

96 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Multorum querela. And after at the speciall calling on of

1_ the spiritualtie, it was enacted, that ordinaries might

arrest men for heresie : for some menne think, that the
said Clementine was not of effecte in the King's lawe to
arrest any man for heresie ; but if a man were openly and
notably suspected of heresy, and that ther wer sufficient
record and witnesse against him, and there wer also a
dout that he would flee and not appere wherby he might
infect other, it semeth convenient, that he be arrested by
the body, but not upon every light complaynt that full
lightly may be untrue. And it will be right expedient,
that the Kinge's highness and his counsaile looke speci-
allye upon this mater, and not to cease till it be brought
to more quyetnes then it is yet, and to see with great dili-
gence, that pryde, covetise, nor worldly love be no judges,
nor innocents be punished, ne yet that wilfull offenders
goe not without due correccion.'
English 3. To all this Sir Thomas Moore, among other things,

p. «)07,' answered as follows : that if the convening heretics ex
col. 2. officio were left, and changed into another order by
which no man should be called, be he never so sore sus-
pected nor by never so many men detected, but if some
man make himself partie against him as his accuser, the
streets were likely to swarm full of heretics before that
right few were accused, or peradventure any one either.
For, whatsoever the cause be, he was sure it was not un-
known, that many will give unto a judge secret informa-
tion of such things as though they be true yet gladly they
will not, or peradventure dare not, be openly aknowen,

that the matter came out by them : that this is a thing

well knowen to every man, that in every sene, every ses-
sion of peace, every session of gaole delivery, every lete
thorowe the realme,the fyrst thing that the jury have given
them in charge is heresy. And for all this thorowe the
whole realme how many presentments bee there made in
a whole yere ? He wened, he said, in some seven yere not
one. That he supposed this writer called those assem-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 97

blies at the Convocation by the name of Confederacies, chap.

YYY

but that as for his dayes, as far as he had heard, nor, as '_

he supposed, a good part of his father's neither, the
clergie came never together to convocation but at the re-
quest of the King, and at their such assemblies concerning

spiritual things have very little done He could never

witte them yet assemble for any great winning, but come
up to their travaile, labour, cost, and paine, and tarry and

talke, et cetera, and so gette them home againe : that

*Summa Rosella, so often quoted by the pacifier, is so
strange a booke to finde, and so hard to understand that

very fewe men had medled with it before : that the

matters which have been laid unto heretics, they have not
been by any subtile questions or interrogatories induced
to confesse them : that he thought there was no po-
litic man of the spiritualtie that would noise it, that the
realme is full of heretics more than it is indeed, wherby
the heretics might be the more bold, and the catholics
more inclinable to the worse part, and the more faint and
fickle in the faith. But, that he knew this very well, that
heretics have made that noise both for the cause afore-
said, and also to feare the ordinaries thenvith, and to put
their officers in dread from doing their office.' This I
thought proper to observe here in the order of time as it
happened, because it serves to shew the steps that were
made towards a reformation, and what induced people to
enter into such measures. I now return to what more im-
mediately concerns the History of the Bishop.

* This Summ with the Summa Angelica is often quoted and made much
use of in a Law Book entitled, The Doctor and Student.

VOL. II.

98 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXXI.

1. Archbishop Warham is succeeded by Cranmer, who
hears the debates in Convocation about the King's mar-
riage, and, 2. Pronounces the Sentence of Divorce. 3.
The Bishop's troubles. 4. An Act against Appeals to
Rome. 5. Pylcher and Bechyng abjure.

1. J.HE King's great matter, as it was called, or the
affair of his divorce now drew towards a conclusion.
Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, dying August 23,
1532, was succeeded by Cranmer, who was consecrated
A.D. 1533. March 30, the very beginning of the next year. To take
Wake's on° au< scruples concerning the proceedings of the convo-
State of the cation, before which this business of the King's divorce
&c. p. 398. was intended to be brought, and which might seem to
have been put an end to by the archbishop's death, the
prior and chapter of Canterbury issued out their aman-
date for a new summons of the members of the Convoca-
tion, and for new elections of proctors for the cathedral
and diocesan clergy which were appointed to be returned
Histo. of March 17. As soon therfore as the new archbishop was
Reform consecrated, and had performed every thing that was ne-
Vol. I. cessary for his investiture in the archbishopric he came
April l, and sate in the upper house of Convocation. Here were
1533. rea(j tne judgments or determinations of the Universities
concerning the unlawfulness of the King's marriage. On
which followed a very warm and earnest debate on these
two questions, Whether it was against the Law of God,
• and indispensible by the Pope for a man to marry his
brother's wife, he being dead without issue, but having
consummated the marriage ? And whether prince Arthur
had consummated his marriage with the queen ? This was
chiefly managed in the Upper House by the Bishop of

a Commissio Ep. London ad eligendos procuratores in Convoeatione dat.
Fcbru. 16, 1532.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 99

Rochester, and Stoksley Bishop of London. Stokesly CHAP.

maintained, that for a man to marry his brother's wife, !__

&c. was not only against the written Law of God, but so ?.0°PeJ''

j • i . i . . kife 0' Sir

directly against the law of nature, that it could in no wise Thomas
be dispensed with by the Church. On the other hand More' Ms'
the Bishop of Rochester argued for the negative. But
the question being put at the conclusion of the debate, of
b2l6 fathers who were there either in person or by their Antiquit.
proctors, all except 19 assented to the affirmative that the Cranmcri.
King's marriage was utterly unlawful. It is, I suppose, to
this debate that Mr. Secretary Cromwell referred when he
told the Bishop, as will be shewn by and by, that men re-
ported, that at the last Convocation he spake many things
which he could not well defend.

2. The Convocation having thus finished the business |^h°'
for which it was summoned, and being therfore prorogued Reform,
and risen, the archbishop obtained the King's license to p. 131.
proceed in the cause of the divorce. The queen therfore Hall. Hen.
was here cited to appear before the archbishop and his2ii.'b°
assessors the Bishops of London, Winchester, Bath and
Lincoln, &c. May 10th, at *Dunstable, about six miles * Ro°Per

snys ot»
Alban's.
In the Instrument drawn up on this occasion it's said there were of the

Divines who appeared in their own persons, 75 V'W '

of those who appeared by their proctors, 197 Life of

Card.

in all ... 272 Wolsey,
Coll.
No. 90.
Of which there voted for the affirmative 253

and for the negative only 19

of jurists and canonists, among which were some bishops, \

who appeared in their own persons J

' who appeared by proxy, 3 bishops, 3

in all ... 47

of which there voted for the affirmative 41

— — negative 6

But if I have told the names right there were 209 of the Divines who
voted by proxy, so that the whole number of Divines and Civilians, &c.
who voted on this occasion was 321, of which voted for the affirmative 296,
and for the negative 25.

100 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, from Ampthil where the princess dowager, as she was now
" called, lay. The citation was served on her by Dr. Lee,

but at the day fixed for her appearance she came not, but
made default, and therfore after fifteen days sitting, and
her being peremptorily cited every day, to appear in court,
the archbishop, with the advice and consent of the bishops
aforenamed, and by the assent of all the learned men there
present, pronounced sentence, that the King's marriage
was only a marriage de facto, but not dejure, and, that it
was null from the beginning. But the King, it seems, im-
patient at the delays which had been used, and content
with the judgment of the Convocation and parliament,
would not wait for the formality of this sentence, but was
* Erken- married to his new queen the *l4th of November, or St.
Hall's day Erkenwald's day, before : which marriage was confirmed
Chro.33. by the archbishop at Lambith, May 28, 1533.
Coil. 3. And now the Bishop's troubles, like clouds in a rainy

No. 26. season, or the waves of a troubled sea, followed one
another very close ; as we shall see in the next and suc-
ceeding chapters. But before I proceed to them, it may
not perhaps be foreign to my purpose to take notice of
M j j some things done in the mean while. In May this year,
1533. the King sent for the speaker and twelve of the members
of the House of Commons in the interval of their sessions,
having with him eight lords, and delivered to him a trans-
lation of the oath which the bishops and abbats then took
to the Pope, at their consecration, together with a copy of
that which they took to himself: telling him at the same
time, that by these oaths it appeared to him, that the
clergy, who he thought were his subjects ivholly, were but
half his subjects, nay scarce his subjects at all, and leaving
it to them to improve the intimation in what way they
thought fitting, and to reduce the clergy to as entire an
obedience to the crown of England as was paid by the
laity. And this had its designed effect. Hall tells us,

c By whom this was made is uncertain : Collier iguorantly affirms it to be
Bishop Burnet's.

Hall.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 101

that the opening of these oaths was one of the occasions CHAP,
why the Pope within two years following lost all his juris- XXXI-
diction in England. From whence this English transla-
tion of this oath of the bishops to the Pope was made,
which the King now delivered to the speaker, I don't find.
It's plain, that it is very different from that which our two
archbishops, Chichle and Cranmer took, and far from
being the same with that in the present Roman pontifical,
tho' more agreeable to that than to the others. The
learned Mr. Collier seems to have supposed, that the oath Ecci. Hist,
in the pontifical was the original from whence this transla- Vo1' IL
tion was made. With the same critical exactness he
fancied, because Bishop Burnet had transcribed these
oaths in Hall and put them in his History of the Refor-
mation, therefore he made the translation of the Bishop's
oath to the Pope. With the same judgment and equal
truth, he accuses his lordship of fraud in the translation.
Bishop Burnet, says he, translates prosequar et impugnabo Vol. II. p.
in the original by resist and persecute. Wheras if the marc1 2
pontifical be the original I am very sure this clause is Pontificate
there expressed thus. Hcereticos, Schismaticos, et rebelles p. 60, col. '
eidem Domino nostro, vel successoribus prcedictis proposse A"net„er
persequar et impugnabo. • 1627.

4. The next session of the parliament began at West-
minster, the 4th of February this year, and continued till
the seventh day of April following. In it passed an act,
that Appeales in such cases as hath been used to be pursued
to the see of Rome shall not be from henceforth had nor
used, but within this realme. This seems to have been
occasioned by the Commons being made sensible in what
manner the bishops, &c. were sworn to the Pope, as if he
was their sovereign and liege lord. They therfore ob-
served, that by divers and sundrie old authentick histories
and chronicles, it is manifestly declared and expressed,
that this realme of England is an Empire, and so hath
been accepted in the world, governed by One Supreme
Head and King who has the dignitie and roial estate of

102 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, the Imperial crown of the same, and unto whom a bodie

XXXI •

'_ politick, compact of all sorts and degrees of people di-
vided in terms and by names of Spiritualtie and Tempo-
raltie are bound and ought to bear, next to God, a
natural and humble obedience : That the King is also in-
stituted and furnised by the goodnesse and sufferance of
almighty God with plenarie, whole and intire power, pre-
heminence, &c. to render and yield justice and final deter-
mination to all manner of folks that are resident or sub-
jects within this his realme in all causes happening to
occur within the limits therof, without restraint or appeal
to any forreign princes or potentates of the world : That
the bodie spiritual of the realm has power when any cause
of the Divine Law or of spiritual learning happens to come

in question ' to declare and determine all such

doubts, without the intermedling of any forreigner, and to
administer all such offices and duties as to their places doe
belong : That for the due administration of these offices,
and to keep that part of the body politick called the spi-
ritualtie, usually called the English Church, free from
corruption and sinister affection the King's most noble
progenitors, and the ancestors of the nobles of this realm
have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with
honour and possessions : That for trial of propertie of
lands and goods, and for the conservation of the people of
this realme in unitie and peace without ravine or spoile
the laws temporal were and are yet administered by
sundrie judges and officers of the other part of the said
bodie politick, called the temporaltie, and both their au-
thorities and jurisdictions do join together in the due ad-
ministration of justice the one to help the other.' It was
added, that the King, his most noble progenitors, and the
nobilitie and commons of this realme, at divers and sundry
parlements, as well in the time of King Edward I. and III.
Richard II. Henrie IV., and other noble kings of this
realm made sundrie ordinances, lawes, statutes and pro-
visions for the intire and sure conservation of the prero-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 103

gatives, liberties and preheminences of the imperial crown CHAP

of this realme, and of the spiritual and temporal jurisdic- 1

tions of the same, to keep it from the annoiance as well of
the see of Rome, as from the authoritie of other foreign
potentates attempting its diminution, as often and from
time to time as any such annoiance or attempt might be
knowne or espied : But that notwithstanding the said
good statutes, &c. for the preservation of the authoritie
and prerogative of the said imperial crowne, yet since the
making them divers inconveniences and dangers, not
plainly provided for by the said former acts, &c. have
risen and sprung by reason of appeales sued out of this
realme to the see of Rome in causes testamentarie, causes
of matrimonie and divorces, right of tithes, oblations and
obventions, not onelie to the great vexation, trouble, costs
and charges of the King's Highnesse, and manie of his
subjects, but also to the great delaie and hindrance of the
true and speedie determination of the said causes, forso-
much as the parties which appeale to the said court of
Rome most commonly do so for delay of justice. Besides
that as the great distance of way was so far out of this
realme, the necessary proofs, nor the true knowledge of
the cause could neither be so well known at Rome, nor
the witnesses there so well examined, as they could be
here, so that the parties grieved by means of these ap-
peals were most times without remedie. In consideration
of all these evils and inconveniency which long experience
had shewn were occasioned to the King and his subjects
by the prosecution of these appeales, it was now enacted,
that all causes testamentary, &c. the knowledge wherof
by the goodness of princes of this realme, and by the laws
and customs of the same appertaineth to the spiritual
jurisdiction of this realme, should be henceforth heard,
examined, and finallie and definitivelie determined within
the King's jurisdiction and authoritie, and not elsewhere.'
This affected the King's own cause which had now been
depending for some time, since in the act such causes as

104 THE LIFE OF

chap, were already commenced and depending were expressly
xxxi. „. ,
mentioned.

5. Amidst these transactions the Ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion in the Bishop's diocese of Rochester was still executed
with its usual vigor, especially against those who were
suspected of what was called heresy. For instance, one

Reg. John Pylcher, who is called a weddid man of the Parish

of Coxston, was forc'd to abjure on account of his being
accused for saying, that he believed, that his soull should
arise at the day of iuggement, but so should dnat his body
and bones. John Bechyng preste parson of Ditton in this

Feb. 10, diocese abjured his saying ;

1531. j That he had nat beleyved in the Sacraments of

Christ's Churche, viz. in the Sacrament of Penance and
Confession.

2. That he had said and celebrated Masse by the con-
tinuance of halfe a yere or thereabowte, and might have
hadd prestis for to here his confession, and of all that
tyme did make no confessioun but twyse or thrise at the
mooste.

3. That he had spoken before divers persones, that a
preste beinge in dedely synn mygth' take uppon hym to
consecrate the blessyd sacrament of the aultar.

4. That he had sayde to a layeman, that the layeman
myght as well here his confessioun as he, beynge a preste,
myght here the layeman's confessioun, meanynge, that the
prestis have as little authoritie to heare the confessiouns
of the lay-men as the laye men of the prestis.

5. That he had sayde, that he was not bownde by
Scripture to make confessioun.

Sept. 6, Peter Durr, priest of Gravisende, abjured his saying

and holding,

1. That the soul of St. Augustine is not in heaven.

2. That the Pope and the rest of the archbishops and
bishops have no authoritie to make Laws.

d So it is spelt in the Register, as the man pronounced it, the o in Kent
being commonly pronounced as the a.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 105

3. That Luther is not an Heretick. CHAP.

4. That he had said, that his prayer was altogether as 1

good with the omission of the B. Virgin eMary, as with it.

e It was then usual in the pulpit prayer before Sermon, not only to use
the Ave Maria but to address immediately to the B. Virgin. Of this we
meet with frequent instances in the Sermons of Cornelius Mussus Bishop of
Britontino, particularly in one of his Sermons on the Nativity preached in
the Cathedral Church of Passaw in Germany, 1530. Virgo Mater, ecce in
navi sumus, et navigamus omnes nos tu respice quceso in quantis periaelis flue-
tuat Ecclesia : Ecclesiam dico et filij tui et tuam. Ad te oculos nostros attol-
limus, O stella maris, Monstra te esse matrem, fyc.

106 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXXII.

1. An account of Elizabeth Barton, called the Holy Maid,
or Nun of Kent. She names the Bishop of Rochester on
her examination, among her confederates. His conduct
in this affair. 4. It is brought before the parliament.
6. The Bishop is condemned as guilty of misprision of
Treason, which the King pardons. 7, 8. Of the Holy
Maid of Ipswich.

A. D. 1525. 1. i\BOUT Easter seven or eight years before, there
was one Elizabeth Barton, a maid servant to Thomas Cob
of Aldington, near Romney-Marsh in Kent, who seems to
have been troubled with that species of the hysterical pas-
sion which by the physicians is commonly called the ''suf-
focation of the matrix. For thus she is represented as
having a distemper in her body which used to ascend or
rise upwards into her throat where it swelled greatly,
during which she seemed to be in very great pain, inso-
much as one would have thought and believed, she had
suffered the pangs of death itself until the distemper
fell down into her body again. Thus she continued at
times the space of seven months and more, till at the last
in the month of November she, being ill of these fits,
asked with great pangs and groaning whether a young
child of her master's which then lay desperately sick in a
cradle by her was dead. The women who attended on
both her and the child in their sickness answering No,
* present- she replied, that it should die *anone, which she had no
and°by.y sooner said, but the child fetched a great sigh and died.
This her divination and foretelling was the first occasion
of her being taken notice of as an extraordinary person.
But after this, in several of her following fits, altho' she

a Those that are obnoxious to this species, &c. are for the most part of a
more than ordinary sanguine constitution, and masculine habit of body.
Dr. Sydenham's Tracts, &c.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 107

seemed to the standers by to lie as still as a dead body, chap.
without any motion, as well in the trances themselves as xxxir-
after the pangs were over, she told plainly of a great
many things done at the church and other places where
she was not present, which nevertheless she seemed by the
signs she made most lively to behold, as it were, with her
eyes. She spake also of heaven, hell and purgatorie, and
of the joies and sorrowes that several departed souls had
and suffered : she talk'd very freely against the corruption
of men's manners, and their wicked lives : she exhorted
people to frequent the church, to hear masse, to confesse
themselves to the priests, to pray to our Lady and the
Saints : and, to be short, made in all points confession
and confirmation of the Roman Creed and Catechism, and
that with so much devotion and discretion that bThwaits,
the author of this account, who, it seems, was not in the
secret, thought it not possible for her to speak in such a
manner. Among other things she would often say, that
she would goe home, and that she had been at home, wheras
to the understanding of the standers by she had never
been from home, nor moved from the place where she lay.
Wherupon when she was in another trance, some of them
asked her, where that home was? She answered, where
she saw and hearde the joies of Heaven, where St.
Michael0 weighed souls, where St. Peter carried the heys,
and where she herself had the company of our Lady at
dCourt of Streete, whome she had heartily besought to heal

b I have taken this account from Mr. Lambard, who tells us he had it
from a book or pamphlet of 24 leaves, written by Edward Thwaytes, Gent.,
and printed by Robert Redman, entituled, A marvellous worke of late done at
Court of Streete in Kent, published to the devout people of this time for their
spiritual consolation. Perambulation of Kent, &c. p. 189, &c. ed. 4°. 1596.

c In the Salisbury portuise St. Michael is represented as the angel to
whom God has delivered, or given power over the souls of the saints, that
he may lead or conduct them into the paradise of joy. Accordingly he is
addressed in the devotions of the Roman Church as the receiver of souls.
Hence, I suppose, came the gross notion of his weighing them.

d Courtop-Strete, as the place is called, is in the parish of Lymyne, next
to Aldington, where was a hermitage on the side of the hill overlooking

108 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, her distemper, and who had commanded her to offer unto

'__ her a taper in her chapel there, and to declare boldly to all

Christian people, that our Lady of Court of Streete had

revived her from the very point of death : and that her

pleasure was, that it should be rung for a miracle. To

which last words her master replied, that there were no

bells at that chapel, to which the maid answered nothing,

but the voice that spake in her proceeded saying ; Our

blessed Lady will shew more miracles there shortly, for if

any depart this life suddenly or by mischance in deadly

sin, if he be vowed to our Lady heartily, he shall be restored

be con- f0 foje again f0 ^receive shrift and housell, and after to

receive the depart this life with God's blessing. She told them

en ' besides, what the Hermite of that Chapel of our Lady had

for his supper, and many other things concerning him,

wherat they much wondered. From that time forward

she resolved with herself to go to Court of Streete, and

there to pray and offer to our Lady, which also she did

accordingly, and was there delaied of her cure for some

time, tho' yet put in assured hope of recoverie.

2. By the way one would think by what is said of our

Lady's restoring to life again those who were vowed to her

and died suddenly, &c. in deadly sin, that they might be

confessed, &c., that she knew nothing of the receit in the

Hore bea- Salisbury primer to keepe people from thus dying. It is
tissime .- , r . . . _ *. . * * . . . , f .

Virginis there advertised in English, that no body might be lgno-

l555ie'&C' lant °^ **» m the very wor(^s ^at follow, Who that saythe
devoutly this shorte prayer dayly shall not departe out of

* without, this worlde, *wittut penaunce and ministracion of the holy
sacrament, the which was shewed by an angell unto S.
Bernarde.

Romney-Marsh, and a little chapel, the mines of which are still standing,
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, who in the Roman devotions is stiled/br-
mosa stella maris, and accordingly were her chapels often situated within
sight of the sea. Thus that famous one at Walsingham (which, Erasmus
tells us, was held in so much esteem, that scarce any one in England who
had any regard for his welfare omitted visiting it once a year) was not far
from the sea, and the image therfore called Virgo Parathalassia.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 109

Ave Maria ancilla sancte Trinitatis, CHAP,
filia sempiterni Patris, '

sponsa Spiritus Sancti,

Mater doniini nostri Jesu Christi.

soror angelorum,

promissio prophetarum,

regina patriarcharum,

magistra evangelistarum,

doctrix apostolorum,

comfortatrix martyrum,

fons & pulchritudo confessorum,

decus et corona virginum,
Ave Maria salus et consolatrix vivorum & mortuorum
mecum his in omnibus tentationibus, tribulationibus, ne-
cessitatibus, angustijs, et infirmitaiibus meis. Et impetra
michi veniam omnium delictorum meorum. Et maxime
in hora exitus mei non desis michi Optissima Virgo Maria,
Amen. Paternoster. Ave Maria.

3. In the mean while the fame of this wonderful maid,
as Thwaits calls her, was so spread abroad that it came to
the ears of Archbp. Warham, who gave a commission to
Dr. Bockinge, Hadleigh and Barnes, three monks of
Christ-Church Canterbury, to Father Lewes and his fel-
lowe, two friers observants, to his eofficial of Canterbury,
and to f Richard Master, rector of Aldington, to go to this
maid to examine the matter and to informe him of the
truth. These men *apposed her of the chief points of*exa-
the Popish belief, and finding her sound therin made a

e This perhaps is a mistake for Thomas Laurence of Canterburie, the
archdeacon's register.

1 18 Noveni. 1514. Richardus Master, A. M. ad Ecclesiam de Aldyngton * Thorn-
per liberam resignationem Ven. Viri D. *Joannis Dei Gratia Cironen : Epis- ton, the
copi ad collationem Archiepiscopi, juratus ad bene et fideliter solvendam P
quandam annuam pensionem 20 librarum cuidam Magistro Erasmo Rothe-
rodamo Clerico nuper dicte Ecclesie Rectori. Dr. K?iight's Life of Erasmus.

Of this gentleman Erasmus gave the following character. Praefecit,

Arch. Warhamus, juvenem rei Theological peritum, probatis et integris mo-
ribus. Ecclesiastes, Lib. I.

110

THE LIFE OF

chap, favourable report of her to the archbishop, and counte-
xxxil. nanced and joined with her in her extasies and trances.
So that at her going again to Our Lady of Court of
Streete she entred the chapel in a solemn procession ac-
companied with the commissioners, many ladies, gentlemen
and gentlewomen of the best degree, and 3000 persons
besides, of the common sort of people of the country, with
the following anthem sung as it was set to music.

OfficiumB.
Mariae Vir-
ginis nuper
reforma-
tum, &c.

Ave Regina Ccelorum :
Ave Domina Angelorum :
Salve radix, Salve porta,
Ex qua mundo Lux est orta :
Gaude Virgo gloriosa,
Super omnes speciosa,
Vale 6 valde decora,
Et pro nobis Christum exora.

There fell she immediately into a wonderful passion
before the image of our Lady, much like one subject to
the falling sickness, in which she uttered several rhyming
sayings in verse tending in the first place to the worship
or honour of our Lady of Courtop-street, whose chapel
there she wished to be better maintained, and to be fur-
nished with a daily singing priest : next relating to her-
self's being placed in some religious house, for such, she
said, was Our Lady's pleasure ; and finally and fully to
the advancing of the credit of her several fained miracles.
This done and reported to the archbishop, she was by him
ordered to St. Sepulchre's, a house of Black Nuns in the
suburbs of Canterbury, a little to the south of St. Austin's
Abby. Here she had several times her former distemper,
and continued her accustomed working of wondrous mi-
racles. Often she resorted, as she pretended, tho' by way
of trance only, to our Lady of Court of Street, who also
ceased not to shew herself mighty in operation there,
lighting candels without fire, moistening women's breasts

DR. JOHN FISHER. Ill

that before were drie and wanted milke, restoring all sorts C HAP.
of sick people to health, and even the dead to life, and

finally doing all good to such as were vowed unto her at
Courtop-street.' Such was the account given of her by
Thwaits in the book beforementioned, who, it seems, was
a bigotted votary and great admirer of this wonderful
maid, who was now commonly called the Holy Maid of
Kent. Thus Rooper speakes of her, "For her virtue and SirTho.
" holiness of life," says he, " she was among the people ^ore'
" not a little esteemed, and to her for that cause many re-
" ligious persons, doctors of divinity, and divers others of
" good worship of the laiety used to resort." The repu-
tation she had gained, by the artifice and management of
her confederates for her many visions and revelations, was
yet increased by their being collected and put in writing.
Thus not only Thwaits, but Laurence, at the instance
and desire of Booking her confessor and one of the ma-
nagers of this imposture, wrote a great book of her false
and fained miracles and revelations which was found ready
for the press. These tales, it seems, were so long and so ^^s
many in number, that, it's said, twenty sheets of paper Eccles.
would not be sufficient to contain them. So that Barton 177"
was in a fair way of being had in the same repute with
these Holy Virgins or Nuns Hildegardis, Elisabeth, &c.
referred to by the bishop, and of having her revelations
as highly esteemed and reverenced. And indeed they
were pretty much of the same importance. As her seeing
the disputations of the devils for the *cardinal's soul. Her * wolsey.
being three timesg lifted up, and yet could not see the car-
dinal, neither in heaven, nor in hell, nor in purgatory :
Her bringing him to heaven by her penance, and seeing
such and such souls flie through purgatory. Her being
warned by an angel to go to an abbat and tell him he
should take three of his brethren by name, for that they

s Thus is St. Catharine of Senne reported to be lifted up by angels, and
assaulted by a troop of devils when at her devotions. D. Catharinae Se-
nensis Vita ac Miracula Selectiora. Antuerp: 1603.

112 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, were purposed in the night to run away with three men's
XXXIL wives : Her showing to Dr. Booking the hour of the old

* Warham. Bishop of Canterbury's* death ; her hearing the disputa-

tion between the angels and the devils for his soul ; Her
seeing him when he went into heaven, and hearing the

* Becket. words which he spoke, and how St. Thomas* was there

present and accompanied him : How diverse the times the
devil appeared to her, and once in particular in the like-
ness of a good man, and with him a lady, with whom
before her face he had carnal conversation upon her bed:
How she took the blood out of our Lord's side into a cha-
lice : How Mary Magdalene sent her a golden letter, and
how by an angel she was bid to counterfeit another : with
a good deal more of such sort of stuff.

The noise which these things made was so great, as
that, at length, the King himself heard of it. Some of her
rhyming sayings uttered by her in her fits were carried to
him : and, as she herself said, she shewed to him an ap-
parition that she had seen of an angel, who bad her go to
the King of England, that infidel prince, as she called
him, and tell him, that he commanded him to amend his
life, and to leave three things which he loved, and pur-
posed to do ; viz. 1 . that he take off the Pope's right and
patrimony from him ; 2. that he destroy all these new
folks of opinion, and the works of their new learning ;
3. that if he married and took Anne to wife, the vengeance
of God should plague him. She made no fewer than
three visits to the Bishop of Rochester, whose palace at
Rochester lay directly in the way of her perambulations,
and who had conceived a good opinion of her, at which no
one will wonder who has ever read the several stories of
the visions and revelations so seriously vouched by his
Lordship in his answer to Oecolampadius, which I've
before mentioned. She likewise imposed on Sir Thomas
Moore, who saw her at Sion monastery, in one of her visits
made to the brethren of that house, and afterwards wrote
to her, giving her the titles of Mada?)i, My Lady, and

DR. JOHN FISHER. 113

Right dearly beloved Sister in our Lord God; tho' after- CHAP,
wards he was fully convinced of her being a cheat and ' \
impostor, and accordingly with indignation called her,
that hussy, and the lewd nun of Canterbury, for so she was
proved to be with a witness, and commended Mr. Secre-
tary Cromwel for his bringing to light such detestable hypo-
crisy, &c. for now the scene was. changed. The nun and
her confederates had carried the jest too far, and pre-
sumed to meddle with the King himself and his great
matter, and to censure and condemn his divorce from
Q. Katharine and his intended marriage with Q. Anne.
To this purpose the nun in her pretended fits prophesied,
that if the King did proceed in the matter of his divorce,
&c. he should not be a king a h month longer. This raised
the King's jealousie, that by her means a rebellion was to
be raised by the Queen's friends, and therfore he pre-
sently gave orders, that this affair should be very strictly
enquired into, and the nun herself and her confederates
particularly examined about it. For this purpose was the
nun brought before a convention of the Lords in the
Star-chamber, summoned thither for the purpose, where
being very nicely and strictly examined, she at length con-
fessed the whole intreague, who were her confederates,
and by whom she had been encouraged and upheld.
Among these last was the Bishop of Rochester and his
chaplain, John Adeson, named, which occasioned to his
lordship a great deal of trouble. By a piece of a letter BP«; Bur-
yet remaining of Mr. Secretary Cromwel's, written to the tory of the
Bishop in answer to one of his, it appears, that the Secre- Re,fo1ri^at1',
tary had, on the Bishop's being thus named as one of those p- 123.
who abetted and encouraged the nun, sent his Lordship a
message by his brother Robert Fisher, advising him to
write unto the King, and recognize or acknowledge his
offence, and beg his pardon, telling him how benign and
merciful the King was, and that his grace would not deny
him now in his age and sickness. This, it seems, was

h The Bishop said, she told him seven months.
VOL. II. I

114

THE LIFE OF

CHAP.
XXXII.

Archbp.
Warham

chap. iii.

what Sir Thomas Moore did ; he submitted himself, and
_ owned his fault in writing to the nun as he had done, and
by that means avoided being put into the bill which was
brought into the parliament for the attainder of the nun,
&c. But the Bishop chose to take another course, and by
letters to the Secretary to excuse and justifie himself, as
if he had done nothing amiss. He was accused not only
of hearing and concealing, but of bribing the nun's false
and feigned revelations, and of frequently sending to her
his chaplain. In answer to this, the Bishop pleaded in
his own behalf, that his intention was in communing with
her and sending to her, to know or make trial whether or
no her revelations were of God : and for this purpose he
alleged several places of Scripture to prove, that he was
bound thus to trie them, and after trial to receive them.
His lordship owned, that he had for many reasons a great
opinion of the holiness of this woman. She was, for in-
stance, called the holy maid of Kent, was actually entred
into religion or become a nun ; it was commonly reported,
that her ghostly father, and several other virtuous priests,
men of good learning and reputation, gave her the cha-
racter of a woman of great holiness ; the lord of Canter-
bury told him, that she had many and great visions:
lastly, that he had learned of the prophet Amos, that the
7. Lord will do nothing, but he revealeth his secret unto his
servants the prophets. But to this apology the Secretary
answered, that in all his letters to him, his Lordship did
not shew, that he made any other trial of the truth of the
nun's revelations than by putting to her idle questions, as
Whether there were three Mary Magdalens ? a question
which my Lord, as has been shewn before, very zea-
lously disputed many years ago with Faber, and which he
seemed to suppose the nun was able to resolve, being so
intimate with St. Mary Magdalene, as to hold a corres-
pondence with her, and receive a letter from her : that if
he had designed to find out the truth of her and her reve-
lations, he would have taken another course with her, viss.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 115

not have been led away by the vain noise of the people, CHAP.

but, like a wise, discreet, and circumspect prelate, would 1

have examined, as others have done since, such serious
and credible persons as were present at her trances and
disfigurings, not one or two, but a good number, by whose
evidence he would have proved whether the noises of her
trances were true or not ; he would have tried by what
craft and persuasion she was made a religious w oman ;
and would before now have spoken with her ghostly
father, and those priests whom he represented as so vir-
tuous and well-learned ; he would also have been minded
to see the book of her revelations which was offered to
him, by which he might have had more trial of her and
them, than by a hundred communications with her, or
sending his chaplain to her. As for the late lord of Can-
terbury, the Secretary told the Bishop, he knew no more
of the nun, or of her revelations, by her own report, than
himself did, and as for the saying of the prophet, since the
consummation and end of the Old Testament, and the
passion of Christ, God hath done many great and notable
things in the world, wherof he shewed nothing to his pro-
phets that hath come to the knowledge of men. The
Secretary therfore told his Lordship, that they were not
these things that moved him to give this woman credit,
but only the very matter, whereon she made her false pro-
phecies, to which he was so zealously affected, as he ivas
noted to be in all matters into which he once entred, that
nothing could come amiss that made for that purpose.
Accordingly he appealed to the Bishop's conscience, and
desired him instantly to answer, whether if this woman
had shewed him as many revelations for the confirma-
tion of the King's marriage with Q. Anne, as she had done
to the contrary, he would have given so much credit to
her as he had done, and have let the trial of her and her
revelations alone so many years, when he dwelt but s 20
miles in the same shire from the place where her trances,

1 Rochester is from Canterbury 27 miles, from Aldington about 23 miles-

116 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, and disfigurings, and prophecys, were acted and given

L_ out ? Think you, my Lord, added he, that any indifferent

man, considering the quality of the matter, and your affec-
tions or temper, and also the careless passing over of such
lawful trials as you might have had of the maiden and her
revelations, is so dull that he cannot perceive and discern,
that your conversation with the maid, and often sending to
her, was rather to hear and report many of her revelations,
than to try their truth or falshood ? Next, the Bishop
defended himself from the charge of being to blame for
concealing those revelations which concerned the King.
He assured the Secretary, that the nun had told him, that
she herself had shewed these revelations to his grace, and
that God's message to her was, that she should do so ;
but that she did not shew him, that any prince or temporal
lord, should put the King in danger of his crown : that if
he had declared these revelatious to the King, and they
were afterwards found false, he might have been blamed
for mentioning them : that he had already been very
k unkindly treated by the King, both with grievous words
and terrible letters, for shewing him the truth in his great
matter, and that this usage discouraged him from saying
any thing to his grace of this maid^ revelations. The
Bishop concluded with desiring for the passion of Christ
to be no more tormented about this matter, for if he was
put to that strait, he would not lose his soul, but would
speak as his conscience obliged him. To all which the
Secretary answered, that the nun's revelations were bent
and purposed to the destruction of the King, had been
duly proved before as great an assembly and council of
the lords of this realm, as has been seen many years to
meet out of parliament : that neither her saying nor the
saying of others discharged him from shewing to the King
what seemed so nearly to concern him and his realm : that
tho' she did not shew him the means wherby the danger
should ensue to the King, and had told him that God had
k The same he told the King himself in lus letter to him on this occasion.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 117

directed her to tell the King himself of it, yet was he chap.
nevertheless bounden to shew him of his danger : that no XXXIL
blame could have been charged on him if he had disco-
vered these revelations of the nun's to his grace, tho' they
had afterwards proved false : that he believed and knew
the King's goodness and natural gentleness so well, that
he would never have so unkindly treated his Lordship as
his unkindly writings had treated him, unless he gave him
other causes than are expressed in his letters. On the
whole, he told the Bishop, that though he perhaps thought
it not necessary, that these revelations should be shewed
by him to the King, yet that his thinking should not be
his tryal, but the law must define whether he ought to
have uttered it or not : that if his Lordship had taken the
advice he had sent to him by his brother, and followed
the same, submitting himself by his letters to the King's
grace for his offences in this behalf, he would have assured
him he should never have been troubled any more about
this matter ; but that now since he had taken upon him to
defend himself as if he was in no fault, he could not so far
promise him : that if the matter came to a trial, his Lord-
ship's own confession in this letter, besides the witnesses
which were against him, would be sufficient to condemn
him. He therfore repeats his advice to him to write a
letter of submission to the King. Lastly, as to what the
Bishop said of his conscience and by way of threat, the
Secretary told him, that it was thought he had written
and said as much as he could, and many things, as some
very probably believed, against his conscience : that it was
reported, that at the last convocation he spake many
things which he could not well defend, and therfore it
was not greatly feared what he could say or write in that
matter more. This letter could not be very agreeable to
the Bishop. It seems therfore, as if in answer to it, he
wrote the letter which I've put in the collection, and No. 26.
which is dated at Rochester, Jan. 31. In this letter he
desired to be no more urged to answer Cromwel's letters,

118 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, because he saw his answers must run out into a great

XXXII •

length, or else not give content, and that every thing that

he wrote was ascribed either to craft or wilfulness, or to
partiality and prejudice against the King : so that his
writing, instead of gaining his favour, which he most pas-
sionately desired, only provoked his displeasure. Inso-
much that he observed nothing in all his long letters that
he could take any comfort in, but only the subscription
wherin it pleased Cromwel to call himself the Bishop's
friend. In two points of his writing, the Bishop said,
he thought the Secretary was most offended, and they
both concerned the King. One was, where he excused
himself on account of the displeasure which the King
shewed when he spake to him once or twice of the like
matters. The other was, where he touched the King's
great matter, viz. his divorce. As to the first, the Bishop
said, he thought it very hard, that he might not signifie to
the Secretary such things secretly as were most effectual
for his excuse ; and as to the second, his study and pur-
pose was, to decline that he should not be obliged to
offend his Majestie in that behalf, since he must needs de-
clare his conscience, which, as he wrote to the Secretary,
he should be loath to do any more largely than he had
done. Not that he condemned any other men's consci-
ence ; their conscience, he said, might save them, and his
must save him. Wherfore he besought the Secretary for
the love of God to be contented with this answer of his,
and to give credence unto his brother in such things as he
had to say to him.

A.D. 1533. 4. The 15th of January, 153f, the parliament met.
Before it was brought this affair of the nun or holy maid
of Kent. The Bishop seems to have been particularly
summoned to make his appearance in it, and to answer to
the charge intended to be brought against him concerning
this matter. But his Lordship being still very weak

Coll. wrote to Mr. Secretary Cromwell, to desire he might be

excused from attending till he was recovered to a better

DR. JOHN FISHER. 119

state of health. To this, it seems, he had an answer that chap.

• YYY[T

encouraged him to hope for the King's granting him that '_

favour : on whieh his Lordship wrote to the Lords them- £o11-

, , . i-i ... No. 18.

selves, to desire them to excuse his absence at this time.

In this letter he expressed himself to their Lordships in
much the same terms as he had used before in his letter
to the Secretary. He begins with assuring their Lord-
ships, that by necessity he was driven to make this suit of
his to them in writing, because he might not, by reason of
his weakness and ill state of health, be at this time present
himself before them without great hazard of his life ; but
that if he could himself have been present, he doubted
not but his great weakness and many infirmities would
move them to have pity on his case, wherby he was now
brought into trouble. He proceeded to tell their Lord-
ships, that he was informed of a bill brought into their
House against him and others, concerning the matter of
the nun of Canterbury, which was no small concern to
him, especially in the languishing condition which he was
in. Nevertheless, he said, he trusted in their wisdoms
and consciences, that they would not in this high court
suffer any act to pass against him till his cause was well
and duly heard. He then told the reasons he had to repute
this nun right honest, religious, very good, and virtuous,
the very same which he mentioned in his letter to the
Secretary ; and concluded, that their wisdoms, he doubted
not, saw plainly, that in him there was no fault to believe
this woman to be honest, religious, and of good credit.
But it would be said, he observed, that the nun had told
him such things as were dangerous to the King and king-
dome. Her words, he said, he was very sorry to repeat,
only necessity compelled him so to do ; they were these :
that she had her revelation from God ; that if the King
went *forth with the purpose that he intended, he should * forwards.
not he King of England seven months after. This reve-
lation, he said, she assured him, she had been with the

120 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. King and shewed to him. The-', added he, this was forg'cl
by her or any other, what fault was there in me who knew
nothing of this forgery ? But here, he said, it would be
replied, that he should have shewed the words unto the
King. This he owned his duty had been so to have done,
if he had not undoubtedly thought that she had done it
herself. But she affirmed unto him, that she had told the
same unto the King, which was confirmed to him by her
prioress and their servants reporting to his servants, that
she had been with the King. Besides, he said, several
other causes dissuaded him from telling the King of it,
which were not then openly to be rehearsed, tho' he
doubted not when they should be heard, they would alto-
gether clearly excuse him as touching this matter. His
suit therfore unto all of them at this time, he said, was,
that no act of condemnation concerning this matter be
suffered to pass against him in that high court before he
was heard himself, or some other for him, how he could
declare himself innocent therin. His Lordship added,
that he humbly besought them, if there should be thought
any negligence in him for not discovering this matter to
the King, they for the punishment therof which is now
past would ordain no new law, but let him stand unto the
laws already made, and minister them to him with favour
and equity, and not with with the strictest rigor. This he
pressed on them in a very pathetic manner. He advised
them to look up to God, and on their own souls in ordain-
ing such new laws, and to remember the danger which
they themselves might be in the like case ; since there sat
not one lord in their House, but the same or the like
might chance to him, that was now imputed to himself.
And therfore he instantly besought all their benigne cha-
rities to tender this his most humble suit as they would be
tendered themselves, if they were in the same danger, and
that for the reverence of Christ, for the discharge of their
own souls, for the honour of their House, and the security

DR. JOHN FISHER. 121

of themselves and of those who succeed them. His chap.
Lordship concluded with giving them his blessing, that XXXIL
thus the Lord have them all in his protection.
5. The Bishop wrote likewise to the King, tho' not in dated at

Rochester

the way of submission, as the Secretary had advised him, Feb. 27.
but to justifie himself and plead his innocence. He desired E°U'19
his Majestie kindly to heare this his most humble suit, and
to pardon him that he did not himself wait on his Majesty
to present it ; since before Advent he had been in so ill a
state of health, that he was so weak that without great
hazard of his life he dared not to take such a journey.
And thus he wrote to Mr. Cromwel, his Majestie's most
trustie counsellor, beseeching him to obtain his Grace's
gracious license for him to be absent from this parliament,
and that he put him in comfort so to do. He added, that
in his Grace's most high Court of Parliament a bill was
put in against him concerning the nun of Canterbury, and
designing his condemnation for not revealing such words
as she had spoken unto him concerning his highness,
wherin he most humbly besought his Grace, that without
displeasure he might shew unto him the consideration that
moved him so to do, which when his most excellent wisdom
had deeplie considered, he assuredlie trusted, that his
charitable goodness would not impute any blame to him
on that account. 'Twas true, he said, that this nun was
with him three times as she passed thro' Rochester. The
first time she came to his house unsent for by him, and
then tolde him, that she had been with his ! Grace, and

1 This, it seems, passed for current. Thus Hooper speaks of it ; who
affirming that she had revelations from God to give the King warning of his
wicked life, &c. she went to the King, and told him all her revelations. But
then, he says, that she was advised so to do by the Bishop. The nun under-
standing the lord of Rochester to be a man of notable vertuous living and
learninge repaired to Rochester, and there declared unto him all her revela-
tions, desiring his counsel therin : which the Bishop perceaving might well
stand with the laws of God and his holie Churche, he advised her, as she had
before warning and intended, to go to the King herself, and let him know
and understand the whole circumstance therof. Life of Sir Thomas Moore ,
MS.

122 THE LIFE OF

chap, had shewn unto him a revelation which she had from
1 L Almighty God, that if his Grace went forth with the pur-
pose that he intended, he should not be King of England
seven months after. His Lordship solemnly protested,
that he conceived not, that by these words any malice was
intended unto his highness by any mortal man, but only
that they were the threats of God as she did then affirme.
And though these words were feigned, that he protested
to the King was, as he would be saved, unknown to him.
He never counselled her to that feigning, nor was he
privie therunto: neverthelesse, if she had told him this
revelation, and had not also assured him, that she had re-
ported the same unto his Grace, he had been really much
to blame, and worthy extreme punishment for not disclos-
ing it to' his highness or to some of his counsel. But since
she did affirm unto him, that she had plainly told the
same thing unto his Grace, he verily thought his Grace
would suspect, that he had come to renew her storie again
to him, rather for the confirming his owne opinion of the
divorce, than for any other cause ; for that he still remem-
bred, to his no little heaviness, his Grace's grievous letters,
and after that the most fearful words that his Grace had
spoken unto him for shewing him his mind and opinion in
that matter, tho' his highnesse had so often, and so straitly
commanded him to search for the same before ; and ther-
fore he was very loth to come again to his Grace with
such a story relating to that matter. Many other consi-
derations he had, he said ; but this he assured the King
was the true cause why he came not to his Grace, he
dreaded lest he should therby have provoked his Grace to
further displeasure against him. The Bishop added, that
the late lord of Canterbury, who was his great counsellor,
told him, that Barton had been with his Grace, and had
shewed him this same matter, and, that of the archbishop,
as he will answer before God, he learned greater things of
the nun's visions, &c. than she ever told him herself; and,
that at the same time he shewed to the archbishop3 that

DR. JOHN FISHER. 123

she had been with him, and told him as he had written £ H AP.

before. His Lordship therfore sayd, that he now trusted, -

that his excellent wisdome and learning saw, that there
was in him no fault for not revealing the nun's words to
his Grace, when she herself did affirm to him, that she
had done it herself; and, that the lord of Canterbury that
then was, did also confirm the same. The conclusion of
this letter is very moving and affecting. Thus did the
Bishop address his sovereign : Wherfore, most gracious
sovereigne Lord, in my most humble wise I beseeche your
highnesse to dismiss me of this trouble, wherby I shall the
more quietly serve God, and the more effectually pray for
your Grace. This, if there were a right great offence in
me, should be to your merit to pardon ; but much rather,
taking the case as it is, I trust verily you will so doe, now
my body is much weakned with many diseases and infirmi-
ties, and my soule much disquieted by this trouble, so that
my heart is more withdrawn from God, and from the de-
votion of prayer than I would, and that I verily think my
fife may not long continue. Wherfore instantly I beseeche
your most gracious highness that by your charitable good-
nesse I mayabe delivered of this businesse, and left only to
prepare my soule to God, and make it ready against the
coming of death, and no more to come abroad in the
world. This, most gracious sovereigne Lord, I beseech
your highness by all the singular and excellent endow-
ments of your most noble bodie and soule, and for the love
of Christ Jesu, that so dearly with his most precious blood
redeemed your soul and mine. And during my life I shall
not cease, as I am bounden, and yet now the more entirely,
to make my praier to God for the preservation of your
most roial Majestic

6. In this manner did the Bishop try to divert the
danger which he saw threatned him on this occasion ; but
all to no purpose. For notwithstanding these excuses and
justifications of himself, and insisting so much on his own
innocency, 'twas plain by his own confession, that in his

124 THE LIFE OF

chap, conversation with the nun she had told him of her revela-
J tions, as she called her inventions, concerning the King,

and that he had never discovered them to his Majesty.

Now this pretended revelation being a prediction of the

dethroning the King was treason, and consequently the

concealing it was misprision of treason, the punishment of

which was the offender's forfeiting to the crown his goods

and chattels, and to be imprisoned during the King's

pleasure. Accordingly, by the Act passed this session of

parliament for attainting the nun, &c. of high treason was

the Bishop, together with his chaplain Adeson, whom he

had sent, I suppose, on his messages to the Nun, attainted

Hist. Re- of misprision or concealment of treason. But the King, it

p0tl54l0 *' seems, willing to try what he could do with the Bishop by

BaUy's Life fair and gentle means, was pleased, it's said, to mitigate

Fisher. the rigor of the law, and to pardon his lordship on his

paying a fine of m300 pounds, which favour was obtained

for him by the mediation and intercession of the New

Queen.

7. As the success of one bubble often produces
another, so it seems as if the Holy Maid of Kent gave
occasion to another at Ipswich, tho' not with the same suc-
cess : for they who believed the Nun of Canterbury in-
spired with the Holy Ghost condemned the other as pos-
Works, sessed with the Devil. But Mr. Tyndal observed, that
2.28s! tne tragedyes were so like the one to the other in all
col. l. points that one could not know the Holy Ghost to be in the

Answer to x , J

SirThos. one and the devil in the other by any difference of works,
l0gue,S&c^" but might with as good reason say, that the devil was in
written both, or the Holy Ghost in both, or the devil in the Maid
of Kent, and the Holy Ghost in the Mayde of Ipswich.
For they were both in like trances, both ravished from
themselves, both tormented alike, both disfigured, like
terrible, ugly and grisly in sight, their mouths being drawn

m Wharton says 3000J. data Rcgi tcr mille lihrarum summa, and that this
was then reckoned one whole year's profits of the bishopric ; but this must
be a mistake. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 382.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 125

aside even unto the very ears of them; both were in- xxxn

spired, both preached, both told of wonders, would be

both carryed unto our Lady, and were both certified by
revelation, that our Lady in those places and before those
images should deliver them. Now as for the Maid of
Ipswich she was possessed of the devil by their own con-
fession: Whence then came that revelation that she
should be holpe, and all her holy preaching ? If of the
devil, then was the miracle and all of the devil. If of the
Holy Ghost, then was she inspired with the Holy Ghost,
and had the devil within her both at once. And inasmuch
as the Maide of Kent was inspired by the Holy Ghost by
their confession, whence came that stopping of her throate,
that raving, those grievous pangs, that tormenting, dis-
figuring, drawing of her mouth awry, and that fearful and
terrible countenance ? If of the Holy Ghost, why then
are not the revels and gambolds of the Maid of Ipswich
thence also ? and then what matter maketh it, whether a
man have the devil or the Holy Ghost in him ? If ye say
of the devil, then had she likewise the devil and the Holy
Ghost both at once. Moreover, the possessed, which
Christ helped, avoided Christ, and fled from him, so that
others who believed were faine to bring them unto him
against their wills. For which causes and many more
that might be alleged, one may conclude, that the devil
vexed them and preached in them, to confirme fained con-
fession, and dumb ceremonies and sacraments without sig-
nification, and damnable sects, and shewed them those re-
velations, and as soon as they were brought before our
Ladie's image, departed out of them, to delude us, and to
turn our faiths from Christ unto an old blocke. As we
read in the Legend of St. Bartholomew how the devils
hurt men in their limbs, and as soon as they were brought
into a certain temple before an idol there they departed
out of them, and so beguiled the people making them
believe, that the idol had healed them of some natural
diseases. Howbeit, let it be the Holy Ghost that was in

126

THE LIFE OF

CHAP.
XXXII.

Dyalogue
Lib. I.
chap. 16.

the Maid of Kent, then I pray what thing worthy of so
_ great praise hath our Lady done ? Our Lady hath deli-
vered her of the Holy Ghost, and emptied her of much
high learning, which, as a goodly poetesse, she uttered in
rhimes. For appose her now of Christ as Scripture testi-
fieth of him, and we shall find her cleane without rhime or
reason. The maide was at home also in heavenly plea-
sures, and our Lady hath delivered her out of the joies of
Orestes, and brought her into the miseries of middle earth
againe.' Thus Tyndal.
, 8. This maid of Ipswich was, it seems, a daughter of
Sir Roger Wentworth, Knt., of whom Sir Tho. Moore
tells the following story : that being a fair young gentle-
woman of twelve years of age, she was in a marvellous
manner vexed and tormented by our ghostly enemy the
devil, her mind alienated and raving with despising and
blasphemy of God and hatred of all hallowed things, with
knowledge and perceiving of the hallowed from the un-
hallowed, altho' she was nothing warned therof: and
afterwards moved in her own mind and admonished by the
will of God to go to our Lady of Ipswiche. In the way
of which pilgrimage she prophesied and told many things
done at the same time in other places which were proved
true, and many things said lying in her traunce of such
wisdome and learning that right knowing men highly mar-
vailed to hear of so young an unlearned maiden, when her
selfe wist not what she said, such things uttered and
spoken as well learned men might have missed with a long
study. At length being brought and laid before the
image of our blessed Lady, she was there in the sight of
many worshipful people so grievously tormented, and in
face, eyes, looke and countenance so grisly changed with
her mouth drawn aside, and her eyes laid out upon her
cheeks that it was a terrible sight to behold. But after
many marvellous things at the same time shewed upon
divers persons by the devil, thro' God's sufferance, as well
all the rest as the maiden herself in the presence of all the

DR. JOHN FISHER. 127

company were restored to their good state perfectly cured chap.
and sodenly. With which miracle the Virgin was so XXXIL
moved in her minde, that she forthwith, for ought her
father could do, forsoke the world, and professed religion
in a very good and godly companie at the Minoresse.'
Were ever two stories now more alike than this and the
storie of the Maid of Kent? Sir Thomas and Tyndal are
hoth agreed as to the latter of them, that the Maid's trou-
ble was supernatural and occasioned by the devil, however
they might differ in their opinions about the other. But,
as I before intimated, by the account given by physicians
of that species of the hysterical passion which they call the
suffocation of the matrix, and the same symptoms appear-
ing in these fancied daemoniacs, it seems as if there was no
occasion to have recourse to any supernatural causes of
these effects. It produces, say they, dreadful convulsions Dr. Syden-
resembling the falling sickness, the belly and entrails swel- ^™'*s
ling upwards towards the throat, accompanied with such
violent struglings, that even women of a very moderate
degree of strength can hardly be mastered by the utmost
endeavours of the bystanders ; the patient in the mean
time shreeking, and bellowing and beating her breasts.
Tho' the instance of the Nun of Canterbury, as well as Casaubon
others of a like nature of the Boy of Aldenburgh, &c, siasm,
sufficiently prove, that all which is sometimes said and ^[^ de
done by persons subject to these fits, is not to be ascribed prsestigiis
wholly to nature, but'partly to that, and partly to art and nu™~
imposture. p" 404,

9. In the same session passed an act concerning the A. D. 1533.
submission of the clergy to the King's Majestie, wherin it
was recited, that the clergy had acknowledged, that their
convocation alwaies have been and ought to be assembled
by the King's writ, and had also submitted themselves to
his Majestie and promised hi verbo sacerdotij, that they
would never from thenceforth presume to attempt, enact
or execute any new canons, and had besought the King,

128 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, that the constitutions and canons provincial which had
. formerly been enacted, might be committed to the exami-

nation and judgment of His Highness, and of two and
thirtie persons of his subjects wherof sixteen to be of the
two houses of parlement of the temporaltie, and the other
sixteen of the clergy ; that so such of them as should be
thought and judged worthy to be abrogated, as being
thought not only prejudicial to the King's prerogative,
and contrary to law, but also over much burdensome to
the King and his subjects, might be abolished accordinglie.
Accordinglie was the King empowered, because there was
too little time to examine these constitutions at the session
of that present parlement, to nominate and assigne at his
pleasure two and thirtie persons, and if any of them died
to nominate others in their room from time to time. It
was likewise added, that after Easter 1534, no manner of
appeals should be had or made out of the realme, &c. to
the bishop or see of Rome in any causes happening to be
in contention, and having their commencement in any of
the courts within this realme, &c. but that all manner of
appeals should be made after such manner as is limited by
the statute mentioned before. And that on pain of in-
curring a premunire. Only that all manner of appeals
from the jurisdiction of any abbats, priors, &c. or places
exempt which were wont to be made immediately to the
Pope, might now be made immediately to the King's Ma-
jestie in the Court of Chancery.

A.D.1533. 10. An act likewise passed for restraining the payment
of Annates or First Fruits to the Bishop of Rome, and of
electing and consecrating of archbishops and bishops
within this realme. In this reference is had to the act

p. 86. already mentioned as passed two years before this, the
contents of which are recited. But it's observed, that in
the former act it is not plainly expressed in what manner
archbishops and bishops should be elected, presented, in-
vested and consecrated within this realm, and therfore it

DR. JOHN FISHER. 129

was now enacted, that at every avoidance of any arch- chap.
bishoprick, &c. the king might grant to the prior and con- xxx '
vent or the deane and chapter of the cathedral churches
or monasteries, &c. a licence under the great seal, as of
old time has been accustomed, to proceed to election of an
archbishop, &c. with a letter missive containing the name
of the person which they shall choose : That by vertue of
such licence the dean and chapter, &c. shall within twelve
days choose the person nominated to them, and certifie
their election under their common seal to the king, and
the person so elected and certified shall be reputed and
taken by the name of lord elected, &c. and make such
oath and fealtie onelie to the king's majestie, his heirs and
successors, as shall be appointed. Then the king by his
letters patents under his great seal was to signifie the said
election, if it was to the dignity of a bishop, to the arch-
bishop and metropolitane of the province, or in case the
see be void to anie other archbishop within this realme,
commanding him to confirm the said election and to invest
and consecrate the person so elected to the office and dig-
nitie that he is elected to, &c. If the person be elected
to the office and dignitie of an archbishop, then the king
is to signifie the said election to one archbishop and two
other bishops or else to foure bishops, &c. requiring and
commanding them with all speed and celeritie to confirm
the said election, &c. without suing, procuring, or obtain-
ing any bulls, breefs or other things at the see of Rome.

As money is the sinews of power and authoritie, these
laws against appeals to Rome, and the payment of An-
nates and other fees there, must needs affect the Pope
very much. But it seems as if he might thank himself for
the king and parlement's proceeding to this extremity.
They had, as has been shewn, declared themselves as
obedient, catholic and humble children of Holy Church as
any Christians ; and expressed a great desire to live in
friendship with the Pope and not to break with him ; and

VOL. II. K

130 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, for that reason would fain have had this matter com-

XXXII

1_ pounded. But the papal pride and infallibility are by no

means consistent with the least supposal of its being at
any time in the wrong or mistaken. However, by these
steps the King and his parlements proceeded at last
A.D. 1536. utterly to extinguish the authority of the bishops of Rome,
which they had so shamefully abused, in these kingdoms.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 131

CHAP. XXXIII.

1. It is enacted in parlement, that all of full age should
swear to the succession as established on the King's mar-
rying Queen Anne. 2. The Bishop of Rochester sum-
moned to take this oath. 3, 4, 5. He refuses it. 6. Is
sent prisoner to the Tower. 7. Archbp. Cranmers
advice concerning him and Sir Thomas More.

1. SCARCE, if at all, was the Bishop delivered out of A. D. 1533.
the trouble which he had fain into about the Nun, but
another overtook him that proved more fatal to him. For
the further strengthening and confirming the King's mar-
riage with his new queen, it was thought proper by an act
of parlement to adjudge the former marriage of the King
with his elder brother's wife to be against the laws of Al-
mighty God and utterly void, and on the other hand to
declare the archbishop's separation of the same good and
effectual, and, that the lawful matrimony had and solem-
nized between the King and Queen Anne should be esta-
blished and taken for undoubtful for ever hereafter ac-
cording to the archbishop's just sentence or judgment.
Accordingly the same session of parliament in which the
Nun of Canterbury was attainted, as has been already
shewn at large, a bill was brought in to this purpose, and
pass'd both houses, entituled, An Act declaring the succes- H
sion of the King's most roial majestie in the Imperial VHI. cap.
crowne of this Realme. To make this yet more effectual, ""
all the nobles of the realm both spiritual and temporal, and
all other the King's subjects who were of full age, were
from time to time, when it pleased the King to appoint^
required to take a corporal oath, that they and every of
them without fraud or guile, to their cunning, wit, and
uttermost of their powers should truly, firmly and con-

132 THE LIFE OF

chap, stantly observe, fulfil, maintain, defend and keep the
xxxm. effeCts and contents contained in this act or any part
therof. Accordingly, at the close of this session of par-
liament, both Lords and Commons, as many as were then
present, took such an oath, according to the directions in
the act. And commissions were issued for the same pur-
pose to all the counties of England. But there being no
Rooper's "formal oath enacted by the statute, the legality of the
Sir Tho. oath now taken was called in question, and it was said,
More, MS. tiiat tne Lor(j Chancellor and Mr. Secretary had of their
own heads badded more words to it, to make it appear to
the King's ear more pleasant and plausible, and that they
could not justify by law their imprisoning those who re-
fused to take it. By which some have thought they
meant bthe insertion of a clause recognizing the King to

a Bishop Burnet intimates, that the oath was agreed on in the House of
Lords, and that the form of it is thus set down in their Journal.

" Ye shall swear to bear faith, truth and obedience alonely to the King's
" majesty, and to his heirs of his body of his most dear and entirely beloved
" lawful wife, Queen Anne, begotten and to be begotten. And further, to
" the heirs of our said Sover. Lord according to the limitation in ye statute
" made for surety of his succession in the Crown of ys Realm mentioned
" and contained, and not to any other within ye Realm, nor foreign autho-
" rity or potentate. And in case any oath be made, or hath been made by
" you to any person or persons, yl then ye to repute ye same as rain and an-
" nihilate. And y' to your cunning, wit and uttermost of your power,
" without guile, fraud or oyr undue means, ye shall observe, keep, maintain
" and defend the said Act of Succession, and all ye whole effects and con-
" tents therof, and all other Acts and Statutes made in confirmation, or for
" execution of y8 same, or of any thing therin contained. And ys ye shall
" do against all manner of persons of what Estate, Dignity, Degree or Con-
" dition soever they be ; and in no wise to do or attempt nor to your power
" suffer to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, any thing or things,
" privily or apertly to yc let, hindrance, damage or derogation therof, or of
" any part of ye same, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pre-
" tence. So help you God, and all Saints, and ye holy Evangelists. Hist, of
Re/or. Vol. I. p. 146.

b Les Commissaires noubli^rent pas d'inserer dans se Serment, qu'on re-
Collect. connoissoit le Roi pour Chef Supreme de l'Eglise Anglicane. Le Clerc Bi-
No. XLIII. bliothcque And. 8f Mod. torn. XVI. See Rymer's Fcedcra, Vol. XIV. p. 487.
vJSfr ' but there's no proof of this. The instrument here referred to is a record of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 133

be Supreme Head of the Church of England. At the chap.
beginning of the next session of parliament therfore, was

passed an act ratifying the oath that everie of the King's ^„e°;?
subjects had taken, and should hereafter be bound to
take, for due observation of the act made for the suretie
of the succession of the King's Highnesse in the Crowne
of the Realme. In this act was the form of the oath
which had been or however which was to be tendred and
taken, inserted at large, and it was declared, that at the
day of the prorogation of the last session the Lords and
Commons did all most lovingly accejrt and take this oath,
and, that they meant and intended at that time, that every
other of the Kings subjects should be bound to accept and
take the same upon the pains contained in the said act, the
same pains which were to be taken and accepted for of-
fenders in misprision of high treason, and to suffer such
pains and imprisonment, losses and forfeitures in like man-
ner and forme as is mentioned in the said act for misprision
of treasons. This Rooper reports after the following Life of
manner: that, "at length, the Lord Chancellor and Mr. More, MS.
" Secretary espieinge their own oversight in this behalf,
" were faine afterward to find the means, that another
" statute should be made for the confirmation of the oath
" so amplified with their additions." If this was so it
seems pretty plain, that these additions of theirs relating
to the King's supremacy, were what was so much scrupled
by the Bishop, and not the swearing to maintain, &c.
the effects and contents contained and specified in the act
of succession.

2. But before this, the King, according to the powers
granted to him by this act, commissioned Cranmer, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor Audley, Se-
cretary Cromwell, the Abbat of Westminster, and others,
to tender this oath, who sat for that purpose at the arch-

this year wherin some of the religious orders declare their confirmation of
the King's supremacy. p

134 THE LIFE OF

CH A P. bishop's palace at Lamhith. Among those who were sum-

XXXIII

1 moned to make their appearance here to take this oath,

was the Bishop of Rochester who, by reason of his ill
health being absent from parliament the last session, had

Life of bp. not taken it with the other lords. And now, says Baily,

19> was the thing come to pass which was nothing terrible to

him because it had long been foreseen by him and ex-
pected. Wherfore immediately on his receiving the com-
missioner's letter wherby he was peremptorily summoned
to make his personal appearance before them at Lamhith
on the day there mentioned, all excuses set apart, he first
made his will, and left several legacies to divers persons
and uses, as to Michael House in Cambridge, where he
had his education ; to St. John's College ; to the poore ;
to some of his friends ; and to all his servants, some of
whom he left weeping behind him at Rochester, whilest
the rest followed him to Lamhith lamenting his condition.
Passing through the city of Rochester, there were a great
multitude of people gathered together to take their leaves
of his lordship, both citizens and countrymen, to whom he
gave his blessing riding by them all the while bareheaded.
Some of the people cried, that they should never see him
any more ; others denounced woes unto them who were
the occasions of his troubles; others exclaimed against
the wickednesses of the times, and all of them lamented
and bewailed the danger they were in of losing him.
When his lordship came to the top of Shooter's Hill, there
he alighted to rest himself, and ordered such victuals to be
brought before him as he had caused to be provided for
that purpose ; saying, he would now make use of his time,
and dine in the open aire while he might. After he had
dined he cheerfully took his horse againe and came to
Lamhith that night.

April 13th, 3. The day of his appearance being come, his lordship
went to Lamhith House, the archbishop's palace, to attend
the commissioners. There he met his old friend Sir
Thos. More, who was summoned thither on the same ac-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 133

count. Sir Thomas, glad to see the Bishop, thus saluted chap.

• XXXIII.
him, Well met, my Lord, I hope we shall meet in heaven. _1

To which the Bishop replied ; This should be the way, Sir
Thomas, for it is a very straight one. On his appearing ^"secret
before the commissioners and their tendring to him the Cromwell,
oath, his lordship told them, that he was content to be
sworn to that part of it which concern'd the succession, for
which he gave the commissioners this reason, which he
seems to have had from Sir Thomas More, and which his
lordship told them had convinced him, That he doubted
not but the prince of any realm, with the assent of his
nobles and commons, might appoint for his succession
royal such an order as seemed most agreeable to his wis-
dom. But as to the other parts of the oath, he said, he
could not swear to them because his conscience would
not suffer him so to do. The commissioners press'd his
lordship to tell them what his scruples were, and what he
had to except against those other parts of the oath, but
this he absolutely refused to doe. Archbishop Cranmer
guessed, that these must needs be either the diminution of Se"etary
the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, or else the repro- Cromwell.
bation of the King's first pretensed marriage. And in-
deed according to the oath, the person who took it was to
swear to bear faith, &c. alonely to the King's majesty, and
not to any foreign authority or potentate ; and in the act
an abhorrence was declared of the Pope's claim of the
right of investitures, or the bishops of Rome presuming to
invest whom they pleased to inherit in other princes king-
doms and dominions. This was what Rooper tells us the
King, or rather the cBishop, had asserted in his late book
against Luther, in which he had carried the Pope's autho-
ritie very high, and when he was told of it by Sir Thomas
More, answered, that he received from the see of Rome
his crown imperial. This same the bishops and abbats

c Ejusdem Fischeri esse creditur Assertio Septem Sacramentorum, quae
fiomiue Regis Henrici octavi prodijt. Bellarmi. de Scripto. p. 309, 310.

136 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, were understood to mean when they swore to " cause to be
XXXIII • •

"' " conserved the rights, honours, privileges and authorities

" of the Church of Rome, which in the oath they took to
" the Pope they swore to defend, &c." And therfore was
it added in this oath, that in case any oath were made by
them to any persons they should repute the same as vain
and annihilate. Which, after all, was no more than what
every bishop swore in the oath he took to the King when
he did him homage and received the temporalties of him ;
that he utterly renounced, &c. all such clauses, words,
sentences or grants, that in any wise hath been, is or here-
after may be hurtful or prejudicial to the King, his heirs,
successors, dignitie, privilege or estate royal. As to the
King's former marriage, it was declared by this act, that
the marriage heretofore solemnized between the King and
the Lady Katharine, who was before the lawful wife of
prince Arthur the King's elder brother, was against the
Laws of Almighty God : that the Lady Katharine was by
prince Arthur carnally known, and, that this duly appeared
by sufficient proof: and, that the marriage of the King
with Queen Anne was lawful, undoubtful, true, sincere,
and perfect, and that the judgment of Cranmer concerning
the King's divorce and marriage was just. These asser-
tions were some of the effects or contents of this act to
which they who took this oath were to swear without fraud
or undue mean, theyld observe, keep, maintain and defend.
Now nothing could be more opposite to the Bishop's sen-
timents and opinions of this divorce and marriage which
he had so openly declared, and with so much zeal de-
fended on several occasions both by word and writing.
He must therfore have exposed himself as a man either of
little conscience or great inconstancy, had he yielded to
take this oath by which he must have been so plainly self-
condemned. It was therfore very severe, and by no
means to be defended, to oblige the Bishop to swear to
the maintaining of such points, and that under so great
penalties, as he verily believed in his conscience to be

DR. JOHN FISHER. 137

false, or however doubted whether or no they were true. CHAP.

• XXXIII.

Tho' whoever remembers what has been said before of his __ 1_

Lordship's defending the lawfulness of the use of whol-
some severities or devout rigors, as force and violence
were called, in matters of conscience, or of the punishing
those with death who were condemned of what was called
or adjudged heresie, must acknowledge, that this was but
meeting to him, that measure which he was for meting to
others : and that therfore with Adonibezek his lordship
might thus reflect on himself; As I have done, so God
hath requited me.

4. By the way, it appears by the record, that when this
affair of the King's divorce was brought before the convo-
cation the Bishop of Rochester was not the only Bishop
who voted against the unlawfulness of the King's mar-
riage. George de Attica, S. T. P. Bishop of Landaff,
was both present and voted as the Bishop of Rochester.
So did John Clerk, LL.D. Bishop of Bath and Wells, who
likewise appeared in person and voted with our Bishop,
and had, as well as the Bishop, wrote in defence of the
King's marriage with his brother's widow. But neither of
them do I find summoned to appear before the commis-
sioners to take this oath. The former of these was a Godwin de
Spaniard and came with Queen Katharine into England, &rcesu
was her chaplain, and by her interest promoted to this
bishopric. It's therefore not unlikely, that to avoid the
storm which he saw coming he might retire into his own
country, since we have no account of his dying here. As
for Clerk he took the oath with the other spiritual lords
who were present in parliament, and was afterwards em-
ployed by the King as his embassador to the Duke of
Cleves to give him the King's reasons for his repudiating
his sister, for which ungrateful message, it's said, he was
rewarded by being poisoned in Germany, from whence
returning with great difficulty, he died in February 1540.

5. On the Bishop's thus excepting to the oath, and Bailey's

.,.-.. Life of Bp.

scrupling to take it in those very terms in which it was Fisher.

138 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, conceived, his lordship desired some further time to
XXXIII. .
L consider of it, upon which the commissioners allowed him

jive days, and to go to his own house till then. During
this time, Rooper tells us, the King advised with his
counsel what was best to be done with him. Several of
the Bishop's friends, likewise, it's said, took this opportu-
nity to visit him and take their leaves of him. Among
these were dMr. Seton and Mr. Bransby, substitutes of the
Masters and Fellows of the two Colleges of Christ's and
St. John's, to which the Bishop had shewn himself so
much a friend. Their commission was to make their com-
pliments to his lordship in the name of the two societies,
and to desire his confirmation of their statutes, which he
had drawn long before, by putting his seal to them. But
before he would do that, Bailey tells us, the Bishop de-
sired to have some time to consider of them as he intended,
and that on this the two gentlemen replied, Alas ! we fear
your Lordship's time is now too short to read them before
you go to prison. The Bishop said, it was no matter, he
would then read them in prison ; and on their answering, that
he would hardly be allowed to do it there, his lordship re-
turned, Then God's will be done, for I shall hardly be
drawn to put my seal to that which I have not well consi-
dered. Howsoever, if the worst should happen there is
Mr. eCowper who hath a copy of the same statutes which
I have ; if I do not, or cannot, according to my desire,
peruse them, I will give it you under my seal, that if you
like them, that shall be unto you a confirmation. For I
am persuaded that one time or other those statutes will
take place. By the statutes here mentioned seem to be
meant those of the College of which there is now remaining
an original under the Bishop's seal. So that I suppose they
were afterwards thus confirmed by the Bishop in the Tower.
However, to shew that the Bishop was gifted with the spirit

d He and Bransby were both fellows of St. John's College.
e He was fellow of St. John's College. There is an original of the
Bishop's statutes under seale yet remaining.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 139

of prophecy, it's added, that this Master Cowper, long CHAP,
after the imprisonment and death of the Bishop, and the

change and alteration of the times, which Bailey says had
made religion, lords and laws all new, committed this book
of statutes to the custody of one Thomas Watson, who was A. D. 1553.
afterwards Master of St. John's College, and Bishop of A.D. 155G.
Lincoln, and that, as the Bishop foretold, he restored
them to the house, who admitted them as their only lawes
wherby they were wholly governed during the reign of
Queen Mary.

6. The time being come which was set for the Bishop's
attending on the commissioners again, he acquainted them,
that he had perused the oath with as good deliberation as
he could, but as they had framed it, he could not with a
safe conscience subscribe thereto unless they would give
him leave to alter it in some particulars, wherby his own
conscience might be the better satisfied, the King pleased,
and his actions rather justified and warranted by law.
For, as was intimated before, the Bishop thought that the
present form of the oath was not legal. To this the com-
missioners all made answer, that the King would not in
any wise allow, that the oath should admit any exceptions
or alterations whatsoever, and the archbishop said, he
must answer directly whether he would or would not sub-
scribe. To which the Bishop of Rochester replied, " If
■" you will needs have me answer directly, my answere is,
" that forasmuch as my own conscience cannot be satisfied,
" I absolutely refuse the oath." Whereupon he was im-
mediately sent to the Tower of London, which was upon
Tuesday the 26th of April. This is the account given by
Bailey. But if the first time of his lordship's appearance
was, as has been said before, on April 13, and he had but
Jive days allowed him to consider of the oath when he was
to appear again before them, this second appearance of his
must be on April 18, which is eight days short of the 26th,
and consequently he was not immediately sent prisoner to
the Tower. But Bailey adds, that it was the last day of

140 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, the King's reign for that year. Now the day of the

XXXIII. . .

King's accession to the crown was April 22, and therfore

the last day of the year April 21. By which, it seems, as
if the commissioners yet further respited his Lordship, and
did not on his absolute refusal of the oath forthwith send
him to the tower.

7. However this be, before the Bishop's second appear-
ance before the commissioners, the wise and charitable
archbishop wrote to Mr. Secretary Cromwell on his and
April 17. Sir Thomas More's behalf. In this letter, which I have
No. 20. placed in the Collection, after having put the secretary in
mind of what passed when his Lordship and Sir Thomas
appeared before the commissioners, he tells him, that it
seemed to him, that if he and Sir Thomas, who was of the
same opinion with the Bishop in this matter, did obsti-
nately persist in their sentiments of the preamble of the
act, so as not to swear to that, it however should not be
refused them, if they would be sworn to the very act of
succession, provided they would be sworn to maintaine
the same against all powers and potentates. For this, he
said, would be a means to satisfie the Princesse Dowager
and the Lady Mary, who thought at present, that they
should damn their souls if they abandoned and relin-
quished their estates or degrees. It would likewise, he
thought, put to silence the emperor and their other friends
if they gave as much credence to the Bishop when he
spoke and acted against them, as they had done when he
went with them : and perhaps it would quiet and satisfie
many others within this realme if such men as the Bishop
and Sir Thomas should swear, that the succession com-
prised within the said act is good, and according to God's
laws : for then, he believed, there would not be one within
the kingdome that would once say anything against it.
And wheras there were several who either would not or
could not alter their opinions of the King's first pretended
marriage, or of the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, yet
if all the realm with one accord would acknowledge the

DR. JOHN FISHER. 141

succession, it was, in his judgment, a thing to be em- chap.

braced: and that thereunto the oaths and consent of 1

these two persons might not a little avail with their adhe-
rents. Lastly, the good archbishop observed to the se-
cretarie, that if the King pleased, their oaths might be
kept secret, and not made public but at what time and
place it might be for his highnesses advantage so to do.'
One would think, that this was politic as well as Christian
advice, since that subjection which is yielded for con-
science sake, must certainly be more universal, and better
performed, than that which is only the effect of force, or
of the fear of punishment. But now what reason have
princes to expect their subjects should obey them on a
principle of conscience, when they use them as if they had
none, or were not at any time to act upon any principles of
their own, but upon such as were prescribed to them by
their governors ? Accordingly, the reflection made on the
historie of this time in which was shewn so much incon-
stancy of both principle and practice in the laws then
passed, seems no way groundless ; That the easiness of
the Lords and Commons in passing these laws was owing ^J*^
either to their having no principles at all, or being per- differ, reli.
fectly indifferent about matters of religion or conscience. 3^3.^'

8. By what Rooper tells us of Sir Thomas More, it 1724.
seems as if this politic and Christian advice of the arch-
bishop's was taken into consideration, tho' it was not so
well approved of as to be followed. " In the beginning," ^ ^ir
says he, " they were resolved, that with an oath not to be MS.
" acknowne whether he had to the *supremacie been * Succes-
" sworne, or what he thought therof he should be dis-
" charged. But Queen Amie, by her importunate cla-
" mour so sore exasperated the King against him, that,
" contrary to his former resolution, he caused the said
" oath of the *supremacie to be administered unto him." * succes-
However this be, it's certain the Bishop was sent to the JJJJVj 21
tower, where he had not been long, when Lee, Bishop 1534.

142 THE LIFE OF

chap, elect, and Confirmed of Litchfield and Coventry, so he

XXXIIt •

*• wrote himself, was sent by Mr. Secretary Cromwell to him
in the tower to make him a visit, and persuade him to take
the oath. But Lee, in his letter to the secretary, told him,
that " the Bishop continued as he left him ; that he was
" very ready to take his oath for the succession, and to
" swear never to meddle more in disputation of the va-
" lidity or invalidity of the marriage of the King with the
" Lady dowager, but could go no further. To which Lee
" added, that yet the Bishop willed and did profess his
" allegiance to the King as long as he lived, but that truly
" he was nigh going, and doubtless could not continue, un-
" less the King and his council were merciful to him, he
" being already so wasted, that his body could not bear
" the cloths on his back."

f He was confirmed April 16, 1534, consecrated April 19, and had the
temporaries restored to him, May 6, so that it was some time betwixt April
19, and May 6, that he made this visit to the Bishop.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 143

CHAP. XXXIV.

1 . The oath of succession ratified in parliament. 2, S. The
Bishop's goods seized. 4. He complains to the secre-
tary of his poverty and distress. 5. The College of St.
John's write the Bishop a Letter of Condolance. 6. At-
tempts made to persuade the Bishop to take the oath.
7. Interrogatories put to him ; the Bishop's answers.

1. ON November a3, the parliament again met by pro- a. d. 1534.

rogation, this being the sixth session of it, which was con- 5Iov.e™" 3*

& ' ° ' Sexta Ses-

tinued to the 18th of the next month. Here, as has been sio Pari,
already said, the oath, which had been tendred to the per pro. "
Bishop, and taken by several of the King's subjects, and™sat-aPud
to which it had been objected, that it was not according to et con-
law, was ratified. The act observed, that it was conve- ^ue
nient for the sure maintenance of the act for the esta- 18 Decern.
blishment of the succession, &c. that the said oath should
not onlie be authorized by authoritie of parliament, but
also be interpreted and expounded by the whole assent of
that present parliament, that it was meant and intended by
the King's majesty, the Lords and Commons of the par-
liament, that every subject should be bounden to take the
same oath which the Lords, &c. took at the daie of the
last prorogation, according to the tenor and effect therof
upon the pains and penalties contained in the said act.' It
was likewise enacted, that the commissioners appointed to
receive this oath or any two of them, should have power
to certifie into the King's Bench by writing under their
seales every refusal that should hereafter be made afore
them of the same oath, and that every such certificate
should be as available in the law as an indictment of twelve
men lawfully found of the said refusal. And thus, says Life 0f Bp.

Fisher,
a Bailey says Novdm. 23, and that the session lasted but 15 days, accord- c- 19,
ing to which account it ended Decern. 8th.

144 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Bailey, the Bishop of Rochester's imprisonment was voted
xxx ' lawful, and all other men's imprisonments good and lawful

that should refuse to take the foresaid oath, which autho-
rity before was wanting.

2. The Bishop still continuing to refuse taking the oath,

the commissioners, I presume, according to the directions

Baiiy's 0f the act,b certified his refusal into the King's Bench,

Life of Til

Bp. Fisher, where accordingly he was found guilty, and sentenced to
suffer the penalties appointed by the act which were a for-
feiture of his goods and being imprisoned during the
King's pleasure. Upon which, it's said, the King com-
missioned Sir cRichard Morison of his privy chamber,
Gostwick and others, to go down to Rochester to seize
what goods the Bishop had there for his use. These
commissioners when they came to Rochester, according to
the tenor of their commission, took possession of the
Bishop's palace, turned out all the servants which he had
left there to keep house in his absence, and seiz'd the
goods for the King. His noble library of books, which
the Bishop had collected with so much care and at so
great an expence, insomuch that Bailey tells us it was
thought the like was not to be found in the possession of
any one private man in Christendome, was carried away
in large fats, of which there were no fewer than 32, and
many of the books embezzled and spoil'd. Not content
with this, the commissioners, Bailey says, took out of a
chest, on the inside of the cover <5f which was written in
old English characters, %tt no man offer tn lay han&£ on
thj£, for it i£ t])t Church Creature, the sum of 300
pounds which was given by one of the Bishop's prede-
cessors to remaine as a depositum for ever to the said see

b Bishop Burnet says, that by an act passed on purpose the Bishop and
several clerks were attainted of misprision of treason, and the bishopric of
Rochester was declared void from the 2nd of Jan. next.

c This Sir Richard was a learned man, and three years after this wrote a
Vindication of the King from the calumnies of Cochlaeus which he thus cn-
* Apo- titled *A9ro//,«%K cctlumniarum tjuibus Jlcnrici VIII. famam impetere voluit

mozis. Cochlaeus. Lond. 1537. 4°.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 145

of Rochester in the custody of the Bishop for the time SSIl£*

being against any accident or occasion that might happen

to the bishopric. To this the Bishop himself, it's said, had
added another hundred pounds of his own which was in a
bag, out of the mouth of which hung a label with this in-
scription; Cu quoque fac gimtle. But, says Baily, the
commissioners swept it all away. Among other things
there stood in the Bishop's oratory, it seems, a wooden Bailey's
coffer strongly bound with iron hoops and doubly locked. §? Fisber.
Which standing thus in a place into which seldom came
any one but the Bishop, it being his secret place of prayer
and penance, and appearing so well secured, it was
thought, that some great treasure had been there laid up.
Therfore, that no indirect dealing might be used in a mat-
ter of so great consequence as this was thought to be, wit-
nesses were solemnly called to be present at the opening of
it. But when they had with much pains and difficulty
broke the chest open, they found in it, instead of gold and
silver, nothing but a shirt of hair and two or three whips
wherwith the Bishop used to punish himself when he did
penance^ When this with the other proceedings of the
commissioners was told to the Bishop in the tower, his
lordship made answer, he was very sorry for their finding
these things, but if hast had not made him forget them as
well as many other things, they should not have been to
be found there at that time.

3. Of this his library and his household goods and fur-
niture, his lordship had for some time before the passing
the act for securing the succession, &c. made and executed
a deed of gift to the college of St. John's in Cambridge.
But having inserted a clause in the deed wherby he re-
served them to himself during his life, they were adjudged
to be within the compass of the act, as being in his pos-
session, and to be all forfeited to the King. The very
same was the case of the Bishop's fellow sufferer Sir Tho.
More. His son-in-law, Rooper, tells us, that after he re- Life of Sir
signed the chancellorship, he made a conveiance for the ms.

vol. n. L

14G THE LIFE OF

chap, disposing of all his lands, reserving to himself an estate

1_ therof only for terme of life, which conveyance was per-
fectly finished long before the matter wherupon he was
attainted was made an offence ; and yet after by statute
clearly avoided : and so were all his lands that he had by
the said conveiance in such sort assured to his wife and

children taken from them and brought into the King's

hands, saving that portion which he had appointed to Mr.

Rooper and his wife, he having by another conveiance

given the same immediately to them in possession, by

which means it was without the compass of the act.

4. The revenues of his bishopric being thus seiz'd into

A. D. 1514. the King's hands, and all his goods, &c. taken from him,
the aged bishop was reduced to great poverty and want.
Of this we find him making his complaint to the secretary
in a letter sent to him from the tower, and dated De-

c<)11' cember 12, about seven months after he had been a prisoner
there. His lordship begins with telling him, that wheras
he had desired he would write to the King, he dreaded
his not being so circumspect in his writing as not to let
some word escape him whevwith his Grace should be
moved to yet further displeasure against him, for which he
should be very sorry: for as he would answere before
God he would not offend his Grace in anything, his duty
saved unto God, whom he must in every thing prefer :
That for this reason he was very loath and full of fear to
write to his Highnesse about this matter, but yet since he
found that it was his desire that he should do so, he would
endeavour to do the best he could. He then remembered
the secretary of what he had offered to do, when he was
last before the commissioners as has been before related.
Next, his lordship added a request to the secretary to be
helpful to him in his present want and necessity, telling
him, that he had neither shirt nor suit, nor yet other
cloaths fit for him to wear, they being not only ragged and
shamefully torn, but also not sufficient to keep him warm.
He likewise complained of his diet, that many times it was

DR. JOHN FISHER. 147

slender, and such as his age and stomach could not bear, chap.
so that he could not keep himself in health ; and that he XXXIV-
had nothing left him to provide any better but as his
brother furnished him with money to his own great hin-
drance. Wherfore he besought the secretary to have
some pitie on him, and let him have such things as were
necessary for one of his age, and especially for his health,
and also to move the King to take him again to his favour,
and restore him to his liberty out of that cold and painful
imprisonment. Two other things the Bishop likewise de-
sired, viz. that he might, by the appointment of the lieu-
tenant of the tower, have some priest to hear his confes-
sion against the holy time of Christmas then approaching,
and that he might borrow some books to stir his devotion
the more effectually these holy-days for the comfort of his
soul. By this it appears how hardly the aged Bishop was
used in this his confinement, in that he not only wanted
the necessary accommodations of life, but was not suffered
to have even any books, not even of devotion, to employ
and recreate himself. He likewise wrote to several others
to represent to them his wants and begg their relief, who,
as he himself owned on his examination concerning the
letters wrote and received by him, all sent him money.

5. Whilst he thus continued in this hard and severe im-
prisonment, the dCollege of St. John's, to whom his lord-
ship had been so generous a patron and benefactor, had
the courage to send him a letter of condolance, in which
they addressed themselves to him to the following pur-
pose. " That amidst his great occupations about the flock
committed to him by God, the high labours which he sus-
tained in defence of Christ's religion, and his assiduous
meditations in the Law of the Lord ; amidst his prayers,
readings, and writings, and lastly his bitter and trouble-
some cares and afflictions which of late had overtaken him,

d By the College Books it appears, that the Master, Dr. Nicholas Met-
calfe, and some of the Fellows, perhaps Seton and Bransby mentioned
before, waited on the Bishop in the Tower.

148 THE LIFE OF

chap, he would vouchsafe to read his children's letter : which

XXXIV
, 1 indeed was written more because they were ashamed to be

silent, than that they knew what was fit for them to say :
that they judged it base and wicked in the present condi-
tion of affairs not to signify their affection for him, and
declare their devout sollicitude on his behalf: that when
all others who are either honoured with the Christian
name, or do love their country lament at this time his
troubles and distress, they should be very ungrateful, nay
unable to maintain and support the reputation of piety, if
they were not very much tormented with the adversity
that befel him, and felt not in their minds the greatest
grief: but that altho' they did indeed very much lament,
that he had fain into the perils of these times which the
D. wrath had raised, grief had not wholly taken posses-
sion of their minds ; so far from it, that even from thence
they conceived great joy ; so that after they heard of the
afflictions with which he began to be tossed some time
since, the different and direct contrary passions of sorrow
and joy had divided their minds. For that it could not be
when they heard of any thing adverse and perilous that
happened to him, but that, being struck with the bitter
tidings, they were affected with incredible grief: whilst on
the other had, when they remembered and called to mind
how great a mark it is of the Divine favour to suffer or
endure tribulation in this world for righteousness sake,
their minds were immediately transported with the utmost
joy; because they from thence understood what was never
at all doubted of by them, that he had rather pleased God
than men : that this was the thing which they requested of
God in their daily prayers for him, that he would have
him for his own, that he would most plentifully confer on
him his grace, and most copiously impart to him His holy
spirit that he might not please men, whom if he did please
it was to be feared he would not be the servant of Christ.
But that he had no need of their comforting him under
his afflictions, if they were capable of doing it, since his

DR. JOHN FISHER. 149

falling into trouble for righteousness sake, who was so holy chap.

YYYIV

a bishop, and constantly trod in the steps of Christ and '_

his apostles, must of itself produce a certain immense and
unspeakable consolation, full of a secret divine pleasure,
and from a conscience of his own sincerity : that whatever
examples there are which might be brought for the con-
firmation and strengthening of his patience, no mortal
either better knew or remembered them : so that it was
superfluous, and really ridiculous for them to trouble him
with their consolation, and like an infant, who can scarce
speak, offering to direct his father how he should express
himself: that their duty therfore was every day very ar-
dently to be, as they were, instant in prayer to our Lord
Jesus Christ, that he would keep him safe for his Church
who was so enriched with all the riches of his grace ; so
that if any affliction, occasioned by either bodily weakness
or outward worldly difficulties, was sent to him of God,
Christ would turn it to him for good. For that they
owned they were obliged to him for so many favours that
they were not able to rehearse them all, or to express
them in words. He was, they said, their father, their
teacher, preceptor and legislator, and last of all their ex-
emplar or original of virtue and holiness : to him they ac-
knowledged they owed their food and learning, and what-
soever they either had or knew that was good for any-
thing, but they had nothing they said, wherewith they
might return the favour, or repay the kindness, besides
their prayers wherwith they continually applied themselves
to God in his behalf. However, they added, that what-
ever wealth they had in common, or what estate the Col-
lege had, if they could spend it all in his cause, they
should not yet equal his beneficence towards them : they
therfore entreated him to use whatever was theirs as his
own, since whatever they had was and should be his, nay
that even themselves where wholly at his service. Since
he was their glory, their defence and their head, so that
of necessity whatsoever evils befall him, their bitterness

150 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, must be felt by them who were members in subjection to

XXXIV .
L him. They concluded with expressing their hopes and

good wishes, that the kind and most merciful God would
ward off all evils from him, and of his goodness always en-
crease to him his blessings : but if any thing should inter-
vene which in the judgment of this world seems hard and
severe, that God would make it soft, pleasant and easy,
and even honourable to him, as he has changed the odium
and ignominie of the Cross into the highest glory and re-
putation. They concluded all with their prayer, that our
Lord Jesus Christ would not leave him destitute of the
comfort of his spirit for ever ?" This was really a very
convincing proof of the sense the College had of the
Bishop's service that he had done them, and of their
gratitude to him for it. But whether for fear of bringing
the College into trouble by their assisting him in his pre-
sent want and necessity, or for any other reason, it seems
as if his Lordship made no use of this very generous offer
of theirs, but chose rather to apply somewhere else for
relief.
Bally. 6. On ^ne other hand, the King it's said, was not

wanting to do all he could to bring the Bishop to comply
with his desires, and take the oath of succession. For
this end his^Majestie sent several times some of the Lords
of his privy council to the Bishop to persuade him to take
it. To whom, Baily says, he made the following reply.
" My very good friends, and some of you my old ac-
quaintance, I know you wish me no hurt, but a great deal
of good, and I do believe that upon the terms you speak
of I might have the King's favour as much as ever.
Wherfore if you can answere me to one question, I will
perform all your desires. What's that, my Lord? said
they. It is this, said the Bishop, What will it profit a man
to gain the whole world, and to lose his own soul ?" Wher-
upon, after some little talk to no purpose, they all left
him.

7. It seems as if, soon after this, or at the same time,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 151

the Bishop had sent to him several interrogatories con- chap.
cerning his conduct and behaviour in this great matter of XXXIV-
the King's, his divorce, to which he was required to give
his answer in writing : which interrogatories were fourty
in number ; a copy of the Bishop's answer to them written
in Latin with his own hand, which is hard to read, is in
the Cotton Library, a transcript of which I've put in the
Collection. By this answer of his Lordship's it seems as Coll.
if he was asked what letters he had received from abroad °" '
concerning that matter ? from whom they came ? and
what were the contents of them ? and what he had written
himself about it ? and what communication he had relating
to it with Queen Katharine ? &c. The substance of the
Bishop's answer is to this effect. He said it was so long
since he received the letters, about which he was asked,
that he had almost forgot every thing relating to them,
and did not remember the name of the writer, but that he
had never since received any letters or messenger from
him, nor so much as heard one word of him : but that he
had no reason to doubt, that he was one of the princes of
Germany, as the messenger said he was : That he had
never conversed privately with the Lady Catharine since
his Majesty had commanded him to be her counsel : That
it was very likely there was a messenger that went betwixt,
and who was employed to carry a message to some one of
the German princes, but what the message was, or to
which of those princes it was sent, unless it was to Ferdi-
nand who was now King of Hungary, he protested he did
not know : That he was not sure how many letters he had
written, but as far as he remembred he thought he had
written seven or eight. For since the affair itself was of
so great concern on account of the excellency of the per-
sons who were interested in it, and the strict injunction
given him by His Majesty, he had employed so much
labour and diligence to find out the truth, that so he might
not deceive himself and others, as he had never in his
whole life before used in any other matter : That what

152 THE LIFE OF

chap, was become of those letters he could not tell, having never

XXXIV. .
L been sollicitous about them, only of the two last written by

him, which seemed to him to contain in them the strength
of all the former ones, the Lord of Canterbury had one of
them. As for the books he was asked about, he said, he
had never sent himself, or consented that any one else
should send either them or copies of them beyond sea, nor
that the transcriber of them or his servant had any of them
so far as he knew ; nay that he never so much as intended
to send any of them abroad, and that it was neither by his
advice nor persuasion or with his knowledge, that the
little book was published, and that he was altogether igno-
rant who was the author of it, but, so far as he could
guess by the stile and manner of writing, it was Cornelius
Agrippa. As for Abel, the Bishop said, he never advised
or consented that such a book should be set forth by him,
but that he never had to his knowledge any book of his.
Being asked concerning the messenger sent to him by the
Lady Catharine he answered, that he was not in his house
half an hour ; that he knew nothing of his errand, more
than that, perhaps, she desired it might be known to
those princes to whom he was sent, that she had sworn she
was never known by the illustrious prince Arthur : and
that he was sure, that he never gave his advice or consent,
that the writer mentioned to him should attempt any
thing with the princes of Germany against the King's
cause, and that the messenger was gone from him before
he received those letters ; that those letters were sent to
him from the Lady Catharine, whose sworn counsellor he
was by the King's command, and that, so far as he saw,
they contained nothing in them besides what related to the
declaration of the Virginity of the said Lady Catharine.
As to the reason of her sending these letters to him, he
said, he knew of no other than that she desired he should
know she was not altogether neglected by the grandees of
other countries, but by whom they were brought to him
he did not remember, since at that time she used to send

DR. JOHN FISHER. 153

to him sometimes one and sometimes another, though both CHAP.

XXXIV.
then and long before he had forborn to give her any ad-

vice unless in some things which pertained to her con-
science, that he did not know who wrote the letters unless
it was the hand of Dr. Adeson. That as to eGeorge Day
he never found fault with him or any one else either by
letter or word of mouth, for favouring the King's cause :
but he remembered that he said, when he heard that Day
was of neither opinion, that he disliked him for currying
favour with both sides, and that, perhaps, on account of
his saying so, Day had so industriously purged himself by
his letters : but that Day might judge of him as he
pleased, since he was sure he desired nothing but, that
truth might overcome, and that he had never blamed any
one for defending the King's matter, nor persuaded any
to patronize the cause of the Lady Catharine. As to the
letter he wrote to the * Archbishop of Canterbury, he * Warham.
said, he did not therfore write it to persuade him to alter
his opinion, but only to get him to desist from sollicking
him to affirm what was against his conscience, and because
he had not vouchsafed by his letters to forewarn him of
the business about which he had sent for him to appear
before him, that so he might have been more prepared
for making answer to those who were present. But when * a seat of
he came to *Knolle he praied his Lordship not to suspect, ^sho^sYn
that he would sin against the Holy Ghost, by either op- Kent, now
posing a known truth or not admitting a truth if it might ™0nof the
be demonstrated either by the writings of the Univer- Duke of

* i Dorset.

sities, or by any others. As to his correspondence with
the Lady Catharine, the King, he said, very well knew,
that she had, by his consent, sent for him more than once,
on account of certain scruples which offended her con-
science, and that long before this affair of the divorce was
begun ; and that for the satisfying those scruples, he not
only used many words when he was present with her, but

e Bishop of Chichester 1543, and now Fellow of St. John's Coll. in Cam-
bridge.

154 THE LIFE OF

chap, afterwards wrote her several letters; but that he never

XXXIV
L heard from her either, that she despaired of mercy or

that she had committed perjury : and that if he did write
the fwords mentioned in the 31st Interrogatory, he ther-
fore wrote them that he might banish all her scruples of
conscience, and wholly establish her mind in the hope and
trust of the promises of Christ. As to the book which he
wrote against the opinions of the Universities concerning
the King's marriage, the Bishop said, it was never sent to
Paris ; for that at the time when the Lady Catharine re-
quired it of him, it was scarce half of it written by him, as
were none of the other things, mentioned in the interro-
gatorie, sent thither of his knowledge or assent: That
many learned men, and they approved expositors of the
Old Testament, have constantly followed this interpreta-
tion in their commentaries, viz. that the Levitical prohibi-
tion ought to be understood of the brother's being alive :
but that altho' he mentioned a great many in his writings
who maintained the said interpretation, he yet did not
from them attempt to confirm his opinion in every thing,
as was abundantly plain from what he had written.

8. By this we may see, that as there were great endea-
vours used to bring the Bishop to a compliance with the
King in this his great matter on account of the great
credit and reputation he was in for his learning and piety :
so the Bishop was a person of great frankness and open-
ness. In his several answers we observe the appearance
however of the greatest integrity and plainess : there is
not the least mark of any mental reservations, or dark and
mysterious expressions, but all is open and above board,
like a man conscious of his own integrity, and who did not
affect to appear what he was not, or to disguise what he
was. But all these attempts to bring the Bishop to take
the oath of succession failed entirely of success. Upon

f What these words were we don't know for want of the Interrogatories
themselves, on which account the other answers of the Bishop's are less
clear than otherwise they would be.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 155

which, I suppose, followed that rigorous execution of the CHAP.

act in seizing the temporalties of his bishopric, his goods, 1

&c. of which I have before given an account : To which
was added the condemning him to perpetual imprisonment. Rymer's
And this seems to have been all that was now designed
against the Bishop, that he should thus end his days a pri-
soner. But on the jealousie raised and provocation given
by the Pope's making him a gCardinal, a resolution seems
to have been taken to put him to a publick death, that the
Pope might see how little the King valued his honours,
and how resolved he was, that none of his subjects should
be at all the better for them.

9. Before I proceed any further in the Bishop's history,
it mayn't, perhaps, be improper to observe, what com-
plaints were made at this time of the great increase of the
poor ; that h great multitudes of them ran thorowe every
towne. This, Sir Thomas More intimated, was occasioned
in a great measure by the avarice of the abbats of the
richer abbies laying down their arable lands to pasture in
those parts of England where the wool was finer, and con-
sequently of greater value. They left nothing for tillage
but enclosed all for pasture, demolished houses, destroyed
towns, leaving nothing but the church to fold their sheep
in. So that, as Sir Thomas expressed it, their sheep,
which were formerly so tame and fed with so little, were
now become so voracious and savage as to devour men
themselves, and to lay wast and depopulate fields, houses
and towns. Accordingly the act of parliament, which was 25 Hen
passed the last session for the remedying this publick evil,
thus represents it. That divers covetous persons espying
the great profit of sheepe, had gotten into theyr hands
great portions of the grounds of this realme, converting

s Nee desunt qui prsedicant ob hoc ipsum accelleratam mortem quod Ro-
manus Pontifex, Paulus tertius, Episcopum Roffensem ob insignem doc-
trinam ac pietatem in Cardinalium Ordinem elegisset. Epist. de morte
D. Tho. Mori.

h Bp. Coverdale's Preface to the English Bible, 1535.

VIII. c. 13

156 THE LIFE OF

chap, them to pasture from tillage, anclkept some 10,000, some

L 20,000, some 24,000 sheep, wherby churches and towns

were pulled down, rents of lands inhaunsed, and the
prices of cattell and vittaile greatly raised, and the poore
driven to fall to theft and other inconveniences, to the
utter destruction and desolation of this realme. Accord-
ingly the following complaint was made of this in these
plain rythmes which seem to have been made and printed
upon this occasion.

Before that sheepe so much dyd rayne
Where is one plough, then was there twayne,
Of come and victuall right greate plenty e,
And for one penny egges twenty e.

I truste to God it wil be redressed,

That men by sheepe be not suppressed,

Shepe have eaten men many a yere,

Nowe let men eate shepe and make good cheare.

Those that have many sheepe in store,
They may repente it more and more,
Seynge the greate extreme necessitee
And yet they shewe no more charitee.

Let them remember the ryche man

Which the Gospell entreateth upon,

He would geve neither meate ne drinke to the poore

That laye right hungrye at hys doore.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 157

CHAP. XXXV.

I. The King's supremacy enacted. 2. It's made high
treason to deprive the King of this title. S. The Bishop
acquainted with this by his brother Robert. 4. Some
account of the King's supremacy. 5. A correspondence
by letters betwixt the Bishop and Sir Thomas More
discovered. 6. The Bishop proceeded against on the
forementioned statute.

1. AT the beginning of this last session of the parlia- 26 Hen.
ment, an Act passed concerning the King's highnesse to c'
be supreme head of the Church of England, and to have
authoritie to redresse all errors, heresies, and abuses in the
same. This, the preamble of the Act observes, had been
recognized by the clergie of the realm in their convoca-
tions, as I've before particularly shewn it was, with this
reserve, quantum per Dei legem licet, as far as it is lawful
by the law of God. But now without any such exception
it was enacted, that the Kinge, his heirs and successors,
shall be taken and reputed the onlie a supreme head in
earth of the Church of England called Ecclesia Anglicana,
and shall have and enjoie annexed and united to the im-
perial crowne of this realme as well the title and stile
therof, as all honors, preheminences, jurisdictions, &c. to
the said dignitie of supreme head of the same Church be-
longing. This is reflected on by Baily, as contrary to the Life of Bp,
King's promise to the convocation, that the supremacy Flsher*
should not be enacted without this clause, tho' it no
wise appears, that ever any such promise was made. He
adds, that this was answerable to what the Bishop fore-
warned them of when it was debated among them.

a Mr. Strype, Mem. Eccle. vol. i. p. 168, informs us, that in pursuance of
tbis Act the King took the corporal oaths, subscriptions, and seals of the
bishops of the realme unto the said supremacy. But by the Act, its plain,
no oath was enjoined or required.

158 THE LIFE OF

xxxv ^' ^ ano^er Act passed this same session, and enti-

, tuled An Act wherby offences be made high treason, &c. it

Yin. c. i3. was enacted, that if any person, after the first day of
Februarie next coming, did maliciously wish, will, or
desire, by words or writing, to deprive the King, the
Queen, &c. of their dignitie, title, or name of their roial
estates — that then every such person so offending, being
therof lawfully convicted, shall be adjudged a traitor, and
every such offence be reputed and adjudged high treason.
Baily. This, we are told, met with great opposition in the House
of Commons, who thought it a very hard and rigorous law
to make words or writing high treason. A man might
chance, it was said, to let an expression drop, in way of
discourse, or by accident and unawares, intimating, that
the King was not head of the Church, &c. and it was,
they thought, very hard, that a man should suffer the
pains of high treason for such an offence. To this it was
answered, that it was no wise intended, that any such de-
priving the King of his title, &c. should be adjudged high
treason, but only in case any one did it by word or writing
maliciously. So this word being inserted the bill passed
without any further opposition.
Answers 3. With this bill being brought into the parliament the
Mr. Robert Bishop, it seems, was made acquainted by his brother
msT' if C R°kert:> wno was admitted to come to him in the Tower.
No. 30. He told the Bishop, that there was an Act in hand in the
House of Commons, by the which speaking of certain
words against the King should be made treason. And
because it was thought by several of the said House, thai
no man lightly could beware of, or avoid the penaltie of
the said statute, therfore there was much stickling against
it in the House of Commons ; so that unless it was added
in the bill, that the said wordes should be spoken malici-
ouslie, he thought the same should not pass. Upon which
the Bishop asked him, whether men should be obliged to
make any answere to any pointe upon an oathe by vertue
of this Act, as they were by that of the succession ? to

DR. JOHN FISHER. 159

which his brother said, no. Upon this discourse of his c H AP.
brother's, the Bishop wrote to Sir Thomas More by the

lieutenant's man, George Gold, what had passed betwixt
his brother and him, adding, that if this word maliciously
was put in the statute, he thought there would be no
danger if a man did answer to the question that was pro-
posed to him by the council after his own mind, so that he
did not the same maliciously. Wherupon Sir Thomas
supposing, as the Bishop thought, that the Bishop's an-
swer and his should be very near alike, and that the
council would from thence conclude, that one of them had
taken light from the other, was very desirous that no
occasion should be given for any such suspicion, and ther-
fore wrote to the Bishop to that purpose. But notwith-
standing this caution, Sir Thomas was afterwards charged
with the furnishing the Bishop with the comparing this
new Act to a two-edged sword, tho' Sir Thomas himself
said, he did not call it so, but only spoke conditionally
and in general, if there was such a law, which as a two-
edged sword, &c. This Act was indeed a very severe one.
That concerning the succession only affected the subject's
liberty and property, but this touched life itself. But the
occasion of it is said to have been the insolencies of some
of the friers, who did not stick in their harangues to the
people, not only to deny the King's supremacy, but to
call the King and Queen heretics, schismatics, tyrant, &c.
4. Its observed, that the grounds of casting off the
Pope's authority and power had been for two or three
years past studied and enquired into by all the learned
men in England, and debated both in parliament and con-
vocation ; and that, except Bishop Fisher, not any bishop
appeared for the Pope. In the preamble to the Act for- 24 Hen,
bidding appeals to the see of Rome, it's affirmed, that by VIII-C- 12,
divers sundry old authentike histories and chronicles, it is
manifestly express'd and declar'd, that this realm of
England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the
world, govern'd by one supreme head and king, having

160 THE LIFE OF

chap, the dignitie and roial estate of the imperial crown of the

1_ same, unto whom a bodie politic, compact of all sorts and

degrees of people, divided in terms and bynames of spiri-
tualtie and temporaltie, been bounden and ought to beare,
next to God, a natural and humble obedience. But tho'
Histo. of the Bishop was thus unhappily singular in his notions of
voi.i.p.i43. the papal power, yet being a man of great reputation for
learning and very ancient, great pains were taken to satisfie
him. A week before the session of parliament, which
began January 15, 153|, the Archbishop of Canterbury
proposed to him, that he and any five doctors, and the
Bishop of London and five doctors with him might confer
about it, and examine the authorities of both sides, that
so there might be an agreement among them, by which
the scandal might be avoided which otherwise would be
taken from their janglings and contests among themselves.
The Bishop, its said, accepted this proposal, and Stokesly
wrote to him on the eighth of January, that he was ready
whenever his Lordship pleased, and desired him to name
time and place ; and if they could not agree the matter
among themselves, he moved to refer it to two learned
men whom they should choose, in whose determination
they would both acquiesce. But the prosecuting this
overture any further seems to have been hindred by the
Bishop's sickness, by which he was detained from giving
his attendance on the parlament that whole session.

5. The correspondence by letters betwixt the Bishop
and Sir Thomas More, which had by the means of George
Gold, the lieutenant's man, and Wilson, the Bishop's ser-
vant, been carried on with great secrecy from almost the
time of their being confined in the Tower until now, hap-
pened about this time to be discovered by one of the
June 12. letters being intercepted, which was carried to the council.

A. R. Hen. B . r '

vin. 27. Upon this, the Bishop was examined on 31 interrogatories

Cotton. relating to the said correspondence, &c. by Thomas

Cleopat. Bedyll and Richard Layton, clerks of the council, in the

169. ' presence of Sir Edmund Walsingham, Knt, lieutenant of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 161

the Tower, Henry Polstede, John Whalley, and John ap chap.
Rice, notary, being sworne in verbo sacerdotis, that he 1

would truly answer to the said interrogatories, and to
every part of the same as far as he knew or remembred.
The Bishop's answer was to this effect: that there had
been letters sent to and fro between him and Sir Thomas,
viz. bfour, or thereabouts, since they came to the Tower Coll.
touching the matters specified in the interrogatorie, but
that he did not remember the contents of any of them
which he either sent or received before the first being of
the council with him : that the first occasion of this writ-
ing proceeded from Sir Thomas, who desired to know the
effect of the answer which he made to the council in the
matter* for which he was first committed to the Tower,
and accordingly he sent him in a letter the answer which
he made; that soon after George, the lieutenent's man,
shewed him a letter which Sir Thomas had directed to
his daughter Rooper to this purpose, that when the
council had proposed to him their business with him, he
told them he would not dispute the King's title, and that
Mr. Secretaire gave him good words at his departure.
On which he wrote to Sir Thomas to know his canswer
more clearly ; to which he received a letter from Sir Tho-
mas concerning his answer, but what the same was, he
said, he did not remember. ' About three or four days
after, the Bishop said, he wrote a third letter t Sir
Thomas concerning what his brother had told him 01 the
Act for making the denial of the King's titles high trea-
son; and soon after the last being of the council with
him, he wrote him a fourth letter, in answer to a verbal

b In Sir Thomas More's indictment it was said there were octo paria
epistolarum; and Hoddesdon says they were eight sundry packets, p. 145.
Epistola de morte D. Tho. Mori.

c One of them was in answer to the Bishop's, wherby he desired of me to
know how I had answered in my examinations to this oath [Act] of supre-
macy. Touching which this only I wrote to him again, that I had already
setled my conscience, let him settle his to his good liking. Hoddesdon, Sfc
p. 146.

VOL. II. M

162 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, message which he received from Sir Thomas by the lieu-
XXXV. ^enent's man : that the letters which he received were all
d burnt as soon as he had read them, and, that to the
intent that the effects of them should have been kept
secret, if possible. For he was loath to be reproved for
his breach of promise, made to Mr. Lieutenent, that he
would not do that thing for the which he might be put to
blame. But that if there was more in the said letters than
he had before mentioned, he was sure it was nothing but
exhortation of each other to have patience in their adver-
sitie, and to call upon God for grace, and praying for
their enemies, and nothing else that should hurt or offende
any erthly man : and as for any other letters or messages
sent from him to Sir Thomas, or from Sir Thomas to him
since that time, he did not remember any. But, he said,
he often wrote letters touching his diet to him that pro-
vided it, as to his brother, Robert Fisher, while he lived,
and after his death to Edward White. He wrote likewise
a letter to my lady of Oxford, for her comfort. Letters of
request, he said, he likewise wrote several to certain of his
friends for money to pay Mr. Lieutenent for his diet,
being in great nede ; and according to his request, he re-
ceived certain summs of money of each of those to whom
he wrote, but no other answer. Only one letter he re-
ceived from his friend Erasmus, which his brother Robert
shewed to Mr. Secretary before he brought it to him.
However, the consequence of this discovery of the Bishop
and Sir Thomas More's writing to one another was, that
they were both debarred all use of pen, ink, and paper ;
and all their books were siezed and taken from them, in-
fol. 218. a. somuch, that, as the Bishop complained to Mr. Secretary
Cromwel, he had not a book left to assist his private devo-

d I would have these letters produced, and read against me, which may
either free me or convince me of a lie. But because you say the Bishop
burnt them all, I will here tell the truth of the whole matter. Some were
only of private matters, as about our old friendship and acquaintance.
Hoddesdon, fyc. p. 146.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 163

tions : unless the Bishop never had any of his books with CHAP.

• XXXV
him in the Tower from the very first of his confinement '_

there. For, it seems as if it was not till some months
after, that Sir Thomas More had his books taken from
him. In the Bishop's answer to the interrogatories put to
him, we have this account of it : that soone after the last
being of the council in the Tower, and after the taking
away Mr. More's books from him, George, the lieutenent's
man, came to the Bishop, and told him that Mr. More was
in a peck of troubles, &c.

6. The King being much irritated against the Bishop, Histo. of
and thinking that his credit and authority was such, that if voi. i.
some signal notice was not taken of him, many might be P« 158,
encouraged by his impunity to be disaffected towards him
and his proceedings, resolved to proceed against him on
this other statute, which made it treason to deny his title,
&c. He believed, that some examples of rigor, to shew
his subjects there was no mercy to be expected by any
that denied his title of supreme head of the Church of
England, might serve to terrify the rest, and render them
more yielding and compliant. It was with that thought,
that the Bishop and Sir Thomas More were excepted out
of the general pardon which passed this session, and that
the King now resolved to take away their lives in case
they did not acknowledge his supremacy. For this pur-
pose he sent to the Bishop in the Tower the Lord Chan-
cellor Audley, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Wiltshire,
Mr. Secretary Cromwel, and others, to certify the Bishop
of this new statute, and of the penalty of his not obeying ;
and in his Majestie's name to demand of him whether he
would acknowledge his title of only supreme head, &c. as
the rest of the lords, both spiritual and temporal, had
done. Sir Thomas More tells us, that Mr. Secretary
offered him an oath to be sworn to make true answer to
such things as should be asked him on the King's behalf:
viz. 1. Whether he had seen the statute? 2. Whether he
believed it was a lawful made statute or not ? It's not im-

164

THE LIFE OF

CHAP.
XXXV.

Weaver's
Funeral
Monu-
ments,
p. 504.

probable, that the same interrogatories were put to the
Bishop. However this be, Sir Thomas More wrote to
the Bishop, to desire to have either by writing or word of
mouth, certain knowledge what answer he had made to
the council. To which the Bishop replied, that he had
made his answer according to the statute, which con-
demned no man but him that spoke maliciously against
the King's title, and compelled no one to answer to the
question which was proposed to him ; and that he besought
them, that he should not be constrained to make further
or other answer than the said statute did oblige him, but
would suffer him to enjoy the benefits and advantages of
it. It was objected, it seems, to this examination of the
Bishop touching his opinion of the statute of the King's
supremacy, that since he neither spoke nor acted against
the statute, it was a very hard thing to compel him to say
precisely, that he either approved or disapproved it. For
that if his conscience gave him against the statute, it must
be to the loss of his soul to speak for it ; and if he said
any thing against it, it must be to the destruction of his
body. But to this the Secretary answered, that the
bishops used to examine those whom they convened be*
fore them for heresy, whether they believed the Pope to
be head of the Church, and to compel them to make a
precise or categorical answer therto ; and why then should
not the King, since it's a law made here that his Grace is
head of this Church of England, compel men to answer
precisely to the law here, as they did to that concerning
the Pope ? To which it was replied on the Bishop's part,
that there was a difference between these two cases, be-
cause at that time, as well here as elsewhere thro'out
christendome, the Pope's power was recognized for an
undoubted thing, which seemed not like a thing agreed to

e Wilson, the Bishop's man, said, the council had proposed to him two
points, hut the Bishop said, he rememhred hut one point, viz. that the coun-
cil was sent to him to knowe his opinion of the statute of supreme head.
Answers, &c. MS.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 165

in this realme, and the contrary taken for truth in all chap.

XXXV

others. Whereto Mr. Secretary said again, that they who '_

denied the Pope's supremacy were burnt, as they who
denied the King's were hang'd or beheaded ; and ther-
fore there was as good reason to compel any one to make
precise answer to the one as to the other. To which it
was answered, that the reasonableness or unreasonableness
of a man's making no precise answer stood not in the dif-
ference between heading and burning, but heading and
hell, because of the difference in charge of conscience.
As if in owning or disowning the Pope's supremacy, and
those other points about which they who were accused of
heresy were examined as to their belief of them, consci-
ence was no wise concerned : or that to assent to the papal
supremacy, and believe transubstantiation, &c. could not
be against any one's conscience.

7. Baily tells us, that to the King's message delivered
to him by the lords, the Bishop, after some pause, thus
replied : My lords, you present before me a two-edged
sword ; for if I should answer you with a disacknowledg-
ment of the King's supremacy, that would be my death :
and if I should acknowledge the same, contrary, perhaps,
to my conscience, that would assuredlie be to me worse
than death. Wherfore I make it my humble request unto
you, that you would bear with my silence, for I shall not
make any direct answer to it at all. With this reply the
lords were no wise satisfied, and therfore, notwithstanding
his request to be born with, they urged him more and
more to answer them directly one way or other, telling
him how displeasing such kind of shiftings, as they termed
the Bishop's refusal to answer to so dangerous a question,
would appear unto the King, and how much he was
already displeased with him on account of his late corres-
pondence by letters with his fellow prisoner Sir Thomas
More. Wherfore, added the Chancellor, if you should
now thus use him, you would exasperate his grievous in-
dignation against you more and more, and give him cause

166 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, to think, that you deal more stubbornly with him than
xx well becomes the duty of a good subject. To all this the
Bishop answered, as Baily reports this story, that as for
the letters which had passed between him and Sir Thomas
More, he wished with all his heart they were now to be
read, since they would declare more innocence than hurt
on both their sides, most of them being only friendly salu-
tations, and encouragements to patience : that indeed he
was a little curious, knowing Sir Thomas's great learning
and profound wit, to know what answer he had made to
the questions which were asked him concerning the sta-
tute, which answers he sent unto him, as he had sent his
to Sir Thomas. This he declared, on that conscience for
which he suffered and would yet suffer farther a thousand
deaths rather than Justine the least untruth, was all the
conspiracy that was between them. As to their telling
him, that the King would be much displeased with him
for this doubtful answer of his, as they termed it, he said
no man could be more sorry than he for the King's dis-
pleasure ; but that when the case so stood, that in speak-
ing he could not please the King unless he displeased
Almighty God, he hoped his Grace would be well satis-
fied with his silence. On this the Secretary asked the
Bishop, wherein he should displease Almighty God more
than others who had satisfied the King's desires in this
matter ? The Bishop said, because he knew how his own
conscience dictated to him, but did not know how the
consciences of others might inform them. If your consci-
ence be so setled, said the Chancellor, I doubt not but you
can give us some good reasons for it. Indeed, my Lorde,
said the Bishop, I think I am able to give your Lordships
reasons, that perhaps may seem sufficient, why my consci-
ence stands affected as it doth, and could be well content
that you heard them, could I declare my mind with
safety, and without offence to his Majesty and his laws.
After which not a word more was said for that time, but
the Lords, calling for the lieutenent, re-delivered the

DR. JOHN FISHER. 167

Bishop into his custody, giving him a strict charge that no chap.

further conferences or messages should pass betwixt the

Bishop and Sir Thomas More, or any one else. Wilson,
the Bishop's man, staid behind the door, whilst the
council was with the Bishop, and afterwards told his
master, that he heard in part what answer he made to
them, and the reasons which Mr. Bedyl, their clerk, who
was a man of letters, gave him for acknowledging the
King's supremacy. But the Bishop himself said, that he Answers,
did not remember that ever he declared to Wilson, or to
any man, what answer he was disposed to make, whatso-
ever communication there was between them about it : only
" Wilson read to him the two statutes once or twice, and
" then he caused them to be burnt, because he thought
" that if Mr. Lieutenent had found them with him, he would
" have made much business therupon." But the Bishop
having, in his answer to the Lords of the Council, said, that
they presented him with a two-edged sword, and Sir Tho- Hoddesdon,
mas More having used the same comparison in speaking 14C; p" '
of the Act for making it treason to deny the King's titles,
it was from thence inferred, that they had both conspired
together what answer to make. But Sir Thomas More
said, that his answer was but conditional ; if it be danger-
ous either to allow or disallow this statute, it was like a
two-edged sword, which cut both ways : that if the
Bishop's answer was like his, it proceeded not from any
conspiracy or design, but from the likeness of their wits
and learning.

8. When the substance of this conference and the result
of it, was reported to the King by the Lords at their re-
turn to court, he swore, Baily says, that they were all
fools, and asked them if there were not more waies to the
wood than one ? They told him that they had tried all
the ways that they could think of, and advised him to
send to the Bishop some of his own coat, to see if they
could persuade him further ; since, as his Lordship in-
sisted so much on his conscience, it was more properly

168 THE LIFE OF

chap, their business to try to satisfie him. But the King, it's
'__ said, swore that both More and he should Acknowledge

Batty. his title of supreme head, or he would know why they
should not ; and they should make him do it, or he would
see better reasons why they could not than any they had
yet given him ; wishing them to see his face no more until
it were done. The Lords upon this, it's said, were put to

Baily. their shifts, and accordingly thought of the following con-
trivance to gain their point. As they knew that the
Bishop and Sir Thomas had a very great respect for each
other, they resolved to play them one against another, in
order to deceive them both. They were both therfore,
it's said, sent for to court separately, and in so private a
manner, that neither of them knew of the other's being there.
First, Sir Thomas was sent for, and there kept so strictly,
that no soul was suffered to speak with him ; and in the
mean time it was given out, that Sir Thomas had acknow-
ledged the King's title of supreme head, &c. so that every
body believed he had done so. Then they sent for the
Bishop, and told him that Sir Thomas had submitted, and
acknowledged the King's title, &c. and was received again
into the King's grace and favour, whose example, they
said, they hoped he would follow. The Bishop having
heard as much before, and finding it now confirmed by
these Lords, believed it, Baily says, and seemed much
troubled at it. But if this was so, his Lordship shewed
less sagacity and more credulity than Sir Thomas, who, as
Baily himself represents him, when this was told him of
the Bishop, and he was very confidently assured that his
Lordship was with the King, as a proof of his being re-
stored to his favour, he very plainly answered the Chan-
cellor, that he did not believe the Bishop of Rochester

f Baily represents the King as swearing that the pishop should take the
oath of succession ; hut he had now suffered the penalties for refusal of that,
and it must be therfore to the utmost tyrannical and illegal, to force him to
take an oath which he had suffered so much for not taking. But the poor
man's head was full of that and the fancied oath of supremacy.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 169

had submitted, and acknowledged the King's title, &c. CHAP.

« XXXV
But indeed this seems to be a made story : neither Mr. 1

Rooper, nor any of the writers of Sir Thomas More's life,
so far as I can find, take any notice of it. And Baily, who
tells this story, says, they were thus tampered with to
oblige them to take the oath of supremacy, a name which
he, and the writers of Sir Thomas More's life, give to the
oath of succession, because, they said, all that took it were
obliged to renounce the Pope's authoritie. By the way,
this is a calumny, as Bishop Burnet very justly observed, Hist, of
that runs in a thread through all the g historians of the voe1 0irm"
Popish side, that the Bishop, Sir Thomas More, the P- 241,351-
monks of the charter-house, &c. who suffered at this time,
were put to death for refusing to take the oath of supre-
macy. Wheras, supposing that the oath of succession
might be so called, its certain, that by the Act that re-
quired the taking it, the penalty of refusing it was not
death, but only the loss of estate and liberty. But to re-
turn to the Bishop. Baily has given us the following
speech, which, he says, he made to the Lords on this
occasion. My Lords, I confesse I am a little perplexed at
that which you now tell me, which is no more than what I
have heard already. I am exceeding sorry, that that
courage should now be wanting to him which I once
thought never would have failed him ; and, that constancy
is not added to all his other great and singular virtues.
But I am not a fit man to blame him in regard I was never
assaulted with those strong temptations (meaning Sir
Thomas's wife and children), the which, it seems, at last
have overcome him. However, because ye say I wholly
h depend on his judgment, and have hitherto stood out by

? In principio anni Domini 1535 definitum fuit per Regem Angliae et in

celebri Actu Parliamenti sui institutum ut omnes ipsum Regem ut su-

premum caput Ecclesiae, tarn in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus sub
juramenti attestatione susciperent : contradicentes vero tanquam rei laesas
majestatis liaberentur, &c. Oheneyus de martyrio Carthusiano : c. 9.

h In the same manner, it seems, was Sir Thomas More suspected as

170 THE LIFE OF

chap, his persuasions I know not how better to let you know
L how much you were deceived with that opinion, than to

let you see how I now stand to the same ground upon my
own legs which I formerly stood upon. Wherfore now I
here tell you plainly, that as I will not say any thing
♦King's against the *oath, so I cannot in any wise *take it, except
* acknow- * should utterly make shipwrec of my soul and conscience,
ledge. ana then were I fit to serve neither God nor man. Upon
which the Lords finding they could neither by this trick
bring the Bishop and Sir Thomas to acknowledge the
King's title, &c. they were both remanded to the Tower.
But this indeed was so foul an artifice, and the several
circumstances of it, as they are at large related by Baily,
so plainly making lies their refuge, that it is not easy to
believe, that any who had the least sense of honour could
have recourse to any thing so base and vile. And yet the
teller or maker of this story is not ashamed to represent
the King himself as privy to it.
Baily- 9. After this, we are further told, the King, according

to the advice before given him, to send to the Bishop
some of his own order, sent to him Stokesly, Bishop of
London, Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, and Tonstall,
Bishop of Durham, who were to try what they could do
with the Bishop, and see they did it, or brought him to a
compliance, for the King would have it done ; so absolute
and tyrannical is his Majesty represented. Accordingly
these prelates, it's said, went to the Tower, where they are
represented as dealing heartily with his Lordship, to per-
suade him to submit to the King, and to take the oath of
supremacy and succession, Baily says, but rather, as ap-
pears even by the Bishop's answer to them, as reported by
Baily himself, only to own the King's title of supreme
head, &c. But to these persuasions of the bishops his
Lordship is said to have made the following reply : My
Lords, it doth not grieve me so much to be urged so sorely

pinning his soul upon Bishop Fisher. More's Life of Sir Thomas More,
p. 228, ed. 1726.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 171

in a businesse of this nature, as it doth wound me griev- CHAP.

XXXV.
ously, that I should he urged by you, whom it concerns as 1

much as me. Alas ! I do but defend your cause whiles
you so plead against yourselves. It would better become
us all to stick together in repressing the violences and
injuries which daily are obtruded upon our holy mother
the Catholic Church, whom we have all in common, than
thus divided among ourselves to help on the mischiefe.
But I see judgment is begun at the house of God, and I
see no hope, if we fall, that the rest will stand. You see
that we are besieged on every side, and the fort is be-
trayed by those who should defend it. And since we have
made no better resistance, we are not the men that shall
see an end of these calamities. Wherfore, I pray, leave
me to Almighty God, in whom only there is comfort,
which no man can deprive me of: and for that you have
so often told me of the King's heavy displeasure against
me, I pray remember my duty to his Grace, and tell him,
I had rather exercise the duty I owe unto his Grace in
praying for him, than in pleasing him in this kind. So the
bishops departed from him with heavy hearts and sad
countenances, and never came unto him any" more.

10. Baily tells us, that when the bishops were gone, Baily.
Wilson, the Bishop's man, who waited on him in the
Tower, being somewhat simple, and having heard all the
discourse which passed betwixt the bishops and his master,
thinking he had got reason enough to persuade his lord,
began to take him in hand, and spake to him to this pur-
pose: " Alas! my Lord, why should you stick with the
King more than the rest of the bishops, who are learned
and godly men? Doubt you not he requireth no more of
you but only that you would say he is head of the Church,
and methinks that is no great matter, for your Lordship
may still think as you please." Wlierat the Bishop fell
into such a fit of laughter, that he little thought he should
have laughed so much so long as he had a day to live.
But the man, taking courage at this, began to prosecute

172 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, his discourse in a manner which he thought more serious,
XXXV
L which the Bishop cut short with this composure of jest

and earnest. " Tush, Tush, thou art but a foole, and
knowest but little what belongs to this businesse, but
hereafter thou maist know better. Alas ! poor fellow, I
know thou lovest me, and speakest this out of simplicity
and love together. But I tell thee, it is not only for the
supremacy that I am thus tossed and tumbled, but also for
another oath (meaning the oath of succession) which if I
would have sworn unto, I believe I should never have been
much questioned for the supremacy. Nor is it for these
two that I stand out, but for the ensuing evils that must
necessarily follow hereupon. And this thou maist say
another day thou hast heard me speak when I am dead
and gone." But who can imagine that the Bishop was so
weak as to talk at this rate ? In the first place he inti-
mates, that he was required to swear to the supremacy as
well as to the succession which he knew to be false. Next
he is made to say, that he could swear to both was it not
for the ill consequences that he apprehended would follow,
which is utterly inconsistent with his pleading, that taking
the oath, and acknowledging the King's title of Supreme
Head was against his conscience.

11. These attempts to bring the Bishop to acknowledge
the King's title of supreme Head all failing, the next
thing undertaken was to get evidence of his denying it to
bring his Lordship under the lash of the new law which
made it high treason, and consequently death, so to do.
May 7, For this purpose, it's said, 'Rich, then the King's sollicitor-
general, was sent unto the Bishop, as from the King, upon
some secret message to be notified to him on his Majestie's
behalf. This message, we are told, was to this effect.
" That he had a great secret to impart to him from the
" King which was a case of conscience ; that though he
" was now look'd upon, as his Lordship considered him-

' Richardus Rich Armi. constitutus Solicitator Regis Generalium T. R.
apud Westm. 4 Octo. Pat. 25. Hen. VIII. Dugdak, Chro. Series, &c. p. 85.

1535.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 173

" self, as a man utterly forlorne, yet he must tell him, by chap.

" the King's express commands, that there was no man XXXV.

" within his dominions that he esteemed as a more able

" man, or a man upon whose honesty and integrity he

" could more rely than himself: that therefore the King

" commanded him to tell his Lordship, that he should

" speak his mind freely and boldly unto him as to himself

" concerning the businesse of the supremacy, protesting

" upon his Royal word, and the Dignity of a King, that if

" his Lordship should tell him plainly it was unlawful, He

" would never undertake it : that the King willed him fur-

" ther to acquaint his Lordship, that he might see how far

" His royal heart and pious inclination was from the exer-

" cise of any unjust or illegal jurisdiction by vertue of His

" being acknowledged to be the supreme Head on earth of

" the Church of England, that if he would but acknow-

" ledge this His supremacy, he himself should be His

" Vicar-general over His whole dominions to see that

" nothing should be put in execution but what was agree-

" able both to the laws of God, and to good men's liking :

" But that the King thought, that whilst His people ac-

" knowledged any other Head besides Himself, His crown

" sate not safely nor rightly upon his own head : that ther-

" fore he prayed his Lordship, since the King had been so

" graciously pleased to open His breast unto him in these

" particulars, that he would answer the respect shewed him

" with an ingenuity that was suitable to so high a favour,

" and that without any the least suspicion of any fraud or

" guile intended to his good Lordship either by the King

" or himself."

12. This must be allowed to be a very artful, insinuating
address, in which a very moving application was made to
that universal passion by which all men, even the most
humble and mortified, are more or less influenced. The
great compliment paid to the Bishop's learning and morals,
and the offer of so high a promotion as the being placed
next in dignity to the King himself were very powerful

174 THE LIFE OF

chap, charms, and ensnaring temptations. And so far we see
xv' was the Bishop affected with them, as not to suspect, as

he ought to have done, the hook that was concealed under
this pompous and alluring bait. His Lordship therfore,
Baily. we are told, thinking he had assurance enough in con-
science, when for conscience sake his opinion was asked
and required in this matter, told the solicitor, that accord-
ing to the best of his ability and faithfulness he would
answer him freely, and without fear of any other intentions
towards him than what were just and honourable. But
had the Bishop forgot what passed in Convocation, and
how freely there he had declared his mind concerning
this supremacy ? Could he suppose, that this was a secret
to the King, or that if His Majesty was really minded to
govern himself by his Lordship's opinion, he would not
have asked it before His being acknowledged supreme
Head, &c. was passed into a law, and that it was made
death for any one to deny it ? But however this be, his
Lordship is said thus to have proceeded in declaring to
the solicitor his judgment of the King's supremacy ; " that
he must needs tell His Grace, as he had often told Him
heretofore, and would so tell Him if he was to die that
present hour, it was utterly unlawful : and that therfore he
would not wish His Grace to take any such power or title
upon Him as He loved His own soul and the good of His
posterity: That it would be such a precedent as none
would follow, since all would wonder at it, and would never
leave this Land till it lay buried with the Power that first
assumed it: that for the King to make him His Vicar-
General of His whole Dominions to see that nothing was
done contrary to the Laws of God would be to no pur-
pose, when nothing was more contrary to God's Laws than
that he should be in such an office : As to His Grace's
conception of the crown's not sitting rightly upon His
Head whilst His people, as so many half-subjects, owned
any other Head besides Himself, he must tell Him, that
such a Headship was no more prejudicial to the temporal

DR. JOHN FISHER. 175

supremacy, than judgment, which is the top or Head of chap.

the Soul, is inconvenient to the Understanding : Since he L.,

must tell Him, that there never were any greater stays or
supports to any crown than were the English Catholics all
along unto the Crown of England, and that even against
all or any the least encroachment offered or attempted to
be made by the Bishop of Rome himself, as He would see
in the Statute Laws of King Richard the Second, where
He'd find, in many businesses wherin the Pope of Rome
himself was interested, the English Catholics flatly denying
the Crown of England, which they stoutly averred to be
immediately subject to none but God, to be subject to the
Pope of Rome ; and yet the very same parliament acknow-
ledged, at the same time, the Bishop of Rome, in respect
of his spiritual jurisdiction, to be their most Holy Father."
The same story we are told of this solicitor Rich, relating
to Sir Thomas More, only as the Bishop was caught by his
answering a pretended case of conscience, so Sir Thomas
was trick'd by his giving his opinion of a point of law.
The one is tempted to think, that as the King would not
thus prostitute His Royal Name and Dignity, so neither
could men of that famed judgment and great experience
have been so deceived and imposed on. There seems
therfore to be some reason for suspecting the truth of this
story. The Bishop's indictment, as will be shewn pre-
sently, mentions the very words spoken by the Bishop,
which are nowhere to be found in this answer of his to
Rich. Next it sets forth, that these words were spoken to
several persons, wheras, according to this account, Rich
and the Bishop were together alone when this pretended
case of conscience was put to his Lordship, and, as will be
shewn in the next chapter, Rich was the only evidence pro-
duced against him. Besides, it appears by the Bishop's
answers to the several interrogatories put to him, that he
was examined by the council on this statute, and that his Answer to
answer was according to it ; and that it was his Lordship's £^^0!
opinion, that so long as the word maliciously was in the 30, 31.

176 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, statute, there could be no danger if a man did answer to

1_ the question proposed by the council, Whether it was a

lawful made statute? after his own mind, so that he did
not the same maliciously. Where now is the improbability
of the Bishop's speaking freely to the council his real sense
of the statute, and the King's supremacy? And why
mayn't they of the council and their clerks be the several
persons mentioned in the indictment to whom he spoke the
words there repeated? If so there was no occasion to
send Rich on the errand here supposed, and in direct con-
tradiction to the indictment to take up with his single evi-
dence.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 177

CHAP. XXXVI.

1. The Bishop made a Cardinal. 2. A Commission given
out for his Trial 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. The Trial put off on
account of his illness. Some Account of the Trial. 8, 9.
He is found guilty and condemned. 10. His Speech
after his condemnation. 11. He is carried back to the
Tower. 12. Reflections on this account.

1. POPE aPaul HI. thinking fit to nominate some very
remarkably learned men to be Cardinals against the ap- Erasmi
proaching Council of Trent, was pleased among them to pis
promote Bishop Fisher to this dignity by the title of Sancti May 2\t
Vitalis Presbyter Cardinalis, on which this pun was made, 1535*
that to the Bishop it was Parum Vitalis, since it was
thought owing to this, that the King sought to take away
his life. It was, it seems, designed, that the sending this
hat to the Bishop should have been performed with the
greatest ceremony and solemnity that ever any hat was
sent with from Rome, not excepting even that which was
sent to Wolsey. By this it was thought the King would
have been induced to recollect Himself, and to take some
care how He offended the Pope and Cardinals by pro-
ceeding to further severities against the Bishop. But the
Pope and his Conclave were quite out in their guesses,
for as soon as ever the King had intelligence of this
design, thinking it intended as an insult upon Him, He
swore, it's said, that if the Pope would have Fisher wear
a Cardinal's Hat, he should wear it on his shoulders, for he
would leave him never a head to wear it on. But however
this be, it's certain He immediately dispatch'd a messenger
to Calis to command, that the Hat should be brought no

a Paulo tertio visum est in futuram Synodum creare Cardinales aliquot

insigniter eruditos. Roffensi Episcopo galerus Cardinalitius exhibitus

est in carcere, sed ille jam mori decreverat.
VOL. II. N

178 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, nearer until His pleasure was further known. But as for
XXXVI.

the Bishop, when the blieutenent's man George brought

&<TmsS' him word, after the last sitting of the council, or their
being with him in the Tower, that he heard Mrs. Rooper
say that he was made a Cardinal, he said before him and
his own servant Wilson, That yf the Cardinal's Hatt were
layed at his feete, he woulde not stoupe to take it up, he
did sett so litle by it. Thus the Bishop's friend Erasmus
wrote, that a Cardinal's Hat was offered to the Bishop in
prison but that he had already resolved to die. Sanders
indeed tells us, that the King sent some of the judges to
examine the Bishop whether he had made any application
to the Pope for this Honour, and that the Bishop replied,
that he never solicited for that or any other dignity : that
this was a very improper time to make any such applica-
tion ; and that old age, imprisonment, and daily expecta-
tions of death were preservatives against any such ambi-
tion. But Baily tells us, the King sent his secretary to
the Tower to pump the Bishop in what manner he would
receive the tidings of this new promotion. The secretary
therfore, as he tells the story, asked him, whether if the
Pope should send him a Cardinal's Hat he would accept of
it. To which, Baily says, the Bishop replied, that he
knew himself to be so far unworthy of any such dignity, that
he thought of nothing less : but if any such thing should
happen, the secretary might assure himself he should im-
prove that favour to the best advantage that he could in
assisting the Holy Catholic Church of Christ, and that
upon that account he would receive the Hat upon his knees.
The secretary making his report to the King of this
answer of the Bishop's, He, Baily says, with great indig-
nation replied, Ay, is he yet so lusty ? Well, let the Pope
send him a Hat when he will, Mother of God, he shall
wear it on his shoulders then, for I will leave him never a

b This Mr. Collier thus represents : One Article against hiin was, that a
servant of the Lieutenent's had heard Mrs. Roper his daughter say, that Bp.
Fisher was made a Cardinal, &c. Eccle. Histo. Vol. II. p. 96.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 179

head to set it on; and so hastned his trial and execution. CHAP.
Much the like reflection is made by the Bishop's friend '.

Erasmus, as if his death was hastned, if not cwholly occa-
sioned by this unseasonable piece of respect of the Pope's.
Thus, says he, He gave the Bishop a scarlet hat indeed,
alluding to it's being dyed, as it were, in the Bishop's
blood.

2. On the solicitor's reporting to the King what had
passed betwixt the Bishop and him, it was thought, it
seems, that what his Lordship then said, and the other
particulars which they had against him, would, when put
together, amount to a denial of the King's title of Supreme
Head, and bring him within the compass of the late act.
Accordingly the King, immediately after, ordered a Com- 27 Hen.
mission to be drawn wherby the Lord Chancellor, Charles June'2.
Duke of Suffolk, Henry Earl of Cumberland, Thomas
Earl of Wiltshire, Thomas Cromwel, Secretary of State,
Sir John Fitzjames, Chief Justice of the King's Bench,
Sir John Baldwin, Chief Justice of the Common Plees, Sir
William Pawlet, Sir Richard Lyster, Chief Baron of the
Exchequer, Sir dJohn Port, Sir John Spilman, and Sir
Walter Luke, late Justices of the King's Bench, and Sir
Anthony Fitz-herbert, one of the Justices of the Common
Plees. Against the time appointed for their opening this
Commission the King's learned council had drawn up an
indictment of high treason against the Bishop upon this
statute for making certain offences high treason, &c. This
indictment was to the following effect : that " one John 26 Hen
"Fisher, late of the city of Rochester, in the county ofWee^'r>s '
" Kent, clerk, otherwise called John Fisher, late Bishop Funeral

' ' r Monu-

c Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to his daughter Rooper, told her, r q , ' "'
that the Secretary said unto him, that he was a prisoner condemned to per-
petual prison ; and the same, I suppose, was the Bishop's case. Rooper 's Life
of Sir Thomas More, ed. 1728. p. 134.

d So Baily. But Sir William Dugdale in his Chronica Series Cancellari-
orum, &c. thus names them : Will. Luke, Sir John Spelman, John Port, Jus-
tices of the Common Plees, Anthony Fitz-Herbert, Justice of the King's
Bench, p. 82, 80.

ISO THE LIFE OF

xxxvi. " °f Rochester, not having God before his eyes, but being

" seduced by diabolical instigation, falsly, maliciously and

" traiterously wishing, willing, and desiring and by art
" imagining, inventing, practising, and attempting to de-
" prive our most serene Lord Henry the Eighth by the
" Grace of God Kins of England and France and Lord
" of Ireland, and on earth Supreme Head of the Church
" of England, of the dignity, title and name of His Royal
" State, viss. of his dignity, title and name of Supreme
" Head on earth of the Church of England annexed and
" united to His said Imperial Crown as is aforesaid, did on
" the seventh day of May in the 27th year of the said
" King's reign at the Tower of London in the county of
" Middlesex, contrary to his allegiance, falsly, maliciously,
" and traiterously speak and utter these words in English
" to divers of His Majestie's faithful subjects, viz. the
" King our sovereign Lord is not supreme Head in earth
" of the Church of England, to the despite and manifest
" contempt of the said Lord the King, and the derogation
" and no small prejudice of the Title and Name of His
" Royal State, and contrary to the form of another act
26 Hen. " passed in the 26th year of the King's reign, &c." So that
VIII. c.l. tjie j>ig]10p was indicted on the act concerning the King's
highnesse to be Supreme Head of the Church of England,
as well as on that for making certain offences high treason.
3. A little before this was the Bishop taken so very ill,
that it was expected he would have saved the court the
trouble of a trial, and himself the shame and pain of a
violent death. On which the King, Baily tells us, sent
his own d physicians to him to visit him, and prescribe to
him ; who having recovered him to some greater strength,
and a better state of health, so that he was thought able
to go abroad, he was on Thursday the 27th of June

a to his great charges, as I haye it in my record, to the value of 50

pounds. A great sum for that time, equal to at least 350 pounds now ! But
to this incredible expence, Baily says, the King put himself, only that the
Bishop might be reserved for further trial. Life of Bishop Fisher, ch. 22.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 181

e brought from the Tower to the court of King's Bench at CHAP.

XXXVI
Westminster ; and because he was not yet so well reco- 1

vered as to be able to walk all the way on f foot, he rode Jl™ l7>
part of it on horseback in a black cloth gown, and the
rest of the way he was carried by water, for that he was
not well able to ride throughout for weakness. But, I
suppose, the tide not serving to go through bridge, the
Bishop was carried to the Old Swan, the very next stairs
on the other side of it, to take water there. As soon as he
was come into Westminster Hall, he was there presented
at the barre in the court of King's Bench before the
commissioners, who were all there sat ready in their
places against his coming. Being thus brought before
them, he was commanded by the name and title of John
Fisher, late of Rochester, clerk, otherwise called John
Fisher, late Bishop of Rochester, to hold up his hand,
which he did with a most chearful countenance and an un-
common firmness and constancy. Then was read to him
his indictment, in the form before mentioned. When it
was all read he was asked, whether he was guilty of this
treason or no ? wherunto he pleaded, Not guilty. Then
was a jury of s twelve men, being freeholders of Middlesex,
called and sworn to try this issue. The jury being sworn,

e Baily says he was carried to Westminster with a huge number of
halbers, bills, and other weapons about him, and the axe of the Tower born
before him, with the edge from him, as the manner is. But the Bishop's
barony being forfeited, and accordingly siezed by the King, on his being
attainted and found guilty of misprision of treason, for refusing the oath of
succession, he was not considered as a peer, and accordingly was tried by
commoners, and was sentenced, not to be beheaded, but hanged, &c.

f According to Moreri, the Bishop was now 80 years old, and, as Baily
reckons his age, not less than 76, and as I compute it he was 70. At which
time of life, supposing him to be never so well in health, its scarce credible
he should be able to walk so far as it is from the Tower to -Westminster Hall
upon the stones.

B Their names are thus given us by Baily : Sir Hugh Vaughan, Knight,
Sir Walter Langford, Knight, Thomas Burbage, John Nudygate, William
Browne, John Hewes, Jasper Leake, John Palmer, Richard Henry Young,
Henry Lodisman, John Elrington, and George Heveningham, Esquires.

182 THE LIFE OF

chap, the next thing the judges were to do was to hear the evi-

'_ dence which the King's council had to produce to prove

the indictment. This, Baily says, was the single one of
solicitor Rich, whom he stiles the secret and close mes-
senger that passed betwixt the King and the Bishop : he
deposed upon oath, that he heard the prisoner say in
plaine words within the Tower of London, that he be-
lieved in his conscience, and by his learning he assuredlie
knew, that the King neither was, nor by right could be,
supreme head in earth of the Church of England. When
the Bishop heard this he was, its said, not a little surprized
to find him thus appearing as an evidence against him :
he therefore, it's said, spake to him in the following
manner.
Baily. 4. ' Mr. Rich, I cannot but marvaile to hear you come

in and beare witnesse against me of these words, knowing
in what secret manner you came to me. But suppose I
did so say unto you, as you have now given evidence, yet
in that saying I committed no treason : for upon what oc-
casion, and for what cause it might be said, you yourself
know very well. And therfore being now urged by this
occasion to open somewhat of this matter, I shall desire,
my Lords and others, here to have a little patience in
hearing what I shall say for myself. This man,' meaning
Mr. Rich, ' came to me from the King, as he said, on a
secret message, with commendations from his Grace, de-
claring at large what a good opinion his Grace had of me,
and how sorry he was for my trouble, with many more
words than are here needfull to be recited, because they
tended so much to my praise as I was not only ashamed
to hear them, but also knew right well that I could no way
deserve them. At last he broke with me the matter of
the King's supremacy lately granted to him by act of par-
liament : to the which, he said, altho' all the bishops in
the realme had consented, except myself alone, and all the
whole court of parliament, both spiritual and temporal,
except a very few, yet the King, for better satisfaction of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 183

his own conscience, had sent him unto me in this secret ^H AP.

■ • i pi A. A. V 1 •

manner to know my full opinion in the matter, for the

great affiance he had in me more than in any other person.
To this Rich further added, that if I would herein frankly
and freely advertise his Grace of my knowledge, upon
certificate of my misliking, he was very like to retract
much of his former doings, and make satisfaction for the
same. When I had heard all his message, and considered
a little his words, I put him in mind of the new Act of
parliament, which standing in force, as it doth, against all
them that shall directly say or do any thing that is against
it, might therby endanger me very much in case I should
utter unto him any thing that was offensive against that
law. To that Mr. Rich told me, that the King willed him
to assure me on his honour, and in the word of a King,
that whatsoever I should say unto him by this his secret
messenger I should abide no danger nor peril for it, nor
that any advantage should be taken against me for the
same, no, although my words were never so directly
against the statute, seeing it was but a declaration of my
minde secretly to him as to his own person. And for the
messenger himselfe he gave me his faithful promise, that
he would never utter my words in this matter to any man
living but to the King alone. Now therfore, my Lords,
seeing it pleased the King's Majesty to send to me thus
secretly, under the pretence of plain and true meaning, to
know my poore advice and opinion in these his weighty
and great affairs, which I most gladly was, and ever will
be, willing to send him in, methinks it is very hard injus-
tice to heare the messenger's accusation, and to allow the
same as a sufficient testimony against me in case of
treason.'

5. This account is somewhat different from that which
was given us before : since in that I don't observe the least
hint of the Bishop's objecting to Rich the new Act of
parliament, which made it death to deny the King's title
of Supreme Head, .&c. nor of Rich's assuring him, that no

184 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, advantage should be taken against him on that Act, but
XXXVI.

only in general, that the Bishop should not entertain the

" least suspicion of fraud intended to him : nor lastly of
Rich's giving him his promise, that he would never declare
what the Bishop said to him to any one besides the King.
But however this be, its plain by this account, that the
Bishop did on this occasion declare his mind or opinion of
the King's title of Supreme Head, which if he had kept to
himself, the statute could not have hurt him.

6. To this speech of the Bishop's, Rich, it's said, made
no direct answer, but, neither denying the Bishop's words
as false, nor confessing them as true, said, that whatever
he had spoken unto the Bishop on the King's behalf, he
said no more than his Majesty commanded him to say:
and that if he had spoken to him in such sort as the
Bishop had now declared, or given him such promises and
assurances in the King's name and his own, that he should
not incurre any danger by what he said to him, he would
gladly know what discharge this was to him in law against
his Majestie for speaking so directly against the statute.
This sure was very barefaced and impudent, and like a
man who had no sense of either honour or conscience.
Rooper, And so indeed Sir Thomas More afterwards assured his
Thomas SrJU(^§es ^cn was always reputed to be, 'a man light of his
More, MS. tongue, a great dicer, and of no commendable fame.' Ac-
cordingly he suspected him, and would not put that confi-
dence in him, as our Bishop did, to tell him what he
thought of the King's supremacy. And therfore when
Rich gave evidence against him as denying it, he plainly
charged him with perjurie. But however this be, some of
the judges, it's said, taking hold of this observation of
Bai] Rich's, thus delivered their opinions one after another:

that this message or promise, mentioned by the Bishop,
from the King to him, neither could, nor did by rigour of
the law, discharge him ; but in so declaring his mind and
conscience against the supremacy, yea, though it were at
the King's own commandment or request, he committed

DR. JOHN FISHER. 185

treason by the statute, and nothing could discharge him CHAP.

from death but the King's pardon. !

7. Upon the judges thus overruling his exceptions to
Rich's evidence, the Bishop, it's said, again spoke to them
to the following purpose. ' Yet I pray you, my Lords,
consider, that by all equity, justice, worldly honesty and
courteous dealing, I cannot, as the case standeth, be
directly charged therwith as with treason, though I had
spoken the words indeed, the same being not spoken
maliciously, but in the way of advice and counsel when it
was requested of me by the King himself. And that
favour the very words of the statute do give me, being
made only against such as shall maliciously gainsay the
King's supremacy, and none other. Wherfore, altho' by
rigour of law you may take occasion thus to condemn me,
yet I hope you cannot finde law, except you add rigour to
that law, to cast me down, which herein, I hope, I have
not deserved.' To the same purpose, Rooper tells us, did
Sir Thomas More argue in defence of himself, when tried
upon the same statute, that if he had so don, as Mr. Rich
had sworne, seeing it was spoken but in secret familiar
talke, nothing affirming, and onlie in putting of cases
without other displeasant circumstances, it could not justly
be taken to be spoken maliciously ; and where there was
no malice, there could be no offence. But this plea was
likewise overruled by the judges, who, Baily tells us,
said, that the word maliciously was but a superfluous and
void word ; for if a man spoke against the King's supre-
macy by any manner of means, that speaking was to be
understood, and taken in law as speaking maliciously. To
which the Bishop thus replied, ' My Lords,' said he, ' if
the law be so understood, it is a hard exposition, and, as I
take it, contrary to the meaning of them that made the
law.' So said Sir Thomas More, that ' he could never
think, that so many worthy bishops, so many honourable
personages, and so many other worshipful, vertuous, wise
and learned men, as at the making of that law were in

186 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, that parliament assembled, ever meant to have any man
_!_ punished by death in whom there could be found no ma-
lice, taking malitia for malevolentia ; for if malitia was to
be taken for sin in general, there was then no man that
could excuse himself.' The Bishop proceeded thus.
' But then, said he, let me demand this question, whether
a single testimony or evidence of one man, may be ad-
mitted as sufficient to prove me guilty of treason for
speaking these words, or no ? and whether or no my an-
swer, negatively, may not be accepted to my availe and
benefit against his affirmative ? To which the judges and
King's counsel answered, ' that it being the King's cause,
it rested much in the consciences and discretion of the
jury ; and as they, upon the evidence given before them,
should find it, he was either to be acquitted, or else by
judgment to be condemned.'

8. The jury, Baily tells us, having heard all Rich's
single evidence, departed or went aside, according to
custom, into a secret place, or by themselves, there to
agree upon the verdict. But before they went out of
court, the case was so aggravated to them by my Lord
Chancellor in summing up the evidence, who made it so
heinous and dangerous a treason, that they easily per-
ceived what verdict they must return, or else heap such
danger upon their own heads as none of them were willing
to undergo. Some others of the commissioners urged the
Bishop with obstinacy and ' singularity, alledging, that he
being but one man, did presumptuously stand against that
which was agreed upon in the great council of parliament,
and finallie was consented unto by all the bishops of the
kingdome, except himself. But to this the Bishop an-
swered, that ' indeed he might well be accounted singular,
if he should stand alone in this matter, as they said he
did ; but that having on his side the rest of the bishops in
christendome, he should have excepted those of the Galli-

h The same objection of singularitie, Roopcr tells us, was made to Sir
Thomas More at his trial.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 187

can church, far surmounting the number of the bishops in £HAF.

England, they could not, he said, justly account him sin- .

gular. And having thus on his part all the catholics and
bishops of the world, from Christ's ascension until now,
joined with the entire consent of Christ's universal Church,
he must needs, he said, account his own side much the
surer. But as for obstinacy, which, he observed, was
likewise objected against him, he had no way to cleare
himself of that charge, but the giving his own solemn
word and promise to the contrary, if they pleased to be-
lieve it ; or else, if that would not serve, he was there
ready to confirm the same by his oath.' But all this availed
nothing ; the jury in a short time returning, brought in
their verdict that the Bishop was guilty of high treason.
On which Baily reflects, as if it was done against their
consciences ; and assures us, that some of them owned as
much afterwards, saying, that what they did was to save
their own lives and estates, which they were well assured
they should lose in case they acquitted the Bishop.

9. The jury having thus brought in their verdict, the
Lord Chancellor, the crier of the court having first made
proclamation of silence to be kept, proceeded thus to ap-
ply himself to the Bishop : ' My Lord of Rochester, you
have been here arraigned of high treason ; and, putting
yourself to the trial of twelve men, you have pleaded not
guilty, and they notwithstanding have found you guilty in
their consciences. Wherfore, if you have any more to say
for yourself, you are now to be heard, or else to receive
judgment according to the order and course of law.' This,
however, was better treatment than Sir Thomas More
had soon after ; since Rooper tells us, no sooner had the
jury brought in their verdict, but the Lord Chancellor
was going immediately to pronounce sentence, or give
judgment, without ever asking the prisoner what he had
to say in arrest of judgment. But to return. In answer
to the Lord Chancellor's question, the Bishop thus re-
plied : ' Truly, my Lord, if that which I have already

188 THE LIFE OF

chap, said be not sufficient, I have no more to say, but only to
_ '_ desire Almighty God to forgive them who have thus con-
demned me ; for, I think, they know not what they have
done.' On which the Lord Chancellor thus gave judg-
ment, or pronounced sentence of death upon him. ' You
shall be led to the place from whence you came, and from
thence shall be drawne through the city to the place of
execution at Tybourne, where your body shall be hanged
by the neck, and cut down half alive and thrown to the
ground ; your bowels shall be taken out of your body be-
fore your face whilst you are yet alive ; your head shall be
smitten off, and your body divided into four quarters, to
be set up where the King shall appoint, and God have
mercy upon your soule.'

10. Sentence being thus given, the Bishop desired
leave of the commissioners to speak a few words before he
went out of court ; which being given him, he spoke to
this effect. ' My Lords, I am here condemned before
you of high treason for denial of the King's supremacy
over the church of England, but by what order of justice
I leave to God, who is the searcher of both the King's
Majestie's conscience and your's. Neverthelesse being
found guiltie, as it is termed, I am, and must be contented
with all that God shall send, to whose will I wholly refer
and submit myselfe. And now, to tell you more plainly
my mind touching this 'matter of the King's supremacy, I
think indeed, and alwaies have thought, and do now lastly
affirme, that his Grace cannot justly claim any such
supremacy over the Church of God, as he now taketh
upon him ; neither hath it ever been seen or heard of,
that any temporal prince before his daies hath presumed
to that dignity. Wherfore, if the King will now adven-
ture himself in proceeding in this strange and unwonted
case, no doubt but he shall deeply incur the grievous dis-
pleasure of Almighty God, to the great damage of his

1 Rooper represents Sir Thomas More as doing the same, only he did it
before the passing sentence, as the Bishop is said to have done it after.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 189

own soul, and of many others, and to the utter ruine of CHAP.

this realme committed to his charge; wherofwill ensue _^ '

some sharp punishment at his hand. Wherfore I pray
God his Grace may remember himself in time, and hearken
to good counsel for the preservation of himself and his
realme, and the quietnesse of all christendome.'

1 1 . The lieutenent of the Tower standing ready with
his men to receive and carry back his prisoner, he was,
after his making an end of what he desired to say to his
judges, conveyed back again to the Tower in the same
manner as he was brought from thence to his trial, partly
by water, and partly on horseback. When he was come
to the Tower-gate, he turned back to the guard of hal-
berdeers, &c. which had conducted him thus forward and
backward, and spake to them as follows: kMy Masters, I
thank you all for the great labour and pains which ye
have taken with me to day ; I am not able to give you any
thing in recompence, because I have nothing left, and
therfore I pray you accept in good part my hearty thanks.
And this, Baily says, he spoke with so good a courage,
so amiable a countenance, and with so fresh and lively a
colour in his face, as he seemed rather to have come from
some great feast or banquet, than from his trial and con-
demnation, shewing by all his carriage and outward beha-
viour nothing else but joy and satisfaction.

12. According to this account of the Bishop's prosecu-
tion on this new Act, it must be owned he had very cruel
and tyrannical usage, and was perfectly decoyed and tre-
panned out of his life. As the case of pretended consci-
ence was put by the solicitor to the Bishop in the King's
name, and by his command, if he had not answered it,
he'd, very probably, have been accused as wanting in re-
spect and duty to his Majestic But what can be more
infamous and dishonourable, than under a pretence of

k Ut ad Ostium ventum est, versus ad satellites hilari plaeidoque vultu,
plurimam, inquit, option viri, vobis habeo gratiam pro officio quo me euntem
et redeuntem deduxistis. Epist. de morte D. Tho. Mori, Sfc.

190 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, having a scrupulous and uneasy conscience satisfied, to
1 solicite a man to say what was intended to be made use of

to ruine him; and that on the most solemn security of
privacy and safety, no less than the word, and honour, and
dignity of a King, which were all most shamefully prosti-
tuted ? Besides, it must, I think, be allowed, that it was
offering the greatest violence to the Act, and acting quite
contrary to the intention of it, to construe the Bishop's
answering Rich as he did, a malicious denying the King's
title, &c. And indeed, according to this account, the
Bishop's judges themselves were forced to own, that the
2t;Bir" ^sk°P was treated with the utmost rigor and severity,
of the Re- But this severity, though it was blamed by some, yet
volT* others said it was necessary in so great a change as was
p. 158. bringing about. Since the authority of Fisher and More
was such, that if some signal notice had not been taken of
them, many might, by their endeavours, have been cor-
rupted in their affections to the King, or however encou-
raged to oppose him, by their seeing them do it with im-
punity. But sure evil is not to be done that good may
come. It is the observation of the wisest earthly prince
that ever was, that a king that sitteth in the throne of
Prov.xx.8. judgment, scattereth away all evil with his eyes ; and that
xxv. 5. the throne is established by justice. Wheras if the ac-
count now given be true, here was such a train of falshood,
tricking, and deceit, that the meanest and most corrupt
man alive, if he had not lost all manner of sense of huma-
nity, must blush at and be ashamed of. The truth is, the
statute on which the Bishop was tried, was a tyrannical
and ensnaring law, and seems contrived on purpose for
the King to have his revenge of those preachers who
were so bold as to oppose his designs ; but the putting it
to such a use as was made of it in the case of the Bishop,
&c. was what even the makers of it seemed not aware of.
Others therfore more justly thought, that the prosecuting
the Bishop in this rigorous manner, served rather to raise
his credit and reputation higher, and to make him more

DR. JOHN FISHER. 191

reverenced by the people, who are naturally inclined to chap.
pity those that suffer, and to think well of those opinions XXXVL
for which they see men resolved to endure all extremities
rather than renounce them. But after all, it's not in my
power to reconcile it's being said in the indictment, that
the Bishop denied the King's title of Supreme Head be-
fore many witnesses, with there being but one evidence
of his doing so produced at his trial, and he too a very
exceptionable one. The only account we have of this
prosecution of the Bishop is given by one who, it's plain,
was very much prejudiced against the King, and exceed-
ing partial to the Bishop. So that on which side the
truth lies is perhaps impossible now to be known, and
must be therfore referred to that time when the most
hidden things shall be brought to light.

192 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXXVII.

I. A story of the Bishop's cook in the Tower. 2. The
writ is sent for his execution. 3, 4. He is carried from
the Tower to the scaffold, where his head is cut off. 5.
The executioner carries away his head and sets it on
London Bridge, and his body is buried in Alhallows
Berking Church-yard, just by in Tower-street.

1. 1 HE Bishop being thus returned to the place of his
confinement, did not continue there above three or four
days. But before the time came that was appointed for
his execution a false report was, it seems, raised of his
being to be executed such a day ; upon which his cook,
who used to dress his victuals and carry them daily to him,
dressed him no dinner at all that day. When therfore
the cook came next unto him, the Bishop asked him why
he brought him not his dinner as he used to do. Sir, said
the cooke, it was commonly reported that you was to die
that day, and therfore I thought it to no purpose to dresse
any thing for you. Well, said the Bishop merrily to him
againe, for all that rumour thou seest me yet alive, and
therfore, whatsoever newes thou shalt heare of me here-
after, let me no more go without my dinner, but get it
ready for me as thou usedst to do ; and if thou seest me
dead when thou comest, then eat it thyself; but I promise
thee, if I am alive, by God's grace to eat never a bit the
lesse. This story, though it seems a made one, is ther-
fore told by Baily to shew in how composed a temper the
Bishop was, and that his late trial and condemnation had
no wise ruffled or disordered him. However, if the story
be real, it lets us see that the Bishop had now recovered
himself from that illness under which he had laboured for
so long a time, and was now in a good state of health.
June 21. 2. He had not been in the Tower above three days, as

DR. JOHN FISHER. 193

was said iust now, before the writ for his execution was CHAP.

XXXVII.
sent to the lieutenent, vvherby, however, he had so much '

favour shewn him, as to have remitted to him that ignomi-
nious and cruel execution of drawing, hanging, and quar-
tering, and was only ordered to be led to the Tower hill
hard by, and there to have his head struck off. The
lieutenent of the Tower having received the bloody writ June 22. s.
for the execution of the Bishop the next day, he called to Martyr.
him those whose service and attendance was to be used in
the executing it, to order them to be all of them in a rea-
diness against the next morning. And because when the
writ Was brought to him, it was very late in the night,
when the Bishop was supposed to be asleep, he was loath
to disturb him, and hinder his rest for that time ; and
therfore in the morning early, before five of the clock, he
went to him in his chamber in the Bell-Tower ; where,
finding him fast asleep in his bed, he waked him, telling
him that he was come to him on a message from the King.
After some preamble used, to prevent the Bishop's being
surprised by the fatal message, and putting him in mind
that he was now an old man, and could not by reason of
his great age live long, according to the course of nature,
he at last told him, that he was come to signifie unto him,
that it was the King's pleasure he should suffer death that
forenoon. Well, said the Bishop, if this be your errand,
you bring me no great news ; for I have some time looked
for this message. I most humbly thank his Majesty that
it pleaseth him to rid me from all this worldly businesse,
and I thank you also for your tidings. But pray, Mr.
Lieutenent, added he, when is mine houre that I must go
hence ? Your hour, said the lieutenent, must be nine of
the clock. And what hour is it now, said he ? It is now
about five, said the lieutenent. Well then, said he, let
me by your patience sleep an hour or two, for I have slept
very little this night. And yet, to tell you the truth, not
for any fear of death, I thank God, but by reason of my
great weaknesse and infirmity. The King's further plea-
vol. n. o

194 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, sure is, said the lieutenent, that you should use as little

XXXVII

* speech as may be upon the scaffold, especially as to any
thing concerning his Majesty, wherby the people should
have any cause to think otherwise than well of him and
his proceedings. For that, said the Bishop, you shall see
me order myself so by God's grace, as that neither the
King, nor any one else shall have any occasion to dislike
what I say. With which answer the lieutenent left him,
and so he fell asleep again very soundly for above two
hours. When he awaked, he called to his man to help
him up. But first of all, he ordered him to take away the
hair shirt, which he used, by way of mortification, to wear
next him, and to convey it privily away, and instead therof
to lay him out a cleane white shirt, and all the best apparel
he had as cleanly brushed as might be. As he was a
dressing himself, his man perceiving in him a greater curi-
osity and more care for the neat and cleanly wearing of his
cloths than ever he was wont to have before, asked him
the reason of this sudden alteration, telling him, that his
lordship knew well enough that he must put off all again
within two hours, and lose it. What of that, said the
Bishop, dost thou not mark that this is our wedding-day,
and that it becomes me therfore to be more nicely drest
than ordinary for the solemnity of the occasion ?

3. About nine of the clock the lieutenent came again to
his prisoner, and finding him almost ready, said to him,
that he was now come for him. I will wait upon you
straight, said the Bishop, as fast as this thin body of mine
will give me leave. Then, said he to his man, reach me
my a furred tippet to put about my neck. O, my lord,
said the lieutenent, what need you be so careful for your
health for this little time, which, you know, is not much
above an hour ? I think the same, said the Bishop ; but

a The common or every day's habit of a bishop, at this time, was a white
linnen rochet, turned up at the sleeves in winter time with sable : about his
neck a black silk tippet, which in winter was lined with sable : and under
the rochet a scarlet chimere. Hodij of Convocat. part i. p. 141.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 195

yet in the mean while I will keep myself as well as I can C HAP.
till the very time of my execution. For I tell you truly,

tho' I have, I thank our Lord, a very good desire and a
willing mind to die at this present, and so trust that of his
infinite goodness he will continue it : yet will I not wil-
lingly incommode my health in the mean time one minute
of an hour, but will still continue the same as long as I
can by such reasonable ways and means as Almighty God
hath provided for me.' With that, taking a little book in
his hand, which was a Latin New Testament that lay by
him, he made a crosse on his forehead, and went out of his
chamber with the lieutenent, being so weak that he was
scarce able to go down stairs. Wherfore at the stairs foot
he was taken up in a chair between two of the lieutenent's
men and carried to the Tower-gate, with a great number
of weapons about him, there to be delivered to the sheriffs
of London and Middlesex, in order to his execution.
When they were come thither, they made a halt, till such
time as one was sent to know in what readiness the sheriffs
were to receive him. During this stop the Bishop rose
out of his chair, and stood leaning against the wall, with
his eyes lifted up to heaven. In this posture he opened
the New Testament in his hand, and said, " O Lord !
" this is the last time that I shall ever open this book, let
" some comfortable place now chance to me, wherby I, thy
" poor servant, may glorifie thee in this my last hour."
With that, looking into the book, the first words he espied
there were these : " And this is life eternal, that they j0hn s
" might know thee the onely true God, and Jesus Christ 3>4>5,
" whom thou hast sent. I have glorified thee on the
" earth : I have finished the work which thou gavest me
" to do. And now, O father, glorifie thou me with thine
-" own self." Words most suitable to the Bishop's case
and present circumstances. Having therfore read them,
he shut the book, and said, " Here is learning enough for
" me to my lives end."
4. The sheriffs' men being now ready to receive him,

19G THE LIFE OF

CHAP, the Bishop was again taken up in his chair and carried to
XXXVIL the scaffold, which stood on that part of Tower-hill which
is called East-Smithfield, beyond the postern, he praying
to himself all the way, and meditating on the words of the
Gospel which he had lately read. When he was come to
the foot of the steps by which he was to go up to the
scaffold, they who carried him offered to help him up.
But, he said, " Nay, masters ! seeing I am come so far, let
" me alone, and you shall see me shift for myself well
" enough." And so he went up the stairs without any
help, and with unusual liveliness and strength. Thus
Baily tells this story : And had the Bishop indeed walked
from his chamber in the Tower to the scaffold without
any help, it would have been very consistent for him to
tell the« sheriffs men when they offered him their assist-
ance to help him up the stairs of the scaffold, that he was
come so far himself. But when, as Baily himself says, the
Bishop was so weak as that he was scarce able to go down
stairs from his chamber, and even to stand alone, and was
therfore forced to be carried in a chair to the scaffold so
little a way as it is from the Tower to East-Smithfield, in
such circumstances for the Bishop to refuse to be helped
in his going up to the scaffold, the ascent to which is not
commonly very easy, is scarce credible. On the contrary,
Rooper tells us of Sir Thomas More, who was a much
younger man than the Bishop, that when he came to the
same scaffold, he desired the lieutenent to see him safely
up. But be this as it will, as he was going up the stairs,
the south-east sun shone full in his face ; on which he
said to himself, holding up his hands, Accedite ad eum, et
illuminamini et fades vestrce non confundentur — Come ye
unto him, and be ye enlightened, and your faces shall not
be confounded. By that time the Bishop was upon the
scaffold it was about ten of the clock, where the execu-
tioner being ready to do his office kneeled down to him,
as the custom is, and asked him forgivenesse. I forgive
thee, said the Bishop, with all my heart ; and I trust thou

DR. JOHN FISHER. 197

shalt see me overcome this storm with courage. Then chap.
was his gown and tippet taken from him, so that he stood XXVIi-
stript to his doublet and hose in the sight of all the
people, who were there gathered together in great num-
bers to see this execution. In this undress the Bishop
spake to them to the following effect. He told them, he
was come thither to die for the faith of Christ's Holy
Catholic church, and that hitherto he thanked God he
had not been afraid of so doing: that he desired the
assistance of their praiers, that he might, at the very point
of death and the instant of the stroke which was about to
be given him, continue stedfast without wavering in any
one point of the catholic faith, and free from any fear.
He concluded with his prayers for the King and the
realme, that it might please God to hold his hand over it,
and to send the King good counsel.' This short speech
was spoken by him with so chearful a countenance, so
much life and gravitie, that he seemed not only free from
fear, but glad to die. Besides, he uttered his words so
distinctly, and with so loud and clear a voice, as perfectly
surprized those who heard him ; since he was so much
wasted as to look like death itself in humane shape. And
no doubt but it must be very affecting to see one of the
Bishop's great age and character, who was as it were
dying already, brought thither to be put to death by the
public executioner. After the Bishop had thus ended
what he had to say, he kneeled down on both his knees
and repeated certain prayers ; among which was the hymn
Te Deum laudamus, and the 31st Psalm, In te Domine
speravi. When he had made an end of praying, the exe-
cutioner came, and bound a handkerchief about his eyes :
after which the Bishop, lifting up his hands and heart
unto heaven, said a few short prayers, and then laid down
his head on the block, where the executioner standing
ready with a sharp and heavy ax, cut asunder his slender
neck at one blow, which bled so abundantly, that it was

198 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, wondred so much blood should issue out of so slender and
xxxviii. , , ,
lean a body.

5. Baily tells us, that when the Bishop's head was
thus cut off from the body, the executioner put it into a
bag and carried it away with him, meaning to have set it
upon the bridge that night, as he was commanded ; but
that Queen Anne having a desire to see the head, it was
brought to her ; and that she having looked on it for
some time, at last by way of contempt said to this pur-
pose : " Is this the head that so often exclaimed against
" me ? I trust now it shall do no more harm ;" and with
that in a scornful and insulting manner struck it on the
mouth with the back of her hand ; and in so doing hurt
one of her ringers with a tooth that stuck out somewhat
beyond the rest, so that this finger was very sore and
painful to her for a good while after, and was at last cured
with no little difficulty : a scar still remaining in the place
which was hurt, there to be seen when her own head was
off. But even the writer himself seems to think this story
almost incredible ; since he calls it a rare example of cruel
boldness in that sex which is naturally so fearful. But
she being, as Baily tells us, thought to be secretly a Lu-
theran, and the first that ever opened her mouth to advise
the King to alteration in religion, no colours were thought
too bad to paint her in. The Queen, no doubt, had often
seen the Bishop when he was alive, and needed not ther-
fore to have a view of his head as a curiosity after he was
dead. But had she had a real desire to have a sight of it,
it's much she did not sooner issue out her orders to have
it brought to her ; but put it to the hazard of the head's
being otherwise disposed of without her seeing it. Be-
Coli. sides, her character is the very reverse of her taking any
No. 26. pleasure in insults and revenge; and, as has been before
shewn, she was so tender of the Bishop in particular, as
that it was owing to her intercession with the King, that he
was pardoned that misprision of treason of which he was

DR. JOHN FISHER. 199

adjudged guilty by the Act of Attainder of Elisabeth chap.
Barton, called the Holy Maid of Kent. Baily adds, that xxxvn-
the executioner, having put the head in a bag, stript the
body stark naked, and so left it on the scaffold, where it
continued in that unseemly manner the most part of that
day, saving that somebody, for pity and humanity sake,
threw a little straw over his privities ; that about eight of
the clock in the evening orders came from the commis-
sioners to the sheriffs men who watched the bodie to burie
it, two of which took up the body on a h albert, and so
carried it into the church-yard of Alhallows-Berking,
where they dug a grave with the halbers on the north side
of it, and without any reverence tumbled the body into it
flat on its belly.' But this is a story that appears very
improbable. As the King had remitted the sentence of
quartering it, the body was of course to be buried. Thus Hall's
when the Duke of Buckingham was executed for treason,
the Austin friers took the body and head and buried
them. So Sir Thomas More did not ask his friend Sir
Thomas Pope to intercede with the King, that his body
might be buried, but only that his daughter Margaret
might be at the burial of it. Then what had the commis-
sioners, who tried the Bishop, to do to give orders for his
burial ? Their commission, so far as it related to the
Bishop, was expired when once the trial was over. It was
indeed a usual thing in those times for such as were poor
and necessitous to be buried without a coffin; but is it History of
credible that one so much esteemed and honoured as the xenet
Bishop was in his life time, should be so entirely aban-P- 103-
doned at his death, as to have no body to take the least
care of his funerals ? His brother, who had been so kind
as to minister to his necessities in the Tower, had been
dead indeed for some time. But he had other friends
who supplied him there with money; and there was
Edward White, and his own servant, Wilson, who waited
on him. It seems scarce possible that two men should
carry the Bishop's body laid across the handle of ahalbert

200 THE LIFE OF

chap, so far as it is from East-Smithfield to Berking church.

"V" vvuit

\ But it's surely to the highest degree improbable, that they

should dig a grave with a couple of halberts, however in
so short a time as is here intimated. About a fortnight
after, the Bishop's body, we are told, was taken up and
buried with Sir Thomas More's in the Tower chapel.
Could this have been done, had the body been buried
without a coffin, or stark naked? But Baily adds, " that
the Bishop's head set on a pole on London Bridge grew
daily fresher and fresher, the cheeks being beautified
with a comely red ; which was, it seems, the Bishop's na-
tural complexion ; and the face looking as tho' it saw the
people passing by, and would have spoken to them ; and
that therfore it was taken down in the night and thrown
into the river.b Lastly, that the place of the Bishop's
burial in Berking church-yard, for the space of seven
years after, had neither leaf nor grasse upon it." Now
every body knows, that 'tis the custom here in England,
not only to parboile such heads as are thus exposed, but
to tar them, to prevent their being noisome, and preserve
them from the vermin, it must therfore be wonderful indeed
if the cheeks of a head thus served were beautified with a
comely red. As to its looking as though it saw the people,
&c. this I know hath ever been a very common fancy of
ignorant people : but that it was therfore taken down, is
no more true than it is of Sir Thomas More's head and
others which were forced to be removed to make room for
more. That the grave in which the Bishop's body was

b Ex amicorum Uteris cognovi in Germania inferiore sparsum rumorem
quum Episcopi Roffensis caput esset in ponte Londoniensi tie more exposi-
tum non solum non emarcuisse verum etiam magis effloruisse, vivoque fac-
tum similius, ut multi crederent fore ut etiam loqui inciperet : quod in
quibusdam factum legimus. Ea res, seu fama quum vulgo increbuisset,
gublatnm est atque abditum. — At veriti ne idem eveniret in capite Mori
priusquam exponeretur aqua ferventi decoctum est quo plus haberet horroris,
Epist. de morte D. Tho. Mori, Sfc.

Haec aliaque multa bis similia perscribuntur e Flandria Britannis vici*
• niore, penes alios sit fides. Epist. de morte D. Tho. Mori, Sfc,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 201

buried was bare of grass for the space of seven, or even of CHAP.
seventy years after, is far from being a miracle in a Lon- 1

don church-yard, where it's rather a wonder that grass or
weeds should ever be seen, the ground is so often stirred.
But however this be, the Bishop's body lay here but a
little while; and though Baily records it for a miracle,
and an evidence of the Bishop's being a martyr, it was but
four years before this his execution, that in the case of
Petit, an eminent citizen of London, who was suspected of
Lutheranism, the very same thing was made a sign or
token of heresy. But thus do some of those who call
themselves catholics take delight in aggravating the suf-
ferings of their saints and martyrs, and in inventing mira-
cles. In their history of the English persecution, the Andrews ad
catholics here in England are represented as sown up in Librum^1
the skins of wild beasts, and exposed to be worried by resp. p.152.
ravenous dogs. Others are said to have had their bowels depersecu-
gnawed by dormice ; and others again to be tied to horse ^°e g
mangers, and there fed with hay: to illustrate which the A-D. 1581.
better, they have pictured these unheard of cruelties on
copper plates. I only add, that Bishop Burnet observed, Hist, of the
" that few were fond of succeeding the Bishop in his see ; Re1f?rm.act,0

& * ' vol.i.p.l5S.

for John Hilsey, the next bishop of Rochester, was not
consecrated before the year 1537." But it appears by the
Bishop's register, that the instrument, wherby the prior Coll.
and chapter of Rochester intimated to the King their No,4L
choice of John Hilsey for bishop and pastor of the church
of Rochester, is dated August 8, in the 27th year of the
King's reign ; that Hilsey was c consecrated by archbishop
Cranmer at Winchester, September 18, 1535, and had
the temporalities of the bishoprick restored to him *Oc-*LeNeve's
tober 4, which is not quite four months after Bishop Fa^ &c*
Fisher's death.

c Johannes Hilsey in Sacra Tbeologia professor qui consecratus fuerat
per reverendissimum in Christo patrem per Dominum Dominum Thomam
Dei gratia Cantuar. Archiep. totius Anglie primatem et Metropolitanum
apud Venchestre Winton Dioc. die Dominica, viz. 18 die mensis Septem.
Anno Domini, 1535. Reg. Hilsey.

202 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. XXXVIII.

1. The reflections made on the Bishop's trial and execu-
tion. 2. By Lee, archbishop of York. 3, 4. By the
archbishop of Spalaio. 5. By his friend Erasmus.

1. (_/ N this execution of the Bishop very different reflec-
tions have been made as people have been differently
Polyd.Ver- affected. By those of the church of Rome it's censured as
^i!'271St very cruel and tyrannical; and the Bishop himself is extolled
Beilarm. as a saint and martyr. Accordingly it was observed, that
p.P8, ed. C *ne day of his suffering was the day of St. Alban, the pro-
1610. tomartyr of England ; and one Darly, a monk of the
No. 24. Charter-house, solemnly attested, June 27, 1534, almost a
year before the Bishop was put to death, that he was
assured by an apparition, that his prior Haughton and
the Bishop were both martyrs, and for their reward were
next unto angels in heaven.

2. On the other hand Lee, at that time archbishop of
strype's York, in a letter which he wrote to the King in his own
voT.^pT' vindication, told his Majestie, that " his chaplains had
191. « heard him say, that he wondred the late Bishop of Ro-

" Chester was so stiff as to die in the causes of the divorce
" and supremacy without good ground, they being no
" causes to die for. Wheras in other high or principal
" matters of his faith and errors against the same, he
" had dissembled and been displeased with such as had
" written against them, for the favour which he bore to
" the party in whose books they were found. In which
" cause he should not have dissembled, nor have favoured
" the party, but rather have died than suffered such
" errors to grow and gain ground : of which sort there were
" several in one man's books, which many clerks in divers
" regions had written against." But he was very much
out of humour with the Bishop, because of the intimacy
and friendship betwixt him and the learned Erasmus,

DR. JOHN FISHER. 203

with whom Lee was angry, on account of some things he CHAP.

had written in his annotations on the New Testament. In .

1520 Lee printed what he called Animadversions on them,
which, Erasmus told Fox Bishop of Winchester, were so
full of slanders, that he by them more disparaged or les-
sened himself, than he did him. aBatmanson, a Carthu- Hody de^
sian, and Henry Standish, a Franciscan, afterwards Bishop liorum.
of St. Asaph, likewise wrote against Erasmus, tho' they
had both more wit than to print what they had written.
Abroad James Lopez S tunica, a Spaniard, and Peter
Sutor, a Frenchman, also opposed these Annotations,
whom, I suppose, Lee meant by the many clerics in divers
regions.

3. The great and learned archbishop of Spalato re- de repubij.
fleeted on the conduct of both the Bishop and Sir Tho- ostensio
mas More as very indiscreet. " They were, he said,Er™,™m
" foolishly prodigal of their lives, and deserved not the Suarez,
" honour of being martyrs, but to be stigmatized as rebels. 84P'ii3. *
" For as to the matter of the divorce, it was plain that
" Catharine was first married to Arthur, Henry's elder
" brother : that if Arthur knew her, which cannot be
" doubted, there was an impediment in the first degree of
" affinity ; which, according to many, was indispensible ;
" and that the marriage thus made with the Pope's dis-
" pensation was declared null : that it was likewise plain,
" that Pope Clement the Seventh had therfore by his
" brief prepared sentence for the divorce, and given it to
" his legate to carry into England, and that likewise the
" catholic universities determined for the divorce ; but the
" Pope, being reconciled to the Emperour, ordered that
" brief to be burnt, and added many delays of the cause,
" both that he might bring more money to his court, and
" that he might adjust and manage his worldly politics
" with princes : by which means Henry being quite tired

a Joannes Batmansonus Carthusianae superstitionis Londini propositus,
et magna? perspicuitatis sophista, scripsit, ab Edvardo Leo provocatus, con-
tra Desiderium Erasmum, lib. i. revocationem ejusdem operis, lib. L Bale.

204 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. " out, was satisfied with the judgment of his own bishops,
XXXVIII. .
, " and utterly banished the Pope's usurped authority out

" of his kingdom. This being the true state of the case,
" it's asked, why Rochester and More, as if they were
" wiser than all the bishops and universities, not only not
" consented to the divorce, as they might have done with
" a good conscience, but also opposed it, and openly found
" fault with it, thus provoking the King to anger against
" them without any obligation of conscience so to do.
" The matter which they opposed was, at least, seemingly,
" if not plainly lawful, and a duty. On the contrary they
" had only probability on their side, and could not be
" certain of their point : and by their opposition they
" made the royal offspring, and consequently the succes-
" sion doubtful and uncertain. Their cause was therfore
" truly carnal, or of a personal nature, or for the sake of
" promoting the party of the Pope. For even a moral
" but christian truth, where the truth is plain and mani-
" fest, it is glorious to die : but to choose death for an
" opinion and a probability only, is foolish. John the
" Baptist is celebrated for a martyr because, according to
" the opinion of some, he defended a plain truth, viz. that
" bit is not lawful to live in adultery, and much less with
" the wife of a brother who is yet alive. But, if Herod's
" brother, the husband of Herodias, was not living, the
" truth was open and clear to John, that a brother may
" not marry his brother's wife but in the case which the
" law allows, vis. to raise up seed unto his brother. And
" so far it is plain, that the marriage betwixt Henry and Ca-
" tharine, his brother Arthur's wife, notwithstanding Pope
" Julius's dispensation, was unlawful and null ; and conse-
" quently the divorce was just and necessary. If therfore
" Rochester and More would have imitated John the
" Baptist, they ought not to have died for opposing the
" divorce, but for maintaining it. For this reason likewise
" they defended a carnal cause, that is, an unjust one, at
b Non licere adulterium, ac multb minus cum fratris viventis uxore.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 205

" least probably, viz. Catharine's living with King Henry CHAP.

,, , . .r „ XXXVIII.

" as bis wile.

4. As to their refusal to acknowledge the King to be
the only supreme head in earth of the church of England,
the Archbishop said, that " all subjects, especially being
" required to do so by law, are obliged to acknowledge
" their king as supreme superintendent and governor in
" ecclesiastical matters, so far as they concern the outward
" regiment of the church : and that since the Pope has no
" spiritual ecclesiastical authority which is properly epis-
" copal without his own diocese of Rome, and has by
" force intruded on other dioceses, and tyrannically sub-
" jected to himself not only bishops, but kings, and all the
" laws humane and divine, it was an heroic act of King
" Henry VIII. to deliver his kingdome from this tyrannie,
" and to drive from thence and utterlie abolish the papal
" usurped power which had been so long tolerated, and
" by vertue of his supreme royal authority, which he re-
" ceived from God, to restore his churches to that pristine
" state and libertie which they had granted to them by
" Christ. Therfore neither the Bishop, nor Sir Thomas,
" nor those monks who suffered for opposing this supre-
" macy, could by right resist a power so good and just ;
" nor, without being guilty of the crime of rebellion, deny
" the King's authority of restoring the churches of his
" kingdom to their true and primitive liberty, and of tak-
" ing them out of the power of the Pope, who was an un-
" just invader of them. But that if they were so very
" desirous to do something in behalf of the dignity of the
" see of Rome, they might, perhaps, have interceded for
" the c ancient patriarchal right of the Bishop of Rome, by

e I never did put the Pope for part of the definition of the church,

defining the church to be the common known congregation of all christian
nations under one head, the Pope. There might be, peradventure, made a
second question, whether over all the catholic church the Pope must needs
be head and chief governour, and chief spiritual shepherd ; or else, that the
union of faith standing among them all, every province might have their
own chief spiritual governour over itselfe, without any recourse unto the

206 THE LIFE OF

chap. " which, in some particulars only, the bishops, but not the

' " laity, are made subject to him. But however, since the

" Pope has exercised so intolerable a tyranny without the
" countenance or support of any law divine or humane,
" but only thro' the laziness and superstitious pannic of
" the churches, not only to the shaking, but even to the
" suppression of the supreme political power, he has
" really deserved that total exclusion of even his patriar-
" chal eminence among the English, if not to an irrepara-
" ble extinction, yet at least to a suspension." The Arch-
bishop concluded, that " however its true in fact, that the
" Bishop, Sir Thomas, &c. chose rather to part with their
" lives than with their opinions."
Epistoiade 5. Others thus moderated in this affair. They thought
Tbo. Mci-i the King should have been content with inflicting on the
etEpiscopigjs]10p amj jgjj. Thomas a milder punishment. It was very
&c. plain, they said, that these men, if they were at all to

blame, had not offended maliciously against the King, but
been misled by a simple and sincere conscience, by which
they were persuaded 'that what they maintained was holy,
religious, honourable to the King, and for the interest of
the kingdom. A demonstrative proof of this was, they
said, that neither of them aspired to the crown himself, or
attempted to claim it for any one else; nor moved any
sedition, nor raised any forces, nor so much as uttered a
word that savoured of hatred and conspiracy : so far from
it, that they desired to say nothing, if it had been per-
mitted to them so to do, and patiently and contentedly
suffered death, praying for nothing else but prosperity to
the King and kingdome. Besides, they observed, that it
was usual to find a respect shewn to extraordinary virtue
and excellent learning even among barbarous nations, of
which Plato and Diogenes are particular instances, who

Pope, or any superioritie recognized to any other outward persons And
then if the Pope were or no Pope, but, as I say, provincial patriarchs, arch-
bishops or metropolitanes, or by what name soever the thing was called
what authoritie and what power he or they should have among the people. —
More's English Works, p. 614, col. ii.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 207

both fared the better for their being philosophers. That, chap.

as the kindness of princes to learned men procures them a J.

great deal of honour, so their being treated by them
hardly reflects much on them, and gets them a great deal
of hatred and ill will ; especially when they who are so
illTused by them are men who have made themselves
known by their writings, and whose memory on that ac-
count will be grateful to posterity. Since who is there
now that dos not abominate Anthony, who cut off Cicero's
head? Who dos not abhor Nero, who put Seneca to
death ? Nay, is it not a lessening of even Augustus's his
character, his banishing the poet Ovid? The clemency
of those in power is always well received ; but then espe-
cially is it highly applauded when its shewn to men of
note and character, and who have deserved well of the
common wealth ; so that a prince in sparing, or being
merciful to men of piety and learning, and who on that
account have rendred themselves, as it were, immortal, do
also consult their own honour and reputation. Every
country was, they said, to a valiant man his own, and
banishment had often proved to the advantage of great
and famous men : but the reproach of death was grievous.
When Lewis XII. King of France, was preparing for his
divorce from Mary,* the daughter of Lewis XI. the thing
displeased some good men ; among whom John Standock,
and a disciple of his, one Thomas, only said in their ser-
mons, that they must pray to God to inspire the King
with good counsel. What is said to the people has the
appearance of being seditious, and these men had offended
against the King's edict: yet the King only banished
them, and did not so much as sieze on any thing they
had ; and when the business was over, called them home
again. By which moderation that prince both took care
of having his own design effected, and avoided a great
deal of reproach, they being both of them divines, and
very highly esteemed for their holiness. On the other

* Jeanne.

208 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, side it was said, if they had been to advise the Bishop, &c.
XXXVIII
. they would have persuaded them not to expose themselves

before all the world to a storm they saw coming with such
violence. The wrath of kings was, they said, a boisterous
thing to deal with ; so that if it was opposed at all adven-
tures, it raised greater troubles. Wild horses, like thun-
der, were not to be managed by force, but by clapping
them on the back, or stroking them with the hand. Sailors
do not strive against an outrageous storm, but either lie
by, or stear another course, in hopes of having better wea-
ther. Many things are mended by time, which would
never be made better by force. Human affairs are always
fluctuating ; but whenever any notable or fatal change
happens, many are endangered who do not give way to
the whirlwind : as, when Julius Caesar opened the door to
tyrannie, and the Triumviri with their joint forces took
possession of the empire of the world, a great many very
valuable men were destroyed, among whom was the great
Tully. They who are the servants of monarchs must
dissemble in some things ; that if they cannot obtain what
in their opinion is best, they may yet however some way
moderate their princes' passions. But some one will say,
we ought to die for the truth. But not for any truth. If
a tyrant shall command, either to abjure Christ, or to lay
down our necks, we ought to lay our necks down. But its
one thing to be silent, another to abjure. If it be lawful
to dissemble your being a christian, without great scandal,
it would be much more lawful to be silent here.
Collier's 6. Pope Paul seeing himself so thoroughly neglected
voL ii. S by *ne King, and his honours perfectly despised, immedi-
ately thundred against the King in a very extravagant
bull published by him, a copy of which is in Sanders's
p. 107, 108, book Of the English Schism. In this instrument, after
stadii.nS° having given the Bishop, whom he called cardinal, a very
d great character, he admonished the King to leave his
errors, and repent of his sins, and summoned him to
d Sanctissimum Roffensem Episcopum.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 209

appear within 90 days before his Holiness at Rome, either CHAP.

XXXVIII.
in person or by proxy, to stand to the judgment of that 1 ,

court. In case of a refusal, he was after the term pre-
fixed to be excommunicated, his kingdom put under an
interdict, and his subjects to pay him no allegiance ; the
ecclesiastics were forthwith to depart the kingdom, and the
nobility and gentry to form themselves into an army, and
raise forces to drive the King after them. All other
christian countries were forbidden the liberties of inter-
course and commerce with the English ; foreign kings
and princes were exhorted in the Lord to treat Henry
and his abettors as rebels to the church, and to undertake
a holy war against them, till they had brought them to
submit to the apostolic See ; to encourage them to which,
all their alliances, treaties and engagements, of what kind
soever, with the English were declared null and void. For
the more effectual apprehending of those who stood firm
to the King, the Pope, by this bull, granted letters of re-
prisal to all Christendom in general, so that any body
might sieze them that could, and make slaves of their per-
sons, and take their effects for their own use. An order
was likewise directed by the bull " to all the prelates to
" excommunicate the King and his abettors publicly in
" their several churches ; and all persons who should
" hinder this bull from being published or executed were
w laid under the same censures. Lastly, that the King
" and his friends might not pretend ignorance of the
" Pope's resolution, this instrument was ordered to be
" published in the churches of the several places which
" were nearest to England, and fixed on the folding doors
" of their principal churches, especially those of Tournay,
" Bruges, and Dunkirk." It does not appear, that this
extraordinary bull came any further, or, that it was ever
published here in England. e Sanders tells us, if any

e Evulgatis his pcmtificis litteris, dum tempus in eisdem Henrico assig-
natum quo vel delicta emendaret, vel Romse causam diceret, expectaretur,
acciderunt in Anglia ejusmodi rerum mutationes et inexpectats varietates,

VOL. II. P

210 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, credit may be given to so partial and fallacious a writer,
; that there happened in England such changes and unex-
pected varieties, meaning, I suppose, the passing the Act
of the Six Articles, and the persecutions therupon, as gave
the Pope and other foreign princes new hopes of the
King's amendment and return to his obedience to the holy
see : on which account the Pope, partly of his own ac-
cord, and partly at the entreaty of many princes, forbore
Lord Her- executing this his sentence for many years. But however
tory'ofK. this °e, ** was thought proper, it seems, to make some an-

Hen. VIII. swer to what was laid to the King's charge in this bull ;
p. 392. . • . .

and in particular, to defend the King's proceedings against
the Bishop. Accordingly a reply to it was drawn up in
Latin, of which it was supposed Gardiner Bishop of Win-
chester was the author. In it the King's conduct as to
Fisher and other matters was justified, and some of the
Pope's rough language returned upon himself.
strype's 7. The King of France, it's said, told the English am-

voi.Lp. bassador, that he looked upon the late executions of
233, 234. Fisher and More as very rigorous, and carrying things to
great extremity. Upon which the ambassador was ordered
to inform that prince, that these executions were not so
extreme and rigorous, considering the treasons and con-
spiracies practised ivithin and without this realm to move
and stir up dissension, intending both the destruction of
the King and subversion of the kingdom : which had been
so manifestly proved before them, that they could not
deny it.

ut tam Papse, quam cseterorum omnium principum animos, ad novas spes
de Henrici emendatione erigerent ; quo etiam factum est, ut pontifex, par-
tim sua sponte, partim etiam multorum principum rogatu, ab exequenda
hac sua sententia ad nonnullos annos se cobibuerit, plurimaque paternae
cbaritatis ac benevolentiae officia in Henricum exercuerit, licet frustra,
Sander i de origine, fyc. Schismatis Anglicani, p. 111.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 211

CHAP. XXXIX.

1, 2, 3. Books written by the Bishop in the Tower, $•<<*

1. AS the Bishop was a long time prisoner in the
Tower, almost fifteen months, so during the first part of
this confinement he seems to have been allowed the use
of his books, and of pen, ink and paper, for his diversion,
though afterwards, on a suspicion of his using that privi-
lege in writing against the King's divorce, &c. it was
utterly denied him. Whilst he enjoied this liberty he
wrote, for the use of his sister Elisabeth, who was a pro-
fessed nun of the order of the Augustine-Eremites in the
nunnery at Dartford, in the Bishop's own diocese, a small
tract, which he called A method of attaining to the high-
est perfection of Religion, in which he compared the life
of a religious to that of a huntsman. The offices of a re-
ligious were, he said, many watchings, tedious fastings,
often going to^the quire and joining in the singing there
used; a voluntary abdication of riches, honours, and
pleasures ; an avoiding all secular and useless discourse ;
a practising obedience and submission to superiours, and
an easy and affable conversation with their equals. But
now these things, he observed, were done more abun-
dantly by huntsmen, purely for the delight they took in
their game, than by many nuns for the love of Christ.
Thus, for instance, the nuns in the quire spent all the
forenoon in singing, which certainly could not be done
without taking some pains : but the hunter in the fields,
though he did not sing, yet hallooed and made a noise
perpetually, and was all the day long encouraging his
dogs with speaking to them as loud as he could, which
must necessarily be a greater labour.

2. To the same sister the Bishop had before sent a
sermon of his Of our Lord's passion. In a letter to her

212 THE LIFE OF

chap, prefixed to it, he called her his most beloved sister; and

XXXIX
1 1 observed to her, that there was nothing that had a greater

force and efficacy towards procuring a good life, than
that when the soul perceived itself sluggish, dry, without
devotion, and heavy and drowsie as to prayer, and the
other offices of piety, it should frame some fruitful medi-
tation, and so agen raise and enliven itself. For which
reason, he told her, he had composed this meditation,
which he earnestly desired, that for his sake, and her own
soul's sake, she would read through at such times as she
perceived herself very heavy and dull as to the undertak-
ing any good work. He next advised her, if she desired
to read it with profit, to do these three things: 1. To
consider herself in such circumstances, as that in a little
time she must die, and that her soul, having left this
mortal body, will immediately pass from hence never to
return agen, either to amend by repentance what has
been ill done, or even to make any abatement of it.
2. Never to come to the reading of it but when she was
alone and out of company, where she might be very atten-
tive, and with a mind wholly free and discharged from all
the troubles of other thoughts and cares. 3. When she
was about to undertake this meditation, first of all to lift
up her soul to God, imploring his divine Grace and
assistance, that the reading which she intends may not be
unfruitful, but may produce, and bring to effect by his
most holy will, the resolution of leading a devout life :
and to that end, to premise some ejaculations of this na-
ture, O God, make speed to save me : O Lord, make hast
to help me. Glory be to the Father, SfC. This sermon
or meditation the Bishop thus begun : " The prophet
chap. ii. " Ezekiel, said he, relates, that he saw a book spread
" before him, which was written within and without, and
" there was written therein lamentations, and mourning,
" and wo." Truly this was a wonderful and very amazing
book, and the prophet drew from it much consolatorie
knowledge and sweetness, since he adds in the following

DR. JOHN FISHER. 213

XXXIX.

chapter, it was in my mouth as honey for sweetness. This '

book may signifie a crucifix ; which without doubt, the
Bishop said, was a wonderful book, as hereafter should be c ap' v
declared by him ; in which, if we very often exercised our
force of admiration, we should obtain both wonderful
comfort and knowledge.

S. The Bishop likewise wrote a treatise of the neces-
sity of prayer ; of the three principal fruits of prayer, and
of the manner of praying : which, together with the other
two just before mentioned, seems to have been written in
English, and afterwards translated into Latin. There is
likewise a little manual of the Bishop's in Latin, entituled,
Psalms or Prayers of John Lord Bishop of Rochester.
Dupin and Moreri tell us, that the Bishop's works were
printed separately in England ; but there needs no more
to be said, than what has been before related to shew,
that this is a mistake. After the Bishop's death, we are
told they were collected by aFrancis Birckman, a book-
seller, who took care to have them printed from the
author's own manuscript. They were afterwards pub-
lished again in one volume in folio with this title :
jR. D. D. Joannis Fischerij Roffensis in Anglia
Episcopi Opera, Qc. Wirceburgi apud Geo.
Fleischmannum, Anno CIO 10 . XCVII.
Besides these, Baily tells us, the Bishop composed a large
volume, containing in it the whole history and matter of
the King's divorce. This volume, it seems, he, some time
before his trouble, delivered with his own hand to Walter
Boxley, also Philips, then prior of the church of Roches-
ter, and afterwards, on the dissolution of the priory, dean A. D. 1540.
of the said church. But he in King Edward Vlth's
reign having notice, that some commissioners were coming
to search his house for books and papers, &c. burnt this
MS. of the Bishop's, for fear he should be brought into

a quos quidem libros olim Franciscus Birckman piae memoriae bib-

liopola integerrimus de authoris ipsius in Anglia manu excudi curavit.

214 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- trouble about it ; of which, Baily says, he afterwards very
'heartily repented. In 1536 was printed at Cologne a

Dr. Tbo.
James of

book of the Bishop's, entituled De jiducia Dei. But
the Cor- because it is against the papists in some points, therfore
Scripted, Greg. Capuchine, in his index of Naples, said, that John
&?-' p.vto5' Calvin was the author.

edit. 1688.

DR. JOHN FISHER, 215

CHAP. XL.

1. A description of the Bishop's person. 2. His character.
3. His friends, $•<?.

1. .DAILY thus describes the Bishop's person. In the
stature of his body he was tall and comely, exceeding the
common and midling sort of men, for he was six feet high,
and being therwith very lean and slender, was nevertheless
upright and well shaped, strait, large-boned, and strongly
sinewed : his hair was naturally black, his eyes large and
round, and of a dark gray ; his forehead smooth and
large ; his nose of a good and even proportion : his mouth
was somewhat wide, and his jaws large, as one ordained
to speak much, wherin was notwithstanding a sort of
comeliness : his complexion somewhat tawny, mixed with
many blue veins : his face, hands, and all his body were
so bare of flesh as is almost incredible ; which was occasi-
oned in a great measure by the strict abstinence and
penance to which he had long accustomed himself, even
from his youth : his aspect was grave and severe, and he
was so very mild, temperate, and modest in his address, as
that not only by his equals, but even by his superiours he
was both feared and honoured.

2. As to the endowments of his mind, he was certainly
a very a learned and great man, and would have been a
greater had he not been so much addicted to the super-
stitions in which he had been brought up. He was a
good master of the Latin tongue, and had some knowledge
of the Hebrew and Greek ; neither of which languages
did he learn till he was pretty well advanced in years. He
was much admired by the most learned foreigners abroad,
and here at home he was the very oracle of the English

a This Bishop was of very many men lamented, for he was reported to be
a man of great learning, and of very good life. Grafton.

216 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, bishops and clergy: even his adversaries gave him the
* character of the sharpest disputant, and the best Latin

Gerhard, writer of all those who wrote against Luther. The great
Loci Corn. . . & s.

tom. ii. p. Erasmus is perfectly in raptures whenever he mentions
col. 2. j^ . go ag to seem t0 want words to express himself con-
cerning him. He stiles him a man without comparison, at
that time, either for integrity of life, or learning, or great-
ness of mind : one to be commended not only for his ad-
mirable integrity of life, but also for his deep and profound
learning, and his incredible civility ; a man eminent for his
integrity, a pious bishop, and a divine of uncommon learn-
ing. When he mentions his episcopal character, he re-
presents him as one adorned with all kinds of episcopal
virtues ; and when he speaks of him as Chancellour of the
University of Cambridge, he describes him as an ornament
to that famous school of learning, since in every respect he
acted the part of an excellent governour.

S. The Bishop had the honour, as well as the happi-
ness of being much revered and beloved by King Henry
VII. and his mother, the Countess of Richmond, &c. who
very much confided in him, on account of her long experi-
ence of his goodness and probity ; and as much admired him
for his preaching, in which he was thought to be superiour
to any of that time. To their sacred memories was the
Bishop alwais very grateful. He agen and agen remem-
bred in his writings the King's promoting him so young to
the bishopric of Rochester without his own seeking, or
the application of any one else, and took care solemnly to
remember it in his own private statutes which he provided
for St. John's College. The like grateful remembrance
he appointed of the King's mother, to whom, he said, he
was as much obliged as ever he was to his own mother,
and therfore he ordered, that her soul and the King's
should both be especially recommended in those masses
which he had appointed to be said for his own.

4. He had the same good fortune of being in the high
esteem of King Henry VIII. Insomuch, that Cardinal

DR. JOHN FISHER. 217

Pole afterwards told the citizens of London, that before CHAP.
the Bishop had incurred his displeasure by opposing his XL-
divorce, &c. there was not a man of the church of Eng- Strype's

Eccl IVIcm*

gland whom he could so well have trusted in matters ofvoi.j'ii.ca-
conscience, or in any religious doubt, as the Bishop oftal,P*246"
Rochester, he had so good an opinion of his vertue,
learning, and judgment. But the Bishop had unhappily
entertained very high notions of the plenitude of the papal
power, and being a man of a severe life, his temper was
naturally sharpned, and rendred more rigid and uncom-
plying, so as to deserve what Mr. Secretary Cromwel said
of him, that he was noted to be very zealously affected in
all matters into which he once entred. This shewed itself
a little too much in his controversial writings ; particularly
in his two books against Faber and Velenus, of the one
only Mary Magdalene, and St. Peter's being at Rome,
insomuch, that even his friend Erasmus found fault with
him for it, and thought he treated his adversaries too
coarsly, and with too little humanity. But it's very truly Maurice,
observed, that the best men have their resentments and p^m',0
piques as well as others ; and that this is their weakness : Church,
for that severity which gives men generally a reputation of
holiness, tho' it mortifie some irregular heats, yet is apt to
dispose men to peevishness ; and what kills some weeds,
becomes a nourishment to others. More inexcusable was
the Bishop's pleading for, and justifying the use of force
and violence, even to the putting men to death, in matters
of conscience, or what was adjudged to be heresie ; since
in pursuit of these cruel and unchristian principles he
seems to have been very active in detecting heretics, and
led to practice great severities against them. Thus we
find him joined with Clarke, Bishop of Bath, &c. in the
examination of Dr. Barnes. Fox says, he was a great
enemie and persecutor of John Frith, whom he and Sir Acts and
Thomas More caused to be burnt: meaning, I suppose, -3^° '"'
that the Bishop was one of the prelates who examined co1- l«
that learned young man ; for he knew well enough, that

218 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. Bishop Fisher was neither the bishop that condemned
' him, nor one of his assessors.

Loci 5. By the very learned Lutheran Dr. John Gerard, is

to.v. P. 508. the Bishop reckoned among the more moderate papists;
*• who, he says, have a more honourable opinion of Luther
than the Jesuits. For proof of this, he refers to a letter
of the b Bishop's to Erasmus, wherein, he says, the Bishop
wonderfully praises Luther's doctrine, and says he should
be glad to meet him, if he could conveniently do it, to ask
him about some things which, at present, gravelled him ;
adding, that Luther was to a miracle skilled in the Scrip-
tures, and that he only wished he had said nothing of the
Pope. But this letter I neither meet with in Erasmus's
great volume of letters, nor any where else hitherto.

6. The Bishop's great thirst after divine knowledge
was sufficiently evidenced by his attempting at so great
an age to learn the Hebrew and Greek languages, in
order to the better and more effectual studying of the
Holy Scriptures: and his desire of promoting human
learning was shewn by his having courage enough to go
out of the common road, and to direct his Lady's charity,
instead of its being wasted on those nurseries of idleness
and wickedness, the religious houses, as they were falsly
called, to be rather bestowed on the two Universities, for
the education of divines, and training up good preachers.
He had certainly a very large and noble soul; which
would have exerted itself with yet more force had it not
been so much cramped with the foolish superstitions of
the age in which he lived. But to these he was too much
devoted : witness his quoting so gravely the lying won-
ders, and idle visions and revelations of hysterical nuns, in
his answer to Oecolampadius, and his being so easily de-
ceived by the nun of Canterbury. His generosity was

b Episcopus Roffensis in Epistola ad Erasmum Lutheri doctrinam mirifice
laudat, ac se cupere alte ilium convenire, si possit commode, ut nonnulla ex Mo
quareret quce ipsum male habebant : addit ctiam fuisse Lulherum Script urarum
ad miraculum usque pcritum optat modb ut de papa tacuisset.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 219

very great, and almost boundless, as appears not only from CHAP,
his daily acts of charity in his own diocese and in private '

life, but from his public benefactions to Rochester Bridge,
and the two colleges of Christ's and St. John's at
Cambridge.

7. It's commonly said, that King Henry VIII. would
have translated him from Rochester to the great bishopric
of Lincolne or Ely, but that he, following the rule of the
primitive church, refused it ; and that it was a common
saying with him, that he would not change his little poor
old wife, to whom he had been so long wedded, for the
wealthiest widow in England. But whatever reasons he
might have for not accepting of any such favour from King
Henry VIII. he himself own'd, in effect, that he would not
have refused it from his Majestie's father. Since, as I've
before observed, he tells us, that the Lady Margaret so
far favoured him, as to do all she could to get him a fatter
bishopric ; but not being able to effect it, she in lieu of it,
and to make him some recompence for that disappointment,
gave him a considerable sum of money for his own use.
At the time of his execution he was at least 70 years old ;
and, according to the reckoning of some, 80 ; and had sat
in the see of Rochester near c31 years: which one would
have thought should have been a reason for the King to
have shewed him more mercy, and not to put a man of his
character to death, who was so near dying of himself ac-
cording to the course of nature. But this seems to have
been in good measure, if not entirely, owing to the Pope's
making the Bishop a cardinal, and projecting to send him
the hat in so pompous and solemn a manner ; wherby the
King's jealousy was raised of some designs against him
being on the anvil. A proof of which seems to be the
Bishop's being condemned to perpetual imprisonment in Rymer's
the very same session of parliament in which the Acts t0. xiv, '

c Collier says he sate here 33 years. Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 97, col. 2:
but this is one of those numberless mistakes made by that learned historian,
who is so very severe and uncandid in censuring the mistakes of others.

220 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, were passed for the King's supremacy, and making the
XL- denial of it high treason. Others say, that the King ap-
prehended a rebellion would be raised by the preaching
of the monks against his proceedings ; one of whom went
so far as to threaten the King with the dogs licking his
blood, as they licked the blood of King Ahab ; and that
therfore some examples of rigor and severitie were neces-
sary to keep them in subjection ; and that this occasioned
his altering the former sentence of perpetual imprisonment,
and putting him to death in so hasty and precipitate a
manner.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 221

CHAP. XLI.

1. An Act for reviewing the Canon Law, %c. 2. Queen
Anne : an account of her.

1. XHE same year passed an Act for appointing two 27 Hen.
and thirty persons of both houses of parliament, one half AD". 1535'.
of the clergy, and the other half of the laity, to be chosen
by the King, to review and examine the several constitu-
tions, ordinances and canons, provincial or synodal, which
had heretofore been enacted, and were thought to be not
only very prejudicial to the King's prerogative royal, and
against the laws and statutes of the realm, but over much
burdensome to the King and his subjects ; and that such
of them as the King and major part of the commissioners
should not approve, or think worthy to be continued,
should from thenceforth be abolished: and on the other
hand, those of them which they judged fit to be kept and
obeied, they should be from thenceforth executed within
this realm ; so that the King's most royal assent under the
great seal was first had to the same. For this there was
certainly very great occasion. This had been ordered two
years before ; but, it seems, nothing had yet been done in
it. The canon or pontificial law was, by the adding laws Reformat.
to laws, decrees to decrees, and decretals to them, grown Prsefat.
to an excessive bulk ; which seemed on purpose to be
thus contrived, that people might, even unwittingly, be
entangled in those canonical articles, and so a larger profit
might accrue to the Pope by dispensations and condem-
nations. And though in the consistories there was some
appearance of justice, and of an inspection into the man-
ners of men, yet were matters so managed, that impunity
was to be had at any time for money ; and it was plain,
that the canonists and officials were more intent on their
own gain, than on the promoting of vertue or correction
of peoples manners. But this excellent design of reforming

222 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, these laws came to nothing. By an Act passed for that
purpose about eight years after, it appears, that divers

\nfrr en' urSent and great causes and matters had occurred, wherby
' the nomination and appointment of the said two and thirty
persons to examine these laws by the King's highnesse
had been omitted, and the view and examination of the
said canons, &c. had not been had, nor made according to
the tenor and effect of the former Act. It was therfore
agen enacted, that the King should have power to nomi-
nate 32 persons of the clergy and laitie, to peruse and ex-
amine the canons, &c. and, that this he might do at any
time during his life, and from time to time fill up the
vacancies that should be among them by death : and that
such ecclesiastical laws as should be devised and made by
the King and those 32 persons should, after they were
declared by the King's proclamation under his great seal,
be only taken, reputed, and used for the King's laws
ecclesiastical of this realme. The King therfore, accord-
ing to the powers given him by this Act, chose two and
thirty persons, who, as it appears by the King's letters,
drew up a body of laws, which he declared it was his will
should be observed and received by all his subjects and
liegemen in general, of what sort and condition they were ;
and by the archbishops, bishops, abbats, clergy, dukes,
marquesses, earls, barons, knights, and gentlemen in par-
ticular. But for what reason, or upon what account, whe-
ther through the iniquity of the times, and the torrent of
wickedness running too strong to be checked, these laws
were so effectually quashed, that I can't find there's so
much as any copy of them remaining. But in the next
reign was this good design again taken in hand, though
to as little purpose as it had been attempted before. In
the session of parliament that met by prorogation, Novem-
ber 4, 1549, it was enacted, that from thenceforth, during
three years, " the King should have full power to nominate
and assign, by the advice of his council, 16 persons of the
clergie, wherof four to be bishops, and 16 of the tempo-

DR. JOHN FISHER. 223

valtie, wherof four to be learned in the common lawes CHAP.

XLI

of this realme, to peruse and examine the ecclesiastical V

lawes of long time here used, and to compile such lawes
ecclesiastical as should be thought to his Majestie and
council convenient to be used within this realme in all
spiritual or ecclesiastical courts and conventions ; and that
such lawes ecclesiastical, so compiled by the said 32 per-
sons, and set forth, &c. by the King's Majestie's procla-
mations with the advice of his council, under his great
seal, should, by vertue of this Act, be only taken, reputed,
practised, and put in use for the King's ecclesiastical laws
of this realme." But the time allowed for this by the Act
was two-thirds of it past before any thing was done in
execution of it. The King's letters patents are dated at
Westminster November 11, in the Jlfth year of his reign.
By them he commissioned a eight of the two and thirty he
had nominated to prepare a draught of ecclesiastical laws,
to be exhibited to himself in writing, that he might trans-
mit them to the residue of the 32 together with themselves,
for their further ratification and perfection. Accordingly,
his Majestie required, that, immediately after their receiv-
ing these letters, they should meet together, and make
that dispatch and expedition in answering them which the
cause required. Fox tells us, that the 32 persons nomi-
nated by the King, &c. were to be distributed into four
classes, in each of which were two bishops, two doctors of
divinity, two civilians, and two common lawyers ; by whom
it was agreed, that what was concluded on and determined
in one class, should be transmitted to be considered and
inspected by the others. Although of all this number
there were eight principally chosen, to whom was com-
mitted the making the first draught of this work by way of
preparation. These eight executed their commission, and
drew up a body of ecclesiastical laws, collected by them

a Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Goodrich, Dr. Richard Cox, Dr. Peter
Martyr, William May, and Rowland Taylor, doctors of law ; and John
Lucas and Richard Gooderike, barristers at law.

224 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, from all the best laws, not only ecclesiastical, but civil.
These they committed to writing; but, I suppose, the

three years allowed by the Act were lapsed before this
draught could be ratified and brought to perfection by all
the 32 ; and the King dying soon after, this important
affair was dropped, and never afterwards resumed. How-
ever, to let us see what an opportunity was now lost of
perfecting the reformation of this church, by restoring
the primitive discipline, as well as the doctrine and wor-
ship, a copy of this draught falling into the hands of that
diligent and unwearied assertor of the truth, Mr. John
Fox, he in the year 1571, published it with this title:
Mense, Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex Authoritate pri-
mum Regis Henrici VIII. inchoata : Deinde per Regem
Edovardum VI. provecta, adauctaq; in hunc modum :
atque nunc ad pleniorem ipsarum reformationem in lucem
tedita. To which he prefixed copies of King Henry's
proclamation and King Edward's commission.

2. If the new Queen, Anne, was so great an enemy to
Bishop Fisher as she is represented, and did in so in-
decent a manner insult him after he was dead, it's certain
it was not long before she herself lost her life in the same
manner. Her favouring the Lutherans, as they were now
called who promoted a reformation here in England, was
no secret. They openly made their court and addresses
to her : it was by her interest with the King that Cover-
dale, &c. obtained his licence to print the Bible in English.
He dedicated it to the King, and thus addressed himself
Oct. 4, to him. " Considering now, most gracious prince, the in-
1535. « estimable treasure, fruit, and prosperity everlasting that
" God giveth with his Word ; and trusting in his infinite
"goodness, that he would bring my simple and rude
" labour herein to good effect ; therfore as the Holy Ghost
" moved other men to do the cost hereof, so was I bol-
" dened in God to labour in the same. Again, consider-
" ing your imperial Majesty not only to be my natural,
" sovereign liege lord, and chief head of the church of

DR. JOHN FISHER. 225

" England, but also the true defender and maintainer of CHAP.

" God's laws, I thought it my duty, and to belong to my 1_

" allegiance when I had translated this Bible, not only to
" dedicate this translation unto your Highness, but wholly
" to commit it unto the same. To the intent, that bif ony
" thing therin be translated amiss (for in many things we
" fail, even when we think to be sure), it may stond in
" your Grace's hand to "correct it, to improve it, yea, and
" clean to breject it, if your godly wisdom shall think it
" necessary." The same learned man, this year or the
next, dedicated to his Majesty a translation of the New
Testament, made by him from the Latin Vulgate, the
Latin being printed in one column, and the English in
another. " This, he tells the King, he submitted with all
" humbleness and subjection, and all other his like doings
" to his Grace's most noble Majesty : not only because he
" was bounde so to do, but to the intent also, that through
" his most gracious defence it might have the more free-
" dome among his obedient subjects, to the glory of the
" everlasting God." This seems to intimate, that at this
time these labours were not wholly unacceptable to the

b Of this it's doubted by a late writer, whether such a sort of compliment
to a prince not altogether reformed be irreprovable in a christian reformer,
who ought to avoid all appearance of flattery. But there seems to be no
more or greater deference paid to the King here than what is expressed by
the archbishops, bishops, &c. in their preface to the Ijistitution of a christen
man; where they thus speak to his Majestic "Albeit, most drade and benigne
soverayne lord, we doo afiyrme by our lernynges with one assent, that the
said treatise is in all poyntes soo concordaunt and agreable to holy tScryp-
ture, as we trust your majestie shall receyve the same as a thynge moste
sincerely and purely handled to the glorye of God, your grace's honour,
the unitye of your people, the whyche thynges your highnes, we may well
see and perceive, doth chiefly iu the same desyre ; yet we do most humbly
submit it to the mooste excellent wysedome and exacte judgment of your
Majestie to be recognysed, oversene, and corrected, yf your grace shall
fynde any worde or sentence in it mete to be changed, qualified or further
expounded, for the playne settynge forthe of your highnes moste vertuous
desyre and purpose in that behalfe : wherunto we shal in that case conforme
ourselfes, as to our most bounden duties to God, and to your highnesse
apperteyneth."

VOL. II. Q

226 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. King. The Queen likewise put into his hands a book of
Tyndal's, entituled The Obedience of a Christian man,

MS. Geo. part of which he read, and gave this character of it, " that
CoIl ' Sq it was a book fit for him and all kings to read." This the
No. 26. popish party could not bear ; and knowing the King's own
inclinations were still biassing him to adhere to their opi-
nions and practices, they watched all opportunities to set
him against the Queen. She growing big again, and not
so fit for dalliance, this was thought a proper time to
steale the King's affection from her. Unkindness accord-
ingly grew ; and she laying it too much to heart, was
brought to bed before her time, with much hazard of her
life, and of a male child, dead borne, to her greater and
most extreme grief. Being thus a woman full of sorrowe,
it's said, the King made her a visit, and complaining to her
of the loss of his boy : she, out of the abundance of her
grief, laid the blame upon his unkindness. This the King
resented more than he ought to've done, considering her
case, and took more hardly than, perhaps, otherwise he
would, if he had not been either too much overcome with
grief, or not so much alienated in his affections from her ;
and therfore in a passion told her, he would have no more
boys by her. From this time the King's displeasure
towards the Queen more and more increased, till at last of
a sudden she and her friends were sent to the Tower ;
where in the entry of the gate, the Queen falling down on
her knees, O Lord, said she, help me, as I am guiltless of
this wherof I am accused. She was ordered to be tried
in the Tower in a private manner ; though the crimes laid
to her charge were made publick enough. However,
even her very accusations, the most and principal of which,
it's plain, came from Rome, that nest of treachery and
forge of cunning, spake and pleaded for her : all of them
carrying in them open proof to all men's consciences of
mere matter of quarrel, and indeed of a preparation of
some hoped for alteration. Accordingly it was then
reported, that some of even those honourable persons who

DR. JOHN FISHER. 227

were her judges afterwards said, that the Queen in her CHAP.

VT T

defence had cleared herself with a very wise and noble '
speech. The modesty of her countenance pleaded her
innocence, so that all that saw and heard her believed her
not guilty ; and the magistrates of the city, and several
others who were there said, they saw no evidence against
her; only it appeared that the King was resolved to be
rid of her. When she was found guilty, and sentence
was given, that she should be burnt, she appeared not at
all terrified, but lifting up her hands to God, she said, O
Father ! O Creator ! thou tvho art the ivay, the truth, and
the life ; thou knowest that I have not deserved this death.
Then addressing herself to her judges, she made the
speech afore mentioned, wherin she declared she was so
entirely innocent of all the accusations which had been
brought against her, that she could not ask pardon of
God for them ; and had been always a faithful and loyal
wife to the King. She owned that she had not, perhaps,
at all times shewed him that humility and reverence that
his goodness to her, and the honour to which he raised
her, did deserve ; and confessed that she had fancies and
suspicions of him which she had not strength nor discre-
tion enough to manage. But she appealed to God as her
witness, that she never failed otherwise towards him.
Wyat therfore tells us, that wise men in those days judged
that her virtue was here her fault ; and that if her too
much love could, as well as the other Queen, have born
with his defect of love, she might have fain into less
danger, and in the end have tied him the more ever after
to her when he had seen his errors ; and that this she
might the rather have done, considering the general
liberty and custome of falling then that way. When she
came upon the scaffold, which was ordered to be built
within the Tower, her looks were cheerful, and she never
appeared more beautiful than at that time. She desired
those about her not to be sorry to see her die thus, but to
pardon her from their hearts that she had not expressed

228 THE LIFE OF

chap, to them that mildness that became her, and that she had
. not done that good that was in her power to do. She

next addressed herself to the spectators to the following
purpose. " Christian people, said she, I am come to die,
" and according to law, and by law I am judged to death,
" and therfore I will speak nothing against it. I am come
" hither to accuse no man, nor to speak any thing of that
" wherof I am accused and condemned to die : but I pray
" God save the King, and send him long to reign over
" you ; for a gentler and more merciful prince was there
" never ; and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and a
" sovereign lord. If any person will meddle of my cause
" I require him to judge the best. And thus I take my
" leave of the world and of you, and I heartily desire you
" all to pray for me. O Lord have mercie on me ; to God
" I commend my soul." And so she kneeling downe, said,
to Christ I commend my soul. Jesu receive my soul.
After which her head was cut off, and her body thrown
into an elm-chest made to hold arrows, and buried in the
Tower chapel.
Coll. 3. Of this Queen Wyat gives us the following charac-

ter. " She was taken, at that time, to have a beautie not
" so whitely as clear and fresh above all we may imagine,
" which appeared much more excellent by her very plea-
" sant and chearful aspect ; to which there was yet a
" further addition of a noble presence of shape and mien,
" representing both mildness and majestie more than can
" be exprest." Upon the side of her naile upon one of
her fingers was some little shew of another naile, but that
so small, as if the workmaster seemed to leave it for an
occasion of greater grace to her hand, which with the tip
of one of her other fingers might be, and was usually by
her hidden without any the least blemish to it. There
were likewise said to be on some parts of her body cer-
tain small moles incident to the clearest complections.
But though they that saw her were much taken and sur-
prized with this extraordinary beautie of her's, they were

DR. JOHN FISHER. 229

much more enamoured with her conversation, which was CHAP.

XLI
exceeding graceful and ingenious, her mind being well

stored with the rich treasures of the love of pietie, truth,
and learning. As a proof of this, it is observed, that
during the three years that she was Queen, no one suf-
fered for religion. She had procured to her chaplains, Shaxton,
(who were men not only of great learning, but of virtuous
conversation), whom she and hers heard much, and were
privately admonished by them, according to the encou-
ragement which she gave them so to do. She had like-
wise about her to be attending on her person, ladies of
great honour, and yet of greater choice for reputation of
virtue, undoubted witnesses of her spousal integritie, and
whom she trained up with all the commendations of a well-
ordered government ; though yet above all by her own
example she shone above them all, as a torch, that all
might receive light from, being itself still more bright."
To every one of these, to assist their devotions and en-
courage their piety, she gave a little book of prayers and
meditations," composed, I suppose, by her chaplains, in
English, finely written on vellum, and bound in covers of
solid gold enamelled, with rings at the top to hang it at
their girdles. They who have seen at Hampton-Court
the rich and exquisite works, wrought for the greater part
by her own and her ladies hands and needle, reckon them
the most precious furniture that are to be accounted
among the most sumptuous that any prince may be pos-
sest of: and yet far more rich and precious were those
works in the sight of God, which she caused her maids
and those about her daily to worke in shirts and smocks
for the poore. But not staying here her eye of charity,
her hand of bountie passed through the whole land ; so
that every place felt that heavenly flame burning in her,
leaving no place for vain flames, no time for idle thoughts.
Her ordinarie amounted to 1500 pounds at the least, to be
bestowed yearly on the poore. Her provisions of stocke
for them in several needie parishes were very great. Out

230 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, of her privy purse went not a little to like purposes. To
" scholars in exhibitions she gave very much ; so as in three

quarters of a yeare her almes were computed to arise to
the sum of fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds. But no-
thing did more evidently discover the true cause of this
Queen's ruine, than the King's marrying Jane Seymour
the very next day after her execution.

4. The eighth of June the parliament again met, and
continued their sitting till their dissolution, Julie 18; dur-
28 Hen. mg which session an Act passed for c extinguishing the
authoritie of the Bishop of Rome. The occasion of this
is said to have been, " that notwithstanding the good and
wholsome lawes heretofore made by the King and the
whole consent of his high court of parliament for the ex-
tirpation out of this realme, &c. of the pretended power
and usurped authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, by some
called the Pope, yet it was come to the knowledge of the
King's highnesse, and also to diverse and many his loving
subjects, how that diverse seditious and contentious per-
sons, being imps of the said Bishop of Rome and his see,
and in heart members of his pretended monarchic, did in
corners and elsewhere, as they dared, whisper, and from
time to time instill into the ears and heads of the poor,
simple, and unlettered people, the advancement and con-
tinuance of the said Bishop's feined and pretended autho-
ritie, pretending the same to have his ground and original of
God's law." Therfore it was enacted, " that if anie person
after the last day of July, 1536, should by writing, cifring,
printing, preaching, teaching, deed or act, obstinately or
maliciously set forth, maintain or defend the authoritie of

c How much alarmed some of the Popish priests were by this Act may be
seen by the following declaration written by one of them at the end of a
book entituled, Liber triitm virarum et Mum Spiritualium virginum, viz. If
eny thynge unknowynge to me be conteynyd in this present boke or in eny
othir boke that semeth to make for the preeminence of the bysshop of Rome,
or eny othir thynge that in any wise more or lesse ageynste my allegeance,
I utterly renounce and refuse hytt, by this my hand wrytynge. By me
Thomas Tedman, preste.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 231

the Bishop of Rome or of his see, heretofore used or c^v-

usurped within this realme, he should incur the penalties L_

and forfeitures of the statute of premunire." And for
stronger defence and maintenance of this Act, it was
ordained, " that all and everie ecclesiastical judge, ordi-
narie, chancellor, commissarie, official, vicar-general, and
other ecclesiastical officer or minister, of what dignitie,
preheminence, or degree soever they should be ; and all
and every temporal judge, justicier, maior, bailiff, shiriffe,
under-shiriffe, exchetor, alderman, j urate, constable, head-
borough, third borough, borsholder, and everie other laie
officer and minister to be made, created, elected, or ad-
mitted within this realme from and after the said last daie
of July, should before he take upon him the execution of
such office, make a corporal oath upon the Evangelists
before such person as had authority to admit him, that he
from thenceforth would utterlie renounce, refuse, relin-
quish or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authoritie,
power and jurisdiction — and that from thenceforth he
would accept, repute, and take the King's majestie to be
the onlie supreme head in earth of the church of Eng-
land." This was the first time that people were required
formally to swear to acknowledge the King's supremacy : 25 > Hen.
for though in the first oathe for maintenance of the suc-
cession, it was sworn to bear faith, and truth, and obedi-
ence alonely to the King's majesty, — and in the second
the words supreme head in earth under God of the church 28 Hen.
of England were added, yet this was only as the King's
title. It seems therfore a mistake in the right reverend
author of the history of our Reformation to say, that in
the oath for maintaining the succession of the crown, en-
acted 28 Hen. VIII. the subjects were required, under
the pains of treason, to swear that the King was supreme
head of the church of England.

5. The same sessions passed another Act, to compel
spiritual persons to keep residence upon their benefices.
It was now seven years since another Act had been made

232 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, for this same purpose, as has been shewn before. But, it
XLI* seems, it being by that Act provided, that nothing con-
tained in it should extend, nor be prejudicial to any scho-
lar or scholars being conversant and abiding for study,
without fraud or covin in either of the two universities,
advantage was taken of it by several as an excuse for their
not residing on their cures. Thus the Act itself reports
it : that many persons being beneficed with cure of soule,
and being not apt to study by reason of their age or other-
wise, nor never intending, before the making of the said
Act, to travell in study within any of the said universities
for the increase of learning, but rather minding and in-
tending their own ease, singular lucre, and pleasure, by
the same provision colourablie to defraud the same good
statute and ordinance, do dailie and commonlie resort and
repaire to the said universities of Oxenford and Cam-
bridge, where they, under the said pretense and colour of
studie, do continue and abide, living dissolutely, nothing
profiting themselves by studie at all in learning, but con-
sume the time in idleness and other insolent pleasures,
giving occasion and evil example therby to other young
men and students within the said universities, little or no-
thing regarding their cure and charge of soule, contrarie
to the mind and intent of the makers of the foresaid good
statute and ordinance : And also diverse and manie old
beneficed men have, and doo continuallie remain there,
never exercising nor practising their learning to the ex-
ample of vertue and maintenance of the common-weale, in
discharge of their conscience according to their dutie,
having neverthelesse and occupying such roomes and
commodities as were instituted and ordained for the main-
tenance and relief of poor scholars, to the great hindrance
and detriment of the same. It was therfore enacted, that
all beneficed men above the age of 40, except the chan-
cellors, vice-chancellors, heads of houses and professors,
should reside on their benefices, and not be excused on
pretence of studying in the universities : and all under 40

DR. JOHN FISHER. 233

years of age should likewise not enjoy the liberty and chap.

privilege of non-residence unless they were present at the

ordinary lectures, as well at home in their houses as in the
common schooles, and did personally keep sophems, pro-
blems, disputations and other exercises of learning, and
were opponent and respondent in the same, according to
the statutes of either of the universities.

6. In the year 1537 was published by Thomas Ber-
thelet, the King's printer, with privilege, a book in 4to.
with the following title, The Institution of a Christen man,
conteynynge the Exposition or Interpretation of the com-
mune Crede, of the seven Sacramentes, of the ten Com-
mandementcs, and of the Paternoster, and the Ave Maria,
Justyfication and Purgatory. To it was prefixed a pre-
face of the prelates to the King's majestie, which was thus
inscribed, To the mooste hyghe and moste excellent prince
our mooste gracious, and mooste redoubted soverayne lord
and kyng Henry the VIII. by the grace of God hynge of
Englande and of Fraunce, defendour of thefaythe, lorde
of Irelande, and supreme heed in erth immediately under
Christ, of the Churche of Englande, Thomas archbysshop
of Canterbury, Edward archbysshop of Yorlce, and all
other the bishops, prelates, and archdeacons of this your
realme, ivysshe al grace, §c. At the end of the preface
they stile themselves the King's Highnesse most humble
subjectes and dayly beadesmen, and add their names,
which are accordingly d printed, viz. the two archbishops,

d An imperfect copy of this scarce book, i. e. I suppose without this pre-
face, Dr. Samuel Ward had, it seems, who from another book copied these
names. This book came afterwards into the hands of Mr. Nicholas Bat-
tery, Vicar of Beaksbourne in Kent, who having never seen a perfect book,
fancied this written list of names a greater curiosity than the book itself.
An account of this therfore he gave to Mr. Strype, who printed it in his
Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, p. 54. This being observed by Mr.
Collier, be inserted it in his Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 143, col. 1 ;
and very sagaciously instructs his readers, " That the list of the bishops is
complete thro' both provinces : but whether that of the lower-house [of
convocation] was all transcribed by Dr. Ward may be a question." So true
is the observation, that errorcs parturit error.

231 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. 19 bishops, 8 archdeacons, and 17 doctors of divinity,
* canon and civil law.

vinen'n ^' -^bout four years after Bishop Fisher's death there

A. d. 1539. passed an Act, wherby all mannors, lands, profits and
hereditaments, belonging to any of the monasteries or
other religious houses dissolved, or hereafter by any meane
to be dissolved, were assured to the King's highnesse, his
heirs and successors for ever. To the passing of this Act
great opposition, it's said, was made by Cranmer and the
other bishops of the new learning, as they were now dis-
tinguished who favoured the Reformation. They opposed
the King's having all the mannors, &c. of the monasteries
assured to him, and proposed that he should have only so
many of them as his royal ancestors or progenitors had
given to those houses : and, that the residue of them
should be bestowed in founding hospitals, grammar schools
for the education of youth in virtue and good learning,
and on other things profitable to the commonwealth.
This brought them under the King's displeasure, who
could not bear contradiction ; of which their enemies were
not wanting to make their advantage. It seems therfor,
as if at their instigation, there were, by the King's order,
certain articles laid before the convocation which met at

A.D. 1539. St. Paul's, May 2d, concerning the corporal presence,
communion in both kinds, the cselibacy of the clergy, vows
of chastity, private masses, and auricular confession, to be
debated and determined by them. It was well known
how the majority of this assembly was affected, and what
their opinions were of every one of these articles. Ac-
cordingly, June 5th, they were all determined by them the
old popish way, to this purpose.

31 Hen. I. That in the most blessed sacrament of the Altar, by

" c" ' the strength and efficacie of Christ's mighty word, it being-
spoken by the priest, is present reallie under the forme of
bread and wine, the natural bodie and blood of our Savi-
our Jesu Christ conceived of the Virgin Marie : and, that
after consecration there remaineth no substance of bread

DR. JOHN FISHER. 235

and wine, nor anie other substance, but the substance of chap.
Christ, God and man.

II. That the communion in both kinds is not necessarie
ad salutem by the law of God to all persons : and, that it
is to be believed and not doubted of, but that in the flesh
under the forme of bread, is the very bloud, and with the
bloud under forme of wine is the very flesh, as well apart
as though they were both together.

III. That priests, after the order of priesthood received,
as afore, may not marry by the law of God.

IV. That vowes of chastity, widowhode, by man or
woman made to God advisedlie, ought to be observed by
the law of God : and that it exempteth them from the
liberties of christian people, which without that they might
injoie.

V. That it is meet and necessarie, that private masses
be continued and admitted in this the King's English
church and congregation, as wherby good christian people,
ordering themselves accordinglie, do receive both godlie
and goodlie consolations and benefits : and it is agreeable
also to God's law.

VI. That auricular confession is expedient and neces-
sary to be retained and continued, used and frequented in
the Church of God.

Five days after a bill was brought into the parliament, June 7.
entituled, an Act for abolishing of diver sitie of opinions in
certain articles concerning christian Religion. But the
penaltie of denying the first of these articles, being by the
bill appointed to be burning, and of the denial of the
others, the suffering death as in cases of felonie, not only
Cranmer opposed it in the upper house, disputing earn- Memorials
estly three days together against it, but in the lower house cranmer P'
several divines and lawyers argued strenuously against it. p- 73-
So that the bill had like to have miscarried, had not thevol.i.p.352.
eKing himself come to the house, and let them know his

e Here is all the great anger that grieveth this good man, Tyndal, that
eyther lord, king or emperor, medic the any thing for the maintenance of

236 THE LIFE OF

chap, peremptory resolution to have it passed. In the Act it's
' recited, that the King had not onlie commanded, that the
said articles should deliberately and advisedlie be debated,
argued and reasoned by his archbishops, bishops, and
other learned men of his clergy, for which cause he had
commanded a synod and convocation of them to be assem-
bled, but had also most graciouslie vouchsafed in his own
princely person to descend and come unto his high court
of parliament and council, and there like a prince of most
high prudence, and no lesse learning, opened and declared
manie things of high learning and great knowledge touch-
ing the said articles, matters and questions, for an unitie
to be had in the same. On the passing this Act, Shaxton,
Bishop of Sarum, and Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, who
had both been chaplains to Queen Anne, and very proba-
bly had opposed this Act, were both imprisoned. On
which they both resigned their bishopricks on the same
day, viz. July 1, 1539, and returned to a private life.

8. But this Act proved deficient, it seems, for the pur-
poses for which it was intended. It was among other
things enacted by it, that the King should, immediately
after the 12th of July then next following, order several
commissions to be made into every shire, and such other
places as his Majestie should think fit, to be directed to
the archbishop or bishop of the diocese, and to his chan-
cellor and commissarie, and to such other persons as the
King should name, three of which at the least, wherof the
archbishop, bishop, or chancellor to be one, to hold their
sessions in the limits of their commission foure several
times of the year at least, or oftner to take information by
the oaths of two able and lawful persons at the least, and
to inquire by the oaths of twelve men of all and singular
the heresies, felonies and contempts, and other offences
mentioned in the Act. But now this was found to be im-
practicable in the diocese of York, and some other dio-

tlie fayth, or set to their hands to the repressing of heresies. Sir Thomas
Move's English Works, p. 402, col. 2.

DR. JOHN FISHER. 237

ceses in the kingdom, which being very wide and large, CHAP.

T YT

and having in them divers peculiar jurisdictions of ordi- '__

nary powers, the archbishops, bishops and chancellors, or
any of them being in the quorum in the said commissions,
could not conveniently be at the sessions appointed to be
holden, by which means several of those sessions had been
omitted or put off. It was therfore enacted the next
year, that in all the commissions thereafter to be made 32 Hen.
concerning the premisses, there should be assigned to be
commissioners with the archbishop, &c. the archdeacons
and officials of everie diocese and archdeacons jurisdic-
tions, and such other person or persons as it shall please
the King or the chancellor for the time being to name
and appoint to be of the quorum. And now did this Act
rage with so much fury, that it soon got the name of the
Bloody Act of the Six Articles. But it was not long
before the kingdom was throly sensible of the ill use that
was made of it, and of the great peril and danger to which Act con-

, _. . , . ,, , . - cerningthe

the Kings subjects were generally exposed in the execu- qualifica-
tion of it : since by vertue of it several secret and false tl4on °J thf
•> statute oi

accusations and presentments were maliciously contrived, the Six Ar-
and kept secret, that such as were accused had no know-
ledge at all of them to come to their declaration, until a
convenient time might be seen to have them therof by
malice convicted. It was therfore enacted about four 35 Hen.
years after the making this cruel law, by which so many
had lost their lives, &c. that no person from thenceforth
should be prosecuted upon any accusation or information
concerning any of the offences comprised within the
former Act, but only upon such presentments as were, or
should be found by the oaths of 12 men or more before
such commissioners as were, or should be specially autho-
rized to enquire of the offences contained in the said
former statute : that the presentments, &c. be taken
within one year after the offences are committed ; and
that no person accused of any of the offences specified in
that Act shall be arrested or committed to goal for them

238 THE LIFE OF

C ii A P. before he be therof indited, unless it be by a warrant from
XLL one of the King's privy counsel, or from two of the jus-

tices or commissioners, wherof one to be a lay man. It
was further provided, that if any person should at any
time hereafter heare any preacher or reader, who was
authorised to preach or read, speak any word supposed
to be contrary to any of the Six Articles, and did not ac-
cuse him of it before one of the justices within 40 daies
next after, or else indite the said preacher within that
time, the said preacher should be clearly acquitted of any
such accusation ; except the same accuser proved by two
sufficient witnesses good cause why he did not make his
accusations sooner.
32 Hen. 9. The very next year after the passing this cruel and

1540. C' 2 ' anti-christian Act of the Six Articles, by which, as has
been said, so many lost their lives, and others to save them
were forced to flie their countrie, was passed another Act,
which was entituled, concerning true opinions, and decla-
ration of Christ's religion, in which it was said, that the
King had appointed the archbishops, and sundrie bishops
of both the provinces of Canterbury and York, and also a
great number of the best learned, honestest, and most
virtuous sort of doctors of divinitie, men of discretion,
judgment and good disposition, to the intent that, accord-
ing to the very gospell and law of God, without any par-
tiall respect or affection to the papistical sort, or any other
sect, they should declare by writing, and publish as well
the principal articles and points of our faith, with the
declaration of such other expedient points as by them,
with his Grace's advice, shall be thought expedient: and
also for the lawful rites, ceremonies and observation of
God's service within this his Grace's realme. And be-
cause this required time, and could not be finished that
session of parliament, therfore it was enacted, that all de-
terminations which, according to God's word and Christ's
gospell, by his Majesties advice and confirmation by his
letters patents under his great seale, should at any time

DR. JOHN FISHER. 239

hereafter be made by the said archbishops, bishops and CHAP,
doctors now appointed, or by other persons hereafter to

be appointed by his Majestie, or else by the whole clergy
of England in and upon the matter of Christ's religion
and the christian faith, and lawful rites, ceremonies and
observations of the same, should be in every point fully
believed and observed, &c. This seems to relate to two
books drawn up on this occasion. The one containing
the principal articles of faith, and a declaration of the
7 sacraments, the 10 commandments, the Lord's prayer,
Ave Marie, of free will, justification, and prayer for souls
departed : the other a book of rites and ceremonies. But
by whom these two books were drawn, whether by the
archbishops, bishops and divines which the King had ap-
pointed, or by other persons appointed by his Majestie
afterwards, or by a committee of the convocation appointed
by the whole clergy there assembled, is, I believe, impos-
sible now to determine.

10. The f first of these two books was about three years May 29,
after printed with the following title, A necessary doctrine
and erudition for any christen man, set furthe by the
Kynge's Majestie of Englande, Sfc. Before it was a pre-
face of the King's, directed unto all his faithful and loving
subjects, in which his Majestie gave the following reasons
for the compiling this book : that ' Like as in the time of
darkness and ignorance, finding his people seduced and
drawn from the truth by hypocrisie and superstition, he,
by the helpe of God and his worde, had travailed to purge
and cleanse his realme from the apparent enormities of the
same, wherin by opening of Goddes truth, with setting
forth and publishing of the Scriptures, his labours had not
been void and frustrate ; so now perceiving that in the
time of knowledge, the devil, who ceaseth not in all times
to vexe the world, hath attempted to return again, as the

f In the MS. library in Benne't Coll. Cambridge, are some papers of
Archbp. Cranmer's, entituled Annotations uppon the King's Book, which seem
to intimate, that this book was reviewed by him.

240 THE LIFE OF

chap, parable of the gospel sheweth, into the house purged and
' cleansed, accompanied with seven worse spirits ; and,
hypocrisie and superstition being excluded and put away,
he found entred into some of his peoples hearts an incli-
nation to sinister understanding of Scripture, presumption,
arrogance, carnal liberty, and contention ; he was therfore
constrained for the reformation of them in time, and for
avoiding such diversite of opinion, as by the said evil spi-
rits might be engendred, to set forth, with the advice of
his clergy, such a doctrine and declaration of the true
knowledge of God and his worde, with the principal arti-
cles of our religion, as wherby all men might uniformly be
led and taught the true understandinge of that whiche
was necessary for every christian man to know for the
ordering of himself in this life, agreeably to the will and
pleasure of Almighty God : which doctrine also the lords
both spiritual and temporal, with the nether house of par-
liament, had both seen and liked very well.' These last
words seem to intimate as if this book was not composed
by a committee of the convocation, and approved by the
bishops and clergy there assembled, but by these bishops
and divines which the King appointed. Since it seems
probable, that if the bishops and clergy in convocation
had seen and approved this doctrine, their doing so would
have been taken notice of here, as well as the approbation
of the Lords and Commons in parliament. However this
be, what the King here observed of the diversitie of opi-
nions among the people was agreeable to what was said in
the preamble of the Act before mentioned ; ' That out of
sundrie outward parts and places there had sprang divers
heretical, erroneous, and dangerous opinions and doctrines
in the religion of Christ.'

11. In what the King here says, of the pains he had
taken to purge and cleanse the realme from the apparent
enormities of hypocrisie and superstition, by opening
God's truth, and publishing the scriptures, it's probable
he refers to the Institution of a Christen man, which was

DR. JOHN FISHER. 241

set forth about six years before. This, as has been said, CHA P.
was dedicated to the King by the archbishops, bishops,

prelates, archdeacons, doctors of divinity, and professors A'10,1537*
of the ecclesiastical and civil law, whose names are sub-
scribed, being 46 in number: who tell his Majesty, that
by his command they had assembled themselves together,
upon the diligent search and perusing of Holie Scripture,
to set forth a plain and sincere doctrine concerning the
whole summe of all those things which appertain to the
profession of a christen man, that by the same all errors,
doubts, superstitions, and abuses might be suppressed,
removed, and utterly taken away, to the honour of Al-
mighty God, and to the perfect establishing of his subjects
in good unitie and concord, and perfect quietness both in
their souls and bodies.

12. As to the King's publishing the Scriptures, Queen a. D. 1536.
Anne had, by her interest with him and intercession, with gSte
some difficulty obtained his leave to have the Bible printed Britannicae.
in English, and placed in churches, that the people might
read it. But her unhappy death prevented this grant
taking effect. However, through Archbishop Cranmer's
and Secretary Cromwel's address, it was attended with
better success a few years after. In 1534, the convoca- Decern. 19.
tion then sitting requested the Archbishop to be instance
with the King, that he would vouchsafe to order, that the
Holy Scripture be translated into the vulgar English
tongue, by some prelates and learned men to be nomi-
nated by himself. In 1535 was a translation of the whole
Bible, made by William Tyndal and Dr. Myles Coverdale,
finished at the press, and by Coverdale dedicated to the
King, as was before intimated. Two years after was the A.D. 1537.
Bible printed again in English, and said in the title page
to be truly and purely translated into English by Thomas
Matthewes. This Bible had Tindal's prefaces and notes
added to it, which gave great offence to the popish clergy,
as being levelled against their errors and superstitions.

VOL. II. R

242 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. It was therfore proposed to review it, and print it again,
_J^L_ without these prefaces, &c. for which purpose Grafton

and Whitchurch were employed. They, accordingly, re-
solved to print it at Paris, there being better paper and
cheaper, and more dextrous workmen. For this purpose,
Cromwel, who encouraged this undertaking, procured the
Kind's letters to the French King to desire his leave for a
subject of his to print the Bible in English ; which was
accordingly granted. But before it was quite finished,
the printers were clapt up in the Inquisition, and the
copies seized and burnt, except some that were sold for
wast paper. However, by Cromwel's encouragement, they
who were concerned in this business returned to Paris and
got the presses, letters and workmen, over to London,
where they printed it themselves : and in November, 1539,
the lord Cromwel procured the King's letters patent,
granting to the people the free use of the Scriptures in
their natural tongue, and appointing Cromwel to take spe-
cial care, that no manner of person should attempt to print
any Bible in the English tongue of any volume during the
space of five years. But notwithstanding this, we find
there was printed this very same year the Holy Bible, re-
cognized with great diligence after most faithful exemplars
by Richard Taverner : wherunto was prefixed a table of
Antiqui. the principal matters contained in the Bible, and which

i?T264b" we are told was by tlie Kins's leave °Penly read in
col. 1. ' churches : and two years after was printed, The Bible in
English of the largest and greatest volume auctorysed
and apoynted by the commaundement of oure most re-
doubted prynce and soveraygne Lorde Kynge Henrye
the VIII. supreme heade of this his churche and realme
of Englande ; to be frequented and used in every churche
within this his sayd realme, accordynge to the tenour of
his former injunctions geven in the behalfe. Oversene
and perused at the commaundement of the Kynges
hyghnes by the righte reverende fathers in God, Cuthbert

DR. JOHN FISHER. 243

bysshop of Duresme, and Nicholas bisshop of Rochester. CHAP.
Printed by Edwarde Whitchurch : cum privilegio ad im- '_

primendum solum, 1541. Tonstal.

r ' Heath.

13. The other book referd to in the Act seems to have
been what was entituled, A Book of Ceremonies. The
points touched in this book were :

1. The hallowing and reconciling of churches andstrype's

ii ■■ Eccl. Mem.

church-yards. toLL .

2. The ceremonies about the sacrament of Baptism. Append.

No. 109«

3. Ordering of the ministers of the church in general.

4. Divine service to be said and sung in the church.

5. Mattins, prime and hours.

6. Ceremonies used in the mass.

7. Sundays, with other feasts.

8. Bels.

9. Vesture and tonsure of the ministers of the church,
and what service they be bound unto.

10. Bearing candles upon Candlemas-day.

11. Feasting days.

12. The giving of ashes.

13. The covering of the cross and images in Lent.

14. Bearing of palms.

15. The service of Wednesday, Thursday, Fry day be-
fore Easter.

16. The hallowing of oyl and chrism.

17. The washing of the altars.

18. The hallowing of the font upon Saturday in the
Easter Even.

19. The ceremonies of the resurrection in Easter
morning.

* 20. General and other particular processions.

21. Benedictions of bishops or priests.

22. Holy water and holy bread.

23. A general doctrine to what intent ceremonies be
ordained, and of what value they be of. What is here
named last is put first in the book itself, and is to this
effect : that " though it be very truth, that there is a great

244 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, "difference betwixt the commandments and works ex-
XLI> " pressed by Scripture necessary for a christian man's life
" and salvation, and rites and ceremonies devised by men ;
" because the works contained in Scripture are the ex-
(i press commandements of God, which may not be in-
u fringed, taken away, or changed by any men, and the
" other said rites and ceremonies are appointed and
" ordained by men, which upon causes reasonable may
" from time to time by governors and men of authority be
" altered and changed : yet such ordinances, rites and
" ceremonies, devised by such as are in authority, for a
" decent order, quietness and tranquillity, ought, all

Supersti- " abuses and superstructions therby taken away, to be
" with all reverend obedience observed by the people, not
" as works and workers for their salvation, but as a godly
" policy, and ordinances made and devised by christian
" governours, to the intent, as St. Paulsaith, 1 Cor. xiv.
" that things should be done and used among the chris-
" tian congregation with an honest reverence and a decent
" order. And therfore to the end, that this church of
" England may be comely and quietly ordered and well
" instructed, it is thought meet and convenient, that the
" orders and ceremonies, and rites following, should be in
" the church honestly, obediently, and reverently kept and
" observed." A declaration somewhat like this was after-

OfCeremo- wards pragfixed to the English Liturgy, published 1549:

nies omitted an(j m(jee(j it seems, as if the owning, that the ceremonies
or retained. . , ° .

might from time to time be altered, Archbishop Cranmer

thought a considerable point gained. The remainder of
the book is a rationale or explanation of the several cere-
monies then in use, shewing the mystical use and meaning
of them. Thus, for instance, in explaining the rites and
ceremonies used in baptism, it's said, ' that the priest maketh
a cross upon the forehead of the child that is offered to be
baptized, entokening, that he is come to be professed and
totally to be dedicated to Christ crucified, whom he will
never be ashamed openly before men to confess and

DR. JOHN FISHER. 245

acknowledge.' But this book seems never to have had the c^p-

confirmation of his Majestie's letters patent under his great
seal, as the Act before mentioned required.

14. About three years after, in the session of parliament y*^ en'j
which begun by prorogation January 22, was made anA.D. 1542.
Act, entituled, For the advancement of true religion, and
for the abolishment of the contrarie. In the preamble to
it, it's observed, that the King perceived the ignorance
and blindness of several of his subjects in abusing and not
observing the true and perfect religion of Christ ; and
that notwithstanding such wholesome doctrines as his
Majestie had caused to be set forth, and their having in
their hands the New and Old Testament, many arrogant
and ignorant persons had taken upon them not only to
preach, teach, and set forth the same by words, sermons,
and disputations, but also by printed books, ballads, plays,
rhymes, songs and other fansies, subtilly to instruct the
people, and especially the youth of the kingdom, otherwise
than the Scripture ought to be taught. For remedying
this the King thought it very requisite, that all such books,
writings, &c. should by lawes dreadful and penal be taken
away, and that a form of the true doctrine of the catholic
and apostolic church should be established, wherunto men
might have recourse for the true decision of some such
controversies as had risen among them, and did still con-
tinue to be debated. It was therfore enacted, in the first
place, that the Old and New Testament in English, of the
craftie, false, and untrue translation of Tindall, should be
utterly forbidden to be kept or used in this realme. Next,
it was ordered, that all other books and writings in the
English tongue, comprising any matters of the christian
religion, articles of the faith, or holie Scripture, contrarie
to that doctrine which, since the year 1540 is, or anie time
during the King's life, shall be set forth with the follow-
ing superscription or subscription, viz. by the King and his
clergy, with addition at the end of the printer's name, his
dwelling place, and the day and yeare of his printing it.

246 THE LIFE OF

chap, shall be likewise forbidden. All printers and booksellers
XLI' were also ordered not to print or sell any of them on pain

of imprisonment for three months, and forfeiting for every
such book printed, &c. 40/. sterling for the first offence,
and for the second, being sentenced to perpetual impri-
sonment. It was further enacted, that no one should
have in his hands or keeping any English books against
the sacrament of the Altar, or for the maintenance of
the damnable opinions of the sect of the anabaptists, or
any other English bookes which heretofore have been
abolished and condemned by the King's proclamations, on
pain of forfeiting for every such booke the summe of five
pound sterling. But then there were excepted out of this
Act, the Bibles and New Testament in English that were
not of Tindall's translation ; only if there were any anno-
tations or preambles, other than quotations or contents of
the several chapters, they were to be cut or blotted out.
These every nobleman and gentleman who were hous-
keepers might lawfullie reade, or cause to be read by
their servants ; but no women, except noble and gentile
women, nor artificers, apprentises, journeymen, serving
men of the degrees of serving men or under, husbandmen
or labourers, were allowed to read them to themselves, or
to any other privately or openly, on pain of one month's
imprisonment. It was further enacted, that if any spiri-
tual person, after the first daie of July then next coming,
did preach, defend, or maintaine any thing contrarie to
the determinations which since the year of our Lord,
1540, was, or should be set forth by the King, he should
for the first time be admitted to recant : and if he refused
to do soe, then he should abjure and bear a faggot; and
if he refused to do that, and offended the third time, then
he should be deemed and adjudged an heretic, and should
therfore suffer pains of death by burning, and losse and
forfeitures of all his goods and cattals.
A.D. 1545. 15. In the parliament that met November 23, in the
37th year of the King's reign, about ten years after the

DR. JOHN FISHER. 247

Bishop's death, passed an Act, wherby all chantries, hos- cgA^P.

pitals, colleges, free chapels, fraternities, guilds, and sti- _L_

pendiarie priests, were given to the King. It was said,
that these were founded to the intent that alms to the
poor people, and other good and virtuous and charitable
deeds might be done by the wardens, &c. but that it was
very well known, that the greatest number of them had
not hitherto, nor did yet order and use their said chan-
tries, hospitals, colleges, &c. according to the vertuous
and godly intents and purposes for which they were first
founded; and, that therfore the King intended to have
them better employed for the time to come. It was ther-
fore enacted, that the King, during his natural life, should
direct his commission under his great seal to such a num-
ber of persons, and into such counties, shires and places,
as by his Highness should be thought expedient and
requisite, giving to them, or to two of them at the least,
full power and authority in his Highness's name, to enter
into all such chantries, &c. as were chargeable to the pay-
ment of the first fruits and tenths, and into all colleges
chargeable or not chargeable to them, and to seize and
take the same chantries, colleges, &c. mentioned in the
said commission, into the King's possession.' This, it
seems, affected the college of St. John's, to which the
Bishop had been so great a benefactor ; which was one of
the colleges mentioned in the King's commission. Ac-
cording to the powers given them, the commissioners
appointed for the university of Cambridge, seized and
took for the King what the Bishop had given to the col-
lege, for trentals and exequies, &c. by which means his
charity was diverted into another channel. They likewise
ordained new statutes, wherby the Bishop's or founder's
statutes were nulled and vacated ; a more distinct account
wherof will be given elsewhere by a more able and proper
hand.

16. As by these proceedings, and the siezing the
Bishop's goods and library on his attainder, the college

248 THE LIFE OF

c H A P. were great losers, so we find them in the next reign endea-
vouring to make themselves amends. For this purpose

they applied themselves to the Duke of Somerset, his

Majestie's governor and protector of his whole realm,

whom they stile the greatest patron of learning. To him

R. As- they thus told their story : The Lady Margaret, great

Epist p. grandmother of our King Edward, founded this college,

291, ed. and secured it by very excellent statutes for the promotion
1703. j j *

of learning ; and setling on it a very commodious estate

for its maintenance. Since then three most bitter affairs
have afflicted this college. First of all, certain of King
Henry VHth's officers took from it 400 pounds a year
of its estate. Many years after John Fisher, Bishop of
Rochester, by his too obstinately defending a false doc-
trine, stripped the very excellent learning here taught of
its ornaments and riches. This man governed the college
at his pleasure, and therfore in his hands were placed the
very glorious ornaments which the Lady Margaret gave
to the college. All his books likewise were theirs, which
were a great treasure, and meet to have fain into the
hands of good and able men. But his perverse doctrine
deprived him of his life, and them of their exceeding great
wealth. By these two calamities their college was, they
said, reduced to great poverty ; which yet were attended
with a third, which had long oppressed them and driven
them to great straits, namely, the very great dearness of
all things to be sold. The price of every thing was en-
hansed, but their income was not encreased ; insomuch,
that now they could not live for twenty pence so well, as
formerly they could do for twelve pence. One would
conclude from hence, that the Bishop's houshold goods
and furniture, were not his own, but the colleges, and
that he had the use of them only, as the college's trustee.
Nay, they are not so grateful as even to mention his own
free gift to them of his library, but speak of it as if that
likewise was their own. But whether through the Pro-
tector's being soon after attainted, and losing his life, or

DR. JOHN FISHER. 249

for any other reason, this application, it's certain, came to CHAP,
nothing. At the beginning therfore of the next reign the '__

college applied themselves to Queen Mary, in a strain

which they thought would be agreeable to her. They Regist.

told her, ' that her most devout great grandmother had at q^™'

her death entrusted Bishop Fisher with all her gold and Joannis.

A. D. 1555.
silver plate which she had bequeathed to them, and the

rest of her treasures which she had given them in her life
time: that he was by the means of some persons put into
prison ; and that the devout man whilst he remained shut
up there, had nothing more in his thoughts than how he
might in his life time convey to them the abovesaid orna-
ments ; but that being beheaded a few days after, he was
disappointed of his design : that by his death they had
entirely lost those ornaments, together with huge volumes
of very excellent works.' They likewise wrote another
letter to Heath, then Archbishop of York, and Lord
Chancellor of England ; in which they tell him, ' that the
Bishop, to make them some compensation for their great
losses, did freely, and of his own accord, give to the col-
lege all he had, little and much ; but that by his death,
they had unhappily lost, and to their great damage, all his
books, every piece of his plate, all his houshold furniture,
his wearing apparel, and the vestments pertaining to his
chapel, and whatsoever he had that was valuable.' In
another letter they thus expressed themselves, that " the
" treasures of Bishop Fisher, his houshold furniture,
" books, plate, and other ornaments of infinite value and
" account, which he had bequeathed to them before his
" death, were some time since taken from them, and were
" yet detained to their great wrong, but certainly very
"unjustly." But long before this, in the Bishop's life A. D. 1531,
time, on Cardinal Wolsey's fall, whom they charged with
taking from them the 400/. a year in lands before men-
tioned, they applied themselves to Dr. Chambers, telling
him, ' that they had as yet no satisfaction made to them
for their loss, nor could get the lands again, though they

250 THE LIFE, &c.

CHAP, had been at great expences for that purpose: but, that
XLL the King might easily repair their losses ; especially if he
would first be informed how unworthily they had been
troubled by the Cardinal, and would vouchsafe of so many
monasteries as he had got to be dissolved, to make a grant
to them of some part of the land belonging to them.' But
how true this representation of theirs was of their having
no satisfaction for the loss of these lands, must be left to
the reader of what has been said before to judge. And
every body, no doubt, will reckon it a most consummate
piece of gratitude thus to treat the Cardinal after his
death, whom when alive and in high favour with his
prince, they could own they were obliged to for his kind-
ness and assistance, as they actually were in his procuring
for them the grant of the Maison Dieu of Ospringe, and
of the nunneries of Higham and Bromfi eld. But of this
I've given an account in the foregoing papers. I therfore
only add, that this Act concerning chantries, colleges, &c.
affected likewise another branch of the Lady Margaret's
charity, as follows. At Winburne, in Dorsetshire, was a
college of secular priests, consisting of a dean and so
many prebendarys. In the church belonging to this col-
lege, which was likewise the parish church, were buried
Camden John de Beaufort Duke of Somerset, and his Dutchess,
the father and mother of the Lady Margaret. She ther-
fore, according to the devotion of those times, obtained a
Lady Mar- " licence of the King, her son, to establish and found in
garetsw « this college a perpetual chauntry of oon priest, and to
" geve unto hym and his successors lands and tenements
" to the yerely value of 10 pounds, there to kepe conti-
" nuall resydence, and to teche frely gramer to all them
" that will come therunto." But now this being a chaun-
try, and the church collegiate, it came within the compass
of this statute, and accordingly fell by it. Though after-
wards Queen Elisabeth reestablished both the church and
free school.

COLLECTION OF PAPERS, $c.

RELATING TO

Bp FISHER'S LIFE.

[ 253 ]

COLLECTION OF PAPERS, $c.

No. I.

Ultima Voluntas Roberti Fisher de Beverly in Comitat.
York, 1470.

In Dei nomine, Amen. xxx° die mensis Junij, Anno Do-
mini millessimo ccccmo septuagesimo, Ego Robertus Fisher
de Beverlaco Mercer, sanae existens memoriae condo testa-
mentum meum in liunc modum. Inprimis, lego animam
meam Deo omnipotenti beatasque Mariae Matri ejus, et
omnibus Sanctis curiae celestis: corpusque meum sepeli-
endum in ecclesia beatae Mariae Virginis Beveralaci coram
crucifixo. Item, do et lego cuilibet domui eleemosinarum
Beverlaci xxd. Item, do et lego pro decimis meis oblitis
xiid. Item, lego fabricae ecclesia? collegiatae beati Johan-
nis Beverlaci xxd. Item, lego fabricae ecclesiae cathe-
dralis beati Petri Eboraci viijf/. Item, do et lego utrique
domui Franciscanorum Beverlaci iijs. ivc/. Item, lego
capellano Sanctae Trinitatis ut oret pro anima mea xiij*.
ivd. Item, volo quod unus Capellanus ydoneus celebret
pro anima mea per unum annum. Item, lego Domino
Roberto Kuk, vicario ecclesiae beatae Mariae Virginis vjs.
viijd Item, lego Johanni Plumber capellano vj*. \'ii]d.
Item, lego Thomas Wykeliffe fratri meo vis. \u}d. Item,
lego Elenae uxori ejus Sorori meae \js. viijf/. Item, lego
Willielmo fratri meo xlvj*. quos mini debet super certum
plegium. Item, lego eidem Willielmo ultra debitum xiv*.
Item, lego abbati et conventui de Hawnby in comitatu Hagnaby.
Lincolniensi xs. ad unum trentale inissarum pro anima
mea ibidem celebrandum. Item, lego Clemenciae Che-
rington 2s. Item, lego fabricae ecclesiae de Hotoft in Holtoft.

254 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. comitatu Lincolniensi iijs. ivcZ. Item, lego cuilibet libero-
' rum meorum de mea propria parte liijs. ivc/. Et si con-

tingat alicui eorum dum sint infra setatem pras alijs dece-
dere, tunc pars ipsius decedentis illis tribus superviventibus
equaliter dividenda. Residuum vero omnium bonorum
meorum superius non dispositorum nee legatorum, expensis
funeralibus et debitis meis plenarie persolutis, do et lego
Agneti Uxori mea?, quam quidem Agnetem et Johannem
Siglestorn, hujus praesentis testamenti mei ac ultimae volun-
tatis ordino et constituo meos veros et legitimos executores,
ac Willielmum Fisher fratrem meum et Thomam Wyke-
lifFe inde supervisores, hijs testibus Roberto Kuk, vicario
ecclesiae beatae Mariae Virginis, Johanne Wollar, Johanne
Copy et alijs. Probatum fuit presens testamentum vice-
simo sexto die mensis Junij, Anno Domini supradicto, ac
commissa administratio executoribus in eodem testamento
nominatis in forma juris juratis.

Collatione Jideli facta concordat hcec copia cum testa-
ment&prcefati Roberti Fisher in registro Scaccarij
Domini Archiepiscopi Eboraci registrato. Exa-
minaiur per Will. Smyth, notarium publicum.

No. II.

Licentia prioris et capituli ecclesice Christi Cantuar. pro
consecratione J. Fisher.

Reverendissimo in Christo patri et Domino Domino
Willielmo permissione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopo
totius Angliae primati et apostolicas sedis legato, vestri
humiles et devoti fllij Thomas Prior et capitulum vestra?
sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae obedientiam et reverentiam
tanto patri debit : cum honore. Licet gloriosus martyr
Sanctus Thomas qui pro jure et libertate vestrae Cantua-
riensis ecclesiae glorioso meruit coronari martyrio, et prae-
terea beatissimus Edmundus confessor, pradecessores
vestri favore benevolo indulserunt proindeque statuerunt
consecrationes quorumlibet suffraganeorum ecclesiae ves-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 255

trae memoratae in eadem sancta Cantuariensis ecclesia et COLL. &c.

II *ll
non alibi praesentialiter celebrari debere, nisi de comnumi '

consensu totius capituli Cantuariensis gratiose fuerit ob-
tentum quod aliquis alibi quam in sancta ecclesia vestra
praedicta valeat consecrari, sitque idipsum ecclesiae vestrae
per sedem apostolicam privilegialiter indultum, necnon de
antiqua et approbata consuetudine hactenus habitum et
obtentum ; Ut tamen venerabilis vir magister Johannes
Fysshar, Rofensis ecclesiae electus et confirmatus, extra
ecclesiam vestram Cantuariensis valeat consecrari, quan-
tum in nobis est, ad hoc damus consensum pariter et
assensum, recepta primitus ab eodem electo sufficienti
cautione quod hujusmodi gratia seu licentia nostra speci-
alis in hac parte sibi facta seu facienda nobis vel ecclesiae
vestrae in nullum cedat prejudicium in futurum. Reservata
nobis cappa decenti qualem quilibet suffraganeus ecclesiae
vestrae ratione professionis suae eidem ecclesiae de jure
et antiqua consuetudine solvere debet. Ratum habituri et
gratum quicquid per vos actum concessum seu expeditum
fuerit in praemissis ; juribus caeteris privilegijs libertatibus
et consuetudinibus ecclesiae vestrae praedictae in omnibus
semper salvis. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum
commune presentibus est appensum. Dat. in domo nostra
capitulari vicesimo secundo die mensis Novembris, Anno
Domini millesimo quingentesimo quarto.

For Mr. Lewis. J. Lynch, Dean of Cant.

No. *n.

Titulus Registri Joannis Fisher Episcopi Rqffensis.

Registrum reverendi in Christo patris et Domini Domini Registr.
Johannis Fisher, sacre theologie professoris Dei gracia |Pjjjj|^
RofFensis episcopi. Cum sanctissimus in Christo pater et Roffensis,
dominus noster dominus Julius divina providentia papa '

secundus venerabilem patrem predictum ecclesie cathe-
drali Roffen. per translacionem reverendi in Christo

256 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. patris Ricardi nuper dicte cathedralis ecclesie episcopi
' ab ipsa ecclesia cathedrali Roffen:, cui tunc preerat, ad

ecclesiam cathedralem Cicestren. cui autoritate apostolica
jam nuper preficiebatur vacanti prefecerit in episcopum et
pastorem, ut patet per bullas inde confectas de dat.
Rome apud Sanctum Petrum anno incarnacionis Dominice
millesimo quingentesimo quarto, indiccione septima, ponti-
ficatus sui anno primo. Qui consecratus fuit per reveren-
dum in Christo patrem et dominum dominum Wilhelmum
permissione divina Cant. Archiepiscopum, totius Anglie
primatem et apostolice sedis legatum in capella sua infra
manerium suum de Lamehithe Winton. dioc. die Domi-
nica ante festum Sancte Katerine virginis, viz. vicesimo
quarto die mensis Novembris, Anno Domini supradicto,
indiccione septima, pontificates sanctissimi patris predicti
anno predicfco: presentibus tunc ibidem magistro Hugone
Ashetone et Ricardo Collet, legum doctore.

No. III.

Extracta ex eotlem Registro.

Man datum Wilhelmi Archiepiscopi Cant, pro liberacione
spiritualium Jolianni episcopo Roffen. dat. 25 Novembr.
Anno 1504. Ibid.

26. Novemb. Anno 1504. Johannes episcopus Rof-
fen: prefecit magistrum Ricardum Hewster arcium ma-
gistrum commissarium dioc. sue pro tempore. Item,
Johannem Bere, notarium publicum registrarium suum,
&c. Ibid.

18. Februar. Anno 1504. Idem reverendus pater pre-
fecit magistrum Thomam Heede, legum doctorem sue
dioc. et consistorij sui Roffen. officialem et vicarium gene-
ralem. Ibid. fol. 40. b.

24. Aprilis, Anno 1505. Idem reverendus pater induc-
tus, installatus et intronizatus fuit in realem, corporalem ac
actualem possessionem dicte ecclesie et episcopatus in

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 257

persona venerabilis viri magistri Thome Heede, legum COLL. &c.
doctoris procuratoris sui, &c. Ibid. fol. 42. a. b. '

Creacio magistri Radidphi Malleverer in bacalla-
* r him juris canon? ci. Anno 1519.
XIVt0 die mensis Julij, Anno Domini predicto. Idem
reverendus pater in magna camera sua infra manerium
suum de Hallynge extraxit et exhibuit quandam literam
missivam sibi a venerabili viro magistro Johanne Wattes-
sone, vicecancellario universitatis Cantabrigie paulo ante
destinatam *quarum tenor talis est. " Salve presulum *cujus.
" tarn sanctimonia quam doctrina antistes ! Ostendi vim et
" efFectum literarum tuarum senatui nostTO nactus postea
" graciam qua committitur auctoritas paternitati tue ad-
" mittendi Radulphum capellanum tuum bacallarium in
" jure canonico ac deferendi eidem juramentum de obser-
" vandis statutis nostris, scedulam hujus rei testem implicui
" hijs Uteris." Cujus quidem scedule tenor talis erat :
placet vobis ut Radulphus Malleverer, ojfieialis revere ndi
patris et Domini Domini Roffensis episcopi cancellarij
nostri qui habet graciam ad intrandum injure canonico
possit recipere juramentum a Domino cancellario et ad-
mitti et gradu baccalariatus plene consummari. Et seque-
batur hoc verbum admittitur. Hec ea scedula erat qua
specialis ista gracia Cantabrigie petebatur. Quibus sic
exbibitis et inspectis, Idem reverendus pater adtunc Can-
cellarius dicte universitatis existens dictum mamstrum
Radulphum officialem suum ad Sancta Dei evangelia jura-
tum, quod ab illo die inantea statuta dicte universitatis
quatenus se concernunt fideliter observaret vice et aucto-
ritate sibi specialiter in hac parte a dicta universitate corn-
missis bacallarium juris canonici admittit. Presentibus
tunc ibidem magistro Ricardo Sharpe in sacra theologia
baccallario, Roberto Walefeld arcium magistro, ac ma-
gistro Johanne Bere dicti reverendi patris registrario et
actorum scriba et alijs. Ibid. fol. 79. a.

VOL. II.

258 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL, &c.
* III. IV.

No. *III.

The Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby's
profession of Chastity, avowed to Bishop Fisher.

Jhu.
In the presence of my lorde god Jhu Christe and his
blessed mother the gloriouse Virgin Sent Marie, and of all
the hole companye of heven, and of you also my gostly
father. I Margarete Richmonde, with full purpos and
good deliberacion for the well of my synfull sowle, wyth
all my hert promys frome hensforthe the chastite of my
bodye. That is, never to use my bodye, having actuall
knowlege of man after the comon usage in matrimonye.
The which thing I had before purpassed in my lorde my
husband's dayes, then being my gostly father the bissoppe
of Rochester, Mr. Richard Fitzjames, and now eftsence I
fully conferme itt as far as in me lyeth, beseeching my lord
God, that he will this my poor wyll accept, to the remedye
of my wretched lyffe and releve of my synfull sowle. And
that he will gyve me his grace to performe the same. And
also, for my more meryte and quyetnesse of my sowle in
dowtful thyngs pertenyng to the same, I avowe to you,
my Lorde of Rochester, to whome I am and hath bene,
sence the first tyme I see you, admytted, verely deter-
mined (as to my cheffe trustye counselloure) to owe myne
obedyence in all thyngs concernyng the well and profite of
my sowle.

No. IV.

A clause of the Lady Margarets Will relating to her endow-
ing a free Grammar School at Wynburne in Dorsetshire,
where her father and mother lye interred.

— — Wher we have licens of the said Kinge, our most dere
son, to establysh and found a perpetuall chauntry of oon
preest in the college of Wynburne, and to geve unto hym
and his successors lands and tenements to the yerely value

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 259

of 10hb, we will, that if we founde not the said chauntry in COLL. &c.
our lyfe, that then our executours, as soon as convenyently ' '
they may aftir oure deces, shall establyshe and founde the
said chauntry of oon perpetuall prest in the same college,
ther to kepe continuall resydence, and to teche frely
gramer to all them that will come therunto.

No. V.

Inscription on a mural Monument set up in Winburne
Mynstrefor John Moyle, master of the Free School, by
Ms youngest son Edward Moyle, Esq.

H.I.I.

Denbigensi comitatu ortus Johannes Moyle, A. M.

Vir venerabilis, liberalis et doctus,

Mariam /Egidij Bridgwater in comitatu Hereford

Armigeri filiam uxorem duxit.

Ex qua quatuor filios et quinque natas habuit,

Quos omnes una cum uxore charissima

(Postquam scholae libera? grammatical! in hoc

Oppido per nonnullos annos sedule et fideliter prsefuisset,)

Superstites relinquens in seternam requiem migravit

xiii0 Junij Salutis, anno m.d.c.lxxxviii.

iEtatis autem suse xlvi0.

Maria vero vidua relicta liberos pie educavit,

Per omnia seipsam praebens laudabile exemplar,

Cum septuagesimum octavum astatis annum fere

Complevisset consortem in ccelestia prgemia secuta est

xx° Julij, anno incarnationis Domini m.dccxiiii0.

In memoriam optimorum parentum

Edvardus Moyle Arm.

Liberorum natu minimus hoc posuit monumentum

Die mensis Junij xxv°, Anno Domini

m.dccxix.

260 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c.
VI.

No. VI.

A Letter from the Fellows of Queens College, Cambridge,
to Dr. Thomas WilJcynson, their president, testifying
their resolution to choose Bishop Fisher their president.

Regist. Ryght reverent and worshypfull, and to us at all tymes

Caut. ab.m most syngular and specyall good Master ! We your Sco-

lars and dayly Beedmen humblie recommend us unto your

mastershypp. And for as mych as wee understand be the

lettres of the moste excellent princes my Lady the Kyng s

mother, and also by your lettres that ye be at this tyme

myndit to resign the presidentship of this our college,

called the Qwenys Colage, so that ye myght knowe our

mynds in this thyng. Wherefore we wryte unto yower

maistership at this tyme, signifying unto yow that we are

fully determinate, and doth promyse yow to elect such a

man as is thought unto yow necessary and profitable unto

this our collage the Lorde Bisshop of Rochester. In

wytness wherof we have sett to our comen scale, beseech-

ynge yow to contynew, good maistre, to the same colage

and to all us, and we shall daily pray for the long and

prosperus contynuance of your helth to the plesour of

God, who preserve yowe. Frome Cambrygge in haste,

the xijth daye of Aprill.

There is no date of year ; but by the series of letters
and instruments, it must have been dated 1505, and
wrote to Dr. Thomas WilJcynson, then president of
Queen's College ; for the next instrument is from
Johannes Fyssher RofFensis episcopus presidens et
Socij Coll. Regin. &c. dat. Septimo die mensis
Maij, Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo quinto.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 261

COLL. &c.
VII. VIII.

No. VII.

Titulus Willielmi Peytoo.
Reverendo in Christo patri et Domino, Domino Silvestro E. Registro

ta • • -*T7- ... .... • Collegij

L)ei gratia Wigormensi episcopo, alijve cuicunque epis- Reginalis,
copo catholico sui officij pontificalis executionem optinenti: &c*
sui humiles et devoti Johannes Roffensis episcopus presi-
dens collegij reginalis sanctorum Margarete et Barnardi
in Cantebrigia, et ejusdem loci socij et scolares universi
omnimodas reverentias tanto patri debitas cum honore.
Quia pium et meritorium deoque placitum esse dinoscitur
clericos ad sacros ordines promovere quos tam morum
gravitas quam literarum scientia commendat ; hinc est
quod dilectum nobis in Christo Willielmum Peytoo artium
magistrum clericum ac nostri collegij supradicti socium
perpetuum vestre dioceseos, latorem presentium vestre
paternitati reverende presentamus, humiliter supplicantes
et devote, quatenus eundem Willielmum ad omnes sacros
ordines quos nondum est adeptus, per sacrarum manuum
vestrarum impositionem ad titulum collegij nostri supra-
dicti promovere dignemini cum favore ac caritatis intuitu.
In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum commune pre-
sentibus apposuimus. Dat. Cantebrigie in collegio nostro
supradicto 4° die mensis Martij, Anno Domini millesimo 1507.
quingentesimo septimo.

No. VIII.

The Form of a Licence for preaching granted by Bishop
Fishery Chancellor of the University of Cambridge,
granted to Christopher Bay ley, A.M. 1522.

Universis sancte matris ecclesie filiis, presentes literas
inspecturis vel audituris ; Johannes, Dei gracia, alme uni-
versitatis Cantabrigie cancellarius, et ejusdem universitatis
cetus unanimis regencium et non regencium, salutem in
Domino sempiternam. Universitati vestri notum facimus

262 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. per presentes, quod Julianus episcopus Ostiensis misera-

__ cione divina, pro divini cultus et fidei catholice incremento,

ac christiane religionis augmentacione, ad peticionem et
instanciam providi viri Thome Cabolde Domini pape pro
nacione Anglie, Scocie, et Hibernie in Romana curia mi-
noris penitenciarij per quandam bullam que sic incipit,
Julianus episcopus, miseratione divina, Ostiensis, &c. con-
cessit nobis et successoribus nostris, authoritate Domini
pape Alexandri sexti apud sanctum Petrum sexto nonas
Maii, pontificatus sui anno undecimo, de ejus habundante
gracia et speciali mandato super hoc vive vocis oraculo illi
facto, licenciam et liberam facultatem imperpetuum, eli-
gendi singulis annis duodecim doctcres seu magistros et
graduates in presbyteratvis ordine consdtutos, et ad predi-
candi officium magis idoneos, qui sub universitatis sigillo
communi electi efc deputati, ubique per totum regnum
Anglie, Scocie et Hibernie, populo et clero verbum Dei
predicare et seminare possint ; dummodo predicti doctores
seu magistri et graduati prefati, et hujusmodi ad predi-
candi officium sic electi et deputati non predicent in locis
ubi ordinarij locorum predicant nisi de eorum consensu,
constitucionibus et ovdinacionibus apostolicis, ac statutis
et constitucionibus provincialibus et synodalibus, aut
Othonis et Octoboni ceterisque contrariis quibuscunque in
regno Anglie, Scocie, et Hibernie non obstantibus, nee
non locorum ordinariorum licencia super hoc minime re-
quisita; consensu tamen rectorum ecclesiarum interve-
niente. Que omnia et singula plenius et evidencius in
predicti Ostiensis episcopi bulla apparent. Nos igitur
Johannes Roffensis episcopus, cancellarius antedictus cum
cetu unanimi regencium et non-regencium universitatis
predicte, autoritate prefate bulle nobis in hac parte con-
cessa, ad officium predicandi hujusmodi, dilectum nobis
in Christo Christophorum Bayley presbyterum, artium ma-
gistrum, pro anno duntaxat post dat. presencium, eligimus,
preficimus et deputamus. Vosque in Domino oramus et
obsecramus, quatenus quum prefatus Christophorus ex

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 263

alumpnis nostris unus, ad vos, ecclesias vel capellas vestras COLL. &c.

accesserit, ad officium predicacionis hujusmodi exevcen-

dum ipsum cum omni favore quo potevitis admittatis. In
cujus rei testimonium sigillum commune universitatis pre-
dicte apposuimus. Dat Cantabrigie ultimo die mensis Maij
anno salutis humane millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo
secundo.

No. *VIII.

Oratio habita coram illustrissimo Rege Henrico VII. E Cod. MS.
Cantabrigice, A. D. 1506, a Joanne Fisher episcopo C^T( jj 6"7>
Roffensi et Cancellario Accademice illius illustris.

Etsi nullis unquam verbis tuae celsitudini, Rex illustris-
sime, pro tuis in nos et universitatem istam beneficijs gra-
tias agere condignas possumus : nobis tamen ipsi non
satisfacimus ullo modo, nisi reddiderimus verba saltern,
ubi gratiam referre nequeamus. Confundimur enim ipsi
quod tanta majestas totiens de nobis homunculis, et tarn sin-
gulari benignitate merebitur, et nos contra obmutescemus
ingrati, non recognoscentes quid factum sit a tanto et tarn
amplissimo Rege. Nam si merita in nos tua diligentius
pensitemus, nihil vel ab optimo Rege subditis, vel ab
amantissimo parente filiis, liberalius potuit exhiberi quam
regia tua erga nos pietas effecit. Et cumulatius quidem
quid a te aut expectare, aut desiderare possemus? Cui
pietati si non verbis saltern respondere conaremur (quum
rebus impossibile sit) maximum ingratitudinis vitium non
injuria nobis imputari potuit: et nos non novis solum
beneficiis essemus indigni, sed et veteribus privandi meri-
tissime. Dicemus igitur primum de magnitudine tua, qua?
tantopere de nobis meruit ; deinde nostram necessitatem
in qua tunc fuimus exponemus ; et sic merita postremo
commemorabimus in nos tua.

Nemini dubium esse potest quin quanto is qui dederit
major est tanto majores illi debentur gratia?, eatenus igitur
de tua magnitudine loqui jam cupimus, quatenus appareat
quantis agendis eidem gratiis obnoxii sumus, Non quod

264 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. velimus panegyricum agere lauclum tuarum, quod digne

1_ fieri vix ab eloquentissimo potest, aut conciliare nobis am-

Pietatem. p}jorem vanis et blandis assentationibus, quibus tuas aures
offenderemus potius, et nos rem ageremus nobis et nostris
professionibus indignissimum ; sed magis ut officium im-
pendamus nostrum, quod praetermittere non possumus nisi
reos ingratitudinis maxima nos redderemus. Viri semper
illi qui magni futuri essent, (ut plurimum) ortus habuerunt
admirabiles : multisque et magnis discriminibus expone-
bantur ; adeo ut nisi mira Dei dispensatione praeservaren-
tur, perijssent sagpenumero. Cujus rei exemplis pleni
sunt gentilium historiarum libri, in quibus nemo descriptus
est magnus, cujus ortus non aliqua re insigni notaretur, et
vita successus non multis plenus esset discriminibus.
Sed ut gentiles omittam, ad sacras historias venio, in
Vita Mosis. quibus de Moyse illo traditur, qui magnus dux populi
Israelitici futurus esset, quod pater ejus in somnis admone-
batur uxoi'em cognosceret, a qua abstinuit metu mortis a
Rege iEgyptio interminatae masculis Hebraeorum nasci-
turis. Ipse etiam parvulus Moyses mox ut in lucem editus
fuerat, repositus in fiscella scirpea fluctibus et aquarum
discrimini exponebatur ; nee defuit tamen divina benignitas
quae ilium tutaretur quoad venerit in manus filiaa Regis
Pharaonis, a quo multo diligentius educabatur, quam ab
ipsis parentibus fuit factum : admonebatur .per praesagos
regni sui ut morti ilium traderet tanquam regno perniciem
futuram, sed Deo optimo maximo rem curante non est
permissus. Quaesitus deinde ad necem Moyses quod
iEgyptium quendam interemisset, vix periculum evasit :
patriam in qua natus fuit relinquens, ad deserta se con-
tulit : ubi et mirabiliter providit illi Deus. Qui et ilium
reduxit in .ZEgyptum et ducem populi Israelitici constituit,
multa ostendens pro eo prodigia, tarn in ipsa /Egypto,
quam in maris rubri transitu in discrimine famis et sitis : in
variis seditionibus plebis suae adversus eum : in bellis
etiam non paucis, quae eum externis gerebat, in quibus
omnibus et alijs periculis innumeris, protector ei Deus

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 265

affuit semper quoad tandem illi valde offenderit, ob quod COLL. &c
iratus Deus non permisit ingredi promissionis terrain. J_

Sed quorsum ista ? Nimirum ut intelligamus quanta sit
magnitudo tua, Rex illustrissime, qui tarn mirabiliter natus,
atque in lucem editus a nobilissima principe genetrice tua,
nunc praesenti ; qua? turn annum non implevit quartum
decimum. Rarus profecto partus et insolitus, ipsaque (ut
cernimus) non magna? statuvae foemina est at multo tunc
(ut asseritur) minoris fuit, adeo ut miraculum cunctis vide-
batur in illis annis, et in ilia corporis parvitate gnatum
aliquem, maxime tarn procerem, tarn elegantem edidisse.

De periculis vero et discriminibus vita? maximis, qua?,
Deo auctore, per omnem aetatem tuam ad hasc usque ;
tempora evaseris, longum esset enarrare, et dies ante defi-
ceret, quam exitum invenirem. Nam et dum in utero
portarit te mater, vix discrimen pestis evasisti, quae tene-
riores foetus facile consuevit interimere de qua et pater tuus
princeps illustris interiit. Mater deinde viro orbata te
peperit orphanum, a cujus uberibus mox abstractus, illorum
custodia? traditus fueras, qui bellis assiduis implicabantur,
Castellum, quo tenebaris obsessum in manus inimicorum
venit ; qui tamen, Deo ita providente, te, (ut pragclarum
sanguinem deceret) educaverunt egregie. Inde quaesitus
ad necem, patriam deserens, ubi ad cognatum tuum regem
Francorum ire destinaveras in minoris Britannia? ducem
utilius incidisti, quanquam ab eo rursiim tanquam captivus
detinebare. Sed, pace cum eo facta, quum in patriam
redire statuisti, tanto ventorum impetu classis tua jactaba-
tur, ut vi compulsus retro retulisti pedem, Deo rem ita
disponente, ne forte in manus inimicorum tuorum venisses
qui tunc insidias pararant tibi. Post haec Britanni te ve-
nalem ofFerebant capitalibus inimicis tuis nihil magis quam
tuum sanguinem sitientibus. Quid multis ? Convenit inter
eos de pecunia: sed tu interea, Deo mirabiliter subve-
niente, cum tuis omnibus effugisti salvus, in Galliam. Unde
quum denuo tentares venire in patriam, dirigente tunc
tuum iter et prosperante Deo, parva manu ingressus hoc

1866 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. tuum regnum, regem qui tunc fuit cum universo ipsius ex-

1_ ercitu fudisti quam primum. In solio demum confirmatus

(me jesu !) quot adversae fortunae machinatus insidias ?
Quot proditiones clanculum excogitatas ? Quot murmura
et rebelliones nefariorum ? Quot formidanda, ob eventum
maxime ancipitem, praelia, (quae nos omnes recenti adhuc
memoria tenemus) tu ad tuam ingentem gloriam, non nisi
divinitus, superasti semper ? Hasc una res nobis ad mag-
nitudinem tuam comprobandam abunde sufficit. Nihil
opus erit hie recensere praestantium sanguinis tui, ex
multis et sanctissimis regibus imperatoribusque descen-
dentem, quos tua nobilitas non minus illustrat, quam ipsi
te ; non egregiae tuae juventutis exercitamenta, quibus oc-
cupari volueras, desidiam et inertiam velut pestem fugiens.
Taceo invictam animi tui magnitudinem qua in eventibus
quos alii valde formidabant, tu semper fuisti imperterritus ;
temperantiam in cibis et potibus, et caeteris corporis volup-
tatibus, quae non modo florem corporis tui sed et ingenii acu-
men, et memoriae tenacitatem conservabas imprimis ; pru-
dentiam in gerundis rebus omnibus, in hac praesertim
regni tui administratione, quod nunc adeo pacificum red-
didisti, et tarn votis tuis obsequentissimum, ut nullis retr5
seculis ab ullo unquam Rege id factum legimus. Tanta et
tarn admiranda sapientia tua est, ut non solum nos tui sub-
diti cuncti admiramur, verum etiam exteri omnes principes,
Reges, Gubernatores nationum omnium contendunt, quis
eorum tibi intimior esse posset, quis faederatior, quis legi-
bus amicitiae conjunctior. Praetereo linguarum varietatem,
et disertam eloquentiam, corporis proceram dignitatem,
formae venustatem, quae te regem decet, robur et vires,
celeritatem, agilitatem, dexteritatem ad cuncta quae agere
velis : fcecunditatem regni tui, plebis tibi subjectae animo-
sitatem, ingentes divitias tuas : haec sicut et alia innumera
praetermitto.

Tantum dico, si divinam in te providentiam, et (ut ita
dicam) manutenentiam quis attenderit, valde admirabilis
est si sanguinem, aeque nobilis : si magnitudinem animi,

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 267

magnanimus imprimis : si temperantiam, moderatissimus ; COLL. &c.

si prudentiam et sapientiam, caeteros excellis, uti sol minora '_^

sidera; si sermonem, disertissimus ; si corporis egregiam
dignitatem, formosissimus ; si potentiam et opes, potentis-
mus, atque opulentissimus ; si deniq; simul omnia, gloriosis-
simus ; adeo ut quicquid in orbe terrarum Summus Deus
aut pluribus setatibus in uno Rege, aut pluribus regibus in
una astate contulerit, id omne in te unum cumulata feli-
citate congessisse visus est. Solum hoc tibi curandum est
ne Deo tarn benignissimo unquam sis ingratus.

Sed de magnitudine tua satis ad rem nostram, quanquam
ne satis unquam dici a quoquam potest.

Nunc vero de nobis secundo loco dicendum est atque
ita ut omnes intelligant te tuam in nos pietatem exercuisse
eo tempore, quo fuit nobis maxime necessaria, et proinde
etiam celsitudini tuae gratiarum ampliorum nos jure factos
esse debitores.

Sed ad banc rem astruandam necesse nobis erit antiqui-
tatem universitatis hujus ab initio repetere: non ut jacta-
bundi de vetustate nostra gloriemur, sed magis ut tua ma-
jestas misereatur (uti profecto facis) tarn veteremacademiam
intra regnum tuum jacturam aliquam pati. Coepit haec
nostra academia, Rex metuendissime, a Cantabro quodam
a Orientalium Anglorum Rege : qui et Athenis fuisse tra-
ditur, literas ibi et artes quasque bonas edoctus.

Vix crederetur forsitan illius antiquitas, si quo anno
C03perit ex bis monumentis, quae in arcliivis nostris conti-
nental? referre voluerimus. Quae et multa plura fuissent,
si non caedibus, incendiis, et rapinis toties fuissemus devas-
tati. Sed majori utemur modestia ; nihil dicturi quod non
ex aliorum annalibus, etiam indiciis apertissimis posset
comprobari. Hoc unum imprimis constat nos longe prae-
cessisse -J*Honorii primi tempora; qui et suas literas adfPapaRo-
nos dedit, quarum exemplaria sub plumbo tenemus, quae et ajd"^
mentionem faciunt temporum multo antiquiorum. Fuit

a De annis borum regum itemque Orientalium Anglorum nihil ailmodtim
certi memorise proditum est.

268 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. autem Honorius ille primus creatum et sexaginta annos pri-

usquam Carolus ille magnus Rex Francorum Parisiensem

universitatem instituit : quam nos haud dubie credimus a
nostris sumpsisse initium, ab Alchvino videlicet Joanne et
•Gymnasij.Rabano quos annales nostri tradunt alumnos fuisse *Gi-
gnasii hujus.

Sed ne nostrum hoc commentum fuisse videatur, Gagvi-
num testem citabimus, hominem Parisiensem, et historia-
rum non inscium. Is in Gallorum annalibus refert prae-
fatos viros Alchvinum, Joannem, Rabanum ex his partibus
in Galliam fuisse delatos, sapientiamque se professos
habere venalem. Quam rem mox ut Carolus ille magnus
intellexerat, acciri jussit eos ad se Alchvinum que prsecep-
torem suum constituit ; reliquis locum et docendi faculta-
tem praebens in urbe Parisiensi. Et ista nimirum occasione
Gagvinus testatur scholam Parisiensem fuisse inchoatam.

Sed quid de antiquitate tantum ? Certe ut nostra con-
ditio, qua. tunc fuimus quando benignissimis oculis tua
majestas nos intueri cceperit, magis appareat miseranda.
Nam si fuisse felicem summum miseries genus sit; ille
profecto miseriores tanto putandi sunt quanto majores
causas non minimae felicitatis habuerunt. An parva res
est Parisiensem gloriam ex his sedibus initium accepisse :
tantum lumen quantum nunc Parisiis accensum est ab
Anglorum sapientia fuisse difFusum ?

Sed et antiquitatem mirum in modum, sapientes viri
semper colendam existimabant atque venerandam.

Ob utramque igitur causam nostra conditio non minima
fuit. Addo quod regibus cognatis et progenitoribus tuis
tarn chari olim fuimus, ut maxima apud eos gratia florui-
mus semper. Henricus tertius, Edvardus primus, Edvar-
dus secundus, Edvardus tertius, Richardus secundus,
nostras injurias acerbissime vindicarunt, libertates et pri-
vilegia contulerunt : maximis etiam favoribus prosecuti.
Henricus tertius has ipsas baedes in quibus nunc sumus a
fundamentis erexit. Edvardus tertius domum amplissi-
b yEdes fratrum minorum seu Franciscanorum.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 269

mam, cui nomen Aula regia est, pro triginta duobus scho- COLL. &c.
, . . . . . i-n • *VIII.
lasticis curavit ingenti sumptu aedincan.

Henricus" sextus, patruus tuus, vir sanctissimus alteram
pro sexaginta scholasticis aggressus est, quam et *D^*Maison
domum voluit vocari. Idem quoque patruus tuus colle-
gium aliud inchoavit, quod merito Reg'ium nuncupatur,
tam ob amplitudinem operis incepti, quam ob structure
sumptuositatem, in quo et duos ex fratribus suis, patrem
et patruum tuum posuit erudiendos. Sed morte preventus
inconsummatum reliquit, et tuae nimirum celsitudini, quod
ille divinitus predixisse asseritur. His profecto rebus olim
nos beatos et felices putabamus. Ceterum illo tempore
quo tua celsitudo nobis indulgere cceperit, nescio quo in-
fortunio, sive continuis litibus, et injuriis oppidanorum
(quibus eramus implicati) sive diuturna plaga febrium, qui-
bus supra modum vexabamur, (nam ex literatoribus com-
plures amisimus, et ex ipso doctorum numero decern viros
omnes graves et valde eruditos) seu tertio bonarum artium
fautores et benefactores pauci erant et prope nulli. Sive
his, sive aliis occasionibus profecto literarum et studiorum
nos prope omnes taedium ccepit : adeo ut multi secum
cogitarent, quorsum hinc abirent commode. Prope in de-
solationem venissemus, nisi tua tandem majestas splendi-
dissima nos velut oriens ex alto respexisset.

De necessitate nostra hactenus dictum est ; nunc restat
ut merita postremo commemoremus in nos tua. Nihil
profecto conferri nobis a quoquam potuit utilius, aut stu-
diis nostris conducibilius, quam a tua celsitudine factum
est. Summus- enim ille orator Marcus Cicero proaemio
Tusculanarum investigat quid causae esset, quod ante sua
tempora pauci Romanorum se Philosophias Studiis contu-
lerunt ? et respondet, Quoniam Honor tunc Mi a nemine
tributus fuit. Honos (inquit) artes alit omnesque incen-
duntur ad studia gloria ; jacentque ea semper quae apud
quosque improbantur. Nemo igitur philosophise studiis
incubuit ; quoniam ea nullo tunc honore habebatur. Neg-
ligi enim solet semper quicquid contemptui est, et contra,

270 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. quod Iaudatur a pluribus id quisque insequitur. Virtus

'__ namq; (ut quidam ait) laudata crescit. Apud Chaldaeos,

apud yEgyptios, apud Athenienses, et Graeciam, longo
quidem tempore hospitata sapientia est, et floruit : sed
tarn diu quam apud eos fuerat in honore. Statim enim
ut desiit apud eos honorari, nemo deinceps illius curam
egit. Cujus rei non inscius, Rex prudentissime, voluisti
pro summa tua prudentia torpentes animos, et languentia
nostrorum ingenia, ad bonas artes et probitatem benevo-
lentissima tua gratia provocare. De quo testem afferre
neminem potero certiorem quam meipsum. Meipsum
(inquam) quern incredibile cunctis fuit ad episcopatum tam
repente promoveri. Quippe qui paucos annos habuerim,
qui nunquam in curia obsequium praestiterim, qui nullis
ante dotatus beneficiis. Et quam ob rem ego ad episco-
patum assumerer ? Quid tuam ad hoc admirabilem sapi-
entiam monebat? Nihil profecto aliud nisi ut studiosis
omnibus liquido constaret illorum causa id factum esse.
Nosti, optime Rex, an vera dixerim.

Te nullius aut viri, aut femina? precibus adductum ut id
faceres asserebas : sed ob earn rationem solam, ut caeteros
ad virtutem et bonas literas incitares. O vocem Rege
dignissimam ! O verbum sholasticis universis merito jucun-
dissimum! Ceterum ut apertius tuum in illos animum
comprobares, anno superiori ad nos venisti, dignatus es
disceptationibus interesse, atque id per omnes omnium
facultatum scholas. Neque id fecisti cursim et perfunc-
torie, sed longo temporum tractu. Nemo regum, aut
principum, sed nee baronum, aut equitum quidem, tantum
operis et laboris impendit unquam ad nos audiendos. Et
quid hoc sibi voluit aliud nisi ut tua praesentia nostrorum
animos ad studia accenderes et quasi facem inureres doc-
trinae ac virtutis aviditatem ? Quod et apertissimis indiciis
monstrare voluisti ; quum postridii haec audieris, ingen-
tem auri summam, cum magno ferarum numero, in publi-
cam compotationem universis scholasticis maxima tua
liberalitate contulisti. Quibus, quaeso, modis magis inge-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 271

nuus potuit quisquam, non dico clominus servos, non regia COLL. &c.
Majestas subditos, sed pater amantissimus carissimos filios '

ad studia literarum allicere ? At adhuc paternam illam
pietatem opere aliquo permanentiori testatam indicari
studiebas.

Collegium, illud, quod sanctissimus patruus tuus Hen-
ricus sextus a fundamentis inchoavit opus immensum, opus
quod manus et opes regum expostulat, opus quod nemo
alius praeter te consummare potuit, opus tibi uni divinitus
destinatum ; hoc tu aggressus es. Praeter haec omnia
nunc citra adventum hunc tuum statim ut oppidum intra-
veras, nova nos obruere liberalitate voluisti. Sed praesentia
majestatis tuae imprimis, quae ad instar solis resplendet,
qua nihil illustrius est, nihil splendidius, gloriosius nihil,
quae nobis gratissima est, quae expectatissima, qua; opta-
tissima semper ; haec inquam majestatis tuae praesentia
tanto his diebus academiam nostram fulgore perfudit, ut
nulli ante haec tempora fulgidiores illuxerunt unquam.
Rectissimae Solomon aiebat : In hilarilate vultus BegisVroy.xvi.
vita, et dementia ejus quasi imber serotinus. Reviximus
enim ex tuo vultu, et ex verbis tuis clementissimis quasi
imbre quoclam foecundantissimo irrigati sumus.

Nam ut post hiemis asperitatem, ubi cuncta herbarum
et arborum genera superveniente frigore correpta sunt,
revertente sole reviviscunt, foecundaque hunt; sic et tui
vultus hilaritas, Rex omnium gloriosissime, qua nos post
tantas calamitates tarn benignissime respexisti, reviviscere
fecit ingenia nostra ; et dulcissimus oris tui sermo, quasi
gratissimus imber in nos descendens, fcecunda eadem red-
didit iterato.

Quis nunc non videt quanti sumus debitores apud te ?
apud tantum, (inquam,) majestatem, pro tantis beneficiis,
in tanta necessitate nobis exhibitis? Quid nos vicissim
rependemus ? Quid referemus gratiae? Urbes dare non
possumus, non possumus populos, non regnum conferre,
non augere. Scio quid faciemus, Animos dabimus. Ani-
mos (inquam) quibus neque nos referre, neque tua majestas

272 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. amplius quicquam accipere a nobis potest. In eis dies
* VIII. IX. ac noctes memoria tui nominis indelebili cogitatione versa-
bitur, insidebit, repetetur, revirescet quotidie tuorum bene-
ficiorum recordatio sempiterna. Istudque interim optabi-
mus, det tibi Deus, optime Rex, longam, felicem, fortu-
*Arthurus. natamque diem ; gnatus* hie tuus, princeps illustris et te
patre dignus, tibi in regno succedat, vestra soboles auge-
atur : vobis proceres obsequantur : milites ament : popnli
pareant : amici colant : inimici metuant : foederati perse-
verent : diuturna sit vobis incolumitas hie in terris, et post
hanc vitam in coelis asterna felicitas. Amen.

Dixi.

No. IX.

Elibro MS. Johannes Fisher episcopus Roffensis dedit collegio Christ

penes ^o^ fc jnfj emantur prasdia ad valorem 40 solidorum.

K. Alexan. r

Young, Cujus donationis lex et conditio hasc est : scilicet, ut cele-

de Wick- bretur Anniversaria Commemoratio una cum Missa et

hambreux satisfactoria oratione pro anima. prasfati episcopi Roffensis,

quondum r L x x

socium et pro animabus parentum ipsius et ha3redum ; et ipso die
Chri'sti. qu0 nsec solennia, commemoratio celebratur, magister re-

cipiet 16 denarios, quilibet socius \2 denarios, singuli
To this the scholarium, si baccalaurei sint, 4 denarios ; si infra istum
oblSd gi'adum, denarios 2. Et prsedictum anniversarium, si
themselves tertio eos omisisse contigerit, forisfacient pra?dia collegio
ture, dated Sti. Joannis, ut illi eandem solennitatem observent. Ut
1525 22' planms videre est in fine originalis libri statutorum in

Thesaurario repositi.

ENotulis Lxx. De Lectura continuanda per annum in Theo-

MS. col- , . .. v.7

lect.e libro logia a necessarijs regenuous.

procurato-

ris junioris.

A.D. 1628, Quilibet in artibus incipiens jurabit de continuatione

R. Alexin? lecturaB theologicae, a Domina Margareta Regis Henrici

Young, &c.yjj matre fundatae, per annum, per cujuslibet termini

majorem partem, si lector per majorem partem legerit :

neque se absentabit nisi ex rationabili causa per vicecan-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 273

cellarium, lectorem, et duos procuratores et eorum singulos COLL. &c.
approbanda. IX-

E libro MS.

Cap. 45. De Visitatore. statutorum

1 Coll.

Descripsisse igitur nunc universis personis intra colle- octolj
gium officia, et officiorum leges et statuta nobis videmur, 1506. penes
et exacte, quae si servaverint integre et inviolate (quod drum
vehementer optamus) viros ex eodem non dubitamus pro- Youn&> &c-
dituros, qui magna? erunt utilitati et honori universo huic
Regno, provisum est (quod fieri potest) juramentis cujus-
que arctissimis. Sed tamen et visitatoris industriam et
autoritatem superaddere decrevimus, qui singulis annis
perscrutabitur an recte omnia et ad unguem servantur qua?
a nobis instituta sunt, quern saltern metuant, si Deum no-
luerint formidare. Statuimus igitur quod Johannes per-
missione divina Episcopus Roffensis et nunc universitatis
Cantabrigiae cancellarius, quoad vixerit, etiamsi forte can-
cellariatu se abdicaverit, visitator dicti collegij sit : cui in
officio illo faciendo, quandocunque ei magis videbitur
opportunum, magistrum sive ejus locum tenentem, et scho-
lares omnes tarn socios quam discipulos parere volumus,
neque 1111 solum, sed et substituto suo, quando ipse impe-
ditus accedere non possit, illaque omnia qua? superius in
alijs statutis dicta sunt de cancellario, aut ejus vices tenente
ad ilium referri decrevimus, quamdiu superstes fuerit ;
post mortem vero ipsius ad cancellarios caeteros et eorum
vices gerentes, &c.

By vertue of this visitatorial power, his advice, ordina- 18. Octo-
tion, and consent, were required to the college acts. Thus ^ri^e .
in a substitution of proctors or attorneys to interpret and Hen- viil.
explain the college statutes, the instrument recites, that it a.d.1519.
was done cum consilio et consensu et ordinatione reve-
rendi in Christo patris Domini ac Domini Joannis Rof-
fensis Episcopi.

VOL. II.

274 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c.
X.

No. X.

MS. penes, A ferfyte and true terrear of all the lands and other
M. D. commodities belonging to the mannor of Elverland in the
parish of Osprindge, in the countie of Kent, declaringe the
names and contents in everi severall feelde, the boundes,
with the tenementes belonging thereunto, of the demyse
and graunt of Richard Longworthe, clarke bacheler in
divinitie, and mr of the college of Sainte John the Evan-
geliste in the universitie of Cambridge, in the countie of
Cambridge, the fellowes and schollers of the same colledge
unto Edward Sowgate, now farmer of the said mannor,
•Master, made and delivered unto the said *mr, fellowes and schol-
lers, according to a composicion and article comprized
within the said dimize on the part of the said Edward, his
executors and assignes to be done and accomplished
within sixe yeeres next after the beginning of the said
dimized leasse, which was from the feaste of Sainte Mi-
chael the archangel, in the yeare of our Lorde God 1571,
as plainlye appereth in the said dimize, dated the 17th
daye of September, in the yeare of the raigne of our souv-
raigne Ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of
England, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.
the 18th, Anno 1576.

Imprimis, the mannor house of the demized farme of
Elverland, with a barne, one stable and other buildings ;
five feelds thertoo annexed, (that is to saye) Southfelde
91 acr. 24 acres, Eysling feelde 30 acres, Westfeelde 22 acres,
Coulver feelde \2, Forstalle crofte 3, conteininge altoge-
ther lienge 91 acres, boundinge to the Kinge's streate,
north and east, to the lands of John Greenstrett, Thomas
Adame and Northcoorte, southe, and to the landes of
Robert Poraige, west.
\m Item, one acre callide Jervice downe croft, boundinge

to the landes of Vinsent Saint Nicholas, southe, a home-
waye called Smauledane, nowe in the tenure of Robert

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 275

Poraige, west , to the Kinge's streate theare, northe and COLL. &c.
easte. '

Item, one parcill of lande cawlid Jervice-downe 20 acres, 20-
more or lesse bounding to the homewaye of Smauledane
foresaid, este, too the lands of Roberte Poraige and Lewes
Atleese, southe, to the King's streete, west, to the landes
of Vincent Saint Nicholas and the King's streete, north.

Item, one parcell of lande caullyd Acvele three acres, 3.
bowndinge to the King's streatt, northe, Vincent Saint
Nicholas, east and west, and to the lands of John Green-
streate, southe.

Item, one parcell of land caulyd Humberland 17 acres, 17.
more or lesse being in the parishes of Osprindge and
Throalie, boundinge to Davington crofte and Towne-
place, northe, to Towne-place agayne, easte and southe,
to the Kinges street there, west.

Item, one parcell of lande caulyd Minechyndane 4 acres, 4.
boundinge to the landes of Robert Poraige, north, to An-
thonie Terrie and Towne-place, east, to John Greenstrett,
sowthe and to the Kinge's street there, weste.

Item, one parcell of lande cawlid Shaylersdowne 7 acres, 7.
boundinge to the lands of John Greenstreet, north, to the
same John and Christchurch lands in the citie of Canter-
burie, east, the same John Greenstreet again, south, and
to Robert Poraige, west.

Item, one parcell of lande called two acres, the same
three acres, boundinge to the lands of Thomas Sands, 3.
gent, northe, John Greenstreete, east, Robert Poraige,
southe, and the Kinge's street there, west.

Item, one parcell of land caulyd Caulishdane 20 acres, 20.
more or lesse, boundinge to the lands of Robert Poraige,
north, Robert Upton and the King's street there, Henry
Bateman, south, the same Henry again and Northecoorte,
west.

Item, one parcell of land called Stonhepps 10 acres, 10.
more or lesse, bounding to the King's street there, northe,
Robert Poraige, east, to Caulishdane and Northcoorte,

276 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. southe, and the landes of their owne college called fyve
x
' acres, west.

Item, one parcell of land cawlid fyve acres, the same

10- 10 acres bowndynge to the Kinges street there, northe

and west, to Stonehepps, east, and to the landes of North e-

courte, sowthe.

7. Item, one parcell of land cawlid Cookescrofte seven

acres, boundinge to the landes of Northcoorte, west and

northe, to Henry Batman's, east, too the Kinges street

there, sowthe.

4- Item, one parcell of lande caulid Watter'ham 4 acres,

boundinge to the Kyngs streatt there, northe, to the lands

of Henry Batman, east, to the same Henry agayne and

Northcoorte, sowthe and west.

10- Item, one parcell of lands cawled Joysefeelde ten acres,

boundinge to the lands of George Fynche Esquyer, and

to the Lordshippe of Queene-Courte, sowthe, to the Ab-

bye lands of Rochester caulled Gooldfeeld and Queene-

courte agayne, west, to the heyres of John Maykott,

Goldfeelde barne, the barne of John Dewards, to the said

George Fynche lands agayne, and a parcell of their own

colledge lands, northe, and to the Kynge streatt there,

and agayne to theyres of that John Maykotts lands, este.

2- Item, one parcell of woodlands lyenge at Shaylers downe

in the parishe of Throwleye two acres, more or lesse,

boundinge to the lands of John Greenstrett, north, to

Robert Poraige, east and west, and to Anthony Terrye,

sowthe.

4. Item, one parcell of woodlands lyenge in a wood cauled

Lamberkinwoods, 4 acres more or lesse, being in the same

parishe of Throwlye, boundinge to the lands of Robert

Upton and Robert Poraige, northe, to Thomas Sands,

gent, east, Robert Poraige againe and Arnold Terrye,

sowthe, and to the King's streate there, weste.

Item, one parcell of woodlands lyeinge at Homber

lands in the same parishe of Throwlye two acres, more or

lesse, boundinge to the lands of Towne place, north

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 277

and east, and to their owne colledge lands, sowthe and COLL. &c

. X. XI.
west.

Item, one tenement situated and beinge on the sowth
side of Ospringe streate, caulled the Sarsons-hed, with a
garden of one yearde of lande boundinge to the King's
high-way theare, north and west, to their owne lande ap-
pertayninge to the parsonaige of Osprindge, east, and to
the lands of George Finche Esquyer, sumtime Exbridges,
sowthe.

Item, two littell tenements together, beinge in the sowth-

syde of the same streatt, with their tow gardens of one

yearde of lands bowndinge to the King's high way there,

northe, and to their own colledge lands, east, sowthe and

west.

Summ total of the acres of land apo . . m

j. ., }215acr-et dim.

pertaymnge to the said mannor. J

No. XI.

An Account of the difficulties and discouragements which ex veteri
Bishop Fisher met with in the foundation of St. John's Ms!foi.38J
College, entred upon the old red Book, probably by ^39,40.
direction as it is in his name.

The taking away of 400 lib off lande.
The agreament with my Lady of

Devunshire.
The stopping of that payment.
The sewite for Ospringe.
The sewite for Higham.
The sewite for Browme hall.

TheBushopofEly.

The License of the Bp. of Rome.

The proving of my Lady's Will in the

Chancery.
The Licence of Mortmayn.
The besones of my Lady's servants

which wolde have hadde all the

goods amongh them.

First, my Lorde of Ely which then was, albeit that he James
hadde promysed my Lady his assent for the dissolvyng of s.T.pJwho
St. John's House, which then was a religious house, into 1^ JJjJh
a college of students : yet because he hadde not sealide,
he wolde not performe his promyse, and so delayed the
mattere a longe seasone, till at the last we were fayne to
agre with hym by th' advyse of my Lorde of Wynchestre,

278 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. to our grete charge. This was the first sore brounte that
XL we hadde, and like to have qualede all the mattere, if it
had not ben wyselye handelide : for upon this hong all the
rest. If this had ben clerelie revoiked by hime we cudde
not have done any thyng for that college, according to my
Lady's entente and wyll. And surelie this was a long
tyme, or that we cudde have the writyngs surelie made
and sealide with his seale, and his covent seale, upon the
sayme : for he purposlie delayed it for causes which I will
not here reherse.

Seconde, where we hadde sente for the Popis licence
to extincte the religious housse, and to chaunge yt into a
college of students, when the graunte came home it was
founde of no vailow, and all by the negligence of our
counsell which devisede it, for the which we weare fayne
to make a new wryting, and to have better counsell, and
to send agayne to the courte of Rome, which was a grete
hynderance, and a grete tracte of tyme.

Thirde, where my Lady in hir tyme had opteyned the

Kyng's licence for this chaunge to be mayde, but she

dyede or ever yt was sealyd, so that we were fayne to

make a new suyte : and where also she opteyned by the

Kyng's licence, for mortassyng of fyfty pound launde

onely and noe more, heare I hadde not a little besones to

opteyne a new graunte for licence of 200 pound to be put

in mortmayne, and cost me grete suyte and labor both by

my selfe and by my frends, or that I cudde opteyne it :

and iff thys had not ben opteyned heare wolde have ben

but a poure college. Heare we ware so sore ploungide,

and in a manner in a dispayre to have brought the college

in that conditione that, lovide be our Lorde, it is now in.

Forthe, it was thought expedient by the juges, that for

a suyrtye of the lands which my Lady had put in feoffa-

ment for the performance of hir wyll, and hadde therof

licence so to do by Kynge Edwarde [V.] under his brode

seale,"and by the Kynge hir sonn under his seale likewise

unto than all hir will and testament war performyd : I say,

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 279

it was thought necessarye by the juges that my Lady's co1^- &c-

will shulde be provyde in the Chauncery over and besydes '. —

the profe off yt in my Lord of Canterbury's court. And
her was myche tyme and labore taken, more then I can
tell in a few words, of attendance and ofte resorting to the
chanceler of England, often having our lernyde counsell
together, often having the chef juges advises, so many
writts, so many Dedimus potestatem to them that war ab-
sente, that shulde beare witness in this mattere. So herde
it was to get them to bere this witness, and to be sworne
that were then present, so many suyts to the Kyng's solli-
citour, the Kyng's attorney, the King's sergeants with-
outen whose assents my Lorde Chancelore wolde nothing-
doe unleas thei war all present at every Act to beare
record. This matere or it cudde be concluded was a yere
and a half in doing. Forsoth it was sore laboreos and
paynfull unto me that many tymes I was right sory that
ever I toke that besones upon me.

Fyft, After this rose a grete storme, the which was
sturryde by my Lady's servaunts : the occasion was this.
When my Lady was at the poynte to departe owt of this
worlde unto the mercy of God, I hadde pety of hir poure
servaunts, and movide hir that suche as hadde done hir
good service and was but littill recompenside, that it wolde
please hir thei might sumwhat be consideride after the
wisedome and discretione of my Lord of Winchestre and
me, and she was well contentyde. Upon this occasion
they mayde unto the Kyng grete surmises that they
shulde have my Lady's goods dividede amongs them,
which put us to a greate trobill. For all that they cudde
ymagen of evyll agaynst me thaie gave information unto
the Kyng, and made him a verray hevy lorde agaynst me.
For the which was moch attendance gyvyn, and moche
suy te I made for myself or ever that I might be declarede.
Sixt. After this I was movide by the King to prepare
myself to go unto the generall cownsail [at the Lateran at
Rome] for the realme with my Lorde [prior] of St. John's

280 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. and other. And because I shulde thene departe, the re-

cever of these lands which was in feoffament made grete

besones for his discharge, because that I hadde recevide

part of that money, so was I fayne to deliver out of my

hands all suche obligations as I hadde in keeping unto

LSyMarhe*Mr- Asheton and *Mr. Hornby, and to declare myself

garet's exe- of all recknings concerning the receyts of the money off

cutors

that lands or any other. And Mr. Hornby receyved after
that as myche as was recevide of the said money.

Sevinth, When I was disapontyde of that jorney my
Lady servaunts maide a new besones. Thai saw that thus
thei couth not prevyile, therfore thei cawside us to be
callide to accompts of all my Ladys goods, and to shew a
cause whi we shulde keepe the Kings inheritance from
hime to the valow of 400 pound yerly. And here we
brought in our accompts, first, before Mr. Sowthewell,
which was the Kyngs cheaf auditore, and there I was
compelled a long tyme to gif attendance upon him at
sundre places and many tymes. And there straitly our
accompts war examyned, and he well pleaside with them, and
thought it reasonable that till all thyngs were performyde
the profects of the said lands shulde remane unto the col-
lege. But he diede or ever he myght gyff sufficiently
information hereof unto the Kyng, and set us at a rest, as
after longe examynation of the compte and triall thereof
made, he thoughte to bring aboute.

Eyght, After this his death by the importune clamor
and cry of my said Lady's servaunts we were called
afreshe before Mr. Belknape, which then succedide in
the rowme of Mr. Sowthewell, and ther we ware more
straitlie handelide ; and so long delayed and weriede and
fatigate that we must needs lett the lands go, notwith-
standing all the right that we hadde thereunto by the
graunts of King Edwarde and of King Henry VII. and
the declaratione of my Ladys will, and the putting off the
same londs in feofFamente, and also the prof of the sayde
will in the Chauncery as stronge as cowthe be made by

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 281

any lernyde counsell. But all thys wold not serve us, COLL. &c.
ther was no remedy, but the Kyng's counsell would take '

the profects of these lands for the Kyng. Neverthelesse
with grete and longe suyte we optenyde at the last, that
some recompence might be hadde unto the college for the
performinge of yt, and so finally my Lady Katyrine which
bowght for hir soone, the yong Lady Lyell, for certain
summys of money was bownden as stronglie as lernyde
counsell cowthe dyvise the bonds, to pay for the behove
of the same college.

Nynght, considering that this lond thus was taken from
us, we made farther suyte to have some hospitall or some
religious housse or benefice to be approperde by the
Kyng's graunte unto the college ; and when after longe
suyte that was grauntide, we devisede a byll to be signede
of the Kyng for the hospital of *Ospringe, and so finally * by Fa ver-
gatt that same. But what labor then I hadde, what hyme Kent,
that was encombent, and how long or we cudde establishe
and make it sure both by temporall counsell and spirituall,
and how often for this matter then I roade both to Os-
pringe and to London, and to my lord of Canterbury, or
that I couthe performe all thyngs for the suyrty therof, it
war to long to reherse.

Tenethe, After all this the lady Lyell dyede, and so my
lady Downshire and hir sone losst the profits of hir londs,
for the which he and she both was comfortide and coun-
selide to paie unto us no more money according to their
obligatione. Thei made it a mateire of conscience because
of the deathe of that yong lady. After many resonyngs
and many metyngs our counsell aviside us to make suyte
to gett some religious house ; and so finallie with moche
labore and payne we optenyde two nonryes, where was
dissolute lyving, and never coude by the ordinaries be
brought to good order. And for the assuring of the same
moche payne and labor was taken bothe by myself, and
also by the mr of the college Mr. Metcalf, whom I sent

282 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. about that bysones, specially for the nunrey of Bromehall,
' which was far frome me. He made many jorneys theder,

and also to my lorde of Salsebury, which was ordinary of
a benefice to them approper'd, which thyngs he did with
moche lease charge that I cowde have done, and therefore
I dide commyt it unto his wisdome.

No. XII.

e Registro Clarissimo atque doctissimo Domino Joanni Roffensi An-
Academ. * tistiti, J. Fawne Universitatis Cantabrigice presidens,
Cantab. cum f0f0 Regentium et Non-re gentium Ccetu, Salutem,

Nulli non nota sunt tua in nos beneficia, et quidem accu-
mulatissima, doctissime praesul, quibus hanc nostram aca-
demiam perpetuo tibi divinxisti. Quis nescit ilia duo apud
nos pulcherrima collegia, alterum jam perfectum florensque,
alterum brevi ope divina absolvendum, tuo suasu, tuoque
saluberrimo consilio posita fuisse. Praeterea te pastorem,
te patrem semper experti sumus, experimurque quotidie :
cui tantum debemus quantum (quod scimus) nemini.
Proinde immortales tibi habemus gratias, per quern non
paucula huic nostrae academiae accessere ornamenta. Ex-
tolleremus virtutes tuas nisi compertissimum haberemus te
tuas laudes (quae tua est modestia) non nisi gravatim et
invitis (quod dicitur) auribus accepturum. Nos denuo
summo te omnium consensu, nostrum creassemus cancel-
larium, verum aliter amplitudini tuae visum est. Proinde
delegimus honorabilem Lincolniensem Praesulem qui
Regiae Majestati (quod tibi neutiquam occultum est) adeo
charus est ut charior esse nequeat. Ad quern tuas literas
dedisti (uti nobis significatum est) quibus eum ad illud offi-
cium suscipiendum sollicitares, quo nomine tibi plurimum
debemus. Nunquam desinis nos demereri, pater amplis-
sime, quanquam immensis te laboribus et alioquin intolera-
bilibus, nostra causa non semel onerasti. Caeterum Deus

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 283

optlmus maximus qui cuncta aequa lance pensat, tibi gra- COLL. &c.
tiam neque citra foenus relaturus est. In quo exanimi sen- '
tentia valeas pater pientissime. Cantabrigiae nono kal.
Jun. An. 1514.

Itdem tui Filioli.

No. XIII.

Joannes Roffensis universo Regentium et Non-regentium e Registro
Cetui Cantabrigiae Academics Sa. P. Acad.

•i • i t Cantab.

Vestris Uteris, quae nuper erant mini redditae, commemo-

rastis mea, primum, in vestram academiam beneficia :
deinde animum fuisse vobis ut denuo me cancellarium
consensu unanimi creassetis nisi vobis constitisset me po-
tius cupere ut ipsum munus reverendo domino Lincoln-
iensi conferretur; postremo vel ob id eundem dominum
delegisse in caput et cancellarium vestrum. Ego vero (ut
de beneficijs primum item loquar) optarem magnopere
multo cumulatiorem fructum attulissent vobis. Atque uti-
nam in mea potestate situm esset vestram academiam
aliquo meo studio, industria, consilijs, excitationibus, labo-
ribus, aut augere aut illustrare posse, turn plane agnosce-
retis ea quae adhuc molitus fuerim, perexigui sane momenti
esse ac longe inferiora quam sit meum studium erga vos.
Quod vero me prae casteris ilio magistratu dignum cen-
suistis, id nimirum ego multo magis honorificum mihi duco
quam sit magistratus ipse, ut enim magistratum quis
affectet nee Platonis philosophia sinit, nedum Christiana
detestatur. Verum etsi neutra foret, experientia profecto
me ad plenum instruxit quanta sub honoribus illis operitur
inanitas. Vester autem de me consensus tarn unanimis tot
hominum eruditorum non potest non supra esse quam
unius hominis modestia debeat expectare. Quod, pos-
tremo et pro mea sententia reverendum dominum Lincoln-
iensem illo munere donastis illumque in cancellarium et
caput vestrum delegistis, et me ob id devinxistis amplius
(si tamen ulla potest accessio fieri) et vos rei vestrae con-
suluistis plurimum. Neque enim dubito quin illc abunde

284 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. pro sua amplitudine supplebit ea quae nostra parvitas op-

\T III YI\7

• tare quidem potuit consummare vero nequaquam. Neque
enim deest ei aut potestas, quum solus omnia apud regem
potest, aut industria benefaciendi, quum ingenio, pruden-
tiaque polleat singulari, aut benignitas denique quando in
fautores suos praedicetur et sit suapte natura benignissi-
mus. De me vero omnia polliceri licebit vobis perinde ac
de homine quern vestrum esse persuasissimum habetis qua-
cunque in re vobis gratificari potuero. Et Deum optimum
maximum obtestor, ut quemadmodum aedificijs res vestra
nuper aucta sit, ita et vos cum bonis Uteris turn virtute
crescatis, quatenus indies magis ac magis vestra haec in
Christo floreat academia. Et vos felices valete. Ex Lon-
dino, vii° kal. Junij.

No. XIV.

e Registro Eruditissimo pariter Integerrimo prcesuli Domino Johanni
Academiae Roffensi Episcopo Vicecancellarius Cantuariensis cum
Cantab. toto Regentium et Non-regentium ccetu, S. et felicitatem.

Quanti nos facis fecistique semper, doctissime praesul,
nemo est qui ignorat : porro tui in nos amoris et benefi-
centiae vere patriae testimonio sunt multifaria nostram in
academiam abs te collata beneficia maxima profecto et
splendidissima. Quis nostram beatam non dicet acade-
miam vel hoc nomine quod eum merita est habere filium in
quo omnium virtutum imagines repositae sunt. Quid eru-
ditionem tuam accumulatissimam recenseamus? Quid
justitiam, prudentiam, constantiam, liberalitatem ? Quid
denique reliquas virtutes tuas commemoremus, quae te om-
nibus clarissimum colendissimumj faciunt, quas aliquando
posteritas decantabit? Non licet nobis laudes tuas quae
vel doctissimorum ingenia defatigarent q. sententia de-
pingere : quare eas de industria omittimus. Non clam te
est, presul amplissime, nos primariam apud nos dignitatem
tuo consilio domino episcopo Lincolniensi obtulisse, quam
se libentissime suscepturum dixit si per varia et ingentia
hujus florentissimi regni negotia, quibus pene totus addictus

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 285

est, sibi liceret ; tamen ne repudiatam omnino existimare- COLL. &c.

mus ab eo, eum sese nobis fore pollicitus est quern futurum " ■

speraremus si oblatum honorem recepisset : quam jam
tibi, concordi totius nostra? scholae consensu, uti antea
decretum nobis erat, si amplitudo tua non dissuasisset,
offerimus atque donamus, pater pientissime ; oramusque
ut ea qua soles fronte suscipias, ac sinas nos tuo ductu et
auspicijs in bonis Uteris militare atque proficere quibus
tantum per te accessit splendoris quantum vix explicare
possumus. Praeterea immortales tibi habemus gratias
quod epistolam ad nos scribere minime gravatus es, excul-
tissimam quidem et omni nectare nobis dulciorem quae
tuum quam candidissimum erga nos animum quam claris-
sime expressit. Sed ne tua sanctissima otia longioribus
Uteris perturbemus, quanquam tibi nostrae literae, quantum-
libet prolixa? non possunt non esse gratissimae, dicendi
finem facimus, et obsecramus ut nostram academiam, uti
ante hac semper, juvare ac decorare pergas. Vale praesul
dignissime.

No. XV.

Ornatissimo atque Doctissimo Domino Joanni Rqffensi e Registro
Episcopo Cancellario nostro, fyc. Joannes Eccleston ^c*™rum
Vicecancellarius Cantabrigiensis cum toto Cetu Regen- Cantab.
Hum et Non-re gentium, S. D.

Quas tibi gratias agemus pro tuis immensis erga nos bene-
fices et his quidem multifarijs ne cogitare quidem possu-
mus, doctissime praesul; quippe qui nos tibi magis ac
magis devincire labores quanquam sumus devinctissimi.
Quod ex hoc liquet, quod nemo est nostratium cui non vel
nomen episcopi Roffensis gratissimum est, qui non dicit te
decus et ornamentum scholae nostrae, a quo tot beneficia
accepimus ut plura citra ruborem haud possumus admit-
tere : tu nos adeo demereri conaris ac si nihil omnino in
nos contulisses. Quis istos tuos conatus, pulcherrimos
sane et Christi milite dignos, non plenissimo ore laudabit ?
Potuisset esse contenta nostra academia splendore illo

286 PAPERS RELATING TO

^v^yw' quern affers illi et tuis moribus candidissimis et eruditione

syncerissima absolutissimaque. Ceterum tu niteris (sic
interpretamur omnes) omnium filiorum in hanc nostram
matrem communem pietatem non modo adaequare sed et
superare. Rarissimae sunt virtutes tuae, clarissime praesul,
quae vel ignotos in tui admirationem attrahunt alliciuntque.
Quibus nos provocati atque compulsi amplissimum tibi
apud nos honorem donavimus non nisi cum vita finiendum.
Accepimus te Romam brevi profecturum quod tibi et nobis
qui ex te pendemus bene vertat. Quare te oramus et ob-
secramus ut si quibus in rebus nobis prodesse possis, potes
autem in pluribus, (quippe qui optime nosti quibus nobis
opus est) nostras recorderis academiae. Verum vicecan-
cellarius noster istaec tibi latius explicabit, cui fidem adhi-
beas cupimus. Praeterea oramus ut nostra confirmanda
privilegia cures. Nos ad avarios hujus regni prassules
scripsimus, atque obsecravimus ut nobis amici sint in pri-
vileges nostris muniendis. Vale doctorum praesulum
decus. Cant, pridie Id. Febr. An. 1514.

Jidem tui Clientes.
No. XVI.

ExOrigi- Liter ec procuratorice Episcopi Roffensis Willielmo Fre-

mento Si- sell, $C.

gilloavulso.

Johannes permissione divina Roffensis episcopus dilectis
nobis in Christo filijs domino Willielmo Fresell priori
ecclesie nostre cathedralis Roffensis et Ricardo Chetham
priori de Ledes Cant. dioc. Salutem, gratiam, et bene-
dictionem. Quoniam Regia majestas nos misit ad prae-
standam obedientiam summo pontifici Leoni decimo,
atque ad interessendum in concilio generali quod nunc
Rome in basilica Lateranensi celebratur ; idcirco de
vestra probitate, fide, et circumspectione confisi, vobis
conjunctim vices nostras committimus et auctoritatem con-

a Scriptae erant literae eodem die et anno, ac eodem fere tenore, viz. de
tuendis privileges, D. Tho. Ebor. episcopo, D. Guil. Cant, archiepiscopo,
D. Richardo Winton. episcopo, et D. F. Dunelm. episcopo.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 287

ferendi omnia et singula beneficia seu officia vacantia seu COLL. &c.
vacatura ad nostram collationem, patronatum, seu presen- xvii.

tationem quocunque jure spectantia, personis tamen per

nos assignandis neque alijs, ut de vestra in hac parte fide-
litate confidimus. Presentatos quoque et presentandos ad
ecciesiastica beneficia, nostrarum civitatis et dioc. predict,
quorum admissio, institutioque ad nos de consuetudine et
jure poterint pertinere quovis modo admittend. et cano-
nice in eisdem instituend. ac in corporalem possessionem
eorundem inducend. demandand. et faciend. induci : lite-
ras etiam dimissoriales clericis ydoneis in dioc. nostra
oriund. concedend. Ecclesiasque et cimeteria nostre dioc.
si que per sanguinis effusionem aut aliter pollut, fuerint,
curand: ut per suffraganeos quoscunque reconcilientur :
nee non quoscunque questores cum suis indulgentijs ad
dioc. nostram se transferen: admittend: et elimosinas a
diocesanis nostris eo pretextu petend: et colligend: licen-
ciand: ceteraque faciend: exercend: et expediend: que in
premistis necessaria fuerint, seu quomodolibet opportuna.
Hancque vestram auctoritatem tamdiu duraturam esse
volumus quod nos duximus earn revocandam. In quorum
omnium testimonium atque fidem sigillum nostrum presen-
tibus apposuimus. Dat. in manso nostro juxta Lamehith-
Mersche decimo die mensis Marcij, Anno Dni. m°.
quingentesimo quarto decimo, et nostre consecr: Anno
undecimo.

No. XVII.

Extract, e privatis Roffensis Statutis. Cap. 1.

Hactenus pro communi gubernacione totius collegij sta-
tuta dedimus, nunc pro peculiari quorundam institutione
quae speciatim ad me pertinent dicemus.

Eximia princeps domina Margareta Richmondias Com:
fundatrix hujus collegij usque adeo mee exiguitati favit ut
pinguiorem episcopatum omnino studuit mihi comparasse.
Quum ergo mortem instare sibi noverit, nee posse quod
destinaret perimplere, non parva me donavit pecunie

288 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. summa qua in privatum meum commodum uterer. Quam

XVII

/_ rem et hie ob id memorare volui ne quis me putet ex ali-

enis bonis tantum emolimentum prestitisse collegio, sed ex
meis proprijs. Ego igitur quum abunde satis ad honestum
presulis victum ex episcopatu Roffensi quotannis acce-
perim, cernensque periclitari collegium ob subtractionem
prediorum ad valorem annuum quadringintarum librarum,
de quibus alibi diximus, duxi potius non solum illam pecu-
niam verum eciam bonam ex proprijs partem (ob salutem
anime mee) theologis educandis impendam, quam vel pro-
pinquis meis, vel ob alias vanitates juxta morem hujus
seculi, aut nequiter aut inutiliter distrahendam. Nimirum
ut ita non solum anime mee saluti consulerem, verum eciam
ut hoc exemplo complures alios excitarem ut adjutrices
manus collegio similiter apponerent.

Contuli igitur magistro ac socijs collegij divi Johannis
500 lib. Cantabrigie preter quingentas libras a me jampridem in
communes usus expositas, et preter ornamenta quedam
haud exigui valoris, tantam pecunie summam quanta suf-
ficit ad fundos et agros annui valoris sexaginta librarum
ultra reprisas, ut vocant, coemendos. Cujus donacionis
intuitu magister ac socij michi plurima concesserunt ad
anime mee salutem quae quotannis intra collegium fieri de-
bere polliciti sunt, et, quemadmodum in cartis indentatis
liquet, seipsos obligarunt quatenus pro eisdem inviolabi-
liter observandis certas ordinaciones facerem quae futuris
temporibus imperpetuum custodirentur. Ego igitur per
hec scripta volo, statuo, et pro suprema voluntate mea
decerno, quod preter sociorum et discipulorum numerum
qui vel per dictos executores vel per aliorum peculiarium
fundatorum ordinaciones instituti sunt, aut in posterum in-
stituentur, alij quatuor socij et duo discipuli ex mea funda-
cione perpetuis futuris temporibus intra ipsum collegium
ex bonis ipsius collegij sustentabuntur qui paribus per
omnia commodis emolimentis ac libertatibus pocientur
atque ceteri sive socij seu discipuli qui per me et dictos
executores superius ordinati sunt, &c.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 289

Then he proceeds to enumerate the qualities, proprie- COLL. &c.

ties, $c. of those who are to be on his foundation.

Three of his fellows and two scholars to be elected
out of the county of York, of which the Bishop him-
self was a native, the other fellow out of the diocese of
Rochester. Two of them at least to be priests.
In missis autem eos precari volo peculiariter et satisfac-
torie pro anima mea, sic tamen ut animam clarissime prin-
cipis domine Margarete Richmondie, cui non secus atque
proprie genetrici fuerim obnoxius, singulariter habeant
commendatam. Insuper et animam illustrissimi Regis
Henrici septimi filij ejusdem principis qui citra cujusquam
preces aut intercessionem, aut obsequium aliquod, id quod
ipse palam ac sepius testatus fuit, episcopatum Roffensem
michi contulit.

Cap. II. Constituit quatuor examinatores, primum pro
Uteris quas vocant humanitatis, alteram pro dialecticis,
tercium, pro mathematicis, et quartum pro philosophicis.
— Salarium vero singulo cuique examinatori quadraginta
solidorum— solvend:

Cap. III. duos prelectores — alter qui Grecis literis

juniores/ alter qui provectiores Hebraicis erudiat.—- Pre-
lector Grecus salarium trium librarum quotannis accipiet
— Hebreus salarium quinque librarum — quotannis, &c.

Cap. IV. De Trigintalibus et Exequiis.

Volo ut singulis annis viginti quatuor trigintalia, quas

vocant, pro salute anime mee distribuantur his qui proba-
cioris vite sacerdotes fuerint intra collegium et magis egeni
— pro quovis trigintali sic dicto decern quisque solidos ac-
cipiet, &c. Volo eciam preter hec singulis annis perpetuo
futuris ipso anniversario die mei obitus. Exequie per
magistrum et socios atque discipulos intra collegij sacellum
celebrentur, cum missa in crastino, pro quarum exequia-
rum misseque temporibus duo semper ardebunt luminaria
cerea super altare summum, et quatuor alia circa monu-
mentum, pecunieque cujusdam distributio fiet ad hunc
VOL. II. u

290 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. modum. Masjister habebit sex solidos et octo denarios,
XVII.
xvilf. singulus quisque sociorum tres solidos et quatuor denarios,

unusquisque discipulorum unum solidum, si tamen omnes
hi presentes fuerint integre tarn exequijs quam misse. —
Pro cereorum consumpcione — allocamus tres solidos et
octo denarios.

No. XVIII.
Historiola Benefactionum Episcopi Roffensis, $c.
e vet. libra Quom mortalium memoria, ut Seneca scribit, ex omnibus

rubro, foil. ... . ....

61. 62. (Sic. animi partibus res maxime delicata et fragilis sit, in quam
senectus primum incurrens tyrannidem exercet gravem,
tumaetate quassans turn longa desidiaenervans et dissolvens,
ut si maxime vellet antiquum robur et vim praestare non
poterit: opera? pretium fore duximus illi modis omnibus
subveniendum remedio, ut unico, ita presentissimo, nempe
literarum testimonijs, quorum beneficio factum videmus ut
praeclarissima majorum nostrorum facta recenti hominum
memoria passim celebrentur, et hodie vivant seu heri acta,
quorum alioqui dignitatem dies, tempus, et rerum omnium
edax vetustas non modo non obfuscassent indigne sed et
perpetuis oblivij tenebris demersissent. Quod sin ullum
sit ingratitudinis genus vel odiosum magis vel modis omni-
bus execrandum quam acceptorum beneficiorum inciviliter
oblivisci, quanto execrabilius videri poterit si nos homines
studiosi, et lingua quam manu meliores in illud vitij incide-
remus a quo quam maxime abesse oporteat, hoc est, si
beneficia libenter accepta vel non agnosceremus vel non
libenter, quorum utrumque cum in alijs ne tollerandum
quidem existimemus, in nobis abominandum prorsus non
censebimus>? Hinc est ut posteris testata esse voluerimus
maximorum beneficiorum insignem magnitudinem qua?
magnus ille et incomparabilis in bonis Uteris* heros reve-
rendus pater Joannes non sine numine Roffensis episcopus
in celeberrima duo Cantabrig: academies collegia feliciter
contulit, Christi inquam servatoris nostri optimi maximi, et
ejus castissimi mystae Joannis. Cujus unius presulis muni-

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 291

ficentiae et industriae acceptum referamus oportet quod COLL. &c.

... XVIII.
haec duo clarissima studiosorum musaea hodie conspiciun-

tur non minus sumptuosis aedificijs decorata quam opibus,

praedijsque magnis ditata, ad Dei omnipotentis cultum et

honorem, ad rei literariae et virtutis incrementum, et demum

ad totius academiae singulare decus et ornamentum.

Ceterum hie rem paulo altius recenseamus oportet ora-
tione magis vera quam venusta, ut ostendamus quam
magno labore et negotio hoc tarn praeclarum et memora-
bile fascinus tandem effectum sit. Atque hoc libentius quo
posteris testatissimum relinquamus non magis debere nos
haec collegia ipsi optimae fundatrici quam ornatissimo huic
praesuli. Et ut ab initio exordiamur. Versabatur per
idem tempus eximius iste praesul RofFen. in nobilissima?
principis dominae Margaretae Richmondiae et Derbiae
comitissae famulitio, qui quum apud omnes illius celebra-
tissimae aulas proceres omnia potuit (tanta erat virtutis qua?
in eo lucebat et morum autoritas) turn principi longe cha-
rissimus habebatur, cui et a confessionibus erat, et a secre-
tioribus consilijs intimus, cujus semper sacro-sanctoque
consilio in rebus omnibus obsecuta est pientissima prin-
ceps, seu Grasci olim prudentissimo Nestori. Atque ut ad
rem proprius accedamus.

Impetraverat jam prius princeps haec inclitissima a Rege
illius aetatis omnium illustrissimo Henrico Septimo et filio
suo quam carissimo facultatem ut liceret in Londinensi
monasterio occidentali (vulgus Westmonasterium vocat)
magnifica quaedam et tanta, principe digna pro arbitratu
suo facere, nam ilium sibi sepulturae locum elegerat. Hanc
rem insignissimus praesul Rofferisis secum dispiciens, et
luce clarius videns tantum bonorum acervum in meliores
usus converti posse, nacta opportunitate, principis animum
ab incepto instituto revocare adgreditur : suadet ut tanta
pietatis opera (omisso loco satis superque opulento) in
Cantabrigiensem academiam convertat; ita futurum ut
Christi doctrina et bonae literae indies augescant et virtus
in pretio magis habeatur. Quid multis ? persuadet facile

292 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c vira&ini sanctissimae quam ceu mollissimam ceram ad me-
XVIII . . • •

L liora semper inflectere potuit. Ilia Christi optimi maximi

gloriam suae praeferens tarn pijs consilijs mox annuit.
Verum huic rei nonnihil obstare asserens votum quod a
rege prius obtinuerat, et si ille Regis animum et hue in-
flectat, id quod vix fieri posse putabat quum Rex ipse
item illic esset humandus, se libentissime hortatui obtem-
peraturam. Et hie sane plus quam herculanus erat nodus.
Verum enimvero non recusavit hanc provinciam, quantum-
vis . arduam, benignissimus presul Roffensis, quae sua erat
semper in literarum studia et studiosos mira charitas:
nactus est a principe pientissima ad regem literas quarum
summa erat, ut mutato institute, praeclari quidpiam Can-
tabrigiae agat. Rex, ut erat ingenio admodum felici, et
prudentia vere regia, acceptis benignissime matris Uteris et
rem omnem a praesule Roffensi viva, voce edoctus (nam is
negotium hoc apud regem obibat) delectatus supra modum
rara praesulis prudentia, ejusque facundia plusquam Ulys-
sea, maternis precibus acquievit. Dedit episcopo ad ilia
literas sua ipsius manu exaratas ad sept. Idus Augusti et

imperij sui anno laudat pientissimae matris in bonas

literas pietatem, gratulatur animo tarn provido et benigno,
breviter quidvis obeundi summam illi copiam fecit, nimirum
ex hoc tarn praeclaro fascinore cernens, et magnum chris-
tianae ecclesiae fructum oriturum, et suo regno immortale
decus.

Jam princeps Margareta initium rei successisse gaudens,
nulla mora Christi collegium adgreditur, extruit, neque
prius ab incepto destitit quam et opibus et predijs illud
absolvisset. In qua quidem re, quamvis fortiter et indus-
tria summa elaboravit, Roffensis prsesul, priusquam ad peri-
odum deduceretur, tamen hinc occasio, divinitus non dubito,
data est in qua ejus virtus clarius omnibus elucesceret.
Nempe, Christi Collegio consummato, Oxonienses doctores
aliquot qui in principis famulitio id temporis agebant, et
inter hos precipue quidam vir magne authoritatis, neque
minoris fame principem in sua vota pellicere student,

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 293

hortanturque ut tale quidpiam Oxonii ageret, quale jam COLL. &c.
fecerat Cantabrigie. Ostendunt monasterium dive Fridis- XVIIL
wyde, impensius orant ut illud in studiosorum collegium
mutare dignaretur. Id illi facillimum esse quae nihil non
et opibus et potentia potuit. Quo beneficio affirmant
nomen illius in utraque academia perpetuo celebratum iri.
Neque vero.hoc negotiumvel segnitervel oscitanter egerunt
Oxonienses illi, sed magnis et continuis precibus nunquam
non inculcabant ut parum abfuerit quod non eorum votis
assentiretur princepsinclitissima,si nonmature intervenisset
presul RofFensis. Is importunas eorum conspicatus preces,
simulque Iiospitalis divi Joannis evangeliste in Cantabrigia
ruinam dolens, quod jam ad summam miseriam et inopiam
incolarum luxu et intemperantia devenerat, Christo benig-
nissimo gratius futurum credens hoc in loco pietatis opera
exhibere quam illic, ubi aut parum aut nihil erat opus
(noverat enim quosfautores jam turn habebat Oxonia) mu-
nificentissimam principem ocius compellat, exponit misere
domus miseram ruinam, ostendit, ut revera erat, predia
divendita, terras luxu gulaque absumptas, ornamenta ex-
posita, supellectilem prorsus corrosam, et ne sacris quidem
parcitum, divina officia intermissa, hospitalitatem celebrari
nullam, prepositum domus creditoris metu latitare, con-
fratres paucos, plus minus quatuor, modo per urbem,
modo per rura divagari in maximam sue religionis infamiam
atque scandalum. Hospitale ipsnm prope desertum, sed
ita alieno ere oppressum : ut ne omnia quidem predia, si
integra mansissent debita illius magnitudinis vendita per-
solvissent. Breviter ita dilapsa et deploranda omnia ut
nulla esset salutis vel tenuissima spes nisi numen aliquod
presentius aspiraret. Hec ut audivit benignissima prin-
ceps ab eo cui semper fidebat maxime, deplorate domus
sortem miserata, et si habuit in diversa instigantes pluri-
mos, ab episcopo tamen RofFensi id persuasa, quod ipsa
per se probe intelligebat, nullum beneficium vel melius
vel utilius collocatum iri posse quam tarn pestiferas et ste-
riles herbas a fertili solo ocius extirpare, et quasi jacto

1508

294 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. novo semine, uberrimam messem Christo parare unde
xvin- nova gubincle et fertilissima repullularet seges in maximum
Christiane fidei incrementum evasura, convertit se totam
ad preclarius sed difficilius et magis arduum pietatis opus.
Huic omnibus nervis incumbit, ut ex paupere, si liceat di-
cere, tugurio insigne, quale nunc est, collegium erigatur.
Obtinuit ad hoc negotium capessendum a pontifice maximo
autoritatem, pariter et a filio suo Henrico Septimo, neque
vero dissimilem ab Eliensi tunc temporis episcopo et an-
tique domus fundatore impetrarat facultatem : idque deci-
mo idus Martij, Rege Henrico Septimo annum jam agente

Mar. 23, imperij sui vicesimum quartum. Sed heu prematuram
mortem que tantum bonum mortalibus diutius invidebas !

./Egrotabat nobilissima haec princeps satis quidem peri-
culose, digna certe quae nunquam vel aegrotaret vel more-
retur. Quas quum flnem vitae sibi instare intelligebat,
neque enim laeta promittebant medici optimi, hujus prae.
sulis hortatu et consilio, qui nunquam hoc illi inculcare
desinebat, accitis ad se proceribus ijs quos a consilijs in-
timos magis habuit, syngraphum protinus confici curat quo
inccptum opus absolveretur. Verum prius quam illud ob-
signatum sit sanctissima princeps animam coelo reddidit
ubi ob beatissime transactam vitam non dicendis gaudijs

June 29, cum coelicolis fruitur. Expiravit vero tertio calendas Ju-
lias ipsissimo die quo mortalibus sanctum colitur festum
apostolorum Petri atque Pauli ; sepulta magnifice, ubi et
obijt, Westmonasterij.

Instabat jam totis viribus huic operi Roffensis episcopus
et reliquos hue omnes urgebat executores, ne nobilissima?
principis nuper sublata? voluntatem irritam fieri sinerent.
Convenit Eliensem episcopum qui viventi principi assen-
tiebat ut desolata domus in collegium mutaretur: at ille
jam sententiam mutarat suam, neque jam pridem promissis
stetit. Hac contentione annus elapsus est. Tandem quid
precibus, quid pretio flexus, omnem sui juris et vim et
robur RofFensi presuli concessit ut ille omnia pro suo arbi-
tratu ageret. Neque tamen adhuc facultas erat collegium

I50y.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 295

aggrediendi, verum tot subinde restiterunt mala et quasi C(^yI'I^c'

hydrae capita, absoluto uno decern protinus oriebantur, ut

nunquam crediderim hoc opus aliquando absolvi potuisse
citra presentissimum Dei numen, et hujus presulis hercu-
leos labores. Quid enim loquar sudores et negotiorum
undas quas annos plus novem in Regio Consilio passus est
orando, ambiendo, et nihil non agendo quod hoc negotium
promoveret? Quid dicam quot interim pericula subivit,
quae discrimina etiam vita? pertulit, ab ijs proceribus qui
olim principi famulabantur qui pientissimae principis bona
omnia sibi et vi et potentia vendicassent ? quorum pro-
fecto cupiditatem et furorem cohibere hominis erat plus
quam mortalis. Qui et eo insaniae devenerunt ut regis,
qui nunc est, florentissimi animum modis omnibus sollicita-
rent ne hoc collegium aedificaretur. Quid multis ? nun-
quam adducar ut credam Trojanum ilium Mneam, per tot
maria tempestate et errore vectum, majore cum labore aut
discrimine urbem Lavinium condidisse, quam laudatissimus
presul iste divi Joannis collegium. Ceterum devictis tan-
dem monstris omnibus, non parum adjuvante R. P. Guli-
elmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo ut principis testamentum
robur haberet, a Rege, ab Eliensi, ab omnibus, prius con-
cessum opus sed hactenus dilatum, tandem bonis avibus
aggreditur quinto nonas Aprilis, regnante jam Henrico April 20,
octavo, et ejus imperij anno secundo. Hue accessit
R. P. D. Thomas Eboracensis archiepiscopi cardinalis
autoritas quae in hoc negotio multum valuit.

Erecto igitur hoc collegio et antiquae domus praedijs
redemptis, quum neque ilia neque fundatricis bona satis
essent ut numeris omnibus absolveretur, rursus ad Henri-
cum ejus appellationis octavum regem florentissimum con-
fugit : cujus favore simul et Reginae nobilissimae hospitale
de Ospringe huic collegio est adjectum una Gum duobus
monialium monastery s quae ob perditissima incolarum sce-
lera et mores corruptissimos et magnum christicolarum
dedecus mox erant ruitura. Quas quanta cum sollicitu-
dine, quantis precibus et obsequijs apud regem, apud car-

296 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. dinalem, et horum proceres aagre tandem obtinuit, vix
unquam (ita me Christus servet) credidissem, si non hisce
vidissem oculis.

His utcunque adquisitis, dignissimus iste praesul caetera
adjecit, leges condidit, quas statuta vocamus, virtutis mo-
rumque optimas tutrices. Postremo, et veluti generosissi-
mus vermes seipsum enervans, hoc collegium refersit,
seipsum spolians has asdes ditavit, seipsum deprimens hoc
musasum ornavit. Breviter et de suo diripiens hue con-
gessit quicquid vel ornamenti vel supellectilis habemus.
Et novissime, ut e tanta multitudine paucula recenseamus,
haec quae singillatim subscribuntur e bonis suis collegio
dedit.

Lib. s. d.

First, the reverend father in God John Bp.
of Rochester hath gevyn to thys college of St.
John the Evangelyst in Cambridge, for the
fowndacyon of 4 fellowys and 2 discipylls for
ever in the said college, and for the mortmayn-
yng of Ospryng to the said college - 500 0 0

Item, the said reverend father in God hath
gevyn these parcells folio wynge.

First, a chales wyth a paten gilte pon-
deryng 27 unc.

Item, 2 chalessys parcell gylte weying toge-
ther 26 unc.

Item, a pix of silver and gylte gravynwythe
roseys, lydd perteynyng to the same, havyng
in the topp a crosse and a crucifyx ponderynge

28 unc.

Item, a standyng cuppe gylt with a cover
pondering - - 14 unc.

Item, 3 rector stanys twayne of them cappyd
with sylver, pondering - 16 unc.

Item, 2 grett salts with a cover all gylte
ponderyng - 52 unc.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 297

Of the Ryght Rev. Father. xviii.

Lib. s. d. xix.

Fyrst, a swett of vestments of rede clothe of

gold with spangs and crossys in the myddyst,
embrothered wythe Jesus Cryste and portcolis
to the value of - - - 26 0 0

Item, the copys of the same clothe of golde
wyth lyke velvet and embrothered to the
value of - - - - 34 6 8

Item, a vestment of clene clothe of golde
wyth the bake of embrothered worke of the
value of - - - 7 13 4

Item, a vestment of grene velvet embro-
thered with rede rosys wyth a crose of golde
of stole warke wroght wyth daysys to the va-
lue of - - • - - 15 0 0

Item, 2 other paulys for the hye altar, paned
wyth clothe of gold and cremesyn velvett to
the value of - - - 6 13 4

Item, 4 casys of clothe of golde wyth finne
corporalls perteynyng to the same to the
value of 0 26 8

Item, 2 Spanyshe napkyns wroght wythe
sylke and gold.

Money payd for thes by the said reverend
father in God - - - 1128 10 0

Item, payd for the mortemaynyng of High-
ham and Brome-hall - 200 0 0

No. XIX.

To my horde of Rochester.

My Lorde, we commende us unto you in our herty maner. An Ori-
So it is the King's Grace hathe knowlege that an ambas- ginal*
sadour sent from the Poope's Holynes to his Grace w1 a
sworde and cap of maintenaunce is comen to Calais, and
intendith immediatly to take shipping to arrive at Dovor.

298 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. Wherupon it is appointed, that the priour of Crists-
X1X- xx- Churche of Caunterbury shall mete w* the said ambassa-
dour beyonde Caunterbury, and so to entertayne hym in
his house, and afterwards upon monycion to be geven to
hym, shal conduyte hym to some place convenient be-
twene Sitingborne and Rochester, where the King hath
appointed that your Lordship, the Master of the Rolles,
and Sir Thomas Boleyn shal mete with hym, and so con-
duyte him to London. Wherfore the King's Grace willeth
and desireth you, that after the comyng to Rochester of
the said Master of the Rolles and Sr Thomas Boleyn, and
knowlege by you had of the arrivall of the said ambassa-
dour at Caunterbury, ye then geve knowlege to the said
priour of Crist's Churche when ye shal be in redynes to
receyve the said ambassadour, so that he maye accom-
panye hym to the place betwene you to be appointed ac-
cordingly. And therupon ye wol entertayne the said
ambassadour, and so to conduyte him to London as is
aforesaid. And in cace ye be not nowe at Rochester, ye
wol upon knowlege therof repaire thider, where the Master
of the Rolles and Sir Thomas Boleyn shal be with you
accordingly. And Jhu preserve your Lordship. At Bay-
nard Castel the xii day of May.

T. Norfolk, T. Dorsett, Ri. Wynton, T. Duresme.

No. XX.

Survey of John Stow's account of the worthy housheeping of Thomas
L°r?t;n'd Woolsey, archbishop of York, and Cardinal.

1G18, You shall understand that he had in his hall, continually,
three tables or bords, kept with three principal] officers,
to wit, a steward, who was alwaies a priest, a treasurer, a
knight, and a controler, an esquyre. Also a coferer, being
a doctor, three marshals, three yeomen ushers in the hall:
besides two groomes and almners. Then in the hall
kitchin, two clarkes of the kitchin, a clarke controler, a
surveyor of the dressor, a clarke of the spicery: all which

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 299

(together) kept also a continuall messe in the hall. Also COLL. &c.
in his hall kitchin, hee had of master cookes two, and of
other cookes, labourers, and children of the kitchin, twelve
persons : foure yeomen of the ordinary scullerie, 4 yeomen
of the silver scullerie, two yeomen of the pastrie, with two
other pastelers under the yeomen.

In the privie kitchin, hee had a master cooke who went
dayly in velvet and sattin, with a chaine of gold about his
necke, and two other yeomen, and a groome. In the
scalding house a yeoman and two groomes. In the pantrie
two yeomen. In the butterie two yeomen, two groomes,
and two pages. In the chanderie two yeomen. In the
wafarie, two yeomen. In the wardrobe of beddes, the
master of the wardrobe, and ten other persons attending.
In the laundery, a yeoman, a groome, thirtie pages, two
yeomen purueiors, and one groome. In the bakehouse, a
yeoman, and 2 grooms. In the wood-yard, a yeoman,
and a groome. In the barne, one. In the garden, a yeo-
man, and two groomes : a yeoman of his barge ; a master
of his horse, a clarke of the stable, a yeoman of the same;
the sadler ; the farrier ; a yeoman of his chariot ; a sump-
ter-man ; a yeoman of his stirrop ; a muleter, and sixteene
groomes of his stable, everie one of them keeping 4 geld-
ings. Porters at his gate, two yeomen, and two groomes.
In the almnorie, a yeoman and a groome.

In his chappel, he had a deane, a great divine, and a
man of excellent learning : a sub-deane, a repeater of the
quire, a gospeller, a pisteller ; of singing priests tenne ; a
master of the children ; twelve seculars, being singing men
of the chappel ; ten singing children, with a servant to at-
tend upon the children. In the revestry, a yeomen, and
two groomes ; over and beside divers retainers, that came
thither at principall feasts.

For the furniture of his chappell, it exceedeth my capa-
city to declare, or to speake of the number of costly orna-
ments, and rich jewels that were used in the same conti-
nually. There hath bin seen in procession about the hall

300 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. foure and forty very rich coapes worne all of one sute ;
XX" besides the rich crosses and candlestickes, and other orna-
ments belonging to the furnishment of the same. He had
two crosse-bearers, and two piller-bearers in his great
chamber. And in his privy chamber these persons : first,
the chiefe chamberlaine and vice-chamberlaine. Of gen-
tlemen ushers (beside one in his privy chamber) he had
twelve daily waiters: and of gentlemen-waiters, in his
privy chamber he had sixe ; of lords, nine or ten, who had
(each of them) two men allowed to attend upon them :
except the Earle of Darby, who alwaies was allowed five
men. Then had he of gentlemen, cup-bearers, carvers,
sewers, both of the privie chamber, and of the great
chamber, with gentlemen (dayly waiters there) forty per-
sons. Of yeomen ushers, sixe ; of groomes in his cham-
ber, eight ; of yeomen in his chamber, 45 dayly. He had
also alms-men, sometime more in number, than at other
times.

There was attending on his table dayly, of doctors and
chaplaines (beside them of his chappel), 16. A clearke of
his closet, two secretaries ; two clearks of his signet ; and
four councellors, learned in the lawes. And forasmuch as
it was necessary, to have divers officers of the chancery to
attend upon him, that is to say, the clearke of the crowne,
a riding clearke, a clearke of the hamper, and a clearke of
the ware ; then a clearke of the checke (as well upon the
chaplaines, as on the yeomen of his chamber) hee gave
allowance to them all. He had also foure footmen, who
were cloathed in rich running coats, whensoever hee rode
on any journey. Then had hee an herald at armes, a Ser-
jeant at armes, a physician, an apothecarie, foure minstrels,
a keeper of his tents, an armorer, an instructor of his
wards, two yeomen of his wardrobe of robes, and a keeper
of his chamber continually in the court. Hee had also in
his house the surveyor of Yorke, and a clearke of the
greene-cloth : all these were dayly attending, downe lying
and uprising, as wee use to say, and at meales. Hee kept

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 301

in his great chamber, a continual table for the chamberers, COLL. &c.

. XX. XXI.

and gentlemen officers : having with them a messe of the ' ' '

young lords, and another of gentlemen. And beside all

these there was never an officer, gentleman, or other

worthy person : but he was allowed in the house, some

three, some two, and all other, one at the least, which

grew to a great number of persons. Thus far out of the

check-roule : besides other officers, servants, and retainers,

and suters, that most commonly dined in the hall.

No. XXI.

Pro exequiis publicis D. Roffensis cancellarij nostri cele-
brandis in collegio dim Johannis statutum.

Universis Christi fidelibus et sanctae ecclesiae filijs Jo-elibropro-
hannes Edmunds sacrae theologian professor et Cantabr. 140
academiae vicecancellarius, necnon unanimis regentium et
non-regentium ccetus salutem elicit sempiternam.

Quum piae memoriae venerabilis pater et hujus almas
academiae nostras cancellarius dignissimus dominus Jo-
hannes Fischer Roffensis ecclesiae vigilantissimus pastor
et episcopus nullum non moverit lapidem, imo hue semper
omnem animi sui vim et conatum destinavit ut istiusmodi
egregium aliquod fascinus apud nos aliquando patraret,
quo turn sibi Christum demereri posset, turn nos omnes
beneficijs suis obnoxius redderet : plane id ipsum (ingenue
fatemur) jamdudum ab illo effectum est. Effectum est
autem quod turn in Christi optimi maximi gloriam et hujus
academiae nostrae ingentem honorem, turn in pauperum
scholasticorum hie studentium et Christum ac bonas literas
imbibere volentium utilitatem quam plurimum cesserit.
Primum etenim magni pretij vestimentorum seriem et
capam, ut vocant, quibus in defunctorum exequijs, sed
maximis duntaxat, utimur, ex panno aureis filis intexto
academiae nostrae contulit ac liberali munificentia donavit,
ut hie complura alia ejus beneflcia quibus nos cumulavit,

302 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. praetereamus. Ad hgec, quod praecipuum est, singulari

1_ prudentia sua solus effecit, vere paternum erga nos gerens

affectum, ut duo praeclarissima ilia et maxima academiae
nostra decora et ornamenta, Christi servatoris et divi
Johannis evangelistae collegia illustris memoriae nobilissima
ilia fcemina domina Margareta Richmondiae et Derbias
comitissa hie apud nos in subsidium pauperum scholastico-
rum ex imis fundamentis erexerit, fundavit, et annuis ac
perpetuis quidem illis turn dotaverit, turn ditaverit redditi-
bus amplissimis. Quibus turn utrisque collegijs praedictus
venerandus pater plurima de suo postea contulit emolu-
menta, et magnifica beneficia, usque adeo ut vel hinc
praecipui benefactoris nomen emeruerit, et eo utroque in
loco sed praecipue in collegio divi Johannis donatus sit.
Praeterea idem vere pius vir ac venerandus pater prasdict*
comitissae hoc quoque persuasit ut gratis theologicam hie
atque ita perpetuo duraturam institueret lectionem, nee
non et verbi divini evangelistam, hoc est, publicum univer-
sitatis nostras concionatorem. Quibus quidem nominibus,
quum nos illi plurimum debere constet, nos ergo hujus
almae academies vicecancellarius et uterque ccetus regen-
tium et non regentium officio nostro, uti par est,respondere
cupientes,etsummum quod habemus pretiumvicissimilli re-
pendere satagentes. In perpetuam tantorum illius in noscol-
latorum beneficiorum, et tantae gratitudinis memoriam, mo-
numentum aliquodinsigne tanto patrono dignum reposituri :
ecce annuam illi, ex more, liturgiam, id est exequiarum et
missae sacrum seu anniversarium, ut dicitur, cujusmodi pro
reliquis collegiorum fundatoribus atque praecipuis bene-
factoribus nostris quotannis celebrare ex pacto tenemur
ad modum exequiarum et missae a nobis celebratarum in
collegio Christi, eo videlicet die quo ilium feliciter mortem
obire contigerit, vel alio quopiam intra octo proxime
sequentes dies in collegio divi Johannis offerimus, promit-
timus, et per prassentes ad singula praedicta nos et suc-
cessores nostros obligamus singulis annis in futurum obser-
■ 7 vanda. Volumus insuper et ordinamus ut hoc scriptum

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 303

statuti vim habeat, et inseratur inter reliquas sanctiones COLL. &c.

XXI XXII.

nostras et senatus-consulta. "*

Datum in utroque senatu Cantabrigiae nostro anno
domini millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo octavo mensis
Januarii die penultimo.

No. XXII.

Ad Roffensem ab Accidentia.

Quantum tibi debet aeternumque debebit haec nostra
quanquam non magis nostra quam tua, amplissime praesul,
respublica, quippe cujus tu et caput et gloria prima es,
quamque multis tibi nominibus obstrinxisti consilio, auxilio,
beneficentia, favore ; quamvis nee epistolari brevitate com-
plecti, nee verbis explicari satis et pro rei dignitate queat :
tamen silentio prasterire, prasterquam quod ingratissimum
fuerit, et fascinus nullis victimis expiabile, etiam summo
justoque dolore nos afficeret plus conspici humanitatis in
Uteris atque studijs nostris, quam in factis moribusque.
Quorum illud, nimirum ingratos esse, hominum nullorum
esse putamus (si modo homines esse velint) nedum Christ-
ianae philosophies ac persuasionis candidatorum quibus
eura sanctissimi servatoris nostri et praesidis Christi ore
praecipiatur ut et nos devoventibus bene comprecemur et
malefacientibus benefaciamus, et pro ijs oremus qui nos
lasdunt insectanturque : quanto magis nos benevolos exhi-
bere gratosque ijs esse oportebit qui multis nos magnisque
beneflcijs demerentur ? Istud monstri simile profecto fuit
homines humaniori literatura imbutos et musarum gratia-
rumque studijs excultos ab ineunte aetate, moribus tamen
esse ita barbarie efFeratos ut nullum nee humanitatis ves-
tigium retinere, nee grati benevolique animi signum pra?-
ferre vel possint vel velint: praesertim dominationi sua
obasratos tot tuis in nos tamque magnificis, nullo non
tempore et loco collatis beneficijs. Quorum quasclam
nobiscum dum cogitamus vel ilia quae oculis quotidie
nostris obversantur, praeclaras acaclensiae nostras duo lumina

304 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. collegia Christi et Johannis, quae magno nobis ornamento

!_ esse foreque nemo tarn impudens est qui negaverit, statim

cogimur te summis patronis nostris connumerare, et locum
dare proximum inclitissimae juxta ac sanctissimae heroinae
Margaretae Richmondiae comiti. Tuis (qui senim vera pro-
hibebit dicere) devicta precibus, persuasa sermone, obse-
cuta consilio, et hortatu animata, cum tanto, sed alibi
destinato, nos adfecerit beneficio quanto pares esse pote-
rimus nunquam : quid aliud quam ceu digito demonstravit
vel primum te vel a primo proximum esse beneficij hujus
authorem cui haec duo musaea debeamus ? Nihil, hercule,
minus quam Stagirae olim cives suam urbem Aristoteli,
quam ut condidit Alexander, ut Rex, aedificavit ac per-
suasit philosophus alioqui non condituro. Jam vero ecquis
illud vulgare dixerit beneficium quod tuae dominationi
referimus acceptum istorum nomine quorum alter academiae
a concionibus, alter est a praelectionibus sacris ? Uterque
sane quam utilis nobis ac populo Christiano ; quorum
munia, ut plurimum nobis honorifica et necessaria fatemur,
ita tuae dominationis opera factum scimus ut tanto bono
potiremur. Quibus tuis, colendissime pater, beneficijs,
quae tu, ne non essent ex omni parte splendida, vestibus
pretiosis aureisque exornasti, quippe illis quibus inter
sacris operandum solemus uti.

Quoniam nihil habemus quod reponamus non indigne
praeter animi gratitudinem et quam maximas gratias :
tamen tarn regaliter apparatis et tarn splendide vestitis
beneficijs tuis, ne nudas tantum gratias remittamus, visum
est illis, tuo exemplo, circumdare amictum aliquem, vestrem
funebrem illam quidem et mundo-pullam, sed tibi praesuli
sanctissimo et candidam et mire gratam futuram, et qualem
nemo bene Christianus qui cum Paulo sese novit quotidie
morti tradi propter Christum Jesum non .... praeferatque
omni purpurae atque auro ; hoc est, ut ultra metaphoram
loquamur, exequias annuas, annuaque parentalia quae tuis
manibus perpetuo et quotannis celebranda in D. Johannis
collegio (ubi multa variaque benignitatis tuae monumenta

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 305

visuntur) illis omnibus et ritibus et ceremonijs quibus prse- COLL. &c.
cipuorum nobis benefactorum exequiae peraguntur, et xxm.
sanximus et praesenti senatus-consulto statuimus, decerni- '

musque. Quod munus nostrum, dignissime praesul, sum-
mum videlicet, quern habemus thesaurum si tuae domina-
tioni gratum esse intellexerimus, et ea qua offertur
alacritate acceptum vehementer sane gaudebimus et gra-
tulabimur nobis potuisse nos id tuae dominationi praestare
quod tuorum erga nos et rempublicam nostram officiorum
magnitudinem quamvis non vincere aut superare tamen
attingere posset. Felicissime valeas, doctissime pater,
magnum hujus nostras literariae reipublicae et caput et
decus, ex nostro senatu pridie [calend. Februar. 1528.]

No. XXIII.

A Roffensi ad Academiam.

Domino vicecancellario, universoque senatui regentium et
non-regentium Cantabrigiae.

Etsi negotijs varijs fuerim impeditus quo minus, ut par
erat, digne, quum pro vestris amantissimis Uteris cum pro
immenso quo me jam donastis beneficio gratias agerem,
non potui tamen citra summam inhumanitatis notam
omnino silere, nihilque tantis et tarn amplissimis erga me
vestris respondere meritis. Optima certe ilia et vestri
hujus academiae studiosissima virago domina Margareta
Richmondiae comes, vere digna cujus nomen semper vestris
inhsereat pectoribus, mihi laudem omnem harum rerum
praeripuit quas nunc mihi tribuit vestrum erga me singulare
studium. Ego tantum in his negotijs minister eram id
solum agens et suppeditans ad quod omni tarn humano
quam divino jure fueram astrictissimus. Quid enim ipse,
quern illustris ilia matrona sibi a confessionibus ascivit,
consulerem aliud quam quod ad illius animae salutem mihi
potissimum conducere videbatur. Nee erat quicquam in
quo, me judice, cumulatiore suo merito collocasse tantum

VOL. II. x

306 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. censum potuit, quam ut multitudo juvenum suis sumptibus
XXHI- educaretur qui postea, quum in viros eruditione virtuteque
praestantes adoleverint, Christi evangelium per totius hujus
Britanniae fines, haud citra fructum et eundem sane quam
uberrimum, essent sparsuri. Nihil igitur in hac re feci
praster ofncium ad quod omni jure tenebar. At licuit hoc
ipsum in alio quovis gimnasio fuisse procuratum ! Licuit
certe, verum ita jure-jurando, quod olim apud vos ipse
praestiti, non fecissem satis : nam hoc devinctus eram uti
vestro commodo vestroque honori, quoad potuerim, in
cunctis prospicerem. Quocirca non est cur agnoscam
usque adeo cumulatissimas a vobis mihi deberi gratias,
quum ipse nihil nisi quod ex debito incumbebat in his
rebus egerim. Habeat igitur ilia, ilia, inquam, incompara-
bilis fcemina, patronaque vestra quae vere de vobis merita
est, suas laudes et gloriam intigerrime sibi: mihi certe
satis est haec summa vestra benevolentia qua propensitatem
animi mei erga vos tarn benigne respicitis. Animus iste
revera sicut nee defuit unquam, ita nee in posterum deerit,
quibus valebit modis vestris prodesse negotijs.

Beneficium vero quod contulistis tantum est ut regibus

conveniat magis quam pauperculo pontifici. Cui enim in

hoc mundo potest illustrior a morte contingere gloria quam

splendidissimum tot eruditissimorum hominum coetum

astare corpusculo suo, tantam reverentiam eidem exhibere?

Horrui profecto contremuique totus dum cineribus meis

tantum honoris impertiendum cogitarim. Quid enim aliud

ipse quam pulvis et cinis ero ? Ceterum absit ut devotas

preces tanti et tarn eruditissimi coetus non amplectar, non

exosculer, non summis denique votis exoptem. Neque

enim cum illis sentio qui purgatorium negant: egent enim

vero quam plures animae, postquam hinc exierint, purga-

tione multa diuturnaque. Divus Bernardus misericorditer

agi secum putavit si purgatorijs aestibus ad usque judicij

diem relinqueretur expiandus. Si tantus vir tantum eli-

mationis spatium praescripserit sibi, quid ego miserculus

non toto pectore affectum vestris orationibus quotannis

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 307

apud divinam clementiam commendari quo facilius ab illis coll. &c.
ignibus eximar ? xxiv

Desunt itaque mihi verba quibus pro maximo isto ■ ■

beneficio jam a vobis impenso et a posteris vestris impen-
dendo gratias agam. Hoc tamen a vobis impetrare cupio
quatenus exequiae quas mihi nunc singulis annis estis
polliciti nomini illius optimae fceminae communisque patronae
ascribantur, nimirum ut ilia sicut in collegio Christi me-
moriam obtinuit precum vestrarum, ita et in collegio D.
Johannis pariter assequatur. Communionem autem pre-
cum si cum ilia mihi impartieritis, abunde et supra quam
ipse de vobis meruerim estis elargiti. Nam quicquid est
gloriae, quam et sola meruit, soli ipsi deferendum censeo.
Precationis tamen vestrse subsidium quam nunc mihi tarn
ingenue spospondistis, ambabus, ut aiunt, manibus excipio
lubens, gratiasque proinde vobis agens immortales.

Valete ex Roffa 1° Kal. Martij.

No. XXIV.

An Account of the proceedings against the Nunns, and of
the annexing and appropriating ofHigham to St. Johns
College.

After the granting of procuratoriall powers, &c. by John
Bp: and Nicholas Archdeacon of Rochester, &c. follows :

In Dei nomine, Amen. Coram vobis rev: in Christo
patre et dno: dno: Johe: permissione divina Roffen: epo:
vestrove commissario sive commissariis. Ego Ricus:
Sharpe in S: Th: Bac: procurator Ven: viri magistri col-
legii S: Joh: Evang: in Cant: sociorumq; et scolarium ibid:
et nomine procuratorio pro eisdem dico, allego, et in hiis
propono, quod in prioratu sive monasterio monialium de
Higham Ord: S: Benedicti vestre Roffen: dioc: nuper ex-
isten: quod de jure patronatus metuendissimi dni: nostri
dni: Henrici Dei gra: Regis Angl: et Fran: fidei defenso-
ris ac dni: Hibern: extitit ; fuerunt olim sexdecim moni-

308 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. ales, in divinis officiis Deo famulantes, ex fructibus, reddi-
XXIV

tlhi'g obventionibus, et proventibus ejusdem prioratus sive

monasterii quotidie sustentate. Quodq: de post prefatus
numerus in tantum decrevit et diminutus fuit, quod in
eodem monasterio sive prioratu, per plures annos conti-
nuos ultra tres aut quatuor non existebant moniales, partim
ex eo, quod idem prioratus, sive monasterium in angulo
quodam seorsum a conspectu populi situat: a lascivis per-
sonis, maxime clericis nimium frequentabatur, cujus occa_
sione moniales inibi degentes, de incontinenti vita vehe-
menter erant notate : partim quia tarn temporalia quam
spiritualia ejusdem loci, premissa occasione, ad ingentem
venerunt minoracoem: et decasum. Quodq; postquam
vestra rev: paternitas, vestris cura et diligentia permaximis,
numerum monialium, in eodem monasterio sive prioratu,
ad quinque instauraverat, non solum earundem monialium
plures a sacerdote corrupte, ac nonnulle earum impregnat:
fuerunt, prout coram vestra rev: paternitate, de eodem
legitime erant convict: verum etiam divinus cultus, regularis
observantia, hospitalitas, eleemosine aliaq; pietatis opera,
quae inibi fieri debuerunt et olim consueverunt, hiis novis-
simis diebus manifeste deereverunt, ac diminut: existunt.

Quodq; nobiliss: femina dna: Margareta olim Richmond:
et Derb: comitissa, prefati dni: nostri Regis Avia, post-
quam fundaverat quoddam collegium, quod Christi colle-
gium appellavit in universitate Cant:, prefatum etiam
collegium Su Johis: Evang: construere cepit, in quo et
quinquaginta studentes perpetuo sustentare voluit, quae
tamen antequam dictum propositum suum ad effectum
producere potuit, viam universe carnis ingressa fuit. Ad
quae omnia et singula prefatus metuendiss: et supremus
dns: noster Rex Henricus octavus sue pietatis oculum diri-
gens, et multiplicia inconvenientia sed precipue divinam
displicentiam, ex hujusmodi morum corruptela in dicto
monasterio exercitata verisimiliter exorta prudenter consi-
derans, fidemq; Christianam augeri ac propagari summo-
pere desiderans, amoreq; bonarum literarum et maxime

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 309

divinarum non nihil impulsus, non solum quo dicte nobiliss: COLL. &c.
femine Aviae suae prefatum laudabile et pium propositum
suum tandem consequeretur effectum, verum etiam, ut
diet: prioratus sive monasterium cum suis pertinen: a pre-
misso grandi abusu, ad aliquem laudabilem et sanctum
usum transferri et applicari possit, de gratia speciali et ex
certa scientia et mero motu suis, pro se et heredibus suis,
per certas suas literas patentes, desuper concessas, licen-
tiam dedit et concessit praefat: magro: sociis et Scolaribus,
ac successoribus suis, quod ipsi dict-prioratum sive monas-
terium predict: et cimiterium ibid: una cum rectoria ecclie:
paroch: de Higham ibid: ab antiquo qualitercunq; unit:
annex: in corporat: appropriat: et consolidat: cum omnibus
aliis suis juribus et pertinen: universis, sibi et successoribus
suis uniri annecti incorporari appropriari et consolidari, ac
donationem et concessionem predict: per sedem aplicam:
confirmari petere et procurare possint, et diet: priorat: et
cimiterium, ac eccliam: paroch: de Higham, ac omnia et
singula supradicta, cum suis juribus et pertinen: universis,
et quamlibet inde parcellam, sic eis unit: annex: incorporat:
appropriat: et consolidat: habere tenere et gaudere possint
sibi et successoribus suis predict: in proprios usus, et libe-
ram puram et perpetuam elemosinam : statuto de terris et
Ten: ad manum mortuam non ponend:, aut statut-de pro-
visionibus, seu aliquo alio statuto actu ordinatione provi-
sione vel restrictione in contrarium inde, seu de aliqua inde
parcella fact: edit: sive ordinat: in aliquo non obstante,
prout in ipsius metuendiss: Regis Uteris paten: inde con-
fectis plenius continetur. Quae omnia et singula fuerunt
et sunt vera publica manifesta et famosa, ac de et super-
eisdem adinlaborarunt et laborant publica vox et fama.
Unde facta fide quae de jure requiritur in hac parte, ad
quam faciend: juxta juris exigentiam, offero me nomine
procuratorio, quo supra prompt: et parat: pro loco et tem-
pore congruis et oportunis.

Vicesimo sexto die Januarii — Mr Ricus: Sharpe procu-
rator sepe fat: — quasdam literas patentes Regias originates

310 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. [Recitantur literae] sereniss: in Christo principis et dni:
XXIV- dni: Henrici octavi, Dei gra: Regis Angl: et Fran: fidei
defensoris, et dni: Hibern: Sigillo suo magno rotundo in
cera viridi impress: sigillat: roborat: et munit. Licentiam
suam Regiam pro hujusmodi unione annexione incorporat:
et consolidatione predict: collegio St! Joh: Evang: magroq;
sociis et scolaribus ejusdem modernis ac ipsorum successo-
ribus futuris, sic ut premittitur inferius describuntur fien-
dis, in se continentes, eisdem magro: sociis et scolaribus in
hac parte, et ad effectum hujusmodi, per Regiam majes-
tatem antea concessas: nee non librum regestral: vestre
rev: paternitatis correctionem animarum dominarum Eliza-
beth Penney, et Godline Laurence monialium de Higham
predict: propter detestabilem incontinentiam et adulte-
rium, cum dno: Edwardo Sterope sacerdote commiss: et
per easdem confess:, proles pariendo : nee non tria instru-
menta de et super resignatione cessione dimissione et
renunc: dicti monasterii de Higham predict:, cum omnibus
suis pertinen: per easdem dnas: Elizabet Penney, Godli-
nam Laurence, et Agnetem Swayne commoniales ibid:
factas, nullis aliis monialibus ibid: existen:, signo et sub-
scriptione magri: Johis: Bere notarii publici signat: et sub-
script: in subsidium probationis articuli predicti, et conten-
torum in eodem realiter produxit et exhibuit. Tenores
vero instrumentorum resignationum, de quibus supra fit
mentio sequuntur, et sunt tales.

In Dei nomine, Amen. Per presens publicum instru-
mentum cunctis appareat evidenter, quod anno dni: millimo:
quingent: vigesimo primo, indictione decima, pontif: sanc-
tissimi in Christo patris, et dni: nostri dni: Leonis, divina
providentia hujus nominis pape decimi anno nono, mensis
vero Decembris die decimo octavo, in magna camera rev:
in Christo patris et dni: dni: Johis: permissione divina
Roffen: epi: in manerio suo de Hallyng Roffen: dioc:
situat: meiq; Johis: Bere notarii publici, et testium inferius
nominator um presentia constituta per sonaliter coram eodem
rev: patre religiosa mulier: dna: Agnes Swayne monialis, ut

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 311

asseruit, expresse professa in monasterio de Higham diet: COLL. &c.
dioc: quasdem resignationem, dimiss: et renunciat: dicti XXIV*
monasterii sui, ac jurium sibi quomodolibet ad idem com-
petentium in scriptis redact: fecit, legit, et interposuit sub
eo qui sequitur tenore verborum.

In the name of God, Amen. I dame Agnes Swayne
non: expressly professid of the monastery of Higham in
the diocese of Rochester, not compellid by fere or drede,
nor circumventid by gile or dyssay te, but of my owen free
will for certen juste and lawfull cawses doo resigne and
renounce all my ryght, tytle, interest and possession, that
I have had or nowe have in and to the foresd: monastery
into the holy handes of the rev: father in God and Lorde,
my lorde John busshoppe of Rochester my ordinary, be-
fore John Bere notarye and witnes under-written, and all
my foreseid right, tytle, interest, and possessyon I utterly
renounce, giff uppe, and from them departe for ever by
these presentes. Acta sunt haec &c. Et ego Johes: Bere
&c. — presens personaliter interfui — presens publicum in-
strumentum confeci — et in hanc formam redegi.

[Simili fere forma, sequitur resignatio Eliz: Penney dat:
Dec: SI: 1521, et Godlif Laurence [nons: professed] dat:
Jan: 3: 1521.]

Postea decimo sexto die mensis Febr:, anno et loco
predictis — Dns: Thomas Thornton substitutus — magri:
Ricardi Sharpe procuratoris originalis collegii &c: produxit
in testes quendam Johan: James, et dnum: Johem: Standa-
nowght de Strode &c: — quos nos ad ipsius procuratoris
petitionem recepimus, admisimus, et in forma testium
jurand: ad sancta Dei evangelia per eos, de mandato nostro
corporaliter tact: jurari fecimus de dicendo-veritatem.
Tenores vero (in effectu et substantia) attestationum et
depositionum singulorum testium inferius conscribuntur, et
sunt tales.

Johannes James de Strode Roffen: dioc: literatus, libere
conditionis quinquaginta septem annorum eetatis, vel cir-
citer serviens sive familiaris priorisse et conventus quon-

312

PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c
XXIV.

dam de Higham, ut dicit, testis productus, admissus, jurat:
et examinat: de et super articulo, pro parte dicti magri:
coll: Su: Joh; Evang: sociorumq; et scolarium ibid: minis-
trato et proposito, et primo de et super notitia prioratus
de Higham, dicit, quod circiter duodecim annos elapsos
incepit primo iste juratus habere notitiam de prioratu
predicto. Examinatus ulterius de et super prima parte
articuli ejusdem dicit, quod nescit deponere, nisi ex rela-
tione aliorum. Ulterius examinatus iste juratus de et
super secunda parte ejusdem articuli, dicit, quod circiter
duodecim annos elaps: quando iste deponens primo acces-
sit ad servitium diet: priorisse et conventus de Higham non
vidit ibid: ultra tres aut quatuor moniales in dicto prioratu
professas, et post aliquos annos diu postea ibid: in servitio
stetit, idem monasterium sive prioratus a lascivis personis,
maxime clericis nimium frequentabatur, cujus occasione
moniales inibi degentes, de incontinenti vita vehementer
erant notate ; et quod tarn temporalia quam spiritualia
ejusdem prioratus, ad ingentem venerunt minorationem et
decasum. Interrogatus, quid novit de hujusmodi decasu,
dicit, quod in dictis annis preteritis dicta ecclia: conventu-
alis ac edificia et maneria quasi omnia ejusdem prioratus
tantam patiebantur ruinam viz. quasi in qualibet sui parte,
quod rev: pater epus: modernus mandavit huic jurato et
aliis diversis conducere operarios, pro dictis reparationibus
faciend:. Et quia non habundavit pecunia in dicto mon:
pro dictis reparat: perficiendis : idem rev: pater non solum
pecunias proprias, pro dicto opere perficiendo exposuit,
verum etiam multas alias pecunias sua industria dictis re-
parationibus contribui procuravit. Ad tertiam partem,
dicit iste juratus in vim dicti juramenti sui, quod rev: pater
epus: Roff: modernus cura et diligentia suis permaximis,
numerum monialium in eodem monasterio, ad quinque mo-
niales instauraverat. Dicit ulterius quod dna: Eliz: Penney
et Godlina Laurence moniales predicti prioratus erant
impregnate, per quendam dnm: Edwardum Sterop sacer-
dotem quondam vicarium de Higham, et hoc se dicit scire

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 313

ex relatione dne: Anchorete Ungothorpe tunc priorisse COLL. &c.

ibid:, quae retulit huic jurato, quod dicte moniales conce- L.

perint et pepererint infra dictum monasterium. Dicit ulte-
rius, quod ad mandatum dicti rev: patris iste juratus
descendebat ad dictum monasterium, cum eodem rev:
patre quodam die, de quo certitudinaliter nescit deponere,
ubi et quando idem rev: pater fecit diligentem examinati-
onem de dicto crimine, et post quam pervenit ad notitiam
dicti jurati, quod predicta dna: Elizabeth conceperit, iste
juratus intravit claustrum dicti prioratus ubi vidit dnam:
Elizabeth Penney sedentem et plorantem. Cui iste juratus
dixit ; Alas, madam, howe happened this ivith you ? cui
ipsa respondebat, And I had ben happey, Imyght a caused
this thinge to have ben unknowen and hydden. Qui de-
posuit de visu auditu, et scientia suis propriis. Ad quar-
tam partem dicti articuli, qui sic incipit, Quodq; nobilissima
femina, et sic terminatur, Plenius continetur, dicit, quod
prefatus metuendissimus dns: noster Rex Henricus octavus
loci predicti fundator considerans multiplicia inconvenientia
ejusdem prioratus, volens diet: grandem abusum dampnare,
et diet: monasterium, ad aliquem laudabilem et sanctum
usum applicare, de sua gratia speciali, illud priorat: sive
monasterium cum pertinen: per literas suas patentes prefat:
magro: sociis et scolaribus S" Johis: Evang: in Cant:, in
puram et perpetuam elemosinam dedit et concessit, ut per
literas predict: indefact: plenius continetur, ad quas se *
refert. Super quintam partem dicti articuli, que sic incipit,
Quce omnia et singida, et terminatur ibid:, Publica vox et
fama, dicit, quod continet in se veritatem.

Dns: Johannes Standeanought sacerdos hospitalis de
Strowde, libere conditionis, quadraginta annorum etatis,
vel circiter, ut dicit, testis in hac parte productus juratus
secret: examinatus. Et primo de et super notitia prioratus
de Higham, dicit, quod dictum prioratum, per novem
annos vel circiter bene novit, quia celebravit in eodem
monasterio ex mandato revmi: patris epi: Roffen: quasi per
totum illud tempus. Ulterius examinatus de et super

314 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. contends in eadem prima parte, dicit quod nescit deponere
XXIV- nisi ex relatione aliorum. Examinatus preterea super
secunda parte articuli predict: dicit et concordat cum Johe
James preconteste suo superius examinato. Et hoc se
dicit scire, quia multum conversabatur ibid : et vidit ad
oculum multa eorumqne in eadem secunda parte recitan-
tur et narrantur. Interrogates insuper iste juratus de et
super tertia parte ejusdem articuli, dicit, quod Rev: Pater
Epus: Roffen: modernus, numerum monialium in eodem
monasterio, ad quinque moniales instauraverat, et dicit
ulterius, quod audivit a pluribus fide dignis, et etiam
de nutrice, ubi proles Dne: Eliz: Penney alimentum habuit,
quod dicta Dna: Eliz: Penney et Godelina Laurence moni-
ales ibid: conceperint et pepererint, qua? etiam impregnat:
fuerunt per dnm: Edwardum Steropp Vicarium de Hig-
ham, et similiter audivit, quod Rev: Pater predict: imposuit
utriq; earum pro commissis penitentias. Ad quartam par-
tem dicit et concordat cum dicto Johe: James preconteste
suo superius examinato. Ad quintam partem dicit, quod
premissa per eum deposita sunt vera, et super eisdem in
civitate Roffen: nee non in parochiis de Clif, Mepham,
Chetham, Strode, et aliis convicinis et circumvicinis labo-
rarunt et laborant adhuc publica vox et fama.

Elianora Smyth de Clif vidua sexaginta annorum etatis
vel cerciter ut dicit, testis producta, jurata, et diligenter
examinata (ubi moram traxit a juventute) et primo de et
super notitia prioratus de Higham, dicit quod novit a tem-
pore discretionis sue predict: prioratum. Ad primam et
secundam partes dicti articuli dicit, quod nescit deponere.
Ad tertiam partem dicti articuli dicit, quod Dna: Elizabeth
Penney Monialis de Higham concepit et peperit filium
masculum in prioratu de Higham, circiter novem vel de-
cern annos preteritos, et hoc se dicit scire, quia fuit pre-
sens ibid : et exercuit circa earn officium obstetricis, pre-
sente cum eadem tunc ibid : Dna: Anchoreta Ungothorpe
priorissa tunc dicti prioratus. Dicit etiam quod levavit
diet: prolem a sacro fonte in Ecclia: de Clif. et postea nu-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 315

trivit eandem prolem in domo sua, usq; ad diem obitus COLL. &c.
ejusdem. Ad quartam partem dicit, quod nescit doponere,
nisi ex relatione aliorum. Ad quintam partem dicit, quod
premissa per earn deposita sunt vera, et super eisdem in
parochiis circumvicinis adinlaborarunt et adhuc laborant
publica vox et fama.

Ricardus Danyell de Clif illiteratus, libere conditionis,
sexaginta quinq; annorum etatis vel circiter testis pro-
ductus admissus juratus et secrete examinatus [viz. per
commissionem, quia senio contractus.] et primo de et super
notitia Prioratus de Higham, dicit quod idem prioratum,
per quatuor decim annos bene novit et noscit. Ulterius
super contentis in prima parte dicti articuli dicit, quod
nescit deponere. Examinatus super secunda parte articuli
predicti, dicit quod in primeva notitia sua in dicto prioratu,
non meminit se vidisse ultra tres moniales, postea quinq;
moniales ibid: vidit et novit. Ad tertiam partem dicti
articuli dicit, quod dna: Elizabeth Penney monialis de
Higham peperit prolem, et hoc se dicit scire, ex relatione
cujusdam Elianore Smyth precontestis sue que retulit huic
jurato, quod exercuit officium obstetricis in monasterio de
Higham, et quod eadem dna: Eliz. Penney in prioratu de
Higham peperit. Dicit ulterius quod ipsemet levavit diet:
prolem a sacro fonte in ecclia: paroch: de Clif. Ad quartam
partem dicit, quod nescit deponere nisi ex relatione
aliorum. Ad quintam partem dicit, quod premissa per
eum deposita sunt vera, et super eisdem, in Parochiis de
Clif, Higham, Gravisende et pluribus aliis locis convicinis
circumvicinis laboravit publica vox et fama.

In Dei nomine amen. Coram vobis rev: in Christo patre
et dno: dno: Johe: permiss: divina Roffen: epo: &c. nos
Robertus Johnson in legibus bac: ac commissarius ante-
diet:, Christi nomine primitus invocato, ac ipsum solum
deum oculis nostris preponentes, de consilio jurisperito-
rum, cum quibus communicavimus in hac parte, causas
hujusmodi appropriations fiend: pias, justas, veras, legi-
timas, ac racionabiles, juriq; consonan:, ac legitime probat:

316 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. fuisse et esse, auctoritate qua fungimur in hac parte, pro-

'_ nunciamus, decernimus, et declaramus, ac eas pro talibus

et ut tales approbamus, predictumq; prioratum et eccliam:
de Higham, una cum ecclia eidem ab antiquo qualiter-
cunq; unit: annex: incorporat: appropriat : et consolidat :
ac ab eodem dependen: ceterisq; suis juribus et pertinen:
universis quibuscunq:, antedicto collegio sti Johis: Evang:
in Cant:, magroq; : sociis et scolaribus ejusdem, suisq;
successoribus, perpetuis temporibus futuris uniend : annex-
end, incorporand: appropriand: et consolidand: fore, et
cum effectu uniri annecti incorporari appropriari et con-
solidari, auctoritate nobis commissa, et qua in hac parte
fungimur decernimus et declaramus, ipsumq: prioratum
et eccliam: de Higham cum ceteris premissis, collegio pre-
dicto, ac magro: sociisq; scolaribus memoratis, et eorum
successoribus in perpetuum, in eorum proprios usus pos-
sidend: unimus, annectimus incorporamus appropriamus
et consolidamus per hanc nostram sententiam, sive finale
decretum, quam sive quod ferimus et promulgamus in hiis
scriptis. Decernentes desuper et decernimus quod liceat
eisdem magro: sociis et scolaribus dictum prioratum et
eccliam: de Higham auctoritate nostra premissa vacan:
ingredi, ac ejus et suorum predict : jurium et pertinen:
universorum realem actualem et corporalem possessionem
apprehendere nancisci et adipisci: ipsamq; possessionem
sic nactam apprehensam et adeptam libere et licite, sibi et
successoribus suis pro perpetuo retinere et continuat: atq;
eis pacifice et quiete possidend : gaudere.

Et ut prefat : rev: patris, et dni: dni: Johis: RofFen : epi:
nee non Archi: RofFen: predict., omniumq; suorum succes-
sorum indempnitatibus in hac parte securius provideamus:
Statuimus, ordinamus, et providemus, quod prefat: Mr.
socii et scolares coll: s1' Joh: in Cant: et sui successores
futur: predict: rev: in Christo Patri RofFen: epo: et suc-
cessoribus suis tresdecim solid: et quatuor denar: pro
pensione annua, atq; predict: archo: suisq; successoribus
futur: septem solid: et sex denar: singulis annis, perpetuis

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 317

futuris temporibus, durant: et stant: appropriatione hujus- COLL. &c.
modi, ad festum su Michis: Archi: fideliter et effectualiter
persolveri, vel facient persolvi indilate pro suis procura-
tionibus. Item decernimus et ordinamus, quod mr: socii
et scolares, et eorum successores in perpetuum solvent
rev: in Christo Patri Roffen: epo: et ejus success:, sede
plena, qua vacan:, revmo: in Christo Patri Archiepo: Cant:
et suis success: procurationem quatuor solid: de et pro
procurationibus de Higham predict: ab antiquo debit: et
solvi consuet: ratione visitationis sue ordinarie — quoties-
cunq; et quandocunq; contigerit—dictam eccliam: de Higham
visitare. Decernimus insuper et ordinamus, quod prefat:
magr: socii et scolares, ipsorumq; success: futur: habebunt,
et ipsorum propriis sumptibus et expensis in perpetuum,
stante et durante appropriatione hujusmodi, fideliter exhi-
bebunt et sustentabunt unum capellanum ydoneum secu-
larem, in ordine sacerdotali constitutum, qui quotidie et
continue humano more infra Prioratum de Higham pre-
dict: celebrabit, qui pro animabus fundatorum p'mogeni-
torum ac benefactorum suorum defunctorum, ac pro felici
et prospero statu illustris: principis et dni: nostri dni:Henrici
Regis Angl: octavi moderni, pro bonoq; et prospero statu
totius regni sui Angl: preces fundet et faciet ad altissimum
devotas. Ad hec decernimus et ordinamus, quod in festi
sti Michis: Archi: natalis dni:, annunc: dominice, et nativi-
tatis sti Johis : Bapt : singulis annis perpetuis futuris
temporibus in prioratu de Higham, pro animabus predict:
exequie mortuorum, et in crastino diet: dierum, singulis
annis et festis, misse de requiem devote dicentur et cele-
brabuntur.

In quorum omnium et singulorum premiss: fidem et test:
presentes literas nostras desuper testimoniales, sive pre-
sens publicum instrumentum nostrum hujusmodi processum
in se continentes sive continens exinde fieri mandavimus
et fecimus ; nee non per prenominatum magrum: Johem:
Bere notarium publicum registrarium Roffen: atq; nostrum
et hujusmodi processus actorumq; in eo et circa ilium

S18 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. scribam subscribi et signari, sigilliq; quo in hac parte usi

1_ fuimus appensione fecimus et mandavimus communiri.

Que omnia et singula, eidem paternitati vestre rev: ad
omnem juris effectum, qui exinde sequi poterit vel debebit,
tenore presentium signiflcamus. Dat: et acta sunt hec
omnia et singula in effectu et substantia prout supra
scribuntur et recitantur sub anno domini mensibus, diebus
et locis predictis. Presentibus tunc viz: tempore lecture
sententie sive decreti finalis hujusmodi discretis viris dno:
Johe: Drake, &c: testibus, &c:

Nos igitur Johannes permiss: divina RofFen: epus: visis
per nos et diligenter investigatis actis et processu negotii
unionis annexionis, appropriationis, et consolidationis su-
prascript: quia appropriationem hujusmodi, et cetera pre-
missa, ad Dei laudem et divini cultus augmentum proces-
cisse, et fact: fuisse comperimus et invenimus, ideo hujus-
modi unionis, annexionis, incorporationis, appropriat: et
consolidat: processum, ac singula in eo contenta, quatenus
rite, recte, et canonice processerunt, auctoritate nostra
pontificali auctorisamus, ratificamus et conflrmamus, omnes
et singulos defectus, quantum ad nos attinet, et de jure
poterimus, gratiose supplentes et supplemus. In cujus rei
test: sigillum nostrum presentibus apposuimus. Dat: vice-
simo octavo die mensis Martii, Anno Dni: millimo: quin-
gent: vicesimo quarto et nostre consecrat: anno vicesimo.

Et nos Willmus Prior et capitulum ecclie cath: RofFen:
supradict: appropriationem et cetera premissa, ad Dei
laudem et divini cultus, uti credimus, augmentum fact:
actitat: et determinat: quantum in nobis est, ratificamus,
approbamus et conflrmamus: Salvis nobis semper, et
ecclie nostre RofFen: decimis partialibus de Ocle, intra
parochiam de Hygham predict, nostre ecclie, a longissimis
temporibus debitis, et notorie et pacifice recipi et haberi
consuetis. In cujus rei test: sigillum nostrum commune
presentibus apponi fecimus. Dat: in domo nostra capitu-
lari 20mo die Martii .anno dni. millimo quingentesimo, vice-
simo quarto.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 319

Et nos Nichus Metecalf in Sacra Theologia Professor, COLL. &c.

XXIV.
Archidiaconus Roffen: supradictam appropriationem, et xxv.

cetera omnia premissa, ad Dei laudem, et divini cultus ~

augmentum, factam, quantum in nobis est, ratificamus,

approbamus, et presentium tenore confirmamus. In cujus

rei testimonium, sigillum nostri officii presentibus appo-

suimus. Dat: Roffe, primo die mensis Maii, Anno Dni:

Millesimo, quingentesimo, vicesimo quinto.

Ex instrumento originali, cum tribus sigillis pendenti-
bus, viz: Episcopi, Prions ac Cap: et Archidiaconi Roffen:
qui hunc Actum, consensu et auctoritate suis approbarunt
et confirmarunt.

Habetur autem actus original: repositus inter Archiva
Coll: D: Joh: Cant: in Pyxide sive arcula de Higham infra
turrim.

No. XXV.

Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presentes litere, sive
hoc presens publicum transcripti jnstrumentum pervene-
rint sive pervenerit et quos infrascripta tangunt seu tan-
gere poterunt quomodolibet infuturum. Galfridus Wharton
Decretorum Doctor Officialis principalis cons: Epalis:
London, Salutem in Domino et fidem indubiam presenti-
bus adhibere. Ad universitatis vestre notitiam deducimus
et deduci volumus per presentes, quod anno dni: secundum
cursum et computationem ecclesie Anglicane Millesimo
quingentissimo vicesimo sexto, jndictione decima quinta,
pont: santiss: in Christo patriset dni: dni: nostri Clementis
divina providentia, hujus nominis pape septimi anno
quarto, mensis vero Febr; die optimo coram nobis infra
ecclesiam cath: Sti Pauli London: judicialiter pro tribunali
seden. in notarii publici subscripti et testium inferius nomi-
nat: presentia constitutus personaliter egregius vir Magis-
ter Nicholaus Metcalfe S. Th. Prof: ac magister, ut asse-
ruit Collegii Su Johannis Baptiste Universitatis Canteb:
Elien: Dioc: quasdam hteras prefati sanctiss: dni nostri
pape, ipsius sigillo plumbeo cum fills cericis penden: more

320 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. Romane curie bullatas realiter produxit presentavit et

XXV . « • •

'_ exhibuit, ac nos ex parte sua ac sociorum et scolarium dicti

Collegii Su Johannis instanter requisivit ; ut cum sibi ac
sociis et scolaribus antedictis oportunnus et conducibile
foret, dictas literas aplicas: quas non habuerunt, ut asser-
uit, duplicatas, in diver sis hujus Regni Anglie partibus
non modicum inter se distan: uno eodemq; tempore, nedum
diversis et interpolatis temperibus ostendi et exhiberi ad
effectum, quod omnia et singula in eisdem contenta cunctis
innotescerent, possentq; hujusmodi litere aplice: origina-
tes, si ad effectum memoratum, ad diversas partes, preser-
tim inter se, ut prefertur, multum distan: deferentur et
transportarentur, ob viarum discrimina et casus adversos,
qui frequenter accidunt, verisimiliter deperite : Quatenus
ipsas literas aplicas originales diligenter inspicere contrec-
tare et examinare curaremus ; et si illas per nos inspectas
et debite examinatas reperiremus non viciatas non rasas
non abolitas non cancellatas, nee in aliqua ipsarum parte
suspectas easdem literas aplicas: per notarium publicum
transumi exemplari et subscribi, atq; in publicam formam
redigi precipere et mandare : nee non ut hujusmodi trans-
sumptis, sicut dictis literis aplicis originalibus inposterum
in judiciis et extra plena fides adhibeatur, decretum nos-
trum et auctoritatem interponere dignaremur . Quarum
quidem literarum aplicarum verus tenor sequitur, et est
talis.

Clemens epus: servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei
memoriam. Quia per litterarum studia, equum ab iniquo
discernitur, viri erudiuntur, ac scientia et doctrina, ad uni-
versalis ecclie: decorem, et plurium utilitatem imbuti, quasi
lucerne ardentes in domo dni prefulgent, dignum est nos
illis precibus gratum prebere assensum, ex quibus studio-
rum hujusmodi manutentioni, ac personarum illis insisten-
tium commoditati, et oportune subventioni valeat salubriter
provideri. Sane pro parte dilectorum filiorum moderni
magistri ac sociorum et scolarum Collegii S" Johannis
Baptiste nuncupati universitatis studii opidi Cantebrigie

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 321

Elien: Dioc: nobis nuper exhibita petitio continebat, quod COLL. &c.
cum alias de Bromehall et Higham ordinis Su Benedict! xxv-
Sarisberien: et Roffen: dioc: monasteriorum monialium,
quibus de Higham, nee non de Sonynghill et Allworth ac
Rokland Roffens: et Sarisbirien: predict: ac Norwicen:
dioc: parochiales ecclesie perpetuo unite annexe et incor-
porate existunt, tunc priorisse et moniales ex certis justis
et legitimis causis, coram ordinariis locorum evocate, suis
culpis et demeritis exigentibus, dictis monasteriis, illo-
rumq; regiminibus et administrationibus, ordinaria aucto-
ritate private et ab illis amote fuerint, ipsaq; monasteria
quasi ad prophanos usus redacta sint, et nulla inibi monia-
lis habitet. Ac carissimus in Christo filius noster Henricus
Anglie Rex invictissimus et fidei defensor bona mobilia et
immobilia ac jura quecunq; de Higham et de Bromehall
monasteriorum et ecclesiarum predict: prefato collegio,
pro decenti sustentatione magistri et sociorum ac scola-
rium in illo pro tempore existentium, sub beneplacito nos-
tro et sedis Aplice: perpetuo donaverit applicuerit et
appropriaverit, prout in Uteris regiis desuper confectis
dicitur plenius contineri : si suppressis in dictis monaste-
riis nomine monasteriorum et dignitate priorissali ordine et
conventualitate, donatio applicatio et appropriatio predicte
approbarentur et confirmarentur, ac monasteriorum et
eccles: hujusmodi bona et jura predicta, eidem collegio de
novo perpetuo applicarentur et appropriarentur, ex hoc
profecto pro tempore existentium magistri et sociorum ac
scolarium collegii hujusmodi commoditati et subventioni
non parum consuleretur. Quare pro parte moderni magis-
tri et sociorum ac scolarium predict: asserentium bonorum
et jurium monasteriorum et ecclesiarum predict: fructus
redditus et proventus viginti quatuor ducatorum auri de
camera secundum communem extimationem, valorem an-
nuum non excedere: nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum, ut
donationi applicationi et appropriationi hujusmodi, pro
illorum subsistentia firmiori, robur Aplice: confirmationis
adjicere, ac in ipsis, monasterii nomina, monasteriorum prio-

VOL. II. Y

322 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c rissales dignitates, ordinem, et conventualitatem penitus
XXV" supprimere et extinguere, nee non illorum ac ecclesiarum
predict: bona et juradonatahujusmodi, prefato collegio de
novo perpetuo applicare et appropriare, aliasq; in premissis
oportune providere, de benignitate Aplica: dignaremur.
Nos igitur qui personis literarum studio insistentibus opor-
tune commoditatis auxilia libenter impendimus, modernum
magistrum et socios ac scolares prefatos, et eorum singu-
los, a quibusvis excommunicationis suspensionis et inter-
dicti, aliisq; ecclesiasticis sententiis censuris et penis jure
vel ab homine, quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus
quomodolibet innodati existunt, ad effectum presentium
duntaxat consequendum, harum serie absolventes, et abso-
lutos fore consentes, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati,
donationem applicationem et appropriationem predictas,
auctoritate Aplica: tenore presentium approbamus et con-
firmamus, ac illas perpetue firmitatis robur obtinere decer-
nimus . nee non in de Higham et de Bromeball monasteriis
predictis, nomina monasteriorum ac dignitates priorissales,
nee non ordinem et conventualitatem, auctoritate et tenore
predictis perpetuo supprimimus et extinguimus, ipsorum
monasteriorum sic suppressorum et ecclesiarum bona mobi-
lia et immobilia ac jura, eorumq; fructus redditus et pro-
ventus quecunq; dicto collegio pro sustentatione magistri
ac sociorum et scolarium predict: per dictum regem, ut
prefertur, donata eidem collegio, auctoritate et tenore
supradictis de novo etiam perpetuo applicamus et appro-
priamus. Ita quod liceat eisdem et pro tempore existen-
tibus magistro ac sociis et scolaribus prefatis, per se vel
alium seu alios corporalem possessionem bonorum et jurium
predict, propria auctoritate libere apprehendere et perpe-
tuo retinere, illorumq; fructus redditus et proventus, in
suos usus et utilitatem convertere, Diocesani loci et cujus-
libet alterius licentia super hoc minime requisita. Quo-
circa venerabilibus fratribus nostris Norwicen: et Roffen:
Epis: ac dilecto filio Archidiacono ecclie Elien: per Aplica
scripta mandamus, quatenus ipsi vel duo aut unus eorum

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 323

per se vel alium seu alios, presentes literas, et in eis con- CcfLL. &c.

XXV
tenta quecunq; ubi et quando opus fuerit, ac quotiens pro

parte magistri ac sociorum et scolarium predict: seu alicu-
jus eorum desuper fuerint requisiti, solemniter publicantes,
eisq; in premissis, efficacis defensionis presidio assistentes
faciant, auctoritate nostra donationem, suppressionera,
extinctionem applicationem et appropriationem hujusmodi
firmiter observari, ipsosq; magistrum et socios ac scolares
illis pacifice gaudere, non permittentes eos desuper per
quoscunq; quomodolibet indebite molestari, contradic-
tores quoslibet et rebelles per censuras et penas ecclesi-
asticas, ac etiam pecuniarias, eorum arbitrio moderandas,
appellatione post posita, compescendo ; invocato etiam ad
hoc si opus fuerit, auxilio brachii secularis : non obstan-
tibus quibusvis Aplicis, ac bone memorie Octonis et Octo-
boni olim in regno Anglie Aplice: sedis legatorum, nee non
in provincialibus et sinodalibus consiliis editis generalibus
vel specialibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus ac monas-
teriorum et ordinis predictorum juramento, confirmatione
Aplica: vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis statutis et consue-
tudinibus, privilegiis quoq; indultis et Uteris Aplicis: eisdem
monasteriis et ordini, sub quibuscunq; tenoribus et formis,
ac cum quibusvis clausulis et decretis concessis approbatis
et innovatis, quibus omnibus illorum tenores, ac si de verbo
ad verbum insererentur presentibus pro sufficienter expres-
sis habentes, illis alias in suo robore permansuris, hac vice
duntaxat specialiter et expresse derogamus contrariis qui-
buscunq;. Aut si aliquibus communiter vel divisius ab
Aplica: sit sede indultum, quod interdici suspendi vel
excommunicari non possint per literas Aplicas: non faci-
entes plenam et expressam, ac de verbo ad verbum de
indulto hujusmodi mentionem. Nulli ergo omnino homi-
num liceat hanc paginam nostre absolutionis approbationis
confirmationis decreti suppressionis extinctionis applica-
tionis appropriationis mandati et derogationis infringere,
vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemp-
tare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac

324 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL, &c. beatorum Petri et Pauli Aplorum: ejus se noverit incur-
xxv- surum. Dat: Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno incarna-
tionis dominice millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo quarto
kalend: Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno primo.

Nos igitur Galfridus officialis antedictus, petitionem pre-
dict: justam et rationi consonam fuisse et esse censentes, et
idcirco pro et ex parte prefat: magistri ac sociorum et
scolarium coram nobis, ut premittitur deduct: et product:
annuentes, quia hujusmodi litteras Aplicas: nobis exhibitas,
et coram nobis de mandato nostro, per discretum virum
magrum Henricum Bowsfell notarium publicum in scribam
nostrum in hac parte assumptum, publice lectas, in ipsius
notarii publici et testium subscriptorum presentia inspexi-
mus palpavimus et examinavimus diligenter, ipsasq; non
rasas non abolitas non cancellatas, nee in ipsarum aliqua
parte suspectas, sed omni prorsus vicio et sinistra suspi-
tione carentes invenimus, ne ob carentiam ipsarum littera-
rum Aplicarum originalium per aliquem casum adversum,
probationis copia vel facultas deperiret : Idcirco ad om-
nem juris effectum, qui exinde sequi poterit, pro tribunali,
ut prefertur, seden: nostris auctoritate et decreto q; eas-
dem publicavimus, et ipsas per prefatum notarium, publi-
cum scribam nobis, ut prefertur, in hac parte assumptum
transsumi, exemplari, et in hanc publicam formam redigi,
ejusq; signo et nomine signari et subscribi mandavimus et
fecimus. Quibus quid: transumptis in publicam ut prefer-
tur formam redactis, sicut ipsis litteris Aplicis originalibus
plenam et indubiam fidem exhibendam fore tarn in judiciis
quam extra decrevimus, sicut per presentes decernimus
ubiq; in agendis. In quorum omnium et singulorum fidem
et testimonium, nos Galfridus officialis antedictus has pre-
sentes litteras nostras testimonials, sive hoc presens publi-
cum transcripti instrumentum dictarum litterarum Aplica-
rum: originalium verum tenorem in se continentes sive
continens exinde fieri, et per prefatum magrum Henricum
Bowsfell notarium publicum subscribi et signari mandavi-
mus, nostriq; sigilli jussimus et fecimus appensione com-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 325

muniri. Dat: et acta sunt hec et singula prout supra scri- COLL. &c.
buntur et inseruntur sub ano dni, jndictione, Pont:, mense, xxv>
die, et loco in priori parte hujus jnstramenti publici specifi-
catis ; presentibus tunc ibidem discretis viris Mro: Johanne
Darrell in Decretis Baccalario, et Johanne Newman litte-
rato Lincoln: et London Dioc: testibus ad premissa vocatis
et specialiter requisitis.

Et Ego Henricus Bowsfell Carlion: dioc: sacra auctori-
tate Aplica: notarius publ: nee non per pre fat: venerab:
virum magrum Galfridum Wharton officialem antedict: in
presenti negotio in scribam assumpt: Quia supra memorat:
litterarum Applicarum original, productioni, presentat, et
exhibitioni, ac petitioni et decreto predictis, ceterisq; pre-
missis omnibus et singulis, dum sic, ut premittitur per
prefat: magrum: Galfridum officialem antedict: et coram eo,
sub anno dni, jndict: Pont: mense, die, et loco superius in
priori parte hujus publici jnstrumenti designatis agebantur
et fiebant, una cum testibus supranominatis presens per-
sonaliter interfui, eaq; omnia et singula prout superius
inseruntur sic fieri vidi et audivi, ac diet: literas Apli-
cas originales inspexi et perlegi, factaq; fideli collatione
inter easdem, et earum transumptum superius scrip-
turn, quia ilia in omnibus concordare reperi, nil addito
detracto vel mutato quod facti substantiam mutaret vel
vacaret intellectum : Id circo hoc presens transumptum,
manu aliena, me aliunde occupato fideliter scriptum exinde
confeci publicari et in hanc publicam formam redegi, sig-
noq; et nomine meis solitis et consuetis me hie subscripsi,
una cum appensione sigilli prefati venerab: viri magri Gal-
fridi officialis hujusmodi signavi rogatus et requisitus in
fidem et testimonium premissorum.

Ex originali cum sigillo pendente, et signo notarii pub:
affixo. Inter Archiva Collegii Su Joh: Evang: Cant.

326 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c.
yyvi

No. XXVI.

E Registro Mandatum Dni Cardinalis ad publicancT BuW Apostolic.'

Johanms
Fisher

fPi ^27Cn' Thomas miseracione divina tituli Sancte Cecilie sacrosancte
128. Romane eclie presbiter cardinalis Eboracen', Aplice sedis

eciam de latere legatus, anglie primas et cancellarius,
venerabili confratri nro Johanni Roffen' epo salutem, et
fraternam in dno charitatem. Breve sanctissimi domini
nostri dni Clementis divina providentia hujus nois Pape
Septimi nuper recepimus sub isto qui sequitur tenore ver-
borum: Dilecte fill noster, salutem, et Aplicam benedictio-
nem, ad reprimend' eorum audaciam, qui sub spe venie ac
dispensacionis Aplice, antequam ab Aplica sede et romano
Pontifice licenciam et dispensacionem petant et obtineant,
matrimonium in gradibus prohibitis contrahere et consum-
mare presumunt, edidimus nuper literas sub plumbo, per
quas universis et singulis nos de cetero cum talibus non
dispensaturos, sed absolucione tantum concessa, eos supe-
rari jussuros intimavimus, quod volentes ad noticiam tarn
ipsius regni, quam insule Hibernie deduci, mandamus,
circumspect"'' tue, ut literas ipsas, quas ad facilitatem pub-
licacionis impressas, sigilloq; prelati et ejus notarij subscrip-
tione munitas eidem circumspectioni tue transmittimus per
singulos venerabiles fratres archiepos. et epos. Regni Ang-
lie et insule Hibernie, praedictor' distribui cures, ut man-
data nostra, prout par est, exequi valeant, quod eos facturos
non dubitamus, dat' Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub
annulo piscatoris die septimo Septembris millimo quingen'
vicesimo quarto, pontificatus nostri primo (cum hijs verbis
in superiori margine Clemens Ppa VIIUS) cum hijs sequen-
tibus verbis in dorso,) Dilecto Alio nostro Thome tituli
Sancte Cecilie presbitero Cardinali eboracen', in regno
Anglie nostro, et Aplice sedis de latere legato) Nos igitur
mandato prefati sanctissimi dni nri in omnibus, prout
tenemur, parere volentes, vre fraternitati hujusmodi literas

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 327

impressas, quas ab ipso sanctissimo domino nstro nuper COLL. &c.
recepimus una cum presentibus transmittimus in et per
vestram diocesin tarn in locis exemptis, quam non exemp*
tis juxta modum et formam in eis Uteris content' publican-
das) Dat' nostro sub sigillo in edibus nostris prope West-
mon' secundo die mensis Novembris, Anno Dni millimo
quingen"10 vicessimo quarto.

Bulla Apostolica contra contrahentes Matrimonium in
gradibus prohibitis.

Clemens Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Venerabilibus
Fratribus, Patriarchis, Archeepiscopis, Episcopis, et aliis
locorum ordinary s salutem, et Aplicam benedictionem.
Quia plerumq; in futurorum eventibus imbecilitas humani
judicii adeo fallitur, ut quod utile, non solum conjectura,
sed etiam attenta et provida consideracio pollicebatur, id
prorsus inutile ac animarum saluti maxime damnosum
reperiatur, propterea nonnunquam expedit, ut gracie, que
olim consulto et racionabili de causa concedi videbantur,
multo consulcius in posterum denegentur, id quod necessi-
tas presentis provisionis evidenter ofFendet. Sane post-
quam felicis recordacionis Clemens Papa V. predecessor
noster in concilio Viennensi eos, qui divino timore post-
posito, in gradibus consanguinitatis et affinitatis contra
canonicas sanctiones matrimonia scienter ni suarum pericu-
lum animarum contrahere presumpsissent, excommunica-
tionis sentenciae ipso facto decreverat subjacere, precipi-
endo ecclesiarum prelatis, ut tales tamdiu excommunicatos
publice nunciarent, seu nunciari facerent, donee separa-
rentur ab invicem, et beneficium absolucionis obtinerent
Sedes Aplica, et Romani pontifices, predecessores nostri,
considerantes gravia oriri posse scandala, si matrimonia
hujusmodi scienter contracta, et carnali copula consum-
mata per divorcium dirimerentur ad obviand' hujusmodi
scandalis, et ne mulieres perpetuo difFamate remanerent,
inducebantur ad dispensand' cum illis qui in gradibus

328 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c.huiusmodi prohibitis matrimonia ipsa scienter contraxis-

XXVI m . • •

L sent. Propter quod multi volentes in gradibus prohibitis

matrimonia contrahere, ac sperantes veniam et absoluci-
onem, ac dispensacionem a sede predicta obtinere posse,
ilia passim contrahere, et carnali copula sub tali spe con-
summare presumpserunt. Que abusio et corruptela, cum
jam diu propter inveteratam hominum maliciam, et nimiam
dicte sedis in absolvendo, ac dispensando facilitatem adeo
creverit, ut cupientes in gradibus prohibitis hujusmodi
contrahere, nullo pacto id facere vereantur, et unde scan-
dalis remedia petebantur, inde scandalorum materia et
occasio nata videatur. Nos quorum interest agrum Dni
ita colere, ut virtutes in eo crescant, abusiones vero que-
cunq; tollantur, ac malis moribus via et aditus omnis pre-
cludatur, hujusmodi fraudibus et dolis, per quos multi
dispensaciones in prejudicium animarum suarum, a nobis
extorquere, ac Clemencia ac misericordia apostolica sub spe
venie, que ut experientia rerum magistra docet, peccandi
viam pandit, abuti, non cessant, obviare volentes, habita
super hijs cum fratribus nostris matura deliberacione, de
ipsorum fratrum consilio, omnibus denunciandum, seu inti-
mandum duximus, quod in posterum, cum illis qui in gra-
dibus prohibitis matrimonia scienter contraxerint etiamsi
ilia consummaverint, non intendimus dispensare, sed ilia,
scandalis, que oriri posse formidaretur minime attentis,
omnino separari mandabimus, absolucionem duntaxat pe-
tentibus misericorditer concessuri, cum gracia dignus non
sit, qui canonum conditorem contemnit, illoq; cum anime
sue detriment© injuriam facit. Et ut intencio nostra
facilius ad effectum perducatur, ac omnibus innotescat,
Vobis et vcstrum cuilibet in virtute sancte obedientie man-
damus, quatenus presentes litteras, seu earum transcripta,
quibus manu publici notarij subscripts, et alicujus prelati,
seu in eccliastica dignitate constituti sigillo munitis, ean-
dem prorsus fidem ac ipsis originalibus litteris praestari
volumus in singulis ecclesiis civitatum, et dioces' vestrar'
eciam vulgari sermone publicari, et ipsarum ecclesiar'

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 329

valvis affigi faciatis, ne aliquis ullo unquam tempore hujus COl L. &c
nostre incommutabilis intentionis et voluntatis ignoranciam xxvil.

pretendere, seu allegare possit. Nulli ergo omnino homi- — — —
num liceat hanc paginam nostre intentionis, mandati et
voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis
autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignacione omnipo-
tentis Dei, ac beatorum Petri et Pauli Aplorum ejus se
noverit incursurum. Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum
Anno Jncarnacionis Dominice, millimo quingent' vigesimo
quarto, sexto decimo calend' Septemb. Pontif. Nostri
Anno primo.

No. XXVII.

Testi/icatio VIII. Episcoporum Anglice Super Causa Rymeri

7-v- ••• Foedera,

Divorhj. Tom XIV.

fol.01,

Universis et singulis, ad quorum notitiam presentes literse A. L». 1529.
pervenerint, nos Willielmus, permissione divina, Cantua- fje'n, vm.
riensis Archiepiscopus, totius Anglise primas et Aposto- Ex ant0Sr-
licae sedis Legatus, et nos Cuthbertus Londoniensis,
Johannes Roffensis, Johannes Carliolensis, Nicolaus
Eliensis, Johannes Exoniensis, Henricus Assaphensis,
Johannes Lincolniensis, et Johannes Bathoniensis et Wel-
lensis, eadem miseratione respective episcopi, Salutem in
Domino.

Cum jnvictissimus et potentissimus princeps et dominus
noster Henricus Octavus Dei Gratia, Anglias et Francise
Rex, fidei defensor et Dominus Hibernise de matrimonio
cum clarissima Domina Catherina contracto, plurimosque
jam annos constante, ex variis multisque causis concepto
in conscientia scrupulo, Nos pariter et reverendissimum in
Christo patrem et dominum, Dominum Thomam, mise-
ratione divina, tituli Sanctas Cecilias sacrosanctae Romanae
ecclesiae presbyterum Cardinalem Eboraci archiepiscopum,
apostolicae sedis non solum natum sed etiam de latere
legatum, Angliae primatum et cancellarium, ac nonnullos
alios regni pra?latos ac doctos viros juris t turn

330 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. humani peritos consulendos putaverit, ac inscripto libello

XXViii. rationes, causasque animum sua? majestatis moventes con-

tinente, et illo ad nos misso consuluer . . tque ut ad liberan-

dam et extricandam scrupulis hujusmodi conscientiam

suam, sibique successionique sua? et regno turn animorum

turn corporum tranquillitatem constituend m

consilium impertiremur ; Ac deinde lec-

tis per nos rationibus hujusmodi illisque mature examina-
tis, denique rogatis et exquisitis sententijs illud fuerit

visum resp prout etiam singuli turn respondebamus,

non sine causis gravissimis et maximis commotam et per-
turbatam conscientiam dicti invictissimi principis et domini

nobisque videri imprimis necessarium ut ad

dictae causae disquisitionem sanctissimi domini nostri papae
judicium consulatur adque illius examen discutienda

defe que illius judicio exitum et finem sor-

tiatur; cupientes suumveritati testimonium adesse,

et quod in hac parte fecimus, diximus atque consulti, ut
prsemittitui*, respondimus, plena fide apud omnes certo
constare, has literas manu nostra subscriptas etiam sigillo-
rum nostrorum appositione communiendas curavimus.
Dat. primo die mensis Jullij anno domini millesimo quin-
gentesimo vicessimo nono.

Guil. Cant. N. Elien.

Cuth. Lond. H. Ass.

J. Roff. J. Line.

J. Karl. J. Baton.

No. XXVIII.
Weever's Bishop Fisher s Letter to Mr. Secretary Cromwell.

Funeral

Monum. After my most humble commendations, where as ye couet
p" that I should write vnto the King's Highnesse, in good

faith, I dread mee that I cannot be so circumspect in my
writing but that sum word shall escape me, wherwith his
grace shall be moued to sum further displeasure against
me, wherof I wold be veray sorry. For, as I will answer
byfor God, I woud not in any manner of poynte offend

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 331

his grace, my dutey saued vnto God, whom I must in COLL. &c.

every thyng prefer. And for this consideration, I am full L

loth and full of fear to wryte vnto his highnesse in this
matter. Neuerthelesse sythen I conceyue that it is yowr
mynd that I shall soo doo I will endeuor mee to the best
that I can. But first here I must besech yow gode master
Secretary, to call to yowr remembrance, that at my last
being befor yow, and the other Commissioners, for taking
of the othe concerning the King's most noble succession, I
was content to be sworne vnto that parcell concerning the
succession. And there I did rehearse this reason whiche
I sade moued mee, I dowted not but the prynce of eny
realme with th' assent of his nobles and commons, myght
appoynte for his succession royal, such an order as was
seen vnto his wysdom most accordyng, and for this reason
I sade, that I was content to be sworne vnto that parte of
the othe as concernyng the succession. This is veray
trowth as God help my sowl at my most neede. Albeit I
refused to swear to some to other parcels, by cause that
my conscience wold not serue me so to doe. Furthermor
I byseche yow to be gode, master, vnto me in my necessi-
tie, for I haue neither shirt nor sute, nor yet other clothes
that ar necessary for me to wear ; but that bee ragged
and torne to shamefully. Notv/ithstandyng I mighte easily
suffer that, if thei wold keep my body warm. But my
dyett allsOj God knowes how slender itt is att meny times.
And now in myn age, my stomake may not away but with a
few kinds of meats, which if I want, I decay forthwith,
and fall into coffes and diseases of my body, and cannot
keepe myself in health. And, as owr Lord knoweth, I
have nothing left vnto me for to prouyde any better but as
my brother of his owne purse layeth out for me to his great
hynderance.

Wherfore gode master secretary, eftsones I byseche yow
to haue some pittie vpon me, and let me haue such thyngs
as are necessary, for mee in myn age ; and especially for
my health. And also that itt may please you by yowr high

332

PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. wisdom, to moue the King's Highnesse to take me vnto
XXVIII .

XXix. h*13 gracious fauor againe, and to restor me vnto my

" liberty, Out of this cold and painfull imprisonment; whereby

ye shall bynd me to be yowr pore beadsman for euer unto

almighty God, who euer haue you in his protection and

custody.

Other twayne things I must also desyer vpon yow, first
oon is, that itt may please yow that I may take som preest
within ye tower, by th' assignment of master Leuetenant,
to hear my confession against this hooly tym.

That other is, that I borrow some bookes to stir my
deuocion mor effectually theis hooly dayes, for the com-
fortte of my sowl. This I byseche you to grant me of
yowr charitie. And thus our Lord send yow a mery
Christenmas and a comfortable to yowr hearts desyer.
At the Tower this xxii day of December.

Your poore Beadsman,

John Roffe.

No. XXIX.

Bp. Fishers Letter to the House of Lords, about the Bill
brought into that House for attainting him and others
for their being abettors of the Nun of Canterbury, com-
monly called the Holy Maid of Kent.

My Lords !

After my most humble commendations unto all your
good Lordship's, that sit in this most High Court of Par-
liament ; I beseech in like manner to hear and to tender
this my suit which by necessity I am now driven to make
unto all your Lordships in writing, because I may not by
reason of disease and weakness at this time be present
myself before you ; without peril of destruction of my
body, as heretofore 1 have written to Mr. Cromwell; which
me. gave* no comfort to obtain of ye King's Grace respite for
my absense till I be recovered. If I might have been
present myself, I doubt not y' great weakness of my body,

Collier's
Eccles.
Hist.
VoLIL

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 333

with other manifold infirmities, wou'd have moved you COLL. &c.

V"V"T V"

much rather to have pity of my cause and matter, wherehy '_

lam put under this grievous trouble.

So it is my good Lords, that I am inform'd of a certain
Bill that is put into this High Court against me and others
concerning the matter of ye Nun of Canterbury ; which
thing is to me no little heaviness, and most specially in this
piteous condition y1 1 am in.

Nevertheless, I trust in your Honours wisdoms and
consciences, that you will not in this High Court, suffer
any act of condemnation to pass against me ; till my cause
may be well and duly heard. And therefore in my most
humble wise, I beseech all you my Lords in ye way of
charity, and for ye love of Christ, and for ye mean season,
it may please you to consider, that I sought not for this
woman's coming unto me ; nor thought in her any manner
of deceit. She was ye person that by many probable and
likely conjectures, I then reputed to be right honest, reli-
gious, and very good and virtuous. I verily suppos'd that
such feighning and craft, compassing of any guile or fraud
had been far from her. And what default was this in me
so to think, when I had so many probable testimonies of
her virtue ?

First. The bruit of the country which generally call'd
her ye Holy Maid.

Secondly. Her entrance into religion upon certain
visions which was commonly said that she had.

Thirdly. For ye good religion and learning that was
thought to be in her ghostly father and in other virtuous
and well learned priests that then testified of her holiness,
as it was commonly reported.

Finally. My Lord of Canterbury, that then was both
her ordinary and a man reputed of high wisdom and learn-
ing, told me that she had many great visions. And of
him I learn'd greater things than ever I heard of ye nun
herself. Your wisdoms, I doubt not, here see plainly that

334 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. in me there was no default to believe this woman to be
XXIX- honest, religious, and of good credence.

For sith then I am bounden by ye law of God to believe
ye best of every person, untill the contrary be proved ;
much rather I ought so to believe of this woman, that had
then so many probable testimonies of her goodness and
virtue. But here it will be said, that she told me such
word as was to ye perill, of ye prince and of ye realm. Surely
I am right sorry to make any rehearsal of her words, but
only that necessity so compells me now to do.

The words that she told me concerning ye peril of the
King's Highness were these : she said that she had her
revelation from God, that if ye King went forth with if
purpose that he intended, he shoud not be King of Eng-
land seven months after ; and she told me also, that she
had been with ye King and shew'd unto his grace ye same
revelation.

Tho' this was forg'd by her or any other, what default
is mine, that knew nothing of that forgery ? If I had given
her any counsel to ye forging this revelation, or had any
knowledge that it was feigned, I had been worthy great
blame and punishment. But whereas I never gave her
any counsel to this matter, now knew of any forging or
feigning thereof, I trust in your great wisdoms that you
will not think any default in me touching this point.

And as I will answer before ye throne of Christ, I knew
not of any malice or evil that was intended by her, or by
any other earthly creature unto yc King's Highness : nei-
ther her words did so sound that by any temporal or
worldly power, such thing was intended, but only by ye
power of God, of whom, as she then said, she had this
revelation to shew unto ye King.

But here it will fce said, that I shou'd have shew'd ye
words unto ye King's Highnesse. Verily if I had not
undoubtedly thought that she had shew'd ye same words
unto his Grace, my duty had been so to have done. But

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 335

when she her self, which pretended to have had this COLL. &c.

XXTX

revelation from God, had shew'd the same ; I saw no !_

necessity why that I shou'd renew it again to his Grace.
For her esteem'd honesty, qualified, as I said before, with
so many probable testimonies, affirming unto me that she
had told ye same unto ye King, made me right assuredly
to think, that she had shewed yc same words to his Grace.
And not only her own saying thus persuaded me, but her
prioress's words confirmed ye same, and their servants also
reported to my servants that she had been with ye King.
And yet besides all this, I knew it, not long after that so it
was indeed. I thought therefore that it was not for me to
rehearse ye Nun's words to ye King again, when his Grace
knew them already, and she her self had told him before.
And surely divers other causes dissuaded me so to do,
which are not here openly to be rehears'd. Nevertheless,
when they shall be heard, I doubt not but they will altoge-
ther clearly excuse me as concerning this matter.

My suit therefore unto all you, my Honourable Lords,
at this time is, that no act of condemnation concerning
this matter be suffered to pass against me in this High
Court before that I be heard, or else some other for me ;
how that I can declare myself to be guiltless herein.

And this I most humbly beseech you all, on your chari-
table goodnesses, and also if that peradventure in ye mean
time there shall be thought any negligence in me for not
revealing this matter unto ye King's Highness, you for ye
punishment thereof which is now past, ordain no new law,
but let me stand unto ye laws which have been heretofore
made, unto ye which I must and will obey.

Beseeching always ye King's most noble Grace, that ye
same his laws may be minister'd unto me with favour and
equity, and not with ye strictest rigour. I need not here
to advise your most high wisdoms to look up to God, and
upon your own souls in ordaining such laws for the
punishment of negligences, or of other deeds which are
already past, nor yet to look upon your own perils which

336 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. may happen to you in like cases. For there sits not one
XXX. lord here but yc same, or other like may chance unto him-
self that now is imputed unto me.

And therefore eftsoons I beseech all your benign chari-
ties to tender this my most humble suit as you wou'd be
tender'd if you were in ye same danger your selves : And
this to do for yc reverence of Christ for ye discharge of
your own souls, and for ye honour of this most High Court :
And finally for your own sureties, and others that here-
after shall succeed you, For I verily trust in Almighty
God that by ye succour of his grace, and your charitable
supportations, I shall so declare myself, that every noble-
man that sits here, shall have good reason to be therewith
satisfied. Thus our Lord have you all, this most Honour-
able Court, in his protection. Amen.

No. XXX.

Bishop Fisher's Letter to the King about his Correspon-
dence with the Maid of Kent.

Weever's To tne King's Most Gracious Highness.

Funeral '

Monum. Please it you graciouse Highnes bemgnely to hear this
my most humble sute which I have to make unto your
grace at this time and to pardon me that I come not my
selfe unto your grace for the same. For in good faith I
have had so many periculouse diseases, oone after another,
which began with me before Advent, and so by long con-
tinuance hath now brought my body into that weaknesse,
that withouten perill of destruction of the same (which I
darr saye your grace for your soveraigne goodnes wold
not) I may not as yet take any traueyling upon me. And
so I wrote to Maister Cromwell your most trustie councel-
lor, beseeching him to obtain your graciouse license for
me to be absent from this Parliament, for that same cause;
and he put me in comforthe soo to doo.
Now thus it is (most Graciouse Soueraygne Lord) that

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 337

in your most High Court of Parliament is put in a Bill COLL. &c.

against me, concerning ye Nunne of Canterbury, and in- L_

tending my condempnation for not reuelyng of such
wordes, as she hadde unto me towching your Highnes.
Wherein I moost humblye beseech your Grace, that with-
out displeasor I maye shew unto you the consideration
that moued me so to doo, which when your moost excel-
lent wisdome hath deaplye considered, I trust assuredlie,
that your charitable goodnes will not impute any blame to
me therfore.

A trowth it is, this Nune was with me thries in commyng
from London by Rochester, as I wrote to Master Crom-
well, and shewed unto him the occasions of her commying,
and of my sendings untyll her againe.

The fyrst tyme she came unto my house, vnsent for of
my partye, and then she told me that she hadde been with
Your Grace, and that she hadde shewed unto you a reue-
lation which she hadde from Almighty God (your Grace I
hope will not be displeased with this my rehearsall thereof)
she sayd that if Your Grace went forth with the purpose
that ye intended, ye should not be King of England seven
moneth after,

I conceaued not by theis wordes, I take it upon my
soule, that any malice or evill was intended or ment unto
your Highnes, by any mortall man, but oonly that thei
were the threattes of God, as she then did affirm.

And though thei were feaned, that (as I wold be saved,)
was to me unknowen. I neuer counsailled her unto that
feanyng, nor was privaye therunto, nor to any such purpo-
ses, as it is now sayd thei went aboute.

Neuerthelesse if she hadde told me this reuelation, and
hadde not alsoo told me, that she hadde reported the same
unto your Grace, I hadde bene verylie farre to blame, and
worthy extreame punyshment, for not disclosing the same
unto your Highnes, or else to some of your counsaill ; But
sithen she did assure me therewith, that she hadde playne-
lye told unto your Grace the same thynge, I thought

VOL. II. z

338 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. doubtlesse that your Grace wold have suspected me that I

XXX

' had commyn to renewe hir tale agayne unto yow, rather
for the confermyng of myn opinion, than for any other
cause.

I beseech Your Highnes to take no displeasor with me
for this that I will saye. It stykketh yet (moost graciouse
soueraygne) in my hart, to my no little heuynesse youre
greiuous letters, and after that youre moost fearfull wordes,
that your Grace hadde unto me for shewyng unto you my
mynde and opinion in the same matter. Notwithstandyng
that Your Highnesse hadde soo often and soo straytly
commanded me to serch for the same before. And for
this cause I right loth to haue comyn unto your Grace
agayne, with such a tale pertayning to that matter.

Meny other considerations I hadde, but this was the
very cause why that I came not unto your Grace. For in
good faith, I dradde lest I shold therby haue prouoked
your Grace to farther displeasor agaynste me.

My Lord of Canterbury also which was your great
Counsaillor, told me, that she hadde been with your
Grace, and hadde shewed you this same matter, and of
hym (as I will answeare before God) I learned greatter
thynges of her pretensed visions than she told me herself.
And at ye same tyme I shewede unto hym, that she had
bene with me, and told me as I haue written before.

I trust now that your excellent wisdome and learnynge
seeth there ys in me no defaute, for not revelynge of
hir wordes unto your grace, whan she hir selfe did affirme
unto me that she hadde soo done, and my lord of Can-
terbury that then was, confermed alsoo the same.

Wherfore, moost Graciouse Soueraygne Lord, in my
most humble wise I beseech your Highnes to dimisse me
of this trouble, whereby I shall the more quietly serue God,
and the more effectually pray for your Grace : This if
there were a right great offence in me, shold be to your
merite to pardon, but much rather taking the case as it is,
I trust veryly you will so doo.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 339

Now my body is much weakened with many diseases COLL. Sec.
and infirmities, and my soule is much inquieted by this xxxi.
trouble, so that my harte is more withdrawen from God,
and fro the devotion of prayer than I wold. And veryly
I thinke that my lyve may not long continewe. Where-
fore eftsoones I besech your moost Gracious Highness,
that by your charytable goodness I may be deliuered of
this besynesse, and onely to prepare my soule to God,
and to make itt ready agaynst the commyng of death, and
no more to come abroode in the world. This Mooste
Graciouse Soueraigne Lord, I besech your Highenes, by
all the singular and excellent endewments of your most
noble bodie and soule and for the loue of Christ Jesu, that
soo dearly with his moost preciouse bloode redeamed
yowr soul and myn. And duryng my lyue I shall not
cease (as I am bownden) and yett now the more entearly
to make my praier to God for the ye preseruation of your
most Royal Maiestie. At Rochester, the xxvii day of 1534.

February.

Your most humble Beadman and Subject,

Jo. Roffe.
No. XXXI.

An Account of Elizabeth Barton, commonly called the
Holy Maid of Kent.

Elizabeth Barton, (now being Nun professed in the 25 Hen.
House and Priorie of St. Sepulcres of Canterbury) which ™-
long afore she was professed nun, dwelled, with one
Thomas Cob, in the parish of Aldington, in the countie of
Kent, and happened to be visited with sicknesse, and by
occasion thereof brought in such debilitie and weaknesse
of hir braine, because she could not eat ne drinke by a
long space, that in the violence of hir infirmitie, she seemed
to be in transes, and spake and uttered manie foolish and
idle words. And one Richard Master clerke, being par-
son of the said parish of Aldington, in the saide countie
of Kent, after that he had made to the late Archbishop of

340 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL.&C. Canterburie a far larger report, concerning the hypocrisie,
XXX1, transes, and speeches of the said Elizabeth, than he could
Warham. justifie and abide by, and after that he was commanded
by the said Archbishop to give good attendance upon hir,
if she should fortune to have anie more such transes and
speeches, and to send him knowledge thereof, to the
intent to mainteine, uphold and verefie such report as he
had made, as well to the Archbishop aforesaid, as to
other, of the woonderfull transes and speeches of the said
nun : falslie and craftilie informed the said Elizabeth, that
the maruellous words which she spake in hir transes, afore
his riding to the Archbishop aforesaid, proceeded of the
inspiration of the Holie Ghost, and that she was greatlie to
be blamed, if she would hide or dissemble the woonder-
full works of God shewed in hir. For afore this his
said information and instruction, she said constantlie,
that she could not remember, that she spake anie such
notable words in hir transes, as were reported unto hir by
the said Richard Master. Which Elizabeth being in this
maner of wise often times persuaded, procured and informed
by the said parson of Aldington, tooke boldnesse and
courage to forge, faine and counterfeit such maner of
transes and craftie speeches, as the said parson of Alding-
ton told hir, that she vsed in hir sicknesse afore he went
to the said Archbishop. And when the said Elizabeth
had vsed this maner of false and fained counterfeiting for
a season, and was perfect therein, (so that the fame thereof
was greatlie spred abrode in those parties of K,ent) then
the said person to the intent aforesaid, and to the intent
the people should give more faith and credence unto hir,
and because he would have increased the devotion of the
people in comming on pilgrimage to a chapell set in Court
at street aforesaid, within his said parish dedicat in the
honor of our ladie, for his owne lucre and aduantage ima-
gined, devised, compassed, and declared, with the aid,
helpe, and counsell, of one Edward Bocking, moonke
professed in the monasterie in Christs Church in Canter-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 341

burie, and doctor in diuinitie, that the said Elizabeth, COLL. &c.

being in the extasie and extremitie of hir sicknes, in a

maner distract in a transe, shot 1 \ saie amongst other won-
derful words that she should neuer take helth of hir
body till such time as she had visited the image of our
ladie, being in the said chapell at Court at street aforesaid,
and that our ladie had appeered vnto hir, and shewed hir,
that if she came to the said chapell at the daie to hir
appointed, she should be restored to hir health by miracle,
where in verie deed she was restored to hir perfect health
by diet and physike and by the course of nature, which
expelled the matter being cause of hir sicknesse, in the
meane time whilest the said parson of Aldington was with
the said Archbishop as is afore rehersed. And albeit the
said Elizabeth was thus naturallie restored to hir health
yet she being accustomed and acquainted with the maner
and fashion of hir distract transes by the counsell, conspi-
racie and confederacie of the said Edward Bocking and
Richard Maister, did falslie practise, vse, and shew vnto
the people diuers and maruellous sudden alterations of hir
sensible parts of hir bodie, craftilie vttering in hir said
fained and false transes diuers and manie vertuous and
holie words, tending to the rebuke of sinne, and in reproo-
uing of such new opinions, as then began to spring in this
realme, which she called heresies, as she was inducted
and taught by the said Edward Bocking, and Richard
Master, vsing all the waies of false hypocrisie, to the intent
the people should giue beleefe, and credit vnto hir, where-
by they might be the sooner brought into the detestable
crimes of blasphemie and idolatrie against Almightie God.
And the said Edward Bocking, being maliciouslie fixed in
his opinion against the Kings Highnesse, in the said
detested matrimonie, and intending in his mind afterwards
for his part, falslie and traitorously to vse the said Eliza-
beth as a diabolike instrument, to stir, moove, and pro-
uoke the people of this realme, as well nobles as others,
to murmure and grudge against the magestie of our soue-

342 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c reigne lord, and all his just and lawfull proceedings, in the

!_ said diuorse and seperation, as hereafter he did in verie

deed, for the accomplishment of his said false, malicious,
and traiterous intents, falselie deuised and conspired with
the said Richard, that the said Elizabeth should shew and
manifest hir self to the people, to be an excellent, ver-
tuous, and holie woman, and that all hir words and deeds
should appeare to the world, to proceed of a maruellous
holinesse, rebuking the common sinnes and vices of the
world, as though she were taught and inspired of the
holie spirit of God. And not onelie mooued and coun-
selled of the said Elizabeth thus to use hir selfe, surmising
to her yl she spake such things in the extasie of hir sick-
nesse, that come by the inspiration of God, but also coun-
selled and procured the said Elizabeth to be brought and
conveied to the said chapell of Oure Ladie, and she
therein openlie in the presence of the people (that there
should be assembled by their procurements) should vse
and experiment such like transes, and alterations of hir
face, and other the outward sensible parts of hir bodie, as
she vsed in the extremitie and extasie of hir said sicknesse.
To whose counsels and aduertisements, the said Elizabeth
agreed. Whereupon at a day by them appointed and
agreed, the said Edward and Richard, laboured, solicited,
and procured aboue the number of two thousand persons
to repair to the said chapell, surmising that the said Eliza-
beth (which as they said) had maruellous and manie visions
and reuelations of God, should be brought thither and
there receiue hir health by miracle of our ladie, whose
image was in the said chapell. By reason of which false,
fained, and detestable conspiracie and hypocrisie, at the
daie by them appointed, there assembled to the said cha-
pell aboue the number of two thousand people. At
which daie also, the said Edward Bocking and Richard
Maister procured and caused the said Elizabeth to repaire
to the said chapell, where the said Elizabeth, albeit she at
that time and long afore was restored to health of hir

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. US

bodie, and discharged of hir torments and afflictions which COLL. &(

she had in the extasie of hir sicknesse : yet neverthelesse '_

by the procurement and craftie counsell of the said Edward
Bocking and Richard Maister, did falselie faine and shew
vnto the people in the same chapell manie alterations of
hir face and other outward sensible parts of hir bodie,
and falslie fained and shewed hir self in transes, vttering
wonderous words, as she was afore subtillie and craftilie
induced and taught by the said Richard and Edward to
doo. And amongst other things she uttered, that it was
the pleasure of God that the said Edward Bocking should
be hir ghostlie father, and that she should be a religious
woman, as she was taught by the said Edward Bocking
and Richard Maister. And within a while after the
demonstration of such false fained and dissimuled transes,
she appeered to the people to be suddenlie releaued from
hir sicknesse and afflictions, by the intercession and means
of the image of our ladie being in the same chapell. By
means of which false fained hypocrisie, dissimuled and
cloked sanctitie so conspired and craftilie imagined by the
said Edward Bocking and Richard Maister, the said Eli-
zabeth was brought into a maruellous fame, credit, and
good opinion of a great multitude of the people of this
realme. And to increase the fame of the said false fained
hypocrisie, the said Elizabeth, afterwards by the counsell
and procurement of the said Edward Bocking, entred
into the religion, and became a nun professed in the said
priorie of S. Sepulchres, to whom the said Edw. Bocking
had commonly his resort, not without probable, vehement,
and violent suspicion of incontinencie, pretending to be hir
ghostlie father by Gods appointment, and by conspiracie
betwixt her and him, caused hir still to persist and abide
in the practising of hir said false hypocrisie, and dissem-
bling transes and rapts. And that she should surmit to
the people, that when she was in such simuled alteration
of hir sensible parts of hir bodie, that she was then rapt by
Almighty God from the affections of this world, and told

344 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. by the holy spirite of God manie things that should follow
to the world for punishment of sinnes of ye princes and the
people, and that she should say, that she was much pro-
uoked and tempted, as well to the sinne of the flesh, as
otherwise by hir ghostlie enemie the diuell, at diuers and
sundrie times, and in diuers and sundrie waies and fashions,
and yet neverthelesse, that she by the grace of God
was preserued and stedfastlie resisted such temptations,
by occasion of which counsell and procurement of the
said Edward Booking, the said Elizabeth by conti-
nuance of time tooke such a courage upon hir, that she
falslie fained and said, that she had manie revelations
of Almightie God and his holy saints, with hevenlie
lights, hevenlie voices, hevenlie melodies, and joies, and
speciallie in a chapell of S. Giles in the said nunrie, to the
which chapell she oftentimes resorted to receiue visions
and reuelations, as commanded by God, as she falslie

dormitory, reported, and speciallie by night, saieng that the dorture
doore was made open unto hir by God's power, vttering
the same, as well to the said Edw. Booking, as to diuers
other persons, by the which hir false fained reuelations
and cloked hipocrisie, she was reputed amongst many peo-
ple of this relme to be a very holy woman inspired with
God, where in very deed she had neuer vision or reuela-
tion from God, as she hath plainly and openly confessed
hir selfe, and therfore hir steling foorth of the dorture in
the night, which was once or twice weekelie, was not for
spirituall businesse, nor to receiue reuelations of God but
for bodilie communication and pleasure with hir freends,
which could not haue so good leisure and opportunitie
with hir by daie. And for reformation of hir false faigned
reuelations, the said Edward by conspiracie betweene him
and the said Elizabeth, revealed the same to the most
Reuerend the Father in God, William, late Archbishop of
Canturbury, who by false and vntrue surmises, tales, and lies
of the said Edward and Elizabeth, was allured, brought, and
induced to credit therein, and made no diligent searches

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 345

for triall of their said falshoods and confederations, but COLL. &c.
suflred and admittted the same to the blasphemie of Al- XXXI-
mightie God, and to the great deceit of the prince and
people of this relme, and for a perpetuall memory of the
said faigned and dissimuled hipocrisie and false reuelations
of the said Elizabeth, the said Edward Bocking, Richard
Master, and one John Dering, a monke in the said monas-
terie of Christ's Church aforesaid, made, writ, and caused
to be written sundrie bookes both great and small, both
printed and written, concerning the particularities of the
said false and feigned hipocrisie and reuelations of the said
Elizabeth, or the defense or great praise of the same, sur-
mounting and putting foorth the same false and feigned
practises and reuelations of the said Elizabeth to be just
and true miracles, shewed by Almightie God in the favour
of the sanctitie of the said Elizabeth, where indeed they
beene and were falslie deuised, compassed, conspired,
written, and meinteined by the said Elizabeth, Edward
Bocking, Richard Master, and John Dering, to the onelie
intent to bring the said Elizabeth in the fame and credit
of the people of this relme, wherby the people should be
the more apt and disposed by hir false cloked hipocrisie
and sanctitie to commit the crimes of blasphemie and idola-
trie against God, and also the sooner induced by the false
reuelations of the said Elizabeth, to murmure, grudge, and
be of euill opinion against the majestie of our said soue-
raigne lord, to the great perill and danger of his most
roiall person. And one Edward Thwaits, gentleman,
translated and writ diuers queers and sheets of paper, con-
cerning the said false faigned revelations and miracles of
the said Elizabeth. And also one Thomas Lawrence of
Canturburie, being register to the archdeacon of Cantur-
burie, at the instance and desire of the said Edward
Bocking, wrote a great booke of the said false and fained
miracles and reuelations of the said Elizabeth in a faire
hand, readie to be a copie to the printer when the said
booke should be put to stamp.

346 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. Amongs which false and fainecl reuelations surmised by

YYY|

'_ the said Elizabeth and put in writings in diuers books by

the false conspiracie, means and procurement of the said
Edward Booking, Richard Maister, John Dering and
other their complices, there is expressed, that the deuill
should appeere to the said Elizabeth in divers fashions,
sometimes like a man wantonly apparelled, sometime like
a bird deformed, and sometime otherwise. And that
Marie Magdalen should often appeere to the said Eliza-
beth, and reuealed to hir manie reuelations. And at one
time should deliuer to hir a letter written in heaven, part
wherof was limned with golden letters, where indeed the
same letters were written with the hand of a monke of S.
Augustines in Canturburie named Haukherst.

There was also written and conteined amongst the said
false and fained miracles and reuelations, that when the
Kings Highnesse was at Calis in the enteruiew between
his Majestie and the French King, and hearing masse in
the church of Our Ladie at Calis, that God was so dis-
pleased with the Kings Highnesse, that his grace saw not
at that time at the masse ye blessed sacrament in forme of
bread, for it was taken awaie from the preest (being at
masse) by an angell, and ministred vnto the said Elizabeth
then being there present and inuisible and suddenlie con-
uaied and rapt thense againe by the power of God into
the said nunrie, where she is professed, with manie other
false fained fables and tales deuised, conspired, and defen-
ded by the said Elizabeth, Edward Bocking, and John
Dering, written as miracles in the said books for a memo-
riall, to set foorth the false and fained hypocrisie and
cloked sanctitie of the said Elizabeth to the people of this
relme, as by the said sundrie books and writings thereof
made, seene and examined by the Kings most honourable
counsell more plainlie appeareth. In which books be
written such terms and sentences of reproach and slander
against the Kings Highnesse and the Queene, which were
too shamefull to be written against the most vile and

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 347

vngratious persons living, which to heere it would abhorre COLL. &c.

XXXI
eune true subject of this reelme. . !«■

And after the said Elizabeth, by such hir false and
feined hypocrisie and dissembled sanctitie, was brought
into a great brute and fame of the people in sundrie parts
of this realme, then the said Edward Bocking, by pro-
curement and secret conspiracie of diuers persons un-
knowne, which maligned against the proceedings of the
Kings Highnesse, for the seperation and diuorse in the
said detested and unlawful marriage, traitorouslie intend-
ing to put the Kings Highnesse in a murmur and euill
opinion of his people for the same, counselled and stirred
the said Elizabeth, that she should aske a petition of
almightie God, to know whether God was displeased with
the Kings Highnesse for proceeding in the said divorse
and seperation of the marriage betweene his Highnes and
the said ladie Katherine, declaring to hir manie times, that
he and divers other notable learned men of this realme,
and manie of the common people of the same, were in
firme opinions, that the Kings proceeding in the said
diuorse was against the laws of God. "Whereupon the
the said Elizabeth subtlelie and craftilie concerning the
opinion and mind of the said Edward, willing to please
him, reuealed and shewed vnto the said Edward that she
had knowledge by reuelation from God that God was
highlie displeased with our saide souereigne lord for the
same matter. And in case he desisted not from his pro-
ceedings in the said diuorse and seperation, but pursued
the same and maried againe, that then within one moneth
after such mariage, he should no longer be King of this
relme ; and in the reputation of almightie God should
not be a king one daie nor one hour, and that he should
die a villen's death. Saieng further, that there was a root
with three branches, and till they were plucked up, it
should neuer be merie in England, interpreting the root,
to be the late lord cardinall, and the first branch to be the
King our souereigne lord, the second the Duke of Nor-

348 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. folke, the third the Duke of Suffolke. Which false
XXXL feined reuelations, by the mischeeuous and malicious coun-
sell and conspiracie of the said Edward Bocking with the
said Elizabeth were written and expressed in the said
books and volumes, conteining the false and feigned reue-
lations and miracles of the said Elizabeth, for a perpetual
memorie thereof, to the vtter reproach and perill of des-
truction of the kings person, his honor, fame, and name,
and privilie and secretlie set foorth by the said Elizabeth,
Edward Bocking, John Dering, and Richard Master,
generallie to diuers and manie of the kings subjects, and
speciallie as to elect persons, and to the reuerend father,
John, Bishop of Rochester, and John Adeson clerke,
chapleine to the said bishop, and to one Henrie Gold
preest bachelor of diuinitie, to Hugh Rich, frier obser-
uant, and late warden of the friers obseruants of Cantur-
burie, which beare malice and malignitie to all the king's
proceedings in the said diuorse and seperation, because it
was contrarie to their peruerse and froward opinions in-
tending by colour of the said false and feined hypocrisie
and reuelations of the said Elizabeth, not onelie to let the
said diuorse and seperation, but also to bring and set
foorth secretly in the heads of the people of this realme, as
well nobles as other, that all the Kings acts and proceed-
ings in the same were against holie scriptures, and the
pleasure of Almightie God, whereby the Kings Highnesse
should be brought in a grudge and euill opinion of his
people. And the said John, Bishop of Rochester, Hen-
rie Gold, Hugh Rich, Richard Risbie, Richard Master,
John Dering, at sundrie and seuerall times and places
spake with the said Elizabeth, and tooke relation of hir of
the said false and feined reuelations, which she feined that
she had of Almightie God, as well concerning the Kings
Highnesse as other after the forme and termes aboue
specified : and having knowledge thereof, the said Hugh
Rich, Richard Risbie, and Henrie Gold clerke, gave such
firme and constant credit thereunto, that they traiterouslie

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 349

concealed it from the Kings highnesse, and traiterouslie COLL. &c.

beleeved in their hearts that the king our souereigne lord, '_

after his late mariage solemnized betweene his highnesse,
and his said most deare and intirely beloved wife queene
Anne, was no longer rightful King of this realme, in the
reputation of Almightie God, whereby in their hearts and
wils they traiterously withdrew from his highnes their na-
turall duties of obedience: and secretlie taught and
mooued other persons (to whom they reuealed the said
false and feined reuelations) that they ought and might
lawfullie doo in the same wise : and practised the said
matters against the Kings majestie, falselie, maliciouslie,
and traitorouslie at sundrie places and times with the
fathers and nuns of Sion, and diuers moonks of the Charter
house of London and Shene, and with diuerse friers ob-
servants of the places of Richmont, and Greenewich, and
Canturburie, and to diuerse others both spirituall and
temporall persons in great number, to the intent to sow a
secret murmur and grudge in the hearts of the Kings sub-
jects, against the Majestie of our said Soveraign Lord
and all his proceedings in the said divorce and separation,
intending therby to make such a division and rebelling in
this realme amongst the King's subjects, wherby the Kings
highnesse should not onelie haue beene put to perill of his
life, but also in jeopardie to be deprived from his crowne
and dignitie roiall.

And for a more plain and particular declaration of the
malicious and traitorous intents of the said Elizabeth,
Edward Booking, John Dering, Hugh Rich, Richard
Risbie, and Henrie Gold, they concluded by a confederacie
among themselves ech with other to set forth in sermons
and preachings the reuelations to the people of this relme,
against the Kings majestie, whensoever it should please the
said Elizabeth to appoint them the time, when they should
so doo : and agreed with ech other secretlie, and set foorth
the said false and feined reuelations to their acquaintance
and freends in this realme, intending to make a great multi-

350 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. tude of people of this realme, by their secret conspiracies,
XXXI- in an aptnesse to receive and take such their sermons and
preachings, which they intended to make, as is aforesaid,
concerning the premisses, traitorously intending thereby to
put our said souereigne lord not onelie in the perill of his
life, but also in the jeopardy of loss and deprivation of his
crowne and dignitie roiall of this realme from him and
his lawfull succession for ever. And in accomplishing of
their false, traitorous, and malicious intents against our
said souereigne lord, they caused the said Elizabeth at
two times secretlie to declare the said false and feined
reuelations, to two of the pope's orators and ambassadors
at the cities of Canturburie and London. At which time
the said Henrie Gold tooke upon him to be interpretator
thereof, betweene the said Elizabeth, and one of the said
orators named Anthonie Pulleon, and the interpretator to
the other orator named Silvester, was the aforesaid Law-
rence of Canterburie, to the intent the Kings highnes, and
all his proceedings in the said divorse and seperation
should be brought into an euill opinion with the pope and
other outward princes and potentats : and the said Hugh
Rich actuallie travelled to sundrie places in this realme
and made secret relation of the premisses concerning the
Kings highnesse, to diuerse lords both spirituall and tem-
porall, and diuerse other persons laie and learned, secular,
and religious. And the said Henrie Gold ouer this,
actuallie travelled and made relation thereof to the said
ladie Katherine princesse dowager, to animat hir to make
commotion in this realme against our said souereigne lord,
surmising that the said Elizabeth should haue by reuela-
of God, that the said ladie Katherine should prosper and
doo well, and that hir issue the ladie Marie the Kings
daughter, should prosper and reigne in this reigne in this
realme and haue manie freends to susteine and mainteine
hir: and the said Elizabeth and Edward Rocking and
John Dering and Richard Master, likewise actuallie tra-
uelled to diuerse places in this realme and made secret

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 351

relations of the said false feigned hypocrisie and reuela- coll &c
tions of the said Elizabeth, and gaue knowledge heereof XXXI-
to diuerse other sundrie persons of this realme.

All which conspiracies and confederacies of the said
Elizabeth, and other hir complices, aboue mentioned, was
traitorouslie and maliciouslie deuised and practised by the
said Elizabeth, Edward Docking, John Dering, Richard
Master, Henrie Gold, Hugh Rich, and Richard Risbie,
to the intent traitorouslie to destroie our sovereign lord,
and to depriue him and his lawful succession from the
crowne, and dignitie roiall of this realme, which matter
hath beene practised and imagined amongst them for the
space of manie years : wherof the whole circumstance
were verie long to be written in this act. And the said
John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, and one Thomas Gold,
gentleman, and the said Thomas Lawrence, Edward
Thwaites, and John Adison, chapleine to the said John
Bishop of Rochester, hauing knowledge of the said false
feigned and dissembled Reuelations, traitorouslie con-
spired against our said souereigne lord (as is aforesaid)
did neuerthelesse make concealment thereof, and vttered
not the same to our said souereigne, nor anie his hono-
rable counsell, against their duties and allegiance in that
behalfe.

And furthermore the said Thomas Gold, for the accom-
plishment of his said most traitorous intent, hath of late
beene a messenger from the said Elizabeth, since she was
in ward in the tower of London, for the said most false
and traitorous offences, by hir and hir said complices
committed and doone (he then being at libertie) by his
message hath comforted diuerse others to stand stiflie by
hir reuelations, that they were of God ; notwithstanding
that she had confessed all hir said falshood before diuerse
of the Kings counsellors, and that they were manifestlie
prooved, found, and tried most false and vntrue : which
thing he did onelie to raise and put sedition and murmur
in the people against the Kings highnesse, his crowne, and

352 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. dignitie roiall. And one Thomas Abell clerke, being of
xxxii. tne confederacie aforesaid, and taking such firme and

constant credit to the said false and feigned reuelations

and miracles of the said nun, not onelie caused to be
printed and set foorth, in this realme diuerse books against
the said diuorse and seperation, to the slander of our said
souereigne lord, but also animated the said ladie Kathe-
rine obstinatlie to persist in hir wilfull opinion against the
same diuorse and seperation : and after the said diuorse
lawfullie had, to vsurpe and take upon hir still to be
queene, and procured diuerse writings to be made by hir,
by the name of queene : and also procured and abetted
the servants of the said ladie Katherine, against the Kings
expresse commandment and proclamation, to name, call,
accept and repute the said ladie Katherine for queene of
this realme : to the intent to make a common division and
rebellion in this realme, to the great perill and danger of
our said souereigne lord.

No. XXXII.

Library A Letter of Thomas Bedyll, Clerk of the Council, to Bishop
c?leoPa : Fox of Hereford, the King's Almoner.

After my moost due thanks and hertie commendations
unto you, I do you to unsterstand, that as it was agreed
bytwixt you and me at your departinge I have deliverd
at Maister Ffyssher's books late bisshop of Rochester de-
vised by him in the defense of the King's grace first
unlawful marriage, and against his secund lawful marriage,
to my lord of Cauntrebury to be seen and weyed by him,
and such as gyve attendance on hym at this tyme for
thaunswer to be made to Cocleus boks and others, trusting
that my said lord, and the said other lemed men wol
make so substancial aunswer to the said Mr. Ffisher's
books and the said others, that not only the peple of this
tyme but also suche as shal rede the said aunswers at al
tymes hereafter shal wel perceyve thereby that al the

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 353

the Kings procedings in thoes maters have been grounded COLL. &c.
upon good reasons and auctorites founded in the law of xxxn-
God whiche his grace was bounden in conscience to folow
notwithstanding any other affection or intelligence.

I have also been * at Syon sith your departing with my
lord where we have found the lady Abbas and susters as
conformable to every thing as myght be devised. And as
touching the father confessor and father Cursonn, whiche
be the saddest men ther and best lerned, they shewed
thaimselfs like honest men: and I think the Confessor
wol now on Sonday next in his sermonn make due mention
of the King's title of supreme head acording as he is com-
maunded. What towardnes or untoward nes we have
seen in some other of the brethern there I wol informe
you at your retorne to London, and omitte it now bicause
I have somm hope ; that by the wisedome of the father
confessor and father Curson the residue shal shortly be
brought to good conformite whiche be sum what sediciose ;
and have labored busily to infect thair felowes with ob-
stinacy against the King's said title.

I had the father confessor alone in a very secrete com-
munication concerning certen letters of the said Mr.
Ffissher's, of whiche father Rainold made mention in his
examination^ whiche the said Ffissher promised the
King's grace that he never shewed to any other mann,
nouther wold. The said confessor hath confessed to me,
that the said Ffissher sent to him, to the said Rainold and
to one other brother of thers decessed, whoes name I re-
member not, the copy of his said letters directed to the
King's grace, and the copy of the King's aunswer also ;
but he hath sworen to me upon his fidelite, that the said
copies tarried not with thaim but one nyght, and that none
of his brethern saw thees same but thees thre aforenamed.
He hath knowleged to me also, that the said Ffissher sent

* A Monastery at Isleworth in Twickenham in Middlesex, wherin were
sixty Nuns, of which one was the Abbess, thirteen Priests, four Deacons,
and eight Lay-brethren of the Order of St. Brigit.

VOL. II. A a

354 PAPERS RELATING TO

C XXXH.C' Unt0 thaim With the Said COPieS a b°ke °f his made in tllG
XXXIIL defense of the King's grace first marriage whiche he con-

fessed himself to have in his kepyng, and which he hath
willingly delivered unto me, and also Abel's booke, and
one other booke made by themperour his Ambassador as
I suppose.
Stokesley. My Lord of London declared reasons for the confirma-
tion of the King's title of supreme hed, and for the infor-
mation and extinction of the bisshop of Rome's jurisdic-
tion and power within this realme in such maner and
fashion as was excellent and singuler. And maister

Mor hath used himself like a faithful true mann to

his prince, and I wold ye wold write him somm commen-
dations or thanks to recomfort him.

Finally, maister Almainer, and I wolde know your mynd
and pleasure concernyng the boke whiche we drewe out

of my lord of York his both devises, whereof we

withdrewe many things and likewise added. And where
ye willed us to adde thereto such substancial mater for the
purpose as we shulde thinke convenient that it myght be
set furth to print 5 Albeit we have gathered suche mater

as perc shal pleace you when ye see it, yet we wol not

be so bolde as put it to printe tyl ye see it and allowe it.

I have kept London al this yer and have had litel passe
tyme abrode. If it myght pleace you to help me to a
warrant or two in Kent at Ledys or elswher or nyghe
Londonn it wolde be muche to my comfort, whiche am
alwayes at your commaundement From London the

28th day of July.

By your owne

Thomas Bedyll.

No. XXXIIL *

Weever's Archbishop Cranmers Letter to Mr. Secretary Cromwell

Funeral in behalf of Bp. Ffisher, and Sir Thomas Moore.

Monu-

jjg'jjl; Right worshipful Maister Cromwell, after most harty

commendations, &c. I doubte not but you do right well

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 355

remembre, that my Lord of Rochester, and Master More, COLL. &c.
were contented to bee swome to the Actt of the King's xxxm-
sucession, but not to the preamble of the same : what was
the cause of thair refusall thereof, I am vneertaine, and
they wolde by no meanes expresse the same. Neverthe-
lesse it must nedis be either the diminution of the autho-
rise of the Bishop of Rome, or ells the reprobation of the
King's first pretensed matrimony. But if they doe ob-
stinately persiste in thair opinions of the preamble, yet
me semeth it scholde not be refused, if thay will be sworne
to the veray acte of succession ; so that thay will be
sworne to mayntene the same against all powers and po-
tentates. For hereby shall be a great occasion to satisfie
the Princesse Dowager, and the Lady Mary, which doe
thinke that they sholde dampne thair sowles, if they sholde
abandon and relinquish thair astats. And not only it
sholde stop the mouths of thaym, but also of th' empe-
Tour, and other thair friends, if thay give as much cre-
dence to my Lord of Rochester, and Master More spekyng
or doinge against thaym, as they hitherto haue done and
thought, that all other sholde haue done whan they spake
and did with thaym. And peraduenture it sholde be a
good quietation to many other within this realme, if such
men sholde say that the succession comprised within the
said acte is good, and according to God's lawes. For
than I thinke there is not one within this reaulme that
wolde ones reclaime against it. And whereas diuers
persones either of a wilfulnesse, will not, or of an indurate
and inuertible conscience can not, altre from thair opinions
of the King's first pretensed marriage, (wherein they haue
ones said their minds, and percase haue a perswasion in
their heads, that if they sholde now vary therfrome, their
fame and estimation were distained for euer) or else of
the authoritie of the Busschope of Rome : yet if all the
reaulme with one accord wolde apprehend the said suc-
cession, in my iudgment it is a thing to be amplected and
imbraced, which thing, although I trust surely in God,

356 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c that it shall bee brought to passe, yet hereunto might not
XXXIII •

XXXIV. a little auaile the consent and othes of theis two persones

the Busshope of Rochester, and Maister More with thair

adherents, or rather confederats. And if the King's plea-
sure so were, thair sayd othes myght be suppressed, but
whan and where his highnes might take some commoditie
by the publishinge of the same. Thus our Lord haue
you ever in his conseruation. From my Maner at Croydon,

the xvii day of Aprill.

Your own assured euer,

Thomas Cantuar.

No. XXXIV.

E Registro Litene ad Roffensem a Collemo.

Literarum M °

Coll. Joan, Reverendo in Christo patri D. Johan : Fishero Episcopo
Roffensi.
In magnis tuis circa gregem tibi a Deo commissam occu-
pationibus, in summis laboribus quos pro tuenda Christi
religione sustines, in assiduis tuis in Lege Domini medita-
tionibus, in orationibus, in lectionibus, in scriptionibus,
postremo in acerbis et molestis quas jamdudum ingraunt
curis et adversitatibus, Reverende in Christo pater, dig-
neris filiorum tuorum legere epistolam. Quae quidem
magis ex eo scripta est quod tacere pudeat, quam quod
perspectum habeamus quid loqui conveniat. Turpe enim
et nefarium arbitramur, in hoc rerum statu, non nostrum
erga te affectum significare, et piam declarare sollicitudi-
nem. Et cum ceteri omnes his temporibus, qui vel nobi-
litate Christiani nominis gaudent, vel quibus patria chara
est et respublica, de tuis incommodis et molestijs dolent,
ingratissimi sane nos essemus, imo ne pietatis quidem in-
tegrant existimacionem tueri ac sustinere possemus, si non
maxime quicquid tibi adversi accideret nos cruciaret, et
summum animis nostris dolorem inureret. Sed quanquam
sane vehementer dolemus te in periculum harum tempes-
tatum, quas hoc seculo Divina excitavit offensio, incidisse,
tamen non praeterea totos occupat animos nostros dolor,

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 357

imo vero magnam etiam inde laetitiam concipimus, atque COLL. &c.

ita postea quam de afflictationibus quibus jamdudum L

coepisti jactari ad nos allatum est, diver si et plane con-
trary affectus, mceror et gaudium, mentes nostras hinc
inde distraxerunt. Neque enim fieri potuit, cum aliquid
tibi adversi aut incommodi accidisse audircmus, quin acerbo
perculsi nuncio incredibili dolore afficeremur. At rursum •
cum recordaremur et in memoriam revocaremus quantum
sit divini favoris signum in hoc mundo pro justitia tribu-
lationem perpeti, magna statim animi nostri laetitia ges-
tierunt, quia te inde intelligeremus, id quod nobis dubium
nunquam erat, Deo magis quam hominibus placere. Id
enim est quod nos quotidianis pro te precibus rogamus, ut
te suum esse velit, ut gratiam suam cumulatissime tibi
conferat, ut spiritu suo copiosissime te impertiat, non ut
hominibus placeas, quibus si placeas verendum Christi
servus non esses. Nos ut te consolemur, si quis te mo-
lestus casus affligat, nee opus est, nee a nobis id prestari
potest. Tibi enim sanctissimo Dei episcopo, qui Christi
et Apostolorum ejus vestigijs constanter insistis, ipsa jus-
titise nomine suscepta tribulatio immensam quandam et
ineffabilem ex se parit consolationem, plenam divinae cu-
jusdam et absconditae suavitatis ex sinceritate conscientiae
manantem. Porro quaecunque sunt exempla quae ad
patientiam firmandam ac roborandam afFerri possint, nemo
te mortalium, pater reverende, melius aut novit aut me-
moria tenet, ut supervacaneum sit et plane ridiculum
nostra consolatione nos tibi obstrepere, et simile esset ac
si patri filius infans, vix dum primam tentans balbutiem,
de exprimendo sermone prascipiat. Quod ergo nostrum
est officium ? Nimirum, in hoc indies ardentius instare, in
quo sumus assidui, videlicet precando Dominum Nostrum
Jesum Christum ut te omnibus gratias sua? divitijs locu-
pletatum ecclesiae suae incolumem servet. Si vero aliquid
incommodi aut ex corporis imbecillitate, aut ab externis
mundi difficultatibus a Deo fuerit immissum, id Christus
tibi vertat in bonum. Nos tibi fatemur tot nos esse bene-

S58 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. benefices obstrictos ut ne recensere quidem aut verbis con-
XXXIV.
XXXV. sequi valeamus. Tu nobis pater, doctor, prasceptor, legis-

lator, omnis denique virtutis et sanctitatis exemplar. Tibi
victum, tibi doctrinam, tibi quicquid est quod boni vel
habemus vel scimus nos debere fatemur. Quo autem tibi
possimus referre gratiam, aut beneficium rependere habe-
mus nihil praeter orationem qua continenter Deum pro te
interpellamus. Quaecunque autem nobis in communi sunt
opes, quicquid habet collegium nostrum id si totum tua
causa profunderemus ne adhuc quidem tuam in nos benefi-
centiam assequeremur. Quare, reverende pater, quicquid
nostrum est obsecramus utere ut tuo. Tuum est, eritque
quicquid possumus, tui omnes sumus erimusque toti. Tu
nostrum es decus et praesidium, tu nostrum es caput, ut
necessario quascunque te mala attingant, ea nobis veluti
membris subjectis acerbitatem inferant. Speramus autem
Deum optimum et clementissimum omnia a te mala prohibi-
turum, omnibusque te semper bonis pro sua misericordia
aucturum. Sin vero aliquid interveniat quod durum et
asperum secundum mundi judicium, esse videatur, ut illud
tibi molle, jucundum, facile, atque etiam honorificum Deus
efficiet; quemadmodum Crucis odium et ignominiam in
summum honorem et gloriam commutarit. Dominus noster
Jesus Christus non destituat te consolatione spiritus sui
in astemum. In quo fcelix Vale Reverende Pater.

No. XXXV.

Part of the Bill of Indictment of Bishop Fisher.

Cotton Quidam tamen Johannes Fyssher nuper de Civitate Roff-
ClecTat ^en *n ^om: Kane: Clericus, alias Dominus Johannes Fys-
E. vi. sher nuper de Rofen: Episcopus, Deum pre oculis non
habens, sed instigatione diabolica seductus, false, maliciose,
et proditorie optans, volens et desiderans, ac arte imagi-
nans, inventans, practicans, et attemptans serenissimum
dominum nostrum Henricum octavum Dei Gracia Anglie

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 359

et Francie Regem, Fidei Defensorem et Dominum Hiber- COLL. &c.

• • XXXV

nie atque in terra supremum caput ecclesie Anglicane, de xxxvf.

dignitate, titulo, et nomine suis in terra supremi capitis

Anglicane ecclesie dicte imperiali corone sue, ut praemitti-
tur, annexis et unitis deprivare septimo die Maij anno
regni ejusdem Domini Regis vicessimo septimo apud
Turrim London in com. Middlesex contra legiancie sue
debitum hec verba anglicana sequentia diversis dicti do-
mini regis veris subditis false, maliciose, et proditorie
loquebatur et propalabat videlicet, The Kyng owre sove-
raign lord is not supreme hed yn erthe of the Cherche of
England in dicti domini regis nimium despectum et vili-
pendium manifestum ac in dictorum dignitatis, tituli, et
nominis status sui Regalis derogacionem et prejudicium
non modicum, et contra formam dicti alterius actus pre-
dicti Anno 26° editi et provisi, ac contra pacem prefati
domini regis, &c.

No. XXXVI.

Extracts from the Life of the Virtuous Christian and MS. Tenes
Renowned Queen Anne Boleigne. By George Wyat, Fran^*
Esq. Grandson to Sir Thomas Wyat the elder. Armig.

And for that which may lie in me, although To the

partly a kind of interest hereto, and partly the peculier Chnstian.
meanes that I have had more then others to come to some another
more particuler knowledge of such things as I intend to lan '
handle ought to draw thus much from me, yet much more
the request of him that hath bin by authoritie set on
woorke in this important busines, both for the singuler
giftes of God in him, of wisdome learninge, integritie and
virtue, and allso the incoragment I have had of late from
the right reverend my Lord of Canterburie's Grace to set
dowen what vnderstandinge I have had of this matter is
both my warrant, and a bond the more upon my conscience
to hold me urged and constrained not to neglect such an

360 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. oportunitie of my service to the church, my prince and

L countrie. Principaly his desire was, and my purpose in

satisfiinge it, to deliver what I knew touchinge certin
things that happened to the excellent Lady, the Lady

Anne B about the time of her first cominge to the

Court. Yet consideringe I had some other knowlege of
things that might be found serviseable no les then that,
and also might give light and life to the faithful narration
of this whole matter, I have supposed it would fale best
to deliver the same as it were under the description of her
whole life : and this the more particularly and frankly,
that al things knowen, those that I understood were to
visit it againe might take what they should thinke most
material for their use. And would to God I could give
that grace and felicitie of stile unto it that the worthines of
the subject doth require, notwithstandinge that in this
regard I am the les careful for that it is to pas through
their hands that can give it better vesture, and I shal the
more torne my care to intend the sincere and faithful deli-
verie of that which I have received from those that both
were most likely to come to the most perfect knowlege
hereof, and had lest cause, or otherwise for themselves
could lest give just reason of suspition to any either of
minde of partialitie, or wil to faine or misreport any whit
hereof. And indeed chiefly the relasion of thos things
Mrs. Anne that I shal set downe is come from two. One a lady that
ams or . g^ attencled on her both afore and after she was Queene,
with whose howse and mine ther was then kindred and
strict alliance. The other also a lady of noble bearthe
livinge in thos times, and wel acquainted with the persons
that most this concerneth, from whome I am myself
desended. A littel therfore repeatinge the matter more
high, I wil desrive the discourse hereof from the very
springe and fountaines, whens may appeere most cleerly
by what occasion and degreese the streame of this whole
cause hath growne to such an ocean as it were of memora-
ble effectes through al our parts of Christiandome, not by

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 361

chance or wits of men so much as even by the aparant
woorke of God, as I hope presently to make plaine to al

men.

The se of Rome, havinge rissen in this our age unto
a ful tide of al wickednes, had overflowed al thes parts of
the world with the fluds of her evels, whereby was occa-
sioned and had beginninge the eb of al her pomp, power
and glorie, everie particular devisinge, as if it had beene by
one consent and accord (so shewing it the more apparantly
to come of God) to provide for the time to come against
her so great inundasion of mischiefes. Hereof in Eng-
land, Germanie, Italie, and in many other places, sondrie
persons of singuler learninge and pietie, one succeedinge
another at divers times opened their mouthes as trompets
to cale men to this woorke upon several occasions, al risinge
from the outragious corruptions and fominge filth of that
se. But chiefly and most notoriously in the time of Henrie
the viii of famous memorie this came to pas by the just
judgment of God upon her, and his mercie upon us,
where the same politie by which she had in custome and
then made her self most assured to strengthen her self in
givinge to princes licence to unlawful contractes (esteem-
inge therby to tie them and their issuse the more strongly
to her) the bondof so evel counsel breakinge suddinly set at
libertie the certin meanes of this greate opposition against
her after almost through al Europe. So littel assurance
espetialy have evel foundations of usurped authoritise
against the provoked judgments of God by sin, and general

displeasure of man upon just concaived indignitise.

ther was at this present presented to the eye of the Court
the rare and admirable bewtie of the fresh and younge
Lady Anne Boleine to be attendinge upon the Queene.
In this noble imp the gracese of nature graced by gracious
educasion seemed even at the first to have promised blis

unto her aftertimes. —She was taken at that time to

have a bewtie not so whitly as cleere and fresh above al

362 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. we may esteeme, which appeared much more excellent by
XXXVI
1 her favour passinge sweete and cheerfull, and thes both

also increased by her noble presence of shape and fassion
representinge both mildnes and maiestie more then can be

exprest. Ther was founde indeede upon the side

of her naile upon one of her fingers some little shewe of a
naile, which yet was so smale, by the report of those that
have seen her, as the woorkmaister seemed to leave it an
occasion of greater grace to her hand, which with the tip
of one of her other fingers might be and was usualy by her
hidden without any lest blemish to it. Likewise ther were
said to be upon some parts of her boddy certin smale moles
incident to the clearest complections. And certainly both
thes were none other then might more staine their writings
with note of malice that have catch at such light motes in
so bright beames of bewtie then in any part shaddow it, as
may right well appeere by many arguments, but chiefly by
the choice and exquisit judgments of many brave spirits
that were esteemed honorably to honour the honourable
parts in her, even honored of envie itself. Amongst theis
two were observed to be of principal marke. The one was

See Earl af Sir Thomas Wiat the elder. — The other was the

Character Kinge himself The Knight in the beginninge com-

of him. mge to beholde the sudden apearance of this new bewtie
came to be holden and surprized somewhat with the sight
therof, after much more with her wittie and graceful
speach his eare also had him chained unto her, so as finaly
his hart seemed to say, / could gladly yeald to be tiede
for ever with the knot of her love, as somewhere in his ver-
ses hath bin thought his meaninge was to expres. She on
the other part findinge him to be then married, and in the
knot to have been tiede then x years rejected alhis speach of
love, but yet in such sort as what so ever tended to regard
of her honour she shewed not to scorne, for the general
favour and good will she perceived al men to beare him,
which might the rather occasion others to torne their
lookes to that which a man of his woorth was brought to

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 363

gaze at in her, as indeede after it happened. The King COLL. &c.

is held to have taken his first apprehension of this love

after such time as upon the doubte in thos treaties of
manages with his daughter Mary, first with the Spaniard,
then with the French, by some of the learned of his owne
land he had vehimently in their publique sermons and in
his confessions to his gostly fathers bin praied to forsake
that his insestious life by accompaninge with his brothers
wife, and espetialy after he was moved by the Cardinal,
then in his greatest trust with the Kinge, both for the
better quietnes of his conscience, and for more suere set-

telinge of the succession to more prosperous issue.

About this time, it is saide that the Knight intertaininge
talke with her as she was earnest at woorke, in sportinge
wise caught from her a certin smale jewel hanginge by a
lace out of her pocket, or otherwise loose which he thrust
into his bosome, neither with any earnest request could
she obtain it of him againe. He kept it therfore and ware
it after about his necke under his cassoque, promisinge to
himself either to have it with her favour, or as an occasion
to have talke with her, wherein he had singuler delight,
and she after seemed not to make much recconinge of it,
either the thinge not beinge much worth, or not woorth
much strivinge for. The noble prince havinge a watchful
eie upon the Knight, noted him more to hover about the
lady, and shee more to keepe a loofe of him, was whetted
the more to discover to her his affection, so as rather he
liked first to trie of what temper the regard of her honour
was, which he findinge not any way to be tainted with
thos things his Kingly Majestie and meanes could bringe
to the batterie, he in the end fel to win her by treatie of
marriage, and in this talke tooke from her a ringe, and
that ware upon his littel finger ; and yet al this with such
a secresie was carried, and on her part so wisely, as none
or verie few esteemed this other then an ordinarie cours
of dalliance. Within few daise after it happened that the
Kinge sportinge himself at bowles had in his company

364 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL, &c. (as -it falls out) divers noble men and other courteours of
XXVL account, amongst whom might be the Duke of Suffolke,
Sir F. Brian and Sir T. Wiat, himself beinge more then
ordinarily plesantly disposed, and in his game takinge an
occasion to affirme a cast to be his that plainly appeared
to be otherwise, thos on the other side saide, with his
grace's leave, they thought not, and yet stil he, pointinge
with his finger whereon he ware her ringe, replied often
it was his, and specialy to the knight the said : Wiat I tel
thee it is mine, smilinge upon him withal. Sir Thomas at
the leangth castinge his eye upon the King's finger, per-
ceived, that the Kinge ment the lady whose ring that was,
which he wel knew, and pausinge a littel, and findinge
the Kinge bent to pleasure, after the words repeated
againe by the Kinge, the Knight replied, and if it may
like your Majestie to give me leave to measure it, I hope
. it will be mine ; and with al tooke from his necke the lase
where at honge the tablet, and therwith stooped to mea-
sure the cast, which the Kinge espiinge knew, and had
seene her were, and therwithal sporn'd away the bowle,
and saide, it may be so, but then am I deceived, and so
brake up the game. This thinge thus carried was not
perceived for al this of many : but of some few it was.
Now the Kinge resortinge to his chamber shewinge some
discontentment in his countenance found meanes to breake
this matter to the lady who with good and evident proofe
how the Knight came by the jewel satisfied the Kinge so
effectualy, that this more confirmed the King's opinion of
her truith then himself at the first could have expected.
Shortly upon the return of the Cardenal the matter of the
* The King Dutches* coolinge everie day more and more his credit
°.fstF£ance's also wained til it was utterly eclipsed, and that so busied
the great personages that they marked the les the King's
bent, the rather for that some way it seemed healpful to
their woorkinge against the Cardinal. The Kinge also
tooke here opertunitie to proceede to discover his ful and
whole meaninge to the lady's father, to whome we may be

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 365

be suere the news was not a littel joiful. ■ Al this COLL. &c.

YYYVI

notwithstandinge, her virtue was not so dased with the 1

glorie of so forcible attractives, but that she stood stil
upon her guard, and was not, as we would suppose, so
easily taken with al thes aparances of happines ; wherof
two things appeared to be the causes. One the love she
bare ever to the Queene ; whome she served, that was
also a personage of greate vertue. The other her conceit
that there was not that freedome of conjunction with one
that was her Lord and Kinge, as with one more agreable
to her estate. Thes thinges being wel perceived of the
Queene shew she knew wel to frame and work her advan-
tage of, and therfore the oftener had her at cards with her,
the rather also that the Kinge might have the les her
company, and the Lady the more excuse to be from him,
also she esteeme herself the kindlier used, and yet withal
the more to give the Kinge occasion to see the naile upon
her finger. And in this intertainement of time they had a
certain game that I cannot name then frequented, wherein
dealinge, the Kinge and Queene meetinge they stopt, and
the younge Lady's hap was much to stop at a Kinge.
Which the Queene notinge saide to her playfellow, my
Lady Anne, you have good hap to stop at a Kinge ; but
you are not like others, you will have al, or none. So often
earnest matters are delivered under game. Yet had the
Kinge his times, and she in the end yealded to give her
consent of marriage to him, whome hardly ever any before
was found able to keep their hold against. This was now
so far to the pleasure of the Kinge, that fourth with he with
her and her father concluded to open the matter to the
counsel, al other things beinge ripe therunto, and specialy
for that it was not possible to keepe it any longer from
the talke of men neere his person, and the more the
Queene beinge found to take such knowledge therof. It
is thought then the fable was diversly carried to give
opinion upon this matter ; some of the nobillitie wisshinge
rather to have had so good hap lighted to some of their

366

PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. owne houses: others that it had not bin at al; some
XXXVI
L. inclininge to either of thes, as dependinge on them ; but

most liked better the King's owne choice, both for the hope
of issue, and that the greatnes of greate men shuld not
grow to greate to sway with in maniginge of matters of
state. But howsoever, it apeered manifestly that presently
ther were practices discovered on al sides, under sondrie
arts, on the parts of Spaine, from Rome and that faction,
and from the Queene her self, and specialy some with the
Kinge, some with the Lady herself, plotted to breake or
stay at the lest, til somethinge might fale betweene the
cup and the lip that might breake al this purpose with
one of them if it might have bin. And verily one of thes
may seem for this present occasion not unmeete to be
recounted : which was this. Ther was conveied to her a
booke pretendinge old prophicese wherin was represented
the figure of some personages, with the letter H upon one,
A upon another, and K upon the third, which an expoun-
der therupon tooke upon him to interpret by the King
and his wives, and to her pronounsinge certin destruction
if she married the kinge. This booke cominge into her
chamber, she opened, and findinge the contents called to
her her maide of whome we have spoken afore, who also
bare her name : ' Come hether, Nan,' saide she, ' see here
' a book of prophicese, this, he saith, is the Kinge, this

* the Queene* weepinge and wringinge her hands, and
' this is myself with my head of.' The maide answered,
' If I thought it true, though he were an Emperour, I
' would not myself marrie him with that condition,' ' Is,
' Nan,' replied the Lady, ' I thinke the booke a bable, yet
' for the hope I have, that the realme may be happie by

* my issue, I am resolved to have him, whatsoever might
t Sanders. * become of me.' The Romish* fable framer, if he

may be believed, affirmeth another practice after this sort :
That ' Sir Tho: Wiatt comminge to the Counsel, for his
' better securitie, confessed to have had dealings with that
' Ladye afore he had any perceivinge of the King's pur-

• mourn-
inge.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 367

' pose of marriage, but not being credited by the Kinge, COLL. &c.

' that Wiat, as not findinge it wel he was not believed, . — 1

' affirmed he would bringe the Kinge where he might see
* him injoy her. And, that againe beinge delivered by
' the Duke of Suffolk to the Kinge he yet beleived it not.'
But it is certain, that the whole or greatest part of this
fiction, for the persons, manner and event of thes things
have bin utterly mistaken and misshapen. For I have
heard by the report of one of right good and honourable
account, and of much understandinge in such things, who
also hath the truith of his word in high respect, that it
was Sir Francis Brian that confessed such a like thinge to
the Kinge by another Lady with other successe more
likely, which was that the Kinge thereupon pardoned Mm
indeede, but rejected and gave over the lady ever after to
Mm. Whether the Duke might, upon the sight of that
which happened at bowles, take any occasion with the
Kinge to disswade the marriage, supposinge the Knight
could not or would not otherwise have cleered himself
and the Lady but by confessinge and cravinge pardon for
it as don before he had knowledge of the King's intention,
I cannot say, and by ges I will not affirme it in any case of
any, much les of so woorthy and noble a personage. Only
this I say, that if he did so, I believe verily, that he was
greatly deseved therein of his expectation, as findinge
that by good proofe the Knight could cleer himself and
her of that matter, even to the ful assuringe and ascerte-
ninge of the Kinge of the manner of his comminge by the
jewel without her dishonour, and, that so the Duke, if he
did so, might come to find himself had goon to far as to
have purchased to himself therby mislike both of the
King and Queene whereupon he might torne his heave
displeasure to the Knight ever after. I know of a certintie,
that the Knight had a most high opinion of that princely
Lady's noble virtuse as by trial, and chiefly in the matter
of the bowles, in that she tooke not or interpreted il of his
deede, (as her selfe beinge in her owne conscience cleere)

368 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. but as he ment it to the King's disport before knowlege
XXXVL of the marriage. This is true also that Sir Thomas Wiat
was twise sifted and lifted at, and that noble man both
times his most heavie adversarie, as I have to shew under
the Knightis owne hand in his answere to his last inditment.
Neither could I ever learne what might be the cause of his
so perpetual grudge, save only that it apeereth to be as old
as this. Som man might perhaps be led to thinke that the
Duke might have a spetial end to draw him to enter and
venter so far to the breakinge of the match. And it is
true that he was then married with the King's second
sister when the Kinge had then remaininge but one only
daughter, and then she also questioned whether legitimate.
That then also was procured a statute to cut of foraigne
titles ; and it is true also that after the ambition of some
to occasion hereby to thrust the Duke's issue, even before
the proper and lawful issue of the Kinge into the regal
seate. Al this notwithstandinge I will never be induced
to give that opinion of that nobleman, but rather I would
thinke, if he did any such thinge in any sort givinge colour
to this phantacie of the Roman Legender, he did it upon
zeale that in his conceite it was true, and that he thought
the Knight would so far confes it as doon before talke of
the King's marriage, when he saw he had past so far in
the measuringe of the cast. And though the whole fiction
have scant so much as shaddow of colour of any aparance,
yet for that part where he deviseth that Sir Thomas
shuld afore the counsel apeach himself and that lady, or,
after not being credited, offer to make the King see him
to have to doo with her, this shewinge itself sufficiently
falsefied to any wise and understandinge reader, especialy
consideringe it particulerly with the circumstances, it is so
far from al likelihood, as al presumptions are flat against it,
as in a word or two shal now be shewed.

For that princely Lady she livinge in Court where were
so many brave gallants at that time unmarried she was not
like to cast her eie upon one that had bin then married ten

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 369

years. And her parents then in good and honourable COLL. &c.

place resient in court, and themselves of no meane condi- 1.

tion, they would keepe no doubt a watchful eye over her
to see she shuld not roome, to the hinderanse of her owne
preferment, a cours so foule with one where was no colour
of marriage. The King's eie also was a guard upon her,
as also thos that pleased the Kinge in recountinge the
adventurs of love happeninge in Court made it hard, speci-
aly for the shortnes of time after her placinge ther, and the
Kinge's owne love. Also she that held out against such
a Kinge, where was hope of marriage, what was like she
shuld doo to the Knight, where his owne lady and her
frends were stil to attend upon their doings, whose testi-
monise of the honorable carriage of that Lady are therfore
here most stronge for her ? And for the Knight if he had
injoied her, was he so far desperatly wicked and a monster
in love that he would openly, purposely, and to his owne
disgrace, vant the spoile of a maide of so good frends
and likelihuds of advancements without al regard of God
or man ? Especialy when she had stood so well upon the
assurance of her owne innocencie for the matter of the
jewel without torninge him to any displeasure therby.
Thos that knew him best knew him far from that disho-
nest disposition chiefly in this kind, and for so gros a vil-
lany. And if he had bin of that minde, yet was he knowen
not of so little wit or understandinge upon a point that
was not verie likely to be knowen to discover his owen and
her evel, where was a great deale more likelihud that, the
King belivinge her rather then him, he was to incurre a
more certin and greater mischif that might in al presump-
tion fale by the heavie displeasure of them both upon
himself ever after. And if we could immagin him both
so wretchedly dishonest, and so very a sot (neither of
which could be found of him) his father than counseler
to the Kinge, for his wisdome, years and experience more
grave, would not have suffered him yet to quit himself so
fondly, and to be so mad, especialy as when the King had
VOL. II. b b

870 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. shewed not to believe it then to ronne more obstinatly to

XXXVI

'„ offer when the Kinge had made her privie hereunto to
bringe her that the Kinge shuld see her also so mad as to
yeald to him after she had given consent of marriage to
the Kinge. Who would not believe them also mad that
would believe so mad a carriage of such abusines amongst
grave and wise men howsoever the railinge Romanist be
so mad to writ it so as he would seeme mad with reason ?
For the Kinge also besides that he had more occasion and
meanes than any other to note and observe her doings,
yet much more (as the nature of generous spirits carrise
them) He was watchful upon the Knight, as in other
things so chiefely in this, not to be out ronne at this gar-
land of love : so as by himself and by the eiese of others
ther was not any trip but would have bin spiede, no likli-
hud but would have carried suspicion with it, how much
more would the Knighte's confession have sonke into his
head ? Would he beinge so wise a prince have forgotten
that the sobernes of his choise would serve much for satis-
fiinge the world touchinge his divorce ? Had he not time,
had he not leasure to learne, to inquiere and sift out al
things ? His care used in gatheringe opinions of Univer-
sitise, and in informinge princes of the whole matter with
al circumstancese in the maniginge this cause by the space
of some years shew he was not so passionate a lover, but
also withal a wise and considerat prince. But it is saide
the Kinge beleived it not ! Yet what ? when the Knight
(as this tale saith) offered to make the Kinge see it, and
that avowed to the Counsel ! could such a prince as he
swallow this ? Doubtles none that hath his wits wil thinke
so, none that knew the complection of the Kinge could
induce himself to suppose a thinge so incredible. The
case of Sir Francis Brian's openninge of his love had ano-
ther effect, and shews plainely that the Kinge was of
another mettel, sith he cast of that Ladie loved right
deerly (as hath bin saide) without farther matter. And
doubtles in this case he beleivinge the matter would have

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 371

throwen of this Lady also, the marriage not yet consum- COLL. &c.
mate, and he havinge in his owne realme and abrode beu- XXXVL
tise enow to content him and meanes enow also to push on
some other. But it is devised the Kinge beleived it not.
Not beleivinge it thinke we the Knight could have esca-
ped punishment of a slannderer, though he might by con-
fessinge avoide the punishment of a malefactor (as they
say) after ? This no outragious mad man would beleive.
If the Kinge would or could have past it over, the Lady
in honour could not, nor might. But suppose also that
supposal beyond al suppose. Though they punisht it
not, would they, trow ye, have put him in credit and
advancement after ? would they have had him even

the verie day of her Coronation ? Would they have im-
ploied him jmbassador in that matter of the marriage ?
Ya, I say more, would the Kinge also have rewarded him
with a good porsion of lands sone upon this ? But al thes
were so as we have aleaged them. The cronicles have
his servise on that day of coronation. His jmbassiges
were twise aboute this matter knowen right wel. I have
seene the patents of the grant myself. And thes things, 32 Hen.
the last especialy, I the rather aleage for that the Knight T"1'
useth them himself as testimonise of the King's good
opinion of him in his defence afore mensioned, which also
by the Kinge and his counsel in those times was liked
and alowed of as his iust purgasion by which they acquit-
ted him. Finaly that his defence then may and is to be
esteemed his defence now also in this case not to be con-
temned, and may thus be considered. This reporteth
that he was twise winnowed. The matters were the same
both timese, the accusations so frivolus, the inducements
and proofes so idle, that they prove nothinge more then
that ther lacked no wils in his adversarise to doo him hurt,
then that they had any lest colour of matter to worke it.
Nothinge so impertinent, nothinge so unlikely that they
alege not. Ye and his most trusty and best servisese they
had the chiefe matters of their accusation, nothinge was

372 PAPERS RELATING TO

Cxxxv1f ° so *°nn ^ ^iat t^iey r'PPec^ not UP to n*s discredit at the

— lest, if it might have bin. Yet in al this was no word or

signification of any such matter. Though it had not bin
brought as the ground of his accusation, would it not
have bin drawen fourth to agreave or induce the matter ?
Undoubtedly it would, either in the Queene's life in his
first troble, and it would have doon wel to revenge if he
had doon her this wronge, or after to her overthrowe, or
els in his second troble against him. But no one word is
or was in it touchinge any such matters.

After so many cros billets of conninge politics surmoun-
ted by the guidinge providence of God, after so many
trials of her truith past through by her wise and virtuous
governance, the Kinge havinge everie way made so
through proofe how deepe roote honour had taken in her
bosome, and havinge found it not to be shaken even by
him, this roial and famous prince Henrie the viii resol-
vinge her matchles perfections meete alone to be joined
with his, now at the length concluded forthwith to knit up
this marriage, although for certin causes the same was
thought more convenient to be performed somewhat pri-
A- D- vately and secretly. On the xxvth of January therfore the

ceremome was consummate. The Kinge alsoe

shortly after havinge himself more ascertined, and by more
inward trial more assured of her spousal truith would yet
farther testifie that his opinion of her, by givinge her that
highest honoure he could give her virtuse in having her

solemnly and roialy crowned. And thus we see

they lived and loved, tokens of increasinge love perpetualy
increasinge between them. Her mind brought him fourth
the ritch treasurs of love of pietie, love of truith, love of
learninge. Her body yealded him the fruites of marriage,
inestimable pledgis of her faith and loial love. And
touchinge the former of these it is here first not to be for-
gotten that of her time (that is duringe the three years that
fehe was Queene) it is found by good observation, that no
one suffered for religion, which is the more woorthy to be

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 373

noted, for that it could not so be saide of any time of the COLL. &c.
Queenes after married to the Kinge. And amongst other XXXV1,
proofes of her love to religion to be found in others, this
here of me is to be added. That shortly after her marriage
divers learned and christianly disposed persons resortinge
to her presented her with sondrie bookes of thos contro-
versise that then begoone to be questioned touchinge reli-
gion, and specialy of the authoritie of the Pope and his
Clergie and of their doings against Kings and States. And
amongst other ther happened* one of thes, which, as her
manner was, she havinge read she had also noted with her
naile, as of matter woorthy the King's knowlege. The See
booke Hinge in her window, her maide (of whome hath Memorials
bin spoken) tooke it up, and as she was readinge it came to £"le.s- &c*
speake with her one then a suiter to her that after mar- p. 112.
ried her, and as they talked he tooke the booke of her, zouSu°*
and she withal, caled to attend on the Queene, forgot it
in his hands, and she not retorninge in some longe space
he walked fourth with it in his hand, thinkinge it had bin
hers. Ther incontered him soone after a Gentleman of
the Cardinal's of his acquaintance, and after salutations
perceivinge the booke requested to see it, and findinge
what it was, partly by the title, partly by some what he red
in it, he borrowed it, and shewed it to the Cardinal. Here-
upon the suiter was sent for to the Cardinal and examined
of the booke, and how he came by it, and had like to have
comme in troble about it, but that it beinge found to have
pertained to one of the Queenes chamber, the Cardinal
thought better to defer the matter til he had broken it to
the Kinge first, in which meane time the suiter delivered
the Lady what had falen out, and she also to the Queene,
who for her wisdome knowinge more what might grow
therupon without delay went and imparted the matter to
the Kinge, and shewed him of the points that she had
noted with her finger. And she was but newly come from
the Kinge but the Cardinal came in with the booke in his
* Tindal's Obedience of a Christian Man.

374 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. hands to make complaint of certin points in it that he

YYYVT i

'_ knew the Kinge would not like of, and withal to take

occasion with him against those that countenanced such
books in general, and specialy women, and as might be
thought with mind to goo farther against the Queene
more directly if he had perceived the Kinge agreable to
his meaninge. But the Kinge that somewhat afore dis-
tasted the Cardinal, as we have shewed, findinge the notes
the Queene had made, al torned the more to hasten his

ruin which was also furthered on al sides.

On the other part, of her body she bare him a daughter
on the *vnth of Sept. to the greate joy then of al his
people, both for that the Kinge had now issue legitimate
of his owne body, and for the hope of more after. The
Kinge also he expressed his joy for that fruite spronge of
himself, and his yet more confirmed love towards her,
caused her child openly and publikly to be proclaimed
princes ELIZABETH at the solemnitie of her batizinge,
preferringe his younger daughter legitimate afore the elder
in unlawful wedlocke. And after this againe at the pro-
A.D. 1534. rogation of the parliament the 30th of March he had eve-
rie Lord, Knight, and Burges sworne to an Act of Succes-
sion, and their names subscribed to a Schedule fixed to
the same Statute, wher it was enacted, that his dafter
Princes ELIZABETH, he havinge none other heire
male, shuld succeede him to the Crowne. And after were
Commitioners sent to al part of the Realme to take the
like oth of al men and women in the Land. Neither also
were her virtuse only inclosed in her owne brest or shut up
Shaxton in her owne person. She had procured to her Chaplins,
aner atl" men of great learninge and of no les honest conversinge,
whom she with hers heard much, and privately she heard
them willingly and gladly to admonish her, and them her-
self exhorted and incoraged so to do. Also at the first

* So it is in the Calendars prefixed to the Book of Common Prayer in
Q. Elisabeth's reign. Lord Herbert says it was the Sixth, Sanders the
Eighth, and Archbp. Cranmer the 13th or 14th.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 375

she had in Court drawen about her to be attendinge on COLL. Ac.

her* Ladise of greate honour, and yet of greater choice 1

for reputation of virtue, undoubted witneces of her spousal
integritie, whome she trained upon with al commendations
of wel ordered government, though yet above al by her
owen example she shined above them al, as a torch that al
might take light of beinge it self stil more bright. Thos
that have seene at Hampton-Court the ritch and exquisit
woorkes by her self for the greater part wrought by her
owne hand and needle, and also of her Ladise, esteeme
them the most pretious furniture that are to be accounted
amongst the most sumptuous that any prince may be pos-
sest of. And yet far more ritch and pretious were thos
woorkes in the sight of God which she caused her maides
and thos about her daily to woorke in shirtes and smockes
for the poore. But not stainge here her eie of charitie,
her hand of bountie passed through the whole land, each
place felt that heavenly flame burninge in her, al times
wil remember it, no place leavinge for vaine flames, no
times for idle thoughts. Her ordinarie amounted to xv
hundreth pounds, at the lest yearly to be bestowed on the
poore. Her provisions of stocke for the poore in sondrie
needie parishes were very greate. Out of her privie purs
went not a littel to like purposes. To scollers in exhibition
verie much : so as in three quarters of a yeare her almes

was summed to 14 or 15 thousand pounds. She

waxinge greate againe and not so fit for dalliance, the
time was taken to steale the Kinge's affection from her
when most of al she was to have bin cherished. And he
onse shewinge to bend from her, many that lest ought
shranke from her also, and some lent on the other side,
such are the flexable naturs of thos in Courts of Princes
for the most part.— — — — Unkindnes grew, and she was
brought a bed afore her time with much peril of her life,

* To every one of these she gave a little book of devotions neatly writ-
ten on veflom, and bound in covers of solid gold enamelled, with a ring to
each cover to hang it at their girdles for their constant use and meditation.

376 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. and of a male child dead borne, to her greater and most

XXXVI

1. extreme griefe.* -Beinge thus a woman ful of sor-

rowe it was reported that the Kinge came to her, and
bewailinge and complaininge unto her the los of his boy,
some words were heard breake out of the inward feelinge
of her hart's dolours lainge the fait upon unkindnes, which
the Kinge more then was cause (her case at this time con-
sidered) tooke more hardly then otherwise he would, if
he had not bin somewhat to much overcome with greife,
or not so much alienat. Wise men in those daise judged
that her virtue was here her defalt, and that if her to
much love could, as wel as the other Queene, have borne
with his defect of love, she might have falen into les
danger, and in the end have tied him the more ever
after to her when he had seene his errour, and that she
might the rather have doon respectinge the general liber-
tie and custome of falinge then that way. Certinly

from hensfourth the harme stil more increased and he was
then heard to say to her, he would have no more boise by

her. Havinge thus so many, so greate factions at

home and abrode set loose by the distorned favour of the
Kinge, and so few to shew themselves for her, what could
be ? what was other like but that al thes gustes lightinge
on her at onst shuld prevaile to overthrow her, and with
her thos that stood under her fale ? She and her frends
therfore were suddenly sent to the tower : and this gra-
cious Queene comminge unto the entry of the gate, she
falinge downe upon her kneese made that place a reverend
temple to offer up her devout praiers, and as a bale ther
her soule beaten dowen with afflictions to the Earth with
her faithful praiers bounded up to heaven. * O Lord,
saide she, healp me as I am guiltles of this whereof I am

accused.' The time aproched for the hearinge of

her cause. The place of her trial in the tower may some-
what discover how the matter was like to be handeled.
Nor ther was it apointed the better to conseale the hei-
nousnes of the accusation though that might be the pre-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 377

tence. For that was published in Parliament, that it COLL &c.

YYYVT

might from thens spred abroad over al. Her very accu- '_

sations speake and even pleade for her ; al of them, so far
as I can find, carringe in themselves open proofe to al
mens consciencise of meere matter of quarel, and indeede
of a verie preparation to some hoped alteration. The
most and chiefe of them shewinge to have comme from
Rome that popish forge of coninge and trecherie as
Petrarke long sinst tearmed it.

Nido di tradimenti in cui si cuoua
Quanto mal per lo mondo hoggi si spande.
Nest of treasons in which is hatcht and bred
What il this day the world doth overspred.

For that most odious of them, some thinge is to be
esteemed by the aparant wrongs of the other evel hande-
linge of matters. But for this thinge itself, partly it is
incredible, partly by the circumstancise impossible. In-
credible, that she that had it her word, as it were the
spirit of her mind, as hath bin saide, that she was Caesar's
al not to be toucht of others shuld be held with the foule
desiere of her brother. Again, she havinge so goodly a
prince to please her, who also had shewed himself able to
content more then one, that she should yet be carried to a
thinge so much abhorringe even womanly ears and to
nature itself, much more to so Christian a Queene. Impos-
sible, for the necessarie and no smale attendance of ladise
ever about her, whereof some, as after apeared, even
aspired unto her place and right in the King's love, ye by
manifest prevention before their time. And indeed hereof
it was her very accusers found it impossible to have colour
to charge her with any other than her brother, which also
made it no les impossible even for him alike as other.
Impossible, I say, because neither she could remove so
great ladise by office appointed to attend upon her conti-
nualy from beinge witneses to her doings neither for the
danger she saw she stood in, and the occasions daily

378 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. sought, would she for her owne wisdome, and also by the
XXXVI.
. advertisments of her kinred and followers, whereof she had

many of most greate understandinge, experience and
faith about her. Besides, she could not but be made more
warie and wakful if for none other cause, yet even to take
away al colour from her enimise, whose eies were everie
where upon her to pick matter, and their malicious harts
bent to make some where they found none ; as plainly
enough was to be seene when they were driven to those
straightes to take occasion at her brother's more private
beinge with her, the more grudged at perhaps, for that it
might be supposed his conference with her might be for
the breakinge of of the King's new love. For the evi-
dence, as I never could hear of any, so smale I believe
it was. But this I say, wel was it said of a noble judge of
late — that half a proofe where nature leadeth was to be
esteemed a whole proofe. On the contrarie in this case
he would have saide, whole and very absolute proofes to
have bin needful in such a case against nature. And I
may say, by their leaves, it seemes themselves they doubted
their proofes would proove their reproofes when they
durst not bringe them to the proofe of the light in open
place. For this principal matter betweene the Queene
and her brother ther was brought fourth indeede witnes
his wicked wife, accuser of her owne husband even to the
seekinge of his blood, which I beleive is hardly to be shewed
of any honest woman ever done. But of her the judgment
that fel out upon her, and the just punishment by law
after of her naughtines shew that what she did was more
to be rid of him then of true ground against him. And
that it seemeth thos noble men that went upon the
Queene's life found in her trial, when it may apeare
plainely by that defence of the Knight that oft hath bin
here mentioned, that the young noble man the Lord
Rotchford by the common opinion of men of best under-
standinge in thos days, was counted, and then openly
spoken, condempned only upon some point of a statute of

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 379

words then in force. And this and sondrie other reasons COLL. &c.

have made me thinke often that upon some clause of the „

same law they grounded their colour also against her, and
that for other matters she had cleared her self wel enough.
It seameth some greate ones then had their hands in draw-
inge in that law to intangle or bridle one another, and that
some of them were taken in the same net, as good men
then thought woorthely. Suerly my Lord Cromewel and
this younge Lord were taken in thos intanglements, and
the Knight himself, of whome is spoken, had hardly
scapt it, as may apeere by his defence, if he had not by
the wel deliveringe of the goodnes of his cause broken
through it. And this may wel serve to admonish men to
be well ware how far they admit of laws that shall touch
life upon construction of words, or at the lest, admit-
tinge them, how far they leave to lawyers to interpret
of them, and especialy that therby they give not excuse
to jurise to condemn the innocent when sway of times

should thrust matters upon them. • Thus was

she put upon her trial by men of greate honoure, it had
bin good also, if some of them had not bin to be sus-
pected of to much power and no les malice. The evidence
were heard indeede but close enough, as inclosed in
stronge wales. Yet to shew the truith cannot by any
force be altogether kept in hold, some belike of thos hono-
rable personagise there, more perhaps for countenance of
others evel then for meanes by their owne authoritie to
doo good (which also peradventure would not have bin
without their owne certin perils) did not yet forbeare to
deliver out voices that caused everie where to be muttered
abrode that that spotles Queene in her defence had
cleered herself with a most wise and noble speach. Not-
withstandinge such a trial, such a judgment found her
guiltie and gave sentence of death upon her at home,
whome others abrode, livinge to feele her los, found guilt-

les. The woful sentence was given burninge or

headdinge at the King's pleasure, leaving open some

380 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. smale place to pittie for the kind of death, which the
xxxvr •
'_ Kinge 's conscience (no doubt) moved him to take in

apointinge the more honorable death. Within

thos wales this execution was to be doon. What needed

that ? The love knowen indeede to her by the people

was not to be feared of the Kinge, her love beinge such to

him as to her last breath she stood to acquit and defend

him by her words, at her death, carreinge a very true

image of her former love and life. ' Christian people !'

saide she, * I am come to die, and according to law, and

' by law I am judged to death, and therfore I wil speake

' nothinge against it. I am come hether to accuse no

' man, nor to speake any thinge of that where of I am

' accused and condemned to die. But I pray God save

* the Kinge, and sende him longe to raigne over you, for
' a genteler and more merciful prince was ther never, and

* to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and soveraigne lord.
' If any person wil medle of my cause I require him to

* judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world,
' and of you, and I hartely desiere you al to pray for me.
' O Lord have mercie on me. To God I commende my
' soule.' And so she knelinge downe saide, ' To Christ I

* commend my soule. Jesu receive my soule.'

The bloudie blow came downe from his tremblinge hand
that gave it, when thos about her could not but seeme to
themselves to have received it upon their owne necks, she

not so much as shrikinge at it : God provided for

her corps sacred burial even in place as it were consecrat
to innocents.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 381

COLL. &c.

No. XXXVII. XXXV1L

John Darlys account of Father Rabt/s appearing to him
and telling him that Bishop Fisher was next to the
Angels in Heaven.

Memorandum, that I John Darky Monke of the Char- Cotton
terhous besyde London had in my tyme license to say cieopaT
service with a father of our religion named Father RabyE-^-
a verey old mann insomoch when he fell seke and lay
aponn hys deth bed and after the tyme he was aneled and
had recevyd all the Sacraments of the Church in the pre-
sens of all the covent and whan all they war departed I
sayde unto hym good Father Raby yff the ded may comme
to the qwyke I besuch yow to cum to me and he said yea
and mediately he dyed the same nyght wich was in the
clensyng days last past Anno 1534 an sens that I never
ded thynke aponn hym to Saynt John day Baptist last
past.

Item, the same day at 5 of the cloke at aftirnone I beyng
in conntemplacion in our entre in our *ssell sodanly he • Cell,
appered unto me in a monk's habyt and said to me whhy
do ye not folow our f Father? and I sayd qwherffar? he t John
sayd for he is marter in hevyn next unto angells. And I prtof of'the
said, wher be all our % other fathers wich died as well as Charter-
he ? answerd and said they be well but not so well as he. ecuted for
And than I said to hym, Father how do ye ? and he an-^e.n^the

J J Kmg s su-

swered and said I am well enowght but prayer both for premacy,
yow an other doith good, an so sodanly vanyushed 1535/ 29'
away.

Item, apon Saturday next after at 5 of the clocke in the
mornynge in the same place in our entre he appered to me
agayn with a lange whyte berd and a whyte staff in his
hand lyftyng it up wherapon I was affrayd and than

X June 18, 1535, were drawn to Tyburne and there hanged and quar-
tered Exmewe, Middlemore and Midigate, three Monkes of the Charter-
House.

382 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. lenynge apon hys staff sayd to me, I am sory that I ly ved
XXXVIII. not to I had bin a marter and I said I thinke ye be as well

as ye war a marter and he said nay for my Lord of Ro-
chester and our father was next unto angells in hevyn and
than I said Father what ells, and then he answered and
sayd the angells of pease ded lamment and murne without
mesur and so vanyushed away.

Written by me John Daily Monke of the Charter-
hows the 27 day of June the yeare of Our Lord Good
afforsaid.

No. XXXVIII.

Processus Universitatis Oxoniensis super Literas Regies
Majestatis Henrici VIII. de Wiclefo.

Ex quodam Secundo die Augusti in magna vacatione, facta vocatione
Academiae. per Bedellos per loca, et pulsata parva campana more con-
fol. 103, b. sueto , celebrata est magna Convocatio in Choro Templi

Arch.Bodl. .'■»«■'••" v

A. n. 166. Virginis Marias, in qua receptae sunt et lectae htterae a

Domino Rege per Magistrum Edwardum Leigh ton Bacca:
Sacrae Theologiae destinatae quarum tenor sequitur sub
hac forma.

1 1 mn By the King,

fol. 109, a. i

' Trusty and well beloved we greet you well. And for
' asmoche as wee at this instant time for certeine grete
' and weigh tie considerations us movinge, touchinge as

• well the repressinge of such errours, opinions, and here-
' sies as be now a days sprede abroade in sondery places,
'as also the consolation of Christ's Church, and good

• Christian people, be desirous not only to be advertised
' of the articles whereuppon Wicleph was condemned
' heretofore be that our Universite of Oxon, but also of
' the Confirmation of the Counsel of Constancie concerning
1 the condemnation of the said Articles ; We therefore

• will, that ye with all celerity do send unto Us by our

• trustie and well-beloved Chapleine Mr. Edward Leigh-
' ton this berer in writing under the seale of our said Uni-

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 383

' versitie in as lawfull and authentique wise as ye can COLL. &c.

' devise, as well all and singular the said Articles of con-XXXVI

' demnation of the said Wicleph as also the confirmation

' thereuppon of the said Counsaile of Constancie. Gevinge

' unto our said Chaplaine sure credence in such things as

1 he shall shewe unto you on our behalf touching the pre-

' mises. And in this doing you shall minister unto Us

' full acceptable pleasure : Given under our signet at

1 our Castle of Windesor the last day of July.'

Insuper in eadem Convocatione sunt deputati quidam
venerabiles viri ad faciendum scrutinium [de] continenti-
bus et concernentibus in dictis literis. viz. Dominus Mari-
nus Wynsey tunc vice commissarius et dominus Leonardus
Hutchyns Doctores Sacrae Theologiae, Dominus Johannes
London et Dominus Morgan Legum Doctores.

Sexto autem die ejusdem mensis, facto prius, diebus
interlapsis scrutinio diligenti per praefatos doctores, compi-
latum est instrumentum quoddam de dicta materia dictis
literis Domini Regis responsivum, et in *dicta Convoca- * praedicta.
tione presentatum, sigillatum cum * signo universitatis cui * communi
sunt annexae schedulae quaedam continentes articulos Wy- slSlllo>
clephi heretici cujus et quorum omnium et singulorum
forma sequitur.

Nono etiam die ejusdem [mensis] oontinuata congrega-
tione magna* siq; ad ilium diem, sigillatum est aliud exem- for pro si-
plar dicti instrument^ literaeque quaedam ad Regiam Ma- iyidera vel
jestatem missae, itaque est dissoluta Convocatio.

Universis matris ecclesie filiis presentes literas inspec-
turis, lecturis, seu audituris, Commissarius Universitatis
Oxoniensis, universusque magistorum regentium et non
regentium cetus, ad infra scripta in domo Convocationis
dicte Uniuersitatis communiter congregati, Salutem in
domino et Fidem indubiam presentibus adhibere. Cum
Sancta Mater Ecclesia Christi Servatoris nostri preciosis-
simo sanguine fundata, sanctissimorumque patrum confessi-
one erecta, ab initio per omnia florere cepisset, atque Chris-
tiana religio explosa demonum machinamentis in immensum

384 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. propagaretur in ilia prima nascentis ecclesie tempestate

1 non defuerant bellue feroces que totis viribus Christiane

religionis athletas perfidie armis subvertere et penitus de-
lere conati sunt ; sed frustra laborarunt ; sapientia enim
vicit molestiam, Christus mundum, et vanitatis umbras sin-
cera Veritas. Antiquus tamen humani generis hostis qui
tanquam leo rugiens piis insidiatur animis querens semper
quos seducat et devoret, quod per se non poterat, hoc per
falsos superinductos fratres moliebatur ; novos procreavit

• tumidos. homines ambitionis spiritu *plenos in vanitatis sensus ambu-

lantes divine scripture verba, et non sensum quem Deus
solum revelare dignatur parvulis secundum carnem arri-

• Sic. MS. pientes, quasi ex favo mellis fel amarissimum *exugere
eereCXSU moliti sunt, juxta illud proverbiorum 18°. Non recipit

stultus verba prudentie nisi dixeris ea que versantur in

• Sic MS. corde ejus. Sed absorpti sunt *inmci petrae sapientes in

oculis suis qui veritatis et lucis dum nollent esse discipuli,
facti sunt filii mendacii et angeli tenebrarum : Ex quorum
numero fuere Ebion, Cherintus, Sabellius, Arius et Julia-

• for vero. nus apostata. Posteaquam *vera ilia monstra, eorumque

hereses spurcissime ab ecclesia Dei penitus fuissent elimi-
nate, novus atque ditis ortus est apostolus tarn impudens
quam temerarius Johannes Wiclefius artium liberalium
professor, acris ingenij et lepide eloquentie homo. Hie
celum terre commiscens florentissima Anglie et Bohemie
regna novis heresibus et nefandissimis erroribus infecit,
atque in tempora ilia devenit quibus, ut ait apostolus, sanam

• pro ele- doctrinam non sustinentes, *eligerunt sibi magistrum pru-
gerun ' rientem auribus, et a veritate quidem auditum avertentem.

Sed dum ille inimicus homo Johannes Wiclefus, satore
malorum operum procurante, superseminavit zizania in
medio tritici et boni seminis fidei quidem catholice incre-
mentum impedire conabatur, Deo optimo maximo id ad
nostram utilitatem permittente juxta dictum apostoli, Opor*
•essehere-te£ *vero ut qui probati sunt manifesti Jiant, sicut Deum
non dilexit in vita, ita nee in morte malorum operum ipsum
penituit : perijt enim ille impius in iniquitatibus suis, et in

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 385

via qua ambulavit defecit. Non tamen permisit miseri- COLL. &c.

vvvvni

cors Deus zizania bonum semen suffocare, sed animos '

doctissimorum virorum Oxoniensis nostre academie ad
extirpandas et supprimendas tantas hereses divinitus inspi-
ravit. Viri itaque doctissimi Oxoniensis Universitatis
precessores nostri statim post Johannis Wiclefi lachryma-
bilem mortem, opuscula omnia per eum edita summa cum
diligentia recognoverunt, atque ex illis complures articulos
excerpserunt quorum aliquos hereticos et erroneos, alios
seditiosos, quosdam temerarios piarum aurium offensivos,
alios scandalosos contra bonos mores, charitatem christia-
nam, et catholicam veritatem iniquissime per eum adinven-
tos in Convocatione plenaria magistrorum regentium et
non-regentium in Festo Sanctorum Johannis et Pauli anno
Domini 1410. Oxonie celebrata, in sensibus quibus fiunt
et ad mentem ipsius Johannis Wiclevi reprobarunt et
condemnarunt prout ex his que scribuntur in *librorum * for libro.
statutorum dicte universitatis *officiari publici remanere * Sic MS.
solito latius videre licet. Bibliothecis hanc insuper Johan-
nis Wiclevi super articulis predictis per nostros precessores
condemnationem factam postea per Constantiense conci-
lium diligenti inspectione quorundam antiquorum librorum
exemplarium actorum dicti consilii tam in publica Univer-
sitatis nostre Bibliotheca quam in diversis collegiis ejus-
dem repertorum *ac approbatum fuisse comperimus ac * q.
dictorum Articulorum 45 in Specie ceterosque omnes et
singulos in genere realiter per idem consilium fuisse con-
demnatos. Verum *quin nostris jam temporibus nonnulli* for quia.
a fide discedunt attendentes spiritibus erroris et doctrinis
demoniorum in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium et caute-
rizatam habentium suam conscientiam, novique rivuli ex
vetere cisterna Wiclevi olim *conclusa, impudentissimi * occlusa.
Martini Lutheri malitia iterum disco operta indies damnari
incipiunt; ne sententie et pestifere opiniones ille que a
majoribus nostris tam intra Universitatem nostram Oxonie
jn magnis Convocationibus cum summa diliberatione, judi-
cio doctissimorum virorum sunt et ibidem presentium,

VOL. II. c c

386 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. quam generalis consilii Constantiensis authoritate heretice,
XXXVIH. erronee) perverse, piarum aurium offensive, scandalose,
impure, et catholice veritati contrarie judicate sunt ; repro-
bate et condemnate, nostris reviviscant molestantque tem-
poribus, et quia pium ducimus predictorum articulorum
examinationes et condemnationes sic ut premittitur factas
hoc potissimum tempore quo Lutherana latius serpit mali-
tia ab ipso parente Wyclefo deprompta in publicam pro-
ducere cognitionem ne per ignorantiam fortassis aliquos
labi contingat, quos sic admonitos a lapsu revocare potuis-
semus, curavimus per nostre Universitatis subscriptos,
tarn exdicto libro statutorum Universitatis nostre Oxonie,
quam ex vetustis actorum consilii Constantiensis exempla-
ribus adinvicem per notarios et testes infra scriptos dicti
Johannis Wiclefi in decern scedulas presentibus annexas
conscriptos, maxime his temporibus reviviscentes, ac for-

* exempli- mam condemnationum eorundem transcribendas et *exem-
ficandas. pjen^as fore? atque ad effectum supra-scriptum publicari,

* Sic MS. et presentibus annecti, signis *q; et subscriptionibus die-
pro signis- torum notariorum subscribi et consignari nee non *sigillo
Sic MS. communi nostre Universitatis appensione muniri in fidem
communis, et testimonium omnium et singulorum premissorum.

Forma Actorum in libro alterius procuratoris officiary
publici Universitatis Oxonij et custodis dicti libri reperta
super condemnations certorum articulorum quos Johannes
Wyclefe hereticus scripsit et sustinuit.

Ex libro Hie sequuntur 45 Articuli Wicleff qui fuerunt damnati

junioru!' Londoniis in Anglia Anno Domini 1411, a tresdecim

Episcopis et Archiep. Cant, et a 30 Doctoribus in Theo-

logia ; ex quibus quidam sunt scandolosi, alii sunt erronei,

reliqui sunt heretica pravitate infecti.

1. Primus Articulus. Substantia panis materialis manet
et vini similiter in sacramento altaris.

2. Accidentia panis non manent sine subjecto post con-
secrationem in eodem sacramento.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 387

S. Quod Christus non est in eodem sacramento *identi- COLL. &c

YYYVTTF

fice et realiter in propria presentia corporali. *

4. Quod si episcopus vel sacerdos existat in peccato mor- * identice.
tali, non ordinat, non conficit, nee consecrat, nee bap-

tizat.

5. Est pertinaciter asserere quod non est fundatum in
evangelic

6. Quod Christus missam ordinaverit heresis est.

7. Quod Deus debet obedire diabolo.

8. Quod si homo fuerit debite contritus, omnis confes-
»io exterior est sibi superflua et inutilis.

9. Quod si papa sit prescitus et malus et per conse-
quens membrum diaboli, non habet postestatem super
fideles ab aliquo sibi datam nisi forte a Cesare.

10. Quod post Urbanum Sextum non est alius recipien-
dus in papam, sed vivendum est more Grecorum sub pro-
priis legibus.

1 1 . Contra sacram scripturam est quod viri ecclesiastici
habeant possessiones temporales : et vocat sacram scriptu-
ram dicta apostolorum.

12. Nullus prelatus debet aliquem excommunicare, nisi
prius sciat ipsum excommunicatum a Domino : Qui sic
excommunicat est Hereticus ex hoc, vel excommunicatus.

13. Quod prelatus excommunicans clericum qui appel-
lavit ad Regem et ad Consilium Regni eo ipso traditor est
Regis et Regni.

14. Quod illi qui dimittunt predicare, sive verbum Dei
audire propter excommunicationem hominum sunt excom-
municati et in die judicij traditores Christi habebuntur.

15. Quod licet alicui diacono vel presbytero predicare
verbum Dei absque auctoritate sedis apostolice, sive epis-
copi catholici.

16. Quod nullus est Dominus civilis, nullus est pre-
latus, nullus est episcopus dum est in mortali peccato.

17* Quod Domini temporales possunt ad arbitrium
suum auferre bona temporalia ab ecclesia habitualiter

388 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. delinquente, et quod populares possunt ad eorum arbi-
1 trium dominos delinquentes corrigere.

18. Quod decime sunt pure elemosyne et paroclnani
possunt propter peccata suorum prelatorum ad libitum
suum conferre.

19. Quod speciales orationes applicate uni persone per
prelatos vel religiosos, non plus pro sunt eidem quam gene-
rales, ceteris paribus.

20. Quod conferens fratribus elemosynam est excom-
municatus eo ipso.

21. Quod si aliquis ingreditur religionem privatam
qualemcunque tarn possessionatorum quam mendicantium

* redditur. *reditur ineptior et inhabilior ad observantiam mandato-
rum Dei.

22. Quod sancti instituentes religionem privatam, sic in-
stituendo peccaverunt.

23. Quod religiosi viventes in religionibus privatis non
sunt de religione Cristiana.

24. Fratres tenentur per laborem manuum victum ad-
quirere non per mendicitatem, Iste articulus est condem-
natus ab Alexandro 4°.

Sequitur alia pars articulorum in alio pergameno in-
scriptorum.

25. Primo, Dicit omnes esse simoniacos qui se obligant
orare pro aliis eis in temporalibus subvenientibus.

26. Item, Oratio presciti nulli valet.

27. Item, Omnia de necessitate eveniunt.

28. Item, Confirmatio juvenum, clericorm ordinatio,
locorum consecratio reservatur pape et episcopis propter
cupiditatem lucri temporalis et honoris.

29. Quod Universitates, studia et collegia, graduationes
Sic MS.magisterij in eisdem sunt vana gentilitate introducta et

tantum prosunt esse sicut diabolus [Ecclesie].

30. Item, dicit excommunicationem pape vel cujuscun-
que prelati non esse curandam quia est censura Antichrist!.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 389

31. Item, peccant fundantes claustra, et ingredientes COLL. &c.
sunt viri diabolici. xxxvm.

32. Item, Silvester Papa et Constantinus Imperator erra-
verunt ecclesiam dotando. Hie introducit Reges et prin-
cipes seculares, ut bona *eorum sibi incorporent et Sic. MS.

i* for clcricO"

sponent eos et totam turbam Laicorum incitat contra eos. rUm.

33. Item, dicit omnes de ordine mendicantium esse
hereticos, et dantes eis elemosynam esse excommunicatos.

34. Item, ditare clerum est contra regulam Christi.

35. Item, quod ingredientes ordinem aut aliquam reli-
gionem eo ipso inhabilis est ad servandum divina precepta,
et per consequens non perveniendum est ad regnum
celorum, nisi* apostaverit ab eisdem. Sic suadet aposta- * apostata-
sim, et multa erronea et enormia invenies in suo Dialogo et vent"

in Trialogo, et in aliis libris suis prout patet in articulis
damnatis repertis in libris suis.

36. Item, Papa cum omnibus clericis suis possessionem
habentibus est hereticus eo quod possessiones habet,
et omnes eis consentientes scilicet domini seculares et
laici ceteri, et propter hoc papa neminem potest judicare
de heresi eo quod sit hereticus.

37. Item, Quod Ecclesia Romana est sinagoga satane,
nee papa est immediatus et proximus Vicarius Christi et
Apostolorum.

38. Item, Decretales Epistolae sunt apocryphe et
seducunt a fide Christi, et clerici sunt stulti quod eas
student.

39. Item, Quod Imperator et Domini seculares seducti
a diabolo sunt ut ecclesiam dotarent de bonis tempora-
libus.

40. Item, Electio pape a cardinalibus per diabolum
introducta est. Hie suadet a papa et cardinalibus rece-
dere, et se simpliciter Deo committere.

41 . Item, Non est de necessitate salutis Romanam eccle-
siam esse supremam inter ecclesias.

42. Item, Fatuum est credere indulgentiis pape et epis-
coporum.

390 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. 43. Item, Juramenta illicita sunt que fiunt ad roboran-
XXXVIH. jum rjtug hunjanog et commercia civilia.

44. Item, Augustinus, Benedictus, et Bernardus dam-
nati sunt nisi penituerint de hoc quod habuerunt posses-
siones et instituerunt et intraverunt religiones, et sic a

Sic MS for papa ad *intimum religiosum sunt omnes heretici.

45. Item, dicit omnes religiones indifferenter introductas
a diabolo.

Qui articuli ibi subscripti sunt ea prope forma qua
habentur in citato libro procuratoris junioris : Et sequi-
tur ibi censura consilij Constantiensis, sub his verbis.

Forma sententie Constantiensis consilij condemnatoria
45 Articulorum superius scriptorum in specie, ut patet per
antiqua exemplaria predicta. Qui 45 Articuli condemnati
sunt et Londiniis ut supradictum est, quorum primus inci-
pit Substantia panis, postremus Omnes religiones.

Sacrosancta Constantina synodus generale consilium
faciens et ecclesiam catholicam representans ad extirpa-
tionem presentis scismatis eorumque et heresium sub ejus
umbra pullulantium eliminationem et reformationem eccle-
sie in spiritu sancto congregata legitime, ad perpetuam
rei memoriam. Fidem catholicam, sine qua, ut ait apos-
tolus, impossibile est placere Deo, a falsis ejusdem fidei
cultoribus, immo perversis impugnatoribus, et per super-
bam curiositatem nitentibus plus sapere quam oportet,

• obpugna- mundi gloriam cupientibus, obpugnata,* sepius et contra
tam. illos per fideles ecclesie milites spirituales opposito scuto

• Sic. MS. fidei * defensat. Fuisse sanctorum patrum scripturis at-

que gestis instruimur. Hec quippe bellorum genera in
bellis carnalibus Israelitici populi adversus gentes Idola-

• Idolola- tras* prefigurata fuerunt; itaque in spiritualibus bellis
tra8. sancta ecclesia catholica in fidei veritate superni luminis

radijs illustrata Domino providente, et sanctorum patro-
cinio opem ferente semper immaculata permanens, erorum
tenebris velut hostibus profligatis, gloriosissime triumpha-
vit. Nostris vero temporibus vetus ille et invidus hostia

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 391

nova certamina, ut probati temporis hujus manifest! fiant, COLL. &c.

• • XXXVIII

suscitavit quorum dux et *primiserius extitit quidam Jo-

hannes WiclefF pseudochristianus qui dum viveret adver-*. P"mice*
sus religionem christianam et fidem catholicam pertina-
citer asseruit et dogmatizavit plures articulos quorum 45
huic pagine duximus inserendos qui sequuntur. Idemque
Johannes Wicleff libros Dialogum et Trialogum per ip-
sum nominanter et plures alios tractatus, volumina, et
opuscula composuit, in quibus prescriptos et plures alios
damnabiles inseruit, et dogmatizavit articulos, quos libros
ad sui perversi dogmatis publicationem publice legendos
exposuit, ex quibus insuper multa scandala, damna, ani-
marumque pericula in diversis regionibus presertim An-
glie et Boemie Regnis secuta sunt. Adversus quos Arti-
culos atque libros in Dei veritate exurgentes Magistri et
Doctores Universitatis et studiorum Oxoniensium et Pra-
gensium Articulos predictos scolastice diu post reprobarunt
reverendissimi etiam patres Archiepiscopi pro tempore
Cantuariensis et Eboracensis sedis Apostolice legati in
Anglia et Prage in Bohemie regnis ; condemnarunt libros
etiam ejusdem WiclefTe comburendos fore Dominus Ar-
chiepiscopus Pragensis sedis apostolice commissarius in
hac parte sententialiter judicavit, et eorum qui superessent
prohibuit lectionem. Rursus, his ad notitiam sedis Apos-
tolice et Generalis Consilij deductis, Romanus Pontifex in
Consilio Romano ultimo celebrato dictos libros, tractatus,
et opuscula et opera condemnavit; jubens illos publice
concremari, districtius inhibendo ne quis Christi nomine in-
signitus auderet aliquem, vel aliquos seu aliqua ex dictis
Ubris, voluminibus, tractatibus et opusculis legere, ex-
ponere, et docere, vel tenere, aut illis quomodolibet uti,
vel illos nisi in ipsorum reprobationem allegare publice
vel occulte, et ut de medio ecclesie ille periculose, spur-
cissimeque doctrine eliminarentur jussit omnino per literas
locorum ordinarios, libros, tractatus, volumina, et opus-
cula hujusmodi autoritate apostolica per ecclesiasticam
censuram etiam si opus esset, cum adjectione quod contra
non parentes procedercnt tanquam contra fautores heresis,

392 PAPERS RELATING TO

coll. &c. diligenter inquiri, et repertos et reperta ignibus publice

1 concremari. Hec autem sancta synodus prefatos articulos

45 examinari fecit, et sepius recenseri per plures reveren-
dissimos patres ecclesie Romane cardinales, episcopos,
abbates, magistros in theologia, doctores juris utriusque
et plures notabiles in multitudine copiosa. Quibus Arti-
culis examinatis, fuit repertum (prout in multitudine co-
Sic MS. piosa quibus articulis veritate — ) aliquos et plures ex
dden'dum. ^Ps^s fuisse et esse notorie hereticos, et a Sanctis patribus
dudum reprobatos, alios non catholicos sed erroneos, alios
scandalosos et blasfemos, quosdam piarum aurium offen-
sivos, nonnullos eorum temerarios et seditiosos : Com-
pertum est etiam libros ejus plures alios articulos con-
tinere similium qualitatum, doctrinamque in Dei calumniam
vesanam, et fidei ac moribus inimicam inducere. Prop-
terea in nomine Domini Jesu Christi hec sancta synodus
sententias predictorum archiepiscoporum et concilij Ro-
mani, ratificans et approbans articulos predictos et eorum
quomodolibet libros ejusdem dialogum et trialogum per
eundem Wicleffnominatos, et alios ejusdem auctoris libros,
censean- volumina, tractatus, et opuscula quocunque nomine *senti-
antur, quos haberi vult pro sufficienti expressos, hoc per-
petuo decreto reprobat et condemnat et eorundem librorum
et cujuslibet ipsorum lectionem, doctrinam, expositionem,
et allegationem nisi ad eorum reprobationem, omnibus
Christi fidelibus prohibendo inhibuit omnibus et singulis
catholicis, sub intimatione anathematis, ne de cetero dictos
articulos aut ipsorum aliquem audeat publice predicare,
dogmatizare vel tenere sive libros ipsos docendo appro-
bare, tenere, vel quomodolibet allegare nisi ad eorum
reprobationem (ut dictum est) jubens illos libros et tracta-
tus, volumina et opuscula prelibata publice concremari,
prout decretum fuerat in synodo Romana, sicut superius
est expressum; super quibus exequendis et debite con-
servandis mandat per dicta sancta synodus ordinariis loco-
rum vigilanter intendere prout ad quemlibet pertinet
secundum jura et canonicas sanctiones.

tur

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 393

Sequitur adhuc alia pars sententie qua confirmatur COLL. &c.

YYYVIII

generaliter condemnatio Articulorum Wicliff Oxonip. '

facta.

Quia vero libris predictis diligenter exanrinatis per
doctores et magistros universitatis studij Oxoniensis ultra
dictos 40, 5que Articulos recitatos sexaginta excerpendo 45.
collegerunt, quorum aliqui cum supra dictis in sententiam
coincidunt, licet non in eadem forma verborum, et sicut de
alijs dictum superius exstitit, quidam ipsorum erant et sunt
heretici, quidam seditiosi, quidam erronei, alij temerarij,
nonnulli scandalosi, alij insani, nee non omnes pene contra
bonos mores et catholicam veritatem fuerunt, et propterea
*scholastici per dictam universitatem debite reprobati. * scholas-
Hec igitur synodus sacrosancta cum deliberatione *quam *Cqua.
supra, predictos articulos et eorum singulos reprobat et
condemnat, prohibens, jubens, mandans et decernens prout
de alijs 45 superius est expressum.

Sequitur adhuc alia pars sententie.

Insuper quia authentica sententia et decreto Romani
consilii, mandatoque ecclesie et sedis apostolice, datis dila-
tionibus debitis processum fuit super condemnationem dicti
WiclefFe et sue memorie, edictis propositis, denunciationi-
busque ad vocandum eos qui eundem sive ejus memoriam
defendere vellent, si qui penitus extiterent, nullus vero
comparuit qui eundem vel suam memoriam defensaret.
Examinatis demum testibus super impenitentia finali, per-
vicatiaque dicti Wicleff per commissarios deputatos per

dominum Johannem modernum, et hoc sacrum

consilium, servatisque servandis prout in tali negotio pos-
tulat juris ordo de ejus impenitentia ac finali pertinacia
per evidentia signa testibus legitimis comprobata, fuit legi-
time facta fides. Propterea instante procuratorc fiscali,
edictoque proposito ad audiendam sententiam ad hanc
diem, sancta synodus declarat, definit et sententiat eun-
dem Johannem Wicleff fuisse notorium hereticum per

394 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. tinacem, et in heresi defecisse, anathematizando ipsum
XXXVIII •
I pariter et suam memoriam condemnando, decrevitque

et ordinat corpus ejus et ossa, si ab alijs fidelibus cor-

poribus discerni possint, exhumari et procul ab ecclesias

tica sepultura jactari secundum canonicas et legitimas

sanctiones.

Postea sequitur in dictis antiquis exemplaribus Actorum
dicti Consilij Constantiensis in 10a sessione ejusdem Arti-
culorum dicti Wicleffe scriptorum sententia condemnatoria.

De mandato et voluntate ipsius synodi Constantiensis,
venerabilis vir Bartoldus de Wyldungen predictus incepit
legere articulos formatos, dogmatizatos per dictum Johan-
nem Wicleffe in hunc modum, quorum aliquos legit, et
residuos synodus habuit pro lectis.

1. Sicut Christus est simul Deus et homo, sic hostia
consecrata est simul corpus Christi et verus panis, quia
est corpus Christi, ad minimum in figura et verus panis in
natura, vel quod idem sonat est verus panis naturaliter et
corpus Christi figuraliter.

2. Cum mendacium hereticum de hostia consecrata
inter hereses singulas teneat principatum, ut ipsa ab eccle-
sia extirpetur secure denuncio modernis hereticis quod
non possunt declarare, nee intelligere accidens sine sub-
jecto, et ideo omnes iste secte heretice in capitulo ignoran-
tium sunt. Joh: 4: Nos adoramus quod scimus.

3. Audacter prognostico omnibus istis sectis et suis
complicibus quod non defendant fidelibus quod sacramen-

• Sic MS. turn* erit accidens sine subjecto antequam Christus et
tota triumphans ecclesia venerit in finali judicio equitans
super flatum angeli Gabrielis.

4. Sicut Johannes fuit figuraliter Helias et non perso-
naliter, sic panis in altare figuraliter est corpus Christi
et absque omni ambiguitate hec est figurativa locutio, hoc
est corpus meum sicut ista, Johannes est Helias.

5. Fructus istius dementie qua fingit accidens sine

' BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 395

subjecto foret blasphemare in *Deo scandalizare sanctos, COLL. Ar.

i ' XXXVIII.

et illudere ecclesie per verba accidentis.

6. Diffinientes parvulos fidelium sine sacramentali bap- * Slc MS.
tismo decedentes non fore salvandos, sunt in hoc stolidi et
presumptuosi.

7. Levis et brevis confirmatio episcoporum cum adjectis
ritibus tantum solemnizatus, est ex inventione diaboli intro-
duces ut populus in fide ecclesie illudatur, *ut episcopo- *Sic MS.

, . , , proet.

rum solemmtas aut necessitas plus credatur.

8. Quantum ad oleum quo episcopi ungunt pueros, et
peplum *benedictum quod complexum est capiti, videtur • lineum.
quod sit ritus infundabilis ex scriptura, et quod ista con-
firmatio introducta super apostolos blasfemat in Deum.

9. Confessio vocalis facta sacerdoti introducta per igno-
rantiam non est tarn necessaria homini ut definivit. Quia

si quis* solum cogitatu, verbo, vel opere sufficit penitere. * 0ffendere

10. Grave est et infundabile probrum audire confes- fratrem ,

_ . . suum solo

sionem popuh modo quo Latmi utuntur. cogitatu

11. In his verbis vos mundi estis, sed non omnes posuitve °Pere*
diabolus pedicam infidelem qua pedem caperet Christiani.
Introduxit enim confessionem privatam et infundabilem et
postquam ilia confessori nota fuit ut legem *statuit quod • sic MS.
non prodatur populo malitia sic confessi.

12. Conjectura probabilis est quod talis qui rite vivit
est diaconus vel sacerdos, sicut enim conjicio quod iste
sancte vivendo constitutus est a Domino in tali officio sive
statu.

13. Non ex testification hominis ordinatus, sed ex
justificatione operis capienda est probabilis evidentia talis
status. Deus enim potest sine tali ministerio digno vel
indigno personam aliam in tali statu constituere, nee est
probabilior evidentia quam ex vita ideo habita ; sancta
vita et doctrina Catholica satis est ecclesie militanti.

Error in principio et in fine.

j*

14. Conversatio mala prelati subtrahit acceptationem
ordinum et aliorum sacramentorum a subditis qui tamen,

396 PAPERS RELATING TO

xxxvm' necess*tate regente, possent hoc ab eis supplicando capere

1 pie, quod Deus supplet per ministros suos diabolos opus

vel finem officij quod jurant.

15. Antiqui ex cupiditate temporalium, ex spe mutuo-

* excu- rum juvaminum, aut ex causa excusandi libidinis, licet

desperent de prole adinvicem non vere matrimonialiter
copulantur. Hec verba accipiam te in uxorem eligibi-
liora sunt in contractu matrimoniali quam ista, ego te acci-
pio in uxorem ; et quod contrahendo cum una per hec
verba de presenti non debent frustrari verba prima per
secundaria de presenti. Papa qui se falso nominat servum
servorum Dei sub nullo gradu est in opere evangelij sed
mundano : et si sit in ordine aliquo, est in ordine demo-
num, id eo plus culpabiliter servientium.

16. Papa non dispensat cum simonia vel voto temerario
cum ipse sit capitalis simoniacus vovens temerarie servare
statum summe damnabilem hie in via.

17. Quod papa sit summus pontifex est ridiculum et
Christus nee in Petro nee in alio talem approbavit dig-
nitatem.

18. Papa est patulus Antichristus, non solum ilia sim-
plex persona, sed multitudo paparum a tempore dotacio-
nis ecclesie, cardinalium, episcoporum et suorum compli-
cium aliorum, est Antichristi persona compositamonstruosa.
Non tamen repugnat quin Gregorius et alij pape qui in
vita sua fecerunt bona de genere fructuose finaliter peni-
tebant.

19. Petrus et Clemens cum certis adjutoribus in fide
non fuerunt pape, sed Dei adjutores ad edificandum
ecclesiam Domini nostri Jesu Christi.

20. Quod ex fide evangelij ista papalis preheminentia

* est. sumeret ortum *este eque falsum sicut quod ex predicta

veritate error quilibet est exortus.

21. Duodecim sunt procuratores et discipuli Antichristi:
papa, cardinales, patriarche, archiepiscopi, archidiaconi,
bfficiales, decani, monachi, bifurcati, canonici, pseudofra-
tres introducti jam ultimo, et questores.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 397

22. Patet luce clarius quod quicunque est humilior, COLL. &c.

VYYVIII

ecclesie servientior, et in amore Christi quoad suam eccle- '

siam amantior, est in ecclesia militanti major, et proximus
Christi vicarius reputandus.

23. Omnis injuste occupans quodcunque bonum Dei,
capit rapina, furto vel latrocinio aliena.

24. Nee testium depositio, nee judicis sententia, nee
corporalis possessio, sicut nee deffensus hereditarius, nee
humana commutatio sive donatio confert homini sine gra-
tia dominium vel jus ad aliquod vel Omnia 1st a

summits error si intettigatur de gracia gratum faciente.

25. Nisi esset lex caritatis intrinsecus nemo propter
cartas vel bulks habet habilitatem vel justitiam plus vel
minus.

21. Nos non debemus prestare vel donare aliquid pec-
catori dum cognoscimus ipsum esse talem ; quia sic fove-
remus proditorem Domini nostri,

21. Sicut princeps vel dominus tempore quo est in
peccato mortali non sortitur nomen illius officij nisi nomine
tenus et satis equivoce : Sic nee papa, episcopus vel sacer-
dos dum lapsus fuerit in peccato mortali.

28. Omnis habituatus in peccato mortali caret quo-
cunque dominio et usu licito etiam boni de genere.

29. Ex principiis fidei est per se notum quod quicquid
homo in mortali peccato fecerit, peccat mortaliter.

30. Ad verum seculare dominium requiritur justitia
dominantis, sic quod nullus existens in peccato mortali est
dominus alicujus rei.

31. Omnes religiosi moderni seipsos necessitant ut ypo-
crisi maculentur, ad hoc enim sonat sua professio ut sic
jejunent, ut sic induant, et ut sic faciant, quanquam *diffe- * differen-
rentur ab alijs observant.

32. Omnis privata religio sapit ut sic imperfectionem
et peccatum, quo homo indisponitur ad Deum libere ser-
viendum.

33. Religio sive regula privata sapit presumptionem arro-
gantem et blasfemantem supra Deum, et religiosi talium

398 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. ordinum per ypocrisin ******* religionis presumunt
XXXVIII. if i 7
se super apostolos exaltare.

34. Christus in scriptura non docet aliquam speciem
ordinis de capitulo Antichristi, et ideo non est de suo
beneplacito quod sint tales. Capitulum autem istud in
istis speciebus duodecim continetur qui sunt ; papa, car-
dinales, patriarche, archiepiscopi, episcopi, archidiaconi,
officiates, decani, monachi, canonici, fratres de quatuor
ordinibus, et questores.

35. Ex fide et operibus quatuor sectarum, (que sunt

* Sic MS. *clerius seserius, varius monachus, varius canonicus, fra-
cus cesa- tres) evidenter elicio quod nulla persona istarum est mem-
reus. brum Christi in justorum catalogo nisi in fine die rum

desiverit acceptatam stolide sectam suam.

36. Paulus quondam phariseus propter meliorem sec-
tam Christi de ejus licentia sectam illam dereliquit, et hie
ratio est quare claustrales cujuscunq; secte fuerint vel
obligationis, aut quocunque juramento stulto astricti, de-

* exuere. bent libere ex mandato Christi *exire ista vincula, et

induere libere sectam Christi.

37. Sufficit laicis quod dent quandoque servis Dei deci-

• Sic MS. nias suorum proventuum, et *cum istis paribus semper

dant ecclesie, licet non semper clero cesario a papa vel
suis subditis assignato.

* * *'potes- 38. *Potestas *que *fingitur a papa et aliis 4or novis
fictesunt. sectis, sunt ficte, et ad seducendum subditos diabolice

introducte; ut et prelatorum Cesariorum excommuni-
catio, citatio, incarceratio, et reditus pecuniarum ven-
dicatio.

39. Multi sacerdotes simplices superant prelatos in
hujusmodi potestate, immo videtur fidelibus quod magni-
tudo potestatis spiritualis plus consequitur filium imitato-
rem Christi in moribus quam prelatum qui per cardinales
et tales apostatas est electus.

40. Subtrahat populus decimas, oblationes, et alias ele-
mosynas privatas ab indignis pape Antichristi discipulis,
eum hoc facere debeat de lege Dei, nee est timenda sed

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 399

gaudenter acceptanda maledictio vel censura quam infe- COLL. &c.
runt discipuli Antichristi. .

41. Dominus papa, episcopi, omnes religiosi vel puri
clerici titulo perpetue possessionis dotati, debent renun-
ciare illis in manibus brachij secularis, quod si pervicaciter
noluerint, per seculares dominos debent cogi.

42. Nonestmajorhereticusvel Antichristus quam ille cle-
ricus qui docetquod licitumest sacerdotibus et Levitis, legis
gratia dotari in possessinoibus temporalibus : et si sinta liqui
heretici vel blasfemi sunt illi clerici qui hoc docent. Non
solum possunt domini temporales auferre bona fortune ab
ecclesia habitudinaliter delinquente, nee solum hoc eis licet,
sed debent hoc facere sub pena damnationis eterne.

43. Deus non approbat quenquam dominari civiliter vel
civiliter judicare.

44. Si fiat objectio contra* donationem ecclesie impug- * impug-
nantes de beato Benedicto, Gregorio, ac Bernardo quinationem
pauca temporalia in pauperie possidebant, dicitur quod ecclesie.
illi finaliter penitebant; Si iterum objicias quod fingo
sanctos istos de ista declinatione a lege Domini finaliter
penitere, doce tu quod sint sancti, et ego docebo quod
finaliter penitebant.

45. Si scripture sacre et rationi debemus credere, patet

quod discipuli Christi non habent potestatem *coactam * Sic MS*
exigendi temporalia per censuras, sed hoc affectantes sunt act/vel
filii Heli, filii Belial. Potius COQ-

.it • cessam.

46. Quehbet essentia habet unum suppositum secun-
dum quod producit aliud suppositum par priori, et ista est
actio remanens perfectissima possibilis nature.

47. Quelibet essentia sive corporea sive incorporea
est communis tribus suppositis, et omnibus illis communiter
proprietates insunt accidentia et operationes.

48. Deus potest nihil annihillare, nee mundum majorare
vel minorare, sed animas usque ad certum numerum creare
et non ultra.

49. Impossibile est duas substantias corporeas coexis-

400 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL, &c. tere in imam continue quiescentem localiter, et aliam cor-

XXXVIII • •

* pus quiescens continue penetrantem.

50. Quidlibet est Deus.

51. Quelibet creatura est Deus.

52. Ubique autem Deus est, cum omne Ens sit Deus.

53. Omnia que eveniant absolute, necessario eveniant.

54. Infans prescitus et baptizatus proprio nomine ve-
niet diutius et peccabit in spiritum sanctum, ratione
cujus merebitur ut perpetuo condemnetur, et ita nullus
ignis potest ipsum comburere pro hoc tempore vel instanti.

55. Ut fidem assero quod omnia que eveniant et sic
de necessitate veniant. Paulus prescitus non potest vere
penitere, hoc est, contritione peccatum finalis impeniten-
tie debere vel ipsum non debere habere.

Quibus Articulis lectis similibus mandato et voluntate,
Dominus Antonius Concordiensis legebat unam scedulam
per modum sententie condemnatorie dictorum articulorum
sub hujusmodi tenor e :

Sacrosancta Constantiensis synodus generalis ecclesiam
Catholicam representans ad extirpationem scismatis, erro-
rumque et heresium in spiritu sancto legitime congregata,
[auditis et] diligenter examinatis libris et opusculis dam-
nate memorie Johannis Wicleff per doctores et magistros
studij generalis Oxoniensis qui deijsdem libris et opuscu-
260 lis ducentos et sexaginta reprobos extirpando collegerunt,
* scholas- et *scolastici reprobarunt, Articulos quos omnes hec sancta
synodus petit examinari et sepius recenseri per partes ecclesie
Romane, cardinales, episcopos, abbates, magistros in theo-
logia, doctores utriusque juris, et alios plures notabiles
diversorum et generalium studiorum in multitudine copi-
Sic MS, osa. Quibus Articulis sic examinatis *sicut, est repertum,
aliquos et plures ex istis fuisse et esse notorie hereticos,
et dudum a Sanctis patribus reprobatos, quosdam blasfe-
mos, alios erroneos, alios scandalosos, quosdam piarum
aurium offensivos, nonnullos eorundem contrarios et sedi-
tiosos. Propterea in nomine Jesu Christi domini nostri hec

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 401

sancta synodus predictos articulos et eorum *quodlibet COLL. &c.
hoc perpetuo decreto reprobat et condempnat, jubens xxxix.
omnibus et singulis catholicis sub anathematis intermina- * §. Mg
cione ne *defendere a setero dictos articulos aut ipsorum quosiibet.
quemlibet audeant predicare, dogmatizare, offerre, vel fendere. "
tenere, super quibus exequendis et debite conservandis
mandat dicta sancta synodus ordinary s locorum ac inqui-
sitoribus heretice pravitatis secundum jura et canonicas
sanctiones. Si quis vero premissorum hujus sacri consilij
decreti et sententiarum violator extiterit, animadversione
debita per locorum ordinarios, quocunque privilegio non
obstante, sacri hujus autoritate consilij puniatur.

But for all this rigorous censure, and profusion of ill
language, to traduce the memory of Dr. Wiclif, within four A. D. 1534.
years after, the University unanimously changed their
minds concerning the Papal Power and Supremacy and
declared it to be their judgment, That the Bishop of
Rome has no more jurisdiction granted to him by God in
Holy Scripture, in this kingdom of England than any
other foreign Bishop : which is the same with what Dr.
Wiclif was before condemned by them for asserting, viz.
That it is not necessary to salvation to believe, that the
Roman Church is supreme among the Churches : and
that the Pope is not the immediate and proximate Vicar
of Christ : or, that it is ridiculous to assert, that the Pope
is Summus Pontifex.

No. XXXIX.

A Letter of Bishop Fisher's to Mr. Secretary Cromwell to

desire him to excuse his not answering any more of his An Origi-

. nal, signed

Letters to him. by the Bp.

himself.

After my rveht humble commendations I most intierly Cotton

, _ • - , , Library

beseche you that I no farther be moved to make awns were cieopat.
unto yowr letters, for I se that myn awns were must rather ^J1^ j
growe into a greate booke or els be insufficient so that ye

VOL. II. d d

402 TAPERS RELATING TO

CxxxixC s^a^ st*^ therby ta^e occasion to be offended and I

nothing proffitt. For I perceyve that every thinge that I

writte is ascrybed either to craft or to willfulnes or to
affection or to unkyndnes agaynst my soveraigne, so that
my writinge rather provokithe you to displeasur then it
•forderithe me in any poynt concernyng your favour which
I most affectually coveyte. Nothing I read in all your
longe letters that I take any comfort of but the oonely
subscription, wherin it pleaside you to call you my ffrende,
whiche undoutydly was a worde of moche consolation unto
me, and therefor I beseache you so to contynew, and so
to shew yourself unto me at this tyme. In 2 poynts of
my writinge methought ye were most offendide, and
boithe concernyd the King's grace. That oone was
where I excusyd myself by the displeasur that his highnes
toke with me when I spake oons or twyse untill hyme of
lyke matters. That other was where I towchide his great
mattier. And as to the furst methinke it veary herde,
that I myght not signyfye unto you suche things secreatly
as myght be most affectuall for myn excuse. And as to
the secounde my study and purpose was specially to de-
clyne that I shulcle not be straytede to offende his grace in
that behalf, for thene I must nedis declare my conscyence,
the whiche as thane I wrote I wulde be loithe to doo eny
more largely than I have doone. Not that I condeme
eny other menys conscyence, there conscyence maye
save theme, and myne must save me. Wherefor, good
master Cromewell, I beseiche you for the love of God be
contentid with this myne awnswere, and to give creadence
unto my brother in suche thingis as he hathe to saye unto
you. Thus fare ye weale. At Rochestre, the 31 daye of

Januarie,
* in the *by your

own hand. * *faithefull Beadman,

Jo. Roffs.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 403

No. XL. COLL. &c.

XL.

Bishop Fisher's Answer to some Queries sent to him, to An Origi-
which his Answer was required in writing. all witTt?11

Bishop's

Ad lm. R. tantum intercidisse temporis intervallum °^" hand-
ex quo ad meas manus he litere pervenerunt, ut jam exci- Library,
derint propemodum omnia, atque pertenues earum super- e vlPa ra>
extant imagines, ita ut neque nomen scriptoris hujus nuncfo1, i74,
teneam, a quo neque literas aut nuncium, aut verbulum
ullum citra id temporis vel receperim vel audiverim.

Ad 2m. R. me neque jam recordari nomenclaturam do-
mini ipsius, quanquam non dubitem eum unum ex Ger-
manie principibus ut ipse dixit fuisse.

Ad 3m et 4m. R. satis perspicuum esse non eundem
intelligi debere per literas E. V. et per Episcopum Rof-
fensem. Nam postea mentionem apertam facit de Epis-
copo Roffensi. Quare quum sic eruditus ut ex Uteris
apparet voluisset dixisse vel ab eodem E. V. vel ab eodem
Epo Roffensi, sed et quum obtegere *moliavit sic nomen * moliatur.
prioris, cur jam prodiderit si eundem utroque loco intel-
lexisset? Accedit his quod ego nunquam clanculo sim
allocutus dictam D. Katherinam citra id temporis, quo
Regia Majestas in mandatis milii dederat, ut essem illi in
consilijs in ipsius negotio.

Ad 5m. R. Scriptorem ipsum polliceri potuisse quot
et quanta voluisset ut et hodie faciunt multi qui montes et
maria pollicentur et nichil horum prestant. ceterum
hoc scio quod me nee autore neque consule talia fuerit
pollicitus aut scripserit ea, nee denique me fuisse secreto-
rum hujusmodi conscium.

Ad 6m. R. me penitus ignorare qui fuerant.

Ad 7m. R. verisimile esse quoddam fuisse inter * positum

et ad quendam e Germanie principibus deferendum, sed ° '
ita me Deus juvet nunc ignorare vel cujusmodi ipsum
fuerat, vel ad quern illorum principum mittebatur nisi

404 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. fuerit ad Dominum Ferdinandum qui nunc est Rex

Hungarie.

Ad 8m. R. me non certum esse de numero, sed ut nunc
occurrit memorie septem aut octo arbitror me scripsisse.
Nam quum esset negocium ipsumi arduum tarn propter
excellentiam personarum quas concernebat, quam propter
districtam injunctionem a Majestate Regia michi factam
tantum opere et diligentie ob exquirendam ejus veritatem
impendi, ne forte me ipsum et alios fallerem, quantum nulli
alteri rei per universam vitam impenderim ante.

Ad 9m. R. me nescire. Neque enim solicitus eram de
ceteris, sed de postremis duobus a me scriptis qui priorum
omnium nervos in se continere videbantur quorum alteram
jam habet D. Cantuariensis.

Ad 10m. R. me nullum unquam ex dictis libris aut
copijs eorundem trans mare misisse aut consensisse ut
mitteretur, neque dictum scriptorem aut ministrum ejus,
me conscio, quenquam ex eis habuisse.

Ad 1 lm. R. satis patere ex priori, quod ad neminem,
me consule aut conscio, liber ullus aut exemplar trans
mare missum fuisset.

Ad 12m. R. nihil hujusmodi per me attentatum aut
animo destinatum fuisse.

Ad 13m. R. neque meo consilio, neque suasu aut scien-
tia libellum ilium prodiisse.

Ad 14m. R. me penitus ignorare quis fuerit ipsius autor,
at quantum suspicor ex stilo et ingenij acumine fuisse
Cornelium Agrippam.

Ad 15m. R. me neque consilium aut consensum Abelo
prestitisse quatenus libellus talis ederetur. Sed neque
librum ullum unquam ex meis habuit, me conscio.

Ad 16m. R. nuncium ipsum nullo tempore per mediam
hore partem intra meas edes fuisse.

Ad 17m. R. me omnino ignorare nisi forte quod se
declarari cupierit apud illos principesob jusjurandum quod
ipsa prius prestiterat de integritate sui corporis, nempe
quod fuisset incognita ab illustri principe Arthuro.

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 405

Ad 18m. R. me certum esse quod nullum consilium COLL. &c.
aut consensum dederim ut scriptor ille quicquam admo- XL'
liretur apud Germanie principes adversus Regem, sed
neque literas illas ad manus venisse priusquam nuncius
ipse discessisset a me.

Ad 19m pariter et 20m. R. literas illas a dicta D. Ka-
therina missas ad me fuisse, cujus consilijs ex mandato
Regie Majestatis juratus eram neque literas eas, quan-
tum michi vise fuerant, quicquam in se comprehendisse
preter ea que spectabant ad integritatis dicte D. Ka: decla-
rationem.

Ad 2lm. R. me causam aliam ignorare quam ut scire
me cuperet se non omnino contemni a magnatibus aliarum
Regionum, sed per quem ad manus meas venefunt raemo-
ria non teneo : Quia nunc unum, nunc alterum ad me tunc
temporis misit. Quanquam et tunc et diu antea abstinu-
erim a consilijs ei dandis preterquam in aliquibus que ad
conscientiam ipsius attinebant.

Ad 22m. R. me nescire quis eas scripserit nisi fuerit
manus Doctoris Adeson. Ceterum de quo loco intellex-
erit nihil habeo certi.

Ad 23m. R. me neque Georgium Daium neque alium
quenquam hominum increpasse aut Uteris aut verbo quod
regie cause favisset. Memini tamen me dixisse, quum
audissem eum neutram opinionem fuisse secutum, id michi
in Daio displicuisse, quod utriusque partis captare bene-
volentiam studuisset, et neque aliud dixi aut scripsi un-
quam. Et ob hec verba fortassis adeo studiose purgavit
sese suis literis.

Ad 24m. R. me neminem unquam increpasse pro defen-
sione Regij negotij aut quenquam unquam adhortatum
fuisse ut cause dicte Ka: patrocinaretur.

Ad 25m. R. Georgium Daium potuisse de me judicare
quid libuisset. Ego tamen certum habeo me nichil affec-
tasse nisi ut vinceret Veritas.

Ad 26™. fatcor me talia scripsisse et dixisse.

Ad 27™. R. me non illud ideo scripsisse quod ipsum

406 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. averterem ab opinione sua, sed ut desisteret me solicitare

XL" ad asserendum quicquam contra conscientiam meam.
* Sic Ar- Ad 28m. R. me id ideo scripsisse quod non* fuisset
CantP.S dignatus me suis Uteris premonere de negocio propter
quod accersierat me ut preparatior essem quid illis qui
turn presto erant essem responsurus. Sed quum venissem
Knolliam, orabam dominationem ejus ut non suspicaretur
me velle peccare in spiritum sanctum, aut oppugnando
veritatem agnitam, aut non admittendo veritatem, si posset
ea vel per Universitatum scripta, vel per alios quoslibet
evidenter ostendi.

Ad 29m. R. Regiam Majestatem optime novisse, quod
domina D. Ka: non semel ex illius consensu pro me miserit
ob quosdam scrupulos offendentes conscientiam suam,
atque id quidem longe priusquam esset hoc negotium
inchoatum. Ad ipsos vero scrupulos depellendos et pre-
sens multis verbis usus sum, et absens postea literas quas-
dam scripsi.

Ad 30m. R. me nunquam audivisse ab ea vel quod de-

speravit de misericordia vel quod perjurium commisisset.

Ad 31m. R. me si id scripserim, ideo scripsisse, quod

scrupulos omnes conscientie deponeret, et animum omnino

stabiliret in spe et flducia promissionum Christi.

Ad 32m. R. me jam non tenere quis articulos ipsos attu-
lerat, neque talium fuisse jam memorem, nisi quod nunc
legissem eos.

Ad 33m. R. me certissimum habere quod liber ille,
quern adversus Achademiarum sententiam scripserim, non
fuerit missus Luthesiam. Nam eo tempore, quo dicta D.
Ka: petierat ipsum a me, vix media pars ejus abs me
scripta fuit : sed neque ceterorum aliquem ex mea noticia
aut assensu illuc fuisse missum.

Ad 34m. R. me nee istarum literarum fuisse recordatum
nisi jam eas perspexissem.

Ad 35m. R. me nichil in illis verbis concepisse, quod
malevolum animum adversus Majestatem Regiam pre se
ferebat

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 407

Ad 36m. R. me omnino jam ignorare. COLL. &c.

Ad 37m. R. me vere credere, quod Bainus animo ma- xli.

ligno adversus Regem ea non scripserit.

Ad 38m. R. latere me quid sibi velint, nisi quod libenter
se immiscere deinceps noluisset cum negocijs illorum duo-
rum locorum.

Ad 39m. R. multos viros doctos et eosdem veteris testa-
menti laudatos interpretes hanc interpretationem in suis
commentary's constanter fuisse secutos, quod videlicet de
fratre vivente prohibitio Levitica clebeat intelligi.

Ad 40m. R. quod tametsi plerosque recenseam ipse in
meis scriptis, qui jam dictam interpretationem affirment,
non tamen ex ipsis per omnia meam sententiam firmare
molior, ut abunde liquet ex his, que scripseram.

No. XLI.

The Answeres made by Mr. John Fisher Doctor of Divi- ibid.
nitie to the Interrogatorijs minstred unto hym the 12th io1' 169,
date of June Anno R. R. H. 8vi 27° within the Toure of
London, examined therupon by Mr. Thomas Bedyll
and Mr. Richard Layton Clerks of the King's Coun-
saill in the presence of Sir Edmund Walsyngham
Knyght Leievetenant of the said Toure, Henrie Pol-
stede, John Whalley and Mr. John Ap Rice Notarie
underwriten andsworne in verbo sacerdotii, that he wolde
truely answere to the said Interrogatorijs, and to
every parte of the same as ferre as he hnoweth or
remembreth.

1. To the flrste jnterrogatorie he saith, that whan thacte
by the whiche wordes are made treason was a making Ro-
bert Fissher his brother camme to hym to the Towre and
sayd, that there was anacteinhande in the commen house by
Jo. Roffi*

: * Every page of this examination is thus subscribed with the Bishop's
own hand.

408 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. the which speking of certain words agenst the King shulde
XLL be made treason. And bicause it was thought, by divers
of the said house, that no man lightly coulde beware of
the penaltie of the said statute, Therfor there was moche
sticking at the same in the commen house : And onlesse
there were added in the same, that the said wordes shulde
be spoken maliciouslie he thought the same shulde not
passe. And than this respondent asked hym whether
men shulde be bounde to make any answere to any poynte
upon an othe by the vertue of the same acte, like as they
were by the tother acte of succession. And he said Noe.
And no other communication had this deponent with hym
to his remembrance at any tyme touching the. said actes
or any of them.

2. To the secondejnterrogatorie he hath answered afore
and no other answere can he make to the same as he
saith.

3. To the 3d he dothe not remembre, that ever he had
suche communication with his brother.

4. To the 4th he answereth as afore and no otherwise
can he answere.

5. To the 5th jnterrogatorie this examined answered,
that there hathe ben letters sent betwene hym and Mr.
More to and fro upon a 4 or therabouts from either of
theym to other, senn they cam to the towre, touching the
matiers specified in thies jnterrogatorie. And, declaring
the contents and effect of the same as ferre as he can
remembre, saith, that he remembreth not theffect of
any of the letters that either he sent to Mr. More, or that
he receaved of Mr. More before the firste being of the
counsaill here with this examined ; but he clothe well
remembre, that there were lettres sent to and fro betwene
hym and Mr. More bifore that tyme. And the firste
occasion of writing betwene theym preceded first of Mr.
More, and nowe being better remembred saith, that the
effect of the first lettre that Mr. More did write unto hym

Jo. Roff:

BISHOP FISHERS LIFE. 409

after they cam to the Towre was to knowe theffect of this COLL. &c
deponent's answere which he had made to the counsaile *

in the matier for the which he was first committed to the
Toure. And than this respondent signified unto hym by
his lettres what answere he had made theym. Examined
whether he doth remembre theffect of any other lettres,
that went betwene hym and Mr. More before the firste
being of the counsaill with theym sayth, No. And fur-
ther examined what lettres went betwene theym syns that
tyme, saieth, that sone after that the counsaill had ben
here firste to examyne this respondent, George, Mr.
Lieuetenanfs servant, shewed this examined a lettre which
Mr. More had directed to his doughter maistres Roper,
theffect wherof was this, that when the counsaill had
purposed unto hym the matier for the which they cam
for, he said, that he would not dispute the King's title,
and that Mr. Secretaire gave hym good words at his
departure : And that is all that he can remembre of thef-
fect of the same lettre. And by thoccasion of that lettre
this respondent wrote to Mr. More a lettre to knowe a more
clerenes of his answere therin, which lettre he did sende
hym by the said George. And therupon he receaved a
lettre again from the said Mr. More by the hands of the
said George concernyng his answere, but what the same
was, he saith, he hathe not in his remembrance. And
after a deliberrete tyme, about a thre or 4 daies, this
respondent calling to his remembrance the wordes that
his brother Robert Fisher had spoken unto hym long
bifore vi%. howe that the commens did stik and woll not
suffre the said statute to passe onlesse the wor demaliciouslie
were putt in it, wrote a lettre conteignyng the same wordes
in effecte, adding this, that ' yf this worde maliciouslie
* were putt in the said statute, he thought it shulde be no
' daunger yf a man did answere to the question that was
' purposed unto hym by the counsaill after his owne
'mynde, so that he did not the same maliciouslie.'' But, he
Jo. Roff:

410 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. saith, he nothing required or demanded in the said lettres

L_ the advyse or counsaill of Mr. More therin, as he is sure,

that the same Mr. More hymself wolde testifie yf he be
examined. And therupon, as this deponent thinketh,
Mr. More supposing, that this respondent's answere, and
his shulde be very nyghe and like, and that the counsaill
therby wolde thinke, that the tone of theym had taken
light of the tother, wolde, that the same suspicion shulde
be avoyded, and therupon wrote a lettre to this respondent
accordinglie.

Further examined whether any other lettres or intel-
ligence were betwene theym, saieth, that soone after the
last being of the counsaill in the Towre, and after the
taking awey of Mr. Moore's bokes from hym the said
George cam to this deponent and tolde hym, that Mr.
More was in a pecke of troubles, and that he desired to
have either by writing or by worde of mouthe certain
knoulege what answere this respondent had made to the
counsaill. And therupon this respondent wrote unto hym
a lettre, that 'he had made his answere according to the sta-
1 tute which condempneth no man but hym, that speketh

* maliciouslie ageinst the King's title. And that the sta-
' tute did compelle no man to answere to the question

* that was purposed hym ; and that he besought theym
" that he shulde not be constrayned to make further or
1 other answere than the said statute did binde hym, but
' wolde suffre hym to enjoy e the benefits of the same sta-
' tute :' Which was all theffect of the saide lettre, as farre
as this deponent doth remembre. And saith further, that
he dothe not remembre any other lettres or message
sent from hym, to Mr. More, or from Mr. More to hym
syns shat tyme, nor theffect of any other lettre or mes-
sage going betwene theym at any tyme other than are
before expressed.

To the 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17
jnterrogatories he hath answered bifore, and otherwise he
cannot answere to the' same as he saith.
Jo. Roff:

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 411

To the 18th he saith and answered no: he knoweth COLL. &c.
. . XLI.

where none is. _______

To the 19th he saith, that they were all brent as soone
as had redde theym, and to thentente that theffectes
therof shulde have ben kept secrete yf it mought be.
For he was lothe to be reproved of his promise made to
Mr. Lieuetenante, that he wolde not doo that thing for the
which he might be putt in blame. Albeit yf that there
were more in the said Lettres than is before touched, he is
sure it was nothing else but exhortacion either of other
to take patience in their adversite, and to call God for
grace, and praying for their enemies, and nothing else that
shulde hurte or offende any man erthely as he saith.

To the 20th he answereth, that he receaved no other
lettres than afore touched.

To the 21th jnt. he saith, that he receaved the same
boke from Edward White by thands of the said George
in the tyme specified in this jnterrogatorie.

To the 22th jnt. he saith, that he remembreth no com-
munication betweene hym and Edwarde White ; but he
saith, that there was certain communication betwene Wil-
son and hym about the tyme that they redde the said sta-
tutes, and saith that he *threppened upon this respon- * affirmed,
dent, that the counsaill had purposed unto this respondent, alleSed-
two poyntes, and this respondent said, that he remembred
not that it was but one which was this, howe the counsaill
was sent hether to knowe his opinion touching the statute
of supreme hedde, and no other did he remembre that
they shulde purpose unto hym. And said further, that
Wilson said, that he stade behinde the doore and harde
partely what this respondent did answere unto theym,
and howe he harde Mr. Bedyls reasons that he made
than.

And saith, that after that the said Wilson had redde
the said statutes to this respondent ones or twyes, this res-
pondent caused theym to be brende, bicause he thought,
Jo. Roff:

412 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. that yf M. Lieuetenant had founde theym with this exa-
'_ minat, he wolde have made moche bysynes therupon.

To the 23th jnt. he saith, that he dothe not remembre,
that ever he declared to Wilson or to any man what an-
swere he was disposed to make, whatsoever communica-
tion were betwene theym therof.

To the 24th he saith, that he receved no suche lettres
to his knowledge or remembrance but one that Erasmus
did sende unto hym, which this respondents brother Ro-
bert Fissher shewed firste to Mr. Secretaire er it cam to
hym.

To the 25th and 26th he saith, that George afore-
named brought hym worde sen the last sitting of the coun-
saill here, that he harde saye of Maistres Roper, that this
respondent was made a Cardinall. And than this respon-
dent said in the presence of the same George and Wilson,
that yf the CardinalVs hatt were layed at his feete
he wolde not stoupe' to take it up, he did set so little by it.

To the 27th he saieth, he receaved no other lettres
touchinge the same busynes.

To the 28th he saieth, that he receaved no such lettres
nor message to his knowlege or his remembrance.

To the 29th he saith, that he wrote oftentimes lettres
touching his diett to hym that provided his diet, as to
Robert Fisher while he lived, and to Edward White :
And a lettre to my Lady of Oxford for her comforte :
And lettres of request to certain of his frendes that he
myght paye Mr. Lieuetenant for his diet, to whome he was
in grete dett, and he was in grete nede.

To the 30th, he receved certain money of eche of
theym according to his request, and no other answere
as he saith.

Item, examined whether there were any suche confe-

• deracie or compaction betwene this respondent and his

servant Wilson and the said George, that saied conveyng of

lettres and messages to and fro shulde be kept close yf

Jo. Roff:

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 413

they were examined therof, saith, they were agreyd so COLL. &c.
together to kepe the same as secrete as they might. XLII*

Jo. Roffs.

No. XLII.

Intimacio facta D. Regi per Priorem et Capitulum Ec-
clesie Rqffensis de eleccione futuri episcopi Roffensis.

Excellentissimo in Christo principi et Domino nostro Reg: Hil-
Domino Henrico octavo Dei Gracia Regi Anglie et Fran-sey*
cie Fidei Defensori ac Domino Hibernie et in terris eccle-
sie Anglicane suppremo capiti : Vestri humiles et devoti
Frater Laurencius Merworth prior sancte vestre cathedra-
lis Roff: et ejusdem loci Capitulum Vestre Roffensis Dio-
ceseos Salutem in Deo, per quern reges regnant et princi-
pes dominantur. Noverit excellencia Vestra, quoad nos
dicti Prior et Conventus, licencia a Maj estate vestra
concessa ad eligendum Episcopum futurum quoad pasto-
rem dicte vestre cathedralis Roffensis jam pastore carentis,
et hoc per forisfacturam ultimi incumbentis ibidem secun-
dum effectum cujusdam Statuti in Parliamento vestro anno
regni vestri vicesimo quinto inde editi, in domo nostra
Capitulari septimo die mensis Augusti jam instantis, invo-
cata Spiritus sancti gracia, ac servatis per nos in hac parte
de jure servandis, et secundum consuetudinem nostram in
ea parte hactenus usitatam, consensu et assensu omnium
nostrorum interesse in hac parte habencium, venerabilem
virum dominum Johannem Hilsey in sacra theologia pro-
fessorem dicte ecclesie vestre Roffensis in episcopum et
pastorem juxta tenorem literarum vestre regie majestatis
nobis in hac parte missarum rite et legitime eligimus. Que
omnia et singula vestre excellencie per tenorem presen-
cium intimamus. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nos-
trum commune presentibus apponi fecimus. Dat in Domo
nostra Capitulari viij die Augusti 'Anno Regni Vestri
vicesimo septimo.

414 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c.

XLIIL No. XLIII.

Rymer Fidelitatcs et Juramenta per Monachos el Conventus
Foedera, diversorum Ordinum Regi prcestita.

Tom. XIV. _ . . _ . . _ .. . . _.

p. 487. Qvvm ea sit non solum Christianas Keligioms et Pietatis
Hei^viII ^at^0' se& nostras etiam Obedientiae Regula, ut Domino
nostro Henrico ejus nominis Octavo, cui uni et soli, post
Cristum Jesum Servatorem nostrum, debemus universa,
non modo omnimodam in Cristo, et eandem sinceram, inte-
gram perpetuamque Animi Devotionem, Fidem, Observan-
tia?n, Honorem, Cultum, Reverentiam prasstemus, sed
etiam de eadem Fide et Observantia nostra Rationem
quotienscumq; postulabitur, reddamus, et palam omnibus,
si res poscat, libentissime testemur.

Noverint universi ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit
quod Nos Priores et conventus fratrum, videlicet, Mino-
rum Ordinis Sancti Francisci, Fratrum Predicatorum
ordinis Sancti Dominici, fratrum Heremitarum Sancti
Augustini, et Fratrum Carmelitarum Ordinis Beaks Ma-
ries Virginis, etiam Prior ordinis Cruciferorum in Civitate
Londonice, uno ore et voce atque unanimi omnium et sin-
gulorum consensu et assensu, hoc scripto nostro sub sigillis
nostris communibus in domibus nostris Capitularibus dato,
pro nobis et successoribus nostris omnibus et singulis in
perpetuum Prqfitemur Testamur ac jideliter Promittimus
et Spondemus nos dictos Priores et Conventus et succes-
sors nostros omnes et singulos, integram, inviolatam, sin-
ceram, perpetuamq; Fidem Observantiam, et obedientiam
semper praestaturos erga Dominum Regem nostrum Hen-
ricum Octavum, et erga Serenissimam Reginam Annam
uxorem ejusdem, et erga castum sanctumque matrimonium
nuper non solum inter eosdem juste et legittime contrac-
ture Ratum et Consummatum, sed etiam tarn in Duabus
Convocationibus Cleri, quam in Parliamento Dominorum
Spiritualium, et Tcmporalium, atque Communium in eo-
dem Parliamento congregatorum et praesentium determi-

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 415

natum et per Thomam Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum coll. &c.
solemniter confirmatum, et erga quamcunque aliam ejus- XL1IL
dem Henrici Regis nostri Uxorem post mortem prcedictce
Annce nunc uxoris ejus legittime ducendam, et erga Sobo-
lem dicti Domini Regis Henrici ex prcedicta Anna legit-
time tarn progenitam quam progenerandam, et erga Sobo-
lem dicti Domini Regis ex alia quacumque legitima uxore
post mortem ejusdem Annce legittime progenerandam, et
quod haec eadem Populo Notificabimus, Prsedicabimus,
et Suadebimus ubicumque dabitur locus et occasio.

Item, quod Confirmatum, Ratumque habemus, sem-
perque et perpetuo habituri simus quod praedictus Rex
muter Henricus est CAPUT ECCLESLE ANGLI-
CANS.

Itenv^uod Episcopus Romanus, qui in suis Bullis PapGe
nomen usurpat et summi Pontificis Principatum sibi arro-
gat, nihilo majoris, neque auctoritatis aut jurisdictionis
habendus sit quam cceteri quivis Episcopi in Anglia vel
alibi gentium in sua quisque dicecese.

Item, quod soli dicto Domino Regi et successoribus suis
adhaerebimus, atq; ejus Decreta ac Proclamationes, insuper
omnes Angliae leges, atque etiam statuta omnia in Parlia-
ment©, et per Parliamentum decreta, confirmata, stabilita,
et ratificata perpetuo manutenebimus, Episcopi Romani
Legibus, Decretis, et Canonibus, si qui contra Legem
Divinam et Sacram Scripturam esse inveniantur, in per
petuum renunciantes.

Item, quod nullus nostrum omnium in ulla vel privata
vel publica concione quicquam ex Sacris Scripturis de-
sumptum ad alienum sensum detorquere praesumet, sed
quisque Christum ejusque verba et facta simpliciter aperte
sincere et ad Normam seu Regulam sacrarum scripturarum
et vere Catholicorum, atque Orthodoxorum Doctorum,
praedicabit Catholice et Orthodoxe.

Item, quod unusquisque in suis orationibus et compre-
cationibus de more faciendis, primum omnium Re gem tan-
quam SUPREMUM CAPUT ECCLESLE ANGLI-

416 PAPERS RELATING TO

COLL. &c. CAN^E Deo et Populi Precibus commendabit, deinde

' Reginam cum sua Sobole, turn demum Archiepiscopum

Cantuariensem cum ceteris cleri ordinibus prout videbitur.

Item, quod omnes et singuli praedicti Priores et Conven-
tus et successores nostri conscientiae ac Jusjurandi Sacra-
mento nosmet firmiter obligamus, quod omnia et singula
praedicta fldeliter inperpetuum observabimus.

In cujus rei Testimonium huic instrumento vel Scripto
nostro Communia Sigilla nostra appendimus, et nostra
Nomina propria quisque Manu subscripsimus.

Datum in Domibus nostris Capitularibus Die Decimo
Septimo Mensis Aprilis, Anno Christi Millesimo Quingen-
tesimo Trigesimo quarto, et Regni vero Regis nostri Hen-
rici Octavi Vigesimo Quinto.

Ego Frater Edmundus Shetham Prior sponte non coacte,
una cum et de consensu fratrum meorum, approbo et
lubens animo ratifico manu propria.

Ego Frater Robertus Strowddyll Sacra? Scientiae Doc-
tor, ac Domus ordinis Fratrum Prcedicatorum Civitatis
Londoniae humillimus Prior sponte et non coacte una cum
consensu fratrum meorum hisce Uteris manum meam *pro-
* Sic. riam apposui.

Ego Frater Georgius Bumham, Prior Ordinis Carme-
litarum sponte et non coacte et de consensu omnium fra-
trum meorum.

Ego Thomas Cuduer Gardianus Fratrum Minorum cum
unanimo consensu omnium fratrum meorum omnia prae-
dicta approbo et confirmo, atque sigillum commune prae-
sentibus appensum feci.

Ego Frater Georgius Browne Sacraram Literarum Doc-
tor et Prior Augustini una cum consensu omnium fratrum
meorum.

Et MEMORANDVM, quod prcedicti Prior et Conven-
tus ordinis fratrum Cruciferorum Decimo Septimo die
Aprilis et Prcedicti Prior et Conventus ordinis fratrum
praedicatorum, eodem Decimo Septimo die Aprilis, et Prce-
dicti Prior et Conventus ordinis Fratrum Minorum Decimo

BISHOP FISHER'S LIFE. 417

Octavo die Aprilis, et Pradicti Prior et Conventus ordi- COLL. &c.

XLIII.
nis Fratrum Praedicatorum Decimo nono die Aprilis, et [_

pradicti Prior et Conventus ordinis Fratrum Heremita-
rum Sancti Augustini Vicesimo die Aprilis Anno prce-
senti, coram Georgio Browne Priore Fratrum Heremi-
tarum Sancti Avgustini Londonia, et Priore Provinciali
totius ordinis Fratrum Heremitarum ejusdem ordinis infra
Regnum Anylice, et Johanne Hylsey, Priore Provinciali
totius ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum virtute Commission^
dicti Domini Regis eis directs, personaliter in Domibus
suis separatim capitularibus constituti, recognoverunt scrip-
turn praedictum, ac omnia et singula in eodem contenta in
forma prsedicta.

FINIS.

DATE DUE

^.gpwinnnir

&$$£&%'

SMMM

CAVLORO

POINTEDIN u S.A.

BW2086 .Z7L67 v.2

The life of Dr. John Fisher, Bishop of

Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library

1 1012 00072 1367